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LIFE
DSIIL
FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS.
§ 1. The family from whicli I am derived is
not an ignoble one, but hath descended all
along from trie priests ; and as nobility among
several people is of a diliereiit origin, so with
us to be of the sacerdotal dignity, is an indi-
catior. of the splendour of a family. Now, I
3m not only sprung from a sacerdotal family
i'n genord, hut from the first of the twenty-
four ■" courses ; and as among us there is not
only a considerable difference between one
family of each course and another, I am of
the chief family of that first course also ; nay,
farther, bv jiiy mother I am of the royal blood;
for tlie ciiildren of Asamoneus, from wliom
that family was derived, had both the office
of the high priesthood, and the dignity of a
kir.g, for a long tinje together. I will accord-
ingly set down my progenitors in order. IVIy
grandfather's father was named Simon, with
the addition of Psellus : he lived at tlie same
time with that son of Simon the high piiiest,
who first of all the high priests was named
HyrcaTius. This Simon Psellus had nine
sons, one of whom was Matthias, called Eph-
lias; he married the daughter of Jonathan
the high priest; wliich Jonathan was the first
of the sons of Asamoneus, who was high
priest, and was the brother of Simon tlie high
priest also. This Matthias had a son called
'♦ We may hence correct the error of the [^atin conv
of the second t)ook Ag;iinst A))ion, s^jt. 8 (for thl-
Giet'k 13 there lost), which says, tliere were then oiil;-
four tribes or cmirses of tiie p'rie ti:, in it ad of twenty-
fou?. N'or is this testimony to be disregarded, ;i< if
Josephus there eoi tradicted what he had aifirined )iere;
because even the account there given better agrees to
twenty-four than to four courses, while lie says that eat h
of those courses contained above .501 'O men, which, mul-
tiphed by only four, will make not m<)ro than 'iO.oi!
priests; whereas the number 120,00' i, ;is m.ultiplied by
I'l, seems much the most probable, they being about
one tenth of the whole people, even after the captivity.
See K.^ra ii. o&—Zi'i\ Nehem. vii. .59 12; : Esd. v.
S4, 2."> , with E/.ra ii. tJ 1 ; Xthcm. vii {If!; ! Esd. v. 41.
Nor wdl this comniun readm;.; or notion of but four
courses of priests, agree wiih Joseplius's own further a -
I'Ttion elsewhere I Antiii. ^- v"- ch. xiv. sect. 1), that
Paviil's parti tio;i of the priests into twenty-four courses,
had continued to that day.
IVIatthias Curtus, and tliat in the first year o(
the government of Hyrcanus : his son's name |
was Joseph, born in the ninth year of the
reign of Alexandra : his son Matthias was
born in the tenth year of tlie reign of Arche- |
laus; as was I born to Matthias in the fust ■
year of the reign of C;iius Caesar. I have ;
three sons : Hyrcanus, the eldest, was born
in the fourth year of the reign of Vespasian, j
as was Justus born in the seventh, and
Agrippa in the ninth. Thus have I set down
the genealogy of my fauiily as I have foimtl
it described f in the public records, and so \
bid adieu to those who calumniate me [as of j
a lower original].
2. Now, my father Matthias was not only
eminent on account of his nobility, but had a
higher commendation on account of !iis right-
eousness ; and was in great reputation in Je-
rusalem, the greatest city we have. I was
myself brought up with my brother, whose
name was IMattl.ias, for he was my own bro-
ther, by both father and mother; and I made
mighty proficiency in the improvements of my
learning, and appeared to have both a great
memory and understanding. Moreover, when
I was a child, and about fourteen years of
age, I was comniended by all for the love I
had to learning ; on which account the high
priests and principal men of the city came
then frequently to me together, in order to
know my o|)inion about the accurate under-
standing of points of the law ; and when I
was about sixteen years old, I had a mind to
make trial of the several sects that were among
us. These sects are three -. — The first is that
of the Pharisees, the second that of the Sad-
ducees, and the third that of the Essens, as
we have frequently told you ; for I thought
that by this means I might choose the best, if
I were once acquainted with thein all ; so I
f An eminent example of the care of the .lev;s alxiut
their genealoijies, especially as to the p.-iciU. -See A jj.iinst
Apion, b. i. sivU ?•
761
Till': LIFK or FLAVIUS JOSEPHLS.
contented myself witli hard fare, and under- j
went great difliculties, and went through iheni '
all. Nor did 1 content myself with these
trials only ; but when I was infonned that
one, whose name was Banus, lived in the
desert, and used no otlier clothing than grew
upon trees, and had no other food than what
grew of its own accord, and bathed himself
in cold water frequently, both by night and
by day, in order to preserve his chastity, I
imitated him in those things, and continued
with him three years.* So when I had ac-
complished my desires, I returned back to the
city, being now nineteen years old, and began
to conduct myself according to tlie rules of the
sect of the Pharisees, which is of kin to the
sect of the Stoics, as the Greeks call them.
3. But when I was in the twenty-sixth
year of my age, it happened that I took a
voyage to Rome j and this on the occasion
which I shall now describe. At the time
when Felix was procurator of Judea, there
were certain priests of my acquaintance, and
very excellent persons they were, whom on a
small and trifling occasion he had put into
bonds, and sent to Rome to plead their cause
before Caesar. These I was desirous to pro-
cure deliverance for ; and that especially be-
cause I was informed that they were not un-
mindful of piety towards God, even under
their afflictions j; but supported themselves
with figs and nutkf Accordingly I came to
Rome, though it were through a great num-
ber of hazards, by sea ; for, as our ship was
drowned in the Adriatic Sea, we that were in
it, being about six hundred in number,^ swam
for our lives all the night ; when, upon the
first appearance of the day, and upon our sight
of a ship of Cyrene, I and some others, eighty
in all, by God's providence, prsvented the
rest, and were taken up into the other ship ;
and when I had thus escaped, and was come
to Dicearchia, which the Italians call Puteoli,
* When Josephus here savs, that from sixteen to
nineteen, or for tliree years, he made trial of the three
Jewish sects, the Pharisees, the Saddiicees, and the
Esscns, and yet says presently, in all onreopics, that he
6taid besides with one particular ascetic, called Bantw,
«■«{' auTu, viith him, and this still before he was nineteen,
there is little room left for his trial of the three other
sects. I suppose, tliereforc, tliat for Taj' auru, with him,
the old reading mighl»be xaj' cciimi, with them ; which
is a very small emendation, and takes away the dilfi-
culty before us. Nor is Dr Hudson's conjecture hinted
at by Mr. Hall in his preface to tlie Doctor's edition of
Josephus at all improbable, that this Uanus, by this his
description, mi(jht well be a follower of John the Bap-
tist, and that Irom him Josephus might easily inibilR'
BUfch notions, as afterwards prejured him to have a fa-
vourable opmioa of Jesus Christ himseli', who was at-
tested to by John the Baptist.
t We may note here, that religious men among the
Jews, or at least those that were priests, were sometimes
ascetics .ilso, and, like D.tniel and his companions in
Babylon (L)an. i. H — \H), ale no (lesh, butj^* utuI nuts,
iSiC. only. This was like the 4r£e?»y'«. "f austere did
of the Christian ascetics in Passion-Week. Constitut.
V. 18.
I It has been thought the number of Paul and his
companions on ship-board (Acts xxvii. oK), which arc
*76 in our copic's, are too many ; whereas wij find here,
that Josephus and his companions, a very few yejirs
after th« other, were ak>out 000.
I became ac(]uainted with Aliturius, an actor
of plays, and much beloved by Nero, but a
Jew by birth ; and through liis interest became
known to I'ojjpea, Cissar's wife ; and took
care, as soon as p«»sihle, to entreat her to
procure that the priests might be set at liber-
ty ; and when, besides, this favour, I had ob-
tained many presents from Poppea, 1 return-
ed home again.
4. And now I perceived innovations were
already begun, and that tiiere were a great
many very much elevated, in hopes of a re-
volt from the Romans. I therefore endea-
voured to put a stop to these tumultuous per-
sons, and persuaded them to change iheir
minds ; and laid before their eyes against
whom it was that they were going to fight,
and told them that they were inferior to the
Romans not only in martial skill, but also in
good fortune ; and desired them not rashly,
and after the most foolish mannejr, to bring
on the dangers of the most terrible mischiefs
upon their country, upon tlieir families, and
upon themselves. And this I said with vehe-
ment eihortatioD, because I foresaw that the
end of such a vvar would be most unfortunate
to us. But I could not persuade them ; for
the madness of desperate men was quite toe
hard for me.
5. I was then afraid, lest, by inculcating
these things so often, 1 should incur their
hatred and their suspicions, as if I were ol'
our enemies' party, and should run into the
danger of being seized by them and slain,
since t'ney were already possessed of Antonia,
which was the citadel ; so I retired into the
inner court of the temple ; yet did I go out
of the temple again, after Manahem and the
pnncipal of the band of robbers were put to
death, when I abode among the high priests
and tlie chief of the Pharisees ; but no small
fear seized upon us when we saw the people
in arms, while we ourselves knew not wiiai
we should do, and were not able to restrain
the seditious. However, as the danger was
directly upon us, we pretended that we were
of the same opinion with them ; but only ad-
vised them to be quiet for the present, and to
let the enemy go away, still hoping that
Gessius [Florus] would not be long ere he
came, and that with great forces, and so put
an end to these seditious proceedings.
6. But, ui)on his coming and fighting, he
was beaten, and a great many of those that
were with liim fell ; and this disgrace which
Gessius [with Cestius] received, became the
calamity of our v. hole nation ; for those that
were fond of the war were so far elevated w ith
this success, that they had hopes of finally con-
(juering the Romans. Of which war another
occasion was ministered ; which was this :—
Tliose that dwelt in the neighbouring cities of
Syria seized upon such Jews as dwelt among
them, wiili their wives and children, and slew
them, when tiiey had not the least occasion of
J
THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS.
3
complaint against them ; for they did neither
attempt any innovation or revolt from the
Romans, nor had they given any marks of
hatred or treacherous designs towards the Sy-
rians : but what was done by the inhabitants
of Scythopolis was the most impious and most
highly criminal of all;* forwhen the Jews, their
enemies, came upon them from without, they
forced the Jews tiiat were among them to bear
arms against their own countrymen, which it
is unlawful for us to do ; f and when, by their
assistance, they had joined battle with those
who attacked tliem, and had beaten them, af-
ter that victory they forgot the assurances they
had given these their fellow-citizens and con-
federates, and slew them all ; beini; in number
many ten thousands [13,000]. The like mis-
eries were undergone by those Jews that were
the inhabitants of Damascus ; but we have
given a more accurate account of these things
in the books of the Jewish war. I only men-
tion them now, because I would demonstrate
to my readers that the Jews' war with the
Romans was not voluntary, but that, for the
main, they were forced by necessity to enter
into it.
7. So when Gessius had been beaten, as
we have said already, the principal men of
Jerusalem, seeing that the robbers and inno-
vators had arms in great plenty, and fearing lest
they, while they were unprovided with arms,
should be in subjection to their enemies, which
also came to be the case afterward, — and, be-
ing informed that all Galilee had not yet re-
volted from the Romans, but that some part
of it was still quiet, they sent me and two
others of the priests, who were men of excel-
lent cliaracters, Joazar and Judas, in order to
persuade the ill men there to lay down their
arms, and to teach them this lesson, — That it
were better to have those arms reserved for
the most courageous men that the nation had
[than to be kept tliere] : for that it had been
resolved, That those our best men should al-
ways have their arms ready against futurity ;
but still so, that they should wait to see what
the Romans would do.
8. When I had therefore received these in-
structions, I came into Galilee, and found the
people of Sepplioris in no small agony about
their country, by reason that the Galileans had
resolved to plunder it, on account of the friend-
ship they had with the Romans ; and because
they had given their right hand, and made a
league with Cestius Gallus, the president of
Syria: but I delivered them all out of the
fear they were in, and persuaded the multi-
tude to deal kindly with them, and permitted
* See Jewish War, b. ii. ch. xviii. sect. 3.
t The Jews might collect this unlawfulness of fighting
against their brethren from that law of Moses (Levii.
XIX. 16), " Thou sh It not stand against the blood of thy
tieighbour;"and that (ver. 17)-, " 'I'houshalt not avenge,
nor bear any grudge, against the children of thy peoiiTe ;
but thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself;" as well
as from many other places in the Hentxiteuch ami Pro-
(a^ts> See Antiq. b. viii. ch. viii. sect. 5.
them to send to those that were their own hos-
tages with Gessius to Dora, which is a city of
Phoenicia, as often as they pleased ; though 1
still found the inhabitants of Tiberias ready to
take arms, and that on the occasion follow-
ing :—
9. There were three factions in this city.
The first was composed of men of worth and
gravity ; of these Julius Capellus was the head.
Now he, as well as all his companions, Herod
the son of Miarus, and Herod the son of Ga-
malus, and Compsus the son of Coinpsus (for
as to Compsus's brother Crispus, who had once
been governor of the city under the great king *
[Agrippa], he was beyond Jordan in his own
possessions); all these persons before named
gave their advice, that the city should then
continue in their allegiance to the Romans
and to the king; but Pistus, who was guided
by his son Justus, did not acquiesce in that
resolution, otherwise he was himself naturally
of a good and virtuous character : but the se-
cond faction was composed of the most igno-
ble persons, and was determined for war. But
as for Justus, the son of Pistus, who was the
head of the third faction, altliongh he pre-
tended to be doubtful about going to war, yet
was he really desirous of innovation, as sup-
posing that he should gain power to himself
by the change of affairs. He therefore came
into the raidst of them, and endeavoured to
inform the multitude that " the city Tiberias
had ever been a city of Galilee; and that in
the days of Herod the tetrarch, who had built
it, it had olHained the principal place ; and that
he had ordered that the city Sepphoris should
be subordinate to the city Tiberias : that they
had not lost this pre-eminence even under
Agrippa the fi^ther ; but bad retamed it until
Felix was procurator of Judea ; but he told
them, that now they had been so unfortunate
as to be made a present by Nero to Agrippa,
junior ; and that, upon Sepphoris's submission
of itself to the Romans, that was become the
capital city of Galilee, and that the royal trea-
sury and the archives were now removed from
them." When he had spoken these things,
and a great many more against king Agrippa, in
order to provoke the people to a revolt, he
added. That " this was the time for them tq
take arms, and join with the Galileans as
their confederates (whom they might com-
mand, and who would now willingly assist
them, out of the hatred they bare to the peo-
ple of Sepplioris; because they preserved their
fidelity to the Romans), and to gathera great
number of forces, in order to punish them."
And, as he said this, he exhorted the multi-
tude [to go to war] ; for his abilities lay in
making harangues to the people, and in being
too hard in his speeches for such as opposed
him, though they advised what was more lo
* That this Herod Agrippa, the father, wa? of old
called a Great King; as here, :ippears by his coins st»Il
remaining ; to whah Haveramip refers us-
4. THE LIFE OF FEAVIUS JOSKl'HUS.
tlu'ir ii(lv;intai:;c, and tliis l)y liis cTafliiicss and v ho at Iliis liinc was procurator of l!ie kin^-
liis fallacifs, for Ik- was not iniskilful in the tloni, wliich tlie kiiiff and In's sister had in-
learning of the Greeks; and in dependence trusted him withal, while they were <roiic to
on that skill it was that he undertook to write Kerylus with an intenlion of metting (Jessius.
a history of ihese afl'aiis, as aiinin;/, by this M'hen Varus had received these lettersof I'hi.
way of haranguing, to disguise tlie trulh ; but lip, and had learned that he was preserved, he
as ro this man, and how ill were his character ^ was very uneasy at it, as snpjHising that he
and conduct of life, and how he and his bro^ i should appear useless to the king and )n's sis-
ther were, in great measure, the authors of • ter, now Philip was come. He therefore pro-
our destruction, I :Jiall give the reader an ac- | duced the carrier of the letters l)efore the
count in the progress of my narration. So ] multitude, and accused him of forging the
when Justus had, by his persuasions, prevail- same ; and said, that he spake falsely when he
ed with till- citizens of Tiberias to take arms, 'related that Philip was at Jenisakm, lighting
nay, and had forced a great many so to do among the Jews against the Romans. Ho he
against their wills, he went out, and set the slew him. And when this freedman of Phi-
villages that belonged to Gadara and Hippos i lip did not return again, Philip was doubtfu}
on fire; which villages were situated on the
borders of Tiberias, and of the region of Scy-
thopolis.
10. And this was the state Tiberias was
now ill ; but as for Gischala, its affairs were
thus : — When Jolui, the son of Levi, saw
some of the citizens much elevated upon their
what should be the occasion of his stay, and
sent a second inessenger with letters, that he
might, upon his return, inform him what had
befallen the other that had been sent before,
and why he tarried so long. Varus accused
this messenger also, when he came, of telling
a falsehood, and slew him ; for he was puffed
revolt from (lie Romans, he laboured to re- I up by the Syrians that were at Caesarea, and
strain them; and entreated them that they had great expectations; for they said that
would keep their allegiance to them ; but he Agrippa would be slain bv the Romans for the
could not gain his jnirpose, although he did ' crimes which the Jews had committed, and
his endeavours to the utmost ; for the neigh- that he should himself take the government,
bouring people of Gadara, Gabara, and So- ' as derived from their kings; for Varus was,
gana, with the Tyrians, got together a great , by the confession of all, of the royal faniilv,
army, and fell upon Gischala, and took Gis-!as being a descendant of Sohemus, who had
chala by force, and set it on fire; and when enjoyed a tetrarchy about Libanus ; for which
they had entirely demolished it, they returned reason it was that he was puffed up, and kept
home. Upon which John was so enraged, the letters to himself. He contrived also that
that he armed all his men, and joined battle ; the king should not meet with tliose writings,
with the people forementioned ; and rebuilt by guarding all the passes, lest any one should
Gischala afier a manner better than before, I escape, and inform the king what had been
and fortified it with walls for its future secu- done. He moreover slew many of the Jews,
rity. in order to gratify the Syrians of Ca-sarc a. He
11. But Ganiala persevered in its allegi- had a mind also to join with the 'I'rachonites
ance to the Romans for the reason following
— Philip, the son of Jacimus, who was their
governor under king Agrijipa, had been un-
expectedly preserved -.vhen the royal palace at
n Batanea, and to take up arms and make an
assault upon the Baliylonian Jews that were
at Ecbatana; for that was the name they went
bv. He therefore called to him twelve of the
Jerusalem had been besieged ; but, as he fled I Jews of Ca'sarea, of the best character, and
aivay, had fallen into another danger; and i ordered them to go to Ecbatana, and inform
that was, of being killed by Manahem, and ' their countrymen who dwelt there, That Varus
the robbers that were with him ; but certain | hath heard that " you intend to march against
IJahylonians, who were of his kindred, and j the king; but, not believing that report, he
were then in Jerusalem, hindered the robbers
from executing their design. So Philip staid
there four days, and fled away on the fifth,
having disguised himself with fictitious hair,
that he might not be discovered ; and when
he was come to one of the villages to him be-
longing, but one that was situated at the bor-
ders of the citadel of Gamala, he sent to some
of those that were under him, and command
hath sent us to persuade you to lay down your
arms; and that this compliance will be a sign
that he did well not to give credit to those that
raised tlie re])ort concerning you." He also
enjoined them to send seventy of their prin-
cipal men to make a defence for them as to
the accusation laid against them. So when
the twelve messengers came to their country-
men at Ecbatana, and found that they had no
ed them to conic to him ; but God himself i designs of innovation at all, they persuiided
hindered that his intention, and this for his
own advantage also ; for had it not so hap-
pened, he had certainly perished; for a fever
having seized u))on hiin immetliately, he wrote
to Agrippa anil IJernice, ami gave them to
them to send the seventy men also ; who, not
at all suspecting what would come, sent them
accordingly. So these seventy went down
to C;rsarea, together with tlie twelve amlias-
sadors ; where Varus met them with the king's
one of his freedmen to carry them to Varus | forces, and slew them all togetJier with th»
"V
THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPIIUS.
(twelve] aml)assa(1ors, and made an expedi-
tion ;igaiii.~v the Jews of Ecbatana. But one
there vvas vf t!ie seventy who escaped, and
made haste to inform the Jews of their com ■
iiijv; upon which they took their arms, witii
iheir wives and children, and retired to the
citadel at Gamala, leaving tlieir own villages
full of all sorts of good things, and having
inaiiv ten thonsands of cattle therein. When
Pliilip was informed of these tilings, he also
came to the citadel of Gamala ; and when he
was come, the multitude cried aloud, and de-
sired him to restmiL' the government, and to
make an expedition against Varus and the
^vriaus of Cxfisarea; for it was reported that
they had slain the king. But Philij) restrain-
ed their zeal, and jjut them in mind of the
benefits the king had bestou ed upon them ;
and told them how powerful tile Romans
were, and i.aid it was iwt for their advantage
to make v,ar with them ; and at length he
prevailed with tliein. But now, when the king
was acquainted with Varus's design, which w-as
to cut Oil' the Jews of Ciesarea, being many
ten thousands, with their wives and chilih-en.
give us leave, but were at length entirely over-
come by us, and were induced to be of our
opinion. So Jesus the son of Sapjihias, one
of those whom we have already mentioned as
the leader of a seditious tumult of mariners
and poor people, prevented us, and took witii
him certain Galileans, and set the entire pa-
lace on fire, and thought he sliouKI get a great
deal of money thereby, because he saw some
of the roofs gi't with gold. Tliey also jjlun-
dercd a great deal of the furniture, which was
done witliout our approbation ; for, after vv
had discoursed with Capellus and the princi
pal men of the city, we departed from Beth-
maus, and went into the Upper Galilee. But
Jesus and his party slew all the Greeks that
were inhabitants of I'iberias, and as many
others as were their enemies before the war
began.
13. When I understood this state of t' ings,
I was greatly provoked, and went down to
Tiberias, and took all the care I could of the
royal furniture, to recover all that could be
recovered from such as had plundered it. They
consisted of candlesticks made of Corinthian
and all in one day, he called to him P^quiculus I brass, and of royal tables, and of a great
;\i(>dius, and sent him to be Varus's succes- i quantity of uncoined silver ; and I resolved to
sor, as we have elsewhere related. But still
Philip kejit possession of the citadel of Ga-
«nala, and of the country adjoining to it, which
thereby continued in their allegiance to tlie
Romans.
1 2. Now, as soon as I was come into Ga-
lilee, and had leanv.d this state of tilings by
the information of such as told me of them,
I wrote to the sanhedrim at Jerusalem about
them, and required their direction what I
should do. I'lieir direction was, that I should
continue there, and that, if my fellow-legates
preserve whatsoever came to my hand for the
king. So 1 sent for ten of the principal men
of the senate, aii<l i'or Capellus the son o'
Antyllus, and committed the furniture to
them, with this charge, I'hat they should part
with it to nobody else but to myself. From
thence I and my fellow-legates went to Gis-
chala, to John, as desirous to knov/ his inten-
tions, and soon saw that he was for innova-
tions, and had a mind to the principality, foi
he desired me to give him authority to carry
oH' that corn which belonged to Caesar, and
were willing, I should join with them in the I lay in the villages of Upper Galilee; and he
care of Galilee. But those my fellow-le^^'ates, ' pretended that he would expend what it came
liavintr sotten great riches from those tithes : to in building the walls of his own city. But
which as priests were their dues, and were
given to them, determined to return to their
own country. Yet when 1 desired them to
stay so long, that wa might first settle the
{3ul)lic att'airs, they complied with me. So I
removed, together witii them, from the city of
Sepphovis, and came to a certain village called
when I perceived what he endeavoured at, and-
what he had in his mind, I said I «ould not
permit him so to do ; for that I thouglit either
to keep it for the Romans or for myself, now
I was entrusted with the jjublic ailairs there
by the people of Jerusalem : but, when he was
not able to |)revail with me, he betook himself
Bethinaus, four furlongs distant from Tibc- to my fellow-legates; for tbey had no sagacity
jias ; and thence I sent messengers to the se- i in providing for futurity, and were very ready
nate of Tiberias, and desired that the prin-!to t;ike bribes: so he corrupted them with
cipal men of the city would come to me : and I money to decree, That all that corn which was
when they were come, Justus himself being I within his province siiould be delivered to
also with them, 1 told them that I was sent to | him; while 1, who was but one, was outvoted
them by the jieople of Jerusalem as a legate, ; by two, and held my tongue. Then did John
together with these other priests, in order to : introduce another cunning contrivance of his ;
persuade them to demolish that house which ! for he said that those Jews who inhabited Ca?--
Herod the tetrarch had built there, and which sarea Philippi, and were shut up by the order
had the figures of living creatures in it, al- | of the king's deputy there, had sent to him to
though our laws have forbidden us to make 1 desire him, that, since they h.ul no oil that
any such figures-, and 1 desired that they was pure for their use, he would provide a
would give us leave so to do immediately, suflicient quantity of such oil for them, lest
But for a good while Capellus and the prin- | they should be forced to make use of oil that
dpal men belonging to t!ie city would not j came from the Greeks, and thereby transgrtss
(5
THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS.
tlieir own laws. Now this was said by John,
not out of his regaitl to reh'gion, but out of
his most flagrant desire of gain ; for lie knew
that two sectaries were sold with them of C;e-
sarea for one drachma; l)ut that at Gischala
fourscore sectaries were sold for four sectaries :
so he gave order that all the oil which was
there shoidd be carried away, as having my
permission for so doing ; which yet I did not
grant him voluntarily, but only out of fear
of tlie multitude, since, if I had forbidden
him, I should have been stoned by them. —
M'hen I had therefore jiermitled this to be
done by John, he gained vast sums of money
by this his knavery.
14. But when I had dismissed my fellow-
legates, and sent them back to Jerusalem,- 1
took care to have arms provided, and the
cities fortified ; and when I had sent for the
most hardy among the robbers, I saw that it
was not in my power to take their arms from
them ; but I persuaded the multitude to allow
them money as pay, and told them it was better
for them to give them a little willingly rather
than to [be forced to] overlook them when
they plundered their goods from them. And
when I had obliged them to take an oath not
to come into that country, unless they were
invited to come, or else when they had not
their pay given them, 1 dismissed them, and
charged them neither to make an expedition
against the Romans, nor against those their
neighbours that lay round about them ; for
my first care was to keep Galilee in peace.
So I was willing to have the principal of the
Galileans, in all seventy, as hostages for their
fidelity, but still under the notion of friend-
ship. Accordingly, I made them my friends
and companions as I journeyed, and set them
to judge causes ; and with tliiir approbation
it was that I gave my sentences, while I en-
deavoured not to mistake what justice re-
quired, and to keep my hands clear of all
bribery in those determinations.
15. I was now about the thirtieth year of
my age ; in which time o-f life it is a hard
thing for any one to escape the calumnies of
the envious, although he restrain liimself from
fulfilling any unlawful desires, especiidly
where a person is in great authority. Yet did
I preserve every woman free from injuries;
and as to what presents were oll'ered me, I
despised them, as not standing in need of
them ; nor indeed would I take those tithes,
which were due to me as a priest, from those
that brought them. Yet do I confess, that I
took par' of the spoils of those Syrians which
inhabited the cities that adjoined to us, when
I had cotujuered them, and that I sent them
to my kindred at Jerusalem ; although, when
I twice took Sepphoris by force, and Tiberias
four times, and Gadara once, and when I had
subdued and taken John, who often laid
treacherous snares for me, I ilid not ))iinish
I " ith dcathi cither him or any of the people
fore-named, as the progress of this discours«?
will show. And on tiiis account, I suppose,
it was that God,* who is never unac<piainted
with those that do as they ought to do, deli-
vered me still out of the hands of these my
enemies, and afterwards preserved me when I
fell into those many dangers which I shall
relate hereafter.
16". Now the multitude of the Galileans
had that great kindness for me, and fidelity
tome, that when their cities were taken by
force, and their wives and children carried
into slavery, they did not so <leeply lament
for their own calamities, as they were solici-
tous for my preservation. But when John
saw this, he envied me, and wrote to me, de-
siring that I would give him leave to come
down, and luake use of the hot baths of Tibe-
ri;is for the recovery of the health of his body.
Accordingly, I did not hinder him, as having
no suspicion of any wicked designs of his;
and I wrote to those to whom 1 had commit-
ted the administration of the affairs of Tibe-
rias by name, that they should ]>rovide a lodg-
ing for John, and for such as should come
with him, and should procure him what ne-
cessaries soever he should stand in need of.
Now at this timo my abode was in a village
of Galilee, which is named Cana.
17. But when John was con.e to the city
of Tiberias, he persuaded the men to revolt
from their fidelity to me, and to adhere to
him ; and many of them gladly received that
invitation of his, as ever fond of innovations,
and by nature disposed to changes, and de-
lighting in seditions ; but they were chiefly
Justus and his father Pi.Uus that were earnest
for their revolt from me, and their adherence
to John. But I came upon them, and pre-
vented them ; for a messenger had come to
me from Silas, whom I had made governor
of Tiberias, as I have said already, and liad
told me of the inclinations of the people
of Tiberias, and advised me to make haste
thither; for that, if 1 made any delay, the
(it) would come under another's jurisdiction.
Upon the receipt of this letter of Silas, I took
two hundred men along with me, and travel-
led all night, having sent before a messenger
to let the people of Tiberias know that I was
coming to them. When I came near to tlie
city, which was early in the morning, the
multitude came out to meet me, and John
came with them, and saluted me, but in a
most disturbed manner, as being afraid that
my coming was to call him to an account for
what 1 was now sensible he was doing. So
he, in great haste, went to his lodging. But
when I was in the open place of the city,
• Our ,IosC))hus shows, botli here and everywhere,
that he was a most rrlipioiis person, anit one tliat had a
• 'eep sense of {iod and his providence upon his mind;
and ascribed nil his numerous and wenderfid esi-aju's
and preservations, in times of danpcr. to Oo<l's lilcs^ing
him, and taking care of hnn ; and this on aei'ount of his
.nets of pi.ty, jiistii-c, humanity, and c.acity •" the
J<'w» his brctlirtn.
J-
THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS.
riaving dismissed the guards I had about me,
excepdng one, and ten armed men that were
with him, I attempted to make a speech to
the multitude of the people of Tiberias; and
standing on a certain elevated place, I entreat-
ed them not to be so hasty in their revolt ; for
that such a change in their behaviour would
be to their reproach, and that they would then
justly be suspected by those that should be
tlieir governors hereafter, as if they were not
likely to be faithful to them neither.
1 8. But before I had spoken all I designed,
I heard one of my own domestics bidding me
come down ; for that it was not a proper time
to take care of retaining the good-will of the
people of Tiberias, but to provide for my own
safety, and esca[>e my enemies there ; for John
had chosen the most trusty of those armed
men that were about him out of those thou-
sand that he had with him, and had given
them orders, when he sent them, to kill me,
having learned that I was alone, excepting
some of my domestics. So tliose that were
sent came as they were ordered, and they had
executed what they came about, had I not
leaped down from the elevation I stood on,
and with one of my guards, whose name was
James, been carried [out of the crowd] upon
the back of one Herod of Tiberias, and guid-
ed by him down to the lake, where I seized a
ship, and got into it, and escaped my enemies
unexpectedly, and came to Taricheat.
19. Now, as soon ss the inhabitants of that
fity understood the perfidiousnes? of the peo-
ple of Tiberias, they were greatly provoked
at them. So they snatched up their arms,
and desired me to be their leader against
them ; for they said they would avenge their
commander's cause upon them. They also
carried the report of what had been done to
me, to all the Galileans, and eagerly endea-
voured to irritate them against the people of
Tiberias, and desired that vast numbers of
them would get together, and come to them,
tliat they might act in concert with their com-
mander, what should be determined as fit to
be done. Accordingly, the Galileans came
to me in great numbers, from all parts, with
their weapons, and besought me to assault
Tiberias, to take it by force, and to demolisii
it, till it lay even with the ground, and then
to make slaves of its inhabitants, with their
wives and children. Those that were Jose-
jihus's friends also, and had escaped out of
Tiberias, gave him the same advice. But I
did not comply with them, thinking it a ter-
rible thing to begin a civil war among them ;
for I thought that this contention onght not
to proceed farther than words ; nay, I told
them that it was not for their own advantage
to do what they would have me to do, while
the Romans expected no othrr than that we
shc'uld destroy one another by our mutual
seditions ; and by saying this, 1 put a stop to
the anger of the Galileans.
20. But now John was afraid for himself,
since his treachery had proved unsuccessful ;
so he took the armed men that were about
him, and removed from Tiberias to Gischala,
and wrote to me to apologize for himself con-
cerning what had been done, as if it had been
done without his approbation j and desired
me to have no suspicion of him to his disad-
vantage. He also added oaths and certain
horrible curses upon himself, and supposed
he should be thereby believed in the points he
wrote about to me.
21. But now another great number of the
Galileans came together again with their wea-
pons, as knowing the man, how wicked and
how sadly perjured he was, and desired me
to lead them against him, and promised me
tliat they would utterly destroy both him and
Gischala. Hereupon I professed that I was
obliged to them for their readiness to serve
me ; and that I would more than requite
their good-will to ma. However, I entreated
them to restrain themselves ; and begged of
them to give me leave to do what I intended,
which was to put an end to these troubles
without bloodshed ; and when I Iiad prevailed
with tlie multitude of the Galileans to let me
do so, I came to Sepphoris.
22. But the inhabitants of this city having
determined to continue in tiieir allegiance to
the Romans, were afraid of my coming to
them ; and tried, by putting me upon another
action, to divert me, that they might be freed
from the terror they were in. Accordingly
they sent to Jesus, tlie cajjtain of those rob-
bers who were in the confines of Ptolemais,
and promised to give him a great deal of
money, if he would come with those forces he
had with him, which were in number eight
hundred, and fight with us. Accordingly he
complied with what they desired, ujion the
promises they had made him, and was desi-
rous ^n^ fall upon us when we were impre-
pared lor him, and knew nothing of his com-
ing beforehand : so he sent to me, and desired
that I would give him leave to come and
salute me. When I had given him that leave,
which I did without the least knowledge of
his treacherous intentions beforehand, he took
his band of robbers, and made haste to come
to me. Yet did not this his knavery succeed
well at last ; for, as he was already nearly ap-
proaching, one of those with him deserted
him, and came to me, and told me what he
had undertaken to do. When I was informed
of this, I went into the market-place, and
pretended to know nothing of his treacherous
purpose. I took with me many Galileans
tliat were armed, as also some of those of
Tiberias ; and, when 1 had given orders that
all the roads should be carefully guarded, I
charged the keepers of the gates to give ad-,
mittance to none but Jesus, when he came,
with the principal of his men, and to exclude
t!ie itst ; and in case they aimed to force
THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS.
tlu'insL'lvcs in, to use sliipcs [in order to ropel
them]. Accordingly, tlio^e tiiat had receive*!
sucli a charge did as lliey were bidden, and
Jesus came in with a few others ; and wiieii
I liad ordered him to throw down his arms
immediately, antl told him, that if he refused
so to do, he n;is a dead man, he seeing armed
men standing all round uhoiit liiui, was terri-
fied, and conjplied ; and as for th(jse of his
followers that were excluded, when they were
informed that he wjs seized, tliey ran away.
I then called Jesus to me by himself, and
told him, that " I was not a stranger to that
treacherous design he had against me, nor
was 1 ignorant by whom he was sent for;
that, however, I would forgive iiim what he
had done already, if he would repent of it,
and be faithful to me iiereal'ter. " And liius,
upon his promise to do all tliat I desiied, I
let him go, and gave him leave to get those
whom he had formerly had with him together
again. But 1 threatened the inhabitants of
Seiiphoris, that, if they would not leave oil
tlieir ungrateful treatment of me, 1 would
punish them sufficiently.
23. At this time it was that two great
men, who were under the jurisdiction of the
king [Agrippa], came to me out of the region
of 'I'raclionitis, bringing their horses and tlieir
arms, and carrying with them tlieir money
also; and when the Jews would force them
to be circumcised, if they would stay among
them, I would not permit them to have any
force put upon them,* but said to them,
" Every one ought to worship God accord-
ing to his own inclinations, and not to be
constrained by force; and that these men,
who had fled to us for protection, ought not
to be so treated as to repent of their coming
hither." And when 1 iiad pacified the mul-
titude, 1 provided for the men that were come
to us whatsoever it was tliey wanted, accord-
ing to their usual way of living, and that in
great plenty also.
2-i. Now king Agrippa sent an army to
make themselves masters of the citadel of
Ganiala, and over it EijuicuUis Modius; but
the f«ices that were sent were not enow to
encompass the citadel quite round, but lay
bel'oie it in the open places, and b.-sieged it.
liut when Ebutius the decurioii, who v\as in-
trusted with the government of the grtat plain,
heard tliat 1 was at Simonias, a village situ-
ated in the confines of Galilee, and was dis-
tant frmn liim sixty furlongs, he took a hun-
dred horsemen that were with him by night,
and a certain number of footmen, about two
bit'-idred, and brought the inhabitants of the
" Josrphiis's opinion is lieie well wortli noting : —
That cveiy one is to V>e l>errailteil to worship (.ml ai-
cinding to Ins own conscience, ami is nut to be coin-
^x'lk'd 111 mattes of religion; as one may lieic observe,
on tlie contrary, tliat the rest of the Jews were still tor
oblig iig all those wiio niairied Jewesses to be circinicis-
ert, and bicoinc Jews ; .ind were ready to destroy all Ihat
noi'.! 1 n.t siibniit to do so. See sect. 31, aiid Luke
ix. 54.
city Gibca along with him as auxiliaries, and
marched in the night, and came to the village
where I abotle. U|)on this 1 pitched my
camp over against him, which had a great
number of forces in it; but Ebutius tried to
draw us down into the plain, as greatly de-
pentlitig upon his hurseniea ; but we would
not come down ; for when 1 was satisfied of
the advantage that his horse would have if we
came down into the idaiii, while we were al;
foolir.cn, 1 resolved to join battle with the ene-
my where 1 was. Now Ebulius and his party
made a courageous opposition for some time.
l)ut when he saw that his horse were useless
to him in that jilaee, he retired back to thi
city Gibea, having lost tliree of his men in
the figlit. So I followed him diiectly with
two thousand armed men ; and when 1 was
al the city IJesara, that lay in the confines of
Ptolemais, but twenty furlongs from Gibea,
where Eiiutius abode, I placed my armed
men on the outside of the village, an<l gavi-
orders that they siiould guard tiie passes vii'.h
great care, that the enemy might not distiiib
us-until we shouKl have carried off the corn,
a great fjnantity of whii-h lay there: it belong-
ed to iiernice the queen, and had been gathereii
together out of the neighbouring villages into
Besara : so 1 loaded my camels and asses, a
great number of which I bad brought along
with me, and sent the corn into Galilee.
When 1 had done this, I oH'ered Ebutius
battle; but when he would not accejit of the
offer, for he was terrified at our readiness and
courage, I altered my rou'e, and marched to-
wards Neopolitanus, because I had heard that
the country about Tiberias was laid waste by
him. This Neopolitanus was captain of a
troop of horse, and had the custody of Scylho-
poHs intrusted to his care by the enemy ; and
when 1 had hindered him from doing any
fartlier mischief to Tiberias, I set myself to
make [irovision for the afl'airs of Galilee.
25. But when John, the son of Levi, who,
as we before told you, alM>de at Gisciiala, was
informed how all things had succeeded to my
inind, and that I was much iu favour wiiii
those that were under me, as also that the
enemy were greatly afraid of me, he was not
pleased with it, as thinking my prosperity
tended to his ruin. So he took up a bitter
envy and enmity against me; and lioping,
that if he could iiifiauie those that were under
me to hate nie, he should put an end to the
prosperity 1 was in, he tried to persuade the
inhabitants of Tiberias, and of Sei)))horis (and
for those of Gabara he supposed they would
be also of the same mind with the others),
which were the greatest cities of Galilee, to
revolt from their subjection to me, and to he
of his party ; and told them that he would
command tiiem b tter than I did. As for
the peojile of Se|;phoris, who belonged to
neither of us, because tliey tiad chosen to be
in subjection to the Romans, they did no>
~V
THE LliE OF FI.AVILS JOSEPHUS.
comply with his proposal ; and for those of
I'lbcrias, tlicy liiil not indeLHl so far comply
as to make a revolt from under ine, l)iit they
;i^jteed lo be hi'; friends, while the inhabitants
ot' G.ibara did go over to Jalui ; uiid it was
Simon that ])ersuaded them so to do, one who
was both the ])iinci|)al man in the eily and a
l)articular friend and coin|)anion of John. It
is true, these ilid not openly own the making
a revolt, because they were in jjfreat fear of
the Galileans, and had frequent experience of
the good-will they bore to me ; yet did they
jnivately watch for a proper opportunity to
hiy snares for me ; and indetd 1 thereby came
into the greatest danger on the occasion fol-
lowing,
'20". There were some bold young men of
the village of Dab iritia, who observed that
the wife of Ptolemy, the king's procurator,
was to make a progress over the great plain
with a mighty attendance, and with some
horsemen that followed as a guard to them,
and this out of a country that was sul)ject to
the king and <jueen, into the jurisdiction of
the llomans ; and fell upon thein on a sud-
den, and obliged the wife of Ptolemy to Hy
away, and plundered all :!ie carriages. 'I'hey
also came tome to Taricheje, with four mules'
loading of garments, and other furniture ; and
the weight of the silver they brought was not
small ; and there were five hundred pieces of
goki also. Now I had a mind to preserve
these spoils for Ptolemy, who was my coun-
tryman ; and it is prohibited * by our laws
even to spoil our enemies ; so I said to those
that brought these spoils, that they ought to
be kc])t, in order to rebuild the walls of Jeru-
salem with them when luey came to be sold ;
but the young men took it very ill that they
did not receive a part of those spoils for them-
selves, as they expected to have done ; so they
went among the villages in the neighbour-
hood of Tiberias, and told the people that 1
was going to betray their country to the llo-
mans, and that I used deceitful language to
them, when I said that what had been thus
gotten by rapine should be kept for the re-
building of the walls of the city of Jerusalem ;
aUljough I had resolved to restore these spoils
again to their former owner; and indeed they
were herein Viot mistaken as to my intentions;
foi when 1 had gotten clear of theni, I sent
• How Josephiis could say here that the Jewish luws
lorhaiie them to •• spoil even their enemies," while yet
a litlii' betori' liis time, our baviour had mentioned it
!Ls 'iii'ii a current maxim with them, " Tlxm shalt love
thy non;hboiir, ajid hate thine enemy" (Matt. v. 4.)), is
Worth our imiiiiiy. 1 take it that .losephus, having
bifn now for many years an Ebionite Christian, had
learned this interpretalion of the law of Moses from
Christ, whom he owned for the true Messiah, as it fol-
lows in the suecee<lini; verses, which, though lie mi),'ht
not lend in --t. Matthew's gospel, yet miyht he have read
much the snine espositioii in rhcir own Ebionite or
Na/.arenc gospel iuielf; of which improvemeuU made
by Joscphus, after he was b(ii)me a Christian, we have
alveady had several exaiTii)le4 in this his Life, sect, o, l.'>,
14, lu, -1, '.' ; and shall luive many muie therein be-
fore iis conclusion, as well as we have tlicin eUewherc
Ui all h,s later wriiiniis.
for two of the principal men, Dassioii, and
jjaimeusthe son of I.,evi, persons that were
among the chief friends of ihr king, and com-
manded them to take the furniture that had
been plundered, and to send it to him ; and
1 threatened that 1 would order them to be
, ])ut to death by way of punishment, if they
discovered this my command to any other
! person.
I 27. Now, when all Galilee was filled with
I this rumour, that tlieir couniry was about to
1 be betrayed by me to the Remans, and when
! all men were exasperated a;^ainst ine, and
' ready to bring mo to puni anient, the inhabi-
j tants of TarichejE did also ilKiiiselvcs sujipose
I that what the young men said v^as true, ami
; persauded my guards and armed men to leave
line when I was asleep, and to come presently
i to the hippodrome, in order there to take
counsel against me their commander ; and
I when they had prevailed with them, and they
] were gotten together, they found there a great
! company assembled already, \. ho all joined in
I one clamour, to bring the man who was so
I wicked to them as to betray iliem, to his due
I liunishmenl ; and it was Je-iis, the son ot
I Sapphias, who principally set them on. He
I was ruler in Tiberias, a wicked man, and nat-
I urally disposed to make disturbances in mat-
ters of consequence ; a seditious person he
was indeed, and an innovator l)ejond every
body else. lie then took the laws of ?.ioses
into his hands, and came iiu^i the midst of the
people, and s.iid, " O my fi llow-citizens ! if
I you are not disposed to hale Josephus on
your own account, have re-^jard, however, to
these laws of your country, which your coin-
mander-in-chief is going to betray ; hate him
, therefore on both these accounts, and bring
the man who hath acted thus insolently, to liis
I deserved punisl;ment."
I '2S. When he had said this, and the tnulti-
tude had openly applauded him for what he
' hatl said, he took some of the armed men, and
made haste away to the house in wiiicli I
lodged, as if he would kill me immediately,
while 1 wa.-> wholly insensible of al! till this
disturbance happeneii ; and by reason of the
pains 1 had been taking, was fallen fast asleep;
but Simon, who was intrusted with the care of
my body, and was the only person that stayed
with me, and saw the violent incursion the
I citizens made upon me, awaked me and told
i me of the danger 1 was in, and desired me to
I let him kill me, that I might die bravely and
' like a general, before my enemies came in,
and forced me [to kill myself] or killed mu
themselves. Thus did he discourse to me ;
but 1 committed the care of my life to God,
and iT!ade haste to go out to the multitude.
j Accordingly, I put on a black garment, and
hung my sword at my neck, and went by
' such a different way to the hippodrome,
i wherein 1 tiiought none of my adversaries
1 would meet me; so I appeared among there
"V
10
TIIK LIFE or I'LAVIUS JOSEI'HUS.
©n the sudden, and fill down flat on the earth,
and b<'dcwL'd tlie {ground with my tears : then
I si>i'ine<l totlieni ail an ohjoc-t of compassion;
and when 1 perceived the diange tlivit was
made in the multitude, I tried to divide their
opinions before the armed men should return
from my house ; so I granted tliem that I
had been as wicked as tliey supposed me to
be ; hilt still I entreated them to let me first
inform tliem for what use I had kept that
money which arose from the plimder ; and
tliat they might then kill me, if tliey pleased :
and, upon the multitude's ordering me to
speak, the armed men came upon ine, and
when they saw me, they ran to kill me ; l)ut
when the nudtitude bade them hold fheir
hands, they complied ; and cxi)ected that as
"soon as I shoidd own to them that I kept the
money for the king, it would be looked on as
a confession of my treason, and they should
then be allowed to kill nie.
'29. When, therefore, silence was made by
the whole multitude, I spake thus to thein :
— " () my countrymen ! I refuse not to die.
if justice so require. However, I am desirous
to tell you the truth of this matter before I
die; for as I know that this city of yours
^Tai icliea?] was a city of great hosjjitality, and
filled with abundance of such men as have
left their own countries, and are come hither
to be partakers of your fortune, whatever it
be, I had a mind to build wails about it, out
of this money, for whicJi you are so angry
■with me, while yet it was to bo expended in
l)uilding your own walls." Upon my saying
this, the people of Taricheae and the strangers
cried out, That " they gave me thanks; and
desired me to he of good courage," although
the Galileans and the people of Tiberias con-
tinued in their wrath against ine, insomuch
that there arose a tumult among them, while
some threatened to kill me, and some bade me
not to regard tliem ; but v. hen 1 promised
them that I would build them walls at Tibe-
rias, and at other cities that wanted them,
they gave credit to what I promised, and re-
tiuncd every one to his own home. So I
escaped the ft)rementioned danger, beyond all
my hopes ; and returned to my own house,
accompanied with my friends, and twenty
armed men also.
30. However, these robbers and other au.
thorsof this tuimdt, who were afraid on their
own account, lest I should punish them for
what they had done, took six hundred armed
men, and came to the bouse wlicre I abode,
in order to set it on fire. When this their in-
sidt was told me, 1 thouglit it indecent for
juetorun away, and I resolved to expose my-
self to danger, and to act with some boldness ;
so I gave order to shut the doors, and went
up intr) an upper room, aiul desired t4iat they
would send in some of their men to receive
the money [from the spoils] ; for I told them
ihev would then have no occasion to be angry
with nie ; and when they had sent in one of
the boldest of them ;'.ll, 1 had him whipped
severely; and I commanded that one of his
hands should be cut ol!', and luing about his
neck ; and in this case was he put out to those
that sent him. At which procedure of mine
they were greatly ail'ri;;liteil, and in no small
consternation ; and were afraid that they shotild
themselves be served in like manner, if they
stayed there; for they sujjjiosed that 1 had in
the house more armed meri tlian they had them-
selves ; so they ran away inmiediately, while
I, by the use of thi^ stratagem, escaped this
their second treacherous design against me,
,31. IJut there were still some that irritated
the nudtitude against me, and said that those
great men that belonged to the king ought
not to be suffered to live, if they would not
change their religion !o tlie religion of those
to whom they fled for safety ; they spake re-
proachfully of them also, and said, that they
were wizards, and such as called in the Ro-
mans upon them. So the multitude was soon
deluded by such plausible pretences as were
agreeable to their own inclinations, and were
prevailed on by them ; but when I was inform-
ed of this, I instructid the multitude again,
that those who fled to them for refuge ought
not to be persecuted : ] also laughed at the
allegation about witchcraft; * and told them
that the Romans would not maintain so many
ten thousand soldiers, if they could overcomt
tlveir enemies by wirnvds. U|)on my saying
this, the people assemcd for a while; but they
returned again afterwards, as irritated by some
ill people against the great men ; nay, they once
made an assault upon the house in which they
dwelt at TaricheK, in order to kill them ;
which, when I was informed of, I was afraid
lest so horrid a crime should take eil'ect, and
nobody else would make that city their refuge
any more. I therefore came myself, and some
others with me, to the house where these great
men lived, and locked the doors, arid had 2
trench drawn from their house leading to the
lake, and sent forabhip, and embarked there-
in with them, and sailed to the cotdines of
Hippos : 1 also paid them the value of their
horses; nor in such a (light could I have their
horses brought to them. 1 then dismissed
them ; and l)egged of them earnestly that they
woidd courageously bear this distress which
bel'fU them. I was also myself greatly dis-
pleased that I was compelled to expose those
that had fled to me, to go again into an ene-
my's country ; yet did I think it more eligible
that they should jierish among the Romans,
if it shouhl so happen, than in the country
that was under my jurisdiction. However,
they escaped at length, and king Agrippa for-
gave them their oliences; and this was the
conclusion of what concerned these men.
• llore wc ni.iy observe iln.- vulgar Jewish notion of
witclicnirt ; l>iit that uur .losi'jihus was tuo wise to give
uiiy cutuilcJiiuicc tu it.
~v.
THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS.
11
S2. But as for the inhabitants of the city of
riberias, they wrote to the king, and desired
liim to send them forces sufficient to be a guard
to their country ; for that they were desirous
to come over to him. This was what they
wrote to him ; but when I came to them, they
desired me to build their walls, as I had pro-
mised them to do ; for tliey had heard that the
walls of Taricheae were already built. I agreed
to their proposal accordingly ; and when I had
made preparation for the entire building, I
gave order to the architects to go to \vork ; but
on the third day, when I was gone to Tari-
ciiese, which was thirty furlongs distant from
Tiberias, it so fell out, that some Roman horse-
men were discovered on their march, not far
from the city, which made it to be supposed
that the forces were come from the king; up.
on which they shouted, and lifted up tlifir
voices in commendations of the king, and in
reproaches against me. Hereupon one came
j-unning to me, and told me what their dispo-
sitions were ; and that they had resolved to
revolt from me :— upon hearing which news
I was very much alarmed ; for I had already
sent away my armed men from Taricheae to
their own homes, because the next day was
our Sabbath ; for I would not have the people
of Taricheae disturbed [on that day] by a mul-
titude of soldiers ; and indeed, w henever I
sojourned at that city, I never took any par-
ticular care for a guard about my own body,
because I had had frequent instances of the
fidelity its inhabitants bore to me. I had now
about me no more than seven armed men, be-
sides some friends, and was doubtful what to
■do ; for to send to recall my own forces I did
not think proper, because the present day was
almost over ; and had tiiose forces been with
me, I could not take up arms on the next day,
because our laws forbade us so to do, even
though our necessity should be very great; and
if I should pjrmit tlie people of Taricheae,
and the strangers with them, to guard the city,
I saw that they would not be sufficient for that
purpose, and I perceived that I should* be
obliged to delay my assistance a great while ;
for I thought with myself that the forces that
came from the king would prevent me, and
that I should be driven out of the city. I con-,
sidered, therefore, how to get clear of these
forces by a stratagem ; so I immediately plac-
ed those my friends of 'J'aricheae, on whom I
could best confide, at the gates, to watcii thost-
very carefully who went out at those gates ; 1
also called to me the heads of families, and
bade every one of tliem to seize upon a ship, *
<o go on board it, and to take a master rtith
• In this section, as well as in the 18 and 3.3, tho?c
Kinall vessels thai sailed on tlie sea of fialilee, arc called
by Joscphus N^ss, and XlKoia., and 'S.xxifcii; i- c. plainly
ships; so I'hit we need not wonder at our Evangelists,
who still call them shins ; nor ought we to reiider ilieni
bnats, i\3 some do. Their number was in all 230, as we
lc:irn from our author elsewhere. Jewish War, b. ii. eh.
xxi. «'i.'t. S.
them, and follow him to the city of Tiberias.
I also myself went on board one of those ships,
with my friends, and the seven armed men al-
ready mentioned, and sailed for Tiberias.
33. But now, when the people of Tiberias
perceived that there were no forces come from
the king, and yet saw the whole lake full of
ships, they were in fear what would become
of their city, and were greatly terrified, as
supposing that the ships were full of men on
board ; so they then changed their minds, and
threw down their weapons, and met me with
their wives and children, and made acclama-
tions to me with great commendations; foi
they imagined that I did not know their for-
mer inclinations [to have been against me]
so they persuaded me to spare the city ; but
when I was come near enough, I gave order
to the masters of the ships to cast anchor a
good way ofl' the land, that the people of Ti-
berias might not perceive that the ships bad
no men on board ; but I went nearer to the
peojjle in one of the ships, and rebuked them
for tlieir folly, and that they were so fickle as,
without any just occasion in the world, to re-
volt from their fidelity to me. However, i
assured them that 1 would entirely forgive
them for the time to come, if they would send
ten of the ringleaders of the multitude to me;
and when they complied readily with this pro-
posal, and sent me the men forementioned, I
put them on board a ship, and sent them away
to Taricheae, and ordered them to be kept in
prison.
34. And by this stratagem it was tliat I
gradually got all the senate of Tiberias into
my power, and sent them to the city foremen-
tioned, with many of the principal men among
the populace ; and those not fewer in number
than the other : but, when the multitude saw
into what great miseries they had brought
themselves, they desired me to punish the au-
thor of this sedition : his name was Clitus, a
young man, bold and rash in his undertak-
ings. Now, since I thought it not agreeable
to piety to put one of my own people to death,
and yet found it necessary to punish him, 1
ordered Levi, one of my own guards, to go to
him, and cut off one of Clitus's hands; but
as he that was ordered to do this, was afraid
to go out of the ship alone among so great a
multitude, I was not willing that the timor-
ousness of the soldier should appear to the
people of Tiberias; — so I called to Clitus
himself, and said to him, " Since thou deserv-
est to lose both thine iiands for thy ingrati-
tude to me, be thou thine own executioner,
lest, if thou refusest so to be, thou undergo a
worse punishment." And when he earnestly
begged of me to spare liim one of his hands,
it was with difficulty that I granted it. So,
in order to prevent the loss of both his hjinds,
he willingly took his sword, and cut oti' his
own left hand ; and tliis put an end to the
sedition.
~V
12
Tin: LITE or FLAVILS JOSKIMIUS.
S5. Now tlif nun of Tiberias, after I was
pniK" to Tarichi'a;, perccivt'tl wliat stratagem I
li:u! lisc'il against tlicm, and tlicy admired liow
J had put an end tu tliuir foolish sedition,
without shedding of blood. But now, wIil-u
I liad sent for some of tliose niuhiiudes of
the- [leople of Tiberias out of prison, anion
37. Now there was one Jusepli, the son o^
a female physician, who excited a great many
young men lo join with him. He also inso-
lently addressed iiimself to the principal per-
sons at Gamala, and peisiiaded tiiem to revolt
from the king, anil take u]) arms, and gavo
them hopes that they should, by Ids means,
vhom were Justus and his father Pistus, I i recover their liberty : and soine thev forced
made them to sup with me ; and during our
bUiiper-time I said to them, that I knew the
power of the Romans was superior to all
others ; but did not say so [jiublicly] because
of the robbers. So 1 advised them to do as
I <lid, and to wait for a ))roper opportunity,
and not to be uneasy at my being their com-
mander ; for that they could not expect to have
ani)l!)>jr who would use the like moderation
that I had done. I also put Justus in mind
liovv the Galileans had cut off his brother's
liands before ever 1 came to Jerusalem, upon
an accusation laid against him, as if he had
been a rogue, and had forged some letters ; as
also how the people of GaiTiala, in a sedition
tliey raised against the Babylonians, after the
departure of Philip, slew Chares, who was a
kinsman of Philip, and witlial how they had
wisely punished Jesus, his brother Justus's sis-
ter's husl)and [with deatii]. When I had said
this to them during supper-tiine, I in the morn-
ing ordered Justus, and all the rest that were in
prison, to be loosed out of it, and sent away.
36. But before this, it happened that Piii
15]), the son of Jacimus, went out of the cita-
del of Gamala upon the following occasion :
When Philip had been informed that Varus
w;!s i)ut out of his government by king Agrip-
pa, and that Equiculus 3Iodius, a man that
was of old his friend and companion, was
come to succeed him, he wrote to him, and
related what turns of fortune he had had, and
desired him to forward the letters he sent to
the king and queen. Now, when ^Modius had
received these letters, he was exceedingly glad,
and sent the letters to the king and (jueen, who
were then about Derytus. But when king
Agrippa knew that the story about Philip was
false (for it had been given out, that the Jews
had begun a war with the Romans, and that
this Philip had been their commander in that
war), he sent some hrirsemen to conduct Philip
to him ; and when he was come, he saluted
liim very obligingly, and showed him to the
Roman commanders, and told them that this
was the man of whom the report had gone
about as if he had revolted from the Romans.
He also bid him to take some horsemen with
Iiim, and to go quickly to the citailel of Ga-
mala, and to bring out thence all his tlomes-
tics, and to restore the Babylonians to IJalanea I
again. He also
all ))Ossible care that none of his subject
into the service ; and those that would not
acijuiesce in what they had resolved on, they
slew. They also slew Chares, antl wi:h liiin
Jesus, one of his kinsmen, and a brother of
Justus of Tiberias, as we have already said
Those of Gamala also wrote to me, desiring
me to send them an armed force, ar.d work-
men to raise up the walls of their city ; nor
did 1 reject either of their requests. The
region of Gaulanitis did also revolt from the
king, as far as the village Solyiiia. I also
built a wall about Seleucia and Soganni,
which arc villages naturally of very great
strength. INIoreover, I, in like manner, walled
several villages of Upper Galilee, though they
were very rocky of themselves. Their names
are Jamnia, and IMeroth, and Achabare. I
also fortitied, in the Lower Galilee, the cities
Tariche£B, Tiberias, Sepphoris, and the vil-
lages, the cave of Arbela, Bersobe, Selamin,
Jotapata, Capharccho, and Sigo, and Japha,
and Blount Tabor. * I also laid up a great
quantity of corn in these places, anil arms
withal, that might be for their security after
ward.
;5S. But the hatred that John, the son ot
Levi, bore to me, grew now more violent,
while he could not bear my prosperity with
patience. So he proposed to himself, by all
means possible, to make away with me ; and
built the walls of Gischala, which was the place
of his nativity. He then sent his brother
Simon, and Jonathan, the son of Siseniia, and
about a hundred armed men, to Jerusalem, to
Simon, the son of Gamaliel, f in order to per-
suade him to induce the commonalty of Jeru-
salem to take from me the government over the
Galileans, and to give their suffrages for con-
fetring that authority upon him. 'i'his Simon
was of the city of Jerusalem, and of a very
nol)le family, of the sect of the I'harisees,
which are supposed to excel others in the ae-
Tcurate knowledge of the laws of their coun-
try. He was a man of great wisdom anil
reason, and capable of restoring public aH'airs
by his prudence, when they were in an ill
posture. He was also an old friend and con^-
panion of John ; but at that tinie he liad a
diflerence with me. When therefore he had
• Tart of these foriifleations on Mount TaUor may
• , ■■ ■ 1 . . 1 he those still ifiiianimi', .-ukI wliich were seen lattlv b\
ive It Inmm charjre totakeiM^_ ^,,,„,„,,^.,_ see tfis Travi-ls, p. ll'J.
t This liamaliel mav be the ver>' s-iine that is inen-
cl.niil/l I.M .riiiltv of n,-iLin<r nnv ini.matinn | tioned hy the rabbins in the Mishiia, In .liiiliasin. ajiil i.i
shouUl De guilty ot making any mnoxation. \ ,,^^^^^ j^j^^jj^ ^s is observcit in the Latin notes. Mc
Accordingly, upon these ihrections from the i mijjht he also that fiamalici II., whose grandfather was
king, he mule haste to do what he wa,, com- I <';•"""''>''••, "il'" ,'* mentioned in Acts v. 31 :_an.l a-
liiunded. I Vrul at tlie voar 1 11).
THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS.
13
rercivet! such an exhortation, he persuaded
the higli priests, Ananus, and Jesus the son
of Gamala, and some others of the same se-
ditious faction, to cut me down, now I was
growing so great, and not to overlook me
while I was aggrandizing myself to the heiglit
of glory ; and he said that it would be for the
advantage of the Galileans if I were deprived
of my government there. A nanus also, and
his friends, desired them to make no delay
about the matter, lest I should get the know-
ledge (jf what was doing too soon, and should
come and make an assault upon the city will)
a great army. This was the counsel of Simon ;
but Ananus the high priest demonstrated to
them that this was not an easy thing to be
done, because many of the high priests and
of the rulers of the people, bore witness that
I had acted like an excellent general, and that
it was the work of ill men to accuse one
against whom they had nothing to say.
39. When Simon heard Ananus say this,
he desired that the messengers woidd conceal
the thing, and not let it come among many;
for that he would take care to have Josephus
removed out of Galilee very quickly. So he
called for John's brother [Simon], and charg-
ed him that they should send presents to Ana-
nus and his friends ; for, as he said, theV might
probably, by that means, persuade them to
change their minds. And indeed Simon did
at length thus compass what he aimed at; for
Ananus, and those with him, being corrupted
by bribes, agreed to espel me out of Galilee,
without making the rest of the citizens ac-
quainted with what they were doing. Ac-
cordingly they resolved to send men of dis-
tinction as to their families, and of distinction
as to their learning also. Two of these were
of the populace, Jonathan * and Ananias, by
sect Pharisees; while the third, Jozar, was of
the stock of the priests, and a Pharisee also;
and Siinon, the hwt of tiiem, was of the young-
est of the high priests. These had it given
them in charge, that, when they were come to
tlie multitude of the Galileans, they should
ask them what was the reason of their love to
me ? and if they said that it was because I was
born at Jerusalem, that they should reply, that
Uiey four were all born at the same place ; and
if they should say, it was because I was well
versed in their law, they should reply, that
neither were they unacquainted with the prac-
tices of their country ; but if, besides these,
they should say they loved me because I was
a piiest, they should reply, that two of these
were priests also.
40. Now, when they had given Jonathan
and his companions these instructions, they
gave them forty thousand [drachmae] out of
the public money : but when they heard that
there was a certain Galilean that then sojourn-
• This Jonathan is also taken notice of in the Latin
norcs, as the same that is mentioned bv tlie rabbins iii
*'orta Wdsis
ed at Jerusalem, whose name was Jesus, who
had about him a hand of six hundred armed
men, they sent for him, and gave him three
months' pay, and gave him orders to follow
Jonathan and his companions, and be obedi-
ent to them. They also gave money to three
hundred men that were citizens of Jerusalem,
to maintain them all, and ordered them also
to follow the ambassadors ; and when they had
complied, and were gotten ready for the march,
Jonathan and his companions went out with
them, having along with them John's brother
and a hundred armed men. The charge that
was given them by those that sent them was
this : That if I would voluntarily lay down
my arms, they should send me alive to the
city of Jerusalem ; but that, in case I op-
posed them, they should kill me, and fear
nothing ; for that it was their command for
them so to do. They also wrote lo John
to make all ready for fighting me, and gave
orders to the inhabitants of Sepphoris, and
Gabara, and Tiberias, to send auxiliaries to
John.
41. Now, as my father wrote me an account
of this (for Jesus the son of Gamala, who
was present in that council, a friend and com-
panion of mine, told him of it), I was very
much troubled, as discovering thereby that my
fellow-citizens proved so ungrateful to me, as,
out of envy, to give order that I should be
slain ; ray father earnestly pressed me also in
his letter to come to him, for that he longed
to see his son before he died. I informed
my friends of these things, and that in three
days' time I should leave the country and "^o
home. Upon hearing this, they were all very
sorry, and desired me, ivith tears in their eyes,
not to leave tN>tvi to be destroyed ; for so they
thought they should be. if I were deprived of
the command over then. : but as I did not
grant their request, but was taking care of my
own safety, the Galileans, out of tlieir dread
of the consequence of my departure, that they
should then be at the mercy of the robbers,
sent messengers overall Galilee to inform them
of my resolution to leave them. Whereupon,
as soon as they heard it, they got together in
great numbers, from all parts, with their wives
and children ; and this they did, as it apjieared
to me, not more out of their affection to me,
than out of their fear on their own account ;
for, while I staid with them, they supjjosed
that they should suffer no harm. So thev all
came into the great plain, wherein I lived, the
name of which was Asochis.
42. But wonderful it was what a dream I
saw that very night ; for when I had betaken
myself to my bed, as grieved and disturbed at
the news that had been written to me, it seem-
ed to me, that a certain person stood by me, f
t This I t;ike to bo the first of Josephiis's remarkable
or divine dreams, which were predictive oi" the gieaf
things th t afterwards came to pas,, ; of which sie iiiove
in the note on Antiq. b. lii. cliap. vui. sect, y, Tl.e
other is in the War b. iii. ch. viii. sect. S. 9.
r
J'
14
THE LITE or rLAVIUS JOSEPH L.-^.
and said, " O Joseplius ! leave otl' to afflict
Uiy sodi, and put away all fear; for what now
grieves tliee will rciulcr thee very consiiieia-
ble, Hiul in all respects most happy; for tliou
shaft get over not only these difticiiiiies, but
many otliers, with great success. However,
f)e not cast down, fiut remember that tliou art
to light with the Romans." When I had seen
tliis dream, I got up with an intention of go-
ing down to the plain. Now, wlien the whole
multitude of the (jalileans, among whom were
the women and children, saw me, they threw
themselves down upon their faces, and, with
tears in their eyes, besought me not to leave
them exposed to tlieir enemies, nor to go away
and iH-'miit their country to be injured by
them ; but, when 1 did not comply with their
entreaties, they coir.pelled me to take an oath,
that I would stay with them : they also cast
abundance of reproaches upon the people of
Jerusalem, that they would not let their coun-
try enjoy peace.
43. When I heard this, and saw what sor-
row the people were in, I was moved with com-
jiassion to them, and thought it became me to
undergo the most manifest hazards for the sake
of so great a multitude ; so I let them know
1 would stay with tl)em ; and when I had
given order that five thousand of them should
come to me armed, and with provisions for
their maintenance, 1 sent the rest away to
tlieir own homes ; and, when those five thou-
sand were come, I took them, together with
three thousand of the soldiers that were with
ine before, and eighty horsemen, and marched
to tfie village of Chabolo, situated in the con-
fines of Ptolemais, and there kept my forces
together, pretending to get ready to fight with
Placidus, wlio was come with two cohorts of
I footmen, and one troop of horsemen j and was
i sent thither by Cestius Gallus to burn those
] villages of Galilee that were near Ptolemais.
Upon whose casting up a bank before the city
Ptolemais, I also pitched my camp at about
the distance of sixty furlongs from that vil-
I lage ; and now we frequently brought out our
1 forces as if we would fight, but proceeded no
i farther than skirmishes at a distance ; for when
Placidus perceived that I was earnest to come
\ to a battle, he was afraid, and avoided it ; yet
j did he not remove from the neighbourhood
of Ptolemais.
' 44. About this time it was that Jonathan
! and his fellow-legates came. They were sent,
IS we have said already, by Simon, and Ana-
; nus, the high priest ; and Jonathan contrived
\ how he might catch me by treachery ; for he
durst not make any attempt upon me openly.
I So he wrote methe following epistle: — " Jona-
j than and those Uiat are with him, and are sent by
the people of Jerusalem to Josephus, send
greeting. We are sent by the principal men
of Jerusalem, wlio have heard that John of
Gischala hath laid many snares for thee, to
rebuke him, and to exliort him to be subject
to thee hereafter. We are also desirous !•
consult with thee about our common concerns,
and what is fit to be done. We, tlierelore,
desire tl)ee to come to us quickly, and to
bring oidy a few men with thee ; for this vil-
lage will not conUn'n a great number of soldiers."
Thus it was tliat they wrote, as expecting one
of these two things; either that 1 shoidd con)c
without armed men, and then they should have
me wholly in their power : or if I came with a
great number, they should judge me to Le a
public enemy. Now it was a fiorseman who
brought the letter, a man at other times bold,
and one that had served in the army under
the king. It was the second hour of the
niglit that he came, when I was feasting with
my friends and the principal of the Galileans.
This man, upon my servant's telling me that
a certain horseman of the Jewish nation was
come, was called in at my command, but did
not so much as salute me at all, but held out
a letter, and said, " This letter is sent thee by
those tliat are come from Jerusalem ; do thou
write an answer to it quickly, for I am obliged
to return to them very soon." Now my guests
could not but wonder at the boldness of the
soldier ; but I desired him to sit down and
sup with us ; but when he refused so to do,
I held the letter in my hands as I received it,
and fell a-talking with my guests about other
matters; but a few hours afterwards, I got
up, and, w hen I had dismissed the rest to go
to their beds, I bid only four of my intimate
friends to stay ; and ordered my servant to get
some wine ready. I also opened the letter
so, that nobouv could perceive it; and under-
standing thereby presently the purport of the
writing, I sealed it up again, and ajjpeared as
if I had not ytt read it, but only held it
in my hands. 1 ordered twenty drachms
should be given the soldier for the charges of
his journey ; and when he took the money,
and said that he thanked me for it, I perceived
that he loved money, and that he was to bt
caught chiefly by that means ; and I saiti to
him, " If thou wilt but drink witJi us, thou
slialt have a drachma for every glass thou
drinkest." So he gladly embraced this pro-
posal, and drank a great deal of wine, in order
to get the more money, and was so drunk,
that at last he could not keep the secrets he
was intrusted with, but discovered them with-
out my putting questions to him, viz. That a
treacherous design was contrived against me;
and that I was doomed to die by those that
sent him. When 1 heard tliis, I w rote back
this answer : — " Josephus to Jonathan, and
those that are with him, sendeth greeting.
Upon the information that you are come in
health into Galilee, 1 rejoice, and this esjuci-
ally, because 1 can now resign the caie of
public affairs here into your hands, and return
into my native country, — which is what I
have desired to do a great while; and 1 con-
fess 1 ought not only to come to you as fw
THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEFHUS.
cs Xalolh, but farther, and tliis without your
commands: but I desire you to excuse me,
because I cannot do it now, since I watch the
motions of Placidus, who hath a mind to go
up into Galilee ; and this I do here at Clia-
bolo. Do you, tlierefore, on the receipt of
this epistle, come hither to me. Fare you
well."
45. When I had written thus, and given
the letter to be carried by the soldier, I sent
along with him thirty of the Galileans of the best
characters, and gave them instructions to salute
those ambassadors, but to say nothing else to
them. I also gave orders to as many of those
armed men, whom I esteemed most faithful to
me, to go along with th.e others, every one with
him whom he was to guard, lest some conversa-
tion might pass between those whom I sent and
those who were with Jonathan. So those men
went [to Jonathan]. But, when Jonathan and
his partners had failed in this their first at-
tempt, they sent me another letter, the contents
whereof were as follows : — '* Jonatlian, and
Uiose with him, to Josephus, send greeting.
We require thee to come to us to the village
Gabaroth, on the tliird day, without any
armed men, that we may hear what thou hast
to lay to the charge of John [of Gischala"]."
When they had written this letter they salut-
ed the Galileans whom I sent ; and came to
Japha, which was the largest village of all
Galilee, and encompassed with very strong
walls, and had a great number of inhabitants
in it. There the multitude of men, with their
wives and children, met them, and exclaimed
loudly against them ; and desired them to be
gone, and not to envy them the advantage of
an excellent commander. With these clamours
Jonathan and his partners were greatly pro-
voked, although they durst not show their
anger openly ; so they made them no answer,
but went to other villages. But still the same
clamours met them from all the people, who
said, " Nobody should persuade them to have
any other commander besides Josephus." So
Jonathan and his partners went away from
tlietn without success, and came to Seppho-
ris, the greatest city of all Galilee. Now the
men of that city, who inclined to the Romans
in their sentiments, met them indeed, but nei-
ther praised nor reproached me ; and when
they were gone down from Sepphoris to
Asochis, the people of that place made a cla-
mour against them, as those of Japha had
done ; whereupon they were able to contain
themselves no longer, but ordered the armed
men that were with them to beat those that
made the clamour with their clubs ; and when
they came to Gabara, John met them with
three thousand armed men ; but, as I under-
stood by their letter that they had resolved to
fight against me, I arose from Chabolo, with
tliree thousand armed men also, but left in my
camp one of my fastest friends, and came to Jo-
tapata, as desirous to be near them, the distance
•\ ,
being no more than forty furlongs. Whence
I wrote thus to them : — " If you are very de-
sirous that I should come to you, you know
there are two hundred and forty cities and
villages in Galilee: I will come to any uf
them which you please, excepting Gabara and
Gischala, — the one of which is John's native
city, and the other in confederacy and friend-
ship with him."
46. When Jonathan and his partners had
received this letter, they wrote me no more
answers, but called a council of their friends
together; and taking John into their consul-
tation, they took counsel together by what
means they might attack me. John's opinion
was, that they should write to all the cities
and villages that were in Galilee ; for that
there must be certainly one or two persons in
every one of them that were at variance with
me ; and that they should be invited to come,
to oppose me as an enemy. He would also have
them send this resolution of theirs to the city
of Jerusalem, that its citizens, upon the know-
ledge of my being adjudged to be an enemy
by the Galileans, might tliemselves also con-
firm that determination. He said also, that
when this w^s done, even those Galileans who
were well atl'ected to me, would desert me, out
of fear. When John had given them this coun-
sel, what he had said was very agreeable to
the rest of them. I was also made acquainted
with these aflairs about the third hour of the
night, by the means of one Saccheus, who had
belonged to them, but now deserted them and
came over to me, and told me what they were
about ; so I perceived that no time was to be
lost. Accordingly I gave command to Jacob,
an armed man of my guard, whom I esteemed
faithful to me, to take two hundred men, and
to guard the passages that led from Gabara
to Galilee, and to seize upon the passengers,
and send them to me, especially such as were
caught with letters about them . I also sent
Jeremias himself, one of my friends, with six
hundred armed men, to the borders of Galilee,
in order to watch the roads that led from this
country to the city Jerusalem ; and gave him
charge to lay hold of such as travelled with
letters about them, to keep the men in bonds
upon the place, but to send me the letters.
47. When I had laid these commands upon
them, 1 gave them orders, and bid them take
their arms and bring three days' provision
with them, and be with me the next day. I
also parted those that were about me into
four parts, and ordained those of them that
were most faithful to me to be a guard to my
body. I also set over them centurions ; and
commanded them to take care that not a sol-
dier which they did not know should mingle
himself among thein. Now, on the fifth day
following, when I was at Gabaroth, I found
the entire plain that was before the village
full of armed men, who were come out of
Galilee to assist me : many Qthers of tb«
J^'
16
THE LIFK OP FLAVIL'S JOSICI'HL S.
multitude also out of the village, ran along
with ine ; but as soon as I liail taken my
place, ami Ijcgan to speak to them, tliey all
made nii acclamation, and called nie the Be-
nefactor and Saviour of the country ; and
vvlien I had made them my acknowledge-
iiKMits, and thanked them [foi' their atl'ection
to me], i also advis'.d them to figlit with no-
body,' nor to spoil the country, hut to pitch
their tents in the plain, and be content with
their sustenance they had brought with them ;
for I told the:n 1 had a mind to compose
these troubles without shedding any blood.
Now it came to pass, that on the very same
day those who were sent by John with letters,
fell among the guards whom I had apjjointed to
watch the road, ; so the men were themselves
kept upon the place, as my orders were ; but
I got the letters, which were full of reproaches
and lies; and I intended to fall upon these
men, without saying a word of these matters
to any body.
48. Now, as soon as Jonathan and his com-
panions heaid of my coming, they took all
their own friends, and John with them, and
retired to the house of Jesus, which indeed
was a large castle, and no way unlike a cita-
del ; so they privately led a l)and of armed
men therein, and shut all the other doors but
one, which they kept open, and they expecteil
that I should come out of the road to them,
to salute them ; and indeed they had given
orders to the armed men, that when I came
they should let nobody besides me come in,
but should exclude others ; as supposing that,
by this means, they should easily get me
under their power : but they were deceived
in their expectation, for I perceived what
snares they had laid for me. Now, as soon
as I was got oti" my journey, I took up my
lodgings over against them, and pretended to
be asleep ; so Jonathan and his party, think-
ing that I was really asleep and at rest, made
haste to go down into the plain to persuade
the people that I was an ill governor: but
the matter proved otherwise ; for, upon their
uppearance, there was a cry made by the Gali-
leans immediately, declaring their good opi-
nion of me as their governor; and they made
a clamour against Jonathan and his partners
for coming to them when tlicy had sulfered
no harm, and as though they would overturn
their happy settlement; and desired them by
all means to go back again, for that they
would never be persuaded to have any other
to rule over them but myself. When I heard
of this, I did not fear to go down into the
midst of them ; I went therefore myself down
presently, to bear what Jonaihan and his
• Josephus's directions to his soldiers here are much
vhc same that Juhn the B:ipUst gave (Luke iii. H) :—
" Do violence to no m;m, neither accuse .my falsely,
and be content with your w.iges." Whence Dr. Hudson
confirms this conjcctiire, that Joscjihus, in sonic things,
was, even now, ;■. sollower of John the Hap'.ist, which is
oi> way improbib'e. See the note on •uci. 2.
conipanions said. As soon as I appeared,
there was immediately an acclamation made
to me by the whole multitude, and a cry in
my commendation by them, who confessed
their thanks was owing to me for my good
government of them.
•10. When Jonathan and his compaiiions
hciird this, they were in fear of liieir own
lives, and in d:inger lest they should be as-
saulted by the (Jalilcans on my account; so
they contrived how they might run away; but
as they were not able to get od', for I desired
them to stay, they looked down with concern
at my words to them. I ordered, therefore,
the multitude to restrain entirely their accla-
mations, and placed the most faithful of my
armed men upon the avenues, to be a guard
to us, lest John should unexpectedly fall
upon us; and I encouraged the Galileans to
take their weapons, lest they should be dis-
turbed at their enemies, if any sudden insult
should be made upon them ; a«d then, in the
first place, I put Jonathan and his p;.rtiiers in
mind of their [former] letter, and after «,.;?»
manner they had written to me, and declared
they were sent by the common consent of the
people of Jerusalem, to make up the ditt'er-
ences I had with John, and how they had
desired me to come to them ; and as I spake
thiis, I public'/ showed that letter they liad
written, till , y could not at all deny what
they had dc"'.', the letter itself convicting them.
1 then said, " O Jonathan ! and you that are
sent with him as his colleagues, if I were to
be judged as to my behaviour, compared with
that of John's, and had brought no more than
two or three witnesses,! good men and true.
it is plain you had been forced, upon the exa-
mi nation of their characters beforehand, to
discharge the accusations : that, therefore, you
may be informed that I have acted well in the
aliairs of Galilee, I think three witnesses too
few to be brought by a man that hath done
as he ougl't to cio ; so I gave you all these
for witne-,ses. Inquire of them | how I have
lived, and whether I have not behaved myself
with all decency, and after a virtuous manner
among them. And I farther conjure you, O
Galileans ! to hide no part of the truth, but
to sjieak before these men as before judges,
whether I have in any thing acted otherwise
than well."
50. While I was thus speaking, the united
voices of all the people joined together, and
called me their Benefactor and Saviour, and
attested to my former behaviour, and exhorted
t We here learn the practice of the Jews, in the dayt
of Josoiilms, to in((Uire into the characters of witni'>!,'c*
beiore ilicy were admitted; and that their number ought
to be three, or two at the least, also exactly As in ihe law
of Moses, iind in the Apostolical CionsuuiUous, h. ii.
ch. xxxvii. See Horeb Covenant llevived, page 97, 9S.
t This appeal to the whole body of the liahlcans by
Jo*e|ihus, anil the testimony they gave him of integrity
Ml Ins conduct as their governor, is very like that apiieai
and testimony in the ciise of the prophet Samuel \ I
Sam. xii. 1 — .i'l ; and pcrhaus wa* done by Josejihus in
imitation of him
"V
THE LIFE OF ELAVIUS JOSEPHUS.
1"
me to contiiuie so to do hereafter ; and they
all said, upon their oaths, that their wives had
been preserved free from injuries, and that no
one had ever been aggrieved by me. After
this, I read to the Galileans two of those epis-
tles which had )>een sent by Jonathan and his
colleagues, and which those whom I had ap-
pointed to guard the road had taken, and sent
to me. These were full of reproaches and of
lies, as if I had acted more like a tyrant than
a governor against them ; with many other
things besides therein contained, which were
no better indeed than impudent falsities. I
also informed the multitude how I came by
these letters, and that those who carried them
delivered them up voluntarily ; for I was not
willing that my enemies should know any
thing of the guards I had set, lest they should
be afraid, and leave off writing hereafter.
51. When the multitude heard these things,
they were greatly provoked at Jonathan and
his colleagues that were with him, and were
going to attack them, and kill them ; and this
they had certainly done, unless I had restrain-
ed the anger of the Galileans, and said, that
" I foi'gave Jonathan and his colleagues what
was past, if they would repent, and go to
their own country and tell those who sent
them the truth, as to my conduct." When I
had said this, I let them go, altiiough 1 knew
they would do nothing of what they had pro-
mised. But the multitude were very much
enrnged against them, and entreated me to
give them leave to punish them for their inso-
lence ; yet did I try all methods to ])ersuade
them to spare tlie men ; for I knew that every
instance of sedition was pernicious to the pub-
lic welfare. But the multitude was too angry
with tliem to be dissuaded ; and all of them
went immediately to the house in which Jona-
than and his colleagues abode. However,
vhen I perceived that their rage could not be
restrained, 1 got on horseback, and ordered
the multitude to follow me to the village So-
gane, which was twenty furlongs off Gabara;
and by using this stratagem, I so managed
tnyself, as not to appeal' to begin a civil war
amongst them.
52. But when I was come near Sogane, I
caused the multitude to make a halt, and ex-
horted them not to be so easily provoked to
anger, and to the inflicting such punishments as
could not be afterwards recalled : I also gave
order, that a hundred men, who were already
in years, and were principal men among them,
should get themselves ready to go to the city of
Jerusalem, ami should make a complaint before
the people, of such as raised seditions in the
country. And I said to tliem, that " in case
they be moved with what you say, you shall de-
sire the community to write to me, and to enjoin
me to continue in Galilee, and to order Jona-
than and his colleagues to dejjart out of it."
When 1 had suggested tlicse instructions to
them, and while tliey were getting thcmseJves
ready as fast as they could, I sent tjiem on
this errand the third day after they had been
assembled : I also sent five hundred anned
men with them [as a guard]. I then wrote
to my friends in Samaria, to take care that
they might safely pass through the country :
for Samaria was already under the Romans,
and it was absolutely necessary for those that
go quickly [to Jerusalem] to pass through
that country ; for in that road you may, in
three days' time, go from Galilee to Jerusa-
lem. I also went myself, and conducted the
old men as far as the bounds of Galilee, and
set guards in the roads, that it might not be
easily known by any one that these men were
gone. And when 1 had thus done, I went
and abode at Japha.
53. Now Jonathan and his colleagues, hav-
ing failed of accomplishing what they would
have done against me, sent John back to
Gischala, but went themselves to the city of
Tiberias, exprcting it would submit itself to
them ; and this was founded on a letter which
Jesus, their then governor, had written them,
promising that, if they came, the multitude
would receive them, and choose to be under
their government ; so they went their ways
with this expectation. But Silas, who, as
I said, had been left curator of Tiberias by
me, informed me of this, and desired me to
make haste thither. Accordingly, I complied
with his advice immediately, and came thither;
but found myself in danger of my life, from
the following occasion : Jonathan and his col-
leagues had been at Tiberias, and had jier-
suaded a great many of such as had a quarrel
with me to desert me ; but when they heard
of my coming, they were in fear for them-
selvse, and came to me ; and when they had
saluted me, they said that I was a happy man
in having behaved myself so well in tlie go-
vernment of Galilee ; and they congratulated
me upon t\w honours that were paid me : for
they said that my glory was a credit to them,
since they had been my teachers and fellow-
citizens ; and they said farther, that it was but
just that they should prefer my friendship to
them r<.ther than John's, and tliat they would
have immediately gone home, but that they
staid that they might deliver up John into my
power ; and when they said this, they toot
their oaths of it, and those such as are most
tremendous amongst us, and such as I did not
think fit to disbelieve. However, they desired
me to lodge somewhere else, because the next
day was the Sabbath ; and that it was not fit
the city of Tiberias sliould be disturbed [ou
that day].
54. So I suspected notliing, and went away
to Tarichea ; yet did I withal leave some to
make inquiry Ln tlie city how matters went,
and whether any thing was said about me : I
also set many persons all tlie way that led
from Tarichea; to Tiberias, that they might
commiMiicate from one to an/)ther, if tJiev
li
IS
TIIF, LITE or FLAVIUS JOSEPIIGS.
learned any news (Voin those lliat were left in
the city. On the next day, tlierefore, tliey
all ratne into the I'roseueha ; • it was a large
edifice, and capable of receiving a great nuin-
Ikt of people ; tiiither Jonathan went in, and
l!i(nigli ho durst not openly speak of a revolt,
yet did he say that their city stood in need of
u belter governor than it liien hail. Hut Jesus,
wl'.o was the ruler, made no scruple to speak
out, and said openly, " O fellow-citizens ! it
is better for you to be in subjection to four
than to one ; and those such as are of high
birth, and not without reputation for their
wisdom ;" and iiotrited to Jonathan and his
colli agues. Upon his saying this, Justus came
in and commended him for what ho had said,
and persunued some of the peo|)le to be.of
iiis tiiind also. Ikit the multitude were not
pleased with what was said, and had certainly
gone into a tumult, unless the sixth liour,
which was now come, had dissolved the as-
sembly, at which hour our laws require us to
go to dinner on Sabbath-days; so Jonathan
and his colleagues put off tlicir council till the
next day, and went ofi' without success. When
1 was informed of these nfiairs, I determined
to go to tiie city of Tiberias in the iT'orning.
Accordingly, on the next day, about the first
hour of the day, I caine from TarichfiV, and
founil the multitude already assembled in the
Froseucha ; but on what account tlicy were
gotten together, those that were assembled did
r.ot know. But when Jor.atlian and his col-
leagues saw me there unexpectedly, they
were in disorder; after which they raised a
report of their own contrivance, that Koman
liorsemen were seen at a place called Union,
in the borders of Galilee, thirty furlongs dis-
tant from the cily. Upon ^vhich report, Jo-
nathan and his colleagues cunningly exhorted
me not to neglect this matter, nor to sufiVr
tlie land to be spoiled by the enemy. And
this tliey said with a design to remove ir.e out
of the city, under the pretence of the want of
extraordinary assistance, while they might dis-
pose the city to be my enemy.
55. As for myself, although I knew of
their design, yet did I comply with what they
proposed, lest the people of Tiberias should
have occasion to suppose that I was not care-
ful of their security. I therefore went out ;
but, when I was at the place, 1 found not the
least footsteps of any enemy ; so I returned as
fast as ever I could, and four.d the whole
council assembled, and the body of the peo-
jile gotten together, and Jonathan and his col- i
leagues bringing vehement accusations against j
me, as one who had no concern to ease them ]
• It is worth noting here, that there was now a prwit
Proscui-ha, or pkice of prayer, in the city of Tibi-rias
itself, though Mich Prostiicl:a u^cil to be out of cities,
an the 8>ii;i(;i!''ue!t were wiiliin tlicm. of them, set I.e
Mojnii- on I'olycurji's Epistle, page 7'i- It is also worth
our reiTiark, that the Jews, m iIk- days of Josiphiis,
iiiSii tu illneattlic sixth hour, or iiooi'i: anil ih.vt, in
olic>Li('iM:e to their nutioni of the law uf Moses ^ilso.
of the burdens of war, and as one that lived
luxuriously. And as they were discoursinjf
thus, they produced four letters as written lo
them, from some people that lived at the bor-
ders of (jalilee, imploring that tliey would
come to their assistance, for that there was an
ariny of Homans, both horsemen and foot-
men, who would come and lay waste the coun-
try on tlie tiiird day ; they desired them also
to make haste, and not to overlook them. —
When the people of Tiberias heard this, they
thought they spake truth, and made a clamour
against me, and said I ought not to sit still,
but to go away to the assistance of their couii-
frymei). Hereupon I said (for I understood
the meaning of Jonathan and his colleagiu^s)
that I wi'.s ready to coni|)ly with what tliev
proposed, and without delay to march to the
«ar which they spake of, yet did I advise
them, at the same time, that since these let-
ters declared that the Romans would make
their assault in fourseveral places, theyshouM
part their forces info five bodies, and make
Jonathan and his colleagues generals of each
body of them, because it was fit for brave men
not Lilly to give counsel, but to take tlie jjlace
of leaders, and assist their countrymeti when
such a necessity pressed them ; for, said I, it
is not possible for me to lead tnore than om;
party. This advice of mine greatly ]ilease>1
the multitude; so they compelled them to go
forth to the war. But their designs were put
into very much disorder, because they had not
done what they had designed to do, on account
of my stratagem, which was opposite to their
undertakings.
36. Now there was one whose name was
Ananias (a wicked man he was, and very mis-
chievous) ; he proposed that a general religi-
ous fast -f should be ajjpointed the next day
for all the ])eople, and gave order that at the
same hour tiiev should come to the same place,
without any weapons, to make it manitest be-
fore God, that wliile they i;btained his assist-
ance, they thought all these weajious useless.
'J'his he said, not out of jiiety, but that they
might catch me and my friends unarmed.
Now, I was heieu])ou forced to comply, lest
I should a))pear to despise a proposal that
tended to piety. As soon, therefore, as wo
were gone home, Jonathan and his colleagues
wrote to John to come to them in the mom.
ing, and desiring him to come with as many
soldiers as he possibly could, for that they
should then be able easily to get me into their
hands, and to ilo all they desired to do. —
When John had received tliis letter, he resolv-
ed to comply with it. As for myself, on the
next day, 1 ordered two of the guards of uij
body, wiiom 1 esteemed the mo^t courageous
and most faitiiful, to hide daggers under tlieir
+ One may observe here, that this Irxy-fharisec, Ana-
nias, ;is «i' h,ive scvn he was (seit. i;l , li«>k upo liun 'C
appoint a fast at Tiberias, and was t Ucyeil ; tliot.gli ui
decti >t was not out of rtiiginn, bot kjiavisii |<or>o%'
THE LIFE OF FLAViUS JOSEPIIUS
10
g:ij-iin;iils, and to go along with me, that we
might defend oui=eives, if any attack should,
be made upon us by our enemies. I also my- j
self took my breastplato, and girded on my 1
sword, so that it might he, as far as it was pos- |
sible, concealed, and came into tlie Proseucha. i
i7. No« Jesus, who was the ruler, com-]
manded that they siiould exclude all that came j
with me, for he kept the door himself, and |
suO'ered none but his friends to go in. Audi
while we were engaged in the duties of the
d.iy, and had betaken ourselves to our pray- i
ers, Jesus got up, and inquired of me what
w as become of the vessels that were taken out
of the king's palace w!:en it was burnt down,
[and] of tliat uncoined silver : and in whose
possession they now were ? This he said, in
order to drive away time til! John should come.
I said that Cajjellus, and the ten principal men
of Tiberias, had then) all ; and I told him that
they might ask theni whether 1 told a lio or
jiot. And when they said they had them, he
asked me, What is become of those tvventy
pieces of gold which thou didst receive upon
the sale of a certain weight of uncoined mo-
ney ? I replied, that I had given them to
those ambassadors of theirs, as a maintenance
for them, when tliey were sent by them to Je-
rusalem. So Jonathan and his colleagues said
,hat 1 tiad not done well to pay tilt ambassa-
dors out of the public inoiiey. And when
the multitude were very angry at thetn for
this, for they perceived the wickedness of the
men, I understood that a tumult was going to
arise ; and being desirous to provoke the peo-
ple to a greater rage against the men, I said,
" But if I have not done well in paying our
ambassadors out of the public stock, leave oiT
your anger at me, for 1 will repay the twenty
pieces of gold myself."
58. When I had said this, Jonathan and
his colleagues held their peace ; but the peo-
ple were still more irritated against them,
upon their openly showing tlieir unjust ill-will
to me. When Jesus saw this change in the
people, he ordered them to depart, but desired
the senate to stay, for that they cotdd not
examine things of such a nature in a tumult ;
and as the people were crying out that they
ivould not leave me alone, there came one
and tflld Jesus and his friends ])rivate!y, that
John and his armed men vere at hand : where-
upon Jonathan and his colleagues, being able
to contain themselves no longer (and perhaps
the pioviilence of God hereby jjrocuring my
deliverance, for, had not this been so, 1 liud
certainly been destroyed by John), said, " O
you people of Tiberias ! leave oil' this inquiry
about the twenty pieces of gold ; for Josephus
bath not deserved to die for tliem ; but he
hath deserved it by his desire of tyrannizing,
and by cheating the multitude of the Gali-
'eans with his sjjeeches, in order to gain the
dominion over them." Wlien he had said
tliis, they presently laid hands upon me, and
endeavoured to kill me : but as soon as those
tiiat were with me saw what they did, they
drew their swords, and threatened to smite
them, if they offered any violence to me.
The people also took up stones, and were
about to throw them at Jonallian ; ai'd so
they snatched me from the violence of my
enemies.
59. But as I was gone out a little way, I
was just upon meeting John, wiio was marcli-
ing with his armed men. So I was afraid of
him, and turned aside, and escaped by a nar-
row passage to the lake, and seized on a ship,
and embarked in it, and sailed over to Tari-
chea». So, beyond my expectation, I escaped
this dangei. Whereupon I presently sent for
the chief of the Galileans, and told them after
what manner, agamst all faith given, I had
been very near to destruction from Jonathan
and his colleagues, and the [)eople of Til)erias.
Upon which the multitude of the Galileans
were very angry, and eiicoiuaged me to delay
no longer to make «ai' uptin them, but to
permit them to go against John, and utterly
to destroy him, as well as Jonathan and his
colleagues. However, I restrained them,
though they were in suoi a rage, and desired
them to tarry a while, liU we should be in-
formed what orders those ambassadors that
were sent by tliem to the city of Jerusaleirj
should bring thence; for I told them that it
was best to act according to tlieir deterniina-
tion ; whereupon they were prevailed on. At
which time also, John, when the snares he
had laid did not take etiect, returned ijack to
Gischala.
60. Now, in a few days those ambassadors
whom we had sent, came back again and in-
formed us that the people were greatly pro-
voked at Ar.anus, and Simon the son of Ga-
maliel, and their friends ; that, without any
public determination, they had sent to Gali-
lee, and had done their endeavours that I
might be turned out of the government. The
ambassadors said fartlier, that the people were
ready to burn their houses. They also brought
letters, whereby the chief men of Jerusalem,
at the earnest petition of the people, confirm-
ed me in the government of Galilee, and en-
joined Jonathan and his colleagues to return
home quickly. When I had gotten these
letters, 1 came to tlie village Arbela, where I
procured an assembly of the fJalUeans to meet,
and bid the ambassadors declare to them tiie
anger of the people of Jerusalem at what had
been done by Jonathan and his colleagues,
and howmucli they hated their wicked doings,
and iiow they had confirmed me in the go-
verinnent of their country, as also what relat-
ed to the order they had in writing for Jona-
than and liis colleagues to return home. So
I inmiediately sent them the letter, and bid
him tliat carried it to inquire, as well as he
could, bow they intended to act [on Lliii occa-
sion].
•^^
20
THE i,irj: or flaviu-s .H)si:i'I1us.
61. Now when they liad rci-civcd tliat let-
ter, and were thereby greatly disturbeil, they
sent for John, and for tlic senators of 'i'ibe-
rias, and for tlie princiiial men of the Gaba-
rens, and jironosed to hold a council, and de-
sired them to consider what was to be done
l)y them. However, the governors of Tibe-
rias were greatly disposed to kee[) the govern-
ment to themselves ; for they said it was not
fit to desert their city, now it was committed
to their trust, and that otherwise I should not
delay to fall upon tliem ; for they pretended
falsely that so I had tlireatened to do. Now
John was not only of their opinion, but ad-
vised them, that two of them should go to
accuse me before the multitude [at Jerusa- '
leml, that I do not manage the allairs of,
Galilee as I ought to do; and tliatthcy would
easily persuade the peoi)lc, because of their
dignity, and because the whole multitude are!
very mutable. — When, therefore, it apjicared |
that John iiad suggested the wisest advice to
them, they resolved that two of them, Jona- !
than and Anmias, sliould go to the peojile of
Jerusalem, and the other two [Simon and '
Joazar] should be left behind to tarry atTibe- |
rias. They also took along with them a hun-
dred soldiers for their guard.
62. However, the governors of Til)erias
took care to have their city secured with walls, I
and commanded their inhabitants to take their ;
arms. They also sent for a great many sol. '
diers from John, to assist tliem against me, if
there should be occasion for them. Now
John was at Gischala. Jonathan, tlierefore, j
and those that were with him, when they were !
departed from Tiberias, and as soon as they j
were come to Dabaritui, a village tl)at lay in |
the utmost parts of Galilee, in the great plain, '
tiiey, about midnight, fell among tlie guards '
1 had set, who both coinm:'.iided them to lay
■iside their weapons, and kept them in bonds
upon the [)iace, as I had charged them to do.
This news was written to me by Levi, who
had the command of that guard committed to
him by me. Hereupon I said nothing of it
for two days; and, pretending to know no-
thing about it, I sent a message to the ijcojjle
of Tiberias, and advised them to lay their
arms aside, and to dismiss their men, that they
might go home; but supposing that Jona-
than, and those that were with him, were al-
ready arrived at Jerusalem, they made re-
proachful answers to me; yet was I not terri-
lied thereby, but contrived another stratagem
Hgainst them ; for I did not think it agreeable
with i)iety to kindle the fire of war against the
citizens. As I was desirous to draw those
men away from Tiberias, 1 chose out ten
thousand <>f the best of my armed men, and
divided them into three bodies, and ordered
them to go privately, and lie still as an am-
bush, in the villages. 1 also led a tliousand
into another village, wliich lay indeed in the
mountains, as did tlie others, but only four
furlongs distant from TiberJHs; and gave
ortlers, that when they saw my signal, they
slioidd come down immediately, while 1 my-
self lay witli my soliliers in the sight of every
body. Hereupon tlie people of Tiberias, at
the sight of me, came running out of the city
per|)etually, and abused me greatly. Nay,
their madiiOss was come to that height, that
they iiKide a decent bier for me, and, standing
about it, they mourned over me in the way of
jest and sport ; and I could not but be my
self in a pleasant humour upon the sight oi
this madness of theirs.
6:5. And now being desirous to catch Simon
by a wile, and Joazar willi him, I sent a mes-
sage to them, and desired them to come a
little way out of the city, and many of their
friends to guard them ; for I said I would
come down to them, and make a league with
them, and divide the government of Galilee
witli tliem. Accordingly Simon was deluded,
on account of his imprudence, and out of the
hopes of gain, and did not delay to coine ;
but Joazar, suspecting snares were laid for
him, staid behind. So when Simon was come
out, and his friends with him for his guard,
I met him, and saluted him with great civi-
lity, and professed that I was obliged to him
for his coming up to me; but a little while
afterward I walked along witli him, as though
1 would say something to him by himself;
and when 1 had drawn him a good way from
his friends, I took him about the middle, and
gave him to my friends that were with me,
to carry him into a village; and commanding
my armed men to come down, I with them
made an assault upon Tiberias. Now, as the
fight grew hot on both sides, and the soldiers
belonging to Tiberias were in a fair waj t«
conquer me (for my armed men were already
fled away), I saw the posture of my all'airs;
and encouraging those that were with me, 1
pursued those of Tiberias, even when they
were already conquerors, into the city. I
also sent another band of soldiers into the
city by the lake, and gave them orders to set
on fire the first house they could seize upon.
When this was done the people of 'I'iberia.'J
thought that their city was taken by force,
and so threw down their amis for fear ; and
implored, they, their wives, and children, that
I would spare their city. So I was overjier-
suaded by their entreaties, and restrained the
soldiers from the vehemency with which they
pursued thtni ; while I myself, upon the conv
ing on of t!ie evening, returned back with my
soldiers, and went to refresh myself. I also
invited Simon to sup with me, and comforted
him on occasion of what had happened ; and
I promised that I would send him safe and
secure to Jerusalem, and withal would give
him ])rovisions for his jourrey thither.
64. But on the next day, I brought ter
thousand armed men with me, and came to Ti-
bi«ias. i then sent for the principal ni^n of llw
THE LJl'E OF FLAVILS JOSEPIIUS.
multitude into tlie public place, and enjoined
them io tell me who were the authors of the
revolt ; and wlien they told me who the men
were, I sent tliem bound to the city Jotapata;
but, as to Jonathan and Ananias, I freeil them
fiom their bonds, and gave them provisions
for their journey, together with Simon and
Joazar, and five hundred armed men who
should guard them ; and so T sent them to
Jerusalem. The people of Tiberias also came
to me again, and desiied that I would forgive
lliem for what they liad done ; and they said
they would amend what they had done amiss
with regard to me, by their fidelity for the
time to come ; and they besought me to ))re-
serve what spoils remained upon the pluntier
of the city, for those that had lost them.
Accordingly, I enjoined those that h;id got
them, to bring them all before us; and when
they did not comply for a great while, and I saw-
one of the soldiers that were about me with a
garment on that was more spiendid than ordi-
nary, I asked him whence he had it ; and when
he replied that he had it out of tlie plunder
of the city, I had him punished with stripes;
and I threatened all the rest to inflict a severer
punishment upon them, unless they produced
before us whatsoever they had plundered ; and
wlien a great many spoils were brought to-
gether, I restored to every one of Tiberias
what they claimed to be their own.
G5, And now 1 am come to this part of
my narration, I have a mind to say a few
things to Justus, who hath himself written a
history concerning these affairs ; as also to
3thers who profess to write history, but have
little regard to truth, and are not afraid, either
out of ill-will or good-will to some persons,
to relate falsehoods. Tliese men do like those
who compose forged deeds and conveyances ;
and becau'ic they are not brought to the like
punishment with them, tliey have no regard
to truth. When, therefore, Justus undertook
to write about these facts, and about the
Jewish war, that he miglit appear to have
been an industrious man, he falsified in what
he related about me, and could not speak
truth even about his own country ; whence it
is that, being belied by him, 1 am under a
necessity to make my liefence ; and so I shall
say what I have concealed til! now ; and let
no one wonder that I have not told the world
these things a great while ago; for although
it be necessary foi a historian to write the
truth, yet is such a one not boiuid severelv to
animadvert on the wickedness of certain men,
— not out of any favour to them, but out of
an author's own moderation. How then
comes it to pass, O Justus ! thou most saga-
cious of writers (that 1 may address myself
to him as if he were here present), for so thou
boastest of thyself, that I and the Galileans
have been tlie authors of that sedition which
thy country engaged in, both against the Ro-
in;uis and against the king [Agrippa, junior]?
— for before ever I was appointed governor
of Galilee by the community of Jerusalem,
both thou and all the people of Tiberias had
not only taken up arms, but had made war
with Decapolis of Syria. Accordingly, thou
hadst ordered their villages to be burnt, and a
domestic servant of thine fell in the battle.
Nor is it I only who say this ; but so it is
written in the Commentaries of Vespasian,
the cmj.ieror ; as also how- the inhabitants of
Decapolis came clamouring to Vespasian at
Ptokmais, and desired that thou, who wast
the author [of that war], mightst be brought
to punishment ; and thou hadst certainly been
piuiished at the command of Vespasian, had
not king Agrippa, who l,ad power given him
to have thee jjut to death, at the earnest en-
treaty of his sister Bernice, changed the pu-
nishment from death into a long imprison-
ment. Thy political administration of affairs
afterward doth also clearly discover both thy
other behaviour in life, and that thou wast the
occasion of thy country's revolt from the Ro-
mans ; plain signs of which I shall produce
presently. I have also a mind to say a few
things to the rest of the peo])le of Tiberias on
thy account ; and to demonstrate to those
that light upon this histoiy, that you bare no
good-will, neither to the Romans nor to the
king. To be sure, the greatest cities of Gali-
lee, O Justus! w-ere Sepphoris, and thy coun-
try Tiberias ; but Sepphoris, situated in the
very midst of Galilee, and having many vil
lages about it, and able w ith ease to have )>ecn
bold and troublesome to the Romans, if they
had so pleased, — yet did it resolve to con-
tinue faithful to those their masters, and at
the same time excluded me out of their citv,
and prohibited all their citizens from joining
with the Jews in the war ; and, that they might
he out of danger from me, they, bv a wile,
got leave of me to fortify their city with walls:
they also, of their own accord, admitted of a
garrison of Roman legions, sent them by Ces-
tius Galius, who was then president of Syria,
and so had me in contempt, though I was then
very powerful, and all were greatly afraid of
me ; and at the sanie time that the greatest of
our cities, Jerusalem, was besieged, and that
temple of ours, which belonged to us all, was
in danger of falling under the enemy's power,
they sent no assistance thither, as not willing
to liave it thought they would bear arms
agj'.inst the Romans ; but as for thy country,
O Justus ! situated upon the lake of Gene-
sareth, and distant from Hippos thirty fur-
longs, from Gadara sixty, and from Scytho-
polis, which was imder the king's jurisdiction,
a hundred and twenty ; when tliere w-as no
Jewish city near, it might easily have pre-
served its fidelity [to the Romans] if it had so
pleased them to do; for the city and its peo-
ple had plenty of weapons ; but, as thou say-
est, I was t/ie?i the author [of their revolt ;
and pray, O Justus ' w ho was that author tif.
r
THE LIFE OF FLA VI US JOSEPHUS.
irnvardi t — for thou knowest that I was in the
power of the Hoiiinns before Jerusalem was
hesiegeil, and before tlie same time Jota));ita
was taken by force, as well as many other for-
tresses, and a great many of the Galileans
fell in the war. Ii was therefore then a pro-
jier time, when you were certaiidy freed from
any fear on my account, to throw away your
weapons, and to demonstrate to tiie king and
to the liomans, that it was not of cljoice, but
us forced by necessity, that you fell into the
war against them ; but you staid till Vespasian
came himself as far as your walls, with his
whole army ; and then you did indeed lay
aside your weapons out of fear, and your city
had for certain been taken by force, unless
Vespasian had complied with the king's sup-
plication for you, and had excused your mad-
ness. It was not I, therefore, who was the
author of this, but your own inclinations lo
war. Do not you remember how often I got
you under my power, and yet put none of you
to tleath ? Nay, you once fell into a tumult
one against another, and slew one hundred
and eighty-tive of your citizens, not on ac-
count of your good-will to the king and to
the Romans, but on account of your own
wickedness, and this while I was besieged by
the Romans in Jotapata. Nay, indeed, were
there not reckoned up two thousand of the
people of Tiberias during the siege of Jeru-
salem, some of whom were slain, and the rest
caught and carried captives ? But thou will
pretend that thou didst not engage in the war,
since thou didst flee to the king ! Yes, indeed,
thou didst flee to iiim ; but I say it was out of
fear of me. Thou sayest, indeed, that it is 1
who am a wicked man. But then, for what
reason was it that king Agrippa, v\ ho procur-
ed thee thy life when thou wast condenmed to
die by Vespasian, and who besUued so much
riches upon thee, did tw ice afterward put thee
in bonds, and as often obliged thee to run
away from thy country, and, w hen he had once
ordered thee to be put to death, he granted
thee a pardon at the earnest desire of Ber-
nice ? And when (after so many of thy wick-
ed pranks) he had made thee his secretary, he
caught thee falsifying his epistles, and drove
thee away from liis sight. But I shall not
"inijuire accurately into these matters of scan-
dal against thee. Yet cannot I but wonder
at thy impudence, when thou hast the assur-
ance to say, that thou hast better related these
affairs jof the war] than have all the others
that have wiitteii about them, whilst thou didst
not know what was done in Galilee; for thou
wast tlien at Berytus with the king; nor didst
thou know how much the Romans suUercd at
the siege of Jotapata, or what miseries they
brought ujjon us; nor couldsl thou learn by
inquiry what I did during that siege myself;
for all those that nnght alloid such informa-
tion were (juite destroyed in that siege. But
|»crhaps tliou wdt say, thou hast written of
what was done against the people of Jerusa-
lem exactly. But how should that be ;■ for
neither wast thou coiu'erned in (hat war, nor
hast thou read the conmieiitaries of CcCsar;
of which we have evident proof, because thou
hast contradicted those commentaries of C'a'sar
in thy history. But if thou art so hardy as
toalHrm that thou hast written that history bet-
ter than all the rest, why didst lliou not pub-
lish thy history while the emperors Vesjjasian
and Titus, the generals in that war, as well as
king Agrippa and his family, who were men
very well skilled in the learning of the Greeks,
were all alive f for thou hast had it written
these twenty years, and then mightst thou
have had the testimony of thy accuracy. But
now when these men are no longer with us,
and thou thinkest thou canst nut he conlra-
dicied, liioii venturest to publish it. But tlien
I uas not in like manner afraid of my own
writing, but I oH'ered my books to theem))er-
ors themselves, when the facts were almost
under mens' eyes ; for I was conscious to my-
self that I had observed the truth of the facts;
and as I expected to have their attestation to
them, so I was not deceived in such expecta-
tion. iMoreover, I immediately |)resented my
history to many other persons, some of whom
were concerned in the war, as was king Agrip-
pa and some of his kindred. Now tlie em-
peror Titus was so desirous that the know ledge
of these all'airs should be taken from these
books alone, that he subscribed hi.s own hand
to them, and ordered that they should be pub-
lished ; and for king Agiippa, he wrote me sixty-
two letters, and attested to the truth of « hat
I had therein delivered ; two of which letters
I have here subjoined, and thou mayst there-
by know their contents: — " King Agrippa to
Josephus, his dear friend, sendeth greeting. 1
have read over thy book with great pleasure,
and it appears to me that thou hast done it
much more ai cnrately, and with greater care,
than have the other writers. Send ir.e the rest
of these books. Farewell, my dear fiieiid."
" King Agrippa to Josephus, his dear friend,
sendelh greeting. It seems by what thou hast
written, tliat thou staiulest in need of no in-
struction, in oriler toour intbrination from the
beginning. However, when thou comest to
me, I will inform thee of a great many things
which thou dost not know." So when this
history wa5perfected, Agrippa, neither Ijy vvay
of (Littery, which was not agreeable to hiin,
nor by wav of irony, as thou wilt say 'for he
was entirely a stranger to such an evil dispo-
sition of miiui), but he wrote this by way of
attestation to what was true, as all that read
hi-.tories may do. Aiul so much shall be said
conteniing Justus, * which I am obliged to
add by w ay of digression.
♦ The iliar.ictfr of this liistorv- of Justus of TilH-tiia.
the rival of our .loM-phiis, w [li li is now lost, witf: its
only rLinaiiiiiip Inujiueiit, aie -jiven us bya\ev\al;!*
critic, I'lioUxs, \Ai.: itUiU tlial liistoiv. It u lU tlie Mi
THK Lll'i:: OF I'LAVIUS JOSErilUS.
23
6C. Now, when 1 had settled tiie aflairs of' upon the people of Sepphoris, and took the
Tilitrias, and had assembled my friends as a I city by force. Tiic Galileans took this op-
sanhedrim, I consulted what I should do as to ) portuiiity, as thinking they had riow a proper
John : wiiereitpon it appeared to be the opin-| time for sKewinj; tiieir hatred to thern, since
iuii of all the Galileans that I should arm I they l)ore ill-will to that city also, 'riiey then
them all, and march against John, and punish ! exerted themselves, as if they would destroy
him as the author of all the disorders that had I them all utterly, vvith those that sojourned
bajipcned. Yet was not I pleased with their , there also. So they ran upon them, and set
determination; as purposing to compose these | their houses on tire, as tinding them without
troubles without bloodshed. Upon this I ex- I inliabitan.ts ; for tlie men, out of fear, ran to-
borted them to use the utmost care to learn gether to the citadel. So the Galileans car-
the names of all tliat were under John; which ried oft" every tiling, and omitted no kind or
when they had done, and I thereby was ap-- desolation m iiieh they could bring upon their
))rized who the men were, I published an edict, j countrymen. When I saw this, I was ex-
wherein I otJ'ered security and my right hand Iceedingly troublid at it, and commanded them
to such of John's party as had a mind to re- i *o leave oft", and put them in mind that it was
pent ; and I allowed twenty days' time to such iiot agreeable to piely to do such things to
their countrymen : but since tliey neither
as would take this most advantageous course
for themselves. I also threatened, that unless
they threw down their arms, I would burn
would hearken to what I exhorted, nor to
what I commanded them to do (for the liairiil
their houses, and expose their goods to public '. they bore to the people there was too hard t'or
sale. When the men heard of this, they were | my exhortations to thein), I bade those n)v
in no small disorder, and deserted John ; and [ friends, w ho wore most faithful to me, and
to the numl)er of four thousand threw down ! uerc about me, to give out reports, as if the
their arms, and came to me So that no others | Romans were falling ujion the other jiart of
staid with John but his own citizens, and about I the city with a great army; and this I did,
fifteen hundred straiurers that came from the i that, bv such a report Ijein';; spread abroad, 1
iiietrojjolis of Tyre ; and when John saw that might rtstram t!ie violence of tlie Galileans,
he had been outwitted by my stratagem, he I and preserve the city of Sepphoris. And at
continued afterward in liis own country, and ; length this stratagem had its effect ; for, upon
was in great fear of me. ! hearing this report, they v. ere in fear for them .
67. iJut about this time it was that the peo- selves, and so they left oft" ])lundering, and r m
jile of Sepphoris grew insolent, and took up away ; and this more es|)ecially, because tliey
arms, out of a confidence they had in the saw me, their general, do liio same also ; for,
strength of their walls, and because they saw that 1 inigiit cause this report to be believed,
me engaged in other affairs also. So they I pretended to be in fear as well as they. —
sent to Cestius Gailus, who was president of Thus were the inhabitants of Sc])phoris un-
Syria, and desired that he would either come expectedly preserved by this contrivance of
quickly to them, and take their city under his mine.
protection, or send them a garrison. Accord- ; 68. Nay, indeed, Tiberias had like to liave
ingly Gallus promised them to come, but did been ])lundered by the Galileans also upon the
not send word when he would come: and following occasion: — The chief men of the
when I had learned so much, I took the sol- senate wrote to the king, and desired that he
disrs ii;.at were with me, and made an assault \voulil come to them, and take possession of
tliiir city. 'i'he king promised to come, and
co',ie nf his Bibliotheca. and rvms thus :—" I have react „ roio a'letter in answer to theirs, and gave it
(savs l^noliusl tlie (.hroiiology ol .lustus of 1 ibcrias, i- i ■ i i i i
Tvliose title is this, [7'/i£ C/ndiio/n/ry of] the Kin-^'s iii\ '"' ""f "' '"s bed-chamber, whose name was
Judah. which sucreeded nne aiiiMcr.' I'his .i_.)usnisj t'ispus, and who was bv birth a Jew, to carry
came Oiit ot the city of Tiberias in (iaii lee Me begins -. . -r-. • •,,-, i' /-^ i-i i , "
his history from Moses, anil ends it not till the ,lcath of "■ '" ^ ibenas. W lien tlie Galileans knew tli.il
AKiipi-a, "the sevtiitli [ruler] of the tatiuly of Heiod, tliis man carried such a letter, thcv cauplit him
and the !;ist kiiiL'of the Jews; wliu tookrlhcrfovoriiiiieiil : ..., I i.,.„ i. i- , i , ' ,
jmWrClaudius, had it augmented under N.-To, and .stdl'"><l IJ' ought him to me; but as soon as tlie
niiire augmented by Vesi>a..ia)i. He died ni the third whole multitude heard of it, :hey were en-
iZ:^'i:;'r{j:^::^t^rJ^::^^';;:t;.. !^ra::i^-s^'i^ -'<i ^^^--^ themseues to their arm.
affairs tnat were most n^•ee^sary to be insisted on ; and i So a great manv of them got tO"-ether fro:ii
SlfrU^a^J^wrb^Jtl^^t'nia^s^uhetsU,:;;! | ^'1 'i"-'-- ^'^ '"^^^ '^^'^ ^"^ '^-^^ '- ''- -'>
tioii of the uiipearaixe of C'liri>t, or wliat thin s lia|)- i Asocliis, where I then lodged, and inade hea\ v
i>ened to him, <;r of the woudeilal works that he did. clamours, and called the city of 'i'iberias 'h
He was Die son ot a certain Jew, whose name wns I'ls- 1 . i /• • . , ■ •
tus. He was a man, as he is dcseribinl bv Josephus, of I traitor to them, anil a friend to the king ; and
a most inofligate eli raeier; a slave bothto money and ! desired leave of me to :ro dou n and utterly de-
to pleasures. In piihlie aflairs he was oiiiiosite to Jose- : . -» r i i i i-i -n -i, '
lituis; and it is lelatfd, that he laid many nlots against | *'"■">■ '* 5 ''■"' '^''">" '"^'"^ ^"^ '"^'^ lll-will to tliv
him; but that Josephus, Ihough he had his en.mv ' people of "i'iberias as thev did to lliose of Sep-
ffcciuently under his power, did onlv reproaeh him in : ,^1, ,, .; '
words, iuid so let liini go without farther i>uni^hment. I'"""^-
Hesa\salso, that ti.e liistory whieh ti is man wrote is 69. When I heard this, I was in doubt w li--.l
for tlie main fabviloiiM, and I lueliv as to tliosenart-s wliere . j 1 1 •. . 1 i 1 . i ■ ,
he describes the Uoniin war witli the Jews, iid the tak- 1 '" ^"' ^'"^ licsitaled by what means i migl.t
in,' of Jeruoaiem." i deliver Tiberias from the rage of tlic Galj-
~v.
u
THK L!li; Ol' FI.AVIUS JOSKl'HUS.
loans ; for I could not dctiy that those of 'I'i-
herins had written to the kiiipj, and invited liiin
to coine to diem ; for hi^ letters to them, in
answer thereto, would fully prove the truth of
that. So I sat a lonjf time musing with my-
seli, and then said to them, " I know well
eiKJUgli that the ])eo|)le of Tiberias have of.
iViided ; nor sliall I forbid you to plunder the
city. However, such tilings ought to be done
with discretion ; for they of Til)erias have not
been tlie only betrayers of our liberty, but
many of the most eminent ])atriots of the
Galileans, as they pretended to be, have done
the same. Tarry therefore till I shall thor-
oughly find out those authors of our danger,
and then you shall have them all at once under
your power, witii all sucli as you shall your-
selves bring in also." Upon my saying this,
I pacified the multitude, and they left off their
anger, and went their ways ; and I gave or-
ders that he who brought the king's letters
should l)e put into bonds; but in a few days
I preten(U><l that I was obliged, by a necessary
atthir of in\ own, to go out of the kingdom.
I then called Crispus [."rivately, and ordered
'•)im to make the soliiier tluU kept him drunk,
and to run away to tJie king. So when Ti-
berias was in danger of being utterly destroy-
ed a second time, it cscajjed the tianger by my
skilful management, and tire care tliat 1 had
for its preservation.
70. Al)out this tinw it was that Justus, the
son of I'istus, without mv knowledge, ran
away to the king; tiie occasion of which 1
will here relate. Upon the beginning or the
war l)etween the Jews and the itomans, tin;
people of Tiberias resolved to submit to the
king, and not to revolt from the Romans ;
while Justus tried to persuade them to betake
themselves to their arms, as bemg himself de-
sirous of innovations, and having hopes of
obtaining the government of Galilee, as wtll
as of his own country [Tiberias] also. Yet
did he not olitain what he hoped for, because
the Galileans bore ill-will to those of Tiberias,
and this on account of their anger at what
miseries they had sufi'ered from them before
the war ; thence it was that they would not
endure that Justus shoukl be their governor.
I myself also, who had been intrusted by the
community of Jerusalem «itli the govern-
ment of Galilee, did frequently come to that
degree of rage at Justus, that 1 had almost
resolved to kill liim, as not able to bear his
mischievous disposition. He was tlierefore
much afraid of me, lest at length iny passion
should come to extremity ; so he went to the
king, as sujiposing tliat he would dwell better
and more saiely with Jiim,
71. Now «-hen il)e people of Sepplioris
had, in so surprising a manner, esca|)ed their
first danger, they sent to festius Gallus, and
desired liim to come to them immediately, and
take possession of their city, or else to send
forces sutiicient to repress all their enemies'
incursions upon them; and at tJie last Uiey
did prevail with Gallus to send them a consi-
derable army, both of horse and foot, which
came in the night-time, and which they ad-
mitied into the city. But when the country
round about it v\'as harassed by tlio Roman
army, I took those soldiers that were about
me, and came to Garismc, where I cast uj) a
bank, a good way of)' the city Sepphoris ; and
when I was at twenty furlongs distance, J
came upon it by night, and made an assault
upon its walls with my forces : and when 1
had ordered a considerable number of my sol-
diers to scale them with ladders, I became
master of the greatest part of the city. But
soon after, our unac(juaintedness with the
places forced us to retire, after we had killed
twelve of the Roman footmen, and two horse-
men, and a few of the people of Sepphoris,
with the loss of only a siiijjle man of our own.
And when it afterwards came to a battle in
the plain against tlie Jiorsemen, and we had
undergone the dangers of it courageously for
a long time, we were beaten ; for upon the
Romans encompassing me about, my soldiers
were afraid, and fell back. There fell in that
battle one of those that had been intrusted to
guard my body ; his name was Justus, who
at this time liad the same post with the king.
At the same time also there came forces, both
horsemen and footmen, from the king, and
Sylla their commander, wlio was the captain
of his guard ; this Sylla pitched his camp at
five furlongs' distance from Julias, and set a
guard upon the roads, both that winch led to
Cana, and that wliich led to the fortress
Gamala, that he might hinder their inhabits
ants from getting provisions out of Galilee.
72. As soon as I had got intelligence of
this, I sent two thousand armed men, and a
captain over them, whose name was Jerenn'ah,
who raised a bank a furlong oil' Julias, near
to the river .Jordan, and did no more than
skirmisii with the enemy ; till I took three
thousand soldiers myself, and came to them.
But on the next day, when I had laid an am- *
bush in a certain valley, not far from the
banks, 1 provoked those that belonged to the
king to come to a battle, and gave orders to
my own soldiers to turn their backs ujjon
them, until they should have drawn the ene-
my away from their camp, and brought them
out into the field, which was done accord-
ingly ; for Sylla, supposing txiat our party did
really run away, was ready to pursue them,
when our soldiers that lay in ambush took
tlicm on their backs, and ])Ut them all into
great disoider. I also immediately made n
Midden turn ^^ilh my own forces, and met
those of the king's parly, and ))ut them to
flight. And I had perlomied great things
that day, if a certain fate liad not l>een my
hinderance ; for the horse on which I rode,
and ii|>on whose back I fought, fell into a
(piagiiiire, and tlircw me on the ground ; ai"'
THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS.
I Yrns bruised on my \vris% and carried into a
village named Cepliarnome, or Capernaum.
When my soldiers heard of this, tlicy were
afraid I had \)€vn worse hurt than I was ;
and so they did not go on with their pursuit
any farther, but returned in verj- great con-
cern for me, I tliervfore sent for the physi-
cians, and wliile I was under tlieir hands, I
continued feverish that day; and as the pJiy-
sicians directed, I was tliat night removed to
Tarii-heje.
11'. When Sylla and his party were in-
formed what hap|>ened to nie, they took cou-
rage again ; and understanding that the watch
was negligently kept in cur camp, they by
night placed a body of horsemen in ambush
?eyond Jordan, and when it was day they
."revoked us to fight ; and as we did not re-
fuse it, but came into the plain, their horse-
men appeared out of Uiat ambush in which
they had lain, ;iiid put our men into disorder,
and made them run away ; so they slew six
men of our side. Yet did they not go off
with the victory at last ; for when they heard
tJiat some armed men were sailed from Ta-
richeae to Julias, they were afraid, and retired,
74. It was not now long before Vespasian
came to Tyre, and king Agripjja with him ;
but the Tyrians began to speak reproachfully
of the king, and called him an enemy to the
Romans ; for Uiey said that Philip, the gene-
ral of his anny, had betrayed the royal palace
and the Roman forces that were in Jerusa-
lem, and tliat it was done by his command.
When Vespasian heard of this report, he re-
buked the Tyrians for abusing a man who
was both a king and a friend to the Romans ;
but he exhorted the king to send Philip to
Rome, to answer for wliat he had done before
Nero But when Philip was sent thither, he
did not come into the sight of Nero, for he
found him vei-y near deatli, on account of the
troubles that tlien happeneti, and a civil war ;
and so he returned to tlie king. But when
Vespasian was come to Ptokmais, tlie chief
men of Decapolis of Syria made a clamour
against Justus of Tiberias, because he had
set tlieir villages on fire : so Vespasian de-
livered him to tlie king, to be put to death by
tljose under the king's jurisdiction ; yet did
the king [only] put him into bonds, and con-
cealed what he had done from Vespasian, as I
have before related. But the people of Sep-
phoris met Vespasian, and saluted liim, and
liad forces sent him, with Plncidus their com-
mander : he also went up with them, as I
also followed them, till Vespasian came into
Galilee. As to which coming of his, and
after what manner it was ordered, and how
he fought his first battle with me near die
village Taricheas, and how from thence they
went to Jotapata, and how I was taken alive,
and bound, and how I was afterward loosed,
with all that was done by me in tlie Jewish
war, anil during tlie siege of Jerusalem, T
25
have accurately related tliem in the books
concerning the War of the Jews. However,
it will, I think, be fit for nie to add now an
account of tiiose actions of my life which I
have not related in that book of the Jewish
war,
75, For, wfien the siege of Jotapata was
over, and I was among the Romans, I was
kept with much care, by means of tlie great
respect that Vespasian showed me. More-
over, at his command, I married a virgin, who
was from among the captives of that country ; •
yet did she not live with me long, but was
divorced, upon my being freed from my bonds,
and my going to Alexandria. However, I
married anotJier wife at Alexandria, and was
thence sent, togetJier witli Titus, to the siege
of Jerusalem, and was frequently in danger
of being put to death, — while botli the Jew-s
were very desirous to get me imder their power,
in order to have me punished ; and the Romans
also, whenever they were beaten, supposed
that it was occasioned by my treachery, and
made continual clamours to the emperors,
and desired that they would bring me to pu-
nishment, as a traitor to them : but Titus
Caesar was well acquainted with the uncer-
tain fortune of war, and returned no answer
to the soldiers' vehement solicitations against
me. Moreover, when the city Jerusalem was
taken by force, Titus Caesar persuaded me
frequently to take whatsoever I would of the
ruins of my coiintrj', and said that he gave
me leave so to do ; but when my country was
destroyed, I thought nothing else to be of any
value which I could take and keep as a com-
fort ander my calamities j so I made this re-
quest to Titus, tliat my family might have
their liberty : I had also the holy books| by
Titus's concession : nor was it long after,
that I asked of him the life of my brother,
and of fifty friends with him ; and was not
denied. When I also went once to the tem-
ple, by the permission of Titus, where there
were a great multitude of captive women ai>d
children, I got all those that I remembered,
as among my own friends and acquaintances,
to be set free, being in number about one
hundred and ninety ; and so I delivered them,
without their paying any price of reden'ption,
and restored tjiem to their former fortune;
and when I was sent by Titus Ca-sar with
Ccrealius, and a tliousand horsemen, to a cer-
tain village called Tliecoa, in order to know
whether it were a place fit for a camp, as I
came back, I saw many captives crucified j
Here Jiifcphus, a priest, honestlv confesses that ha
(lid that at the command of Vespasian, wliiih he liad
b'^or'.' told us was not lawful for a priest lo do bv the
law of Moses, Antiq. b. iii. ch. xii. seijr. 2. 1 meaai, tlic
taking a captive woman to wife. See also Agaiiust An.
pion, b. i. sett. 7. But he scenis to have betn quickly
nsible that his compliance with the commands of an
emperor would not excuse him, for he scon put her
auay, :is lieland justly obsenes here.
1 Uf this most remarkable clause, ajiii its most im-
portant consequences, see Essay on tlic Old Tt-staraent,
i>3Hc 195—190.
26
THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS.
and remt-mbercd three of them as my former
acquaintance. I was very sorry at this in my
miml, and went with tears in my eyes to
Titus, and told him of them ; so lie imme-
diately commanded tliem to be taken down,
and to have the greatest care taken of them,
in order to their recovery ; yet two of tlicm
died under the j)liy!>ician's hands, wliile the
third recovered.
76. I5ut when Titus had composed the
troubles in Jiidea, and conjectured tluit the
lands which I had in Judea would bring me
no profit, because a garrison to guard the
country was afterward to pitch there, he gave
me another country in the plain ; and, when
he was going away to Rome, he made choice
of me to sail along with him, and paid me
great respect ; and wlien we were come to
Rome, I had great care taken of me by Ves-
pasian ; for lie gave me an apartment in his
own house, which he lived in before he came
to thi empire. He also honoured me with
the privilege of a Roman citizen, and gave
me an annual pension ; and continued to
respect me to the end of his life, without any
abatement of his kindness to me; \\hich very
thing made me envied, and brought me into
danger ; for a certain Jew, whose name was
Jonathan, who had raised a tumult in Cyrene,
and had persuaded two thousand men of that
country to join with him, was the occasion of
their niin ; but when he was bound by the
governor of that country, and sent to the em-
peror, he told him that I had sent him both
weapons and money. However, he could not
conceal his being a liar from Vespasian, who
condemned him to die ; according to which
sentence he was put to death. Nay, after
that, when those that envied my good fortune
did frequently bring accusations against me,
by God's providence I escaped them alL I
also received from Vespasian no small quan<
tiiy of laiul, as a free gift, in Judea; about
which time 1 divorced my wife also, as not
pleased with her behaviour, though rnjt till
she had been the mother of lliiee children ;
two of whom are dead, and one, whom I
named Hyrcanns, is alive. Af.er this I mar-
ried a wife who had lived at Crete, but a Jew-
ess by birth : a woman she was of eminent
parents, and such as were the most illustrious
in all the country, and whose character was
beyond that of most other women, as her fu-
ture life did demonstrate. By her I had t'.vo
sons; the eider's name was Justus, and the
next Sinionides, who was also named Agrippa:
and these were the circumstances of my do-
mestic aflairs, Hovvever, the kindness of the
emperor to me continued still the same ; for
when Vespasian was dead, Titus, who suc-
ceeded him in the government, kept up the
same respect for me which I had from his
father; and when I had frequent accusations
laid against me, l>e would not believe them :
and Domitian, who succeeded, still augment-
ed his resjiccts to me; for he punished those
Jews that were my accuseis ; and gave com-
mand that a servant of mine, who was a
eunuch, and my accuser, sluuild be punished.
He also made that country I had in Judea
tax free, which is a mark of the greatest ho-
nour to him who hath it ; nay, Domitia, the
wife of Caesar, continued to do me kindnesses:
And this is the account of the actions of my
whole life ; and let others judge of my cha-
racter by them as they please; but to tlice, O
Epaphroditus,* thou most excellent of men !
do 1 dedicate all this treatise of our Antiqui-
ties ; and so, for t!ie present, I here conclude
the whole.
• Of this Epaphroditus, «ee the uote ou the Prefaos
to the AnUquiiies.
"\.
26
THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS.
and rcmtmhercd three of them as my former
acquaint.inee. I was very sorry at this in njy
mind, and went with tears in my eyes to
Titus, and told liim of them ; so he imme-
diately comnianticd tliem to be taken down,
and to have the greatest care taken of tliem,
in order to their reeovery ; yet two of tliem
died under the pliysician's Itands, wliile the
third recovered.
7G. I5ut when Titus had composed the
troubles in Jiidea, and conjectured tiiat the
lands which I had in Judea would bring me
no profit, because a garrison to guard the
country was afterward to pitch there, he gave
me another country in the plain ; and, when
he was going away to Rome, he made choice
of me to sail along with him, and paid me
great respect ; and wlien we were come to
Rome, I had great care taken of me by Ves-
pasian ; for he gave me an apartment in his
own house, which he lived in before he came
to th« empire. He also honoured me with
the privilege of a Roman citizen, and gave
me an annual pension ; and continued to
respect me to the end of his life, without any
abatement of his kindness to me; which very
thing made me envied, and brought me into
danger ; for a certain Jew, whose name was
Jonathan, who had raised a tumult in Cyrene,
and had persuaded two thousand men of that
country to join with him, was the occasion of
their ruin ; but when he was bound by tlie
governor of that country, and sent to the em-
peror, he told him that I had sent him both
weapons and money. However, he could not
conceal his being a liar from Vespasian, who
condemned him to die ; according to wMch
sentence lie was put to death. Nay, after
tliat, when those that envied my good fortune
did frequently bring accusations against mc,
by God's providence I escaped them all. I
also received from Vespasian no small quan«
tiiy of land, as a free gift, in Judea; about
which time 1 divorced my wife also, as not
pleased with her behaviour, though mrt till
she l)ad been the mother of three children ;
two of wiiom are dead, and one, whom I
named Hyrcanus, is alive. Af er tliis 1 mar-
ried a wife who had lived at Crete, but a Jew-
ess bv birth ; a woman she was of eudnent
parents, and such as were the most illustrious
in all tiie country, and whose character was
beyond that of most other women, as her fu-
ture life did demonstrate. By her I had two
sons ; the elder's name was Justus, and the
next Sirnonides, who was also named Agii])pa:
and these were the circumstances of my do-
mestic atVairs. However, the kindness of the
emperor to me continued still the same ; for
wlien Vespasian was dead, Titus, who suc-
ceeded him in the government, kept up the
same respect for me wliich I had from his
father; and when I had frequent accusations
laid against me, 1k! would not believe them :
and Domjtian, who succeeded, still augment-
ed his respects to me; for he punished those
Jews that were my accuseis; and gave com-
mand that a servant of mine, who was a
eunuch, and my accuser, should be punished.
He also made that country I had in Judea
tax free, which is a mark of the greatest ho-
nour to him who hath it ; nay, Domitia, the
wife of Caesar, continued to do me kimlnesses:
And tliis is the account of the actions of my
whole life ; and let others judge of my cha-
racter by them as they please ; but to thee, O
Epaphroditus,* thou most excellent of men !
do 1 dedicate all this treatise of our Antiqui-
ties; and so, for the present, I here conclude
the whole.
« Of this Epaphroditus, see the note ou the Prcfact
to the Antuiuitiei.
26
THE LIFE OF FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS.
and remtmbercd three of them as my former
ac(iiiaintance. I was very sorry at tins in my
also riH-eived from Vespasian no small quan-
tity of laiul, as a frte gilt, in Jiidea ; about
;;;;;;!;■ ;.:.a--«,»i.h_.i,,s i„ '-y,':>^_^^\'i'±^'^i':'!:°:X^l't:!^Z':!i
n
'U5
THE
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
PREFACE.'
§ 1. Those who undertake to write histories,
do not, I perceive, take that trouble on one
and the same account, but for many reasons,
and tliose such as are verj' different one from
another; for some of them apply themselves
to this part of learning to show their skill in
composition, and that they may therein acquire
a reputation for speaking finely; others of them
there are who write histories, in order to gra-
tify those that happened (o be concerned in
them, and on that account have spared no
pains, but rather gone beyond their own abi-
lities in the performance ; hut others there are,
who, of necessity and by force, are driven to
write history, because they are concerned in
the facts, and so cannot excuse themselves
from committing them to writing, for the ad-
vantage of posterity : nay, there are not a few
who are induced to draw their historical facts
out of darkness into liglit, and to produce
them for the benefit of llie public, on account
of the great importance of the facts them-
selves with v/hich they have been concerned.
Now of these several reasons for writing his-
tory, I must profess the two last were my own
reasons also; for since I wac myself interested
in that war which we Jews had with ths Ro-
mans, and knew myself it9»particu]ar actions,
and what conclusion it had, I was forced to
give the liistory of it, because I saw that
others perverted the truth of those actions in
their writings.
2. Now I have undertaken the present
work, as thinking it will appear to all the
Greeks f worthy of their study; for it will
contain all our antiquities, and tlio constitu-
tion of our government, as interpreted out of
the Hebrew Scriptures ; and indeed I did for-
merly intend, when I wrote of the war, \ to
explain who the Jews originally were, — wliat
fortune^ they had been subject to, — and by
• This preface of Josephiis is excellent in its kind,
and hichly worthy the repeated perusal of the leader,
before he set about the perusal of the work its-Mf.
+ That is, all the Gentiles, both Greeks and Romans.
i We niay seasonably note here, that Jo^ephus wrote
his Seven Books of the Jewish War, long before he
wroce these his Antiquities. Those books of the War
were published about A. D. 75 ; and these Antiquities;
A. D. 93, about eighteen years later
wliat legislator they had been instructed in
piety, and the exercise of other virtues,—
what wars also they had made in remote age?,
till they were unwillingly engaged in this last
witli the Romans ; but because this work
would take up a great compass, I separated it
into a set treatise by itself, with a beginning
of its own, and its own conclusion ; but in
process of time, as usually happens to such
as undertake great things, E grew weary, and
went on slowly, it being a large subject, and
a difficult thing to translate owr history into
a foreign, and to us unaccustomed language.
However, some persons there were who de-
sired to know our history, and so exhorted
me to go on with it; and, above all die rest,
Epaphroditus, § a man who is a lover of all
kind of learning, but is principally delighted
with the knowledge of liistory ; and tiiis on
account of his having been himself concerned
in great affairs, and inany turns of fortune,
and having shewn a wonderful vigour of an
excellent nature, and an immoveable virtuous
resolution in them all. I yielded to this inan's
persuasions, who always excites such as have
abilities in what is useful and acceptable, to
join their endeavours with his. I was also
asham.ed myself to permit any laziness of dis-
position to liave a greater influence upon me
than the delight of taking pains in such studies
as were very useful : I thereupon stirred up
myself, and went on with my work more
cheerfully. Besides the foregoing motives, I
had others which I greatly reflected on ; and
these were, that our forefathers were willing
to communicate such things to others; and
that some of the Greeks took considerable
pains to know the affairs of our nation.
3. I found, therefore, that the second of
the Ptolemies was a king who was extraor-
dinarily diligent in what concerned learning
and the collection of books ; that he was also
§ This Epaphroditus was certainly alive m the third
year of Trajan, A. D. 1(10. See the note on the first
book Against Anion, sect. 1. Who he uas we do not
know; for as to Epaphroditus, the frse<i-niaii of Nero,
and afterwarils Domitian's secretary, who was put to
i death by Domitian, in the tlth or l.'ith year of his
1 reign, he covild not be alive in the third of Trajan.
2S
ANTIQUITIES OF TIIK JEWS.
peculiarly amoitious t» procure a trnnslation
of our law, ami of the constitution of our
goviTiiini'Dt tlieroin contained, into tlii' Greek
tongue. Now Kleazar, tlie liigli priest, one
not inferior to any other of tliat dignity
among us, did not envy the forcnamed king
the participation of tiiat advantage, wliieh
otherwise he would for certain have denied
him, but that he knew tlie custom of our
nation was, to hinder notiiing of what we
esteemed ourselves from being communicated
to others. Accordingly, I thought it became
me botli to imitate the generosity of our high
priest, and to suppose tiiere might even now
be many lovers of learning like the king ; for
he did not obtain all our writings at that time;
but those who were sent to Alexandria as.in-
terpreters, gave him only the books of the
law, while there were a vast number of other
matters in our sacred books. Ti ey indeed
contain in them the history of five thousand
years ; in wliich time happened many strange
accidents, many cliances of war, and great
actions of tht commanders, and mutations of
the form of our government. Upon the
whole, a man that will peruse this history,
may principally learn from it, that all events
succeed well, even to an incredible degree,
and the reward of felicity is proposed by God;
but then it is to those that follow his will, and
do not venture to break his excellent laws ; —
and that so far ai men any way apostatize
from the accurate observation of them, what
was practicable before, becomes impractica-
ble ; * and w hatsoever they set about as a good
thing is converted into an incurable calamity :
— and now I exhort all those that peruse these
books to apply their minds to God ; and to
examine the mind of our legislator, whether
he hath not understood his nature in a man-
ner worthy of him ; and hath not ever ascrib-
ed to him such operations as become his
power, and liath not preserved his writings
from those indecent fables which others have
framed, althougli, by the great distance of
time when he lived, he might have securely
forged sucli lies; for he lived two thousand
years ago; at wliich vast distance of ages the
poets themselves have not been so liardy as to
fix even tlie generations of their gods, much
less the actions of their men, or tlieir own
laws. As I proceed, therefore, I shall accu-
rately describe what is contained in our re
cords, in the order of time that belongs t(
lliem ; for 1 have already proinised so to do
throughout this undertaking, and this without
adding any thing to \»li:it is therein contained,
or t:ikiMg away any thing therefrom.
4. 15ut because almost all our constitution
depends on the wisdom of iVIoses, our legisla-
tor, I cannot avoid saying somewhat concern-
ing him befureliand, tJiough I sliall do it brief-
« Josojilnis here plainly alludes to tlie famous Gretk
|):<>\ crb : If <■<)(! lie willi us, every thing that ia iiniios
lihli- buLuincs pus.siblc.
ly ; I mean, because otherwise those that read
my book may wonder how it coines to pas*
that iiiv discourse, which promises an account
of Imws and historical facts, contains io much
of philoso^iliy. The reader is therefore to know,
that Moses deemed it exceeding necessary,
that he who would conduct his own life well,
and give laws to others, in the first pl<ice
should consider die divine nature, and upon
the contemjilation of God's operations, should
thereby imitate the best of all patterns, so far
as it is possible for human nature to do, and
to endeavour to follow after it; neillier could
the legislator himself have a right mind with-
out such a contemplation ; nor would any
thing he should write tend to the promotion
of virtue in his readers; I mean, unless tliey
be taught first of all, that God is the Father
and Lord of all things, and sees all things,
and that thence he bestows a happy life upon
those that follow him ; but plunges such as
do not walk in the paths of virtue into inevit-
able miseries. Now when Moses was desirous
to teach this lesson to his countrymen, he did
not begin the establishment of iiis laws after
the same manner that other legislators did ; I
mean, upon contracts and other rites between
one man and another, but by raiding their
minds upwards to regard God, and his crea-
tion of the vt'orld ; and by persuading them,
that we men are the most excellent of the
creatures of God upon earth. Now when
once he had brought them to submit to reli-
gion, he easily persuaded them to submit in
all other things; for, as to other legislators,
they followed fables, and, by their discourses,
transferred the most reproachful of human
vices unto tlie gods, and so afforded wicked
men the tnost plausible excuses for their
crimes ; but, as for our legislator, when he had
once demonstratid that C-od was possessed of
perfect virtue, he supposed tliat men also
ought to strive after the participatjoii of it;
and oil those wlio did not so think and so
believe, he inflicted tlie severest punishments.
I exhort, therefore, my readers to examine
this whole undertaking in that view ; for
thereby it will appear to tliem that there is
notiiing therein disagreeable either to the ma-
jesty of God, or to his love to mankind ; for
all things have liere a reference to the nature
of tlie universe; while our legi-lator speaks
some things wisely, but enigmatically, and
otliers under a decent allegory, but still ex-
plains such things as required a direct expli-
cation plainly and expressly. However, those
that have a mind to know the reasons of every
thing, may find here a very curious philoso-
phical theory, which I now indeed shall wave
the exjilication of; but if God at^'ord me time
for it, I will set about writing it, f after I
t As to this intended work of Josciihus, ooiioeniing
the rcnsons <i" many of the Jewish laus, and what iitu-
losoiilii<al or allrporiial sen.-t- Ihey would bear, Uu- )(«;«
of which work is by stiiiie of the lianuxl not miiih r»»
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
S9
have finished the present work. I shall now
betake myself to the history before me, after
I have first mentioned what Moses says of die
creation of tJie world, which I find described
in the sacred books after the manner follow.
BOOK I.
CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF THREE THOUSAND EIGHT HUNDRED AND
THIRTY-THREE YEARS.
FROM THE CREATION TO THE DEATH OF ISAAC.
CHAPTER I.
THE CONSTITUTION OF THE WORLD, AND THE
DISPOSITION OF THE ELEMENTS.
§ 1. In the beginning God created tlie hea-
ven and the earth ; but when the eartli did
not come into sight, but was covered with
thick darkness, and a wind moved upon its
surface, God commanded that there should be
light ; and when that was made, he considered
■A\e whole mass, and separated the liglit and
the darkness; and the name he gave to one
was Night, and the other he called Day ; and
he named the beginning of light and the time
of rest, Tlie Evening and The Morning ; and
this was indeed the first day : but Moses said
it was one day, — the cause of which I am
able to give even now ; but because I have
promised to give such reasons for all things
in a treatise by itself, I shall put off its expo-
sition till that time. After this, on the second
Jay, he placed the heaven over the whole
world, and separated it from the other parts ;
and he determined it should stand by itself.
He also placed a crystalline [firmament] round
it, and put it together in a manner agreeable
^o the earth, and fitted it for giving moisture
and rain, and for affording the advantage of
dews. On the third day he appointed the
dry land to appear, with the sea itself round
about it ; and on the very same day he made
the plants and the seeds to spring out of the
earth. On the fourth day he adorned the
heaven with the sun, the moon, and the other
stars ; and appointed them their motions and
courses, that the vicissitudes of the seasons
might be clearly signified. And on the fifth
gretted, I am inclinable in part to Fabrjcius's opinion,
ap. Havereamp, p. 63, 64, that " we need not doubt
but, amonc; some vain and frigid conjectures derived
|Tom Jewish imaginations, Joseplius would Iiave taught
us a greater number of excellent and useful things,
wliich perhaps nolxidy, neither among the Jews nor
among the t hristiaiis, can now inform us of; so tliat 1
vouldgive 4 great deal to ftnd it still e^^t^t."
day he produced the living creatures, both
those that swim and those that fly ; the former
in the sea, the latter in the air : he also sorted
them as to society and mixture, for procrea-
tion, and that their kinds might increase and
multiply. On the sixth day he created the
four-footed beasts, and made them male and
female : on the same day he also formed man
Accordingly Moses says. That in just six days
the world and all that is therein was made;
and that the seventh day was a rest, and a re-
lease from the labour of such operations ; —
whence it is that we celelirate a rest from our
labours on that day, and call it the Sabbath ;
which word denotes rest in the Hebrew tongue.
2. Moreover, Moses, after the seventh day
was over, * begins to talk philosophically ; and
concerning the formation of man, says thus :
That God took dust from the ground, and
formed man, and inserted in him a spirit and'
a soul, f This man was called Adam, which
in the Hebrew tongue signifies one Uiat is red,
because he was formed out of red earth, com-
pounded together ; for of that kind is virgin
and true earth. God also presented the living
creatures, when he had made them, according
to their kinds, botli male and female, to Adam,
who gave them those names by which they are
still called. But when he saw Uiat Adam had
* Since Josephus, in his Preface, sect. 4, says, that
Moses wrote some things enigmatically, some allegori-
cally, and the rest in plain words, since in his account
of the first chapter of Genesis, and the first three verses
of the second, he gives us no hints of any mystery
at all ; but when he here comes to ver. 4, &c. he says
that Moses, after the seventh day was over, began to
talk philosophically, it is not very improbaljle that he
undersiood the rest of the second and the third chap-
ters in some enigmatical, or allegorical, or philosophical
sense. The change of the name of God, just at this
place, from Elohim to JeTiovah Elohirn ; from God to
Lord God, in the Hebrew, Samaritan, and Septuagint,
does also not a little favour some such tliange in the
narration or construction.
t We may observe here, that Josephus supposed man
to bt' compounded of spirit, soul, and body, with St
Paul, I Thes, v. 25, and the rest of the aiicients : he
elsewhere savs also, that the blood of animals was for-
bidden to be' eaten, as havii^g in it soul and spirit. Aji
ti . b. iii. chap, xi- sect Z.
30
ANTIQUITIES OF THI-: JEWS.
no female companion, no society, for tlicrc
was no such created, and that he wondered at
tlie oilier animals whidi were male and female,
he laid liim asleep, and took away one of his
ribs, and out of it formed the woman ; where-
upon Adam knew her when she was brought
to him, and acknowledged that she was made
out of himself. Now a woman is called in
the Hebrew tongue /sayj; but the name of
this woman was Eve, which signifies the mo-
Uier of all living.
S. Wcses says farther, that God jjlantcd a
paradise in the east, flourishing with all sorts
of trees ; and that among them was the tree
of life, and another of knowledge, whereby
was to be known what was good and evil ;
and that when he brought Adam and his wife
into this garden, he commanded them to take
care of the plants. Now the garden was wa-
tered by one river, * which ran round about
the whole earth, and was parted into four
parts. And Phison, which denotes a multi-
tude, running into India, makes its exit into
the sea, a;u' is by the Greeks called Ganges.
Euphrates also, as well as Tigris, goes down
into the Red Sea. ■*• Now the name Euphra-
tes, or Phrath, denotes either a dispersion, or
a flower: by Tigris, or Diglath, is signified
what is swift, with narrowness; and Geon
runs through Egypt, and denotes what arises
from tlie east, which the Greeks call Nile.
4. God therefore commanded that Adam
and his wife should eat of all the rest of the
plants, but to abstain from the tree of know-
ledge ; and foretold to them, that, if they
touched it, it would prove their destruction.
But wl.'ile all the living creatures had one
languaj^e, | at that time th.j serpent, which
• Whence this strange notion came, %vhich yet is noi
peculiar to Joscnhus, but, as Dr. Hudson says here, is
derived from older authors, as if four of the greatest
rivers in the world, running two of them at va.st dis-
tances from the other two, by some means or otlicr wa-
tered paradise, is hard to say! Only, since Josephus has
alroridy appeared to allegorize this history, and take no-
tice that these four names had a particular signification ;
Phison for Ganges, a mv/titut/c; I'hroth for Euphrates,
eitlior a dispcrilon or ajlower ; Diglath for Tigris, what
is swift, with iiarroumess ; and Geon for Nile, tiliat
arises from t/ie east, — we perhaps mistake hiro when
we suppose lie Uterally means those for rivers; tspeeiaW
ly as to Geon or Nile, which arises from the east, while
he very well knew the literal Nile arises from thesouth;
though what farther allegorical sense he had ill view, is
now, I fear, impossible to be determined.
f By the Ued Sea is not here meant the Arabian Gulf,
wliich alone we now call by that name, but all that South
Sea, which included the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf,
as far as the East Indies ; as Uetand and Hudson here
truly note, from tlie old geographers.
X Hence it appears that Josephus thought several, at
least, of the brute animals, particularly the scrjicnt,
could speak before the Fall. And 1 thiiik few of the
more jierfect kinds of those animals want the orgaas (-f
spec-ch at this dav- Many inducements there are also
to a notion, that ihe prcst'nt state they arc in is not their
original state; and that their capacities have been oim'C
much greater than we now see them, and are eiiiabk^ of
being restortil to their former condition. Hut as to this
most ancient, and authentic, and prob.-ibly allegorical
aecount ( f that grand allau o; Jic rail o» out first pa-
rcnti, I have somewhat more to say in way ot tvnicc-
turc, but being only a conjecture, I omit it : only thus
f;u-, th.at the imputation of the sin of our first parents
to their posterity, any farther than as some way the
eiusc or cnvaiion of man's mortality, seems almost cii-
tlicn lived together with Adam and his wife,
showed an envious disposition, at his supposal
of their living happily, and in obedience to
the commands of God; and imagining, that,
when they diaoboyed them, tliey would fall
into calamities, he persuaded the woman, out
of a malicious intention, to taste of the tree
of knowledge, telling them, that in that tree
w.Ts the knowledge of good and evil ; which
knowledge when they should obtain, they
would lead a happy life, nay, a life not infe-
rior to that of a god : by which means he
overcame the woman, and persuaded her to
despise the cominand of God. Now when
she had tasted of that tree, ajid was pleased
with its fruit, she persuaded Adam to make
use of it also. Upon this they perceived that
they were become naked to one another; and
being ashamed thus to appear abroad, they
invented somewhat to cover them ; for the tree
sharpened their understanding ; and they co-
vered themselves witii fig-leaves ; and tying
these before them, out of modesty, tliey
thought they were happier than they were
before, as they had discovered what they were
in want of. But v.hen God came into the
garden, Adiim, who was wont before to come
and converse with him, being conscious of his
wicked behaviour, went out of the way. This
behaviour surprised God ; and he asked what
was the cause of this his procedure; and why
he, that before delighted in that conversation,
did now fly from it, and avoid it. When he
made no reply, as conscious to himself that
he had transgressed the command of God,
God said, " 1 had before determined about
you both, how you might lead a happy life,
without any afijiction, and care, and vexation
of soul ; and that all things which might con-
tribute to your enjoyment and pleasure should
grow up by my providence, of their own ac-
cord, Viitlunu your own labour and pains-
taking ; which state of labour and pains-tak-
ing would soon bring on old age ; and death
would not be at any remote distance : but
now thou hast abused this my good- will, and
hast disobeyed my commands ; for thy silence
is not the sign of thy virtue, but of thy evil
conscience." However, Adam excused his
sin, and entreateii God not to be angry ai him,
and laid the blame of what was done ujion
his wife ; and said that he was deceived by
her, and thence became an offender ; while she
again accused the serpent. But God allotted
him punishment, because he weakly submitted
to the counsel of his wife; and said, the ground
should not henceforth yield its fruits of its
own accord, but that when it should be ha-
rassed by their labour, it should bring fortli
some of its fruits, and refuse to bring forth
others. He also made Eve liable to the in-
tircly groundless ; and that both man, and the other sub-
ordinate creatures, are hereafter to be dcliverc<I from the
curse then brought upon them, and at Lost to be deliver-
ed from that boiidagc of corruption, Rom. viii. I'J — 2a.
r^"
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
31
conveniency of breeding, and the sharp pains
of bringing forth children, and this because
she persuaded Adam with the same arguments
uherewitli the serpent had persuaded l)er, and
had thereby brought him into a calamitous
condition. He also deprived the serpent of
speech, out of indignation at liis malicious
disposition towards Adam. Besides this, he
inserted poison under his tongue, and made
him an enemy to men ; and suggested to them
that they should direct their strokes against
his head, that being the place %vherein lay his
mischievous designs towards men, and it being
easiest to take vengeance on him that way :
and when he had deprived him of the use of
his feet, he made him to go rolling all along,
and dragging himself upon the ground. And
when God had appointed these penalties for
them, he removed Adam and Eve out of the
garden into another place.
CHAPTER II.
COXCERXING THE POSTERITY OF ADAM, AND
•niE TEN GENERATIONS FROM HliM TO THE
DELUGE.
§ 1. Adam and Eve had two sons ; the elder
of tliem was named Cain ; which name, when
it is interpreted, signifies a posicssion. The
younger was Abel, which signifies sorrow.
Tliey had also daughters. Now, the two
brethren were pleased with different courses
of life; for Abel, the younger, was a lover of
righteousness, and, believing that God was
present at all his actions, he excelled in vir-
tue ; and his employment was that of a shep-
herd. But Cain was not only very wicked
in other respects, but was wholly intent upon
getting; ami he first contrived to plough the
grouml. He slew his brother on tlie occasion
following :— They !iad resolved to sacrifice to
God. N'ow Cain brouglit the fruits of the
earth, and of his husbandry; but Abel brought
milk, and the first-fruits of his flocks; but God
was more delighted with tlie latter oblation,*
when he was honoured with what grew natur-
ally of its own accord, than he was with what
was the invention of a covetous man, and got-
ten by forcing the ground ; whence it was that
Cain was very angry that Abel was preferred
by God before liim ; and he slew his brother,
and hid his dead body, thinking to escape dis-
covery. But God, knowing what had been
done, came to Cain, and asked him what was
become of his brother, because he liad not seen
• St John's aooount of the reason wliv God accepted
the sacrifice of ALel, and rejected that of Cam; as also
why Cain slew Abel, on account of that his acceptance
witti Cod,— is much better than this of Josephus: I
mean, because " Cain was of tlie evil one, and slew his
brother. And wherefore slew he him ? Because his
own works were evil, and his brother's righteous." 1
John iii. li!. .losephus's reason seenii to be no better
CJiiUt 4 pliarisaical notion or tradition.
him of many days, whereas he used to observe
them conversing together at other tiines. But
Cain was in doubt with himself, and knew not
what answer to give to God. At first he said
that he was himself at a loss about his bro-
ther's disappearing; but when he was pro-
voked by God, who pressed him vehemently,
as resolving to know what the matter was, he
replied, he was not his brother's guardian or
keeper, nor was he an observer of what he
did. But in return, God convicted Cain, as
having been the murderer of his brother; and
said, '• I wonder at thee, that thou knowest
not what is becoine of a man whom thou thy-
self hast destroyed." God therefore did not
indict the punishment [of deatli] upon him,
on account of his offering sacrifice, and there-
by making supplication to him not to be ex-
treme in his wrath to him ; but he made him
accursed, and threatened his posterity in the
seventh generation. He also cast him, to-
gether with his wife, out of that land. And
wlien he was afraid, that in wandering about
he should fall among wild beasts, and by that
means perish, God bid liim not to entertain
such a melancholy suspicion, and to go over
all the earth without fear of what mischief he
might suffer from wild beasts; and setting a
mark upon him that he might be known, he
commanded him to depart.
2. And when Cain had travelled over many
countries, he, with his wife, built a city, named
Nod, wliich is a place so called, and there he
settled his abode ; where also he had children.
However, he did not accept of his punish--
ment in order to amendment, but to increase
his wickedness; for he only aimed to procure
every thing that was for his own bodily plea-
sure, though it obliged liim to be injurious
to his neighbours. He augmented liis house-
hold substance with much wealth, by rapine
and violence ; he excited his acquaintance to
procure pleasures and spoils by robbery, and
became a great leader of men into wicked
courses. He also introduced a change in that
way of simplicity wlierein men lived before;
and was the author of measures and weights.
And whereas they lived innocently and gene-
rously while they knew nothing of such arts,
he changed the world into cunning craftiness.
He first of all set boundaries about lands ; he
built a city, and fortified it with walls, and he
compelled his family to come together to it;
and called that city Enoch, after the name of
his eldest son Enoch. Now Jared was the
son of Enoch; whose son was iMalaliel ; whose
son was Mathusela ; whose son was Lamech ;
who had seventy-seven cliildren by two wives,
Silla and Ada. Of those children by Ada,
one was Jabal ; he erected tents, and loved
the life of a shepherd. But Jubal, who was
born of the same mother with him, exercised
himself in music ;j- and invented the psaltery
t From this Jubal, not improl>ablv, came Ji;bel, the
trumpet of jobel or jubilee ; that large and loud musical
32
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEMS.
aiwl tlie )inri>. But Tuhii), one of his cliil-
ilriM! by the other wile, exceeded all men in
stroiigll), and was very export and fanums in
martial iitrJormances. He procured wliat
tended to the pleasnrcs of the body by tliat
method ; and first of all invented the art of
making brass. Lamech was al:-A) the father
of a daughter, whose name was Nuainah j
an<l because In was so skilful in matters of
divine revelation, that he knew he was to be
punished for Cain's murder of his brother, Ue
made that known to his wives. Nay, even
while Adam \vas alive, it came to pass that
the i)osterity of Cain became exceeding wicked,
every one successively dying one after ano-
ther, more uiiked than the former. They
were intolerable in war, and vehement in
robberies ; and if any one were slow to mur-
der people, yet was he bold in his profligate
behaviour, in acting unjustly, and doing in-
juries for gain.
3. Now Adam, who was the first man,
and made out of the earth (for our discourse
must now be about him,) after Abel was
slain, and Cain tied away on account of his
murder, was solicitous for posterity, anii hixt
a vehement desire of cliildren, lie being tiro
hundred and thirty years old ; after wliich
time he lived other seven hundred, and tlien
died. He had indeed many other children,*
but Seth in particular. As for the res-t, it
would be tedious to name them ; I will there-
fore only endeavour to give an account of
those that proceeded from Seth. No%v this
Seth, when he was brought up, and came to
those years in which he could discern what
was good, bec,'iin>e a virtuous man ; and as
he was himself of an excellent character, so
did he leave children behind hi;n who imitat-
ed his virtues. + All tbeie ))roved to be of
good dispositions. They also inhabited the
same country without disseifsions, and in a
happy contlition, wiiliout any misfoitunes
falling upon them till they died. They also
Were the inventors of that peculiar sort of
wisdom which is concerned with the heavenly
bodies, and their order. Arid that their in-
ventions might not be lost before they were
sufBciently known, upon Adam's prediction
that the world was to be destroyed at one
time by the force of fire, and at another time
by the violence and quantity of water, they
made two pillars ; \ the one of brick, the other
instrument, used in proclaiming the liberty at the year
of jubilee.
• I'lie number of Adam's children, as says the old
tradition, was thirty-tliree sons, and twenty-three daugh-
ters.
i What is here said of Seth and his posterity, that
they were very (;ood and virtuous, and at the same tin.e
very happy, without any considcralile mislortunes, for
seven (^iiicrations [see eh. ii. sect. I, before; anil eti. ui.
sect. 1, heii-aftcr] is exaellv agr.-cal-lo lo tin- slatr orHie
world aiul ibe eondiict of l^rovidenee in all tlie liist .ii^is.
t Of JoMiilius's mistake here, when betook Sctli Ihe
son of .Ailaiii for Selli or Sesostris, king of Kgvpl, the
crecter of tins pillir in the land of Siriad, >eo Kssav on
the Old Testmni'Ut, Appendix, p. l.iJ), Kid. Althiiugh
tlio main of this r«latron niiglu be tru», and Adam
SOOK I
of stone : they inscribed their discoveries on
them both, that in case the pillar of brick
should be destroyed by the Hood, the pillar of
stone mi^ht remain, and exhibit those disco-
veries to mankind ; ;iiid also inform them fliat
there was another pillar of brick erectetl by
them. Now this remains in the land of Si-
riad to this day.
CHAPTER III.
CONCERNING THE FLOOD; AND AFTER WHAT
JIANNEU NOAH WAS SAVED IN AN ARK, WITH
HIS K/NURED, AND AFTERWARDS DWELT IN
THE PLAIN OF SHINAU.
§ 1. Now this posterity of Seth continued to
esteem God as the Lord of the universe, and
to have an entire regard to virtue, for seven
generations; but in process of time they were
perverted, and forsook the practices of their
forefathers, and did neither ])«iy those honours
to God which were appointed them, nor hod
th-ey any concern to do justice towards men.
But for what degree of zeal they had former-
ly shown for virtue, they now showed by their
actions a double degree of wicketlness ; where-
by they made God to be tlieir ene7ny ; fol
many angels J of God accompanied with wo-
men, and begat sons that jjroved unjus', and
despisers of all that was good, on account of
tJve confidence they had in their own strength,
for the tradition is, TIrat these mtrn did wlial
resembled the acts of those whom the Grecians
call gi;mts. But Noah was very uneasy at
what they did ; and, being displeased at their
conduct, persua<led them to change their dis-
]>ositioiis and their acts for the belter; — l)ut,
seeing that they did not yield to hiin, but
were slaves to their wicked pleasures, he was
afraid they would kill him, together with his
wife and children, and those they had mar-
ried ; so he departed out of that land.
2. Now God loved this man for his right-
eousness ; yet he not only conden>netl those
other men for their wickedness, but determin-
ed to destroy the wliole race of mankind, and
to make another race that should be pure fron»
wickedness; and cutting short their lives, and
making their years not so many as they for-
merly lived, but one hundred and twenty
only, II he turned the dry land into sea; and
might foretell a conflagration and a deluge, which all
aniiqiiity witnesses to be an ancient tradition; nay,
Seth's i>osterity might engrave their inventions in astro-
nomy on two such pillars, yet it is no way cre»liblc that
they could survive the deluge, which has Imried all such
pilliirs and edifices far under ground, in the sediment of
Its watc'i-s ; especially since the like pillars of the Egyp-
tian Siih or Sesostris were extant after the lltxKl, in the
land of ^iiiiiil, and (HTliaps ill the days of Jos*'phus
al;(i, as is shown in the place here rcftrrtnl to.
§ This notion, that the fallen angels were, in some
sense, the fathers of tlie old giants, was the constant
oi>inion of antimiity.
U Josephus here supposes, that the life of these
for of them only Uo 1 understand him, was no*
ANTIQUITIES OT THE JEWS.
38
thus were all these men destroyed : but Noah
alone was saved ; for God siigy;csted to him
the folloiving contrivance and way of escape : '
— That he sliould make an aik of four stories!
high, three hundred* cubits long, fifty cubits-
broad, and thirty cubits high. Accordingly
he entered into tliat ark, and his wife and
sons, and their wives ; and put into it not
only other provisions, to support their wants
there, but also sent in with the rest all sorts
of living creatures, the male and liis female,
for the preservation of their kinds; and otiiers
of them by sevens. Now this ark had firm
walls, and a roof, and was braced with cross
beams, so thai it could not be any way drown-
ed or overborne by the violence of the water ;
and thus was Noah, with his family, preserved.
Now he was the tenth from Adam, as being
the son of Lamech, whose father was Matliu-
sala. He was the son of Enoch, the son of
Jared ; and Jared was the son of Maialeel,
who, with many of his sisters, were the chil-
dren of Cainan, the son of Enos. Now Enos
was the son of Setii, the son of Adam.
3. Tliis calamity happened in the six hun-
dre^lth year of Noah's government [age], in
the second monlli,f called by the Macedonians
Dius, but by the Hebrews Marcliesuan ; for so
did they order their year in Egypt; but Clo-
ses appointed that Nisan, which is the same
with Xanthicus, should be the first month for
their festivals, because he brought them out
of Egypt in that month : so that tin's month
began the year as to all the solemnities they
observed to the honour of God, although he
preserved the original order of the months as
to selling and buying, and other ordinary af-
fairs. Now he says that this flood began on
the twenty-seventh [seventeenth] day of the
forementioned month ; and this was two thou-
sand six Iiundred and fifty-six [one thousand
six hundred and fifty-six] years from Adam,
the first man ; and the time is written down
in our sacred books, those who then lived hav-
ing noted down,^ with great accuracy, both
the births and deaths of illustrious men.
reduced to 120 years; which is confirmed bv the frag-
ment of Enoch, sect. 10, hi AuthenU Rec. Part 1. p. 26,s.
For as to tlie rest of mankind, Josephus himself con-
fesses their lives were mueh longer than 120 years, for
many generations after the flood, as we shall see pre-
sently ; and he says they were gradually shortencil till
the days of Moses, and then fixed [for some UmeJ at
12' I, chap. vi. sect. 5. Nor indeed need we suiipose
that etiher Enoch or Josephus meant to interpret these
120 years for the life of men before the Flood, tot*
different from the 12.) years of God's patience [perhaps
while the ark was preparing] till the Deluge; which I
take to be the meaning of God, when he threatene<l this
wicked world, that if they so long continued impeni-
tent, their days should be no more than 12ii vears.
• A cubit is about twenty-one English inches.
+ Josephus here truly determines, that the vearat the
Flood began about the autumnal equinox. As to what
day of the month the Flood began, our Hebrew and Sa-
maritan, and perhaps Josephus^ own aipv inore righ'ly
idaced It on tlie 17th day, instead of the' 27th, as here ;
tor Josephus agrees with them as to the distance of 15n
days, to the 17th day of the 7th month ; as Geu. vii. ult.
with viii. 3.
J Josephus here takes notice, that these ancient gene-
(rfogies were first set down by those that then li\ ed, and
4. For indeed Seth was born when Adait
was in his t^\o Iiundred and thirtieth year,
who lived nine hundred and thirty years.
Seth begat Enos in his two hundred and
fifth year; wlio. when he had lived nine hun-
dred and twelve years, delivered the govern-
ment to Cainan his son, whom he had in his
hundred and ninetieth year ; he lived nine
hundred and five years. Cainan, when he
had lived nine hundred and ten years, had his
son Maialeel, who was born in his hundred
and seventieth year. This Maialeel, havmg
lived eight hundred and ninety-five years, died,
leaving his son Jared, whom he begat when he
was in his hundred and sixty-fifth year. He
lived nine hundred and sixty-two years; and
then his son Enoch succeeded him, who was
born when his father was one hundred and
sixty-two years old. Now he, when he liad
lived three hundred and sixty-five years, de-
parted, and went to God ; whence it is that
they have not written down his death. Now
Matlmsala, the son of Enoch, who was born to
him when he was one hundred and sixty-five
years old, had Lamech for his son when he
was one hundred and eighty seven years of
age ; to whom he delivered the government,
when he liad retained it nine hundred and
sixty, nine years. Now Lamech, when be had
governed seven hundred and seventy-seven
years, appointed Noah, his son, to be ruler of
the people, wlio was born to Lamech when he
was one hundred and eighty-two years old,
and retained the government nine hundred
and fifty years. These years collected to-
gether, make up the sum before set down ;
but let no one inquire into the deaths of these
men, for they extended their lives along to-
gether with their children and grandchildren ;
but let him have regard to their births only,
5. When God gave the signal, and it began
to rain, the water poured down forty entire
days, till it became fifteen cubits higher than
the earth ; which was the reason why there
was no greater number preserved, since they
had no place to fly to. When the rain ceased,
the water did but just begin to abate, aftei
one hundred and fifty days (that is, on the
seventeenth day of the seventh month) it then
ceasing to subside for a little while. After this
tiie ark rested on the top of a certain moun-
tain in Armenia ; which, when Noah under-
stood, he opened it ; and seeing a small piece
of land about it, he continued quiet, and con-
ceived some cheei^ul hopes of deliverance;
but a few days afterward, when the water was
decreased to a greater degree, he sent out a
raven, as desirous to learn whether any other
part of the earth were left dry by the water,
from them were transmitted down to nosteritv ; which
1 suppose to be the true account of that matter. Foi
there is no reason to imagine that men were not taught
to read and write soon after they were taught to spca.-;
and perhaps all bv the Messiah himself, who, v.nder the
Father, was the Creator or Ciovernor of mankind, and
who frequcntlv. in those early days, appeared to Uiom.
-T
34
ANTIQUITIICS OF THE JEWS.
atid wlietlier lie might go out of the ark with ■
safctv ; but the raven, finding ail the land .
still jverllowed, returned to Nr)ah ngaiii. ,
And after seven days he sent out a dove, to
know till." state of the ground ; which came
baik to liim covered with mud, and bringing |
an olive branch. Hereby Noah learned that;
the earth was become clear of the flood. So
after he had staid seven more days, he sent
the living creatures out of the ark ; and both he
and his family went out, when he also sacrific-
ed to God, and feasted with his companions.
However, the Armenians call this place (A^r*-
SaTti^in*) Tlic Place of Descent ; for liie ark
being saved in that place, its remains arc
shown there by the inhabitants to this day.
6. Now all the writers of barbarian histo-
ries make mention of this flood and of" this
ark ; among whom is Berosus t-!)e Chaldean ;
for when he is describing the circumstances
of the flood, he goes on thus: — " It is saitl
there is still some part of this ship in Arme-
nia, at the mountain of tiie Cordya>ans ; and
that some people carry ofl" pieces of the bitu-
men, which they take away, and use chiefly
as amulets for the averting of mischiefs."
Hieronymus the Egyptian, also, who wrote
the Pliccnician Antiquities, and IMnaseas,
and a great many more, make mention of the
same. Nay, Nicolaus of Damascus, in his
iiincty-sixtli book, hath a particular relation
about them, \\ here he speaks thus : — " There
is a great inoiuilain in Armenia, over IMinyas,
called Baris, upon which it is reported that
many who fled at the time of the Deluge were
saved ; and that one who was carried in an
ark came on slicre upon the top of it ; and
that the remains of the timber were a great
while preserved. This might be the man
about whom Moses, the legislator of the Jews,
wrote."
7. But as for Noah, he was afraid, since
God had determined to destroy mankind, lest
he should drown the earth every year ; so he
oflcred burnt -ofleiings, and besought God
that Nature might hereafter go on in its for-
mer orderly course, and that he would not
bring on so great a judgment any more, by
which the whole race of creatures might be
in danger of destruction ; but that, having
now punished the wicked, he would of his
* This ATo?«r;;j,o», or P/iuv q/' Oescenl, is the pro-
1)01 rcmlcriiig of the Aniiciiiiin name ol' iliis very eity.
It is called in I'tolemy Naxiiaiia, ami by Moses t'liorcii-
c^l^i5, tlic Annciiiaii historian,. /(/s/ifiidn ; but at Itic
plai'c Itself, Navlillsheumi, whieli signifies The Jirst
place of descent ; «iul is a lasting monument of llie pie-
bcrvaiion of Noah in the ark, upon the top of that
mountain, at whose foot it was built, as the first eity or
l.mii alter ti.e Klood. Sec Anticj. b. xx. eh. ii. si-et. 3 ;
and Moses Choreiieiuis, who also says elsewhere, that
another town was reUitcd by iradiiioii to iiavo been
called Scroll, or The Place of Disiiersion, on aeeoun'. of
the dispersion of Xisuthrus's or Noah's sons, from
tiiciice first made. Whether any rcmairs of this ark be
(till preserved, as the jwople of the emintry suppose, I
eaunot eefLainly lell. Mons. Tourncfurt had, iiol very
loiii; since, a iiiin I to see the pl.aec him-ell", but met
with too great dangers and dillieulties to \enture through
tliein.
goodness spare (he remainder, and such as lie
liad hitherto jutlged (it to be delivered from
so severe a calamity ; for that otherwise these
last must be more miserable than the Hrst,
and that they must be condemned to a worse
condition than the others, unless they be suf-
fered to escape entirely; thai is, if they be
reserved for another diluge, while (hey must
be afflicted -villi the terror and sight of the
first deluge, and must also be destroyed by a
second. He also entreated God to accept of
his sacrifice, and to grant that the earth might
never again undergo the like efl'ects of his
wrath ; that men might he permitted to go on
cheerfully in cultivating the same — to build
cities, and live happily in them; and that
they might not be deprived of any of those
good things which they enjoyed before the
Flood ; but inight attain to the like length of
days and old age which the ancient peojile
had arrived at before.
8. When Noah had made tlicse siijiplica-
tions, God, who loved the man for his riglit-
eousness, granted entire success to his prayers,
and said, that it was not he who brought die
destruction on a polluted world, but that they
underwent that vengeance on account of'liieir
own ^^ickedness; and that he had not brought
men into the world if he had himself deter-
mined to destroy them, it being an instance
of greater wisdom not to have granted them
life at all, than, after it was granted, to pro-
cure their destruction ; *' but the injuries,"
said he, " they oflered to my holiness ;uid vir
tue, forced me to bring this punishment upon
them; but I will leave oil' tor the time to
come to require such punishments, the ellects
of so great wrath, for their future wicked ac-
tions, and especially on account of thy pray-
ers ; but if I shall at any time send temi)ests
of rain in an extraordinary manner, be not
aliVighted at the largeness of the showers, for
the waters shall no more overspread the earth.
However, I require you to abstain from shed-
ding the blood of men, and to keep yourselves
ptire iVom minder ; and to punish tliose thai
coinmit any such thing. 1 permit you to
make use of all (he other living creatures at
your pleasure, and as your appetites lead you;
for I have made you lords of them all, both
of those that walk on the iand, and those that
swim in the waters, and of those that fly in
the regions of the air on high — excepting
(heii blood, for (herein is (he life : but I will
give you a sign that 1 have left off my anger,
by my bow" [whereby is meant the rainbow,
for they determined that the rainbow w.-is the
bow of God] ; and when God had said and
promised thu^, he went away.
9. Now when Noah had lived three liiin.
dred and fifty years after ilie Flood, and tliat
all that time liapjiily, he ilicd, having lived
the number of nine hundred and hfly years:
but let no one, upon comparing (he lives ol
the ancients with our lives, and with the few
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
36
years which we now live, think that what we
have said of them is false ; or make the
shortness of our lives at present an argu-
ment tliat neither did they attain to so long
a duration of life; for those ancients were
beloved of God, and [lately] made hy God
himself; and because their food was then
filter for the prolongation of life, might well
live so great a number of years; and besides,
God alibrded them a longer time of life on
account of their virtue, and the good use tliey
made of it in astronomical and geometrical
discoveries, wliich would not have afforded
the time of foretelling [the periods of the
stars] unless they had lived six hundred years;
for the Great Year is completed in that inter-
val. Now I have for witnesses to what I
have said, all those that have written Antiqui-
tie'i, both among the Greeks and barbarians ;
for even ^Manetho, wlio wrote the Egyptian
History, and Berosus, who collected the Chal-
dean Monuments, and Mochus, and Hes-
ti«us, and besides these, Hieronymus the
Egyptian, and those who composed the Phoe-
nician History, agree to what I here say :
Hesiod also, and Hecataeus, Hellanicus, and
Acusilaus ; and besides these, Ephorus and
Nicolaus relate that t;e ancients lived a thou-
sand years : but as to these niatters, let every
one look upon them as he thinks fit.
CHAPTER IV
CONCERNING THE TOWER OF LABYLON, AND
THE CONFCSION OF TONGUES.
§ 1. Now the sons of Noah were three, —
Shem, Japhet, and Ham, born one hundred
years before the Deluge. These first of all
descended from the mountains into the plains,
and fixed their habitation there; and persuad-
ed others who were greatly afraid of the lower
grounds on account of the flood, and so were
very loth to come down from the higher places,
to venture to follow tlieir examples. Now the
plain in which tliey first dwelt was called Shi-
nar. God also commanded them to send co-
lonies abroad, for the thorough peopling of the
earthj — that they might not raise seditions
among themselves, but might cultivate a great
part of the earth, and enjoy its fruits after a
plentiful manner: but they were so ill in-
structed, that they did not obey God ; for
which reason they fell into calamities, and
v/ere made sensible, by experience, of what
sin they had been guilty; for when they flour-
ished with a numerous youth, God admonish-
ed them again to send out colonies ; but they,
imagining the prosperity they enjoyed was not
derived from the favour of God, but suppos-
ing that their own power was the proper cause
of the plentiful condition they were in, did
not obey him. Nay, they added to this their
disobedience to the diTine will, the suspicion
tliat they were therefore ordered to send out
separate colonies, that, being divided asunder,
they might tlie more easily be oppressed.
2, Now it was Nimrod who excited them
to such an affront and contempt of God. He
was the grandson of Ham, the son of Noah,
— a bold man, and of great strength of hand.
He persuaded them not to ascribe it to God,
as if it was through his means they were
happy, but to believe that it was their own
courage which procured that happiness. He
also gradually changed the government into
tyranny, — seeing no other way of turning men
from the fear of God, but to bring them into
a constant dependence upon his pov.cr. He
also said he would be revenged on God, if he
should have a mind to drown tlie world again ;
for that he would build a tower too high for
the waters to be able to reach! and that he
would avenge himself on God for destroying
their forefathers !
3. Now the multitude were very ready to fol-
low the determination of Nimrod, and to esteem
it a piece of cowardice to submit to God ; and
tliey built a tower, neither sparing any pains,
nor being in any degree negligent about the
work ; and, by reason of the multitude of
hands employed in it, it grew very high,
sooner than any one could expect ; but the
thickness of it was so great, and it was so
strongly built, that thereby its great height
seemed, upon the view, to be less than it real-
ly was. It was built of burnt brick, cement.
ed together with morlar, made of bitumen,
that it might not be liable to admit water.
When God saw that they acted so madly, ho
did not resolve to destroy them utterly, since
they were not grown wiser by the destruction
of the former sinners ; but he caused a tu-
mult among them, by producing in them di.
vers languages; and causing that, througli tlie
multitude of those languages, they should not
be able to understand one another. Tiie place
wherein they built the tower is now called
Babi/lon ; because of the confusion of that
language which they readily understood be-
fore ; for the Hebrews mean by the word Ba-
bel, Confusion. The Sibyl also makes mention
of this tower, and of the confusion of the
language, when she says thus : — " When all
men were of one language, some of them built
a high tower, as if they would thereby ascend
up to heaven ; but the gods sent storms of
wind and overthrew the tower, and gave every
one his peculiar language ; and for this reason
it was that the city was called Dcbi/lon." But
as to the plain of Shinar, in the country of
Babylonia, Hestiajus mentions it, when he
says thus : — " Such of the priests as were sav-
ed, took the sacred vessels of Jupiter Enya-
lius, and came to Shinar of Babylonia."
jT
36
ANTIQUITIKS Ol' IHK JKWS.
BOOK r.
CHAPTER V.
AFTER WHAT MANNER THE POSTERITY OI
NOAH SENT OUT COLONIES, AND INHABIT-
ED THE WHOLE EARTH.
After this they were dispersed abroad, on
account of their languages, and went out by
colonies everywhere ; and eacli colony took
possession of that land which they light upon,
and unto which God led them ; so that the
whole continent was filled with them, both
the inland and maritime countries. There
were some also who passed over the sea in
ships, and inhabited the islands : and some of
those nations do still retain the denominations
which were given them by their first founders;
l)ut some have lost them also; and some have
only admitted certain changes in them, that
they miglit be the more intelligible to the in-
habitants ; and they were the Greeks who be-
came the authors of such mutations ; for when,
in after-ages, they grew potent, they claimed
to themselves the glory of antiquity, — giving
names to the nations that sounded well (in
Greek) that they might be better understood
among themselves ; and setting agreeable
forms of govermnent over them, as if they
Were a people derived from themselves.
CHAPTER VI.
HOW EVERY NATION WAS DENOMINATED FT.OM
THEIR FIRST INHABITANTS.
5 1. Now they were the grand-cliildren of
NocJ), in honour of whom names were im-
posed on the nations by those that first seized
upon them. Japhet, the son of Noah, had
seven sons : they inhabited so, that, beginning
at the mountains Tainus and Amanus, they
proceeded along Asia, as far as the river Ta-
nais, and along Europe to Cadiz ; and selthng
themselves on the lands which they liglit upon,
which none had inhabited before, they called
the nations by their own names; for Gonier
founded those whom the Greeks now call Ga-
latians [Galls], but were then called Gomer-
ites. Magog founded those that from him
were named Magogites, but who are by the
Greeks called Scythians. Now as to Javan
and Madai, the sons of Japhet; from Madai
cime the Madeans, who are called Medes by
the Greeks; but from Javan, Ionia and all
the Grecians are derived. Thobel founded
the Thobelitcs, who are now called Iberes;
and the Mosocheni were founded by Mosoch ;
now they are Cappadocians. There is also a
mark of their ancient denomination still to be
shown ; for there is even now among them a
city called Mazaca, which iruiy inform tho&e
that arc able to understanff, that so was tlie
entire nation once called. Thiras also called
those whom he ruled over, Thirasians ; hut
the Greeks changed the name into Thracians.
And so many were the countries that had the
children of Japhet for their inhabilants. Ot
tlie three sons of Gomer, Aschanax founded
the Aschanaxians, who are now called l)y tht
Greeks Hheginians. So did liiphath found
the Kipheans, now called Paphlagonians ; and
Thrugramma the Thrugrammeans, who, as
the Greeks resolved, were named Phrygians.
Of the three sons of Javan also, the son of
Japhet, Elisa gave name to the Eiiseans, who
were his subjects; they are now the iEolians.
Tharsus to the Tharsians ; for so was Cilicia
of old called ; the sign of which is this, that
the noblest city they have, and a metropolis
also, is Tarsus, the tau being by change put
for the theta. Cethimus possessed the island
Cethima ; it is now called Cyprus : and from
that it is that all islands, and the greatest part
of the sea-coasts, are named Ccthim by the
Hebrews: and one city there is in Cyprus
that has been able to preserve its denomina-
tion ; it is called Citius by those who use the
language of the Greeks, and has not, by the
use of that dialect, escaped the name of Ce-
thim. And so many nations have the children
and grand-children of Japhet possessed. Now
when I have premised somewhat, which per-
haps the Greeks do not know, I will return
and explain what I have omitted ; for such
names are pronounced here after the manner
of the Greeks, to please my readers ; for our
own country language does not so pronounce
them : but the names in all cases are of one
and the same ending ; for the name we here
pronounce Noeas, is there Noah, and in every
case retains the same termination.
2. The children of Ham possessed the land
from Syria and Amanus, and the mountains
of Libanus, seizing upon all that was on its
sea coasts and as far as the ocean, and kce[>-
ing it as their own. Some indeed of its names
are utterly vanished away ; others of them
being changed, and another sound given them,
are hardly to be discovered; yet a few there
are which have kept theirdenominationsenlire:
for of the Cour sons of Ham, time has not at
all hurt the name of Chus ; for the Ethiopians,
over whom he reigned, are even at this day,
both by themselves and by all men in Asia,
called Chusites. The memory also of the
Mesraites is preserved in their name; for all
we who inhabit this country [of Judea] call
Egypt Rlestre, and the i'.gyptians Mestreans.
Phut also was the founder of Libyia, and
called the inhabitants I'hutites, from himself:
there is also a river in the country of the
Moors which bears that name ; whence it is
that we may see the greatest part of the Gre>
cian historiographers mention that river and
the adjoining country by the appellation of
Phut '. but tlie name it has now, has been by
s
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. VI.
change given it from one of the sons of Mes-
raini, who was called Lybyos. We will in-
ibnii you presently what has been the occasion
wliy it has been called Africa also. Canaan,
the fourth son of Ham, inhabited the country
now called Judea, and called it from his own
name Canaan. The children of these [four]
were these: Sabas, who founded the Sabeans;
Eviias, who founded the Evileans, who are
c.dkd Getuli ; Sabathes founded the Sabath-
ens; they are now called by the Greeks, Asta-
borans; Sabactas settled the Saliactens ; and
Ragmus the Ragmeans ; and he had two sons,
tlic one of whom, Judadas, settled the Juda-
deans, a nation of tlie western Ethiopians,
and left them his name ; as did Sabas to the
Sabeans. But Nimrod, the son of Chus, staid
and tyrannized at Babylon, as we have already
informed you. Now all tin children of iVIes-
raim, being eight in number, possessed the
country from Gaza to Egypt, though it re-
tained the name of one only, the Philistim ;
for the Greeks call part of that country Pa-
lestine. As for the rest, Ludieim, and Ene-
mim, and Labim, who alone inhabited in Li-
bya, and called the country from himself,
Nedim, and Phethrosim, and Chesloim, and
Cephthorim, we know nothing of them be-
sides their names ; for the Ethiopic war, *
which we shall describe hereafter, was the
cause that those cities were overthrown. The
sons of Canaan were these : Sidonius, who
also builtacity of the same name; it is called
by the Greeks, hidon ; Amathus inhabited in
Amathine, which is even now called Amathe
by the inhabitants, although the Macedonians
named it Epiphania, from one of his poste-
rity : Arudeus possessed the island Aradus :
Arucas possessed Arce, which is in Libanus;
— but for the seven others, [Eueus], Clietteus,
Jebuseus, Amorreus, Gergesus, Eudeus, Sin-
eus, Samareus, we have nothing in the sacred
books but their names, for the Hebrews over-
threw their cities; and their calamities came
upon them on the occasion following: —
3. Noah, when, after the Deluge, the earth
was re-settled in its former condition, set
about its cultivation ; and when he had plant-
ed it with vines, and when the fruit was ripe,
and he had gathered the grapes in their sea-
son, and the wine was ready for use, he of-
fered sacrifice, and feasted, and, being drunk,
he fell asleep, and lay naked in an unseemly
manner. When his youngest son saw this,
he came laughing, and showed him to liis bre
thren ; but they covered their father's naked-
ness. And when Noah was made sensible of
* One observation ought not here to be neglected,
with reg ml to that Ethiopic war, which Moses, as ge-
neral of the EgN'ptians, put an end to, Antiq. b. ii. chap.
X , and alxjut which our late writers seem very much
unconcerned; viz. That it wasawnrof that consequence,
as to occasion the removal or tlcstruotion of six or se-
ven nations of the postentv of Mitzraim, with their
cUies. which Josephus would not have said, if he had
aot had ancient records to justify those his assertions,
'Jxiiigh those records be now all lost.
.37
what had been done, he prayed for prosperity
to his other sons ; but for Ham, he did not
curse him, by reason of his nearness in blood,
but cursed his posterity. And when the rest
of them escaped that curse, God inflicted it
on the children of Canaan. But as to these
matters, we shall speak more hereafter.
4. Shem, the third son of Noah, had five
sons, who inhabited the land that began at
Euphrates, and reached to the Imiian Ocean ;
for Elam let'f behind him the Elamites, the
ancestors of rlie Persians, Ashur lived at
the city NiiK ve ; and named his subjects As-
syrians, who became the most fortunate na-
tion, beyond others. Arphaxad named the
Arphaxadites, who are now called Chaldeans.
Aram had the Aramitos, which the Greeks
call Syrians; as Laud founded the Latidites,
which are now called Lydians. Of the four
sons of Aram, Uz founded Trachonitis and
Damascus ; this country lies between Pales-
tine and Celesyria. Ul founded Armenia;
and Gather the Bactrians ; and Mesa the
Mesaneans; it is now called Charax Spasini.
Sala was the son of Arphaxad ; and his son
was Heber, from whom they originally called
the Jews Hebrews.-j- Hcber begat Joctan and
Phaleg: he was called Plialeg, because lie
was born at the dispersion of the nations to
their several countries ; for Phaleg, among
the Hebrews, signifies division. Now Joctan,
one of the sons of Heber, had these sons,
Elmodad, Saleph, Asermoth, Jera, Adoram,
Aizel, Dccla, Ebal, Abimael, Sabeus, 0[)hir,
Euilat, and Jobab. These inhabited from
Cophen, an Indian river, and in part of Asia
adjoining to it. And this shall suffice con.
cerning the sons of Shem.
5. I will now treat of the Hebrews. The
son of Phaleg, whose father was Heber, was
llagau ; whose son was Serug, to whom was
born Nalior; his son was Terah, who was the
father of Abraham, who accordingly was the
tenth from Noah, and was born in the two
hundred and ninety-second year after the
Deluge ; for Terah begat Abrani in his se-
ventieth year. Nahor begat Haran when he
was one hundred and twenty years old ; Na-
hor was born to Serug in his hundred and
thirty-second year; Ragau had Serug at one
hundred and thirty ; at the same age also Pha-
leg had Ragau ; Heber begat Plialeg in his
hundred and thirty-fourth year; he himself
being begotten by Sala when he was an hun-
dred and thirty years old, whom Arphaxad
+ That the Jews were called Hebrews, from this theii
progenitor Hel)er, our author Josephus here rightly af-
firms ; and not from Abram the Hebrew, or passenger
over Euphrates, as many of the moderns suppose. .Shem
is aUo called the father of all the children of Heber, or
of all the Hebrews, in a history long before Abram pass-
ed over Euphrates (Gen. x. 21), though it must be con-
fessed that (Gen. xiv. 15), where the original says they
tohl Ahram the Hebrew, the Septuagint renders it the
piissenger, 5-!»«Trf- But this is spoken only of .Abram
nimseif, who had then lately passed over Euphrates;
and IS another signification of the Hebrew word, taken
as an ajjpellative, and not as a proper name.
3«
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
Iiad for liis son at tlie hundred and tliirty-
fif'tli year of liis age. Aiphaxad was the son
of" .Siieni, and l>orn twelve years after the
Deluge. Now Abram liad two hretliren,
Nalior and Haraii : of tho'ie Ilaian left a son,
Lot; as also Sarai and INIilclia his daughters,
and died among the Chaldeans, in a city of
the Clialdeans, calk'd Ur ; and liis monument
is shown to this day. Tliese married tiieir
nieces. Nahor married Milcha, and Ahrain
inairie<i Sarai. Now Tcrah haling Clialdca,
on account of his mourning for Haran, they
all removed to Haran of ^Mesopotamia, where
Tcrah died, and was buried, when he had liv-
ed to be two hundred and five years old ; for
the life of man was already, by degrees di-
minished, and became shorter tli:in before, till
the birth of Moses ; after whom tJie term of
huitian life was one hundred and twenty years,
God determining it to the length that Moses
happened to live. Now Nahor had eiglit sens
by Milcha; Uz and Buz, Keniuel, Cliesed,
Azau, Pheldas, Jadelph, and Bethuel. These
were all the genuine sons of Nahor; for Teba
and Gaam, and Tachas, and Maaca, were
born of Reuma his concubine; but Bethuel
bad a daughter, Rebecca, — and a son, Laban.
CHAPTER VII.
HOW ABRAM OUa FOREFATHER WENT OUT OF
THE LAKD OF THE CHAI.UEANS, AND LIVED
IN THE LAND THEN CALLED CANAAN, BUT
NOW JUDEA.
§ 1. Now .\bram havinj no son of iiis own,
adopted Lot, his brother Haran's son, and his
wife Sarai's brother ; and he left the land of
Chaldea when he was seventy-five years old,
and at the command of God went into Ca-
naan, and therein he dwelt himself, and left
it to his posterity. He was a person of great
sagacity, both for understanding all things
and persuading his hearers, and not mistaken
in his opinions; for wliich reason lie began to
have higher notions oC virtue than others had,
and he determined to renew and to change
the opinion all men happened then to have
concerning God ; for he was the first that
ventured to jjublibh this notion, That there
was but one God, the Creator of the i, inverse;
and that, as to other [gods], if tlioy contri-
buted any thing to the happiness of men, that
each of them a!!'orded it only according to his
appointment, and not by their own power.
This his o|)inion uas derived from the irregu-
lar phenomena that were visible both at land
and sea, as w'ell as those that happen to the
sun and moon, and all the heavenly bodies,
thus : — " If [said he] these bodies had power
of their own, they would certainly take care
of their own regular motions; but since they
do not preserve such regularity, they make it
plain, tJiat in so fur as they co-operate to our
advantage, they do it not of their own abili-
ties, but as they are subservient to Him that
commands them ; to whom alone we ought
justly to ofler our honour and llianksgiving."
l"or which doctrines, when the Chaldeans and
other people of Mesopotamia raised a tumult
against liim, he thought fit to leave that coun-
try ; and at the command, and by the assist-
ance of God, he came and lived in the land
of Canaan. And when he was there settled,
he built an altar, and performed a sacrifice to
God.
'2. Berosus mentions our father Abram
without naming him, when he says thus: —
" In the lentil generation after the Flood,
there was among the Chaldeans a man right-
eous and great, and skilful in the celestial sci-
ence." But Ilecataus does more than barely
mention him ; for he composed and left be-
hind him a book concerning him. And Ni-
colaus of Damascus, in the fourth book ot
his history, says thus : — " Abram reigned at
Damascus, being a foreigner, who came with
an army out of the land above Babylon, call-
ed the land of the Chaldeans. But after a
long time he got him uj), and removed from
that country also with his peo))le, and went
into the land then called the land of Canaan,
but now the land of Judea, and this when
his posterity were become a multitude; as to
which posterity of his, we relate their history
in another work. Now the name of Abram
is even still famous in the country of Da-
mascus; and there is shown a village named
from him, T/ie Habitation of Abram.
CHAPTER VIII.
THAT WHEN THERE MAS A FAMINE IN CANAAN
ABRAM WENT THENCE INTO EGYPT; AND AF-
TER HE HAD CONTINUED THERE A WHILE,
HE RETURNED BACK AGAIN.
§ I. Now, after this, when a famine had in-
vaded the land of Canaan, and Abram had
discovered that ihe Egyptians were in a flour-
ishing condition, he was disposed to go down
to them, both to partake of the plenty they
enjoyed, and to become an auditor of their
pi iests, and to know what they said concern-
Jng the gods; designing either to follow them,
if they had better noiions than he, or to con-
vert them into a better way, if his own notions
proved the truest. Now, seeing he was to take
Sarai with him, and was afraid of the madness
of the Egyptians with regard to women, lest
the king should kill him on occasion of his
wife's great beauty, he contrived this device:
—he uretended to be her brother, and direct-
cu Her in a dissembling «ay to pretend the
same, for he said it would be for their benefit
Now, as soon as he came into Egypt, it liap-
_r
"\_
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
39
pened to Abram as he supposed it would ; for
the fame of his wife's beauty was greatly talk-
ed of, for which reason Pharaoh tlie king of
Egvpt would not be satisfied with what was
reported of her, but would needs see her him-
self, and was preparing to enjoy her; but God
put a stop to his unjust inclinations, by send-
ing upon him a distemper, and a sedition
against his government. And when he in-
quired of the priests, how he might be freed
from rtiese calamities, they told him that this
his miserable condition was derived from the
wrath of God, upon account of his inclina-
tions to abuse the stranger's wife. He then
out of fear asked Sarai who she was, and who
it was that she brought along with her. And
when he had found out the truth, he excused
himself to Abram, that supposing the woman
to be his sister, and not his wife, he set hh
affections on her, as desiring an affinity with
nim by marrying her, but not as incited by
lust to abuse her. He also made him a large
present in money, and gave him leave to enter
into conversation with the most learned among
the Egyptians ; from which conversation, his
virtue and his reputation became more con-
spicuous than they had been before.
2. For whereas the Egyptians were former-,
ly addicted to different customs, and despised
one another's sacred and accustomed rites, and
were very angry one with another on that ac-
count, Abram conferred with each of them,
and, confuting the reasonings they made use
of, every one for their own practices, demon-
strated that such reasonings were vain and
void of truth ; whereupon he was admired by
them in those conferences as a very wise man,
and one of great sagacity, when he discoursed
on any subject he undertook; and this not only
in understanding it, but in persuading other
men also to assent to him. He communicat-
ed to them arithmetic, and delivered to them
tlie science of astronomy ; for, before Abram
came into Egypt, they were unacquainted with
those parts of learning; for that science came
from th« Chaldeans into Egypt, and from
thence to the Greeks also.
3. As soon as Abram was come back into
Canaan, he parted the land between him and
Lot, upon account of the tumultuous behavi-
our of their shepherds, concerning the pastures
wJiereiu they should feed their flocks. How-
ever, he gave Lot his option, or leave, to
choose which lands he would take ; and he
took himself what the other left, which were
the lower grounds at the foot of the moun-
tains ; and he himself dwelt in Hebron, which
is a city seven years more ancient than Tanis
of Egypt. But Lot possessed the land of the
plain, and the river Jordan, not far from the
city of Sodom, which was then a fine city ;
but is now destroyed by the will and wrath of
God ; — the cause of which I shall show in its
proper plane hereafter.
CHAPTER IX.
THE DESTRUCTION OF THE SODOMITES BY FUF
ASSYRIAN WAR.
At this time, when the Assyrians had the
dominion over Asia, the people of Sodom
were in a flourishing condition, both as to
riches and the number of tlieir youth. Tiitre
were five kings that managed the affairs of
this country : Ballas, Barsas, Senabar, and
Sumobor, with the king of Bela ; and each
king led on his own troops ; and th» Assy-
rians made war upon them ; and, dividing
their army into four parts, fought against
them. Now every part of the army had its
own commander; and when the battle was
joined, the Assyrians were conquerors; and
imposed a tribute on the kings of the Sodom-
ites, who submitted to this slavery twelve
years ; and so long they continued to pay
their tribute : but on the thirteenth year they
rebelled, and then the army of the Assyrians
came upon them, under their conmianders
Amraphel, Arioch, Chodorlaomer, and Tidal.
These kings had laid waste all Syria, and
overthrown the offspring of the giants ; and
when they were come over against Sodom,
they pitched their camp at the vale called the
Slime Pits, for at that time there were pits in
that place ; but now, upon the destruction of
the city of Sodom, that vale became the
Lake Asphaltites, as it is called. However,
concerning this lake we shall speak more
presently. Now wiien the Sodomites joined
battle with the Assyrians, and the fight was
very obstinate, many of them were killed, and
the rest were carried captive ; among which
captives was Lot, who had come to assist tiie
Sodomites.
CHAPTER X-
HOW ABUAM FOUGHT WITH THE ASSYRIANS,
AND OVERCAME THtJI, AND SAVED THE
SODOMITE PRISONERS, AND TOOK lUOM THE
ASSYRIANS THE PREY THEY HAD GOTTEN.
§ 1. When Abram heard of their calamity,
he was at once afraid for Lot his kinsman,
and pitied the Sodomites, liis friends and
neighbours; and thinking it proper to afibrd
them assistance, he did not delay it, but
marched hastily, and the fifth niglit fell upon
the Assyrians, near Dan, for that is the name
of the other spring of Jordan ; and before
they could arm themselves, he slew some as
they were in their beds, before they could
suspect any harm ; and others, who were not
yet gone to sleep, but were so drunk they
^
J-
40
ANTIQUITIES OF THE lEWS.
BOOK 1
roiild not fight, ran away. Ahrani pursued
after tlicni, till on tlio sccoiiiJ day he drove
them in a body unto Iloha, a place helonir-.
ing to Damascus ; anil tlien hy deinnnstrated
that victory does not de|)eiul on multitude
and the number of hands, but the alacrity and
courage of soldiers overcome tlie most nume-
rous bodies of men, while he got the victory
over so great an army with no more than
three hiuulred and eigliteen of his servants,
and three of his friends: but all those that
fled returned home ingloriously.
2. So Abrani, when he had saved the cap-
tive Sodomites who liad been taken by the
Assyrians, and Lot also, his kinsman, return-
ed home in peace. Now the king of Sodom
met him at a certain place, wliich they called
Tlie King's Dale, where Melchisedec, king
of the city Salein, received him. That name
Signifies the righlcoKS Icing; and such he "as
witliout dis))ute, insomuch tliat, on this ac-
count, he was made the priest of God : how-
ever, they afterward called Salem Jerusalem.
Now this Melchisedec supplied Abram's army
in an hospitable manner, and gave them provi-
sions in abundance; and as they were feasting,
he began to praise him, and to bless God for
subduing his enemies under him. And when
Abram gave him the tenth part of his prey,
he accepted of the gift : but the king of So-
dom desired Abram to take the prey, but en-
treated that lie might have those men restored
to hiin whom Abram had saved from the As-
syrians, because tliey belonged to him; but
Abrani would not do so ; nor would make
any other advantage of that prey than what
his servants had eaten ; but still insisted that
he should afford a part to his fiiends that had
assisted him in tlie battle. The first of them
was called Eschol, and then Enner, and
Mambre.
3. And God cominendcd his virtue, and
said, Thou slialt not, however, lose the rewards
thou hast deserved to receive by such thy glo-
rious actions. He answered. And what ad-
vantage w ill it be to me to have such rewards,
when 1 have none to enjoy them after me ? —
for he was hitherto childless. And God pro-
ndsed that he should have a son, and that his
posterity should be very numerous, insomuch
that their nun-.ber should be like the stars.
When he heard that, he ofl'ered a sacrifice to
Cod, as he commanded him. The manner
of the sacrifice was this : — He took an heifer
of three years old, ai:d a she-goat of three
years old, and a rawi in like manner of three
years old, and a tuitle dove and a pigeon ;•
and as he was enjoined, he divided the three
former ; but tlie birds he did not divide. After
which, before he built his alt^ir, where the
• It is wrifth noting here, Ihacd'od rciiuireil no other
tacrificcs under t!ie law of Muses, than v.\m were taktii
ftoni these five kinds of aidinals which he here re<iuiiod
of Abram. Nor did the Jews fcid upon aiiv uiher do-
nicstie animals than the Ihiec here iiuiiinl, 'as KeUiiul
obaCTv«iun Anli)). b. iv eh. v sect. 4.
birds of prey flew about, as desirous of blood,
a divine voice came to him, declaring that
their neigliliours would he grievous to his
posterity uhen they shoidd lie in Egypt, for
four hundred years.f during which time they
should be afilicted ; but afterwards should
overcome their enemies, sliould conquer the
Canaanites in war, and possess tlieniselves of
their land, and of their cities.
4. Now Abram dwelt near the oak called
Ogyges, — the place belongs to Canaan, not
far from the city of Hebron : but being un-
easy at his wife's barrenness, lie entreated
God to grant that he might have male issue;
and God required of him to be of good cou-
rage ; and said, that he would add to all the
rest of the benefits that he had bestowed on
him ever since he led him out of JVIesopota-
mia, the gift of children. Accordingly .Sarai,
at God's command, brought to his bed one of
her handmaidens, a woman of Egyptian des-
cent, in order to obtain children by her; and
when this handmaid was with cliild, she tri-
umphed, and ventured to affront Sarai, as if
the dominion were to come to a son to be
born of her : but when Abram resigned her
into the hand of Sarai, to punish her, she
contrived to fly away, as not able to bear the
instances of Sarai's severity to her ; and she
entreated God to have compassion on her.
Now a divine angel met her, as she was go-
ing forward in the wilderness, and bid her re-
turn to her master and mistress; for, if she
would submit to that wise advice, she would
live better hereafter ; for that the reason of
her being in such a miserable case was this,
that she had been ungrateful and arrogant to-
wards her mistress. He also told her, that if
she disobeyed God, and went on still in her
way, she should perish ; but if she would
return back, she sliould become the inother of
a son who should reign over that country.
These admonitions she obeyed, and returned
to her master and inistress, and obtained for-
giveness. A liitle while afterwards, she bare
Ismael, which may be interpreted Heard of
Goil, because God had heard his mother's
prayer,
5. Tlie forcmentioned son was born to
Abram when he was eighty-six years old :
but when he was niijety-iiine, God appeared
to him, and promised him that he should have
a son by Sarai, and commanded that his name
should lie Isaac; and showed him, that from this
son should spring great nations and kings, and
that they should obtain all the land of Canaan
by uar, from Sidon to Egypt. But he charg-
ed him, in order to keep his jiosterity unmixed
with others, that they should be circumcised
in the flesh of their foreskin, and that this
should be done on the eighth day after they
«ere born : the reason of whicJi circumcision
1 will explain in another place. And Abram
t .As to this affliotion of Abram's posterity for 4C0
yciin, tec- Antlq. b. ii. cli. ix. suc-L 1.
_y-
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
41
iiHjuirinir also concerning Ismael, whetlier he
should live or not, God signified to him that
he should live to be very old, and should be
the father of great nations. Abram, there-
fore, gave tlianks to God for those blessings;
and then he, and all his family, and his son
Ismael, were circumcised immediately, the
son being that day thirteen years of age, and
he ninety- nine.
CHAPTER XI.
now GOD OVERTHREW THE NATION OF THE
SODOMITES, OUT OF HIS WBATH AGAINST
THEM FOU THEIR SINS.
§ 1. About this time the Sodomites grew
proud, on account of their riches and great
wealth : they became unjust towards men,
and impious towards God, insomuch that
they did not call to mind the advantages they
received from him : they hated strangers,
and abused themselves with Sodomitical prac-
tices. God was therefore much displeased
at them, and determined to punish them for
their pride, and to overthrow their city, and
to lay waste their country, until there sliould
iii'ither plant nor fruit grow out of it.
"■l. When God had thus rosolved concern-
ing the Sodomites, Abraham, as he sat by the
oak of Mambre, at the door of his tent, saw
three angels; and, tliinking them to be stran-
gers, he rose up and saluted them, and de-
sired they would accept of an entertainment,
and abide with him ; to which when they
agreed, he ordered cakes of meal to be made
presently : and when he had slain a calf, lie
roasted it, and brought it to them, as they
sat imder the oak. Now they made a show
of eating ; and besides, they asked him about
his wife Sarah, where she was ; and when he
said she was within, they said they would
come again hereafter, and rind her become a
mother. Upon which the woman laughed,
and said that it was impossible she should
bear children, since she was ninety years of
age, and her hasband was an hundred. Then
they concealed themselves no longer, but de-
clared that they were angels of God ; and that
one of them was sent to inform them about
the child, and two of the ovenlirow of So-
dom.
3. When Abraham heard this, he was
grieved for the Sodomites; and he rose up,
and besought God for them, and entreated
him that he would not destroy the righteous
with the wicked. And when God had replied
that there was no good man among the So-
domites; for if there were but ten such men
among them, he would not punish any of
them lor their sins, Abraham held his peace.
And the angels came to the city of the So-
domites, and Lot entreated them to accept of
a lodging with him ; for he was a very gene-
rous and hospitable man, and one that had
learned to imitate the goodness of Abraham.
Now when the Sodomites saw the young
men to be of beautiful countenances, and
this to an extraordinary degree, and that they
took up their lodgings with Lot, they resolved
themselves to enjoy these beautiful boys by
force and violence ; and when Lot exhorted
them to sobriety, and not to offer any thing
immodest to the strangers, but to have re-
gard to their lodging in his house; and pro-
mised, that if their inclinations couid not be
governed, he would expose his daughters to
their lust, instead of these strangers — neither
thus were they made ashamed.
4. But God was much displeased at their
impudent behaviour, so that he both smote
those men with blindness, and condemned the
Sodomites to universal destruction. But Lot,
u|)on God's informing him of the future de-
struction of the Sodomites, went away, taking
with him his wife and daughters, who were
two, and still virgins ; for those that were be-
trothed* to them were above the thoughts of
going, and deemed that Lot's words were tri-
fling. God then cast a thunderbolt upon the
city, and set it on fire, with its inhabitants;
and laid waste the country with the like burn-
ing, as 1 formerly said when I wrote the Jew-
ish war.-j- But Lot's w ife continually turn-
ing back to view the city as she went from it,
and being too nicely inquisitive what would
become of it, although God had forbidden her
so to do, was changed into a pillar of salt;^
for I have seen it, and it remains at this day.
Now he and his daughters fled to a certain
small place, encompassed with the fire, ar.d
settled in it. It is to this day called Zuar,
for that is the word which the Hebrews use
for a small thing. There it was that he lived
a m serable life, on account of his having no
company, and his want of provisions.
5. But his daughters, thinking that all
mankind were destroyed, approached to their
* These sons-in-law to Lot, as they ar? callcil (Gen.
xix. 12 — Mt, might be so styled because they were be-
trothed to Lot's daughters, though not yet married to
them. See the note on Antiq. b. xiv, ch. xiii. sect. 1.
1 Of the War, b. iv, ch. viii, sect. 4.
X This (lillav of salt was, we see here, standing in the
days of Josepluis ; and he had seen it. That it was
standing then, is also attested by Clement of Rome,
contemporary witli Josephus ; as also that it was so in the
next century, is attested by Irenaeus, with the addition
of an hypothesis, how it came to last so long, with all
its meriibers entire — Whether the account that some
modem travellers give be true, that it is still standing,
I do not know. Its remote situation, at the utmost
southern point of the Sea of Sodom, in the wild and
dangerous deserts of Arabia, makes it exceeding difficult
for inquisitive travellers to examine the plaee; and for
common reports of country people, at a distance, they
are not very satisfactory. In the mean time, 1 have no
opinion of Le Clerc's dissertation or hypotliesis about
this question, v.hic h can only be determined by eye-wit-
nesses. When Christian princes, so called, lay aside
their foolish and unchristian wars and quarrels, and send
a body of fit persons to travel over the east, and bring
us faithful accounts of all ancient monuments, and pro-
cure us cojiies of all ancient records, at present lost ;•-
mong us, we may hope for full satisfaction in such in-
quiries, but hardly before.
42
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK I.
CIlArTER XII.
fatlier,* though Jakin^r care not to be perceived, land that if lie thought fit to continue with him,
Tliis they did, that liunian kind might not lit- he should have what he wanted in iihtindance ;
telly tail. And tlioy bare sons: the son of but that if he designed to go away, he should
the elder was named Moab, which denotes one ' be honourably conducted, and have wliatso-
derived from his father. The younger bare | ever supply he wanted when he came thither.
Aminon, v liioh name denotes one derived ! Upon his saying this, Abraham told him that
from a kinsman. The former of whom was his pretence ol kindred to his wife was no lie,
tlie father of the iNIoabites, which is even still ^ because she was his brolhir's daiigliter; and
a great nation ; the latter was the father of the that he did not think himself safe in hi, tra-
Ammonites : and both of them are inh.ibitants vels abro;id, without this sort of tlissiinulation ;
of Celesyri.'u And such was the departure ' and that he was not the cause of his disterii-
of Lot from among the Sodomites. per, but was only solicitous for his o«n safety.
lie said also, that he was ready to stay with
. him. Whereupon Abimelecli assigned him
land and money ; and they covenanted to
live together without guile, and took au
oath at a certain well called Beersheba, which
CONCERNING ABIMEI. ECU; AND CONCERNING IS- may be inter])reled TliC Well of Utc Oath. And
WAEL.THE SON OE ABRAHAM; AND CONCERN- , SO it is n;:med by the people of tile couutr)-
INGTHEARABIANSjWHOWEREUlSrOSTEUITY. 1 untO this day.
I 2. Now in a little time .Abraham had a son
§ 1. Abraham now removed to Gcrar of by Sar;di, as God had foretold to him, «hoin
Palestine, leading Sarah along with him, un- he named Isaac, which signifies Laughter;
der the notion of his sister, using the like dis- land indeed they so called him, because Sarah
simulation that he had used before, and this ^ laughed when God* said that she should bear
out of fear ; for he was afraid of Abimclech, ' a son, she not expecting such a tiling, as be-
thc king of that cour.try, who did also him- ling past the age of child-bearing, for she was
self fall in love with Sarah, and was disposed ninety years old, and Abraham an hundred;
to corrupt her; but he was restrained from so that this son was born to them both in the
satisfying his lust, by a dangerous distemper, last year of each of those decimal numbers
which befell him (rom God. Now when his And they circumcised him upon the eighth
physicians despaired of curing him, he fell a- | day. And from that time the Jews continue
sleep, and saw a dream, warning him not to I the custom of circumcising their sons within
that number of days. But as for the Arab-
ians, they circumcise after the thirteenth year,
because Ismael, the founder of their nation,
who was born to Abraham of the concubine,
was circumcised at that age ; concerning
whom I will presently give a particular ac-
count, with great exactness.
3. As for Sarah, she at first loved Ismael,
who was born of her own handmaid Hagar,
with an alVection not inferior to that of her own
son, for he was brought up, in order to succeed
in the government ; but when she herself had
born Isaac, she was not willing that Ismael
should l>e brought up with him, as being too
old for him, and able to do him injuries when
their father should be dead ; she therefore per-
suaded Abraham to send him and his mother
to some distant country. Now, at the first he
abuse the stranger's wife; and when he re-
covered, he told his friends tliat G( d had in-
Hicted that disease upon him, by way of pu-
nishment, for his injury to the stranger, and
in order to preserve the chastity of his wife;
for tliat she did not accompany him as his sis-
ter, but as his legitimate wife ; and that God
had promised to be gracious to him for the
time to come, if this person be once secure of
his wife's chastity. When he had said this,
by the advice of his friends, he sent for Abra-
ham, and bid him not be concerned about
his wife, or fear the corruption of her chastity ;
for that God took care of hiin, and that it was
by his providence that he received his wife
B^ain, without her suffering any abuse; and
he appealed to God, aiid to his wife's consci-
ence, and said that he had not any inclination
at first to enjoy her, if he had known she was ! did not agree to what Sarah was so zealous for.
Iris wife; but siiice, said he, thou ledst her and thought it an instance of the greatest bar-
about as thy sister, I was guilty of no oJlence,
lie also entreated him to be at peace with
bim, and to make God projiitious to him ;
• I sec no proper wicked intention in tlu-se daughters
of Lot, when in a case which appc.nrc.l to tl <.ni of un-
avoidable necessity, they procured themselves to be
with child bv their father. W itliout such an unavoid-
able necessity, incest is a horrid crime; but whether in
such a ca^e of necessity as they aiiprehciuk-d this to be,
according to Josephus, it was any such crime, I am not
sali>fied. In tlie mean time, their making their faiher
drunk, and their sohcitous «)ncc.-»lment of what they
did from him, shows that they dcs|iairetl of persuading
'inn loan action which, at tlie best, c-oulil not but be
• cry »u>pitious and >liocking to so good u man.
barity to send away a young cliildf and a wo-
t It is wcU worlji observation, that Ja^phus here
calls that principal uiiuci, who appeared to .Abrali.im
and foretold the birth rf Isa.ic, directly God; which
l>inj;ua(;e of Josephus here, prepares us to believe lho»e
other cxi>rcssions of his, that Jesus vat a uise nuiti, if
it he latrjut to volt him a man, Antiip b. xviii, chap, in,
sect. 5; and of (iod the iVurJ, in his homily con-
cfrning Hades, may he both genuine. Nor is the oihcr
expression of divine angel, ust-d presently, and before,
also of any other signiticition.
X Josephus here calls Ismael a young child or infant,
though he was about 1.) yeaisof age; ivs Judas calls him-
self and his brethren yo'urc men, when he was 47, and
had two children, Aiuicp D. ii, chap. sivt. h, and they
neic of much tJiu sainu i%>i as u a d.'uii»cl uf 1^
CHAP. XIII.
man unprovided of necessaries ; but at length
he agreed to it, because God was pleased witli
A'hat Sarah had determined ; so he deliTered
Ismael to his mother, as not yet able to go by
himself; and commanded her to take a bottle
of water, and a loaf of bread, and so to depart,
and to take Necessity for her guide. But as
soon as her necessary provisions failed, she
found herself in an evil case; and when the
water was almost spent, she laid the young
child, who was ready to expire, under a (ig-tree,
and went on farther, that so he might die while
she was absent. But a divine angel came to
her, and told her of a fountain hard by, and
oid her takfi care and bring up the child, be-
cause she should be very happy by the preser-
vation of Ismael. She then took courage, upon
the prospect of what was promised her, and,
meeting with some shepherds, by their care she
got clear of the distresses she had boon in.
4. When the lad was grown up, he married
a wife, by birth an Egyptian, from whence the
mother was herself derived originally. Of this
wife were born to Ismael twelve sons ; Nabaioth,
Kedar, Abdeel, Mabsam, Idumas, Masmaos,
Masaos, Chodad, Theman, Jetur, Naphesus,
Cadmas- These inhabited all the country from
Euphrates to the Red Sea, and called it Na-
batene. They are an Arabian nation, and name
their tribes from these, both because of their
own virtue, and because of the dignity of Ab-
raham their father.
CHAPTER XIII.
CONCERNING ISAAC, THE LEGITIMATE SON OF
ABBAHAM.
§ 1. Now Abraham greatly loved Isaac, as be-
ing his only begotten*, and given to him at the
borders of old age, by the favour of God. The
child also endeared liimself to his parents still
more, by the exercise of every virtue, and ad-
hering to his duty to his parents, and being
zealous in the worship of God. Abraha;n also
placed his own happiness in this prospect, that,
when he should die, he should leave this his son
in a safe and secure condition ; which accord-
ingly he obtained by the will of God ; who, be-
ing desirous to make an experiment of Abra-
ham's religious disposition towards himself, ap-
peared to him, and enumerated aUthe blessings
he had bestowed on him ; how he had made him
years old called a little child, Mark v. 59 — 12, five se-
veral times. Herod also is said by Josc^hus to be a very
young man at 2.i. S^ee the note tin Antiq. b. xiv, chap.
IX, sect. "2, and of the War, b. i, chap. x. And Aristo-
bulus is styled a ver>' little child at 16 ye^rs of ace,
Antiq. b. xv, chap, ii, sect. C, 7- Domitian is also called
by him a very young child, when he went on his (1 eniian
expedition at about 18 years of age, of the War, b. vii, I
chap, iv, sect. 2. Samson's wife, and Ruth, when thoy j
were widows, are called children, Antiq. b. v, chap, viii, '
sev't. 6, and chap, ix, sect. 2, 3.
* Note, that both here and Heb. xi, 17, Isaac is called
Abraham's only begotten son, though he at the same
time had another son, Ismael. The .'-eptuagint expresses
the true meaning, by rendering the text tin: btlovai tun. .
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
43
superior to his enimes; and that liis son Isaac,
who was the principal part of his present hap-
piness, was derived from him ; and he said
tliat he required this son of his as a sacrifice
and holy oblation. Accordingly he command-
ed him to carry him to the mountain Moriah,
and to build an altar, and offer him for a
burnt-offering upon it ; for that this would
best manifest his religious disposition towards
him, if he preferred what was pleasing to God,
before the preservation of his own son.
2. Now Abraham thought tliat it was not
right to disobey God in anything, but that he
was obTiged to serve him in every circumstance
of life, since all creatures that live enjoy their
life by his providence, and the kindness he be-
stows on them. Accordingly he concealed
this command of God, and his own intentions
about the slaughter of his son, from his wife
as also from every one of his servants, other-
« ise he should have been hi-ndered from his
obedience to God; and he took Isaac, togetlier
with two of his servants, and layingwhat things
were necessary for a sacrifice upon an ass, he
went away to tlie mountain. Now the two
servants went along with him two days; but
on the third day, as soon as he saw the moun-
tain, he left those servants that were witii him
till then in the plain, and, having his son alone
with him, he came to the mountain. It was
that mountain upon which king David after-
wards built the temple, j- Now they ])ad
brought with them every thing necessary for
a sacrifice excepting (he animal that was to be
offered only. Now Isaac was twenty-five years
old. And as he was building the altar he asked
his father what he was about to offer, since
there was no animal there for an oblation : —
to which it was answered, " That God would
provide Wmself an oblation, he being abie to
make a plentiful provision for-men out of v.hat
they have not, and to deprive others of wliat
they already have, when they put too much trust
therein ; that therefore, if God pleased to be
present and propitious at this sacrifice, he
would provide himself an oblation."
3. As soon as the altar was prepared, and
Abraham had laid on the wood, and all [)iings
were entirely ready, he said to his son, " O
son ! I poured out a vast number of prayers
that I might have thee for my son ; when thou
wast come into the world, there was notl;ing
that could contribute to thy support for which
I was not greatly solicitous, nor any tlu"ng
wherein I thought myself happier than to see
thee grown up to man'sestate,and that I might
leave thee at my death the successor to my
dominion ; but since it was by God's will that
1 became thy father, and it is now his will that
t Here is a plain error in the copies, which say that
king David afterwards built the temple on this mount
Moriah, while it was certainly no other than king So-
lomon who built that temple, as indeed I'loconius cues
it from Joscj)hus. for it was for eert;iin Daviif, and no'
Solomon, who built the first altar there, as we learu
2 Sam. xxiv, 18, &c. 1 (.'hron. xjti, 22, inc. and AnUi,
b. \ii, chap. xiiL sect. 1.
\
■V
41
ANTIQUITES OF THE JEWS.
1 reliiKjuisli tlicc, bear this consecration to God I should leave behind them an everlasting name ,
with a generous mind ; for I resign tiiee up to
God, \Oioliasliiought (it now to re(jiiire this tes-
timony ol" lionoiir to hiniself, on aecount of t!ie
favouis he hath conferred on me, in being to
nic a .supporter and defender. Accordingly
thou, my son, wilt now die, not in any common
way of going out of the world, but sent to
God, the Father of all men, beforehand, by
thy own father, in tlic nature of a sacrifice. I
sujjpose he thinks thee wortliy to get clear of
this world neitiier by disease, neither by war,
nor !>} any other severe way, by which death
usually comes upon men, but so that he will
receive thy soul with prayers and holy offices
of religion, and will \Aace thee near to him-
self, and thou wilt there be to n'.e a succoiirer
and supporter in my old age ; on wliich ac-
count 1 principally brought thee up, and thou
wilt thereby procure me God for my Com-
forter instead of thyself."
4. Now Isaac was of such a generous dis-
position as became the son of such a father,
and was pleased with this discourse ; and said
" That he was not worthy to be born at first,
if he siiould reject the determination of God
and of his l"^tlier, and should not resign him-
self up readily to both their pleasures ; since it
would have been unjust if he had not obeyed,
even if his lather alone h^d so resolved." So
he went immediately to the altar to be sacri-
ficed. And the deed had been done if God
had not opposed it ; for he called loudly to
Abraham by his name, and forbade him to
slay his son ; and said, " It was not out of a
desire of human blood that he was conni;and-
ed to slay his son, nor was he willing that he
should be taken away from him whom he liad
made his father, but to try t!ie temper of his
mind, whether he would be obedient to such
a command. Since, therefore, he now was
satisfied as to that his alacriiy, and the sur-
prising readiness he showed in this his piety,
he was delighted in having besto^ved such
blessings upon him ; and that he would rot
be wanting in all sort of concern about him,
and in bestowing other children upon him ;
and tliat his son should live to a very great
' age ; that he should live a ha])py life, and be-
quealh a large principality to his children,
who should be good and legitimate." He
foretold also, that his family should increase
into many nations j* and that those patriarchs
• It seems both here, and in 0<h1's parallel blessing to
Jacob (cliap. xix. sect. I), Uiat .losephus had yt-t no no-
tion of the hidden meaning of that most important and
most eminent promise, '* In tliy sLe<l shall all the fami-
lies of the earth be bk-ssed ! He w.ith not, And to seeds,
as of many, but as of one; and to thy siiil, which is
Christ," (i:d. iii. IS. Nor is it any wonder, he bcinp;, I
think, as yet not a Christian ; and had he tx-en a Cliris-
tian, yet since he was, to be sure, till the latter part of his
ife, no more than an Kbionile Christian, who, alxwe
all the apostles, rejected and dc^piseil St. I'aid, it voidd
be no crcat wonder if he did not now folU)w his inter-
pretation. In the mean time, we have in etl'eet St.
Paul's exposition in the Testament of Ucviben, sect. 6,
In Authent. Ilec. Parti, p. .»(ii.', who cha pes his sons
" to worship the seed of Judah, who should die I'ur
that they should ol)t:iin the possession of the
land of Canaan, and be envied by all men.
When God had said this, he produced to
them a rain, which did not appear before, for
the sacrifice. So .Abraham and Isaac receiv-
ing each other unexpectedly, and having ob-
tained the promises of such great bIes•^ings,
embraced one another ; and wiien they had
sacrificed, tliey returned to Siirah, and lived
happily together, God dfl:ording them his as-
sistance in all tilings they desired.
CHAPTER XIV,
CONCEUNING SABAH, ABIIAHAM's WIFE; AND
HOW SHE ENDED llEU DAYS.
Now Sarah died a little while after, having
lived one hundred and twenty-seven years.
They buried her in Hebron; the Canaanites
publicly allowing them a burying-place : —
which piece of ground Abraham bought, for
four hundred shekels, of Ephron, an iidiabit-
ant of Hebron ; and both Abraham and his
descendants built themselves sepulchres in
that place.
CHAPTER XV
now THE NATION OF THE TROGLODYTES WERE
DEP.IVED lilOM ABRAHAM BY KETLHAH.
ABRAHAMafter this married Keturah, by whom
six sons were born to him ; men of cour-
age and of sagacious minds : — Zainbran, and
Jazar, and IMadati, and jMadian, and Josabak
and Sous. Now the sons of Sous were Saba-
than and Dadan ; — the sons of Dadan were
Latusim, and Assur, and Luom ; — the sons
of Madian were Ephas, and Ojihren, and
Anoch, and Ebidas, and Eldas. Now, for
all these sons and grandsons, Abraham con-
trived to settle their, in colonies; and they took
possession of Troglodytis, and the country of
Arabia the Happy, as far as it reaches to the
Red Sea. It is related of this Ophren, that
he made war against Libya, and took it ; and
that his graiidchildren, when they inhabited
it, called it (from his name) Africa; and in-
deed Alexander Polyhistor gives his attesta-
tion to what I licre say; who speaks thus : —
" Cleodemus the prophet, who was also call-.
them in vi.sihlcand invi,';ib!ewars ; and should !» among
'hem anetcm.d kini;." Nor is that obstrvatiim of a
learned forcii;ner of my acquain ance to be despised,
who takes notice, thai, as srrdi, in the plural, must
Ai^n\{y postti ill/ i &o tceri, in the singular, m.iy signify
either posttril'y, or a tingle jierion ; and that in thus
iiromise of all ualions being hanpy in the seed of .Vbra
iiam, or Isaac, or J.acoti &c. it Is always used in the sin
gular. To which I .shall add, that it'is a>mctnncs, as
It were, paraphrased by the son of Abraham, the son of
t>nvid,<^:c. which is capable of no such ambiguity
'V
CHAP. XVI.
ed Malchiis, who wrote a History of the Jews,
in agreement with the History of Moses, tlieir
legislator, relates, that tliere were many sons
born to Abraham by Keturah ; nay, he names
three of them, Apher, and Surim, and Japh-
ran : that from Surim was the land of Assyria
denominated ; and that from the other two
(Aphcr and Japhran) the country of Africa
took its name; because these men were auxi-
liaries to Hercules, when ha fought against
Libya and Antaeus ; and that Hercules mar-
ried Aphra's daughter, and of her he begat a
son, Diodorus ; and that Sophon was his son ;
from wliom that barbarous people called So--
pliacians were denominated,"
CHAPTER XVL
HOW ISAAC TOOK REBEKA TO WIFE.
§ 1. Now wlien Abraham, the father of Isaac,
\v'a\ r.-'solvcd to take Rebeka, who was grand-
daughter to his brother Nahor, for a wife to
his son Isaac, who was then about forty years
old, he sent the ancientest of his servants
to l)etroth her, after he had obliged him to
give him the strongest assurances of his fide-
lity ; — which assurances were given after tlie
manner following; — They put each other's
hands under each other's thighs ; then they
called upon God as the witness of what was
to be done. He also sent such presents to
those that were there as were in esteem, on
account that they either rarely or never were
ieen in tiiat country. The servant got thi-
ther not under a considerable time; for it re-
quires much time to pass through Mesopota
mia, in which it is tedious travelling, both in
winter, for the depth of the clay — and in
summer, for want of water ; and, besides this,
for the robberies tiiere committed, which are
not to be avoided by travellers but by caution
beforehand. However, the servant came to
Haran ; and when he was in the suburbs, he
met a considerable number of maidens going
lo the water ; he therefore prayed to God that
Rebeka might be found among them, or her
whom Abraham sent him as his servant to
espouse to his son, in case his will were tliat
tl;is marriage should be consummated ; and
that she might be made known to him by the
k\^u, That while others denied him water to
drink, she might give it him.
2. With this intention he went to tl)^ well,
and desired the maidens to give him some
water to drink : but while the others refused,
on pretence that they wanted it all at home,
and could spare none for him, one only of the
company rebuked them for their peevish be-
haviour towards the stranger; and said. What
IS there tl'.at you will ever communicate to any
body, who have not so much as given the man
^ome water .'' She then offered him water in
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
45
an obliging manner; and now he began to
hope that his grand affair would succeed ; but
desiring still to know the truth, he commend-
ed her for her generosity and good-nature,
that she did not scruple to afford a sufficiency
of water to those that wanted it, thou'xh it
cost lier some pains to draw it ; and asked
who were her parents, and wished them joy
of such a daughter. " And mayest thou be
espoused," said he, " to their satisfaction, in-
to the family of an agreeable husband, and
bring him legitimate children !" Nor did she
disdain to satisfy his inquiries, but told him
her family. ' They,' says she, ' call me Re-
beka ; my father was Betliuel, but lie is dead;
and Laban is my brother; and, together with
my mother, takes care of all our family af-
fairs, and is the guardian of my virginity.'
When the servant he:ird this, he was very glad
at what had happened, and at what was told
him, as perceiving that God had thus plainly
directed his journey: and producing his brace-
lets, and some other ornaments whicli it was
esteemed decent for virgins to wear, he gave
them to the damsel, by way of acknowledg-
ment, and as a reward for her kindness in
giving him water to drink ; saying, it was but
just that she should have them, because she
was so much more obliging than any of the
rest. She desired also that he would come
and lodge with them, since the approach of
the night gave h:m not time to proceed far-
ther ; and producing his precious ornaments
for women, he said he desired to trust them
to none more safely than to such as she had
shown herself to be ; and that he helitved he
might guess at the humanity of her mothei
and brother, that they would not be displeas-
ed, from the virtue he found in her ; for he
would not be burdensome, but would pay the
hire for his entertainment, and spend his own
money. To which she replied, that he guess-
ed right as to the humanity of her parents ;
but complained that he should think them so
parsimonious as to take money, for that he
should have all on free cost : but she said she
would first inform her brother Laban, and, if
he gave her leave, she would conduct him in.
3. As soon then as this was over, she in-
troduced the stranger ; and for the camels,
the servants of Laban brought them in, and
took care of them ; and he was himself brouglit
in to supper by Laban. And, after supper,
he suys to him, and to the mother of the dam-
sel, addressing himself to her, " Abraham is
the son of Terah, and a kinsman of yours ; for
Nahor, the grandfather of these childien, was
the brother of Abraliam, by both father and
mother; upon which account he hath sent me
to you, being desirous to take this damsel for
his son to wife. He is his legitimate son,
and is brought \ip as his only heir. He could
indeed have had the most happy of all the
women in that country for him, but he would
not have his son marry anv of them ; but, out
'S
46
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
of regard to liis own rclutions, lie desired him
to inatcli Ikto, wliose aU'tction and inclina-
tion 1 would not liave you despise ; for it
was by tlic yood plt-asure of God that other
acridents fell out in my journey, and that
tlierel)y I lighted upon your daughter and your
house ; for when 1 was near to the city, I saw
a great many maidens coming to a well, and
1 prayed that I might meet with this damsel,
which lias come to pass accordingly. Do
you, therefore, confirm that marriage, whose
espousals have been already tnade by a divine
api)earance ; and show the respect you have
for Abraham, who hath sent me with so much
solicitude, in giving your consent to the mar-
riage of this damsel." Upon this they un-
derstood it to be the will of God, atid greatly
approved of the ofier, and sent their daugh ■
ter, as was desired. Accordingly Isaac mar-
ried her, the inheritance being now come to
him ; for the children by Keturah were-gone
to their own remote habitations.
CHAPTER XVII.
CONCEaMNG THE DEATH OF ABRAHAM.
A LITTLE while after this, Abraham died.
He was a man of incomparable virtue, and
honoured by God in a manner agreeable to
his piety towards him. The whole time of
bis life was one hundred seventy and five
years; and he was buried in Hebron, with
his wife Sarah, by their sons Isaac and Is-
mael.
CHAPTER XVIII.
CONCERNING THE SONS OK ISAAC, ESAU AND
JACOB. OF TIIEIK NATIVITY AND EDUCA-
TION.
§ 1. Now Isaac's wife proved with child,
after the death of Abraham ;' and when her
belly was greatly burdened, Isaac was very
anxious, and inquired of God ; who answer-
ed, that Hebeka should bear twins ; and that
two nations should take the names of those
sons ; and that he who aj'piared the second
should excel the elder. Accordingly she, in
a little time, as God had foretold, bare twins;
the elder of whom, from his head to his feet,
was very rough and hairy; but the younger
vook hold cf his heel as they were in the birth.
Now the father loved the elder, who was
called Esau, a name agreeable to his rough-
• The birth of Jacob and Fsaii is here s,ii(l to be after
Abraham's death: it shoiilil have Iwen after .Sarah's
di alh The order of the narration in (Jciicsis, not al ■
wi\s exactly acforiling to th«ordrrof lime, seems to
have li'd Joscphus into this ciror, as Dr. Ue.nard ol>-
•erves tirrc.
ness, for the Hel>rews call such an hairy
roughness [Esau f or] Seir ; but Jacob the
younger was best beloved by his mother.
2. Wlien there was a famine in the land,
Isaac resolved to go into Egypt, the land
there beitig gooil ; but he went to Gerar, as
God commanded him. Here Abiinelech the
king received hiin, because Abraham had for-
merly lived with him, and had been his
frietid ; and as in the beginning he treated
him exceeding kindly, so lie was hindered
froin cotitinuing in the same disposition to
the end, by his envy at him ; for when he
saw that God was with Isaac, and took such
gnat care of him, he drove him away from
him. Hut Isaac, when lie saw how envy had
changed the tem])er of Abimelech, retired to
a place called the Valley, not far from Gerar;
and as he was digging a well, the shepherds
fell upon him, and began to fight, iii order to
hinder the work ; and because he did not de-
sire to contend, the shepherds seemed to got
the better of him ; so he still retired, anil dug
another well ; and when certain oUier shep-
herds of Abimelech's began to ofler him vio.
lence, he left that also, and still retired ; thus
|)iirchasing security to himself by a rational
and prudent conduct. At length the kirig
gave him leave to dig a well witliout disturb,
ance. He named this well Uehoboth, which
denotes a large xjiacc ; but of the former wells,
one was called Escon, which denotes strife:
the other Sitenna, which name signifies en-
mitj.
3. It was now that Isaac's afiairs increased,
and his power was in a flourishing condition ;
and this from his great riches. But Abi-
melech, thinking Isaac throve in ojiposition
to him, while their living together made them
suspicious of each ether, and Isaac's retiring,
showing a secret eiimity aUo, he was afraid
that his former friendship with Isaac would
not secure him, if Isaac should endeavour
to revenge the injuries he had formerly offer-
ed him ; he therefore renewed his friendship
with him, and brought with him Philoc, one
of his generals. And when he had obtained
every thing he desired, by reason of Isaac's
good nature, who preferred the earlier friend-,
.■%l'.ip Abimelecli hud shown to himself and his
father to his later wratb against him, he re-
turtied home.
A. Now when Esau, one of the sons of
Isaac, whom the father printipally loved, was
now come to the age of forty years, he mar-
ried Adah, the daughter of Ilelon, and Aho-
libamuh, the daughter of Esebeon ; which
Ilelon and Esebeon were great lords among
the Canaanites, thereby t.iking upon himsell
the authority, and pretending to have domi-
nion over his own maninges, without so much
as asking the advice of his father; for liad
Isaac been the arbitrator, he iiad not given
\ Vox Seir in Josephus, the cohertnot! miniris lliut
wu read Ksau or Heir, which sienit'y Die same tliuu:-
-\
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. XVlll.
Iiiiii leave to marry thus, for he was not
pleased with contracting any alliance with the
people of that country ; hut not caring to be
uneasy to his son, by commanding him to put
away these wives, he resolved to be silent.
5. But when he was old, and could not
see at all, he called Esau to him, and told
him, that besides his blindness and the dis-
order of his eyes, his very old age hindered
him from his worship of God [by sacrifice] ;
he bid iiim therefore to go out a hunting,
and when he had caught as much venison as
he could, to prepare him a supper,* that after
this he might make supplication to God, to be
to him a supporter and an assister during the
whole time of his life ; saying, that it was un-
certain when he should die, and that he was
desirous, by prayers for him, to procure, be-
forehand, God to be merciful to him.
6. Accordingly Esau went out a hunting;
but Ruijc-kaf thinking it proper fo have the
supplication made for obtaining the favour of
God to Jacob and that without the consent
of Isaac, bid 1 in kill kids of the goats, and
prepare a sujjper. So Jacob obeyed his mo-
ther, according to all her instructions. Now
when the supper was got ready, he took a
goat's skin, and put it about his arm, that by
reason of its hairy roughness, he might by his
father be believed to be Esau ; for they being
twins, and in all thinirs else alike, diflered
only in this thing. This was done out of his
fear, that before his father had made his sup-
plications, he should be caught in his evil
• T!ic supper of savoury meat, as we call it (Gen.
xxvii. -1), to be caught by hunting, was intended plainly
for a festival or a sacrifice; and upon tlie prayers that
were frequent at sacrifices, Isaac expected, as was tlicn
Usual in such eminent cases, that a divine impulse would
coine upon him, in order to the solemn blessing of his
son there present, and his foretelling his future behavi-
■ our and fortune. Whence it must be, that when Isaac
I had unwittingly blessed Jacob, and was afterwards matle
I sensible of his mistake, vet did he not attemin to alter
it, how earnestly soever his affection for Ksau mi'^-ht in-
cline him to wish it might be altered, because he knew
that this blessing eanie not from himself, but from (iod,
and that an alteration was out of his jiowor. A seeor.d
afflatus then came upon him, and cnablett him to fore-
tel Esau's future behaviour and fortune also.
t Whether Jacob or his mother Rebeka were most
blameable in this imposition upon Isaac in his old age,
I cannot determine. However, the blessirg being de-
livered as a prediction of future events, by a divine im-
pulse, and foretelling things to befal to the posterity of
Jacob and Es.ui in future ages, was for certain provi-
dential ; and according to what Rebeka knesv to be the
purpose of Go<l, when he answered her inquiry, " before
the children were born" (den. xxv. '23), " that one iieo-
ple should be stronger than the other people ; and the
elder, Esau, .should serve the younger, Jacob." Whether
Isaac knew or remembered tliis old oracle, delivered in
our cojiies oi.Iy to Rebeka ; or whether, if he knew and
remembered it, he did not endeavour to alter the divine
det.rminati(ni, out of his fondness for his eld-.r and
worser son Esau, to the damage of his vour.ger and bet-
ter son Jacob; as Josephus elsewhere supjioses, Antiq.
1). ii. eh. vii. sect. .5, 1 cannot certainlv say. If so, this
might tempt Rebeka to contrive, and Jacob to put this
ini;iositio;i upon him. However, Josephus says here,
tliat it was Isaac, and not Rebeka, who inquired of God
at first, and received the forementioned oracle (sect. 1) ;
which, ii' it be the true reading, renders Isaac's proce-
dure nunc inexcusable. Nor w.-us it probably any thing
else that so much encouraged Esau formerly to marry
two Canaanitish wives, withinit his parents' consent, as
Isaac s unhappy fondness for him.
47
practice ; and lest he should, on the contrary,
provoke liis father to curse him. So he
brought in the supper to his father. Isaac
perceiving, liy the peculiarity of liis voice, who
he was, called his son to hitri, who gave him
his hand, which was covered with the goat's:
skin. When Isaac felt that, he said, " Thy
voice is like the voice of Jacob, yet, because
of the thickness of thy hair, thou secmest to
be Esau." So suspecting no deceit, he ate
the supper, and betook himself to his prayers
and intercessions with God : and said, " O
Lord of all ages, and Creator of all substance;
for it was thou that didst propose to my fa-
ther great plenty of good things, and hast
vouchsafed to bestow on me what I have ;
and hast promised to my posterity to be their
kind supporter, and to bestow on thetn still
greater blessings, — do thou, therefore, con-
firm these thy promises, and do not overlook
me, because of my present weak condition,
on account of which I most earnestly pray to
thee. Be gracious to this my son ; and pre-
serve him, and keep him from every thing
that is evil. Give him a happy life, and the
possession of as many good things as thy
power is> able to bestow. Make him terrible
to his enemies, and honourable and beloved
among his friends !"
7. Thus did Isaac pray to God, tliinking
his prayers had been made for Esau. He
had but just finished them, wlieii Esau came
in from hunting ; and when Isaac perceived
his mistake, he was silent: but Esau required
that he might be made partaker of the like
blessing from his father that his brother had
partook of; but his father refused it, because
all his prayers had been spent upon Jacob
so Esau lamented the mistake. However
his father being grieved at his weeping, said,
that " he should excel in hunting and strength
of body, in arms, and all such sorts of work ;
and should obtain glory for ever on those ac-
counts, he and his posterity after him ; but
still should serve his brother."
8. Now the mother delivered Jacol), when
she was afraid that his brother would inflict
some punishment upon him, because of the
mistake about the prayers of Isaac ; for she
persuaded her husband to take a wile foi
Jacob out of Mesopotamia, of lier own kin-
dred, Esau having married already Basem-
math, the daughter of Ismael, without his fa-
ther's consent ; for Isaac dia not like the
Canaanites, so that he disapjiroved of Esau's
former marriages, which made him take Ba-
semmath to wife, in order to please him ; and
indeed he had a great aflection for her.
X
4S
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK I
CHAPTER XIX.
rOVCF.RNING JACOIl's FLIGHT INTO .MKSOPO-
TA.MIA, BY UKASON OF THE FEAU HL WAS
IN OF HIS BUOTHER.
§ I. Now Jacob was sent by bis mother to
Mesopotamia, in order to marry L.iijan ber
brother's daiJgliter (whiel) marriage was per-
niilied by Isaac, on account of his obsequi-
ousness to the desires of his wife) ; and he
accordingly journeyed through the land of
Canaan ; and because lie haled the people of
that country, he would not loilge with any of
them, but took up his lodging in the open
air, and laid his head on a heap of stones
that he had gathered together. At which time
ne saw in his sleep such a vision standing by
him : — he seemed to see a ladder, tliat reached
from the earth unto heaven, and persons de-
scending upon the ladder that seemed more
excellent than human ; and at last God him-
self stood above it, and was plainly visible to
him ; who, calling him by his name, spake to
him these words: —
2. " O J icob, it is not fit for thee, who
art the son of a good father, and grandson of
one who had obtained a great reputation for
his eminent virtue, to be dejected at thy pre-
sent circumstances, but to hope for better
times, for thou shalt have great abundance of
all good things by my assistance ; for I brought
Abraham hither, out of MesojioUimia, when
he was driven away by his kinsmen, and I
made thy father a happy man ; nor will I be-
stow a lesser degree of hap))iness on thyself;
be of good courage, therefore, and under my
conduct proceed on this thy journey, for the
marriage thou goest so zealously about shall
be consummated ; and thou shalt have chil-
dren of good characters, but their multitude
shall be innumerable ; and they shall leave
what they have to a still more numerous pos-
terity, to whom, and to whose posterity, I
give the dominion of all the land, and their
posterity shall fill tlie entire earth and sea, so
far as the sun beholds them ; but do not thou
fear any danger, nor be afraid of tlie many
labours ihou must undergo, for by my provi-
dence I will direct thee what thou art to do
in the time present, and still much more in
the time to come."
3. Such were the predictions which God
made to Jacob ; whereupon he became very
joyful at what he had seen and heard ; and
he poured oil on the stones, because on them
the prediction of such great benefits was
made. He also vowed a vow, that he would
ofler sacrifices upon them, if he lived and re-
turned safe ; and if he came again in such a
coniiition, he would give the tithe of what he
had gotten to God. He aLo judged the
place to be honourable, aiid gave it the name
of Bethel, wliich, m tlie Greek, is interpreted.
The House of GoiL
4. So he proceedeii on his journey to Ale-
sopotainia, and ht length caine to Haran ,
and nieetiiig with shepherds in the suburbs
with boys grown up, and maidens sitting
about a certain well, he staid with ihein, as
wanting water to drink ; and biginning to
(!iscour-,e with them, he asked tlieni whether
tiiey knew such a one as Labaii, and whether
he was still alive. Now tl.ey all said they
knew hiin, for he was not so inconsiderable a
person as to be unknown to any of thun ;
and that his daughter fed her father's flock
together with them ; and that indeed they
wondered that she was not yet come, for by
her means thou mightcst learn more exactly
whatever thou desirest to know about that
family. \Viiile they were saying this the
damsel came, and t!;e other ihepherds that
came down along with her. Then they
showed her Jacob, and told her that he was a
stranger, who came to inquire about her fa-
ther's afiairs. liut she, as pleased, after the
custom of children, with Jacob's coming,
Uokcd him who he was, and whence he came
to them, and what it was he lacked that he
came thither. She also wished it might be
in their power to supjily the wants he caiiio
about.
5. But Jacob was quite overcome, not so
much by their kindred, nor by that aifcction
wliich might arise thence, as by his love to
the damsel, and his surprise at her beauty,
which was so Hourishiiig, .js few of the women
of that iige could vie with. He said then,
" There is a relation between thee and me,
elder than either thy or my birth, if thou be
the daughter of Laban ; for Abraham was die
son of Terah, as well as Haran and Nahor.
Of the last of whom (Nahor) Bethuel tiiy
grandfather was the son. Isaac my father
was the son of Abraham and of Sarah, who
.was the daughter of Haran. But there is a
nearer and later cement of mutual kindred
which we bear to one another, for my mother
Ilebeka was sister to Laban thy father, both
by the same father and mother; I therefore
and thou are coiiv,in-germans ; and I am now
come to salute you, and to renew that aflinity
which is proper between us." Upon this the
damsel, at the mention of Rebeku, as usually
happens to young persons, wept, and tliat out
of the kindness she had for her father, and
embraced Jacob, she having learned an ac-
count of lltbeka from her father, ajid knew
that her parents loved to hear her named ; and
when she had sainted him, she s^iid tiiat " li^
brought the most desirable and greatest plea-
sures to her father, with all their family, who
was always mentioning his mother, and always
thinking of her, and her alone ; and that this
will make thee equal in his eyes to any advan-
tageous circumstances whatsoever." Then
she bid him go to her father, und follow her
.r
CHAP XIX.
«lii!e she conducted him to liim ; and not to
dt.'p! ive hitii of such a pleasure, by staying any
tongcT away from him.
6. \V'hen she had said thus, she hrouglit
him to Laban ; and being owned by his uncle,
he was secure himself, as being among his
friends ; and he brought a great deal of ))lea-
sure to thetn by his unexpected coming. But
a little wliile afterward, Laban told liim that
he could not express in words the joy he had
at his coming; but still he inquired of him
tlie occasion of his coming, and why he left
his aged mother and father, when they want-
ed to be taken care of bv him ; and that he
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
and said ho would do this, if he would stay
with him some time, for he was not u illirig to
send his daughter to be among the Canaanites,
for he repented of the alliance he had made
already by marrying his sister there. And
when Jacob had given his consent to this, he
agreed to stay seven years ; for so many years
lie had resolved to serve his father-in-law, that,
having given a specimen of his virtue, it might
be l)etter known what sort of a man he was :
and Jacob accepting of his terms, after the
time was over, he made the wedding-feast ;
and when it was night, without Jacob's per-
ceiving it, he put his other daughter into bed
would afford him all the assistance he want- ] to I im, who was both elder than Rachel, and
ed. Then Jacob gave him an account of the of no comely countenance : Jacob lay witli her
whole occasion of liis journey, and told him,, that night, as being both in drink and in the
" that Isaac had two sons that were twins, dark. However, when it was day he knew
himself and Esau ; who, because he failed of what had been done to him ; and he reproach-
his father's prayers, which by his mother's ed Laban for his unfair proceeding witii him ;
wisdom were put up for him, sought to kill who asked pardon for that necessity which
him, as deprived of the kingdom* which was forced him to do what he did ; for he did not
to he given him of God, and of the blessings give him Lea out of any ill design, but as
for which their father prayed ; and that this overcome by another greater necessity that,
was the occasion of his coming hither, as his notwithstanding this, nothing should hinder
motlier had coir.m mded him to do: for we him from marrying Rachel; but that when
are all (says he) brethren one to another ; but he had served another seven years, he would
our mother esteems an alliance with your fa- give him her whom beloved. Jacob subniit-
mi!y more than she does one with the families ted to this condition, for his love to the dam-
of the country; so I look upon yourself and sel did not permit him to do otherwise; and
3cd to be the supporters of my travels, and when another seven years were gone, he took
hink myself safe in my present circumstan- Rachel to wife.
ces. " I 8. Now each of tliese bad handmaids, }>\
". Now La'oan promised to treat him with their father's donation. Zilpha was hand-
great humanity, both on account of his an- maid to Lea, and ISilha to Rachel; by no
cestors, and particularly for the sake of bis means slaves*, but however subject to their
mother, towards whom, he said, lie would show mistresses. Now Lea was sorely troubled at
his kindness, even though she were absent, by her husband's love to her sister; and she ex-
taking care of him; for he assured him be pected she should be better esteemed if slie
would make him the head shepherd of his bare him children : so she entreated God per-
flock, and give him authority sufficient for petually; and when she bad born a son, and
that purpose; and when he should have a her husband was on that account better rtcon-
mind to return to his parents, be would send ciled to her, she named her son Reubel, be-
hiiii back with presents, and this in as honour- ; cause God had had mercij 'upon her, in giving
able a manner as the nearness of their relation , her a son; for that is the signification of this
should require. This Jacob heard gladly ; name. After some time she bare three more
and said he would willingly, and with plea- i sons ; Simeon, which name signifies thai Gad
sure, undergo any sort of pains while he tar- had hearkened to her prayer. 'I'hen she hart
ried with him, but desired Rachel to wife, as Levi, the cmijirmer of' their friendship. Aftei
die. reward of those pains, who was not only him was born Judah, which denotes than/is^iv-
on other accounts esteemed by him, but also ing. But Rachel, fearing lest the fruitfulness
because she was the means of his coming to! of her sister should make herself enjoy a lesser
him ; for be said be was forced by the love of share of Jacob's affections, put to bed to him
tlie damsel to make this pro]iosal. Laban i
was well pleased with this agreement, and
cons?nted to give the damsel to hi
dciirous to meet with any better son-in-law ;
• i!y this •• deprivation of the kingdom that wa>; to
be given Tsau of God," as tlie first-born, it appears that
Jns-phus thought that a " kingdom to l)e derived from
Oud" was due to him whom Isaac should bless as his
first-born; which I take to be that kiniidom v.hich was
expecved under the Mcssiali, 'vho therol'ore was to be
born of his posterity whom Isaac should so bless. Jacob,
therefore; by iibtai'iiiii^ this blessnig of the tirst-born,
Dccame the genuine heir of that kingdom, in opposition
to Ksau.
^ _^ Here we have the difference between slaves for life
""" j and servants, sucli as wc now hire for a time agreed upon
not (111 both sides, Mud dismiss a"a:n after the time contraetcd
for i^ over, which are no slaves, but free men and fret
women. Accordingly, when the apostolical constitutions
forbid a clergyman to marry perpetual servants or sla\is,
b. vi, ch. xvii, it is meant inly of the former sort i as
we learn elsewhere from the same constitutions, ch. xlvii.
Ciiii. Ixxxii. But concerning these twelve sons of Jai-.b:
the reasons of their several iiamcs, and the times of their
sevei al births in the intervals here assigned, — their sever-
al excellent characters, their several faults a: d rc]ievit-
ance, the several accidents of their lives, with llicir se-
veral prophecies at their deaths, see the Testamei'ts of
these twelve patriarchs, still preserved at large in the
Authent. Rcc. part i, p. 294 — 14.1,
E
)0
Ikt Iiandmaid Billm ; tiy whom Jacob liad
Dan : oi'u may iiiterptct that naniL- into the
Greek ton-^uf, a (Urine ju<tgmenl. Anil after
him Nepthahm, as it were, unconquerable in
straliiiicms, since Ilacliel tried to conquer the
fruitl'iilnes3 oJ' her sister by this str,il;igeTn.
Accordingly, I.ea toolc the same method, and
used a cnunter-str-itagein to that of lier sister ;
for slie pill to bed to liim lier own handmaid.
Jacob therefore liad by Zilpha a son, whose
name was Gad, whicli may be interpreted
fortune ; and after him Asher, wiiich may be
called a /lapp'/ »inn, because he added glory
to I,ca. Now Reubel, the eldest son of Lea,
bioiiglit a])pk'S of mandrakes* to his motlier.
Wlien Rachel saw them, she desired that she
would give her the apples, for she longed to
cat them ; but when she refused, and bid her
he content that she had deprived her of the
benevolence she ought to have had from her
husband, Rachel, in order to mitigate her
sister's anger, said she would yield her hus-
band to her; and he should lie with her that
evening. She accepted of the favour ; and
Jacob slept with Lea, by the favour of
Rachel. She bare then these sons : Issachar,
denoting one born by hire ; and Zabuion, one
burn as a pledij,e of benevolence towards her ,-
and a daughter, Dina. After some time
Rachel had a son, named Josepli, which sig-
nified there should be another added to liim.
9. Now Jacob fed th.e flocks of Laban, his
father-in-law, all this time, beingtwenty years;
after which he desired leave of his father-in-law
to take his wives and go home ; ijut when his
father-in-law would not give him leave, hecoa-
trived to do it secretly. He made trial, there-
fore, of the disposition of his wives, what they
thought of this journey ; — when they appeared
glad, and approved of it. Rachel took along
with her the images of the gods which, accord-
ing to their la^v*;, they used to worship in their
own country, and ran away together with her
sister. The children also of them both, and
the hand-maids, and what possessions they had,
went along with them. Jacob also drove
away half the cattle, without letting Laban
know of it before-hand; but the reason why
Rachel took the images of the gods, although
Jacob had taught her to despise such worship
of those gods, was this. That in case they were
pursued, and taken by her father, she might
have recourse to these images, in order to ob-
tain his pardon.
10. Rut Laban, after one day's time, being
ANTJQUITIKS OF lllK JKW.S. B<>oK i
and on the seventh day overtook them, and
found them resting on a certain hill ; and then
indeed he did not meddle w ith tiu i», for it was
even. tide ; but God stood by him in a dream,
and warnetl him to receive his son-in-law and
his daughters in a peaceable manner; and not
to venture upon any thing rashly, or in wrath
to them, but to make a league with Jacob;
and lie told him, that if he despised their
small number, and attacked them in a hostile
manner, he would hiinself assist them. When
Laban had been thus forewarned by God, he
called Jacob to him the next day, in order to
treat with him, and showed him what dream
he had ; in de])endence whereupon he came
confidently to him, and began to accuse him ;
alleging that he had entertained him when he
was poor, and in want of all things, and had
given him plenty of all things whicli he had ;
■' For," said he, " I have joined my daugh-
ters to thee in marriage, and supjiosed that thy
kindness to me would be greater than before;
but thou hast had no regard to either thy mo-
ther's relation to me, nor to the affinity now
newly contracted between us ; nor to those
wives whom thou hast married ; nor to those
children, of whom I am the grandfather. Thou
hast treated me as an enemy, by driving away
my cattle ; and by persuading my daughters
to run away from their father; and by carr)--
ing home those sacred paternal images which
were worshipped by my forefathers, and have
been honoured with the like worship which
they paid thein, by myself. In short, thou
hast done this whilst thou art my kinsman,
and iny sister's son, and the husband of my
daughters, and was hospitably treated by me,
and didst eat at my table." Wiien Laban
had said this, Jacob made his defence : —
That he was not the only person in whom
God had implanted the love of his native
country, but that he had made it natural to
all men ; and that therefore it was but reason-
able that, after so long time, ho should go back
to it. " Hut as to the jirey, of whose driving
away thou accusest me, if any other person
were the arbitrator, thou wouldst be found in
the wrong; for, instead of those thanks I
ought to have had from thee, for both keeping
thy cattle and increasing them, how is it that
thou art unjustly angry at me because I have
taken, and have with me a small portion of
them ? But then, as to thy daughters, Uike
notice, that it is not through any evil practices
of mine that they follow me in my return
acquainted with Jacob's and 'hii daughters' j home, but from that just aflection which
departure, was much troubled, and pursued vvivcs naturally have to their husbands. They
after them, leading a band of men with him ; follow, therefore, not so properly myself an
their own children." And thus far of his
• I formerly explained these mandrakes, as we. with I , made, in order to clear himself
theSepiuagint, and Joscphus, render the Hebrew wiird I '^"""r-J' " '" '. i- i . ii i
DurfflfVn, of the Syrian Manx, with Ludol). has, Aulhent. [ot having acted inijustly. lo wliicli lie added
Uee. Part i, p. 4*0; but have sinc^ seen such .i very ] j , eomplaint anil accusation of Laban ;
probable account ni MS. ot my Icanied friend Mr. ,,., .^^ , ... i .i
.Samuel Harker, of what we still call Mandrakes, and saying, U liile 1 was Illy sister ;; son, and tliou
their description by ihc ancient naturalists and phy- |,;,{J^t uivcn me thy daughters in marriage,
Bieians, as inilines me to think these here rnentioncd " ■' . , , ,,..^ . ,.,„„
werereaUy mandrakes, ,ind no other. thou hast worn me out with thy harsh com-
"V
J-
CHAP. XX.
mands, and detained me twenty years under
them. That, indeed, which was required in
•order to my marrying thy daughters, hard as
it was, I own to have been tolerable ; but as
to those tliat were put upon me alter those
marriages, they were worse, and such indeed
as an enemy would have avoided." For cer-
tainly Laban had used Jacob very ill ; for
when he saw that God w;is assisting to Jacob
in all that he desired, he promised him, that
of the young cattle which siiould be born, he
should have sometimes what was of a white
colour, and sometimes what should be of a
black colour ; l)ut wheti those that came to
Jacob's sliare proved numerous, he did not
keep his faith witli him, but said he would
give tliein to him the next year, because of
liis envying him the multitude of his ])os-
sessions. He promised him as before, because
he thought such an increase was not to be ex-
pected ; but when it appeared to be fact, he
deceived him.
11. But then, as to the sacred images, he
bid him seardi for them ; and when I^aban ac-
cepted of he offer, Ilacliel, being informed of
it, put tlio^e images into that camel's saddle
on which slie rode, and sat upon it; and said,
that her natural purgation liindered her rising
up : so Laban left off searching any farther,
not supposing that his daughter in such cir-
cumstances would approach to those images.
So l;e made a league with Jacob, and bound
it by oaths, tliat he would not bear him any
malice on account of what had happened ; and
Jacob made the like league, and promised to
love Laban's daughters. And these leagues
they confirmed with oaths also, which they
made upon certain mountaiiis, whereon they
erected a pillar, in the form of an altar:
whence that hill is called Gilead ; and from
thence they call that land the Land of Gilead
at this day. Now when they had feasted,
ANTIQUniKS OF THE JIOWS.
51
of his absence must have made up their dif-
ferences, was returning ; that he brought with
him his wives, and his children, with \\ hat pos-
sessions he had gotten ; and delivered himself,
widi what was most dear to him, into his hands;
and shoidd think it his greatest happiness to
partake together with his brother of what God
had bestowed upon him." So these messen-
gers told him this message. Upon vhich
Esau was very glad, and met his brothei with
four hundred men. And Jacob, when lie
heard that he was coming to ineet him with
such a number of men, was greatly afraid :
however, he committed his hope of deliver-
ance to God ; and considered how, in his pre-
sent circumstances, he might preserve himself
and those that were with him, and overcome
his enemies if they attacked him injuriously
He therefore distributed his company into
parts ; some he sent before the rest, and thi
otiiers he ordered to come close behind, thai
so, if the first were overpowered when his bro-
ther attacked them, they might have those that
followed as a refuge to fly unto. And when
he had put his company in this order^ he sent
some of them to carry presents to liis brother.
The presents were made up of cattle, and a
great number of four-footed beasts, of many
kinds, such as would be very acceptable to
those that received them, on account of their
rarity. Those who were sent went at certair
intervals of space asuiider, that, by following
thick one after another, they might appear to
be more numerous ; tliat Esau Eiight remit
of his anger on account of these presents,
if he were still in a passion. Instructions
were also given to those that were sent to
speak gently to him.
2. When Jacob had made these appoint-
ments all the day, and night came on, he inov-
ed on with his company; and, as they were
gone over a certain river called Jabboc, Jacob
after the making of the league, Laban return- | was left behind ; and meeting with an angel
ed home.
CHAPTER XX.
tONCEKXINfi THK MEETING OF JACOB AND
ESAU.
§ 1. Now as Jacob was proceeding on his
journey to tlie land of Canaan, angels appear
ed to him, and suggested to hiin good hope of
his future condition ; and that ))lace he named
the Camp of God. And being desirous of
knowing what his brothel's intentions were to
him, he sent messengers, to give him an exact
account of every tiling, as being afraid, on Re-
count of the eimiities between them. He
charged those that were sent, to say to Esau,
" J;.cob had thought it wrong to live toge-
tlier with him, while he was in anger against
him, and so had gone out of the country ;
and that he now, thinking the length of time
he wrestled with him, the angel beginning the
struggle; but he prevailed over the angel,
who used a voice, and spake to him in words,
exhorting him to be jileased with what had
happened to him, and not to suppose that his
victory was a small one, but that he had over-
come a divine angel, and to esteem the vic-
tory as a sign of great blessings that siiould
come to him ; and that his olfspring should
never fail ; and that no man should be too
hard for his power. He also commanded him
to be called Israel, which in the Hebrew
tongue signifies one that struggled with the (/>-
vine ayigcl. * Tiieseipromises were made at the
prayer of Jacob ; for when he perceived him
to be the angel of God, ne desired he would
signify to him what should befal him hDreafter.
• Perhaps this may be the projier meaning of the
word Israc'l . by the present aiio the < M Jerusalem ;.-;ial()i;v
of the Heljrew tongue. In tnc mean time, it iseertaiii
that the Hellenists of the first centu y, in Egvpt and
elsewhere, interpreted Isriiel to be a man seeing'uot/, as
is evident from the argument forccited.
52
ANTiQurriKs or thi; jkws.
BOOK 1
Ami wlien llie angel hail said what is before
rt'lntcd, he (iisappearcd ; but Jacob was pleas,
ed with tliese things, and named the |)liiee
I'haniiel, wliich si>;nifies, thefaceof Ciiil. Now
when he felt pain, by this stru;;j;linjr, upon
his broad sinew, be abstained from eatin-j (hat
sinew liiniself afterward ; and for his sake it
is still not eaten by us.
fj. When Jacob understood that bis bro- i
ther was near, be ordered his wives to go be-
fore, eaeh by lierself, with the handmaids, that
they might see ilie actions of the inen as they
were fighting, if Ksan were so disposed. He
then went uj) to his brother Ksau, and bowed
ilown to him, who liad no evil design upon
him, but saluted him ; and asked him about
the company of the children and of the wo-
men ; and desired, when he had understood all
he wanted to know about them, that he would
go along with him to their father ; but Jacob
l)retending that tlie cattle were weary, Esau-
returned to Seir, for there was his place of
habiti'.tion ; he having named the place Rough-
ness, from his own hairy roughness.
CHAPTER XXI.
CONCF.KNING THH VIOLATION OF DFNA'S CHAS-
TITY.
§ 1. Hi.RF.upON Jacol) came to the jilace, till
this day called Tents (Succoth; ; from whence
be went to Shecliem, which is a city of the
C'anaanites. Now as the Sheclicmites were
keeping a festival, Dina, who was the only
daughter of Jacob, went into the city to see
the finery of the women of that country But
ivhen Sliechem, the son of Hamor the king,
saw her, ho defiled her by violence ; and, be-
ing greatly in love with her, desired of his fa-
ther that he would procure the damsel to him
for a wife : — to which desire he condescended,
and canie to Jacob, desiring him to give leave
that his son Shccheni might, according to law,
marry Dina. But Jacob, not knowing bow
to deny the desire of one of such great dig-
nity, and yet not thinking it lawful to marry
bis daughter to a stranger, entreated him to
give him leave to have a consultation about
what be desired him to do. So the king went
away, in liopes that Jacob would grant him
this marriage. But Jicob informed his sons
of the defilement of their sister, and of the ad-
dress of llan.or; and desired iJiein to give
their advice what they should do. Upon this,
tlie greatest part said nothinjr, not knowing
what advice to give
city, slew all the males ;• as also the king and
liis son with tliem ; but spared the women,
and when they had done this with.out thrii
father's consent, they brought away their sis-
ter.
2. Now wliile Jacob was astonished at the
greatness of this act, and was severely blaming
bis sons for it, Goil stood by him, and l)id him
he of good courage ; but to purify his tents,
and to (ifiVr those sacrifices which he had vow-
ed to ofiir when he went tirst into iVIesopota-
mia, and saw his vi>,ioii. As lie was therefore
purifving his followers, he lighted upon the
godsof Laban (for he did not before know they
were stolen by Rachel) ; and lie hid them in
the earth, under an oak, in Sliechein ; and de-
parting thence, he olleud sacrifice at Bethel,
the place where he saw his dream, when he
went first into Mesopotamia.
3. And w hen he was gone tlience, and was
come over-against Ephrata, lie there buried
Rachel, who died in child-bed: she was the
only one of Jacob's kindred that had not the
honour of burial at Htbror. ; and w hen he had
mourned for her a great while, he called the
son that was born of her Benjamin,-|- because
of the sorrow the mother had w itii him. These
are all the children of Jacob, twelve males
and one female ; — of them eight were legiti-
mate, viz. six of Lea, and two of Racliel ; and
four were of the handmaids, tw;.i of each ; all
whose names have been set down already.
CHAPTER XXII.
HOW ISAAC DIED, AND WAS BCBItD IN HEBRO.V,
From tlience Jacob came to Hebron, a city
situate among t!ie Canaanites ; and there ii
was that Isaac lived : and so they livvd toge-
ther for a little while ; for as to Ilebeka, Ja-
cob did not find her alive. Isaac also died
not long after the coming of his son ; and
was buried by his sons, witli his wife, in He-
bron, where they had a monument belonging
to them from their forefathers. Now Isaac
• Of this slaughter of the Shechemites bv Simeon and
Levi, see Aiitheiit. Part I, p. .3i>;i, 418, 45'J— 4jy. But
\ihy Joscphus has omitted the circumcision of these
Shochoniitcs, as the occasion of their dciith ; .ind of Ja-
cob's great grief, as in the TtsUraent of Levi, J 5, I
oinnot tell.
t since Ilcnoni signifies the son of my snrrotr, and
Bciij.imin the son vf dnys, or one horn in t'.e fnlhei't
old age (ticn. xliv. '■Jm 1 siispect Jascphus's present copies
to be liere imperfect ; and supiiose thnt, in eorre-pond-
ence to other copies, he wrote th.it ILichcl called her
son's name Uenoni ; b t his father callitl him Ik-iijamin.
Gen. XXXV. 18. Asfr Henjiimin, as comn-.only explain-
But Sinieon and Levf, e<l, Ihe son of the right hand, it makes no sense at all,
- 1,1 ' and seems to be a gross nuKleni error only. Uic ^am-
tlic brethren of the damsel by tlic same mo- ; grifa,, alw.iys writes this name truly Benjamin, which
ther aL'reed between tliemselves upon the ac- probably is here of the same signification, onlv with the
.o. . , ■ .1 .- f , chaldce termination i/i, instead of im in the Hebrew, aj
tion following: It being now tlie time ol a ; ^^,^. j,^y^jnjj,j,pjj,p„,|,i„j,rt-l,erubim iiidiflcrently. Ac-
festival, when the Shechemites were employed i-ordingly. b<.lh the Testament of B.-njamin .sect. 2, p.
iisiMdi, 111.11 I t ^^^ j^^^^i^ ^^ Xuminum Mulatiime |p. I0.i9). write
in case and bastin., they tell upon tlie wattli j,^^, ^^,^^^ iJeiijamin; Ijut explain it not <'« sonqf th
wlioii they were asleep, and, coming into the , ri^iht lutnd, but the tun (ffdays
'V
J-
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
53
was a man who was beloved of God, and was I be exceeding old ; for when he had lived vir-
vouclisafed great instances of providence by tiiously one hundred and eiglity-fivo years, he
God, after Abraham his father, and lived to I then died.
BOOK II.
CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF TWO HUNDRED AND TWENTY YEARS.
FIIO.M THE DEATH OF ISAAC TO THE EXODUS
OUT OF EGYPT.
CHAPTER T.
now ESAU AND JACOB, ISAAC's SONS, DIVIDED
THi;iR HABITATION ; AND ESAU POSSESSED
IDUJIEA, AND JACOB CANAAN.
§ 1. After the death of Isaac, his sons di-
vided tlieir habitations respectively ; nor did
they retain what tliey had before ; but Esau
departed from the city of Hebron, and left it
to his brother, and dwelt in Seir, and ruled
over Idumea. He called the country by that
name from hiinself, for l»e was named Adom ;
which appellation he got on the following oc-
casion : — One day returning from the toil of
hunting very hungry (it was when he was a
child in age), he lighted on his brother when
he was getting ready lentile-pottage for his din-
ner, which was of a very red colour ; on which
account he the more earnestly longed for it,
and desired him to give him some of it to
eat : but he made advantage of his brotJier's
hunger, and forced him to resign up to him
his birthright; and he, being pinched with
famine, resigned it up to him, under an oath.
Whence it came, that, on account of the red-
ness of this pottage, he was, in way of jest,
by his cotemporaries, called Adom, for the
Hebrevvs call what is red Adom ; and this
was the name given to this country : but the
Greeks gave it a more agreeable pronuncia-
tion, and named it Idumea.
2. He became the fatiier cf five sons ; of
Ti'hom Jaus, and Jalomus, and Coreus, were
by one wife, whose name was Alibama; but
of the rest, Aliphaz was born to liim by Ada,
and Raguel l>y Basemmath : and these were
the sons of Esau. Aliphaz had five legiti-
mate sons ; Theman, Omer, Saphus, Go-
tham, and Kanaz; for Amalek was not legi-
timate, but by a concubine, wliose name was
Thamna. These dwelt in tiiat part of Idu-
mea which is called Gebalitis, and tliat deno-
minated from Amalek, Amalekitis ; for Idu-
mea was a large country, and did then pre-
serve the name of the whole, while in its seve-
ral parts it kept the names of its peculiar in-
habitants.
CHAPTER II.
HOW JOSEPH, THE YOUNGEST OF JACOB'S SONS,
WAS ENVIED BY HIS BRETHREN, WHEN CEE-
TAJN DREAMS HAD FORESHOWN HIS FUTURE
HAPPINKS.
§ 1. It happened that Jacob came to so great
happiness as rarely any other person had ar-
rived at. He was richer than the rest of the
inhabitants of that country ; and was at once
envied and admired for such virtuous sons,
for they were deficient in nothing, but were
of great souls, botii for labouring with their
hands and enduring of toil ; and shrewd also
in understanding; and God exercised such a
providence over him, and such a care of his
happiness, as to bring him the greatest bless-
ings, even out of what appeared to be the
most sorrowful condition ; and to jnake him
the cause of our forefathers' departure out of
Egypt, him and his posterity. The occasion
was this: — W^hen Jacob had his son Joseph
born to him by Rachel, his father loved him
above the rest of his sons, both because of the
beauty of his body, and the virtues of liis
mind ; for he excelled the rest in prudence.
This affection of his father excited the enry
and the hatred of his brethren ; as did also
his dreams wliich he saw, and related to his
father and to them, wliich foretold his future
happiness, it being usual with mankind to
envy their very nearest relations sucli their
prosperity. Now the visions wliich Joseph
saw in his sleep were these: —
2. V>'hen they were in the middle of har
vest, and Joseph was sent by his father, with
94
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
his bnnliren, to gather the fruits of the earth,
lie saw a vision in a drciini, but j;reatly ex-
ceeding the accustoinary appearunees that
come when wc arc asleep ; whieh, when lie
was got up, he toltl his brethren, that thiy
niif^ht jii(l;;e what it portended. He said, he
saw ti.e last nij;iit, that his «lieat-sheaf stood
still in the place where he set it, but that their
sheaves ran to bow down to it, as servants
bow down to their masters ; but as soon as tliev
perceived the vision foretold th t he should
obtain ])ower and great wealth, and that hi->
power should be in opposition to them, they
gave no interj^retation of it to Joseph, as if
the dream were not by them understood : but
they prayed that no part of what they sus-
pected to be its meaning might come to jiass;
and they bare a still greater hatred to him on
that account.
3. But God, in opposition to their envy,
sent a second vision to Joseph, which was
ttiiich more wonderful tlian the former ; for
it seemed to him tliat the sun took with him
the moon and the rest of the stars, and came
down to the earth, and bowed clown to him.
He told the vision to his father, and that, as
suspecting nothing of ill-will from his breth-
ren, when they were there also, and desired
him to interpiet what it should signify. Now
Jacob was pleased with the dream ; for, con-
sidering the i)re(liction in his mind, and
shrewdly and wisely guessing at its meaning,
he rejoiced at the great things thereby signi-
fied, because it deciaretl the future happiness
of his son ; and that, by the blessing of CJod,
the time would come when he should be ho-
noured, and thought worthy of worship by his
parents and brethren, as guessing that the
moon and sun were like his mother and fa-
ther; the former, as she that gave increase
and nourishment to all things, and the latter,
he that gave form and other powers to them ;
and that the stars were like his brethren,
since they were eleven in number, as were
the stars thai receive their power from the
fcun and moon.
4. And thus did Jacob make a judgment
of this vision, and that a shrewd one also;
but these interpretations caused very great
grief to Joseph's brethren ; and they were
jfTected to him hereupon as if he were a cer-
tain stranger that was to have those good
tilings which were signified by the dreams,
and not as one tliat was a brother, with \\honi
it was probable they should be joint partakers;
and as they had been partners in the same
parentage, so should they be of the same
liappiiiess. They also resolved to kill the
lad; and having fully ratified that intention
of theirs, as soon as their collection of the
fruits was over, they went to Shecheni, which
is a country good for fei-iting of cattle, and
for pasturage; there they fed their flocks,
without ac(|uainting their father with their
removal thither ; « hereupon he had melan-
choly suspicions about them, as being igno-
rant of his sons' condition, and receiving no
messenger from tlie flocks that could inform
him of the true state they were in ; so, because
he was in great fear about them, he sent Jo,
seph to the flocks, to learn the circumstances
his brethren were in, and to bring him won)
how they did.
CHAPTER III.
HOW JOSIPH WAS THl'S SOLD BY HIS BKETHKEN
INTO KGVI'T, BY IIKA'ON OK TIIKIK IIATHED
TO HIM ; AND HOW HK THl KK CUKW KA-
MOtS AND M.LUSTUIOfS, AND HAD UlS BIl£-
THREN UNDEft HIS POWER.
§ 1. Now these brethren rejoiced as soon as
they saw their brother coming to them, not
indeed as at the presence of a near relation,
or as at the presence of one sent by their fa-
ther, but as at the presence of an enemy, and
one that by divine providence was delivered
into their hands; and they already resolved
t-o kill him, and not let slip the opportunity
that lay before them ; but when Keubel, the
eldest of them, saw them thus disposed, and
that they had agreed together to execute their
purpose, he tried to restrain them, showiug
them the heinous enterprise they were going
about, and the horrid nature of it; that this*
action would appear wicked in the sight of
God, and impious before men, even though
they should kill one not related to them, but
much more flagitious and detestable to apjiear
to have slain their own brollier; by which
act the father must be treated unjustly in the
son's slaughter, and the mother* also be in
per])le.\ity while she laments that her son is
taken away from her, and this not in a natu-
ral way neither. So he entreated them to
have a regard to their own consciences, and
wisely to consider what mischief would betide
them upon the death of so good a child, and
their youngest brother; that tliiy would also
fear God, who was already both a spectator
and a witness of the designs th.ey had against
their brother; that he would love thtm if
they abstained from this act, and yielded to
repentance and amendment ; but in case they
proceeded to do the fact, all soits of punish-
ments wouUl overtake them from God for
this murder of their brother, since they pol-
luted his providence, which was everywhere
present, and which did not oveilook what was
done, either in deserts or in cities; for where-
soever a man is, there ought he to suppose
• We may liere obscr%'e, that in correspondence to
Joscpli's sicoiiU tircam, which iinplietl that Ins ii...ihcr,
whu was tlici) aKvc, as well as his f;i:lior, $liuulil itime
anil bow down t«i him, Josephvs ri-| :esciits her here
as sull alive after shi- was (load, for the decorum ot
Ihc dream that Torctold it ; as the interpretation of the
drtain du<» also m all our copieii. (ieiu xxxvii. lu.
~v_
-r
J'
"V
CHAP. in.
that God is also. He told tliem farther, that
their consciences would be their enemies, if
they attempted to go through so wicked an
enterprise, vvliich they can never avoid, whether
it be a good conscience, or whether it be such
an one as thev will have within them when
once tlicy have killed their brother. H« also
added this besides to what he had before said,
that it was not a righteous thing to kill a
brother, though he had injured them ; that it
is a good thing to forget the actions of such
near friends, even in things wherein they
might seem to have offended ; but that they
were going to kill Joseph, who had been
guilty of nothing that was ill towards them,
in whose case the infirmity of his small age
should rather procure him mercy, and move
them to unite together in the care of his pre-
servation : that the cause of killing him made
the act itself much worse, while they deter-
mined to take him off out of envy at his fu-
ture prosperity, an equal share of which they
would naturally partake vvhile he enjoyed it,
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. ^5
of Ismael, carrying spices and Syrian wares-
out of the land of Gilead to the Egyptians,
after Reubel was gone, advised his brethren
to draw Joseph out of the pit, and sell him
to the Arabians ; for if he should die among
strangers a great way off, they should be
freed from this barbarous action. 'i'iiia,
therefore, was resolved on ; so they drew Jo-
seph up out of the pit, and sold him to the
merchants for twenty pounds.* He was now
seventeen years old : but Reubel, coming in
the night-time to the pit, resolved to save
Joseph, without the privity of his brethren ;
and when, upon his caliinj;: to him, he made
no answer, he was afraid that they had de-
stroyed him after he was gone; of wliich he
complained to his brethren ; but wlien they
had told him what they had done, Reubel
left off liis mourning.
4. When Joseph's brethren had done thus
to him, they considoretl what they should do
to escape the suspicions of their father. Now
they had taken away from Joseph the coat
since they were to him not strangers, but the which he had on when he came to them at
nearest relations, for they might reckon upon the time they let him down into the pit; so
what God bestowed upon Joseph as their they thought proper to tear that coat to pieces,
own ; and that it was fit for them to believe, I and to dip it into goat's blood, and then to
that the anger of God would for this cause be carry it and show it to their father, that he
more severe upon them, if they slew him who
was judged by God to be worthy of that pro-
sperity which was to be hoped for; and while,
by murdering him, they made it impossible
for God to bestow it upon him.
2. Reubel said these, and many other
things, and used entreaties to them, and
thereby endeavoured to divert them from the
murder of their brother ; but wlien he saw
that his discourse had not mollified them at
all, and that they made haste to do the fact,
he advised them to alleviate the wickedness
tl;ey were going about, in the manner of tak-
ing Joseph off; for as he had exhorted them
first, when they were going to revenge thein-
selves, to be dissuaded from doing it, so, since
might believe he was destroyed by wild
beasts ; and when they had so done, they
came to the old man, but this not till «hat
had happened to his son had already come to
his knowledge. Tlien they said that they
had not seen Joseph, nor knew what mishap
had befallen him ; but that they had found
his coat bloody and torn to pieces, whence
they had a suspicion that he bad fallen among
wild beasts, and so perished, if that was the
coat he had on when he came from home.
Now Jacob had before some better hopes tl'.at
his son was only made a captive; but novv lie
laid aside that notion, and supposed that this
coat was an evident argument that he was
dead, for he well remembered that this was
ih« sentence for killing their brofiier had pre- the coat he had on when he sent him to his
'7ailed, he said that they would not, howevti, brethren ; so he hereafter lamented the lad as
be so grossly guilty, if they would be per- now dead, and as if he had been the father of
suaded to follow his present advice, which j no more than one, without taking any com-
would include what they were so eager about,
but was not so very bad, but, in the distress
thev were in, of a lighter nature. He begged
fort in the rest ; and so he was also affected
with his misfortune before he met with Jo-
seph's brethren, when he also conjectured that
of them, therefore, not to kill their brother I Joseph was destroyed by wild beasts. He
with their own hands, but to cast him into I sat down also clothed in sackcloth and in
the pit that was hard by, and so to let him heavy affliction, insomuch that he foimd no
die ; by which they would gain so much, that : ease when his sons comforted hiiT>, neither did
they would not defile their own hands with i his pains remit by length of time.
his blood. To this the yoimg men readily „ , „ . ,
1 ij 11. 1 .1 1 1 1 .• 1 1 • ♦ 1 he Septuagint have twenty pieces of mid ; f.ic
agreed; so Reubel took the hid ami tied hini Testament of r.a.l thirty; the Helircw and Sa.naritmi
10 a cord, and let him down gently into the i twenty of silver; and the vulyar Latin thirty. What
-./.•. 1 1 , . II • ■ •. I was the true number aiul true sum, cannot thereforu
pit, for It had no water at all in it; vvho, | „jj^ Ijg l^„Q„.n.
when he had done this, went his way to seek
for such pasturage as was fit for feeding his
flocks.
3. But Judas, being one of Jacob's sons
also, seeing some Arabians, of the posterity
"V
56
ANTIQUITIES OK TUll JEWS.
CHAPTER IV.
cOnckhning the signal chastity of joseih.
§ I. Now Potipliar, an Ejiyptian, who was
cliic't" cook to kiii}^ INiaraol), l)oiif;lit Jost'))li
of till' imrcl:ants, who sold him to him. He
hail him in tin; greatL'sl honour, ami taught
him tho learning tiiat hccaiia' a fit-e man,
ami g:ive him have to make use of' a diet
betler than was allotted to slaves. He in-
ti listed aliH) tlie care of liis lioiise to him. So
he enjoyed these advantages, yet did not he
leave that virtue which he had before, upon
sucli a change of his condition ; but he de-
monstrated that wisdom was able to govern
the uneasy passions of life, in such as have it
in reality, and do not only juit it on for a
show, under a present state of prosjierity.
2. For when his master s wife was fallen
in love with him, both on account of his
beauty of body and his dexterous management
of aHairs; and supposed, that if she should
mukc it known to him, she could easily per-
suade him to come and lie with her, and that
he would look inon it as a piece of happy for-
tune that his mistress should entreat iiim, as
••egariliiig that state of slavery he was in, and
not liis moral character, which continued after
his condition was changed ; so she made
known licr naughty inclinations, and spake
to him about lying «ith her. However, he
rejected her entreaties, not thinking it agree-
able to religion to yitjd so far to her, as to
do what would tend to the atl'ront and injury
of him that purchased him, and had vouch-
safed him so great honours. lie, on the con-
trary, exhorted her 'o govern that passion ;
and laid before hei the impossibility of her
obtaining her desires, which he thought might
be conquered, if she had no hope of succeed-
ing : and he said, that as to himself, he would
endure any thing whatever before he would
be persuaded to it ; for although it was fit
for a slave, as he was, to do nothing contrary
to his mistress, he might well be excused in a
case where the contradiction was to such sort
of commands only. But this ojjposition of
Joseph, when she did not expect it, made her
still more violent in her love to him ; and as
klie was sorely beset with this naughty pas-
sion, so she resolved to compass her design
by a second attempt.
3. When, therefore, there was a public fes-
have given her no rcpulsr, liotli because of the
reverence lie ought to bear to her dignity wlio
solicited him, and bec.-iuse of the vehemence
of her passion, by which she was forced,
though she were his mistress, to condescend
beneath her dignity ; but that lie may now,
by taking more prudent advice, wipe oH" the
imputation of his former folly ; for, whethei
it were that he expected the repetition of
her solicitations she had now made, and that
with greater earnestness than before, for that
she had pretended sickness on this very ac-
count, and had preferred his convt rsatinn be-
fore the festival and its solemnity; or whether
he ojiposed her former discourses, as not be.
lieving she could be in earnest, she now gave
him sutlicient security, by thus repeating her
application, that she meant not in the least
by fraud to impose upon him ; and assured
him, that if he complied with her aH'ections,
he might expect the enjoyment of the advan-
tages he already had ; and if he were sidimis-
sive to her, he shouKl have still greater ad-
vantages ; but that he must look for revenge
and hatred from her, in case he rejected her
desires, and preferred the reputation of chas-
tity before his inistress ; for that lie would
gain nothing by such procetlure, because she
would then become his accuser, and would
falsely pretend to lur husband that he had
attempted her chastity ; and that Potiphar
would hearken to her words rather than to
his, let his be ever so agreeable to the truth.
4. When the woman had said thus, and
even with tears in her eyes, neither did jiily
dissuade Joseph from his chastity, nor did
fear compel him to a compliance with licr ;
but he opposed I er solicitations, and did not
yield to her threatenings, and was afraid to
do an ill thing, and chose to undergo the
sliarpcst punishment rather than to enjoy his
present advantages, by doing what his own
conscience knew would ji.stly deserve that
he should die for it. He also put her in
mind that she was a married woman, and that
she ouglit to cohabit with her husband only ;
and tiesired her to suffer these considerations
to have more weight with her than the short
pleasure of lustful dalliance, which would
bring her to repentance afterwards, woulil
cause trouble to her, and yet wotild not amend
what had been done amiss. He .tIso sug-
gested to her the fear she woiiK! be in lest they
should be caught; and that the advantage of
concealment was iincerlain, and that only
while the wickedness was not known [would
again ; which opportunity being obtained, she
Used more kind words to liim than before;
tival coming on, in which it was the custom there be any quiet for them] ; but that she
for women to come to the public solemnity, might have the enjoyment of her hu>luiiid's
she pretended to her husband that she was 'company without any danger: and he told
sick, as contriving an opportunity for st)litude ' her, that in the con'pany of her husband she
and leisure, that she might entreat Jo^ejih mi^dit have great bohhicss from a good con-
science, both before (iod and before men :
nay, that she woulil act better like his mistress.
ind said that it had been good for hinn to and niake use of her aulliority over him belter
have yitlded to her first solicitation, and lo ' while she persisted in her chastity, than when
-v
CHAP V.
tliey were botl) ashamed for what wickedness
they had been guihy of; and that it is much
bettor to depend on a good life, well acted,
and known to have been so, than upon tiie
iiopes of tiie concealment of evil practices.
5. Joseph, by saying this, and more, tried
to restrain the violent passion of the woman,
and to reduce her affections witiiin the rules
of reason ; but she grew more ungovernable
and earnest in the matter ; and since she des-
paired of persuading him, she laid her hands
ujjon him, and had a mind to force him. But
as soon as Joseph had got away from her an-
ger, leaving also his garment witli her for he
left that to her, and leaped out of her .namber,
she was greatly afraid lest he should discover
her lewdness to her husband, and greatly trou-
bled at the affront he had offered her ; so she
resolved to be beforehand with him, and to
accuse Joseph falsely to Potiphar, and by that
means to revenge herself on him for his pride
and contempt of her; and she thought it a
wise thing in itself, and also becoming a
woman, thus to prevent his accusation. Ac-
cordingly she sat sorrowful and in confusion,
flaming herself so hypocritically and angrily,
that the sorrow, which was really for her
being disappointed of her lust, might appear
to bt for the attempt upon her chastity ; so
tliat when her husband came home, and was
disturbed at the sight of her, and inquired
what was the cause of the disorder she was in,
she began to accuse Joseph : and, " O, hus-
band," said she, " mayst thou not live a day
longer if thou dost not pimish the wicked
slave who has desired to defile thy bed ; who
has neither minded who he was when he came
to our house, so as to behave himself with
modesty ; nor haj> he been mindful of what
favours he had received from thy bounty (as
he must be an ungrateful man indeed, unless
he, in every respect, carry himself in a man-
ner agreeable to us) : this man, I say, laid a
private design t'> abuse thy wife, and this at
the time of a festival, observing when thou
wouldst be absent. So that it now is clear
that his modesty, as it appeared to be formerly,
was only because of tlie restraint ho was in
out of fear of thee, but that he was not really of
a good disposition. This has been occasioned
Dy his being advanced to honour beyond what
he deserved and what he hoped for ; insomuch
that he concluded, that he who was deemed
fit to be trusted with thy estate and the govern-
ment of thy family, and was preferred above
thy eldest servants, might be allowed to touch
thy wife also." Thus when she had ended
her discourse, she shewed him his garment,
as it he then left it with her when he attempt-
ed to force her. But Potiphar not being able
to disbelieve what his wife's tears shewed, and
ivh.it his wife said, and vvhat he saw himself,
and being sedi;_ed by his love to his wife, did
not set himself al)out the examination of the
trulh; but taking it fur !;ran!ed tliat Ids wife
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
57
was a modest woman, and condemning Joseph
as a wicked man, he threw him into the male-
factors' prison ; and had a still iiiglier opinion
of his wife, and bare her witness that she was
a woman of a becoming modesty and chastity
CHAPTER V.
WHAT THINGS BEFEI. JOSEI'H IN PRISON.
§ 1. Now Joseph, commending all his affairs
to God, did not betake himself to make his
defence, nor to give an account of the exact
circumstances of the fact, but silently under-
went the bonds and the distress he was in,
firmly believing that God, who knew the
cause of his affliction and the truth of the fact,
would be more powerful than those that in-
flicted tlie punishments upon him: — a proof
of whose providence he quickly received ; for
the keeper of the prison taking notice of his
care and fidelity in the afEiirs he had set him
alx)ut, and the dignity of his countenance,
relaxed his bonds, and thereby made his hea-
vy calamity lighter, and more supportable to
j him : he also permitted him to make use of
a diet better than that of the rest of the pri-
soners. Now, as his fellow- prisoners, when
their hard labours were over, fell to discours-
ing one among another, as is usual in such as
are equal sufferers, and to inquire one of ano-
ther, what were the occasions of their being
condemned to a prison: among them the
king's cup-bearer, and one that had been res-
pected by him, was put in bonds, on the king's
anger at him. This man was under the same
bonds with Joseph, and grew more familiar
with him ; and upon his observing that Joseph
had a better understanding than the rest had,
he told him of a dream he had, and des-ired he
would interpret its meaning, complaining that,
besides the afflictions he underwent from the
king, God did also add to him trouble from
his dreams.
2. He therefore said, that in his sleep he
saw tln'ee clusters of grapes hanging upon
three branches of a vine, large already, and
ripe for gathering ; and that he squeezed
them into a cup which the king held in his
hand ; and when he had strained the wine,
he gave it to the king to drink, and that he
I received it from him with a pleasant coun-
[ tenance. This, he said, was what he saw ; and
!he desired Joseph, that if he had any portion
I of understanding in such matters, he would
jtell him what this vision foretold: — who bid
him be of good cheer, and expect to be loosed
from his bonds in three days' time, because
the king desired his service, and was about to
restore him to it again ; for he let liim know
that God bestows the fruit of the vine upon
men for good ; which wine is poured out to
him, and is the pledge of fidelity and mutual
"^_
^
J-
68
ANTIQUITES OF THE JEWS.
UOOK II
coiifiilence amons; men ; and puts an end to
tlii'ir (juarrc'ls, takes away passion and grii-l'
out of tlic minds of llioni that use it, and makes
tliem elieerCul. " 'I'liou sayest that llion didst
S()ueeze this wine from tliree clusters of j^rapes
with thine hands, and that the king received
it : know, therefore, that this vision is for thy
good, and foretels a release from thy present
distress within the same number of days as
the branches had whence thou gatheredst thy
grapes in thy sleep. However, remember
what pros))erity I liave foretold thee when
tliou liast found it true by experience; and
wiicn thou art in autliority, do not overlook us
in this prison, wherein thou wilt le. ve us when
thou art gone to the place we havi foretold ;
for we are not in jirison for any cn'me ; but
for the sake of our virtue and sobriety are we
condemned to suffer the penalty of malefac-
tors, and because we are not willing to injure
him tliat has thus distressed us, though it were
for our own pleasure." The cup-bearer, there-
fore, as was natural to do, rejoiced to hear such
an interpretation of his dream, and waited tlie
Completion of wliat had been thus shown him
IjeforoUand.
3. But another servant there was of the
kins:, who had been chief baker, and was now
bjund in prison with tlie cup-bearer ; he also
was in good hope, upon Joseph's interpre-
tation of the other's vision, for lie had seen a
dream also ; so he desired that Joseph would
tell him what the visions he had seen the
night before might mean. They were these
that follow; — " Metliought," sa}s he, "I
carried throe baskets upon my head ; two were
fidl of loaves, and the third full of sweetmeats
and other eatables, such as are prepared for
kings ; but that the fowls came flying, and
eat them all up, and had no regard to my at-
tempt to drive them away ;" — and he expect-
ed a pretliction like to that of the cup-bearer.
But Joseph, considering and reasoning about
the dream, said to him, that he would willingly
be an interpreter of good events to iiim, and not
of such as his dream denounced to him; but he
told him that he iiad only tince days in all to
live, for that the [tliree] baskets signify, that on
the third day he should be crucified, and de-
vouredfcy fowls, while lie was not able to lielj)
himself. Now both these dreams had the same
several events that Joseph foretold they should
have, and this to botli the parties; for on tlie
thiril day l)c-rore inentioncd, when the king so-
lemnized his birth-day, lie crucified the cliief
b:iker, but set the Ijutler free fiom his bonds,
and restored liim to his former ministration.
4. But (jod freed Joseph from his confine-
ment, after he had endured his bonds two
years, and had received no assistance from
the cup-bearer, who did not remember what
be had said to liim formerly; and C5od con-
trived this method of deliverance for him.
I'haraoli the king had seen in his sleep tlie
wme evening t\>o visions; and aftir ihc^m
had the interpretations of them both given
him. He had forgotten the latter, l)ut re-
tained the dreams themselves. Being tliere-
fore troubled at what he had seen, for it
seemed to him to be all of a melancholy na-
ture, the next day he called together the
wisest men among the Egy)>tians, desiring to
learn from them the interpretation of his
dreams. But when they hesitated about them,
tlie king was so much tlie more disturbed.
And now it was that the memory of Joseph,
and Ids skill in dreams, came into the mind
of the king's cii))-l)earer, when he saw the
confusion that Pharaoh was in ; so he came
and mentioned Jose|)h to him, as also the
vision he had seen in prison, and how the
event proved as he had said ; as also that the
chief baker was crucified on the very same
day ; and that this also happened to him ac-
cording to the interjiretation of .Joseph. 'J'hat
Joseph himself was laid in bonds by Potijihar,
who was his liead cook, as a slave; but, lie
said, he was one of the noblest of the stock
of the Hebrews; and said farther, his father
lived in great splendour. " If, therefore,
thou wilt send for him, and not despise him
on the score of his misfortunes, thou wilt
learn what thy dreams signify." So the
king commanded that they should bring Jo-
seph into his presence; and those who receiv
ed the command came and brought him with
them, h;iviiig taken care of his habit, that i
might be decent, as the king had enjoined
them to do.
5. But the king took him by the hand ;
and, " O young man," says he, '* for my ser-
vant bears witness that thou art at present tlie
best and most skilful ])crson I can consult
with ; vouchsafe me the same favours which
thou bestowedst on this servant of mine, and
tell me what events they are which the visions
of my dreams foreshow ; and I desire thee to
suppress nothing out of fear, nor to flatter
me with lying words, or with what may please
me, although the truth should be of a melan-
cliolv nature. I'or it seemed to me that, as I
walked by the river, 1 saw kine fiit and very
large, seven in number, going from the river
to the marshes ; and other kine of the same
number like them, met them out of the
marshes, exceeding lean and ill-favoured,
which ate up the fat and the large kine, and
yet were no belter than before, and not les>
miserably jiinched with famine. After ] had
seen this vision, I awaked out of my sleep ;
and being in disorder, and considering with
myself what this appearance should be, I fell
asleep again, and saw another dream, much
more wonderful than tlve foregoing, which
still did more afi'right and disturb j«ie : — I
saw seven ears of corn growing out of one
root, having their heads borne down by the
weight of the grains, and bending down with
the fruit, which was now ripe and fit for ren|>-
iii;: • and near these I saw seven other ears
J-
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
69
S
ff corn, meagre and weak, for want of rain,
whicli fell to eating and consuming those that
aero fit for reaping, and jJUt me into great
astonishment."
6. To which Josepli replied:— This dream,"
said he, " O king, although seen under two
forms, signifies one and the same event of
things; for wlien thou sawest the fat kine,
which is an animal made for the plough and
for labour, devoured by the worser kine, and
tlie ears of corn eaten up by the smaller ears,
they foretel a famine, and want of the fruits
of the earth for the same number of years,
and equal with those when Egypt was in a
hap|)y state ; and this so far, that the plenty
of tliese years will be spent in the same num-
ber of years of scarcity, and that scarcity of
necessary provisions will be very difficult to
be corrected ; as a sign whereof, the ill-fa-
voured kine, when they had devoured the
better sort, could not be satisfied. But still
God foreshows what is to come upon men,
not to grieve them, but that, wlien they know
it beforehand, they may by prudence make
the actual experience of what is foretold the
more tolerable. If thou, therefore, carefully
dispose of the plentiful crops which will come
in the former years, thou wilt procure that
the future calamity will not be felt by the
Egyptians."
7. Hereupon the king wondered at the
discretion and wisdom of Joseph ; and asked
lim by what means he might so dispense the
foregoing plentiful crops, in the happy yeais,
as to make tlie miserable crops more tolerable.
Joseph then added this his advice ; To spare
the good crops, and not permit the Egyptians
.o spend them luxuriously ; but to reserve
wliat they would have spent in luxury beyond
their necessity, against t!ie time of want. He
also exhorted him to take the corn of the hus-
ban-dmen, and give them only so much as will
be sufficient for their food. Accordingly
Pharaoh being surprised at Joseph, not only
for his interpretation of tlie dream, but for
the counsel he had given him, entrusted him
with dispensing the corn ; with power to do
what he thought would be for the benefit of
the people of Egypt, and for the benefit of
the king, as believing that he who first disco-
vered this method of acting, would prove the
best overseer of it. Eut Joseph having this
power given him. by the king, with leave to
make use of his seal, and to wear purple,
drove in his chaiiot through all the land of
Egypt, and took the corn of die husbandmen,*
allotting as much to every one as would be
sufficient for seed and for food, but withotil
disco\eriiig to any one the i-eason wl»y lie did
so.
• That 13, bought it for Phara ih at a ver>' low price.
CHAPTER VI.
HOW JOSEPH, WHEN HE WAS BECOJIE FAMOUS
IN EGVri', HAD HIS BllETHREN IN SUBJEC-
TION.
§ 1. Joseph was now grown up to thirty
years of age, and enjoyed great honours from
the king, who called him Psothom Phanech,
out of regard to his prodigious degree ot
wisdom ; for that name denotes Ike revealer
of secrets. He also married a wife of very
liigh quality ; for he married the daughter ot
Petephres,! one of the priests of Heliopolis :
she was a virgin, and lier name was Asenalli.
By her he had children before tlie scarcity
came on ; Manass' h, the elder, which signi-
fies forgetful, because his present happiness
made him forget his former mi.sfortunes ; and
Epliraim, the younger, which f\g\n([cs restored^
because he was restored to the freedom of
his forefathers. Now after Egypt had hap-
pily passed over seven years, according to Jo-
seph's interpretation of the dreams, the famine
came upon them in the eighth year; and be-
cause this misfortune fell upon them when
they had no sense of it beforehand, \ they
were all sorely afflicted by it, and came run-
ning to the king's gates ; and he called upon
Joseph, who sold the corn to them, being be-
come confessedly a saviour to the ivhole mul-
titude of the Egyptians. Nor did he open
this market of corn for the people of that
country only, but strangers had liberty to
buy also; Joseph being willing that all men,
wlio are naturally akin to one another, should
have assistance from those that lived in hap-
piness.
2. Now Jacob also, when he understood
that foreigners might come, sent all liis sons
into Egypt to buy corn ; for the land of Ca-
naan was grievously atBicted with the famine
and this great misery touclie<l tiie whole con-
tinent. He only retained Benjamin, v.ho
was born to him by Kiichel, and was of the
same mother with Joseph. These sons of
Jacob tlien came into Egypt, and applied
themselves to Joseph, wanting to buy corn ;
for nothing of this kind was done without his
approbation, since even then only was the
honour that was paid the king himself advan
t This Potiplwr, or, as .losephus, Petephros, who was
now a pritst of On, or Heliopolis, is the same iiaine in
Josephus, and jicrhaps in Moses also, with him who is
before called head cook or capt.iiu of the guard, and to
whom Joseph was ■■■old. bee (Jen. xxxvii. 56, xxxix. 1,
witli xli. 50. They are also aihrraed to be out and the
same pers-m in the Testament of Joseph (seel. l')i for
he is there said to lia\ e married the daughter of his
master ami mistress- ISor is tliis a notion peculiar to
that testament, but, as Dr. Bernard confesses (note on
Antiq- b iL chap. iv. sect. 1>, common to Josephus, to
the Septuagini uilerpreters, and to other learned Jews
of old time.
% This entire ignorance of the Egyptians of these
years of famine betoie they came, tokl us before, as \> eSl
as here (etuip v. spot. 7), by Josephus, seems to me al-
most incicditile. It is in no other coiiy that I kiiow of.
J
J-
60
AKTIQUITJKS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK IL
tapeons to tlic pcMons tlial paiil if, wlicii they
took care to luinour Joscpli also. Now wliun
lie "ell knew liis brelliren, tliey tlioii^litnolliiii;^
of" liiin ; for lie was l)iif a yoiitli wlion he left
tlicin, and was now come to an a<^e so much
greater, that the lineaments of his face were
cliani^eii, and lie was not known by them :
besides tiiis, the greatness of the dignity
wherein lie ap])eared, suffered them not so
much as t-o suspect it was he. He now made
trial what sentiments tliey had about affairs of
the greatest conse(Hience ; for lie refused to sell
them corn, and said they were come as spies
of the ki;ig's affairs ; and tliat they came
from several countries, and joined tiieniselves
together, and iiretended that tliey were of
kin, it not being possible that a jirivate man
snould breed up so many sons, and those of
so great beauty of countenance as they were,
such an e<lucation of so many children being
not easily obtained by kings themselves.
Now this he did in order to discover what
concerned his father, and what happened to
liim after his own departure from him, and as
desiring to know what was become of Benja-
min bis brother ; for ho was afraid that they
had ventured on the like wicked enterprise
against him that they had done to himself,
and had taken him oft' also.
3. Now these brethren of his were under
distraction and terror, and thought that very
great danger hung over them ; yet not at all
reflecting upon their brother Joseph, and
standing firm under the accusations laid
against them, they made their defence by
Ueubel, the eldest of them, who now became
their s))okeKman : " We come not hitlier,"
said he, " with any unjust design, nor in
order to bring any harm to the king's affairs;
we oniy want to be preserved, as supposing
}our humanity might be refuge for us from
tiie miseries winch our country labours un-
der, we having heard that you proposed to sell
corn not only to your own countrymen, but to
strangers also, and that you determined to
allow tliat corn, in orcler to preserve all that
want it ; but that we are brethren, and of the
same common blood, the peculiar lineaments
•of our faces, and those not so much different
from one another, plainly show. Our father's
name is Jacob, an Hebrew man, who liad
twelve of us for his sons by four wives ; which
twelve of us, while we were all alive, were a
happy family ; but when one of our brethren,
wlit'se name was Joseph, died, our affairs
changed for the worse; for our father could
not forbear to make a long lamentation for
him ; and we are in allliction, both by the
calamity of the death of our brother, and the
miserable slate of our aged father. \\'e are
now, tJiirefore, come to buy corn, having in-
trusteil the care of our father, and the piovi-
kIou Kur our family, to I5enj:imin, our young-
est brotlier; and if thoii sendest to v.ux Iwute,
thou may est learn whether we are guilty of
the least falsehood in what wc say."
4. And thus did Kcubel endeavour to per-
suade Joseph to have a Ijetter opinion of them.
Hut when he had learned from them that Ja-
cob was alive, and that his brother was not
destroyed by them, he for the jjresent put them
in prison, as intending to examine more into
their aft'airs when he shoidd be at leisure.
IJut on the third day he brought them out,
and said to them, " Since you constantly af-
firm that you are not come to do any harm
to the king's aflairs ; that you are brethren,
and the sons of the father whom you named,
you will satisfy me of the truth of what you
say, if you leave one of your company with
me, who shall suffer no injury here; and if,
when ye have carried corn to your fatJier, you
will come to me again, and bring your bro-
ther, whom you say you left there, along with
you, for this shall be by me esteemed an as-
surance of the truth of what you have told
me." * Hereupon they were in greater grief
than before; they wept, and perpetually de-
plored one among another the calamitv of Jo-
seph ; and said, ' They were fallen into this
misery as a ))unishment inflicted by God for
what evil contrivances they had against him.'
And Ileubil was large in his reproaches of
them for their too late repentance, whence no
profit arose to Jose))h ; and earnestly exhorted
them to bear with patience whatever they suf-
fered, since it was done by God in way of pu-
nishment, on his account. 'I'hus they spako
to one another, not imagining that Joseph un-
derstood their language. A general sadness
also seized on them at Reubel's words, and a
repentance for what they had done ; and they
condemned the wickedness they had ))erpetrat-
ed, for which they judged tl.ey wereju'-.tly \s\x-
nished by God. Now when Joseph saw that
they were in this distress, he was so affected
at it that he fell into tears, and, not being wil-
ling that they should take notice of him, lie
retired ; and after a while came to them again,
and taking Symeon,* in order to his being a
pledge for his brethren's return, he bid them
take the corn they had bought, and go their
way. He also commanded his stewanl pri-
vily to put the money which they had brought
with them for the purchase of corn into their
sacks, and to dismiss them therewith ; wlu)
did what he was commanded to do.
5. Now when Jacob's sons were come into
the land of Canai'.n, they told their father what
had hapi>eiud to them in J^gypt, and that they
were taken to have come thither as spies upon
the king ; and how they said they were bre-
thren, and had left their eleventh brother with
their father, but were not believed ; and l:ow
• Tlic leason why Synii-on mi!;ht be selictfsl out cf
the rest for .losri>irs'|iii'M)mT, is plain in the Teslaincnl
of Syincon, vi/. tliat he wxs one • f ihc bil!<T«t of all
Ji'sfi'ih's broihroii iicainst him, sei't. t'; ivliiih <ip|.t'»r<
also m pan by the 'l'ts'.an.< nt of Zakiiloii. <icu 5
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
fil
tlit-y had left Synieon witli the governor, un-
til Benjamin should go thither, anil l)e a tes-
timonial of the truth of what they had said :
and tliey bogged of their father to fear nothing, '
but to send tlie lad along with them. But;
Jacob was not pleased with any thing lu's sons ,
had done ; and he took the detention of Sy- :
meon heinously, and thence thought it a fool-^
Ish thing to give up Benjamin also. Neither
did he yield to Reubel's persuasion, tiiough
he begged it of him ; and gave leave that the
grandfather might, in way of requital, kill his i
own sons, in case any harm came to Benja- !
min in the journey. So they were distressed, j
and knew not what to do : nay, there was an- |
other accident tiiat still disturbed them more, '
— the money that was found iiidden in their
sacks of corn. Yet when the corn they had ,
brought failed them, and when the famine still
afflicted them, and necessity forced them, Ja- j
cob din* [not] still resolve to send Benjamin
with his brethren, although there was no re- '
turning into Egypt unless they came with
what they had proinised. Now the misery i
growing every day worse, and his sons beg-
ging it of him, he had no other course to take
in liis present circumstances. And Judas,
who was of a bold temper on other occasions,
spake his mind very freely to him : " That it
did not become him to be afraid on account of
.'lis son, nor to suspect the worst, as he did ;
for nothing could be done to his son but by
the appointment of God, which must also for
certain come to pass, though he were at home
with him ; that he ought not to condemn them
to such manifest destruction ; nor deprive them
of that plenty of food they might have from
Pharaoh, by his unreasonable fear about his
son Benjamin, but ought to take care of the
preservation of Symeon, lest, by attempting
to hinder Benjamin's journey, Symeon should
perish. He exhorted him to trust God for him;
and said he would either bring his son back
to him safe, or together with his, lose his own
life." So that Jacob was at length persuaded,
and delivered Benjamin to them, with the price
of the corn doubled ; he also sent presents to
Joseph of the fruits of the land of Canaan ;
balsam and rosin, as also turpentine and ho-
ney. f Now their father shed many tears at the
departure of his sons, as well as themselves.
His concern was, that he might receive them
back again safe after their journey ; and their
concern w.is, that they might find their father
well, and no way afflicted with grief for them.
And this lamentation lasted a whole day; so
tliat tho old man was at last tired with grief,
and staid behind ; but they went on their way
for Egypt, endeavouring to mitigate their grief
for tlieir present misfortunes, with the hopes
of better success hereafter.
• The coherence seems to me to show that the nega-
ive particle is here wanting, which 1 have supplied in
^rackets; anil I wonder none have hiUierto suspected
tiiat it ought to be supplied.
t Of the precious lialsam of Judea, and the turpen-
tiiM, ikse the uotc on Antiq. b. viii. ch. vi. sect. 6.
6. As soon as they came info Egypt, they
were brought down to Joseph* but here no
small fear disturljed thoni, lest they shoiild be
accused about llie price of the corn, as if they
had cheated .Joseph. Tliey then made a long
apology to Joseph's steward ; and told him,
that when tliey came home they found the mo-
ney in their sacks, and that they had now
brought it along with them. He said he did
not know what they meant : — so they were de-
livered from that fear. And when he had
loosed Symeon, and put him into a handsome
habit, he suffered him to be with his brethren ;
at which time Joseph came from his attend-
ance on the king. So tliey offered liim their
presents; and upon his putting the question
to them about their father, they answered, that
they found him well. He also, upon iiis dis-
covery that Benjamin was alive, asked whether
this was their younger brother? for he had
seen him. Whereitpon they said he was : he
replied, that the God over all was his protec-.
tor. But when his affection to him made him
slied tears, he retired, desiring he niigiit not
be seen in that plight by his brethren. Tlien
Joseph took them to supper, and they were set
down in the same order <»6 they used to sit at tlieir
father's table. And although Joseph treated
them all kindly, yet did he send a mess to
Benjamin that was double to what the rest of
the guests had for their shares.
7. Now when after supper they had com-
posed themselves to sleep, Joseph commandtd
his steward both to give them their measures
of corn, and to hide its price again in their
sacks; and that withal they should put into
Benjamin's sack the golden cup, out of which
he loved himself to drink : — which things lie
did, in order to make trial of his brethren
whether they would stand by Benjamin when
he should be accused of having stolen tiie cup,
and should appear to be in danger ; or « hetiier
they would leave him, and, depending on their
own innocency, go to their father v\iihou
him. — When the servant had done as he was
bidden, the sons of Jacob, knowing iiotln'ng
of all this, went their way, and took Symeon
along with them, and had a double cause of
joy, lioth because they had received him again,
and because they took back Benjamin to their
father, as they had promised. But presently
a troop of horsemen encompassed them, and
brought with them Joseph's servant, who had
put the cup into Benjamin's sack. Upon
which unexpected attack of the horsemen they
were much disturbed, and asked what the rea-
son was that they came thus upon men, who
a little before had been by their lord thought
worthy of an honourable and hospitable re-
ception ! They replied, by calling them wick-
ed wretches, who had forgot that very hospi
table and kind treatment which Joseph had
given them, and did not scruple to be injuri-
ous to him, and to carry off that cup out ot
1 which he had, in so friendly a manner, drank
-\.
.r
-T
G2
ANTIQUITIHS OF Till: JEWS.
to tlu'm, andnot renjanlinp tlii-ir riiuiHlship with
Josi'pli, no more tli.ii) tlio (limjTL'r tlii-y slioiild
l»o ill if tlii-y wore takL-ii, in comparison of tlic
unjust gain. IltTeiipon lie tlireateneil lliat
tlioy slioiilil l)c punislii'd ; for tlioii<;li tlit-y had
escaped tho kiiowloilj^c of liim who was hut
a servant, yt't liad they not escaped the know-
ledi^o of (Jod, i\or liad gone oll'witli wliat ihey
had stolen ; and after all, asked why we come
upon them ? as if they knew nothing of the
matter: and he told them that they should
immediately know it by their punishment.
Tliis, and more of the same nature, did the
servant say, in way of reproach to thcni : but
they being wholly ignorant of any tiling here
that concerned them, laughed at what he said ;
and wondered at the abusive language which
the servant gave them, when he was so liardy
as to accuse those who did not befcire so inucli
as retain the price of their corn, which was
found ill their sacks, but brought it agaiji,
though nobody <?isc knew of any such thing, —
so far were they from ollering any injury to
Josepli voluntarily. But still, supposing that
a search would be a more sure justification of
themselves than their own denial of the fact,
they bid him search them, and that if any of
them had been guilty of the theft, to punish
them all ; for being no way conscious to them-
selves of any crime, they spake with assurance,
and, as they thought, without any danger to
.nemselves also. The servants desired there
nii"ht be a search made; but they said the
punishment should extend to him alone wiio
should be found guilty of the theft. So they
ir-ade the search ; and, having searched all the
rest, they came last of all to Benjamin, as
knowing it was Benjamin's sack in which they
had hidden the cup, they having indeed search-
ed the rest only for a show of accuracy: so
tlie rest were out of fear for themselves, and
were now only concerned about Benjamin, but
still were well assured that he would also be
found innocent; and they reproached those
(hat came after them for their hindering them,
while they might, in the mean while, have got-
ten a "■ood way on their journey. But as soon
as they had searched iJenjamin's sack, they
foimd tiie cup, and took it from him ; and ail
was changed into mourning and lainentation.
Thev rent their garments, and wept for the
punishment which their brother was to under-
go for his theft, and for the delusion they had
put on their father, when they promised they
would bring Benjamin safe to him. What
added to their misery was, that this melancho-
ly accident came unlortiinately at a time wiien
thty thought they had been gotten oil' clear:
but they confessed that this misfortune of their
brother, as well as the grief of their father for
him, was owing to themselves, since it was
they tliat forced their father to send him with
tliem, when lie was ave-rse to it.
8. The horsemen therefore took Benjamin
and bi ought him to Joseph, his brethren also
folluwing him; vvho, when he saw liim in
custody, and tlicm in the habit of motiriiers,
said, " How came you, vile wretchesas you arc,
to have such a strange notion of my kindness
to you, and of God's providence, as impudent-
ly to do thus to your benefactor, uho in such
an hospitable manner had entertained you?"
— Whereujton they gave up themselves to be
punished, in order to save Benjamin ; and
called to mind what a wicked cnterprize they
had been guilly of against Joseph. 'J'hey
also pronounced him more happy than them-
selves, if he were dead, in being freed from
the miseries of this life; and if lie were alive,
that he enjoyed the pleasure of seeing God's
vengeance upon tliem. Tliey said fartiier, that
they were the plague of their father, since ihey
should now add to his former aflliction for
Joseph, this other allliction for Benjamin.
Reiibel also was large in cutting them upon
this occasion. But Joseph dismissed them;
for lie said they had been guilty of no offence,
and that he would content himself wilh the
lad's punishment ; for he s;»id it was not a fit
thing to let him go free, for the sake of those
who had not ofl'endcd ; nor was it a fit thing
to punish them logetherwith him whohad been
guilty of stealing. And when he promised to
give them leave to go away in safety, the rest
of them were under great consternation, and
were able to say nothing on this sad occasion.
But Judas, "ho had persuaded their father to •
send the lad from him, being otherwise also a
very bold and active man, determined to hazard
himself for the i)reservatinn of his brother.
" * It is true," said he, " O governor, that we
have been very wicked wilh regard to thee, and
on that account deserve puiiLshment ; even all
of us may justly be punished, although the theft
were not committed by all, but only by one of
us, and he the youngest also: but yet there
remains some hope for us, wlio otherwise must
be under despair on his account, and this
from thy goodness, which promises us a de-
liverance out of our present danger. And
now I beg thou wilt not look at us, or at that
great crime we have been guilly of, but at thy
own excellent nature, and take advice of thine
own virtue, instead of that wrath thou hast
agiunst us ; which passion those that other,
wise arc of lower character indulge, as they
do their strength, and that not only on great,
but also on very triHing occasions. Overcoine,
Sir, that passion, and bo not subdued by it,
nor sutler it to slay those that do not other-
\i ise presume upon their own safety, but are
desirous to accejjt of it from thee ; for tliis is
iiot the first time that thou wilt bestow it on
us, but before, when we caine to buy corn,
• This oration seems to me too large, and too un-
usual a digression, to have iK-cn coiiipoNCil by Jiirtas on
this oirasion. It seems to me a spccvh or declamation
composed formerly, in the person of Judas, and in the
w.iv of oratorv, Ihiit lay by him, and which he thought
fit to insert oii this oecision. See two more such speech-
es or declamations, .\ntiii. b. vi. ch. xiv. sect. 4.
chaP. vr.
thou affordedst us great plenty of food, and
gavest us leave to carry so much home to our
family as has preserved them from perishing
by famine. Nor is there any difference between
not overlooking men that were perishing for
want of necessaries, and not punishing those
that seem to be offenders, and have been so un-
fortunate as to lose the advantage of that glori-
ousbenefaction which they received from thee.
This will 1)6 an instance of equal favour,
though bestowed after a different manner ;
for thou w ilt save those this way whom thou
didst feed the other; and thou wilt hereby
preserve alive, by thy own bounty, those souls
which thou didst not suffer to be distressed by
famine, it being indeed at once a wonderful
and a great thing to sustain our lives by corn,
and to bestow on us that pardon, whereby,
now we are distressed, we may continue those
lives. And I am ready to suppose, that God
is willing to afford thee this opportunity of
showing thy virtuous disposition, by bringing
us into this calamity, that it may appear thou
canst forgive the injuries that are done to thy-
self and mayst be esteemed kind to others, be-
sides those who, on other accounts, stand in
need of thy assistance ; since it is indeed a
right thing to do well to those who are in dis-
tress for want of food, but still a more glo-
rious thing to save those who deserve to be
punished, when it is on account of heinous
offences against thyself; for if it be a thing
deserving commendation to forgive such as
have been guilty of small offences, that tend
to a person's loss, and this be praiseworthy in
him that overlooks such offences, to restrain
a man's passion as to crimes which are capi-
tal to the guilty, is to be like the most excel-
lent nature of God himself: — and truly, as
for myself, had it not been that we had a
fatiier, who had discovered, on occasion of
the death of Joseph, how miserably he is al-
ways afflicted at the loss of his sons, I had
not made any words on account of the saving
of our own lives ; I mean, any farther than
as that would be an excellent character for
thyself, !o preserve even those that would
have nobody to lament them when they were
dead, but we would have yielded ourselves up
to suffer whatsoever thou pleasedst ; hut now
(for we do not plead for mercy to ourselves,
though indeed, if we die, it will be while we
are young, and before we have had the enjoy-
ment of life) have regard to our father, and
take pity of his old age, on whose accoiuit it
is that we make these supplications to thee.
We beg thou wilt give us those lives \ihich
this wickedness of ours has rendered obnox-
ious to thy punishment ; and this for his sake
who is not himself wicked, nor does his being
our father make us wicked. He is a good
man, and not worthy to have such trials of
his patience ; and now, we are absent, lie is
afflicted with care for us : but if he hear of
our deaths, and what was the cause of it, he
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
63
will on that account die an immature death;
and the reproachful manner of our ruin will
hasten his end, and will directly kill him, nay,
will bring him to a miserable death, while he
will make haste to rid himself out of the world,
and bring himself to a state of insensibility,
before the sad story of our end come abroad
into the rest of the world. Consider these
things in this manner, although our wicked-
ness does now provoke thee with a just desire
of punishing that wickedness, and forgive it
for our father's sake ; and let thy commiser-
ation of him weigh more with thee than our
wickedness. Have regard to the old age of
our father, who, if we perish, will be very
lonely while he lives, and will soon die him-
self also. Grant this boon to the name of
Fathers, for thereby thou wilt honour him
that begat thee, and will grant it to thyself
also, who enjoyest already that denomination ;
thou wilt then, by that denomination, be pre-
served of God, the Father of all, — by show-
ing a pious regard to which, in the case ol
our father, thou wilt appear to horiour him
who is styled by the same name ; I mean, if
thou wilt have this pity on our father, upon
this consideration, how miserable he will be if
he be deprived of his sons ! It is thy part
therefore to bestow on us what God has given
us, when it is in thy power to take it away,
and so to resemble him entirely in charity ;
for it is good to use that power, which can
either give or take away on the merciful side ;
and w hen it is in thy power to destroy, to for-
get that thou ever hadst that power, and to
look on thyself as only allowed power for
preservation ; and that the more any one ex
tends this power, the greater reputation does
he gain to himself. Now, by forgiving our
brother what he has unhappily committed,
thou wilt preserve us all ; for we cannot
think of living if he be put to death, since wt
dare not show ourselves alive to our father
without our brother, but here must we par-
take of one and the same catastrophe of his
life ; and so far we beg of thee, O governor,
that if thou condemnest our brother to die,
thou wilt punish us together with him, as
partners of his crime, — for we shall not think
it reasonable to be reserved to kill ourselves
for grief of our brother's death, but so to die
rather as equally guilty with him of this
crime ! I will only leave with thee this one
consideration, and then will say no more, viz.
That our brother committed his fault when
he was young, and not yet of confirmed
wisdom in his conduct ; and that men natur-
ally forgive such young persons. I end
here, without adding what more I have to
say, that in case thou condemnest us, that o-
mission may be supposed to have hurt us,
and permitted thee to take the severer side ;
but in case thou settest us free, that this may
be ascribed to thy own goodness, of which
thou art inwardly conscious, that thou freest
r;
ANTKiLllIKS OI- TU!; .IHWS.
UOOK IL
us from condomnaiion ; and lliat not by barely
juvscrvinj; lis, but by gr.iiiting lis such a fa-
vour us will make us iippoar more rigliifous
than we ri'aliy are, ami by wpri-se. tin;^ to
tliyst'lf more motives for our deliverance than
we are able to produce ourselves. If, there-
fore, thou resolvest to slay him, I desire thou
wilt slay me in iiis steal, and send him back
to his father; or if thou pleasest to retain him
with thee as a slave, I am fitter to labour for
thy advantage in that capacity, and, as ihou
seest, am better prepared for either of those
sud'erings."* So Judas, being very willing
to undergo any thing whatever for the deliver-
ance of his lirother, cast liimself down at Jo-
seph's feet, and earnestly laboured to assuage
and \)acify his anger. All his brethren also
fell down before him, weeping and delivering
themselves up to des'ruciion for the prcserva-
ticn of the life of Benjamin.
10. But Joseph, as overcome now with -bis
alTeetions, and no longer able to personate an
an'Tv inan, commanded all that were present
to depart, that he might make himself known
to his brethren when they were alone ; and
when the rest were gone out, he made him-
self known to his brethren ; and said, " I
commend you for your virtue, and your kind-
ness to our brother : I find you better men
than I could have expected from what you
contrived about me. Indeed, I diii all this
to try your love to your brodier ; so I believe
you were not wicked by nature in what you
did in my case, but that all has happened ac-
cording to God's will, who has lunby i)ro
cured our enjoyment of what good things we
have ; and, if he continue in a favourable
disposition, of what we hope for hereafter.
Since, therefore, I know that our father is
safe and well, beyond expectaion, and 1 see
vou so well disposed to your brother, I will
no longer remember what guilt you seem to
liave had about me, but will leave oft' to hate
you for that your wickedness ; and do rather
return you my thanks, that you have concur-
ri-d with tl;e intentions of God lo bring things
to their present state. I would have you
also rather to forget the same, since that im-
prudence of yours is come to such a happy
conclusion, than to be uneasy and blush at
those your oH'ences. Do not, therefore, let
your evil intentions, when you condemned
me, and that bitter remorse which might fol-
low, be a grief to you now, because tho--e in-
tentions were frustrated. Go, therefore, your
way, rejoicing in what has happened by the
joys tlie good things that we now liHve.
Mring, therefore, with you our father, and
your wives and children, and all your kin-
dred, and remove your habitations hither; for
it is not proper that the persons dearest to mc
should live remote from me, now my aft'airs
are so prosperous, especially when they must
endure five more years of famine." \\ hen
Joseph fiad said this, he embraced his breth-
ren, who were in tears and sorrow ; but the
generous kindness of their lirotlier seemed to
leave among them no room for fear, lest they
should be punished on account of wliat they
had consulted and acted against him ; and
they were then feasting. Now the king, as
soon as he heard that Joseph's brethren were
come to hiin, was exceeding glad of it, as if
it had been a part of his own good fortune ;
and gave them waggons full of corn, and gold
and silver, to be conveyed to his father. Now
when they had received more of their brolher,
part to be carried to their father, and part as
free gifts to every one of themselves, Ueiija-
inin having still n;ore than the rest, tliey de-
parted.
CHAPTER VII.
THE RE-MOVAL OF JOSEPH'S FATHER, WITH AI.l
HIS FAMILY, TO HIM, OS ACCOUNT OK THE
FAMINE.
§ 1. As soon as Jacob came to know, by his
sons returning home, in what state Josejili
was ; that he had not only escaped death, for
which yet he lived all along in mourning, but
that he lived in splendour and happiness, and
ruled over Egypt, jointly with tlu.- king, and
had intrusted to his care aluiost all his afl'airs,
he did not think any thing lie was told to be
incredible, considering the greatness of the
works of God, and his kindness to him, al-
though that kindness had, for some late times,
been intermitted ; so he immediately and
zealously set out upon his journey to him.
2. When he came to the M'ell of the Oath
(IJeerslieba), he oU'ered sacrifice to God;
and being afraid that the liapi)iness there was
in Egypt might tempt his posterity to fall in
love with it and settle in it, and no more
think of removing into the land of Canaan,
and possessing it, as God had (iromised them;
as also being afraid, lest, if this descent into
Egvpt were made without the will of God,
Divine Providence, and inform your father his family might be destroyed there; out of
ol' it, kst he should be spent with cares for
you, and deprive me of the most agreeable
part of my felicity ; I mean, lest he should
die before lie comes into my sight, and en-
fear, withal, lest he should depart this life
before he came to the sight of Joseph, he fell
asleep, revolving these doubts in his mind.
3. 15ut God stood by liim, and called to
him twice by his name; and when he asked
• 111 all this speech of Judas we m.iy observe, that who he was, God said, " No, sure ; it is nof
JosciihnssiiU sniniDsed that di-ath as ifie i.\>iii>hment I j„^t that thou, Jacob, shouldst be unac-
oftlu:l-.ii.Kgy,.t inUiecUysof^^^^^^^^^^ ^.j^,, j,,^j q^ ^.j.^ j^as been ever
^
CHAP. VII.
a protector and a helper to thy forefathers,
and after them to thyself; for when thy fa-
tlier would have deprived thee of the domi-
nion, I gave it thee ; and by my kindness it
was that, when thou wast sent into Mesopo-
tamia all alone, thou obtaiiiedst good wives,
and returnedst with many cliiidren, and much
wealth. Thy whole family also has been
preserved by my providence ; and it was 1
who conducted Joseph, thy son, whom thou
gavest up for lost, to the enjoyment of great
prosperity. I also made him lord of Egypt,
so that lie differs but little from a king. Ac-
cordingly, I come now as a guide to thee in
this journey; and foretel to thee, tliat thou
shalt die in the arms of Joseph : and I in-
form thee, that thy posterity shall be many
ages in authority and gloiy, and tliat I will
settle them in tlie land vvhich I have promised
them."
4. Jacob, encouraged by this dream, went
on more cheerfully for Egyi't with his sons,
and all belonging to them. Now they were
in all seventy. I once, indeed, thought it
best not to set down tlie names of this family,
especially becaiise of their difficult pronunci-
ation [by the Greeks] ; but, upon the whole,
I think it necessary to mention those names,
that I may disprove such as believe that we
came not originally from Mesopotamia, but
are Egyptians. Now Jacob had twelve sons ;
of these Joseph was coune tliitlier before. We
t\ill therefore set down the names of Jacob's
children and grandchildren. Reuben had
four sons — Anoch, Phallu, Assaron, Charmi;
Simeon had six — Jamuei, Jamin, Avod, Ja-
chin. Soar, Saul; Levi had three sons-— Ger-
som, Caath, Merari ; Judas had three sons —
Sala, Phares, Zer<ih ; and by Phares two
grandchildren — Esrom and Amar ; Issacliar
had four sons — Tliola, Pluia, Jasob, Samaron;
Zabulon had with him three sons — Sarad,
Helon, Jalel. So far is the posterity of Lea ;
with whom went her daughter Dinah. These
are thirty-three. Raciiel had two sons, tlie
one of whom, Joseph, had two sons also,
Manasses and Ephraim. The other, Benja-
min, had ten sons — Bolau, Bacchar, Asabel,
Geras, Naaman, Jes, Ros, Wompliis, Ojijihis,
Arad. These fourteen added to the thirty-
three before enumerated, amount to the num-
ber forty-seven ; and this was the legitimate
posterity of Jacob. lie had besides, Ijy Bilhah,
the handmaid of Rachel, Dan and Nephthali;
wiiiih last had four sons that followed him —
Jesel, Guni, Issari, and Sellim. Dan had an
only -begotten son, Usi. If these be added
to those before mentioned, they complete the
number fifty-four. Gad and Aser were the
sons of Zilplia, who was the handmaid of Lea.
Tliese had with them. Gad seven — Saphoniah,
Augis, Sunis, Azabon, Aerin, Eroed, Ariel.
\ser had a daughter, Sarah, and six male
childien, whose names were Jonme, Isus,
Isoui^ Buris, Abar, and Melcliit;!. If we add
ANTIQUITIES OF TflE JEWS.
65
these, which are sixteen, to the fifty-four, the
forementioned niunber [70] is coni])leted,*
Jacob not being himself included in that
number.
5. When Joseph undei-stood that his fatlier
was coming, for Judas his brother was come
before him, and informed him of his approach,
he went out to meet him ; and they met to-
gether at Ilerooijolis. But Jacob almost
fainted away at this unexpected and great
joy ; however, Joseph revived him, being yet
not himself able to contain from being afi'ect-
ed in the same manner, at the pleasure he
now had ; yet was he not wholly overcome
with his passion, as his father was. After
this he desired Jacob to travel on slowly ;
but he himself took five of his brethren with
him, and made haste to the king, to tell him
that Jacob and his family w ere come ; which
was a joyful hearing to him. He also bid
Joseph tell him what sort of life his brethren
loved to lead, that he might give tiiem leave
to follow the same ; who told him they were
good shepherds, and had bten used to follow
no other employment but tiiis alone. Where-
by he provided for them, that they should
not be separated, but live in the same place,
and take care of their father ; as also hereby
he provided, that they might be acceptable to
the Egyptians, by doing nothing that would
be common to them with tlie Egyptians ; for
the Egyptians are prohibited to meddle ivith
feeding of sheep. f
6. When Jacob was come to the king, and
saluted him, and wished all prosperity to his
government, Pharaoh asked hin) how old he
now was ; upon whose answer, that he was an
hundred and thirty years old, he admired Ja-
cob on account of the lengtli of his life. And
when he had added, that still he had not lived
so long as his forefathers, he gave him leave
to live with his children in Kc!ioi)olis; for
in that city the king's shepherds had their
pasturage.
7. However, the famine increased among
the Egyptians; and this heavy judgment
grew more oppressive to them, because nci-
tlier did the river overflow the ground, for it
did not rise to its former height, nor did God
send rain upon it ;| nor did they indeed make
» All the Greek copies of Josejilnis have the negative
particle here, tliat ,lac(ib himself was not reckoned one
of the seventy souls that caine into Kgypt ; bnt the old
Latin copies want it, anil directly i:ssufe us he was ont
of them. It is therefore hardly certain which of these
was Joscphub's true reailinp, since the number seventy
is made up without him if wo reckon Leah for one';
but if she be not reckoned, Jacob must himself be one,
to eomiilete the nunilnr.
t Joscphus thought that the Egyptians hatett or de-
spised the employment of a shepherd in the days of Jo
seph; whereas Bishop Cumberland has shown that ihey
rather hated such Phoenician or Canaanite shepherds
that had long enslaved the Egyptians of old time. See
his Sanehoniatho, p. o6], o65.
J Ueland here puts the question, how Josephus coidd
complain of its not raining in Egypt during this famine,
while the ancients alTirm that it never dees naturally
rain there. His answer is, that when the ancien'; deny
thiit it rains in Egypt, they only mean the l!p)iei Egyi><
above the Delta, which i'; called Egyjit in ihc strictVs'
(i6
ANTIQUITIES OF Tllli JKWS.
riie Irast provision for themselves, so ipnorant
were tliey wlial wiis to be done; but Joseph
sold tlieni corn for tlieir money. IJut ivlien
their money failed them, they bought corn
with their cattle antl their slaves ; and if any
of l!iom had a small piece of land, they gave
up that to purchase them food, !)y which
means the king became the owner of all their
substance; and they were removed, some to
one place and some to another, that so the
possession of their country might he (irmly
assured to the king, excepting the lands of
the priests; for their country continued still
in their own possession. And indeed this
see famine made their minds as well as their
bodies slaves; and at length compelled them!
to procure a sufliciency of food by such dis-
lionourablc means. Hut when this misery
ceased, and the river overflowed the ground,
and the ground brought forth its fruits ])lcn-
tifully, Josc^)h came to every city, and ga-
thered the people thereto belonging together,
and gave them back entirely the land which,
bv their own consent, the king might have
jKjssessed alone, and alone enjoyed the fruits
ji' it. He also exhorted them to look on it as
every one's own possession, and to fall to
their husbandry with cheerfulness; and to
l)ay, as a tribute to the king, the fifth part* of
the fruits for the land which the king, when
it was his own, restored to them. These men
rejoiced upon their becoming unexpectedly
owners of their lands, and diligently observed
svhat was enj<iined them ; and by this means
Joseph procured to himself a greater autho-
rity among the Egyptians, aiid greater love
to the king from them. Now this law, that
they should pay the fifth part of thtir fruits
as tribute, continued until their later kings.
CHAPTER VIII.
Of THE DEATH OF JACOB AND JOSEPH.
§ 1. Now when Jacob had lived seventeen
years in ICgypt, he fell into a disease, and
died in the jiresence cT his sons ; init not till
he made his jirayers for their enjoying pros-
perity, and till he had foretold to them pro-
phetically how every one of them was to d\^ell
in the land of Canaan. But this happened
many years afterward. He also enlarged up-
on the praises of Joseph ;-|- how he had not
tcii?e; but that in the Delta [and by consequence in the
Lower Egypt adjiiiiiing to itj, it iliil of old, and still
d.K-s. n-.iii somcllines. Sot the Note on Antiq. b. iii.
cli. i. Mft. n.
* Josriiluis supposes thAt Joscnh now rcstoretl the
Egyptians their lands again, upuntnc payment of a fiflh
{wil as tribute. It sceins to me rather tlint the \nuii
vas now c.nsidercil as Pharaoh's land, and this fifth
part a.-; its rent, to be paid lo him, as he was iheir land-
lord, and tUcy his tenants; and that the lands were not
iirojicrlv restored, .ind this fiflli part reverv.-<l a." tri-
'ji^ie only till the days of Sesostris. See Eiiay on the
Old Testament, Apixiid. 14s, M9. I
T As to this cnconiiuni upon Joseph, tis preparatory j
to Jacob's adopt inj; Epliraciii and Mrri^ssei int. h'
remembered the evil doings of his brethren to
their disadvantage ; nay, on the contrary, was
kind to them, bestowing upon them so many
benefit-f, as seldom are bestowed on men's
own benefactors. He then commanded his
own sons that they should admit Joseph's
sons, Epiiraim antl Manasses, into their num-
ber, and divide the laud of Canaan in com-
mon will) them; concerning whom we shall
treat hereafter. Howevir, he inade it his re-
quest that he migiit l)e buried at Hebron. .S:)
he died, when he had lived full a hundred
and fifty years, three only abated, having not
been behind any of his ancc-tors in piety to-
wards God, and ha\ing such a recompense
for it, as it was fit those should have who were
so good as the«t were. Lot Jose))h, by tic
king's permission, carried his fathei's dead
body to Hebron, and there buried it, at a
great expense. Now his brethren were at
first unwilling to return back «ith him, b>.>-
cause they were afraid lest, now tlieir father
was dead, he should punish them for their
secret practices against h.im ; since he was
now gone, for whose sake he Iiad been so
gracious to them. But he persuaded them to
fear no harm, and to entertain no suspi<-ions
of him : so he brought them along with him,
and gave them great possessions, and never
left off his particular concern for them.
2. Joseph also died when he had lived a
hundred and ten years ; having been a man
of admirable virtue, and conducting all his
affairs by the rules of reason ; and used his
authority with moderation, which was the
cause of his so great felicity among the Egyj>.
tians, even when he came from another coun-
try, and tliat in such ill circumstances also,
as we have already described. At length his
brethren died, after they had lived hap|)ily in
Egypt. Now the posterity and sons of these
men, after some time, carried their bodies,
and buried them at Hebron ; but as to the
bones of Joseph, they carried them into the
land of Canaan afterward, when the Hebrews
went out of Egypt, for so liad Josijih made
them promise him u|)on oath ; but what be-
came of every one of these men, and by what
toils they got the possession of the land of
Canaan, shall be shown hereafter, when 1
have fi'rst explained ujion what account it was
that they left Egypt.
own family, and to be admitted for two tribes, which
Ik^cplius here iiuntioiis, all our eopies of (.eiiesis o:; ii
i( icii. siviii I : nor do we know whence he loi>k it, <>:
wheiJier tt be not his own embellishment oiily
"V.
CHAPTER IX.
CONrr.RNING THE AFFLICTIONS THAT BF.FF.L
THE HEBREWS IN EGYPT, DURING I-OUK
HUNDRED YEARS. *
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 67
tliat tic would excel all men in virtue, anil ob-
tain a glory that would be ioniemt>t'rod through
all ages. Which thing was so feared by the
kiwr, that, according to this man's opinion,
lie commanded that they should cast every
male child, which was born to the Israelites,
into the river, and destroy it ; that besides this,
the Egyptian niidwivesf sliould watcli the la-
bours of the Hebrew women, and observe
what is born, for those were the women who
were enjoined to do the office of midwives to
them ; and by reason of their relation to the
king, would not transgress his commands. He
enjoiived also. That if any parents should dis-
obey him, and venture to save their male
children alivc,|| they and their families should
be destroyed. This was a severe affliction in-
deed to those that suffered it, not only as they
were deprived of their sons, and, while tluy
\\ere the parents themselves, they were oblig-
ed to be subservient to the destruction of I'lcir
own children, but as it was to be supposed to
tt-nd to the extirpation of their nation, while
upon the destruction of ihc-ir children, and
their own gradual dissolution, the calainity
would become very hard and inconsolable to
them : and this was the ill state they were in.
But no one can be too hard for the purpose
of God, though be contrive ten thousani'
subtile devices for that end ; for this child,
whom the sacred scribe foretold, was brougli'
I. Now it liappencd that the Egyptians
grew delicate and lazy, as to pains-taking ;
and gave themselves up to other pleasures,
and in particular to the love of gain. Tiiey
also became very ill affected towards the He-
brews, as touched with envy at their prospe-
rity ; for when they saw how the nation of
the Israelites flourished, and were become
eminent already in plenty of wealth, which
thev had acquired by iheir virtue and natural
love of labour, they thought their increase
was to their own detriment ; and having, in
length of time, forgotten the benefits they
had received from Joseph, particularly the
crown being now come into another family,
they became very abusive o tiie Israelites,
and contrived manv ways of afflicting them ;
for they enjoinetl theai to cut a great number
of channels for the river, and to build walls
for their cities and ramparts, that they nught
restrain the river, and hinder its waters from
stagnating, upon its running over its own
banks : they set them also to build pyramids, j-
and by all this wore them out ; and forced | up and concealed from the observers appoint-
tliem to learn all sorts of mechanical arts, I ed by the king ; and he that foretold him did
and to accustom themselves to hard labour.
And fo;:r hundred years did they s])end under
these afflictions ; for they strove one against
the other which sho Id get the mastery, the
Egyptians desiring to destroy the Israelites
by these labours, and the Israelites desiring
to hold out to tlie end under them.
2. While the afi'airs of the Hebrews were
in this condition, there was this occasion offer-
not mistake in the consequences of his preser-
vation, vvliich were brought to pass after tlu-
manner following : —
3. A man, whose name was Amram, oiie
of tlie nobler sort of the Hebrews, was afraid
for his whole nation, lest it should fail, by liit
want of young men to be brought up here-
after, and was very uneasy at it, his wife be-
ing then with child, and he knew not what to
ed itself to the Egyptians, which made them do. Hereupon he betook himself to prayer
to God ; and entreated him to have compas-
sion on those men who had nowise transgress-
ed the laws of his worship, and to aHord them
deliverance from the miseries they at that !in)e
endured, and to render abortive their enemies'
hopes of the destruction of their nation. Ac-
cordingly God had mercy on him, and « is
moved by his supplication. He stood by him
in his sleep, and exhorted him not to despai/
of his future favours. He said farther, tliai
5 Joscplius is clear tliat these midwives were Egyp-
liaiis, and not iiracliti's, as in our other copies: wliicii
is very probable, it being not easily to be supposed that
I'haraoh could triHt the Israelite midwives to execiire
so barbarous a command against their ovm nation. Con
suit, therefore, and correct hence, our ordinary eopio»,
Kxod. i. l.i, 'ij. And, indeed, Joscphus keenis to have
had much completer copies of the Pentateuch, or other
authentic records now Inst, about the birth and actioiis
of Moics, than either our Hebrew, .Samaritan, or Greek
Bibles afford us, which enabled liim to be so large antj
particular about him.
II Of this grandfather of Sesostris, RamestestheOre-al,
who slew the Israelite infants, and of the inscription on
his obelisk, containing, in my opinion, one of the old-
est records of mankind, see Essay on the Old Test. Ap-
Uaul. p. 139, Hi, H7, 217— -'30.'
more solicitous for the extinction of our na
tion. One of those sacred scribes,) who art
very sagacious in foretelling future events tru-
ly, told the king, that about this time there
woidd a child be born to the Israelites, wlio,
if he were reared, would bring the Egyptian
dominion low, and would raise the Israelites;
• As to the affliction of Abraham's posterity for 40
years, see Antiq. Ijook i. chap. x. sect. 5 ; and as to whnt
cities ihey built in Egypt, under Pharaoh Sesostris, ami
of Pharaoh Sesostris's drowning in the Red Sea, ste
Essay on the Old Testament, Append p. I.'!-? — 16J.
t Of thii buiUlin.* of the pyramids of Egypt by the
Israelites, see Perizonius Orig. .-Eijyptiac. chap. xxl. It
IS not impossible they might' buiid one or more of the
small ones ; but the l.irge ones seem much later. Only,
if tliey l>e all bu It of stone, this docs not so well agree
wi'h tiic Israelites' l,ilx)urs, which are said to have been
in brick, and not in stone, as Mr. Sandys observes in his
Travels, p. I'JT, 12S.
t Dr. I5omard informs us here, that instcail of this
single priest or prophet of t!ie EgvDtians, without a
name in Josephus, the Targum of Jlih.ithan names the
two fair.ous antagonists of Moses, Jannes and Jambrcs.
.Nor is it at all unlikely that it might be one of these
who foreboiled so much misery to the Egyptians, ana
i<> nnirh haiipinoss to tlie Israelites, from tlie -rearing cf
Mosc*.
I>«
ANTIQUITIES OI- fHE JEW'S.
BOOK 11
he iliil not for;.^ct their piety towards liim, and he believed that Cod would some way for
would always reward them for it, as he had certain procure the safety of the cliild, in or-
fornurly granted iiis favour to their forefathers, der to secure the truth ot !iis own predictions,
and made tliem increase from a few, to so Wiien they had thus dilermiiud, they made
•vreat a nniltitude. lie put him in mind, that :;n ark of bulrushes, after the manner of a
when Abraham was come ah)ne out of 3Ieso- cradle, and of a l)i{,'ness sufficient for an in-
potamia into Canaan, he iiad been made iiap- fant to be laid in, without bein;; too straitened :
py, not only in oilier respects, but that when j they then daubed it over with sh'me, which
his wife w s at fust barren, she was afterwards' would naturally keep out the water from en-
0\ Ilim enabled to conceive seed, and bear ; tcrin;^ between the bulrushes, and )uit the in-
tiim sons. Tliat he left to Ismael and to hisi fant into it, and setting it aftoat upon the ri.
posterity the country of Arabia; as also to his
sons by Ketura, Troglodytis; and to Isaac,
Canaan. That l)y my assistance, said he, he
did great exploits in war, which, unless you
be yourselves impious, you must still remem-
ber. As for Jacob, he became well known to
strangers also, by the greatness of that pros-
perity in which he lived, and left to his sons,
who caine into Egypt with no more than seven-
ty souls, while you are now become above six.
hundred thousand. Know, therefore, tliat I
sJiall provide for you all in common what is
for your good, and i)articnlarly for thyself
what shall make thee famous; for that cliild,
jut of dread of whose nativity the Egyptians
have doomed the Israelite children to destruc-
tion, shall be this child of thine, and shall be
concealed from those who watch to destroy
him : and when he is brought up in a surjjris-
ing way, he shall deliver the Hebrew nation
from the distress they are under from the E-
gyptians. His memory shall be famous while
the world lasts; and this not only among the
Hebrews, but foreigners also : — all which shall
be the effect of my favour to thee, and to thy
posterity. He shall also have such a brother,
that he shall himself obtain my priesthood,
and his posterity rhall have it after him to
the end of the world.
4. When the vision had informed him of
these things, Amram awaked and told it to
Jochebed, who was his wife. And now the
fear increased upon them on account of the
prediction in Amram's dream; for they were
under concern, not only for the child, but on
account of the great happiness that was to come
to him also. However, the mother's labour
was such as afibrded a confirmation to what
was foretold by God ; for it was not known
to those that watched her, by the easiness of
her ])ains, and because the throes of her deli-
very did not fall upon her with violence. And
now they nourished the child at home private-
ly for three months; but after that time Am-
ram, fearing he should be discovered, and by
falling under the king's displeasure, both he
ver, they Ijtt't its preservation lo iio(\ ; so the
river received the child, and carried him along.
Hut jVIiriam, the child's si^ter, jKissed along
upon the bank over against him, as her mother
had bid her, to see whither the ark would be
carried ; where God demonstrated that hu-
man wisdom was nothing, but that the Su
preme Being is able to do whatsoever he pleas-
es : that those who, in order to their own se-
curity, condemn others to destruction, and
use great endeavours about it, fail of their
purpose; but that others are in a surprising
manner preserved, and obtain a prosperous
condition almost from the very midst of their
calamities; those, 1 mean, whose ilangers i-
rise by the appointment of God. And, in-
deed, such a providence was exercised in the
case of this child, as showed the power of
God.
5. Thermuthis v.as the king's daugliter.
She was now diverting herself by the banks of
the river ; and seeing a cradle borne along by
the current, she sent some tliat could swim,
and bid them bring the cradle to her. When
those that were sent on this errand, came to
her with the cradle, and she saw the little child,
she w'as greatly in love with it, on account of
its largeness and beauty ; for God had taken
such great care in the formation of Moses,
that he caused him to be thought worthy of
bringing up, and providing for, by all those
that had taken the most fatal resolutions, on
account of the dread of liis nativity, for the
destruction of the rest of the Hebrew nation.
Thermuthis bid them bring her a womau that
might afford her breast to the child ; yet would
not the child admit of her breast, but turned
away from it, and did the like to many other
women. Now iVIiriam was by when this hap-
pened, not to appear to be there on purpose,
but only as staying to see the child ; and she
said, " It is in vain that thou, O queen, call-
est for these women for Uic nourisliing of the
child, who are no way of kin to it; but still,
if thou wilt order one of the Hebrew women
to be brought, perha|)s it may admit the breast
and his child should perish, and so he should | of one of its own nation." Now since she
make the promise of God of none effect, he I seemed to speak well, Thcnuuthis bid her pro-
determined rather to intrust the safety and care cure such a one, and to bring one of those
of the child to God, than to depend on his Hebrew women that gave suck. So when she
own concealment of liim, w liicli he looked up- had such authority given her, she came back
on as a thing uncertain, and whereby both '■ and brought the mother, who was know n lo
the child, so ))rivately to be nourished, and i nobody there. And now the child gladly ad-
hitnsclf, should be in imminent danger ; but '. uiitted the breast, and seeined tu stick cIo«e Ir
CHAP. X. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 69
it ; and so it was, that, at the queen's desire,
the nursing ot the child was entirely intrusted
to the mother.
G. Hereupon it was that Tiiermuthis im-
posed thh name Mouses upon him, from what
had happened when he vvas put into the river;
for tlie E^^yptians call water ijy the name
of Mo, and such as are saved out of it, by tlie
name of Uses ; so by putting these two words
together, they imposed this name upon him ;
and he was, by the confession of all, according
to God's prediction, as well for his greatness
of mind as for his contempt of difficulties, the
best of all the Hebrews ; for Abraham was his
ancestor, of the seventh generation. For Mo-
ses was the son of Amram, who was the son
of Caath, whose father, Levi, was the son of
Jacob, who was the son of Isaac, who was the
son of Abraham. Now Moses's understand-
ing became superior to his age, nay, far be-
yond that standard ; and « hen he was taught,
hediscovered greater quickness of apprehension
than was usual at his age ; and his actions at
that time promised greater, when he should
come to the age of a man. God did also give
l)im that tallness, when he was but three years
old, as was wonderful ; and as for his beauty,
there was nobody so unpolite as, when they
saw Moses, they were not greatly surprised at
the beauty of his countenance : nay, it hap-
pened frequently, that those that met him as
he was carried along the road, were obliged
to turn again upon seeing the child ; that they
left what they were about, and stood still a
great while to look on him ; for the beauty of
the child was so remarkable and natural to him
on many accounts, that it detained the spec- how MOSES MADE war with THE ETHIOPIANS
tators, and made tJiem stay longer to look up-
on him.
ing the kingdom of Egypt. But when the
sajred scribe saw this (he was the same per-
son wlio foretold that his nativity would bring
the dominion of that kingdom low), he made
a violent attempt to kill him; and crying ou(
in a frightful manner, he said, " This, O
king! this child is he of whom God foretold,
that if we kill him we shall be in no danger ;
he himself affords an attestation to the predic-
tion of the same thing, by his trampling upon
thy government, and treading upon thy dia-
dem. Take him, therefore, out of the way,
and deliver the Egyptians from the fear they
are in about him ; and deprive the Hebrews
of the hope they have of being encouraged
by him." But Thermuthis prevented him,
and snatched the child away. And the king
was not hasty to slay him, God himself,
whose providence protected Moses, inclining
the king to spare him. He was, therefore,
educated with great care. So the Hebrews
depended on him, and were of good hopes
that great things would be done by him ; but
the Egyptians were suspicious of what would
follow such his education. Yet because, if
ISIoses had been slain, there was no one, either
akin or adopted, that had any oracle on his
side for pretending to the crown of Egypt,
and likely to be of greater advantage to thcni,
they abstained from killing him.
CHAPTER X,
7. Thermuthis, therefore, perceiving him
§ 1. Moses, therefore, when he was bon?,
and brought up in the foregoing manner, and
to be so remarkable a child, adopted him for : came to the age of maturity, made his virtue
her son, having no c^i'd of her own. And manifest to the Egyptians ; and showed thar
when one time she liad carried Moses to her he was born for the bringing them down, antl
father, she showed him to him, and said she ! raising the Israelites; and the occasion Iw
thought to make him her father's successor, ! laid hold of was this : — The Ethiopians, wba
if it should piease God she should have no are next neighbours to tlie Egyptians, made
legitimate child of her own ; and said to him, an inroad into their country, which they seized
" I have brought up a child who is of a di- ' upon, and carried oft' the eH'ects of the Egyp-
vine form,* and of a generous mind ; and as ! tians, who, in their rage, fought against them,
I have received him from the bounty of the i and revenged tlie affronts they had received
river, in a wonderful manner, I thought pro- ; from tliem ; but, being overcome in battle,
per to adopt him for my son, and the heir of [some of them were stain, and the rest ran
thy kingdom." And when she had said this, away in a shameful manner, and by that
she put the infant into her father's hands : so
he took iiim, and hugged him close to his
breast ; and on his daughter's account, in a
pleasant way, put his diadem u])on his head ;
but Moses threw it down to the ground, and,
in a puerile mood, he wreathed it round, and
trod upon it with his feet ; which seemed to
bring along witli it an evil presage concern-
* M'hat .losoiihus here says of the beauty of Moses,
tlwt he was of a divine form, is very liki,- what St-
Siejihcn savs of the same bcaiitv ; that Moses was beau-
tiful in the' sight of God, Acts vii. 2U.
means saved themselves ; whereupon the
Etiuopians followed after them in tlie pur-
suit, and tliinking that it would be a mark of
cowardice if they did not subdue all Egypt,
they went on to subdue the rest with greater
vehemence ; and when they had tasted the
sweets of the country, they never left off the
prosecution of the war ; and as the nearest
parts had not courage enough at first to fij;!it
with them, they proceeded as far as Memphis,,
and the sea itself; while not one of the cities
was able to oppose them. The Egyptians,
"V
"X
70
ANTlCiUITlKS OF Till; JKWS.
BOOK li.
uikUt this s.a(i opiircssion, bt-took tliunisi'lvL-s
to tlit'ir oracles and proplu'cii's ; and when
God had given thcin thib counsel, to niiike
use of Moses tlic Hebrew, and take his assisl-
4nce, the king coniinandi-d his daugliter to
produce him, that he niigiit be the general*
of iheir army. Upon which, when slie iiad
made him swear he would do iiini no harm,
she delivered him to the king, and supposwl
his assistance would be of great advantage to
tliem. She witiial reproached the priest, who,
when they had before adnumished the l''gyi>-
tians to kill him, was not ashamed now to own
tlieir want of his help.
2. So INIoses, at the persuasion both of
Th''rmuthis and the king himself, cheerfully
undertook the business: and the sacred scribes
of both nations were glad ; those of the Egyp-
tians, that tliey should at once overcome their
enemies by Ids valour, and that by the same
))iecc of management Moses would be slain;
but those of the Hebrews, that they shoulil
escape from the Egyptians, because Moses
was to be their general ; but Moses prevented
t' e enemies, and took and led his army before
tliose enemies were apprized of his attacking
tbcin ; for he did not march by the river, but
by land, where he gave a wonderful demon-
stration of his sagacity ; for when the ground
was difficult to be passed over, because of the
multitude of serpents (which it produces in
vast nuwibers, and indeed is singular in some
of those productions, which other countries
do not breed, and yet such as are worse than
others in power and mischief, and an unusual
fierceness of sight, some of wliich ascend out
of the ground unseen, and also ily in the air,
and so come upon men at unawares, and do
them a mischief), Moses invented a wonder-
ful stratagem to preserve the army safe, and
witliout liurt ; for he made baskets, like unto
aiks, of sedge, and filled them with ibes,-}-
and carried them along with them ; which
animal is the greatest enemy to serpents ima-
ginable, for tliey ily from them when they
come near them ; and as they fly thej' are
caught anil devoured by them, as if it were
done by the liarts ; but the ibes are tame
creatures, and only enemies to the serpentine
kind : but al)out these ibes I say no more at
present, since the Greeks themselves are not
• Tliis liistorv of Moses, a^ general of the Egj-ptinns
against the Kthiojiians, iswiiolly omitted in our Uibles;
but IS til us CI led by Irtiia'us, Irom Jostphus, and that
soon alter bis own a^c:— " Josephus says, that when
Moses was nourished in the king's palace, lie was ap-
poiiUcd pencral of tlie army ajjainst tlie Kthiopiaiis, and
coiKiuored tliem, when he married that king's daugh-
ter; because, out of hci afloclioii lor liini, she dcbveicd
the city up to him." .See the Kragincnts of Irena'us,
ap. ediL (iiab. p. <72. Nor jierliai.s did M- .SIcplicn
refer to any tiling else wlieii he said of Moses, bi'fore lie
was sent by God to the tsiaelit< 8, that lu; w;is not only
IcariK-i) in al) the uisdoiii of the Kgyjitians, but was
alio mighty in words .iml in deeds, Ai ts vii. i't'
+ Hlinv spe.'iks of these birds ciUlcd Ibes; luid says,
" "I'he t^gvptians invoked them against the serpciiLs."
Hist. Nat ' book x. ch;i|>. 'M. Straiw speaks of this
uLind Meroe, and these rivers Asta)ius and Astaboras,
buoli nvi. p. 771, 786 ; and book xvii. p. H'2l.
iinacipiainted »ith lliis sort of liird. As i>oon,
therefore, as jMoses was come to the land
which was tlie breeder of these serpents, he
let loose the ibes, and by their means repel-
led the serpentine kind, and used them for his
assistants before the army came upon that
ground. When he hail therefore proceeded
thus on his journey, he came upon the Ktliio-
jiians before they expected him ; and, joining
biittle with them, he l)eat tliem, and deprivid
them of the hopes they had of success against
the Egyjjtians, and went on in overthrowing
ilieir cities, and indeed made a great slaugh-
ter of these Ethiopians. Now when the
Egyptian army had once tasted of this prtis-
perous success, by the means of Moses, they
did not slacken their diligence, insomuch that
the Ethiopians were in danger of being re-
duced to slavery, and all sorts of destruction ;
and at length tliey retired to Saba, whicli was
a royal city of Etliioj)ia, which Caiiibyses
afterwards named iVIeroe, after tlie name cf
his own sister. The place was to be besiegec'
with very great difficulty, since it w;is botli
encompassed by the Nile quite round, and
tlie other rivers, Astapus and Astaboras, made
it a very difficult thing for such as attem])ted
to pass over them ; for the city was situate
in a retired place, and was inhabited after the
manner of an island, being encompassed with
a strong wall, and having the rivers to guard
them froin tlieir enemies, and having grea/
ramiiatts between the wall and the rivers, in
somuch, that wlien the waters come with the
greatest violence it can never be drowned ;
uhich ramparts make it next to impossible
for ereii such as are gotten over the rivers to
take the city. However, while Moses was
uneasy at the army's lying idle (for the ene-
mies durst not come to a battle), this acci-
dent happened; — Tharbis was the daughter
of the king of the Ethiopians: s!ie hap])ened
to see Moses as he led the army near the
walls, and fought with great courage; and
admiring the subtility of his undertakings,
and believing him to be the auttior of llie
Egyptians' success, u hen they had Le/brc de-
sijaiied of recovering their liberty, and to be
the occasion of the great danger the Ethio-
pians were in, when tJiey had before boasted
of their great achievements she fell deeply
in love uith him ; and upon tlie prevaliiicy
of that passion, sciit to hiiii tlie most faithful
of all her servants to discourse with him about
their m;irriage. He thei'eii])oii accejited tluj
otter, on condition she would procure the de-
livering up of tlie city ; and gave her the assur-
ance of an outh to take her to bis wife ; and
that wlicn he had once taken possession of
the city, he would not break his oath to her.
No sooner Wii* the agreement made, but it took
etlect immediately ; and when .Moses h;id cut
off the Ethiopians, he gave thanks to God,
and consummaied his marriage, and Led tlie
Egy;itians b;u'k to their own laud.
cn.w. X.11.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
71
CHAPTER XI.
new MOSES FLED OUT OF EGYPT INTO MIDIAN.
§ 1. Now tlie Egyptians, after tliey had been
) reserved by INIoses, entertained a iiatred to
liim, and were very eager in compassing their
designs against liim, as suspecting that he
would take occasion, from his good success,
to raise a sedition, and bring innovations into
Egypt ; and told the king he ought to be
shiin. The king Iiad also some intentions of
himself to the same purpoise, and this as well
out of envy at his glorious expedition at the
head of his army, as out of fear of being
brought low by him ; and being instigated by
the sacred scribes, he was ready to undertake
to kill Woses ; but when he had learned be-
forehand what plots there were against him,
lie went away privately ; and because the
puljlic roads were watched, he took his flight
through the deserts, and where his enemies
could not suspect he would travel ; and,
though he was destitute of food, he went on,
and despisetl that didiculty courageously ;
and' when he came to the city Midian, which
lay upon the lied Sea, and was so denomi-
nated from one of Abraham's sons by Ketu-
raii, he sat upon a certain well, and rested
himself there after his laborious journey, and
the affliction he had been in. It was not far
from the city, and the time of the day was
noon, where he had an occasion offered him
by the custom of the country of doing what
recommended his virtue, and afforded him an
opportunity of bettering his circumstances.
2. For that country having but little water,
the shepherds used to seize on the wells be-
fore others came, lest their ilocks should want
water, and lest it should be spent by others be-
fore they came. There were now come, there-
fore, to this well seven sisters that were vir-
gins, the daughters of Raguel, a priest, artid one
thought worthy by the people of the country of
great honour. Tliese virgins, who took care of
their father's flocks, which sort of work it was
customary and very familiar for women to do
in tlie country of the UVoglodytes, they came
first of all, and drew water out of the well in
a quantity sufUcient for their flocks, into
troughs, which were made for the reception
of that water ; but when the shepherds came
upon the maidens, and drove them away, that
they might have the command of the water
themselves, Moses, thinking it would be a
terrible reproach upon him if he overlooked
the young women under unjust oppression,
and should suffer the violence of the men to
prevail over the right of the maidens, he drove
away the men, who had a mind to more than
their share, and afforded a proper assistance
to the women ; who, when they had received
such a l>ent'tit from him, came to their father,
and told him how they had been affronted by
the she|)lierds, and assisted by a stranger, and
entreated that he would not let this generous
action be done in vain, nor go without a re-
ward. Now the father took it well from his
daughters that they were so desirous to re-
ward their benefaitor; and bid them bring
IVIoses into his |)resence, that he might be
rewarded as he deserved , and alien Moses
came, he told him what testimony his daugh-
ters bare to him, that he had assisted them ;
and that, as he admired him for his virtue, he
said that Moses had bestowed sucli his assist-
ance on persons not insensible of benefits,
but where they were both able and willing to
return t!ie kindness, and even to exceed the
measure of his generosity. So he made him
his son, and gave him one of his daugiiters in
marriage ; and appointed him to be the guard-
ian and superintendant over his lattie ; for of
old, all the wealth of the barbarians was in
those cattle.
CHAPTER XII,
CONCEKXIXG THE EL'RN'ING BUSH, AND THE
ROD OF M03FS.
§ 1. Now Moses, when he had obtained the
favour of Jethro, for that was one of the
names of Raguel, staid there and fed his
flock ; but some time afterward, taking iiis
station at the mountain called Sinai, he drove
his flocks thither to feed them. Now this is
the highest of all the inountains thereabout,
and the best for pasturage, the herbage being
there good ; and it had not been before fed
u])on, because of the opinion men had that
God dwelt there, the slieplierds not daring to
ascend up to it ; and here it was tliat a won-
derful prodigy happened to Moses ; for a (ire
fed upon a thorn-bush, yet did the green
leaves and the flowers continue untouched,
and the fire did not at all consume the fruit-
branches, although the flame was great and
fierce. Moses was affrighted at this strangr
sight, as it was to him ; but he was still more
astonished when the fire uttered a voice, and
called to him by name, and spake words to
him, by which it signified how bold he had
been in venturing to come into a place whilher
no man had ever come before, because the
place was divine ; and advised him to remove
a great way off from the flame, and to be con-
tented with what he had seen ; and though
he were himself a good man, and tlie off-
spring of great men, yet that he should not
pry any farther : and he foretold to him, that
he should have glory and honour among men,
by the blessing of God upon him. He alsc
commanded him to go away thence with con-
fidence to Egypt, in order to his being the
commander and conductor of the body of tlie
Ilebrpws. and to his delivering his own i^eo-
V.
72
ANTKiUITJKS OF THE .JEWS.
pic from the injuries tlicy sufTi-red tlicre :
" I'or," said (iod, " tlicy shall inhabit this
li.i|>|)y land which your fori't'athiT Ahrahani
inhaliiti'd, and shall have the enjoyment of all
sorts of good tilings ; and thou, hy tliy pru-
dence, shalt guide them to those good things."
l?iit still he enjoined him, %vhen lie had brought
the Hebrews out of the land of Egyj)!, to come
to that place, and to ofl'er sacrifices of thanks-
giving there. Such were the divine oracles
ivliich were delivered out of the fire.
2. IJut Moses was astonished at what lie
saw, and much more at what he heard ; and
he said, " I think it would be an instance of
too great madness, () I.onl, for one of that
regard I bear to thee, to distrust thy jiower,
since 1 myself adore it, and know that it has
Ijeeil made manifest to my progenitors ; but
I am still in doubt how 1, who am a ])iivate
man, and one of no abilities, should eitlivr
persuade my own countrymen to leave the
country they now inhabit, and to follow me
to a land whither I lead them ; or, if tliey
Uiould be persuaded, how can 1 force Pha-
raoh to ])ermit them to depart, since they
augment their own wealth and prosperity by '
the labours and works they put ujion them ?"
3. But God persuaded him to be ecu- 1
rageoiis on all occasions, and promised to be'
vith him, and to assist him in his words, '
when he was to persuade men; and in his'
deeds, when he was to perform wonders. He
bid him also to take a signal of the truth of
what he said, by throwing his rod upon the
ground ; which when he had done, it crept
along, and was become a serpent, and rolleil
itself round in its folds, and erected its head,
as ready to revenge itself on such as should
assault it ; after which it became a rod again
as before. After this God bid Moses to put'
Ills right hand info his bosoin : he obeyed,
and when he took it out it was white, and in
colour like to chalk, but afterward it returned
to its wonted colour again. He also, ujiou !
God's command, took some of the water thatj
vas near him, and poured it upon the ground, '
and saw the colour was that of blood. Ujion
the wonder that Moses showed at these signs, '
God exhorted him to be of good courage, I
and to lie assured that he would be the great-
est sup])ort to him ; and bid him make use of
those signs, in order to obtain belief among
all men, that " thou art sent by me, and
dost all things according to my commands
Accordingly I enjoin thee to make no ir.ore
delays, but to make haste to Egypt, and to
travel night and day, and not to draw out the
time, and so make 'he slavery of the Hebrews
and their sufferings to la.it the longer." j
4. Moses having now se.n and heard these
wonders that assured him of the truth of these '
promises of God, liad no room left him todis- '
believe them : he entreated him to grant him \
that power when he should be in Egypt; and ^
^'ioiLght liiin to vouclisafeliim tile know ledge I
of liis own name ; and, since he had heard
and seen him, that he would also tell him his I
name, that when he odered sacrifice he might
invoke him by such his name in his oblations.
Whereupon God declared to liim his holy
name, which 1 ad never been discovered to
men before; concerning which it is not law-
ful for me to say anv more.* Now these
signs accompanied Moses, not then only, but
always when he jirayed for them : of all
which signs he attributed the finnest assent ic
the fire in the bush ; and believing that God
would be a gracious sujiporter tu him, he
hojied he should be al)le to deliver his own na-
tion, and bring calamities on the Egyptians.
CHAPTER XI 11.
HOW MOSES AND AARON RtTLUNED INTO
EGYPT TO PHAKAOH.
§ 1. So Moses, when he understood that tlie
Pharaoh, in whose reign he fled away, was
dead, asked leave of Raguel to go to Egypt,
for the benefit of his own people: and he
took with him Zipporah, the daughter of Ua-
guel, whom he had married, and the children
he had by her, Gersom and Eleazer, and
made haste into Egypt. Now the former of
those names, Gersom, in the Hebrew tongue,
signifies IIhU he ivas in a strange land; aim
Eleazer, th<it, bi/ llir atsislance pf the G'nl nj
his fathers, he had escaped from lite Egi/pliinis.
Now when they were near the holders, Aaron
his brother, l)y the command of God, met
him, to whom he declared what had befallen
him at the mountain, and the commands that
God had given him. Dut as they were go-
ing forward, the chief men among the He-
brews, having learned that they were coming,
met them; to whom Mo>=es declared the signs
he had seen ; and while they could not be-
lieve them, he inade them see them. So they
took courage at these surprising and unex-
))ected siglus, and hoped well of their entire
deliverance, as believing now that God took
care of their preservation.
2. Since then I^Ioses found that the He-
brews would be obedient to whatsoever he
should direct, as they promised to be, and
were in love with liberty, he came to the king,
who had indeed but lately received thegovern-
• Thissiiiwrstitioiisff.-irofilisc vcring the n.iir.c with
four letters, wliirli of lalo wi> have l*t.n iiseil falsely to
l.ronimiice Jehovah, Imi sieiiis to have Ix-fii orifiinally
IHoiioiiiiecd Jaholi, or Jao, is never, 1 think, hc.ud of
ull this passape of Joscphiis; and tliis siipcrstition, in
not proiiouiieiiiB that name, has continiicil amuii;: the
Itabinieal Jews to this day flhoiigh whctlior thr Saiiia-
rilaiis and I'araiies observed it so early, dtK-snot ap|icar).
Joseplius also durst not set down tlic very words of the
ten eoniniaiuhnciits, ns wc shall seo hi-reafler, Ai.tiq.
book iii. eh. v. sect. 4; wliirh siiiHT>titious mIohcc, I
Ihiiik, h.-is yet not boon coiitiiuu.loviHi by'io Habl'Mis.
1 1 is however notloubt but IkHli tiaso o.iiiiious oon>ojt-
ineiils were lauf^Iit Joscphiis by tlie I'hari.sees ; a boily
ol" iiie^iat once very wicked and very sujierstitiuiu.
■V
CHAP. XIV.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
73
ment, and told him how much he had done
for ilye good of the Egyptians, when they
were despised by the Ethiopians, and tlieir
country laid waste by them ; and how he had
been the commander of their forces, and had
laboured for them, as if tliey had been his
own people 5 and he informed him in what
danger he had been during that expedition,
without having any proper returns made him
as he had deserved. He also informed him
distinctly what things happened to him at
mount Sinai ; and what God said to him ;
and the signs that were done by God, in order
to assure l:im of the authority of those com-
mands whicli he had given him. He also ex-
horted liim not to disbelieve what he told him,
nor to oppose the will of God.
3. But when the king derided Moses, he
made liim in earnest see the signs that were
done at mount Sinai. Yet was the king verj'
angry witii him, and called him an ill man,
wlio had formerly run away from his Egyp-
tian slavery, and came now back with deceit-
ful tricks, and wonders and magical arts, to
astonish liim. And when he had said tliis,
he commanded the priests to let him see the
same wonderful sights ; as knowing that the
Egyptians were skilful in this kind of learn-
ing, and that he was not the only person who
knew them, and pretended them to be divine ;
as also he told him, that when he brought
such wonderful sights before him, he would
only be believed by the unlearned. Now
when tlie priests threw down tlieir rods, they
became serpents. But Moses was not daunt-
ed at it; and said, " O king, I do not myself
despise the wisdom of the Egyptians, but I
say that what 1 do is so mucli superior to
vhat these do by magic arts and tricks, as
divine power exceeds the power of man : but
1 will demonstrate that what I do is not done
by craft, or counterfeiting what is not really
true, but that they appear by the providence
and power of God." And when he had said
this, he cast his rod down upon the ground,
and commanded it to turn itself into a ser-
pent. It obeyed him, and went all round, and
devoured the rods of the Egyptians, which
seemed to be dragons, until it had consum-
ed them all. It then returned to its own form,
and Moses took it into his hand again.
4. However, the king was no more moved
when this was done than before ; and being
very angry, he said that he should gain no-
thing by this his cunning and shrewdness against
the Egyptians; — and he commanded him
that was the chief task-master over the He-
brews, to give them no relaxation from their
ahours, but to compel them to submit to
greater oppressions than before ; and though
he allowed them chaff before for making
theirbricks, he would allow it them no long-
er ; but fie made them to work hard at brick-
making in the day-time, and to gather chaff
in the night. Nov? when their labour was
'thus doubled upon them, tliey laid the blame
I upon IMoses, because their labour and their
I misery were on his account become more se-
vere to them ; but Moses did not let his cour-
age sink for the king's threatenings ; nor did
he abate of his zeal on account of the He-
brews' complaints; but he supported himself,
and set his soul resolutely against them both,
' and used his own utmost diligence to procure
' liberty to fiis countrymen. So he went to
; the king, and persuaded him to let the He-
, brews go to mount Sinai, and there to sacri-
fice to God, because God had enjoined them
I so to do. He persuaded him also not to
counterwork the designs of God, but to esteem
his favour above all things, and to permit
them to depart, lest, before he be aware, he
lay an obstruction in the way of the divine
commands, and so occasion his own suffering
such punishments as it was probable any one
that counterworked the divine commands
sljould undergo, since tlie severest afflictions
arise from every object to those that provoke
the divine wrath against tiiem ; for such as
these have neither the earth nor the air for
their friends ; nor are the fruits of the womb
according to nature, but every thing is un-
friendly and adverse towards tliem. He said
farther, that the Egyptians should know this
f)y sad experience ; and that besides, the He-
brew people should go out of their country
without their consent.
CHAPTER XIV.
CONCERNING THE TEN PLAGUES WHICH CAMK
Ul'ON THE EGYPTIANS.
§ 1, But when the king despised the words
of Moses, and had no regard at all to them,
grievous plagues seized the Egyptians ; every
one of whicli I wi^l describe, both because no
such plagues did ever happen to any other
nation as the Egyptians now felt, — and be-
cause I would demonstrate that Moses did not
fail in any one thing that he foretold them ; and
because it is for the good of mankind, that they
may learn this caution ; — Not to do any thing
that may displease God, lest he be provoked
to wrath, and avenge their iniquities upon
them. For the Egyptian river ran with bloody
water at the command of God, insomuch that
it could not be drunk, and they had no other
spring of water neither ; for the water was
not only of the colour of blood, but it brought
upon those that ventured to drink of it, great
pains and bitter torment. Such was the river
to the Egyptians; but it was sweet and fit for
drinking to the Hebrews, and no way different
from what it naturally used to be. As the king
therefore knew not what to do in these sur-
prising circumstances, and was in fear for the
Egyptians, he gave the Hebrews leave to go
G
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK It.
away ; but when llicplapue ceased, liechanged
liisiiiind again, ujidwuuld not siifl'crtiieni togo.
2. Uut when God saw tliat he was un-
grateful, and upon the ceasing of tliis calatn-
ity would not grow wiser, he sent another
was destitute of husbandmen for its culti-
vation ; but if any thing escaped destruction
from them, it was killed by a distemper which
the men underwent also.
4. But when Pharaoh did not even then
plague upon the Egyptians: — An innumer- I yield to the will of God, but, while he gave
able multitude of frogs consumed the fruit of j leave to the husbands to take their wives with
the ground ; the river was also full of them, 1 them, yet insisted that the children should be
insomuch that those who drew water had it
spoiled by the blood of these animals, as they
died in, and were destroyed by, the water ;
and the country was full of filthy slime, as
they were born and as they died : they also
spoiled their vessels in their houses, which
they used, and were found among what they
eat and what they drank, and came in great
numbers upon their beds. There was also an
ungrateful smell, and a stink arose from them,
as they were born, and as they died therein.
Now, when the Egyptians were under the
oppression of these miseries, tlie king ordered
JMoses to take the Hebrews with him, and be
gone. Upon which the whole multitude of
tlie frogs vanished away ; and both the land
and the river returned to their former natures.
But as soon as Pharaoh saw the land freed
from this plagi e, he forgot the cause of it,
and retained the Hebrews ; and, as though
he had a mind to try the nature of more such
judgments, he would not yet snfier Moses
and his people to depart, having granted that
liberty rather out of fear than out of any good
consideration.*
3. Accordingly God punished his falseness
with another plague, added to the former ;
for there arose out of the bodies of the Egyp-
tians an inaumerablequantity of lice, by which,
wicked as they were, they miserably perished,
as not able to destroy this sort of vermin
either with washes or with ointments. At
which terrible judgment the king of Egypt
was in disorder, upon the fear into which he
reasoned himself, lest liis jjeople should be
destroyed, and that the manner of this death
was also reproachful, so that he was forced
in part to recover himself from his wicked
temper to a sounder mind, for he gave leave for
the Hebrews themselves to depart. But when
the plague thereupon ceased, he thought it
proper to require that they should leave their
children and wives behind them, as pledges
of their return ; whereby he provoked God
to be more vehemently angry at him, as if he
thought to impose on his providence, and as if it
were only Moses, and not God, wlio punished
the Egyptians for the sake of the Ilebrews :
for he filled that country full of various sorts
of pestilential creatures, with their various
properties, such indeed, as had never come
into the sight of men before, by whose means
the men perished tliemselves, and the land
» Of thlsju(!ii-ial hardening the hcart.i. and blinding
*c tvcs of wiikcd men, or infatuating them, as a just
punishment for tlicir other wilful sins, to their own de-
(truction, «ee the uutc on Antiq. b. vii, ch. ix sect 6
left behind, God presently resolved to punish
his wickedness with several sorts of calamities,
and thojrt? worse than the foregoing, which yet
had so generally afHicted them ; for their bo-
dies had terrible boils, breaking forth with
blains, while they were already inwardly con-
sumed ; and a great part of the Egyptians per-
ished in this manner. But when the king
was not brought to reason by this plague, hail
was sent down from heaven ; and such hail it
was, as the climate of Egypt had never suHer-
ed before, nor was it like to that which falls
in other climates in winter time.* but was larg-
er than that which falls in the middle of sjiring
to those that dwell in the northern and north-
western regions. This hail broke down their
boughs laden with fruit. After this a tribe
of locusts consumed the seed which was not
hurt by the hail ; so that to the Egyptians all
hopes of the future fruits of the ground were
entirely lost.
5. One would think the forementioned ca-
lamities might have been sufficient for one that
was only foolish, without wickedncSis, to make
him wise, and to make him sensible what was
for his advantage. But Pharaoh, led not so
much by his folly as by his wickedness, even
when he saw the cause of his miseries, he still
contested with God, and wilfully deserted the
cause of virtue ; so he bid Moses take the He-
brews away, with their wives and children, but
to leave their cattle behind, since their own
cattle were destroyed. But when Moses said
that what he desired was unjust, since they
were obliged to ofl'er sacrifices to God of those
cattle ; and the tiine being prolonged on this
account, a thick darkness, without the least.
li.:5ht, spread itself over the Egyptians, where-
by their sight being obstructed, and their
breathing hindered by the thickness of the air,
they died miserably, and under a terror lest
they should be swallowed up by the dark cloud.
Besides this, when the darktiess, after three days
and as many nights, was dissipated, and when
Pharaoh did not still repent and let the Hebrews
go, Moses came to him and said, " How long
wilt thou be disobedient to the command of
God? for he etijoins thee to let the Hebrews
go ; nor is there any otlier way of being freed
from the calamities you are under, utiless you
do so." But the king was angry at what ho
said, and threatened to cut off his head if he
came any more to trouble hiin about these mat-
ters. Hereupon Moses said he would not
• As to this winter or spring hail near Eg)-pt and Ju-
dca, see the like on lli under and lightniuc there, ia
tlie note on Antiq. !>. vi> ch. v, sect. &
"V
CHAP. XV.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
75
speak to liim any more about them, for that
lie himself, together with the principal men
among the Egyptians, should desire the He-
brews to go away. So when Moses had said
this, he w<>iit his way.
6. But when God hadsignified, that with one
more plague he would compel the Egyptians to
let the Hebrews go, he commanded Moses to
tell the people that they should have a sacrifice
ready, and that they should prepare them-
selves on the tenth day of the month Xan-
thicus, against the fourteenth (which month
is called by the Egyptians Pharmuth, and
Nisan by the Hebrews; but the ^Macedonians
call it Xanthicus) and that he should carry
away the Hebrews with all they had. Accord-
ingly, he liaving got the Hebrews readj" for
their departure, and having sorted the people
into tribes, he kept them together in one
place ; but when the fourteenth day was come,
and all weie ready to depart, they offered the
sacrifice, and purified their houses with the
blood, using bunches of hyssop for that pur-
pose ; and when they had supped, they burnt
the remainder of the flesh, as just ready to de-
part. Whence it is that we do still offer this
sacrifice in like manner to this day, and call
this festival Pasc/ia, which signifies the feast of
the jiassover ; because on that day God passed
Tis over, and sent the plague upon the Egyp-
tians ; for the destruction of the first-born
came upon the Egyptians that night, so that
many of the Egyptians who lived near the
king's palace, persuaded Pharaoh to let the
Hebrews go. Accordingly he called for Loo-
ses, and bid them begone ; as supposing, that
if once the Hebrews were gone out of the
country, Egypt should be freed from its mise-
ries. They also honoured the Hebrews with
gifts;* some, in order to get them to depart
quickly, and others on account of their neigh-
bourhood, and the friendship they had with
them.
CHAPTER XV.
HOW THE HEBREWS, UNDEIl THE CONDUCT OF
MOSES, LEFT EGYPT.
§ 1. So the Hebrev»s went out of Egypt,
while the Egyptians wept, and repented that
they had treated them so hardly, — Now they
* These large presents made to the Israehtes, of ves-
sels of silver, and vessels of gold, and raiment, were, as
Josephus truly calls them, gifts really given them ; not
lent them, as our English falselv renders them. They
were spoils required, not borrowed of them. Gen. xv,
14, Exod. iii, 22, xi, 2, Psal. cv, 37, as the same version
falsely renders the Hebrew word here used, Kxod. xii,
55, 36. God had ordered the Jews to demand these a.s
their pay and reward, during their long and bitter slav-
ery in Egypt, as atonements for the lives i.f the Egvp-
tians, and as the condition of the Jews' departure, and
of the Egyptians' deliverance from these terrible judg-
ments, which had they not: now ceased, they had soon
been all dead men, as they themsulves confess, eh. xii,
35. Nor was there any sense in borrowing or lending,
when the Israelites were finally cicparting out of the
land for ever.
took their journey by Letopolis, a place at that
time deserted, but where Babylon was built
afterwards, when Cambyses laid Egypt waste :
but as they went away hastily, on the third
day they came to a place called Baalzephon,
on the Red Sea ; and when they had no food
out of the land, because it w.-js a desert, they
eat of loaves kneaded of flour, only warmed by
a gentle heat; and this food they made use of
for thirty days ; for what they brought with
them out of Egypt would not suffice them
any longer time; and this only while they
dispensed it to each person, to use so much
only as would serve for necessity, but not for
satiety. Whence it is that, in memory of the
want we were then in, we keep a feast for
eight days, which is called the feast of un-
leavened bread. Now the entire multitude of
those that went out, including the women and
children, was not easy to be numbered; but
those that were of an age fit for war, were si*
hundred thousand.
2. They left Egypt in the month Xanthi-
cus, on the fifteenth day of the lunar month ;
four hundred and thirty years after our fore-
father Abraham came into Canaan, but two
hundred and fifteen years only after Jacob re-
moved into Egypt. f It was the eightieth
year of tlie age of Moses, and of that of Aaron
three more. They also carried out the bones
of Joseph with them, as he had charged his
sons to do.
3. But the Egyptians soon repented that
the Hebrews were gone ; and the king also
was mightily concerned that this had been
procured by the magic arts of Moses ; so
they resolved to go after them. Accordingly
they took their w-eapons, and other v/arlike
furniture, and pursued after them, in order
to bring them back, if once they overtook
them, because they would now have no pre-
tence to pray to God a,ainst them, since they
had already been permitted to go out ; and
they thought they should easily overcome
them, as they had no armour, and would be
weary with their journey ; so they made haste
in their pursuit, and asked of every one they
met which way they were gone. And indeed
that land was difiicult to be travelled over,
not only by armies, but by single persons.
Now JMoses led the He))revvs this way, that
in case the Egyptians should repent and be
desirous to pursue after tiiem, they might
undergo the punishment of their wickedness,
and of tlie breach of those promises they had
made to them. As also he led them this way
on account of the Philistines, who had quar>
t Why our Masorete copy so groundltssly abrid^ei
this account in Exod. xii, 4(1, as to ascribe 430 vears to
the sole peregrination of the Israelites in Fgypt, when
it is clear even by that Ma<orete chronology else-
where, as well as from tlie express text itself, in the
Samaritan, Septuagint, and Josephus, that they sojourn-
ed in Egypt but half that time,— and that by conse»
quence, the other half of their peregrination was in the
Irsnd of Canaan, before they came into EgvpL, — is hard
to say. See Essay on the Old Testament, ip. 61', 65.
-T
76
ANTIQUITIES OF TIIK JEWS.
BOOK II
rclli'*! wiili tiiem, and liated them of old, that
by all means they might not know of tlieir
departuie, for their country is near to that of
Kgypt ; and thence it was that Moses led
them nut along the road that tended to the
land of tlie I'hilistines, but he was desirous
that they shouK'. go tiirough the desert, that
so after a long journey, and after many
afflictions, they might enter upon the land of
Canaan. Another reason of this was, that
God commanded him to bring the people to
mount Sinai, that there they might oiler him
sacritices. Now when the Egyptians had
overtaken the Hebrews, they prepared to
fight them, and by their multitude they drove
them into a narrow place ; for the nuniber
that pursued after them was six hundred cha-
riots, with fifty thousand Jiorsemen, and two
hundred thousand footmen, all armed. They
dlso seized on the passages by wliich they
miagined the Hebrews might fly, shutting
them up* between inaccessible precipices and
the sea ; for there was [on each side] a [ridge
of] mountains that tenuinated at the sea,
which were impassable by reason of their
roughness, and obstructed their flight; where-
fore tiiey there pressed upon tlie Hebrews
with their army, where [the ridges of] the
mountains were closed with the sea ; which
army they placed at the chops of the moun-
tains, that so they might deprive them of any
passage into the plain.
4. When the Hebrews, therefore, were
neither able to bear up, being thus, as it were,
besieged, because they wanted provisions, nor
saw any possible way of escaping ; and if
they should have thought of fighting, they
had no weapons ; they expected a universal
destruction, unless they delivered themselves
up to the Egyptians. So they laid the blame
on Moses, and forgot all the signs that had
been wrought by God for the recovery of
their freedom; and this so far, that their in-
• Take the main part of Relaiid's excellent note here,
which greatly illustrates Jo.^cphus, and the .Scripture, in
Ihis history, as follows: "[A traveller, says Ucland,
whose name was] Kncman, when he returned out of
Kgypt, told me that he went the same way from E^ypt
to mount .Sinai, which he supposed the Israelites ot old
travelled ; and that he found several mountainous
tracks, that ran down towards the Ited Sea. lie thought
the Israelites had proceeded as far as the di-sert of
KUiam (Kxod. xiii, 20), when they were commandcil by
G<xi to return back (Exod. xiv, 2J, and to pitch their
camp between Mifjdol and the sea; and that when they
were not able to tly, unless by sea, they were shut in on
each tide by mountains. He also thought we might
evidently learn hence, how it might be sjiid that the Is-
raelites were in Etham Ijcfore they went over the sea,
and yet might be said to have come into Ktliam after
ihey had passed over the sea also. Besides, he gave me
an account how he passe<l over a river in a boat nearthi
city Suei!, which he says must nec<ls be the HeroopoliL
of the ancients, since tnat city could not be situate any-
where else in that ncighlx)urhood."
As to the famous piLss.ige produced here by Dr. Iler
nard, out of llerixlotus, as the most ancient heatlieii
testimony of the Israelites coining from the lied
into I'alestinc, Uishop Cumberland has shown that it
belongs to the old Canaanilc or Hhcenician shephenLs
•nd their retiring out of llgyiU into Canaan or IMiu;-
nicia, long before the days uf Muses, banchonialhu,
p. 374. flie.
credulity prompted them to throw stones at
the prophet, wliile he encouraged them and
promised them deliverance ; and they resolved
that they would deliver themselves up to the
Egyptians. So there was sorrow and lamen-
tation among the women and children, who
had nothing but destruction before their eyes,
while they were encompassed with mountains,
the sea, and their enemies, and discerned no
way of flying from them.
5. But I\Ioses, though the multitude looked
fiercely at him, did not, however, give over
tiie care of tliem, but despised all dangers,
out of liis trust in God, who, as he had
atlbrded them the several' steps already taken
for the recovery of their liberty, which he had
foretold them, would not now sufTer them to
be subdued by their enemies, to be either
made slaves or be slain by them; and, stand-
ing in the midst of them, he said, " It is not
just of us to distrust even men, wlien they
have hitherto well managed our atliiirs, as il
they would not be the same men hereafter; but
it is no better than madness, at tliis time, to
despair of the providence of God, by whose
power all those things liaxe been performed
wliich he promised, when you expected no
such things : I mean all that I have been
concerned in for your deliverance and escape
from slavery. Nay, when we are in the ut-
most distress, as you see we are, we ought
rather to hope that God will succour us, by
whose operation it is that we are now encom-
passed within this narrow place, that he may
deliver us out of such difl'iculties as are other-
wise insurmountable, and out of which nei-
ther you nor your enemies expect you can be
delivered, and may at once demonstrate his
OA'n power and his providence over us. Nor
tloes Goil use to give his help in small diffi-
culties to those whom he favours, l)ut in such
caaes wliere no one can see how any iiope in
man can better their condition. Depend,
therefore, upon such a protector as is able to
make small things great, and to show that
this mighty force against you is nothing but
weakness, and be not allrighted at tJie Egyp-
tian army, nor do you despair of being pre-
served, Ijecause the sea before, and tlie moun-
tains behind, atlord you no opportunity for
flying; for even these mountains, if God so
please, may be made plain ground for you,
and the sea become dry land."
CHAPTER XVI.
HOW THE SEA WAS DIVIDED ASUNDER KOR THB
HEBHKWS, WHEN THEY WERK PURSUED BV
THE EGVl'TIANS, A.\D SO GAVE THE.M AN
OPPORTUNITY OF ESCAPING FROM THE.M.
§ 1. When ISIoses had said this, he led them
'to lie -la, while the Egyptians looked on;
CHAP. XVI.
for they were within sight. Now these were
so distressed by the toil of their pursuit, that
they thought proper to put off fighting till the
next day. But when Moses was come to the
sea-shore, he took his rod, and made suppli-
cation to God, and called upon him to be
their helper and assistant ; and said, " Thou
art not ignorant, O Lord, that it is beyond
human strength and human contrivance to
avoid the difficulties we are now under ; but
it must be thy work altogether to procure de-
liverance to this army, which has left Egypt
at thy appointment. We despair of any
other assistance or contrivance, and have re-
course only to that hope we have in thee ;
and if there be any method that can promise
us an escape by thy providence, we look up
to thee for it. And let it come quickly, and
manifest thy power to us ; and do thou raise
up this people unto good courage and hope
of deliverance, who are deeply sunk into a
disconsolate state of mind. We are in a
helpless place, but still it is a place that thou
possessest ; still the sea is thine, the mountains
also that enclose us are thine ; so that these
mountains will open themselves if tiiou com-
mandest them, and the sea also, if thou com-
mandest it, will become dry land. Nay, we
might escape by a flight through the air, if
thou shouldst determine we should have that
Way of salvation."
2. When Moses had thus addressed him-
self to God, he smote the sea with his rod,
which parted asunder at the stroke, and re-
ceiving those waters into itself, left the ground
dry, as a road and a place of flight for the
Hebrews. Now when Moses saw this ap-
pearance of God, and that the sea went out
of its own place, and left dry land, he went
first of all into it, and bid the Hebrews to
follow him along that divine road, and to re-
joice at the danger their enemies that followed
them were in ; and gave thanks to God for
this so surprising a deliverance which appeared
from him.
3. Now, while these Hebrews made no
stay, but went on earnestly, as led by God's
presence with them, the Egyptians supposed
at first that they were distracted, and were
going rashly upon manifest destruction. But
when they saw that they were going a great
way without any harm, and that no obstacle
or difliculty fell in their journey, they made
haste to pursue them, hoping that the sea
would be calm for them also. They put their
horse foremost, and went down themselves
into the sea. Now the Hebrews, while these
were putting on their armour, and therein
spending their time, were beforehand with
them, and escaped them, and got first over to
the land on the other side without any hurt.
Whence the others were encouraged, and
more courageously pursued them, as hoping
no harm would come to them neither : but
the Egyptians were not aware that they went
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
77
into a road made for the Hebrews, and not
for others ; that this road was made for the
deliverance of those in danger, but not for
those that were earnest to make use of it for
the others' destruction. As soon, therefore,
as ever the whole Egyptian army was within
it, the sea flowed to its own place, and came
down with a torrent raised by storms of wind,*
and encompassed the Egyptians. Showers
of rain also came down from the sky, and
dreadful thunders and lightning, with flashes
of fire. Thunder-bolts also were darted up-
on them ; nor was there any thing which
used to be sent by God upon men, as indica-
tions of his wrath, which did not happen at
this time ; for a dark and dismal night op ■
pressed them. And thus did all these men
perish, so that there was not one man left to
be a messenger of this calamity to the rest of
the Egyptians.
4. But the Hebrews were not able to con-
tain themselves for joy at their wonderful deli-
verance, and destruction of their enemies. Now
indeed, supposing themselves firmly deliver-
ed, when those that would have forced them
into slavery were destroyed, and when they
found they had God so evidently for their
protector ; and now these Hebrews having
escaped the danger they were in, after this
manner, and besides that, seeing their ene-
mies punished in such a way as is never re-
corded of any other men whomsoever, were
all the night employed in singing of hymns,
and in mirth. •}■ Moses also composed a song
unto God, containing his praises, and a
* Of these storms of wind, thunder and lightning, at
this drowning of Pharaoh's army, almost wanting in our
copies of Exodus, but fully extant in that of David,
Psal. Ixxvii. IP, 17, 18, and in that of Josephus here,
see E^ssay on the Old Test. Append, p. 154, 155.
+ What some have here objected against this passage
of the Israelites over the Red Sea, in this one night,
from the common maps, viz. that this sea being here
about thirty miles broad, so great an army could not
pass over it in so short a time, is a great mistake. Mons.
Thevenot, an authentic eye-witness, informs us, that
this sea, for about five days' journey, is nowhere more
than about eight or nine miles over-cross, and in one
place but four or five miles, according to De Llsle's map,
which is made from the best travellers themselves, and
not copied from others. What has been further ob-
jected against this passage of the Israelites, and drown-
ing of the Egyptians, being miraculous also, viz. that
Moses might carry the Israelites over at a low tide with-
out any miracle, while yet the Egyptians, not knowing
the tide so well as he, might be drowned upon the return
of the tide, is a strange story indeed ! That Moses, who
never had lived here, should know the quantity and time
of the flux and reflux of the Red Sea better than the
Egyptians themselves in its neighbourhood ! Yet does
Artapanus, an ancient heathen historian. Inform us,
that this was what the more ignorant Memphites, who
lived at a great distance, pretended, though he con-
fesses, that the more learned Heliopolitans, who lived
much nearer, owned the destruction of the Egvptians,
and the deliverance of the Israelites, to have been mira-
culous ; and Dc Castro, a mathematician, who surveyed
this sea with groat exactness, informs us, that there is
no great flux or reflux in this part of the Kcd Sea, to
give a colour to this hypothesis ; nay, that at the ele\a-
tion of the tide there is little above half the height of a
rnan. See Essay on the Old 1 est. Append, p. 239, Sic
So vain and groundless are these and the like evasions
and subterfuges of our modern sceptics and unbelievers,
and so certainly do thorouijh inquiries and authentic
evidence disprove and confute such evasions and subter
fuges upon all occasions !
V
J~
78
ANTIQUITES OF THE JEWS.
»OOK II
timnksgiving for liis kindness, in liexnmcter
Verse, •
5. As for myself, I have iKlivered every
l)art of tliis history as I found it in the sacred
books ; nor let any one wonder at the straniie-
ness of the nanation, if a way were discovered
to those men of old time, who were free from
the wickedness of the modern a^es, whether
it happened by the will of God, or whether it
happened of its own accord, — while, for the
sake of those that accompanied Alexander,
king of IMacedonia, who yet lived, compar-
atively, but a little while ago, the Pamphylian
Sea retired and aH'orded them a jiassagef
through itself, when ihey had no other way
to go ; I mean, wlicn it was the will of God
to destroy the monarchy ©f the Persians :
• What that hexameter verse, in which Moses's tri-
umphant song is here said to be written, distinctly,
means, our present iiniorance of t]ie old Hebrew metre
or measure will not let us iletcrmine. Nor does it ap-
pear to me certain that even Joseptius hinisell" had a dis-
tinct notion of it, though he speaks of several sorts of
that metre or measure, Ixjth here and elsewhere. Antii).
book iv. ch. viii. sect. 4-1 ; and Ixxjk vii. ch.xii. sect- 3.
t Take here the origuial passages of the four old au-
thors that still remain, as to this transit of Alexander
the Great over the I'amphvlian Sea: I mean, of ( allis-
thencs, Strabo, Arrian, ard Appian. As to Callisthcncs,
who himself accompanied Alexander in this expedition.
Eustathius, inhisNcleson the third Iliad of Homer,
tas Dr Bernard here informs us) says. That " this Callis-
thcncs wrote how the Pamphylian Sea did not only open
k passage for Alexander, but, by rising and elevating its
Ba'ors, did pay him homage as its king." Strabo s account
is this (Gcog. l)Ook xiv, p. (jfed) : " Now about Phasdis
is that narrow p;u>sage, by the sea-side, through which
Alexander led his army. There is a nioui tain called
Climax, which adjoins to the Sea of Pamphvlia, leaving
a narrow passage on the shore, which, in caln> weather,
is bare, so as to Ise passable by travellers ; but when the
si'a overflows, it is coiered to a great degree by the
waves. Now then, the ascent by the mouiiuiins Ixring
round about and steep, in stiU weather they make use
of the road a3ong the coast ; but Alexander fell into the
winter season, and committing hirase'a' chietiy to fortune
he marched on before the waves reliied ; and so it hap-
pened that they were a whole day in journeying over it,
and were under water up to the navel." Arri'an's account
is this ;book i, p. "2, T'^) : " When Alexander removeil
from Pha-selis, he sent some part of his army over the
luountjou^ to Per^a; ubk'k toadtiie Ttuaeiaiusliawed
and this is confessed to be true by all that
liave written about the actions of Alexander;
but as to these events, let every one determine
as he pleases.
6. On the next day Moses gathered to-
gether the weapons of the E;jyptiaiis, which
were bronght to the camp of the Hebrews by
the current of the sea, and the force of the
winds assisting it; and lie conjectured that
this also hapjjened by Divine Providence,
that so they might not be destitute of weapons.
So when he had ordered the Hebrews to arm
themselves with them, he led them to mount
Sinai, in order to ofler sacrifice to God, and
to render oblations for tlie salTation of the
multitude, as he was charged to do beforehand.
him. A diflicult way it was, but short. However he
himself conducted t(«)se that were with him by the sea-
shore. This road is in. passable at any other tune thr.n
when the north wind blows ; but if the south wind pre-
vail there is no passing by the shore. Now at this time,
after strong south winds, a north wind blew; and that
not without the Divine Providence (as Ixjlh heand they
that were with him suppo!-cd> and afforded him an easy
and quick passage." Appian, when he compares C»ar
and Alexander together (De Bel. Civil, book li, p. 522>
says, " That they lx)th dp|xrnded on their lx)ldnc» and
foitune, as much as on their .skill in war. As an instance
of which, .Alexander journeyetl over a country without
water, in the heat of summer, to the oracle of'[Jupiter]
Hanimon, and quickly pas.sed over the Bay of Pam-
phvlia, wlicn, by IJivine Providence, tlie sea v.as cot
off: — thus Providence restraining the sea on his ac-
count, as it had sent him rain when he travelled [ovei
the desert]."
N B. — Since, in the days of Joscphus, as he a.>siires »is,
all the more numerous original historians of Alexander
gave the account l;c has here set down, as to the provi-
dential going liaek of the waters of the Pamphylian Sea,
when he w.is going with his army t;) de^lroy the Persian
monarchy, which the forenamed authors iio« remaining
fully confirm, it is without all just foundation that Jo-
scphus is here blamed by some late writers for quoting
those ancient authors upon Uie present ixxasion ; nor
can the reflections of Plutarch, or anv other author later
than Joscphus, be in the Icist here alleged to contradict
him. Josephus went by all the evidence he then h.id,
and that evidence of the most authentic sort also. So
that whatever the m<:dems may think of the tJung itself,
there is heme not the least colour for finding fault with
Joscphus: he would rather have been muui to blame
tiad Kc omitted these quotations
BOOK III.
CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF TWO YEARS.
FROM THE EXODUS OUT OF EGYPT, TO THE REJECTION
OF THAT GENERATION.
CHAPTER I.
HOW MOSES, WHEN HE HAD BBOUGHT THE
PEOPLE OUT OF EGITT, LED THEM TO MOUNT
SINAI; BUT NOT TILL THEY HAD SUFFER-
ED MUCH IN THEIK JOURNEY.
§ 1. When the Hebrews had obtained such
a wonderful deliverance, the country was a
great trouble to them, for it was entirely a
desert, and without all sustenance for them :
and also had exceeding little water, so that it
not only was not at all sufficient for the men,
but not enough to feed any of the cattle ; for
it was parched up, and had no moisture that
might afford nutriment to the vegetables ; so
they were forced to travel over this country,
as having no other country but this to travel
in. They had indeed carried water along
with them, from the land over which they
nad travelled before, as their conductor had
bidden them : but when that was spent, they
were obliged to draw water out of wells, with
pain, by reason of the hardness of the soil.
Moreover^ what water they found was bitter,
and not fit for drinking, and this in small
quantities also ; and as they thus travelled,
they came late in the evening to a place called
Marah,* which had that name from the bad-
ness of its water, for Mar denotes bitterness.
Thither they came afflicted both by the te-
diousness of their journey, and by their want
of food, for it entirely failed them at that
time. Now here was a well, which made
them choose to stay in the place, which, al-
though it were not sufficient to satisfy so
great an army, did yet afford them some com-
fort, as found in such desert places; for they
beard from those who had been to search, that
there was nothing to be found, if they tra-
velled on farther. Yet was this water bitter,
» Dr. Bernard takes notice here, that this place. Mar,
where the waters were bitter, is called by the Syrians
and Arabians Mariri, and by the Syrians sometimes Mo-
rath, all derived from the Hebrew Alar. He also takes
notice, that it is called The Bitter Fountain by Pliny
himself; which waters remai)i there to this day, and are
still bitter, as Thevenot assures us; and that there are
also abundance of palm-trees. See his Travels, part i,
chap, xxvi, p. I6C.
and not fit for men to drink ; and not only
so, but it was intolerable even to the cattle
themselves,
2. When Moses saw how much the people
were cast down, and that the occasion of it
could not be contradicted, for the people were
not in the nature of a complete army of men,
who might oppose a manly fortitude to the
necessity that distressed them ; the multitude
of the children, and of the women also, being
of too weak capacities to be persuaded by rea-
son, blunted the courage of the men them-
selves, — he was therefore in great diffi-
culties, and made every body's calamity hif
own; for (they ran all of them to him, ano
begged of him ; the women begged for their
infants, and the men for the women, that he
would not overlook them, but procure some
way or other for their deliverance. He there-
fore betook himself to prayer to God, that he
would change the water from its present bad-
ness and make it fit for drinking. And when
God had granted him that favour, he took the
top of a stick that lay down at his feet, and
divided it in the middle, and made the section
lengthways. He then let it down into the
well, and persuaded the Hebrews that God
had hearkened to his prayers, and had promis-
ed to render the water such as they desired it
to be, in case they would be subservient to
him in what he should enjoin them to do, and
this not after a remiss or negligent manner.
And when they asked what they were to do
in order to have the water changed for the bet-
ter, he bid the strongest men among them that
stood there, to draw up water-j- ; and told them,
t The additions here to Moses's account of the sweet-
ening of the waters at Marah, seems derived from somean-
cient profane author, and he such an author also as
looks less authentic than are usually followed by Jose-
phus. Pliilo has not a syllable of these additions, nor any
other ancienter writer that we know of. Had Josephus
written these his Antiquities for the use of Jews, he
would hardly have given them these very improbable
circumstances; but writing to Gentiles, that they might
not complain of his omission of any accounts of such
miracles derived from Gentiles, he did not think proper
to conceal what he had met with there about this mat-
ter: which procedure is perfectly agreeable to the char-
acter and usage of Josephus upon many occasions. This
note is, I confess, barely conjectural • and since Jos«»-
\_
so
ANTIQUITIES OF THH JEWS.
BOOK IIL
that when the greatcet part was drawn up, tlie
rcniainiiiT would bf fit to drink : so they la-
hoiirc'd at it till tlit- watt'r was so agitatetl and
purged as to In; tit to drink.
3. And now ri-movin;; from tiicnce they
count of their present uneasiness, to cast those
great and wonderful favours and gifts, which
they had <)!>taine(i of (»od, out of tlieir minds,
hut to expect deliverance out of those tlieir
present troubles which they could not free
came to Elim; which place looked well at a i themselves from, and this by the means of that
distance, for there was a grove of palm-trees ;
but when they came near to it, it appeared to
be a bad place, for the palm-trees, were no
more than seventy ; an<l tliev were ill grown
and creejjing trees, by the want ofvNater, for
the country aliout was all parched, and no
moisture sufficient to water them, and make
them hopi'fiil and useful, was derived to them
from the fountains, which were in number
twelve : they were rather a few moist places
than springs, which not bieaking out of the
ground, nor running over, could not suffici-
ently water the trees. And when they dug
into the sand, tliey met with no water ; and
if they took a few drops of it into their hands,
they found it to be useless, on account of its
mud. The trees also were too weak to bear
fruit, for want of being sufficiently cherished
and enlivened by the water. So they laid the
blame on their conductor, and made heavy
complaints again^t him ; and said that this
tlieir miserable state, and the experience they
had of adversity, were owing to him ; for that
they had then journeyed an entire thirty days,
and had spent all the provisions they had
brought with them ; and meeting with no re-
lief, they were in a very desponding condition.
And by fixing their attention upon nothing
but their present misfortunes, they were hin-
dered from remembering what deliverances
they had received from God, and those by the
virtue and wisdom of Moses also; so they
were very angry at their conductor, and were
zealous in tlieir attempt to stone him, as the
direct occasion of their present miseries.
4. But as for Moses himself, while the
multitude were irritated and bitterly set a-
gainst him, he cheerfully relied upon God,
and upon his consciousness of the care he had
taken of these his own people : and he came
into the midst of them, even while they clam,
oured against him, and had stones in their
hands in order to dis[)atcli him. Now he was
of an agreeable presence, and very able to per-
suade the people by his speeches; according-
ly he began to mitigate their anger, and ex-
horted them not to be over-mindful of their
present adversities, lest they should thereby
suffer the benefits that had formerly been be-
stowed on them to slip out of their memor-
ies ; and he desired iliem by no means, on ac-
pliuH never tells us when his o\vii copy, tiken out of the
temple, had such additions, or when any ancient notes
supphed tliem : or indcc-d when they are derived from
Jewish, and when from Gentile anti(|uity, — we am po
no farUier than bare conjectures in such cases ; only the
notions of Jews were generally so ditVirent from those
of (Jentiles, that we may sometimes make no improbable
conjectures to which sort such additions Ixlmii;. See
also somewhat like llle^e additions in Jonphus's ac-
count of Klisha's making sweet the bitter and barren
ipriiig near Jericho. War. b. iv. ch. viii. sect. .".
Divine Providence which watched over them ;
seeing it is prolKible that God tries tlieir vir-
tue, and exercises their patience !)y these ad-
versities, that it may appear what fortitude
they have, and what memory tliey retain of
his former wonderful works in their favour,
and whether they will not think of them upon
occasion of the miseries they now feel. He
told them, it appeareii they were not really-
good men, either in patience, or in remember-
ing what had been successfully done for them,
sometimes by contemning God and his com-
mands, when by those commands they left the
land of Egypt ; ami sometimes by behaving
themselves ill towards him who was the ser-
vant of God, and this when he had never de-
ceived them, either in what he said, or had or-
dered them to do by God's command. He
also put them in mind of all that had passed :
how the Egyptians were destroyed when they
attempted to detain them, contrary to the com-
mand of God ; and after what manner the
very same river was to the others bloody, and
not fit for drinking, but was to them sweet and
fit for drinking ; and how they went a new
road through the sea, which fled a long way
from them, by which very means they were
themselves preserved, but saw their enemies
destroyed ; and that when they were in want
of wea|)ons, God gave them plenty of them :
— and so he recounted all the particular in-
stances, how when they were, in appearance,
just going to be destroyed, God bad saved
them in a surprising manner; that he had still
the same power ; and that they ought not even
now to desjiair of his providence over them ;
and accordingly he exhorted them to continue
quiet, and to consider that help would not come
too late, though it come not immediately, if
it be present with them before they suffer any
great misfortune; that they ought to reason
thus: that God delays to assist them, not be-
cause he has no regard to them, but because
he will first try their fortitude, and the plea-
sure they take in their freedom, that he may
learn whether you have souls great enough to
bear want of food, and scarcity of water, on
its account; or whether you rather love to be
slaves, as cattle are slaves to such as own them,
and feed them liberally, but only in order to
make them niore useful in their service. That
as for himself, he shall not be so much con-
cerned for his own preservation ; for if he die
unjustly, he shall not reckon it any affliction
but that he is concerned for them, lest, by
casting stones at him, they should be though
to condemn God himself,
.6. Hy this means Closes pacified the people,
and restrained them from stoning him, and
J~
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
81
brought them to repent of what they were go-
ing to do ; and because he tliought the neces-
sity they were under made their passion less
unjustifiable, he thought he ought to apply
himself to God by prayer and supplication ;
and going up to an eminence, he requested of
God for some succour for the people, and
some way of deliverance from the want they
were in, because in him, and in him alone,
was tlieir hope of salvation : and he desired
that he would forgive what necessity had forc-
ed the people to do, since such was the nature
of mankind, hard to please, and very complain-
ing under adversities. Accordingly God pro-
mised he would take care of them, and att'ord
them the succour they were desirous of. Now
when Moses had heard this from God, he
came down to tlie multitude: but as soon as
they saw him joyful at the promises he had
received from God, they changed their sad
countenances into gladness. So he placed
himself in the midst of them, and told them
he came to bring them from God a deliverance
from their present distresses. Accordingly
a little after came a vast number of quails,
which is a bird more plentiful in this Arabian
gulf than anywhere else, flying over the sea,
and hovered over them, till wearied with their
laborious flight, and, indeed, as usual, flying
very near to the earth, they fell down upon
the Hebrews, who caught them and satisfied
their hunger with them, and supposed that this
was the method whereby God meant to sup-
ply them with food. Upon which Moses re-
turned thanks to God for aflbrding them his
assistance so suddenly, and sooner than he
had promised them.
6. But presently after this first supply of
food, he sent them a second ; for as Moses
was lifting up his hands in prayer, a dew fell
down ; and Moses, when he found it stick to
his hands, supposed this was also come for
food from God to them : he tasted it ; and
perceiving that the people knew not what it
was, and thought it snowed, and that it was
what usually fell at that time of the year, he
.nformed them that this dew did not fall from
heaven after the manner they imagined, but
came for their preservation and sustenance.
So he tasted it, and gave them some of it,
that they might be satisfied about what he
.old them. They also imitated their conduc-
tor, and were pleased with the food, for it
was like honey in sweetness and pleasant
taste, but like in its body to bdellium, one of
the sweet spices, and in bigness equal to cori-
ander seed. And very earnest they were in
gathering it ; but they were enjoined to gather
it equally;* the measure of an omer for each
one every day, because this food should not
* It seems to me, from what Moses (Exod. xvi, 18),
St. I'aul (2 Cor. viii. 15), and Josephus here, say, coin-
pared together, that the quantity of manna that fell
daily, and did not putrify. was just so much as came to
an ompir a-piece, through the whole host of Israel, and
no more.
"V.
come in too small a quantity, lest the weaker
might not be able to get their share, by rea-
son of the overbearing of the strong in col-
lecting it. However, these strong men,
when they had gathered more than the mea-
sure appointed for them, had no more than
others, but only tired themselves more in ga-
thering it, for they found no more than an
omer a-piece ; and the advantage they got by
what was superfluous was none at all, it cor-
rupting, both by the worms breeding in it,
and by its bitterness. So divine and wonder-
ful a food was this ! It also supplied the
want of other sorts of food to those that fed
on it ; and even now, in all that place, this
manna comes down in rain,-f- according to
what Moses then obtained of God, to send it
to the people for their sustenance. Now the
Hebrews call this food manna ; for the par-
ticle man, in our language, is the asking of a
question, IVkat is tlik 9 So the Hebrews were
very joyful at what was sent them from hea-
ven. Now they made use of this food for
forty years, or as long as they were in the
wilderness.
7. As soon as they were removed thence,
they came to Rephidim, being distressed to the i
last degree by thirst; and while in the fore- j
going days they had lit on a few small foun-
tains, but now found the earth entirely desti-
tute of water, they were in an evil case.
They again turned their anger against Moses;
but he at first avoided the fury of the multi-
tude, and then betook himself to prayer to
God, beseeching him, that as he had given
them food when they were in the greatest
want of it, so he would give them drink, since
the favour of giving tliem food was of no va-
lue to them while they had nothing to drink :
and God did not long delay to give it them,
but promised Moses that he would procure
them a fountain, and plenty of water from a
place they did not expect any ; so he command-
ed him to smite the rock which they saw ly-
ing there, | with his rod, and out of it to re-
ceive plenty of what they wanted ; for he had
+ This supposal, thatthesweet honey-dew or manna,
so celebrated ui ancient and modem authors, as falling
usually in Arabia, was of the very same sort with this
manna sent to the Israelites, savours more of Gentilism
dim of Judaism or Christianity. It is not improbable
that some ancient Gentile author, read by Josephus, so
thought; norwould he here contradict him ; though just
before, and Antiq. b. iv. ch. iii. sect 'i, he seems directly
to allow that it had not been seen before. However, this
food from heaven is here described to be like snow ; and
in Artapanus, a heathen wnter, it is compared to meal,
" like to oatmeal, in colour like to snow, rained down
by God" (Essay on the Old Test. Append, p. 1'59) ; but
as to the derivation of the word manna, whether from
man, which Josephus says then signified Ifhat is it ? or
from mannali, to divide, i. e. a dividend or portion
nllotted to every one, it is uncertain: 1 incline to the
latter derivation. This manna is called angels' food
(Hsal. Ixxviii. 26), and by our .»^aviour (John vi. 31,
&c.), as well as by Josephus here and elsewhere (Antiq.
b. iii. ch. v. sect. 5), said to be sent the Jews from
heaven.
X This rock is there at this day, as the travellers
agree, and must be the same that was there in the days
of Moses, as being too large to be brought thither by out
modem carriages.
. r
82
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
taken caro tlmt drink should come to tlii-ni
without any hibour or pains-taking. M'hun
Woscs had received tliis coinniand from God,
he came to the people, wlio waited for him,
and looked upon him ; for they saw already
that he was coming apace from his eminence.
As soon as he was come, he told them that
God would deliver them from tlieir present
distress, and had granted them an unexpect-
ed favour ; and informed them, that a river
should run for tlieir sakes out of the rock ;
but they were amazed at that hearing, sup-
posing they were of necessity to cut the rock
in pieces, now they were distressed by their
thirst, and by tlieir journey — while Moses,
only smiting the rock with his rod, opened a
passage, and out of it burst water, and that
ill great abundance, and very clear; but they
were astonished at this wonderful effect, and,
as it were, quenched their thirst by the very
sight of it. So they drank this pleasant, this
sweet water ; and such it seemed to be, as
niiglit well be exjiected where God was the
donor. They were also in admiration how
Moses was honoured by God ; and they made
grateful returns of sacrifices to God for his
providence towaids them. Now that Scrip-
ture which is laid up in the temple,* informs
us, how God foretold to Moses, that water
should in tliis manner be derived out of the
rock.
CHAPTER II.
HOW THE AMALEKITF.S, AND THE NEIGKBOUE
ING NATIONS, MADE WAR WITH THE HE-
BREWS, AND WERE BEATEN, AND LOST A
GREAT PART OF TUEIR ARMY.
§ 1. The name of the Hebrews began already
to be everywhere renowned, and rumours
about them ran abroad. This made the in-
habitants of those countries to be in no small
fear. Accordingly they sent ambassadors to
one another, and exhorted one another to de-
feud themselves, and to endeavour to destroy
these men. Those that induced the rest to
do so, were such as inhabited Gobolitis and
Petra. They were called Amalekites, and
were the most warlike of the nations that
lived thereabout ; and whose kings exhorted
one another and their neighbours to go to
this war against the Hebrews ; telling them
that an army of strangers, and such a one as
had run away from slavery under the Egyp-
tians, lay in wait to ruin them ; which army
they were not, in common prudence and re-
gard to their own safety, to overlook, but to
crush them before tliey gather strenglli, and
• Note here, that the small book of Ihc princiiial
laws of Moses is ever said to be laid up in the holy house
itself; but the larger Pentateuch, as here, somewhere
within the limits of the temple and iU courts oiiJy. t^et
iDtiq. U V, ch. i. sm-L 17
come to be in prosperity ; and perhaps attack
them first in a hostile manner, as presuming
upon our indolence in not attacking tliem
before ; and that we ouglit to avenge our-
selves of tliem for what they have done in the
wilderness, but that tliis cannot be so well
done when they have once laid tlieir hands on
our cities and our goods : that those wfio en-
deavour to crush a j)ower in its fir;l rise, are
wiser than those that endeavour to put a stop
to its progress when it is become formidable ;
for tliese last seem to be angry only at the
flourishing of others, but the former do not
leave any room for their enemies to become
troublesome to them. After they liad sent
such ambassages to the neighbouring nations,
and among one another, they resolved to at-
tack the Hebrews in battle.
2. These proceedings of the people of
those countries occasioned peq)lexity and
trouble to INloses, who expected no such war
like preparations ; and when these nations
were ready to fight, and the multitude of the
Hebrews were obliged to try the fortune of
war, they were in a mighty disorder, and in
want of all necessaries, and yet were to make
war with men «ho were tlioroughly well pre-
pared for it. Then, therefore, it was that
Moses began to encourage them, and to ex-
hort them to have a good heart, and rely on
God's assistance, by which they had been ad-
vanced into a state of freedom, and to hope
for victory over those who were ready to fight
with them, in order to deprive them of that
blessing : that they were to suppose their own
army to be numerous, wanting nothing, nei-
ther weapons, nor money, nor provijions, nor
such other conveniencies as, when men are in
possession of, they fight undauntedly ; and
that they are to judge themselves to have all
these advantages in the divine assistance.
They are also to suppose the enemy's army
to be small, unarmed, weak, and such as want
those conveniencies which they know must be
wanted, when it is God's will that they shall
be beaten ; and how valuable God's assistance
is, they had experienced in abundance of
trials ; and those such as were more terrible
than war, for that is only against men ; but
these were against famine and thirst, tilings
indeed that are in their own nature insuper-
able ; as also against mountains, and tliat sea
which afforded them no way for escaping ; yet
had all those difficulties been conquered by
God's gracious kindness to them. So he ex-
horted them to be courageous at this time,
and to look upon their entire prosperity to
depend on the present conquest of their ene-
mies.
3. And with these words did iNIoses encou-
rage the multitude, who then called together
the princes of tlieir tribes and their chief men;
both separately and conjointly. The young
men he charged to obey their elders, and the
ciders to hearken to tlieir leader So tlw
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. II.
people were elevated in their minds, and
ready to try their fortune in battle, and hoped
to be thereby at length delivered from all
their miseries : nay, they desired that Moses
would inmiediately lead them against their
enemies without the least delay, that no back-
vtrardness might be a liinderance to their pre-
sent resolution. So Moses sorted all that
were fit for war into different troops, and set
Joshua, the son of Nun, of the tribe of Eph-
raim, over them ; one that was of great cou-
rage, and patient to undergo labours ; of great
abilities to understand, and to speak what was
proper ; and very serious in the worship of
God ; and indeed made, like another Moses,
a teacher of piety towards God. He also
appointed a small party of the armed men to
be near the water, and to take care of the
children, and the women, and of the entire
camp. So that whole night they prepared
themselves for the battle; they took their
weapons, if any of them had such as were
well made, and attended to their commanders
as ready to rush forth to the battle as soon as
Moses should give the word of command.
Moses also kept awake, teaching Joshua after
what manner he should order his camp. But
when the day began, Moses called for Joshua
again, and exhorted him to approve himself
in deeds such a one as his reputation made
men expect from him ; and to gain glory by
the present expedition, in the opinion of those
under him, for his esploits in this battle.
He also gave a particular exhortation to the
principal men of the Hebrews, and encouraged
the whole army as it stood armed before him.
lAnd when he had thus animated the army,
both by his words and works, and prepared
every thing, he retired to a mountain, and
committed the army to God and to Joshua.
4. So the armies joined battle ; and it
came to a close fight, hand to hand, both sides
showing great alacritj', and encouraging one
another. And indeed while Moses stretched
out his hand towards heaven*, the Hebrews
were too hard for the Amalekites : but Moses
not being able to sustain his hands, thus
stretched out (for as often as he let down his
hands, so often wei'e his own people worsted)
he bad his brother Aaron, and Hur their
sister Miriam's husband, to stand on each
side of him, and take hold of his hands, and
• This eminent circumstance, that while Moses's
hands were lift up towards heaven, the Israelites prevail-
ed, and while they were let down towards the earth, the
Amalekites prevailed, seems to me the earliest intima-
tion we have of the proper posture used of old in solemn
prayer, which was the stretching out of the hands [and
eyes] towards heaven, as other passages of the i>ld and
New Testament inform us. Nay, by the way, this pos-
ture seems to have continued in the Christian church,
till the clergy, instead of learning their jirayers by heart,
read them out of a book, which is in a great measure
uiconsistcnt with such an elevated posture, and which
seems to me to have been only a later practice, intro-
iivced under the corrupt state of the chinch ; though
the constant use of divine forms of prayer, praise, and
thanksgiving, appears to mo to have lx;en the practice
of God's peiiple, patriarchs, Jews, and Christians, in all
the )>ast ajjcs.
83
not permit his weaiiness to prevent it, but to
assist him in the extension of his hands.
When this was done, the Hebrews, conquered
the Amalekites by main force ; and indeed
they had all perished, unless the approach of the
night had obliged the Hebrews to desist from
killing any more. So our forefathers obtained
a most signal and most seasonable victory ;
for tlicy not only overcame those that fought
against them, but terrified also the neighbour-
ing nations, and got great and splendid advan-
tages, which they obtained of their enemies by
their hard pains in this battle : forwh.n they had
taken the enemy's camp, they got ready booty
for the public, and for their own private
families, whereas till then they had not any
sort of plenty, of even necessary food. The
forementioned battle, when they had once got
it, was also the occasion of their posperity,
not only for the present, but for the future
ages also; for they not only made slaves of
the bodies of their enemies, but subdued theii
minds also, and after this battle, became
trrible to all that dwelt round about them.
Moreover, they acquired a vast quantity of
riches ; for a great deal of silver and gold was
left in the enemy's camp; as also brazen
vessels, which they made common use of in
their families ; many utensils also that were
embroidered, there were of both sorts, that is
of what were weaved, and wliat were the or-
naments of their armour, and other things that
served for use in the family, and for the fur-
niture of their rooms; they got also the prey
of their cattle, and of whatsoever uses to
follow camps, whea they remove from one
place to another. So the Hebrews now valued
themselves upon their courage, and claimed
great merit for their valour ; and they perpet-
ually inured themselves to take pains, by
which tliey deemed every difficulty might be
surmounted. Such were the consequences of
this battle.
5. On the next day, Moses stripped the
dead bodies of their enemies, and gathered
together the armour of those that were fled,
and gave rewards to such as had signalized
themselves in the action ; and highly com-
mended Joshua, their general, who was attest-
ed to by all the army, on account of the
great actions he had done. Nor was anyone
of the Hebrews slain ; but the slain of the
enemy's army were too many to be enumerat-
ed. So Moses ofiered sacritices of thanks-
giving to God, and built an altar, which he
named The Lord the Coiujueror. He also
foretold that the Amalekites should utterly be
destroyed ; and that hereafter none of theiQ
should remain, because they fought against
the Hebrews, and this when they were in the
wilderness, and in their distress also. More-
over, he refreshed the army with feasting.
And thus did they fight this first battle with
those that ventured to oppose them, after they
were gone out of Egypt. But when Moses
.r
64
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK III.
had celebrated tTils fustival for the victory, he
puniiittc'd the Ilt-brews to rest for a few days,
and then he brought them out after the fight,
in order of l)attle ; for they had now many
soldiers in hght armour. And going gradu-
ally on, he came to mount Sinai, in three
months' time after they were removed out of
Egypt ; at which mountain, as we have be-
fore related, the vision of the Bush, and the
other wonderful appearances, had happened.
CHAPTER III.
THAT MOSES KINDLY RECEIVED HIS FATHER-
IN-I.AW, JETllRO, WHEN HE CAME TO HIM
TO MOUNT SINAI.
Now when Raguel, Moses's father-in-law,
understood in what a prosperous condition his
aflairs were, he willingly came to meet him.
And Moses took Zipporah, his wife, and his
children, and pleased himself with his com-
ing. And when he had offered sacrifice, he
made a feast for the multitude, near the Bush
he had formerly seen ; which multitude, every
one, according to their families, partook of
the feast. But Aaron and his family took
Raguel, and sung hymns to God, as to him
who had been the author and procurer of
had him alone, he instructed him in what he
ought to do ; and advised him to lea«-'e tht
trouble of lesser causes to others, but himself
to take care of the greater, and of the people's
safety ; for that certain others of the Hebrews
might be found that were fit to determine
causes, but that nobody but a IVIoses could
take care of the safety of so many ten thou-
sands. " Be not, tlierefore," says he, " insen-
sible of thine own virtue, and what thou hast
done by ministering under God to the people's
preservation. Permit, therefore, the deter-
mination of coiiimon causes to be done by
others, but do thou re'-erve thyself to the atten-
dance on God only, and look out for methods
of preserving the multitude from tlieir pre-
sent distress. Make use of the method I
suggest to you, as to human afiiairs; and take
a review of the army, and appoint chosen
rulers over tens of thousands, and tlien over
thousands; then divide them into five hun-
dreds, and again into hundreds, and into
fifties ; and set rulers over each of them, who
may distinguish them into tliiriies, and keep
them in order ; and at last number them by
twenties and by tens : and let there be one
commander over each number, to be denomi-
nated from the number of those over whom
they are rulers, but such as the whole multi-
tude have tried, and do approve of, as being
good and righteous men ;• and let those rulers
their deliverance, and their freedom. They ! decide the controversies ihey have one with
also praised their conductor, as him by whose another. But if any great cause arise, let
virtue it was that all things had succeeded so , them bring the cognisance of it before the
well with them. Raguel also, in his eucha- rulers of a higher dignity ; but if any great
ristical oration to Moses, made great enco- j difficulty arise that is too hard for even their
rniums upon the whole multitude: and he determination, let them send it to thee. By
could not but admire Moses for his fortitude, 1 these means two advantages will be gained ;
and that humanity he had shown in the deli-
very of his friends,
CHAPTER IV.
HOW RAGUEL SUGGESTED TO MOSES TO SET HIS
PEOPLE IN ORDER, UNDER THEIR RULERS
Ol THOUSANDS, AND RULERS OF HUNDREDS,
WHO LIVED WITHOUT ORDER BEFORE ; AND
HOW MOSES COMPLIED IN ALL THINGS WITH
HIS FATHER-IN-LAW'S ADMONITION.
§ 1. The next day, as Raguel saw Moses in
the midst of a crowd of business (for he deter-
mined the differences of those that referred them
to him, every one still going to him, and sup-
posing that they should then only obtain jus-
tice, if he were the arbitrator; and those that
lost their causes thought it no harm wliile they
• hoiight they lost them justly, and not by par-
tiality) ; Raguel, however, said nothing to
liim at that time, as iu)t desiiouv to be any
hinderance to such as had a mind to make use
of the virtue of their coi ducior. But after-
ward he took him to himself, and when he
the Hebrews will have justice done them,
and thou wilt be able to attend constantly
on God, and procure him to be more favour-
able to the people."
2. This was the admonition of Raguel ;
and Moses received his advice very kindly,
and acted according to his suggestion. Nor
did he conceal the invention of this method,
nor pretend to it himself, but informed the
multitude who it was that invented it : nay,
he has named Raguel in the books he wrote,
as the person who invented this ordering of
the people, as thinking it right to give a true
testimony to worthy persons, although he
might have gotten reputation by ascribing to
himself the inventions of other men ; whence
we may learn the virtuous disposition of
Moses : but of such his disposition, we shall
have proper occasion to speak in other places
of these books.
• This maiircr of electing the judces and officers of
ihc Israelites by the testiinoniis and MilTragcs of (lie
pi-ople, Ixfoie they were orilaiiieil l>\ God, or by Most*,
ileser\is to be carefiillv noted, liev-ause it was tlie pal
lern ot the like manner of Uie ihoice and ordination of
Hishoiis, l'ii'sb\ters, and Dcacuns, lu the C'htutiac
eliurin.
CHAP. V.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
85
CHAPTER V.
HOW MOSES ASCKNDED UP TO MOUNT SINAI,
AND RECEIVED LAWS FROM GOD, AND DE-
LIVERED THEM TO THE HEBREWS.
§ 1. Now Moses called the multitude to-
gether, and told them that he was going from
them unto mount Sinai to converse with God ;
to receive from him, and to bring back with
him, a certain oracle; but he enjoined them
to pitch their tents near the mountain, and
prefer the habitation that was nearest to God,
before one more remote. When he had said
this, he ascended up to mount Sinai, which is
the highest of all the mountains that are in
that country,* and is not only very diificult
to be ascended by men, on account of its vast
altitude, but because of the sharpness of its
precipices also; nay, indeed, it cannot be
looked at without pain of the eyes : and be-
sides this, it was terrible and inaccessible, on
account of the rumour that passed about, that
God dwelt there. But the Hebrews removed
their tents as Moses iiad bidden thera, and
took possession of the lowest parts of the
mountain ; and were elevated in their minds,
in expectation that !\Ioses would return from
God with promises of the good things he had
proposed to them. So they feasted and wait-
ed for their conductor, and kept themselves
pure as in other respects, and not accompany-
ing with their wives for three days, as he had
before ordered them to do. And they pray-
ed to God that he would favourably receive
Moses in his conversing with him, and be-
stow some such gift upon them by which
they might live well. Tiiey also lived more
plentifully as to their diet; and put on their
wives and children more ornamental and de-
cent clothing than they usually wore.
2. So they passed two days in this way of
feasting ; but on the third day, before the
sun was up, a cloud spread itself over the
whole camp of the Hebrews, such a one as
none had before seen, and encompassed the
place where they had pitched their tents ; and
while all the rest of the air was clear, there
came strong winds, that raised up large
showers of rain, which became a mighty tem-
pest. There was also such lightning, as was
• Since this mountain, Sinai, is here said to be the
highest of all the mountains that are in that country,
it must be that now called St. Katherine's, which is one-
Ihird higher than that within a mile of it, now called
Sinai, as Mens. Thevenot infonns us, Travels, part i,
chap, xxlii, p. 168. The other name of it, Horeb, is
never used by Josephus, aud perhaps was its name among
the Egyptians only, whence the Israelites were lately
come, as snr.n was its name among the Arabians, Ca-
naanites, and other nations. Accordhigly, when (1
Kings ix, 8) the Scripture says that Elijan came to
Horeb, the mount of God, Josephus justly says (Antiq.
b. viii, chap, xiii, sect. 7), that he came to the mountain
called Sinai: and Jerome, here cited by Dr. Hudson,
lays, that he took this mountain to have two names,
Sinsi and Choreb. De Nomin. Heb p. 127
terrible to those that saw it; and thunder
with its thunder-bolts, were sent down, and
declared God to be there present in a graci-
ous way to such as Moses desired he should
be gracious. Now, as to these matters, every
one of my readers may think as he pleases ;
but I am under a necessity of relating this
history as it is described in the sacred books.
This sight, and the amazing sound that came
to their ears, disturbed the Hebrews to a pro-
digious degree, for they were not such as
they were accustomed to ; and then the ru-
mour that was spread abroad, how God fre-
quented that mountain, greatly astonished
their minds, so they sorrowfully contained
themselves within their tents, as both suppos-
ing Moses to be destroyed by the divine
wrath, and expecting the like destruction for
themseFves.
3. When they were under these apprehen-
sions, Moses appeared as joyful and greatly
exalted. When they saw him, they were
freed from their fear, and admitted of more
comfortable hopes as to what was to come.
The air also was become clear and pure of its
former disorders, upon the appearance of
Moses ; whereupon he called togetlier the
people to a congregation, in order to their
hearing what God would say to them : and
when they where gathered together, he stood
on an eminence whence they might all hear
him, and said, " God has received me graci-
ously, O Hebrews, as he has formerly done ,
and has suggested a happy method of living
for you, and an order of political government,
and is now present in the camp : I therefore
charge you, for his sake and the sake of his
works, and what we have done by his means,
that you do not put a low value on what I
am going to say, because the commands have
been given by me that now deliver thera to
you, nor because it is the tongue of a man
that delivers them to you ; but if you have a
due regard to the great importance of the
things themselves, you will understand the
greatness of him whose institutions they are,
and who has not disdained to communicate
them to me for our common advantage ; for
it is not to be supposed that the author of
these institutions is barely Moses, the son of
Amram and Jochebed, but he who obliged
the Nile to run bloody for your sakes, and
tamed the haughtiness of the Egyptians by
various sorts of judgments ; he who provid-
ed a way through the sea for us ; he who
contrived a method of sending us food from
heaven, when we were distressed for want of
It ; he who made the water to issue out of a
rock, when we had very little of it before ;
he by whose means Adam was made to par-
take of the fruits botli of the land and of the
sea ; he by whose means Noah escaped the
deluge ; he by whose means our forefather
Abraham, of a wandering pilgrim, was made
the heir of the land of Canaan ; he by vtiiosn
J-
86
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JliWS.
BOOK III.
means Isaac was born of parents that were
very old ; lie hy wliose means Jacob was adorn-
ed with twelve virtuous sons; he by whose
means Joseph became a potent lord over the
Ej_'yplians : he it is who conveys these instruc-
tions to you by me as his interpreter. And
let tliem be to you venerable, anil contended
for more earnestly by you than your own
children and your own wives , for if you will
follow them, you will lead a happy life ; you
will enjoy the land fruiifid, the sea calm, and
the fruit of the womb born complete, as na-
ture requires; you will be also terrible to
your enemies: for 1 have been admitted into
the presence of Cf od, and been made a hearer
of his incorruptible voice ; so great is his con-
cern for your nation, and its duration."
4. When lie had said this, lie brought the
people, with their wives and cIiiUlreii,'so near
the mountain, that they might hear God him-
self speaking to them about the precepts which
they were to practise ; that the energ) of what
should be spoken might not be hurt by its
utterance by that tongue of a man, which
could but imperfectly deliver it to their un-
derstanding. And they all heard a voice that
c.iiTie to all of them from above, insomuch
that no one of these words escaped them,
which Moses wrote on two tables ; which it is
not lawful for us to set down directly, but
tlieir import we will declare.*
5. The first commandment teaches us, That
there is but one God, and that we ought to
worship him only ; — the second commands
us not to make the image of any living crea-
ture to worship it ; — the third, That we must
not swear by God in a false matter ; — the
fourth, That we must keep the seventli day,
by resting from all sorts of work; — the fifth,
That we must honour our parents ; — the
sixth, That we must abstain from murder ; —
the seventh, That we must not commit adul-
tery ; — the eight)). That we must not be guil-
ty of theft;— the ninth. That we must not
bear false vvitness ; — tlie tenth, That we must
not admit of the desire of any thing that is
another's.
6. Now when the niultitude had heard God
himself giving those precepts which Moses
had discoursed oi, they rejoiced at what was
said • and the congregation was dissolved :
but on the following days they came to his
tent, and desired him to bring them, besides,
other laws from God. Accordingly he ap-
pointed such laws, and afterwards informed
them in what manner they sliould act in all
cases • which laws I shall make mention of
in their proper time ; but I shall reserve most
of those laws for another work,f and ir,ake
there a distinct explication of them.
• of this anil .viothc-r like superstitions notion nf the
I'liarisees, winch Jowjihus I'oinplic-U with, see the note
on \ntin. b. ii. chap, xii, sect. i.
\ Tills other woik of Josephus, here referred to,
seems to Ik- that which docs not appear to ha\c hetn
ever publlslied, which yet he intended to publish, about
7. When matters were brought to this state,
Moses went up again to mount Sinai, of which
he had told them beforehand. He made hia
ascent in their sight; and while he staid there
so long a time (for he was absent from them
forty days), fear seized upon the Hebrews,
lest Moses should liave come to any harm ;
nor vsas there any thing else so sad, and that
so much troubled them, as this su]>posal that
Moses was perished. N<nv there was a va-
riety in their sentiments about it ; some say-
ing that he was fallen among wild beasts;
and those that were of this opinion were
chiefly such as weie ill-disposed to him ; but
others said that he was departed, and gone
to God; but the wiser sort were led by their
reason to embrace neither of those opinions
with any natisfactioii, thinking, that as it was
a thing that sometimes happens to men to
fall among wild beasts, and perish tliat way,
so it was probable enough that he might de-
part and go to God, on account of his virtue;
they therefore were quiet, and expected the
event : yet were they exceeding sorry upon
the supposal that they were depi ived of a go-
vernor and a protector, such a one indeed as
they could never recover again ; nor would
this suspicion give them leave to expect any
comfortable event about this man, nor could
they prevent their trouble and melancholy
upon this occasion. However, the camp
durst not remove all this while, because I^Io-
ses had bidden them afore to stay there.
8. But when the forty days, and as many-
nights, were over, Moses came dow n, having
tasted nothing of food usually appointed for
the nourishment of men. His appearance
tilled the army with gladness, and he declared
to them what care God had of them, and by
what manner of conduct of their lives they
might live happily ; telling them, that during
these days of his absence he had suggested to
him also that he would have a tabernacle built
for him, into whicli he would descend when
he came to them; and how we should carry
it about with us when we remove from this
place; and that there would be no longer any
occasion for going up to mount Sinai, but
that he would himself come and pitch his ta-
bernacle amongst us, and be present at our
prayers; as also, that the tabernacle sliould be
of such measures and construction as he had
shown him; and that you are to fall to the
work, and prosecute it ililigcntly. When he
had said this, he showed them the two tables,
with tlie ten commandments engraven upon
them, five upon each table; and the writing
was by the hand of God.
the reasons of many of the laws of Moses : of whicli »e»
the note on the Preface, sect. \.
"V.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
87
CHAPTER VI.
CONCERNING THE TABERNACLE WHICH MOSES
BUILT IN THE WILDERNESS FOR THE HO-
NOUR OF GOD, AND WHICH SEEMED TO BE
A TEMPLE.
§ 1. Hereupon the Israelites rejoiced at what
they had seen and heard of their conductor,
and were not wanting in diligence according
to their ability ; for they brought silver, and
gold, and brass, and of the best sorts of wood,
and such as would not at all decay by putre-
faction ; camels' hair also, and sheep-skins,
some of them dyed of a blue colour, and
some of a scarlet ; some brought the flower
for the purple colour, and others for white,
with wool dyed by the flowers aforemention-
ed ; and fine linen and precious stones, which
those that use costly ornaments set in ouches
of gold ; they brought also a great quantity
of spices ; for of these materials did Moses
build the tabernacle, which did not at all dif-
fer from a moveable and ambulatory temple.
Now when these things were brought togetlier
with great diligence, (for every one was am-
bitious to further the work even beyond their
ability,) he set arcliitects over the works, and
this by the command of God ; and indeed the
very same which the people themselves would
have chosen, had the election been allowed to
them. Now their names are set down in
writing in the sacred books ; and they were
these : Besaleel the son of Uri, of the tribe
of Judah, the grandson of Aliriam, the sister
of their conductor; and Aholiab, the son of
Aliisamach, of the tribe of Dan. Now the
p ople went on with what they had under-
taken with so great alacrity, that Moses was
obliged to restrain them, by making procla-
mation, that what had been brought was suf-
ficient, as the artificers had informed him ; so
th(y fell to work upon the building of the
tatt^rnacle. Moses also informed them, ac-
001 ding to the direction of God, both what
the measures were to be, and its largeness ;
and how many vessels it ought to contain for
the use of tlie sacrifices. The women also
wei a ambitious to do their parts, about the
garments of the priests, and about other
things that would be wanted in this work,
both for ornament and for the divine service
itself.
2. Now when all things were prepared, the
gold, and the silver, and the brass, and what
wa? woven, Moses, when he had appointed
beforehand that there should be a festival, and
thai sacrifices should be offered according to
every one's ability, reared up the tabernacle ; *
and when he had measured the open court,
• Of this tabernacle of Moses, with its several parts
and furniture, see my description at large, chap, vi, vij,
Tiii, ix, X, xi, xii, liereto belonging.
fifty cubits broad and a hundred long, he set
up brazen pillars, five cubits high, twenty on
each of the longer sides, and ten pillars for
the breadth behind ; every one of the pillars
also had a ring. Their chapiters were of sil-
ver, but their bases were of brass : they re*
sembled the sharp ends of spears, and were
of brass, fixed into tiie ground. Cords were
also put through the rings, and were tied at
their farther ends to brass nails of a cubit
long, which, at every pillar, were driven into
the floor, and would keep the tabernacle from
being shaken by the violence of winds ; but
a curtain of fine soft linen went round all the
pillars, and hung down in a flowing and loose
manner from their chapiters, and enclosed the
whole space, and seemed not at all unlike to
a wall about it. And this was the structure of
three of the sides of this inclosure; but as for
the fourth side, which was fifty cubits in ex-
tent, and was the front of the whole, twenty
cubits of it were for the opening of tlie gates,
wherein stood two pillars on each side, after
the resemblance of open gates. These were
made wholly of silver, and polished, and that
all over, excepting the bases, which were of
brass. Now on each side of the gates there
stood three pillars, which were inserted into
the concave bases of the gates, and were suit-
ed to them ; and round them was drawn a
curtain of fine linen ; but to the gates them-
selves, which were twenty cubits in extent,
and five in height, the curtain was composed
of purple, and scarlet, and blue, and fine
linen, and embroidered with many and divers
sorts of figures, excepting the figures of ani-
mals. Within these gates was the brazen
laver for purification, having a basin beneath
of the like matter, whence the priests might
wash their hands and sprinkle their feet ; and
this was the ornamental construction of the
inclosure about the court of the tabernacle,
which was exposed to the open air.
3. As to the tabernacle itself, Moses placed
it in the middle of tliat court, with its front
to the east, that, wlien the sun arose, it might
send its first rays upon it. Its length, when
it was set up, was thirty cubits, and its
breadth was twelve [ten] cubits, Tlie one
of its walls was on the south, and the other
was exposed to the north, and on the back
part of it remained the west. It was neces-
sary that its height should be equal to its
breadth [ten cubits]. There were also pillars
made of wood, twenty on each side ; they
were wrought into a quadrangular figure, in
breadth a cubit and a half, but the tliickness
was four fingers ; they had thin plates of gold
affixed to them on both sides, inwardly and
outwardly : they had each of them two tenons
belonging to them, inserted into theit bases,
and these were of silver, in each of which
bases there was a socket to receive the tenon;
but the pillars on the west wall were six.
Now all these tenons and sockets accurately
88
ANTIQUITIKS OF THE JF-WS.
BOOK 111
fitted one nnotlicr, insomuch that the joints
were invisible, unci both seemed to be one
entire and united wall. It was also covered
with Rold, both within and without. The
number of pillars was ecjual on the opposite
sides, and there were on each part twenty,
and every one of them had the third jjart of
a span in thickness ; so that the number of
tliirty cubits were fully made up between
them; but as to the wail behind, where the
six pillars made up together oidy nine cu-
bits, they made two other pillars, and cut them
out of one cubit, which they placed in the
corners, and made them equally fine with the
other. Now every one of the pillars had rings
of gold affixed to their fronts outward, as if
they had taken root in the pillars, and stood
one row over against another round about,
through which were inserted bars gilt over
with gold, each of them five cubits long, and
these bound together the pillars, the head of
one bar running into another, after the nature
of one tenon inserted into another ; but for
the wall behind, there was but one row of
Oars that went through all the |)illars, into
which row ran the ends of the bars on each
side of the longer walls ; the male with its
female being so fastened in their joints, that
they held the whole firmly together ; and for
this reason was all this joined so fast together,
that the tabernacle might not be shaken, either
by the winds, or by any other means, but that
it might preserve itself quiet and immoveable
continually.
4. As for the inside, Moses parted its length
into three partitions. At the distance of ten
cubits from the most secret end, Moses placed
four pillars, the workmanship of which was
the very same with that of the rest ; and they
stood upon the like bases with them, each a
small matter distant from his fellow. Now
the room within those pillars was the most
holy place ; but the rest of the room was the
tabernacle, which was open for the priests.
However, this proportion of the measures of
the tabernacle proved to be an imitation of
the system of the world: for that third part
thereof which was within the four pillars, to
which the priests were not admitted, is, as it
were, a Heaven peculiar to God ; but the
space of the twenty cubits, is, as it were, sea
and land, on which men live, and so this part
is peculiar to the priests only : but at the
front, where the entrance was made, they
placed pillars of gold, that stood on bases of
brass, in number seven ; but then they sjiread
over the tabernacle veils of fine linen and
purple, and blue, and scarlet colours, embroi-
dered. The first veil was ten cubits every
way, and this they spread over the pillars
which parted the temple, and kei)t the most
holy place co:icealed within ; and this veil
was that which made this part not visible to
any. Now the whole temple was called The
Iluly Place; but that p-irt which was within
the four pillars, and to which none were ad-
mitted, was called The Holy of Jlolifs. This
veil was very ornamental, and embroidered
with all sorts of flowers which the earth pro-
duces; and there were interwoven into it all
sorts of variety that might be an ornament,
excepting the forms of animals. Another
veil there was which covered the five pillars
that were at the entrance. It was like the
former in its magnitude, and texture, and
colour; and at the corner of every pillar a
ring retained it from the top downwaids half
the depth of the pillars, the other half aflTord-
ing an entrance for the priests, who crept un-
der it. Over this there was A veil of linen,
of the same largeness with the former: it was
to be drawn this way or that way by lords,
the rings of which, fixed to the texture of the
veil, and to the cords also, were subservient
to the drawing and undrawing of the veil,
and to the fastening it at the corner, that then
it might be no hinderance to the view of tlie
sanctuary, especially on solemn days ; but that
on other days, and especially when the wea-
ther was inclined to snow, it might be ex-
panded, and afl'ord a covering to the veil of
divers colours ; whence that custom of ours
is derived, of having a fine linen veil, after
the temi)le has been built, to be drawn over
the entrances ; hut the ten other curtains were
four cubits in breadth, and twenty-eight in
length ; and had golden clasps, in order to
join the one curtain to the other, which was
done so exactly that they seemed to be one
entire curtain. These were spread over the
temple, and covered all the top and parts of
the walls, on the sides and behind, so far as
within one cubit of the ground. There were
other curtains of the same breadth with these,
but one more in number, and longer, for they
were thirty cubits long ; but these were woven
of hair, with the like subtilty as those of wool
were made, and were extended loosely down
to the ground, appearing like a triangulai
front and elevation at the gates, the eleventh
curtain being used for this very purpose.
'I'here were also other curtains made of skins
above these, which atl'orded covering and pro-
tection to those that were woven, both in hot
weather and when it rained ; and great was
the surprise of those who viewed these cur-
tjiins at a distimce, for they seemed not at all
to difler from the colour of the sky ; but those
that were made of hair and of skins, reached
down in the same manner as did tiie veil at
the gates, and ke|)t off the heat of the sun,
and what injury the rains might do ; and after
this manner was the tabernacle reared.
5. There was also an ark made, sacred to
God, of wood that was naturally strong, and
coukl not be corrupted. This was called Eron,
in our own langu;ige. Its construction was
thus ; Its length was five spans, but its breadth
and height was each of thein three spans.
It was covered all over with gold, both witli
CHAP. VII.
in and without, so that the wooden part was
not seen. It had also a cover united to it, by
golden hinges, after a wonderful manner;
which cover was every way evenly fitted to it,
and had no eminences to hinder its exact con-
junction. There were also two golden rings
belonging to each of the longer boards, and
passing through the entire wood, and through
them gilt bars passed along each board, that
it might thereby be moved and carried about,
as occasion should require ; for it was not
drawn in a cart by beasts of burden, but borne
on the shoulders of the priests. Upon this its
cover were two images, which the Hebrews
call Cherubims : they are flying creatures, but
their form is not like to that of any of the crea-
tures which men have seen, though Moses
said he had seen such beings near the throne
of God. In this ark he put the two tables
whereon the ten commandments were writ-
ten, five upon each table, and two and a half
upon each side of them : and this ark he plac-
ed in the most holy place.
6. But in the holy place he placed a table,
like those at Delphi : its length was two cu-
bits, and its breadth one cubit, and its height
three spans. It had feet also, the lower half
of which were complete feet, resembling those
which the Dorians put to their bedsteads ; but
the upper parts towards the table were wrought
into a square form. The table had a hollow
towards every side, having a ledge of four
fingers' depth, that went round about like a
spiral, both on the upper and lower part of the
oody of the work. Upon every one of the
feet was there also inserted a ring, not far
from the cover, through which went bars of
wood beneath, but gilded, to be taken out
upon occasion, there being a cavity where it
was joined to the rings ; for they were not en-
tire rings; but before they came quite round
they ended in acute points, the one of which
was inserted into the prominent part of the
table, and the other into the foot ; and by these
it was carried when they journej'ed. Upon
this table, which was placed on the north side
of the temple, not far from the most holy place,
were laid twelve unleavened loaves of bread,
six upon each heap, one above another : they
were made of two tenth-deals of the purest
flour, which tenth-deal [an omer] is a mea-
sure of the Hebrews, containing seven Athen-
ian cotyla; ; and above those loaves were put
two vials full of frankincense. Now after
seven days other loaves were brought in their
stead, on the day which is by us called the Sab-
bath ; for we call the seventh day the Sab-
bath. But for the occasion of this invention of
placing loaves here, we will speak to it in an-
other place.
7. Over against this table, near the south-
ern wall, was set a candlestick of cast gold,
hollow within, being of the weight of one
hundred pounds, which the Hebrews call
Chincliares ; if it be turned into the Greek Ian- I
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
89
■Y
guage, it denotes a talent. It was made with
its knops, and lilies, and pomegranates, and
bowls (which ornaments amounted to seventy
in all) ; by which means the shaft elevated it-
self on high from a single base, and spread it-
self into as many branches as there are pla-
nets, including the sun among them. It ter-
minated in seven heads, in one row, all stand-
ing parallel to one another; and these branches
carried seven lamps, one by one, in imitation of
the number of the planets. These lamps look •
ed to the east and to the south, the candle-
stick being situate obliquely.
8. Now between this candlestick and the
table, which, as we said, were within the sanc-
tuary, was the altar of incense, made of wood
indeed, but of the same wood of which the
foregoing vessels were made, such as was not
liable to corruption ; it was entirely crusted
over with a golden plate. Its breadth on each
side was a cubit, but the altitude double.
Upon it was a grate of gold, that was extant
above the altar, which had a golden crown en-
compassing it round about, whereto belonged
rings and bars, by which the priests carried it
when they journeyed. Before this tabernacle
there was reared a brazen altar, but it was
within made of wood, five cubits by measure
on each side, but its height was but three, in
like manner adorned with brass plates as
bright as gold. It had also a brazen hearth
of net-work ; for the ground underneath re-
ceived the fire from the hearth, because it had
no basis to receive it. Hard by this altar lay
the basins, and the vials, and the censers, and
the caldrons, made of gold ; but the other ves-
sels, made for the use of the sacrifices, were
all of brass. And such was the construction
of the tabernacle ; and these were the vessels
thereto belonjilnsr.
CHAPTER VII.
CONCERNING THE GARMENTS OF THE PRIESTS,
AND or THE HIGH-PRIEST.
§ 1. There were peculiar garments appoint-
ed for the priests, and for all the rest, which
they call Cahanace [priestly] garments, as also
for the high-priests, which they call Cahanace
JiabhcB, and denote the high-priest's garments.
Such was therefore the habit of the rest ; but
when the priest approaches the sacrifices, he
purifies himself with the purification which
the law prescribes ; and, in the first place, he
puts on that which is called Ulachannse, which
means somewhat that is fast tied. It is a girdle,
composed of fine twined linen, and is put a-
bout the privy parts, the feet being to be in-
serted into them, in the nature of breeches ;
but above half of it is cut oft, and it ends at
the thighs and is there tied fast
H
no
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
2. Over this lie wore a linen vestment, made
of fine flax (l(>iil>led : it is called Clttthnnc, and
denotes linen, for we rail linen by the name
of Clirthoiw. This vebtnient reaches down to
tlie Feet, and sits close to the body ; and has
sleeves that are tied fast to the arms ; it is
gilded to the breast a little above the elbows,
l)y a girdle often going round, four fingers
broad, but so loosely woven, tliaf you would
think it were the skin of a serpent. It is em-
broidered with flowers of scarlet, and purple,
and blue, and fine twined linen ; but the warp
vas nothing but fine linen. I'he beginning
of its circumvolution is at the breast; and
when it has gone often round, it is there tied,
and bangs loosely there down to the ancles :
I mean this, all the time the priest is not a-
bout any laborious service, for in this position
it appears in the most agreeable manner to the
spectators; but when he is obliged to assist
at the offering sacrifices, and to do the ap])oint-
ed service, that he may not be hindered in his
operations by its motion, he throws it to the
left, and bears it on his shoulder. Moses in-
deed calls this belt Abimelh ; but we have
learned from the Babylonians to call it Eniia,
for so it is by them called. This vestment
has no loose or hollow parts anywhere in it,
but only a narrow aperture about tlie neck ;
and it is tied with certain strings hanging
down from the edge over the breast and back,
and is fastened above each shoulder : it is call-
ed Mnxsabazaiies.
3. Upon his head he wears a cap, not
brought to a conic form nor encircling the
whole head, but still covering more than the
half of it, which is called Masnaeniphthes : and
its make is such that it seems to be a crown,
being made of thick swathes, but the contex-
ture is of linen ; and it is doubled round many
times, and sewed together: besides which, a
j>iece of fine linen covers the wliole cap from
the upper part, and reaches down to the fore-
head, and hides the seams of the swathes, which
would otherwise appear indecently ; this ad-
heres closely upon the solid part of the head,
and is thereto so firmly fixed, that it may
not fall off during the sacred service about
•>he sacrifices. So we have now shown you
what is the habit of the generality of the
priests.
4. The high-priest is indeed adorned with
the same garments that we have described,
without abating one; only over these he puts
on a vestment of a blue colour. This also is
a long robe, reaching to his feet [in our lan-
"ua^e it is c-alled Mceir], and is tied round
with a girdle, embroidered with the same co-
lours and flowers as the former, with a mixture
of gold interwoven. To the bottom of which
gannent are bung fringes, in colour like
pomegranates, with golden bells,* by a curi-
ous and beautiful contrivance; so that be-
• TliP use of tjic«- golilni bflls at Itic liottoiti of the
i>igh-iii icst's lonu if.iriiiciit, sccins to me u have Ixjcn this:
ROOK fll
twcen two bells hangs a pomegranate, and be-
tween two pomegranates a bell. Now this
vesture was not composed of two pieces, nor
was it sewed together upon the shoidders and
the sides, but it vv;is one long vestment so
woven as to have an aperture for the neck ;
not an obliijue one, but parted all along the
breast and the Inick. A border also was sew-
ed to it, lest the aperture shoidd look too in-
decently • it was also parted where the hands
were to come out.
5. Besides these, the high-priest put on a
third garment, which is called the Ephod,
which resembles the Epomis of the Greeks.
Its make was after this manner: it was wo-
ven to the depth of a cubit, of several colours,
with gold intermixed, and embroidered, but
it left the middle of th" breast uncovered : it
was made with sleeves also ; nor did it appear
■to be at all dill'erently made from a short coat.
But in the void place of this garment there
was inserted a piece of the bigness of a span,
embroidered with gold, and the other colours
of the ejihod, and was called Essen [the breast-
plate], which in the Greek language signifies
the Oracle. This piece exactly filled up the
void space in the ephod. It was united to it by
golden rings at every corner, the like rings
being annexed to the ephod, and a blue riband
was made use of to tie them together by those
rings : and that the space between the rings
might not appear empty, they contrived to fill
it up with stitches of blue ribands. There
were also two sardonyxes upon the ephod, at
the shoulders, to fasten it in the nature of but-
tons, having each end running to the sardo-
nyxes of gold, that they might be buttoned by
them. On these were engraven the names of
the sons of Jacob, in our own country letters,
and in our own tongue, six on each of the
stones, on either side; and the elder sons'
names were on the right shoulder. Twelve
stones also there were upon the breast-plate,
extraordinary in largeness and beauty ; and
they were an ornament not to be purchased
by men, because of their immense value.
These stones, however, stood in three rows,
by four in a row, and were inserted into the
breast-plate itself, and they were set in ouches
of gold, that were themselves inserted in the
breast-plate, and were so made that they might
not fall out. Now the first three stones were a
sardonyx, a topaz, and an emerald. The second
That by shaking his parmcnt at the time of hisofltring
incense in the temple, on the great day of expiation, or
at other proi>cr pcnoils of his saercd nnnislrations there,
on the great festivals, the jiooplc might have notice of
it, and might fall to their own prayers at the tniic of in-
cense, or other proper pcriiMis ; aiid so the whole con-
greganon might at once olTer those common ])ravers
jointly with the high priest himself to the Almighty,
bee Luke i, 10, Rev. viii. 3, i. Nor probably Is the
son of Sirach to be otherwise understmx!, when he says
of Aaron, the first high-priest, Ecclus. xlv. 9. " Aeid
(iod enc(>mpas.>.cil Aaron v>ith pomegranates, and with
many golden 1r-11s 'lumd nlxiut, that as he went the c
mi,;ht be a sound, niul a noise made that might be hdr*.
in the temple, for a memorial to tlie cluldicn of hit
people.*"
CHAP. VII.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEW'S.
91
row contained a carbuncle, a jasper, and a
sapphire. The first of the third row was a
ligure, then an amethyst, and the third an agite,
being the ninth of the whole number. Tlie
first of the fourth row was a chrysolite, the
next was an onyx, and then a beryl, which
was the last of all. Now the names of all
those sons of Jacob were engraven in these
stones, whom we esteem the heads of our tribes,
each stone having the honour of a name, in
the order according to which they were born.
And whereas the rings were too weak of them-
selves to bear the weight of the stones, they
made two other rings of a larger size, at the
edge of that part of the breast-plate which
reached to the neck, and inserted into the
very texture of the breast-plate, to receive
chains finely wrought, which connected them
with golden bands to the tops of the should,
ers, whose extremity turned backwards, and
went into the ring, on the prominent back
part of the ephod ; and this was for the secu-
rity of the breast-plate, that it might not fall
out of its place. There was also a girdle sew-
ed to the breast-plate, which was of the fore-
mentioned colours, with gold intermixed,
which, when it had gone once, round was tied
again upon the seam, and hung down. There
were also golden loops that admitted its fring-
es at each extremity of the girdle, and includ-
ed them entirely.
6. The high-priest's mitre v^as the same
that we described before, and was wrought
like that of all the other priests ; above which
there was another, with swathes of blue em-
broidered, and round it was a golden crown
polished, of three rows, one above another ;
out of which arose a cup of gold, which re-
sembled the herb which we call Sacckarus ;
but those Greeks that are skilful in botany
call it Hi/oscyatnus. Now, lest any one that
has seen this herb, but has not been taught its
name, and is unacquainted with its nature, or,
having known its name, knows not the herb
when he sees it, I shall give such as these are a
description of it. 'I'iiisherb isoftentimesintall-
ness above three spans, but its root is like that
of a turnip (for he that should compare it there-
to would not be mistaken) ; but its leaves are
like the leaves of mint. Out of its branches
it sends out a calyx, cleaving to the branch ;
and a coat encompasses it, which it naturally
puts oft" when it is changing, in order to pro-
duce its fruit. This calyx, is of the bigness
of the bone of the little finger, but in the com-
pass of its aperture is like a cup. Tliis I will
farther describe, for the use of those that are
unacquainted with it. Suppose a sphere be
divided into two parts, round at the bottom,
but having another segment that grows up to
a circumference from tliat bottom ; suppose
it become narrower by degrees, and that the i
cavitv of that part grow decentij' smaller, and i
then gradually grow wider again at the brim, [
such as we see in the navel of a pomegranate, |
with its notches. And indeed such a coat
grows over this plant as renders it an hemi-
sphere, and that, as one may say, turned ac-
curately in a lathe, and having its notches ex-
tant above it, which, as I said, grow like a
pomegranate, only that they are sharp, and
end in nothing but prickles. Now the fruit is
preserved by this coat of the calyx, which fruit
is like the seed of the herb Sideritis : it sends
out a flower that may seem to resemble that
of poppy. Of this was a crown made, as far
as from the hinder part of the head to each of
the temples ; but this Ephidis, for so this
calyx may be called, did not cover the fore-
head, but it was covered with a golden plate,*
which had inscribed upon it the name of God
in sacred characters. And such were the or-
naments of the high-priest.
7. Now here one may wonder at the ill-
will which men bear to us, and which they
profess to bear on account of our despising
that Deity which they pretend to honour ;
for if any one do but consider tlie fabric of
the tabernacle, and take a view of the gar-
ments of the high-priest, and of those vessels
which we make use of in our sacred minis-
tration, he will find that our legislator was a
divine man, and that we are unjustly re-
proached by others : for if any one do without
prejudice, and with judgment, look upon
these things, he will find they were every one
made in way of imitation and representation
of the universe. When Moses distinguished
the tabernacle into three parts,-|- and allowed
two of them to the priests, as a place accessi-
ble and common, he denoted the land and
the sea, these being of general access to all ;
but he set apart the third division for God,
because heaven is inaccessible to men. And
when he ordered twelve loaves to be set on the
table, he denoted the year, as distinguished
into so many months. By branching out the
candlestick into seventy parts, he secretly in-
timated the Decani, or seventy divisions of
the planets ; and as to the seven lamps upon
the candlesticks, they referred to the course
of the planets, of which that is the number.
Tiie vails, too, which were composed of four
things, they declared the four elements; for
the fine linen was proper to signify the
earth, because the flax grows out of the earth;
the purple signified the sea, because that co-
lour is dyed by the blood of a sea shell-fish ;
* The reader ought to take notice here, that the very
Mosaic Petalon, or golden plate, for the forehead of llie
Jewish high-priest, was itself preserved, not oniy till the
daysof Joscphus, butof Origeii ; and that its inscription.
Holiness tn the Lord, was ui the Samaritan characters.
— SeeAntiq. b. viii, ch. iii, sect. 8, Essav on the Old
Test. p. 154, and Rcland. I)e Spol. Templi, p. ]5'>.
+ When Josephus, both hare and chap. vi. sect. 4,
supposes the tabernacle to have been parted into three
parts, he seems to esteem the bare entrance to be a third
division, distinct from the holy and the most holy pluces;
and this the rather, be<ause in the temple afterward thorp
was a real distmt>t third part, which was called the Porch :
otherwise Josephus would contradict his own <leseription
of the tabernacle, which gives us a particular accouul of
no more than two parti.
92
ANTIQUITIES OF TIIK JKWS.
rlie blue is fit to Mignify the nir ; and the
scarli'l u'ill naturally hi- an indication of firt-.
Now llii' VLStiniiit of till- lii';ti.|)iit'Sl hoinj^
made ol' linen, sif^niliud the earth ; the blue
denoted the sk.y, being lik»; lightning in its
pomegranates, and in the noise of the bells
resembling thunder. And for the e|)hod, it
showed that God had made the universe of
four [elements] ; and as for tlie gold inter-
woven, I KU))posc it related to the splendour
by which all things are enlightened. He
also apjioiiited the breast-plate to be placed
in the middle of the ei)iiod, to resemble the
earth, for that has the very middle place of
the world. And the girdle « Iiich enconipassed
the high-priest rotmd, signified the ocean,
for that goes round about and includes the
universe. Each of the saidonyxes declares
to us the sun and the moon ; those, I mean,
that were in the nature of buttons on the
higb-pricst's shoulders. And for the twelve
stones, whether we understand by them the
months, or whether we understand the like
number of the signs of that circle which the
Greeks call the Zodiac, vve shall not be mis-
taken in their meaning. And for the mitre,
which was of a blue colour, it seems to me
to mean heaven ; for liow othcnvise could the
name of God be inscribed upon it ? TLat it
was also illustrated with a crown, and that of
gold also, is because of that splendour with
which God is pleased. Let this explication*
suffice at present, since the course of my nar-
ration will often, and on many occasions,
aflbrd me the opportunity of enlarging upon
tiie virtue of our legislator.
CHAPTER vni.
OF THE PRIESTHOOD OF AARON.
§ 1. When what has been described was
brought to a conclusion, gifts not being yet
presented, God appeared to Moses, and en-
joined hiin to bestow the high-priesthood upon
Aaron his brother, as upon him that best of
• This cxpliration of the mystical meaning of the
Jewish Uibeinr.cle and its vessels, witli the gariiu-nts of
the higli-iiricst, is taken out of I'hilo, and littcd to Ccn-
tile pliilosoiihieal notions. This may possibly be for-
given in Jews, ^'really verseil in heathen Itarniiig and
philosophy, as Philo had ever Ijccn, and as Jo.'Ci)hiis
nad long boon when he wrote these Antiquities. In the
mean tunc, it is not to be doubted, but in tlicir cdu-
catiou they must have both Icnnicd more Jewish inter-
pretations, sueh as we meet with in the Epistle of Har-
iiabas, in that to the Hebrews, and elsewhere among the
old Jews. Aecordingly when Josephus wrote his bonks
of the Jewish War, lor the use ol the Jews, at wliiih
time he was comparatively young, and less u>cd to (Un-
tile books, we tiud one sixx-imen of sueh a Jewish in-
terpretation ; for there (b. vii, eh. v, sect. !>,) he makes
the seven branches of the temp'.e-candlestiik, wiih
tlieir seven lamps, an emblem of the seven days of
creation and rest, which arc here emblems of the seven
planets. Nor certainly ought ancient Jewish en\blems
to be explained any other way than according to ancient
Jewish, mid not (ieutUe, notions. See of tlie \\ ar, b.
i, eh. xxxiii, sect. 2.
BOOK III.
them all deserved to obtain that honour, ot>
account of his virtue. And when he hud
gathered the multitude together, lie gave
them an account of Aaron's virttie, nutl of
ills good-will to them, and of the dangers he
had undergone for tJieir sakes. Upon viiich,
when they had given testimony to him in alt
respects, and showed their readiness to receive
him, IVIoses said to them, " O you Israelites,
this work is already brought to a conclusion, in
a manner most acceptable to God, and accord-
ing to our abilities. And now sitice you see
that he is received into this tabernacle, we
shall first of all stand in need of one that may
officiate for us, and may minister to the sacri-
fices, and to the prayers that are to be put up
for us; and indeed had the inquiry after sucfl
a person been left to me, 1 should liave
thought myself wortliy of this honour, both
because all men are naturally fond of them-
selves, and because I am conscious to myself
that I have taken a great deal of pains for
your deliverance ; but now God himself liaa
determined tliat Aaron is worthy of this ho-
nour, and has chosen him for his priest, as
knowing liim to be the most righteous person
among you. So that he is to put on the vest-
ments whicli are consecrated to God ; he is
to iiave the care of the altars, and to make
provision for the sacrifices ; and he it is that
must put up prayers for you to God, who w ill
readily hear them, not only because he is
himself solicitous for your nation, but also
because he will receive them as ofl'ered by
one that lie hath himself cliosen to this
office, "t The Hebrews were pleased witli
what was said, and they gave their approba-
tion to him whom God had ordained ; for
Aaron was, of thein all, the most deserving
of this honour, on account of his own stock
and gift of prophecy, and his brother's virtue.
He had at that time four sons, Nadab, Abi-
hu, Eleazer, and Ithamar.
2. Now Moses commanded tliem to make
use of all the utensils which were more tfian
were necessary to the structure of the taber-
nacle, for covering the tabernacle itself, the
candlestick, and altar of incense, and the other
vessels, that they might not be at all hurt
when they journeyed, either by the rain, or
by the rising of the dust. And when he had
gathered the inultitude together again, he or-
dained that they should offer half a shekel
for every man, as an oblation to God ; which
shekel is a piece among the Hebrews, and is
equal to four Atlieiiian drachma;. J Where-
f It is well worth our observation, that the two prin-
cipal (jualifieations reciuiiiil in this section, for Iho con-
stitution of the lirst nigh-priest, (\iz. that he should
have an excellent character for virtuous and gocxl ai^
tioiis; as also that he should haw the approbation of
the people,) are here iioicd bv Josephus, even where tlip
nomination Ix'longcd to iJcxI fiiniself ; which arc the very
same qualifications which the Christian religion n-quiies
in the choice of Christian bishops, priests, anil deacons;
as the Aiiostolieal Const ituLions inform us, b. ii.ehap. iii.
}; Thisweipht and \alue of the Jewish shekel, in the
davs of JoseiMius. equal to about 'Js. lUd. (torling, is, bv
"l
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. VIM.
upon they readily obeyed what Moses had
commanded ; and the number of the offerers
was six hundred and five thousand five hun-
dred and fifty. Now this money that was
brought by the men that were free, was given
by such as were above twenty years old, but
under fifty ; and what was collected was spent
in the uses of the tabernacle.
3. Moses now purified the tabernacle and
the priests ; which purification was performed
after the following manner : — He commanded
them to take five hundred shekels of choice
myrrh, an equal quantity of cassia, and half
the foregoing weight of cinnamon and cala-
mus (tliis last is a sort of sweet spice) ; to
beat them small, and wet them with an hin of
oil of olives (an liin is our own country mea-
sure, and contains tvi'o Athenian choas, or
congiuses) ; then mix them together, and boil
them, and prepare them after the art of the
apothecary, and make them into a very sweet
ointment ; and afterward to take it to anoint
and to purify the priests themselves, and all the
tabernacle, as also the sacrifices. There were
also many, and those of various kinds, of
sweet spices, that belonged to the tabernacle,
and such as were of very great price, and were
brought to the golden altar of incense, the na-
ture of which I do not now describe, lest it
should be troublesome to my readers ; but in-
cense • was to be oflTered twice a-day, both
before sun-rising and at sun-setting. They
were also to keep oil already purified for the
lamps ; three of which were to give light all
day long,-|- upon the sacred candlestick, before
God, and the rest were to be lighted at the
evening.
4. Now all was finished. Besaleel and
Aholiab appeared to be the most skilful of
the workmen ; for they invented finer works
than what others had done before them, and
were of great abilities to gain notions of what
they were formerly ignorant of; and of these,
Besaleel was judged to be the best. Now
the whole time they were about this work was
the interval of seven months ; and after this
it was that was ended the first year since their
departure out of Egypt. But at the beginning
of the second year, on the month Xanlldcus,
as the Macedonians call it, but on the month
Nisan. as the Hebrews call it, on the new
moon, they consecrated the tabernacle, and
all its vessels, which I have already described.
the learned Jews, owned to be one-fifth larger than were
their old shekels ; which determination agrees perfectly
with the remaining shekels that have Samaritan inscrip-
tions, coined generally by Siraon the Maccabee.about 230
years before Josephus published his Antiquities, which
iiever weigh more than 2s. 4|d., and comraouly but 2s.
4|d. See Keland De Nummis Samaritanorum, p. 18S.
* The incense was here offered, according to Jose-
phus's opinion, before sun-rising, and at sun -setting ; but
m the days of Pompey, according to the same Josephus,
the saciiifices were offered in the morning, and at the
ninth hour. Antiq. b. xiv, ch. iv, sect. 5.
t Hence we may correct the opinions of the modem
Rabbins, who say that only one of the seven lamps
burned in the day-time ; whereas our Josephus, an eye-
witneis, says there were three.
93
5. Now God showed himself pleased with
the work of the Hebrews, and did not permit
their labours to be in vain ; nor did he dis-
dain to make use of what they had made, but
he came and sojourned with them, and pitcli-
ed his tabernacle in tlie holy house. And in
the following manner did he come to it : —
The sky was clear, but there was a mist over
the tabernacle only, encompassing it, but not
with such a very deep and thick cloud as is
seen in the winter season, nor yet in so thin a
one as men might be able to discern any thing
tiirough it ; but from it there dropped a sweet
dew, and such a one as showed the presence
of God to those that desired and believed it,
6. Now when Moses had bestowed such
honorary presents on the workmen, as it was
fit they should receive, who had wrought so
well, he offered sacrifices in the open court oi
the tabernacle, as God commanded him j a
bull, a ram, and a kid of the goats, for a
sin-offering. Now I shall speak of what we
do in our sacred oflSces in my discourse about
sacrifices ; and therein shall inform men in
what cases Moses bid us offer a whole burnt-
offering, and in what cases the law permits us
to partake of them as of food. And when
Moses had sprinkled Aaron's vestments, him
self, and his sons, with the blood of the beasts
that were slain, and had purified them with
spring waters and ointment, they became
God's priests. After this manner did he con-
secrate them and their garments for seven
days together. The same he did to the taber-
nacle, and the vessels thereto belonging, botli
with oil first incensed, as I said, and with the
blood of bulls and of rams, slain day by day
one, according to its kind. But on the eighth
day he appointed a feast for the people, and
commanded them to offer sacrifice according
to their ability. Accordingly they contended
one with another, and were ambitious to ex-
ceed each other in the sacrifices which they
brought, and so fulfilled Moses's injunctions.
But as the sacrifices lay upon the altar, a sud-
den fire was kindled from among them of its
own accord, and appeared to the sight like
fire from a flash of lightning, and consumed
whatsoever was upon the altar.
7. Hereupon an affliction befel Aaron, con-
sidered as a man and a father, but was un-
dergone by him with true fortitude ; for he
had indeed a firmness of soul in such acci-
dents, and he thought this calamity came up
on him according to God's will : for whereas
he had four sons, as I said before, the two
elder of them, Nadab and Abihu, did not
bring those sacrifices which Moses bade them
bring, but which they used to offer formerly,
and were burnt to death. Now when the fire
rushed upon them, and began Xo burn them,
nobody could quench it. Accordingly they
died in this manner. And 3Ioses bid their
father and their brethren to t.^ke up their
bodies, to carry them out of the camp, and to
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
bury tliem magnificently. Now the multi-
tude lamented them, and were deeply affected
at this tlieir death, which so unexpectedly be-
fel them. But Moses entreated their breth-
ren and their father not to be troubled for
them, and to prefer the honour of Go<l before
iheir grief about them ; for Aaron had already
put on his sacred garments.
8. But Moses refused all that honour which
he saw the multitude ready to bestow upon
him, and attended to nothing else but the ser-
vice of God. He went no more up to mount
Sinai ; but he went into the tabernacle, and
brought back answers from God for what he
prayed for. His habit was also that of a pri-
vate man ; and in all other circumstances he
behaved himself like one of the common peo-
ple, and was desirous to appear without dis-
tinguishing himself from the multitude, but
would have it known that he did nothing else
but take care of them. He also set down in
writing the form of their government, and those
laws, by obedience whereto they would lead
their lives so as to please God, and so as to
have no quarrels one among another. How-
ever, the laws he ordained were such as God
suggested to him ; so I shall now discourse
concerning that form of government, and
those laws.
9. I will now treat of what I before omit-
ted, the garment of the high-priest : for lie
[Moses] left no room for the evil practices of
[false] prophets ; but if some of that sort
should attempt to abuse the divine authority,
he left it to God to be present at his sacrifices
when he pleased, and when he pleased to be
absent.* And he was willing this should be
known, not to the Hebrews only, but to those
foreigners also who were there. For as to
those stones, f which we told you before, tlie
* Of this strange expression, that Moses ' left it to
God to be present at his sacrifices when he pleased, and
when he pleased to be absent,' see the note on b. ii,
aganist Apion, sect. 16.
t These answer.s by the oracle of Urim and Thiira-
mim, which words signify light and perfection, or, as
the Septuagint render tliem, revelation and truth, and
denote nothing further, that I see, but the shining stones
themseh es, which were used, in this method of illumin-
ation, in revealing the will of God, after a perfect and
true manner, to his people Israel: 1 say, these answers
were not made by the shining of the precious stones,
after an awkward manner, iu the high-priest's breast-
plate, as the modern Rabbins vainly supjiose ; for cer-
tainly the shining of the stones might ))receiie or ac-
company the oracle, without itself delivering that ora-
cle (see Xntiq. b, vi, chap, vi, sect, i), but rather by an
audible \-oice from the mercy-seat between the cheVu-
bims. See Prideaux's Connect, at the year 3.14. This
oracle had been silent, as Josephus here informs us, two
hundred years before he wrote his Antiquities, or ever
since the days of the last good high-priest of the family
of the Maccabees, John llyrcanus. Now it is here very
well worth our observation, that the oracle before us was
that by which God appeared to be present with, and gave
directions to, liis people Israel as their king, all the while
they submitted to him in that capacity ; and did not set
over thera such indepenilent kings as govenied accord-
ing to their own wills and political maxims, instead of
divine directions. Accordingly we meet with this ora-
cle (besides angelic and prophetic admonitions) ail along
from the days of Moses and Joshua to the anointing of;
Saul, the first of the succession of the kings (Numb, i
xxvii, '_'!; lush, vi, C, A:c. ; xix, 50; Judges, i, 1; xviii, 4, 1
S, C, 3<', 51 ; XX, IS, i.j, 26', 27, ^8 ; xxi, 1, &c ; 1 Sam. i.
high-priest bare on his shoulders, which were
sardonyxes (and I think it needless to describe
their nature, they being known to every body),
the one of them shined out when God was
present at their sacrifices ; I mean that which
was in the nature of a button on his right
shoulder, bright rays darting out thence, and
being seen even by those that were most re-
mote ; which splendour yet was not before
natural to the stone. Iliis has appeared a
I 17, 18; lii, per tot. iv, per tot.) ; nay, till Saul's rejec
tion of the divine commands in the war with Amalek,
when he took upon him to act as he thought fit (1 Sam.
xiv, 3, 18, 19, 36, 37), then this oracle left Saul entirely
(which indeed he had seldom consulted before, 1 Sam.
xiv, 35 ; 1 Chron. x, 14 ; xiii, 3, Antiq. b. vii, ch. iv,
sect -') and accompanied David, who was anointed to
succeed him, and who consulted God by it frequently,
and complied with its directions constantly (1 Sam. xiv,
3", 41 ; XV, 2<) ; xxi), 13, 15; xxiii. 9, 10; xxx, 7, S, i8;
2 Sam. ii, 1 ; v, 19, 23 ; xxi, 1 ; xxiii, 14 ; I Chron xiv,
10, 14; Antiq. b. vi, chap, xii, sect. 3). Saul, indeed,
lung after his rejection by God, and when God had given
him up to destruction for his disobedience, did once al
terwards endeavour to consult God when it wa., too late
but God would not then answer him, neither by dreams
nor by Urim, nor by proi>heti (1 Sam. xxviii, 61. No
did any of David's successors, the kings of Judah, that
we know of, consult God by this oracle, till the very
Babylonish captivity itself, when those kings were at an
end; they taking upon them, I suppose, too much of
despotic power and royalty, and too little owning the
t5ou of Israel for the supreme King of Israel, though a
few of them consulted the prophets sometimes, and wera
answered by them. At the return of the two tribes, with
out the return of the kingly government, the restoration
of this oracle was expected (.Neh. vii, 1 3 ; 1 Esd. v, 40; 1
Mace iv, 46; xiv, 41). And indeed it may seem to have
been restored for some time after the Babylonish capti-
vity, at least in the days of that excellent high-priest,
John HyTcanus, whom Josephus esteemed as a king, a
priest, and a prophet; and who, he says, foretold seve-
j ral things that came to pass accordingly ; but about the
[ time of his death, he here implies, that this oracle quite
ceased, and not before. The follo» ing high-priest* now
putting diadems on their heads, and ruling according to
their own will, and by their own authority, hke the other
kings of the Pagau countries about theni ; so that while
the God of Israel was allowed to be the supreme King
of Israel, and his directions to be their autJientic guides,
God gave them such directions as their supreme king
and go\ enior; and they were properly under a theocracy,
by this oracle of Urim, but no longer (see Dr. Bernard's
notes here) ; though 1 confess 1 cannot but esteem the
high-priest Jaddu?s divine dream (Antiq. b. xi, chap.
viii, sect. 4), and the high-priest C'aiaphas's most remark-
able prophecy (John xi, 47 — ^''2), as two small remains or
specimens of this ancient oracle, which properlv belong-
ed to the Jewish high-priests: nor perhaps ought ween-
tirely to forget that eminent prophetic dream of our
Josephus himself (one next to a high-priest, as of the
family of the Asamoneans or Maccabees), as to the suc-
cession of Vespasian and I'itus to the Koman empire
and that in the days of Nero, and before either Galba,
Otho, or Vitellius were thought of to succeed him. (Of
the War, b. iii, chap, viii, sect. 9.) This, I think, may
well be looked on as the very last instance of any thing
like the prophetic Urim among the Jewish nation, and
jUbt preceded their fatal desolation: but how it could
possibly come to pass that such great men as Sir Jolui
Marshain and Dr. Spenser, should imagine that this
oracle of Urim and 1 nuinmim, with other practices as
old or older than the law of Moses, should have been
ordained in imitation of somewhat like them among the
Egy ptians, which we never hear of till the days of Dio-
dorus Siculus, iElian, and Mmiiionides, or little earlier
than the Christian era at the highest, is almost un<ic-
countable; while the main business of the law of Mose«
was evidently to pieserie the Israelites from the idola-
trous and superstitious practices of the neighbouring
Pagan nations; and while it is so undeniable, that the
evidence for the great antiquity of Moses's law is incom-
parably beyond that fur the like or greater antiqiiitv ot
such customs in Egypt or other nations, which indeed
is generally none at all, it is most absurd to dirive any
of Moses's laws from the iimtation of those heallu-n
practices. Such hypothi'scs demonstrate to us how far
inclination can prevail ov er cMdcnce, m even iouie oi
the most learned part of mankind.
"V.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
95
wonderful thing to such as have not so far
indulged themselves in philosophy, as to de-
spise Divine Revelation. Yet will I mention
wliat is still more wonderful than this: for God
declared beforehand, by those twelve stones
which the high-priest bare on his breast, and
win'cli were inserted into his breast-plate,
when they should be victorious in battle ; for
so great a splendour shone forth from them
before the army began to march, that all the
people were sensible of God's being present
for their assistance. Whence it came to pass
that those Greeks, who had a veneration for
our laws, because they could not possibly
contradict this, called that breast-plate the
(h-acle. Now this breast-plate, and this sar-
donyx, left off shining two hundred years be-
fore I composed this book, God having been
displeased at the transgressions of his laws. Of
which things we shall further discourse on a
fitter opportunity ; but I will now go on with
my proposed narration.
10. The tabernacle being now consecrated,
and a regular order being settled for the
priests, the multitude judged that God now
dwelt among them, and betook themselves to
sacrifices and praises to God, as being now
delivered from all expectation of evils, and
as entertaining a hopeful prospect of better
times hereafter. They offered also gifts to
God, some as common to the whole nation,
and others as peculiar to themselves, and
these tribe by tribe ; for the heads of the
tribes combined together, two by two, and
brought a waggon and a yoke of oxen. These
amounted to six, and they carried the taber-
nacle when they journeyed. Besides which,
each head of a tribe brought a bowl, and a
charger, and a spoon, of ten darics, full of
incense. Now the charger and the bowl were
of silver, and together they weighed two hun-
dred shekels, but the bowl cost no more than
seventy shekels ; and these were full of fine
ftour mingled with oil, such as they used on
.<he altar about the sacrifices. They brought
also a young bullock, and a ram, with a lamb
of a year old, for a whole burnt-offering ; as
also a goat for the forgiveness of sins. Every
one of the heads of the tribes brought also
other sacrifices, called peace-offerings for every
day two bulls, and five rams, with lambs of
a year old, and kids of the goats. These
beads of tribes were twelve days in sacrificing,
one sacrificing every day. Now Moses went
no longer up to mount Sinai, but went into
the tabernacle, and learned of God what they
were to do, and what laws should be made ;
which laws were preferable to what have been
devised by human understanding, and proved
to be firmly observed for all time to come, as
being believed to be the gift of God, inso-
much that the Hebrews did not transgress
any of those laws, either as tempted in times
of peace by luxury, or in times of war by dis-
tress of affairs. But I say no more here con-
cerning them, because I have resolved to com-
pose anotlier work concerning our laws.
CHAPTER IX.
THE MANNER OF OUK OFFERING SACRIFICES.
§ 1. I WILL now, however, make mention of
a few of our laws which belong to purifica-
tions, and the like sacred offices, since I am
accidentally come to this matter of sacrifices.
These sacrifices were of two sorts ; of those
sorts one was offered for private persons, and
the other for the people in general ; and tliey
are done in two different ways : in the onr
case, what is slain is burnt, as a whole burnt-
offering, whence that name is given to it ; but
the other is a thank-offering, and is designed
for feasting those that sacrifice. I will speak
of the former. Suppose a private man offer
a burnt-offering, he must slay either a bull, a
lamb, or a kid of the goats, and the two latter
of the first year, though of bulls he is per-
mitted to sacrifice those of a greater age ; but
all burnt-offerings are to be of males. When
they are slain, the priests sprinkle the blood
round about the altar : they then cleanse the
bodies, and divide them into parts, and salt
them with salt, and lay them upon the altar,
while the pieces of wood are piled one upon
another, and the fire is burning ; they next
cleanse the feet of the sacrifices and the in-
wards in an accurate manner, and so lay them
to the rest to be purged by the fire, while
the priests receive the hides. This is the way
of offering a burnt-offering.
2. But those that offer thank-offerings do
indeed sacrifice the same creatures, but such
•as are unblemished, and above a year old ;
however, they may take either males or fe
males. They also sprinkle the altar with their
blood; but they lay upon the altar the kid-
neys and the caul, and all the fsK, and the
lobe of the liver, together with the rump of
the lamb ; then, giving the breast and the
right shoulder to the priests, the offerers feast
upon the remainder of the flesh for two days ;
land what remains they burn.
I 3. The sacrifices for sins are offered in the
same manner as is the thank-offering. But
. those who are unable to purchase complete
sacrifices, offer two pigeons, or turtle doves;
the one of which is made a burnt-offering to
God, the other they give as food to the priests.
But we shall treat more accurately about the
oblation of these creatures in our discourse
concerning sacrifices. But if a person fall
into sin by ignorance, he offers an ewe lan;b, or
a female kid of the goats, of the same age ;
and the priests sprinkle the blood at the altar,
not after the former manner, but at the corners
of it. They also bring the kidneys and the
rest of tlie fat, togetlicr with the lobe ol the
r
.J-
96
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK III
liver, to the altar, while the priests bear away
tlie hides and the flesh, and spend it in the
holy place, on the same day ;• for the law
docs not permit them to leave of it until tlie
rnornini;. Hut if any one sin, and is conscious
of it himself, hut hath nobody that can prove
it upon him, he ofVcrs a ram, the law enjoin-
ing lum so to do ; the flesh of which the priests
eat, as beft)re, in the holy place, on the same
day. And if the rulers oiler sacrifices for
their sins, they bring the .same oblations that
private men do ; only they so far ditfer, that
they are to bring for sacrifices a bull or a kid
of tite goats, both males.
4. Now the law requires, both in private
and public sacrifices, tiiat the finest flour be
also brouglit ; for a lamb the measure of one
tenth deal, — for a ram two, — and for a bull
three. This they consecrate upon the altar,
when it is mingled with oil; for oil is also
brought by those that sacrifice; for a bull the
half of an hin, and for a ram the third part of
the same measure, and one quarter of it for
a lamb. This hin is an ancient Hebrew mea-
sure, and is equivalent to two Athenian choas
(or congiuses). They bring the same quantity
of oil which they doof wine, and they pour the
wine about the altar; but if any one does not
offer a complete sacrifice of animals, but brings
fine flour only for a vow, he throws a handful
upon the altar as its first fruits, while the priests
take the rest for their food, either boiled or
mingled with oil, but made into cakes of bread.
But whatsoever it be that a priest himself of-
fers, it must of necessity be all burnt. Now
the law forbids us to sacrifice any animal at
the same time with its dam : and, in other
cases, not till the eighth day after its birth.
Other sacrifices there are also appointed for
escaping distempers, or for other occasions, in
which meat-otferings are consumed, together
with the animals that are sacrificed ; of whicl
it is not lawful to leave any part till the next
day, only the priests are to take their own
share.
CIIAPTER X.
CONCERNING THE KESTIVALS ; ANU HOW EACH
UAV OE SUCH EESTIVAL IS TO BE OUSEUVED.
§ 1. The law requires, that out of the pub-
lic expenses a lamb of the first year be killed
every day, at the beginning and at the ending
• What Rclaiul well ol>sor\ c-s liere, out of Joscjihus,
as coiri|)artHl wiih the law of Mosi-s, Lev. vii, I.i (that
the i-iitiDp of the saci ilicc the Baiue ilay it was ofl'erecl,
Bccnis to mean only Ix^lorc the iiiomiiiB of the next, al-
thoiij;li the latter part, i. r. the nij;lit, hi- in striitiicss
part of the next day, aceording to ihi- Ji-wish rtvkoniiif^)
IS greatly to lxM>bscTve(l upon other oiv.usions also, 'i'he
Jewish n.axiin, in such caass,, it seems, is this: I'hat t!ie
(lay goes Ixifore the night ; anri this ap|>ears tu me to be
the language both of llicUld and New Tcstani<;nt. Sim
also the note on Antiq. b. iv, eh. iv, sect. ^, and Uelnnd':
nute OQ b. Iv, chap. vUi, sect SiU.
of the day ; but on the seventh day, which is
called the SabbtUb, they kill two, and sacrifice
them in the same mamicr. At the new moon,
they both perform the daily sacrifices, and slay
two bulls, with seven lambs of the first year,
and a kid of the goats also, for the expiation
of sins; that is, if they have sinned through
ignorance,
2. Hut on the seventh month, which the
Macedonians call Hi/perberetanis, they mak<
an addition to those already mentioned, and
sacrifice a bull, a ram, and seven lambs, and
a kid of the goats, for sins.
3. On the tenth day of the same lunar
month, they fast till the evening ; and this day
they sacrifice a bull, and two rams, and seven
lambs, and a kid of the goats, for sins. And,
besides these, they bring two kids of the goats;
tlie one of which is sent alive out of the limits
of the camp into the wilderness for tke scape
goat, and to be an expiation for the sins of the
whole multitude ; but the other is brought
into a j)lace of great cleanness within the li-
mits of the camp, and is there burnt, with its
skin, without any sort of cleansing. With
this goat was burnt a bull, not brought by the
people, but by the high-priest, at his own
charges ; which, when it was slain, he brought
of the blood into the holy place, together with
the blood of the kid of the goats, and sprinkled
the ceiling with his finger seven times, as also
its pavement, and again as often toward the
most holy place, and about the golden altar :
he also at last brings it into the open court,
and sprinkles it about the great altar. Besides
this, they set the extremities, and the kidneys,
and the fat, with the lobe of the liver, upon
the altar. The high-priest likewise presents
a ram to God as a burnt-ofl'ering.
4. Upon the fifteenth day of the same
month, when the season of the year is chang-
ing for winter, the law enjoins us to pitch ta-
bernacles in every one of our houses, so that
we preserve ourselves from the cold of that
time of the year; as also that when we should
arrive at our own country, and come to that
city which we should have then for our metro-
polis, because of the temple therein to be built,
and keep a festival for eight days, and ofl'ei
burnt-olierings, and sacrifice thank-offerings,
that we should then carry in our hands a
branch of myrtle, and willow, and a bough of
the palm-tree, witli the addition of the pome-
citron. That the burnt-offering on the first
of those days was to be a sacrifice of thirteen
bulls, and fourteen lambs, and fifteen rams,
with the addition of a kid of the goats, as an
expiation for sins: and on the t'ollouing days
the same number of lambs, and of rams, with
the kids of the goats; but abating one of the
bulls every day till they amounted to seven
only. On the eiglnh day all work was laid
aside, and then, as we said before, they sacri-
ficed to God a bullock, a ram, and seven lambs,
with a kid of the goat^, for an expiation of
•V
CHAP, XI.
ANTIQUITIES 01' THE JEWS.
97
sins. Anil this is the accustomed solemnity
of the Heljiews, when they pitch their taber-
nacles.
5. In the month of Xanthicus, which is hy
us calletl \tsan, and is tlie beginning of our
yt-ar, on tiie fourteenth day of the lunar niontli,
when the sun is in Aries (for in this month it
was that we were delivered from bondage un-
der the Egyptians), tlie law ordained that we
should every year slay that sacrifice which I
hefore told you we slew when we came out of
Egypt, and which was called the Passover;
and so we do celebrate this passover in com-
panic'^, leaving nothing of what we sacrifice
till the day following. The feast of unleav-
ened liread succeeds that of the passover, and
falls on the lifteenth day of the month, and
continues seven days, wherein they feed on
jnleavened bread ; on every one of wliich days
two bulls are killed, and one ram, and seven
lambs. Now these lambs are entirely burnt,
besides the kid of the goats which is added to
nil the rest, for sins ; for it is intended as a
feast for tlie priest on every one of those days.
But on the second day of unleavened bread,
which is the sixteenth day of the month, they
first partake of the fruits of the earth, for be-
fore that day they do not touch them. And
while they su|>pose it proper to honour God,
from whom they obtain this plentiful provision,
•n the first place, they oiTer the tirst-fruits of
their barley, and that in the manner following:
They take a handful of the ears, and dry them,
then beat them small, and purge the barley
from the bran ; they then bring one tenth deal
to the allar, to God ; and, casting one handful
of it upon the fire, they leave the rest for the
use of '.he priest; and after this it is that tliey
may publicly or privately reap their harvest.
They also at this participation of the first-fruits
of the earth, sacrifice a lamb, as a burnt-ofler-
ing to God.
6. When a week of weeks has passed over
after this sacrifice (which weeks contain forty
and nine days), on the fiftieth day, which is
I'entecost, but is called by the Hebrews Aatir-
Iha, which signifies PeiUecost, they bring to
God a loaf, made of wheat fiour, of two tenth
deals, with leaven; and for sacrifices they bring
two lambs ; and when they have oidy preseiit-
'd them to God, they are made ready for sup-
per for the priests ; nor is it permitted to leave
aoy thing of them till the day following. Tiicy
si-o slay three bullocks for a burnt-oireriiig,
Kid two rams; and fourteen lambs, with two
kids of the goats, for sins; nor is there any
one of the festivals but in it they ofier burnt-
olTi-rings; they also allow themselves to rest
on every one of them. Accordingly, the law
pre^iiribes in ihein all what kinds they are to
sa; rifive, and how tliey are to rest entirely, and
i:iii.-.t slay sacrifices, in order to feast upon
tiioni.
7. However, out of the common charges,
baked bread 'was set on the table of shew-i
bread \ without leaven, of twenty-four tenth
deals of flour, for so much is spent upon this
bread ; two heaps of these were baked ; tliey
were baked the day before the Sabbath, but
were brought into the holy place on the morn-
ing of the Sabbath, and set upon the holy ta-
ble, six on a heaii, oiie loaf still standing over-
against another ; where two golden cups full of
frankincense were also set upon tliem, and there
they remained till another Sabbath, and then
other loaves were brought in their stead, wlu'je
the loaves were given to the priests for tlieir
food, and the frankincense was burnt in that
sacred fire wherein all tlieir ofTerings were
burnt also ; and so otlier frankincense was sot
upon the loaves instead of what was there be-
fore. The L^''S'"] P'iest also, of his own
charges, offered a sacrifice, and tliat twice
every day. It was made of flour mingled
with oil, and gently baked by the fire; the
quantity was one tenth deal of flour ; he
brought the half of it to the fire in the morn-
ing, and the other half at night. The account
of these sacrifices I shall give more accurately
hereafter; but I think I have premised what
for the present may be sufficient concerning
them.
CHAPTER XL
or THE PURIFICATIONS.
§ 1. Moses took out the tribe of Levi fr:>m
communicating with the rest of the people,
and set tliein apart to be a holy tribe; and
purified them by water taken from perpetual
springs, and with such sacrifices as were usu-
ally offered to God on the like occasions. He
delivered to them also the tabernacle, and the
sacred vessels, and the other curtains, which
were made for covering the tabernacle, tbat
they might minister under the conduct of the
priests, who had been already consecrated to
God.
2. He also detennined concerning animals;
wliich of them might be used for food, atid
which they were obliged to abstain from;
whicfi matters, when this work shall give me
occasion, shall be farther explained ; and the
causes shall bt added, by which he was inovod
to allot some of them to be our food, and erv-
joined us to abstain from others. However,
lie entirely forbade us the use of blood for
food, and esteemed it to contain the soul aiwl
spirit. He also forb:ide us to eat t!ie flesh of
an animal that died of itself, as also the caut,
and the fat of goats, and sheep, and l)ulls.
3. He also ordered, tliat those whose bodier,
were afflicted with leprosy, and who had a
gonorrhrea, should not come into the citv ; •
* We may Iiere note, that .loscphus frequcntiv cnHs
the camp the ciiij, am! the court of the Mosaic t;:ljtiui-
ple a tniivl>\ ami tlie tabcniaclfc itself « />i/,7 hoincf., witf)
ailusion t'othe latter city, temple, and holy house, whic?'
he knew so well long aitemaicis.
I
S6
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
nay, lie removed the wtiinen, when they hnd tioned time appointed for lliem, tliey perform
their natural piirf;atioiis, till the seventh day ; their sacrifices, the priests distribute them be-
afliT whirh he looked on them as pure, and fore God.
permitted them to come in ai,'ain. The law | fi. IJiit if any one suspect that his wife has
jierniits tliose also who liave taken care of fu- been guilty of adultery, he was to bring a
nerals to come in after the same manner, when tenth ileal of b;irley ilour ; they then cast one
this number of days is over ; but if any con- ! handful to God, and gave the rest of it to the
tinned longer than that number of days in a priests for food. One of the priests set the
state of pollution, the law appointed the of- | woman at the gates that are turned towards
fering two lambs for a sacrifice; the one of the temple, and took the veil from her head,
which they are to purge by fire, and for the and wrote the name of God on parchment,
other, the priests take it for themselves. In and enjoined her to swear that she had not at
the same manner do those sacrifice who have all injured her husl>and ; and to wish tliat, if
had the gonorrhoea. But he that sheds his she had violated her chastity, lier right thigh
seetl in his sleep, if he go down into cold wa- ' might be put out of joint ; that her belly might
ter, has the same privilege with those that have ' swell, and that she might die thus: but that
lawfully accompanied with their wives. And if her husband, by the violence of his affec-
for the lepers, lie suffered them not to come tion, and of the jealousy which arose from it,
into the city at al', nor to live with any others, had been rashly moved to this suspicion, that
as if they were in effect dead persons ; but if she might bear a male child in the tenth
any one had obtained, by prayer to God, the month. Now when these oaths were over,
recovery from that distemper, and had gained the priest wiped the name of GoD out of the
a healthful complexion again, such a one re- ' parchment, and wrung the water into a vial,
turned thanks to God, with several sorts of He also took some dust out of the temple (if
sacrifices; concerning which we will speak any happened to be there), and put a little of
hereafter. it info the vial, and gave it her to drink ;
4. Whence one cannot but smile at those , whereupon the woman, if she were unjustly
who say that Moses was himself afflicted with ' accused, conceived with child, and brought it
the leprosy when he fled out of Egypt, and to perfection in her womb : but if she had
that he became the conductor of those who broken her faith of wedlock to her husband
on that a'"J0untleft that country, and led them and had sworn falsely before God, she died
into the land of Canaan ; for, had this been in a reproachful manner : her thigh fell off
true, Moses would not have made these laws ' from her, and her belly swelled with a dropsy,
to his own dishonour, which indeed it was And these are the ceremonies about sacrifices,
more likely he would have opposed, if others and about the purifications thereto belonging,
had endeavoured to introduce them ; and this which Moses provided for his countrymen,
the rattier, because there are lepers in many ' He also prescribed the following laws to
nations, who yet are in honour, and not only them ; —
free from reproach and avoidance, but who
have been great captains of armies, and been
entrusted with high offices in the common-
wealth, and have had the privilege of enter-
ing into holy places and temples; so that no-
thing hindered, but if either Moses himself,
or the multitude that was with him, had been
liable to such a misfortune in the colour of
his skin, he might have made laws about them § 1. As for adultery, Moses forbade it en-
for their credit and advantage, and have laid tirely, as esteeming it a happy thing that men
no manner of difficulty upon them. Accord- ' should be wise in the aflairs of wedlock ; and
in^ly, it is. a plain case, that it is out of vio- ' that it was profitable both to cities and fami-
lent prejudice only that they report these things I lies that children should be known to be ge-
about us ; but Moses was pure from any such nuine. He also abhorred men's lying with
distemper, and lived with countrymen who their mothers, as one of the greatest crimes;
were pure of it also, and thence made the j and the like for lying with the father's wife,
laws which concerned others that had thedis-'and with aunts, and sisters, and sons' wives,
temper. He did this fbr the honour of God ; as all instances of abominable wickedness,
but as to these matters, let every one consider I He also forbade a inan to lie with his wife
,hem after what manner he pleases. when she was defiled by her natural purga-
5. As to the women, when they have born tion : and not to come near brute beasts ; nor
a child, Moses forbade them to come into the to approve of the lying with a male, which
temple, or touch the sacrifices, before forty } was to hunt after unlawful pleasures on ac-
days were over, supposing it to be a boy; but count of beauty. To those who were guilty
if she has born a girl, the law is that she can- 1 of such insolent behaviour, h j ordaii.ed death
not be admitted before twice that number of j for their punishment.
days be over ; and w hen after the before men ) 2. As for the priests, he prescribed to them
CHAPTER Xir.
SEVERAL LAWS.
CHAP. Xlk
a double degree of purity : • for he restrained
them in the instances above, and moreover for-
bade ihein to marry harlots. He aUo forbade
them to marry a slave, or a captive, and sucii
as got their living by cheating trades, and by
keeping inns: as also a woman parted from
her husband, on any account whatsoever.
Nay, he did not think it proper for the high-
priest to marry even the widow of one that
was dead, though he allowed that to the
priests; but he permitted him only to marry
a virgin, and to retain lier. Whence it is
t'lat the high-priest is not to come near to one
that is dead, although the rest are not prohi-
biteil from coming near to their brethren, or
parents, or children, when they are dead; but
they are to be unblemished in all respects.
lie ordered that the priest, who hud any blem-
ish, should have his portion indeed among the
priests ; but he forbade him to ascend the al-
tar, or to enter into the holy house. He also
enjoined them, not only to observe purity in
their sacred ministrations, but in their daily
conversation, that it might be unblameable
also ; and on this account it is that those wlio
wear the sacerdotal garments are without spot,
and eminent for their purity and sobriety : nor
are tliey permitted to drink wine so long as
they wear those garments. •}• Moreover, they
offer sacrifices that are entire, and have no
dufect whatsoever.
3. And truly Moses gave them all these
precepts, being such as were observed during
liis own life-time; but though he lived now
in the wilderness, yet did he make provision
liow they might observe the same laws when
they should have taken the land of Canaan.
He gave them rest to the land from plough-
ing and planting every seventh year, as he had
prescribed to them to rest from working every
seventh day ; and ordered, that then what grew
of its own accord out of the earth, should in
common belong to all that pleased to use it,
making no distinction in that respect between
their own countrymen and foreigiwrs : and he
ordained, that they should do the same after
seven times seven years, which in all are fifty
years ; and that fiftieth year is called by the
Hebrews The Jubilee, wherein debtors are
freed from their debts, and slaves .are set at
liberty ; which slaves became such, though
they were of the same stock, by transgressing
some of those laws the punisliment of which
was not capital, but they vvere punished by
tliis method of slavery. This year also re-
» These words of Josephus are remarkable, that the
(awgiver of the Jews required of the pnc^ts a double
degree of purity, in comparison of that roiiuireil of the
feojil..-, of V. hich he gives several instances imme liately.
t was for certain the case also among the fir^t Christians,
of the cl'.igy, in comparison of the laity, as the Aposto-
Ujal Constitutions and Canons everywhere inform us.
t We must here note with Reland, that the precept
given to the priests of not drinking wine while they wore
the sacred garments, is equivalent to their abstinence
from it all the while they ministered in the temple; be-
cause thev then always, and then only, wore those sacred
garments', which were laid up there from one time of
ministration to another.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
stores the land to its former possessors in the
manner following : — When the Jubilee is
come, which name denotes liberty, he that
sold the land, and he that bought it, meet to-
gether, and make an estimate, on one hand,
of the fruits gathered ; and, on the other hand,
of the expenses laid out upon it. If the fruits
gathered come to more than the expenses laid
out, he that sold it takes the land again ; but
if the expenses prove more than the fruits,
the present possessor receives of the former
owner the difference that was wanting, and
leaves the land to him ; and if the fruits re-
ceived, and the expenses laid out, prove equal
to one another, the present possessor relin-
quishes it to the former owners. Moses would
have the same law obtain as to those ....Aises
also which were sold in villages ; but he made
a different law for such as were sold in a city;
for if he that sold it tendered the purchaser
his money again within a year, he was forced
to restore it ; but in case a whole year had in-
tervened, the purchaser was to enjoy what he
had bought. This was the constitution of the
laws which Moses learned of God when the
camp lay under mount Sinai ; and this he de-
livered in writing to the Hebrews.
4. Now when this settlement of laws seem-
ed to be well over, Moses thought St at length
to take a review of the host, as thinking it
proper to settle the affairs of war. So he
charged the heads of the tribes, excepting the
tribe of Levi, to take an exact account of the
number of those that were able to go to war ;
for as to the I,evites they were holy, and free
from all such burdens. Now when the peo-
ple had been numbered, there were found six
hundred thousand that were able to go to
war, from twenty to fifty years of age, besides
three thousand six hundred and fifty. Instead
of Levi, Moses took Manasseh, the son of
Joseph, among the heads of tribes ; and Eph-
raim instead of Joseph. It was indeed the de-
sire of Jacob himself to Joseph, that he would
give him his sons to be his own by adoption,
as 1 have before related.
5. When they set up the tabernacle, they
received it into the midst of their camp, three
of the tribes pitching their tents on each side
of it ; and roads were cut through the midst
of these tents. It was like a well appointed
market ; and every thing was there ready for
sale in due order ; and all sorts of artificers
were in the shops ; and it resembled nothing
so much as a city that sometimes was move-
able, and sometimes fixed. The priests had
the first places about the tabernacle ; then tha
Levites, who, because their whole multitude
was reckoned from thirty days old, were
twenty-three thousand eight hundred and
eighty males; and during the time that the
cloud stood over the tabernacle, they thought
proper to stay in the same place, as suppos-
ing that God there inhabited among them ;
but when that removed, they journeyed also.
^
100
ANTiQuiTJi'-s or Tiir: ji;\vs.
BOOK Ilk
k
(5. ^Moreover, Moses was the iiivcntor of
tlic form of llii'ir ti'iMii|i('t, uliitli was niadi-
of silvor. lis di'scriplioii is iliis: — In lenglii
it «as liitic less than a ciil)it. It was eotn-
|>i)sf(l ol" a tiarrow lnl>e, soincu hat t)iii'ker
tlian a flute, but with so much hreadlh as was
sufliciont for acimissiMii of the Wreath of a
man's mouth : it eiifk-il in the form of a l>ell,
like common trum|K'ts. Its soiuut was called
in the IIe))rew ton;;iie jlsosra. Two of these
heinj; made, »>nc of them was soDiuleil wlien
they required the multitude to come to^^ether
to congregations. \V(>en the first of them
j;ave a signal, the heads of the tribes were lo
assemble, and consult about the aflairs to
tliem i)ro|)erly belonging ; but when they gave
the '-ignal by both of them, they called the
multitude together. Wiienever the talx.'rnacle
was removed, it was done in this solemn or-
der : — At the first alarm of the trurni>et, those
whose tents were on the east <}uarter jjrepared
to remove ; when flie second signal was given,
those that were on the south quarter did the
like ; in the next place, the tabernacle was
taken to pieces, and was carried in the midst
of six tribes that went before, and of six that
followed, all the Levites assisting about tl>e
tabernacle; when the third signal was given,
that part which bad their tents towards the
west put themselves in motion ; and at the
fourth signal those on the north did so like-
wise. They also made use of these trumpets
in their sacred ministrations, when they were
bringing their sacrifices to the altar, as well
on the Sabbaths as on the rest of the [festival]
days ; and now it was that Moses offered that
sacril'ice whicli was called the Fussove>- in t/ic
H'i/derness, as the first he had ottered after
the departure out of Egypt.
CHAPTER, XIII.
now MOSI.S REMOVED FROM MOUNT SINAI, AND
CONUtlCTKD THi: PKOPLE TO THE ItOBDKRS
or THE CANAANITES.
A LITTLE while afterwards he rose up, and
went from mount Sinai; and, having pass-
ed through several mansions, of which we
will speak anon, he came to a place called
JIdzerotli, whi're the multilude began again lo
be mutinous, and to l)l:une Moses for the mis-
fortunes they had sull'ered in their travels;
and that when he had persuaded them to leave
a good land, tluy at once had lost that land,
and instead oJ' that ba|)py slate l;e had pro-
mised them, they were still wandering in their
present miserable condition, being alre.ulv in
want of water; and if the manna shou'd ha))-
peii to <'ail, they must then utterly perish.
Yet while they generally spake many am!
sore things against tlie man, there was one of"
them who exhorted them not to be unmind-
ful of MosL-s, and of what great pains he had
been at alnjut their common vf^^'y ; '""' l'"*'
to (les|)air of assistance from G<»d. 'J'he mul-
tilude thereupon l>ecame still more unruly,
and more mulinims against IMoses than Ik--
fore. Hereupon IMoses, alll'ough lie was so
basely abused by them, encouraged them in
their despairing condition, and proniiseil that
he would procure them a great ijiiantity of
flesh-meat, and that not for a few days oiily,
but for many days. This they were not will-
ing to believe ; and when one of them asked
whence he could obtain such vast plenty of
what he promised, be replied, " Neither God
nor I, although vre hear such opprobrious lan-
guage from you, will leave off our labours
for you ; and this shall soon appear also."
As soon as ever be had said this, the whole
camp was filled with ijuails, and they stood
round about tliem, and g.'Jlhered them in great
niunbers. However, 'J was not long ere
God punished the Hebrews for their inso-
lence, and those reproaches they had i>sed to-
\vards him, for no small number of them
liied ; and still to this day the place retains
the memory of this destruction, and is named
Kibrolk-liaHuavah, which is. The Graves (^
Lust.
CHAPTER XIV.
now MOSES SENT SOME PERSONS TO SEARtB
OUT THE LAND OF THE CANAANITES, AND
THE LARGENESS OF THEIR CITIES ; AND
FARTHER, THAT WHEN THOSE WHO Wi KE
SENT WERE RETURNED, AFfER FORTY DAYS,
AND RETORTED THAT THEY SHOULD NOT BE
A MATCH FOR THEM, AND EXTOLLED THE
STUKNC.TH OF THE CANAANITES, THE MUL-
TITl 1)E WEKE DISTURBED, AND FELL INTO
DESPAIR ; AND WERE RESOLVED TO STONE
AlOSLS, AND TO RETURN BACK AGAIN INTO
EGYPT, AND SEUVi: THE EGYPTIANS,
§ 1. When Moses had led the Hebrews away
from thence to a place called Panm, which was
near to the borders of the Canaanitcs, and a
place difficult to be continued in, he gathered
the multitude together to a congregation ;
and standing in the midst of them, he said,
" Of the t»o things that God detennined to
bestow npoii us, Liberty, and the J'ossession
of a Hapjjy (\)untry, the one of them ye al-
ready are partakers of, by the gift of God,
and the other you will quickly obtain; for
we now have our abode near the borders of
the Canaanitcs, and nothing can hinder the
acijuisition of it, when we now at last are
fallen upon it : I say, not only no king nor
city, but neither the whole race of inankiiul,
if tlicy were all galhcred together, could do
it. Let us therefore prepare ourselves fn
thcnork, for tlie Canuanites will not resi{;n
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. XV.
up their land to us without 6ghting, but it
must be wrested from them by great struggles
in war. Let us then send spies, who may
take a view of the goodness of the land, and
what strength it is of; but, above all things,
let us be of one mind, and let us honour God,
who above all is our helper and assister."
2. Whea Moses had said thus, the multi-
tude requited him with marks of respect;
and chose twelve spies, of the most eminent
men, one out of each tribe, who, passing over
all tbe land of Canaan, from the borders of
Egypt, •came to the city Ilamath, and to
mount Lebanon; and having learned the na-
ture of the land, and of its inhabitants, tliey
came home, having spent forty days in the
whole work. They also brought with them
of the fruits which the land bare ; they also
showed them the excellency of those fruits,
and gave an account of the great quantity of
the good things that land afforded, which were
motives to the multitude to go to war. But
then they terrified them again witli the great
difficulty there was in obtaining it; that the
rivers were so large and deep lliat they could
■ not be passed over ; and that the liills w ere so
high that they could not travel along for
them ; that tlie cities were strong witli walls,
and their firm fortifications round about
them. They lold tliem also, that they found
at Hebron tlie posterity of the giants. Ac-
cordingly those spies, who had seen the land
of Canaan, when they perceived that all these
difficulties were greater there than tliey had
met with since they came out of Egypt, they
were aflVighted at tliem tbemselves, and en-
deavoured to affi-ight the multitude also.
3. So they supposed, from what they had
heard, that it was impossible to get the pos-
session of the country. And when the congre-
gation was dissolved, they, their «ives and
children, continued tlieir lamentation, as if
God would not indeed assist them, but only
promised them fair. They also again blamed
Moses, and made a clamouragainst him and his
brother Aaron, the high-priest. According-
ly they passed that night very ill, and with
contumelious language against them ; but in
the morning they ran to a congregation, in-
tending to stone Moses and Aaron, and so to
return back into Egypt.
4. But of the spies, there were Joshua, the
son of Nun, of the tribe of Epinaim, and
Caleb of the tribe of Judah, that were afraid
of the conse<]uence, and came into the midst
of tliem, and stilled the luultimde, and de-
sired them to be of goofi courage ; and uei-
tlier to condemn God, as having (old (hem
lies, nor to hearken to tliose who had aMVight
t'd tlicin, by telling them what was not true
concerning the Canaanites, but to those that
encouraged them to hope for good success;
a.nd that they should gain possession of the
happiness promised them, because neither the
Jieight of mountains nor the depth of rivtr*
101
could hinder men of true courage from at-
tempting them, especially while God would
take care of them beforehand, and be assist-
ant to them. " Let us then go," said they,
" against our enemies, and have no suspicion
of ill success, trusting in God to conduct us,
and following those that are to be our lead-
ers." Thus did these two exhort them, and
endeavour to pacify the rage they were in.
But IMosesand Aaron fell on the ground, and
besought God, not for their own deliverance,
but that he would put a stop to what the peo-
ple were unwarily doing, and would bring
their minds to a quiet temper, which were
now disordered by their present passion. The
cloud also did now appear, and stood over the
tabernacle, and declared to them the presence
of God to be there.
CHAPTER XV.
HOW MOSES WAS DISPLEASED AT THIS, AND
FORETOLD THAT GOD WAS ANGKY, AND
THAT THEY SHOULD CONTINUE IN THE WIL-
DVUNESS tX)R FORTY YEARS, AND NOT, DtU-
ING THAT TIME, EITHER RETURN INTO E-
GVPT, OB TAKE POSSESSION OF CANAAN.
§ 1. MosES came now boldly to the multi-
tude, and informed them that God was moved
at their abuse of him, and would inflict pu-
nishment upon them, not indeed such as they
deserved for their sins, but such as parents
inflict on their children, in order to their cor-
rection: For, he said, that when he was in the
tabernacle, and was bewailing with tears that
destruction which was coming upon them, God
put him in mind what things he had done for
them, and what benefits they had received
from him, and yet how ungrateful they had
been to him ; that just now they had been in-
duced, through the timorousness of the spies,
to think that their words were truer than his
own promise to them ; and that on this ac-
coimt, though he would not indeed destroy
tliem all, nor utterly exterminate their nation,
which he had honoured more than any other
part ol mankind, yet he would not permit
them to take possession of the land of Canaan,
nor enj-oy its happiness; but would make
them wander in (he wilderness, and live with-
out a fixed habitation, and without a city, for
forty years together, as a punishment for this
their transgression ; but that he hath promised
to give that land to our children, and that he
would make them the possessors of those good
things which, by yoiu" nngovcrned passions,
you have deprived yourselves of.
2. When Moses had discoursed thus to
(hem, according to the direction of God, the
multitude grieved, and were in affliction; and
eiitreatt'd Moses to procure their reconcilia-
•ion to God, and to permit them no longer tt
.y
Vw
102
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
v.amlcr in ttie wilderness, T)»it to bestow cities
upon them; hut lie re))lie(l, tliat God would
not admit of any sucli trial, for that (>od was
not moved to this determination from any hu-
man levity or angxT, hut that he had judici-
ally condemned them to that punishment.
Now we are not to dishelieve that Moses,
who was but a sinj^le ))erson, pacified so many
ten thousands when they were in anger, and
converted them to a iriildness of temper; for
God was with him, and prepared the way to
his peisuasions of the multitude ; and as they
had often heen disobedient, they were now
scnsihle that such disohedtence was disadvan-
tageous to them, and that they had still there-
by fallen into calamities.
3. But this man was admirable for his vir-
tue, and powerful in making men give credit
to what he delivered, not only during the
time of liis natural life, but even there is still
no one of the Hebrews who does not act even
now as if Moses were present, and ready to
punish him if he should do any thing that is
indecent ; ivay, there is no one but is obedi-
ent to what laws lie ordained, although they
might be concealed in their transgressions.
There are also many other demonstrations
diat his power was more than human, for still
some there have been, who have come from
the parts beyond Euphrates, a journey of four
months, through many dangers, and at great
expenses, in honour of our temple ; and yet,
when they had ofVered their oblations, could
not partake of their own sacrifices, because
Moses had forbidden it, by somewhat in the
law that did not permit them, or somewhat
that had befallen them, which our ancient cus-
toms made Inconsistent therewith ; some of
these did not sacrifice at all, and olliers left
their sacrifices in an imperfect condition ; nay,
many were not able, even at first, so much as
to enter into the tenijjle, but went their ways
in this state, as jireferring a submission to the
laws of Moses before the fulfilling of their own
inclinations, even when they had no fear upon
them that any body could convict them, but
only out of a reverence to their own con-
science. Thus this legislation, which appear-
ed to he divine, made this man to be esteemed
as one suiniior to his own nature. Nay, far-
ther, a little before the beginning of this
war, when Claudius was emperor of the Ro-
mans, and Ismael was our high-priest, and
when so great a famine* was come upon us,
that one tenth deal [of wheat] was sold for four
drachma', and when no less than seventy cori
of flour were brought into the temjjlo, at the
feast of unleavened bread (these cori are
thirty-one Sicilian, but forty-one Athenian
medimni), not one of the priests was so hardy
as to eat one crumb of it, even while so great
a distress was upon the land ; and this out of
a dread of the law, and of that wrath which
God retains against acts of wickedness, even
when no one can accuse the actors. Whence
we are not to wonder at what was then done,
while to this very day the writings left by Mo-
ses have so great a force, that even those that
hate us do confess, that he who established
this settlement was God, and that it was by
the means of Moses, and of his virtue: but
as to tliese matters, let every one take them
as he thinks tit.
BOOK IV.
CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF THIRTY-EIGHT YEARS.
FROM THE REJECTION OF THAT GENERATION, TO THE
DEATH OF MOSES.
CHAPTER I.
rilF. HGJIT OK THE HEBRKWS WITH THE CA-
NAAMTKS, MITHOUT THE CONSENT OE MO-
S1.S ; AND THEIH DEFEAT.
§ 1. Now this life of the Hebrews in the
wilderness was so disagreeal)le and trouble-
some to them, and they were so uneasy at it,
that nllliou^h God had forbidden them to
nuildle with the Canaanites, yet could tley
not be pers\iaded to be obedient to the wortis
of Moses, and to he quiet ; but supi)Osiig
they should be al)le to beat their enemies,
even without his approbation, they accused
• This great famine in the days of Clauilius, is .igairi
mcnlioiic<r in Antiq. b. xx. eluii). ii. sift. 6; aii'l Act;
xi. 2S.
-r
■V
CHAP. II.
him, and suspected that he made it his busi-
ness to keep them ia a distressed condition,
that they might always stand in need of his
assistance. Accordingly they resolved to fight
with the Canaanites, and said that God gave
them his assistance, — not out of regard to
Moses's intercessions, but because he took care
of their entire nation, on account of their
forefathers, whose affairs he took under his
own conduct; as also, that it was on account
of their own virtue that he had formerly pro-
cured them their liberty, and would be assist-
ing to them, now they were willing to take
pains for it. They also said that they were pos-
sessed of abilities sufficient for the conquest of
their enemies, although Moses should have a
mind to alienate God from them ; that, how-
ever, it was for their advantage to be their
own masters, and not so far to rejoice in their
deliverance from the indignities they endured
under the Egyptians, as to bear the tyranny
of Moses over them, and to suffer themselves
to be deluded, and live according to his plea-
sure, as though God did only foretell what con-
cerns us out of his kindness to him, as if they
were not all the posterity of Abraham ; that
God made him alone the author of all the
knowledge we have, and we must still learn
it from him ; that it would be a piece of pru-
dence to oppose his arrogant pretences, and
to put their confidence in God, and to resolve
to take possession of that land which he had
promised them, and not to give ear to him,
who, on this account, and under the pretence
of divine authority, forbade them so to do.
Considering, therefore, the distressed state
they were in at present, and that in those de-
sert places they were still to expect things
would be worse with tiiem, they resolved to
fight with the Canaanites, as submitting only
to God, their supreme commander, and not
waiting for any assistance from their legisla-
tor.
2. When, therefore, they had come to this
resolution, as being best for them, they went
against their enemies ; but those enemies were
not dismayed either at the attack itself, or at
the great multitude that made it, and received
them with great courage. Many of the He-
brews were slain ; and the remainder of the
army, upon the disorder of their troops, were
pursued, and fled, after a shameful manner,
to their camp. Whereupon this unexpected
misfortune made them quite despond ; and
they hoped for nothing that was good ; as ga-
thering from it, that this affliction came from
the wrath of God, because they rashly went
out to war without his approbation.
3. But when Moses saw how deeply they
were affected with this defeat, and being afraid
lest the enemies should grow insolent upon
this victory, and should be desirous of gaining
still greater glory, and should attack them, be
resolved that it was proper to withdraw the
armv into the wilderness to a farther distance
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
103
from the Canaanites : so the multitude gave
themselves up again to his conduct ; for they
were sensible that, without his care for them,
tlieir affairs could not be in a good condition;
and he caused the host to remove, and he went
farther into the wilderness, as intending there
to let them rest, and not to permit them to
fight the Canaanites before God should afford
them a more favourable opportunity.
CHAPTER II.
T}IE SEDITION OF CORAH AND OF THE MULTI-
TUDE AGAINST MOSES, AND AGAINST HIS
BROTHER, CONCERNING THE PRIESTHOOD.
§ 1. That which is usually the case of great
armies, and especially upon ill success, to be
hard to be pleased, and governed with diffi-
culty, did now befal the Jews ; for they be-
ing in number six hundred thousand, and, by
reason of their great multitude, not readily
subject to their governors, even in prosperity,
they at this time were more than usually an-
gry, both against one another and against
their leader, because of the distress they were
in, and the calamities they then endured. Such
a sedition overtook them, as we have not the
like example either among the Greeks or the
Barbarians, by which they were in danger of
being all destroyed, but were notvvithstandin<^
saved by Moses, who would not remembe*
that he had been almost stoned to death by
them. Nor did God neglect to prevent their
ruin; but, notwithstanding the indignities they
had offered their legislator and the laws, and
their disobedience to the commandments which
he had sent them by Moses, he delivered them
from those terrible calamities, which, without
his providential care, had been brought upon
them by this sedition. So I will first explain
the cause whence this sedition arose, and then
will give an account of the sedition itself; as
also of what settlements Moses made for theii
government, after it was over.
2. Corah, a Hebrew of principal account
both by his family and by his wealth, one that
was also able to speak well, and one that could
easily persuade the people by his speeches, saw
that Moses was in an exceeding great dignity,
and was uneasy at it, and envied him on that
account (he was of the same tribe with Moses,
and of kin to him), was particularly grieved,
because he thought he better deserved that
honourable post on account of his great riches,
and not inferior to him in his birth. So he
raised a clamour against him among the Le-
vites, who were of the same tribe, and espe.
cially among his kindred, saying, " That it was
a very sad thing that riiey should overlook
Moses, while he hunted after, and paved tl.e
way to glory for himself, and by ill arts should
obtain it, under the pretence of God's com
"X
_r
lOi
ANTIQUITirS OF Tlir, JKWS.
niaiul, while, contrary to the laws, he had | difjnity, and would not have produced Kuth a
given the priesthood to Aaron, not by the I one lis was inlerior to many otlurs, nor hare
common siiUV.ige of the n)ultiiii<le, hut by his | <:iven him that office; and that in case he had
<iwn vote, as bistowing dignities in a tyiaiini- judged it fit to Instcw it on Aiiron, he would
-al way on whom he pleased." He added, | have permitted it to the multitude to bestow
"That this concealed way of imposing on them I it, and not have left it to be bestowed by his
was harder to be Ixirne than if it had been
done liy an open force upon them, because
he did i>ow not only take away their |)Ower
without their consent, but even while they
Were unapprized of his contrivances again,!
tliem ; for whosoever is conscious to himself
t!iat he deserves any dignity, aims to get it by
persuasion, and not by an arrogant method of
violence; but those that believe it inipossil)le
to obtain those honours justly, make a show
of goodness, ami do not introduce force, but
by cunning tricks grow wickedly powerful :
that it was proper for the nuiltitiide to punish
such men, even while t1iey think ttuniselves
concealed in their designs, and not suB'er ilieni
to gain strength till they have them for their
open enemies. For wliat account," added
he, " is Moses able to give, why he has be-
stowed the priesthood on Aaron and his sons ?
for if God had determined to bestow that ho-
nour on one of the tribe of Levi, I am more
worthy of it than he is ; 1 myself being equal
to .Moses by my family, and superior to him
both in riciifcs and in age: but if God had de-
teniiined to bestow it on the eldest tribe, that
of Ueiiben might have it most justly; and then
IXr.lian, and Abiram, and [On, tlie son of]
I'etetli, would l)ave it ; for these are the old-
est men of that tribe, and potent on account
ot their great wealth also
3. Now Corah, when he said this, had a
mind to appear to take care of the public
welfare; but in reality he was endeavouring
to procure to have that dignity transferred by
the multitude to himself. Thus did he, out
of 3 malignant design, but with plausible
words, discourse to those of his own tribe;
and when these words did gradually spread to
more of the people, and when the liearers still
added to w hat tended to the scandals that were
c.ist upon Aaron, the whole army was full of
them. Now of these that conspired with
Corah, there were two hundred and fifty, and
tliosc of the principal men also, who were
pager to have the priesthood taken away from
Moses's brother, and to bring him into dis-
grace : nay, the multitude tliemselves were
own brother.
4. Now although Moses had a great whi)c
ago foreseen this calumny of Corah, and had
seen that tiie people were irritated, yet was he
not allrigiited at it; but being of good cour-
age, because he had given them right advice
about their affairs, and knowing that his bro-
tiier had been made partaker of the ))riesthuod
at the command of God, and not by his own
favour to him, he came to the assembly ; and,
as for the multitude, he said not a word to
them, but spake as IoihI to Corah as he could;
and being very skilful in making speeches,
and having this natural talent, among others,
that he could greatly move the multitude with
his discourses, he said, " O Corah, both thou
and all these with thee (pointing to the two
hundred and fifty men) seem to be worthy of
this honour; nor do 1 pretend but that this
whole comjiany may he worthy of the like
dignity, although they may not be so rich, or
so great as you are : nor have I taken and
given this otiice to my brother, because he ex-
celled others in riches, for thou excecdest us
both in the greatness of thy wealth ; * nor
indeed because lie was of an eminent family
for God, by giving us the same common an-
cestor, has made our families equal : nay, nor
was it out of brotherly afTcciion, which ano
iher might yet have justly done ; for certainly
unless 1 had bestowed tiiis honour out of re-
gard to God, and to his laws, I had not i)assed
by myself, and given it to another, as being
nearer of kin to myself than to my brother,
and having a closer intimacy with myself than
I have with him ; for surely it woulil not be
a wise thing for me, to expose myself to the
ilangtrs of ofl'ending, and to bestow the I'.appy
eini)loyment on this account upon another.
But 1 am above siicli base practices : nor
would God have overlooked this matter, and
seen himself thus despised ; nor would he
have suH'ered you to be ignorant of what you
were to do, in order to please him ; but lie
hath himself chosen one that is to perform
that sacred ofHce to him, and thereby freed
us from that care. So that it was not a thing
provoked to be seditious, and attempted to \ that 1 pretend to give, but only according to
stone jNIoscs, and gathered themselves toge- the dotcniiination of God ; I therefore propose
ther after an indecent mar.ner, with confusion it still to be contended for by such as please
and disorder. And now they all were, in a ; to put in for it, only desiring, tiiat he who has
tumultuous manner, raising a clamour before | bteii already preferred, and has already ob-
llie tabernacle of God, to jirosjcute the ty- | tained it, may be allowed now also to offer
rant, and to relieve the multitude from tluir | himself for a candidate. lie prefers your
fclavery under him who, under colour of the I peace, and your living without sedition, to
divine commands, laid violent inji.nctioiis up- iliis hoi.ourabie employment, although in truth
on ihein ; for that had it been (>od whochise • !<eland here takes notico, th.it .ilthongli our Bibles
one that was to perform the otiiie of a pi ie.,t, f'V '';'>■- "■ m.ih.i.K of th.-se .i.lies of tVi.;h yet that
' ■ ' hnth tlie Jews and .Ntuhoii.iiietiuiii, OS UL'li u~ J(ut')>)iuo.
he Hould have raised a worthy person to thati.ir full of it-
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. in.
it was with your approbation that he obtained
it; for tlioiiijh Goii were the donor, yet do vve
not otTend wlien we think fit to necipt it with
your good-will ; yet would it have been an in-
stance of impiety not to have tjskcn tliat ho-
nourable employment « hen he oilered it ; nay,
it had been exceedingly unreasonable, wlien
God had tlioujjlit fit any one should have it
for all time to come, and had made it secure
and firm to him, to have refused it. How-
ever, he himself will judge again who it shall
be whom he would have to olier sacrifices to
him, and to have the direction of matters of
religion ; for it is absurd that Corah, "ho is
ambitions of this honour, should deprive God
of the power of giving it to whom he pleases.
Put an end, therefore, to your sedition and
disturbance on this account; and to-morrow
morning do every one of you that desire the
priesthood bring a censer from home, and come
hither with incense and fire ; and do thou, O
Corah, leave the judgment to God, and await
to see on which side he will give his determin-
ation upoH this occasion, but do not thou make
thyself greater than God. Do thou also come,
tliat this contest about this honourable employ-
ment may receive determination. And I sup-
pose we may admit Aaron widiout ofl'ence, to
oiler himself to this scrutiny, since he is of the
same lineagevvitii thyself,and hasdone nothing
in his priesthood that can be liiible to exception.
Come ye therefore together, and ofi'er your
incense in public before all the people; and
When you otter it, he whose sacrifice God shall
jccept shall be ordained to the priesthood, and
sliali be clear of the present calumny on Aaron,
as if I had granted hint that favour because
lie was niv brother. "
CHAPTER III.
HOW IHOSl-. THAT STIRRED UP THIS SEDITION
V.KiH: IJISTROYED, ACCORDING TO THE WILL
OK GOD; AND HOW AARON, MOSKS's UitO-
TIlf-.R, BOTH 111; AND HIS POSTLRITY, RE-
TAINKD THE PiUESTHOOD.
§ 1. WiiE.N Slopes had said this, the multi-
tiide let't oft" the turbulent behaviour they had
indulged, and the suspicion they had of IMo-
ses, and commended what he had said ; for
those proposals were good, and were so es-
teiintd of the people. At that time therefore
they dissolved the assemblv ; but on the next
day they came to t'le congregation, in order
to be present at the sacrifice, and at the de-
termination that was to be made between
the candidates for the prie^tiioid. Now this
;ongreg:ition proved a turL-ulent one, and
the iniiUitude were in great suspense in ex-
pectation of wliiit was to lie done; for some
of them would lutve been pleased if jMoses
had been couvicted of evil pr.;elices ; but the
105
wiser sort desired that they might be delivered
from the present disorder and disturbance:
for they were afraid, that if this sediiion went
on, the good order of their settlement woiihl
rather be destroyed ; but the w hole body of
the people do naturally delight in chimours
against their governors, and, by changing their
opinions upon the harangues of every speaker,
disturb the public tranquillity. And no»< Mo-
ses sent messengers for Abiram and Djthan,
and ordered them to come to the asseinbly,
and wait there for the holy offices that were
to be i)erformed. Put they answered the
messenger, that they would not obev his sum-
mons ; nay, would not overlook ^loses's be-
haviour, who was growing too great for them
l)y evil practices. Now when Woses heard
of this their answer, he desired the heads of
the people to follow him, and he went to the
faction of Dathan, not thinking it any fright-
ful thing at all to go to these insolent people;
so they made no opposition, but went along
with him. But Dathan, and Ids associates,
wlien they understood that Moses and the
principal of the people were coming to them,
came out, with their wives and children,
and stood before their tents, and looked to see
what jMoses would do. They had also their
servants about theni to defend themselves, in
case Moses should use force against them.
2. But he came near, and lifted up his
hands to heaven, and cried out with a loud
voice, in order to he heard by the whole mu?-
titude, and said, '' O Lord of the creatiires
that are in the heaven, in the earth, and in the
sea ; for thou art the most auth.entic wiines.-
to what I have done, that it has all been done
by thy appointment, and that it was thou that
affordedst us assistance wlien we attempted
any thing, and shovvedst mercy on the Hebrews
in all their distresses, do thou come now, and
hear all that I say, for no actionn or thought
escapes thy knowledge; so that ihou wilt not
disdain to speak what is true, for my vindica-
tion w ithout any regard to the ungrateful im-
pulaiions of these men. As for what was
done before I was born, thou knowest best, as
not learning them by rep.ort, but seeing them,
and being present with them when they were
done ; but for what has been done of late, and
which these men, although they know t!;erfi
well enough, unjustly pretend to suspect, be
thou my witness. When I lived a private
quiet life, I left those good things, wliich by
my own diligence, and by thy counsel, I en-
ijoyed with Puiguel my fathar-in-law ; and J
[gave myself up to tiiis people, and underwent
imany miseries on their account. I also bore
j great labours at first, in order to obtain liber-
ty for them, and now in order to their preser-
vation ; and have always showed myself rendy
I to assist thein in every distiess of theirs. Now,
therefore, since I am suspected by those very
men whose being is owing to my labours,
'coinpthou, as it is reasonable to hope thou
J^
J-
1(>6
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
wilt; tlioii, I sny, wlio sliowedst tne that fire
at innunt Sinai ; and inadest inc to hear its
voice, and to see the several wonders vvliich
that place aH'orded ine ; thou who comnian-
dedst nie to go to Egypt, and declare tliy will
to this people ; thou who disturbedst the happy
estate of tlic f>gy])tians, and gavest us the op-
portunity of flying away from our slav'ery un-
der them, and madest the dominion of Pha-
raoh infeiior to my dominion ; thou wlio didst
make the sea dry land for us, when we knew
not whitiicr to go, and didst overwhelm the
Egyptians with those destructive waves which
had been divided for us ; thou who didst be-
stow upon us the security of weapons when
we were naked ; thou who didst make the
fountains that were corriipted to flow, so as
to be fit for drinking, and didst furnish us
witli water that came out of the rocks, when
we were in the greatest want of it j thou who
didst preserve our lives with [quails, which
was] food from the sea, when the fruits of the
ground failed us; thou who didst send us
such food from heaven as had never been seen
before ; thou who didst suggest to us the
knowledge of thy laws, and appoint to us a
form of goveri iTrtiit, — come thou, I say, O
Lord of the whole •^^orld, and that as such a
Judge and a Witness to me as cannot be
bribed, and show how I have never admitted
of any gift against justice from any of the He-
brews, and have never condemned a poor man
that ought to have been acquitted, on account
of one that was ricii ; and have never attempt-
ed to hurt this commonwealth. I am now
here present, and am suspected of a thing the
remotest from my intentions, as if I had given
the priestliood to Aaron, not at thy command,
but out of my own favour to him ; do thou at
this time demonstrate that all things are ad-
ministered by thy providence, and that no-
thing happens by chance, but is governed by
thy will, and thereby attains its end : as also
demonstrate that thou takest care of those that
iiave done good to tlie Hebrews; demonstrate
this, I say, by the punishment of Abiram and
Dathan, who condemn thee as an insensible
Being, and one overcome by my contrivances.
This wilt thou do by inflicting such an open
punishment on these men wlso so madly fly
in tlie face of thy glory, as will take them out
of the world, not in an ordinary manner, but
so that it may appear they do not die after the
manner of other men : let that ground which
they tread upon open about them and con-
sume them, with their families and goods.
This will be a demonstration of thy power to
all men : and tliis method of their sufferings
will be an instruction of wisilom for those that
entertain propliane sentiments of thee. By
tliis means 1 shall be found a good servant, in
the precepts thou hast given i)y me. But if
the calumnies they have raised against me be
true, mayjt thou preserve these men from ev-
er}- evil accident, and bring all that destruc-
tion on me wliich I have imprecated upon
them. And when thou hast inflicted punish-
ment on those that have endeavoured to deal
unjustly with this people, bestow upon them
concord and peace. Save this multitude that
follow thy commandments, and preserve them
free from harm, and let them not partake of
the punishment of those that have sinned ; for
thou knowest thyself it is not just, that for the
wickedness of those men the whole body of
the Israelites should suffer punishment."
3. W'hen Moses had said this, «itli fears in
his eyes, the ground was moved on a sudden ;
and the agitation that set it in motion was like
that which the wind produces in waves of the
sea. Tlie people were all aflTrighted ; and the
ground that was about their tents sunk down
at the great noise, with a terrible sound, and
carried whatsoever was dear to the seditious
into itself, who so entirely perished, that there
was not the least appearance that any man had
ever been seen there, the earth that had open-
ed itself about them, closing again, and l)e-
coming entire as it was before, insomuch that
such as saw it, afterward did not perceive that
any such accident had happened to it. Thus
did these men perish, and become a demon-
stration of the power of God. And truly,
any one would lament them, not only on ac-
count cf this calamity that befell them, which
yet deserves our commiseration, but also be-
cause their kindred were pleased with their
sufferings ; for they forgot the relation they
bare to them, and at the sight of this sad ac-
cident approved of the judgment given against
them ; and because they looked upon the
people about Dathan as pestilent men, they
thought they perished as such, and did not
grieve for them,
4. And now Moses called for those that
contended about the priesthood, that trial
might be made who should be priest, and tliat
he whose sacrifice God was best pleased with
might be ordained to that function. There
attended two hundred and fifty men, who in-
deed were honoured by the people, not only
on account of the power of their ancestors, but
also on account of their own, in which they
excelled the others ; Aaron also and Corah
came forth, and they all oHered incense, in
those censers of theirs which they brought
with them, before the tabernacle. Hereup-
on so great a fire slione out as no one ever
saw in any that is made by the hand of man,
neit.cr in those eruptions out of the earth
that are caused by subterraneous burnings,
nor in such fires as arise of their own accord
in the woods, when the agitation is caused by
the trees rubbing one against another : but
this fire was very bright, and had a terrible
flame, such as is kinrlled at the command of
God ; by whose irrui)tion on them, all tlie
Company and Corah hiniseir, were destroy-
CHAI'. IV.
ed *, and this so entirely, that their very bo-
dies left no remains behind tliein. Aaron a-
lone was preserved, and not at all hurt bj' the
fire, because it was God that sent the fire to
burn tliose only who ought to be burned.
Hereupon Moses, after these men were de-
stroyed, was desirous that the memory of this
judgment might be delivered down to poster-
ity, and that future ages might be acquainted
with it ; and so he commanded Eleazar, the
son of Aaron, to put their censers near the
brazen altar, that they might be a memorial
to posterity of what tliese men suffered, for
supposing that the power of God might be
eluded. And thus Aaron was now no long-
er esteemed to have tlie luiestliood by the fa-
vour of Moses, but by tlie public judgment
of God ; and thus he and his children peace-
ably enjoyed that honour afterward.
CHAPTER IV.
WHAT HAPPENED TO THE HEBUEWS DUIUNG
THIRTY-EJGHT YEARS IN THE WILDERNESS.
§ 1. However, this sedition was so far from
ceasing upon this destruction, that it grew
much stronger, and became more intolerable.
And the occasion of its growing worse was of
that nature, as made it likely the calamity
would never cease, but last for a long time ;
for the men, believing already that nothing is
done without the providence of God, would
have it that these things came thus to pass,
not without God's favour to Moses ; they
therefore laid the blame upon him, that God
was so angry, and tiiat this happened, not so
mucli because of the wickedness of those that
were punished, as because Moses procured
the punishment ; and that these men had been
destroyed without any sin of theirs, only be-
cause they were zealous about the divine wor-
ship ; as also, that he who had been the cause
of this diminution of the people, by destroy-
ing so many men, and those the most excel-
lent of them all, besides his escaping any pu-
nishment himself, had now given the priest-
hood to his brother so firmly, that nobody
could any longer dispute it with him ; for no
one else, to be sure, could now jjut in for it,
since he must have seen those that first did
so to have miserably perished. Nay, besides
this, the kindred of those tliat were destroyed
made great entreaties to the multitude to
ibate the arrogance of Moses, because it would
be safest for them so to do.
2. Now Moses, upon his hearing for a
* It appears here, and from the Samaritan Pentateuch,
and in effect, from the Psalmist, as also from the Apos-
tolical Constitutions, from Clement's first epistle to the
Corinthians, from Ignaiius's epistle to the Magnesians,
iiid from Euscbius, that Corali was not swallowed uji
with tlie Reubenitcs, but burned with the Levites of his
own tribe. See Essay on the Old Testament, p. G4, 65.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE .JEWS.
]07
s
good while that the people were tumultuous,
was afraid that they would attempt some
other innovation, and that some great and sad
calamity would be the consequence. He
called the multitude to a congregation, and
patiently heard what apology they had to
make for themselves, without opposing them,
and this lest he should imbitter the multi-
tude : he only desired the heads of the tribes
to bring their rods,f with the names of their
tribes inscribed upon them, and that he should
receive the prieslliood in whose rod God should
give a sign. This was agreed to. So the
rest brought their rods, as did Aaron also,
who had written the tribe of Levi on his rod.
These rods Moses laid up in the tabernacle of
God, On the next day he brought out the
rods, which were known from one another by
those who brought them, they having dis-
tinctly noted them, as had the multitude also;
and as to the rest, in the same form Moses
had received them, in that they saw them
still ; but they also saw buds and branches
giown out of Aaron's rod, with ripe fruits
upon them ; they were almonds, the rod hav-
ing been cut out of that tree. Tlie people
were so amazed at this strange sight, that
though Moses and Aaron were before under
some degree of hatred, they now laid that
hatred aside, and began to admire the judg-
ment of God concerning them ; so that here-
after they applauded what God had decreed,
and permitted Aaron to enjoy the priesthood
peaceably. And thus God ordained him
priest three several limes, and he retained
that honour without farther disturbance. And
hereby this sedition of the Hebrews, which
had been a great one, and had lasted a great
while, was at last composed.
3. And now Moses, because the tribe of
Levi was made free from war and warlike ex-
peditions, and was set apart for the divine
worship, lest they should want and seek after
the necessaries of life, and so neglect the
temple, commanded the Hebrews, according
to the will of God, that when they should
gain the possession of the land of Canaan,
they should assign forty-eight good and fair
cities to the Levites ; and permit them to en-
joy their suburbs, as far as the limit of two
thousand cubits would extend from the walls
of the city. And besides this, he appointed
that the people should pay the tithe of their
annual fruits of the earth, both to the Levites
and to the priests. And this is what that
tribe receives of the multitude; but I think
it necessary to set down what is paid by all,
peculiarly to the priests,
4. Accordingly he commanded the Levites
to yield up to the priests thirteen of their
forty-eight cities, and to set apart for them
f Concerning these twelve rods of the twelve tribes
of Israel, see St. Clement's account, much larger than
that in our Uibles, 1 Epist. sect. 15 ; as is Joscphu^.■s pre
sent account in come nieauiie larger alsi>.
^
^
108
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
the tenth |)art of tlie titlics wliicli tliey every
year receive of the people ; as also, that it was
but just to oH'cr to God the first-fruits of the
entire product of the ground ; and that they
slioidd odir the first-horn of lliose four-footed
hcasts tl)at are ajjpointed for sacrifices, if it be
a male, to the priests, to be slain, that tiiey
and tlieir entire f.iinilies may eat tlicni in the
/)oIy ciiy ; but that the owners of tiioso first-
born wliich are not appointed for sacrifices in
the laws of our country, siiould bring a sliekcl
and a half in their stead : but for the first-
born of a man, five shekels : that they should
also have the first-fruits out of the shearing
of the slicep ; and that when any baked
bread-corn, and made loaves of it, they should
give somewhat of what tliey had baked to
them. Moreover, when any have made a sa-
cred vow, I mean those that are called ^^aza-
rucs, that suder tlieir hair to grow long, and
use no wine, when they consecrate their hair,*
and ofler it for a sacrifice, they are to allot
that hair for the priests [to be throw n into the
fire]. Such also as dedicate themselves to
Gcd, as a corban, which denotes what the
Greeks call a gift, when they are desirous of
being freed from tl^at ministration, are to lay
down money for the priests ; thirty shekels if
it be a woman, and fifty if it be a man ; but
if any be too i>oor to (lay the appointed sum,
it shall be lawful for the priests to determine
that sum as they think fit. And if any slay
beasts at home for a private festival, but not for
a religious one, they are obliged lo bring the
maw and the cheek [or breast], and the right
slioulder of the sacrifice to the priests. With
dicse Moses contrived that the priests should
be plentifully maintained, besides what they
iiad out of those oH'erings for sins, which the
people gave them, as I have set it down in
the foregoing hook. He also ordered, that
out of every thing allotted for tlie priests,
tlieir servants [their sons], their daughters,
and tireir wives, should partake, as well as
tl'.emselves, excepting what can]e to them out
of the sacrifices that were oH'ered for sins ;
for of tliose none but the males of the family
of the i)riests might eat, and this in the tem-
ple also, and tliat the same day they were
offered.
5. When Mows had made tliese constitu-
tions, after the sedition was over, he removed,
I'jgetlier with the whole army, and came to
'.he borders of Idumea. lie then sent am-
bissciilors to the king of the Idumeans, and
tosired him Uy give him a ])assage through his
'ouiitry;and agreed to send him what hos-
tages he should desire, to secure him from an
injury. He desired liiin also, tliat he would
allow his army liberty lo buy provisions ; and,
if lie insisted upon it, he would pay down a
Ijricc for the very water they should drink.
K Orotius, on N'uinb, vi. IK, tak« notice that the
Grifk.- alo, a* well as the Jews, suineliiiie» eoii»c-T^tiil
tiu; itaiT uf their hciuU tu Itie 'OtLi.
But the king was not pleased with this ambas-
sage from Moses: nor did he allow a jiassage
for the armv, but brought his people armed to
meet i\Ioses, and to hinder them, in case tl;ey
should endeavour to force their passage. Up-
on wliich Moses consulted God by tlie oracle,
who would not have him begin the war first ;
and so he withdrew his forces, and travelled
round about through the wilderness.
6. Then it was that iNIiriam, the sister of
Moses, came to her end, liaving comjileted her
fortieth year f since she left E;;ypt, on the first
day \ of the lunar month Xanlhicus. Thev
then made a public funeral for her, at a great
ex|)ense. She was buried upon a certain
mountain, which they call Sin ; and when they
had mourned for her thirty days, INIoses puri-
fied the people after this manner : He brought
a heifer tliat had never been used to tlie plough
or to husbandry, that was complete in all its
parts, and entirely of a red colour, at a litile
distance from the camp, into a place perfecily
clean. This heifer was slain by the high-priest,
and her blood sprinkled with his finger seven
times before the tabernacle of God j after this,
the entire heifer was burnt in that state, to-
gether with its skin and entrails; and they
threw cedar-wood, and hys'.op, and scarlet
wool, into the midst of the fire; then a clean
man gathered all her ashes together, and laid
thein in a place perfectly clean. When there-
fore any persons were defiled by a deatl body,
they put a little of these ashes into spring
water, with hyssop, and, dipping part of these
ashes in it, they sprinkled them with it, both
on the third day, and on the seventh, and af-
ter that they were clean. This he enjoined
them to do also when the tribes should come
into their ow n land.
7. Now when this purification, which tlieir
leader made upon the mourning for his sister,
as it has been now described, was over, he
caused the army to remove and to marcli
through the wilderness and through Araliia ;
and when he came to a place which the Ara-
l)ians esteem their metropolis, which was for-
merly called Arce, but has now the name of
I'ctra, at tiiis phice, which was encompassed
with high mountains, Aaron went up one of
them ill the sight of the wliole army, Moses
having before told him that he was to die, for
this place was over-against them. He put off
his pontifical garments, and delivered them lo
Eleazar his son, to whom the high-priesdiood
belonged, because he was the elder brother;
and died while the multitude looked upon
him. He died in the same year "herein he
+ Josephus hcrt (is«s this phrase " when the fortieth
year was tMtnpletcd," for when it was Ixguii ; as iUhs >L
i.iike, " when the day of I'e^iiefost was conipletMl,"
Aols ii, I.
J Whether Miriam diefl, as .loseiihus's r.rtek eiipies
Imply, on ihc Hrsl day of the nioiUli, may lie doi.brc-',
because the Latin eoi'ies '>ay it was on the (enih. unil ko
say ihe Jewish ealeiutars al.'o, as Dr. Heii aid u^surw us.
It !s said her sepulchre is still exLnit near I'tira, the old
i-r-inral city of Arabia PcCra:a, al this da* ; as al.-o tluil
ut Aaron •not fur "It'
k
AXTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
109
lost his sister, having lived in all a liundred
twenty and three years. He died on tiie
first day of that lunar month which is called
Oy the Aihenians HecaUmihfpon, hy the Mace-
donians LoiiS, but by the Hebrews Abba.
CHAPTER V.
HOW MOSKS CONQITUED SIHON AND OG, KINGS
OF THE AMORITES, AND Dr.STROYKD THEIR
WUOI.K ARJIY, AND THEN DIVIDED THEIR
LAND 15Y LOT TO TWO TRIBES AND A HALF
OF THE HEBREWS.
§ 1. The people mourned for Aaron thirty
days, and when this mourning was over, I\Io-
ses removed the army from that place, and
came to the river Arnon, which, issuing out
of the mountains of Arabia, and running
through all that wilderness, falls into the lake
Asphahitis, and becomes the limit l)etween the
land of the Moabites and the land of tlie
Amorites. This land is fruitful, and suffi-
cient to maintain a great number of men,
with the good things it produces. Moses
therefore sent messengers to Sihon, the kin:r
of tiiis country, desiring that he would grant
his army a passage, upon «liat security he
should please to require; he promised tliat lie
should be no way injured, neither as to that
country which Sihon governed, nor as to its
inhabitants; and that he would buy his provi-
sions at such a price as slioidd be to their ad-
vantage, even tliough he should desire to sell
them their very water. But Sihon refused liis
offer, and put his army into battle array, and
was preparing every thing in order to hinder
their passing over Arnon.
'2. When Moses saw that the Amorite king
was disposed to enter upon hostilities with
tliem, he thought he ought not to bear that
.nsult ; and, determining to wean the Hebrews
from their indolent temper, and prevent the
disorders which arose thence, which had been
the occasion of their fonner sedition (nor in-
deed were thev now thoroughly easy in their
minds), he inquired of God, whether he would
give him leave to fight ? which when he had
done, and God also promised him the victory,
he was himself very courageous, and ready to
proceed to fighting. Accordingly he encou-
raged the soldiers ; and he desired of them
that they would take the pleasure of fighting,
now God gave tb.cm leave so to do. They
then upon the receipt of this permission,
wliich they so much longed for, put on their
wliole aimour, and set about the work with-
out delay. But the Amorite king was not
now like to himself when the Hebrews were
ready to attack him ; l)ut both he himself was
aft>i:;!!tcd at the Hebrews, and his army,
which licfore had sho« ed themselves to be of
good courage, were then foimd to be timor-
ous : so they could not sustain the first onset,
nor bear up against the Hebrews, but fled
away, as thinking this would aftord them a
more likely way for their escape than fighting;
for they depended upon their cities, which
were strong, from wliich yet they reaped no
advanUige when they were forced to fly to
them ; for as soon as the Heiirews saw them
giving ground, they immediately pursued them
close ; and when they had broken their ranks,
they greatly terrified them, and some of them
broke off from th.e rest, and ran away Id the
cities. Nowthe Hebrews pursued them briskly,
and obstinately persevered in the labours they
had already undergone ; and being very skilful
in slinging, and very dexterous in throwing ol
darts, or any thing else of that kind ; and also
having nothing but light armour, which made
them quick in the pursuit, they overtook their
enemies ; and for those that were most remote,
and could not be overtaken, they reached them
by their slings and their bows, so that many
were slain ; and those that escaped the slaugh-
ter were sorely wounded, and these were more
distressed with thirst than with any of those
that fought aginst them, for it was the sum-
n'.er season ; and when the greatest number of
them were brought down to the river out of a
desire to drink, as also when others fled away
by troops, the Hebrews came round tliem, and
shot at them ; so that, what with darts and \\ hat
with arrows, they made a slaughter of them
all. Sihon their king was also slain. So the
Hebrews spoiled the dead bodies, and took
their prey. The land also which they took
was full of abundance of fruits, and the army
went all over it without fear, and fed their
cattle upon it ; and they took the enemies pri-
soners, for they could no way put a stop to
them, since all the fighting men were destroy-
ed. Such was the destruction which overtook
the Amorites, who were neither s;igacious in
counsel, nor courageous in action. Hereupor.
the Hebrews took possession of their l:ind,
which is a country situate between three rivers,
and naturally resembling an island : the river
Arnon being its southern limit; the river Jab-
bok detenr.ining its northern side, which,
running into Jordan, loses its own name, and
takes the other ; while Jordan itself runs along
by it, on its western coast,
3. When matters were come to this state,
Og, the king of Gilead and Gaulanitis, fell
upon the Israelites. He brought an army with
him, and came in haste to the assistance of his
friend Sihon; but though he foui.d him al-
ready slain, yet did he resolve still to come
and fight the Hebrews, supposing he should
be too hard for them, and being desirous to
try their valour ; but failing of his hope, he
was both himself slain in the battle, and all
his army was destroyed. So Moses passed
over Uie river Jabbok, and over-ran the kin^r.
dom of Og. He overthrew their cities, and
slew all their inhabitants, who yet exceeded in
-T
J-
"V
110
A.NTKiUITJra Ol' THK JHWS.
ridics all the men In that i)iirt of tliL' coiitiii- by words : hut he did not judge it prudent to
ent, on account of the goodness of the soil, fight against them, after they had such pros-
and the great quantity of their wealth. Now perous successes, and even becanie out o( ill
t)g had very few e(|u;Hs, either in the large- successes more hajjpy than before; but he
ness of his body or handsomeness of his a]i- thought to hinder tliern, if he could, from
pearance. He was also a man of great ac- growing greater, and so he resolved to send
tivity in tlie use of his hands, so that iiis ac- ambassadois to the iMidianite:> aliout them,
tions were not unetpial to the vast largeness. Now these Midianites knowing there was one
and hansdome ajipearance of his body; and I Balaam, who lived by Euphrates, and was the
men could easily guess at his strength and greatest of the prophets at that time, and one
magnitude when they took his bed at Rabbath, i that was in friendship with them, sent some
the royal city of the Annnonites ; its structure j of their honourable princes along with the
was of iron, its breadth four cubits, and its ambassadors of lialak, to entreat the prophet
length a cubit more than double thereto, j to come to them, tli;xi he might imprecate
However, his fall did not only improve the curses to the destructiv n of the Israelites. So
circumstances of the Hebrews for the present,
but by his death he was the occasion of fur-
ther good success to them ; for they presently
took those sixty cities which were encompass-
ed with excellent walls, and had been subject
to him ; and all got both in general and in par-
ticular a great prey.
CHAPTER VI.
CONCERNING BALAAM THE PROPHET, AMD
JVHAT KIND OF MAN HE WAS.
§ 1. Now Moses, when he had brought his
Balaam received the ambassadors, and treated
them very kindly ; and when he had supped,
lie inquired what was God's will, and what
this matter was for which the Midianites en-
treated him to come to them. But when God
opposed his going, he came to the ambassa-
dors, and told them that he was himself very
willing and desirous to comply willi their re-
quest, but informed them that God was oppo.
site to his intentions, even that God who had
raised him to great reputation on account ol
the truth of his predictions ; for that this army,
which they entreated him to come and curse,
was in the favour of God ; on which account
he advised them to go home again, and not
to persist in their enmity against the Israelites;
army to Jordan, pitched his camp in the great \ and when he had given tl'.em that answer, he
plain over against Jericho. This city is a very dismissed the ambassadors.
happy situation, and very fit for producing
palm-trees and balsam ; and now the Israel-
ites began to be very proud of themselves, and
3. Now the Midianites, at the earnest re-
quest and fervent entreaties of Balak, sent
other ambassadors to Balaam, who, desiriii.
were very eager for fighting. Moses then, j to gratify the men, inquired again of God ;
after he had ottered for a lew days sacrifices i but he was displeased at this [second] trial, f
of thanksgiving to God, and feasted the peo- and bid him by no means to contradict the
pie, sent a party of armed men to lay waste
the country of the Midianites, and to take
their cities. Now the occasion which he took
for making war upon them was this that fol-
lows : —
2. When Balak, the king of the Moabitcs,
who had from his ancestors a friendship and
league with the Midianites, saw how great
the Israelites were grown, he was much af-
frighted on account of his own and his king-
dom's danger ; for he was not acquainted
with this, that the Hebrews would not meddle
with any other country, but were to be con-
tented with the possession of the land of Ca-
naan, God having forbidden them to go any
farther.* So lie, with more haste than wis-
dom, resolved to make an attempt upon them
» What Jospphus here remarks is well worth our re-
mark in this place also, viz. That the Israelites were
never to nied lie with the Moabites or Aininonitos, or
any oilier people, but those iM-loiigiiii; to tlie l.iiiil of I vination, his waf;es of unriKbteousness (\imib. xxii, 7.
( anaan, anil the countries of Sihon and ()« bcvond ,lor- 17, in, 37 ; 2 I'ct. ii, 15 ; Jude ,i, 11); which reward or
ambassadors. Now Balaam did not ima.ine
that God gave this injunction in order to de-
ceive him, so he went along with the ambas-
sadors ; but when the divine angel met him
in the way, when he was in a narrow passage,
and hedged in with a «all on both sides, the
ass on which Balaam rode understood that it
t Note, that Joseplius never supposes Balaam to be
an idolater, nor to stelt idolatrous enchantments, or to
prophesy falsely, but to be no other than an ill-disposed
prophet of the' true God; and intimates that Gods an-
swer the second time, permitting hint to go, was iron'
cal, and on design that he should bedeceivcil (which
sort cf deec) tion, by way of punishment for former
crimes, Josephus never scruples to admit, as ever
esteeming sucfi wicked men justly and providentially
deceived). Itut iierhaps we had belter keep here dote
to the text, whicli s;iys (Numb, xxiii, '.'II, I'l) that G. d
only permitted Halajim to go along with the ambas-a-
dors, in ease they e;ime and called him, or positively
msisted on his going along with them on any terms;
whereas Balaam seems out of impalience to h.ivc risen
up in the morning, .ind saddled nis ass, and nilher to
have called them, th.in staKi for their calling him; so
zealous does he seem to have lx;en for his rcw.-jrd of di-
dan, as far as the desert and luiplirales ; .uid that there
fore no other people had rciison to fear the coniiuestsof
the Israelites; hut that those countries given tfioin liy
God were their proper and iieculiar portion among the
n.iuons; and that all who enileavourcd to dispossess them
niiaht ■-•vcr be justly destroyeti by them.
wages the truly religious prophets of God never itHjuir-
ed nor acceiitcd, as our Josephus justly takes notice in
the cases of Samuel, .Vntiq. b. v, chap, iv, sect. 1, ajid
Daniel, .\iitiq. b. x, chap, xi, »cct. 3. See also Gen.
xiv. ii, 25 ; 2 Kings v, 13, IG, 26, 27 ; and AeUviii, 17
_r
CHAP. VL
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
Ill
was a divine spirit thnt met him, and tlnust
Balaam to one of the walls, without regard
to the stripes which Balaam, when he was
hurt by the wall, gave her; but when the ass,
upon the angel's continuing to distress her,
and upon the stripes which were given her,
fell down, by the will of God, she made use
of the voice of a man, and complained of Ba-
laam as acting unjustly to her ; that whereas
he had no fault to find with her in her former
service to him, he now inflicted stripes upon
her, as not understanding that she was hin-
dered from serving him in what he was now
going about, by the providence of God. And
when he was disturbed by reason of the voice
of the ass, which was that of a man, the an-
gel plainly appeared to him, and blamed him
for the stripes he had given his ass ; and in-
formed him that the brute creature was not
in fault, but that he was himself come to ob-
struct his journey, as being contrary to the
will of God. Upon which Balaam was
afraid, and was preparing to return back,
again : yet did God excite him to go on his
intended journey, but added this injunction,
that he should declare nothing but what he
nimself should suggest to his mind.
4. When God had given him this charge,
he came to Balak ; and when the king had
entertained him in a magnificent manner, lie
desired him to go to one of the mountains to
take a view of the state of the camp of the
Hebrews. Balak himself also came to the
mountain, and brought the prophet along
with him, with a royal attendance. This
mountain lay otfer their heads, and was dis-
tant sixty furlongs from the camp. Now
when he saw them, he desired the king to
build him seven altars, and to bring him as
many bulls and rams ; to which desire the
tcing did presently conform. He then slew
the sacrifices, and offered them as burnt-ofJ'er-
ings, that he might observe some signal of
the flight of the Hebrews. Then said he,
' Happy is this people, on whom God be-
stows the possession of innumerable good
things, and grants them his own providence
to be their assistant and their guide ; so that
there is not any nation among mankind but
you will be esteemed superior to them in vir-
tue, and in the earnest prosecution of the
best rules of life, and of such as are pure
from wickedness, and will leave those rules
to your excellent children, and this out of the
regard that God bears to you, and the provi-
sion of such things for you as may render
you happier than any other people under the
sun. Yo\i shall retain that land to which he
tiath sent you, and it shall ever be under the
command of your children ; and both all the
earth, as well as the sea, shall be filled with
your glory : and you shall be suflSciently
numerous to supply the world in general, and
every region of it in particular, with inhabi-
tants out of your stock. However, O blessed
army ! wonder that you are become so many
from one father : and truly, the land of Ca-
naan can now hold you, as being yet compa-
ratively few; but know ye that the wiiole world
is proposed to be your place of habitation for
ever. The multitude of your posterity also
shall live as well in the islands as on the con-
tinent, and that more in number than are the
stars of heaven. And when you are become
so many, God will not relinquish the care of
you, but will afford you an abundance of all
good things in times of peace, with victory
and dominion in times of war. May the chil-
dren of your enemies have an inclination to
fight against you, and may they be so hardy
as to come to arms, and to assault you in
battle, for they will not return with victory,
nor will their return be agreeable to their
children and wives. To so great a degree of
valour will you be raised by the providence of
God, who is able to diminish the affluence of
some, and to supply the wants of others."
5. Tlius did Balaam speak by inspiration, as
not being in his own power, but moved to say
what he did by the divine Spirit. But then
Balak was displeased, and said he had broken
the contract he had made, whereby he was to
come, as he and his confederates had invited
him, by the promise cf great presents : for
whereas he came to curse their enemies, he
had made an encomium upon them, and had
declared that they were the happiest of men.
To which Balaam replied, "O Balak, if thou
rightly considerest this whole matter, canst
thou suppose that it is in our power to be si-
lent, or to say any thing, when the Spirit of
God seizes upon us ? — for he puts such words
as he pleases in ©ur mouths, and such dis-
courses as we are not ourselves conscious of.
I well remember by what entreaties both you
and the Midianites so joyfully brought me
hither, and on that account I took this jour-
ney. It was my prayer, that I might not put
any affront upon you, as to what you desired
of me ; but God is more powerful than the
purposes I had made to serve you ; for those
that take upon them to foretell the affairs of
mankind, as from their own abilities, are en-
tirely unable to do it, or to forbear to utter
what God suggests to them, or to oflTer viol-
ence to his will ; for when he prevents us and
enters into us, nothing that we say is our own.
I then did not intend to praise this army, nor
to go over the several good things which God
intended to do to their race ; but since he was
so favourable to them, and so ready to bestow
upon them a happy life and eternal glory, he
suggested the decla-ation of those things to
mc : but now, because it is my desire to
oblige tliee thyself, as well as the Midianites,
whose entreaties it is not decent for me to re-
ject, go to, let us again rear other altars, and
offer the like sacrifices that we did before, that
I may see whether I can persuade God to
permit me to bind these men with curses.
-V
-r
jr
112
ANTIQUITIKS OF TIIK JEWS.
Wliicit, «Iiin Hiilak liad a;j;rc<'(l lo, (lod would
not, cvfii M|)(Mi si'conil siiiTilicis, consent to
his i'iirsiii<; tliu Israc'litts. • Tlifii fell [{a-
laani iipoii liis I'licc-, nnd foii'told »liat cala-
mities would hi'lall llie several kings of the
nation'-, and the most eminent cities, some
of whicli of old were not so miicli as inha-
hited ; which events have come to pa^s amon<^
the several (leople concerned, hoth in the fore-
going ages, and in ihib, till mv own memory,
both by ^ca and by land. From which com-
pletion of all these predictions that he made,
one may easily guess that the rest will have
tJ)eir completion in time to come.
6 Hut JJalak being very anp;ry that t!ie
Israelites were not cursed, sent away Balaam
without thinking him wortliy of any honour.
Whereupon, when he was just u))on his jour-
lu-y, in order to pass the Kujihratcs, he sent
for 15alak, and for the ]irinces of the Mi<lian-
ites, and spake thus to them : — " O lialak,
and you jMitlianites that are here present (for
I am obliged even witliout the will of God,
to gralil'y you), it is true no entire destruction
ran seize upon the nation of the Hebiews,
neither by war, nor by plague, nor by scar-
city of the fruits of the earth, nor can any
other unexpected accident be their entire
ruin ; for the providence of God is concerned
to preserve them from such a misfortune ; nor
will it ])ermit any such calamity to come up-
on them whereby tiiey may all perish ; but
ionie small misfortunes, and those for a short
time, whereby they may appear to be brought
low, may still befall them ; but after that they
will flourish again, to the terror of those that
brought those mischiefs upon them. So that
if you have a mind to gain a victory over
tliem for a short space of time, you will ob-
tain it by following my directions : — Do you
therefore sot out tlie handsomest of such of
your daughters a^s are most eminent for beau-
ty, j- and proper to force and conquer the mo-
desty of those that behold them, and these
decked and trimmed to the highest degree you
arc able. Then do you send them to be near
the Israelites' camp and give them in charge,
that when the young men of the Hebrews de-
sire their company, they allow it them ; and
when they see that they are enamoured of
them, let them take their leaves; and if they
entreat them to stay, let them not give their
consent till they have persuaded them to leave
off their o!>edience to their own laws and the
n-orship of that God who established them, and
• Whrthcr Jospjihiis had hi his copy Ival two atten.pts
of Balaam mi all lo ciirsi' Nrail ; or wliutlur bv tlu-. Ins
twice (itrci II. i; s. cilii'C, lu- meant twitr l.i-si(Us'!li,it lir^t
tiincalrcu^j .luJKiomd, wluth yet is not vci; proliahle,
eaimot n.iw be crrUMi.ly ilctcrmincil. In'trir mean
time, all <rhot iHipii-s lu\e three such aticiniits of Ba-
laam to curse IliPin in ilu- prcsi-nt history.
\ Such a la-ce and <li-h:iit account of this pcr\crsion
of the Israi litis by llu- M iliamtc women, of which our
other cojiies give us but shml inliniaiions (Ni:nil). xxxi,
16; 'J IVt. 11, 15; Jiidc II ; llcv. ii. Ill, is prcscrvcil,
ai Rclaiul inforuLs us, in the S.iniaiiUin C'h.oniclc, in
Hhilo, ami in otliiT writings of the Jews, as well as hcie
by ioM'ijbiis.
D'KiKIV
lo worship the gods of the MidiatiiUs ar.<l
.MoabiUs ; for by this nuai.-. (iod will be
angry at them." J Accordingly, when Ha-
laam had suggested this counsel to tiiein, lie
went his way.
7. S<» when the iMidianitcs had setit their
daughters, as Balaam had exhorted them, the
Hebrew young men were alitind by their
Ix.'auty. and catne to discourse with them, and
besought them not to grudge them tlie enjov-
ment of their beauty, rior io deny tliein their
conversation. 'I'hese daughters of the Midi,
anitcs received their words gladly, and con-
sented to it, and staid with them ; but when
they had brought theiri to l)e tnamourtd of tliem,
and their inclinations to them were grown to
ripeness, they began lo think of dei)arting
from them : then it was that these men be-
came greatly disconsolate at the women's ile-
partiire, and they were urgent with them not
to leave them, but begged they would coiitU
line there, and become their wives ; and thev
promised thein they should be owned as mis
tresses of all they had. This they said with
an oath, and called God for the arbitrator of
what thty promised ; anil this with tears in
their eyes, and all other such marks of concern,
as might show how miseiable they thought
themselves without them, and so miglit move
their compassion for them. So the women,
as soon as they perceived they liad made
tbein their slaves, and had caught them
with their conversation, began to speak thus
to thcin : —
8. " O you illustrious young men ! we have
houses of our own at home, and great plent;,
of good things there, together with the na-
tural affectionate Io\e of our parents and
friends ; nor is it out of otir want of anj such
things that we came to discourse with you
nor did we admit of voiir invitation with de-
sign to prostitute the beauty of our bodies for
gain ; but taking you for brave and worthy
men, we agreed to your request, that we might
treat you with such honours as hospitality re-
quired : and now seeing you say that you
have a great aH'eciion for us, and are troubled
when you think we are departing, we are not
averse to your entreaties ; and if we may re-
ceive such assurance of your good-will as we
think can be alone sulticient, we will be glad
to leaii our lives with you as your wives; but
we are afraid that you will in time be weary
of our coinpiny, and will then abuse us, aiid
send us back lo our parents, after an ignomi-
nious inanncr." And they desired that they
would excuse them in their guardin;! against
that tlanger. But the young men professed
they woidd give them any assurance they
should desire ; nor did they at all contradict
} This pr!""l iriaxim, That (foil's iieople of Israel
i-oiilil iic\cr I),' hurl nor drstroycil, but uy drawing them
to sin aijHiiist ti:al, appears lo Ix- true, by the entire hi»-
torv of that jH-opIc, Ix.th in the Bible hikI in .li)>C|>hiis;
and IS often taken notice of In Ihcm I olh. Set in (mrti-
cnlar a most veinarkable Ammonite tettimony to llit*
pur|K>se, Judith V. 6 — ^l
r
V
CHAP. VI.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
113
k.
what ihey requested, so great was the passion
they had for them. " If then," said they,
" this be your resolution; since you make use
of such customs and conduct of life as are en-
tirely different from all other men, * insomuch
that your kinds of food are peculiar to your-
selves, and your kinds of drink not common
to others, it will be absolutely necessary, if
you would have us for your wives, that you
do withal worship our gods ; nor can there be
any other demonstration of the kindness which
you say you already have, and promise to have
hereafter to us, than this, that you worship the
same gods that we do. For has any one reason
to complain, that now you are come into this
country, you should worship the proper gods
of the same country ? especially while our
gods are common to all men, and yours such
as belong to nobody else but yourselves." So
they said they must either come into such
methods of divine worship as all others came
into, or else they must look out for another
world, wherfcin they may live by themselves,
according to their own laws.
9. Now the young men were induced by the
fondness they had for these women, to think
they spake very well ; so they gave them-
selves up to what they persuaded them, and
transgressed their own laws ; and supposing
there were many gods, and resolving that they
would sacrifice to them according to the laws
of that country which ordained them, they
both were delighted with their strange food,
and went on to do every thing that the wo-
men would have them do, though in contra-
diction to their own laws; so far, indeed, that
this transgression was already gone through
the whole army of the young men, and they
fell into a sedition that was much worse than
the former, and into danger of the entire abo-
lition of their own institutions ; for when
once the youth had tasted of these strange cus-
toms, they went with insatiable inclinations
into them ; and even where some of the prin-
cipal men were illustrious on account of the
virtues of their fathers, they also were cor-
rupted together with the rest.
10. Even Zimri, the head of the tribe of
Simeon, accompanied with Cozbi, a Midiani-
tish woman, wlio was the daughter of Sur, a
man of authority in that country; and being de-
sired l)y his wife to disregard the laws of Mo-
ses, and to follow those she was used to, he
complied with her; and this both by sacridcing
* ^^'hat Josephus here puts into the mouths of these
Midianitc women, who came to entice the Israelites to
lewdness and idolatry, viz. that their worship of the
God of Israel, in opposition to their idol gods, implied
their living according to the holy laws which tlie true
(;od had given them "by Moses, in opposition to those
impure laws which were observed under Uieir false gods,
well deserves our tonsideiatiou; and gives us a substan-
tial reason for the great concern that was ever shown,
under the law of Moses, to preserve the Israelites from
idolatry, and in the worship of the true God; it being
of no less consequence than. Whether God's |x;ople
shou.d be govcrnetl by live holy la«s of the true Go I, or
by the iinpu:e laws derived froin Demons, under tlie I'a-
(jkn idolatrv.
after a mamner different from his own, and by
taking a stranger to wife. When things were
thus, Moses was afraid that mattets should
grow worse, and called the people to a con-
gregation, but then accused nobody by name,
as unwilling to drive those into despair who,
by lying concealed, might come to repen-
tance ; but he said tJiat they did not do what
was either worthy of tliemselves, or of their
fathers, by preferring pleasure to God, and to
the living according to his will ; that it was
fit they should change their courses while
their affairs were still in a good state ; and
think that to be true fortitude which offers nol
violence to their laws, but that which resists
their lusts. And besides that, he said it was
not a reasonable thing, when they had lived so-
berly in the wilderness, to act madly now when
they were in prosperity ; and that they ought
not to lose, now they have abundance, what
they had gained when they had little: — and
so did he endeavour, by saying this to correct
the young men, and to bring them to repen
tance for what they had done.
1 1. But Zimri arose up after him, and said,
" Yes, indeed, Moses, thou art at liberty to
make use of such laws as thou art so fond of,
and hast, by accustoming thyself to tliem,
made them firm ; otherwise, if things had not
been thus, thou hadst often been punished be-
fore now, and hadst known that the Hebrews
are not easily put upon ; but thou shalt no»
have me one of thy followers in thy tyranni-
cal commands, for thou dost nothing else hi-
therto but, under pretence of laws, and ol
God, wickedly impose on us slavery, and gain
dominion to thyself, while thou deprivest us
of the sweetness of life, which consists in act-
ing according to our own wills, and is the
right of free men, and of those that have no
lord over them. Nay, indeed, this man is
harder upon the Hebrews than were the Egyp-
tians themselves, as pretending to punish, ac-
cording to his laws, every one's acting what
is most agreeable to himself; but thou tliyself
better deservest to sufl'er punishment, who
presumest to abolish what every one acknow-
ledges to be what is good for him, and aimest
to make thy single opinion to have more force
than that of all the rest : and what I now do,
and think to be right, I shall not hereafter
deny to be according to my own sentiments.
I have married, as thou sayest rightly, a
strange woman, and thou hearest what I do
from myself as from one that is free ; for
truly I did not intend to conceal myself. I
also own that I sacrificed to those gods to
whom you do not thinkit fit to sacrifice; and
I think it right to come at truth by inquiring of
many people, and not like one that lives un-
der tyranny, to suffer the whole hope of my
life to depend upon one man ; nor shall any
one find cause to rejoice wlio declares himself
to have ii'.ore authority over my actions than
mvself."
K
114
ANTKU ITIKS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK IV
12. Nil" ulit'ii Ziiiiii liail «ai(l these tilings,
a!u>iit uliat lie nnd some otiiers liad wickedly
done, the people lield tiieir pence, both out of
I'ear of what might come upon them, and he-
faiise ihi T saw (hat tlieir legislator was not
willing to bring his insolence In I'ore the pub-
lic any farther, or ojier.ly to conlend with
liim; for he avoided that, lest many shonld
iuiitafu the impudence of his language, an<l
thereby distur!) the miiltitiule. lJ|)o:i this the
assembly was dissolved. However, the mis-
chievous attempt had proceeded farther, if
Zimri had not been first slain, which came to
pass on the follo-.vicg occasion : — riiinear,, ,i
man in olhcr rcsjjccts better than the rest of
tlie yoiuig men, aiiJ also one that surjiassed
his contemporaries in the dignity of his fallu r
(for he was the son of Eleazer the high-priest,
and the grandson of [Aaron] IVIoses's bro"-
thcr), who was greatly troubled at what wjis
done by Zimri, he resolved in eari'.C5.t to infliL-t
punishment on him, before his unworth; l;e-
hnviour shoulrl grow stronger by impunitv,
and in order to prevent this transgression from
proceeding farther, whicli would happen if the
liiigleaders were not pu:)is!ied. He was of
so great magnanimity, botli in strength of
mind and body, that wlien he undeitook any
very dangerous attemi-'t, he did not leave it
oil till he overcame it, and got an entire vic-
tory. So he came into Ziniii's tent, and slew
/liin with his javelin, and with it he slew
I'ozbi also. Upon which all those young
Uicn that had a regard to virtue, and aimed
to do a glorious action, imitated Phincas's
boldness, and slew those that were found to
be guilty oi' the same crin.e with Zinui. Ac-
cordingly, many of tho e that had transgressed
peiiihed by the magnai.'imous valour of these
\o;ingmen, and the rest all perished by a plague,
whicli ilistcmper God himself inflicted upon
lliem. So that all those their kindred, who,
instead of hindering them from such wicked
actions, as they ought to have done, had ])<.r-
suaded them to go on, were esteetued by God
as partners in their wickedness, and died.
Accordingly, there perished out of the army
no fewer than fourteen' ^twenty-four] thcu-
sand at this time.
IS. 'I'his was the cause why Moses was
pro', okcd to send an army to destrov the ]\Ji-
dianites, concerning v. hicii expedition we shall
speak presently, when we have first related
what we liave omitted ; for it is but just not
to pass over our legislator's due encomiuu),
on account of Iris conduct here, l>ecause, al-
tliougl) this liala.'un, who was sent for by the
Midianites to cur^e the Hebrews, and when
be was hindered from doing it by divine pro-
»idtr.ce, did t^till suggest that advice to lliem,
• Tlie iniHtuke in all .losoplnss's copicfi, Greek and
f i.ti.i, ulileh ha%c here four eeii lli<>iivaii<l, instead of
t Mill \ -four OiDUsand, isso flagiant, that oiirvt-ry learn-
rtl iilnon, licniard and lliickoii, Imve put Ihc latter
iii.nix-r ilirfcily into the texL 1 rliecue lather to jiut
t ill bt. ckelii.
by making use of wliich our enemies had well
nigh corrupted the whole niullitude of the
Hebrews with their wiles, till some of them
were deeply infected with their opinions; yet
(lid he do him great honour, by setting down
his prophecies in writing. .And while it was
in his ijower to claim this glory to himself,
anil m.-ike men believe they were his own pre-
diciions, there being no one that could be a
witness ag^iinst him, and accuse him for so
doing, he still gave his attestation to him,
and did him ihe honour to make mention e(
him on this account. IJut let every one think
of these matters as he pleases.
CHAPTEIl VII.
now tut: hkbrkws koight with thk hidi
A.SITES, A.ND OVEIICA.ME TIIE.M.
§ 1. Now Moses sent an artry against the
land of Pllidian, for the causes forementioned,
in all twelve thousand, taking an equal num-
ber out of every tribe, and appointed Phiiuas
for their commander ; of which Phir;eas we
made mention a little before, as he that iiad
guarded the laws of tho Hebrews, and had
inflicted punishment on Zimri when he had
transgressed them. Now the MIdianites per-
ceived beforehand how the Hebrews were
coming, and would suddenly be up<Mi thein :
so they assembled their army together, and
fnytifitd the entrance.-) into their country, and
'here awaited the enemy's coming. AVhen
!iey were come, and they had joined batile
-V itii them, an immense multitude of the i\Ii-
dianites fell ; nor could they be numbered,
they were so very many : and among them
fell ail tljcir kings, five in iuim!)er, viz. Evi,
Zur, Ueba, Hur, and Hekem, who was of the
same name with a city, the chief ai:d capital
of all Aialiia, which is still now so called by
the whole Arabian nation, ylrcccm, from the j
nanio of the king that built it ; but is by the
Greeks called J'ctru. Now when the enemien
were discomfited, the Hebrews spoiled their
country, and took a great jirey, and destroyed
the liun that were its inhabitants, together
with the women; only they let the virgins
alone, as INloses had comm.-.nded Phineas to
do, who indeed came b.ick, bringing with
him an army that had received no hanr, nnd
a great deal of prey ; fifty-two thou>ai!d
beeves, seventy-five thousand six hundred
^.heep, sixty thousand asses, with an in;mcnse
(jiiantity of gold and silver fuinilure, which
Ihe Midianites made use of in their houses ;
for tliiy were so wealthy, that they were very
luxurious. 'J'here wereiiUo let] cajilive about
thirty-two thousand virgins.-}- So Mosis parted
t 'I'lic slauRliler of nil the Midiaiiite woiiirn ihat ti.nd
prostiliiti-il llicm>elvi-s to ihe lewd Israplilt-s, a;id ih«
presirv.ilion r f those that li:iil not Ikhii i;iiilty llu-ieiii
tile la:>t uf uhii.)' wi-ri; uo fewer lliau thirty-lwo lliuii
^_-
"V
CHAP. VII.
the prey into parts, and gave one fiftieth part
to Eleazer and the two priests, and another
liFiietU part to the Levitcs ; and distributed
the rest of the prey among the people. After
which tliey lived happily, as having obtained
an abnndanee of good things by their valour,
and there being no misfortune that attended
them, or hindered tlieir enjoymciU of that
hajjpiness,
2. But Moses was now grown old, and
appointed Joshua for his successor, both to
receive directions from God as a prophet,
and for a commander of the army, if thev
should at any time stand in need of sucli a
one ; and tiiis was done by the conunand of
God, that to him the care of the public
should be committed. Now Joshua had been
instructed in all tiiose kinds of learninsi
which concerned the laws and God liimself,
and Moses had been his instructor.
3. At this time it was that the two tribes
of Gad and Reuben, and the half tribe of Ma-
nasseh, abounded in a multitude of cattle, as
well as in all other kinds of prosperity; whence
tliey had a nieefing, and in a body came and
besought Moses to give tlicni, as their pecu-
liar portion, that land of the Amorites vvliich
they had taken by right of war, because it
was fruitful, and good for feeding of cattle ;
but Moses, supposing that they were afraid of
fighting with the Canaauites, and invented
this provision for tlieir cattle as a haiulsonje
excuse for avoiding that war, he called them
arrant cowards, and said they had only con-
trived a decent excuse for that cowardice;
and that tliey had a mind to livu in luxury
and ease, wiiile all the rest were labourin<'-
with great pains to obtain the land they were
desirous to have ; and that they were not
willing to march along, and undergo the re-
maining hard service, whereby they were,
under the divine promise, to pass over Jordan,
and overcome those our enemies which God
had showu them, and so obtain their land.
sand, bath here anil Numtj. xx\i, 15, 10, 17, .-\, in, 4G,
and b(i:!i by the particular couiiiiand of lioii, aie lii^iilv
remarkable, and show that, even in nations otht-rwise
for their wiokedness dDonietl to ilfsfruetion, the inno-
cent were sometimes particulaily ri\.A pirn idomially
taken care of, and delivered from th.it I'tsnuction";
which directly implies, that it was the wi^'ki-diiL-s of rhe
nations of Canann, and nothing else, that o.i.isioned
tl-.eir exeisimi. See Gen. xv, !6; 1 .^am. w. IS, .).).
Aiiost. t'onstit b. viii, ch. xii, p. li 2 In On- lirst of
which places, Uie reason of the delay of the p> ni^hmcnt
ut tfce Amorites is given, because " theii iniijuily was
not yet full." In the second, :-.:n.il is ordered to go and
" tcstvoy the sinners, the Amalckite-i;" plainly implv-
ni(, mat they were therefore to Ije destroyed, because
tliey were sinners, and not otherwise. In the third, the
le son is giv..-ji wh> kin.o A;;^ig \vas not to he siKired,
vi/,. bejiu.o :■( \\\^ former erneity: •' As thy sword hath
ie,.ide;jie (Mohrewi Houienehildiess. sosl>all thy u-.other
be made childless among nomcn hy the Hebrews." In
L'le 1js( pUiie, the a|<>siles, or their amanuensis Cle-
men', gaxe lh\s reribon for the necessity of the coming
of Christ, lh.;r •• men h.id forraeriv perverted both the
p,.s.ti-. e l.ivv, and -hat of nature; and had cus.t out of
Iheir mind the meui.iry of the Kkiod, the bundng of
S.iduiii, he p-ii^ues of the f^vpcians. and the jiaughl- r
of Ihe udiabila'iL-. of l-ale-inie," as signs of Ihc mostj
»maznig im;.ei.;ten( e and insen.sitijlity, under the pi:- i
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
115
But these tribes, when they saw that Moses
was angry with tliem, and when they coidd
not deny but he had a just cause to be dis-
pleased at their petition, made an apology foi
themselves ; and said, that it was not on ac
count of their fear of dangers, nor on account
of their laziness, that they made this request
to him, but that they might leave the prey
they had gotten in places of safety, and there-
by might be more expedite, and ready to un-
dergo difficulties, and to tight battles. Tliev
added tliis also, that when they had biiill
cities, wherein they inight preserve their chil-
dren, and wives, and possessions, if he would
bestow them upon theia, they would go along
with the rest of the army. Hereupon Moses
was jilcased with what they said; so he called
for Eleazer, the high -priest, and Joshua, and
the ciiief of the tribes, and permitted these
tribes to possess the land of the Amorites;
but upon this condition, that they should
join with their kinsmen in the war until all
things were settled. Upon which condition
they took possession of the country, and bniit
them strong cities, and put into them their
children, and their wives, and whatsoever else
they had th.at might be an impediment to the
labours of their future inarches.
4. Moses also now built those ten cities
which were to be of the number of the forty-
eight [for the Levites] ; three of which he al
loted to those that slew any person involunta-
rily, and fled to them ; and he assigned the
same time for their banishment witii tiiat of
the life of that high-priest under whom the
slaughter and flight haj)pened ; after wl)icli
death of the high priest he permitted the
slayer to return home. During the time of
his exile, the relations of him that was slain
may, hy this law kill the manslayer, if thev
caught him without the bounds of the city to
wliich he fled, though this permission was not
granted to any other person. Now the cities
which were set apart lor this flight were these :
Uezer, at the borders of Arabia; Ilamoth, of
the land of Gilead ; and Golan, in the land
of Hashan. There were to be also, by IMoses's
command, three other cities allotted for the
habitation of these fugitives out of the citic*
of the Levites, but not till after they should
be in possession of the land of Canaan.
5. At this time the chief men of the tribe
of Manasseh came to Moses, and informed
him that there was an eminent man of their
tribe dead, whose name was Zelophehad, who
left no male cliildren, I)ut left daughters ; and
asked him whether these daughters might in-
herit his land or not. He made this answer.
That if they shall marry into their own tribe,
they shall carry their estate along with them;
but if they dispose of themselves in marriage
to men of another tribe, tliey shall leave t!uir
inheritance in their father's tribe. Ai;d (hen it
was that Moses ordained, that every one's in-
heritance should conti:iue in iiis> own ttibe.
^
116
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CIIAl'TER VIII.
Tin: POLITY SnCTTI.l'.n IIY MOSES ; AND HOW HE
DI.SAl'IM'AUll) niOM AMONG MANKIND.
§ I. M'iii:n fi)rty years were coinplcfcd, with-
in tliirty tiays, IVIosos iratlicrcil the congrega-
tion together near Jordan, wlierc tlie city
Al)ila now stands, a phice full of palm-trees;
and all the people being come together, he
spake thus to them : —
2. " O you Israelites and fellow-soldiers,
who have been partners witli me in this long
and uneasy journey ; since it is now tlie will
of God, and the course of old age, at a hun-
d-red and twenty, retinires it that I should
depart out of this life ; and since God has
forbidden me to be a patron or an assistant to
you in what remains to be done beyond Jor-
dan, I thouglit it reasonable not to leave off
my endeavours even now for your happiness,
but to do my utmost to procure for you the
eternal erijoyment of good things, and a me-
morial for myself, when you shall be in the
fruition of great plenty and prosperity : come,
therefore, let me suggest to you by what means
you may be happy, and may leave an eternal
prosperous possession thereof to your children
after you, and then let me thus go out of the
world; and I cannot but deserve to be believ-
ed by you, both on account of the great things
I have already done for you, and because,
when souls are about to leave the body, they
speak with the sincerest freedom. O children
of Israel ! there is but one source of happi-
ness for all mankind, the favour of God ; •
for he alone is able to give good things to
those that deserve them, and to deprive those
of them that sin against him ; towards whom,
if you behave yourselves according to his will,
and according to what I, who well understand
his mind, do exhort you to, you will both be
esteemed blessed, and will be admired by all
men ; and will never come into misfortunes,
nor cease to be happy : you will tl)en preserve
the possession of the good things you already
have, and will quickly obtain those that you
are at present in want of, ^only do you be
obedient to those whom God woi>ld have you
to follow : — nor do you prefer any other con-
stitution of government before the laws now
given you ; neither do you disregard that way
of divine worsliip which you now liavc, nor
change it for any other form : and if you do
this, you will be the most courageous of all
men, in undergoing the fatigues of war, and
will not be easily conquered by any of your
• Josejihus here, in this one sentence, sums up his
nutini) ot Moses's very long anil very serious exhortji-
tions in the book of Oeiiteronomy ; and his words ate
»<) true, and of such inipnrtiince, tnnt they deserve to be
had in constant renicnibraniT, both by Jews nml (hris-
tjans: — " O children of Nracl ! there is l)ut one miufcc
of happinesi for all mankind, — llicfiivuw of Hud."
BOOK IV.
enemies ; for while God is present with you
to assist you, it is to be tX|)L'cted that you will
he able to despise the ojiposition of all man-
kind : and great rewards of virtue are pro-
))()sed for you, if you preserve that viriua
through your whole lives. Virtue itself is
indeed the princi|>al and the first reward, and
after that it bestows abundance of others ; so
tliat your exercise of virtue towards other men
will make your own lives liappy, anil render
you more glorious than foreigners can be, and
procure you an undisputed reputation with
posterity. These blessings you will be able
to obtain, in case you hearken to and observe
those laws which, by divine revelation, I have
ordained for you ; that is, in case you withal
meditate upon the wisdom that is in them. I
am going from you myself, rejoicing in the
good things you enjoy , and I recommend
you to the wise conduct of your law, to the
becoming order of your polity, and to the vir-
tues of your commanders, who will take care
of what is for your advantage ; and that Got!,
who has been till now your leader, and by
whose good-will I have myself been useful (o
you, will not put a period now to his provi-
dence over you, l)ut, as long as you desire to
have him your Protector in your pursuits af-
ter virtue, so long will you enjoy his care over
you. Your liigh-priest also Eleazar, as well
as Joshua, with the senate, and chief of your
tribes, will go before you, and suggest the best
advices to you ; by following which advices
you will continue to be happv : to whom do
you give ear without reluctance, as sensible
that all such as know well how to be govern-
ed, will also know how to govern, if they be
promoted to that authority themselves ; and
do not you esteem liberty to consist in op.
posing such directions as your governors think
fit to give you for your practice, — as at pre-
sent indeed you place your liberty in nothing
else but abusing your benefactors ; which er-
ror if you can avoid for the time to come,
your affairs will be in a better condition that
they liave hitherto been ; nor do you ever in-
dulge such a degree of passion in these mat-
ters as you have oftentimes done when you
have been very angry at me; for you know
that I have been oftener in «langer of death
from you than from our enemies. What 1
now put you in mind of, is not done in order
to reproach you ; for I do not think it proper,
now I am going out of the worki, to bring
this to your remembrance, in order to leave
you offended at me, since, at the time when I
underwent those hardships from vou, I was
not angry at you ; but I do it in ortler to make
you wiser hereafter, and to teach you that this
will be for your security : I mean, that you
never be injurious to those that preside ovet
you, even when you are become rich, as you
will be to a great degree when you have pass-
ed over Jordan, and arc in possession of the
land of Canaan. Since, when you shall t>avi
^-
^
CHAP. VIII.
once proceeded so far by your wealth, as to a '
contempt and disregard of virtue, you will ]
also forfeit the favour of God ; and when you
have made him your enemy, you vfill bei
beaten in war, and will have the land which
yon possess taken away again from you by
your enemies, and this with great reproaches
upon your conduct. You will be scattered
over the whole world, and will, as slaves, en-
tirely fill both sea and land ; and when once
you have had the experience of what I now
say, you will repent and remember the laws
you have broken, when it is too late. Wlience
I would advise you, if you intend to preserve
these laws, to leave none of your enemies alive
when you have conquered them, but to look
upon it as for your advantage to destroy them
all, lest, if you permit them to live, you taste
of their manners, and thereby corrupt your
own proper institutions. 1 also do farther
exhort you, to overthrow their altars, and
their groves, and whatsoever temples they have
among them, and toburn all such, their nation,
and their very memory with fire ; for by this
means alone the safety of your own hai)py
constitution can be firmly secured to you.
And in order to prevent your ignorance of
virtue, and the degeneracy of your nature
into vice, I have also ordained you laws,
by divine suggestion, and a form of govern-
ment, which arc so good, that, if you regu-
larly observe them, you will be esteemed of
all men the most happy."
3. When he had spoken thus, he gave them
the laws and the constitution of government
written in a book. Upon which the people
fell into tears, and appeared already touched
with the sense that they should have a great
want of their conductor, because they remem-
bered what a number of dangers he had pass-
ed through, and what care he had taken of
their preservation : they desponded about wliat
would come upon them after he was dead, and
thought they should never have another go-
vernor like him ; and feared that God would
then take less care of them when Moses was
gone, who used to intercede for them. They
also repented of what they had said to liim in
the wilderness when they were angry ; and
were in grief on those accounts, insomuch
that the whole body of the people fell into
tears with such bitterness, that it was past the
power of words to comfort them in their af-
fliction. However, Moses gave them some
consolation ; and by calling them off the
thought, how worthy he was of their weeping
for him, he exhorted them to keep to that
form of government he had given them; and
then the congregation was dissolved at that time.
4. Accordingly, I shall now first describe
tliis form of government which was agreeable
to the dignity and virtue of Moses ; and shall j
thereby inform those that read these Antiqui-
ties, what our original settlements were, and |
•hall then proceed to the remaining histories. |
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
117
Now those settlements are all still In writing,
as he left them ; and we shall add nothing by
way of ornament, nor any thing besides \ihat
Moses left us ; only we shall so far innovate,
as to digest the several kinds of laws into a
regular system : for they were by him left in
writing as they were accidentally scattered in
their delivery, and as he upon inquiry had
learned them of God. On which account 1
have thought it necessary to premise this ob-
servation beforehand, lest any of my own
countrymen should blame me, as having been
guilty of an offence herein. Now part of our
constitution will include the laws that belong
to our political state. As for those laws which
IMoses left concerning our common conversa-
tion and intercourse one with another, I have
reserved that for a discourse concerning our
manner of life, and the occasions of those
lav^•s ; which I propose to myself, with God's
assistance, to write, after I have finished t!ie
work I am now upon.
5. When you have possessed yourselves of
the land of Canaan, and have leisure to en-
joy the good things of it, and when you have
afterward determined to build cities, if you
will do what is pleasing to God, you will have
a secure state of happiness. Let there be then
one city of the land of Canaan, and this si-
tuate in the most agreeable place for its good-
ness, and very eminent in itself, and let it be
that which God shall choose for himself by
prophetic revelation. Let there also be one
temple therein, and one altar, not reared of
hewn stones, but of such as you gather to-
gether at random ; which stones, when they
are whited over with mortar, will have a hand-
some appearance, and be beautiful to the sight.
Let the ascent to it be not by steps, * but by
an acclivity of raised earth. And let there
be neither an altar nor a temple in any other
city ; for God is but one, and the nation of
the Hebrews is but one.
6. He that blasphemeth God, let him be
stoned, and lei him hang upon a tree all tliat
day, and then let him be buried in an igno-
minious and obscure manner.
7. Let those that live as remote as the
bounds of the land which the Hebrews shall
possess, come to that city where the temple
shall be, and t'ais three times in a year, that the y
may give thanks to God for his former beiie-
* This law, both here and Exod. xx, 25, 26, of not
going up to Gort's altar by ladder-steps, but on an accli-
vity, seems not to have belonged to the altar of the ta-
bernacle, which was in all but three cubits high, Exod.
xxvii, t ; nor to that of Ezekiel, which was expressly to
be gone up to by steps, xliii, 17 ; but rather to occasional
altars of any considerable altitude and largeness ; as also
probably to Solomon's altar, to which it is here applied
by Josei')hiis, as well as to that in Zorobabel's and He-
lod's temple, which were, I think, all ten cuiiits high.
See 2 Chron. iv, 1, and Antiq. b. viii, chap, iii, sect. 7.
The reason why these temples, and these only, were to
have this ascent on an acclivity, and not by steps, is ob-
vious ; that before the invention of stair , such as we
now use, decency could not be otherwise provided for
in the loose garments which the priests wore, as the law
required. See Lamy of the Tabernacle and Temple,
p. 114.
^
118
ANTIQUITIKS Ol' THE JKWS.
BOOK. ly
fits, and mny entreat him for tlioso tlicy shall this hearing what they command llu-tn to do,
want Iieri-aftiT ; and 1ft tlu'in, hy this means, ' lliat so tiii-re may always be wiihin iheir minds
niriiiitaiii a fiiendly fDrrispoiidence witli one- th;il intention of the laws «hieli they have
aiiollierhv such meetings and feastiii'^ togctlier ' despised and broken, and iiave thereby been
for it is a good thing for those that are of the the causes of their own mischief. Let the
same stock, and under llie same institution of children also learn the laws, as the first thing
laws, not to be unacqiiaiufed with each other; they are taught, which will lie the best thing
which acquaintance will be maiulained hy thus they can be taught, and will be the cause of
conversing together, atid by seeing and talk-] tlieir future felicity.
in" with one another, and so renew ing the me-
morials of this union ; for if tiiey do not thus
converse together continually, they will ap-
pear like niere strangers to one another.
8. Let there be taken out of your fruits a
tenth, besides that w liich yon have allotted to
"ive to the priests and Levites. This you
may indeed sell in tlie coiuitry, but it is to be
used in those feasts and sacrilices that are to
be celebrated in the holy city : for it is fit that
you sliould enjoy those i'ruits of the earth
which God gives you to possess, so as may be
to the honoui of the donor.
9. You are not to olfer sacrifices out of
the hire of a wom;m who is a iurlot, * for the
Deity is not pleased w ith any thing that arises
from such abu:,es of nature ; of whicli sort
none cati be worse than this prostitution of
the body. In like manner no one may take
the price of the covering of a bitch, either of
one that is used in hunting, or in keeping of
sheep, and thence sacrifice to God.
10. Let no one blaspheme those gods which
.>ther cilies esteem such ;■)■ nor may any one
steal what belongs to strange temples ; nor take
awav the gifts that are dedicated to any god.
11. Let not any one of you wear a gar-
ment made of woollen and linen, for tJiat i-.
appointed to be for the piiests alone.
12. When the multitude are assembled to-
irrther unto the holy city for s.icrificing every
1 3. Let every one commemorate before
God the benefits which he bestowed upon
them at their deliverance out of the land of
Egypt, and this twice every day, both when
the day begins and when the hour of sleep
cotnes on, gratitude being in its own nature
a just thing, and serving not only by way of
return for |)ast, but also by way of invitation
of future favours. They are also to inscribe
the principal blessings they have received
fiom God upon their doors, and sliow the
same remembrance of them upon their arms ;
as also they are to bear on their forehead and
their arm those wonders which declare the
powii of God, and his good-will towards
them, i!:at God's readiness to bless them mny
appe.ii everywhere conspicuous about them.§
It. J-tt there be seven men to judge in
every city,|| and these such as have been be-
fore most zealous in the exercise of virtue and
righteousness. Let every judge have two
officers allotted him out of tlie tribe of Levi.
Let those that are chosen to judge in the se-
veral cities be had in great honour; and let
none be permitted to revile any others when
these are present, nor to carry themselves in
an insolent manner to them ; it being natural
that reverence towards those in high offices
among men should jirocure men's fear aid
reverence towards God. Let those that judge
be permitted to determine according as ihey
sevemh year, at the Feast of Tabernack's, let think to be right, unless any one can siiov
the hi^h-priest stand upon a high desk, w hence that they have taken bribes, to the pervernon
le may be heard, and let him read the laws
i to all the people ; f and let neither the women
nor the chiidre.i be hinilered from hearing,
i:o, nor the servants neither ; for it is a good
tiling that those laws should be engraven in
their souls, and preserved in their i\ieinories,
tliat so it may not be pos-ible to blot them
out ; fcr by this means ihey will not be guilty
of sin, when they cannot plead ignoiance of
what the laws have enjoined them. The laws
also will have a greater authority among them,
as foretelling what they will sutler if they
break tlieiu . and iinpriniing in their souls by
• The hire of public or secret harlot* iva? given tn
Venus III Syria, a.s Luciaii li. forms us, i». ST^ ; ai.il .igftirst
Kline suoh vile practice of llif oM iilolatcrs, this law
iceiiis to have l>i.-en iiiadL-.
+ The AiKKtolical Coiistitutioiis, b. li, ch.-.p. xxvi,
sei-t. .>l, expiiund Uiis law of Mo.sf» (Kxoil. xxii, i-'S),
•• I'hou tbii;! not revile or blaspliuiiic thrgoiU," of ma-
Ostr.ite.; which is a nii:ch more probali.e espiLMtion
;haii this of J.iscplius, of heathen gu<l>, .la here, auil
.B.-.insl .Apion. b. ii. sc.-t. .> I. snrn ;..l«r< «pp..,i:u-<t lor .ii.all vines. n>ic-«.l >>l lur
1 Whai book of ihu law was thus piibliily read, set- tiflhrr.- in Ihi: miKitr.. R;bbiii.: whuh m.-lcm It..
ihenou-ou AnU.). b. x. i-lup. v, «.-et. a, and I Kid. ix, ! bm>«.i;alwa>» but oi very btUt duuiority u**x;iiij;aii«.
of justice, or can allege any other accusation
against them, whereby it may ajipcar that they
have passed an unjust sentence; for it is not
fit that causes sliouhl be opeidy detcrminet
out of regard to gain, or to the dignity of the
suitoi-s, but that the judges should esteem w Uai
§ Wliolhor these phyLicterics, and other Jewish in«-
nuuials of the law Uere n-.ciiuoncil "oy JcK*phiis, and by
Mo.-.es (lie-idcj the friiigi-son the bonlf.sof iheir ^ar-
menus, .Num. xv, ,)7l, were litL-ialiy nicLint by Owl, I
much ((uestion. That they have Ixvn loi fi oU;erve<l by
ihe lliarisCL-s and UiiDniKal Jews, is ci-riaiii ; liowever,
.he Karaites, who receive not tlieuiuvritteii tiadilii-ii-s of
the elders, but keep clo.se to the writluii law, with Jt*
rome and tirotius, Uiiiik iliev wi-.c not literally to be
iiiulcrstood ; as l<irn.iril jind lleU.iuI here take iioiii.f.
Nor indeed do I reinemlK-r tli.ir, ciUicr in tlie ane v.ilcr
iMioksof the Old Tcsumivnt, or in the bo: k.s we vad
Apocrypha, there are any signs of suih liler^d o!to<.r»a-
lions .nppoarirg among the Jews, though their real or
mystical .-iunifivation, i. t. tliL- con»laut itiiic;i.braii.>.
and oliservation of the laws of (io<l by Moat-, Ix- f e-
quentlv ini-uleattsl in all the sacrcil • rii.ngs.
H Here, as well a< ilsewlicrv, seei. .^M, of his lift',
•ect. 4, :>iul if ItiL- War, b. ii, eh. xx, sjvt j, a.e b-..l
li'es aniiDinu-d for small cities. in>lC!ul of <ii'<-»»
^ ■ " - • • ■ tern lt..l>-
IKUU
logout J(»ei>liiu.
CHAP. VIII
is riglit before all other things, otherwise God
will by that rriLans be despised, and osteenied
inferior to those, the dread of whoso power
has occasioned tlie unjust sentence; for jiis-
tii-e is the power of God. He, therefore, that
gratifies those in great dignity, supposes them
more potent tlian God himself. But if these
judges be unable to give a just sentence about
the causes that come before them (which case
is not unfrequerit in human affairs), let them
send the cause undetermined to the holy city,
and there let the liigh-|)riest, the prophet, and
the sanhediim, determine as it shall seem
good to them.
15. But let not a single witness be credit-
ed ; but three, or two at the least, and those
such whose testimony is confirmed by their
good lives. But let not the testimony of wo-
men be admitted, on account of the levity
and boldness of their sex ;* nor let servants
be admitted to give testimony, on account of
the ignobility of tiieir soul; since it is pro-
liable that they may not speak truth, either out
of hope of gain, or fear of punishment. But
if any one be believed to have borne false wit-
ness, let him, when he is convicted, suffer all
the very same punishments which he against
uliom he bore witness was to have suffered.
1 G. If a murder be committed in any place,
and he that did it be not found, nor is there
any suspicion upon one as if he had hated the
man, anil so had killed hiui, let there be a
very diligent inquiry made after the man, and
re« ards proposed to any one who will discover
liini ; but if still no information can be pro-
cured, let the magistrates and senate of those
cities that lie near the place in which the
murder was committed, assemble together,
and measure the distance from the place
where the dead body lies; then lei the ma-
gistrates of the nearest city thereto purchase
a heifer, and bring it to a valley, and to a
place therein where there is no land ploughed
or trees planted, and let them cut the sinews
of the heifer ; then the priests and Levites,
and the senate of that city, shall take water
and wash their hands over ihe head of the
heifer; and they shall openly declare that
their hands are innocent of this murder, and
that they have neither done it tliemselvcs, nor
been tissisting to any that did it. They sliall
also lieseech God to be merciful to them, that
no such horrid act m.iy any more be done in
that land.
17. x\ristocracy, and the way of living un-
der it, is the host constitution : and may you
never have any inclination to any other form
of government ; and may you always love
that ibrm, and have the laws for your gover-
* ! h.nve never oljserved elsewhere, that in the Jew-
i<]\ (^in eminent, women wyre not ailinittcd as legal wit- j
ni.>M-s ill o»iurts of justice. None of our copiis of ihc ;
IViitateuch s.-iy a woril of it. It is very probable, how- '
vvff, th.it this was the exoLisitioii of the' Scribes ami |
I'ii irisees, and Ule practici; of the Jews in tlie dayi of j
•o«.'l>hu« I
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
ill)
nors, and govern all your actions according
to them ; for you need no supreme governor
I)Ut God. But if you shall desire a king, let
iiiin be tme of your own nation ; let him be
always careful of justice and other virtiies
perpetually ; let him submit to the laws, and
esteem God's commands to be his highest
wisdom ; but let him do nothing without the
high-priest and the votes of the senators : let
him not have a great number of wives, nor
pursue after abundance of riches, nor a irinl-
titude of liorscs, whereby he may grow too
proud to submit to the laws. And if he af-
fect any such things, let him be restrained,
lest lie become so potent that his state be in
consistent with your welfare.
i8. Let it not be esteemed lawful to re-
move boundaries, neither our own, noi- of
those with whom we are at pe.ice. Have a
care von do not take those land-marks awav
whicli are, as it were, a divine and unshaken
limitation of riglits made by God himself, to
last for ever ; since this going beyond limits
and gaining ground upon others, is the occa-
sion of wars and seditions ; for those that re-
move boundaries are not far off an attempt
to subvert the laws.
19. He that plants a piece of land, the
trees of whicli produce fruits before the fourth
year, is not to bring thence any first-fruits to
God, nor is he to make use of that friiit him-
self, for it is not produced in its proper sea-
son ; for when Nature has a force ^)ui upon
her at an unseasonable time, the fruit is not
proper for God, nor for the master's use ; but
let the owner gather all that is grown on tiie
fourth year, for then it is in its proper season ;
and let him that has gathered it carry it to
the holy city, and spend that, together with
the tithe of his other fruits, in feasting with
his friends, with the orphans, and the widows.
But on the fifth year the fruit is his own,
and he mav u.ie it as : ■ pleases.
20. You are not to m)w with setnl a piece
of land which is planted with vine? ; for it
is enough that it sujijily nourishment to that
plant, and be not harassed by ploughing a!-o.
You are to plough your land with oxen, ai>d
not to oblige other animals to come under the
same yoke with them, but to till your land
with tiiose beasts that are of the same kind
witJ) eacli oilier. Tiie seeds are also to l>c
pure, and witliout mixture, and not to lie
compounded of two or tliree sorts, since Na-
ture docs not rejoice in the union of tilings
tlial are not in their own nature alike : nor
arc you to permit l>easts of different kinds to
gender together, for there is reason to fear
that this unnatural almse may extend from
beasts of diili'rent kinds to men, though it
takes its first rise from evil practices about such
smaller tilings. Nor is any thing to be al.
lowed, by imitation whereof any degree of
subversion may creep into the con.stir.iiimi ;
nor do the laws neglect small mallei-,, but
120
ANTIQUITIKS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK IV
provide that cvon tliose may be inaiiagud after
an unlilaiiieal>le manner.
21. Let not tliose that reap and gather in
the corn that is reajied, gather in the glean-
ings also, but let them rather leave some
handfuls for those that are in want of the ne-
cessaries of life, that it may be a supjiort and a
siipi)lv to them, in order to their subsistence.
In like manner when they gather their grapes,
let thein leave some smaller bunches for the
poor, and let them pass over some of the fruits
of the olive trees, when they gather them, and
leave them to be partaken of by those that
have none of their own ; for the advantage a-
rising from the exact collection of all, will not
be so considerable to the owners as will arise
from the gratitude of the poor ; and God
wil. provide that the land shall more willing-
ly produce what shall be for the nourishment
of its fruits, in case you do not merely talce
care of your own advantage, but have regard
to the support of others also : nor are yuu to
muzzle tlie mouths of the oxen when they
tread the ears of corn in the thrashing-floor;
for it is not just to restrain our fellow -labour-
in"' animals, and those that work in order to
its production, of this fruit of their labours :
nor are you to prohibit those that pass by at
the time when your fruits are ripe to touch
them, but to give them leave to fill themselves
full of what you have ; and this whether they
be of your own country or strangers,— as be-
in"' glad of the opportunity of giving them
some part of your fruits when they are ripe ;
but let it not be esteemed lawful for them to
carry any away : nor let those that gather the
grapes, and carry them to the wine-presses,
restrain those whom they meet from eating of
tiiem ; for it is unjust, out of envy, to hinder
those that desire it, to partake of the good
things that come into the world according to
God's will, and this while the season is at the
height, and is hastening away as it pleases
God. Nay, if some, out of bashfulness, are
unwilling to touch these fruits, let them be
encouraged to take of them (I mean, those
that are Israelites) as if th'-y were themselves
the owners and lords, on account of the kin-
dred there is between them : nay, let them
desire men that come from other countries, to
partake of these tokens of friendship which
God has given in their proper season ; for
that is not to be deemed as idly spent, which
any o»ic out of kindness communicates to an-
other, since God bestows plenty of good things
on men, not only for themselves to reap the ad-
vantage, but also to give to others in a way of
generosity ; and he is desirous, by this means,
to make known to others his peculiar kind-
ness to the people of Israel, aiul iiow freely
he communicates happiness to them, while
thev abundantly communicate out of their
great superfluities to even these foreigners al-
so. But for him that acts contrary to this
la«*-, Itt him be beaten with forty stripes, save
one, • by the public executioner ; let him un-
dergo this punishment, which is a inost igno.
minious one fur a free man, and this because
he was such a slave to gain as to lay a blot
upon his own dignity ; for it is proper for
you who have had the experience of the affile,
tions in Egypt, and of those in the wilder-
ness, to make provision for those that are in
the like circumstances ; and while you have
now obtained plenty yourselves, through the
mercy and providence of God, to distribute
of the same plenty, by the like sympatljy, to
such as stand in need of it.
22. liesides those two tithes, which I have
already said you are to pay every year, the
one for the Levites, the other for the festivals,
you are to bring every third year a third tithe
to be distributed to those that want ; f to wo-
men also that are widows, and to childrt'n that
ate orphans. But as to the ripe fruits, let them
carry that which is ripe first of all into the
temple ; and w hen they have blessed God for
that land which bare them, and wliicli he had
given them for a possession, when they have al-
so offered those sacrifices which the law has
commanded them to bring, let them give the
first-fruits to the priests. But when any one
hath done this, and hath brought the tithe of
all that he hath, together with those first-fruits
that are for the Levites, and for tlie festivals,
and when he is about to go home, let him
stand before the holy house, and return thanks
to God, that he hath delivered them from the
injurious treatment they had in Egyjit, and
hath given them a good land, and a large, and
lets them enjoy the fruits thereof; and when
he hath openly testified that he hath fully paid
the tithes [and other dues] according to the
laws of Moses, let him entreat God that he
will be ever merciful and gracious to him ;
and continue so to be to all the Hebrews,
both by preserving the good things which he
hath already given them, and by adding what
it is still in his power to bestow upon them.
23. Let the Hebrews marry, at the age fit
for it, virgins that are free, and born of good
parents. And he that does not marry a virgin,
let him not corrui>t another man's wife, and
marry her, nor grieve her former husband :
nor let free men marry slaves, although their
affections should strongly bias any of them so
to do ; for it is decent, and for the dignity of
the persons themselves, to govern those their
aH'ections, And farther, no one ought to mar-
ry a harlot, whose matrimonial oblations, aris-
ing from the prostitution of her body, God
will not receive; for by these means the dis-
• This jienaltj- ot ' forty stripes, save one," here mcn-
tioncil, and seet. i!3, was fixe times iiillictcti on .St P^ul
himself l)v the Jews, 2 for. xi. S4.
t Josfii>ii!s's iijaiii and cxjircss inlcrjirctation of thu
law of >fi>sc<, Oeut. xiv, '-'K, T); xxvi, 1-.', Are. tl.attnc
Jfws were bound every third year to pay th'ec tithes,
lh.1t to tJie Levites, tli.it for siierificvs at Jerusalem, and
this for iJic ind (jent. itie widow, and the orph^uis, is
fully eonfiimeil by ilie praetii-e of good old Tobit, evi-n
when 111- w:'s a wiptivc in .Ai-vria, against theojmiions o'
the Habbuis. Tobit, i. 6, 7. '8-
_r
■^
CHAP. VI n.
positions of the children will be liberal and
virtuous ; I mean, when they are not born of
base parents, and of the lustful conjunction of
such as marry women that are not free. If
any one has been espoused to a woman as to
a virgin, and does not afterward find her so
to be, let him bring his action, and accuse
ber, and let him make use of such indications*
to prove his accusation as be is furnished with-
al ; and let the father or the brother of the
damsel, or some one that is after them nearest
of kin to her, defend her. If the damsel ob-
tain a sentence in her favour, that she had not
been guilty, let her live with her husband
that accused her^ and let him not have any
farther power at all to put her away, unless
she give him very great occasions of suspicion,
and such as can be no way contradicted ; but
for him that brings an accusation and calumny
against his wife in an impudent and rash man-
ner, let him be punished by receiving forty
stripes save one, and let him pay fifty shekels
to her father : but if the damsel be convicted,
as having been corrupted, and is one of the
common people, let her be stoned, because
she did not preserve her virginity till she were
lawfully married ; but if she were the daugh-
ter of a priest, let her be burnt alive. If any
one has two wives^.and if he greatly respect
and be kind to one of them, either out of his
affection to her, or for her beauty, or for some
other reason, while the other is of less esteem
with him ; and if the son of her that is belov-
ed be the younger by birth than another born
of the other wife, but endeavours to obtain
the right of primogeniture from his father's
kindness to his mother, and would thereby
obtain a double portion of his father's sub-
sUmce, for that double portion is what I have
allotted him in the laws, — let not this be per-
mitted ; for it is unjust that he who is the eld-
er by birth should be deprived of what is due
to him, on the father's disposition of his estate,
because his mother was not equally regarded
by him. He that hath corrupted a damsel
espoused to another man, in case he had her
consent, let both him and her be put to death,
for they are both equally guilty j the man, be-
cause he persuaded the woman willingly to
submit to a most impure action, and to prefer
it to lawful wedlock ; the woman, because she
was persuaded to yield herself to be corrupt-
ed, either for pleasure or for gain. However,
;'f a man light on a woman when she is alone,
and forces her, where nobody was present to
* These tokens of vivgiiiity, as the Hebrew and Sep-
tuagint style them, DeiiU xxii. 15, 1", -0, seem to me
very dift'erent from what our later interpreters suppose.
They appear rather to have been such close linen gar-
ments as were never put oft' virgins, after a certain age,
till they were married, but before witnesses, and wjiicli,
while they were entire, were certain e^ idences of such
virginity. See these, Antiq. b. vii, chap. viii. sect. 1;
2 Sam. xiii. 18; Isa. vi. 1. Josephus here determines
nothing what were these particular tokens of virginity
or of corruption : i>erliaps he thought lie could not c-asily
describe them to the htathe; .s, without saying what tliey
might have thought a breach of modesty ; which seem-
ing breach of modesty laws canirat always wholly avoid. ,
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
121
come to her assistance, let him only be put
to death. Let him that hath corrupted a vir-
gin not yet espoused, marry her ; but if the
father of the damsel be not willing tlrat she
should be his wife, let him pay fifty shekels
as the price of her prostitution. He that de
sires to be divorced from hiswife for any cause-j-
whatsoever (and many such causes happen
among men), let him in writing give assurance
that he will never use lier as his wife any more ;
for by this means she may be at liberty to
marry \nother husband, although before this
bill of drv'orce be given, she is not to be per-
mitted so to do : but if she be misused by him
also, or if, when he is dead, her first husband
would marry her again, it shall not be lawful
for her to return to him. If a woman's hus-
band die, and leave her without children, let
his brother marry her ; and let him call the
son that is born to him by his brother's name,
and educate him as the heir of his inheritance;
for this procedure will be for the benefit of
the public, because thereby families will not
fail, and the estate will continue among the
kindred : and this will be for the solace of
wives under their aflfliction, that they are to
be married to the next relation of their for-
mer husbands ; but if the brother will not
marry her, let the woman come before the se-
nate, and protest openly that this brother will
not admit her for his wife, but will injure
the memory of his deceased brother, while she
is willing to continue in the family, and to
bear him children ; and when the senate have
inquired of him for what reason it is that he
is averse to this marriage, whether he gives a
bad or a good reason, the matter must come to
this issue. That the woman shall loose the san-
dals of the brother, and shall spit in his face,
and say. He deserves this reproachful treat-
ment from her, as having injured the memory
of tlie deceased ; — and then let him go away
out of the senate, and bear this reproach upon
him all his life long; and let her marry to whom
she pleases, of such as seek her in marriage
I3ut now, if any man take captive, either a vir-
gin, or one tliat hath been married, | and has a
mind to marry her, let him not be allowed to
bring her to bed to him, or to live with her
as his wife, before she hath her head shaven,
and hath put on her mourning habit, and
lamented her relations and friends that were
slain in the battle, that by this means she may
give vent to her sorrow for them, and after
that may betake herself to feasting and matri-
mony ; for it is good for him that takes a wo-
man, in order to have children by her, to be
complaisant to her inclinations, and not mere-
ly to pursue his own pleasure, while he hath
t These words of Josephus are very like those of the
Pharisees to our Saviour upon this very subject, Matt,
xix. 5, " Is it iawful for a man to put away his wife
for evei-y cause ?"
t Here it is supposed that this captive's husband, if
she were before a married woman, was dead before, or
rather was slain in this very battle; otherwise it wouW
have been adultery in him that married her
l'^2
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK IV.
no regard to whnt is agreeable to her ; but
when tliirty days are past, as tlie lime of
inouriiiii;;, for so many are sufficient to prud-
ent persons for hmienling the dearest friends,
tlien let tlieni proceed to the marriage ; but
in case, when l)e hath satisfied his lust, he be
too proud to retain her for his wife, let him
not have it in his power to make her a slave,
but let her go away whither she pleases, and
have that privilege of a free woman.
'2'1. As to those young men tiial despise
their parents, and do not ])ay tliem honour,
but offer them affronts, eitlier because they
are asliamed of them, or think themselves
wiser than they, — in tlie first place let their
parents admonish them in words (for they are
by nature of authority sufficient for becoming
their judges), and let them say thus to them :
— That tliey cohabited together, not for tl>e
sake of pleasure, nor for the augmentation of
their riches, by joining both their stocks to-
gether, but that they might have children,
to take care of them in their old age, and
might by them have what they then should
want ; — and say farther to him, " That when
f.iou wast born, we took thee up with gladness,
and gave God the greatest thanks for thee,
and brought tliee up with great care, and
spared for nothing that apjieared useful for
thy preservation, and for thy instruction in
what was most excellent ; and now, since it
is reasonable to forgive the sins of those that
are young, let it suffice thee to have given so
many indications of thy contempt of us ; —
reform thyself, and act more wisely for the
time to come ; considering that God is dis-
pleased with those that are insolent towards
their parents, because he is himself the Father
of the whole race of mankind, and seems to
bear part of that dishonour which falls upon
those that have the same name, when they do
not meet with due returns from tlieir child-
ren ; and on such the law inflicts inexorable
punishment; of which punishment mayst thou
never have the experience 1" Now if the in-
solence of young men be thus cured, let them
escape the reproach wliich their former errors
deserved ; for by this me.ms the lawgiver will
appear to be good, and parents happy, while
they never bcliold either a son or a daughter
brought to punishment ; but if it happen that
these words and instructions, conveyed by them
in order to reclaim the man, appear to be use-
less, then the offender renders the laws impla-
cable enemies to tlie insolence he has offered
his parents ; let him tlierefore l)e brought
forth* l)y these very parents, out of the city,
with a multitude following him, and there let
him be stoned ; and wlien he has continued
there for one whole day, that all the jieople
may see him, let Iiim be buried in the night;
and thus it is that we bury all whom the laws
• Sec Horod the Great insisting on the execution of
this law, with relation to two of his own sons, before the
judges at Bcrytus, Antiq. b. xvi. fh. xi. st-ct. 2.
condemn to die, upon any account whatso-
ever. Let our enemies that fall in battle be
also burieil, nor let any one dead body lie
above the ground, or suffer a punishment be-
yond what justice requires.
25. Let no one lend to any one of the He-
brews upon usury, neither usury of what is
eaten or what is drunken ; for it is not just to
make advantage of the misfoi tunes of one of
thy own countrymen: but whfn thou hast
been assistant to his necessities, tin'nk it thy
gain, if thou obtainest their gratitude to thee;
and withal that reward which will come to
thee from God, for thy humanity towards him.
26. Those who have borrowed either silver
or any sort of fruits, whether dry or wet (I
mean this, when the Jewish affairs shall, by
the blessing of God, be to their own mind), let
the borrowers bring them again, and restore
them with pleasure to those wlio lent them ;
laying them up, as it were, in their own trea-
suries, and justly expecting to receive them
thence, if they shall want them again ; but if
they be without shame, and do not restore it, let
not the lender go to the borrower's house, and
take a pledge himself, before judgment be
given concerning it; but let him require the
pledge, and let the debtor bring it of himself,
without the least opposition to him that comes
upon him under the protection of the law;
and if he that gave the pledg>' be rich, let the
creditor retain it till what he lent be paid him
again ; but if he be poor, let him that takei
it return it before tiie going down of the sun,
especially if the pledge be a garment, that the
debtor may have it for a covering in his sleep,
God himself naturally showing mercy to the
poor. It is also not lawful to take a mill-stone,
nor any utensil thereto belonging, for a pledge,
that the debtors may not be deprived of instru-
ments to get their food withal, and lest they
be undone by their necessity.
27. Let death be the punishment for steal-
ing a man ; but he that hath purloined gold
or silver, let him pay double. If any one kill
a man that is stealing something out of his
house, let him be esteemed guiltless, although
the man were only breaking in at the wall. Let
him that hath stolen cattle pay fourfold what
is lost, excepting t!ie case of an ox, for which
let the thief pay fivefold. Let him that is so
j])oor that he cannot pay what mulct is laid
upon him, be his servant to whom he was ad-
judged to pay it.
28. If any one be sold to one of his own
nation, let him serve him six years, and on
the seventh let him go free. But if he have
a son by a woman-servant in his purchaser's
bouse, and if, on account of his good-will to
his master, and his natural affection to his wife
and children, be will be his servant still, let
him be set free only at the coming of the year
of jubilee, which is the fiftieth yenr, and let
him then take away wiih him his cliildren and
wife, and let them l)e free also
"V
-r
i"
•V
! CHAP. VI ri.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
123
L'9. If any one find gold or silver on the
road, let hiin inquire after him that lost it,
and make proclamation of the place where he
found it, and then restore it to him again, as
not thinking it right to make his own profit
by the loss of another. And the same rule
is to be observed in cattle found to have
wandered away into a lonely place. if the
owner be not presently discovered, let him
that is the finder keep it with himself, and
appeal to God that he has not purloined what
belongs to another,
SO. It is not lawful to pass by any beast
that is in distress, when in a storm it is fallen
down in the mire, but to endeavour to pre-
serve it, as having a sympathy with it in its
pain.
31. It is also a duty to shew the roads to
those who do not know them, and not to esteem
it a matter for sport, when we hinder others'
advantages, by setting them in a wrong way.
32. In like manner, let no one revile a per-
son blind or dumb.
S3. If men strive together, and there be no
Instrument of iron, let him that is smitten be
avenged immediately, by infiicting the same
punishment on him that smote In'm ; but if
when he is carried home he lie sick many
days, and then die, let him that smote him es-
cape punishment ; but if he that is smitten es-
cape death, and yet be at great expense for
his cure, tiie smiter shall pay for all that has
been expended during the time of his sickness,
and for all that he has paid the physician. He
that kicks a woman with child, sotliat the wo-
man miscarry,* let him pay a fine in money,
as the judges shall determine, as having dimin-
ished the multitude by the destruction of what
was in her womb ; and let money also be given
the woman's husband by him that kicked her;
but if she die of the stroke, let him also be
put to death, the law judging it equitable that
life should go for life.
34. Let no one of the Israelites keep any
poison f that may cause death, or any other
harm ; but if he be caught with it, let him
be put to death, and suffer the very same mis-
chief that he would have brought upon them
for whom the poison was prepared.
35. He that maimeth any one, let him im-
dergo the like himself, and be deprived of the
same member of wliich he hath deprived the
other, unless he that is maimed will accept of
• Pliilo and others appear to have understood this law
(Exod. xxi. 22, 2.3) better than Josephus, who seeni< to
allow, that though the infant in the mother's woiiiU,
even after the mother were quick, and so the infant hail
a rational soul, were killed by the stroke \i\r.m the m!>
ther, yet if the mother escaped, the o^londer should on-
ly be tiued, and not put to death; while the law seems
rather to mean, that if the infant in that case be killed,
though the mother escape, the offender must be put to
death; and not only when the mother is killed, as Jo-
sephus understood it. It seems this was the exposition
of the Pharisees in the days of Josephus.
f What we render a witch, according to our modem
notions of witchcraft, Exod. xxii. 1», Philo and Jose-
phus understood of a poisoner, or mie who attempted,
uv secret and unlawful drugs or philtia, to take away the
sensea or tlie lives of men.
money instea<l of it ;f for the law makes the
sufferer the judge of the value of what he
hath suffered, and permits him to estimate it,
unless he will be more severe.
3ff. Lot hini that is the owner of an ox
which pusheth with his horn, kill him : but if
he pushes and gores any one in tlie thrashing-
floor, let him be put to deith by stoning, and
let him not be thought fit for food; but If
his owner be convicted as having known what
his nature was, and hath not kept him up, let
him also be put to death, as being the occa-
sion of the ox's having killed a man. But if
the ox have killed a man-servant, or a maid-
servant, let him be stoned ; and let the own-
er of the ox pay thirty shekels § to the mas-
ter of him that was slain : but if it be an ox
that is thus smitten and killed, let both the
oxen, that which smote the other and that
which was killed, be sold, and let the owners
of them divide their price between them.
37. Let tliose that dig a well or a pit, be
careful to lay planks over them, and so keep
them shut up, not in order to hirider any per-
sons from drawing water, but that there may
be no danger of falling into them : but if any
one's beast fall into such a well or pit thus
digged and not shut up, and perish, lot the
owner pay its price to the owner of the beast.
Let there be a battlement round the tops of your
houses instead of a wall, that may prevent any
persons from rolling down and pcrish.ing.
38. Let him that has received any thing in
trust for another, take care to keep it as a sa-
cred and divine thing; and let no one invent
any contrivance, whereby to deprive him that
hath intrusted it with him of the same, and
this whether he be a man or a woman ; no,
not although he or she were to gain an im-
mense sum of gold, and this where he cannot
be convicted of it by any body ; for it is fit
that a man's own conscience, which knows
what he hath, should, in all cases, ol)Iige him
to do well. Let this conscience be his wit-
ness, and make him always act so as may pro-
cure him commendation from others; but let
him chiefly have regard to God, from whorh
no wicked man can lie concealed : but if he
in whom the trust was reposed, without any
deceit of his own, lose what he was intrusted
withnl, let him come before the seven judges,
and swear by God tliat nothing hath been lost
willingly, or with a wicked intention, and
that ho liatii not made use of any part there-
of, and so let him depart without blame ; but
if he hath made use of the least part of what
was committed to him, and it be lost, let him
be condemned to rei)ay all that he had re-
ceived. After the same manner as in these
X This permission of redeeming this penalty with mo-
ney IS not in our copies, Exod. xxi. 24, 2j ; Lev. xxiv
20; Deut. xix. 21.
^ We may here note, that thirty shekels, the pnce
our Saviour was sold for by Judas to the Jews, Miith.
xxvj, i.'i, and xxvii, .), was the old value of a bought
servant or slave among tliat people.
124
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK IV
tnists, it is to be, if any one defraud those
that undorgo bodily labour for liim. And let
it be always n.-nieniberi'd, that we are not to
defraud a poor man of bis wages; as being
sensible that God has allotted these wages to
him instead of land and other possessions ;
nay, this payment is not at all to be delayed,
but to be made that very day, since God is
not willing to deprive the labourer of the im-
mediate use of what he hath laboured for.
39. You are not to punish children for the
faults of their parents, but on account of their
own virtue rather to vouchsafe them commis-
eration, because they were born of wicked pa-
rents, than hatred, because they were born of
bad ones: nor indeed ought we to impute tlie
sin of children to their fathers, wliile young
persons indulge themselves in many practices
different from what they have been instructed
in, and this by their proud refusal of such in-
struction.
40. Let those that have made themselves
eunuchs be had in detestation ; and do you a-
void any conversation w itii them who have de-
prived themselves of their manhood, and of
that fruit of geiieration which God has given
to men for the increase of their kind : let such
be driven away, as if they had killed their
children, since they beforehand have lost w hat
should procure them ; for evident it is, that
while their soul is become efTeminate, they
have withal transfused that efleminacy to their
body also. In like manner do you treat all
that is of a monstrous nature when it is looked
on ; nor is it lawful to geld men or any other
animals.*
41. Let this be the constitution of your
political laws in time of peace, and God will
be so merciful as to preserve this excellent set-
tlement free from disturbance : and may that
time never come which may innovate any
thing, and change it for the contrary. But
since it must needs happen that mankind fall
into troubles and dangers, either undesigned-
ly or intentionally, come let us make a few
constitutions concerning them, that so being
apprized beforehand what ought to be done,
you may have salutary counsels ready when
you want them, and may not then be obliged
to go to seek what is to be done, and so be
unprovided, and full into dangerous circum-
stances. May you be a laborious people, and
exercise your souls in virtuous actions, and
thereby possess and inherit the land without
wars ; while neither any foreigners make war
upon it, and so afflict you, nor any internal
sedition seize upon it, whereby you may do
things that are contrary to your fathers, and
so lose the laws which they have otablished :
and may you continue in tlie observation of
• Ttiis law against castration, even of brutes, is said
to be so rigorous elsewhere, as to inllict ilealh on hnn
that do«s it; which seems only a Pharisaical interpreta-
tion in the days of Josephus of that l.iw, Lev. xxi. iO,
and xxii. 21 : only we may hence observe, that the Jews
could then have no oxen which are gelt, but only bulls
and cows, in Judea.
those laws which God hath approved of, and
hath delivered to you. I^t all sort of war-
like operations, whether they befal you now
in your own time, or hereafter in the times of
your posterity, be done out of your own bord-
ers ; but when you are about to go to war,
send ambassages and heralds to those who are
your voluntary enemies, for it is a right thing
to make use of words to them before you
come to your weajjons of war; and assure
them thereby, that although you have a nu-
merous army, with horses and weapons, and,
above these, a God merciful to you, and ready
to assist you, you do however desire them not
to compel you to fight against them, nor to
take from them what they have, which will
indeed be our gain, but what they will have
no reason to wish we should take to ourselves;
and if they hearken to you, it will be proper
for you to keep peace with them ; but if they
trust in their own strength as superior to
yours, and will not do you justice, lead your
army against them, making use of God as your
supreme commander, but ordaining for a lieu-
tenant under him, one that is of the greatest
courage among you ; for these different com-
manders, besides their being an obstacle to
actions that are to be done on the sudden, are
a disadvantage to those that make use of them.
Lead an army pure, and of chosen men, com-
posed of all such as have extraordinary
strength of body and hardiness of soul ; but
do you send away the timorous part, lest they
run awav in the time of action, and so afford
an advantage to your enemies. Do you also
give leave to those that have lately built them
houses, and have not yet lived in them a year's
time; and to those that have planted them
vineyards, and have not yet been partakers of
their fruits, — to continue in their own coun-
try ; as well as those also who have betrothed,
or lately married them wives, lest they have
such an atl'ection for these things that they be
too sparing of their lives, and, by reserving
themselves for these enjoyments, they become
voluntary cowards, on account of their wives.
42. When you have pitched your camp,
take care that you do nothing that is cruel ;
and when you are engaged in a siege, and
want timber for the making of warlike en-
gines, do not you render the land naked by
cutting down trees that bear fruit, but spare
them, as considering tliat they were made for
the benefit of men ; and that if they could
speak, they would have a just plea against you,
because, though they are not occasions of the
war, they are unjustly treated, and suffer in
it ; and would, if they were able, remove them-
selves into another land. When you have
beaten your enemies in battle, slay those that
have fought against you ; but preserve the oth-
ers alive, that they may pay you tribute, ex-
cepting the nation of the Canaanites ; for as to
that jjeople, you must entirely destroy them.
43. Take care, especially in your battles.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. VIII.
that no woman use the habit of a man, nor
man the garment of a woman,
44. Tliis was the form of political govern--
ment whicli was left us by Moses. IMoreover,
he had already delivered laws in writing,* in
the fortieth year [after they came out of Egypt],
concerning which we will discourse in another
book. But now on the following days (for he
called them to assemble continually) he deli-
vered blessings to them, and curses upon those
that should not live according to the laws, but
should transgress the duties that were deter-
mined for them to observe. After this, he
read to them a poetic song, which was com-
posed in hexameter verse ; and left it to them
in the holy book : it contained a prediction of
what was to come to pass afterward ; agreea-
bly whereto all things have happened all along,
and do still happen to us; and wherein he
has not at all deviated from the truth. Ac-
cordingly, he delivered these books to the
priests, j- with the ark ; into which he also put
the Ten Commandments, written on two ta-
bles. He delivered to them the tabernacle
also ; and exhorted the people, that when they
had conquered the land, and were settled in
it, they should not forget the injuries of the
Amalekites, but make war against them, and
inflict punishment upon them for what mis-
chief they did tliem when they were in the
wilderness; and that, when they had got pos-
session of the land of the Canaanites, and
when they had destroyed the whole multitude
of its inhabitants, as they ought to do, they
should erect an altar that should face the ris-
ing sun, not far from the city of Shechem, be-
tween the two mountains, that of Gerizzim,
situate on the right hand, and that called
£bal, on the left ; and that the army should
be so divided, that six tribes should stand
upon each of the two mountains, and with
them the Levites and the priests. And that
first, those that were upon mount Gerizzim
should pray for the best blessings upon those
who were diligent about the worship of God,
and the observation of his laws, and who did
not reject what Moses had said to them ; while
the other wished them all manner of happi-.
uess also ; and when these last put up the like
prayers, the former praised them. After this,
curses were denounced upon those that should
transgress those laws, they answering one ano-
ther alternately, by way of confirmation of
what had been said. Moses also wrote their
blessings and their curses, that they might
learn them so thoroughly, that they might
never be forgotten by length of time. And
when lie was ready to die, he wrote these
blessings and curses upon the altar, on each
side of it;^ where he says also the people
» These laws seem to be those above mentioned, sect.
i , of this chapter.
+ What laws were now delivered to the priests, see
the note on Antiq. b. iii, chap, i, sect. 7.
t Of the exact place where this altar was to be built,
whether nearer moun* Gerizam or mount Ebal. accord-
125
stood, and then sacrificed and offered burnt-
offerings ; though after that day tliey never
offered upon it any other sacrifice, for it was
not lawful so to do. These are the constitu-
tions of Moses; and the Hebrew nation still
live according to them.
45. On the next day, Mos(|; called the peo.
pie together, with the women and children, to
a congregation, so as the very slaves were pre-
sent also, that they might engage themselves
to the observation of these laws by oath ; and
that, duly considering the meaning of God in
them, they might not, either for favour of
their kindred, or out of fear of any one, or
indeed fbr any motive whatsoever, think any
thing ought to be preferred to these laws, and
so might transgress tiiem ; that in case any one
of their own blood, or any city, should at-
tempt to confound or dissolve their constitu-
tion of government, they should take venge-
ance upon them, both all in general, and each
person in particular; and when they had con-
quered them, should overturn their city to the
very foundations, and, if possible, should not
leave the least footsteps of such madness : but
that if they were not able to take such venge-
ance, they should still demonstrate that what
was done was contrary to their wills. So the
multitude bound themselves by oath so to do.
46. Moses taught them also by what means
their sacrifices might be the most acceptable
to God ; and how they should go forth to war,
making use of the stones (in the high-priest's
breast-plate) for their direction, § as I have
before signified. Joshua also prophesied wliik
Moses was present. And when Moses had
recapitulated whatsoever he had done for the
preservation of the people, both in their wars
and in peace, and had composed them a body
of laws, and procured them an excellent form
of government, he foretold, as God had de-
clared to him, " That if they transgressed
that institution for the worship of God, thev
should experience the following miseries .—
Their land should be full of weapons of war
from their enemies, and their cities should be
overthrown, and their temple should be burnt ;
that they should be sold for slaves, to such
men as would have no pity on them in their
afflictions ; that they would then repent, when
that repentance would no way profit them un-
der their sufferings. Yet," said he, " will that
God who founded your nation, restore your
cities to your citizens, with their temple also ;
and you shall lose these advantages, not once
only, but often,"
ing to Josephus, see Essay on the Old Testament, p. 168
—171. • 1 a
Ij Dr. Bernard well observes here, how unfortunate
this neglect of consulting the Urim was to .Joshua him-
self in the case of the Gibeonites ; who put a trick upon
him and ensnared him, tdgeiher with the rest of the
Jewish rulers, with a solemn oath to preserve them, con-
trary to his commission to extirpate all the Canaanites,
root and branch ; which oath he and the other rulers
never durst break. See Scripture Politics, p. bfy, 5fi; and
this snare they were brought into because they " did
not ask counsel at the mouth of the Lord," Josh.' ix, H
_i
i'JG
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
47. Now when Moses had encouraged Jo-
shua to luad out tlic army against the Ca-
tiaanites, by tilhng him thut God would as-
sist liini iu all his tiixlertakings, and had
blessed the whole multitude, he said, " Siiu'e
I am going to my forefathers, and God has
determined that this should he the day of my
departure to them, I return him thajiks while
I am still alive and j)resenl wiili you, for that
providence he hath exercised over you, which
hath not only delivered us from the nuseries
we lay under, but hatli bestowed a state of
prosperity upon us ; as also, that he hath as-
sisted me in the pains I took, and in all the
contrivances 1 had in my care about you, in
order to better your condition, and hath on all
occasions showed himself favourable to us; or
rather he it was who first conducted our af-
fairs, and brouglit them to a hajjiiy conclu-
sion, by making use of me as a vicarious ge-
neral under him, and as a minister in those
matters wherein he was willing to do you
good: on which account 1 think it jjroper to
bless that Divine Power which will take care
of you for the time to come, and this in order
to repay that deot which I t)we Jiim, and to
leave behind me a memorial that we are
obliged to worship and honour him, and to
Veej) those laws which are the most excellent
gift of all those he hath already bestowed up-
on us, or which, if he continue favourable to
us, he will bestow upon us hereafter. Cer-
tainly a human legislator is a terrible enemy
when his laws are affronted, and are made to
no purpose. And may you never experience
that displeasure of God which will be the con-
sequence of the neglect of these his laws, which
he, who is your Creator, hath given you !"
48. When Moses had spoken thus at the
end of his life, and had foretold what would
befal to every one of their tribes* afterward,
with the addition of a blessing to them, the
multitude fell into tears, insomuch that even
the women, by beating their breasts, made
manifest the deep concern they had when he
was about to die. The children also lament-
ed still more, as not able to contain their
grief; and thereby declared, that even at
their age they were sensible of his virtue and
mighty deeds; and truly there seemed to be
a strife betwixt the young and the old, who
should most grieve for him. The old grieved,
because they knew what a careful protector
they were to be deprived of, and so lamented
their future state; but the young grieved, not
only for that, but also because it so happened
tliat they were to be left by him before they
had well tasted of his virtue. Now one may
make a guess at the excess of this sorrow and
lamentation of the multitude, from wliat hap-
• Since Josenhus assures us here, ,is is most naturally
to be suiipusc-il, ami as tlic Septuacint gives ilie text
(DcuU xxxiii, (J), that Moses blfsseil everyone if lite
trilMis of Israel, it is evident that Simeon was not omit-
Icvl in Icis co<>y, as it unhappily now is, both iu our He-
brew and Samaritan copies.
pencd to the legislator himself; for aUhoug!i
he was always persuaded that he ought not to
l)e cast down at the approach of death, since
the undergoing it was agree.ible to the will of
God and the law of nature, yet what the peft-
pie did so overbore him, that he wept him-
self. Now as he went thence to the place
where he was to vanish cut of their sight,
they all followed after him weeping; l>ut
Moses bt'ckoned with his hand to those that
were remote from him, and hade them stay
behind in quiet, wl.ilc he exhorted those that
were near to him that they would not render
his departure so laine;. table. Wherr-iipon they
thought they ought to grant him that favour,
to let him depart, according as iie himself de-
sired ; so they restrained themselves, though
weeping still towards one another. All those
who accompanied him were the senate, and
Eleazer the liigh-priest, and Joshua their com-
mander. Now as soon as they were come to
the mountain called Ab-^rim (which is a very
high mountain, situate over against Jericho,
and one that affords, to such as are upon it,
a prospect of the greatest part of the excellent
land of Canaan), he dismissed tlie senate;
and as he was going to embrace Eleazer and
Joshua, and was still discoursing with them,
a cloud stored over him on the sudden, and he
disappeared in a certain valley, although be
wrote in the holy books that he died, which
was done out of fear, lest they should venture
to say that, because of his extraordinary vir-
tue, he went to God.
49. Now Moses lived in all one hundred
and twenty years ; a third part of which time,
abating one iiionth, he was the people's ruler;
and lie died on the last month of the year,
which is called by the Macedonians JJ^strus,
but by us Adar, on the first day of the month.
He was one that exceeded all men that ever
were in understanding, and made the best use
of what that understanding suggested to him.
He had a very graceful way of speaking and
addressing himself to the multitude : and as
to his other ijualifications, he had such a full
couunand of his passions, as if he hardly had
any such in his soul, aiid only knew them by
their names, as rather perceiving them in other
men than in himself. He was also such a
general of an army as is seldom seen, as well
as such a prophet as was never known, and
this to such a degree, that whatsoever he pro-
nounced, you wouUl think you heard the
voice of God himself. So the people mourn-
ed for him thirty days ; nor «lid ever any
grief so deeply affect tlie Hebrews as did this
upon the death of Moses ; nor were those
that had experienced his conduct the only
persons that desired him, but tjiose also that
perused the laws he left behind him had a
strong desire after him, and by iJiem ga-
thered the extraordinary virtue he was mas-
ter of. And this shall sufhce for the decla-
ration of the manner of the death of Mose*
BOOK V.
CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF FOUR HUNDRED AND SEVENTY-SIX YEARS.
FROM THE DEATH OF MOSES TO THE DEATH OF ELI.
CHAPTER I.
HOW JOSHUA, THE COMMANDER OF THE HE-
BREWS, MADE WAR WITH THE CANAANITES,
AND OVERCAME THEM, AND DESTROYED
THEJI, AND DIVIDED THEIR LAND BY LOT
TO THE TRIBES OF ISRAEL.
§ 1. When Moses was taken away from
among men, in the manner already described,
and when all tlie solemnities belonging to the
mourning for him were finished, and the sor-
row for him was over, Joshua commanded
the multitude to get themselves ready for an
expedition. He also sent spies to Jericho,
to discover what forces they had, and what
were tiieir intentions; but he put his camp in
order, as intending soon to pass over Jordan
at a proper season. And calling to him the
rulers of the tribe of Reuben, and the gover-
nors of the tribe of Gad, and [the half tribe
of ] Manasseh, for half of this tribe had been
permitted to have their habitation in the coun-
try of the Amorites, which was the seventh
part of the land of Canaan,* he put them in
mind what they had promised Moses ; and he
exhorted them that, for the sake of the care
that Moses bad taken of them, who had never
been weary of taking pains for them, no not
when he was dying, and for the sake of the
public welfare, they would prepare themselves,
and readily perform what they had promised ;
so he took fifty thousand of them who follow-
• The Amorites were one of the seven nations of
Canaan. Hence Ueland is willing to suppose that Jo-
Bephus did not here mean that their land beyond Jordan
was a seventh part of the whole land of Canaan, but
meant the Amorites as a seventh nation. His reason is,
that Josephus, as well as our Bible, generally distinguish
the land beyond Jordan from the land of Canaan ; nor
am it be denied, that in strictness they were different :
yet after two tribes and a half of the twelve tribes came
to inherit it, it might in a general way altogether be well
included under the land of Canaan, or Pafestine, or Ju-
dea ; of which we have a clear example here before us
in Josephus, whose words evidently imply, that taking
the whole land of Canaan, or tliat 'inhabited by all the
twelve tribes together, and parting it into seven parts,
the part lieyond Jordan was in quantity of grouna one
seventh part of the whole. And this well enough agrees
to Rcland's own map of that country, although this
.and l)eyond Jordan was so peculiarly fiiiitful, and good
for pasturage, as the two tribes and a half took notice
(Numb, xxxii, 1,4, IC), that it maintained about a fifth
part of the whole people.
ed him, and he marched from Abila to Jor-
dan, sixty furlongs.
2. Now when he had pitched his camp, the
spies came to him immediately, well acquaint-
ed with the whole state of the Canaanites ;
for at first, before they were at all discovered,
they took a full view of the city of Jericlio
witiiout disturbance, and saw which parts of the
walls were strong, and which parts were other-
wise, and indeed insecure, and which of the
gates were so weak as might afford an entrance
to their army. Now those that met them took no
notice of them when they saw them, and sup-
posed they were only strangers, who used to
be very curious in observing every thing in
the city, and did not take them for enemies;
but at even they retired to a certain inn that
was near to the wall, whither they went to
eat their supper; which supper when they
had done, and were considering how to get
away, information was given to the king as
he was at supper, that there were some per-
sons come from the Hebrews' camp to view
the city as spies, and that they were in the inn
kept by Rahab, and were very solicitous that
they might not be discovered. So he sent
immediately some to them, and commanded
to catch them, and bring them to him, that he
might examine them by torture, and learn
what their business was there. As soon as
Rahab understood that these messengers were
coming, she hid the spies under stalks of
flax, wliich were laid to dry on the top of her
house ; and said to the messengers that were
sent by the king, that certain unknown strang-
ers had supped with her a little before sun-
setting, and were gone away, who might easi-
ly be taken, if they were any terror to the city,
or likely to bring any danger to the king. So
these messengers being thus deluded by the
woman,f and suspecting no imposition, went
their ways, without so much as searching the
inn ; but they immediately pursued them a-
+ It plainly appears by the history of these spies,
and the inn-keeper Rahab's deception of the king of
Jericho's messengers, by telling them what was false, iu
order to save the lives of the spies, and yet the great
commendation of her faith and good works in the New
Testament (Heb. xi. 51 ; James ii. 25), as well as by
many other parallel examples, both in tlie Old Tuitn
128
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
'~S
BOOK V
long lliose roads which tliey most probahly
siii>|>ose(l thc-iii to have gone, and tliose parti-
cularly which lud to the river, hut could hear
no tidings of them ; so they left ofl" the |)ains
of any farther pursuit. But when the tumult
was over, Uahab brought the men down, and
desired thein as soon as they should have ob-
tained possession of the land of Canaan, when
it would be in their power to make her amends
for her preservation of them, to remember
what danger she had undergone for their sakes;
for that if she had been caught concealing
them, she could not have esca])ed a terrible
destruction, she and all her family with her,
and so bid them go homej and desired tliem
to swear to her to preserve her and her fann"-
ly wiien they should take the city and destroy
all its inhabitants, as they had decreed to do;
for so far she said she had been assured l)y
those divine miracles of which slie had been
informed. So these spies ackncwledged tliat
tliey owed her thanks for what she had done
already, and withal swore to requite lier kind-
ness, not only in words, but in deeds ; but
they gave her this advice, 'i'hat when she
should perceive that the city was about to be
taken, she should put her goods, and all her
family, by way of security, in her inn, and to
hang out scarlet threads before her doors [or
windows], that the commander of the He-
brews might know her house, and take care to
do her no harm • for, said tbey> we will in-
form him of this matter, because of the con-
cern thou hast had to preserve us ; but if any
oiie of thy family fall in the battle, do not
thou blame us; and we beseech that God, by
whom we have sworn, not then to be displeas-
ed with lis, as though we had broken our
oaths. So these men, when they had made
this agreement, went away, letting themselves
down by a rope from the wall, and escaped,
and came and told their own people whatso-
ever they had done in their journey to this
city. Joshua also told Eleazar the high-
priest, and the senate, wiiat the spies had
sworn to Rahab ; wlio confirmed what had
been sworn.
3. Now while Joshua, the commander, was
in fear about their passing over Jordan, for
the river ran witli a strong current, and could
not be passed over with bridges, for there ne-
ver had been bridges laid over it hitherto; and
ment and in Josephiis, that the best men did not then
scruple to deceive tiuise puljlie enemies who might just-
y be destroyed; as also might det-eivc ill men in order
to save hie, and deluer tin Miselves from the tyranny of
their unjust oppressDr.-, and this l)y telhiig direct false-
hoods; I mean, all this where no oath was demanded
of thoin, otherwise they never durst venture on such a
procedure. Nor was Joscphus himself of any other o-
pinicui or practice, as I shall remark in the note on An-
tiq. b. ix, chap, iv, sect. 3. And ot)scrve, that 1 still
call this woman Uahab, an inn-keeper, not a harlot ;
tlie whole history, both in our conies, and eypecially in
Josephus, implying no more. It was indeed so fre-
quent a thing, that women who were inn-ktn jiers were
also harlots, or maintairuis of harlots, that the word
commonly used for real harlots wits usually given them.
See 1). Uerruird's note here, and Judges xi. I ; and An-
tiq. b. v. eh. vii. sect. 8.
while he suspected, that if lie should attempt
to make a bridge, that tlieir eneniies would
not allbrd him time to perfect it, and for fer-
ry-boats they had none, — God promised so to
dispose of the river, that they might pass over
it, and that by taking away the main part of
its waters. So Joshua, after two days, caused
the army and the whole multitude to pass over
in the mamier following : — The priests went
first of all, having the arit with them ; then
went the Levites bearing the tabernacle and tlie
vessels which belonged to the sacrifices ; after
which the entire multitude followed, accord-
ing to their tribes, having their children and
their wives in the midst of them, as being a-
fraid for them, lest they should be borne away
by the stream. But as soon as the priests had
entered the river first, it appeared fordable,
tlie depth of the water being restrained, and
the sand a])pearing at the bottom, because the
current was neither so strong rior so swift as
to carry it away l)y its force ; so they all |)assed
over the river without fear, finding it to Ik- in
the very same state as God had foretold he
would put it in ; but the priests stood still in
the midst of tlie river till the multitude should
be passed over, and should get to the shore in
safety ; and when all were gone over, the
priests came out also, and permitted the cur-
rent to run freely as it used to do before.
Accordingly the river, as soon as the Hebrews
were come out of it, arose again presently, and
came to its own proper magnitude as before.
4. So the Hebrews went on farther fifty
furlongs, and pitched their camp at the dit^
tanee of ten furlongs from Jericho : btit Jo-
shua built an altar of those stones which all
the heads of the tribes, at the command of th*
prophet, had taken out of the deep, to be after-
wards a memorial of the division of the stream
of this river, and upon it oflered sacrifice to
God ; and in that place celebrated the pass-
over, and had great jileiity of all the things
which they wanted hitherto ; for they reaped
the corn of the Canaanites, which was now
ripe, and took other things as prey ; for then
it was that their former food, which was man-
na, and of which they had eaten forty years,
failed them.
5. Now while the Israelites did this, and the
Canaanites did not attack them, but kept
themselves quiet within their own walls, Jo-
shua resolved to besiege them ; so on the firs,
day of the feast [of the passovcr], the priests
carried the ark round about, with some part
of tlie armed men to be a guard to it. Tiiese
priests went forward, blowing with their seven
trumpets ; and exhorted the army to be of
good courage, and went round about the city,
with the senate following them; and when
the priests had only blown with the trumpets,
for they did nothing more at all, they return-
ed to the camp ; and when they had done
this for six days, on the seventh Josliua ga-
thered the armed men, and all the i>eople to
J
CHAP. I.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
129
gether, and told them these good tidings, That
the city should now be taken, since God
would on that day give it them, by the fall-
ing down of the walls, and this of their own
accord, and without their labour. However,
he charged them to kill every one they should
take, and not to abstain from the slaugh-
ter of their enemies, either for weariness or for
pity, and not to fall on the spoil, and be there-
by diverted from pursuing their enemies as
they ran away ; but to destroy al' the animals,
and to take nothing for their own peculiar ad-
vantage. He commanded them also to bring
together all the silver and gold, that it might
be set apart as first-fruits unto God out of this
glorious exploit, as having gotten them from
the city they first took ; only that they should
save Raliab and her kindred alive, because of
the oath which the spies had sworn to her.
6. When he had said this, and had set his
army in order, he brought it against the city :
so they went round the city again, the ark go-
ing before them, and tlie priests encouraging
the people to be zealous in the work ; and
when they had gone round it seven times, and
had stood still a little, the wall fell down,
while no instruments of war, nor any other
force, was applied to it by the Hebrews.
7. So they entered into Jericho, and slew
all the men that were therein, while they were
affrighted at the surprizing overthrow of the
walls, and their courage was become useless,
and they were not able to defend themselves;
so they were slain, and their throats cut, some in
the ways, and others as caught in their houses,
— nothing afforded them assistance, but they
all perished, even to the women and the child,
len ; and the city was filled with dead bo-
dies, and not one person escaped. They al-
so burnt the whole city, and the country
about it ; but they saved alive Rahab, witli
her family, who had fled to her inn ; and
when she was brought to him, Joshua owned
to her that they owed her thanks for her pre-
servation of the spies : so he said he would
not appear to be beliind her in his benefaction
to her ; whereupon he gave her certain lands
immediately, and had her in great esteem ever
afterwards.
8. And if any part of the city escaped the
fire, he overthrew it from the foundation ; and
he denounced a curse * against its inhabitants,
* Upon occasion of this devoting of Jericho to de-
struction, and the exemplary punishment of Achar, who
brol<e that cfterem or avathema, and of the punishment
of the future bveaker of it, Hiel (1 Kings xvi, 34), as al-
so of the punishment of Saul, for lireaking the lilie che-
rem ox anathema , against the Amalekites (I Sam. xv),
we may observe what was the true meaning of that law
Lev. xxvii, 28) : " None devoted, which shall be devot-
ed of men, shall be redeemed ; but shall surely be put
to death ;" i. e. whenever any of the Jews' public ene-
mies had been, for tlieir wickedness, solemnly devoted
to destruction, according to the divine command, as
were generally the seven wicked nations of Canaan, and
those sinners the Amalekites (1 Sam. xv, 18), it was ut-
terly unlawful to permit those enemies to be redeemed ;
but they were to be all utterly destroyed. See also Num.
vUi, '2, 3.
if any should desire to rebuild it : how, upon
liis laying the foundation of the walls, he
should be deprived of his eldest son; and up-
on finishing it, he should lose his youngest
son. But w^hat happened hereupon, we shall
speak of hereafter,
9. Now there was an immense quantity of
silver and gold, and besides those of brass also,
tfiat was heaped together out of the city when
it was taken, no one transgressing the decree,
nor purloining for their own peculiar advan-
tage ; which spoils Joshua delivered to the
priests, to be laid up among their treasures.
And thus did Jericho perish.
10. But there was one Achar, \ the son [of
Charmi, the son] of Zebedias, of the tribe of
Judah, who, finding a royal garment woven
entirely of gold, and a piece of gold that
weighed two hundred shekels ;| and thinking
it a very hard case, that what spoils he, by
running some hazard, had found, he must give
away, and ofTer it to God, who stood in no
need of it, while he that wanted it must go
without it,—- made a deep ditch in his own
tent, and laid them up therein, as supposing
he should not only be concealed from his fel-
low-soldiers, but from God himself also.
11. Now the place where Joshua pitched
his camp was called Gilgal, which denotes li-
berty;^ for since now they had passed over
Jordan, they looked on themselves as freed
from the miseries which they had undergone
from the Egyptians, and in the wilderness.
12. Now, a few days after the calamity that
bfcfel Jericho, Joshua sent three thousand
armed men to take Ai, a city situate above
Jericho ; but, upon the sight of the people of
Ai, with them they were driven back, and lost
thirty-six of their men. When this was told
the Israelites, it made them very sad, and ex-
ceeding disconsolate, not so much because of
the relation the men that were destroyed bare
to them, though those that were destroyed
were all good men, and deserved their esteem,
as by the despair it occasioned ; for while they
believed that they were already, in effect, in
possession of the land, and should bring back
the army out of the battles without loss, as
God had promised beforehand, they now saw
unexpectedly their enemies bold with success;
■f- That the name of this chief was ikk Achan, as in
the common copies, but Achar, as here in Josephus,
and in the Apostolical Constit. b. vii, ch. ii, and else-
where, is evident by the allusion to that name in the
curse of Joshua, " Why hast thou troubled us ? — the
Lord shall trouble thee;" where the Hebrew word al
hides only to the name Achar, but not to Achan. Ac-
cordingly, this Valley of Achar, or Achor, was and is a
known place, a little north of Gilgal, so called from the
days of Joshua till this day. See Josh, vii, 26; Isa.
Ixv. Ill ; Hos. ii, 15 ; and Dr. Bernard's notes here.
X Here Dr. Bernard very justly observes, that a few
words are dropped out of Joseph us's copies, on account
of the renetition of the word shekels; and that it ought
to be read thus ;— " A piece of gold that weighed fifty
shekels, and one cf silver that weighed two hundred
shekels," as in our other copies, Joshua vii, 21.
§ I agree here with Dr. Bernard, and approve of Jo-
sephus's interpretation of Gilgal for libeity. See Josh
v 9.
"\.
J~
130
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
so tJiey put sackcloth over tlicir garments, and
continued in tears and lamentation all the day,
witliout the least inquiry after food, but laid
what had happened greatly to heart.
13. Wlien Joshua saw the army so much
afflicted, and possessed with forebodings of
evil as to their wliolc expedition, he used free-
dom with God, and said, " We are not come
thus far out of any rashness of our own, as
thougli we thought ourselves able to subdue
this land with our own weapons, but at the
instigation of Moses thy servant for this pur-
pose, because thou hast promised us, by many
signs, that thou wouldst give us this land for
a possession, and tliat thou wouldst make our
army always superior in war to our eneniies,
and accordingly some success has already at-
tended upon us agreeably to tliy promises;
but because we have now unexpectedly been
foiled, and have lost some men out of our
army, we are grieved at it, as fearing what
thou hast promised us, and what Moses fore,
told us, cannot be depended on by us; and
our future expectation troubles us tlie more,
because we have met with such a disaster in
this our first aUempt; but do thou, O IjOrd,
free us from these suspicions, for thou art
able to find a cure for these disorders, by giv-
ing us victory, which will both take away the
grief we are in at present, and prevent our
distrust as to what is to come."
14. These intercessions Joshua put up to
God, as he lay prostrate on his face : where-
upon God answered him. That he should rise
up, and purify his host from the pollution
that had got into it ; that " things conse-
crated to me have been impudently stolen from
me," and that " this has been the occasion
why this defeat had happened to them ;" and
that when they should search out and punish
the oHender, he would ever take care they
should have the victory over their enemies.
This Joshua told the people : and calling for
Eleazar the high-priest and the men in au-
thority, he cast lots, tribe by tribe ; and when
the lot showed that this wicked action was
done by one of the tribe of Judah, he then
again jiroposed the lot to the several families
thereto belonging ; so the truth of this wick-
ed action was found to belong to the family
of Zachar ; and when the iixjuiry was made,
man by man, they took Achar, who, upon
God's reducing him to a terrible extremity,
could not deny the fact : so he confessed the
theft, and produced what he had taken in the
midst of tliem, whereupon he was innnediate
ly put to death ; and attained no more than to
be buried in the night in a disgraceful man-
ner, and such as was suitable to a condemned
malefactor.
15. When Joshua had thus jjurified tlie
host, he led them against Ai : and having by
night laid an ambush round about the city,
ne attacked the enemies as soon as it was
day ; but as they advanced boldly against the
Israelites, because of their former victory, he
made them believe he retired, and by that
means drew them a great way from the city,
they still supposing that they were pursuing
their enemies, and despised them, as though
the case liad been the same with that in the
former battle ; after which Joshua ordered his
forces to turn about, and placed them against
their front : he then made the signals agreed
upon to those that lay in ambush, and so ex-
cited them to fight ; so they ran suddenly into
the city, the inhabitants being upon the walls,
nay, others of them being in jierplexity, and
coming to see those that were without the
gates. Accordingly, these men took the city,
and slew all that they met with ; but Joshua
forced those that came against him to come to
a close fight, and discomfited them, and made
them run away; and when they were driven
towards the city, and thought it had not been
touched, as soon as they saw it was taken, and
perceived it was burnt, with tlieir wives and
children, they wandered about in the fields in
a scattered condition, and were no way able
to defend themselves, because they had none
to support them. Now when this calamity was
come upon the men of Ai, there were a great
number of children, and « omen, and servants,
and an immense quantity of other furniture.
The Hebrews also took herds of cattle, and
a great deal of money, for this was a rich
country. So when Joshua came to Gilgal.
he divided all these spoils among the soldiers.
16. But the Giheonites, who i-nhabited very
near t6 Jerusalem, when they saw what mise-
ries had happened to the inhabitants of Jeri-
cho, and to tliose of Ai, and suspected that
the like sore calamity would come as far as
themselves, they did not think fit to ask for
mercy of Joshua ; for they supposed they
should find little mercy from him, who made
war that he might entirely destroy the nation
of the Canaanites ; but they invited the peo-
ple of Cephirah and Kiriathjearim, who were
their neighbours, to join in league with them;
and told them, tliat neither could they them-
selves avoid the danger they were all in, if
the Israelites should prevent them, and seize
upon them ; so when they had persuaded
them, they resolved to endeavour to escape
the forces of the Israelites. Accordingly,
upon their agreement to what they proposed,
they sent ambassadors to Joohua to make a
league of friendship with him, and those such
of the citizens as were best approved of, and
most cajiabie of doing what was most advan>
tageous to the multitude. Now these ambas-
sadors thouglit it dangerous to confess them-
selves to be Canaanites, but thought they
might, by this contrivance, avoid the danger,
namely, by saving that they bare no relation
to the Canaanites at all, but dwelt at a very
great distance from them : and they said fur-
ther, that they came a long way, on account
of the reputation he had gained for his virtue .•
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
131
and as a mark of the truth of what they said,
they showed hhn the habit they were in, for
that their clothes were new when they came
out. but were greatly worn by the length of
time they liad been on tlieir journey ; for in-
deed they took torn garments, on purpose
that tiicy might make liim beh'eve so. So
they stood in the midst of tlie people, and
said that they were sent by the people of
Gibeon, and of the circumjacent cities, which
were very remote from the land where they
now were, to make such a league of friend-
sliip with them, and this on such conditions
as were customary among their forefathers ;
for when they understood that, by the favour
of God, and his gift to them, tliey were to
have the jfossession of the land of Canaan
hestovved upon tliem, tliey said tliat they were
very glad to hear it, and desired to be admitted
into the number of their citizens. Thus did
these ambassadors speak J and showing them
the m.ii ks of their long journey, they entreat-
ed the Hebrews to make a league of friend-
ship witli them. Accordingly Joshua, be-
lieving wluit they said, that they were not of
the nation of the Canaanites, entered into
friendship with them ; and Eleazer the higii-
priest, with tiie senate, sware to tliem that
tliey would esteem them their friends and as-
sociates, and would attempt nothing that
should be unfair against them, the multitude
also assenting to the oailis that were made to
tliem. So these men having obtained what
they desired, by deceiving the Israelites, went
home: but when Joshua led his army to the
country at the bottom of the mountains of
this part of Canaan, he understood that the
Gibeonites dwelt not far from Jerusalem,
and that they were of the stock of the Ca-
naanites ; so he sent for their governors, and
reproached them with the cheat tiiey had jnit
upon him ; but they alleged, en their own
behalf, that they liad no other way to save
themselves but that, and were therefore forced
to have recourse to it. So he called for Ele-
azar the liigh-priest, and for the senate, who
thought it right to make them public servants,
that they might not break the oath they had
made to them ; and they ordained tliem to be
SO: — and this was the method by which these
men found safety and security under the
calamity that was ready to overtake them.
17. But the king of Jerusalem took it to
heart that the Gibeonites had gone over to
Joshua; so he called upon the kings of the
neighbouring nations to join together, and
make war against them. Now when the Gib-
eonites saw these kings, wliich were four, be-
sides the king of Jerusalem, and perceived
that they had pitched their camp at a certain
fountain not far from their city, and were
getting ready for the seige of it, they called
upon Joshua to assist them ; for such was their
case, as to expect to be destroyed by these
Canaanites, but to suppose they should be
saved by those that came for the destruc-
tion of the Canaanites, because of the league
of friendship that was between them. Ac-
cordingly, Joshua made haste with his whole
army to assist them, and marching day and
night, in the morning he fell upon the ene-
mies as they were going up to the siege ; and
when he had discomfited them he followed
them, and pursued them down the descent
of the hills. The place is called Beth-horon ;
where he also understood that God assisted
him, which he declared by thunder and thun-
der-bolts, as also by the falling of hail larger
than usual. Moreover, it happened that the
day was lev.gthened, * that the night might
not come on too soon, and be an obstruction
to the zeal of the Hebrews in pursuing their
enemies J insomuch, that Joshua took the
kings, who were hidden in a certain cave at
Makkedah, and put thein to death. Now,
that the day was lengthened at this time,- and
was longer than ordinary, is expressed in the
books laid up in the temple. f
IS. These kings which made war with, and
were ready to fight the Gibeonites, being
thus overthrown, Joshua returned again to
the mountainous parts of Cana .n ; and when
he had made a great slaughier of the people
there, and took their prey, he caine to the
camp at Gilgal. And now there went a great
fame abroad among t!ie neighbouring people,
of the courage of the Hebrews ; and tliose that
heard what a number of men were destroved,
were greatly affrighted at it j so tl-.e kings that
lived about mount Libanus, who were Can-
aanites, and those Canaanites that dwelt in
the plain country, with auxiliaries out of the
land of the Philistines, pitched their camp at
Btrotii, a city of the Upper Galilee, not far
from Cadesh, which is itself also a place in
Galilee. Now the number of the wliole ar-
my was three hundred thousand armed foot-
men, and ten thousand horsemen, and twenty
thousand chariots; so that the multitude of
the enemies affrighted botii Joshua himself
and the Israelites j and they, instead of being
* Wliether this lengthening of the day, by the stand-
ing stiU of the sun and moon, were physical and rt-al, by
the miracnloiis stoppage of the diurnal motion of the
cartn for about half a revolution, or whether only ap-
parent, by aerial phosphori imitating the sun and moon
as stationary so long, while clouds and the night hid the
real ones, and tliis parhelion or mock sun affording sutfi-
tient light for Joshua's pursuit and complete victory
("which aerial phosphori in other shapes have been more
than ordinarily common of late yeais) cannot now be
determined : philosophers and astronomers will naturally
incline to this latter hypothesis. In the mean time, the
fact itself was mentioneil in the bcwk of Jasher, now lose.
Josh. X. 13, and is confirmed by Isaijdi (xxviii. 21), Ha-
bakkuk (iii. 11), and by the son of Sirseh ( Ecclus. xh i.
i). In the 18th Psalm of Solomon, ver. uli. it is also
said of the luminaries, with relation, no doubt, to this
and the other miraculous standing still and going hack,
in the days of Joshua and Hezekiah. " Thi^ have not
wandered, from the day that he createil themf'they have
not forsaken their way, from ancient generations, un-
less it were when G<xt cnjometl them [so to do] by the
command of his servants." See Authent. Rec. part i. n.
1.54. ' '
t Of the l)ooks laid up in the temple, sec the note o.i
Antlq. b. iii, chap. ' sect.. 7.
X-
132
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK V
full of hopes of good success, were supcrsti-
tiously tiniorous, witli the great terror with
whicli they were stricken. Whereupon God
upbraided them with the fear they were in,
and asked them, whether tliey desired a great-
er help than he could aflbrd them ; and pro-
mised them that they should overcome their
enemies ; and withal charged them to make
their enemies' horses useless, and to burn their
chariots. So Joshua became full of courage
upon these promises of God> and went out
suddenly against the enemies ; and after five
days' march he came upon them, and joined
battle with them, and there was a terrible fight,
and such a number were slain as could not
be believed by those that heard it. He also
went on in the pursuit a great way, and de-
stroyed the entire army of the enemies, few
only excepted, and all the kings fell in .the
battle; insomuch, that when there wanted
men to be killed, Josliua slew their horses,
and burnt their chariots, and passed all over
their country without opposition, no one dar-
ing to meet him in battle ; but he still went
on, taking their cities by siege, and again kill-
ing whatever he took.
19. The fifth year was now past, and there
was not one of the Canaanites remained any
longer, excepting some that had retired to
places of great strength. So Joshua removed
his camp to the mountainous country, and
placed the tabernacle in the city of Shiloh, for
that seemed a fit place for it, because of the
beauty of its situation, until such time as their
affairs would permit them to build a temple ;
and from thence he went to Shechem, together
with all the people, and raised an altar where
Moses had beforehand directed ; then did he
divide the army, and placed one half of them
on mount Gerizzim, and the other half on
mount Ebal, on which mountain the altar
was ;• he also placed there the tribe of Levi,
and the priests. And when they had sacri-
ficedj and denounced the [blessings and the]
curses, and had left them engraven upon the
altar, they returned to Shiloh.
20. And now Joshua was old, and saw that
the cities of .'le Canaanites were not easily to
be taken, not only because they were situate
in such strong places, but because of the
strength of the walls themselves, which being
built round about, the natural strength of the
places on which the cities stood, seemed cap-
able of repelling their enemies from besieg-
ing them, and of making those enemies des-
pair of taking them ; for when the Canaan-
ites had learned that the Israelites came out
of Egypt in order to destroy them, they were
busy all that time in making their cities strong.
So he gathered the people together to a con-
gregation at Shiloh ; and when they, with
great zeal and haste, were come thither, lie
observed to them what prosperous successes
♦ Of the siliiRtlon of this altar, see Essay on the Old
TeiUuiieut, p. 170, I71.
tliey had already had, and what glorious things
had been done, and those such as were worthy
of that Ciod who enabled them to do thosu
things, and worthy of the virtue of those laws
which they followetl. He took notice also,
that thirty-one of those kings that ventured
to give them battle were overcome, and every
army, how great soever it were, that confided
in their own power, and fought with them,
was utterly destroyed ; so that not so much
as any of their posterity remained ; and as for
the cities, since some of them were taken, but
the others must be taken in length of time,
by long sieges, both on account of the strength
of their walls, and of the confidence the in-
habitants had in them thereby, he thouglit it
reasonable that those tribes that came along
with them from beyond Jordan, and had par-
taken of the dangers they had undergone, be-
ing their own kindred, should now be dis-
missed and sent home, and should have thanks
for the pains they had taken together with
them. As also, he thought it reasonable that
they should send one man out of every tribe,
and he such as had the testimony of extraor-
dinary virtue, who should measure the land
faithfully, and without any fallacy or deceit
should inform them of its real magnitude.
21. Now Joshua, when he had thus spoken
to them, found that the multitude approved
of his proposal. So he sent men to measure
their country, and sent with them some geo-
metricians, who could not easily fail of know-
ing the truth, on account of their skill in that
art. He also gave them a charge to estimate
the measure of that part of the land that was
most fruitful, and what was not so good ; for
such is the nature of the land of Canaan, that
one may see large plains, and such as are ex-
ceeding fit to produce fruit, which yet, if they
were compared to other parts of the country,
might be reckoned exceedingly fruitful; yet ii
it be compared with tlie fields about Jericho,
and to those that belong to Jerusalem, will
appear to be of no account at all ; and al-
though it so falls out that these people have
but a very little of this sort of land, and that
it is, for the main, mountainous also, yet does
it not come behind other parts, on account
of its exceeding goodness and beauty ; foi
which reason Joshua thought the land for tlie
tribes should be divided by estimation of its
goodness, rather than the largeness of its mea-
sure, it often happening, that one acre of some
sort of land was equivalent to a thousand o-
ther acres. Now the men that were sent,
[ which were in number ten, travelled all about,
and made an estimation of the land, and in
the seventh month came to him to the city of
1 Shiloh, where they had set up the tabernacle.
I 22. So Joshua took both Eltazar and the
senate, and with them the heads of the tribes,
and distributed tlie Und to the nme tribes,
j and to the half-tribe of Manasseh, appointing
I the dimensions to be according to the large-
y
CHAP. I.
ness of each tribe. So when he had cast lots,
Judah had assigned him by lot the upper part
of Judea, reaching as far as Jerusalem, and
its breadth extended to the Lake of Sodom.
Now in the lot of this tribe there were the cit-
ies of Askelon and Gaza. The lot of Si-
meon, which was the second, included that
part of Idumea which bordered upon Egypt
and Arabia. As to the Benjamites, their lot
fell so, that its length reached from the river
Jordan to the sea ; but in breadth it was
bounded by Jerusalem and Bethel ; and this
lot was the narrowest of all, by reason of the
goodness of the land ; for it included Jericho
and the city of Jerusalem. The tribe of E-
phraim had by lot the land that extended in
length from the river Jordan to Gezer ; but
in breadth as far as from Bethel, till it ended
at the Great Plain. The half-tribe of Man-
assen had the land from Jordan to the city
Dora ; but its breadth was at Bethshan, which
is now called Scythopolis ; and after these
was Issachar, which had its limits in length,
Mount Carmel and the river, but its limit in
breadth was Mount Tabor. The tribe of
Zebulon's lot included the land which lay as
far as the Lake of Genesareth, and that which
belonged to Carmel and the sea. The tribe
of Aser had that part which was called tlie
Valley, for such it was, and all that part which
lay over-against Sidon. The city Arce be-
longed to their share, which is also named
Actipus. The Naphthalites received the east-
ern parts, as far as the city of Damascus and
the Upper Galilee, unto Mount Libanus, and
the Fountains of Jordan, which rise out of
that mountain ; that is, out of that part of it
whose limits belong to the neighbouring city
of Arce. The Danites' lot included all that
part of the valley which respects the sun-set-
ting, and were bounded by Azotus and Dora ;
as also they had all Jamnia and Gath, from
Ekron to that mountain where the tribe of
Judah begins.
23. After this manner did Joshua divide
the six nations that bear the name of the Sons
of Canaan, with their land, to be possessed
by the nine tribes and a half; for Moses had
prevented him, and had already distributed
the land of the Amorites, which itself was so
called also from one of the sons of Canaan,
to the two tribes and a half, as we have shown
already. But the parts about Sidon, as also
those that belonged to the Arkites, and the
Amathites, and the Aradians, were not yet
regulary disposed of.
24. But now was Joshua hindered by his
age from executing what he intended to do
(as did tho"^ that succeeded him in the go-
vernment, take little care of what was for the
advantage of the public) ; so he gave it in
charge to every tribe to leave no remainder
of the race of the Canaanites in the land that
had been divided to them by lot ; tiiat Moses
had assured them beforehand, and they might
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
133
rest fully satisfied about it, that their own se-
curity and their observation of their own laws
depended wholly upon it. Moreover, he en-
joined them to give thirty-eight cities to the
Levites, for they had already received ten in
the country of the Amorites; and three ot
these he assigned to those that fled from the
man -slayers, who were to inhabit there; for
he was very solicitous that nothing should be
neglected which Moses had ordained. These
cities were of the tribe of Judah, Hebron ; of
that of Ephraim, Shechem ; and of that of
Naphthali, Cadesh, which is a place of the
Upper Galilee. He also distributed among
the«i the rest of the prey not yet distributed,
which was very great ; whereby they had an
affluence of great riches, both all in general
and every one in particular: and this of gold
and of vestments, and of other furniture, be-
sides a multitude of cattle, whose numbei
could not be told.
2.5. After this was over, he gathered tlie
army together to a congregation, and spake
thus to those tribes that had their settlement
in the land of the Amorites, beyond Jordan,
— for fifty thousand of them had armed them-
selves, and had gone to the war along with
them : — " Since that God, who is the Father
and Lord of the Hebrew nation, has now
given us this land for a possession, and pro-
mised to ])reserve us in the enjoyment of
it as our own for ever ; and since you have
with alacrity offered yourselves to assist us
when we wanted that assistance on all occa-
sions, according to his command, it is but
just, now all our difficulties are over, that you
should be permitted to enjoy rest, and that we
should trespass on your alacrity to help us no
longer ; that so, if we should again stand in
need of it, we may readily have it on any
future emergency, and not tire you out s(
much now as may make you slower in assist-
ing us another time. We, therefore, return
you our thanks for the dangers you have un-
dergone with us, and we do it not at this time
only, but we shall always be thus disposed ;
and be so good as to remember our friends,
and to preserve in mind what advantages we
have had from them ; and how you have put
off tlie enjoyments of your own happiness for
our sakes, and have laboured for what we
have now, by the good-will of God obtained,
and resolved not to enjoy your own prosperity
till you had afforded us that assistance. How-
ever, you have, by joining your labour with
ours, gotten great plenty of riches, and will
carry home with you much prey, with gold
and silver, and, what is more than all these,
our good-will towards you, and a mind will-
ingly disposed to make a requital of your kind-
ness to us, in what case soever you shall de-
sire it, for you have not omitted any thing
which Moses beforehand required of you, nor
have you despised him because he was dead
I and gone from you, so that there is nothing
J'
134.
ANTIQUITIF.S OF THE JEWS.
to diminish Uint pratiiiidc which wc out' to
you. Wc ihiTcron- dismiss yon joyl'iil to your
own inhi'iitiinces ; anil wf t-iitrfal you to sup-
pose, tiiat there is no limit to be set to the iu-
tiinate relation tliat is between us; anil tliat
you will not iuui-rino, because this river is iu-
teiposeil between us, that you are of a dill'er-
ent race from us, nnd not Hebrews; for we
are all the posterity of f Snihain, both we tliat
inhabit here, and you that inhabit there; and
it is the same God that brought our forefatJiers
and yours into the world, whose worshij) and
form of government we are to take care of,
whicli he has ordainetl, and are most carifuily
to observe ; because, while you continue in
those laws, God will also show himself merci-
ful and assisting to you ; but if you imitate
the other nations, and forsake those l:iws, he
will reject your nation." When Joshua had
spoken thus, ai:d saluted them all, both those
ill authority one by one, and tlie whole multi-
tude in connnon, he himself staid where he
was; but the people conducted those tribes
on their journey, and that not without tears in
their eyes ; and indeed they hardly knew liovv
to part one from the other.
26. Now w hen the tribe of Reuben, and that
of Gad, and as many of the IManassites as
i'ollowed them, were passed over the river, they
built an altar on the banks of Jordan, as a.mon-
ument to posterity, and a sign of their relation
to those that sliould inhabit on the other side.
But when those on the other side heard that
those who had been dismissed had built an
altar, but did not hear with what intention they
built it, but supposed it to be by way of inno-
vation, and for the introduction of strange gods,
they did not incline to disbelieve it ; but think-
ing this defamatory report, as if it were built
for divine worship, was credible, they apjiear-
etl in arms, as though they would avenge them-
selves on those that built the altar ; and tliey
were about to pass over the river, and to pun-
ish them for their subversion of the laws of
their country ; for they did not think it (it to
regard them on account of their kindred, or
the dignity of those that had given the occa-
sion, but to regard the will of God, and the
manner wherein he desired to be woishippcd ;
so these men put themselves in array for war.
But Joshua, and lOleazer the high-priest, and
the senate, restrained them ; and persuaded
them first to make trial by words of their in-
tention, and afterwards, if they found that
their intention was evil, then only to jiroceed
to make war upon them. Accordingly, they
sent as ambassailors to them Phineas the son of
Eleazer, and ten more persons that were in
esteem among the Iltlirews, to learn of them
what was in their mind when, upon passing
over the river, they had built an altar upon
its banks ; and as soon as tliese ambassadors
were passed over, unii were come to them, and
.1 Ci)ngregatioii was assembled, Phineas stood
up and said, That the oli'ence they had been
~^.
guilty of was of too heinous a nature to be
punished l)y words alone, or l)y them only to
be amended for the future, yet that they did
not so look at the heinoiisness of their trans>
gression as to luive recourse to arm^, and to
a battle for their ])unishment immediately ;
but that, on account of their kindred, and the
proI)ability there was fliat they might he re-
claimed, they took this method of sending an
ambassage to them : " That when we liave
learned the true reasons by which you have
been moved to build this altar, we may nei-
ther seem to have been too rash in assaulting
you by our weajions of war, if it prove that
you made tiie altar for justifi.Tble reasons, and
may then justly punish you if the accusation
prove true; for we can hardly suppose that
you, who iiave been acquainted with the will
of God, and have been hiartrs of tliose laws
which he himself hath given us, now you are
separated from us, and gone to that patrimony
of yours, which you, through the grace of
God, and that providence which he exercises
over you, have obtained by lot, can forget him,
and can leave that ark and that altar which is
peculiar to us, and can introduce strange gods
and imitate the wicked practices of the Ca-
naanites. Now this will appear to have been
a small crime if you repent now, and proceed
no farther in your madness, but pay a due
reverence to, and keep in mind the laws of
your country ; but if you jiersist in your sins,
we will not grudge our pains to preserve our
laws ; but we will pass over Jordan and de-
fend th.em, and defend God also, and shall
esteeio of you as of men no way diil'ering from
the Cftnaanites, but shall destroy you in the
like manner as wc destroyed them ; for do not
you 'imagine that, because you are got over
the river, you are got out of the reach of
God's power ; you are everywhere in places
that belong to him, and impossible it is to
over-run his power, and the luinishment he
will bring on men thereby ; but if you think
that your settlement here will beany obstruc-
tion to your conversion to what is good, no-
tliing need hinder us from dividing the land
anew, anil leaving tiiis old land to be for the
feeding of sheej) ; but you will do well to
return to your duty, and to leave oH" these
new criines ; and we beseech you, by your
children and wives, not to force us to punish
you. Take therefore such measures in this
assembly, as supposing that your own safety,
and the safety of those that are dearest to you,
is therein concerned, and believe tliat it is
better for you to be conquered by words, than
to continue in ycur purpose, and to experience
deeds and war therefore."
27. When Phineas had discoursed thus,
the governors of the assembly, and the whole
multitude, began to make an apjiology for
themselves, concerning what they were ac-
cused of; and tlicy said, That Uiey neithei
would depart from the relation they bare to
r
"\_
CHAT. II.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
135
them, nor had they built the altar by way of 'sons. He was buried in the city of Timnah,
innovation; that they owned one and the of the tribe of Ephraim. * About the same
same common God with all the Hebrews, time died Eleazer the high-priest, leaving the
and that brazen altar which was before the high-priesthood to his son Phineas. His mo-
tabernacle, on which they would offer their ! nument also, and sepulchre, are in the city of
sacrifices ; that as to the altar they had raised, Gabatha.
on account of which they were thus suspect-
ed, it was not built for worship, " but that it
might be a sign and a monument of our re-
lation to you for ever, and a necessary caution
to us to act wisely, and to continue in the
laws of our country, but not a handle for
transgressing them, as you su^^pect : and let
God be our authentic witness, that this was
the occasion of our building this altar ;
whence we beg you will have a better opi-
nion of us, and do not impute such a thing
to us as would render any of the posterity of
Abraham well wortliy of perdition, in case
tliey attempt to bring in new rites, and sucli
as are different from our usual practices."
28. When they had made this answer, and
Phineas had commended them for it, he came
to Joshua and explained before the people
what answer they had received. Now Joshua
was glad that he was under no necessity of
setting them in array or of leading them to
shed blood, and make war against men of
their own kindred ; and accordingly he offer-
ed sacrifices of thanksgiving to God for the
same. So Joshua after that dissolved this
great assembly of the people, and sent them
to their own inheritances, while he himself
lived in Shechera. But in the twentieth year
after this, when he was very old, he sent for
those of the greatest dignity in the several
cities, with those in authority, and the senate,
and as many of the common people as could
be present ; and when they were come he put
them in mind of all the benefits God had be-
stowed on them, which could not but be a
great many, since from a low estate they were
advanced to so great a degree of glory and
plenty ; and exhorted them to take notice of
the intentions of God, which had been so
gracious towards them ; and told them that
the Deity would continue their friend by no-
thing else but their piety ; and that it was
proper for him, now that he was about to de-
part out of this life, to leave such an admo-
nition to them ; and he desired that they would
keep in memory this liis exhortation to them.
29. So Joshua, when he had thus dis-
coursed to them, died, having lived a hun-
dred and ten years ; forty of which lie lived
with Moses, in order to learn what might be
for his advantage afterwards. He also be-
came their commander after his death for
twenty-five years. He was a man that wanted
not wisdom nor eloquence to declare his in-
tentions to the people, but very eminent on
both accounts. He was of great courage and
magnanimity in action and in dangers, and
very sagacious in ))rocuring the peace of the
people, and of great virtue at all proper sea-
CHAPTER II.
HOW, AFTER THE DEATH OF JOSHUA THEIR
COMMANDER, THE ISRAELITES TRANSGRESSED
THE LAWS OF THEIR COUNTRY, AND EXPE-
RIENCED GREAT AFFLICTIONS ; AND WHEN
THERE WAS A SEDITION ARISEN, THE TRIBE
OF BENJAMIN WAS DESTROYED, EXCEPTING
ONLY SIX HUNDRED MEN.
§ 1. After the death of Joshua and Eleazer,
Phineas prophesied,f that according to God's
will they should commit the government to
the tribe of Judah, and that this tribe should
destroy the race of the Canaanites ; for then
the people viere concerned to learn what was
the will of God. Tliey also took to their as-
sistance the tribe of Simeon ; but upon this
condition, that when those that had been tribu-
tary to the tribe of Judah should be slain, they
should do the like for the tribe of Simeon.
2. But the affairs of the Canaanites were
at this time in a flourishing condition, and
they expected the Israelites with a great army
at the city Bezek, having put the government
into the hands of Adonibezek, which name
denotes the Lwd of Bezek, for Adoni in the
Hebrew tongue signifies Lord. Now they
hoped to have been too hard for the Israel-
ites, because Joshua was dead; but when the
Israelites iiad joined battle with them, I mean
the two tribes before mentioned, they fought
gloriously, and slew above ten thousand of
them, and put the rest to flight ; and in the
pursuit they took Adonibezek, who, when his
• Since not only Prooopiiis and Siiidas, but an earlier
author, Moses Chorenensis (p. .i2, 53), and perhaps from
his original author Mariba (Jatina, one as old as Alex-
ander the Great, sets down the famous inscription at
Tangier concerning the old Canaanites driven out of
Palestine by Joshua, take ii here in that author's own
words: " VVe are those exiles that were governors of
the Canaanites, but have Ijeen driven away by Joshua
the robber, and are come to inhabit here." See the note
there. Nor is it unworthy of our notice « hat Moses
Chorenensis adds (p. 53), and this upon a diligent exa-
mination, i-ir. that " one of those eminent men among
the Canaanites came at the same time into Amienia,
and founded the Genthunian family or tribe ; and that
this was confirmed by the manners of the same family
or tribe, as being like those of the Canaanites."
+ By propliesy'mg, when spoken of a high-priest, Jo-
sephus, hou\ here and frequently elsewhere, means no
more than consulting God by Urim, which the reader is
still to bear in mind upon all occasions. And if St.
John, who was contemporary' with Josenhus, and of the
same country, made use of this style, wnen he says that
" Caiaphas being high-priest that year, prophesied that
Jesus should die for that nation, arid not for that nation
only, but that also he should gather together in one the
children of God that were scattered abroad" (xl, 51, 52),
he may possibly mean, that this was revealed to the
high-priest by an extraordinary voice from between the
cherubims, when he had his breast-plate, or Urim and
Thummim, on before; or in the most holy placeof tht
tem|ile, which was no other than the oracle of Urim and
Thummim. Of which above, in the note on Aniiq.
b. iii, chap, viii, sect. d.
136
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
fingers and toes were cut ofT by them, sai<l,
" Nay, indeed, I was not always to lie con-
cealed from God, as I find by what I now
endure, while I have not been ashamed to do
die same to seventy-two kings,"* So they
carried liim alive as far as Jerusalem ; and
when he was dead, they buried him in the
earth, and went on still in taking the cities :
and when they had taken the greatest part of
them, they besieged Jerusalem; and when they
had taken the lower city, wiiich was not un-
der a considerable time, they slew all the inha-
bitants ; but the upper city was not to be taken
without great difficulty, through the strength
of its walls, and the nature of the place.
3. For which reason they removed their
camp to Hebron ; and when they had taken it,
they slew all tlie inhabitants. There were
till then left the race of giants, who had bo-
dies so large, and countenances so entirely
different from other men, that they were sur-
prising to the sight, and terrible to the hear-
ing. The bones of these men are still shown
to this very day, unlike to any credible rela-
tions of other men. Now they gave this
city to the Levites as an extraordinarv re-
ward, with the suliurbs of two thousand
cities; but the land thereto belonging they
gave as a free gift to Caleb, according to the
injunctions of Moses. This Caleb was one of
the spies which Moses sent into the land of
Canaan. They also gave land for habitation
to the posterity of Jethro, the Midianite, who
was the father-in-law to Moses ; for they had
left their own country, and followed them, and
accompanied them in the wilderness.
4. Now the tribes of Judaii and Simeon
took the cities which were in the inoiintainous
oart of Canaan, as also Askelon and Ashdod,
* This great number of seventy-two reffidi, or small
kings, over whom Adonil)ezek had tyrannized, and for
which he was pimished according to the lex lalionis, as
well as the thirty-one kin-is of fanaan subdued by Jo-
shua, and named in one chapter (Josh, xii), and thirty-
two kings, or royal auxiliaries to Benhadad king of
Syria (i Kings xx, I ; Antiq, b. viii, chap, xiv, sect. I),
intimate to us what wiis the ancient foini of govern-
ment among several nations before the monarchies be-
gan, viz. that every city or large town, with its neigh-
bouring villages, was a distinct government by itself;
which IS the more remarkable, because this was eei-
tainly the form of eecksiastical government that was
settletl by the apostles, and preserved ihroughout the
Christian church m the first ages of t hrisliaiiity. Mr.
AdcUson is of opinion, that " it winild certainly l)e for
the good of mankind to have all the mighty cniiiircs
and monarchies of the world cantoned out into petty
slates and principalities, uhich, like ^o many large f.uni-
lies, might lie under the ol)>er\ation of their proper
governors, so that the care of the prince might extend
itself to everv individual person under his iirotection ;
though he despairs of such a scheme lieing brought
about, and thinks that if it were, it would quickly bede-
stroyed." Remarks on Italy, 4to, p. 151. Nor is it
until to be observed here, tluit the Annenian records,
tliough they give us the history of thirt;,-iiine of their
ancientest heroes or governors' after the Flood, before
the days of Sardanapalus, had no projier king till the
fortieth, Parjerus. See Moses Chorenensis, p. 55, And
that Almighty God does not approve of such absolute
and tyrannical monarchies, any one may learn that
reads Deut. xvii, 14 — i.'0, and 1 Sam vii'i, 1 — i':'; al-
though, if such kings are set up as own hini for their
supreme king, and aim to goveni accoriling to his laws,
he hath admitted of them, and protected them and
their stibjects in all generations.
of those that lay near the sea ; but Gaza and
Ekron escaped them, for they, lying in a flat
country, and having a great number of cha-
riots, sorely galled those that attacked them :
so these tribes, when they were grown very
rich by this war, retired to their own cities,
and laid aside their weapons of war,
5. But the Benjamites, to whom belonged
Jerusalem, permitted its inhabitants to pay
tribute. So they all left oft', the one to kill,
and the other to expose thetnselves to danger,
and had titne to cultivate the ground. The
rest of the tribes imitated that of Benjamin,
and did the same ; and, contenting themselves
with the tributes that were paid them, per-
mitted the Canaanites to live in peace.
6. However, the tribe of f^jjliraim, when
they besieged Bethel, made no advance, nor
performed any thing worthy of the time they
spent, atid of the pains they took aI)out that
siege ; yet did they persist in it, still sitting
down before the city, though they endured great
trouble thereby : but, after some time, they
caught one of the citizens that came to them
to get necessaries, and they gave him some
assurances, that, if he would deliver up the
city to them, they would preserve him and his
kindred ; so he sware that, upon those terms,
he would put the city into their hands. Ac-
cordingly, he that thus betrayed the city was
jireserved with his family ; and the Israelites
slew all the inhabitants, and retained the city
for themselves.
7. After this, the Israelites grew effeminate
as to fighting any more against their enemies,
but applied themselves to the cultivation of
the land, which producing them great plenty
and riches, they neglected the regular dispo-
sitioti of their settlement, and indulged them-
selves in luxury and pleasures ; nor were they
any longer careful to hear the lavxs that be-
longed to their political government : where-
upon God was provoked to anger, and put
them in mind, first, how, contrary to his di-
rections, they had spared the Canaanites ; and,
after that, how those Canaanites, as o])portu-
nity served, used them very barbarously. But
the Israelites, though they were in heaviness
at these admonitions from God, yet were they
still very unwilling to go to war ; and since
they got large tributes froin the Canaanites,
and were indisposed for taking pains by their
luxury, they suffered their aristocracy to be
corrupted also, and did not ordain themselves
a senate, nor any other such magistrates as
their laws had formerly required, but they
were very much given to cultivating their
tields, in order to get wealth ; which great in-
dolence of theirs brought a terrible sedition
upon them, and they proceeded so tar as to
fight one against another, from the following
occasion : —
8. There was a Levite, • a man of a vul-
• Josephus's early date of this history, before the be-
giiinnig of the Judges, or when there was no king in
■^-
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. II.
gar family, that belonged to the tribe of Eph-
raim, and dwelt therein : this man married a
wife from Bethlehem, which is a place belong-
ing to the tribe of Judah. Now he was very
fond of his wife, and overcome with her beauty ;
but he was unhappy in this, that l)e did not
meet with the like return of affection from
her, for she was averse to him, whicli did more
inflame his passion for her, so that they quar-
relled one with another perpetually ; and at
last the woman was so disgusted at these quar-
rels, that she left her husband, and went to
her parents in the fourth month. The hus-
Vand being very uneasy at this her departure,
and that out of his fondness for her, came to
his father and mother-in-law, and made up
their quarrels, and was reconciled to her, and
lived with them there four days, as being
kindly treated by her parents. On the fifth
day he resolved to go home, and went away
in the evening ; for his wife's parents were
loth to part with their daughter, and delayed
the time till the day was gone. Now they
had one servant that followed them, and an
ass on wliich the woman rode ; and when they
were near Jerusalem, having gone already
thirty furlongs, the servant advised them to
take up tiieir lodgings somewhere, lest some
misfortune should befal them if they travelled
in the night, especially since they were not
far off enemies, that season often giving rea-
son for suspicion of dangers from even such
as are friends ; but the husband was not pleas,
ed with this advice, nor was he willing to take
up his lodging among strangers, for the city
belonged to the Canaanites, but desired ra-
ther to go twenty furlongs farther, and so to
take their lodgings in some Israelite city.
Accordingly, he obtained his purpose, and
came to Gibeah, a city of the tribe of Ben-
jamin, when it was just dark ; and while no
one that lived in the market-place invited him
to lodge with him, there came an old man
out of the field, one that was indeed of the
tribe of Ephraim, but resided in Gibeah, and
met him, and asked him who he was, and for
what reason he came thither so late, and why
he was looking out for provisions for supper
when it wa^ dark ? To which he replied, that
he was a Levite, and was bringing his wife
from her parents, and was going home ; but
he told him his habitation was in the tribe of
Ephraim : so the old man, as well because of
their kindred as because they lived in the same
tribe, and also because they had thus acci-
dentally met together, took him in to lodge
with him. Now certain ypung men of the
inhabitants of Gibeah, having seen the woman
in the market-place, and admiring her beauty,
Israel (Judges xix, 1), is strongly confirnied by the large
number of Benjamites, botli in the days of Asa and
Jehoshaphat (1' Chron. xiv, 8; and xvi, 17), who yet
were here reducetl to six hundred men ; nor can those
numbers be at all supposed genuine, if they were re-
duced so late as the end of the Judges, where our other
fouies place this reduction.
137
when they understood that she lodged with
the old man, came to the doors, as contemning
the weakness and fewness of the old man's
family ; and when the old man desired them
to go away, and not to offer any violence or
abuse there, they desired him to yield them
up the strange woman, and then he should
have no harm done to him : and when the old
man alleged that the Levite was of his kin-
dred, and that they would be guilty of horrid
wickedness if they suffered themselves to be
overcome by their pleasures, and so offend
against their laws, they despised his righteous
admonition, and laughed him to scorn. They
also tiireatened to kill him if he became an
obstacle to their inclinations; whereupon,
when he found himself in great distress, and
yet was not willing to overlook liis guests,
and see them abused, he produced his own
daughter to them ; and told them that it was
a smaller breach of the law to satisfy theii
lust upon her, than to abuse his guests, sup-
posing that he himself should by this means
prevent any injury to be done to those guests.
When they no way abated of their earnestness
for the strange woman, but insisted absolutely
on their desires to liave her, he entreated them
not to perpetrate any such act of injustice;
but they proceeded to take her away by force,
and indulging still more the violence of their
inclinations, they took the woman away to
their house, and when they had satisfied their
lust upon her the whole night, they let her go
about day-break. So she came to the place
where she had been entertained, under great
affliction at what had happened ; and was very
sorrowful upon occasion of what she had sut
fered, and durst not look her husband in tlie
face for shame, for she concluded that he
would never forgive her for what she had
done; so she fell down, and gave up the ghost:
but her husband supposed that his wife was
only fast asleep, and, thinking nothing of a
more melancholy nature had happened, endea-
voured to raise her up, resolving to speak com-
fortably to her, since she did not voluntarily
expose herself to these men's lust, but was
forced away to their liouse ; but as soon as he
perceived she was dead, he acted as prudently
as the greatness of his misfortunes would ad-
mit, and laid his dead wife upon the beast,
and carried her home ; and cutting her, limb
by limb, into twelve pieces, he sent them to
every tribe, and gave it in charge to those that
carried them, to inform the triL>es of those
that were the causes of his wife's deadi, and
of the violence they had offered to her.
9. Upon this the people were greatly dis
turbed at what they saw, and at what they
heard, as never having had tlie experience ol
such a thing before ; so they gathered them-
selves to Shiloh, out of a prodigious and a
just anger, and assembling in a great congre-
gation before the tabernacle, they immediate-
ly resolved to take arms, and to treat the in
M
138
ANTIQUITIES Oi-' THE JEWS.
Iial)it<ints of Gibeah as cneiiiics; but the se-
nate restrained tliein from doing so, and per-
suaded tlieni, that tliey ought not so hastily
to make war uiion i)eople of the same nation
with tlicm, before tiiey discoursed them by ]
words concerning the accusation hiid against
them ; it being part of their law, tliat tliey '
should not bring an army against foreigners
themselves, when they ap])ear to have been 1
injurious, without sending an ambassage first,
and trying thereby whether they will repent [
or not : and accordingly they exhorted them j
to do what they ought to do in obedience
to their laws, that is, to send to the inha-
bitants of Gibeah, to know whether they
would deliver up the offenders to them, and, {
if they deliver them up, to rest satislied witli!
the punishment of those offenders; but if
tliey despised the message that was sent iheni,
to ])unish tliem, by taking u]) arms against j
them. Accordingly they sent to tlie inhabi-
tants of Gibeah, and accused the young men '■
of the crimes committed in the afl'air of the |
Levite's wife, a:id required of thein those
that had done what was contrary to the law,
that they might be punished, as having just-
ly deserved to die for what they had done ;
but the inhabitants of Gibeah would not de-
liver up the young men, and thought it too |
reproachful to them, out of fear of war, to ,
submit to other men's demands upon them ;
vaunting themselves to be no way inferior to
any in war, neither in their number nor in ;
courage. The rest of their tribe were also
making great preparation for war, for they
were so insolently mad as also to resolve to
repel force by force.
10. When it was related to the Israelites
what the inhabitants of Gibeah had resolved
upon, they took their oath that no one of them
would give his daughter in marriage to a Ben-
jamite, but make war with greater fury against
them than we have learned our forefathers
made war against the Canaanites ; and sent
out presently an army of four hundred thou-
sand against them, while the Benjamites' ar-
my was twenty-five thousand and six hundred ;
live hundred of whom were excellent at sling-
ing stones with their left hands, insomuch that
when the battle was joined at Gibeah the Ben-
jamites beat the Israelites, and of them there
fell two tiiousand men ; and probably more
had been destroyed had not the night came on
and prevented it, and broken of]' the fight ; so
the Benjamite'i returned to the city with joy,
and the Israelites returned to their camji in a
great fright at what had happened. On the
next day, when they fought again, tiie Ben-
jamites bi'at them ; and eighteen thousand of
the Israelites were slain, and the rest deserted
their camp out of fear of a greater slaughter.
So they came to Bethel,* a city that was near
• Josephiis seems liere to have made a small mistake,
When lie took the Hebrew word lietli-Kl, whieh <lenotes
the liouse of OotI, or llw labtrnitcle, Judg. xx, IK, for
the proper iianie of a pUu.t, Ucthcl, it no way npjiearing
their camp, and fasted on die next day ; and
besought God, by Phineas the high-priest,
that his wrath against them might cease, and
that he wouhl be satisfied with these two de^
feats, and give them the victory and power
over their enemies. Accordingly God pro-
mised them so to do, by the prophesying of
Phineas.
1 1. When therefore they had divided the
army into two parts, they laid the one half of
them in ambush about the city Gibeah, by
night, while the other half attacked the Ben-
jamites, who retiring upon the assault, the
Benjamites pursued them, while the Hebrews
retired by slow degrees, as very desirous to
draw them entirely from the city; and the
other followed them as they retired, till both
the old men and the young men that were
left in the city, as too weak to fight, came run-
ning out together with them, as willing to
bring their enemies under. However, when
they were a great way from the city, the He-
brews ran away no longer, but turned back
to fight them, and lifted U]) the signal they
had agreed on to tliose that lay in ambusn,
who rose up, and with a great noise fell upon
the enemy. Now, as soon as ever they per-
ceived themselves to be deceived, they knew
not what to do ; and when they were driven
into a certain hollow place which was in a val-
ley, they were shot at by those that encom-
passed them, till they were all destroyed, ex-
cepting six hundred, which formed themselves
into a close body of men, and forced their
passage through tlie midst of their enemies,
and fled to the neighbouring mountains, and,
seising upon them, remained there; but the
rest of them, being about twenty-five thou-
sand, were slain. Then did the Israelites
burn Gibeah, and slew the women, and the
males that were under age ; and did the same
also to the other cities of the Benjamites ; —
and, indeed, they were enraged to that de-
gree, that they sent twelve tiiousand men out
of the army, and gave them orders to destroy
Jabesh Gilead, because it did not join with
them in fighting against the Benjamites. Ac-
cordingly, those that were sent slew the men
of war, with their children and wives, except-
ing four hundred virgins. To such a degree
had they proceeded in their anger, because
they not only had the suflering of the Le-
vite's wife to avenge, but the slaughter of
their own soldiers.
12. However, they afterward were sorry
for the calamity they had brought upon the
Benjamites, and appointed a fast on that ac-
count, although they supposed those men had
sutl'ered justly for their ofl'ence against the
laws ;. so they recalled by their ambassadors
those six liundred which had escaped. These
had seated tiiemselvcs on a certain rock called
that the talicniacie was ever at Uetliel ; only so far rt is
true, that Shiloh, the place of the lAlx^rnaele in the days
of tlie Judijes, wiu. not far fioni Bethil.
CHAP. Ill
Riinmon, which was in the wilderness. So the
ambassadors lamented not only the disaster
that had befallen the Benjamites, but them-
selves also, by this destruction of tlieir kin-
dred ; and persuaded them to take it patiently,
and to come and unite with them, and not, so
far as in them lay, to give their suffrage to the
utter destruction of the tribe of Benjamin; and,
said to them, " We give you leave to take the
whole land of Benjamin to yourselves, and as
much prey as you are able to carry away with
you." So these men with sorrow confessed,
that what had been done was according to the
decree of God, and had happened for their
own wickedness ; and assented to those that
invited them, and came down to their own
tribe. The Israelites also gave them the four
hundred virgins of Jabesh Gilead for wives ;
but as to the remaining two hundred, they de-
liberated about it how they might compass
wives enough for them, and that they might
have children by them j and whereas they had,
before the war began, taken an oath, that no
one would give his daughter to wife to a Ben-
jamite, some advised them to have no regard
to what they had sworn, because the oath had
not been taken advisedly and judiciously, but
in a passion, and thought that they should do
nothing against God, if they were able to save
a whole tribe which was in danger of perish-
ing; and that perjury was then a sad and dan-
gerous thing, not when it is done out of ne-
cessity, but when it is done with a wicked
intention. But when the senate were affright-
ed at the very name of perjury, a certain per-
son told them that he could show tliem a way
whereby they might procure the Benjamites
wives enough, and yet keep their oath. They
asked him what his proposal was. He said,
" That three times in a year, when we meet
in Shiloh, our wives and our daughters ac-
company us : let then the Benjamites be al-
lowed to steal away, and marry such women
as they can catch, while we will neither in-
cite them nor forbid them ; and when their
parents take it ill, and desire us to inflict pu-
nishment upon them, we will tell them, tliat
they were themselves the cause of what had
happened, by neglecting to guard their daugh-
ters, and that they ouglit not to be over-an-
gry at the Benjamites, since that anger was
permitted to rise too high already." So the
Israelites were persuaded to follow this ad-
vice, and decreed, That the Benjamites should
be allowed thus to steal themselves wives.
So when the festival was coming on, these
two hundred Benjamites lay in ambush be-
fore the city, by two and three together, and
waited for the coming of the virgins, in the
vineyards and other places where they could
lie concealed. Accordingly the virgins came
along playing, and suspected nothing af what
was coming upon them, and walked after an
unguarded manner, so those that lay scattered
in the road, rose up, and caught hold of
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
139
them : by this means these Benjamites got
them wives, and fell to agriculture, and took
good care to recover their former happy state.
And thus was this tribe of the Benjamites,
after they had been in danger of entirely pe-
rishing, saved in the manner fore-mentioned,
by the wisdom of the Israelites : and accord-
ingly it presently flourished, and soon in-
creased to be a multitude, and came to enjoy
all other degrees of happiness. And such was
the conclusion of this war.
CHAPTER III.
HOW THE ISRAELITES AFTER THIS MISFORTFNK
GREW WICKED, AND SERVED THE ASSYRIANS;
AND HOW GOD DELIVERED THEM BY OTH-
NIEL, WHO RULED OVER THEM FORTY YEARS.
§ 1. Now it happened that the tribe of Dan
suffered in like manner with the tribe of Ben-
jamin ; and it came to do so on the occasion
following : — When the Israelites had already
left off the exercise of their arms for war, and
were intent upon their husbandry, the Ca-
naanites despised them, and brought together
an aiTTiy, not because they expected to suffer
by them, but because they had a mind to
have a sure prospect of treating the Hebrews
ill wlien they pleased, and might thereby for
the time to come dwell in their own cities the
more securely ; they prepared therefore their
chariots, and gathered their soldiery together,
their cities also combined together, and drew
over to them Askelon and Ekron, which were
within the tribe of Judah, and many more of
those that lay in the plain. They also forced
the Danites to fly into the mountainous coun-
try, and left them not the least portion of the
plain country to set their foot on. Since then
these Danites were not able to fight them,
and had not land enough to sustain them,
they sent five of their men into the midland
country to see for a land to which they might
remove their habitation. So these men went
as far as the neighbourhood of mount Liba-
nus, and the fountains of the Lesser Jordan,
at the great plain of Sidon, a day's journey
from the city ; and when they had taken a
view of the land, and found it to be good and
exceeding fruitful, tliey acquainted their tribe
with it, whereupon they made an expedition
with the army, and built there the city Dan,
of the same name with the son of Jacob, and
of the same name with their own tribe,
2. The Israelites grew so indolent, and
unready of taking pains, that misfortunes
came heavier upon them, which also proceed-
ed in part from their contempt of the divine
worship ; for when they had once fallen off
from the regularity of their political govern-
ment, they indulged themselves farther in liv-.
ing according to their own pleasure, and ac-
cording to their own will, till they were fuJl
"\
140
ANTKIUITIES OF THK JEWS.
BOOK V
of the CTil doings tliat were common aiiiong
the Canaaniti'S. God tliercCore was angry
with tlicin, and tlivy lost that their lia|)i)y stale
which lliey liad obtained l)y iiinuiiitrahlo la-
liours, by their luxury ; for wlien Ciiuslinii,
\ing of the Assyrians, had made war against
them, tliey lost many of their soldiers in the
• battle, and when they were besieged, they
were taken by force ; nay, there m ere some,
who, out of fear, voluntarily siibuiitted to liim,
and though the tribute laid ui)0i) tiiein was
more than they could bear, yet did tliey pay
it, and underwent all sort of oppression for
eighv vears ; after which time they were freed
from the'in in the following manner : —
3. There was one whose name was Othniel,
the son of Kenar. of the tribe of Judaii, an
active man and of great courage. He had
an admonitiou from God, not to overlook the
Israelites in such a distress as they were now
in, but to endeavour boldly to gain them their
liberty; so when he had procured some to as-
sist him in this dangerous undertaking (and
few they were, who, either out of shame at
their present circumstances, or out of a desire
of changing them, could be prevailed on to
assist him), he first of all destroyed that gar-
rison wliich Chushan had set over them ; but
when it was perceived that he had not failed
in his first attempt, more of the people came
to his assistance ; so they joined battle with
the Assyrians, and drove them entirely before
them, and coinpelled them to pass over Eu-
phrates. Hereupon Othniel, who had given
such proofs of his valour, received from the
multitude authority to judge tlie people: and
when he had ruled over them forty years, he
died.
CHATTER IV.
HOW OUR PEOPLE SERVED THE MOARITES EIGH-
TEEN YEARS, AND WERE THEN DELIVERED
FROM SLAVERY liY ONE EHUD, WHO IIETALN-
ED THE IWJIINION EIGHTH YEARS.
§ 1. When Othniel was dead, the affairs of
the Israelites fell again into disorder : and
while they neither paid to God the honour
due to him, nor were obetlient to tiie laws,
their alHictions increased, till Eglon, king of
the Moabites, did so greatly despise thein on
account of the disorders of their political go-
vernment, that he made war upon them, and
overcame them in several battles, and made
the most courageous to submit, and enti-rely
subdueci their army, and ordered them to pay
him tribute. And when he had built in'm a
royal palace at Jericho,* lie omitted no me-
• It appears by the sacred history (Jiidg. i, 16; iii,
15), lliai Ki;loirs pavilion or palace was at the city of
thod whereby he might distress them ; and in-
deed he rtduccil them to poverty for eigiiteen
years. liut « hen God had once taken pity
of tlij Israelites, on account of their afHic-
tions, and was moved to compassion by their
supplications put uj) to him, lie freed them
from the hard usage they had nitt with under
the i\Ioabites. Tliis liberty he jjrocured for
them in the following manner:^
a. There was a young man of the tribe of
Ikiijamin, whose name was Ehud, the son of
Gera, a man of very great courage in bold
unilertakings, and of a very strong body, fit
for hard labour, but best skilled in using his
left hand, in which was his whole strength ;
and he also dwelt at Jericho. Now this
man became familiar with Eglon, and that by
means of presents, with which he obtained his
favour, and in-^inuated himself into his good
opinion ; whereby he was also beloved of those
that were about the king. Now, when on a
time he was bringing presents to the king,
and had two servants with him, he put a dag-
ger on his right thigh secretly, and went into
him : it was then summer time, and the mid-
dle of the day, when the guards were not
strictly on their watch, both because of the
heat, and because they were gone to dinner.
So the young man, when he had ottered his
presents to the king, who then resided in a
small parlour that stood conveniently to avoid
the heat, fell into discourse with him, for tliey
were now alone, the king having bid his ser-
vants that attended him to go their ways, be-
cause he had a mind to talk with Ehud. He was
now sitting on his throne; and fear seized upon
Ehud lest he should miss his stroke, and not
give him a deadly wound ; so he raised him-
self up, and said he had a dream to impart to
him by the command of God ; upon whicl«
the king leaped out of his throne for joy of
the dream ; so Ehud smote him to the heart,
and, leaving his dagger in his body, he went
out and shut the door after him. Now the
king's servants were very still, as supposing
that the king had composed himself to sleep,
3. Hereupon Ehud informed the people of
Jericho privately of what he had done, and
exhorted them to recover their liberty ; who
heard him gladly, and went to their arms, and
sent messengers over the country, that should
sound trumpets of ranis' horns ; for it was our
custom to call the people together by them.
Now the attendants of Eglon were ignorant of
what misfortune had befallen him for a great
w hile ; but, towards the evening, fearing some
uncommon accident had happened, they en-
tered into his parlour, and when they found
him dead, they were in great disorder, and
the demolished cit)'. Accordingly Josephus says it wa»
a! Jericho, or rather in tliat fine liuiitry of ])alm-trccs,
upon, or near to, the s.anic spot of ground on which Je-
richo had formerly stooi!, and on which it was rehiiilt
by iliel, 1 Kind's x\i. .11. Unr other eopii':, that a\uiU
Hahn'irtcs, as the place wInVe Jericho luid stood is ! >'s proper name Jericho, and call it the City of I'alni-
eai.td after its destruction by Joshua, that it, at or near | Trees only siwalv hcie more .-wx-uritelv tliaii Josephus
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
141
knew not what to do ; and before the guards
could be got togetlicr, the multitude of the
Israelites came upon them, so that some of
them were slain immediately, and some were
put to flight, and ran away toward the coun-
try of Moab, in order to save tliemselves.
Their number was above ten thousand. Tiie
Israelites seized upon the ford of Jordan, and
pursued them, and slew them, and many of
them they killed at the ford, nor did one of
them escape out of their hands ; and by this
means it was that the Hebrews freed them-
selves from slavery, under the Moabites.
Ehud also was on tliis account dignified with
the government over all the multitude, and
died after he had held the government eighty
years. * He was a man worthy of commen-
dation, even besides what he deserved for the
forementioned act of his. After him Sham-
gar, the son of Anath, was elected for their
governor, but died in the first year of his go-
vernment.
CHAPTER V.
HOW THE CANAANITES BROUGHT THE ISRAEL-
ITES CNDER SLAVERY FOR TWENTY YEARS ;
AFTER WHICH THEY WERE DELIVERED £Y
BARAK AND DEBORAH, WHO RULED OVER
THEiM FOR FORTY YEARS.
5 1. And now it was that the Israelites, tak-
ing no warning by their former misfortunes
to amend their manners, and neither worship-
ping God nor submitting to the laws, were
brought under slavery by Jabin the king of
the Canaanites, and that before they had a
short breathing time after the slavery under
the Moabites ; for this Jabin came out of Ha-
zor, a city that was situate over the lake Se-
mechonitis, and had in pay three hundred
thousand foot-men, and ten thousand horse-
men, with no fewer than three thousand cha-
rtots. Sisera was the commander of all his
army, and was the principal person in the
king's favour. He so sorely beat the Israel-
ites when they fought with him, that he or-
dered them to pay tribute.
2. So they continued to undergo that hard-
ship for twenty years, as not good enough of
themselves to grow wise by their misfortunes.
God was willing also hereby the more to sub-
• These eighty years for the government of Ehud
are necessary to Josephus's usual large numbers between
the exodus and the building of the temple, of five hun-
dred and ninety-two, or six hundred and twelve years,
but not to the smallest number of four hundred and
eighty years (1 Kings, vi, 1) ; which lesser number Jo-
sephus seems sometimes to have followed. And since
in the beginning of the next chai)ter, it is said by Jose-
fhus, that there was hardly a breathing time for the
sraelites before Jabin came antl enslaved them, it is
highly probable that some of the conies in his time had
here only eight years instead of eighty ; as had tliat of
Theophilus of Antioch, Ad Autolyc. L iii, and this most
probably from his copy of Josephus.
due their obstinacy and Ingratitude towards
himself: so when at length they were become
penitent, and were so wise as to learn that
their cahimities arose from their contempt of
the laws, they besouglit Deborah, a ceitain
prophetess among them (which name in the
Hebrew tongue signifies a Bee), to pray to God
to take pity on them, and not to overlook
them, now they were ruined by the Canaan-
ites. So God granted them deliverance, and
chose them a general, Barak, one tliat was of
the tribe of Naphtali. Now Barak, in the
Hebrew tongue, signifies Lightning.
3. So Deborah sent for Barak, and bade
him choose out ten thousand young men togc
against the enemy, because God had said that
that number was sufficient, and promised them
victory. But when Barak said that he would
not be the general unless she would also go
as a general with him, she had indignation at
what he said, and replied, " Thou, O Barak,
deliverest up meanly that authority which
God hath given thee into the hand of a wo-
man, and I do not reject it !" So they collected
ten thousand men, and pitched their camp at
Mount Tabor, where, at the king's command,
Sisera met them, and pitched his camp not
far from the enemy ; whereupon the Israelites,
and Barak himself, were so affrighted at the
multitude of those enemies, that they were
resolved to march ofT, had not Deborah re-
tained thorn, and commanded them to fight
the enemy that very day, for that they should
conquer tliem, and God would be their assist-
ance.
4. So the battle began ; and when they
were come to a close fight, there came down
from heaven a great storm, with a vast quan-
tity of rain and hail, and the wind blew the
rain in the face of the Canaanites, and so
darkened their eyes, that their arrows and
slings were of no advantage to them, nor
would the coldness of the air permit the sol-
diers to make use of their swords ; while this
storm did not so much incommode the Is-
raelites, because it came in their backs. They
also took such courage, upon the apprehension
that God was assisting them, that they fell
upon the very midst cf their enemies, and
slew a great number of them ; so that some
of them fell by the Israelites, some fell bj
their own horses, which were put into disor-
der, and not a few were killed by their own
chariots. At last Sisera, as soon as he saw
himself beaten, fled away, and came to a wo-
man whose name was Jael, a Kenite, who re-
ceived him, when he desired to be concealed ;
and when he asked for somewhat to drink,
she gave him sour milk, of which he drank
so unmeasurably that he fell asleep ; but
when he was asleep, Jael took an iron nail,
and with a hammer drove it through his tem-
ples into the floor ; and when Barak came a
little afterward, she showed Sisera nailed to the
(jround : and thus was this victory gained by
J
142
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
a woman, as Deborah liail foretold. liarak
also fouf^lu witli Jal)iii at Ilazor; and when
lie met with hiin, he slew liiiii : and when tlie
general was fallen, liarak overthrew the city
to the foundation, and was tlie cununandcr
of the Israelites for forty years.
CHAPTER VI.
HOW THE MIDIANITES AND OTHER NATIONS
EOl'GHT AGAINST THE LSKAEI.ITES, AND
BEAT THEM, AND AKEI.ICTEI) THEIR COUN-
TRY FOR SEVEN YEARS. HOW THEY WERE
DELIVERED BY GIDEON, WHO RULED OVER
THE MULTITUDE FOR EORTY YEARS
§ 1. Now when Barak and Deborah were
dead, whose deaths happened about tiie same
time, afterwards the IMidianites called the
Anvalekites and Arabians to their assistance,
and made war against the Israelites, and were
too hard for those that fought against them ;
and when they had burnt the fruits of the
earth, they cariied off the prey. Now when
they had done this for three years, the multi-
tude of the Israelites retired to the mountains,
and forsook the plain country. They also
made themselves hollows under ground, and
caverns, and preserved therein whatsoever had
escaped their enemies ; for the Midianites
made expeditions in harvest-time, but permit-
ted them to plough the land in winter, that
so, when the others had taken the pains, they
might have fruits for them to carry away.
Indeed, there ensued a famine and a scarcity
of food ; upon which they betook themselves
to their supplications to God, and besought
him to save them.
2. Gideon also, the son of Joash, one of
the principal persons of the tribe of Manas-
seh, brought his sheaves of corn privately,
and thrashed them at the wine-press; for he
was loo fearful of their enemies to thrasli them
openly in the thrashing-floor. At this time
somewhat appeared to him in the shape of a
young man, and told him that he was a happy
man, and beloved of God. To which he im-
mediately replied, " A mighty indication of
God's favour to me, that I am forced to use
this wine-press instead of a thrashing-floor !"
But the appearance exhortetl him to be of
good courage, and to make an attempt for the
recovery of their liberty. He answered, that
it was impossible for him to recover it, be-
cause the tribe to which he belonged was by
no means numerous ; and because he was but
young himself, and too inconsiderable to think
of sucii great actions ; but the other promised
hin), that God would supply what he was de-
fective in, and would afford the Israelites vic-
tory under liis conduct,
3. Now, therefore, as Gideon was relating
litis to bomo young men, they believed him.
and immediately tlicre was an army of ten
thousand men got ready for fighting. But
God stood by (jideon in his sleep, and told
him, tliat mankind were too fond of them,
selves, and were enemies to such as excelled
in virtue. Now tJiat they might not pass
God over, but ascribe the victory to him, and
might not fancy it obtained by their own
power, because they were a great army, and
able of themselves to fight their enemies, but
might confjuss that it was owing to his assist-
ance, he advised him to bring his army about
noon, in the violence of the heat, to the river,
and to esteem those that bent down on their
knees and so drank, to be men of courage ;
but for all those that drank tumultuously,
that he should esteem them to do it out of
fear, and as in dread of their enemies. And
when Gideon had done as God had suggest-
ed to him, there were found three hundred
men that took water with their hands tu-
multuously ; so God bid him take these men,
and attack the enemy. Accordingly they
pitched their camp at the river Jordan, as
ready the next day to pass over it.
4. But Gideon was in great fear, for God
had told him beforehand that he should set
upon his enemies in the night-time; but God,
being willing to free him from his fear, bid
him take one of his soldiers, and go near to
the Midianites' tents, for that he should from
that very place have his courage raised, and
grow bold. So he obeyed, and went and
took his servant Phurah with him ; and as he
came near to one of the tents, he discovered
that those that were in it were awake, and
that one of them was telling to his fellow-sol-
dier a dream of his own, and that so plainly,
that Gideon could hear him. The dream was
this : — He thought he saw a barley-cake,
such a one as could hardly be eaten by men,
it was so vile, rolling through the camp, and
overthrowing the royal tent, and the tents of
all the soldiers. Now the other soldier ex-
plained this vision to mean the destruction of
the army ; and told him what his reason was
which made him so conjecture, viz. That the
seed called hurley was all of it allowed to be
of t!ie vilest sort of seed, and that the Israel-
ites were known to be the vilest of all the
people of Asia, agreeably to the seed of bar-
ley, and that what seemed to look big among
the Israelites was this Gideon and the army
that was with him ; " and since thou sayesl
thou didst see the cake overturning our tents,
I am afraid lest God hath granted tlie vic-
tory over us to Gideon."
5. When Gideon had heard this dream,
good hope and courage came upon him ; and
he commanded hi', soldiers to arm tliemselves,
and told them of this vision of their enemies.
They also took courage at what was told
them, and were ready to perform what ho
should enjoin them ; so Gideon divided h(«
army into three parts, and brought it out
"V
.r
J'
CHAP. VII.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
143
about the fourth watch of the night, each
part containing a hundred men : they all
bare empty pitchers and iiglited lamps in
their hands, that their onset might not be
discovered by their enemies. They had also
each of them a ram's horn in his right hand,
which he used instead of a trumpet. The
enemy's camp took up a large space of
ground, for it happened that they had a great
many camels ; and as they were divided into
different nations, so they were all contained
in one circle. Now when the Hebrews did
as they were ordered beforehand, upon their
approach to their enemies, and, on the signal
given, sounded with their rams* horns, and
brake their pitchers, and set upon their ene-
mies with their lamps, and a great shout, and
cried, " Victory to Gideon, by God's assist-
ance," a disorder and a fright seized upon
the other men while they were half asleep, for
it was night-time, as God would have it ; so
that a few of them were slain by their ene-
mies, but the greatest part by their own sol-
diers, on account of the diversity of their Ian •
guage ; and when they were once put kito
disorder, they killed all that they met with,
as thinking them to be enemies also. Thus
there was a great slaughter made ; and as the
report of Gideon's victory came to the Israel-
ites, they took their weapons and pursued
their enemies, and overtook them in a certain
valley encompassed with torrents, a place
which these could not get over; so they en-
compassed them, and slew them all, with
their kings, Oreb and Zeeb ; but the remain-
mg captains led those soldiers that were left,
which were about eighteen thousand, and
pitched their camp a great way off the Israel-
ites. However, Gideon did not grudge his
pains, but pursued them with all his army,
and joining battle with them, cut off the whole
enemies' army, and took the other leaders,
Zebah and Zalmuna, and made them captives.
Now there were slain in this battle of the
Midianites, and of their auxiliaries the Arab-
ians, about a hundred and twenty thousand ;
and the Hebrews took a great prey, gold, and
silver, and garments, and camels, and asses ;
and when Gideon was come to his own coun-
try of Ophrab, he slew the kings of the Mi •
dianites.
6. However, the tribe of Ephraim was so
displeased at the good success of Gideon, that
they resolved to make war against him, ac-
cusing him because he did not tell them of
his expedition against their enemies : but Gi-
deon, as a man of temper, and that excelled
in every virtue, pleaded, that it was not the
result of his own authority or reasoning, tliat
made him attack the enemy without them,
but that it was the command of God, and
still the victory belonged to them as well as
those in the army ; — and by this method of
cooling their passions, he brought more ad-
Vantage to the Hebrews, than by the success
he had against these enemies, for he thereby
delivered them from a sedition which was a
rising among them ; yet did this tribe after-
wards suffer the punishment of this their in-
jurious treatment of Gideon, of which we will
give an account in due time.
7. Hereupon Gideon would have laid down
the government, but was over-persuaded to
lake it, which he enjoyed forty years, and dis-
tributed justice to them, as tiie people came
to him in their differences; and what he de-
termined was esteemed valid by all ; and when
he died, he was buried in his own country of
Ophrah.
CHAPTER VII.
THAT THE JUDGES WHO SUCCEEDED GIDEON
MADE WAR WITH THE ADJOINING NATIONS
FOR A LONG TLME.
§ 1. Now Gideon had seventy sons that were
legitimate, for he had many wives; but he
had also one that was spurious, by his concu-
bine Drumah, whose name was Abimelech,
who, after his father's death, retired to She-
chem to his mother's relations, for they were
of that place ; and when he had got money ot
such of them as were eminent for many in-
stances of injustice, he came with them to
his father's house, and slew all his brethren,
except Jotham, for he had the good fortune
to escape and be preserved ; but Abimelech
made the government tyrannical, and consti-
tuted himself a lord, to do what he pleased,
instead of obeying the laws ; and he acted
most rigidly against those that were the pa-
trons of justice.
2. Now when, on a certain time, there was
a public festival at Shechem, and all the mul-
titude was there gathered together, Jotham his
brother, whose escape we before related, went
up to Mount Gerizzim, which hangs over the
city Shechem, and cried out so as to be heard
by the multitude, who were attentive to him.
He desired they would consider what he was:
going to say to them ; so when silence was
made, he said, That when the trees had a hu-
man voice, and there was an assembly of them
gathered together, they desired that tne fJg-
tree would rule over them ; but when that
tree refused so to do, because it was content-
ed to enjoy that honour which belonged pe-
culiarly to the fruit it bare, and not that
which should be derived to it from abroad,
the trees did not leave off their intentions to
have a ruler, so they thought proper to make
the offer of that honour to the vine; but when
the vine was chosen, it made use of the same
words which the fig-tree had used before, and
excused itself from accepting the government;
and when the olive-tree liad done the same,
the brier, whom the trees had desired to take
"X_
v.
144
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK V.
the kingdom (it is a sort of wood good for
firing;, it [jroinisud to take the government,
and to be zealous in the exercise of it; but
that then they must sit down under its sha-
dow, and if they should plot against it to de-
stroy it, the principle of fire that was in it
should destroy them. He told them, that
what he had said was no laughing matter ; for
that when they had experienced many bless-
ings from Gideon, they overlooked Abime-
lech, when he over-ruled all, and had joined
with him in slaying his brethren ; and that he
was no better than a fire himself. So when
he had said this, he went away, and lived pri-
vately in the mountains for three years, out
of fear of Abimelech.
3. A little while after this festival, the She-
cliemites, who had now repented tliemseWes
of having slain the sons of Gideon, drove Abi-
melech away both from their city and their
tribe ; whereupon he contrived how he might
distress their city. Now at the season of vin-
tage, the people were afraid to go out and
gather their fruits, for fear Abimelech should
do them some mischief. Now it happened
that there had come to them a man of autho-
rity, one Gaal, that sojourned with them, hav-
ing his armed men and his kinsmen with him ;
so the Shechemites desired that he would allow
them a guard during their vintage ; where-
upon he accepted of their desires, and so the
people went out, and Gaal with them at the
head of his soldiery ; so they gathered their
fruit with safety ; and when they were at
supper in several companies, they then ven-
tured to curse Abimelech openly ; and the
magistrates laid ambushes in places about the
city, and caught many of Abimelech's follow-
ers, and destroyed them.
4. Now there was one Zebul, a magistrate
of the Shechemites, that had entertained Abi-
melech. He sent messengers, and informed
him how much Gaal had irritated the people
against him, and excited him to lay ambushes
before the city, for that he would persuade
Gaal to go out against him, which would leave
it in his power to be revenged on him ; and
when that was once done, he would bring him
to be reconciled to the city. So Abimelech
laid ambushes and himself lay with them.
Now Gaal abode in the suburbs, taking little
care of himself; and Zebul was with him.
Now as Gaal saw the armed men coming on,
he said to Zebul, That some armed men were
coming; but the other replied, They were only
shadows of huge stones : and v»hen they were
come nearer, Gaal perceived what was the re-
ality, and said, 'I'hey were not shadows but
men lying in ambush. Then said Zebul,
" Didst not thou reproach Abimelech for cowar-
dice ? why dost thou not then show how very
courageous thou art thyself, and go and fight
him ?" So Gaal, being in disorder, joined
battle with Abimelech, and some of liis men
fell ; whereupon he fled into the city, and took
his men with him. Hut Zebul managed his
matters so in the city, that he procured them
to expel Gaal out of the city, and this by ac-
cusing him of cowardice in this action with
the soldiers of Abimelech. Hut Abimelech,
when he had learned that the Sliechemites
were again coming out to gather their grapes,
placed ambushes before the city, and when
they were coming out, the third part of his
army took possession of the gates, to hinder
the citizens from returning in again, while the
rest pursued those that were scattered abroad,
and so tliere was slaughter everywhere; and
when he had overthrown the city to the very
foundations, for it was not able to bear a siege,
and had sown its ruins with salt, he proceed-
ed on with his army till all the Shechemites were
slain. As for those that were scattered about
the country, and so escaped the danger, they
were gathered together unto a certain strong
rock, and settled themselves upon it, and pre-
pared to build a wall about it : and when Abi-
melech knew tlieir intentions he prevented
them, and came upon them with his forces,
and laid faggots of dry wood round the place,
he himself bringingsomeofthem, and byhisex-
ample encouraging the soldiers to do the same.
And when the rock was encompassed round
about with these faggots, they set them on fire,
and threw in whatsoever by nature caught fire
the most easily : so a mighty flame was raised,
and nobody could fly away from the rock, but
every man perished, with their wives and
children, in all about fifteen hundred men, and
the rest were a great number also. And such
was the calamity which fell upon the Sheche-
mites ; and men's grief on their account had
been greater than it was, had they not brought
so much mischief on a person w ho had so well
deserved of them, and had they not themselves
esteemed this as a punishment for the same.
5. Now Abimelech, when he had aH'right-
ed the Israelites with the miseries he had
brought upon the Sliechemites, seemed open-
ly to aflect greater authority than he now had,
and appeared to set no bounds to his violence,
unless it were with the destruction of all.
Accordingly he marched to Thebes, and took
the city on the sudden ; and there being a
great tower therein, whereunto the whole
multitude fled, he made preparation to besiege
it. Now as he was rushing with violence
near the gates, a woman threw a piece of a
mill-stone upon his head, upon which Abi-
melech fell down, and desired his armour-
bearer to kill him, lest his death should l>e
thought to be the woik of a woman ; — who
did what he was bid to do. So he underwent
this death as a punisliment for the wickedness
he had perpetrated agaijist his brethren, and
his insolent barbariiy to the Shechemites.
Now tlie calamity that happened to ihot.e She-
chemites was according to the prediction of
"V
-X
XTlIAV. VII.
Jotliam. However, the army that was with
Abimelech, upon his fall, was scattered a-
•broad, and went to their o-.vn homes.
6. Now it was that Jair the Gileadite,* of
the tribe of Manasseh, took tlie government.
He was a man hap)3y in other respects also,
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
lib
monite [kingi, complaining of his unjust pos-
session of their land. But that king sent a
contrary message ; and complained of the ex-
odus of the Ibraelites out of Egj-pt, and de-
sired him to go out of tlye land of the Amor-
ites, and yield it up to him, as at first his pa-
but particularly in his cliildren, who were of i ternal inheritance. But Jephtha returned this
a good character. They were thirty in num- answer: That he did not justly complain of
ber, and very skilful in riding on horses, and his ancestors about the land of the Amoritos,
were intrusted with (he government of the ■ and ought rather to thank them that they lef'
cities of Gilead. He kept the government the land of the Ammonites to them, since
twenty-two years, and died an old mari^ and
he was buried in Camon, a city of Gilead.
7. And now all tlie affairs of the Hel)rews
were managed uncertainly, and (ended to dis-
order, and to the contempt of God and of the
laws. So the Ammonites and Philistines had
them in contempt, and laid waste the country
with a great army ; and xvhen they had taken
all Perea, they were so insolent as to attempt
Moses could have taken it also; and that nei-
ther would he recede from that land of their
own, which God had obtained for them, and
they had now inhabited [abov-e] tliree liun-
dred years, but would fight vvith them about it.
10. And when he had given tiiem this an-
swer, he sent the ambassadors away. And
v.hen he had prayed for victory and had vow-
ed to perform sacred offices, and if he came
to gain the possession of all the rest : but the ; home in safety, to offer in sacrifice what living
Hebrews, being now amended by the calami- creature soever should first meet him;* he
ties they had undergone, betook themselves 'joined battle with the enemy, and gained a
to supplications to God ; and brought sacri- great victorj', and in his pursuit slew the ene-
fices to bim, beseeching him not to be too se- mies all along as far as the city Minnith. He
vere upon them, but to be moved by their then passed over to the land of the Ammonites,
prayers to leave off his anger against them, and overthrew many of their cities, and took
So God became more merciful to them, and their prey, and freed his own people from that
was ready to assist them.
8. When the Ammonites had made an ex-
pedition into the land of Gilead, the inhabi-
tants of the country met them at a certain
mountain, but wanted a commander. Now
there was one whose name was Jephtha, who,
both on account of his father's virtue, and on
account of that army which he maintained at
liis own expenses, was a potent man : the Is-
raelites therefore sent to him, and entreated
him to come to their assistance, and promised
him the dominion over them all his life-time.
But he did not admit of their entreaty; and
accused them, that they did not come to his
assistance when he was unjustly treated, and
this in an open m inner by his brethren ; for
they cast him off, as not having the same mo-
ther with the rest, but born of a strange mo-
ther, that was introduced among them by his
father's fondness ; and this they did out of a
contempt of his inability [to vindicate him-
self]. So he dwelt in the country of Gikad,
as it is called, and received all that came to
him, let them come from what pi ce soever,
and paid them wages. However, when they
pressed him to accept the dominion, and sware
they would grant him the government over
them all his life, he led them to the war.
9. And when Jephtha had taken immediate
care of their affairs, he placed his army at the
city Miseph, and sent a message to the Am-
• Our present copies of Josephus all omit Tola a-
mong the judges, though the other copies have him next
after .'Vbimclech, ami allot twenty-three years to his ad-
ministration (Judges X. 1, 2) ; yet do all Josephus's
commentators conclude, that in Josephus's sum of the
years of the judges, his twenty-three years are included:
—hence we are to eonftss, that somewhat has been here
lost oiit of his copies.
slavery which they had undergone for eighteen
years. But as he came back, he fell into a
calamity no way correspondent to the great ac-
tio-ns he had done ; for it was his daughter
that came to meet him ; she was also an only
child and a virgin : upon this Jephtha heavily
lamented the greatness of his aflliction, and
blamed his daughter for being so forward in
meeting him, for he had vowed to sacrifice her
to God. However, this action that was to be-
fal her was not ungrateful to her, since she
should die upon occasion of her father's vie
tory, and the liberty of her fellow -citizens : she
only desired her father to give her leave, for
two months, to bewail her youth with her fel
low-citizens; and then she agreed, that at the
fore-mentioned time he might do with her ac
cording to his vow. Accordingly, when that
time was over, he sacrificed his daughter as a
burnt-offering, offering such an oblation as was
neither conformable to the law nor acceiitable
to God, not weighing with himself what opin
ion the hearers would have of such a practice.
11. Now the tiibe of Ephraim fought
against him, because he did not take them
along with him in his expedition against the
Ammonites, but because he alone had the
prey, and tlie glory of what was done to hinr»-
self. As to which he said, first, that they were
* Josephus justly condemns Jephtha, as do the Apo*
tolic;il Constitutions, b. vii. ch. xxxvii. for his rash vow,
whether it were for sacrificing his daughter, as Josephus
thought, or for dedicating her, who was his only child,
to perpetual virginity, at the tabernacle or elsewhere,
which 1 rather suppose. If he had vowed her for a sac-
rifice, she ought to have been redeemed. Lev. xxvii. 1
—8 ; but of the se.ise of ver. 28, 29, as relating cot to
things \ owed to God, but devoted to desU-uction, see {ht
note on Autiq. b. v, ch. i. sect, 8.
M
146
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK V
not ignorant how liis kindred had fonglit
against liiin, and that wlicn they were invited,
they did not come to his assistance, whereas
they ought to liave come qiiickly, even before
they were invited. And in the next place, tliat
tliey were going to act unjustly ; for wliile
tliey had not courage enough to fight tlieir
enemies, they came Jiastily against their own
kindred : and lie tlireatened them tliat, with
God's assistance, he wouM inflict a punish-
ment upon them, unless they would grow
wiser. But when he could not persuade them,
he fought with them with those forces which
he sent for out of Gilead, and he made a great
slaughter among tJiem ; and wlien tht-y were
beaten, he pursued tliem, and seized on the
passages of Jordan by a part of his army which
he had sent before, and slew about forty-two
thousand of them.
12. So when Je^htha had ruled six years,
he died, and was buried in his own country,
Scbee, which is a place in the land of Gilead.
13. Now, when Jephtha was dead, Ihzan
took the government, being of the tribe of
Judah, and of the city of Bethlehem. He
had sixty children, thirty of them sons, and
the rest daughters; all whom he left alive be-
hind liim, giving the daughters in marriage
to husbands, and taking wives for his sons,
lie did nothing in the seven years of his ad-
ministration that was worth recording, or de-
served a memorial. So he died an old man,
and was buried in his own country.
14. When Ibzan was dead after this man-
ner, neither did Helon, who succeeded him
in the government, and kept it ten years, do
any thing remarkable : he was of the tribe of
Zebulon.
15. Abdon also, the son of Hilel, of the
tribe of Ephraim, and born at the city Pyra-
tiion, was ordained their supreme governor
after Helon. He is only recorded to have
been happy in his children ; for the public af-
fairs were then so peaceable, and in such se-
curity, that neither did he perform any glori-
ous action. He had forty sons, and by them
left thirty grand-children j and he marched in
state with tliese seventy, who were all very
skilful in riding horses ; and he left them all
alive after him. He died an old man, and
obtained a magnificent burial in Pynatlion.
CHAPTER VIII.
CONCERNING THE FORTITLDE OF SAMSON, AND
WHAT MISCHIEI-S HE BKOUGHT UPON THE
PHILISTINES.
§ 1. After Abdon was dead, the Philistines
overcame the Israelites, and received tribute
of them for forty years ; from which distress
they were delivered after this manner : —
2. There was one Maiioah, a person of
such great virtue, that he had few men his
equals, and without dispute the principal per-
son of his country. He had a wife celi'hrat-
ed for her beauty, and excelling her contem-
Ijoraries. He had no children ; and, being
uneasy at his want of posterity, he entreated
God to give them seed of their own bodies to
succeed tliein ; and with that intent he came
constantly into the suburbs, • together with
his wife; which suburbs were in the Great
Plain. Now, he was fond of his wife to a
degree of madness, and on that account was
unineasurably jealous of her. Now, when his
wife was once alone, an apparition was seen
by her : it was an angel of God, and resem-
Wed a young man, beautiful and tall, and
brought her the good news, that she should
have a son, born by God's providence, that
should be a goodly child, of great strength;
by whom, when he was grown up to man's
estate, the Philistines should benfllicted. He
exhorted her also not to poll his hair, and
that he shculd avoid all other kinds of drink
(for so had God commanded), and be entirely
contented with water. So the angel, when
he had delivered that message, went his way,
his coming having been by the will of God.
3. Now the wife informed her husband
when he came home of what the angel had
said, who showed so great an admiration of
the beauty and tallness of the young man that
had appeared to her, that her husband was
astonislieil, and out of himself for jealousy,
and such suspicions as are excited by tliat
passion ; but she was desirous of having her
husband's unreasonable sorrow taken away ;
accordingly she entreated God to send the
angel again, that he might be seen by hei
husband. So the angol came again by the fa-
vour of God, while they were in the suburbs,
and appeared to her when she was alone with-
out her husband. She desired the angel to stay
so long till sin- might bring iier husband ; and
that request being granted, she goes to call
Manoah. When he saw the angel he was not
yet free from suspicion, and he desired him
to inform him of all that ho had told his wife;
but when he said it was sufficient that she a-
lone knew what he had said, he then request-
ed of him to tell who he was, that when
the child was born tliey niight return him
thanks, and give him a present. He replied
that he did not want any present, for that he
dici not bring them thj good news of the birth
of a son out of the want of any thing ; and
when .MaiKiah had entreated him to stay, and
partake of his hospitality, he did not give his
consent. However, he was persuaded, at the
earnest request of Manoah, to stay so long as
while he brought him one mark of his hospi-
tality ; — so he slew a kid of the goats, and bid
his wife boil it. M'hen all was ready, the an-
gel enjoined him to set the loaves and tlie
• I can discover no reason whv Manoah and his wile
came so o<iiistaiitly into tlicse suburljs to prav for child-
ren, but l)w.ausc Uii're v..iS a synagogue or place of d>
votion in tho^e tnbiirtM.
"V
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAi'. vm.
flL'si), but without the vessels, upon the rock ;
whicli when they had done, he touched the
flesh with the rod which he had in his liand,
which, upon the breaking out of a flame, was
consumed, together with the loaves; and the
angel ascended openly, in their sight, up to
heaven, by means of the smoke, as by a ve-
hicle. Now Manoah was afraid that some
danger would come to them from this sight
of God; but his wife bade him be of good
courage, for that God appeared to them for
their benefit.
4. So the woman proved with child, and
was careftil to observe the injunctions that
were given her ; and they called the child,
when he was born, Samson, which name sig-
nifies one that is strong. So the child grew
apace; and it appeared evidently that he would .
be a prophet, * both by the moderation of his
diet, and the permission of his hair to grow. I
5. Now when he once came with his pa-
rents to Timnath, a city of the Philistines,
when there was a great festival, he fell in love ;
with a maid of that country, and he desired I
of his parents that they would procure him
the damsel for his wife : but they refused so !
to do, because she was not of the stock of j
Israel ; yet because this marriage was of God, I
who intended to convert it to the benefit of'
the Hebrews, he over-))ersuaded them to pro- '
cure her to be espoused to him ; and as he
%vas continually coming to her parents, he met
a lion, and though he was naked, he received
his onset, and strangled him with his hands,
and cast the wild beast into a woody piece of
ground on the inside of the road.
6. And when he was going another time
to the damsel, he lit upon a swarm of baes
making their combs in the breast of that lion;
and taking three honey-combs away, he gave
them, together with the rest of his presents,
to the damsel. Now the people of Timnath,
out of a dread of the young man's strength,
gave him during the time of the wedding-
feast (for he then feasted them all) thirty of
the most stout of their youth, in pretence to be
his companions, but in reality to be a guard
upon him, that he might not attempt to give
them any disturbance- Now as they were
drinking merrily and playing, Samson said,
as was usual at such times, " Come, if I pro-
pose you a riddle, and you can expound it in
these seven days' time, I will give you every
one a linen shirt and a garment, as the reward
of your wisdom." So they being very ambi-
tious to obtain the glory of wisdom, together
with the gains, desired him to propose his
riddle : he said, " That a devourer produced
sweet food out of itself, though itself were
very disagreeable :" — and when they were not
• Here, by a prophet, Joscphus seems only to mean
one that was bom by a particular pio^ idence, lived af-
ter the manner of a Nazarite devoted to God, and was
to have an extraordinary commission and strength from
Cod for the judging and avenging his people Israel,
without any proper prophetic leveUtions at aJl
147
able, in three days' time, to find out tlie mean-
ing of the riddle, they desired the damsel to
discover it by the means of her husband, and
tell it them ; and tliey threatened to burn hei
if she did not tell it them. So when the dam-
sel entreated Samson to tell it her, he at first
refused to do it ; but when she lay hard at
him, and fell into tears, and made his refu-
sal to tell it a sign of his unkindness to her,
he informed her of his slaughter of a lion,
and how he found bees in his breast, and car-
ried away three honey combs, and brought
them to her. Thus he, suspecting nothing of
deceit, informed her of all, and slie revealed
it to those that desired to know it. Tlien on
the seventh day, whereon tliey were to ex-
pound the riddle proposed to them, they met
together before sun-setting, and said, " No-
thing is more disagreeable than a lion to those
that light on it ; and nothing is sweeter than
honey to those that rr.ake use of it." To
which Samson made this rejoinder: " No-
thing is more deceitful than a woman, for such
was the person that discovered my interpreta-
tion to you." Accordingly he gave them the
presents he had promised them, making such
Askelonites as met him upon the road his
prey, who were themselves Philistines also.
But he divorced this his wife; and the girl
despised his anger, and was married to his
companion, who made the former match be-
tween them,
7. At this injurious treatment Samson was
so provoked, that he resolved to punish all
the Philistines, as well as her : so it being
then summer-time, and the fruits of the land
being almost ripe enough for reaping, he
caught three hundred foxes, and joining light-
ed torches to their tails, he sent them into the
fields of the Philistines, by which means the
fruits of the fields perished. No r when the
Philistines knew that this was Samson's doing,
and knew also for what cause he did it, they
sent their rulers to Timnath, and burnt his
former wife, and her relations, who had been
the occasion of their misfortunes,
8. Now when Samson had slain many of
the Philistines in the plain country, he dwelt
at Etam, which is a strong rock of the tribe
of Judah; for the Philistines at that time
made an expedition against that tribe : but
the people of Judah said that they did not act
justly with them, in inilicting punishments
upon them while they paid their tribute, and
this only on account of Samson's offences.
They answered, thai in case they would not
be blamed themselves, they must deliver up
Samson, and put him into their power. So
they being desirous not to be blamed tliem-
selves, came to the rock with three thousand
armed men, and complained to Samson of the
bold insults he had made upon the Philistines,
who were men able to bring calamity upon
the whole nation of the Hebrews; and tliey
,iold him they were come to take him, ani to
us
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
ftOOK V
the laws of his country, and altered his own
regular way of living, and imilated the strange
customs of foreigners, which tiling was the
beginning of iiis miseries ; for lie fell in love
with a woman that was a harlot among the
Philistines : her name was Delilah, and he
lived with her. So those that administered
the public affairs of the Philistines came to
her, and, with promises, induced her to get
out of Samson what was the cause of that his
strength, by which he became unconquerable
to his enemies. Accordingly, when they
were drinking, and had the like conversation
together, she pretended to admire the actions
he had done, and contrived to get out of him
by subtilty, by what means he so much excel-
led others in strength. Samson, in order to de-
lude Delilah, for he had not yet lost his senses,
replied, that if he were bound with seven
such green withs of a vine as might still be
wreathed, he should be weaker than any other
man. Tlie woman said no more then, but
told this to the rulers of the Philistines, and
hid certain of the soldiers in ambush within
the house ; and when he was disordered in
drink and asleep, she bound him as fast as
possible with the withs ; and then upon her
awakening him, she told him some of the peo-
ple were upon him ; but he broke the withs,
and endeavoured to defend himself, as though
some of the people were upon him. Now
this woman, in the constant conversation Sam-
son had with her, pretended that she took it
very ill that he had such little confidence in
her affections to him, that he would not tell
her what she desired, as if she would not con-
to the hands of his enemies, but aiford him ! ce-dl what she knew it was for his interest to
help under his affliction, and deliver him from have concealed. However, he deluded her
the misfortune he was under. Accordingly I again, and told her, that if they bound hira
deliTer h!m up to them, and put him into their
power; so they desired him to bear this wil-
lingly. Accordingly, when he had received
assurance from them upon oath, that they
would do him no other harm than only to de-
liver him into his enemies' hands, he came
down from the rock, and put himself into the
power of his countrymen. Tlien did they
bind him with two cords, and lead him on, in
order to deliver him to the Philistines; and
when they came to a certain place, which is
now called the Jaw-bone, on account of the
great action there performed by Samson,
though of old it had no particular name at
all, the Pliilistines, who had pitched their canij)
not far off, came to meet them with joy and
shouting, as having done a great tiling, and
gained what they desired; but Samson bioke-
his bonds asunder, and catching up the jaw-
bone of an ass that lay down at his feet, fell
upon his enemies, and smiting them with his
jaw-bone, slew a thousand of them, and put
the rest to flight and into great disorder.
9. Upon this slaughter Samson was too
proud of what ne had performed, and said
that tln"s did not come to pass by the assist-
ance of God, but that his success was to be
ascribed to his own courage ; and vaunted
himself, that it was out of a dread of him that
some of his enemies fell, and the rest ran
away upon his use of the jaw-bone ; but when
a great thirst came upon him, he considered
that human courage is nothing, and bare his
testimony that all is to be ascribed to God,
and besought him that he would not be angry
at any thing he had said, nor give him up in
God was moved with his entreaties, and raised
him up a plentiful fountain of sweet water at
a certain rock ; whence it was that Samson
called the place the Jaw-bone,* and so it is
called to this day.
10. After this fight Samson held the Phi-
listines in contempt, and came to Gaza, and
took up his lodgings in a certain inn. When
the rulers of Gaza were informed of his coin-
ing thither, they seized upon the gates, and
placed men in ambush about them, that he
might not escape without being perceived ;
but Samson, who was acquainted with their
contrivances against him, arose about mid-
night, and ran by force upon the gates, with
tlieir posts and beams, and the rest of their
wooden furniture, and carried them away on
his shoulders, and bare them to the mountain
that is over Hebron, and there laid them down.
11. However, he at length -f- transgressed
» This foiinLiin, callcil Lchi, or the jaw-bonf, is still
in being, as travellers assure us, .ind was known by
this very name in the days of Joseplius, and has been
known by the same name in all tjiuse jwist ages. See
Antiq. b. vii, chap, xii, sec-t. 4.
t See this Justly observed in the Apostolical Consti-
tulions, b. vii. chap, xxxvii, that Samson's prayer was
beard, but that it was before this Yui transgression.
with seven cords, he should lose his strength.
And when upon doing this, she gained no-
thing, he told her the tliird time, that his hair
should be woven into a web ; but when, upon
doing this, the truth was not yet discovered,
at length Samson, upon Delilah's prayer (for
he was doomed to fall into some affliction),
was desirous to please her, and told her that
God took care of him, and that he was born
by his providence, and that " thence it is that
I suffer my hair to grow, God having charged
me never to poll my head, and thence my
strength is according to the increase and con-
tinuance of my hair." When she had learn-
ed tluis much, and had deprived hiin of his
hair, she delivered him up to his enemies,
when he was not strong enough to defend
himself from their attempts upon him ; so
they put out his eyes, and bound him, and had
him led about among tiiem.
12. But in process of time Samson's hair
grew again. And there was a public festival
among the Philistines, when the rulers and
those of the most eminent character were feast-
ing together (now the room wherein they wer«
had its rojf supported by two pillars) ; so they
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. IX.
sent for Samson, and he was brought to their
feast, that they might insult him in their cups.
Hereupon he, thinking it one of the greatest
misfortunes, if he should not be able to re-
venge himself when he was thus insulted,
persuaded the boy that led him by the hand,
that he was weary and wanted to rest himself,
and desired he would bring him near the pil-
lars ; and as soon as he came to them, he rush-
ed with force against them, and overthrew the
house, by overthrowing its pillars, with three
thousand men in it, who were all slain, and
Samson with them. And such was the end
of this man, when he had ruled over the Is-
raelites twenty years. And indeed this man
deserves to be admired for his courage and
strength, and magnanimity at his death, and
that his wrath against his enemies went so far
as to die himself with them. But as for his
being ensnared by a woman, that is to be
ascribed to human nature, which is too weak
to resist the temptations to that sin ; but we
ought to bear him witness, that in all other
respects he was one of extraordinary virtue,
Eut his kindred took away his body, and bu-
ried it in Sarasat, his own country, with the
rest of his family.
CHAPTER IX.
HOW UNDER ELl'S GOVERNMENT OF THE IS-
RAELITES, EOOZ MARRIED RUTH, FROM
WHOM CAME OBED, THE GRANDFATHER OF
DAVID.
§ 1. Now after the death of Samson, Eli the
nigh-priest was governor of the Israelites.
Under him, when the country was afflicted
with a famine, Elimelech of Bethlehem,
which is a city of the tribe of Judah, being
not able to support his family under so sore
a distress, took witli him Naomi his wife, and
the children that were born to him by her,
Chilion and Mahion, and removed his habi-
tation into the land of Moab ; and upon the
happy prosperity of his affairs there, he took
for his sons wives of the IMoabites, Orpah for
Chilion, and Ruth for Mahion. But in the
compass of ten years both Elimelech, and a
little while after him, the sons died ; and
Naomi being very uneasy at these accidents,
and not being able to bear her lonesome con-
dition, now those that were dearest to her were
dead, on whose account it was that she had
gone away from her own country, she return-
ed to it again, for she had been informed it
was now in a flourishing condition. However,
her daughters-in-law were not able to think of
parting with her ; and when they had a mind
to go out of the country with her, she could
not dissuade them from it; but when they in-
sisted upon it, she wished them a more happy
wedlock than they had with h<ir sons, and that
149
they might have prosperity in other respects
also ; and seeing her own affairs were so low,
she exhorted them to stay where they were, and
not to think of leaving their own country, and
partaking with her of that uncertainty under
which she must return. Accordingly Orpah
staid behind ; but she took Ruth along with
her, as not to be persuaded to stay behind her,
but would take her fortune with her, whatso-
ever it should prove.
2. When Ruth vi'as come with her mother-
in-law to Bethlehem, Booz, who was nearof kin
to Elimelech, entertained her ; and when Na-
omi was so called by her fellow- citizens, ac-
cording to her true name, she said, "You might
more truly call me Mara." Now Naomi signi-
fies in the Hebrew tongue hajijnriess, and 5la-
ra, Sorrow. It was now reaping time j and Ruth,
by the leave of her mother-in-law, went out to
glean, that they might get a stock of corn for
their food. Now it happened that she came
into Booz's field; and after some time Booz
came thither, and when he saw the damsel he
enquired of his servant that was set over the
reapers, concerning the girl. The servant had
a little before enquired about all her circum-
stances, and told them to his master, who kind-
ly embraced her, both on account of her affec-
tion to her mother-in-law, and her remem-
brance of that son of hers to whom she had
been married, and wished that she might ex-
perience a prosperous condition ; so he desired
her not to glean, but to reap what she was
able, and gave her leave to carry it home. He
also gave it in charge to that servant who was
over the reapers, not to hinder her when she
took it away, and bade him give her her din-
ner, and make her drink when he did the like
to the reapers. Now what corn Ruth receiv-
ed of him, she kept for her mother-in-law,
and came to her in the evening, and brought
tlie ears of corn with her ; and Naomi had
kept for her a part of such food as her neigh-
bours had plentifully bestowed upon her
Ruth also told her mother-in-law what Booz
had said to her; and when the other had in
formed her that he was near of kin to them,
and perhaps was so pious a man as to make
some provision for them, she went out again
on the days following, to gather the gleanings
with Booz's maid-servants.
3. It was not many days before Booz, after
the barley was winnowed, slept in his thrash-
ing-floor. When Naomi was informed of this
circumstance, she contrived it so that Ruth
should lie down by him, for she tliought it
might be for their advantage that he should
discourse with the girl. Accordingly she sent
the damsel to sleep at his feet ; who went as
she bade her, for she did not think it consist-
ent with her duty to contradict any command
of her mother-in-law. And at first she lay
concealed from Booz, as he was fast asleeu j
but when he awaked about midnight, and per-
ceived a woman lying by him, he asked who
■"~\
150
ANTIQUITIES OV THE JEWS.
BOOK V
she was ; — and when slic told him lier name,
and dcsiri'd tliat lie «lion> she o^»ned for her
lord would excuse her, he then said no more ;
but in the morning, before the servants began
to set about their work, he awaked her, and
bid her take as niucli barley as she was able
to carry, and go to her mother-in-law before
anv body there should see that she had lain
djwn by him, because it was but ])riident to
avoid any reproach that might arise 011 that
account, especially when there had been no-
thing done that was ill. But as to the main
point she aimed at, the matter should rest
here, — " He that is nearer of kin than I am,
shall be asked whctlier he wants to take thee
to wife : if he says he does, thou shall follow
him; but if hf? refuse it, I will marry thee,
according to the law."
4. When she had informed her mother-in-
law of this, they were very glad of it, out of
the hope they had that IJooz would make pro-
vision for them. Now about noon Booz went
down into the city, and gathered the senate
together, and when he had sent for Ruth, he
called for her kinsman also; and when he
was come, he said, " Dost not thou retain the
inheritance of ElimelecJi and his sons?" He
confessed that he did retain it, and that he did
as he was permitted to do by the laws, be-
cause he was their nearest kinsman. Then
said Booz, " Thou must not rememlier the
laws by halves, but do every thing according
to them ; for the wife of Mahlon is come
hither, whom thou must marry, according to
the law, in case thou wilt retain their fields."
So the man yielded up both the field and the
wife to Booz, who was himself of kin to those
•liat were dead, as alleging that he had a wife
already, and cliildren also; so Booz called
the senate to witness, and bid the woman to
loose his shoe an(l spit in his face, according
to the law ; and when this was done Booz
married Ilutli, and they had a son within a
year's time. Naomi was herself a nurse to
this child ; and by the advice of the women,
called him Obed, as being to be brought up
in order to he subservient to her in her old
age, for Obed in the Hebrew dialect signifies
a servant. The son of Obed was Jesse, and
David was his son, who was king, and left
his dominions to his sons for one-and-twenty
generations. I was therefore obliged to re-
late this history of Ruth, because I had a
mind to demonstrate the power of God, who,
without diUiculty, can raise those that are
of ordinary parentage to dignity and splen-
dor, to which lie advanced David, though he
Wire born of such mean parents.
CHAPTER X.
CONrEHN'ING THK ntRTH OF SAMfEL; AND HOW
HE FORI/rOI.U THE CALAMITY THAT UEKEL
THE SONS OF ELi.
§ 1. And now upon the ill state of the af-
fairs of the Hebrews, they made war again
ui)on the Philistines. The occasion was this •
Eli, tlie high-priest, had two sons, Huphni
and Phineas. These sons of Eli were guilty
of injustice towards men, and of impiety to-
wards God, and abstained from no sort of
wickedness. Some of their gifts they carried
off, as belonging to the honourable employ-
ment they had ; others of them they took a-
way by violence. They also were guilty of
impurity with the women that came to wor-
ship God at the tabernacle', obliging some
to submit to their lust by force, and entic-
ing others by bribes ; nay, the whole course
of their lives was no better than tyranny.
Their father therefore was angry at them
for such their wickedness, and expected that
God would suddenly inflict his punishments
upon tiiem for what they had done. The
multitude took it heinously also: and as soon
as God had foretold wliat calamity would be-
fal Eli's sons, \\ hich he did both to Eli him-
self and to Samuel tl.e prophet, who was yet
but a child, he openly showed his sorrow for
his sons' destruction.
2. I will first (lispatdi what I have to say
about the prophet Samuel, and after that will
proceed to speak of the sons of Eli, and the
miseries they brought on the whole people of
the Hebrews. Elcanah, a Levite, one of a
middle condition among his fellow-ciiizens,
and one that dwelt at Ramathaim, a city of
the tribe of Ephraim, married two wives,
Hannah and Pcninnah. He had children by
the latter; but he loved the other best, al-
though she was barren. Now Elcanah came
with his wives to tlie city Shiloh to sacrifice,
for there it was fhdt tiie tabernacle of (lod
was fi.xed, as we have formtrly said. Now
when, after he had sacrificed, he distributed
at that festival jiortions of the flesh to his
wives and children, and when Hannali saw
the other wife's children sitting round about
their mother, she fell into tears, and lamented
herself on account of her barrenness and lone-
someness; and tutlering her grief to prevail
over her husband's consolations to her, she
went to the tabernacle to beseech God to give
her seed, and to make her a mother ; and to
vow to consecrate the first son she shoidd bear
to the service of God, and this in such a way,
that his manner of living should not be like
that of ordinary men. And as she continued
at her prayejs a long time, Eli, the high-priest,
for he sat there before the tid)ei nacle, bid her
J j;o away, think'ng site had been disordered
CHAP. XI.
with wine ; but when she said she had drank
water, but was in sorrow for want of cliildren,
and was beseeching God for them, he bid her
be of good cheer, and told her that God would
send her children.
3. So she came to her husband full of
hope, and eat her meal with gladness. And
when they had returned to their own country
she found herself with child, and they had a
son born to them, to whom tiioy gave tiie
name of Samuel, which may be styled one that
was asked of God. They tiierefore came to
the tabernacle to offer sacrifice for the birth
of the child, and brought their tithes witji
them ; but the woman remembered the vow
she had made concerning her son, and deli-
vered him to Eli, dedicating him to God, that
he might become a prophet. Accordingly his
hair was suffered to grow long, and his drink
was water. So Samuel dwelt and was brought
up in the temple. But Elcanah had other
sons by Hannah, and three daughters.
4. Now when Samuel was twelve years old,
he began to prophesy : and once when lie was
asleep, God called to him by his name; and
he, supposing he had been called by the high-
priest, came to liim : but when tlie higli-priest
said he did not call him, God did so thrice.
Eli was then so far illuminated, that he said
to him, " Indeed, Samuel, I was silent now
as well as before : it is God that calls thee ;
do thou therefore signify it to him, and say I
am here ready." So when he iieard God
speak again, he desired him to speak, and to
deliver what oracles he pleased to him, for he
would not fail to perform any ministration
whatsoever he should make use of him in ; —
to which God replied, " Since thou art here
ready, learn what miseries are coming upon
the Israelites, — such indeed as words cannot
declare, nor faith believe ; for the sons of Eli
shall die on one day, and the priesthood shall
be transferred into the family of Eleazar ; for
Eli hath loved his sons more than he hath
loved my worship, and to such a degree, as
is not for their advantage." Which message
Eli obliged the prophet by oath to tell him,
for otherwise he had no inclination to afflict
him by telling it. And now Eli had a far
more sure expectation of the perdition of his
sons; but the glory of Samuel increased
more and more, it being found by experience
that whatsoever he prophesied came to pass ac-
cordingly.*
« Although there had beeji a few occasional prophets
before, yet was this Samuel the first of a consiant suc-
cession of prophets in the Jewish nation, as is implied
in St. Peter's words. Acts iii "Ji: " V'ea, and all the
prophets, from Samuel, and those that follow after, as
many as have spoken, have likewise foretold of those
days." See also Acts xiii. 20. The others were rather
BOmetimes called righteous men, Matth. x. 41 ; xiii. 17.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
151
CHAPTER XI.
HEUEIN IS DECLARED WHAT BEFEL THE SONS
OF ELI, THE ARK, AND THE PEOPLE ; AND
HOW ELI HIMSELF DIED MISERABLY.
§ 1. Aboct this time it was that the Philis-
tines made war against the Israelites, and
pitched their camp at the city Aphek. Now
when the Israelites had expected them a little
while, the very next day they joined battle,
and the Philistines were conquerors, and slew-
above four thousand of the Hebrews, and
pursued the rest of their multitude to their
camp.
2. So the Hebrews being afraid of the
worst, sent to the senate, and to the hirrh-
priest, and desired that they would bring the
ark of God, that by putting tliemselves in ar-
ray, when it was present with them, they
might be too hard for their enemies, as not
reflecting that he who had condemned them
to endure these calamities was greater than the
ark, and for whose sake it was that this ark
came to be honoured. So tlie ark came, and
the sons of the high-priest with it, havino- re-
ceived a charge from their father, that if they
pretended to survive the taking of tlie ark,
they should come no more into his presence ;
for Phineas officiated already as high-priest,
his father having resigned liis office to him,
by reason of his great age. So the Hebrews
were full of courage, as supposing that, by
the coming of the ark, they should be too
hard for their enemies : their enemies also
were greatly concerned, and were afraid of
the ark's coming to the Israelites ; however,
the upshot did not prove agreeable to the ex-
pectation of both sides, but when the battle
was joined, that victory which the Hebrews
expected was gained by the Philistines, and
that defeat the Philistines were afraid of, fell
to the lot of the Israelites, and thereby they
found that they had put their trust in the ark in
vain, for they were presently beaten as soon as
they came to a close fight with their enemies,
and lost about thirty thousand men, amoncr
whom were the sons of the high-priest ; but
the ark was carried away by the enemies.
3. When the news of this defeat came to
Shiloh, with that of the captivity of the ark
(for a certain young man, a Benjamite, wlio
was in the action, came as a messenger thither),
the whole city was full of lamentations. And
Eli, the high-priest, who sat upon a high
throne at one of the gates, heard their mourn-
ful cries, and supposed that some strange
thing had befallen his family. So he sent for
the young man ; and when he understood
what had happened in the battle, he was not
mucii uneasy as to his sons, or what was told
liim witliai about the army, as having before-
hand known by divine revelation that thoae
J~
t5?
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
tilings would Iiappcn, and having himself de-
clared them befiireiiand, — for what sad things
come iiiiexpectecllv they distress men tlie most ;
but as soon as [he heard] the ark was carried
captive by tlieir enemies, he was very much
grieved at it, because it fell out quite dilTerent-
ly from what lie expected ; so he fell down from
his throne and died, having in all lived ninety-
eiglit years, and of them retained the govern-
ment forty.
4. On the same day his son Phineas's wife
died also, as not able to survive the misfor-
tune of her husl>and ;. for they told her of her
husband's death as she was in labour. How-
ever, the bare a son at seven months, who
lived, and to whom they gave the name of 1-
BOOK V»
cabod, vvhicli name signifies disgrace, — and
this because the army received a disgrace at
this time.
5. Now Eli was the first of tlie family of
Ithaniar, the oilier son of Aaron, that had the
government; for tlie family of Eleazar offi-
ciated as high-priest at first, the son still re-
ceiving that honour from the father which E-
leazar becjiieathed to his son I'liineas; after
wlwm Abiezer his son took the honour, and
delivered it to his son, whose name was Buk-
ki, from whom his son Ozi received it ; after
whom Eli, of whom we have been speakings
had the priesthood, and so he and his posteri-
ty until the time of Solomon's reign ; bm
then the posterity of Eleazar reassumed it.
BOOK VI.
CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF THIRTY-TWO YEARS.
FROM THE DEATH OF ELI TO THE DEATH OF SAUL.
CHAPTER L
THE DESTRUCTION THAT CAME UPON THE PHI-
LISTINES, AND UPON THEin LAND, BY THE
WRATH OF GOD, ON ACCOUNT OF THEIR
HAVING CARRIED THE ARK AV.AY CAPTIVE;
AND AFTER WHAT MANNER THEY SENT IT
BACK TO THE HEBREWS.
§ 1. When the Philistines had taken the ark
of the Hebrews captive, as I said a little be-
fore, they carried it to the city of Ashdod,
and put it by tlieir own god, wlio was called
Dagon, * as one of their spoils ; but when
they went into his temple the next morning
to worship their god, they found him paying
the same worship to the aik, for he lay along,
as having fallen down from the basis where-
on he had stood : so they took him up and
set him on his basis again, and were much
troubled at what had hajipened ; and as they
frequently came to Dagon and found him still
lying along, in a posture of adoration to tlie
ark, they were in very great distress and con-
fusion. At length God sent a very destruc-
tive disease upon the city and country of
Ashdod, for they died of the dysentery or
Hux, a sore distemjier, that brought death
upon them very suddenly ; for before the soul
• Dagon, a famous maritime god or idol, is generally
(upposed to have been lUcc a niuu above the uavel, and
tikti a tinh beneath it.
could, as usual- in easy deaths, be well loosed
from the body, they brought up their entrails,
and vomited up what they had eaten, and what
was entirely corrupted by the disease. And
as to the fruits of their country, a great mul-
titude of mice arose out of the earth and hurt
them, and spared neither the plants nor the
fruits. Now while the people of Ashdod
were under these misfortunes, and were not
able to support themselves under their cala-
mities, they perceived that they suffered thus
because of the ark, and that the victory they
had gotten, and their having taken the ark
captive, had not happened Cor their good; they
therefore sent to the people of Askelon, and
desired that they would receive the ark among
them. This desire of the people of Ashdod
was not disagreeable to those of Askelon, so
they granted them that favour. But when they
had gotten the aik, they were in the same mi-
ser.ible condition ; for the ark carried along
with it the disasters that the people of Ashdod
had suffered, to those who received it froro
them. Those of Askelon also sent it away
from themselves to others ; nor did it stay a-
mong those others ne ther ; for since they were
))ursued by the same disasters, they still sent
it to the neighbouring cities; so that the ark
went round, after this manner, to the five
cities of the Philistines as though it exacted
these disasters as a tribute to be paid it for
its coming amonjj them.
CHAP. I.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
163
2. When those that had experienced these
miseries were tired out with them, and when
those that lieard of them were taught thereby
not to admit the ark among them, since they
paid so dear a tribute for it, at length they
sought for some contrivance and metliod how
they might get free from it : so the governors
of the five cities, Gath, and Ekron, and As-
kelon, as also of Gaza, and Asiidod, met to-
gether, and considered what was fit to be done;
and at first they thought proper to send the
ark back to its own people, as allowing that
God had avenged its cause ; that the miseries
tliey had undergone came along with it, and
that these were sent on their cities upon its
account, and together with it. However, there
were those that said, they should not do so,
nor suffer themselves to be deluded, as ascrib-
ing the cause of their miseries to it, because
it could not have such power and force up-
on them ; for, had God had such a regard to
it, it would not have been delivered into the
hands of men : so they exhorted them to be
quiet, and to take patiently what had befallen
them, and to suppose there was no other cause
of it but nature, which, at certain revolutions
of time, produces such mutations in the bodies
of men, in the earth, in plants, and in all
things tiiat grow out of tlie earth. But the
counsel that prevailed over those already de-
scribed, was that of certain men, who were
believed to have distinguished themselves in
former times for their understandmg and pru-
dence, and who, in their present circumstan-
ces, seemed above all the rest to speak pro-
perly. These men said, it was not right either
to send the ark away, or to retain it, but to
dedicate five golden images, one for every
city, as a thank-offering to God, on account of
his having taken care of their preservation,
and having kept them alive when their lives
were likely to be taken away by such distem-
pers as they were not able to bear up against.
They also would have them make five golden
mice like to those that devoured and destroyed
their country,* to put them in a bag, and lay
them upon the ark ; to make them a new cart
also for it, and to yoke milch kine to it ; f but
to shut up their calves, and keep them from
them, lest, by following after them, they should
prove a hinderance to their dams, and that
» Spatiheim informs us here, that upon the coins of
Teneuos, and those of other cities, a field-mouse is en-
graven, together with Apollo Smintheus, or Apollo, the
driver away of Jidd-mice , on account of his being sup-
posed to have' freed certain tracts of ground from those
mice; which coins show how great a judgment such
mice have sometimes been, and how the deliverance
from them was then esteemed the effect of a divhie
power ; which observations are highly suitable to this
historv.
f This device of th: Philistines, of having a yoke of
kine to draw this earl, into which they put the ark of
the Hebrews, is teatly illustrated by Sanchoniatho's
account, under his ninth generation, that Agrouerus, or
Agrotes, the husbandman, had a much worshipped statue
and temple, carried about by one or more yoke of oxen,
or kine, in Phoenicia, in the neighbourhood of these
Philistines. See Cumberland's Sanchoniatho, p. 27 and
247 i am' Essay on the Old Testament, App. p. 172.
the dams might return the faster out of a de.
sire of those calves; then to drive these milch
kine that carried the ark, and leave it at a
place where three ways met, and to leave it
to the kine to go along which of those ways
they pleased ; that in case they went the vfay
to the Hebrews, and ascended to their coun-
try, they should suppose that the ark was the
cause of their misfortunes; but if they turned
into another road, they said, " We will pursue
after it, and conclude that it has no such force
in it."
3. So they determined that these men spake
well ; and they immediately confirmed their
opinion by doing accordingly. And when
they had done as has been already described,
they brought the cart to a place where three
ways met, and left it there, and went their
ways; but the kine went the right way, and
as if some persons had driven them, while the
rulers of the Philistines followed after them,
as desirous to know where they would stand
still, and to whom they would go. Now there
was a certain village of the tribe of Judah,
the name of which was Bethshemesh, and to
that village did the kine go ; and though there
was a great and good plain before them to
proceed in, they went no farther, but stopped
the cart there. This was a sight to those of
that village, and they were very glad ; for it
being then summer-tiine, and all the inhabi-
tants being then in the fields gathering in
their fruits, they left off the labours of theil
hands for joy, as soon as they saw the ark,
and ran to the cart, and taking the ark dowr>,
and the vessel that had the images in it, and
the mice, they set them upon a certain rock
which was in the plain ; and when they had
oflfered a splendid sacrifice to God, and feast-
ed, they offered the cart and the kine as a
burnt-offering : and when the lords of the
Philistines saw this, they returned back.
4. But now it was that the ^vrath of God
overtook them, and struck seventy persons \
of the village of Bethshemesh dead, who, not
being priests, and so not worthy to touch the
ark, had approached to it. Those of that vil-
lage wept for these that had thus suffered,
and made such a lamentation as was naturally
to be expected on so great a misfortune that
was sent from God ; and every one mourned
for his own relation. And since they acknow.
ledged themselves unworthy of the ark's abode
with them, they sent to the public senate of
the Israelites, and informed them that the ark
was restored by the Philistines ; which when
they knew, they brought it away to Kirjath-
jearim, a city in the neighbourhood of Beth-
i These seventy men, being not so much as Levites,
touched the ark in a rash or profane manner, and were
slain by the hand of God for such their rashness and
profaneness, according to the divine threatenings, Numb.
IV, 15, 20 ; but how our other copies come to add such
an incredibie number as fifty thousand in this one town
or small city, I know not. See Dr. Wall's Critical Note*
on 1 Sam. vi 19
"V.
-T
151
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK VI.
sIkmiicsIi. Ill this city lived one Abiiiadab,
l)y bittli a Levile, and who was {^really coin-
niended fur his ligliteoiis and relij;ious course
of life ; so they hroujrht tlie ark to his l)ouse,
as to a ))lace fit for God himself to abide in,
since therein did inhahit a righteous man. Ilis
sons also ministered to the divine service at the
ark, and were the principal curators of it for
twenty years ; for so many years it continued
in Kirjatlijearim, liaving been but four months
with the riiilistines.
CHAPTER II.
THE EXPEDITION OF THE PHILISTINES AGAINST
THE HElillEWS, AND THE HEBREWS' VICTORY
UNUER THE CONDUCT OF SAML'EL THK PRO-
PHET, WHO WAS THEIR GENERAL.
5 1. Now while the city of Kirjathjearira had
the ark with them, tlie w hole body of tlie peo-
ple betook themselves all that time to offer
prayers and sacrifices to God, and appeared
greatly concerned and zealous about his wor-
ship. So Samuel the prophet, seeing how
ready they were to do their duty, thought this
a projier time to speak to them, while they
were in this good disposition, about the reco-
very of their liberty, and of the blessings that
accompanied the same. Accordingly he used
such words to them as he thought were most
likely to excite that inclination, and to per-
suade them to attempt it : " O you Israelites,"
said he, " to whom the Philistines are still
grievous enemies, but to whom God begins to
be gracious, it behoves you not only to be de-
sirous of liberty, but to take the proper me-
thods to obtain it. Nor are you to be con-
tented with an inclination to get clear of your
lords and masters, while you still do what will
procure your continuance under them. i3e
righteous then, and cast wickedness out of
your souls, and by your worship supplicate
the Divine Majesty with all your hearts, and
persevere in the honour you pay to him ; for
if you act thus, you will enjoy prosperity ;
you will be freed from your slavery, and will
get the victory over yo.ir enemies: which bless-
ings it is not possible you should attain, either
by weapons of war, or by the strength of your
bodies, or by the multitude of your assistants ;
for God has not pron)iscd to grant these bless-
ings by those means, but by being good and
righteous men ; and if you will be such, I will
be security to you for tlie performance of
God's promises.'' When Samuel had said
thus, the multitude applauded his discourse,
and were pleased with his exhortation to them,
and gave their consent to resign tliemselves up
to do what was pleasing to God. So Samuel
gathered them together to a certain city called
Mizjieh, which, in the Hebrew tongue, signi-
fies a u-atch-towar / there tliey drew » ater, and
V
poured it out to God, and fasted all day, and
betook themselves to their prayers.
2. This their assembly did not escape the
notice of the Philistines: so when they had
learned that so large a company had met to-
gether, they fell upon the Hebrews «ith a
great army and mighty forces, as hoping to
assault them when they did not expect it, nor
were prejjared for it. This thing aH'rightcd
the Hebrews, and put them into disorder and
terror ; so they came running to Samuel, and
said that their souls were sunk by their fears,
and by the former defeat they had received,
and " that thence it was that we lay still, lest
we should excite the power of our enemies
against us. Now while thou hast brought us
hither to offer up our prayers and sacrifices,
and take oaths [to be obedient], our enemies
are making an expedition against us, while
we are naked and unarmed ; wherefore we
have no other hope of deliverance but that by
thy means, and by the assistance God shall af-
ford us upon thy prayers to him, weshalt obtain
deliverance from the Philistines." Hereupon
Samuel bade them be of good cheer, and pro-
mised them that God would assist them ; and
taking a sucking lainb, he sacrificed ii for the
multitude, and besought God to hold his pro-
tecting hand over them when they should fight
with the Philistines, and not to overlook them,
nor suii'er them to come under a second mis-
fortune. Accordingly God hearkened to his
prayers, and accepting their sacrifice with a
gracious intention, and such as was disposed
to assist them, he granted them victory and
power over their enemies. Now while the
altar had the sacrifice of God upon it, and had
not yet consumed it wholly by its sacred fire,
the enemy's army marched out of their camp,
and was put in order of battle, and this in
hope that they should be conquerors, since the
Jews • were caught in distressed circumstan-
ces, as neither having their weapons with them,
nor being assembled there in order to fight,
liut things so fell out, that they would hardly
liave been cretlited though they had been fore-
told by any body ; for, in the first place, God
disturbed their enemies with an eartkquake,
and moved the ground under them to such a
degree, that he caused it to trenilile, and made
them to shake, insomuch that by its trembling,
he made some unable to keep their feet, and
made them fall do«ii, and, by opening its
chasms, he caused that others should be hur-
ried down into them ; after which he caused
such a noise of thunder to come among them,
and made fiery lightning shine so terribly
round about them, that it was ready to burn
their faces; and he so suddenly shook their
weapons out of their hands, that lie made
them (iy and return home naked. So Samuel
• This Is the first place, so far as I remember, in these
.\nti<|uiiies, where Jusephtis begins to cill hit nation
Jews, he having hitherto usually, if not constantly, call-
eil them either Hebrews or Irsaelitcs. The settmd pliU>
■oon followt, ie« alio ch. iii, sect. A
CHAP. III.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
155
with the multitude pursued them to Bethcar,
a place so called ; and there he set up a stone
as a boundary of their victory and their ene-
mies' flight, and called it the Sto7ie of Power,
as a signal of that power God had given them
against their enemies.
3. So the Philistines, after this stroke, made
no more expeditions against the Israelites, but
lay still out of fear, and out of remembrance
of what had befallen them : and what courage
the Philistines had formerly against the He-
brews, that, after this victory, was transferred
to the Hebrews. Samuel also made an expe-
dition against the Pliilistines, and slew many
of them, and entirely humbled their proud
hearts, and took from them that country,
which, when they were formerly conquerors
in battle, they had cut off from the Jews,
which was the country that extended from the
borders of Gath to the city of Ekron : but the
remains of the Canaanites were at this time
in friendship with the Israelites.
CHAPTER III.
HOW SAMUEL, WHEN HE WAS SO INITKM WITH
OLD AGE THAT HE COULD NOT TAKE CARE
OF THE PUBLIC AFFAIRS, INTRUSTED THEM
TO HIS SONS ; AND HOW, UPON THE EVIL
ADMINISTRATION OF THE GOVERNMENT BV
THEM, THE MULTITUDE WERE SO ANGRY,
THAT THEY REQUIRED TO HAVE A KING TO
GOVERN THEJi, ALTHOUGH SAMUEL WAS
MUCH DISPLEASED THEREAT.
§ 1. But Samuel the prophet, when he had
ordered the affairs of the people after a con-
venient manner, and had appointed a city for
every district of them, he commanded them to
come to such cities, to have the controversies
that they had one with another determined in
them, he himself going over those cities twice
in a year, and d</ing them justice; and by
riiat means he kept them in very good order
for a long time.
2. But afterwards he found himself op-
pressed with old age, and not able to do what
he used to do, so he committed the govern-
ment and the care of the multitude to his sons,
— the elder of whom was called Joel, and the
name of the younger was Abiah. He also
enjoined them to reside and judge the people,
the one at the city of Bethel, and the other at
Beersheba, and divided the people into dis-
tricts that should be under the jurisdiction of
each of them. Now these men afford us an
evident example and demonstration how some
children are not of the like dispositions with
their parents ; but sometimes perhaps good
and moderate, though born of wicked parents;
and sometimes showing themselves to be wick-
ed, though born of good parents : for these
rnen turning aside from their father's good
courses, and taking a course that was contrary
to them, perverted justice for the filthy lucre
of gifts and bribes, and made their determin-
ations not according to truth, but according
to bribery, and turned aside to luxury, and a
costly way of living; so that as, in the first
place, they practised what was contrary to the
will of God, so did they, in the second place,
what was contrary to the will of the prophet
their father, who had taken a great deal of
care, and made a very careful provision that
the multitude should be righteous.
3. But the people, upon these injuries
offered to their former constitution and go-
vernment by the prophet's sons, were very un-
easy at their actions, and came running to the
prophet who then lived at the city liamah,
and informed him of the transgressions of his
sons ; and said That, as he was himself old al-
ready, and too infirm by that age of his to over-
see their affairs in the manner he used to do,
so they begged of him, and entreated him, to
appoint some person to be king over them,
who might rule over the nation, and avenge
them of the Philistines, who ought to be punish-
ed for their former oppressions. These words
greatly afflicted Samuel, on account of his in-
nate love of justice, and his hatred to kingly
government, for he was very fond of an aris-
tocracy, as what made the men that used it of
a divine and happy disposition ; nor could he
either think of eating or sleeping, out of his
concern and torment of mind at what they had
said, but all the night long did he continue
awake and revolved these notions in his mind.
4. While he was thus disposed, God ap
peared to him, and comforted hiin, saying,
That he ought not to be uneasy at what the
multitude desired, because it was not he, but
Himself whom they so insolently despised, and
would not have to be alone their king : that
they had been contriving these things from
the very day that they came out of Egypt ;
that however in no long time they would sorely
repent of what they did, which repentance yet
could not undo what was thus done for fu-
turity : that they would be sufficiently rebuked
for their contempt, and the ungrateful con-
duct they have used towards me, and towards
thy prophetic office. " So I command thee
to ordain them such a one as I shall name be-
forehand to be their king, when thou hast first
described what mischiefs kingly government
will bring upon them, and openly testified
before them into what a great change of affairs
they are hasting."
5. When Samuel had heard this, he called
the Jews early in the morning, and confessed
to them that he was to ordain them a king;
but he said that he was first to describe to
them what would follow, what treatment thev
would receive froin their kings, and with how
many mischiefs they must struggle. " For
know ye," said he, " that, in the first place,
they will take your sons away from you, anJ
J-
150
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
ISUOK Vl
they will command some of them to be driv-
ers of flu'ir chiiriots, and some to be their
liorscnii'ii, and tliu guards of their body, an<l
others of ihem to be runners before them, and
ca|)tains of tliousands, and captains of hun-
dreds; they will also make them their artific
ers, makers of armour, and of chariots, and of
instruments; they will n^ake them their hus-
bandmen also and the curators of their own
fields, and the diggers of their own vineyards ;
nor will there be any tiling which they will
not do at tlieir commands, as if they were
slaves bought with money. They will also
api)oint your daughters to be confectioners,
and cooks, and bakers ; and these will be o-
biiged to do all sorts of work which women
slaves that are in fear of stripes and torments
submit to. They will, besides this, take a-
way your possessions, and bestow them upon
their eunuchs, and the guards of their bodies,
and will give the herds of your cattle to their
own servants: and to say briefly all at once,
you, and all that is yours, will be servants to
your king, and will become no way superior
to his slaves; and when you suffer thus, you
will thereby be put in mind of what I now
say ; and when you repent of what you have
done, you will beseech God to have mercy
upon you, and to grant you a quick deliver-
ance from your kings; but he will not ac-
cept your prayers, but will neglect you, and
permit you to sufler the punishment your evil
conduct has deserved."
6'. But the multitude was still so foolish as
to be deaf to these predictions of what would
befal them ; and too peevish to suffer a de-
termination which they had injudiciously once
made, to be taken out of their mind ; for they
could not be turned from their purpose, nor
did they regard the words of Samuel, but per-
emptorily insisted on their resolution, and de-
sired him to ordain them a king immediately,
and not to trouble himself with fears of what
would liappen hereafter, for that it was ne-
cessary they should have with them one to
fight their battles, and to avenge them of their
enemies, and that it was no way absurd, when
their neighbours were under kingly govern-
ment, that they should have the same form of
government also. So when Samuel saw that
what he had said had not diverted them from [
their purpose, but that they continued reso-
lute, he said, " Go you every one home for
the present; when it is fit 1 will send for
you, as soon as I shall have learned from
God who it k that he will give you for your
king."
CHAPTER IV.
THE APPOINTMI.NT OF A KING OVER THE IS-
RAELITES, WHOSi; NAME WAS SAUL; AND
THIS BY THE COMMAND OV GOD.
§ 1 . There was one of the tribe of Benjamin,
a man of a good family, and of a virtuous dis-
position : his name was Kish. He had a
son, a young man of a comely countenance,
and of a tall body, but his understanding and
his mind were preferable to what was visible
in him : they called him Saul, Now this
Kish had some fine she-asHes that were wan-
dered out of the pasture wherein they fed, for
he was more delighted with these than with
any other cattle he had, so he sent out his
son, and one servant with him, to search for
the beasts; but when he had gone over his
own tribe in search after the asses, he went
to other tribes; and when he found them not
there neither, he determined to go his way
home, lest he should occasion any concern to
his father about himself; but when his ser-
vant that followed him told him as they were
near the city of Ilamah, that there was a true
prophet in that city, and advised him to go to
him, for that by him they should know the
upshot of the afi'air of their asses, he replied,
That if they should jio to him, they had no-
thing to give him as a reward for his pro-
phecy, for their subiisteiice-moncy was spent.
The servant answered, that he had still the
fourth part of a shekel, and he would present
him with that ; for they were mistaken out of
ignorance, as not knowing that the prophet
received no such reward.* So they went t«
him ; and when they were before the gates,
they lit upon certain maidens that were go-
ing to fetch water ; and they asked them
which was the prophet's house. They show-
ed them which it was; and bid them make
haste before he sat down to supper, for he had
invited many guests to a feast, and that he
used to sit dow n before those that were invit-
ed. Now Samuel had then gathered many
together to feast wiili him on this very ac-
count ; for while he every day prayed to God
to tell him beforehand whom he would make
king, lie had informed him of this man the
day before, for that he would send him a cer-
tain young man out of the tribe of Benjamin
about this hour of the day ; and he sat on the
top of the house in expectation of that time's
being come. And when the time was com-
pleted, became down and went to supper;
60 he met with Saul, and God discovered to
him tliat this was he who should rule over
them. Then Saul went up to Samuel and
• Of this great mistake of Saul and his servant, as If
a true proiihet of Goil »-ouUl accept of a gift or present,
for foretelling what was desired of h'm, see the note on
b. iv. vli. vi. sect. 3.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE .TEWS.
CHAP. IV.
saluted him, and desired him to inform him
which was the prophet's house ; for he said
he was a stranger and did not know it. When
Samuel had told him that he himself was the
person, he led him in to supper, and assured
him that the asses were found which he had been
to seek, and that the greatest of good things
were assured to him : he replied, " I am too
inconsiderable to hope for any such thing, and
of a tribe too small to have kings made out of
it, and of a family smaller than several other
families ; but thou tellest me this in jest, and
makest me an object of laughter, when thou
discoursest with me of greater matters than
what I stand in need of." However, the
prophet led him in to the feast, and made him
sit down, him and his servant that followed
him, above the other guests that were invited,
which were seventy in number;* and lie gave
orders to the servants to set the royal portion
before Saul. And when the time of going to
bed was come, the rest rose up, and every
one of them went home; but Saul staid with
the propliet, he and his servant, and slept with
him.
2. Now as soon as it was day, Samuel raised
up Saul out of his bed, and conducted him
homeward ; and wlien he was out of the city,
he desired him to cause his servant to go be-
fore, but to stay behind himself, for that he
had somewhat to say to him, when nobody else
was present. Accordingly, Saul sent away
his servant that followed him ; then did the
prophet take a vessel of oil, and poured it
upon the head of the young man, and kissed
him, and said, " Be thou a king, by the ordin-
ation of God, against the Philistines, and for
avenging the Hebrews for what they have
suffered by them ; of this thou shalt have a
sign, which I would have thee take notice of :
— As soon as thou art departed hence, thou
wilt find three men upon the road, going to
worship God at Bethel ; the first of whom
tliou wilt see carrying three loaves of bread,
the second carrying a kid of the goats, and the
tiiird will follow them carrying a bottle of
wine. These three men will salute thee, and
speak kindly to thee, and will give thee two of
their loaves, which thou shalt accept of. And
thence tliou shalt come to a place called Ra
cheVs Momiment, where thou shalt meet with
those that will tell thee tliy asses are found ;
after this, when tiiou comest to Gabatha, thou
shalt overtake a company of prophets, and thou
shalt be siezed with the divine spirit,f and
prophesy along with them, till every one that
# It seems to me not improI>able that theie seventy
guests of Samuel, as here, wi:h himself at the head of
them, were a Jewish sanhedrim, and that hereby Sam-
uel intimated to Saul that these seventy-one were to be
his constant counsellors, and that he was to act not like
a sole monarch, but with the advice and direction of
these seventy-one members of that Jewish sanhedrim
upon all occasions, which yet we never read that he
consulted afterward.
t An instance of this divine fury we have after this in
Saul, chap. v. sect. V, 5; 1 Sam. xi. 6. See the like.
Judges iii. 10, vi. 34, xi. 29, xiii. 25, and xiv. 6
157
sees thee shall be astonished, and wonder, and
say, Whence is it that the son of Kish has ar-
rived at this degree of happiness ? And when
these signs have happened to thee, know that
God is with thee ; then do thou salute thy
father and thy kindred. Thou shalt also come
when I send for thee to Gilgal, that we may
offer thank-offerings to God for these bless-
ings." When Samuel had said this, and fore-
told these things, he sent the young man away.
Now all things fell out to Saul according to
the projihecy of Samuel.
,3. But as soon .is Saul came into the house
of his kinsman Abner, whom indeed he loved
better than the rest of his relations, he was
asked by him concerning his journey, and what
accidents happened to him therein ; and he
concealed none of the other things from him,
no, not his coming to Samuel the prophet, nor
how he told him the asses were found ; but he
said nothing to him about the kingdom, and
what belonged thereto, which he thought would
procure him envy, and when such things are
heard, they are not easily believed ; nor did he
think it prudent to tell those things to him, al-
though he appeared very friendly to him, and
one whom he loved above the rest of his re-
lations, considering, I suppose, what human
nature really is, that no one is a firm friend,
neither among our intimates nor of our kind-
red ; nor do they preserve that kind disposi-
tion when God advances men to great pros-
perity, but they are still ill-natured and en-
vious at those that are in eminent stations.
4. Then Samuel called the people together
to the city Mizpeh, and spake to them in th«
words following, which he said he was to speak
by the command of God : — That when he had
granted them a state of liberty, and brought
their enemies into subjection, they were be-
come unmindful of his benefits, and rejected
God that he should not be tlieir king, as not
considering that it would be most for their ad-
vantage to be presided over by the best of be-
ings, for God is the best of beings, and they
chose to have a man for their king, while kings
will use their subjects as beasts, according to
the violence of their own wills and inclinations,
and other passions, as wholly carried away with
tlie lust of power, but will not endeavour so to
preserve the race of mankind as his own work-
manship and creation, which, for that very
reason, God would take care of. " But since
you have come to a fixed resolution, and this
injurious treatment of God has quite prevailed
over you, dispose yourselves by your tribes and
sceptres, and cast lots."
5. When the Hebrews had so done, tlielot
fell upon the tribe of Benjamin ; and when
tlie lot was cast for the families of this tribe,
that which was called Matri was taken ; and
when the lot was cast for the single persons of
that family, Saul, the son of Kish, was taken
for their king. When the young man knew
this, he prevented [their sending for him].
J'
158
ANTIQUITIES OF Till: JEWS.
BOOK V»
produce liim bufore liieiii. So when lliey had
learned of God the place where Saul was
hidden, they sent men to brinj^ him ; and
when he was come, they set him in the midst
of the multitude. Now he was taller than
any of them, and his stature was very majes-
tic.
6. Then said the prophet, " God gives you
this man to he your king : see how he is
higher than any of the people, and worthy of
this dominion." So as soon as the people to assist them they would fight j but if that
had made acclamation, God save llie A'iiig, the assistance were impossible to be obtained
prophet wrote down what would come to pass ' from them, they said they would deliver
in a book, and read it in the hearing of the tliemselves up to sufi'er whatever he pleased
king, and laid up the book in the tabernacle j to inflict upon them.
of God, to be a witness to future generations 2. So Nahash, contemning the multitude of
of what he had foretold. So when Samuel ' the Gileadites and the answer they gave, al-
had finished this matter, he dismissed the mul- I lowed them a respite, and gave them leave to
titude, and came himself to the city Ramah, send to whomsoever they pleased for assis-
for it was his own country. Saul also went tance. So they immediately sent to the Is-
away to Gibeoh, where he was born ; and raelites, city by city, and informed them what
many good inen tlicre were who paid him the ; Nahash had threatened to do to them, and
resp ct that was due to him j but the greater | what great distress t!iey were in. Now the
part were ill men, who despised him and de- people fell into tears and grief at the hearing
rided the others, who neitlier did bring him of what the ambassadors from Jabesh said ;
presents, nor did they in atl'ection, or even in and the terror they were in permitted them to
words, regard to please hiui. I do nothing more ; but when tlie messengers
were come to the city of king Saul, and de-
clared the dangers in wliichthe inhabitants of
^~~~ Jabesh were, the people were in the s;une af-
fliction as those in the other cities, for they la-
C11.\PTER v. mented the calamity of those related to them;
and when Saul was returned from his hus-
saul's expedition against the nation of bandry into Uie city, he found liis fellow-citi-
THE A.MMONiTi-.s, AND vicTOKY OVEB THEM, zens weeping; and when, upon inquiry, he
AND 'lUi; bi'OiLS IIK TOOK EttOM THEM. , had learned the cause of tlie confusion and
sadness they were in, he was seized wiiJi a
5 1. After one month, tlie war which Saul divine fury, and sent away the ambassadors
iiad with Nahash, the king of the Ammonites, from the inhabitants of Jabesli, and promised
obtiiined him respect from all tlio people ; for them to come to their assistance on the third
this Nahash liad dune a great deal of mischief ilay, and to beat tlieir eneniics before sun-ris-
to the Jews that lived biyond Jordan by the ing, that the sun upon its rising might see
expedition he liad made against them with a that tliey had already conquered, and were
great and warlike army. He also reduced^ • Taki here Thetxlorefs note, cited by Dr. Hudson,
tlieir cities into slaveiy, and that not only by — " llctli.tt <'x(xiscs hi.- >hul(l to l)ie ciiumy with hit
, 1 • ,1 r _ .1, .„„ ..!,;.. I. iw.' ,i;,t 'eft liaiid, 1 hereby hi(le> Ins left eye, :ind looks at the
subdumg them for the present, winch lie did ^^^^^^ ,.,'^ h.sn^htcie: he therefore tltat plucks out
by force and violence, but by weakening tliem that we' makes men lueicss in war.*
and immediately went away and hid himself, by subtilty and cunning, that they might not
I suppose that it was because he would not be able afterward to get clear of the slavery
have it thought that he willingly took the go- they were under to him : for lie ptit out the
"ernment upon him ; nay, he showed such a right eyes* of those that either delivered
degree of connnand over himself, and of mo- themselves to him upon terms, or were taken
desty, that while the greatest part are not by him in war ; and this he did, that w hen
able to contain their joy, even in the g-aining their left eyes were covered by their shields,
of small advantages, but pre-,eiitly show them- they mi^lit be wholly useless in war. Now ^
selves publicly to all men, this man did not when the king of the Ammonites had served
only show nothing of that nature, when he , those beyond Jordan in this manner, he led
was appointeil to be the lord of so many and' his army against those that were called Giletd- i
so great tribes, but crept away and concealed 1 ilcs ; and having pitched his camp at the me- j
himself out of the sight of those he was to I iropolis of his enemies, which was the city ol \
reign over, and made tiiem seek him, and that Jabesh, lie sent ambassadors to them, com- |
wiUi a good deal of trouble. So when the manding them either lo deliver themselves up,
people were at a loss, and solicitous, because on condition to have their right eyes plucked
Saul disappeared, the piophet besought God | out, or to undergo a siege, and to have their
to show where the voting man was, and to cities overthrown. lie gave them their choice,
Whether tliey would cut off a small member
of their body, or universally perish. — How-
ever, the Gileadites were so ali'righted at these
ofl'ers, that they had not courage to say any
thing to either of them, neither that they
would deliver themselves up, nor that they
would fight him ; but they desired that he
would give them seven days respite, that they
might send ambassadors to their countrymen,
and entreat their assistance; and if they came
■^_
_-r
CHAP. V.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
159
Creed from the fears they were under; but lie
bid some of tJiem stay to conduct them the
right way to Jabesh.
3. So being desirous to turn the people to
this war against the Ammonites by fear of the
losses they should otherwise undergo, and
that tliey might die more suddenly be gather-
ed togetlier, he cut the sinews of his oxen,
and threatened to do the same to all such as did
not come with their armour to Jordan the next
day, and follow him and Samuel the prophet
whitliersoever they should lead them. So they
came together, out of fear of the losses they
were threatened with, at the appointed time ;
and the multitude were numbered at the city
Bezek ; and he found the number of those
that were gathered together, besides that of
the tribe of Judah, to be seven hundred thou-
sand, while those of that tribe were seventy
thousand. So he passed over Jordan and pro--
ceeded in marching all that night, thirty fur-
longs, and came to Jabesh before sun-rising.
So he divided the army into three companies;
and fell upon their enemies on every side on
the sudden, and when they expected no such
thing ; and joining battle with them, they slew
a great many of the Ammonites, as also their
king Nahash, This glorious action was done
by Saul, and was related with great commen-
dation of him to all the Hebrews : and he
thence gained a wonderful reputation for his
valour ; for although there were some of them
that contemned him before, they now changed
their minds, and honoured him, and esteemed
him as the best of men : for he did not con-
tent himself with having saved the inhabitants
of Jabesh only, but he made an expedition in-
to the country of the Ammonites, and laid it
all waste, and took a large prey, and so re-
turned to his own country most gloriously :
so the people were greatly pleased at these ex-
cellent performances of Saul, and rejoiced that
they had constituted him their king. They
also made a clamour against those that pre-
tended he would be of no advantage to their
affairs ; and they said. Where now are these
men ? — let them be brought to punishment,
with all the like things that multitudes usual-
ly say when they are elevated with prosperity
against those that lately had despised the au-
thors of it ; but Saul, althougli he took the
good-will and the affection of these men very
kindly, yet did he swear that he would not
see any of his countrymen slain that day,
since it was absurd to mix this victory, v/hich
God had given them, with the blood and
slaughter of those that vvere of the same lineage
with themselves ; and that it was more agree-
able to be men of a friendly disposition, and
so to betake themselves to feasting.
4. And when Samuel had told them that
he ought to confirm the kingdom to Saul by
a second ordination of him, they all came to-
gether to the city of Gilgal, for thither did he
command them to come. So the prophet a-
nointed Saul with the holy oil in the signt of
the multitude, and declared him to be king
the second time ; and so the government of
the Hebrews was clianged into a regal govern-
ment ; for in the days of Moses and his dis-
ciple Joshua, who was their general, they
continued under an aristocracy ; but after the
death of Joshua, for eighteen years in all, the
multitude had no settled form of government,
but were in an anarchy ; after which they re-
turned to their former government, they then
permitting themselves to be judged by him
who appeared to be the best warrior and most
courageous, whence it was that they called
this interval of their government the Judges.
5. Then did Samuel the prophet call ano-
ther assembly also, and said to them, " I so-
lemnly adjure you by God Almighty, who
brought tliose excellent brethren, I mean Mo-
ses and Aaron, into the world, and delivered
our fathers from the Egyptians, and from the
slavery they endured under them, that you
will not speak what you say to gratify me,
nor suppress any thing out of fear of me, nor
be overborne by any other passion, but say,
What have I ever done thai was cruel or un-
just? or what have I done out of lucre or
covetousness, or to gratify others ? Bear wit-
ness against me, if I have taken an ox or a
sheep, or any such thing, which yet when they
are taken to support men, it is esteemed blame-
less ; or have I taken an ass for mine own use
of any one to his grief? — lay some one such
crime to my charge, now we are in your
king's presence." But they cried out, tha*
no such thing had been done by him, but
that he had presided over the nation after a
holy and righteous manner.
6. Hereupon Samuel, when such a testi-
mony had been given him by them all, said,
" Since you grant that you are not able to lay
any ill thing to my charge hitherto, come on
now, and do you hearken while I speak with
great freedom to you. You have been guilty
of great impiety against God, in asking you
a king. It behoves you to remember, that
our grandfather Jacob came down into Egypt,
by reason of a famine, with seventy souls onl)
of our family, and that their posterity multi-
plied there to many ten thousands, whom the
Egyptians brought into slavery and hard op-
pression ; that God himself, upon the prayers
of our fathers, sent Moses and Aaron, who
were brethren, and gave them power to deli-
ver the multitude out of their distress, and
this without a king. These brought us into
this very land which you now possess ; and
when you enjoyed these advantages from God,
you betrayed his worship and religion ; nay
moreover, when you were brought under the
hands of your enemies, he delivered you, first
by rendering you superior to the Assyrians
and their forces, he then made you to over-
come the Ammonites and the Moabites, and
last of all the Philistines ; and these things
J'
160
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
have been acliievcd under tlie conduct of
Jeplitlia and Gideon. Wliat madness there-
fore possessed you to fly from God, and to
desire to be under a king? — yet have I or-
dained him for king whom he cliose for you.
However, that 1 may make it plain to you
that God is angry and displeased at your
choice of kingly government, I will so dispose
him that he shall declare this very plainly to
you by strange signals ; for what none of you
ever saw here before, I moan a winter storm
'n the midst of harvest,* I will entreat of God,
and will make it visible to you." Now, as
soon as he had said this, God gave such great
signals by thunder and lightning, and tJic
descent of hail, as attested the truth of all
that the prophet had said, insomuch that they
were amazed and terrified, and confessed they
bad sinned, and had fallen into that sin through
ignorance ; and besought the prophet, as one
that was a tender and gentle fatlier to them,
to render God so merciful as to forgive this
their sin, which they had added to those other
offences whereby they had affronted him and
transgressed against him. So he promised
them that he uould beseech God, and per-
suade him to forgite them these their sins. How-
ever, he advised them to be righteous, and to
be good, and ever to remember the miseries
that had befallen them on account of their
departure from virtue : as also to remember
the strange signs God had shown them, and
the body of laws that Moses had given them,
if they had any desire of being preserved and
made happy with their king ; but he said, that
if they should grow careless of these things,
great judgments would come from God upon
tliera, and upon their king: ;ind when Sam-
uel had thus prophesied to the Hebrews, he
dismissed them to their own homes, having
confirmed the kingdom to Saul tlie second
CHAPTER VI.
HOW THE PHILISTINES MADE ANOTHER EXPE-
DITION AGAINST THE HF.BIltWS, AND WEBE
BEATEN.
§ 1. Now Saul chose out of the multitude
about three thousand men, and he took two
tiiousand of tliem to be the guards of his own
body, and abode in the city Bethel, but be
gave the rest of them to Jonathan his son, to
be the guards of his body ; and sent him to
Cibeah, where he besieged and took a certain
garrison of the Philistines, not far from Gil-
gal ; for the Philistines of Gibeah had beaten
• Mr. ndand observes here, and proves eUcwherc in
his note on Antiq. b. in, eh. i. sect. 6, ilut although
thuiutcr atiil li),'htiiiiig with us usually happen in sum-
mer, yet ill I'itlestine ami Syria tliey are ihicfly con-
fiiieil t(i winter. Josephus takes notice of the same
tiling a(;aiu,War, b. iv, di. iv beet. b.
BOOK VI
the Jews, and taken their weapons away, and
had put garrisons into the strongest places of
the country, and had forbidden them to carry
any instrument of iron, or at all to make use
of any iron in any case whatsoever ; and on
account of this prohibition it was that the 1ms-
bandinen, if they had occasion to sharpen any
of their tools, whether it were the coulter or
the spade, or any instrument of husbandry,
they came to the Philistines to do it. Now
as soon as the Philistines heard of this slaugh-
ter of their garrison, they were in a rage about
it, and, looking on this contempt as a terrible
afl'ront offered them, they made war against
the Jews, with three hundred thousand foot-
men, and thirty thousand chariots, and six
thousand horses; and they pitched their camp
at the city Michmash. "VVhen Saul, the king
of the Hebrews, was informed of this, he went
down to the city Gilgal, and made proclama-
tion over all the country, that ihey should try
to regain their liberty ; and called them to
the war against the Philistines, diminishing
their forces, and despising them as not very
considerable, and as not so great but they
might hazard a battle with them. But when
the people about Saul observed how numerous
the Philistines were, they were under a great
consternation ; and some of them hid them-
selves in caves, and in dens under ground ,
but the greater part fled into the land beyond
Jordan, which belonged to Gad and Reuben.
2. But Saul sent to the prophet, and called
him to consult with him about the war and
the public affairs ; so he commanded him to
stay there for him, and to piepare sacrifices,
for he would come to him within seven days,
that they might offer sacrifices on the seventh
day, and might then join battle with their
enemies. So he waited,j- as the prophet sent
t Saul seems to have staid till near the time of the
evening sacrifice, on the seventh day, which Samuel the
prophet of Go<l had appointed him, but not till the end
of that dav, as he ought to have done ; aiid Samuel ap-
pears, bv delaying to come till the full time of the even
ing sacrifice on that se\enthday, to have tried him (who
seems to have been already for some time declining
from his strict and boundeii subordination to God and
his prophet ; to have taken lifeguards for himself and
his son, which was entirely a new thing in Israel, and
savoured of a d istrust of t i od's pro\ iileuee ; and to lia\ e
affcoled more than he ought, that independent autho
rity which the pagan kings took to themselves) ; Sa
miiel, 1 say, seems to have here triid Saul, whether he
woul.l ■itay till the priest came, who alone could law-
fully offer the s.-icrifiit'S, nor would boldly and profanely
usurp the priest's ollice, which he venturing upon, waj
justly rcjectetl for his profancness. Sec .AposL Constic
b. ii, ch. xxvii. And, indeed, since Saul nad accepted
kingly power, which naturally Ixjcomes ungo>-eniable
and tyrannical, as GihI foretold, and the experience of
all ages has showii, the di\ine settlement by Moses had
soon been laid aside under Uie kings, had not (iod, by
keephig strictly to his laws, and stncrely executing the
thrcatenings therein CMiitaineil, rcsir.iincj Saul and other
kings in some degree of obKlieiicc to himself; nor was
even this severity sulficiciu t4) re>train most of the fu-
ture kings of Israel and Judah from the grossi-st idola-
trv and impiety. Of the advanta^ of which strictne&(,
in' the observing divine laws, and inlUcting tiicir threat-
ened (leiialties, see AiiUq. b. vi, chap, xii, sect. 7; tSiA
Against Apion, b. ii, sect on, where Ji>sephus speaks of
that matter; though it must be noted that it seems, at
least in three instancis, that good men did not alwayf
immediately appto\e of s-uch divine severity. Thcr«
I setnu to be one instance. 1 Sam. vi. 19, "0; aoothci
^
J'
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JKAVS.
161
to him to do ; yet did not he, however, observe
the command that was given him, but when
he saw that the prophet tarried longer than he
expected, and that he was deserted by the sol-
diers, he took the sacrifices and offered them ;
and when he heard that Samuel was come, he
went out to meet him. But the prophet said
he had not done well in disobeying the injunc-
tions he had sent to him, and had not staid
till his coming, which being appointed accord-
ing to the will of God, he had prevented him
in offering up those prayers and those sacrifi-
ces that he should have made for the multi-
tude, and that he therefore had performed
divine offices in an ill manner, and had been
rash in performing them. Hereupon Saul
made an apology for himself, and said that he
had waited as many days as Samuel had ap-
pointed him ; that he had been so quick in of-
fering his sacrifices, upon account of the ne-
cessity he was in, and because his soldiers were
departing from him, out of tlieir fear of the
enemy's camp at Michmash, the report being
gone abroad that they were coming down up-
on him to Gilgal. To which Samuel replied,
" Nay, certainly, if thou hadst been a right-
eous man,* and hadst not disobeyed me, nor
slighted the commands which God suggested
to me concerning the present state of affairs,
and hadst not acted more hastily than the pre-
sent circumstances required, thou wouldst have
been permitted to reign a long time, and thy
posterity after thee." So Samuel, being griev-
ed at what happened, returned home ; but
Saul came to the city Gibeah, with his son
Jonathan, having only six hundred men with
him ; and of these the greater part had no
weapons, because of the scarcity of fron in
that country, as well as of those that could
make such weapons : for, as we showed a little
before, the Philistines had not suffered them
to have such iron or such workmen. Now
the Philistines dirided their army into three
companies, and took as many roads, and laid
waste the country of the Hebrews, wliileking
Saul and his son Jonathan saw what was done,
but were not able to defend the land, having
I Sam. XV, II ; and a third, 2 Sam. vi, 8, 9; Antiq. b.
VI, ch. vii, seut. 5; ; though they all at last acfjuiesced
m the divine conduct, as knowing tliat God is wiser
than men.
* By this answer of Samuel, and that from a divine
commission, wnidi is fuller in 1 ham. xiii, 14; and by
that parallel note in the Apostolical Constitutions j.ist
now quoted, concerning the great wickedness of Saul in
venturnig, even under a seeming necessity of affairs, to
USU1-J1 the priest's ofUce, and offer s.icritice without the
pr!e«t, we ate in some degree able to answer that ques-
tion which 1 liave ever thought a very hard one, viz.
Whether, if there were a city or country of lay Christ-
ians wilhiiut any clergyman, it were lawful for the laity
alone to baptize, or celebrate the eucharist, &c. or in-
deed whether they alone could ordain themselves either
bishops, priests, or deacons, for the due performance of
Biieh sacerdotal ministrations; or whether they ought
not rather, till they procure clergymen to come among
them, to confine themselves within those bounds of
piety and Christianity which tielong alone to the laity ;
such particularly as are recommended in the tirst book
of the Anostolical Constitutions, v\hich peculiarly con-
cern the laity, and are intimated in Clement's undoubt-
ed epistJe. sect. iO. To which latter opinion I incUne
^.
no more than six hundred men vvitli them ;
but as he, and his son, and Abiah the high-
priest, who was of the posterity of Eli the
high-priest, were sitting upon a pretty high
hill, and seeing the land laid waste, they were
mightily disturbed at it. Now Saul's son
agreed with his armour-bearer, that they would
go privately to the enemy's camp, and make
a tumult and a disturbance among them ; and
when the armour-bearer had readily promised
to follow him whithersoever he should lead
him, though he should be obliged to die in
the attempt, Jonathan made use of the young
man's assistance, and descended from the hill,
and went to their enemies. Now the enemy's
catnp was upon a precipice which had tliree
tops, that ended in a small but sharp and long
extremity, while there was a rock that sur-
rounded theiii, like lines made to prevent the
attacks of an enemy. There it so happened,
that the out-guards of the camp were neglect-
ed, because of the security that here arose
from the situation of the place, and because
tliey thought it altogether impossible, not on-
ly to ascend up to the camp on that quarter,
hut so much as to come near it. As soon,
therefore, as they came to the camp, Jonathan
encouraged his armour-bearer, and said to
him, " I.,et us attack our enemies ; and if,
when they see us, they bid us come up to
them, take that for a signal of victory ; but if
they say nothing, as not intending to invite
us to come up, let us return back again." So
when they were approaching to the enemy's
camp, just after break of day, and the Philis-
tines saw them, they said one to another,
" The Hebrews come out of their dens and
caves ;'■ and they said to Jonathan and to his
armour-bearer, " Come on, ascend up to us,
that we may inflict a just punishment upon
you, for your rash attempt upon us." So
Saul's son accepted of that invitation, as what
signified to him victory, and he immediately
came out of the place whence they were seen
by their enemies : so he changed his place,
and came to the rock which had none to guard
it, because of its own strength ; from thence
they crept up with great labour and difficulty,
and so far overcame by force tiie nature of
the place till they were able to fight with their
enemies. So they fell upon them as tliey were
asleep, and slew about twenty of them, and
thereby filled them with disorder and surprise,
insomuch that some of them tlirew away their
entire armour and fled; but the greatest part,
not knowing one another, because they were
of diflerent nations, suspected one another to
be enemies (for they did not imagine there
were only two of the Hebrews that cainc up),
and so they fought one against anotlier ; and
some of them died in the battle, and some, aa
they were flying away, were thrown down
from the rock headlong.
3. Now Saul's watchmen told the king that
the camp of the Philistines ivas in confusion:
O
1G2
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK VL
then lie inquired whether any body was gone
away from tlic army ; and when lie heard that
his son, and with him his armour-hearer, were
ahsent, he bade the hijrii jjriest take tlie gar-
ments of liis high-priesthood, and ])ro|)liesy to
him what success tiiey sliould have ; who said
that they sliould get tlie victory, and prevail
against their enemies. So he went out after
the Pliiiistincs, and set upon them as they
were slaying one another. Those also who
had fled to dens and caves, upon hearing that
Saul was gaining a victory, came running to
liim. When, tiierefore, the number of the
Hel>rews that came to Saul amounted to
about ten thousand, he pursued the enemy,
who were scattered all over the country ; but
then he fell into an action, which was a very
unhappy one, and liable to be very much
blamed ; for, wliether out of ignorance, or
whether out of joy for a victory gained so
strangely (for it frequently happens that jicr-
sons so fortunate are not then able to use their
reason consistently), as he was desirous to
avenge himself, and to exact a due punish-
ment of the Philistines, he denounced a curse*
upon the Hebrews : That if any one put a
stop to his slaughter of the enemy, and fell
on eating, and left off the slaughter or the
pursuit before the niglit came on, and obliged
tliem so to do, he should be accursed. Now-
after Saul had denounced this curse, since they
were now in a wood belonging to tlie tribe of
Ephraim, which was thick and full of bees,
Saul's son, who did not hear his father de-
nounce that curse, nor hear of the approbation
the mullitude gave to it, broke oil' a piece of
a honey-comb, and ate part of it. '3ut, in tlie
mean time, ae was informed with what a curse
his father had forbidden them to taste any
thing before sun-setting ; so he left off eating,
and said his father had not done well in this
prohiiiiiion, because, had they taken some food,
tliey had pursued tlie enemy wiih greater vi-
gour and alacrity, and had both taken and
slain many more of their enemies.
4. AVlien, therefore, they had slain many
ten thousands of the Pliilislines, they fell up-
on spoiling the camp of the Philistines, but
not till lute in the evening. Tiiey also took
a great deal of jirey and entile, and killed
them, and ate them with their blood. This
was teld to the king by the scribis, 'hat tlie
multitude were sinning against God as they
Eiicriticed, and were eating before the blood
was well washed away, and the flesh was made
clean. Then did Saul give order that a great
stone sliould be rolled into the midst of them,
• Tills ra.sh vow or curec of Saul, which losephus says
W.1S coi:firine<l bv the people, iUid yet not exctutea, I
suppose 1 riiicipiiUy tieeausc .lonalhan did not know of
it. isxery remarkable; it being of the cssenee of the
obligation of all laws, that Ihry he siifrieienlly known
n' d proniiilgaled, otlicrwie the coiuluet of Providenec,
as to the sacrciliiess of mleinn caths ami vows, in God's
refusing lo all^wel by I'riin till this breach of Sanl's
vow or ci rse was understood and set rinlil, and (iod
propitiated bv pnblic prajer, is here very reniarU.\blc,
<i. indcLd it istvery wher-' else in the Old 'l'c»tauienU
and he made proclamation that tliey should
kill their sacrifices upon it, and not fvnd upon
the flesh with the blood, for that was not ac-
ceptable to God. And when all the ])copIc
did as the king commanded them, Saul erect-
ed an altar there, and offered burnt-oH'cring*
upon it to God.-I- This was the first altar that
Saul built.
5. So when Saul was desirous of leading
his men to the enemy's cam]) before it was
day, iri order to plunder it, and when tlie sol-
diers were not unwilling to follow him, but
indeed showed great readiness to do as he
commanded them, tlie king called Aliitub the
high-priest, and enjoined him to know of God
whether he would grant them the favour and
permission to go against the enemy's canij), in
order to destroy those that were in it ; and
when the priest said that God did not give
any answer, Saul replied, " And not witliout
some cause docs God refuse to answer what
we inquire of him, while yet a little while ago
lie declared to us all that we desired before-
hand, and even prevented us in his answer.
To be sure, there is some sin against him that
is concealed from us, which is the occasion of
his silence. Now I swear by him himself,
that though he that hath committed this sin
should prove to be my own son Jonathan, I
will slay him, and by that means will appease
the anger of God against us, and that in the
very same manner as if I were to punish a
stranger, and one not at all related to me, for
the same oflence." So when the multitude
cried out to him so to do, he presently set all
the rest on one side, and he and his son stood
on the other side, and he sought to discover
the offender by lot. Now the lot appeared to
fall upon Jonathan himself. So when he was
asked by hir. father what sin he had been guilty
of, and what he was conscious of in the course
of his life that might be esteemed instances of
guilt or profaneness, his answer was this ;
" O father, I have done nothing more than
that yesterday, without knowing of ihe curse
and oath thou liadst denounced, while I was
in pursuit of the enemy, 1 tasted of a honey-
ct)inl).*' But Saul sware that he would slay
him, and prefer the observation of liis oath
before all the ties of birtii and of nature; aid
Jonathan was n( t dismayed at this threatening
of death, but, oillring liiniself to it generous-
ly, and undauntedly, he said, " Nor do 1 de-
sire you, fatlier, to spare me : death will be lo
me very acceptable, when it proceeds from tliy
piety, and after a glorious victory ; for it is the
greatest consolation to me that I leave the
Hebrews victorious over the Philistines." —
Hereupon all the people were very sorry, and
t Here we Un\e still more inibcntiims of Saul's aflce-
tation of ili-spotio power, and of his entrenching up<iu
the priesihiHrtI, .mJ niakiiu; and eiulea\ouriiig loixt-
cutc a ra-h vow or curse, without consulting Samuel c
Ihe sanhedrim. In this view il is .also that I look upon
tbi> erection of a new aU.^^ by Saul, and his offering ot
bun t-offeriiigs hii'ise'lf upon it, and not as any projwr in-
stance of devoUou or religion, with other comiiitntator*.
CHAP. VII.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEV/S.
^-,
163
greatly afflicted for Jonathan ; and they sware
that they would not overlook Jonathan, and
see him die, who was the author of their vic-
tory. By whicli means they snatclied him out
of the danger he was in from his father's
curse, while they made their prayers to God
also for the young man, that he would remit
his sin.
6. So Saul, having slain about sixty thou-
sand of the enemy, returned home to his own
city, and reigned happily : and he also fought
against the neighbouring nations, and subdued
the Ammonites, and Moabites, and Philistines,
and Edomites, and Amalekites, as also the
king of Zobah. He had three male children,
Jonathan, and Isui, and Melchishua ; with
Merab and Miclial his daughters. He had
also Abner, his uncle's son, for the captain of
his host : that uncle's name was Ner. Now
Ner, and Kish the father of Saul, were bro-
thers. Saul had also a great many chariots and
horsemen, and against whomsoever he made
war he returned conqueror, and advanced the
affairs of the Hebrews to a great degree of
success and prosperity, and made tlicni supe-
rior to other nations ; and he made such of
the young men as were remarkable for tall-
nes3 and comeliness the guards of his body.
CHAPTER VII.
Saul's war with the amalekites, and con-
quest or THEM.
§ 1. Now Samuel came unto Saul, and said
to him, that he was sent by God to put him in
mind that God had preferred him before all
others, and ordained him king; that he there-
fore ought to be obedient to him, and to sub-
mit to his authority, as considering, that
though he had the dominion over the other
tribes, yet that God had the dominion over
him, and over all things ; that accordingly
God said to him, that " because the Amalek-
ites did the Hebrews a great deal of mischief
while they were in the wilderness, and when,
upon their coming out of Egypt, they were
making their way to tliat country which is now
their own, I enjoin thee to punish the Ama-
lekites, by making war upon them ; and,
when thou hast subdued tliem, to leave none
of them alive, but to pursue them through
every age, and to slay them, beginning witli
the women and the infants, and to require
this as a punishment to be inflicted upon them
for the mischief they did to our forefathers :
to spare nothing, neither asses nor other
beasts ; nor to reserve any of them for your
own advantage and possession, but to devote
' them universally to God, and, in obedience
I to the commands of IMoses, to blot out the
name of Amalek entirely." *
I * The reason of this severity Is (Ustiiicily given
I 'i. Sam. x.v> 1 ) ; " Go. and uUeiljf destroy tli» siimeis.
2. So Saul promised to do what he was
commanded ; and supposing Uiat his obedience
to God would be shown, not only in making
war against the Amalekites, but more fully in
the readiness and quickness of his proceedings,
he made no delay, but immediately gathered
together all his forces ; and when he had num-
bered them in Gilgal, \ie found them to be
about four hundred thousand of the Israelites,
besides the tribe ot Judah, foi- that tribe con.
tai'ued by itself thirty thousand. Accordingly
Saul made an irruption into the country of the
Amalekites, and set many men in several
parties in ambush at the river, that so he might
not only do them a miscliief, by open fighting,
but might fall upon them unexpectedly in the
ways, and might thereby compass them round
about, and kill them. And when he had joined
battle with the enemy, he beat them ; and pur-
suing them as they fled, he destroyed them all.
And when that undertaking had succeeded, ac-
cording as God had foretold, he set upon the ci-
ties of the Amalekites; he besieged them, and
took them by force, partly by warlike machines,
partly by mines dug under ground, and partly
by building walls on the outsides. Some they
starved out with famine, and some they gained
by other methods ; and after all, he betook
himself to slay the women and the children, and
thought he did not act tlierein either barbar-
ously or inhumanly ; first, because they were
enemies whom he thus treated, and, in the next
place, because it was done by the command of
God, whom it was dangerous not to obey. He
also took Agag, the enemies' king, captive;
— tlie beauty and tallness of whose body l,e
admired so much, that he thougiit him worthy
of preservation : yet was not tliis done how-
ever according to the will of God, but by
giving way to human passions, and suffering
himself to be moved with an unseasonable com-
miseration, in a point where it was not safe
for him to indulge it ; for God hated the nation
of the Amalekites to such a degree, that he
commanded Saul to have no pity on even tliose
infants which we by nature chiefly compassion-
ate ; but Saul preserved their king and gover-
nor from the miseries vvhich the Hebrews
brought on the people, as if he preierred the
fine appearance of the enemy to the memory
of what God had sent him about. The mul-
titude were also guilty, together with Saul ;
for they spared the herds and the flocks, and
took them for a prey, when God had command-
ed they should not spare them. Tliey also
carried off with them the rest of their wealth
and riches; but if there were any tiling that
was not worthy of regard, that they destroyed.
the Amalekites :" nor indceil do we ever meet with these
Amalekites but as very cruel aiiil blooily people, and
particularly seeking to injure and utterly to destroy the
nation of Israel, i^^ee Kxoil. xvil, S — 16; Num. xiv, 45 ;
Deut XXV, 17—19; Juitg. vi, o, G; 1 Sam. xv, 53 ;
Psal. Ixxxiii, 7 ; and, above all, the most barbarous ot
all crueltiet, lliatof H.. man the Agagite. or one of the
posterity of \gag, the old king of the Amalekites, Esth.
, ui, 1 — 15.
161
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK VI.
with sacrifices, bill with good and wi(h right-
eous men, who are such ii> rollow his ivill and
his hiws, and never think that anv tJiing
is well (lone hy tliein liut \vhcn tliey do it an
God liad commanded them : ttint lie then
looks ii[»on himself as allroiited, not when any
one does not sacrifice, hut when anv one ap-
pears to be disobedient to him. But that
from those who do not obey him, nor pay him
that duty which is the alone true and accep-
table worship, he will not kindly accc])t their
oblations, be those they offer ever so many and
so fat, and be the presents they make him ever
so ornamental, nay, though they were made ot
{:;old and silver themselves, but he will reject
them, and esteem them instances of wicked-
ness, and not of piety. And that he is delight-
ed with those that still bear in mind this one
tin'n;^, and tliis only, how to do that, whatso-
ever it be, which God pronounces or commands
for them to do, and to choose rather to die than
to transgress any of those commands; nor does
he require so much as a sacrifice from them.
And when these do sacrifice, though it be a
mean oblation, he better accepts of it as the
honour of poverty, than such oblations as
come from the richest men that offer them to
him. \\licrcfore take notice, that thou art
under the wrath of God, for thou hast de-
spised and neglected what he commanded
thee. How dost thou then suppose that he
will respect a sacrifice out of such things as
he hath doomed to destruction ? unless per-
hajjs thou dost imagine that it is almost all
one to offer it in sacrifice to God as to destroy
it. Do thou therefore expect that thy king,
.lom will be taken from thi'C, and tiiat autlio-
rity which thou hast abused by sucli insolent
behaviour, as to neglect that God who be-
stowed it upon thee." Then did Saul con.
fess that he had acted unjustly, and did not
deny that he had sinned, because he had traiis-
gressed the injunctions of the prophet ; but
ood-natured, before they are a- • lie said that it was out of a dread and fear ol
produce other sins. As soon the soldiers, that he did not prohibit and re-
tlierefore as God had rejected the intercession strain them when they seized on the prey,
of the prophet, and it plainly appeared he " But forgive mo," said he, "and be merci-
would not change his mind, at break of day l"ul to me, for 1 will be cautious how I offend
Samuel came to Saul at Gilgal. When the for the time to come." He also entreated
king saw him, he ran to him, and embraced the prophet to go back with him, that he
hiin, and said, '• I return thanks to God, «ho might offer his thank-ollerings to God ; but
hath given me the victory, for I have perform- Samuel «ent home, because he saw that God
ed every tiling that he hath commanded nio." would not be reconciled to him.
To which Samuel rei)lied," How is it then that 5. But then Saul was so desirous to re-
I hear the bleating of the sheep and the low- I tain Samuel, that he took hold of his cloak,
ing of the greater cattle in the camp ?" Saul and because the vehemence of Samuel's de-
made answer, That the people had reserved I parture made the motion to l)e violent, the
them for sacrifices ; but that, as to the nation cloak was rent. Upon which the prophet
of the Amalekites, it «as entirely destroyed, ' said, that after tbe same manner should the
as he had received it in command to see done, | kingdom be rent from him, and tiiat a good
and that no one man was left ; but that he had | and a just man should t.ike it ; that God per-
saved alive Uie king alone, and brought him to ' severed in what he had decreed about him;
him, concerning whom, he said ihey would ad- J that to be mutable and changeable in wliat is
vise together wliat should be done with him. I determined, is agreeable to human passions
liut liie prophet said, " God is not delighted . only, but is not p^rceable to Uie Divine Power
3. But (vhcn Saul had conquered all these
Amalekites that reached from iVlu:>ium of
Kgyi-l to the Red Sea, lie laid waste all tlie rest
of the enemy's country : but for the nation of
the Shechemites, he did not touch them, al-
though they dwelt in the very middle of the
country of IVIidian ; for before the battle, Saul
had sent to them, and charged them to depart
thence, lest they should be partakers of the
miseries of the Amalekites ; for he had a just
occasion for saving them, since they were of
the kindretl of Raguel, Moses's fat lier-in-law.
4. Hereupon Saul returned home with joy,
for the glorious things he had done, and for
the conquest of his enemies, as though he had
not neglected any thing which the prophet had
enjoined him to do when he was going to
make war with the Amalekites, and as though"
he had exactly observed all that he ought to
have done. But God was grieved that the
king of the Amalekites was preserved alive,
and that the multitude had seized on the cattle
for a prey, because these things were done
without his permission ; for he thought it an
intolerable thing that they should conquer and
overcome their enemies by that power which
he gave them, and then that he himself should
be so grossly despised and disobeyed by them,
that a mere man that was a king would not
bear it. He therefore told Samuel the prophet,
that he repented that he had made Saul king,
while he did not'.iing that ho had commanded
him, but indulged his own inclinations. When
Samuel heard that, he was in confusion ; and
began to beseech God all that night to be re-
conciled to Saul, and not to be angry with
him ; but he did not grant that forgiveness to
Saul which the prophet asked for, as not
deeming it a fit thing to grant forgiveness of
[such] sins at his entreaties, since injuries do
not otherwise grow so great as by the easy
tempers of those that are injured; for while
they hunt after the glory of being thought
gentle and
ware, they
■^.
J
CHAP. vni.
Hereupon Saul said that he had been wick-
ed ; but that wliat was done could not be un-
done : he therefore desired liim to iionour him
so far, that the multitude might see tiiat he
would accompany liim in vvorshipjiing God.
So Samuel granted him that favour, and went
with him and worshipped God. Agag also,
the king of tlie Amalekites, was brought to
him; and when the king asked, How bitter
death was? Samuel said, "As tiiou hast
made many of the Hebrew motliers to lament
and bewail the loss of tlieir cliildren, so shalt
thou, by thy death, cause thy mother to la-
ment ihee also." Accordingly he gave order
to slay hiin imniediatly at Gilgal, and then
went away to the city Kamah.
CHAPTER Vni.
HOW, UPON SAUI.'S TRANSGRESSION OF THE
prophet's commands, SAMUEL ORDAINED
ANOTHER PERSON TO BE KING PRIVATELY,
WHOSE NAME WAS DAVID, AS GOD COMMAND-
ED HIM.
§ 1. Now Saul being sensible of the miser-
able condition he had brought himself into,
and that he had made God to be his enemy,
he went up to his royal palace at Gibeali,
which name denotes a hiU, and after that day
he came no more into the presence of the pro-
phet. And when Samuel mourned for him,
God bid him leave oft' his concern for him,
and to take the holy oil, and go to Kethlehem
to Jesse the son of Obed, and to anoint such
of his sons as he should show him ff)r their
future king. But Samuel said, he was afraid
lest Saul, when he came to know of it, should
kill him, either by some private method or
even openly. But upon God's suggesting to
him a safe way of going thither, he came to
the forementioned city ; and when they all sa-
luted him, and asked what was the occasion
of his coming, he told them, he came to sacri-
fice to God. When, therefore, he had gotten
the sacrifice ready, he called Jesse and his
sons to partake of those sacrifices ; and when
he saw his eldest son to be a tall and hand,
some man, he guessed by his comeliness that
he was the person who was to be their future
king. But he was mistaken in judging about
God's providence ; for when Samuel inquired
of God whether he should anoint this youth,
whom he so admired, and esteemed worthy
of the kingdom, God said, " Men do not see
as God seeth. Thou indeed hast respect to
the fine appearance of this youth, and thence
esteemest him worthy of the kingdom, while
I propose the kingdom as a reward, not of the
beauty of bodies, but of the virtue of souls,
and I inquire after one that is perfectly come-
ly in that respect ; I mean one who is beauti-
ful in piety, and righteousness, and fortitude.
ANTIQUITUOS OF THE JEWS.
165
and obedience ; for in them consists the come-
liness of th.e soul." When God had said this,
Samuel bade Jesse to show him all his sons.
So he made five others of his sons to come to
him; of all of whom Eliab was the eldest,
Aminadab the second, Shammah the third,
Nathaniel the fourth, Rael the fifth, and
Asain the sixth. And when the prophet saw
that tiifse were no way inferior to the eldest
in their countenances, he inquired of God
which of them it was whom he chose for their
king ; and when God said it was none of them,
he asked Jesse whether he had not some other
sons besides these ; and when he said that he
had one more, named David, but that he was
a shepherd, and took care of the flocks, Sa-
nmel bade them call him immediately, for
that till he was come they could not possibly
sit down to the feast. Now, as soon as his
father had sent for David, and he was come,
he appeared to be of a yellow complexion, of
a sharp sight, and a comely person in other
respects also. This is he, said Samuel pri-
vately to himself, whom it pleases God to
make our king. So he sat down to the feast,
and placed the youth under him, and Jesse
also, with his other sons ; after which he took
oil in tlie presence of David, and anointed
him, and whispered him in the ear, and ac-
quainted him that God chose him to be their
king; and exhorted him to be righteous, and
obedient to his commands, for that by this
means his kingdom would continue for a long
time, and that his house should be of great
splendour, and celebrated in the world ; that
he should overthrow the Philistines; and that
against what nations soever he should make
war, he should be the conqueror, and survive
the fight ; and that while he lived he should
enjoy a glorious name, and leave such a name
to his posterity also.
2. So Samuel, when he bad given him
these admonitions, went away. But the Di-
vine Power departed from Saul, and removed
to David, v> ho, upon this removal of the Di-
vine Sjiirit to him, began to prophesy ; but
as for Saul, some strange and demoniacal dis-
orders came upon him, and brought upon
him such sufibcations as were ready to choke
him ; for which the physicians could find no
other remedy but this. That if any person
could charm those passions by singing, and
playing upon the harp, they advised them to
inquire for such a one, and to observe when
these demons came upon him and disturbed
him, and to take care that such a person
might stand over him, and play upon the
harp, and recite hymns to hiin.* According,
ly Saul did not delay, but coiTimanded them
to seek out such a man ; and when a certain
• Spanheiin takes notice here that the Greeks hac
such singers of hymns ; aiirt that usually children oi
youths were picked out for that service; as also, tlia'
those called singers to the harp, diii the same that Ua
\'id did here, i. e. join their own vocal and instrumeiita»
music together
T
166
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
standcr-f)y said th.it lie had seen in the city of
Ik'tiik'hem a son of Jesse, who was yet no
more tlian a child in age, but comely and
beautiful, and in other respects one that was
deseiviiig of great regard, wlio was skilful in
playing on the liar]), and in singing of hymns
[ami an excellent soldier in war], he sent to
Jesse, and desired him to take David away
from the flocks, and send him to him, for he
had a mind to see hiin, as liaving heard an
advantageous character of his comeliness and
liis valour. So Jesse sent his son, and gave
bim presents to carry to Saul ; and when he
was come, Saul was pleased with him, and
made him his armour-bearer, and had him in
very great esteem ; for he charmed his pas-
sion, and was the only physician against the
trouble he had from the demons, whensoever
it was that it came upon him, and this by re-
citing of liymns, and playing upon the harp,
and bringing Saul to his right mind again.
However, he sent to Jesse, the father of the
child, and desired him to permit David to
stay with him, for that he was delighted with
liis sight and company , which stay, that he
might not contradict Saul, he granted.
CHAPTER IX.
HOW THK PHILISTINES MADE ANOTHER EXPE-
DITION AGAINST THE HEBREWS, UNDER THE
REIGN OF SAUL ; AND HOW THEY WERE
OVEUCOME BY DAVID'S SLAYING GOLIATH
IN SINGLE COMBAT.
§ 1. Now the Philistines gathered themselves
together again, no very long time afterward ;
and having gotten together a great army, they
made war against the Israelites ; and liaving
seized a place between Shochoh and Azekah,
they there pitched their camp. Saul also
drew out his army to oppose them ; and by
pitching his own camp upon a certain hill, he
forced the Philistines to leave their former
camp, and to encani)) themselves upon such
another hill, over-ag.iinst that on which Saul's
army lay, so that a valley, which was between
the two hills on which they lay, divided their
camps asunder. Now there came down a
man out of the camp of the Pliilistines, whose
name was Goliath, of the city of Gatli, a man
of vast bulk, for he was of four cubits and a
epan in taliness, and had about him weapons
suitable to the largeness of his body, for he
had a breast-plate on that weighed live thou-
sand shekels : he had also a helmet and greaves
of brass, as large as you would naturally sup-
pose might cover the limbs of so vast a body.
His spear was also such as was not carried like
a light thing in his right hand, but he carried
it as lying on his shoulders. He had also a
lance of six hundred shekels; and many fol-
lowed him to carry his armour. Wherefore
this Goliath stood between the two armies, as
they were in battle-array, and sent out a loud
voice, and said to Saul and the Hebrews, " I
will free you from fighting and from dan-
gers ; for what necessity is there tliat your
army should fall and be afflicted ? Give me
a man of you that will fight with me, and he
that conquers shall have the reward of the
conqueror, and determine the war ; for these
shall serve those others to whom the conque
ror shall belong ; and certainly it is much
better and more prudent to gain what you de-
sire by the hazard of one man than of all."
When he had said this, he retired to his own
camp ; but the next day he came again, and
used the same words, and did not leave off
for forty days together, to challenge the ene-
my in the same words, till Saul and his army
were therewith terrified, while they put them-
selves in array as if they would figlit, but did
not come to a close battle.
2. Now while this war between the He-
brews and the Philistines was going on, Saul
sent away David to his father Jesse, and con-
tented himself with those three sons of his
whom he had sent to his assistance, and to be
partners in the dangers of the war : and at
first David returned to feed his sheep and his
flocks ; but after no long time he came to the
camp of the Hebrews, as sent by his father,
to carry provisions to his brethren, and to
know what they were doing ; while Goliath
came again, and challenged them and re-
proached them, that they had no man of va-
lour among them that durst come down to
fight him ; and as David was talking with his
brethren about the business for which his fa-
ther had sent him, he heard the Philistine re-
proaching and abusing the army, and had in-
dignation at it, and said to his bretliren, " I
am ready to tight a single combat with this
adversary." Whereupon Eliab, his eldest
brother, reproved him, and said that he spake
too rashly and improperly for one of his age,
and bid him go to his flocks, and to his fa-
ther. So he was abashed at his brother's
words, and went away, but slill he spake to
some of the soldiers that he was willing to
fight with him that challenged them. And
when they had informed Saul what was the
resolution of the young man, the king sent
for him to come to him , and when tlte king
asked what he had to say, he replied, " O
king, be not cast down, nor afraid, for I will
depress the insolence of this adversary, and
will go down and fight with him, and Mill
bring liim under me, as tall and as great as
he is, till he shall be sufliciently lauglied at,
and thy army shall get great glory w hen lie
shall be slain by one that is not yet of man's
estate, neither fit for lighting, nor capable of
being intrusted with the marshalling an aiiny,
or ordering a iialtle, but by one that looks like
a child, and is really no elder in age than b
child."
"V
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
167
3. Now Saul wondered at the boldness and
alacrity of David, but durst not presume on
liis ability, by reason of his age ; but said, he
must on tiiat account be too weak to fight
with one that was skilled in the art of war.
" I undertake this enterprise," said David,
" in dependence on God's being with me, for
I have had experience already of his assist-
ance ; for I once pursued after and caught a
lion tliat assaulted my flocks, and took away
a lamb from them, and I snatched the lamb
out of the wild beast's mouth, and when he
leaped upon me with violence, I took him by
the tail, and dashed him against the ground.
In the same manner did I avenge myself on
a bear also ; and let this adversary of ours be
esteemed like one of these wild beasts, since
he has a long while reproached our army and
blaspliemed our God, who yet will reduce him
under my power."
4. However, Saul prayed that the end
might be, by God's assistance, not disagree-
able to the alacrity and boldness of the child ;
and said, " Go thy way to the fight." So he
put about him his breast-plate, and girded on
his sword, and fitted the helmet to his head,
and sent him away. But David was burden-
ed with his armour, for he had not been ex-
ercised to it, nor had he learned to walk with
it ; so he said, " Let this armour be thine, O
king, who art able to bear it ; but give me
leave to fight as thy servant, and as I myself
desire." Accordingly he laid by the armour,
and taking his staff with him, and putting five
stones out of the brook into a shepherd's bag,
and having a sling in his right hand, he went
towards Goliath. But the adversary seeing him
come in such a manner, disdained him, and
jested upon him, as if he had not such wea-
pons with him as are usual when one man
fights against another, but such as are used
in driving away and avoiding of dogs ; and
said, " Dost thou take me not for a man, but
a dog ?" To wliich he replied, " No, not for
a dog, but for a creature worse than a dog."
This provoked Goliath to anger, who there-
upon cursed him by the name of God, and
threatened to give his flesh to the beasts of
the eartli, and to the fowls of the air, to be
torn in pieces by them. To whom David an-
swered, " Thou comest to me with a sword,
and with a spear, and with a breast-plate ; but
I have God for my armour in cominj; against
thee, who will destroy thee and all thy army
by my hands ; for I will this day cut off tliy
head, and cast the other parts of thy body to
the dogs ; and all men shall learn that God
is the protector of the Hebrews, and that our
armour and our strength is in his providence ;
and that without God's assistance, all other
warlike preparations and power are useless."
So the Phili^tine being retarded by the weight
of his armour, when he attempted to meet
David in haste, came on but slowly, as de-
ipising him, and depending upon it that he
should slay him who was both unarmed and
a child also, without any trouble at ail.
5. But the youth met his antagonist being
accompanied with an invisible assistant, who
was no other than God himself. And taking
one of the stones that he had out of the brook,
and had put into his shepherd's bag, and
fitting it to his sling, he slang it against the
Philistine. This stone fell upon his forehead,
and sank into his brain, insomuch that Go-
liath was stunned, and fell upon his face.
So David ran, and stood upon his adversary
as he lay down, and cut off his head with his
own sword ; for he had no sword himself.
And upon the fall of Goliath, the Philistines
were beaten, and fled ; for when they saw
their champion prostrate on the ground, they
were afraid of the entire issue of their affairs,
and resolved not to stay any longer, but com-
mitted themselves to an ignominious and in-
decent flight, and thereby endeavoured to save
themselves from the dangers they were in.
But Saul and the entire army of the Hebrews
made a shout and rushed upon them, and
slew a great number of them, and pursued the
rest to the borders of Gath, and to the gates
of Ekron ; so that there were slain of the Phi-
listines thirty thousand, and twice as many
wounded. But Saul returned to their camp,
and pulled their fortifications to pieces, and
burnt it ; but David carried the head of Go-
liath into his own tent, but dedicated his
sword to God [at the tabernacle].
CHAPTER X.
SAUL ENVIES DAVID FOR HIS GLORIOUS SUC-
CESS, AND TAKES AN OCCASION OF ENTRAP-
PING HIM, FROM THE PROMISE HE MADE
HIM OF GIVING HIM HIS DAUGHTER IN MAR-
RIAGE ; BUT THIS UPON CONDITION OF HIS
BRINGING HIM SIX HUNDRED HEADS OF THE
PHILISTINES.
§ 1. Now the women were an occasion of
Saul's envy and hatred to David ; for they
came to meet their victorious army with cym-
bals and drums, and all demonstrations of
joy, and sang thus; the wives said, that " Saul
has slain his many thousands of tlie Philis-
tines :" the virgins replied, that " David has
slain his ten thousands." Now, when the
king heard them sniging thus, and that he
had himself the smallest share in their com-
mendations, and the greater number, the ten
thousands, were ascribed to the young man
and wiien he considered with himself tha»
j there was nothing more wanting to David
[after such a miglity applause, l)iit the king
idom, he began to be afraid and sus;:iciou3
' of David. Accordingly he removed him
. from the station he was in before, for he
, was his armour-bearer, whicli, out of fear
?
168
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
t:i>oinctJ to liiin mucli too noar u station for
Iiim ; ami so lie mudu liim t"i|it:iiii over a tiiou-
sand, and bestowed on liim a post better in-
deed in itself, but, as lie tlioiiglit, more for
liis own security ; for lie liaii a mind to send
liinj against the enemy, and into battles, as
lioping lie would be slain in sucli dangerous
conflicts.
2. IJiit David had God going along with
him whithersoever he went, and accordingly
he greatly prospered in his undertakings, and
it was visible that he had mighty success, in-
somuch that Saul's daughter, who was still a
virgin, fell in love with him ; and her affec-
tion so far prevailed over her, that it could mind whether what was j)roposed was pos-
not be concealed, and her father became ac- sible, or was difficult or not, he and his com-
BOOK VI.
of his father's house, but only some revenge
on the Philistines, and indeed six hundred of
their heads, than which a more desirable or a
more glorious present could not be brought
him ; and that he had much rather obtain this
than any of the accustomed dowries for hia
daughter, viz. that she should be married to
a man of that character, and to one who had
a testimony as having conquered his enemies.
3. When these words of Saul were brought
to David, he was pleased with them, and sup-
posed that Saul was really desirous of this af-
finity with him ; so that without bearing to
deliberate any longer, or casting about in his
quaintcd with it. Now Saul heard this glad-
ly, as intending to make use of it for a snare
against David, and he ho])ed that it would
prove the cause of destruction and of hazard
to him ; so he told those that informed him
of his daughter's affection, that he would wil-
lingly give David the virgin in marriage, and
said, " I engajre myself to marry my daughter
to him if he will bring me six hundred heads
of my enemies, • supposing that when a re-
ward so ample was proposed to him, and
when he should aim to get him great glory,
by undertaking a thing so dangerous and in-
credible, he would immediately set about it,
and so perish by the Philistines; and my de-
signs about him will succeed finely to my
mind, for I shall be freed from him, and get
him slain, not by myself, but by another
man." So he gave order to his servants to
try how David would relish this proposal of
marrying the damsel. Accordingly, they be-
gan to speak thus to him: That king Saul
loved him, as well as did all the people,
and that he was desirous of his affinity by the
marriage of this damsel. To which he gave
this answer: — " Seemeth it to you a light
thing to be made the king's son-in-law? It
does not seem so tome, especially when I am
one of a family that is low, and without any
glory or honour." Now when Saul was in-
formed by his servants what answer David
had made, he said, — " Tell him, that I do not
want any money nor dowry from him, which
would be rather to set my daughter to sale
than to give her in marriage ; but I desire
only such a son in-law as hath in him for-
titude, and all other kinds of virtue," of which
he saw David was possessed, and tliat his de-
sire was to receive of him, on account of his
marrying his daughter, neither gold nor sil-
ver, nor that he should bring such wealth out
* Josophus says thrit-e in this chapter, ajid twice after- - , .,, . . • , .„ i, „„ i ,;,„
wariis, chap. xi. sect. '-', and b. vii, ch. i, sect. 1, 1. c. five small good-will, to contrive how to have him
times 'ill ail, that S;iul re.nilml not a bare hiimlrril of ij^iji^.j ^ow, because he loved the young
the fiircikins (il tin- I'liili, lines, l)u( six luiinlred of their , i , ■ i- i ■ • .' i
Ss Til' -cptuaMM.t have r.uiforr.kliis reverenced him for his virtue, he
riacand Arabu iJii .' Ncjw tliat iticse were not /ur«iin,«, informed him of the secret charge his father
witli our othcri'<>|.ii-s, but /irarfj, with Joscjilius's copy, „:.,„„ „„,l ...(,.,f lil« int..nllniis were con-
seems somewhat probable, from 1 Sam. xxix. 1 ; where had given, and what Ins intentions wcrt con-
all copies i«iy that it w;i8 Willi the heads of such Philis- cerniii" him. However, he .idviscd him to
Unes Uuit Uavid might reconcile himself to his i.iasler, | ^^j.^ ^^^.^ .^_^^, _^^ ,^^^^^^^ j,,^. ,,^.^j j^^.^ f^^ j,,^
panions immediately set ujion the enemy, and
went about doing what was proposed as tlie
condition of the marriage. Accordingly, be-
cause it was God who made all things easy
and possible to David, he slew many [of the
Philistines], and cut oft" the heads of six hun-
dred of them, and came to tlie king, and by
showing him these heads of the Philistines,
required that he might have his daughter in
marriage. Accordingly Saul, having no way
of getting off his engagements, as thinking it
a base thing either to seem a liar when he
promised him this marriage, or to appear tc
have acted treacherously by him, in putting
him upon what was in a manner impossible,
in order to have him slain, he gave liiin his
daughter in marriage : her name was MichaL
CHAPTER XI.
HOW DAVID, UPON SAUL's I.AYI.NG SNARES FOn
HIM, DID Yl T ESCAPE THE DANGEP.S HE WA3
IN, BY THE AFFECTION AND CAUE OF JONA-
THAN, AND THE CONTRIVANCES OF HIS WIFE
MICHAL; AND HOW HE CAME TO SAilLEL
THE PROPHET.
§ 1. However, Saul was not disposed to per-
severe long in the state wherein he was; for
when he saw tiiat David was in great esteem
both with God and with the multitude, he
was afraid ; and being not able to conceal his
fear as concerning great things, his kingdom
and his life, to be deprived of either of which
tvas a very great calamity, he resolved to have
David slain ; and commanded his son Jona-
than and his most faithful servants to kill him:
but Jonathan wondered at his father's change
with relation to David, that it should be made
to so great a degree, from showing him no
"V
CHAP. XI.
ANTIQUITIKS OF THE JEWS.
169
lie wouUl salute Jii'i fatlier, and, if he met vvitli
a favourable opportunity, he would discourse
witli lilni about him, and learn the cause of
his disgust, and show how little ground there
was for it, and that for it he ought not to kill
a man that had done so many good thingh to
tlie multitude, and had been a benefactor to
himself, on ac«)unt of which he ought in rea-
son to obtain pardon, had he been guilty of
the greatest crimes: and " I will then inform
thee of my father's resolution." According-
ly David complied with such an advantageous
advice, and kept himself tlien out of the
king's sight.
2. On the next day Jonathan came to Saul,
as soon as he saw him in a cheerful and joy-
ful disposi<ion, and began to introduce a dis-
course about David : " What unjust action,
O father, either little or great, hast thou
found so exceptionable in David, as to induce
tliee to order us to slay a man who hath been
of great advantage to thy own preservation,
and of still greater to the punishment of the
Philistines ? A man who hath delivered the
people of tlie Hebrews from reproach and de-
rision, which they underwent for forty days
together, when he alone had courage enough
to sustain the challenge of the adversary, and
after that brougiit as many heads of our ene-
mies as he was appointed to bring, and had,
as a reward for the same, my sister in mar-
riage ; insomuch that liis death would be very
sorrowful to us, not only on account of his
virtue, but on account of the nearness of our
relation ; for thy daughter must be injured at
the same time that he is slain, and must be
obliged to experience widowhood before she
can come to enjoy any advantage from their
mutual conversation. Consider these things,
and change your mind to a more merciful
temper, and do no mischief to a man who, in
the first place, hath done us the greatest
kindness of preserving thee ; for when an
evil spirit and demons had seized upon thee,
lie cast them out, and procured rest to thy
soul from their incursions : and, in the se-
cond place, hath avenged us of our enemies ;
for it is a base tiling to forget such benefits.'
So Saul was pacified with these worils ; and
sware to his son that he would do David no
harm ; for a righteous discourse proved too
hard for the king's anger and fear. So Jo-
nathan sent for David, and brought him good
news from his father, that he was to be pre-
served. He also brought him to his father ;
and David continued with the king as for-
merly.
3. About this time it was that, upon the
Philistines making a new expedition against
the Hebrews, Saul sent David with an army
to fij;!it with them; and joining battle with
them he slew many of tliem, and after his vic-
tory he returned to the king. But his recep-
tion by Saul was not as he expected upon
such success, for he was grieved at his pros-
perity, because he thought he would he more
dangerous to him by having acted so glorious,
ly : but when the demoniacal spirit came
upon him, and put him into disorder, and
disturbed him, he called for David into his
bed-chamber wherein he lay, and having a
spear in bis hand, he ordered him to charm
him with playing on his harp, and with sing-
ing hymns; which when David did at his
command, he with great force threw the spear
at him ; but David was aware of it before it
came, and avoided it, and fled to his own
house, and abode there all that day.
4. But at night the king sent officers, and
commanded that he should be watched till the
morning, lest he should get quite away, that
he might come into the judgment-hall, and so
might be delivered up, and condemned and
slain. But when Miciial, David's wife, the
king's daughter, understood what her fathei
designed, she came to her husband, as having
small hopes of his deliverance, and as greatly
concerned about her own life also, for she
could not bear to live in case she vvere depriv-
ed of him ; and she said, — " Let not the sun
find tJiee here when it rises, for if it do, that
will be the last time it will see thee : fly away
then while the night may afford the opportuni-
ty, and may God lengthen it for thy sake I
for know this, that if ray father find thee, thou
art a dead man." So she let him down by a
cord out of the window, and saved him ; and
after she had done so, she fitted up a bed fot
him as if he were sick, and put under the
bed-clothes a goat's liver;* and when her fa-
ther, as soon as it was day, sent to seize
David, she said to those that were there. That
he had not been well that night, and showed
them the bed covered, and made them believe,
by the leaping of the liver, which caused the
bod-clothes to move also, that David breathed
like one that was asthmatic. So when those
that were sent told Saul that David had no»
been well in the night, he ordered him to be
brought in that condition, for he intended to
kill him. Now when they came, and un-
covered the bed, and found out the woman's
contrivance, they told it to the king; and
when her father complained of her that she
had saved his enemy, and had put a trick upon
himself, she invented this plausible defence
for herself, and said, That when he threatened
to kill her, she lent him her assistance foi
his preservation, out of fear; for which her
assistance she ought to be forgiven, because
it was not done of her own free choice, but
out of necessity : " For," said she, " I do not
suppose that thou wast so zealous to kill thy
* Since the modern Jews have lost the signification
of tlie Hebrew word here used, ccbir ; and since the
Ixxii, as w ell as Jo'iephiis, render it the liver of ihe goat r
and since this rendering and Joscphiis's account, are
here so much more clear and probable than those of o-
thcis, it is almost unaccountable that our commenta-
tors should so much as liesitatc about its true interpre-
tation. - ^
170
ANTIQUITJKS Ol' TIIK JKWS.
enemy, as thou wast that I Bhotikl be fnved."
Accordingly San! forg.ive the damsel ; but
l)a\id, wlii'ii he had escaped this danger, came
to the propliet 'Samuel to Uamah, and told
him «liat snares the king had laid for him,
and how he was very near to death by Saul's
throwing a sj)ear at him, although he had
iH'en no way guilty with relation to him, nor
had he been cowardly in his battles with his
enemies, but had succeciled well in them all,
by God's assistance ; which thing was indeed
the cause of Siiid's liatred to David.
5. When the ])ro|)liet was made acquainted
with the unjust proceedings of the king, he
left the city Ramah, and took David with him,
to a certain place called Naioth, and there he
abode with him. But when it was told Saul
that David was with the proi)het, he sent sol-,
diers to him, and ordered them to take him,
and bring him to him ; and when they came
to Samuel, and found there a congregation of
prophets, they became partakers of the Divine
Spirit, and began to prophesy ; which when
Saul heard of, he sent others to David, vvlio
prophesying in like manner as did the first, he
again sent others ; which tliird sort prophesy-
ing also, at last he was angry, and went thi-
ther in great haste himself; and when he was
just by the place, Samuel, before he saw him,
made him prophesy also. And when Saul
came to him, lie was disordered in mind,* and
under the vehement agitation of a s])irit ; and,
putting off his garments,! he fell down, and
lay on the ground all that day and night, in
the presence of Samuel and David.
6. And David went thence, and came to
Jonathan, tlie son of Saul, and lamented to
him what snares were laid for him by his
father ; and said, that though he had been
guilty of no evil, nor had ottended against
him, yet he was very zealous to get him killed.
Hereupon Jonathan exhorted him not to give
credit to such his own suspicions, nor to the
calumnies of those that raised those reports,
if there were any that did so, but to depend
• These violent and wilil agitations of Saul seem to
IDC to Jiave been no other than dc.noniacal ; and that
the same demon whith usc<l to seize .him, since he was
forsaken of God, and wliicli the divine hymns and
psa'nra which were sung to the harp by David used to
expel, was now in a judicial way brought upon him, not
only in order to disappoint his intentions against inno-
cent David, but to exiio-e hnn to the laughter and con-
tempt ot ail that saw him, or heard of those agitations ;
•uch violent and wild agitations tieing never observed In
true prophets when they were under tlic inspnalion of
tlie Spirit of (.od. Uiir other copies, which wiy the
Spirit of God came upon him, seem not so right here as
Josephu.s's copy, which mentions nolhiii)! of liod at all.
Nor docs Josephus seem to ascribe this impulse ami
ecstacy of Saul t<i any other than to his eld demoniacal
spirit, which on allaeiouiits appears the most piobable.
Nor does the former description of ^-aul's real in.<'piration
by the Divine Spirit, J bam. x, 9 — 12; Atitiq. b. vi,
chap, iv. Sift, i, which was before he was become wick-
ed, well agree with the descriplJons before us.
i What it meant by Saul's l\ing down naked all that
dt\y, and all that night, 1 Sam. xix. 'Ji, anil whether
an> more than laying a-xdc his royal app.'irel, or upper
garments, as Jokcphus secius to understand it, is by no
nu'aii^ certain, bee tlie uoie on Antiit b vtii, ch. 14,
tod. X
BOOK VI
I on him, and take courage ; tbr that his fa
ther had no such intentions, since he would
have ac(|uainted him with that matter, and
I have taken his advice, had it been so, as he
used to consult with liim in conunon when he
I acted in other atlairs. But David sware to
, liiin that so it was ; and he desired him rather
to believe him, and to provide tor his safely,
than to despise what he, with great sincerity,
told him : that he would l)elieve what he said,
when he should either see him killed himself,
or learn it upon inquiry from others : and that
the reason why his fatlier did not tell him of
these things, was this, that he knew of the
friendship and atl'ection that he bore towards
him.
7. Hereupon, when Jonathan found that
this intentioti of S:iul was so well attested, he
asked him what he would liave him do for
hinT ? To which Daviil replied, " I am sen-
sible that thoii art willing to gratify me in
every thing, and procure me what 1 desire.
Now, to-morrow is the new moon, and I was
accustomed to sit down then with the king at
supper : now, if it stem good to thee, 1 will
go out of the city, ami conceal myself private-
ly there; and it Saul ir,quire why I am ab-
sent, tell him that 1 am gone to my own city
Bethlehem, to keep a festival with my own
tribe ; and add this also, that thou gavest me
leave so to do. And if he say, as is usually
said in the case of friends that are gone abroail,
It is well that he went, then assure thyself that
no latent mischief or enmity may be feared at
his hand ; but if he answer otherwise, that will
be asure sign that he hath some designs against
nic. Accordingly thou shah inform me of thy
father's inclinations ; and that, out of pity to
my case and out of ihy friendship for me, as
inst.incesof whicli friendship thou hast vouch-
safed to accept of the assurances of my love
to thee, ami to give the like assurances to me,
that is, those of a master to his servant ; but
if thou discoverest ony wickedness in me, do
thou prevent tliy father, and kill me thyself."
8. But Jonathan heard these last words
with indignation, and promised to do what he
desired of him, and to inform him if his fa-
ther's answeis implicil any thing of a melancho-
ly nature, and any enmity against him. And
that he might the more tirinly depend upon
him, he took him out into the open field, into
the pure air, and sware that he would neglect
nothing that might tend to the preservation of
David; and he said, " I appeal to that God,
who, as thou seest, is dillused everywhere, and
knovveth this intention of mine, before I ex-
plain it in wiirds, as the witness of this my
covenant with thee, tiiat 1 «ill not leave oH
to make fi'/ijuent trials of the purpose of my
lather till I learn whether there be any luiking
distemper in the most secret parts of his soul ;
and when I have learnt it, I will not conceal
it from thee, but will discover it to thee, whe-
ther he be gently or peevishly disposed ; for
'V
J~
CHAP. XII.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
171
tliis God Iiimself knows, tliat I pray he may
always be with thee, for he is with thee now,
and will not forsake thee, and will make thee
superior to thine enemies, whether my father
be one of them, or whether I myself he such.
Do thou only remember what we now do;
and if it fall out that I die, preserve my chil-
dren alive, and requite what kindness thou
bast now received, to them." When he had
thus sworn, he dismissed David, bidding him
go to a certain place of that plain wherein he
used to perform his exercises ; for that, as
soon as he knew the mind of his father, he
woiiltl come thither to hiin, with one servant
only ; " and if," says he, " I shoot three darts
at t!ie mark, and then hid my servant to carry
these three darts away, for they are before him,
.^know thou that there is no misciiief to be
feared from my father; but if thou hearest
tne say the contrary, expect the contrary from
the king. However, thou shalt gain security
by my means, and slialt by no means suffer
any harm; but see thou dost not forget what
I have desired of thee in tlie time of thy pros-
perity, and be serviceable to my children."
Now David, when lie had received these as-
surances from Jonathan, went his way to the
()1ace appointed.
9. But on the next day, which was the new
moon, the king, when he had purified himself,
as the custom was, came to supper; and when
there sat by him his son Jonathan on his right
hand, and Abner, the captain of his host, on
the other hand, he saw David's seat was empty,
but said nothing, supposing that he had not
purified himself since he had accompanied
with his wife, and so coidd not be present ;
but when he saw that he was not there the se-
cond day of the month neither, he inquired
of his son Jonathan why the son of Jesse did
not come to the supper and L'je feast, neither
the day before nor that day. So Jonathan
said that he was gone, according to the agree-
ment between them, to his own city, where
his tribe kept a festival, and that by his per-
mission : that he also invited him to come to
their sacrifice; " and," says Jonathan, " if thou
wilt give me leave, I will go thither, for thou
knowest the good-will that I bear him ;" and
then it was that Jonathan understood his fa-
ther's hatred to David, and plainly saw his
entire disposition ; for Saul could not restrain
his anger, but reproached Jonathan, and called
him the son of a runagate, and an enemy ;
and said he was a partner with David, and his
assistant, and that by his behaviour he shewed
he had no regard to himself, or to his mother,
and would not be persuaded of this, — that
while D.ivid is alive, their kingdom was not
secure to them ; yet did he bid him send for
him, that he might be punished -. and when
Jonathan said, in answer, " What hath he
done that thou wilt punish him ?" Saul no
longei contented liimself to express his anger
ill bare words, but snatched up his spear, and
leaped upon him, and was desiro'is to kill him.
lie did not indeed do what he intended, be-
cause he was hindered by his friends; but if
appeared plainly to his son tiiat he hated Da-
vid, and greatly desired to dispatch liim, inso-
much that he had almost slain iiis son with his
own hands on his account.
10. And then it was that the king's son
rose hastily from supper; and being unable to
admit any thing into his mouth for grief, he
wept all night, both because lie had himselt
been near destruction, and because the death
oi' David was determined; but as soon as it
was day, he went out into the plain that was
before the city, as going to perform his exer-
cises, but in reality to inform his friend what
disposition his father was in towards him, as
he had agreed with him to do ; and when Jona-
than had done what had been thus agreed, he
dismissed his servant that followed him, to re-
turn to the city ; but he himself went into the
desert, and came into his presence, and com-
muned with him. So David appeared and fell
at Jonathan's feet, and bowed down to him, and
called him the preserver of his soul ; but he
lifted him up from the earth, and they mutu-
ally embraced one another, and made a long
greeting, and that not without tears. They
also lamented their age, and that familiarity
which envy would deprive them of, and that
separation which must now be expected, which
seemed to them no better than death itself.
So recollecting themselves at length from their
lamentation, and exhorting one another to be
mindful of the oaths they had sworn to each
other, they parted asunder.
CHAPTER XII.
HOW DAVID FLED TO AHIMELECH, AND AFTK!l-
WARDS TO THE KINGS OF THE PIIIUSTINKS,
AND OF THE MOABITES ; AND HOW SAUL
SLEW AHIMELECH AND HIS FAMILY.
§ 1. But David fled from the king, and that
death he vvas in danger of by him, and came
to the city Nob, to Ahimelech the priest,
who, when he saw him coming all alone, and
neither a friend nor a servant with liim, he
wondered at it, and desired to learn of him
the cause why there was nobody with him.
To which David answered. That the king
had commanded him to do a certain thing
that was to be kept secret, to which, if he had
a mind to know so much, he had no occasion
for any one to accompany him ; " however,
I have ordered my servants to meet me at
such and such a place." So he desired him to
let him have somewhat to eat ; and that in
case he would supply him, he would act the
part of a friend, and be assisting to the busi-
ness he was now about : and when he had
obtained what he desired, he also asked him
172
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
wholliur lie had any weapons Hitli Iiini, citlicr
sword or s])ear. Now there was at Nob a
servant of Saul, by birth a Syrian, whose name
was Doeg, one that kept the king's mules.
The hi<^ii-priest said that he had no such
weapons ; but, he added, " Here is the sword
of Golialh, which, when thou hadst slain tlie
Philistine, thou didst dedicate to God."
2. When David had received the sword,
lie iled out of the country of the Hebrews
into that of the Philistines, over which Aciiisli
reigned ; and when tiie king's servants knew
him, and he was made known to the king
himself, the servants informing him that he
was that David who had killed many ten
thousands of the Pliilistines, David was afraid
lest the king should put hiin to death, and
that he should experience that danger from
him which he had escajjcd from Saul ; so he
pretended to be distracted and mad, so that
his spittle ran out of his mouth ; and lie did
other the like actions before the king of Gath,
which might make him believe that they pro-
ceeded from such a distemper. Accordingly
the king was very angry at his servants that
they had brought him a madman, and he gave
orders that they should eject David immedi-
ately [out of the city].
3. So when David had escaped in this
manner out of Gath, he came to the tribe of
Judah, and abode in a cave by the city of
Adullam. Then it was that he sent to his
brethren, and informed them where he was,
who then came to him with all their kindred,
and as many others as were either in want or
in fear of king Saul, came and made a body
together, and told him they were ready to
obey his orders ; they were in all about four
hundred. Whereupon he took courage, now
such a force and assistance was come to him ;
so he removed thence, and came to the king
of the Moabites, and desired him to entertain
his parents in his country while the issue of
his affairs were in such an uncertain condi-
tion. The king granted him this favour, and
paid great respect to David's parents all the
time they were with him.
4. As for himself, upon the prophet's com
manding him to leave the desert, and to go
into the portion of the tribe of Judah, and
abide there, he complied therewith ; and corn-
ing to the city Hareth, which was in that
tribe, he remained there. Now when Saul
heard that David had been seen with a multi-
tude about him, he fell into no small disturb-
ance and trouble ; but as he knew that David
was a bold and courageous man, he suspected
that somewhat extraordinary would appear
from him, and that openly also, which would
make him weep and put him into distress ;
BO he called together to him his friends, and
his commanders, and the tribe from which he
was himself derived, to the hill where his pa-
lace was ; and sitting upon a place called
Arouiii, liis courtiers that were in di;i;nitie3i
and the guards of his body, being with him,
he spake thus to them: — " "\'ou tiiat are men
of my own tribe, I conclude tliat you renieni-
ber the benefits tliat I have bestowed upon
you, and that I have made some of you
owners of land, and made you commanders,
and bestowed posts of honour upon you, and
set some of you over the common people, and
others over the soldiers ; I ask you, therefore,
Wl-ether you expect greater and more dona-
tions from the son of Jesse' for 1 know that
you are all inclinable to him (even my own
son Jonathan himself is of that opinion, and
persuades you to be of the same) ; for I am
not unacquainted with the oaths and the co-
venants that are between him and David, and
that Jonathan is a counsellor, and an assistant
to those that conspire against me, and none of
you are concerned about these things, but you
keep silence and watch, to see wliat will be
the upsliot of these things." When the king
had made this speech, not one of the rest of
those that were present made any answer ;
but Doeg the Syrian, who fed his mules, said,
that he saw David when he came to the city
Nob to Ahimelech the liigh-priest, and that
he learned future events by his prophesying;
that he received food from him, and the
sword of Goliath, and was conducted by him
with security to such as he desired to go to.
5. Saul, therefore, sent for the high-priest,
and for all his kindred, and said to them.
" What terrible or ungrateful thing ha^t thou
suffered from me, that thou hast received the
son of Jesse, and hast bestowed on him both
food and weapons, when he was contriving
to get the kingdom ! — and farther, Why didst
ihou deliver oracles to him concerning futu-
rities ? for thou couldst not be unacijuainted
that he was fled away from me, and that he
hated my family." But the high-priest did
not betake himself to deny what he had done,
but confessed boldly that he had supplied him
with these things not to gratify David, but
Saul himself: and he said, " I did not know
that he was thy adversary, but a servant of
thine, who was very faithful to thee, and a
captain over a thousand of thy soldiers, and,
what is more than these, thy son-in-law, and
kinsman. Men do not choose to confer such
favours on their adversaries, but on those who
are esteemed . to bear the highest good-will
and respect to them. Nor is this the tirst
time that I prophesied for him, but I have
done it often, and at other times, as well as
now. And when he told me that he was
sent by thee in great haste to do somewhat, if
I had furnished him with nothing that he de-
sired, 1 should have thought that it was rather
in contradiction to thee than to him ; where-
fore do not thou entertain any ill opinion of
me, nor do thou have a sus))icion of what I
tlien thought an act of humanity, from what
is now told thee of David's attempts against
tliee, for I did then to him as to thy friend
'V
■V
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEAVS.
CHAl'. XII.
and son-in-law, and captain of a thousand,
and not as to thine adversary."
€. Wlien the high-priest had spok'jn thus,
he did not persuade Saul, his fear was so
prevalent, that he could not give credit to an
apology that was very just. So he command-
ed iiis armed men that stood about him to kill
him, and ail his kindred ; but as they durst
nut touch the liigh-pricst, but were more
afraid of disobeying God than the king, he
ordered Doeg the Syrian to kill tiiem. Ac-
cordingly, he took to his assistance such
wicked men as were like himself, and slew
Ahimelech arid all his family, who were in all
three hundred and eiglity five. Saul also
sent to Nob,* the city of tlie priests, and slew
all that were there, without sparing either
women or children, or any other age, and
burnt it ; only there was one son of Ahime-
lech, whose name was Abiathar, who escaped.
However, these things came to pass as God
hiid foretold to Eli the high-priest, when he
said that his posterity should be destroyed, on
account of the transgression of his two sons.
7. f Now this king Saul, by perpetrating
so barbiuous a crime, and murdering the
whole family of the higli -priestly dignity, by
luiving no pity of the infants, nor reverence
for tlie aged, and by overthrowing tlie city
which God had chosen for the property, and
for tlie support of the priests and prophets
which were there, and had ordained as the
only city allotted for the education of such
men, gives all to understand and consider the
disposition of men, that while they are private
persons, and in a low condition, because it
is not in their power to indulge nature, nor
to venture upon what they wish for, they are
equitable and moderate; and pursue nothing
but what is just, and bend their whole minds
and labours that way ; then it is that they
have this belief about God, that he is present to
all the actions of their lives, and that he does
* This city Nob was not a city allotted to the priests,
Bor hail the prophets, that we know of, any particular
cities allotted them. It seems the tabernacle was now
at Nob, and probably a sch(X)l of the pvophets was here
also. It wa> full two d.iys' journey on foot from Jeru-
salem, 1 Sam. xxi, 5. The n\imber of priests here slain
in Josephus, .is three hundred and eighty-five, and but
eighty-Ave in^ our Uebrt w copies ; yet are they three
hundred and five in the Septua^jint. 1 prefer .(osei>hus's
numlKjr, the Hebrew having, 1 suppose, only dioppcd
the h\Mulrerls, the other the tens. 'I'liis city Nob seems
to have been the chief, or perhaps the only seat of the
family ol Ithamar, whieh here perished, according ti)
God's former terrible threateuings to Eli, 1 Sam. ii, i!7
— ,3ti ; in, 11 — IS. Sec chaji. xiv, sect. 9, hereafter.
t This section contains an alniirabli- reflection of Jo-
sephus conceming thegeneral wickedness of men in great
authoi ity, ai>d the danger tliey are in of rejecting that re-
gaid to justice and humanity, to Divine I'rovidenccand
the fear of (lod, which they either really had, or pre-
tended to have, whUe they were in a lower condition.
It can ne\ er be too often perused by kings and great men,
nor by those who expect to obtain such ele\ ated dignities
among mankind. See the like rctlcitions of our Jose-
phus, .Mitiii- b. vii, ch. i. sect, i, at the end ; and b. viii,
eh. X. sect, i', at the beginning. Tney are to the like
puiport with one branch of .Agur's prayer : " One thing
lia'' e 1 re(piired of thee, deny it me riot before 1 die : (iive
me not nehcs, lest I be full, ;nii! deny thee, and say
s-lio is the Lord ,•" I'lOv XXA. 7. b. ih
173
not only see the actions that are done, but
clearly knows those their thoughts also,
whence those actions do arise : but when once
they are advanced into power and authority,
then they put off all such notions, and, as if
they were no others than actors upon a
theatre, their disguised parts and manners,
and take up boldness, insolence, and a con-
tempt of both human and divine laws, and
this at a time when they especially stand in
need of piety and righteousness, because they
are then most of all exposed to envy, and all
tliey tliink and all they say are in the view of
all men ; then it is that they become so inso-
lent in their actions, as though God saw them
no longer, or were afraid of them because of
their power : and whatsoever it is that they
either are afraid of by the rumours fhey hear,
or they hate by inclination, or they love with-
out reason, these seem to them to be authen-
tic, and firm, and true, and pleasing both to
men and to God ; but as to what v\ ill come
hereafter, they have not the least regard to it.
They raise those to honour indeed who have
been at a great deal of pains for them, and
after that honour they envy them ; and when
they have brought them into higii dignity,
tliey do not only deprive them of what they
had obtained, but also on that very account
of their lives also, and that on wicked accu-
sations, and such as on account of their ex-
travagant nature are incredible. They also
punish men for their actions, not such as de-
serve condemnation, but from calumnies and
accusations without examination j and this
extends not only to such as deserve to be pu-
nished, but to as many as they are able to
kill. This reflection is openly confirmed to
us from the example of Saul, the son ol
Kish, who was the first king who reigned af-
ter our aristocracy and government under the
judges were over; and that by his slaughter
of three hundred priests and propliets, on oc-
casion of his suspicion about Ahimelech, and
by the additional wickedness of the overthrow
of their city, and this as if he were endeavour-
ing in some sort to render the temple [taber-
nacle] destitute both of priests and prophets ;
which endeavour he showed by slaying so
many of them, and not suflTering the very city
belonging to tliem to remain, that so others
might succeed them.
8. But Abiathar, the son of Ahimelech,
who alone could be saved out of the family
of priests slain by Saul, lied to David, and
informed him of the calamity that had befallen
their family, and of the slaughter of his fa-
ther : who hereupon said, He was not un-
apprized of what would follow with relation
to them when he saw Doeg there ; for he
had then a suspicion that the high-priest
would be falsely accused by him to the king ;
and he blamed himself as having been the
cause of this misfortune. But lie de^ireii him
to stay there, and abide wiiii him. as in a
■^
174
ANTIQUITIES OF THB JEWS.
BOOK V!.
and returned home. Now the men of Zipb.
to gratify Saul, inlbrmed him that David abode
"itli them, and [assured him] that if he would
eoine to them, they would deliver him up, for
that if the king would seize on the straits of
Ziph, David nosild not esca|)e to any other
people. So the king commended them, and
confessed that he had reason to thank them,
because they had given him information of
liis enemy ; and lie promised them, th:it it
should not be long ere he would requite their
kindness. He also sent men to seek for David,
and to search the wilderness wherein he was ;
and be promised that he himself would follow
them. Accordingly they went before the king,
to hunt for and to catch David, and used en.
deavours not only to show their good-will to
Saul, by informing him where bis enemy was,
but to evidence the same more plainly by de-
livering him up into his power. But these
men failed of those their unjust and wicked
desires, who, while they underwent no hazard
by not discovering such an ambition of reveal,
ing -this to Saul, yet did they falsely accuse
and promise to deliver up a man beloved of
God, and one that was unjustly sought after
to be put to death, and one that might other-
wise have lain concealed, and this out of flat-
tery, and expectation of gain from tlu; king;
for when David was apprized of the malignant
intentions of the men of Ziph, and the approach
of Saul, he left the Straits of that country, and
kino-'s ears. Then was Saul glad when he ' fled to the great rock that was in the wilder
heard David was in Keilah : and he said, " God i ness of Maon.
place where be might bo better concealed than
anvwhere else.
CHAPTER XIII.
HOW DAVID, WHEN IIF. HAD TWICE THE OPPOR-
TUNITY OF KM.l.ING SAUL, DID NOT KILL
HIM. ALSO, CONCERNING THE DEATH Of
SAMUEL AND NABAL.
§ 1. About this time it was that David heard
how the Philistines had made an inroad into
the country of Keilah, and robbed it ; so he
offered himself to fight against them, if God,
when he should be consulted by the prophet,
would grant him the victory. And when the
prophet said that God gave a signal of victory,
he made a sudden onset upon the Philistines
with his companions, and he shed a great deal
of their blood, and carried off their prey, and
staid with the inhabitants of Keilah till they had
securely gathered in their corn and their fruits.
However, it wftstold Saul the king that David
was with the men of Keilah ; for what had
been done, and the great success that had
attended him, were not confined among the
people where the things were done, but the
fame of it went ill abroad, and came to the
Hearing of others, and boih the fact as it stood
and the author of the fact, were carried to the
hath now put him into my hands, since he hath
obliged him to come into a city that hath walls,
and gates, and bars;" so he cominanded all
the people suddenly, and, when they had be-
sieged and taken it, to kill David. But when
David ])erceived, this, and learned of God that
if be staid there the men of Keilah would de-
liver him up to Saul, he took his four hundred
men and retired into a desert that was over-
against a city called Engedi. So that when
the king heard be was fled away from the men
of Keilah, he left off his expedition against
him.
2. Tlien David removed thence, and came
to a certain place called the New Place, be-
longing to Zi])h ; where Jonathan, the son of
Saul, came to him, and saluted him, and ex-
horted him to be of good courage, and to hope
well as to his condition hereafter, and not to
despond at his present circumstances, for that
he should be king, and have all the forces of
the Hebrews under him : he told him that
such happiness uses to come with great labour
and pains: they also took oaths, that they
would, all their lives long, continue in good-
will and fidelity one to another ; and he called
God to witness as to what execrations he had
made upon himself if he should transgress bis
3. Hereupon Saul made haste to pursue
him thither; for, as he was inarching, he
learned that David was gone away from the
Straits of Ziph, and Saul removed to the other
side of the rock. But the report that the
Philistines had again made an incursion into
the country of the Hebrews, called Saul an-
other way from the pursuit of David, when
he was ready to be caught ; for he returned
back again to oppose those Philistines, who
were naturally their enemies, as judging it
more necessary to avenge himself of thitn
than to take a great deal of pains to catch an
enemy of his own, and to overlook the ravage
that was made in the land.
4. And by this means David unexpectedly
escaped out of the danger he was in, and came
to the Straits of Engedi ; and when &iul had
driven tlie Philistines out of the land, there
came some messengers, who told him that
David abode within the hounds of Engedi;
so he took three thousand chosen men that
were armed, and made haste to bim ; and
when he was not far from those places, he
saw a deep and hollow cave by the way-side ;
it was open to a great length and breadth, and
there it was that David with his four hundred
men were concealed. M'hen therefore he had
covenant, and should change to a contrary be- i occasion to ease nature, be entered into it by
haviour. So Jonathan left him there, having himself alone ; and being seen by one of Da-
rendered his cares and fears somewhat lighter, (vid's companions, and he that saw him saying
J-
CHAP. XIlI.
to liiin that he had now, by God's providence,
an opportunity of avenging himself of his ad-
versary ; and advising him to cut off his head,
and so deliver himself out of that tedious wan-
dering condition, and tlie distress he was in,
he rose up and only cut off the skirt of that
garment which Saul had on ; but he soon re-
pented of what he had done; and said it was
not right to kill him that was his master, and
one whom God had thought worthy of the
(cingdom : '' for that aliliough he were wicked-
ly disposed towards us, yet does it not behove
me to be so disposed towards him." Butwhen
Saul had left the cave, David came near and
cried out aloud, and desired Saul to hear him ;
whereupon the king turned his face back, and
David, according to custom, fell down on his
face before the king, and bowed to him ; and
said " O king, thou oughtest not to hearken
to wicked men, nor to such as forge calum-
nies, nor to gratify them so far as to believe
what they say, nor to entertain suspicions of
such as are your best friends, but to judge of
the dispositions of all men by their actions;
for calumny deludes men, but men's own ac-
tions arc a clear demonstration of their kind-
ness. Words indeed, in their own nature,
may be cither true or false, but men's actions
expose their intentions nakedly to our view. I
liy these, therefore, it will be well for thee to
believe me, as to my regard to thee and to thy |
house, and not to believe those that frame such !
accusations against me as never came into my '
mind, nor are possible to be executed, and do ;
this farther by pursuing after my life, and
have no concern either day or night, but how
to compass my life and to murder me, which i
thing I think thou dost unjustly prosecute ; :
for how comes it about that thou hast embrac-
ed this false opinion about me, as if I had a
desire to kill thee? — or how canst thou escape
the crime of impiety towards God, when thou
wishest thou couldst kill, and deemest thine ,
adversary a man who had it in his power this i
day to avenge himself, and to punish thee, '
but would not do it ? — nor make u^e of such
an opportunity, which, if it had fallen out to
thee against me, thou hadst not let it slip, for
when I cut. off the skirt of thy garment, I
could have done the same to thy head." So
he showed him the piece of his garment, and
thereby made nim agree to what he said
to be true; and added, " 1, for certain, have
abstained from taking a just revenge upon
thee, yet art thou not ashamed to prosecute
nie with unjust hatred*. May God do jus-
tice and determine about each of our disposi-
tions !" — But Saul was amazed at the strange
delivery he had received ; and, being greatly
affected with the moderation and the disposi -
* Tlie phrase in David's speecli to Saul, as set down
m Josephus, tliat lie Iiad abstained from just rovenpe,
puts niu ill mind of the hlie words in tlio Apostolical
t'oiistitutioiis, b. vii. oh. ii, " That revenge is not evil,
but that patioiiL'e is more rioiuJiir.able"
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
175
tion of the young man, he groaned ; and when
David had done the same, tlie king answered
that he had the justest occasion to groan,
" for thou hast been the author of good to
me, as I have been the author of calainity to
thee ; and thou hast demonstrated this da_v,
that thou possessest the righteousness of the
antients, who determined that men ought to
save their enemies, though they caught them
in a desert place. I ain now persuaded that
God reserves the kingdom for thee, and that
thou wilt obtain the dominion over all the
Hebrews. Give me then assurances upon
oath. That thou wilt not root out my family,
nor, out of remembrance of what evil I have
done thee, destroy my posterity, but save and
preserve my house." So David sware as he
desired, and sent back Saul to his own king-
dom ; but he, and those that were with him,
went up the Straits of Mastheroth.
5. About this time Samuel the prophet
died. He was a inan whom the Hebrews ho-
noured in an extraordinary degree ; for that
lamentation which the people made for him,
and this during a long time, manifested his
virtue, and the affection which the people bore
for him ; as also did the solemnity and concern
that appeared about his funeral, and about the
complete observation of all his funeral rites.
They buried him in his own city of Ramah ;
and wept for him a very great number of days,
not looking on it as a sorrow for the death of
another man, but as that in which they were
every one themselves concerned. He was a
righteous man, and gentle in his nature; and
on that account he was very dear to God.
Now he governed and presided over the peo-
ple alone, after the death of Eli the high-
priest, twelve years, and eighteen years toge-
ther with Saul the king. And thus we have
finished the history of Samuel.
6. There was a man that was a Ziphite, of
the city of Maon, who was rich, and had a
vast number of cattle ; for he fed a flock of
three thousand sheep, and another flock of a
thousand goats. Now David had charged his
associates to keep these flocks without hurt
and witliout damage, and to do them no mis-
chief, neitl^er out of covelousness, nor because |
they were in want, nor because they were in
the wilderness, and so could not easily be dis-
covered, but to esteem freedom ftom injustice
above all other motives, and to look upon the
touching of what belonged to another man as
a horrible crime, and contrary to the will of
God. Tliese were the instructions he gave,
thinking that the favours he granted this man
were granted to a good man, and one that de-
served to have such care taken of his aflairs.
This man was Nabal, for that was his name
— a harsh man, and of a very wicked life;
being like a cynic in the course of his beha-
viour, but still had obtained for his wife a wo.
man of a good character, w ise and handbOine,
To this Nabal, therefore, David sent ten men
r
178
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK VI
of his attendants at the time when Jie Blieared
hTs sheep, and by tliem saluted him ; and also
wished he might do what he now did for many
years to come, but desired iiiin to make iiim a
present of what he was able to give him, since
he had, to be sure, learned from his shepherds
that we had done them no injury, but had been
their guardians a long time together, while we
continued in the wilderness ; and he assured
him he should never repent of giving any
thing to David. When the messengers had
carried this message to Nabal, he accosted
them after an inhuman and rough manner ;
for he asked them who David was ? and when
he heard that he was the son of Jesse, he said,
" Nov/ is the time that fugitives grow inso-
lent, and make a figure, and leave their mas-
ters." Wiien thoy told David this, he was
wroth, and commanded four hundred armed
men to follow him, and left two hundred to
take care of the stuff (for he had already six
hundred *), and went against Nabal : ke also
swore that he would that night utterly destroy
the whole house and possessions of Nabal ;
for tliat he was grieved, not only that he had
proved ungrateful to them, without making
any return for the humanity they had shown
him, but that he had also reproached them,
and used ill language to them, when he had
received no cause of disgust from them.
7. Hereupon one of those that kept the
flocks of Nabal, said to his mistress, Nabal's
wife, that when David sent to her husband be
had received no civil answer at all from him ;
but that her husband had moreover added very
reproachful language, while yet David had
taken extraordinary care to keep his flocks
fiom harm, and that what had passed would
prove very pernicious to his master. When
the servant had said this, Abigail, for that was
his wife's name, saddled her asses, and loaded
them with all sorts of presents ; and, without
telling her husband any thing of what she was
about (for he was not sensible on account of
his drunkenness), she went to David. She
was then met by David as she was descending
a hill, who was coming against Nabal with
four hundred men. When the woman saw
Duvid, she leaped down from her ass, and fell
on her face, and tiowed down to the ground ;
ind entreated him not to bear in mind the
words of Nabal, since he knew that he re-
sembled his name. Now Nabal, in the He-
brew tongue, signifiesyi)/(y. So she made her
apology, that she did not see the messengers
whom he sent. " Forgive me, therefore,"
said she, " and thank God, who hath hindered
* The number of men that came first to David, arc
distini'tly in Josephus and in our coiiinion copies, but
four hundred. When he was at KeiUh still but four
hundred, both in .losephus and iu the Ixxii ; but six
hundred in our Hebrew copies (1 8ani. xxiii, 1.3; see
XXX, y, 10). Now the six lumdied tlicre mentirmed are
here estimated by .1omi)1uis to have Ijcen so many, only
by an aiiBnieutalion ol two hundred afterwavd, which I
»upiH)se i-i the true solution of this seem:ng disagrcc-
thee from shedding human blood; for so long
as thou keejiest thyself innocent, he will avenge
thee of wicked inen,f for what miseries await
Nabal, they will fall upon the heads of thine
enenn'es. Be thou gracious to me, and think
me so far worthy as to accept of these presents
from me ; and, out of regard to nre, remit that
wrath and that anger which thou hast against
my husband and his house, for mildness and
humanity become thee, especially as thou art
to be our king." Accordingly David accept-
ed her presents, and said, " Nay, but, O wo-
man, it was no other than God's mercy which
brought thee to us to-day ; for, otherwise, thoa
hadst never seen another day, I having sworn
to destroy Nabal's house this very night, | and
to leave alive not one of you xvho belonged to
a man that was wicked and ungrateful to me
and my companions ; but now hast thou pre-
vented me, and seasonably mollified mj' an-
ger, as being thyself under the care of God's
providence: but as for Nabal, although for thy
sake he now escape punishment, he will not
always avoid justice ; for his evrl conduct, on
some other occasion, will be his ruin."
8. When David had said this, he dismissed
the woman. But when she came home and
found her husband feasting with a great com-
pany, and oppressed with wine, she said no
thing to him then about what had ha))pened ;
but on the next day, when he was sober, she
told him all the particidars, and made his
whole body to appear like that of a dead man
by her words, and by that grief which arose
from them ; so Nabal survived ten days, and
no more, and then died. And when David
heard of his death, he said that God had justly
avenged him of this man, for that Nabal had
died by his own wickedness, and had suffered
punishment on his account, while he had kept
his own hands clean. At which time he un-
derstood that the wicked are prosecuted by
God ; that he does not overlook any man,
but bestows on the good what is sm'table to
them, and inflicts a deserved punishment on
the wicked. So he sent to Nabal's wife, and
invited her to come to him, to live with him,
and to be his wife. Whereupon she replied
to Uiose that came, that she was not worthy
+ In this and the two next sections, wc may peropive
how Josephus, nay, how Abigail herself, would under-
stand, the " not avenging ourselves, bvit heiiping eciK
of fire on the head of the injurious" (Prov. xxv, 22;
Rom. xii, 20) ; not a^ we commonly do now, of raoi-
ing them into kindness, but of leaving them to the judg-
ment of God, " to whom vengeance belongeth" (lleut.
xxxii, 55 ; Psal. xciv, 1 ; Hcb. x, 3i ), and who will take
venfjeaiic-e on the wicked. And since aH God's judgments
arc just, and all tit to be executed, and all at length foi
the good of the persons punished, 1 incline to think that
to be the meaning of this phrase of •' heaping coals ol
fire on their heads."
X We may note here, that how sacred <oever an oath
was esteemed among the jieople of (iod in old times,
they did not think it obligatory where the action was
tlainlv unlawful. I or so we see it was in this case ot
lavid', who, although he had sworn to destroy Nalxrl and
his family, yet does he here, and 1 Sam. xxv, .32, — jI,
bless God'for nreventir.g his keeping bis o;ith, .-urd fror»
she<iding of blood jis lie hid sworn to di^
J~
X
CHAP. XHI.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
177
to touch his feet -, however, she came, with
all l)er servants, and became his wife, having
received tliat honour on account of her wise
and righteous course of life. She also ob-
tained tlie same honour partly on account of
her beauty. Now David had a wife before,
whom he married from the city A!>esar ; for
as to Michal, tlie daughter of king Saul, wiio
had been Davia s wife, her father had given
her in marriage to Phalti, the son of Laish,
who was of the city of Gallim.
9. After this came certain of the Ziphites,
and told Saul that David was come again in-
to their country, and, if he would afl'ord them
his assistance, they could catch him. So he
came to them with three thousand armed
men ; and upon the approach of night, he
pitched his camp at a certain place called Ha-
chilah. But when David heard that Saul was
coming against him, he sent spies, and bid
them let him know to what place of the coun-
try Saul was already come ; and when they
told him that he was at Hacliilali, he conceal-
ed his going away from his companions, and
came to Saul's camp, having taken with him
Abishai, his sister Zeruiah's son, and Aliime-
lech the Hittite. Now Saul was asleep, and
tlie armed men, with Abner their commander,
lay round about him in a circle. Hereupon
David entered into the king s tent , but he
did neither kill Saul, thougli he knew where
he lay, by the spear that was stuck down by
him, nor did he give leave to Abishai, who
would have killed him, and was earnestly
bent upon it so to do; for he said it was a
horrid crime to kill one that was ordained
king by God, although he was a wicked man ;
for that he who gave him the dominion would
in time inflict punishment upon him. So he
restrained his eagerness : but that it might
appear to have been in his power to have
killed him when he refrained from it, he
took his spear, and the cruse of water whicli
stood by Saul as he lay asleep, without bning
perceived by any in the camp, who were all
asleep, and went securely away, liaving per-
formed every thing among the king's atten-
dants that tlie opportunity afforded, and his
boldness enc^ouraged him to do. So when
he had passed over a brook, and was gotten
up to the top of a hill, whence he might be
sufficiently heard, he cried aloud to Saul's
soldiers, and to Abner their commander, and
awaked them out of tlieir sleep, and called
both to him and to the people. Hereupon
the commander heard him, and asked who it
was that called him. To whom David re-
plied, — " It is I, the son of Jesse, whom you
make a vagabond. But what is the matter ?
Dost thou, that art a man of so great dignity,
and of the first rank in the king's court, take
so little care of thy master's body ? and is
sleep of more consequence to thee tliaii liis
preservation and tliy care of him ? This ne-
gligence of yours deserx'es death, and punish-
■"v__
ment to be inflicted on you, who never per-
ceived when, a little while ago, some of us
entered into your c.^mp, nay, as far as to the
king himself, and to all the rest of you. If
tliou look for the king's spear and his cruse
of water, thou wilt learn what a mighty mis-
fortune was ready to overtake you in your very
camp without your knowing it." Now when
Saul knew David's voice, and understood that
when he had him in his power while he was
asleep, and his guards took no care of him,
yet did not he kill him, but spared him, when
he might justly have cut him off, he said that
he owed him thanks for his preservation ; and
exhorted him to be of good courage, and not
be afraid of suffering any mischief from him
any more, and to return to his own home, for
lie was now persuaded that he did not love
himself so well as he was loved by him : that
he had driven away him that could guard
him, and had given many demonstrations of
Ills good-will to him : that he had forced him
to live so long in a state of banishment, and
in great fears of his life, destitute of his friends
and his kindred, while still he was often saved
by him, and frequently received his life again
when it was evidently in danger of perishing.
So David l)ade them send for the spear and
the cruse of water, and take them back ; add-
ing this withal, That God would be the judge
of both their dispositions, and of the actions
that flowed from the same, " who knows that
when it was this day in my power to have
killed thee, I abstained frojn it."
10. Thus Saul having escaped the hands
of David twice, he went his way to his royal
palace, and his own city : but David was
afraid, that if he staid there he should be
caught by Saul ; so fie thought it better to
go up into the land of the Philistines and
abide there. Accordingly he came with the
six hundred men that were with him to Ach-
isli, the king of Gatii, which was one of their
five cities. Now the king received both him
and his men, and gave them a place to inhabit
in. He had with him also his two wives,
Ahinoam and Abigail ; and he dwelt in Gath.
But when Saul heard this, he took no farther
care about sending to him, or going after him,
because he had been twice in a manner caught
by him, while he was himself endeavouring to
catch him. However, David had no mind to
continue in the city of Gath, but desired the
king, that since he had received him with
such humanity, that he would grant him ano-
ther favour, and bestow upon him some place
of that country for his ha'oitalion, for he was
ashamed, by living in the city, to be grievous
and burdensome to him. So Achish gave
him a cenain village calJed Ziklag; whicti
place David and his sons were fond of when
he was king, and reckoned it to be their p«*.
culiar inheritance. But about those matters
we shall give the reader farther information
elsewhere. Now the lime that David dwell
J
178
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK VI
In Ziklag, in the land of the Philistines, was
four inontlis and twenty clays. And now he
privately attacked those Geshurites and Aiiia-
lekites that were neighbours to the Philistines,
and laid waste their country, and took niuch
prey of their beasts and camels, and then re-
turned home ; but David abstained from the
men, as fearing they should discover him to
king Achish ; yet did he send part of the
prey to him as a i'rvii gift. And when the
king inquired whom they liad attacked when
tliey brought away the prey, he said, those
tliat lay to the south of the Jews, and inlia-
bited in the plain ; whereby he persuaded
Achish to api)rove of what he had done, for
lie hoped that David had fought against his
own nation, and that now he should have
him for his servant all his life long, and that
he would stay in his country.
when God did not answer him, Saul was un.
der a still greater dread, and his courage fell,
foreseeing, as wis but reasonable to su|)i)ose,
that mischief would befal liim, now God was
not tliere to assist him ; yet did he bid his ser-
vants to enquire out iijr him some woman that
was a necromancer, and called up the souls
of the dead, that so he migiit know whether
his affairs would succeed to his mind ; for this
sort of necromantic women that bring up the
souls of the dead, do by them fortell fuluio
events to such as desire them. And one of
his servants told him that there was such a
woman in the city Endor, but was known to
nobody in the camp ; hereupon S.iul put oS
his royal apparel, and took two of those his
servants with him, whom he knew to be most
faithful to him, and came to Endor to the
woman, and entreated her to act the part of a
fortune-teller, and to bring up such a soul to
him as he should name to her. But when
the woman opposed his motion, and said. She
CHAPTER XIV, did not despise the king, who had banished
this sort of fortune-tellers, and that he did not
HOW SAUL, UPON GOd's NOT ANSWF.RING Hlfl ! do well himself, when she had done him no
CONCERNING THE FIGHT WITH THE PHILIS- 1 harm, to endeavour to lay a snare for her, and
TINES, DESIRED A NECROMANTIC WOMAN TO
IIAISE UP THE SOUL OF SAMUEL TO HIM ;
AND HOW HE DIED, WITH HIS SONS, UPON
THE OVERTHROW OF THE HEBREWS IN BAT-
TLE.
§ 1, About the same time the Philistines re-
to discover that she exercised a forbidden art,
in order to procure her to be punished, — he
sware that nobody should know what she did ;
and that he would not tell any one else what
she foretold, but that she should incur no
danger. As soon as he had induced her bv
this oath to fear no harm, he bade her bring
solved to make war against the Israelites, and : up to him the soul of Samuel. Si;e nut know-,
sent to all their confederates that they would i ing who Samuel was, called him out of
go along with them to the war to Reggan,
[near the city Shunem], whence they might
gather themselves together and suddenly at-
tack the Hebrew s. Then dia Achish, the king
of Gath, desire David to assist them with his
armed men against the Hebrews. This he
readily promised ; and said that the time was
now come wherein he might requite him for
his kindness and hos|)itality ; so the king pro-
mised to make him the keeper of his body after
tire victory, supposing that the battle with tlie
enemy succeeded to their mind ; which pro-
mise of honour and confidence he made on
purpose to increase his zeal for his service.
2. Now Saul, the king of the Hebrews, had
cast out of the country the fortune-lellers, and
the necromancers, and all such as eiercistd
the like arts, excepting the prophets ; but
when he heard that the Philistines were al-
ready come, and had pitched their camp near
the city Shunem, situate in the plain, he made
haste to oppose them with his forces ; and
when he was come to a certain mountain called
Gilboa, he pitched his camp over-against the
enemy ; but when he saw the enemy's army
he was greatly troubled, because it apjieared
to him to be numerous, an-d si;perior to his
own ; and he enquired of God by tlie prophets
concerning the battle, that he might know be-
forehand «liat would be the event of it; and
Hades. When he ajjpeared, and the woman
saw one that was venerable, and of a divine
form, she was in disorder, and, being astonish-
ed at the sight, she said, — " Art not thou
king Saul ?" for Samuel had informed her
who he was. When he had owned that to be
true, and had asked her whence her disorder
arose, she said, that she saw a certain person
ascend, who in his form was like to a god.
And when he bid her tell him what he re-
sembled, in v\hat habit he appeared, and of
what age he was, she told him he was an old
man already, and of a glorious personage, and
had on a sacerdotal mantle. So the king dis-
covered by these signs that he was Samuel;
and he fell down upon the ground and saluted,
and worshipped him. And when the soul of
Samuel asked him w hy he had disturbed him,
and caused him to be brought up, he lamented
the necessity he was under ; for he said, that
his enemies pressed heavily upon him ; that
he was in distress what to do in his present
circumstances ; that he was forsaken of God,
and could obtain no prediction of what was
coming, neitiier by prophets nor by dreams;
and that " these were the reasons why 1 have
recourse to thee, who always tookest c re of
me." But • Samuel, seeing that the end of
• This history of Saul's consultation, not wi'h a \vitfh,
as \vf render tlie Hebrew Wi)rd here, but witl' a iicer'.^-
J
CHAI'. XIV.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEAVS.
179
^
Saul's life was come, said, — " It is in vain for
tliee to desire to learn of me any thing farther,
when God hath forsaken thee : however, hear
what I say, tliat David iS to be king, and to
finish this war witii good success; and thou
art to lose thy dominion and tliy life, because
tliou didst not obey God in the war with tiie
Amalekites, and liast not kept bis command-
ments, as I foretold thee while I was alive.
Know, therefore, that the people shall be made
subject to their enemies, and that thou, witli
thy sons, shall fall in the battle to-morrow,
and thou shalt then be with me [in Hades]."
3. When Siuil heard tiiis, he could not
speak for grief, and fell down on the floor,
whether it were from the sorrow that arose
upon what Samuel had said, or from his emp-
tiness, for he had taken no food the forego-
ing day nor night, he easily fell quite down :
and when with difficulty he had recovered
himself, the woman would force him to eat,
begging this of him as a favour on account of
her concern in that dangerous instance of for-
tune-telling, which it was not lawful for her to
have done, because of the fear she was under of
tile king, while she knew not wlio he was, yet
did she undertake it, and go through with it;
on which account she entreated him to admit
•.hat a table and food might be set before him,
th;it he might recover his strenglli, and so get
safe to his own camp. And when he oppos-
ed her motion, and entirely rejected it, by rea-
son of his anxiety, she forced him, and at last
persuaded bun to it. Now she iiad one calf
tliat she was very fond of, and one that she
took a great deal of care of, and fed it herself,
for she was a woman that got her living by
the labour of her own hands, and had no other
possession but that one calf; this she killed,
and made ready its flesh, and set it before his
servants and himself. So Saul came to the
camp while it was yet night.
4. Now it is but just to recommend the ge-
nerosity of this woman, * because when the
king had forbidden her to use that art whence
her circumstances were bettered and improved,
and when she had never seen the king before,
she stili did not remember to his disadvantage
that he had condemned her sort of learning,
and did not Refuse him as a stranger, and one
mancer, as the whole iiistary shows, is easily understood,
especially if *c consult the Hecocnitions of Clemciit, b.
i. chap. V, ai large, and more oriefly, and nearer the
days of Samuel, Kecius. xlvi. 20. " Samuel pronhifsietl
after his death, and .-.howed the kini; his end, and lift up
his voice fiom the earlli in prophcoy," to blot out " the
wickedne"!^ of the people." Nor does the exactness of
the accomplishment of tl-.is pred'iction, the very next day.
permit us to suppi 'se any imposition upon t>aul in the
present history ; for al.-o' all moiiern hypotheses against
the natural seiise of sueh ancient and authentic histo-
ries I take them to be of v<'ry small \aluc or consider-
ation.
* These great commendations of thLi necromantic
jfoman of Kndor, and of ;-aurs martial courage, when
vet he knew he should die in the battle, are somewhat
unusual digressions in .losephus. They seem to me
extracted from >,oine speeches or deL-lainations of his
that she had had no acquaintance witli ; but
she had compassion upon him, and comforted
him, and exhorted him to do what he was
greatly averse to, and offered him the only
creature she had, as a poor woman, and that
earnestly, and with great hum:inity, while she
bad no requital made her for her kindness,
nor hunted after any future favour from him,
for she knew he was to die ; whereas men are
naturally either ambitious to please those that
bestow benefits upon them, or are very ready
to serve those from whom they may receive
:-.ome advantage. It would be well therefore
to imitate the example of this woman, and to
do kindnesses to all such as are in want; and
to think that nothing is better, nor more be-
coming mankind, than such a general benefi-
cence, nor wliat will sooner render God fa-
voural)le, and ready to bestow good things
upon us. And so far may sufHce to have
spoken concerning this woman. But I shall
speak farther upon another subject, which
will afford me an opportunity of discoursing
on what is for the advantage of cities, and
people, and nations, and suited to tlie taste of
good men, and will encourage them all in th«
prosecution of virtue, and is capable of show-
ing them the method of acquiring glory, and
an everlasting fame; and of imprinting in
the kings of nations, and the rulers of cities,
great inclination and diligence of doing well •
as also of encouraging them to undergo dan-
gers, and to die for their countries, and of in-
structing them how to despise all the mos*
terrible adversities ; and I have a fair occa-
sion offered me to enter on such a discourse
by Saul the king of the Hebrews ; for al-
tliough he knew what was coining upon him,
and that he was to die immediately by the
prediction of the prophet, he did not resolve
to fly from death, nor so far to indulge the
love of life as to betray his ovvn people to the
enemy, or to bring a disgrace on his royal
dignity ; but, exposing himself, as well as all
his family and children to dangers, bethought
it a brave tiling to fall together with them, as
he was fighting for his subjects, and that it
was better his sons should die thus, showing
their courage, than to leave them to their un-
certain conduct afterward, while, instead of
succession and posterity, they gained com-
mendation and a lasting name. Such a one
alone seems to me to be a just, a courageous,
and a prudent man ; and when any one Ikis
arrived at these dispositions, or shall hereaf-
ter arrive at them, he is the man that ouglit
to be by all honoured with the testimony of a
virtuous or courageous man ; for as to those that
go out to war with hopes of success, and that
they shall return safe, supposing they should
have performed some glorious action, I think
those do not do well who call those valiant
men, as so many historians, and other writers
h';';i''=?wl'i^'h?'}-''-'*,/n"M''';V"" "''■!'"^' "tf^'V^y who treat of thJm are wont to do, although I
mm, and which he thought lit to insert upon this octa- 1 ,. , . , °
ugl
lioa. See before oii Antiti b. i cli.
ct>nfess those do iust'y deserve some comraeo-
^
J-
"V
182
ANTIQUITIKS OF THE JKWS.
tlu'tn, l)ccausf of llii'ir great courage ; so the i cording to llio |)r()])li(ry of Sainiicl, l)fcauso he
people of .labosh uepl all in general, atul ' disobeyed tlieeoinmai)(ls()f(Joi.l about the Ama-
buried tlieir l)odies in the best place of llieir ] lekites, and on the account of bis destroying
counlr\', wliicli was called Aroura ; and tlioy the family of Ahinielech, the high-priest, with
observeil a public inouniiug for lliein seven Ahinielech himself, and the city of the high-
days, with tiieir wives and diildren, l>oating priests. Now Saul, when he liad reigricd
llieir breasts, and lanienting die king and his eighteen years while Samuel was alive, and
sons, without tasting either meat or drink* after his death two [and twenty j, ended hi!>
[till the evening], | life in diis manner.
9. To this his sad end did Saul come, qc- j
BOOK VII.
COXTAIMNG THE INTERVAL OF FOUTY YEARS.
FROM THE DEATH OF SAUL TO THE DEATH OF DAVID.
CHAPTER I.
HOW DAVID REIGNED OVER ONE TRIDE AT HE-
BRON, WHILE THE SON OF SAUL REIGNED
OVER THE REST OF THE MULTITUDE; AND
riOW, IN THE CIVIL WAR WHICH THEN
AROSE, ASAHEL AND ABNER WERE SLAIN.
§ 1. This fight proved to be on the same day
whereon David was come back to Ziklag,
after he had overcome the Amalekites. Now
when he had been already two days at Zik-
lag, there came to him the man who slew-
Saul, which was the third day after the fight.
He had escaped out of the battle whicii the
Israelites had with the Philistines, and had
his clothes rent, and ashes upon his head.
And when he made his obeisance to David,
he inquired of him whence ho came. He
replieil, from the battle of the Israelites : and
he informed him that the end of it was unfor-
tunate, many ten thousands of the Israelites
liaving been cut off', and Saul, together wiili
• This wav of spca' iiiR in Joscphus, of " fasting
»cvc-ii (lays wiihout meat or drink," is almost like- lli.ic
of St. I'aul, Acts xxvii, ."3: " This day is the lour-
tu-nth (lav that ye have tarried and contimicd fa tiiip,
liaving taken rolhing ;" and as the nature of the tliiiii;,
and the impiissibility of strictly fasting so lonR, rcimirc
us here to undeisLniid lioth Josephiis and the siu'rcd mi-
thor of this liis!iiry, 1 Sam. xxx, l.'i, from whence he
took it, of only fasting till the evening ; so must we
understand St I'aal, cither that this was really the
fourteenth day of their tempestuous weather iii the
Adriatic Sea, as ver. i.'7, and that on this fourteenth
day alone they had continued fasiing, and had Uikcn
nothing liefore the evening The meiilioii of their long
abstinein'c, ver. 'Jl, inehiies me to believe the former
cxplitation to \k the truth, and that the case w.as thi-n
for a forti.iglit what it was here for a week, that they
kept all those davs entirely as fasts till the evening;, but
oot lonjjer. Sec'Judg. xx, i'(i; xxi, •; I Sam. xiv, Xl|
• ftam. I, I? ; Antiq. b. vii, clia|>. vii, teeU 4.
bis sons, slain. He also said that lie could
well give him this information, because he
was present at the victory gained over the
Hebrews, and was with the king when he
fled. Nor did he deny that he bad himself
slain the king, when he v. as ready to be taken
by the oncmv, and he himself exhorted him
to do it, because, when he was fallen on his
sword, his great wounds had made him so
weak that he was not able to kill himself. He
also produced demonstrations that the king
was slain, which were the golden bracelets
that had been on the king's arms, and his
crown, whicli ho had taken away from Saul's
dead body, and had brought them to him. So
David having no longer room to call in ques-
tion the truth of what he said, liut seeing most
evident marks that Saul was dead, he rent his
garments, and continued all that day, with his
companions, in weejiing and lamentation. 'I'his
grief was augmented by the consideration of
Jonathan, the son of S.iu!, who had been his
most faithful frienil, and the occasion of his
own deliverance. He also demonstrated him-
self to have such great virtue, and such great
kindness for Saul, as not only to take his death
to heart, though he had been frequently in
danger of losing his life by his nuuns, but to
])uiiish him that slew him : for wlien David
had said to him, that he was become his own
accuser, as the very man who had slain the
king, and when he understood that he was the
son of an Anialekite, be commanded hiiri to
be slain. He also committed to wilting some
j lamentations and funeral comniendalions of
I Saul and Jonathan, whicli have conunued to
j my own age.
1 2. Now wl'.cn David liad paid tliei>« luv
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
183
nours to tli^ king, he left off his mourning, too hard for men, but is reported to have over-
and inquired of God, by the prophet, which run a horse, when they had a race together,
of the cities of the tiibe of Jii<Kih he wouhl This Asahel ran violently after Abner, and
bestow upon him to dwell in ; wiio answered \fould not turn in the least out of the straight
that he bestowed upi»n liim Hebron. So he ; \»;»y, either to the one side or to the other,
left Ziklag and came to Hebron, and took Hereupon Abner turned back, and attempted
witli liim his wives, who were in number Uto, ' artfully to avoid his violence. Sometimes he
and his armed men; whereupon all tlie people bade him leave otF the pursuit, and take the
of the forementioned tribe came to him, and
ordained him their king. But when he heard
that the inhabitants of Jal)esh-Gilead had bu-
ried Saul and his sons i honourablyl, he sent
t.) tliem and commended them, and took what
they had done kindly, and promised to make
them amends for their care ot those that were
dead ; and at the same time he informed them
that the tribe of Judah had chosen him for
their king.
3. But as soon as Aimer, the son of Ner,
who was general of Saul's army, and a very
active man, and good-natured, knew that the
king and Jonathan, and liis two other sons,
were fallen in the battle, he made haste into
the camp ; and, taking away with him the re
maining son of Saul, whose name was Ish-
bosheth, he passed over to the land beyond
Jordan, and ordained him the king of tiie
whole multitude, excepting the tribe of Ju-
dah ; and made his royal seat in a place called
in our language Mahanaim, but in the lan-
guage of the Grecians, Tlie Camps; frotn
whence Abner made haste with a select body
of soldiers, to fight with such of the tribe of
Judah as were disposed to it, for he was angry
that this tribe had set up David for their king;
but Joab, whose father was Suri, and his mo-
ther Zeruiah, David's sister, who was general
of David's army, met him, according to Da-
vid's appointment. He had with him his bre-
thren, Abishai and Asahel, as also all David's
armed men. Now when he met Abner at a cer-
tain fountain, in the city of Gibeon, he prepar-
ed to fight ; and when Abner said to him tliat
he had a mind to know which of them had the
more valiant soldiers, it was agreed between
tliem that twelve soldiers of each side should
fight together. So those that were chosen out
by both the generals for this fight, came be-
tween the two armies, and throwing their
lances one against the other, they drew their
swords, and catching one another by the head,
they held one another fast, and ran each other's
swords into their sides and groins, until they
all, as it were by mutual agreement, perished
together. When these were fallen down dead,
the rest of the army came to a sore battle, and
Abner's men were beaten ; and when they
were beaten, Joab did not leave off pursuing
them, but he pressed upon them, and excited
the soldiers to follow them close, and not to
grow weary of killing them. His brethren
also pursued them with great alacrity, especi-
ally the younger Asahel, who was the most
armour of one of his soldiers ; and sometimes,
when he could not persuade him so to do, he
exhorted him to restrain himself, and not to
pursue him any longer, lest he should force
him to kill him, and he shouhl then not be
able to look his brother in the face; but when
Asahel woiald not admit of any persuasions,
but still continued to pursue him, Abner smote
him with his spear, as he held it in his flight,
and that by a back-stroke, and gave him a
deadly wound, so that he died immediately;
but those that were vvith him pursuing Abner,
when they came to the place where Asahel lay,
they stood round about the dead body, and
left otf the pursuit of the enemy. However,
both Joab * himself, and his brother Abishai,
ran past the dead corpse, and making tiieir
anger at the death of Asahel an occasion of
greater zeal against Abner, they went on with
incredible haste and alacrity, and pursued
Abner to a certain place called Ammah : it
was about sun-set. Then did Joab ascend a
certain hill, as he stood at that place, having
the tribe of Benjamin with him, whence he
took a view of them, and of Abner also,
Hereupon Abner cried aloud, and said tliat i*
was not fit that they should irritate men of the
same nation to fight so bitterly one against
another; that as for Asahel his brother, he was
himself in the wrong, when he would not hi
advised by him not to pursue him any farther,
which was the occasion of his wounding and
death. So Joab consented to what he said,
and accepted these words as an excuse [about
Asahel], and called the soldiers back with the
sound of the trumpet, as a signal for their
retreat, and thereby put a stop to any farther
pursuit. After which Joab pitched his camp
there that night; but Abner marched all that
night, and passed over the river Jordan, and
came to Ishbosheth, Saul's son, to Maiianaim.
On the next day Joab counted the dead men,
and took care of all their funerals. Now there
were slain of Abner's soldiers about three
iiundred and sixty ; but of those of David
nineteen, and Asahel, whose body Joab and
Abishai carried to Bethlehem ; and when they
had buried him in the sepulchre of their fa
thers, they came to David to Hebron. From
this time, therefore, they began an intestine
war, which lasted a great while, in which the
followers of David grew stronger in the dang-
ers they underwent ; and the servants and sub-
» It ought to be here noted that Joab, Abishai, ana
eminent of them. He was very famous for I Asahel. were all three David;s nephews, the sons of lus
,. .. c c r 1^ 11 sister Zeruiah, as 1 Chron. u, IC; and that Amasa was
bis swUlaess ol toot, tor he could not only be [also his nephew by his other sister Abigail, ver. 17
-/"
J-
182
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
tliem, because of tlitir gtcat courage; so tlie j
people of .labosli wept all in gciieiai, and \
i)urie(l tlitir bodies in the l)t!St jjlace of their
countiy, wiiich was calleil Aroura ; and they j
observed a ))iiblic mourning for them seven
days, with their wives and children, Ixeating
their breasts, and lamenting the king and his
sons, without fasting either meat or drink*
[till the evening].
9. To thii his sad end did Saul come, ac-
cording to the prophecy of Samuel, because he
disobeyed the commands of God about the Ama-
lekitus, and on the account of his destroying
the family of Ahimelcch, the high-priest, with
Ahimelech himself, and the city of the high-
priests. Now Saul, when he had reigned
eighteen years while Samuel was alive, and
after his death two [and twenty], ended his
life in lliis manner.
BOOK VII.
CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF FORTY YEARS.
FROM THE DEATPI OF SAUL TO THE DEATH OF DAVID.
CHAPTER I.
HOW DAVID REIGNED OVER ONE TRIBE AT HE-
BRON, WHILE THE SON OF SAUL REIGNED
OVER THE RF.ST OF THE MULTITUDE; AND
riOW, IN THE CIVIL WAR WHICH THEN
AROSE, ASAHEL AND ABNER WERE SLAIN.
§ I. This fight proved to be on the same day
whereon David was come back to Ziklag,
after he had overcome the Amalekites. Now
when he had been already two days at Zik-
lag, there came to him the m.an who slew
Saul, which was the third day after the fight.
He had escaped out of the battle which the
Israelites had with the Philistines, and had
his clothes rent, and ashes upon his head.
And when he made his obeisance to David,
he inquired of him whence he came. He
replied, from the battle of the Israelites : and
he informed him that the end of it was unfor-
tunate, many ten thousands of the Israelites
having been cut off, and Saul, together with
« This way of spea'iiig in Joseplius, of " fasting
seven (l:iys wiLlKuit meat or drink," is almost liivc that
of St. I'aiil, Acts xxvii, 33: "This day is the four-
teonth day that ye have tarried and continued fating,
having taken nothing ;" and as the nature of the thing,
and the impossibility of strictly fasting so long, renuire
us here to understand botli Josephus and the sacreu au-
thor of this historv, I t<am. xxx, 13, from whence he
took it, of only fasting till the evening ; so must we
understand St Paul, either that this was really the
fourteenth day of their tempestuous weather in the
Adriatic Sea, as ver. '■11, and that on this fourteenth
day alone they had continued fasting, and had Uiktn
nothing before the evening The mention of their long
abstinence, ver. i'l, inclines me to believe the former
explication to Ik- the truth, and that the case was then
for a fortnight v.hat it was here for a week, that they
kept all those davs entirely as fasts till the evening, but
not longer. See'Judg. xx, 1"6 ; xxi, 2; 1 Sam. xiv, 2-1 ;
S Siim. I, 12 J Antiq. b. vii, chap, vii, sect. 4.
his sons, slain. He also said that he could
well give him this information, because he
was present at the victory gained over the
Hebrews, and was with the king when he
fled. Nor did he deny that he had himself
slain the king, when he was ready to be taken
by the enemy, and he himself exhorted him
to do it, because, when he was fallen on his
sword, his great wounds had made him so
weak that he was not able to kill himself. He
also produced demonstrations that the king
was slain, which were the golden bracelets
that had been on the king's arms, and his
crown, which he had taken away from Saul's
dead body, and had brought them to him. So
David having no longer room to call in ques-
tion the truth of what he said, but seeing most
evident marks that Saul was dead, he rent his
garments, and continued all that day, with his
companions, in weeping and lamentation. This
grief was augmented by the consideration of
Jonathan, the son of S.iul, who had been his
most faithful friend, and the occasion of his
own deliverance. He also demonstrated him-
self to have such great virtue, and such great
kindness for Saul, as not only to take his death
to heart, though he had been frequently in
danger of losing his life by his means, but to
punish him that slew hiin : for when David
had said to him, that he was become his own
accuser, as the very man who had slain the
king, and when he understood that he was tlie
son of an Amalekite, he comnianded him lo
be slain. He also committed to writing son'.e
lamentations and funeral commendations of
Saul and Jonathan, which have continued to
my own age.
1. Now wl;en David had paid these Inv
V.
y
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
183
noiirs to th^ king, he left off his mourning, too hard for men, but is reported to have over-
and inquired of God, by the prophet, wliich run a horse, %%hen they had a race togetlier.
of the cities of tlie tribe of Judah he would Tliis Asahel ran violently after Abner, and
bestow upon him to dwell in ; who answered \fould not turn in the least out of the straight
'.hat he bestowed upan him Hebron. So he w;»y, either to the one side or to the other,
left Ziklag and came to Hebron, and took Hereupon Abner turned back, and attempted
with him his wives, who were in number txto, artfully to avoid his violence. Sometimes he
and bis armed men ; whereupon all the people bade him leave off the pursuit, and take the
of the forementioned tribe came to him, and ] armour of one of his soldiers ; and sometimes,
ordained him their king. But when he heard when he could not persuade him so to do, be
that the inhabitants of Jabesh-Gilead had bu-
ried Saul and his sons i honourably"', he sent
t.) tliem and commended them, and took what
they had done kindly, and promised to make
them amends for their care ot those that were
dead ; and at the same time he informed them
that the tribe of Judah had chosen him for
their king.
3. But as soon as Abner, the son of Ner,
who was general of Saul's army, and a very
active man, and good-natured, knew that the
king and Jonathan, and liis two other sons,
were fallen in the battle, he made haste into
the camp ; and, taking away with him the re
maining son of Saul, whose name was Ish-
bosheth, he passed over to the land beyond
Jordan, and ordained him the king of the
whole multitude, excepting the tribe of Ju-
dah ; and made his royal seat in a place called
in our language Mahanaim, but in the lan-
guage of the Grecians, Tlie Camps ; from
whence Abner made haste with a select body
of soldiers, to fight with such of the tribe of
Judah as were disposed to it, for he was angry
that this tribe had set up David for their king;
but Joab, whose father was Suri, and his mo-
ther Zeruiah, David's sister, who was general
of David's army, met him, according to Da-
vid's appointment. He had with him his bre-
thren, Abishai and Asahel, as also all David's
armed men. Now when he met Abner at a cer-
tain fountain, in the city of Gibeon, he prepar-
ed to fight ; and when Abner said to him that
he had a mind to know which of them had the
more valiant soldiers, it was agreed between
tlicm that twelve soldiers of each side should
fight together. So those that were chosen out
by both the generals for this fight, came be-
tween the two armies, and throwing their
lances one against the other, they drew their
swords, and catching one another by the head,
they held one another fast, and ran each other's
swords into their sides and groins, until they
all, as it were by mutual agreement, perished
together. When these were fallen down dead,
the rest of the army came to a sore battle, and
Abner's men were beaten ; and when they
were beaten, Joab did not leave off pursuing
them, but he pressed upon them, and excited
the soldiers to follow them close, and not to
grow weary of killing them. His brethren
also pursued them with great alacrity, especi-
ally the younger Asahel, who was the most
eminent of them. He was very famous for
bis swiftaeM of foot, for he could not only be
exhorted him to restrain himself, and not to
pursue him any longer, lest he should force
him to kill him, and he should then not be
able to look his brother in the face; but when
Asahel would not admit of any persuasions,
but still continued to pursue him, Abner smote
him with his spear, as he held it in his flight,
and that by a back-stroke, and gave him a
deadly wound, so that he died immediately;
but those tliat were with him pursuing Abner,
when they came to the place where Asahel lay,
they stood round about the dead body, and
left off the pursuit of the enemy. However,
both Joab * himself, and his brother Abishai,
ran past the dead corpse, and making Uieir
anger at the death of Asahel an occasion of
greater zeal against Abner, they went on with
incredible haste and alacrity, and pursued
Abner to a certain place called Ammah : it
was about sun-set. Then did Joab ascend a
certain hill, as he stood at that place, having
the tribe of Benjamin with him, whence he
took a view of them, and of Abner also.
Hereupon Abner cried aloud, and said that i*
was not fit that they should irritate men of the
same nation to fight so bitterly one against
another; that as for Asahel his brother, he was
himself in the wrong, when he would not bt
advised by him not to pursue him any farther,
which was the occasion of his wounding and
death. So Joab consented to what he said,
and accepted these words as an excuse labout
Asahel], and called the soldiers back with the
sound of the trumpet, as a signal for their
retreat, and thereby put a stop to any farther
pursuit. After which Joab pitched his camp
there that night; but Abner marched all that
night, and passed over the river Jordan, and
came to Ishbosheth, Saul's son, to Mahanaim.
On the next day Joab counted the dead men,
and took care of all their funerals. Now there
were slain of Abner's soldiers about three
hundred and sixty; but of those of David
nineteen, and Asahel, whose body Joab and
Abishai carried to Bethlehem ; and when they
had buried him in the sepulchre of their fa
thers, they came to David to Hebron. From
this time, therefore, they began an intestine
war, which lasted a great while, in which the
followers of David grew stronger in the dang-
ers they underwent ; and the servants and sub-
* It ought to be here noted that Joab, Abishai, ana
Asahel, were all three David's nephews, the son.-; of lus
sister Zeruiah, as 1 Chron. ii, IG ; and that Amasa was
cdso lii* nephew by his other tUter Abigail, ver. 17
-T
ic+
aNTIQUJTIKS of Tllli JEWS.
BOOK VII,
jecis of Saul's sons ilid almost every tlay he-
come ueiikiT.
•1. Alioiit lliis time David was become llic
futlier of six sons, l)orii of as many mothers.
The eldest was l)y Ahinoam, ami he was call-
ed Amnion ; the second was Daniel, by his
wife Abij;ail ; the name of the third was Al)-
saloin, by Maacali, the daughter of Talmai,
king of Geshur ; the fourth he named Ado-
nijah, by his wife llagf^ith ; tlio fifth was
Sheijhutiah, by Abitail ; the sixth he called
Ithreani, by Eglali. Now while this intes-
tine war went on, and the subjects of the two
kings came frequently to action and to fight-
ing, it was Abner, the general of the host of
Saul's son, who, by his prudc-nce, and tlie
grc'at interest he had among the multitude,
made tliem all continue with Ishboslieth ; and
indeed it was a considerable time tiiat they
continued of his party ; but afterwards Abner
was blamed, and an accusation was laid against
him, that he went in unto Saul's concubine:
her name was Ilispah, the daughter of Aiah.
So when he whs complained of by Ishboslieth,
he was very uneasy and angry at it, because he
had not justice done him by Ishboslieth, to
whom he had shown the greatest kindness ;
whereupon he threatened to transfer the king-
dom to David, and demonstrate that he did
not rule over the people beyond Jordan by
his own abilities and wisdom, but by his war-
like conduct and fidelity in leading his army.
So he sent ambassadors to Hebron to David,
and desired that he would give liim security
upon oath that he would esteem his compa-
nion and his friend, upon condition that he
should persuade the people to leave Saul's
son, and choose him king of the whole coun-
try ; and when David had made that league
with Abner, for he was pleased with his mes-
sage to him, he desired that he would give
this as the first mark of performance of tlie
present league, that he might have his wife
Michal restored to him, as her whom he had
purchased with great hazards, and with those
six hundred heads of the Philistines whicli he
had brought to Saul her father. So Abner
took Michal from Plialtiel, who was then her
husband, and sent her to David, Isliboshetli
himself affording him his assistance ; for Da-
vid had written to him that of right he ouglit
to have this his wife restored to him. Abner
also called together the elders of the multi-
tude, the commanders and captains of thou-
sands, and spake thus to them: That he had
formerly dissuaded them from their ou n re-
solution, when they were ready to forsake '
Ishboshetli, and to join themselves to David ;
that, however, he now gave them leave so to j
do, if they had a mind to it, for they knew '
lliat God had ajipointed David to be king of I
all th(?IIebrews, by Samuel the propliet ; and |
had foretold that he should punish the Ptii-
listines, and ovcicomc them, and bring tliem ;
under. Now when the elders and rulen heard i
this, nml understood that Abn^ was come
over to those sentiments about the public af-
fails wliiih they were of before, ihev chang.-d
tlieir measures, and came into David, VVIier
these men had agreed to Abner's proposal, h«
called together the tribe of Benjamin, for all
of that tribe were the guards of Ishboshetti's
body, anil he spake to them to the same pur-
pose ; and when he saw that thev did not in
the least opjiose what lie said, but resigned
themselves up to his opinion, he took about
twenty of his friends and tame to David, in
order to receive himself security upon oath
from him; for we may justly esteem those
things to be firmer wliicii every one of us do
by ourselves, than those which we do l.y an-
other. He also gave him an account of what
he had said to the rulers, and to the whole
tribe of Benjamin ; and when David had re-
ceived him in a courteous manner, and had
treated him with great hospitality for many
days, Abner, when he was dismissed, desired
him to permit him to bring the multitude
with him, that he might deliver up the go-
vernment to him when David himself was
present, and a spectator of what was done.
5. When David had sent Abner away, Jo-
ab, the general of his army, came immediate-
ly to Hebron ; and when he had understood
that Abiier had been with David, and had
parted with him a little before under leagues
and agreements that the goTernmeiit should
be delivered up to David, he feared lest Da-
vid should place Abner, who hatl assisted him
to gain the kingdom, in the first rank of dig.
iiity, especially since he was a shrewd man in
other respects, in understanding affairs, and
in managing them artfully, as proper seasons
should require, and that he should himself be
put lower, and deprived of the command of
the army ; so he took a knavish and a wicked
course. In the first place, he endeavoured to
calumniate Abner to the king, exhorting him
to have a care of him, and not to give atten-
tion to what lie had engaged to do for him,
because all he did tended to confirm the go-
vernment to Saul's son : that he came to him
deceitfully, and with guile, and was gone a-
way in hopes of gaining his pi'rpose by this
management ; but when he could not thus
persuade David, nor saw him at all exas|>era-.
ted, he betook himself to a project bolder
than the former : — he determined to kill Ab-
ner ; and in order thereto, he sent some mes-
sengers after him, to whom he gave in charge,
that when they should overtake him they
should recall him in David's name, and tell
him that he had somewhat to say to him about
his atJ'airs, wliich he had not remembered to
speak of when he was with him. Now wlien
Abner heard what the messengers said (for
they overtook him in a certain place called
JJesira, which was distant from Hebron twen-
ty furlongs), he suspected none of tiie mib-
chisf which was befalling him, and camp back.
A.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
185
Hereupon Joab met bim in tlie gate, and re-
ceived iiim in the kindest manner, as if lie
Were Abner's most benevolent acquaintance
and friend ; for such as undertake tiie vilest
actions, in order to prevent the suspicion of
any private mischief intended, do frequently
make the greatest pretences to witat really
good men sincerely do. So he took him aside
from his own followers, as if he would speak
with him in private, and brought him into a
void place of the gate, having himself nobody
with him but his brother Abishai ; then Jie
drew his sword, and smote him in the groin ;
upon which Abner died by this treachery of
Joi'.b, which, as he said himself, was in the
wav of punishment for his brother Asahel,
whom Abner smote and slew as he was pur-
suing after him in the battle of Plebron, but
as the truth was, out of his fear of losing his
command of the army, and his dignity with
the king, and lest he sliould be dc])rived of
those advantages, and Abner should obtain
the first rank in David's court. By these ex-
amples any one may learn how many and how
great instances of wickedness men will ven-
ture upon for the sake of getting money and
authority, and that they may not fail of either
of them ; for as when they are desirous of
obtaining the same, they acquire them by ten
thousand evil practices ; so when they are
afraid of losing them, they get them coiifirm-
ed to them by practices much worse than the
former, as if [no] other calamity so terrible
could befal them as the failure of acquiring
so exalted an authority ; and when they have
acquired it, and by long custom found the
sweetness of it, the losing it again : and since
this last would be the heaviest of all afflictions,
they of all them contrive and venture upon
tlie most difficult actions, out of the fear of
losing the same. But let it suffice, that I
have made these short reflections uposi tiiat
subject.
6. When David heard that Abner was slain,
it grieved his soul : and he railed all men to
witness, with stretching out his hands to God,
and crying out that he was not a partaker in
tlie murder of Abner, and that his death was
not ■procured by his comuiand or approbation.
He also wished the heaviest curses might light
upon him that slew him, and upon his whole
liouse ; and he devoted those that had assisted
him in this murder to the same penalties on
its account ; for he took care not to appear to
have had any hand in this murder, contrary
to the assurances he had given, and tiie oaths
he hud taken to Abner. However, he com-
manded all the people to weep and lament
this man, and to honour his dead body with
the usual solemnites ; that is, by rending their
garments, and putting on sackcloth, and that
this should be the habit in which they should
go before the bier ; after which he followed
it himself, with the elders and those that were
tulers, lamenting Abner, and by his tears de-
^_
monslrating his good-will towards him while
he was alive, and his soriow for him now he
was dead, and that he was not taken off with
his consent. So he buried him at Hebron in
a magnificent manner, and indited funeral
elegies for him ; he also stood first over the
monument weeping, and caused others to do
the same ; nay, so deejily did the death of
Abner disorder him, that his companions could
by no means force him to take any food, for
he affirmed with an oath that he would taste
nothing till the sun was set. This procedure
gained him the good-will of the multitude ;
for such as had an affection for Abner were
mightily satisfied with the respect he paid him
when he was dead, and the observation of that
faith he had plighted to him, which was shown
in liis vouchsafing him all the usual ceremo-
nies, as if he had been his kinsman and his
friend, and not sufl'ering him to be neglected
and injured with a dishonourable burial, as if
he had been his enemy ; insomuch that tlie
entire nation rejoiced at the king's gentleness
and mildness of disposition, every one being
ready to suppose that the king would have
taken the same care of them in the like cir-
cumstances, which they saw he showed in the
burial of the dead body of Abner. And in-
deed David principally intended to gain a good
reputation, and therefore he took care to do
what was proper in this case, whence none
had any suspicion that he was the author of
Abner's death. He also said this to the mul-
titude. That he was greatly troubled at the
death of so good a n)an ; and that the af-
fairs of the Hebrews had suffered great detri-
ment by being deprived of him, who was of
so great abilities to preserve them by his ex-
cellent advice, and by the strength of his hands
in war. But he added, that " God, who
hatli a regard to all mens' actions, will not
suffer this man [Joab] to go off unrevenged;
but know ye, that I am not able to do any
tiling to these sons of Zeruiah, Joab, and Abi-
shai, who have more power than I have; but
God v\ill requite their insolent attempts upon
tlieir own heads." And this was the fatal
conclusion of the life of Abner,
CHAPTER n.
THAT UPON THE SI.AIGHTER OF ISHEOSHETH,
l!Y THE TREACHI.llY OF HIS FRIENDS, DAVUJ
RECEIVED THE WHOLE KINGDOM.
§ I. Whkn Ishboshelli, the son of Saul, had j
heard of the death of Abner, he took it to
heart to be deprived of a man that Was of his
kindred, and had indeed given him the king-
dom, but was greatly afflicted, and Abner's
death very much troubled him ; nor did he
Q
186
AN'IIQUITIES or THE JEWS.
Iiiinseir outlive any long time, but was trcach-
trously sL't upon by the sons of Iliminon
(Uaanah ami llecliab were tiieir iianries), and
was slain by ti)em ; for tiiese being of a family
of the IJenjaniites, and of the first rank among
them, thought tliat if tlicy slioulil slay Ish-
bosiieth, tlii'y sliould obtain large presents from
David, and be made commanders by him, or,
however, siioiild have some other trust com-
mitted to them. So when they once found
him alone, and asleep at noon, in an upi^er
rocm, when none of his guards were there, and
when the woman that kept the door was not
watching, but wa, fallen asleep also, partly on
account of the labour she had undogone, and
partly on account of tiie heat of the day, these
men went into the room in which Ishbosheth,
Saul's son, lay asleep, and slew him ; they ]
also cut off ids head, and took their journey
all that night, and the next day, as supposing
themselves flying away from those they had '
injured, to one that would accept of tliis action
as a favour, and would afford tbein security.
So they came to Hebron, and showed David
the bead of Ishbosheth, and presented them-
selves to him as his wellwishers, and such as
had killed one that was his enemy and anta-
gonist. Yet David did not relish what they
had done as they expected, but said to them,
" You vile wretches, you shall immediately
receive the [lunishment you deserve. Did
not you know what vengeance I executed on
him that murdered Saul, and brought me his,
crown of gold, and this while he who made j
ibis slaughter did it as a favour to him, that j
he might not be caught by his enemies ? Or j
do you imagine that I am altered in my dis-
position, and suppose that 1 am not the same
man I then was, but am pleased with men that
are wicked doers, and esteem your vile ac-
tions, when you are become murderers of your
master, as grateful to me, when you have slain
a righteous man upon his bed, who never did
evil to any body, and treated you with great
good-will and respect? Wherefore you shall
suffer the punishment due on his account, and
the vengeance I ought to inflict upon you for
killing Ishbosheth, and for supposing that I
should take his death kindly at your hands ;
for you could not lay a greater blot on my
honour than by making such a supposal."
When David had said this, he tormented them
with all sorts of torments, and then put thim
to death ; and he bestowed all accustomed rites
on the burial of the head of Ishbosheth, and
laid it in the grave of Abner.
•■J. When these things were brought to this
conclusion, att the princijial men of the He-
br"w people came to David to Hebron, with
tlie heads of thousands, and other rulers, and
delivered themselves up to liini, putting him
in mind of the good-will they had borne to
him in Saul's lifetime, and the resi)ect they
tlien had not ceased to jiay him when he was
t-antain of a thousand, as also that he was cho-
sen of God by Samuel tlie ])ropliet, he and his
sons * : and declaring besides, how God had
given him power to save the land of the Ile-
Ijrews, and overcome the Philistines. Where-
upon he received kindly this their alacrity on his
account ; and exhorted them to continue in it,
for that they should have no reason to repent
of being thus disposed to him. So when lie
had feasted them, and treated them kindly, he
sent them out to bring all the people to him ;
upon whicii there came to him about six thou-
sand and eight hundred armed men of the tribe
of Judah, who bare shields and spears for their
weapons, for these had [till now] continued
with Saul's son, when the rest of the tribe of
Judah had ordained David for their king.
There came also seven thsusand and one hun-
dred out of the tribe of Simeon. Out of the
trilie of Levi came four thousand and seven
hundred, having Jehoiada for their leader.
After these came Zadok the high-priest, with
twenty-two captains of his kindred. Out of
the tribe of Benjamin the armed men were
four thousand ; but the rest of the tribe con-
tinued, still expecting that some one of the
house of Saul should reign over them. Tho>.e
of the tribe of Ejthraim were twenty thousand
and eight hundred ; and these mighty men of
valour, and eminent for their strength. Out
of the half-tribe of Manasseh came eighteen
thousand of the inost potent men. Out of the
tribe of Issacharcame two hundred, who fore-
knew what was to come hereafter, j- but o<"
armed men twenty thousand. Of the tribe o'
Zebulon fifty thousand chosen men. This
was the only tribe that came universally in to
David ; and all these had the same weapons
with the tribe of Gad. Out of the tribe of
Naphthali the eminent men and rulers were
one thousand, whose weapons were shields and
spears; and the tribe itself followed after, be-
ing (in a manner) innumerable [thirty-seven
thousand]. Out of the tribe of Dan there
were of chosen men twenty- seven thousimd
and six hundred. Out of the tribe of Asher
were forty thousand. Out of the two tribes
that were beyond Jordan, and the rest of the
tribe of Manasseh, such as used sliields, and
s])ears, and headpieces, and swords, were an
hundred and twenty thousand. The rest of
tJie tribes also made use of swords. This
multitude came together to Hebron to David,
with a great quantity of corn and wine, and
• This may hi a true observation of JnscpTnis, that
Samuel by coinnuuiil from (io*l, iiit;ulL-.l llu- mnni on
David and liisi>osterity; foriio tartliir did that cnUiiI
ever riauh, — Solomon liimself liavmy m\vr hail any
liromisf made bim thai his posterity should always have
tlie rif^ht to it. , ^., ,
t 'I'liese words of Jixciihus, concerning the tiiix: of
1's.acliar, " who foreknew what w;is to come hereafter,"
are best narauhrascd by the parallel text (1 Chron. xii,
.)") ; " VVhonail understanding of the times, to know
what Is acl ought to do;" lluu is. Who had so much
knowledge in astrononw as U> make calendars for the
Israeliles, tliat thcv im'gbt keen tlicir festivals, and
|.lo.i<;h »nd sow, and gather their harvesU and vlu
tai^e ui due seajitUL
s.
"V
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. III.
all other sorts of food, and established David
in his kingdom with one consent ; and when
the people had rejoiced for three days in
Hebron, David and all the people removed
and came to Jerusalem.
CHAPTER III.
HOW DAVID LAID SIEGE TO JERUSALEM ; AND
WHEN HE HAD TAKEN THE CITY, HE CAST
THE CANAANITES OUT OF IT, AND BUOUGHT
IN THE J/iWS TO INHABIT THEREIN.
§ 1. Now the Jebusites, who were the inhabi-
tants of Jerusalem, and were by extraction
Canaanites, shut their gates, and placed the
blind, and the lame, and all their maimed per-
sons, upon the wall, in way of derision of the
king ; and said, that the very lame themselves
would hinder his entrance into it. 'I'liis they
did out of contempt of his power, and as de-
pending on the strength of their walls. Da-
vid was hereby enraged, and began the siege
of Jerusalem, and employed his utmost dili-
gence and alacrity therein, as intending, by
tlie taking of this place, to demonstrate his
power, and to intimidate all others that might
be of the like [evil] disposition towards him :
so lie took the lower city by force, but the ci-
tadel held out still ;* whence it was tliat the
king, knowing that the proposal of dignities
and rewards would encourage the soldiers to
greater actions, promised that he who should
first go over the ditches that were beneath the
citadel, and should ascend to the citadel itself
and lake it, should have the command of the
entire people conferred upon him. So they
all were ambitious to ascend, and thought no
pains too great in order to ascend thither, out
of their desire of the chief command. How-
ever, Joab, the son of Zeruiah, prevented the
rest ; and as soon as he was got up to the ci-
tadel, cried out to the king, and claimed the
cliief command.
• What our other copies say of Mount Sioii, as alono
properly calleiithe City of David ('.' Sam. v, 6 — 9), and
of tliis'its sifgc and conquest now by l).,vid, Joscphus
applie;; to the wiiole city Jurusaleni, though inckiding
the citadel also ; by what authority we do not now know
— perluipi, afier David had united tliem to^'cther, or
joined the eitadel to the lower city, as sect. 2, .loscphus
esteemed them as one city. However, tliis notion seems
to be confirmed by what the same Josephus says con-
cerning David's, an< many other kings of Judah's, sepul-
chres, which, iui the authors of the books of Kings and
vhroiucies say, were in the city of David, so does Josc-
plius still say Ihey wvre in Jeiusaleni. The sepulchre
of David seems to have been ajjo a known place in the
itveral days of Hyrcanus, of Herod, and of St. Peter
— Antiq. b. xiii, ch. vjij, sect. 1 ; b. xvi. ch. vii, sect. I ;
Acts ii, 29. Now no such royal sepulchres hiive l)eon
found about Mount Sion, but are found close by the
tiorth wall of Jerusalem, which I suspect, t!ierefore, to
lie these very sepulchres. See the note on ch. xv, sect.
7i. In the n\ean time, Josephus's explication of tlic
lame, and tht blind, and the maimed, as set to keep this
citv or citadel, seems to be the truth, and gives the best
light to th.it liis'ory in our Bible. Mr. Ottius truly oV>-
servcs <a|ip. Ilaveroamp, p. .505), that Ja.sephus never
inentkons Mount Sion by that name, as Uiking it for an
2. Wlien David had cast the Jebuh,itea
out of the citadel, he also rebuilt Jerusalem,
and named it. The Cili/ of David, and abode
there all the time of his reign : but for the
time that he reigned over the tribe of Judali
only in Hebron, it was seven years and six
months. Now when he had chosen Jerusa-
lem to be his royal city, his affairs did more
and more prosper, by the providence of God,
who took care that they should improve and
be augmented. Hiram also, the king of tlie
Tyrians, sent ambassadors to him, and made
a league of mutual friendship and assistance
with him. He also sent him presents, cedar-
tree.s, and mechanics, and men skilful in build-
ing and architecture, that they might build
him a royal palace at Jerusalem. Now Da-
vid made buildings round about the lower
city : he also joined the citadel to it, and
made it one body ; and when he had encom-
passed all with walls, he appointed Joab to
take care of them. It was David, therefore,
who first cast the Jebusites out of Jerusalem,
and called it by his own name, The City of
David ; for under our forefather Abraham it
was called (Salem or) Solymajf but after
that time, some say that Homer mentions it
by that name of Solyma, [for he named the
temple Solyma, according to the Hebrew lan-
guage, which denotes security. "[ Now the
whole time from the warfare under Joshua
our general against the Canaanites, and from
that war in which he overcame them, and
distributed the land among the Hebrews (nor
could the Israelites ever cast the Canaanites
out of Jerusalem until this time, when Da-
vid took it by siege), this whole time was five
hundred and fifteen years.
3. I shall now make mention of Araunali,
wiio was a wealthy man among the Jebusites,
but was not slain by David in tlie siege of Je-
rusalem, because of the good-will he bore to
the Hebrews, and a particular benignity and
affection which he had to the king himself;
which I shall take a more seasonable opjjor-
tunity to speak of a little afterwards. Now
David married other wives over and above
those which he had before : he had also con-
appellative, .is I suppose, and not for a proper name;
he still cither styles it The Citadel, or The Upper Citi, ;
nor do I see any re.Tson for Mr Ottius's evil suspiciciii
about tills procedure of Josephus.
t .Some copies of Josephus have here Solyma, or ,'-':^
lem ; .and others Hierosoljma, or .Icrnsalem. The lat-
I ter best agree to what Josephus savs elsewhere (of the
War, b. vi, c. x.) that this city was called Solvma or Sa-
lem, before the <lays of .Melchisedec; but was by him
called Hierosolyma, or Jerusalem. 1 rather suppose it to
have been so called after Abraham had received that oracle
Jeliovalt Jireli: " the Lord will see, or provide" (Gen.
xxii. H.) The latter word, Jitr/(, with a little altera-
tion, prefixed to the old name Salem, Peace, will be Jt»-
rusalian ; aiid since that expression, " (.od will see," or
r.ither, " God will provide himself a lamb liir a buint-
olferins;" (ver. 8, 1)), is Ihere said to have been prover-
bial till the days of Moses, this seeins to ine the most
probable derivation of that name, which will then de-
note. That God would pro\ ide peace by that Lamb of
God which was to take away l.'ie sins of the world."
However, that which is put into brackets, can hardlv l)»
] supposed the genuine words of Josephus «£ l;r. HiiO
, son well judges.
*^.
188
ANTlQUiTIi:S OF THE JEWS.
ciibinos. Tlic son* whom he had were in
niiinbfr elovi'ii, whose names were Amnion,
Emnos, Eban, N.ithan, Soloiiion, Julian, K-
lieii, I'halna, Ennaplien, Jenae, Klipliale ;
and a liaiiglitcr, Tamar. Nine of these were
horn of kgitimate wives, I)ut the two last-
named of concubines ; and Tamar had the
siimc mother with Absalom.
CHAPTER IV.
THAT WHF.SJ DAVID HAD CONQin'.RKD THK PIII-
I.ISTINKS, WHO JJAUE WAP. AGAINST HIM AT
jr;Ri;sAi,r..\i, in: removed thk asvk to jk-
UUSALKM, AND HAD A JIIND TO BUILD A
TKMI'Lr.
§ 1. ^^'HV.N■ the Pliilistines understood that
David was made king of the Hebrews, they
made war against him at Jerusalem; and
wiien tlicy iiad seized upon that valley which
is called TItc Valley of the GiatUs, and is a
place not far from the city, they pitclied their
camp tiierein : but the king of the Jews, wlio
never permitted himself to do any thing with-
out prophecy,* and the command of God, and
without dejiending on him as a security for
(he time to come, bade the high-priest to fore-
tell to him what was the will of God, and
rtliat would be the event of this battle. And
when he foretold that he should gain the vic-
tor\ and the ciominion, he led out his army
a'ainst the Philistines; and when the battle
was joined, he came himself behind, and fell
upon the enemy on the sudden, and slew
some of them, and put the rest to flight. And
let no one suppose that it was a small army
of the Philistines that came against the He-
brews, as guessing so from the suddenness of
their defeat, and from their having performed
no great action, or that was worth recording,
from the slowness of their march and want of
coura"-e ; but let him know that all Syria and
Phcenicia, with many other nations besides
them, and those warlike nations also, came
to their assistance, and had a share in this
„ar:— whicli thing was the only cause why,
when thiy had been so often conquered, and
had lost so many ten thousands of their men,
they still came upon the Hebrews w ith greater
aniiies; nay, indeed, when they had so often
faik-d of their purpose in these battles, they
came upon David with an army three times
• It deserves here to be remarked, that Saul very
rarelv, ami David ver\ frequently, consulted God by
Uriiri ; and that Ilavid 'aimed always to depend not on
his owni prudence or abilities, but on the divnie ihrw-
tion, eontrarv to Saul's practice. Sec sect. 2, and the
note on Anliq. b tii, eh. viii, sect. 9; and »hen Saul's
daughter (but David's wife) Mieh.il laughed at David's
dancing before the ark i.' Sam. vi. 16, iVe. ; ami here,
sect. l,Si.3, it is probable she did s<i, iKX-ause her fa-
ther Saul did not use to pav such a regard to the ark,
to the Urini there in(|uireil liy, or to c.imI's worship be-
fore it ; and because she thought it beneath tUif dignity
tx'a Kini; to be so religious.
as numerous as before, and pitched their
camp on the same spot of ground as before.
The king of Israel tlierefore inquired of God
again concerning the event of the battle; and
the high-priest prophesied to liiin, that he
sliould keep his army in the groves, called the
Grwcs of tf^etj/ing, which were not far from
the enemy's camp, and that he should fiat
move, nor begin to fight, till the trees of the
grove should be in motion without the wind's
blowing ; but as soon as these trees moved,
and liie time foretold to him by God was
come, he should, without delay, go out to
gain what was an already prepared and evi-
dent victory ; for the several ranks of the
enemy's army did not sustain him, but re-
treated at the first onset, whom he closely
followed, and slew them as he went along,
and pursued them to the city of Gaza (which
is the limit of their country) : after this he
sjioiled their camp, in wiiich lie found great
riches ; and he destroyed their gods.
'J. \Vlien this had proved the event of tlie
battle, D.ivid thougl.'t it proper, upon a consul-
tation with the elders and rulers, and captains
of thousands, to send for those that were in
the flower of their age out of all liis country-
men, and out of the whole land, and withal
for the priests and the Levites, in order to
their going to Kirjalhjearim, to bring up the
ark of God out of that city, and to carry it to
Jerusalem, and there to keep it, and oti'er be-
fore it those sacrifices and tliose other honours
with which God used to be well pleased ; for
had they done thus in the reign of Saul, they
had not undergone any great inisfortunes at
all. So when the whole body of the people
were come together, as they had resolved to
do, the king came to the ark, which the priests
brought out of the house of Aminadab, and
laid it upon a new cart, and permitted their
brethren and their children to draw it, toge-
ther with the oxen. Before it went the king,
and the whole multitiule of the people with
him, singing hymns to God, and making use
of all sorts of songs usual among them, inth
variety of the sounds of musical instruments,
and with dancittg and singing of psalms, as
also with the sounds of trumpets and of cym-
bals, and so brought the ark to Jerusalem.
But as they were come to the threshing-floor
of C'hidon, a place so called, Uzzah was slain
by the anger of God ; for as the oxen shook
the ark, he stretched out his hand, and woidd
needs take hold of it. Now because he was
not a priest,* and yet touched the ark, God
• Josqihus seems to be partly in the right, when h»
ol)scr\ es liere that Uzzah was no priest (though perha|>s
In- might be a Levile), .ind was therefore struck dead
for touching the ark, cont-ary to the law, and for which
profane raslmcss de:itli was the penalty by that law.
Nuinb. iv, l.i, 'JO. See the like before, Antiq. b. vi,
cli. i, sect. 4. It is not improbable that the putting this
ark in a cart, when it ouyht to have been carried by thf
priesl.^or I.evites, .as it uas i.rc-eivly here in Jo-*phus s<,
carrie<i from Oliedeclom's house to David's, might be
also an oecusion of the aiigtr of Ood on that breach 'li
his law. See Numb iv, 1.1 1 I t'liron. xv, 15.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
189
struck him dead. Hereupon both tl)e king
anil thu people were displeased at the death
ot" Uzzah ; and the place where he died is still
called the Brench of Uzzah unto this day. So
David was atVaid ; and supposing that if he
received the ark to liimself into the city, he
might sufl'tr in the like manner as Uzzah had
sutl'erefl, who, upon his bare putting out his
hand to the ark, died in the manner already
mentioned, he did not receive it to himself
into the city, but he took it aside unto a cer-
tain place belonging to a righteous man,
whose name was Obededom, who was by his
family a Levite, and deposited the ark with
him ; and it remained there three entire
months. This augmented the house of Obe-
dedom, and conferred many blessings ujjon
it; and when the king heard what had befal-
len Obededom, how he was become, of a poor
man in a low estate, exceedingly happy, and
the object of envy to all those that saw or in-
quired after his house, he took courage, and
hoping that be should meet with no misfor-
tune thereby, he transferred the ark to his
own house, the priests carrying it, while seven
comjianies of singers, who were set in that
order by the king, went before it, and while
he himself played upon the harp, and joined
in the music, insomuch that when his wife
Miclial, the daughter of Saul, who was our
Hr>,t king, saw him so doing, she laughed at
nim ; but when they had brouglit in the ark,
they placed it under the tabernacle which
IDavid had pitched for it, and he olFered cost-
ly sacriHces and peace-offerings, and treated
the whole multitude, and dealt both to the
women, and the men, and the infants, a loaf
of i)read and a cake, and another cake baked
in a pan, witli a portion of the sacrifice. So
when he had thus feasted the people, he sent
them away, and he himself returned to his
own house.
3. But when Michal his wife, the daughter
of Saul, came and stood by him, she wished
him all other happiness; and entreated that
whatsoever he should farther desire, to the ut-
most possibility, might be given him by God,
and that he might be favourable to him ; yet
did she blame him, that so great a king as he
was should dance after an unseemly manner,
and in his dancing uncover himself among the
servants and the hand-maidens ; but he re-
plied, that he was not ashamed to do what
was acceptable to God, who had preferred
him before her father, and before all others ;
that he would play frequently, and dance,
without any regard to what the hand-maidens
and she herself thought of it. So this Michal
had no children ; however, when she was
afterward married to him to whom Saul lier
father had given her (for at this time David
nad taken her away from him, and hail her
himself), she bare live children. But con-
cerning those mailers 1 shall discourse in a
oroper place.
4. Now when the king saw that his affairs
grew better almost every day, by the will ot
God, he thought he should oftend him, if,
while he himself continued in houses made of
cedar, such as were of a great height, and had
the most curious works of architecture in
them, he should overlook the ark while it was
laid in a tabernacle, and was desirous to build
a temple to God, as Moses had predicted such
a temple should be built.* And when he
had discoursed with Nathan the prophet about
these things, and had been encouraged by
him to do whatsoever he bad a mind to do,
as having God with him and his helper in all
things, he was thereupon the more ready to
set about that building. But God appeared
to Nathan that very night, and commanded
him to say to David,f that he took his pur-
pose and his desires kindly, since nobody had
before now taken it into their head to build
him a temple, although upon his having such
a notion he would not permit him to build him
that temple, because he had made many wars,
and was defiled with the slaughter of his ene-
mies; that, however, after his death, in his old
age, and when he had lived a long life, there
should be a temple built by a son of his, who
shc'uld take the kingdom after him, and
should be called Solomon, whom he promised
to provide for, as a father provides for his
son, by preserving the kingdom for his son's
posterity, and delivering it to them ; but that
he would still punish him if he sinned, with
diseases and barrenness of land. When Da-
vid understood this from the prophet, and
was overjoyful at this knowledge of the sure
continuance of the dominion to his posterity,
and that his house should be splendid, and
very famous, he came to the ark, and fell
down on his face, and began to adore God,
and to return thanks to him for all his bene-
fits, as well for those that he had already be-
stowed upon him, in raising him from a low
state, and from the employment of a shep-
herd, to so great dignity of dominion and
glory, as for those also which he had pro-
mised to his po.^ltrity ; and, besides, for
that providence which he had exercised over
the liebrews, in procuring them the liberty
they enjoyed. And when he had said thus,
* Joscphus here informs us, thai, according to his
undeis'.aiKli ig of the sense of his t-.'py of the Penta-
teuch, Moses had himself foretold the building of t .e
ttmple, which yet is no.v licre, that 1 know of, in ovir
present copies. And that this is nol a mistake set down
bv hhn unwarily, appears by what he observe<l before,
I oil Antiii. b iv, ch. viii, sect. 46, how Moses foretold,
i that upon the Jews' future disobedience, their temple
should be bunit and rebuilt, and that not or.ffeonly, bat
i several times iifterward See .dso Joscphus's mention
of God's former commanils to build sUi-h a temple pre-
sently (cli. xiv, sect, i.'), contrary to our other copies, oi
j at least to our translation of the Hebrew, 2 Sam. vii, 6,
7 ; 1 t'hron. xvii, 5, fa'.
f Joscphus seems, in this place, with our modem lu-
! terpretcrs, to confound the two distinct predictions
j which Cod made to David and to Nathan, eoneernmg
the buililing him a temple by one of David's posterity
the one lielongeth to ^olomo'n, the other to the Messiah ;
the distinction between which is of llie greatest ci>;us-
i quence to the Christi..ii religioiv.
~Y-
190
ANTIOUITIKS OF Till-: .IKWS.
:;^
sik) had sun<j an liy-iuii of pr.iiso to God, lu-
went his way
CHAriKR V,
HOW DAVID BROUGHT L'NDER THli PHILISTINES,
AND THE MOAIilTKS, AND THE KINGS OI' SO-
IIIENE, AND OF DAMASCUS, AND OI' THE
SYRIANS, AS ALSO THE IDUMEANS, IN WAR;
AND HOW HE MADE A LEAGUE WITH THE
KING OF HAMATH ; AND WAS MINDFUL OF
THE FRIENDSHIP THAT JONATHAN, THE SON
OF SAUL, HAD BORNE TO HIM.
§ 1. A LITTLE wliile after this, he considered
that he ought to make war against the Philis-
tines, and not to see any idleness or laziness
permitted in his management, that so it might
prove, as God had foretold to him, that, when
he had overthrown his enemies, he should
leave liis posterity to reign in peace afterward :
so he called together his army again, and when
he had charged them to be ready and prepar-
ed for war, and when he thought that all things
in his army were in a good state, he removed
from Jerusalem, and came against the Philis-
tines ; and when he had overcome them in bat-
tle, and had cut off a great part of their coun-
try, and adjoined it to the country of the He-
brews, he transferred the war to the Moabites; ' of Israel; concerning whom we shall speak
and when he had overcome two parts of their jn due place hereafter.
ar»ny in battle, he took the remaining part caj)- I 3. Now when David had made an expedi-
tive, and imposed tribute upon them, to be tion against Damascus and the other parts of
paid annually. He then made war against | Syria, and had brought it all into subjection,
Hadadezer, the son of Rehob, king of So- ' and had placed garrisons in the country, and
phene ; and when he had joined battle with ' appointed that they should pay tril)ute, he re-
iiim at the river Euphrates, he destroyed turned home. He also dedicated to God al
twenty thousand of his footmen, and about i Jerusalem the golden quivers, the entire ar-
seven thousand of his horsemen ; he also mour w hich the guards of Haiiad used to
took a thousand of his chariots, and destroy- I wear ; which Shishak, the king of Egypt,
ed tlie greatest part of them, and ordered took away when he fought with David's
tliat no more than one hundred should be 'grand son, Rehoboain, with a great deal of
kept.* jotlier weak!) which he carried out of Jerusa-
iJ. Now when Hada(i,f king of Damascus lem. However, these things will come to bo
ot his purpose, and lost in the battle a great
namber of his soldiers ; for there were slain
of the army of Hadad twenty thousand, and
all the rest fled. Nicolaus [of Damascus] also
makes mention of tliis king in the fourth book
of his histories ; where he speaks thus : " A
great while after these things had happened,
there was one of that country whose name
was Hadad, who was become very potent : he
reigned over Damascus and the other parts
of Syria, excepting Phoenicia. He made war
against David, the king of Judea, and tried
his fortune in many battles, and ])articularly
in the last battle at Euphrates, wherein he was
beaten. He seemed to have been the most
excellent of all their kings in strength and
manhood." Nay, besides this, he says of his
posterity, that " They succeeded one another
in his kingdom, and in his name ;" where he
thus speakj : " When Hadad was dead, his
posterity reigned for ten gener^itions, each of
his successors receiving from his f;ither thai
his dominion, and this his name ; as did the
Ptolemies in Egypt. But the third was the
most powerful of them all, and was willing to
avenge the defeat his forefather had received :
so he made an expedition against the Jews,
and laid waste the city which is now called
Sainaria." Nor did he err from the truth ; for
this is that Hadad who made the expedition
against Samaria, in the reign of Aliab, king
and of Syria, heard that David fought against
Hadadezer, who was his friend, he came to
his assistance with a powerful army, in hopes
to rescue him ; and when he had joined battle
with David at the river Euphrates, he failed
« Davul'K resc'rviii!» onlv one liundrcil cliariots for
hi.nsclf, out of one tlioiis.ii'iil he h.a\ taUuii fiom Hada-
dezer. uiis most |iroljal)lv done in roiniiliamc with tlie
law of Moses, winch forbade a knig ul iMatl " to niul-
tinly horses to himself," Dcut. xvii, 1(>; one of the
prii)fi))al uses of horses in .ludea at that time beiiif; for
drawing their chaiiots. See Josh, xii, G; and Ar.tui.
b. V. ih.ii>. i.soc't. IH.
+ It deserves here to be remarked, that this Hadad,
being avcry great king, wasconcpiercd by David, who>e
nosleritv yet for several generations were callrd Iknluv
Sad. or 'the M.n of Hi.d.uV, till (ho days onia/arl, »hosu
son Adar or Adcr is :dso in our lltbriw inpy (J Kin),'s
xiii, 'J4), writlcn licnhadad; but in Joscplius, Adad or
Adar. And strange it is, thai ihc son of ll.iiul, said to
\)C such in the siimc text, and ui Joscjihus (AnUi|. b. ix,
chaj). viii, sect. 71 should still be calied '.he son of Ha-
dad. I would Ihercforc here correct our lU-lnevv copy
from Josei>hus's, which M-cnis to have the Iriie reading.
explained in tiieir proper places hereafter.
Now as for the king of the Hebrews, he was
assisted by God, who gave him great success
in his wars ; and he made an expedition against
the best cities of Hadadezer, Belah and M.-v-
choii ; so he took them by force, and laid them
waste. Therein was found a very great quan-
tity of gold and silver, besides that sort of
brass which is said to he more valuable than
gold; of which brass Solomon made that large
vessel which was called 'The [linneii] Sea, and
those most curious lavers, when he built tlie
temple for God.
4. But when the king of Hamath was irw
formed of the ill success of Hadadezer, and
had heard of the ruin of his army, he was
afraid on his o\mi account, and resolved to
make a league of fiienilship and fidelity with
David, before he sliould coiue against him ; so
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
191
he sent to him his son Joram, and professed I from Jonathan. And when he said that a son
that he owed iiim thanks for fighting against i of liis was remaining, whose name was Me-
HadadeAer, who was his enemy, and made a ! phibosheth, but that he was lame of liis feet ;
league with him of mutual assistance and j for that when his nurse heard that the father
friendship. He also sent liim presents, ves- | and grand-father of the child were fallen in
sels of ancient workmanship, both of gold, of tin? battle, she snatched him up, and fled away,
silver, and of brass. So when David had and let him fall from her shoulders, and his
made this league of mutual assistance with feet were lamed. So when he had learned
Toi (for that was the name of the king of where and by whom he was brought up, he
Hamath), and had received the presents he sent messengers to Machir, to the city of Lo-
sent him, he dismissed his son with that re- debar, for with him was the son of Jonathan
spect which was due on both sides; but then i brought up, and sent for him to come to him.
David brought those presents that were sent : So when IMephibosl)eth came to the king, he
by him, as also the rest of the gold and silver I fell on his face and worshipped him , but Da-
which he had taken of the cities wliom he had | vid encouraged him, and bade him be of good
conquered, and dedicated them to God, Nor cheer, and expect better times. So he gave
did God give victory and success to him only ! him his father's house, and all the estate which
when he went to the battle himself, and led his grand-father Saul was in possession of and
his own army, but he gave victory to Ahishai, ' bade him come and diet with him at his own
the brother of Joab, general of his forces, table, and never to bo absent one day from
over tne Idumeans,* and by him to David, j that table. And when the youth had wor-
when he sent him with an army into Idumua; ' shipped him, on account of his words and
for Abishai destroyed eighteen thousand of gifts given to him, he called for Ziba, and told
them in the battle; whereupon the king [of | him that he had given the youth his father's
Israel] placed garrisons through all luumea, j house, and all Saul's estate. He also ordered
and received the tribute of the country, and that Ziba should cultivate his land, and take
of every head among them. Now David was care of it, and bring him the profits of all to
in his nature just, and made his determination Jerusalem. Accordingly David brought him
with regard to truth. He had for the gene- to his table every day ; and bestowed upon the
ral of his whole army Joab ; and he made Je- youth, Ziba and his sons, who were in num-
hoshaphat, the son of Ahilud, recorder: he
also appointed Zadok, of the family of Phi-
neas, to be high-priest, together with Abiathar,
for he was his friend ; he also made Seisan the
scribe ; and committed the command over the
guards of his body to Benaiah, the son of Je-
hoiada. His elder sons were near his body,
and had the care of it also.
5. He also called to mind the covenants
and the oaths he had made with Jonathan,
the son of Saul, and the friendship and affec-
tion Jonathan had for him ; for besides all the
rest of his excellent qualities with which he
was endowed, he was also exceeding mindful
of such as had at other times bestowed be-ie-
fits upon him. He therefore gave order that
inquiry should be made, whetlier any of Jo-
nathan's lineage were living, to whom he
might make return of that familiar acquaint-
ance which Jonathan had had with him, and
for which he was still debtor. And when one
of Saul's freed raen was brought to him, who
was acquainted with those of his family that
were still living, he asked him whether he
could tell him of any one belonging to Jona-
than tiiat was now alive, and capable of a re-
quital of the benefits which he had received
• By this gnat victory over the Idurseans or Edom-
Itcs, the posterity of Ksau, and by the consequent tri-
bute paid by that nation to the Jews, were the proplie-
cies dehvered to Rebecca before Jacob and Esau were
boni, and by old Isaac before his death, that the elder,
Esau ,or the Edomites), should serve the younger, Ja-
cob (or the Israelites) ; and Jacob (or the Israelites)
should be Esau's (or the Edomites) lord, remarkably
fulfilled. See Antiq. b. viii, eh. vii, sect. 6, Gen. xxv,
V3 and the notes on Antiq. b. i, ch. xviii, sect. 5, 6
ber fifteen, and his servants, who were in num-
ber twenty. When the king had made tliess
appointments, and Ziba had worshipped hitOj
and promised to do all that he had bidder
him, he went his way ; so that this son of Jo-
nathan dwelt at Jerusalem, and dieted at the
king's table, and had tlie same care that a son
could claim taken of him. He also had him-
self a son, whom he named Mioha.
" CHAPTER VI.
HOW THE WAR WAS WAGED AGAINST THE AM-
MONITES, AND HAPPILY CONCLUDED.
§ 1. These were the honours that such as
were left of Saul's and .Jonathan's lineage re-
ceived .from David. About this time died
Nahash, the king of the Ammonites, who was
a friend of David's; and when his son had sue-
ceeded his father in the kingdom, David s.ent
ambassadors to him to comfort him ; and ex-
horted him to take his father's death patiently,
and to expect that he would continue the same
kindness to himself which he had shown to his
father. But the princes of the Ammonite*
took this message in evil part, and not as
David's kind dispositions gave reason to take
it; and they excited the king to resent it;
and said that David had sent men to spy out
the country, and what strength it had, imdei
the pretence of humanity and kindness. They
(farther advised him to have a care, and not tc
"\
192
ANTmUlTJES OF THK JEWS.
BOOK VII
give heed to David's words, lest lie should be
dfhuied hy him, and so Call into an inconsol-
able calamity. Accordinj^ly Naliash's [son],
the king of the Ammonites, thought these
princes spake what was more prolwble than
tlie truth would admit, and so abused the am-
bassadors after a very harsli manner ; for he
shaved the one half of their beards, and cut oil"
one half of their garments, and sent his aji-
swer not in words but in deeds. When the
king of Israel saw this, he had indignation at
it, and showed openly that he would not over-
• ook this injurious and contumelious treat-
ment, but would make war with the Ammon-
ites, and would avenge this wicked treatment
of his ambassadors on their king. So that tiie
king's intimate friends and commanders,, un-
derstairding that they had violated their league,
and were liable to be punished for the same,
made preparations for war ; they also sent a
thousand talents to the Syrian king of I\Ieso-
potamia, and endeavoured to prevail with him
to assist them for that pay, and Shobach. Now
these kings had twenty thousand footmen.
They also hired the kingof ihe country called
Maacah, and a fourth king, by name Ishtob ;
which last had twelve thousand armed men.
2. But David was under no consternat'on
at this confederacy, nor at the forces of the
Ammonites ; and putting his trust in God,
because he was going to war in a just cause,
on account of the injurious treatment he had
met with, he immediately sent Joab, the cap-
tain of his host, against them, and gave hini
the flower of liis army, who pitched his camp
by Rabbat!], the metropolis of the Ammonites;
whereupon the eneiny came out, and set them-
selves in array, not all of them together, but
in two bodies; for the auxiliaries were set in
array in tiie plain by themselves, but the army
of the Ammonites at the gates over-against the
Hel)rews. When Joab saw this, he opposed
one stratagem against another, and chose out
the most hardy part of his men, and set tliem
in opposition to the king of Syria, and the
kings tiiat were with him, and gave the other
part to his brother Abishai, and bid him set
them ill opposition to the Ammonites; and
said to him, That in case he should see that
the Syrians distressed him, and were too hard
for him, he should order his troops to turn
about, and assist him : and he said. That he
himself would do the same to him, if he saw
him in tlie like distress from the Ammonites.
So lie sent his brother before, and encouraged
liim to do every thing counigeously and with
alacrity, which would teach them to be afraid
of disgrace, and to figlil manfully; and so he
dismissed him to figlit with the Ainmonites,
while he fell upon the Syrians. And though
they made a strong opposition for a while,
Joab slew many of tlicm, but compelled the
rest to betake tlieinselves to flight ; which,
when the Ammonites saw, and were withal
tfiaid of Abishai and liii army, tliey staid no
longer, but imitated their auxiliaries, and tied
to the city. So Joab, when he had thus over-
come the enemy, returned with great joy to
Jerusalem to the king.
3. Tliis defeat did not still induce the Am-
moiu'tes to be quiet, nor to own those that
were superior to them to be so, and be still,
but they sent to Chalaman, the king of the Sy-
rians, beyond Euphrates, and hired for an
auxiliary. lie had Shobach for the captain
of his host, with eighty thousand footmen,
and ten thousand horsemen. Now when the
king of the Hebrews understood that the Am
monites had again gathered so great an army
together, lie determined to make war witli
them no longer by his generals, but he jiasstd
over the river Jordan himself with all his army;
and when } ■•. met them he joined battle with
them, and overcame them, and slew forty
tiiousand of their footmen, and seven thou-
sand of their horsemen. He also wounded
Shobac.i, the general of Chalainan's forces,
who died of that stroke; but the people of
Mesopotamia, upon such a conclusion of the
b:ittle, delivered themselves up to David, and
sent him presents, who at winter-time return-
ed to Jerusalem, But at the beginning of the
spring he sent Joab, the captain of his liost, to
fight against the Ammonites, who overran an
their country, and laid it waste, and shut
them up in their metropolis Rubbah, and be-
sieged them tluTein.
CHAPTER VII.
UDK DAVID FELL IN I.OVE WITH SATIlMimA,
AND SLEW HEIl HL-SBAND IHIAH, FOit WHICH
HE IS REPROVED BY .NATHAN.
§ 1. Bur David fell now into a very griev-
ous sin, though he were otherwise naturally
a righteous and a religious man, and one that
firmly observed the laws of our fathers ; for
when late in an evening he took a view round
him from the roof of his royal palace, where
he used to walk at that hour, he saw a woman
washing herself in her own house : she wa»
one of extraordinary beauty, and therein sur-
passed all other women ; her name was Bath-
sheba. So he was overcome by that u Oman's
beauty, and was not able to restrain his desires,
but sent for her, and lay with her. Hereupon
she conceived with child, and sent to the king,
that he should contrive some way for conceal-
ing her sin (for, accordin^j to the laws of their
fullers, she who had been guilty of adultery
ouglit to be put to death). So the king sent
for Joab's armour-bearer from the siege, who
was the woman's husband ; and his name «a«
Uriah : and when he was come, the king in-
quired of him about tlic army, and about the
siege ; and w hen he had made answer, tliat
all Uieir affairs went according to Uieir wishes..
cuAi'. vn.
the king took some portions of meat from
his supper, and gave them to him, and bade
him go lionie to liis wife, and take his rest
with her. Uriah did not do so, but slept
near the king- with the rest of his armour-
bearess. When the king was informed of
tliis, he asked him why he did not go home
to his house, and to iiis wife, after so long an
absence ; whicli is the natural custom of all
men, when they coine from a long journey.
He replied, that it was not right, while his
feilow -soldiers, and the general of the army,
slept upon the ground, in the camp, and in
an enemy's country, that he should go and
take his rest, and solace himself with his wife.
So when he had thus replied, the king order-
ed hirn to stay there that night, that he might
dismiss him the next day to the general. So
the king invited Uriah to supper, and af-
ter a cunning and dexterous manner plied
bim with drink at supper till he was thereby
disordered ; yet did he nevertheless sleep at
the king's gates, without any inclination to go
to liis wife. Upon this the king was very
angry at him ; and wrote to Joab, and com-
manded him to punish Uriah, for he told him
that he had offended him ; and he suggested
to him the manner in which he would have
him punished, that it might not be discovered
that he was himself the author of this his pu-
nishment ; for he charged him to set him
over-against that part of the enemy's army
where the attack would be most hazardous,
and where he might be deserted, and be in the
greatest jeopardy ; for he bade him order his
fellow-soldiers to retire out of the fight.
When he bad written thus to him, and sealed
tlie letter with his own seal, he gave it to U-
riah to carry to Joab. When Joab had re-
ceived it, and upon reading it understood the
king's purpose, he set Uriah in that place
where he knew the enemy would be most
troublesome to them ; and gave him for his
partners some of the best soldiers in the army ;
and said that he would also come to their assist-
ance with the whole army, that if possible they
might break down some part of the wall, and
enter the city. And he desired him to be
glad of the opportunity of exposing himself
to such great pains, and not to be displeased
at it, since he was a valiant soldier, and had a
great reputation for his valour, both with the
king and with his countrymen. And when
Uriah undertook the work he was set upon
with alacrity, he gave private orders to those
who were to be his companions, that when
tliej saw the enemy make a sally, they should
leave him. When, therefore, the Hebrews
made an attack upon the city, the Ammonites
were afraid that the enemy might prevent
them, and get up into the city, and this at the
very place whither Uriah was ordered ; so they
exposed their best soldiers to be in the fore-
front, and opened their gates suddenl)', and
fell upon the enemy with great vehemence, and
— — V_
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 193
ran violently upon them. When those that were
with Uriah saw this, they all retreated backward,
as Joab had directed them beforehand; but
Uriah, as ashamed to run away and leave his
post, sustained the enemy, and receiving the
violence of their onset, he slew many of them ;
but being encompassed round, an<i caught ia
the midst of them, he was slain, and some o-
ther of his companions were slain with him,
2. When this was done, Joab sent messen-
gers to the king, and ordereil them to tell him
that he did what he could to take the city soon;
but that as they made an assault on the wall,
they had been forced to retire with great loss;
and bade them, if they saw the king was
angry at it, to add this, that Uriah was slain
also. When the king had heard this of the
messengers, he took it heinously, and said
that they did wrong when they assaulted the
wall, whereas they ought, by undermining
and other stratagems of war, to endeavour
the taking of the city, especially when they
had before their eyes the example of Abime-
lech, the son of Gideon, who would needs
take the tower in Thebes by force, and was
killed by a large stone thrown at him by an
old woman ; and, although he was a man of
great prowess, he died ignominiously by the
dangerous manner of his assault. That they
should remember this accident, and not come
near the enemy's wall, for that the best me-
thod of making war with success was to call
to mind the accidents of former wars, and
what good or bad success bad attended them
in the like dangerous cases, tliat so they might
imitate the one, and avoid the other. But
when the king was in this disposition, the
messenger told him that Uriah was slain also;
whereupon he was pacified. So he bade the
messenger go back to Joab and tell him, that
this misfortune is no other than what is com-
mon among mankind ; and that such is the
nature, and such the accidents of war, inso-
much that sometimes the enemy will have
success therein, and sometimes others ; but
that he ordered him to go on still in his care
about the siege, that no ill accident inight be-
fall him in it hereafter : that they sliould
raise bulwarks and use machines in besieging
the city ; and when they have gotten it, to
overturn its very foundations, and to destroy
all those that are in it. Accordingly the mes-
senger carried the king's message with which
he was charged, and made haste to Joab.
But Bathsheba, the wife of Uriah, when she
was informed of the death of her hubband,
mourned for his death many days ; and when
her inourning was over, and tlie tears which
she shed for Uriah were dried up, tlie king
took her to wife presently ; and a son was
born to him by her.
3. With this marriage God was not well
pleased, but was thereupon angry at David ;
and he appeared to Nathan the prophet in
his sleep, and complained of the king. Now
191
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK Vlf.
Nathan was a fair and priuleivt man ; and con-
tidering tfiat kings, wlicn tlicy fall into a pas-
sion, arc guided :norc by tiiat passion than
they arc by justice, he resolved to conceal the
thrcatcnings that proceeded from God, and
made a good-natured discourse to him, and
this after tiie manner following: — He desired
that the king would give him his opinion in
the following case : — " Tliere were," said he,
" two men inhabiting the same city, the one
of them was rich and [the other poor]. The
rich man had a great many flocks of cattle,
of sheep, and of kine ; but the poor man had
but one ewe-lamb. This he brought up with
his children, and let her eat her food with
them ; and he had tlie same natural affection
for her which any one might have for a daugh-
ter. Now upon the coming of a stranger to
the rich man, he would not vouchsafe to kill
any of his own flocks, and thence feast his
friend ; but he sent for the poor man's lamb,
and took her away from him, and made her
ready for food, and thence feasted the stran-
ger." This d.scourse troubled the king ex-
ceedingly ; and he denounced to Nathan, that
" this man was a wicked man, who could
dare to do such a thing ■ and that it was but
just that he should restore the lamb fourfold,
and be punished with death for it also."
Upon this, Nathan immediately said, that he
was himself the man v.iio ought to suffe;
those punishments, and that by his own sen
tencv ; and that it v,-w> he who had perpe-
trattd this great and horrid crime. He also
revealed to him, and laid before him, the an-
ger of God against him, who had made him
king over the army of the Hebrews, and lord
of all the nations, and those many and great
nations round about him ; who had formerly
delivered him out of the hands of Saul, and
had given him such wives as he had justly and
legally married ; and now this God was des-
pised by him, and atl'ronted by his impiety,
when he had married, and now had another
man's wife ; and by exposing her husband to
the enemy, had really slain him ; that God
would inflict punishments upon him on ac-
coimt of those instances of wickedness ; that
his own wives should be forced by one of his
sons ; and that he should be treacherously
supplanted by the same son ; and that al-
though he had perpetrated his wickedness se-
crectly, yet should that punishment which he
was to undergo be inflicted publicly upon
him ; " that, moreover," said he, " the child
who was born to thee of her, shall soon die."
When the king was troubled at these mes-
sages, and sufficiently confounded, and said,
with tears and sorrow, that he had sinned (for
he was without controversy a pious man, and
guilty of no sin at all in his whole life, ex-
cepting those in the matter of Uriah), God
had compassion on him, and was reconciled
to him, and promised that he would preserve
to ln:a both his life and his kingdom ; foe he
said, tliat seeing he repented of the things he
had done, he was no longer displeased with
hiin. So Nathan, when he had delivered this
prophecy to the king, returned home.
4. However, God sent a dangerous dis.
temper upon the child that was born to Davia
of the wife of Uriah ; at which the king was
troubled, and did not take any food for seven
days, altlioiigh his servants almost forced
him to take it; but he clotlied himself in a
black garment, and fell down, and lay upon
the ground in sackcloth, entreating God for
the recovery of the child, for he vehemently
loved the cliiid's mother; but wlien, on the
seventh day, the child was dead, the king's
servants durst not tell him of it, as supposing
that wiien he knew it, he would still less ad-
mit of food and other care of himself, by rea-
son of his grief at the death of his son, since
when the cl.ild was only sick, he so greatly
afflicted himself, and grieved for him ; but
when the king perceived that his servants
were in disorder, and seemed to be affected as
those are who are very desirous to conceal
something, he understood that the child was
dead ; and wlsen he had called one of his ser-
vants to him, and discovered that so it was,
he arose up and washed himself, and took a
white garment, and came into the tabernacle
of God. He also commanded them to set
supper before him, and thereby greatly sur.
priced his kindred and servants, wliile he did
nothing of this when the child was sick, but
did it all wiien he was dead. Whereupon, hav-
ing first begged leave to ask him a question,
they besought him to tell them the reason of
this his conduct; he then called them unskil-
ful people, and instructed them how he had
hopes of the recovery of the child while it was
alive, and accordingly did all that was proper
for him to do, as thinking by such means to
render God propitious to him ; but that when
the child was dead, there was no longer any
occasion for grief, which was then to no pur-
pose. Wlien he had said tiiis, they commend-
ed the king's wisdom and understanding.
He then went in unto Bathsheba his wife,
and she conceived and bare a son ; and by
the command of Nathan the prophet, called
his name Solomon.
5. But Joab sorely distressed the Ammon-
ites in the siege, by cutting off their waters,
and depriving them of other means of sub-
sistence, till they were in the greatest want of
meat and drink, for they depended only on
one small well of water, and this they durst
not drink of too freely, lest the fountain
should entirely I'ail them. So he wrote to the
king, and informed him thereof; and persuad-
ed him to come himself to take the city, that
lie might hi'.ve the honour of the victory.
Upon this letter of Joab's, the king accepted
of liis good-will and fidelity, and took with
him his army, and came to the destruction ol
Uabbah ; and when he had taken it by force.
~^.
"V
CHAP. nil.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
I9i>
he gave it to his soldiers to plunder it ; but
he himself took the king of the Ammonites'
crown, the weight of which was a talent of
gold ; * and it had in its middle a precious
stone called a sardonyx ; wliich crown David
ever after wore on his own head. He also
found many other vessels in the city, and those
both splendid and of great price ; but as for
the men, he tormented them, f and then de-
stroyed tliem : and when he had taken the
other cities of the Ammonites by force, he
treated them after the same manner.
CHAPTER VIII.
KOW ABSALOM MCRDEIIED AMXO.V, WHO HAD
FORCED HIS OWN SISTER; AND KOW UE WAS
BANISHED, AND AITERWAUDS RECALLED BY
DAVID.
§ 1. When the king was returned to Jerusa-
lem, a sad misfortune befel his house, on the
occasion following: He had a daughter, who
was yet a virgin, and very handsome, inso-
much that she surpassed all the most beauti-
ful women ; her name was Tamar ; she had
the same mother with Absalom. Now Am-
non, David's eldest son, fell in love with her,
and being not able to obtain his desires, on ac-
count of her virginity, and the custody she
was under, was so much out of order, nay,
his grief so eat up his body, that he grew lean,
and his colour was changed. Now there was
one Jonadab, a kinsman and friend of his,
who discovered this his passion, for he was an
extraordinary wise man, and of great sagacity
of mind. When, therefore, he saw that every
morning Amnon was not in body as he ought
to be, he came to him, and desired him to lell
him what was the cause of it: however, he
said that he guearsed that it arose fix)m the pas-
sion of love. Amnon confessed l)is passion,
that he was in love with a sister of his, who
bad the same father with himself. So Jona-
dab suggested to hini by what method and
* That a talent of gold was about seven pounds
weight, see the description of the temples, chap. xiii.
Nor could Josephus well estimate it higher, since he
bcre says that David wore it on his head perpetually.
t \\ hcther Josephus saw the words of our copies, 2
Sam. xij, 31, and 1 rhron. xx, 5, that David put the
inhabitants, or at least the garrison of Kabbah, and of
the other Ammonite cities which he besieged and took,
under, or cut Uiera with saws, and under, or with har-
rows of iron, and under, or with axes of iron, and made
them pass through the brick kihi, is not here directly
expressed. If he saw thera, as it is most probable he
did, he certainly expounded thera of tormenting these
Ammonites to death, who were none of those seven na-
tioixs of Canaan, whose wickedness tiad rendered them
Incapable of mercy; otherwise I should be inclinable
to think that the meaning, at least as Uie words are in
Samuel, might only be tliis : That they were made the
lowest slaves, to work in sawing timber or stone, in har-
rowing the fields, in hewing timber, in mal<.spg and
fcurning bricks, aiid the like hard services, but without
takmg away their lives. We never elsewhere, that I
remember, meet with such methods of cruelty in put-
ting men to death in all the Uible, or in any other an-
cient history whatsoever: nor do the wor<is in Samuel
»eem naturally to refer to any such thing.
contrivance he might obtain his desires; foi
he persuaded iiiin to pretend sickness, and
bade him, vvh.en iiis father should come to him,
to beg of him tliat his sister might come and
minister to him ; for, if that were done, he
should be better, and should quickly recover
from his distemper. So Ainnon lay down on
his bed, and pretended to be sick, as Jonadab
iiad suggested. When his f;itlicr came, and
inquired how he did, he begged of him to send
his sister to him. Accordingly, he presently
ordered her to be brouglit to him; and when
she was come, Amnon bade her make cakes
for liim, and fry them in a pan, and do it all
with her own hands, because lie should take
them better from her hand [than from any
one's else]. So she kneaded the flour in the
sight of her brother, and made him caki's, and
baked them in a pan, and brought tiiem to
him ; but at that time he would not taste them,
but gave order to his servants to send all that
were there out of liis chamber, because he had
a mind to repose himself, free from tuinult
and disturbance. As soon as what lie had
com.manded was done, he desired his sister to
bring his supper to him into the inner parlour ;
which, when the damsel had done, he took
hold of her, and endeavoured to persuade her
to lie with him. Whereupon the damsel cried
out, and said, " Nay, brother, do not force
me, nor be so wicked as to transgress the laws,
and bring upon thyself the utmost confusion.
Curb this thy unrighteous and impure hist,
from which our house will get notiiing but
reproach and disgrace." She also advised him
to speak to his father about t'lis affair; for
he would permit him [to marry her]. This
she said, as desirous to avoid her brother's vio-
lent passion at present. But he would not
yield to her; but, inflamed with love and
blinded with the vehemency of his passion, he
forced his sister : but as soon as Amnon had
satisfied his lust, he hated her immediately,
and giving her reproachful words, bade her
rise up and be gone. And when she said
that this was a more injurious treatment than
the former, if, now he had forced her, he would
not let her stay with him till the evening, but
bid her go away in the day-time, and while it
was light, that she might meet with people
that would be witness of her shame, — he com-
manded his servant to turn her out of his I
house. Whereupon she was sorely grieved
at the injury and violence that had b-jen ort'er-
ed to her, and rent her loose coat (for the vir-
gins of old time wore such loose coats tied at
the hands, and let down to the ankles, that
the inner coats might not be seen), and
sprinkled ashes on lier head ; and went up
the middle of the city, crying out and lament-
ing for the violence that had been olfered her.
Now Absalom, her brother, happened to meet
her, and asked her what sad tiling had be-
fallen her, that she was in that plight; and
when she had toid him what injury had beeii
196
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
ofl'cretJ ncr, he comforted her, and desired her
to be quii'f, and take all patiently, and not to
esteuni her being corrupted by her brother as
an injury. So she yielded to his advice, and
left oil" her crying out, and discovering the
force ofl'ered her to the multitude : and she
continued as a widow with her brother Absa-
lom a long time.
2. When David his father knew tliis, he
was grieved at the actions of Amnon ; but be-
cause he had an extraordinary afi'eclion for
him, for he was Iiis eldest son, he was com-
pelled not to afflict him ; but Absalom watch-
ed for a fit opjiortunity of revenging this crime
jpon him, for he thoroughly hated liim. Now
the second year after this wicked affair about
his sister was over, and Absalom was about to
go to sheer his own sheep at Baalliazor, which
is a city in the portion of Ephraim, he be-
sought his father, as well as his brethren, to
come and feast with him : but when David
excused himself, as not being willing to be
burdensome to him, Absalom desired he would
however send iiis brethren ; whom he did send
accordingly. Then Absalom charged his own
servants, that when tliey should see Amnon
disordered and drowsy with wine, and he
should give them a signal, they should fear no-
body, but kill him.
S. When they had done as they were com-
manded, the rest of his brethren were astonish-
ed and disturbed, and were afraid for them-
selves, so they immediately got on horseback,
and rode away to their father; but somebody
there was who prevented them, and told their
father they were all slain by Absalom ; w here-
upon he was overcome with sorrow, as for so
many of his sons that were destroyed at once,
and that by their brother also; and by this con-
sideration, that it was their brother that appear-
ed to have slain them, he aggravated his sorrow
for them. So he neither inquired what was
the cause of this slaughter, nor staid to hear
any thing else, which yet it was but reasonable
to have done, when so very great, and by that
greatness so incredible a misfortune was relat-
ed to him, he rent his clothes, and threw him-
self upon the ground, and there lay lamenting
the loss of all his sons, both those who, as he
was informed, were slain, and of him who slew
them. But Jonadab, the son of his brother
Shemeah, entreated him not to indulge his
sorrow so far, for as to the rest of his sons he
did not believe that they were slain, for he
found no cause for such a suspicion ; but he
said it might deserve inquiry as to Amnon,
for it was not unlikely that Absalom might
venture to kill him on account of the injury
he had offered to Tamar. In the mean time,
a great noise of horses, and a tumult of some
peoi)le that were coming, turned their attention
to them ; they were the king's sons, who were
fled away from the feast. So their father met
them as they were in their grief, and he him-
ujlf grieved with iJiem ; but it was more than
BOOK VII.
he expected to see those liis sons again, whom
ho had a little before heard to have perished.
HoweviT, thiTe were tears on both sides ; they
lamenting their brother wlio was killed, and
the king lamenting his son, who was killed
also ; but Absalom fled to Geshur, to his
grandfather by his mother's side, who was king
of that country, and he remained with him
three whole years.
4. Now David had a design to send to Ab-
salom, not that lie should come to be punished,
but that he might be with him, for the efJectt
of his anger were abated by length of time.
It was Joab the captain of his host, that chief-
ly persuaded him so to do ; for he suborned
an ordinary woman, that was stricken in age,
to go to the king in mourning apparel, who
said thus to him : — That two of her sons, in a
coarse way, had some diflerence between them,
and that in the progress of that difference they
came to an open quarrel, and that one was
smitten by the other, and was dead ; and she
desired him to interpose in this case, and to
do her the favour to save this her son from her
kindred, who were very zealous to have him
that had slain his brother put to death, that so
she might not be farther deprived of the hopes
she had of being taken care of in her old age
by him; and that if he would hinder this
slaughter of her son by those that wished for
it, he would do her a great favour, because
the kindred would not be restrained from their
purpose by any thing else than by the ftar of
him :— and when the king had given his con-
sent to what the woman had begged of him,
she made this reply to him :— " I owe thee
thanks for thy benignity to me in pitying my
old age, and preventing the loss of my only
remaining child ; but in order to assure me
of this thy kindness, be first reconciled to thine
own son, and cease to be angry with him ; for
how shall I persuade myself that tbou hast
really bestowed this favour upon me, while
thou thyself continuest after the like mannei
in thy w rath to thine own son ? for it is a fool-
ish thing to add wilfully another to thy dead
son, while the death of the other was brought
about without thy consent:' — and now the
king perceived that this pretended story was
a subordination derived from Joab, anj was
of his contrivance ; and when, upon inquiry
of the old woman, he understood it to be so
in reality, he called for Joab, and told him he
had obtained what he requested according to
his own mind ; and he bid him bring Absalom
back, for he was not now displeased, but had
already ceased to be angry with him. So Joab
bowed himself down to the king, and took his
words kindly, and went immediately to Ge-
shur, and took Absalom with him, and came to
Jerusalem.
5. However, the king sent a message to his
son beforehand, as he w;is coming, and com-
manded him to retire to his own house, for
ho was not yet in such a disposition as te
"V
CHAP. IX.
think fit at present to see him. According-
ly, upon the father's command, he avoided
coming into his presence, and contented him-
self with the respects paid him by his own
fiimily only. Now liis beauty was not im-
paired, either by the grief he had been un-
der, or by the want of such care as was
proper to bo taken of a king's son, for he
still surpassed and excelled all men in the
tallness of his body, and was more eminent
[in a fine appearance] than those that dieted
the most luxuriously ; and indeed such was
the thickness of the hair of his head, that it
was with difficulty he was polled every eighth
day ; and his hair weighed two hundred she-
kels, * which are five pounds. However, he
dwelt in Jerusalem two years, and became
die father of three sons, and one daughter ;
which daughter was of very great beauty,
and which Rehoboam, the son of Solomon,
took to wife afterward, and had by her a son
named Abijah ; but Absalom sent to Joab,
and desired him to pacify his father entirely
towards him ; and to beseech him to give him
leave to come to him to see him, and speak
with him; but when Joab neglected so to do, he
sent some of his own servants, and set fire to
the field adjoining to him ; which, when Joab
understood, he came to Absalom, and accused
him of what he had done ; and asked him the
reason why he did so ? To which Absalom
replied, that " I have found out this strata-
gem that might bring thee to us, while thou
hast taken no care to perform the injunction
I laid upon thee, which was this, to reconcile
my father to me ; and I really beg it of thee,
now thou art here, to pacify my father as to
me, since 1 esteem my coming hither to be
more grievous than my banishment, while my
father's wrath against me continues." Here-
by Joab was persuaded, and pitied the distress
that Absalom was in, and became an interces-
sor with the king for him ; and when he had
discoursed with his father, he soon brought
him to that amicable disposition towards Ab-
salom, that he presently sent for him to come
to him ; and when he had cast himself down
upon the ground, and had begged for the
forgiveness of his ofiences, the king raised
him up, and promised him to forget what he
had formerly done.
CHAPTER IX.
CONCERNING THE INSURRECTION OF ABSALOM
AGAINST DAVID ; AND CONCERNING AHI-
THOPHEL AND HUSHAI ; AND CONCERNING
ZIUA AND SHIM EI ; AND HOW AHITHOPHEL
HANGED HIMSELF.
§ 1. Now Absalom, upon this his success with
the king, procured to himself a great many
♦ Of this weight of Absalom's hair, how in twcntv or
thirty years it might well amount to two hundred she-
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
197
horses, and many chariots, and that in a little
time also. He had moreover fifty armour-
bearers that were about him, and he came
early every day to the king's palace, and
spake what was agreeable to such as camt for
justice and lost their causes, as if that hap-
pened for want of good counsellors about the
king, or perhaps because the judges mistook
in that unjust sentence they gave ; whereby
he gained the good-will of them all. He
told them, that had he but such authority com-
mitted to him, he would distribute justice
to them in a most equitable manner. When
he sad made himself so popular among the
multitude, he thought he had already the
good-will of the people secured to him ; but
when four years -j- had passed since his fa-
ther's reconciliation to him, he came to him,
and besought him to give him leave to go to
Hebron, and pay a sacrifice to God, because
he vowed it to him when he fled out of the
country. So when David had granted his
request, he went thither, and great multitudes
came running together to him, for he had
sent to a great number so to do.
2. Among them came Ahithophel the Gi-
lonite, a counsellor of David's, and two hun-
dred men out of Jerusalem itself, who knew
not his intentions, but were sent for as to a
sacrifice. So he was appointed king by all
of them, which he obtained by this stratagem.
As soon as this news was brought to David,
and he was informed of what he did not ex-
pect from his son, he was affrighted at this his
impious and bold undertaking, and wondered
that he was so far from remembering how his
offence had been so lately forgiven him, that
he undertook much worse and more wicked
enterprizes ; first, to deprive him of that
kingdom which was given him of God ; and,
secondly, to take away his own father's life.
He therefore resolved to fly to the parts be-
yond Jordan ; so he called his most intimate
friends together, and communicated to them
all that he had heard of his son's madness.
He committed himself to God, to judge be-
tween them about all their actions ; and left
the care of his royal palace to his ten concu-
bines, and went away from Jerusalem, being
willingly accompanied by the rest of themul-
kels, or to somewhat above six pounds avoirdupois, see
the Literal Accomplishment of Prophecies, page 'il, 78.
But a late very judicious author thinks that the lxxh
meant not its v;eicht, but its value was twenty shekels.
Dr. Wall's Critical Notes on the Old Testament, upon
2 Sara. xiv. 26. It does not appear what was Juse-
phus's opinion : he sets the text down honestly as iie
found it in his copies, only he thought, that " at the
end of days," when Absalom polled Oi weighed his hair
was once a week.
t This is one of the best corrections that Josephus's
copy atlbrds us of a text that, in our ordinary copies, is
grossly corrupted. They say that this rebellion of Al)-
salom was forty years after what went before (of his re-
conciliation to his father), whereas the series of the
history shows it couid not l>e more than four years after
it, as here in Josephus, whose number is directly eon-
i firmed by that copy of the Septuagint version whence
the Armenian translation was made, which gives xa thr
same small number of four year*.
X^
193
AN'TIQUITIES OF THC JKWS.
BOOK VII
titudc, who went hastily awuy witii him, and
particularly Ijy thosL' six huiulred armed men,
wlio liad been wiUi liim From his first flight in
the days of Saul. But ho persuaded Ahia-
thar and Zadok, the hi.>h-priests, who had de-
termined to go away with him, as also all the
Levitts, who were with the ark, to stay be-
hind, as hoping that God woi.ld deliver liim
witiiout its removal ; but he charged them to
let him know privately how all things went
on ; and he had their sons, Ahlmaaz the son
of Zadok. and Jonathan the son of Abiathar,
for faithful ministers in all things; but Ittai
the Gittite went out witli him whether David
would let hhn or not, for he would have per-
suaded him to stay, and on that account he
appeared the more friendly to him ; but as lie
was ascending the mount of Olives barefoot-
ed, and all his com)iany were in tears, it was
told him that Ahlthophel was with Absalom,
and was of his side. Tliis hearing augment-
ed his grief; and he besought God earnestly
to alienate the mind of Absalom from Aliitho-
phel, for he was afraid that he should persuade
him to follow his pernicious counsel, for he
was a prudent man, ar.i very sharp in seeing
what was advantageous. When David was
gotten upon the top of the mountain, he took
a view of the city ; and prayed to God with ]
abundance of tears, as liaving already lost his
kingdom : and here it was that a faithful
friend of his, whose name was Hushai, met
liim. When David saw him v.ith his clothes
rent, and having ashes all over his head, and
in lamentation for the great change of alfairs,
lie comforted him, and exhorted him to leave
olF grieving ; nay, at length he besought him
to go back to Absalom, and appear as one of
his party, and to fish out the secretest coun-
sels of his mind, and to contradict the coun-
sels of Ahithophel, for that he could not do
him so much good by being with him as
he ir.ight by beiiig with Absalom. So he
>vas prevailed on by David, and left him, and
came to Jerusalem, whither Absalom Jiimself
came also a little while afterward.
3. When David was gone a little farther,
there met him Ziba, the servant of Mephi-
bosheih (whom he had sent to take care of
the possessions which had been given him, as
the son of Jonathan, the son of Saul) with a
couple of asses, loaden witli provisions, and
desired him to take as much of them as he
and his followers stood in need of. And
when the king asked liim where he had left
IMephibosheth, he said he had left him in
Jerusalem, expecting to be chosen king in the
jiresent confusions, in remembrance of the
benefits Saul had conferred upon them. At
tliis the king had great indignation, and gave
to Ziba all that ne had formerly bestowed on
Mephiboshcth, for he determined that it was
much fitter that he should have them than the
other; at yliich Ziba greatly rejoiced.
4. When David was at Bahurim, a place
so called, there came out a kinsman of Saul's,
whose name was Sliimei, and threw stones at
him, and gave him reproachful words ; and
as his friends stood about the king and prt>.
tected him, he persevered still more in his re-
proiK-hes, and called him a bloody man, and
the author of all sorts of mischief. He bade
him also go out of the land as an impure and
accursed wretch ; and he thanked God for
depriving him of liis kingdom, and causing
liim to be punisiied for what injuries he had
done to his master [Saul, and this by the
means of his own son. Now when they were
all provoked against him, and angry at him,
and particularly /'.bisliai, who had a mind to
kill Shimei, David restrained his anger. " Let
us not," said he, " bring upon ourselves ano-
ther fresh misfortune to those we have already,
for truly I have not the least regard nor con-
cern for this dog that raves at me : I submit
myself to God, by wliose permission this inan
treats me in such a wild manner ; nor is it
any wonder that I am oliliged to undergo these
abuses from him, while I experience the like
from an impious son of my own ; but perhaps
God will have some commiseration u])on us;
if it be his v.ill we shall overcome them." So
he went on his way without troubling himself
with Shimei, who ran along the other side of
the mountain, and threw out his abusive lan-
guage plentifully. But when David was come
to Jordan, he allowed those that were with
him to refresh themselves ; for tliey were
weary.
5. But when Absalom, and Ahithophel his
counsellor, were come to Jerusalem, with all
the people, David's friend, Ilushai, came to
them ; and when he had worshipped Absalom,
he withall wished that his kingdom might last
a long time, and continue for all ages. But
when Absalom said to him, " How comes
this, that he who was so intimate a friend of
my father's, and appeared faitliful to him in all
things, is not with him now, but hath left him,
and is come over to me ? " Husliai's answer
was very pertinent and prudent ; for he said,
" We ought to follow God and the multitude
of the people; while these, therefore, my lord
and master, are with thee, it is fit that 1 should
follow them, for thou hast received the king-
dom from God. I will therefore, if tiiou be-
lievest me to be thy friend, show the same
fidelity and kindness to thee, which thou
knowest I have shown to thy father : nor is
[tiiere any reason to be in the least dissatisfied
with the present stale of aflairs, for the king-
dom is not transferred into anotlier, but re-
mains still in the same family, by the son's
receiving it after his f:it!ier. " 'I'his speech
])ersuaded Absalom, who before sus])ected
Hushai. And now he called Ahithophel,
and consulted with hiin what he ought to do;
he persuaded him to go in unto his father's
concubines; for he said, that "by this p.c
^ tion the people would believe that thy diU'er-
r
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
199
ence with thy father is irrecor.cileable, and
will thence fight with great alacrity against
thy father, for hitherto they are afraid of tak-
ing up open enmity against him, out of an
expectation that you will be reconciled again."
Accordingly Absalom was prevailed on by
this advice, and commanded his servants to
pitch him a tent upon the top of the royal
palace, in the sight of the multitude; and he
went in and lay with his father's concubines.
Now this came to pass according to the pre-
diction of Nathan, when he prophesied and
signified to him that his son would rise up in
rebellion against him.
6. And when Absalom had done what he
was advised to by Ahithophel, he desired his
advice, in the second place, about the war
against his father. Now Ahithophel only ask-
ed him to let him have ten thousand chosen
men, and he promised he would slay his fa-
ther, and bring the soldiers back again in
safety ; and he said, that then the kingdom
would be firm to him when David was dead
but not otherwise]. Absalom was pleased
with this advice, and called for Hushai, Da-
vid's friend (for so did he style him), and in-
formed him of the opinion of Ahithophel : he
asked, fartlier, what was his opinion concern-
ing that matter. Now he was sensible that
if Ahithophel's counsel were followed, David
would be in danger of being seized on, and
slain ; so he attempted to introduce a contrary
opinion, and said, " Thou art not unacquaint-
ed, O king, with the valour of thy father, and
of those that are now \vith him j that he hath
Tiade many wars, and hath always come off
with victory, though probably he now abides
in the camp, for he is very skilful in strata
gems, and in foreseeing the deceitful tricks of
his enemies ; yet will he leave his own soldiers
in tlie evening, and will either hide himself in
some valley, or will place an ambush at some
rock ; so that, when our army joins battle
with him, his soldiers will retire for a little
while, but will come upon us again, as en-
couraged by the king's being near them; and
in the mean time your father will show him-
self suddenly in the time of the battle, and
will infuse courage into his own people when
they are in danger, but bring consternation to
thine. Consider, therefore, my advice, and
reason upon it, and if thou canst not but ac-
knowledge it to be the best, reject the opinion
of Ahithophel. Send to the entire country of
the Hebrews, and order them to come and
fight with thy father; and do thou thyself
take the army, and be thine own general in
this war, and do not trust its management to
another; then expect to conquer him with
ease, when thou overtakest liim openly with
his few partizans, but hast thyself many ten
thousands, who will be desirous to demon-
strate to thee their diligence and alacrity. And
if thy father shall shut himself up in some
city, and bear a siege, we will overthrow that
city with machines of war, and by undermin-
ing it." When Hushai had said this, lie ob-
tained his point against Ahitliophel, for his
opinion was preferred by Absalom before the
other's : h.owcver, it was no other than God •
who made the counsel of Hushai appear best
to the mind of Absalom.
7. So Hushai made haste to the high-priests,
Zadok and Abiathar, and told them the opi-
nion of Ahithophel, and his own, and tliat the
resolution was taken to follow this latter ad-
vice. He therefore bade them send to David,
and tell him of it, and to inform him of the
counsels tiiat had been taken ; and to desire
him farther to pass quickly over Jordan, lesJ
his son should change his mind, and make
haste to pursue him, and so prevent him, and
seize upon him before he be in safety. Now
the high-priests had their sons concealed in a
proper place out of the city, that they might
carry news to David of what v/as transacted,
Accordingly, they sent a maid-servant, whom
they could trust, to them, to carry the news
of Absalom's counsels, and ordered them to
signify the same to David with all speed. So
they made no excuse nor delay, but, takino-
along with them their fathers' injunctions,
because pious and faithful ministers ; and,
judging that quickness and suddenness was
the best mark of faithful service, they made
haste to meet with David. But certain horse-
men saw them when they were two furlongs
from the city, and informed Absalom of them,
who immediately sent some to take tliem ; but
when the sons of the high- priests perceived this,
they went out of the road, and betook them-
selves to a certain village (that village was
called Bahurim) ; there they desired a certain
woman to hide them, and afford them secu-
rity. Accordingly she let the young men
down by a rope into a well, and laid fleeces
of wool over them ; and when those that pur-
sued them came to her, and asked her whether
she saw them, she did not deny tiiat she had
seen them, for that they staid with her some
time, but she said they then went their ways;
and she foretold, that, however, if they would
follow them directly, they would catck them ;
* This reflection of Josephus's, that God brought to
nought the dangerous counsel of Ahithophel, and di-
rectly infatuated wicked Absalom to reject it (which in-
fatuation is what the Scripture styles the judicial harden-
ing the hearts, and blinding the eyes of men, who, by
their former voluntary wickedness, have justly dcservetl
to be destroyed, and are thereby brought to destruc-
tion), is a very just one, and in'him not unfrequent.
Nor does Josephus ever puzzle himself, or perplex his
readers, with subtile hypotheses as to the manner of
such judicial infatuations by God, while the justice of
them is generally so obvious. That peculiar manner
of the divine operations, or pennissions, or the means
God makes use of in such cases, is often impenetrable
by us. "Secret things belong to the Lord our God;
but those things that are revealed belong to us, and to
our children for ever, that we may do all the words of
this law," Deut. xxix. 29. Nor have all the subtilties
of the modems, as far as I see, given anv considerable
light in this, and many other the like points of difficul-
ty relating either to divine or human operations.— .See
the notes on Antiq. b. v, ch. i, sect. 2 ; and Autiq. h
ix, eh. iv, sect. 3.
--1
ioo
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK VII
but when, after a long pursuit, they could not
catch then), thev cainu back aj^ain ; and when
the woman saw those men were returned, and
that there was no longer any fear of the young
men's bcnig caught by them, slic drew tiieni
up by the ro]H', and bade tliein go on their
journey. Accordingly they used great dili-
gence in the prosecution of that journey, and
came to David and informed him accurately
of all the counsels of Absalom. So he cou)-
manded those that were with him to pass over
Jordan while it was night, and not to delay at
all on that account.
8. But Ahithophel, on rejection of his ad-
vice, got upon his ass and rode away to his
own country, Gilon ; and, calling his family
together, he told them distinctly what advice
he had given Absalom ; and since he had not
been persuaded by it, he said he would evi-
dently perish, and this in no long time, and
that David would overcome him, and return
to his kingdom again ; so he said it was belter
that he sb.ould take his own life away with
freedom and magnanimity, than expose him-
self to be ptmislied by I>avid, in opjiosition
to whom he had acted entirely for Absalom.
When he had discoursed thus to them, he
■went into the inmost room of his house, aud
hanged himself; and thus was the death of
Ahithophel, who was self-condemned ; and
when his relations had taken him down from
the halter, they took care of his funeral. Now,
as for David, he passed over Jordan, as we
have said already, and came to Mahanaim, a
very fine and veiy strong city ; and arl the
chief men of the country received him with
great pleasure, both out of the shame they
liad that he should be forced to flee away
[from Jerusalem^, and out of the respect they
bare him whilv he was in his former prospe-
rity. These were Baizillai tl'.e Gileadite, and
Siphar the rulei ainong the Ammonites, and
Machir the principal man of Gilead; and
these fmnished him with plentiful provisions
for himself and his follov\ers, insomuch that
they wanted no beds nor blankets for them,
nor loaves of bread, nor wine ; nay, they
brought them a great many cattle for slaugh-
ter, and afforded them what furniture they
wanted for their refreshment when they were
weary, and for food, with plenty of other ne-
cessaries.
CHAPTER X.
HOW, WHKN ABSALOM WAS BEATEN, HE WAS
CAUGHT IN A TKLE BV HIS HAIU, AND WAS
SLAIN.
§ 1. And this was the state of David and his
follo.^ers: but Absalom got together a vast
arniv of the Hebrews to op|)ose his father, and
passed iJikrewidi iv^^r the river Jordan, ind
sat down not far off Mahanaim, m the country
of Gilead. He ap|)ointed Amasa to be cap-
tain of all his host, instead of Joab his kins-
man : liis father was Ithra, and his mother
Abigail : now she and Zeruiah, the motlierof
Joab, were David's sisters ; but when David
had niuul)ered his followers, and found them
to be about four thousand, he resolved not to
tarry till Absalom attacked him, but set over
liis men captains of thousandr,, and captaitisoi
liundreds, and divided his army into three
parts ; the one part lie committed to Joab, the
next to Abisliai, Joab's brother, and the third |
to Ittai, David's coinpanion and friend, but
one that came from the city Galh ; and when
he was desirous of fighting himself among
them, his friends would not let hun : and this
refusal of theirs was founded upon very wise
reasons : — " For," said they, "if we be con-
quered when he is with us, we have lost all
good hopes of recovering otirselves ; but if we
should be beaten in one p rt of our armj-,
the other parts may retire to him, and may
thereby prepare a greater force, while the ene-
my will naturally suppose that he hath another
army with him." So David was pleased with
this their advice, and resolved himself to tarrr
at Mahanaim ; and as he sent his friends and
commanders to the battle, he desireil them to
show all possible alacrity ami fidelity, and to
bear in mind what advantages they had received
from him, which, though they had not been
very great, yet had they not been quite incon-
siderable ; and he begged of them to spare tha
youngman Absalom, lest some mischief should
befall himself, if he should be killed ; and thus
did he send out his army to the battle, and
wished them victory therein.
2. Then did Joab put his army in balt!«
array over-against the enemy in the Great
Plain, where he had a wood behind him. Al)-
salom also brought his army into the field toop-
pose him. Ujion the joining of the battle, both
sides showed great actions with thtir Imnds
and their boldness; the one side c-xposiiig
themselves to the greatest hazards, and using
their utmost alacrity, that David might recover
his kingdom ; and the other being no "ay de-
ficient, either in doing or sull'ering, that -Ab-
salom might not be dejirived of that kingdom,
and be brought to punishment by his lather,
for his impudent attempt against him. Those
also that were the most mimerous were solicit-
ous that they might not be conquered by those
few that were witli Joab, and with the other com-
manders, because that would be the greatest
disgrace to them; while David's soldiers
strove greatly to overcome so many ten thou-
sands as tlie eu'jmy had witii them. Now
David's men were conquerors, as superior in
strength and skill in war ; so liuy followed the
others as they (led away through the forests
and Valleys; some tiny took prisoners, and
m<my they slew, and more in the flight than
lin tbebittle, f<T there fell about tweulv lht)U»
CHAP XI.
sami that clay. But all David's men ran viol-
ently upon Absalom, for he was easily known
by his beauty and tallness. He was himself
also afraid lest his enemies should seize on him,
so he got upon the king's mule and fled ; but
as he was carried with violence, and noise, and
a great motion, as being himself light, he en-
tangled his hair greatly in the large boughs of
a knotty tree that spread a great way, and
there he hung, after a surprizing manner ; and
as for the beast it went on farther, and that
swiftly, as if his master had been still upon
his back; but he hanging in the air upon the
boughs, was taken by his enemies. Now when
one of David's soldiers saw this, he informed
Joab of it ; and wlien the general said, That if
he had shot at and killed Absalom, he would
have given him fifty shekels, — he replied, " I
would not liave killed my master's son if
thou wouldst have given me a thousand
shekels, especially when he desired that the
voung man might be spared, in the hearing
of us all." But Joab bade him show him
where it was that he saw Absalom hang ;
whereupon he shot him to the heart, and slew
him, and Joab's armour bearers stood round
the tree, and pulled down his dead body, and
cast it into a great chasm that was out of
sight, and laid a heap of stones upon him, till
the cavity was filled up, and had both the
appearance and the bigness of a grave. Then
Joab sounded a retreat, and recalled his own
soldiers from pursuing the enemy's army, in
order to spare their countrymen.
3. Now Absalom had erected for himself
a marble pillar in the king's dale, two fur-
longs distant from Jerusalem, which he named
Absalom's Hand, saying, that if his children
were killed, his name would remain by that
pillar ; for he had three sons and one daugh-
ter, named Taniar, as we said before, who,
when she was married to David's grandson,
Rehoboam, bare a son, Abijah by name, who
succeeded his father in the kingdom ; but of
these we shall speak in a part of our history
which will be more proper. After the deatli
of Absalom, they returned every one to their
own homes respectively.
4. But now Aiiimaaz, the son of Zadok the
high-priest, went to Joab, and desired he would
permit him to go and tell David of this vic-
tory, and to bring him the good news that
God had afforded his assistance and his pro-
vidence to him. However, he did not grant
his request, but said to him, " Wilt thou,
who hast always been the messenger of good
news, now go and acquaint the king tl)at his
son is dead ?" So he desired him to desist.
He tlien called Cushi, and committed the
buj.iness tc him, that he should tell the king
what he had seen. But when Ahimaaz again
desired him to let him go as a messenger, and
assured him that he would only relate what
concerned the victory, but not concerning tlie
death of Absalom, he gave hiin leave to go to
■>-__
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
201
David. Now he took a nearer road than the
former did, for nobody knew it but himself,
and he came before Cushi. Now as David
was sitting between the gates,* and waiting
to see when somebody would come to him
from the battle, and tell him how it went, one
of the watchmen saw Ahimajiz running, and
before he could discern who lie was, he told
David that he saw somebody coming to him,
who said, he was a good messenger. A little
while after, he informed him, that another
messenger followed him ; whereupon the king
said that he also was a good messenger: but
when the watchman saw Ahimaaz, and that
he was already very near, he gave the king
notice, that it was the son of Z«dok the
high-priest, who came running. So David
was very glad, and said he was a messenger
of good tidings, and brought him some such
news from the battle as he desired to hear.
5. While the king was saying thus, Ahi.
maaz appeared, and worshipped the king.
And when the king inquired of him about
the battle, he said he brought him the good
news of victory and dominion. And when
he inquired what he had to say concerning
his son, he said that he came away on the
sudden as soon as the enemy was defeated,
but that he heard a great noise of those that
pursued Absalom, and that he could learn no
more, because of the haste he made v\hen
Joab sent him to inform him of the victory.
But when Cushi was come, and had v\orsliip-
ped him, and informed him of the victory, be
asked him about his son, who replied, " May
the like misfortune befal thine enemies as
hath befallen Absalom." That word did not
permit either himself or his soldiers to rejoice
at the victory, though it was a very great one;
but David went up to the highest part of the
city,-f- and wept for his son, and beat his
breast, tearing [the hair of] his head, torment-
ing himself all manner of ways, and crying
out, " O, my son ! I wish that I had died
myself, and ended my days with thee !" for
he was of a tender natural aflTection, and had
extraordinary compassion for this son in par-
ticular. But when the army and Joab heard
that the king mourned for his son, they were
ashamed to enter the city in the habit of con-
querors, but they all came in as cast down,
* The reader need not be surprised at this aocoimt ol
David's throne, both here and 2 i^am. xviii, 31, that it
was between two gates, or portals; gates being in cities,
as well as at the temple, large open places, with a por
tal at the entrance, and another at the exit, between
which judicial causes were heard, and public consulta-
tions taken, as is well known from several places of
Scripture, 2 Chron. xxxi, 2; Psal. ix, 14; cxxvii, 5;
Prov. i, 21 ; viii, 3, 54; xxxi, 25; and often elsewhere.
t Since David was now in Mahanaim, and in the
open place of that city-gate, which seems still to have
been built the highest of any part of the wall ; and since
our other copies say he went up to the chamber over the
gate (2 Sam. xviii, 33}, I think we ought to correct our
present reading in Josephus, and for citu, should read
gate, i. e instead of the highest part of tne citi/, should
say the highest part of tbegaie. Accordingly we tind Da-
vid presently, in Josephus, as well as in our other copies,
2 Sam. xix, 8, sitting as before, in the gate of tlie city
Y~
J-
202
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
ami ill tears, as if they had been beaten.
Now wliile tlie king covered liimself, and
grievously lamented his son, Joab went in to
liim, and said, " O my lord the king, thou
art not aware tliat thou layest a blot on tliy-
self by what thou now doest ; for thou now
secmest to hate tliose that love thee, and un-
dergo dangers for thee ; nay to hate thyself
and thy family, and to love tliose that are thy
bitter enemies, and to desire the company of
those that are no more, and who have been
justly slain ; for had Absalom gotten the vic-
tory, and firmly settled himself in the kingdom,
there had been none of us left alive, but all of
us, beginning with thyself and thy children,
had miserably perished, while our enemies
had not wept for us, but rejoiced ove_r us,
and punished even those tliat pitied us in our
misfortunes; and thou art not ashamed to do
this in the case of one that has been thy bit-
ter enemy, who, while he was thine own son,
hath proved so wicked to thee. Leave ofl",
therefore, thy unreasonable grief, and come
abroad and be seen by thy soldiers, and return
them thanks for the alacrity they showed in
the fight; for I myself will this day per-
suade the people to leave thee, and to give
the kingdom to another, if thou continuest
to do thus ; and then I shall make thee to
grieve bitterly and in earnest." Upon Joab's
speaking thus to him, he made the king leave
off his sorrow, and brought him to the consi-
deration of his aflfairs. So David changed
his habit, and exposed himself in a manner
fit to be seen by the multitude, and sat in the
gates ; whereupon ull the people heard of it,
and ran together to him, and saluted him.
And this was the present state of David's
aSairs.
CHAPTER XI.
HOW DA^^D, WHEN HE HAD RECOVERED HIS
KINGDOM, WAS RECONCILED TO SUIMEI, AND
TO ZIBA ; AND SHOWED A GREAT AEi'EC-
TION TO BABZILLAl : AND HOW, UPON THE
RISE OF A SEDITION, HE MADE AMASA CAP-
TAIN OF HIS HOST, IN ORDER TO PURSUE
SHEBA ; WHICH AMASA WAS SLAIN BY JOAB.
§ 1. Now those Hebrews that had been with
Absalom, and had retired out of tlie battle,
when they were all returned home, sent mes-
sengers to every city to put tlam in mind of
what benefits David had bestowed upon them,
and of that liberty whicli he had procured
them, by delivering them from many and great
wars. But tiiey complained, tliat whereas
they had ejected him out of liis kingdom, and
committed it to another governor, which o-
ther governor, whom they Iiad set up, was al-
ready daad; they did not now beseech David
to leave off his anger at tliem, and to become
iViends with them, and, as he used to do, to
resume the care of tlieir affairs, and take the
kingdom again. This was often told to Da-
vid. And, this notwithstanding, David sent
to Zadok and Abiathar the high-priests, that
they should speak to the rulers of the tribe of
Judah after the manner following : That it
would bo a reproach upon them to permit the
other tribes to choose David for their king,
before their tribe, and this said he, while you
are akin to him, and of the same common
blood. He commanded them also to say the
same to Amasa the cajitain of their forces,
That whereas he was his sister's son, he had
not persuaded the multitude to restore the
kingdom of David : that he miglit expect fronf
him not only a reconciliation, for that was al
ready granted, but that supreme command of
the army also which Absalom had bestowed
upon him. Accordingly the high-priests,
when they had discoursed with the rulers of
the tribe, and said what the king had ordered
them, persuaded Amasa to undertake the care
of his affairs. So he persuaded that tribe to
send immediately ambassadors to him, to be-
seech him to return to his own kingdom. The
same did all the Israelites, at the like persua-
sion of Amasa.
2. When the ambassadors came to him, he
came to Jerusalem ; and the tribe of Judah
was the first that came to meet the king at the
river Jordan ; and Siiimei, the son of Gera,
came with a thousand men, which he brought
with him out of the tribe of Benjamin ; and
Ziba, the freedman of Saul, with his sons,
fifteen in number, and with his twenty ser-
vants. All these, as well as the tribe of Ju-
dah, laid a bridge [of boats] over the river,
that the king, and those that were with him,
might witli ease pass over it. Now as soon
as he was come to Jordan, the tribe of Judah
saluted him. Shimei also came upon tlie
bridge, took hold of his feet, and prayed him
to forgive him what he had offended, and not
to be too bitter against him, nor to think fit
to make him tlw; first example of severity un-
der his new authority ; but to consider that
he had repented of his failure of duty, and
had taken care to come first of all to him.
While lie was thus entreating the king, and
moving him to compassion, Abishai, Joab's
brother, said. And shall not this man die for
this, that he hath cursed that king whom God
hath appointed to reign over us ? But Da-
vid turned himself to him, and said, " Will
you never leave off, ye sons of Zeruiah ? Do
not you, I pray, raise new troubles and scdi-
tions among us, now the former are over ; for
I would not have you ignorant, that I this day
begin my reign, and therefore swear to remit to
all offenders their punishments, and not to
animadvert on any one tliat has sinned. Be
thou, therefore," said he, " O Shimei, of good
courage, and do not at all fear being put to
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
20i
death." So lie worshipped him, and went on
before him.
3. Mephibosheth also, Saul's grand-son,
met David, clothed in a sordid garment, and
having his Iiair thick and neglected ; for after
David was fled away, he was in such grief
that he had not polled his head, nor had he
washed his clothes, as dooming himself to un-
dergo such hardships upon occasion of the
change of the king's affairs. Now he had
been unjustly calumniated to the king by
Ziba, his steward. When he had saluted the
king, and worshipped him, the king began to
ask him why he did not go out of Jerusalem
with him, and accompany him during his
flight ? He replied, that this piece of injus-
tice was owing to Ziba ; because, when he
was ordered to get things ready for his going
out with him, he took no care of it, but re-
garded him no more than if he had been a
slave ; " and, indeed, had I had my feet sound
and strong, I had not deserted thee, for I
could then have made use of them in my
flight : but this is not all the injury that Ziba
has done me, as to my duty to tliee, my lord
and master, but he hath calumniated me be-
sides, and told lies about me of his own in-
vention ; but I know thy mind will not ad-
mit of such calumnies, but is righteously dis-
posed, and a lover of truth, which it is also
the will of God should prevail. For when
thou wast in the greatest danger of suffering
by my grandfather, and when, on that ac-
count, our whole family might justly have
been destroyed, thou wast moderate and mer-
ciful, and didst then especially forget all those
injuries, when, if thou liadst remembered
them, thou hadst the power of punishing us
for them j but thou hast judged me to be thy
friend, and hast set me every day at thine
own table ; nor have I wanted any thing
which one of thine own kinsmen, of greatest
esteem with thee, could have expected."
When he had said this, David resolved nei-
ther to punish Mephibosheth, nor to con-
demn Ziha, as having belied his master; but
said to him, that as he had [before] granted
all his estate to Ziba, because he did not come
»long with him, so he [now] promised to for-
give him, and ordered that the one half of his
estate should be restored to him." Where-
upon Mephibosheth said, " Nay, let Ziba take
all; it suffices me that thou hast recovered
thy kingdom."
4. But David desired Barzillai the Gilead-
• By David's disposal of half ftlcphibosheth's estate to
Ziba, one would imoj^ine that he was a good deal dissa-
U.<lie<l,and doubtful whether Mephibosheth's story were
entirely true or not : nor does Uavid now invite him to
diet with him, as he did before, but only forgives him,
if he had been at all guilty. Nor is this odd way of
mourning that Mephibosheth made use of here, and 2
Sam. xix, ■:;4, wholly free from suspicion of hypocrisv.
If Ziba neglected or refusetl to bring Mephibosheth an
ass of his ovni, oa which he might ride to David, It is
hard to suppose that so great a man as he was should
not be able to procure some other beast for the same
purpose.
ite, that great and good man, and ons that
had made a plentiful provision for him at
Mahanaim, and had conducted him as far as
Jordan, to accompany him to Jerusalem, for
he promised to treat him in his old age with
all manner of respect — to take care of him,
and provide for him. But Barzillai was so
desirous to live at home, that he entreated
him to excuse him from attendance on him ;
and said, that his age was too great to enjoy
the pleasures [of a court], since he was four-
score years old, and was therefore making
provision for his death and burial ; so he de-
sired him to gratify him in this request, and
dismiss him ; for he had no relish of his meat
or his drink, by reason of his age ; and that
his ears were too much shut up to hear the
sound of pipes, or the melody of other musi-
cal instruments, such as all those that live
with kings delight in. When he entreated
for this so earnestly, the king said, " I dis-
miss thee ; but thou shalt grant me thy son
Chimham, and upon him I will bestow all
sorts of good things." So Barzillai left his
son with him, and worshipped the king, and
wished him a prosperous conclusion of all his
affairs according to his own mind, and then
returned home : but David came to Gilgal,
having about him half the people [of Israel,]
and the [whole] tribe of Judah.
5. Now the principal men of the country
came to Gilgal to him with a great multitude,
and complained of the tribe of Judah, that
they had come to him in a private manner,
whereas they ought all conjointly, and with
one and the same intention^ to have given
him the meeting. But the rulers of the tribe
of Judah desired them not to be displeased if
they had been prevented by them : for, said
they, " We arc David's kinsmen, and on that
account we the rather took care of him, and
loved him, and so came first to him ;" yet
had they not, by their early coming, received
any gifts from him, which might give them
who caine last any uneasiness. When the
rulers of the tribe of Judah had said this, the
rulers of the other tribe were not quiet, but
said farther, " O brethren, we cannot but
wonder at you when you call the king ycur
kinsman alone, whereas he that hath received
from God the power over all of us in com-
mon, ought to be esteemed a kinsman to us
all ; for which reason the whole people have
eleven parts in him, and you but one part:-J
we are also elder than you ; wherefore you
have not done justly in coming to the king in
this private and concealed manner."
6. While these rulers were thus disputing
+ I clearly prefer Josephus's reading here, when it sup-
poses eleven tribes, including Benjamin, to be on the one
side, and the tribe of Judah alone on the other, since
Benjamin, in general, had been still founderof the house
of Saul, and less firm to David hitherto, than any of the
rest, and so cannot be supposed to be joined with JudaJ)
at this time, to make it double, especially when thefol
lowing rebellicn was headed by a Benjamite. See sect
6 ; ana 2 Sam. xx, 2. 4.
■\.
J^
JfO*
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK VIL
one with another, a certain wicked man, who
took a pleasure in seditious practices (his
name was Sheba, the son of Bichri, of tlie
tribe of Ik'njaniin) stood up in tlie midst of
the multitude, and cried aloud, and spake thus
to tliem : — " We have no part in David, nor
inlieritance in the son of Jesse." And when
he had used those words, lie blew with a
trumpet, and declared war against the king ;
and they all left David, and followed liim ;
the tribe of Jiidah alone staid with him, and
settled him at his royal palace at Jerusalem.
l)ut as for his concubines, with whom Absa-
lom liis son had accomjjanied, truly he re-
moved tliem to another house ; and ordered
those that had the care of them to make a
plentiful provision for them ; but he came
not near tliem any more. He also appointed
Amasa for the captain of his forces, and gave
him thcsame high office which Joab before had;
and he commanded him to gather together,
out of the tribe of Judah, as great an army as
he could, and come to him within three days,
that he might deliver to him his entire army,
and might send him to fight against [Sheba]
the son of Bichri. Now while Amasa was gone
out, and made some delay in gathering the
army together, and so was not yet returned,
on the third day the king said to Joab, —
" It is not fit we should make any delay in
this affair of Sheba, lest he get a numerous
army about him, and be the occasion of great-
er mischief, and hurt our afl'airs more than
did Absalom liimself ; do not thou therefore
wait any longer, but take such forces as thou
hast at hand, and that [old] body of six hun-
dred men and thy brother Abishai with thee,
and pursue after our enemy, and endeavour
to fight him wheresoever thou canst overtake
him. Make haste to prevent him, lest he
seize upon some fenced cities, and cause us
gieat labour and pains before we take him."
7. So Joab resolved to make no delay, but
taking with him his brother, and those six
hundred men, and giving orders that tlie rest
of the army which was at Jerusalem should
follow liim, he marched with great speed a-
gainst Sheba ; and when he was come to
Gibeon, which is a village forty furlongs dis-
tant from Jerusalem, Amasa brought a great
army with liiin, and met Joab. Now Joab
was girded with a sword, and his breast-plate
on ; and when Amasa came near liim to sa-
lute him, he took particular care that his
sword should fall out, as it were, of its own
accord ; so he took it up from the ground,
and while he ajiproached Amasa, who was
then near him, as though he would kiss him,
he took hold of Amasa's beard with his other
h.Tnd, and he smote him in his belly when he
did not foresee it, and slew him. This im-
pious and altogether profane action, Joab did
to a voung man, and his kinsman, and one
that had done him no injury, and this out
of jealousy that he would obtain the chief
command of the army, and be in equal dig-
nity with himself about the king; and for
tlie same cause it was that he killed Abner ;
but as to that former wicked action, the death
of his brother Asahel, which he seemed to
revenge, aflbrded him a decent pretence, and
made that crime a pardonable one; but in
this murder of Amasa there was no such co-
vering for it. Now when Joab had killed
this general, he pursued after Sheba, having
left a man with the dead body, who was or-
dered to proclaim aloud to the army that A
masa was justly slain, and deservedly punish-
ed. " But," said he, " if you be for the king,
follow Joab his general, and Abishai, Joab's
brother : " but because the body lay on the road,
and all the multitude came running to it, and,
as is usual with the multitude, stood won-
dering a great while at it, he that guarded it
removed it thence, and carried it to a certain
place that was very remote from the road,
and there laid it, and covered it with his gar-
ment. When this was done, all the people
followed Joab. Now as he pursued Sheba
through all the country of Israel, one told
him that he was in a strong city, called Abel-
beth-maachah. Hereupon Joab went thither,
and set about it with his army, and cast up a
bank round it, and ordered his soldiers to
undermine the walls, and to overthrow them;
and since the people in the city did not ad-
mit him, he was greatly displeased at them.
8. Now there was a woman of small ac-
count, and yet both wise and intelligent, who
seeing her native city lying at the last extre-
mity, ascended upon the wall, and, by means
of the armed men, called for Joab ; and when
he came to her, she began to say, That " God
ordained kings and generals of armies, that
they might cut off the enemies of the He-
brews, and introduce a universal peace among
them ; but thou art endeavouring to over-
throw and depopulate a metropolis of the Is-
raelites, which hath been guilty of no of-
fence." But he replied, "God continue to
be merciful unto me: 1 am disposed to avoid
killing any one of the people, much less would
I destroy such a city as this ; and if they will
deliver me up Sheba, the son of Bichri, who
hath rebelled against the king, I will leave
olf the siege, and withdraw the army from the
place." Now as soon as the woman heard
what Joab said, she desired him to intermit
the siege for a little while, for that he should
havo the head of his enemy thrown out to
him presently. So she went down to the ci-
tizens, and said to them, " Will you be so
wicked as to perish miserably, with your chil-
dren and wives, for the sake of a vile fellow,
and one whom nobody knows who he is ?
And will you have him for your king instead
of David, who hath been so great a benefactor
to you, and oppose your city alone to such a
mighty antl strong army ?" So she prevailed
with them, and they cut oif the head of Shc^
V
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. XII.
ba, and threw it into Joab*s army. When
this was done, the king's general sounded a
retreat, and raised ilie siege. And when he
was come to Jerusalem, he was again appoint-
ed to be general of all the people. The king
also constituted Benaiah captain of the guards,
and of the six hundred men. He also set
Adoram over the tribute, and Sabatlies and
Achilaus over the records. He made Sheva
tlie scribe ; and appointed Zadok and Abia-
Uiar the Iiigh-priests.
CHAPTER XII.
HOW THE HEBREWS WERE DELIVERED FROM A
FAMINE WHEN THE GIBEONITES HAD CAUS-
ED PUNISHMENT TO BE INFLICTED FOR THOSE
OF THEM THAT HAD BEEN SLAIN : AS ALSO,
WHAT GREAT ACTIONS WERE PERFORMED A-
GAINST THE PHILISTINES BY DAVID, AND
THE MEN OF V4L0UR ABOUT HIM.
§ 1. After this, when the country was great-
y afflicted with a famine, David besought
God to have mercy on the people, and to dis-
cover to him what was the cause of it, and
how a remedy might be found for that dis-
temper. And when the prophets answered,
that God would have the Gibeonites avenged,
whom Saul the king was so wicked as to be-
tray to slaughter, and had not observed the
oath which Joshua the general and the senate
had sworn to them. If, therefore, said God,
the king would permit such vengeance to be
taken for those that were slain as the Gibeon-
ites should desire, he promised that he would
oe reconciled to them, and free the multitude
from their miseries. As soon therefore as the
king understood that this it was which God
sought, he sent for the Gibeonites, and asked
them what it was they would have ; — and
when they desired to have seven sons of Saul
delivered to them to be punished, he delivered
them up, but spared Mephibosheth the son of
Jonathan. So when the Gibeonites had re-
ceived the men, they punished them as they
pleased ; upon wliich God began to send rain,
and to recover the earth to bring forth its fruits
as usual, and to free it from the foregoing
drought ; so that the country of the Hebrews
flourished again. A little afterward the king
made war against the Philistines ; and when
he had joined battle with them, and put
them to fliglit, he was left alone, as he was in
pursuit of them ; and when he was quite tir-
ed down, he was seen by one of the enemy,
his name was Acinnon, the son of Araph ; he
was one of the sons of the giants. He had a
spear, the handle of which weighed tliree hun-
dred sliekels, and a breast-plate of chain-woik,
and a sword. He turned back, and ran vio-
lently to slay [David] their enemy's king, for
he was quite tired out with labour ; but Abi-
205
shai, Joab's brother, appeared on the sudden,
and protected tlie king witli his shield, as he
lay down, and slew the enemy. Now the
multitude were very uneasy at these dangers
of the king, and that he was very near to be
slain : and the rulers made him swear that he
would no more go out with tiiem to battle,
lest he should come to some great misfortune
by his courage and boldness, and thereby de-
prive the people of the l)enefits they now en-
joyed by his means, and of tliose that they
might hereafter enjoy by his living a long time
among them.
2. When the king heard that the Philis-
tines were gatliered together at the city Ga-
zara, he sent an army against them, when Sib-
bechai the Hittite, one of David's most cou-
rageous men, behaved himself so as to deserve
great commendation, for he slew many of those
that bragged they were the posterity of the
giants, and vaunted themselves highly on
that account, and thereby was the occasion of
victory to the Hebrews. After which defeat,
the Philistines made war again; and when
David had sent an army against them, Ncphan
his kinsman fought in a single combat with
the stoutest of all the Piiilistines, and slew
him, and put the rest to flight. Many of them
also were slain in the fight. Now a little
while after this, the Philistines pitched their
camp at a city which lay not far oil' the bounds
of the country of the Hebrews. They had a
man who was six cubits tall, and had on each
of his feet and hands one more toe and fin-
ger than men naturally have. Now the per-
son who was sent against them by David out
of his army was Jonathan, the son of Shimea,
who fought this man in a single combat, and
slew him ; and as lie was the person who gave
the turn to the battle, he gained the greatest
reputation for courage therein. This man
also vaunted himself to be of the sons of the
giants. But after this fight, the Philistines
made war no more against the Israelites.
S. And now David being freed from wars
and dangers, and enjoying for the future a
profound peace,* composed songs and hymns
» Tliis section is a very remarkable one, and shows
that, in the opinion of Josejihus. iJavid composed the
Book of Psalms, not at several times before, as their
present inscriptions frequently imply, but generally at
the latter end of his life, or after his wars were over.
Nor does Josephus, nor the authors of the known books
of the Old and New Testament, nor the Apostolical
Constitutions, seem to have ascribed any of them to any
other author than to David himself. See Essay on the
Old Testament, pages 174, 175. Of these metres of the
Psalms, see the note on Antiq. b. ii, cli. xvi, sect. 4.
However, we must observe here, that as Josephus says,
Antiq. b. ii, ch. xvi, sect. 4, that the song at the Ked
Sea, Exod. xv, 1 — 21, was composed by Moses in the
hexameter tune, or metre; as also, Antiq. b. iv, chap,
viii, sect. 44, that the Song of Moses, Pent, xxxii, 1 —
4.), was an heramelcr poem; so does I.e say that the
Psalms of Dtii'id were of various kinds of metre, and
particularly, that thev contained tiimcters and penta-
meters, Antiq. b. ii, ch. xii, sect. 5 ; all which implies,
that he thought these Hebrew poems might be best de-
scribed to the Greeks and Romans under those names
and characters of Hexameters, Trimeters, and Penta-
meters. Now, it appears that the instruments of music
that were originally used, by the command of king Da-
J-
^.
806
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
lo God, of several sorts of metre ; toine
of tliose which he made wctp trimeters, niid
some wvri; pcutamclcrs. lie also made instru-
ments of music, and taught the Lcvites to
sing hymns to God, both on that called the
Sabbatli-Day, and on other festivals. Now
the construction of the instruments was thus :
The viol was an instrument of ten strings,
it was played upon with a bow; the psaltery
had twelve musical notes, and was played
upon by the fingers; the cymbals were broad
and large instruments, and were made of
brass. And so much shall suffice to be spo-
ken by us about these instruments, that the
readers may not be wholly unacquainted with
tlieir nature.
4. Now all the men that wore about" Da-
vid, were men of courage. Those that were
most illustrious and famous of them for their
actions were thirty-eight; of five of whom I
will only relate the performances, for these
will suffice to make manifest the virtues of
the others also ; for these were powerful
enough to subdue countries, and conquer
great nations. First, therefore, was Jessai,
the son of Achimaas, who frequently leaped
upon the troops of the enemj-, and did
not leave off" fighting till he overthrew nine
hundred of them. After him was Eleazar,
the son of Dodo, who was with the king at
Arasam. This man, when once the Israelites
■were under a consternation at the multitude
of the Philistines, and were running away,
stood alone, and fell upon the enemy, and
slew many of them, till his sword clung to
his hand by the blood he had shed, and till
the Israelites, seeing the Pliilislines retire by
his means, came down from the mountains
and pursued them, and at that time won a
surprising and a famous victory, while Elea-
tar slew the men, and the multitude followed
and spoiled their dead bodies. The third was
Sheba, the son of Ilus. Now this man,
when, in the wars against the Philistines,
they pitched their camp at a place called Le-
bi, and when the Hebrews were again afraid
vid and Solomon, and were canietl to Babylon at the
captivity of the two trilies, were broiinht back aftbr that
captivity; as also, that the singers and musJeians, wlio
out-lived that captivity, came back with those instru-
ments, Ezra ii, 11 ; vii, 24; Neh. vil, 44; Antiq. b. xi,
ch. iii, sect. 8 ; and ch. iv, sect 2 ; and that this music,
and these instruments at the temple, could not but be
well known to Joscphus, a priest belouf^iiig to that tem-
ple ; who accordingly gives us a short description of
three of the instruments, Anti(i. b. vii, ch. xii, sect. 3;
and gives us a distinct account, that such psalms and
hymns were sung in his itays at that temple, Antiq. b.
XX, ch. ix, sect. 6 ; so that Joscphus's amhority is beyond
execi>lion in these m.ittirs. Nor can anv hyjiothesis of
the moderns that docs not agree with Joscphus's cha-
racters, be ju.stly supnosed the true metre of tlu; ancient
Hebrews; nor mde. <1 is theic, 1 ihiuk, any other origi-
nal authority now extant, hereto relating, to be oppos- I
ed to these testimonies before us. That Lhc aiii icnt
music of the ticb ewb was very complete aN), ainl had j
m it great variety of tunes, is evident by the number !
of their musical instruments, and by the testimony of I
•nother most authentic witness, Jesus, the son of .'-irach,
Ecclus. i, 18, who says Ih.if, at the temple, in his d,~.ys,
" The singers sang praises with their voice; with great |
variety oituuiids wa« lliare made sn«et melody " i
BOOK VIT.
of their army, and did not stay, he stood still
alone, as an army and a body of men ; and
some of them he overthrew, and some who
were Hot able to abide his strength and force,
he pursued. These are the works of the
hands, and of fighting, wliich these three per-
formed. Now at the time nhen the king
was once at Jerusalem, and the army of the
Philistines came upon him to fight him, Da-
vid went up to the top of the citadel, as we
have already said, to inquire of God concern-
ing the battle, while the enemy's camp lay in
the valley that extends to the city Bethlehem,
which is twenty furlongs distant from Jeru-
salem. Now David said to his companions,
— " We have excellent wafer in my own city,
especially that which is in the pit near the
gate," wondering if any one would bring him
some of it to drink; but he said that lie
would rather have it than a great deal of money
When these three men heard what he said, they
ran away immediately, and burst through the
midst of their enemy's camp, and came to Beth-
lehem ; and when they had drawn the water, thej
returned again through the enemy's camp to
the king, insomuch that the Philistines were
so surprised at their boldness and alacrity, that
they were quiet, and did nothing against them,
as if they despised their small number. But
when the water was brought to the king, he
would not drink it, saying, that it was brought
by the danger and the blood of men, and tliaf
it was not proper on tliat account to drink it,
But he poured it out to God, and gave him
thanks for the salvation of the men. Next to
these was Abishai, Joab's brother ; for he in
one day slew six hundred. The fifth of these
was Benaiah, by lineage a priest ; for beingr
challenged by [two] eminent men in tiie cour,-
try of jVIoab, he overcame them by his valour
Moreover, there was a man, by nation an E ■
gyptian, who was of avast bulk, and challeng-
ed him, yet did he, when he was unarmed,
kill him with his own spear, which he threw
at him, for he caught him by force, and took
away his weapons while he was alive and fight-
ing, and slew him with his own weapons.
One may also add this to the forementioned
actions of the same man, either as the princi-
pal of them in alacrity, or as resembling the
rest. When God sent a snow, there was a
lion who slipped and fell into a certain pit,
and because the pit's month was narrow, it
was evident he would perish, being enclosed
with the snow ; so when he saw no way to
get out and save himself, he roared. When
Benaiah heard the wild beast, he went to-
wards him, and coming at the noise he made,
he went down into the mouth of the pit and
smote him, as he struggled, with a stake that
lay there, and immediately slew liim. The
other thirty-three were like tlicse in valour
also.
■V
CHAP. XIII.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
207
CHArTER XIII.
THAT WHEN DAVID HAD NUMBERED THE PEO-
PLE, THEY WERE PUNISHED; AND HOW THE
DIVIXE COMPASSION RESTRAINED THAT PU-
NISHMENT.
§ 1, Now king David was desirous to know
how many ten tliousands there were of the
people, but forgot the commands of Moses,*
who told them beforehand, that if the multi-
tude were numbered, they should pay half a
shekel to God for every head. Accordingly
the king commanded Joab, the captain of his
host, to go and number the whole multitude;
but when he said there was no necessity for
such a numeration, he was not persuaded [to
countermand it], but he enjoined him to make
no delay, but to go about the numbering of
the Hebrews immediately. So Joab took with
him tlie heads of the tribes, and the scrilies,
and went over the country of the Israelites,
and took notice how numerous the multitude
were, and returned to Jerusalem to the king,
after nine months and twenty days ; and he
gave in to the king the number of the people,
without the tribe of Benjamin, for he had not
yet numbered that tribe, no more than the
tribe of Levi, for the king repented of his hav-
ing sinned against God. Now the number
of the rest of the Israelites was nine hundred
thousand men, who were able to bear arms
and go to war ; but the tribe of Judah, by
itself, was four hundred thousand men.
2. Now when the prophets had signified to
• The words of God by Moses (Exod. xxt. 12.) suffi-
ciently justify the reason here given by Josephus for the
i;reat plague mentioned in this chapter : — " When thou
takcst the sum of the children of Israel, after their num-
ber, then shall they give every man a ransom for his
soul unto the Lord, when thou numberest them, that
there be no jilague amongst them when thou numberest
them." Nor indeed could David's or the Sanhedrim's
neglect of executing this law at this numeration, excuse
the people, who ought still to have brought their bouiid-
en oblation of half a shekel apiece with them, when
they came to be numbered. The great reason why na-
tions are so constantly punished by and with their wick-
ed kings and governors is this, that they almost con-
stantly comply with them in their neglect of or disobe-
dience to the di\ ine laws, and suffer those divine laws
to go into disuse or contempt, in order to please those
wielded kuigs and governors; and that they submit to
several wicKcd political laws and commands of those
kings and governors, instead of the righteous laws of
Gou, which all mankind ought ever to obey, let their
kings and governors say what they please to the contra-
ry; this preference of human lief ore divine laws seem-
ing to me the principal character of idolatrous or anti-
christian nations. Accordingly, Josephus well observes
<Antiq. b. iv, ch. viii, sect. 17.) that it was the duty of
the people of Israel to take care that their kings, when
they should have them, did not exceed their proper
limits of power, and prove ungo\ emable by the laws of
God, which would certainly be a most peniicious thing
to their divine settlement. Nor do 1 think that negli-
gence peculiar to the Jews: those nations which are
called Christians, are sometimes indeed very solicitous
to restrain their kings and governors from breaking the
human laws of their several kingdoms, but without the
like care for restiaining them from breaking the laws
of God. " Whether it be right in the sight of God, to
hearken unto men more than to God, judge yc," Acts v.
19. " We ought to obey God rather than men." v. 29.
David that God was angry at him, he began
to entreat him, and lo desire he would be
merciful to him, and forgive him his sin.
But God sent Nathan the prophet to him, to
propose to him the election of three things,
tliat he might choose which he liked best:
Whether he would have a famine come upon
the country for seven years, or would have a
war, and be subdued tliree months by his e-
nemies ? or, whether God should send a pes-
tilei--ce and a distemper upon the Hebrews for
three days ? But as he was fallen to a fatal
choice of great miseries, he was in trouble,
and sorely confounded; and wlien the pro-
phet had said that he must of necessity make
his choice, and had ordered him to answer
quickly, that he might declare what he had
cliosen to God, the king reasoned with him-
self, that in case he should ask for famine, he
would appear to do it for others, and witiiout
danger to himself, since he had a great deal
of corn hoarded up, but to the harm of others;
that in case he should choose to be overcome
[by his enemies] for three months, he would
appear to have chosen war, because he had va-
liant men about him, and strong-holds, and that
therefore he feared nothing therefroin : so he
chose that affliction which is common to kings
and to their subjects, and in which the fear was
equal on all sides ; and said this beforehand,
that it was much better to fall into the hands
of God, than into those of his enemies.
3. When the prophet had heard this, he de-
clared it to God ; who thereupon sent a pes-
tilence and a mortality upon the Hebrews ;
nor did they die after one and the same man-
ner, nor so that it was easy to know what the
distemper was. Now, the miserable disease
was one in deed, but it carried themolFby ten
thousand causes and occasions, which those
that were afflicted could not understand ; for
one died upon the neck of another, and the ter-
rible malady seized them before they were
aware, and brought them to their end suddenly,
some giving up the ghost immediately with
very great pains and bitter grief; and some
were worn away by their distempers, and had
nothing remaining to be buried, but as soon
as ever they fell, were entirely macerated ;
some were choked, and greatly lamented their
case, as being also stricken with a sudden
darkness ; some there were who, as they were
burying a relation, fell down deadf, without
finishing the rites of the funeral. Now there
perished of this disease, which began witii the
morning, and lasted till the hour of dinner,
seventy thousand. Nay, the angel stretched
out his hand over Jerusalem, as sending this
terrible judgment upon it; but David had
put on sackcloth, and lay upon the ground, en-
f Whence Josephus took these his distinct and me-
lancholy accounts of the particular sympionis, and most
miserable methods of dymg, in this terrilile pestilence,
we cannot now tell, our other copies all'ordmg us iu>
such accounts.
_;"
20S
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
treating God, and begging that the distemper
miglit now ceasi", and tliat he would be satis-
fied witli those tliat had ah-eadj' perished ; and
when tlic king looiced up into the air, and saw
tlie angel carried along tliereby into Jerusalem,
with his sword drawn, he said to God, that he
might justly be punished, who was their shep-
herd ; but that the sliecp ought to he preserved,
as not liaving sinned at all ; and he implored
God that he would send his wrath upon him,
and upon all his family, but spare the people.
4. When God heard his supplication, he
caused the pestilence to cease; and sent Gad
the prophet to him, and commanded him to
go up immediately to the thrasliing-floor of
Araunah the Jebusite, and build an altar there
to God, and offer sacrifices. When Djivid
heard that, he did not neglect his duty, but
made haste to the place appointed him. Now
Araunah was thrashing wheat ; and when he
saw the king and all his servants coming to
him, he ran before, and came to him, and
worshipped him : he washy his lineage a Jebu-
site, but a particular friend of David's; and for
that cause it was that, when he overthrew the
city, he did him no harm, as we informed the
reader a little before. Now Araunah inquired,
wherefore is my lord come to his servant ?
He answered, to buy of him the thrashing-
floor, that he might therein build an altar to
God, and offer a sacrifice. He replied, that
he freely gave him both the thrashing-floor,
and the ploughs and the oxen for a burnt-
oil'ering ; and he besought God graciously to
accept his sacrifice. But the king made an-
swer, that he took his generosity and magnani-
mity kindly, and accepted his good-will ; but
he desired him to take the price of them all,
for that it was not just to ofler a sacrifice that
cost nothing. And when Araunah said he
would do as he pleased, lie bought the thrash-
ing-floor of him for fifty shekels ; and when
he had built an altar, he performed divine
service, and brought a burnt-offering, and
offered peace-offerings also. W' ith these God
was pacified, and became gracious to them
again. Now it happened that Abraham * came
and offered his son Isaac for a burnt-offering
at tliat very place ; and when the youth was
ready to have his throat cut, a ram appeared
on a sudden, standing by the altar, which
Abraham sacrificed in the stead of his son, as
we have before related. Now when king
David saw that God liad heard his prayer, and
had graciously acce|)ted of his sacrifice, he re-
solved to call that entire place The Mlar of all
Vie People, and to build a teinjtle to God there ;
wliich words he utteroil very a])positely to
what was to be done afterward ; for God sent
• What Joscphus adds here is very remarkable, that
this mount Moriah was not only tlif very phiee wlierc
Abraham offered up IsaAC long ago, but that God had
foretold to Bavid hy a nroph't, that here his son should
buiKI him a temple; wliieh i^ notdireelly in ojiy of our
other eoples, lhou)(h very agreeable to what is in them,
partieularly in 1 I'hron. xxt '-'6, 28 ; and xxii. 1 ; to
whieh places I refer the reader.
^..-
B()(JK VII.
the prophet to him, and told liim that there
should his son build him an altir, — that s-on
who was to take the kin";dom after liim.
CHAPTER XIV.
THAT DAVID MADE GREAT PREPARATIONS FOB
THE HOUSE OF GOD; AND THAT t'PON
ADONUAH'S ATTEMPT TO GAIN THE KING-
DOM, HE APPOINTED SOLOMON TO REIGN.
§ I. After the delivery of this prophecy, the
king commanded the strangers to be numbered,
and they were found to be one liundrcd and
eiglity thousand ; of these he appointed four-
score thousand to be hewers of stone, and the
rest of the multitude to carry the stones, and of
them he set over the workmen three thousand
and five hundred. He also prepared a great
quantity of iron and brass for the work, with
many (and those exceeding large) cedar-trees,
the Tyrians and Sidonians sending them to
him, for he had sent to them for a supply of
those trees ; and he told his friends that these
things were now prepared, that he might leave
materials ready for the building of the temple
to his son, who was to reign after him, and
t=!iat he might not have them to seek then, when
he was very young, and by reason of his age,
unskilful in such matters, but might have them
lying by him, and so might the more readily
complete the work.
2. So David called his son Solomon, and
charged him, when he had received the king-
dom, to build a temple to God ; and said, " I
was willing to build God a temple myself, but
he prohibited me, because I was polluted with
blood and wars ; but he hath foretold that
Solomon, my youngest son, should build him
a temple, and should be called by that name ;
over whom he hath promised to take the like
care as a father takes over his son ; and that he
would make the country of the Hebrews happy
under him, and that not only in other respects,
but by giving it peace, and freedom froin wars,
and from internal seditions, which are tlie
greatest of all blessings. Since, therefore,"
says he, " thou wast ordained king by God
himself before thou wast born, endeavour to
render thyself worthy of this his ])rovidence,
as in other instances, so particularly in being
religious, and righteous, and courageous.
Keep thou also his commands, and his laws,
which he hath given us by Moses, and do not
permit others to break them. Be zealous also
to dedicate to God a temple, which he hath
chosen to be built under thy reign ; nor be
thou affrighted by the vastncss of the work,
nor set about it timerously, for I will make all
things ready before I die: and take notice,
that there are alreatly ten thousand talents of
gold, and a hundred thousand talents of silver*
+ Of the quantity of gold and siher expended in the
building of Solomon's temple, and whence it arose, see
> Ule deacription of the temple, eliap. xiii.
/-
CHAP. XIV.
collected together. I have also laid together
brass and iron without number, and an im-
mense quantity of timber, and of stones. More-
over, thou hast many ten thousand stone-
cutters, and carpenters ; and if thou shalt want
any thing farther, do thou add somewhat of
thine own. Wherefore, if thou performest this
work, thou wilt be acceptable to God, and have
him for thy patron," David also farther exhort-
ed the rulers of the people to assist his son in
this building, and to attend to the divine ser-
vice, when they should be free from all their
misfortunes, for tiiat they by this moans should
enjoy, instead of them, peace and a happy
settlement ; with which blessings God rewards
Buch men as are religious and righteous. He
also gave orders, that when the temple should
be once built, they should put the ark therein,
with the holy vessels ; and he assured them,
that they ought to have had a temple long ago,
if their fathers had not been negligent of
God's commands, who had given it in charge,
that when they had got the possession of this
land they should build him a temple. Thus
did David discourse to the governors, and to
his son.
3. David was now In years, and his body,
by length of time, was become cold and be-
numbed, insomuch that he could get no heat
by covering himself with many clothes ; and
when the physicians came together, they agreed
to this advice, that a beautiful virgin, chosen
out of the whole country, should sleep by the
king's side, and that this damsel would com-
municate heat to him, and be a remedy against
his numbness. Now there was found in the
city one woman, of a superior beauty to all
other women (her name was Abishag), who,
sleeping with the king, did no more than com-
municate warmth to him, for he was so old
that he could not know her as a husband
knows his wife ; but of this woman we shall
speak more presently.
4. Now the fourth son of David was a
beautiful young man, and tall, born to him of
Haggith his wife. He was named Adonijah,
and was in his disposition like to Absalom ;
and exalted himself as hoping to be king,
and told his friends that he ought to take the
government upon him. He also prepared
many chariots, and horses, and fifty men to
run before him. When his father saw this,
he did not reprove him, nor restrain him from
his purpose, nor did he go so far as to ask
wherefore he did so. Now Adonijah had for
liis assistants Joab, the captain of the amij',
and Abiathar the high-priesi; and the only
persons that opposed him were Zadok tlie high-
priest, and the prophet Nathan, and Bcnaiah,
wlio was captain of the guards, and Shimei,
David's friend, with all the other mostmiglity
men. Now Adonijah had prepared a supper
out of the city, near the fountain tliat was in
the king's paradise, and had invited all his
Jrethren except Solomon, and had uken with
ANTIQUITIES OF THE lEVrs.
209
him Joab, the captain of the army, and Abia-
thar, and the rulers of the tribe of Judah ;
but had not invited to this feast cither Zadok
the high-priest, or Nathan the prophet, or
Benaiah, the captain of the guards, nor any of
those of the contrary party. This matter was
told by Nathan the prophet to Bathsheba, So-
lomon's mother, that Adonijah was king, and
that David knew nothing of it ; and he advised
her to save herself and lier son Solomon,
and to go by herself to David, and say to
him, that he had indeed sworn that Solomon
should reign after him ; but that, in the mean
time, Adonijah had already taken the king-
dom. He said that he, the prophet himself,
would come after her, and when she had
spoken thus to the king, would confirm what
she had said. Accordingly Bathsheba agreed
with Nathan, and went in to the king, and
worshipped him ; and when she had desired
leave to speak w ith him, she told him all things
in the manner that Nathan had suggested to
her ; and related what a sup])er Adonijah had
made, and who they were whom he had invit-
ed ; Abiathar the high-priest, and Joab the
general, and David's sons, excepting Solo-
mon and his intimate friends. She also said,
that all the people had their eyes upon him,
to know whom he would choose for their king.
Siie desired him also to consider, how, after
his departure, Adonijali, if he were king,
would slay her and her son Solomon.
5. Now, as Bathsheba was speaking, the
keeper of the king's chambers told him that
Nathan desired to see him ; and when the
king had commanded that he should be ad-
mitted, he came in, and asked him whether
he had ordained Adonijah to be king, and de-
livered the government to l;im, or not; for
that he had made a splendid supper and invit-
ed all his sons, except Solomon ; as also that
he had invited Joab, the captain of his host
[and Abiathar the high-priest], who are feast-
ing with applauses, and many joyful sounds
of instruments, and wish that his kingdom
may last for ever; but he hath not invited
me, nor Zadok the high-priest, nor Benaiah
the captain of the guards ; and it is but fit
that all should know whether this be done by
thy approbation or not. When Nathan had
said thus, the king commanded that they
should call Bathsheba to him, for she had gone
out of the room when the prophet came ; and
wlien Bathsheba was come, David said, " I
swear by Almighty God, that thy son Solo-
mon shall certainly be king, as I formerly
swore ; and that he shall sit upon my throne,
and that this very day also," So Bathsheba wor-
shipped him, and wished him a long life ; and
the king sent for Zadok the high-priest, and
Benaiah the captain of the guards; and when
they were come, he ordered them to t;ike witl)
them Nathan the prophet, and all the armed
men about the palace, and to set his son Solo-
on upon the king's mule, and to carry him
210
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK VII.
out of flic cily fo the fountain called Gilioji,
and to anoint liim tliere willi the holy oil, and
to make him king. Tliis lie charged Zadok
the liigli-piiest, and Natlian the propliet, to
do ; and cominandod them to follow Solomon
through the midst of the city, and to sound
the trumpets, and to wish aloud that Solomon
the king may sit upon the royal throne for
ever, that so all the people may know that he
is ordained king by his father. He also gave
Solomon a charge concerning his government,
to rule the whole nation of the Hebrews, and
particularly the tribe of Judah, religiously and
righteously. And when Bcnaiah had prayed
to God to be favourable to Solomon, — with-
out any delay, they set Solomon upon the
mule, and biought him out of the city to the
fountain, and anointed him with oil, and
brought him into the city again, with accla-
mations and wishes that his kingdom might
continue a long time : and when they had in-
troduced him into the king's house, they set
him upon the throne : — whereupon all the
people betook themselves to make merry, and
to celebrate a festival, dancing and delighting
themselves with musical pipes, till both the
earth and the air echoed with the multitude
of the instruments of music.
6. Now when Adonijah and his guests per-
ceived this noise, they were in disorder; and
Joab the captain of the host said he vvas not
pleased with these echoes, and the sound of
these trumpets. And when supper vvas set
before them, nobody tasted of it, but they were
all very thoughtful what would be the matter.
Then Jonathan, the son of Abiathar the high-
priest, came running to them ; and when
A<lonijah saw the young man gladly, and said
to him that he was a good messenger, he de-
clared to them the wliole matter about Solo-
mon, and the determination of king David;
herL-upou both Adonijah and all his guests rose
hastily from the feast, and every one fled to
their own homos. Adonijah also, as afraid
of tlie king for what he had done, became a
supplicant to God, and took hold of the horns
of the altar, vvhicli were piominent. It vvas
also told Solomon that he hail so done ; and
tliat he desired to receive assurances from him
that he would not remember the injury he had
done, and not inflict any severe punishment
for it. Solomon answered very mildly and
prudently, that he forgave him this his of-
fence; but said withal, th.it if he were found
out in any attcmjjt for new innovations, that
he would bo the author of his own punishment.
So he sent to hiin, and raised him up from
the place of his supplication. And when he
vvas come to the king, and liad worshipped
him, tlie king bid him go away to his own
liouse, and have no suspicion of any harm ;
and desired liirn to show himself a worthy
man, as what would tend to his own advan-
tage.
7 But David being desirous of ordaining
his son king of all the people, called together
their rulers to Jerusalem, witii the jiriests and
the Levitos ; and having first numbered the
Levites, he found them to be thirty-eight thou-
sand, from thirty years old to fifty ; out of
which he appointed twenty-three tjjousand to
take care of the building of the tem])lc, and
out of the same, six thousand to be judges of
the people and scribes; four thousand for
porters to the house of God, and as many for
singers, to sing to the instruments which Da-
vid had prepared, as we have said already.
He divided them also info courses : and when
he had separated the priests from them, he
found of these priests twenty-four courses,
sixteen of the house of Eleazar, and eight of
that of Ithamar; and he ordained that one
course should minister to God eight days,
from Sabbath to Sabbath. And thus were
the courses distributed by lot, in the presence
of David, and Zadok and Abiathar the high-
priests, and of all the rulers : and that course
which came up first was written down as the
first, and accordingly the second, and so on
to the twenty-fourth ; and this partition liath
remained to this day. He also made twentj--
four parts of the tribe of Levi ; and when they
cast lots, they came up in the same manner for
their courses of eight days ; he also honoured
the posterity of Moses, and made them the
keepers of the treasures of God, and of the |
donations which the king dedicated : he also |
ordained, that all the tribe of Levi, as well as
the priests, should serve God night and day,
as Moses had enjoined them. ^
8. After this he parted the entire army into
twelve parts, with their leaders [and captains '
of hundreds], and commanders. Now every
part had twenty-four thousand, which were
ordered to wait on Salomon, by thirty days
at a time, from the first day to the last, with
the captains of thousands and captains of hund- !
reds : he also set rulers over every part, such '
as he knew to be good and righteous men ; he i
set other.s also to take charge of the treasures, |
and of the villages, and of the fields, and of i
the beasts, whose names I do not think it ne- |
cessary to mention, Wlien David iiad order-
ed all tiiese oflSces after the manner before ;
mentioned, he called the rulers of the Hebrews, '
and their heads of tribes, and the otlicers over '
the several divisions, and those that were ap- ;
pointed over every work and every possession ; j
and standing upon a high pulpit, he said to
the multitude as follows: — "My brethren
and my people, I would have you know that
I inteniled to build a llou^e for God, and pre-
pared a large (juantity of gold, and a hundred
tliousand talents of silver ; but God prohibited
me by the prophet Nathan, because of the wars
I had on your account, and because tny right
hand vvas polluted with the slaughter of our
enemies ; but he commanded that iny son,
who vvas to succeed nie in the kingdom, should
build a temple for him. Now ihereforo, since
CHAP. XV.
you know that of the twelve sons whom Jacob
our forefatlier had, Judah was appointed to be
king, and that I was preferred before my six
brethren, and received the government from
God, and that none of them were uneasy at it,
so do I also desire that my sons be not seditious
one against another, now Solomon has received
the kingdom, but to bear him cheerfully for
their lord, as knowing that God hath chosen
him ; for it is not a grevious thing to obey
even a foreigner as a ruler if it be God's will,
but it is fit to rejoice when a brother hath ob-
tained that dignity, since the rest partake of it
with him. And I pray that the promfses of
God may be fulfilled ; and that this happiness
which he hath promised to bestow upon king
Solomon, over all the country, may continue
therein for all lime to come. And these pro-
mises, O son, will be firm, and come to a
happy end, if thou showest thyself to be a ra-
ligious and a righieous man, and an observer
of the laws of thy country ; but if not, expect
adversity upon thy disobedience to them."
9. Now when the king had said this, he
left off; but gave the description and pattern
of the building of the temple in the sight of
them alt, to Solomon ; of the foundations and
of the chambers, inferior and superior; how
many they were to be, and how large in height
and in breadth; as also he determined the
weiglit of the golden and silver vessels ; more-
over, he earnestly excited them with his words,
to use the utmost alacrity about the work : hs
exliorted the rulers also, and particulai-ly the
tribe of Levi, to assist him, both because of his
youth, and because God had chosen him to
take care of the building of the temple, and of
the government of the kingdom. He also de-
clared to them that the work would be easy,
and not very laborious to them, because he
had prepared for it many talents of gold, and
more of silver, with timber, and a great many
carpenters and stone-cutters, and a large quan-
tity of emeralds, and all sorts of precious
stones : — and he said, that even now he would
give of the proper goods of his own dominion
two hundred talents, and three hundred other
talents of pure gold, for the most holy place;
and for the chariot of God, the cherubim, which
are to stand over and cover the ark. Now,
when David had done speaking, there appear,
ed great alacrity among the rulers, and the
priests, and th,e Levites, who now contributed
and made grea\ and splendid promises for a
future contribuvion ; for they undertook to
bring of gold (\v\ thousand talents, and ten
thousand drachms,and of silver ten thousand
talents, and many tetithousand talents of iron :
and if any one had a p-^cious stone he brought
it, and bequeathed it tov,e put among the trea-
sures ; of which Jachie>^one of the posterity
of IMoses, had the care. '
10. Upon this occasional the people re-
ioiced, as in particular didUavid, when he
saw the zeal and forward ambit^j, of (he rulers,
'• ^
ANTIQUITIES OF THE .TEWS.
211
and the priests, and of all tlie rest ; and he be-
gan to bless God witli a loud voice, calling him
the Father and Parent of the universe, and the
Author of human and divine things, with
which he had adorned Solomon, the patron and
guardian of the Hebrew nation, and of its hap-
piness, and of that kingdom which he hath given
his Son. Besides this, he prayed for happi-
ness to all the people ; and to Solomon his son,
a sound and a righteous mind, and confirmed
in all sorts of virtue ; and then he commanded
the multitude to bless God. Upon wliich tiicy
all fell down upon the ground and worshipped
him. They also gave thanks to David, on ac-
count of all the blessings which they had re-
ceived ever since he had taken the kingdom.
On the next day he presented sacrifices to God,
a thousand bullocks, and as many lambs,
which they offered for burnt-offerings. They
also offered peace-offerings ; and slew many
ten thousand sacrifices; and the king feasted
all day, together with all the people ; and they
anohtited Solomon a second time with the oil,
and appointed him to be king; and Zadok to
be the high-priest of the whole multitude.
And when they had brought Solomon to the
royal palace, and had set him upon his father's
throne, they were obedient to hjm from that
day.
CHAPTER XV.
WHAT CHARGE DAVID CAVE TO HIS SON SOLO-
MON AT THE APPROACH OF HIS DEATH ;
AND HOW MANY THINGS HE LEFT HLM FOB
THE BUILDING OF THE TEMPLE.
§ 1. A LITTLE afterward, David also fell into
a distemper, by reason of his age; and per-
ceiving that he was near to death, he called
his son Solomon, and discoursed to him thus :
— " I am now, O my son, going to my grave,
and to my fathers, which is the common way
which all men that now are, or shall be hereaf-
ter, must go ; from which way it is no longer
possible to return, and to know any tiling tliat
is done in this world. On which account I
exhort thee, while I am still alive, though al-
ready very near to death, in the same manner
as I have formerly said in my advice to thee,
to be righteous towards thy subjects, and re-
ligious towards God, that hath given thee thy
kingdom ; to observe his commands, and his
laws, which he hath sent us by Moses ; and
neither do thou, out of favour nor flattery, al-
low any lust or other passion to weigh with
thee to disregard thein ; for if tliou transgress-.
est his laws, thou wilt lose the favour of God,
and thou wilt turn away his providence from
thee in all things; but if thou behave thyself so
as It behoves thee, and as I exhort thee, thou
wilt preserve our kingdom to our family, and
no other house will bear rale over tiie Ho
s
212
ANTIQUITJKS OF THE JEWS.
brews, but vre ourselves for all ages. Be thou
alsoiiiiiult'ul of the transgressions of Joab,* the
captain of the host^ who bath slain two ge-
nerals out of envy, and those righteous and
good men, Abner tiie son of Ner, and Amasa
tJie son of Jctlier ; wliose death do thou avenge
as shall seem good to thee, since Joab hath
been too hard for me, and more potent than
myself, and so hatli escaped punishment hitlier-
to. I also com\nit to thee the son of Barzil-
lai, the Gileadite, whom, in order to gratify
me, thou shalt have in great lionour, and take
great care of; for we have not done good to
liim first, but we only repay tliat debt which
we owe to bis father, for what he did to me in
my fliglit, Thers is also Shimei, the son of
Gera, of the tribe of Benjamin, who, after lie
had cast many reproaches upon me, when, in
my flight, I was going to Blahanaini, met me
at Jordan, and received assurances that he
should then sufler nothing. Do tliou now
seek out for some just occasion, and punish
him."
2. When David had given these admoni-
tions to his son about public affairs, and about
his friends, and about those whom he knew
to deserve punishment, he died, having lived
seventy years, and reigned seven years and
six months in Hebron, over the tribe of Ju-
dah, and thirty-three years in Jerusalem, over
» David IS here greatly blamed by some for rccom-
mendiiif; Jonb ami Shiraei to be punished liy Solomon,
if he cnuld find a proper occa.sion, after he' had bonie
with the first a Icnp while, and seemed to have pardon-
ed the other entirely, which Solomon executed accord-
ingly : yet I cannot discern any fault either in David or
StMoraon in these cases. Joab's murder of Abner and
Amasa were very barbarous, and could not properly be
forgiven either by David or Solomon ; for a dispensing
power in kings for the crime of wilful murder is war-
ranteii by no law of God, nay, is directly against it every-
where; nor is it, for certain, in the power of men to
grant such a prerogative to any of (heir kings, though
.loab was so nearly related to David, and so potent in
the army under a warlike administration, that David
durst not himself put him to death, 2 Sam. iii. 39, and
xix. 7. fchimei's cursing the Lord's anointed, ajid this
without any just cause, was the highest act of treason
against God and his anointed king, aid justly deserved
death ; and though David could forgive treason against
himself, yet had he done no more in the case of Snimei
than promised him that he would not then, on the day
of his return and re-inauguration, or upon that occasion,
himself put him to death, 2 Sjam. xix. '.'2 ; and he swore
10 him no farther, ver. "23, as the worils are in Joscphus,
than that he would not then put hiui to death, which
he performed : nor was Solomon under any obligation
lu i-iKiiL' sucli a traitor.
BOOK VIU
all the country. This man was of an excellent
character, and was endowed witli all the vir-
tues that were desiraljle in a king, and in one
that had the preservation of so many tribes
committed to him ; for he was a man of va-
lour in a very extraordinary degree, and went
readily and first of all into dangers, when he
was to fight for his subjects, as exciting the
soldiers to action by his own labours, and fight-
ing for thein, and not by commanding them
in a despotic way. He was also of very great a-
bilities in understanding, and apprehension of
present and future circumstances, when he
was to manage any afl'airs. He was prudent
and moderate, and kind to such as were under
any calamities ; he was righteous and lumiane,
which are good qualities peculiarly fit for
kings ; nor was he guilty of any ofTence in
the exercise of so great an authority, but in
the business of the wife of Uriah. He also
left behind him greater wealth than any other
king, either of the Hebrews or of other na
tions, ever did.
3. He was buried by his son Solomon, in
Jerusalem, with great magnificence, and witli
all the other funeral pomp which kings use
to be buried with ; moreover, he had great
and immense wealth buried with him, the vast-
ness of which may be easily conjectured at by
what I shall now say ; for a thousand and
three hundred years afterwards, Hyrcanus the
high-priest, when he was besieged by Anti-
ochus, that was called the Pious, the son of
Demetrius, and was desirous of giving him
money to get him to raise the siege, and draw
off his army ; and having no other method of
compassing the money, opened one room of
David's sepulchre, and took out three thou-
sand talents, and gave part of that sum to
Antiochus, and by this means caused the siege
to be raised, as we have informed the reader
elsewhere. Nay, after him, and that many
years, Herod the king opened another room,
and took away a great deal of money, and
yet neither of them came at tlie coffins of the
kings themselves, for their bodies were buried
under the eartli so artfuJly, that they did not
appear even to those that entered into their
monimients J — but so much sliall suflico us to
havo said concerning these matters.
BOOK VIII.
CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTY-THREE YEARS.
FROM THE DEATH OF DAVID TO THE DEATH OF AHAB.
CHAPTER I.
HOW SOLOMON, WHEN HE HAD RECEIVED THE
KINGDOM, TOOK OFE HIS ENEMIES.
§ 1. We have already treated of David and
his virtue, and of the benefits he was the au-
tlior of to his countrymen ; of his wars also
and battles, which he managed with success,
and then died an old man, in the foregoing
book. And when Solomon his son, who was
but a youth in age, had taken the kingdom,
and wliom David had declared, wliile he was
alive, the lord of that people, according to
God's will ; when he sat upon the throne, the
whole body of the people made joyful accla-
mations to him, as is usual at the beginning
of a reign ; and wished that all his affairs
might come to a blessed conclusion ; and that
he might arrive at a great age, and at the
most happy state of affairs possible.
2. But Adonijah, who, wliile his father
was living, attempted to gain possession of
tlie government, came to the king's mother
Batlisheha, and saluted her with great civili-
ty ; and when she asked him, whether he came
to her as desiring her assistance in any thing
or not ; and bade him tell her if that were the
case, for that she would cheerfully afford it
him ; he began to say, that she knew herself
that the kingdom was his, both on account of
his elder age, and of the disposition of the
multitude ; and that yet it was transferred to
Solomon her son, according to the will of God.
He also said that he was contented to be a
servant under ^im, and was pleased witli the
present settlemo'it ; but he desired her to be
a means of obtaiii'ng a favour from his bro-
ther to him, and to persuade him to bestow
on him in marriage Xbishag, who had indeed
slept by his father, bu, because his father was
too old, he did not lie vit), her, and she was
still a virgin. So Batlsheba promised him
to afl'ord him her assista>ce very earnestly,
and to bring tliis marriage »)out, because the
king would he willing to gr!>ify him in such
a thing, and because siio woult^^jross it to bim
very earnestly. Accordingly he went away,
in hopes of succeeding in this match. So So-
l^omon's mother went presently to her son, to
speak to him about what she had promised,
upon Adonijah's supplication to iier. And
when her son came forward to meet her, and
embraced her, and when he had brought her
into the house where his royal throne was set,
he sat thereon, and bid them set another throne
on the right hand for his mother, V/hen
Bathsheba was sat down, she said, " O my son,
grant me one lequest that I make of thee, and
do not any thing to me that is disagreeable
or ungrateful, which thou wilt do if thou de-
niest me." And when Solomon bid her to
lay her commands upon him, because it was
agreeable to his duty to grant her every thing
she should ask, and complained that she did
not begin her discourse with a firm expectation
of obtaining what she desired, but had some
suspicion of a denial, — she entreated him to
grant, that his brother Adonijah might marry
Abishag.
S. But the king was greatly offended at
these words, and sent away his mother, and
said that Adonijah aimed at great things; and
that he wondered that she did not desire him
to yield up the kingdom to him, as to his elder
brother, since she desired that he might marry
Abishag ; and that he had potent friends, Joab
the captain of the host, and Abiathar the priest.
So he called for Benaiah, the captain of the
guards, and ordered him to slay his brother
Adonijah ; he also called for Abiathar, the
priest, and said to him, " I will not put thee
to death, because of those other hardships
which tliou hast endured with my father, and
because of the ark which thou hast borne along
with him; but I inflict this following punish-
ment upon thee, because thou wast amon^
Adonijah'sfoUowers, and wastof his party. Do
not thou continue here, nor come any more into
my sight, but go to thine own town, and live
on thy own fields, and there abide all thy life;
for thou hast offended so greatly, that it is not
just that thou shoiddest retain thy dignity any
longer." For the forementioned cnu«e, Uicre-
"X.
214
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
fore, it was that the house of Ilhamar was de-
privfd of the sacerdotal dignity, as God had
foretold to Eli the grandfatlier of Abiathar.
So it uas transferred to the family of Phineas,
to Zadok. Nowtliose that were of the family
of Piiineas, but lived privately during the time
that the high-priesthood was transferred to the
house of Ithamar (of which family Eli was the
first that received it) were tliese that follow :
Bukki, the son of Abishua the high-priest ;
liis son was Joatham ; Joathain's son was Me-
raioth ; Meraioth's son was Aropliaeus ; Aro-
phajus's son was Ahituh ; and Ahitub's son
was Zadok, who \vas first made high-priest in
the reign of David.
4. Now when Joab the captain of the host
heard of the slaughter of Adonijah, he was
greatly afraid, for he was a greater friend to
him than to Solomon ; and suspecting, not
without reason, that he was in danger, on ac-
count of his favour to Adonijah, he Had to the
altar, and supposed he might procure safety
thereby to himself, because of the king's piety
towards God. But when some told the king
what Joab's supposal was, he sent Benaiah,
and commanded him to raise him up from the
altar, and bring to the judgement-seat, in or-
der to make his defence. However, Joab
said he would not leave the altar, but would
die there rather than in anothor place. And
when Benaiah had reported his answer to the
king, Solomon commanded him to cut olT his
head there*, aiKl let him take that as a punish-
ment for those two captains of the host whom
he had wickedly slain, and to bury his body,
that his sins might never leare liis family, but
that himself and his father, by Joab's death,
might be guiltless; and when Benaiah had
done what he was commanded to do, he was
himself appointed to be captain of the whole
army. The king also made Zadok to be alone
the high-priest, in the room of Abiathar, whom
he had removed.
5. But as to Shimci, Solomon commanded
that he should build him a house, and stay at
Jerusalem, and attend upon him, and should
not have authority to go over the brook Cedron ;
and that if he disobeyed that command, death
should be his punishment. He also threatened
hira so terribly, tiiat he compelled him to take
an oath that he would obey. Accordingly
Shimei said that he liad reason to thank So-
lomon forgiving him such an injunction ; and
tdded an oath, that he would do as lie bade
nim ; and leaving his own country, he made
his abode in Jerusalem : but three years after-
wards, when he hearil lliat two of liis servants
were run away from him, and were in Gath,
he went for his servants in haste; and when
he was come back with them, the king per-
BOOK VIII
ceivcd it, and was much displeased that he had
contemned his commands, and, what was more,
hail no regard to the oaths he had sworn to
God ; so he called him, and said to him,
" Didst not thou swear never to leave me, nor
to go out of this city to another ? Thou slialt
not therefore escape punishment for tliy per-
jury ; but I will punish thee, thou wicked
wretch, both for this crime, and for those
w herewith thou didst abuse my father when he
was in his flight, that thou mayest know that
wicked men gain nothing at last although they
be not punished immediately upon their unjust
practices ; but that in all the time wherein they
think themselves secure, because they have yet
suffered nothing, their punislm;ent increases,
and is heavier upon them, and that to a greater
degree than if they had been punished immedi-
ately upon the coinmission of theircrimes. " So
Benaiah, on the king's command, slew Shimei.
CHAPTER II.
CONCERNING THE WIFE OF SOLOMON ; CON-
CERNING HIS WISDOM AND RICHES ; AND
CONCERNING WHAT HE OBTAINED OF HIRAM
FOR THE BUILDING OF THE TEMPLE.
§ 1. Solomon having already settled him-
self firmly in his kingdom, and having brought
his enemies to punishment, he married the
daughter of I'haraoh, king of Egypt, and
built the walls of Jerusalem much larger and
stronger than those that had been before,* and
thenceforward he managed public affairs very
peaceably: nor was his youth any hinderance
in the exercise of justice, or in the observation
of the laws, or in the remembrance of what
charges his father had given liim at his death ■
but he discharged every duty with great accu-
racy, that might have been expected from
such as are aged, and of the greatest prudence.
He now resolved to go to Hebron, and sacri-
fice to God upon the brazen altar that was
built by Moses. Accordingly he offered there
burnt offerings, in number a thousand; and
when he had done this, he thought he had
paid great honour to God ; for, as he was a-
sleep that very night, God appeared to him,
and commanded liim to ask of ''lim some gifts
which he was ready to give lim as a reward
for his piety. So Solomm asked of God
what was most excellent, uid t)f the greatest
worth in itself, what Go» would bestow with
the greatest joy, and wlat it was most profit-
able for man to rcceiv-; i^r he did not desire
to have bestowed u^°" '''"i either gold or
silver, or any olhe riches, as a man and a
• Tliis execution upon Joab, as a murderer, by Slav- 1 • This buildinR r "^c "'alls of Jerusalem, soon aRci
Ing him, even wiien he had l.^keI> wnctuary at Ooif's Da^ id's death. ilHtr.ites the couehisioii of the 5M
altar, is ))crfeclly ngicoable to the law of Moses, which | psalm, wlieie na-'^ prays, •• Ruild thou the walls of
enjoins, that, " ifa man eome presumptuously upon his I Jerusalem ;" — th>' "Cm^' '*■ seems unlinishui or iit>-
neighlx>ur to slay him with ijuile, thou shall take him ! perfect at that.'""'- . See chap. vi. sect. 1| and ch. ^ii
(mvn mine altar, tnnt ho die" I:;xod. xxi. H. n-cU 7; also 1 *-'"C> 'x- I J
r
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. 11.
youth might naturally have done, for these
are the things that generally are esteemed hy
most men, as alone of the greatest worth, and
the hest gifts of God; but, said he, " Give
me, O Lord, a sound mind and a good under-
standing, whereby I may speak and judge the
people according to truth and righteousness."
With those petitions God was well pleased ;
and j)romised to give him all those things that
he had not mentioned in his option, riches,
glory, victory over his enemies ; and, in the
first place, understanding and wisdom, and
this in such a degree, as no other mortal man,
neither kings nor ordinary persons, ever had.
He also promised to preserve the kingdom to
his posterity for a very long time, if he con-
tinued righteous and ol)e<lient to him, and
imitated his father in those things wherein
he excelled. When Solomon heard this from
God, he presenty leaped out of his bed ; and
when he had worshipped him, he returned to
Jerusalem ; and after he had offered great sa-
crifices before the tabernacle, he feasted all his
own family.
2. In these days a hard cause came before
him in judgment, which it was very difficult
to find any end of; and I think it necessary
to explain tlie fact about which the contest
was, that such as light upon my writings may
know what a difficult cause Solomon was to de-
termine ; and those that are concerned in such
matters may take this sagacity of the king for
a pattern, that they may the more easily give
sentence about such questions. There were
two women, who were harlots in the course of
their lives, that came to him, of whom she
that seemed to be injured began to speak first,
and said, " O king, I and this other woman
dwell together in one room. Now it came to
pass that we both bore a son at the same hour
of the same day ; and on the third day this wo-
man overlaid her son, and killed it, and then
took my son out of my bosom, and removed
him to herself; and as 1 was asleep she laid
lier dead son in my arms. Now, when in the
morning 1 was desirous to give the breast to
the child, I did not find my own, but saw the
woman's dead child lying by me; for I con-
sidered it exactly, and found it so to be.
Hence it was that I demanded my son, and
when I could not obtain him, I have recourse,
my lord, to thy assistance ; for since we were
alone, and there was nobody there that could
convict her, she cares for nothing, but perse-
veres in the stout denial of t!ie fact." When
this woman had told this her stor)-, the king
asked the other woman what she had to say in
contradiction to that story. But when she
denied that she had done what was cliarg-
ed upon her, and said that it was her child
that was living, and that it was her antago-
nist's child that was dead, and when no one
could devise what judgment could be given,
aud the whole court were blind in their un-
durstaudiuj', and could not tell how to find
215
out this riddle, the king alone invented the
following way how to discover it : He bade
them bring in both the dead child and the liv-
ing child ; and sent one of his guards, and
commanded him to fetch a sword, and draw
it, and to cut both the children into two pieces,
that each of the women might Iiave half the
living and half the dead child. Hereu))on all
the people privately laughed at the king, as
no more than a youth. But, in the mean
time, she that was the real mother of tlie liv-
ing child cried out, that he should not do so,
but deliver that cliild to the other woman as
her own, for slie would be satisfied with the
life of the child, and with the sight of it, al-
though it were esteemed the other's child ;
but the other woman was ready to see the
child divided, and was desirous, mort<7rer,
that the first woman should be tormented.
When the king understood tliat both theii
words proceeded from the truth of their pas-
sions, he adjudged the child to her that cried
out to save it, for that she was the real mother
of it ; and he condemned the other as a wick-
ed woman, who had not oidy killed her own
child, but was endeavouring to see her friend's
child destroyed also. Now the multitude
looked on this determination as a great sign
and demonstration of the king's sagacity and
wisdom ; and, after that day, attended to him
as to one that had a divine mind,
3. Now the captains of his armies, and
officers appointed over the whole country,
were these: — Over the lot of Ephraim was
Ures ; over the toparchy of Bethlehem was
Dioclerus; Abinadab, who married Solomon's
daughter, had th.e region of Dora and the
sea-coast under him; the Great Plain was
under Benniah, the son of Achilus ; he also
governed all the country as far as Jordan ;
Gabaris ruled over Gilead and Gaulantis,
and had under him the sixty great and fenced
cities [of Og] ; Achinadab managed the af-
fairs of all Galilee, as far as Sidon, and had
himself also married a daughter of Solomon's,
whose name was Basima ; Banacates had the
sea-coast about Arce; as had Sliaphct Mount
Tabor, and Carmel, and [the lower] Galilee
as far as the river Jordan ; one man was ap-
pointed over all this country ; Shimei was in-
trusted with the lot of Benjamin ; and Ga-
bares had the country beyond Jordan, over
whom there was again one governor appoint-
ed. Now the people of the Hebrews, and
particularly the tribe of Judah, received a
wonderful increase when they betook them-
selves to husbandry and the cultivation of
tkeir grounds; for as they enjoyed peace, and
were not distracted with wars and troubles,
and having besides an abundant fnn'tion of
the most desirable liberty, every one was busy
in augmenting the product of their own lands,
and making them worth more than they had
formerly been.
4. The king had also other rulers, who
«16
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
were over the land of Syria and the riiilis-
tiiies, wliich readied from the river Euphrates
to Egypt, and these collected his tributes of
the nations. Now these contributed to the
king's table, and to his supper every day, *
thirty cori of fine flour, and sixty of meal ;
as also ten fat oxen, and twenty oxen out of
the pastures, and a hundred fat lambs ; all
these were besides what were taken by hunt-
ing harts and bufialoes, and birds and fishes,
which were brought to the king by foreigners
day by day. Solomon had also so great a num-
ber of chariots, that the stalls of his horses
for those chariots were forty thousand ; and
besides these, he had twelve thousand horse-
men, the one half of whom waited upon tiie
king in Jerusalem, and the rest were dis-
persed abroad, and dwelt in the royal vil-
lages; but the saine officer who provided
for the king's expenses, supplied also the
fodder for the horses, and still carried it
to the place where the king abode at that
time.
5. Now the sagacity and wisdom which
God had bestowed upon Solomon was so
great, that he exceeded the ancients, inso-
much that he was no way inferior to the
Egyptians, who are said to have been beyond
all men in understanding ; nay, indeed, it is
evident that their sagacity was very much in-
ferior to that of the king's. He also excelled
and distinguished himself in wisdom above
those who were most eminent among the He-
brews at that time for shrewdness : those I
mean were Ethan, and Heman, and Chalcol,
and Darda, the sons of Mahol. He also
composed books of odes and songs, a thou-
sand and five; of parables and similitudes,
three thousand ; for he spake a parable upon
every sort of tree, from the hyssop to the ce-
dar ; and in like manner also about beasts,
about all sorts of living creatures, whether
upon the earth, or in the seas, or in the air ;
for he was not unacquainted with any of their
natures, nor omitted inquiries about them,
but described them all like a philosopher,
and demonstrated his exquisite knowledge of
their several properties. God also enabled
» It may not be amiss to compare the daily funiiture
of king Solomon's table, here set down, and 1 Kings i\,
22, 25, with the like daily furniture of Nehemiah the
governor's table, after the Jews were come back from
Babylon : and to remember withal, that Nehemiah was
now building the walls of Jerusalem, and maintained,
more than usual, above 150 considerable men every
day ; and that, because the nation was then very poor,
at his own charges also, without laying any burden up-
on the people at all. " Now that which was prepared
for me daily was an ox, and six choice sheep ; also fowls
were prepared for me; ;ind once in ten days, store of
all sorts of wine; and vet for all this I required not the
bread of the governor, "because the bondage was heavy
upon this people." Neh. v. 18. i^ee the whole context,
ver. 14—19. Nor did the governor's usual allowance
of 40 shekels of silver a-day, vcr. 15, amount to L .i a-
day, nor to L.lSi M a-vear. Nor does it indeed appear,
that, under the Judges, or under Samuel the prophet,
there was any such public allowance to those governors
at all : those gveit charges upon the public for main-
taining courts, came in with kings, — as Uod foretold
Uiey would, 1 Sam- viii, 11 — la.
BOOK VIII
him to learn that skill which expels deinons,f
which is a science useful and sanative to
men. He composed such incantations also
by which distempers are alleviated. And he
left behind him the manner of using exor-
cisins, by which they drive away demons, so
that they never return, and this method of
cure is of great force unto this day; for I
have seen a certain man of my own country
whose name was Eleazar, releasing people
that were demoniacal in the presence of Ves-
pasian, and his sons, and his captains, and the
whole multitude of his soldiers. The man-
ner of the cure was this : — He put a ring
that had a root of one of those sorts men-
tioned by Solomon to the nostrils of the de-
moniac, after which he drew out tiie demon
through his nostrils ; and wheia the man fell
down immediately, he alijured him to return
into him no more, making still mention of
Solomon, and reciting the incantations which
he composed. And when Eleazar would per-
suade and demonstrate to the spectators that
he had such a power, he set a little way off a
cup or basin full of water, and commanded
the demon, as he went out of the man, to
overturn it, and thereby to let the spectators
know that he had left the man ; and when
this was done, the skill and wisdom of Solo-
inon was shown very manifestly : for which
reason it is, that all inen may know the vast-
ness of Solomon's abilities, and how he was
beloved of God, and that the extraordinary
virtues of every kind with which this king
was endowed, may not be unknown to any
people under the sun ; for this reason, I say,
it is that we have proceeded to speak so largely
of these matters.
6. Moreover Hiram, king of Tyre, when
he had heard that Solomon succeeded to his
father's kingdoir), was very glad of it, for he
was a friend of David's. So he sent ambassa-
dors to him, and saluted him, and congratu-
lated him on the present happy state of his
affairs. Upon which Solomon sent him an
epistle, the contents of which here follow ;-^
SOLOJION TO KING HIRAM.
" :|: Know thou that my father would have
-)■ Some pretended fragments of these books of con
juration of Solomon are still extant in Fabricius's Cod.
Fseudcpigr. Vet. Test, page 1054, though I entirely
differ from Josephus in tins his supposal, that such
books and arts of Solomon were parts of that wisdom
which was imparted to him l)y God in his yoimgcf
days; they must rather have belonged to such profane
but curious arts as we find mentioned, Actsxix, 13 — 20,
and had been derived from the idolatry and supersti
tion of his heathen wives and concubines in his old age,
when he had forsaken God, and (iod had forsaken him,
and given him up to demoniacal delusions. Nor docs
Josephus's strange account of the root Baara {of the
War, b. viii, ch. vi, sect. 5) seem to be other than that
of its magical use in such conjurations. As for the
following history, it confirms what Christ says (Matt.
xii, 27i, " If I by Beelzebub cast out demons, by whom
do your sons cast them out V
%' These e])istles of Solomon and Hiram are those in
1 Kings v, 3 — 9, and, as enlarged, in 2 t:hroii. ii,.i — IC
but here given us by Josephus in hi* own wwds.
"V
J-
CHAP. Ilf
built a temple to God, but was hindered by
wars, and continual expeditions ; for he did
not leave off to overthrow his enemies till he
made them all subject to tribute. But I give
tiianks to God for the peace 1 at present en-
joy, and on that account I am at leisure, and
design to build a house to God, for God fore-
told to my fatlier that such a house shouki be
built by me ; wherefore I desire thee to send
some of thy subjects with mine to Mount
Lebanon, to cut down tinsber; for the Sido-
nians are more skilful than our people in cut-
ting of wood. As for wages to the hewers
of wood, I will pay whatsoever price thou
shalt determine."
7. When Hiram had read tliis epistle, he
•vas pleased with it, and wrote back this an-
swer to Solomon : —
HIRAM TO KI.N'G SOLOMON.
" It is fit to bless God, that he hath commit-
ted thy father's government to thee, who art
a wise man, and endowed with all virtues.
As for myself, I rejoice at the condition thou
art in, and will be subservient to thee in all
that thou sendest to me about; for when by
my subjects I have cut down many and large
trees of cedar and cypress wood, I will send
them to sea, and will order my subjects to
make floats of them, and to sail to what place
soever of thy country thou shall desire, and
/eave them there, after which thy subjects
may carry them to Jerusalem : but do thou
take care to procure us corn for this timber,
which we stand in need of, because we inisa-
bit in an island."*
( * Wliat Josephus here puts into his cony of Hiram's
epistle to Solomon, and repeats aftevwaras (ch. v, sect.
5), that Tyre was now an island, is not in any of the
three other copies, viz. that of the Kings, throniclcs,
or Euscbius; nor is it any other, I suppose, than his
OKTi conjectural paraphrase; for when I, many j-ears
ago, inin'.ircil into this matter, 1 foiuid the state Of this
famous city, and of the island whereupon it stood, to
ha\ e been very different at different times. The result
of ray inquiries in this matter, with the addition of
some later improvements, .-.tands thus : — That the best
testimonies hereto relating, imply, that Palsetyrus, or
Oldest Tyre, was no other than that most ancient
smaller fort or city Tyre, situated on the continent,
and mentioned in Josh, xix, i'9, out of which the Ca-
naanite or Phoenician inhabitants were driven into a
large island, that lay not far off in the sea, by .loslnia :
that this island was then joined to tJie continent, at the
present remains of Palsetyrus, by a neck of land, o\er
against Solomon's cistern^, still so called ; and the city's
fresh water, probably, was eariied along in pipes by that
neck of la-id ; and that this island was therefore, in
strictness, no other than a iieninsula, having villages in
its Jields (Ezek. xxvi, 6), and a wall about it (.Xmosi,
10) ; and the eity was not of so great reputation as Si-
dou for some ages : that it was attacked both by sea
and land by Salmanasser, as Josei)hus informs us (An-
tiq. b. ix, ch. xiv, sect. 2), and af^terv.avds eame to be
the metropolis of Phoenicia ; and was afterwards taken
and destroyed by Nebuchadnezzar, according to the nu-
merous scripture prophecies thereto relating, Isa. xxiii;
Jer. xM.', '21; xxvii, 3; xlvii, 4; Ezek. xxvi, xxvii,
xxviii That seventy years after that destruction by
.\'eb ehadnezzar, this city was in some measure revived
and rebuilt (Isa. xxiii, 17, IS), but that, as tlie proi)hct
K::tkiel had foretold (xxvi, 5, 4, .5, 14 ; xxvii, 34), the
s;a arose higher than before, till at last it overflowed,
not only the neck of land, but the main island or \>c-
nmsula itself, and destroyed that old and famous city
for ever : that, however', there still remained an ad"
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
217
8. The copies of these epistles remain at
this day, and are preserved not only in our
books, but among the Tyrians also ; inso-
much that if any one would know the cer-
tainty about them, he may desire of the keep-
ers of the public records of Tyre to show
him them, and he will find what is there set
down to agree with what we have said. J
have said so much out of a desire that my
readers may know that we speak nothing but
the truth, and do not compose a history out
of some plausible relations, which deceive
men and please them at the same time, nor
atteinpt to avoid examination, nor desire men
to believe us immediately ; nor are we at
liberty to depart from speaking truth, whid)
is the proper commendation of a historian,
and yet to be blameless. But we insist upon
no admission of what we say, unless we be
able to manifest its truth by demonstration
and the strongest vouchers.
9. Now king Solomon, as soon as this
epistle of the king of Tyre was brought him,
commended the readiness and goodwill he
declared therein, and repaid him in what he
desired, and sent hiin yearly twenty thousiiiid
cori of wheat, and as many baths of oil: now
the bath is able to contain seventy-two sexta-
ries. He also sent him the same measure of
wine. So the friendship between Hiram and
Solomon hereby increased more and more ;
and they swore to continue it for ever. And
the king appointed a tribute to be laid on all
the people, of thirty thousand labourers, whose
work he rendered easy to them, by prudently
dividing it among them ; for he m«de ten
thousand cut timber in mount Lebanon for
one month, and then to come home; and the
rest two months, until the tiine when the
other twenty thousand had finished their task
at the appointed time ; and so afterward it
came to pass, that the first ten thousand re-
turned to their work every fourth month:
and it was Adoram who was over this tribute.
There were also of the strangers who were
left by David, who were to carry the stones
and other materials, seventy thousand ; and
of those that cut the stones, eighty thousanc!.
Of these three thousand and three hunditd
were rulers over the rest. He also enjoined
them to cut out large stones for tha founda
tions of the temple, and that they should fii
them and unite them together in the moun-
tain, and so bring them to the city. This
joining smaller island, once connected to Old Tyre itself
by Hiram, which was afterwards inhabited; to which
.Alexander the Great, with incredible pains, raised a
new bank or causeway : and that it plainly appears fron>
Maundrell, a most authentic eye-witness, that the oin,
large, and famous city, on the original large island, is
now laid so generally under water, that .scarce more
than forty acres of it, or rather of that adjoining smalJ
island, remain at this day : so that, perhaps, not above
a hundredth part of the first island and city is now above
water. This was foretold in the same prophecies of
Ezekiel ; and, according to them, as Mr. Maundrell
distinctly otecrves, these poor remains of Old Tyre arc
now " become like the top of a rock ; a place ibr the
si'readiiu' of nets in the midst of the sea.'
T
v.
218
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK VII.
w:is done, not only by our own country
workmen, but by tliusti workmen whom llirain
sent uUo.
CHAPTER III.
OF THE BUILDING OF THE TEMPLE.
5 1. Solomon began to build the temple in
Ihc fourth year of his reign, on the second
month, which the Macedonians call Arlemi-
sius, and the Hebrews Jur ; five liundred and
ninety-two years after tlie exodus out of
Egvpt, but one thousand and twenty years
from Abraham's coming out of Mesopotamia
into Canaan ; and after the Deluge one tliou-
Kind four hundred and forty years ; and from
Adam, the first man who was created, until
Solomon built the temple, there had passed
in all three thousand one hundred and two
yeais. Now that year on which the temple
l)egan to be built, was already the eleventh
year of the reign of Hiram ; but from the
building of Tyre to the building of the temple,
there had passed two hundred and forty years.
2. Now, therefore, the king laid the foun-
dations of the temple very deep in the
groiuid,* and the materials were strong stones,
and such as would resist the force of time :
these were to unite themselves with the earth,
and become a basis and a sure foundation for
that superstructure which was to be erected
over it : they were to be so strong, in order
to sustain with ease those vast superstructures,
and precious ornaments, whose own weight
was to be not less than the weight of those
other high and heavy buildings which the
king designed to be Tery ornamental and
magnificent. They erected its entire body,
quite up to the roof, of white stone : its
height was sixty cubits, and its length was
the same, and its breadth twenty. There
was another building erected over it, equal
to it in its measures ; so that the entire alti-
tude of the temple was a hundred and twenty
cubits. Its front was to the east. As to the
porch, they built it before the temple : its
iengtli was twenty cubits, and it was so order-
ed that it might agree with the breadth of
thf /louse ; and it had twelve cubits in lati-
tude, and iis height was raised as high as a
hundred and twenty cubits. He also built
round about the temple thirty small rooms,
which might include the whole temple, by
their closeness one to another, and by their
number, and outward position round it. He
also made passages througii them, that they
might come into one through another. Every
one of these rooms had five cubits in breadth,!
• of tlie tpmiilc of Solomon, here ilcscribed by .losc-
phus, ill this ami the following sections of this chapter,
tee my ilcscriplioii of the U'mplcs belonging to this
work. oh. xiii-
i 'rhetc suiall roomg, or side chamlxTS. seem to have
and the same in length, but in height twenty.
Above these were other rooms, and others
above them, equal, both in their ineasurej
and number; so that these reached to a lieit;hl
equal to the lower part of the house ; for the
upper part had no buildings al)cut it. 'ihv
roof that was over the house was of cedar ;
and truly every one of these rooms had a roof
of their own, that was not connected with tlie
other rooms ; but for the other parts, there
was a covered roof common to them all, and
built with very long beams, that passed
ihrongh the rest, and through the whole
building, that so the middle walls, beitig
strengthened by the same beams of timber,
might be thereby made firmer ; but as for
that part of the roof tliat was under the beams,
it was made of the same materials, and was
all made smooth, and had ornaments jiroper
for roofs, and plates of gold nailed upon
them ; and as he enclosed the walls with
boards of cedar, so he fixed on them plates
of gold, which had sculptures upon them ; so
that the whole temple shined, and dazzled tlie
eyes of such as entered, by the splendour of
the gold that was on every side of them.
Now the whole structure of the temple was
made, with great skill, of polislied stones,
and those laid together so very harmoniously
and smoothly, that tliere appe.ired to the spec-
tators no sign of any hammer, or other in-
strument of architecture, but as if, without
any use of them, the entire materials Ijad na-
turally united themselves together, that the
agreement of one part with another seemed
rather to liave been natural, tlian to have
arisen from the force of tools upon them.
The king also had a fine contrivance for an
ascent to the upi)er room over the temple,
and that was by steps in the thickness of its
wall ; for it had no large door on the east
end, as the lower house had, but the entrances
were by the sides, through very small doors.
He also overlaid the temple, both within and
without, with boards of cedar, that were kept
close together by thick chains, so that this
contrivance was in the nature of a support
and a strength to the building.
3. Now when the king had divided the tem-
ple into two parts, he made the inner house of
twenty cubits [every way], to be the most se-
cret cliamber, but he appointed that of forty
cubits to be the sanctuary ; and when lie had
cut a door-place out of the wall, he put therein
doors of cedar, and overlaid them with a great
deal of gold, that had sculptures upon it. He
also had veils of blue, and purple, and scarlet,
and the brightest and softest of linen, witli the
most curious flowers wrought upon them,
which were to be drawn before those doors.
He also dedicated for the most secret place,
l)ccn, by Joscphus's description, no less than SO cubits
high a piece, otherwise there must have l)cen a larg«
interval bctwcin one and the other that was over it|
and this with double floors, the one of six cubiU dl»
I tance from Ihe lloor lx.-ninlli it, as 1 Kines vi, i
~\.
J~
CHAP. Ill
wliose breadth was twenty cubits, and the
length the same, two cherubims of solid gold ;
the height of each of them was five cubits • :
they had eacij of tliem two wings stretched
out as far as five cubits; wherefore Solomon
set tiiesn up not far from each other, that with
one wing they miglu touch the southern wall
of the secret place, and with another the nor-
thern ; their other wings, which joined to each
other, were a covering to the ark, which was
set between them : but nobody can tell, or
even conjecture, what was the shape of these
cherubims. He also laid the floor of the
temple with plates of gold ; and he added
doors to the gate of the temple, agreeable to
the measure of the height of the wall, but in
breadth twenty cubits, and on them he glued
gold plates ; and, to say all in one word, he
left no part of the temple, neither internal nor
external, but what was covered with gold. He
also had curtaics drawn over these doors, in
like manner as they were drawn over the inner
doors of the most holy place ; but the porch
of the temple had nothing of that sort.
4. Now Solomon sent for an artificer out
of Tyre, whose name was Hiram : he was by
birth of the tribe of Naphtali, on the mother's
side (for she was of that tribe) ; but his father
was Ur, of the stock of the Israelites. This
man was skilful in all sorts of work ; but his
chief skill lay in working in gold, in silver,
and brass ; by whom were made all the me-
chanical works about the temple, according to
the will of Solomon. Moreover, this Hiram
made two [hollow] pillars, whose outsides were
of brass ; and the thickness of the brass was
four fingers' breadth, and the heiglit of the
pillars was eighteen cubits,'^' and their circum-
ference twelve cubits ; but there was cast with
each of their chapiters lily-work, that stood
upon the pillar, and it was elevated five cubits,
round about which there was net-work inter-
woven with small palms, made of brass, and
covered the lily-work. To this also were hung
two hundred pomegranates, in two rows. The
one of these pillars he set at the entrance of
the porch on the right hand and called it Ja-
chin i and the other at the lel't hand, and call-
ed it Booz.
5. Solomon also cast a brazen sea, the
figure of which was that of an hemisphere.
This brazen vessel was called a sea for its
largeness, for the laver was ten feet in diame-
ter, and cast of the thickness of a palm : its
middle part rested on a short pillar, that had
ten spirals round it, and that pillar was ten
* Joscphiis says here that the Cherubims were of
solid golii, and only five cubits hif;h ; v.hile our Hebre-v
copies (1 Kings vi, 25, i-'S) say tliey were of the olive-
tree; and the Ixxii of the cypress-tree, and only over-
laid wiih gold ; and both a^ee they were ten cubits high.
I suppooc the nurabsr here is falsely transcribed, and
that Josephus wrote ten cubits also.
f As for these two famous pillars, Jachin and Booz,
their height could be no move than IS cubifs, as here,
and I Kings vii, 15 ; ^Kingsxxv. 17; Jer. iii.'Jl; tho.sc
5.5 cubits in 2 Chron. iii, 15, being contrary to all the
rules of Architectura in the world
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
219
cubits in diameter. There stood round about
it twelve oxen, that looked to the four winds
of heaven, three to each wind, having their
hinder parts depressed, that so the hemisphe-
rical vessel might rest upon them, which itself
was also depressed round about invvardly.
Now this sea contained three thousand baths.
6. He also made ten brazen bases for so
many quadrangular lavers : the length of every
one of these bases was five cubits, and the
breadth four cubits, and the height six cubits.
This vessel was partly turned, and was thus
contrived : There were four small quadran
gular pillars, that stood one at each corner
these had the sides of the base fitted to them
on each quarter; they were parted into three
parts ; every interval had a border fitted to
support [the laver] ; upon which was engraven,
in one place a lion, and in another place a
bull, and an eagle. The small pillars had the
same animals engraven that were engraven on
the sides. The whole work was elevated, and
stood upon four wheels, wliich were also cast,
which had also naves and felloes, and were a
foot and a half in diameter. Any one who
saw the spokes of the wheels, how e.'^actly
they were turned, and united to the sides of
the bases, and with what harmony they agreed
to the felloes, would wonder at them. How-
ever, their structure was this : Certain shoul-
ders of hands stretched out, held the corners
above, upon which rested a short spiral pillar,
that lay under the hollow part of the laver,
resting upon the fore part of the eagle and
the lion, which were adapted to them, inso-
much, that those who viewed tliera would
think they were of one piece : between these
were engravings of palm trees. Tiiis was
the construction of the ten bases : he also
made ten large round brass vessels, which
were the lavers themselves, each of which con-
tained forty baths; | for it had its height four
cubits, and its edges were as much distant
from each other : he also placed these lavers
upon the ten bases that were called JMechon-
oth : and he set five of the lavers on the left
side of the temple, § which was that side to-
wards the north wind, and as many on the
t The round or cylindrical lavers of four cubits in
diameter, and four in height, both in our copies, !
Kings, vii, 38, .^y, and here in .loscpluis, must have
contained a great deal more than these forty baths,
which are always assigned them. Where the error lies
is hard to say : perhaps Joscphus honestly followe<l his
copies here, though they had been corrupted, and he
was not able to restore the true reading. In the mcin
time, the forty bat!?s are probiiDly the true quantity
uont.iined in each laver, since they went ujxjn wheels, aiu'i
were to be drawn by the Lcvites' about the courts of the
priests, for the washings they were designed for: iuiil
hail they held much more, tliey would have been too
heavy to have been so drawn.
^ Here Joscphus gives us a key to his own language,
of right and left hand in the tabernacle .ind temple :
that by the right hand he means wliat i^ against ou?
left, when we suppose oursel\ es going up from tlie tasi
gates of the courts towards the tabcniacle or templf
themselves, and so vice verca ; whence it follows, lh<*.
the pillar Jachin, on the right liand of the temple, w.v
on the south, against our left hand ; and Buoz oii iltc
north, against our right hand.
A,
2-^{)
ANriQUITIKS OF TFIE JEWS.
BOOK Vlil
rigiil side, tow.ards the so\itli, but lookinj; to-
wards the east ; tlio same [eastern] way lie also
set the sea. Now, he api>oitited the sea to be
for washing the hands and the feet of the
priests when they entered itito the temple and
wore to ascend the altar; but the lavers to
cleanse tlie entrails of the beasts that were to
be burnt-ofl'erings, with their feet also.
7. He also made a brazen altar, whose
length was twenty cubits, and its breadth the
same, and its height ten, for the burnt -oll'er-
ings : he also made all its vessels of brass ;
the pots, and the shovels, and the basons, and
besides these, the snurtlrs and the tongs, and
all its other vessels he made of brass, and such
brass as was in splendor and beauty like geld.
Tlie king also dedicated a great number of
tables, but one that was large and made of
gold, upon which they set the loaves of God ;
and he made ten thousand more that resem .
bled them, but were done after another man-
ner, upon which lay the vials and the cui)s ;
those of gold were twenty thousand, those of
silver were forty tliousand. He also made
ten thousand candlesticks, according to tlie
command of Moses, one of which he dedicat-
ed for the temple, that it might burn in the
day-time, according to the law ; and one t:ilile
with loaves upon it, on the north side of the
temple, over against the candlestick ; for this
he set on the south side, but the golden altar
atood between them. All these vessels were
contained in that part of the holy house, which
was forty cubits long, and were before the
vail of that most secret place wherein the ark
was to be set.
8. The king also made pouring vessels, in
number eighty thousand, and a hundred thou-
sand golden vials, and twice as many silver
vials : of golden dishes, in order therein to of-
fer kneaded fine flour at tfie altar, there were
eighty thousand, and twice as many of silver.
0( largo ))asons also, wherein they mixed fine
flour with oil, sixty thousand of gold, and
twice as many of silver. Of the measures
like those wliich Moses called the Hin, and
the Assaroyi (a tenth deal), there were twenty
thousand of gold, and twice as many of silver.
The golden censers, in whicii they carried the
incense to the altar, were twenty tliousand :
the otiier censers, in which they carried fire
from the great altar to the little altar, within
the temple, were fifty thousand. The sacer-
dotal garments which belong, to the high-
priest, with the long robes, and the oracle,
and the precious stones, were a thousantl ; but
the crown upon which Moses wrote [the name
of God],* was only one, and hath remaineil
to this very day. He also made ten thousand
sacerdotal garments of fine linen, will) purple
girdles, for every priest ; and two tiuiidred
• of the pol.Un plate on the hlRh-iiricst's forehe.id
tlialw;is ill belli;; in thedaysof Jostjihus, aiil a criitury
or two at least later, sec tne note on Aiitiq. b. lii. ch.
thousand trumpets, according to tlie command
of Moses; also two hiiiidied thousand gar.
ments of fine linen for the singers that were
Levites ; and he made musical insstruments,
and such as were invented for singing of
hymns, called Kallir. and Ciivjrfe [psalteries
and harps], which were made of electrum ;^tlie
finest brass\ forty thousand.
9. Solomon made all these tilings for the
honour of God, with great variety and mag-
nificence, sparing no cost, but using all pos-
sible liberality in adorning the temple ; and
these things he dedicated to the treasures of
God. He also placed a partition round about
the temple, which, in our tongue, we call
Gisint, but it is called Tliru;c<js by the Greeks,
and he raised it up to the height of three cu-
bits ; and it was for the exclusion of the multi-
tude from coming into the temple, and show-
ing tliat it was a place that was free and open
only for the priests. He also built beyond
this court a temple, the figure of which was
that of a quadrangle, and erected for it great
and broad cloisters ; this was entered into by
very high gates, each of which had its front
exposed to one of the [four] winds, and were
shut by golden doors. Into this temple all
the people entered that were distinguished
from the rest by being pure, and observant of
the laws ; but he made that temple which was
beyond this a wonderful one indeed, and such
as exceeds all description in words; nay, if I
may so say, is hardly believed upon sight; for
when he had filled up great valleys with earth,-
which, on account of their immense depth,
could not be looked on when you bended
down to see them, without pain, and had ele-
vated the ground four hundred cubits, he
made it to be on a level with the top of the
mountain on which the temple was built, and
by this means the outmost temple, uiiich was
exposed to the air, was even with il.c temple
itself.f He encompassed this al ■ with a
building of a double row of cloi-.li r -, which
stood on high upon pillars of nai.w stone,
\\ hile the root's were of cedar, and u i ,\ polish-
etl in a manner proper for such high :i".|s; but
he made all the doors of this temple uf silver.
CHAPTER IV.
HOW SOLOMON REMOVED THE AUK i VTO THE
TLMPl.E ; HOW HE MADE SL'PM.li TION TO
GOD, AND OFFEKED PUBLIC SACiil.lCIiS TO
niM.
§ 1. When king Solomon had fii ed these
works, these large and beautifu' lildings,
1 When Josephus here says that the II i" the out-
most temple or court of the Geiuilos, vith vast
l.ilKuir raised to be even, or i.f equal hi with the
tloor of the inner, or court of the iiricsl- ist mean
this in a (;ro3!i cstimaUon only; tor he :ll others
agree that the inner temple, or court ot . a«sU, wiu
CHAP. IV.
and hail laid up his donations in the temple,
and all this in the interval of seven years, •
and had given a demonstration of his riclies
and alacrity therein ; insomuch, that any one
who saw it would have thought it must have
been an immense time ere it could have been
finished, and [would be surprised] that so
much should be finished in so short a time ;
— short, I mean, if compared with tlie great-
ness of the work : lie also wrote to the rulers
and elders of the Hebrews, and ordered all the
people to gather themselves together to Jeru-
salem, both to see the temple which he had
built, and to remove the ark of God into it;
and when this invitation of the wliole body of
the people to come to Jerusalem was every-
where carried abroad, it was the seventh month
before they came together; which month is,
by our countrymen, called Thisri ; but by the
Macedonians Hyperbereterus. The Feast of
Tabernacles happened to fall at the same time,
which was kept by the Hebrews as a most holy
and most eminent feast. So they carried the
ark and the tabernacle which Moses had pitch-
ed, and all the vessels that were for ministra-
tion to the sacrifices of God, and removed them
to tlie temple.+ The king himself, and all the
people and the Levites, went before, rendering
the ground moist with sacrifices, and drink-
offerings, and the blood of a great number of
oblations, and burning an immense quantity
of incense; and this till the very air itself
everywhere round about was so full of these
odours, that it met, in a most agreeable man-
ner, persons at a gi'eat distance, and was an
indication of God's presence, and, as men's
opinion was, of his habitation with tliem in
tliis newly-built and consecrated place, for they
did not grow weary, either of singing hymns,
or of dancing, until they came to the temple ;
and in this manner did they carry the ark :
but when they should transfer it into the most
secret places, the rest of the multitude '.vent
away, and only those priests that carried it set
U between the two cherubims, which embrac-
ing it with their wings (for so they were fram-
ed by the artificer), they covered it, as under
a tent or a cupola. Now the ark contained
a few cubits more elevated than the middle court, the
court of Israel, and tliat much more was the court of
the priests elevated seveiil cubits above the outmost
court, since the court of Israel was lower than the one
and higher than the other.
* The Scntuagint sny, that " they prepared timber
and stones to buitd the temple for three years," 1 Kmgs,
V, 18 ; and although neither our present Hebrew copy,
nor Joseplius, directly name that number of years, yet
do they both say the building itself did not begin till
Solomon's Jourtli year; and both speak of the prepar-
ation of materials beforehand, 1 Kings, v, IK ; Anti<|. b.
viii, ch. 5, sect. 1. There is no reason, therefore, to
alter the Septuaginfs number; but we are to suppose
three years to have been the just time of the prepara-
tion, as 1 have done in my computation of the expense
in building the temple.
t This solemn removal of the ark from mount Sion
to mount Moriah, at the distance of almost three
3uarters of a mile, confutes that notion of the modern
ews, and followed by many Christians also, as if those
two were, after a sort, one and the same mountain : for
whicli there is, I think, very little founAition.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
221
nothing else but those two tables of stone that
preserved the ten commandments, which God
spake to Moses in mount Sinai, and which
were engraved upon them ; but they set the
candlestick, and the table, and the golden altar,
in the temple, before the most secret place, in
the very same places wherein they stood till
that time in the tabernacle. So tliey offered
up the daily sacrifices; bui for the brazen
altar, Solomon set it before the temple, over-
against the door, that when the door was open-
ed, it might be exposed to sigiit, and the
sacred solemnities, and the richness of the
sacrifices, might be thence seen; and all the
rest of the vessels they gathered together, and"
put them within the temple,
2. Now, as soon as the priests had put all
things in order about the ark, and were gone
out, there came down a thick cloud, and stood
tliere ; and spread itself, after a gentle man-
ner, into the temple : such a cloud it was as
was diffused and temperate, — not such a
rough one as we see full of rain in tlie win.
ter season. This cloud so darkened the place,
that one priest could not discern another;
but it afl'brded to the minds of all a visible
image and glorious appearance of God's hav-
ing descended into this tem])le, and of his
having gladly pitched his tabernacle therein.
So these men were intent upon this thought;
but Solomon rose up (for he was sitting be-
fore), and used such words to God as he
thought agreeable to the divine nature to re-
ceive, and fit for him to give ; — for he said,
" Thou hast an eternal house, O Lord, and
such a one as thou hast created for thyself
out of thine own works ; — we know it to be
the heaven, and the air, and the earth, and
the sea, which thou pervadest, nor art thou
contained within their limits. I have indeed
built this temple to thee, and thy name, that
from thence, when we sacrifice, and perform
sacred operations, we may send our prayers
up into the air, and may constantly believe
that thou art present, and art not remote from
what is thine own ; for neither when thou
seest all things, and hearest alhhings, nor now,
when it pleases thee to dwell here, dost thou
leave off the care of all men, but rather thou
art very near to them all, but especially thou
art present to those that address themselves
to thee, whether by night or by day." AVhen
he had thus solemnly addressed himself to
God, he converted his discourse to the mul-
titude, and strongly represented the power
and providence of God to them ; — how he
had shown all things that were come to pass
to David his father, as many of those things
had already come to pass, and the rest would
certainly come to pass hereafter ; and how
he had given him his name, and told to David
what he sliould be called before lie was born ;
and foretold, that when he should he king af-
ter his father's death, he should build him a
temple, which since they saw accomplished.
"X
222
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
according to his prediction, he required them
to bless God, iind by bflieving liiin, from the
sight of what thuy had seen ai'coinpliscd, ne-
ver to dosj)air of any tiling that lie had pro-
mised for the future, in order to their liappi-
tiess, or susj)ect that it would not come to pass.
3. When the king had thus discoursed to
the multitude, be looked again towards the
temple, and lifting up his right hand to the
multitude, he said, " It is not possible by what
men can do to return sufficient thanks to God
for his benefits bestowed upon them, for the'
Deity stands in need of notliing, and is above
any such requital ; but so far as we have been
made superior, O Lord, to other animals by
thee, it becomes us to bless thy Majesty, and
it is necessary for us to return thee thanks I
for what thou hast bestowed upon our bouse, '
and on the Hebrew people ; for with what
other instrument can we better appease thee,
when thou art angry at us, or more properly
preserve thy favour, than with our voice ;
which, as we huve il from the air, so do we
know that by that air it ascends upwards [to-
wards thee]. I therefore ought myself to
return thee thanks thereby, in the first place,
concerning my father, whom thou hast raised
from obscurity unto so great joy ; and, in
the next place, concerning myself, since thou
hast performed all that thou hast promised
unto this very day ; and I beseech thee, for
the time to come, to'afl'ord us whatsoever
thou, O God, hast power to bestow on such
as thou dost esteem ; and to augment our
house for all ages, as thou hast promised to
David my father to do, both in his lifetime
and at his death, that our kingdom shall con-
tinue, and that his posterity should successive-
ly receive it to ten thousand generations. Do
not thou therefore fail to give us these bless-
ings, and to bestow on my children tliat vir-
tue in which thou delightest ! and besides all
this, I humbly beseech thee, that thou wilt
let some portion of thy Spirit comedown and
inhabit in this temple, that thou mayest ap-
pear to be with us upon earth. As to lliy-
self, the entire heavens, and the immensity
of the things that are therein, are but a small
habitation for thee, much more is this poor
temple so ; but I entreat thee to keep it as tliinc
own house, from being destroyed by our ene-
mies for ever, and to take care of it as tliine
own possession ; but if this people be found
to have sinned, and be thereupon alilicted
by thee with any plague, because of their
sin, as with deartli, or pestilence, or any other
affliction which thou usest to inilict on those
that transgress any of thy holy laws, and if
they fly all of them to this temple, beseech-
ing thee, and begging of thee to deliver them,
then do thou hear their prayers, as being
within thine house, and have mercy upon
them, and deliver them from their alllictions !
nav, moreover, this help is what I implore of
thic, not for the Hebrews oidy, when they
BOOK VIII
are in distress, but when any shall com*
hither from any ends of the world wliatso-
ever, and shall return from their ^ins and iin-
|)lore thy pardon, do thou then pardon them,
and hear their prayer ! for hereby all shall
learn that thou thyself wast pleaseil with the
building of this house for thee; and that we
are not ourselves of an unsociable nature, nor
behave ourselves like enemies to such as are
not of our own people, but are willing that
thy assistance should be communieattd by
thee to all men in conunon, and that they
may have the enjoyment of thy benefits be-
stowed upon them."
4. When Solomon had said tliis, and had
cast himself upon the ground, and worshipped
a lonir time, he rose up and brought sacri-
fices to the altar ; and when he had filled il
with unblemished victims, he most evidently
discovered that God had with pleasure ac-
cepted of all that he had sacrificed to him, for
there came a tire running out of the air, and
rtished with violence u)>un the altar, in the
sight of all, and caught hold of and consumed
the sacrifices. Now, w hen this divine appear-
ance was seen, the people su[)posed it to be a
demonstration of God's abode in the temple,
and were pleased with it, and fell down upor
the ground, and worshipped. Upon which
the king began to bless God, and exhorted
the multitude to do the same, as now iiaving
sufficient indications of (iod's favourable dis-
position to them ; and to pray that ihey might
always liave the like indications from him,
and that he would preserve in them a mind
pure from all wickedness, in righteousness
and religious worskip, and that they might
continue in the observation of those precepts
which God had given them by jVIoscs, because
by that means the Hebrew nation would be
hapjiy, and indeed the most blessed of all na-
tions among all mankind. He exhorted thein
also to he mindful, that by what methods they
had attained their present good things, by the
same they must preserve tliem sure to them-
selves, and niake them greater, and more than
they were at present; for that it was not suf-
ficient for them to suppose they had received
them on account of their piety and righteous,
ness, but that they had no other way of jire.
serving them fur the time to come; for tliat
it is not so great a thing for men to acquire
somewhat which they want, as to preserve
what they have acquired, and to be guilty of
no sin, whereby it may be hurt.
5. So wlien the king had spoken thus to
the multitude, he dissolved the congregation,
but not till he had completed his oblations,
both for himself and for the Hebrews, inso-
much that he sacrificed twenty and two thou-
sand oxen, and a hundred and twenty thou-
sand sheep ; for then it was that the temple
did first of all taste of the victims ; and all th«
Hebrews, with their wives and children, feast-
ed therein : nay, besides this, the king then
"V
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
22S
observed splendidly and magnificently the
feast which is called the Feast of Tabernacles,
before the temple, for twice seven days, and
he then feasted together with all the people.
6. When all these solemnities were abun-
dantly satisfied, and nothing was omitted that
concerned the divine worship, the king dis.
missed them ; and every one went to their
own homes, giving thanks to the king for the
care he had taken of them, and the works he
had done for them ; and praying to God to
preserve Solomon to bo their king for a long
time. They also took their journey home
with rejoicing, and making merry, and sing-
ing hymns to God : and indeed the pleasure
they enjoyed, took a^way the sense of the pains
they all underwent in their journey home.
So when they had brought the ark into the
temple, and had seen its greatness, and how
fine it was, and had been partakers of the
many sacrifices that had been offered, and of
the festivals that had been solemnized, they
every one returned to their own cities. But
a dream that appeared to the king in his sleep,
informed him, that God had heard his pray-
ers ; and that he would not only preserve the
temple, but would always abide in it; that is,
in case his posterity and the whole multitude
would be righteous. And for himself, it said,
that if he continued according to the admo-
nitions of his father, he would advance him
to an immense degree of dignity and happi-
tiess, and that then his posterity should be
kings of that country, of the tribe of Judah,
for ever; but tiiat still, if he should be found
a betrayer of the ordinances of the law, and
forget them, and turn away to the worship of
strange gods, he would cut him off by the
roots, and would neither suffer any remainder
of his family to continue, nor would overlook
the people of Israel, or preserve vhem any
longer from afflictions, but would utterly de-
stroy them with ten tiiousand wars and mis-
fortunes ; would cast them out of the land
which he had given their fathers, and make
them sojourners in strange lands ; and deliver
that temple which was now built, to be burnt
and spoiled by their enemies ; and that city
to be utterly overthrown by the hands of their
enemies ; and make their miseries deserve to
be a proverb, and such as should very hardly
be credited for their stupendous magnitude,
till their neighbours, when they should hear
of them, should wonder at their calamities,
and very earnestly inquire for the occasion,
why the Hebrews, who had been so far ad-
vanced by God to such glory and wealth,
should be then so hated by him ? And that
the answer that should be made by the re-
mainder of the people should bo, by confess-
ing their sins, and their transgression of the
laws of their country. Accordingly, we have
it transmitted to us in writing, that thus did
God speak to Solomon in his sleep.
CHAPTER V.
HOW SOLOMON BUILT HIMSELF A ROYAL YA-
LACE, VERY COSTLY AND SPLENDID ; AND
HOW HE SOLVED THE RIDDLES WHICH WERE
SENT HIM BY HIRAM.
§ 1. After the building of the temple,
which, as we have before said, was finished
in seven years, the king laid the foundation
of his palace, which he did not finish under
thirteen years ; for he was not equally zealous
in the building of this palace as he had been
about the temple ; for as to that, though it
was a great work, and required wonderful
and surprising application, yet God, for whom
it was made, so far co-operated therewith,
that it was finished in the forementioned
number of years ; but the palace, which was
a building much inferior in dignity to the
temple, both on account that its materials had
not been so long beforehand gotten ready,
nor had been so zealously prepared, and on
account that this was only a habitation for
kings, and not for God, it was longer in
finishing. However, this building was raised
so magnificently, as suited the happy state of
the Hebrews, and of the king thereof: but
it is necessary that I describe the entire struc-
ture and disposition of the parts, that so those
that light upon this book may thereby make
a conjecture, and, as it were, liave a prospect
of its magnitude.
2. This house was a large and curious
building, and was supported by many pillars,
which Solomon built to contain a multitude
for hearing causes,' and taking cognizance of
suits. It was sufficiently capacious to con-
tain a great body of men, who would come
together to have their causes determined. It
was a hundred cubits long, and fifty broad,
and thirty high, supported by quadrangular
pillars, which were all of cedar; but its roof
was according to the Corinthian order,* with
folding doors, and their adjoining pillars of
equal magnitude, each fluted with three cavi-
* This mention of the Corinthian ornaments of archi-
tecture in Solomon's palace by Josephus, seems to be
here set down by way of prolepsis; for although it ap-
pears to me that the Grecian and Roman most ancient
orders of architecture were taken from Solomon's tem-
ple, as from their original patterns, yet it is not so clear
that the last and most ornamental order of the Corinth-
ian was so ancient, although what the same Josephus
says (Of the War, b. v, ch. v, sect. 5), that one of the
gates of Herod's temple was built according to the rules
of this Corinthian order, is no way imiirobablc, that
order being, without dispute, much older than the reign
of Herod. However, upon some trial, I com'ess I have
not hitherto been able fully to understand the structure
of this palace of Solomon, either as described in our
Bibles, or even with the additional help of this descrip-
tion here by Josephus; only the reader may easily ob-
serve with me, that the measures of this first building
in Josephus, 100 cubits long, and 50 cubits broad, are
the very same with the area of the court of the taber-
nacle of Moses, and just half an Kgvptian aruure, oi
acje.
224.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK VllI
lll'S
very
wliich building was at once firm and
ornamental. There was also aiiotiier
house so ordered, tliat its entire hrcadtli uas
pl.iceii in the middle : it was (juadraii^ular,
and its breadth was thirty cubits, having a
temple over-against it, raised iii)on massy i>il-
lars ; in which temple there was a large and
very glorious room, wherein the l<iMg sat in
judgment. To this was joined another house,
that was built for his (jueen. There were
Otl er smaller edifices for diet, and for sleep,
after public matters Mere over ; and these
were all floored with boards of cedar. Some
of these Solomon built with stones of ten
cubits, and wainscoted the walls with other
stones that were sawed, and were of great
value, such as are dug out of llie eartii for
the ornaments of tem|)les, and to make fine
pros])ects in royal palaces, and which make
the mines whence they are dug famous.
Now the contexture of the curious workman-
ship of these stones was in three rows, but
the fourth row would make one admire its
sculptures, whereby were represented trees,
and all sorts of plants, with the shades that
arose from their brandies, and leaves that
hung down from them. Those trees and
plants covered the stone that was beneath
them, and their leaves were wrought so pro-
digious thin and subtile, that you would
think they were in motion ; but tiie other
part, up to the roof, was plastered over, and,
as it were, embroidered with colours and pic-
tures. He, moreover, built other edifices
for jileasure ; as also very long cloisters, and
those situate in an agreeable place of the pa-
lace ; and among them a most glorious din-
ing-room, for feastings and compotations, and
full of gold, and such other furniture as so
fine a room ought to have for the conveniency
of the guests, and where all the vessels were
made of gold. Now it is very hard to rec-
kon up the magnitude and the variety of the
royal apartments ; how many rooms there
were of the largest sort, how many of a big-
ness inferior to those, and how many that
were subterraneous and invisil>le ; the curio-
sity of those that enjoyed the fresh airj and
the groves for the most delightful jirospect,
for the avoiding the heat, and covering of
their bodies. And to say all in brief, Solo-
mon made the whole building entirely of
white stone, and cedar-wood, and gold, and
silver. lie also adorned the roofs and walls
with stones set in gold, and beaiititied them
therebv in the same manner as he had beau-
tified (lie temple of God with the like stones.
He also made himself a throne of prodigious
bigness, of ivory, constructed as a scat of jus-
tice, and having six stejis to it ; on every one
of which stood, on each end of the step, two
lions, two otlier lions standing above also;
but at the sitting place of the tiiroiie, hands
came out, and received the king; and when
he sat backward, he rested on half a buliuck,
that looked towards his back ; but still all
was fastened togetlier with gold.
3. When Solomon had completed all this
in twenty years' time, because Iliram king of
Tyre had contributed a great deal of gold,
and more silver to these buildings, as also
cedar-wood and pine-wood, he also rewarded
Hiram with rich presents: corn he sent him
also year by year, and wine and oil, which
were the principal things that he stood in
need of, because he inhabited an inland, as
we have already said. And besides these,
he granted him certain cities of Galilee, twen-
ty in number, that lay not far from Tyre ;
which when Hiram went to, and viewed, and
did not like the gift, he sent word to Solo-
mon that he did not want such cities as tliey
were; and after that time those ciiies were
called the land of Cabul ; which name, if it
be interpreted according to the language of
the Plia-nicians, denotes wliat does not please.
IMoreover, the king of Tyre sent sophisms
and enigmatical sayings to Solomon, and de-
sired he would solve them, and free them
from the ambiguity that was in them. Now
so sagacious and understanding was Solo-
mon, that none of these problems were too
hard for him ; but he conquered tiicm all by
his reasonings, and discovered their hidden
meaning, and brought it to li^ht. Menan-
der also, one who translated the Tyrian ar-
chives out of the dialect of the Phrenicians
into the Greek language, makes nieiilion of
these two kings, where lie says thus: — " When
Abibalus was dead, his son Hiram received
the kingdom from him, who, when he had
lived fifty-three years, reigned thirty-four.
He raised a bank in the large place, and de-
dicated the golden pillar which is in Jupiter's
temple. He also went and cut down mate-
rials of timber out of the mountain called Li-
banus, for the roof of temjiles; and when he
had pulled down the ancient t";m]jles, he
both built the temple of Hercules and that of
Astarte; and he first set up the temple of
Hercules in the month I'eritius ; he also made
an expedition against the Euchii [or Titii],
who did not pay their tribute ; and when he
had subdued them to himself he returned.
Under this king there was Abdemon, a very
youth in age, who always conquered the dif-
ficult problems which Solomon, king of Je-
rusalem, commanded him to exjilaiu." Dius
also makes mention of him, where he says
thus : — " When Abibalus was dead, his son
Iliram reigned. He raised the eastern paits
of the city higher, and made the city itself
larger. He also joined the temple of Jupi
ter, which before stooil by itself, to the city,
by raising a bank in the midille between them ;
and he adorned it with donations of gold.
IMoreover, he went up to Mount Libanus,
and cut dow:) materials of %\uo(i for the build-
ing of the temples." He says also, that
" Solomon, who was then king of Jerusalem,
"V.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEW'S.
CHAP. VI.
xent riddles to Hiram, and desired to receive
tlie like from him ; but that he who could
not solve them should pay money to them
that did solve them ; and that Hiram ac-
cepted the conditions ; and when he was not
able to solve the riddles [proposed by So-
lomon], he paid a great deal of money for
his fine; but that he afterward did solve the
proposed riddles by means of Abdemon, a
man of Tyre ; and tliat Hiram proposed
other riddles, which, when Solomon could
not solve, he paid back a great deal of
money to Hiram." This it is which Dius
wrote.
CHAPTER VI.
HOW SOLOMON FORTIFIED THE CITY OF JERU-
SALEM, AND BUILT GREAT CITIES ; AND
HOW HE BROUGHT SOME OF THE CANAAN-
ITES INTO SUBJECT10:«, AND ENTERTAINED
THE QUEEN OF EGYPT AND OF ETHIOPIA,
§ 1. Now when the king saw that the walls of
Jerusalem stood in n^ed of being better se-
cured, and made stronger (for he thought the
walls that encompassed Jerusalem ought to
correspond to the dignity of the city) he both
repaired them and made them higher, with
great towers upon them ; he also built cities
which might be counted among the strongest,
Hazor and Megiddo, and the third Gezer,
which had indeed belonged to the Philistines;
but Pharaoh, the king of Egypt, had made
an expedition against it, and besieged it, and
taken it by force ; and when he faad slain all
its inhabitants, he utterly overthrew it, and
gave it as a present to his daug'iter, who had
been married to Solomon : for which reason
the king rebuilt it, as a city that was natural-
ly strong, and might be useful in wars, and
the mutations of afl'airs that soinetimes hap-
pen. MoreoTer, he built two oth»r cities
not far from it ; Buth-horon was the natue of
one of them, and Balaath of the other. He
also built other cities that lay conveniently
fov these in order to tlie enjoyment of plea-
sures and delicacies in them, such as were
naturally of a good temperature of the air,
and agreeable for fruits ripe in tbeir proper
seasons, and well watered with springs. Nay,
Solomon went as far as the desert above Sy-
ria, and possessed himself of it, and built
there a very great city, which was distant two
days' journey from the Upper Syria, and one
day's journey from Euphrates, and six long
days' journey from Babylon the Great. Now
the reason why this city lay so remote from
the parts of Syria that are inhabited, is this :
That below there is no water to be had, and
that it is in that piace only that there are
uprings and pits of water. When he had
iiierefore built this city, and encompassed it
225
with very strong walls, he gave ft d>e Dam«
of Tadmor ; and that is the name it is still
called by at this day among the Syrians j but
the Greeks name it Palmyra.
2, Now Solomon the king was at this time
engaged in building these cities. But if any
inquire why all the kings of Egypt from
Menes, who built Memphis, and was many
years earlier than our forefather Abraham,
until Solomon, where the interval was more
than one thousand three hundred years, were
called Pharaohs, and took it from one Pha-
raoh that lived after the kings of that inter-
val, I think it necessary to inform them of it,
and this in order to cure their ignorance, and
to make the occasion of that name manifest,
Pharaoh, in the Egyptian tongue, signifies a
king,* but I suppose they made use of other
names from their childhood; but when they
were made kings, they changed them into the
name which, in their own tongue, denoted
their authority ; for thus it was also that the
kings of Alexandria, who were called former-
ly by other names, when they took the king-
dom, were named Ptolemies, from their first
king. The Roman emperors also were, from
their nativity, called by other names, but are
styled Caesars, their empire and tlieir dignity
imposing that name upon them, and not sufifer-
ingthem to continue in those names wlu'ch their
fathers gave them. I suppose also that Herodo-
tus of Halicarnassus, when he said tliere were
three hundred and thirty kings of Egypt after
Mcnes, who built Memphis, did therefore not
tell us their names, because they were in com-
mon called Pharaohs; for when after their death
there was a queen reigned, he calls her by her
name Nicaule, as thereby declaring, that while
the kings were of the male line, and so ad-
mitted of the same name, while a woman did
not admit the same, he did therefore set down
that her name, which she could not naturally
have. As for myself, I have discovered from
our own books, that after Pharaoh, the father-
in-law of Solomon, no other king of Egypt
did any longer use that name ; and that it was
after that time when the forenamed queen of
Egypt and Ethiopia came to Solomon, con-
cerning whom we shall inform the reader pre-
sently; but I have now made mention of
these things, that I may prove tliat our books
* This signification of the name Pharaoh appears ta
be true. But what Josephus adds preseiulv, that no
long of Egypt was called Pharaoh after Solomon's fa-
ther-in-law, does hardly agree to our copies, which have
long afterwards the names of Pharaoh Nechoh and
Pharaoh Hophrah (2 Kings xxiii, 29; Jer. xhv. 5(1);
tjesides the frequent mention of that name in the pro-
phets. However, Josephus himself, in his own speech
to the Jews (Of the War, b. v, ch. ix, sect. 4), speaks of
Nechao, who was also called Pharaoh, as the name of
that king of Eg>iit with whom Abrah.nm was concern-
ed; of wliich name Nechao yet we have elsewhere no
mention till the days of Josiah. but only of Pharaoh.
And indeed it must be ounfesscd, that here, and sect. 5,
we have more mistakes made by Josephus, and those
relating to the kings of Egypt, and to the queen of
Eg^^it and Ethiopia, whom he supposes to have come
to sec Solomon han almost anywhere else in all hi*
Antiquities'
„^
226
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWSi
and tliose of the Egyptians agree together in
many things.
3. But king Solomon subdued to liimself
the remnant of the Canaanites that had not
before submitted to liim ;— tliose I mean that
dwell in mount Lebanon, and as far &s the
city Hamath ; and ordered them to ])ay tri-
bute. He also chose out of them every year
such as were to serve him in the meanest of-
fices, and to do his domestic works, and to
follow husbandry ; for none of the Hebrews
were servants [in such low employments] ;
nor was it reasonable that, when God had
brought so many nations under their power,
they should depress their own people to such
mean offices of life, rather than those nations ;
but all the Israelites were concerned in war-
like affairs, and were in armour, and were set
over the chariots and the liorses rather than
leading the life of slaves. He appointed also
five hundred and fifty rulers over those Can-
aanitcs who were reduced to such domestic
slavery, who received the entire care of them
from the king, and instructed them in those
labours and operations wherein he wanted
their assistance.
4. IMoreover, the king built many ships in
the Egyptian Bay of the Red Sea, in a cer-
tain place called Ezion-geber : it is now called
Berenice, and is not far from the city Eloth.
This country belonged formerly to the Jews,
and became useful for shipping, from tlie do-
nations of Hiram, king of Tyre ; for he sent a
sufficient number of men thitlier for pilots,
and such as were skilful in navigation ; to
whom Solomon gave this command : That
they should go along with his own stewards
to the land that was of old called Opliir, but
xto'f the Aiirea Chersonesiis, which belongs
to India, to fetch him gold. And when they
bad gathered four hundred talents together,
they returned to the king again.
5. There was then a woman, queen of
Egypt and Ethiopia ;• she was in(juisitive into
philosophy, and one that on other accounts
also was to be admired. When this queen
heard of the virtue and prudence of Solo-
mon, she had a great mind to see him ; and
the reports that went every day abroad induc-
ed her to come to him, she being desirous to
be satisfied by her own experience, and not
by a bare liearing (for reports thus heard, are
likely enough to complj' with a false opinion,
while they wholly depend on the credit of the
relators) ; so she resolved to come to him, and
tliat especially, in order to have a trial of his
• That tliis queen of Slicba was a queen of Salxca in
South Arabia, arhl not of Kgypt iuid Klhiopi.T, as Josp-
pliiis here asscrU, it, 1 suppusc, now generally agreeil ;
ami since ."-abjea is well known lo Ik- a I'OiMilry nortr the
se.i in t)ie south of Arabia Felix, wliieh lay south from
Judea also; and Kinec our Saviour ealls this queen
" the .jueen of the south," and says, " slie eaing from
the utmost parLs of the earth" (Matt, xii, ■ii; Luke xi.
BOOK Vlll
wisdotn, while she proposed questions of very
great difficulty, aiid entreated thai he would
solve their hidden meaning. Accordingly
she came to Jerusalem with great splendour
and rich furniture ; for she brouglit with her
camels laden with gold, with several sorts ot
sweet spices, and with precious stones. Now,
upon tlie king's kind reception of her, he both
showed a great desire to please her, and easily
comprehending in his mind the meaning of
the curious questions she propounded to him,
he resolved them sooner than any body could
have expected. So she was amazed at the
wisdom of Solomon, and discovered that it
was more excellent upon trial than what she
had heard by report beforehand ; and esjieci-
ally she was surprised at the fineness and
largeness of his royal palace, and not less so at
the good order of the apartments, for she ob-
served that the king had therein shown great
wisdom ; but she was beyond measure asto-
nislied at the house which was called the Fo-
rest of Lebanon, as also at the magnificence of
iiis daily table, and the circumstances of its
preparation and ministration, with the api)a-
rei of his servants that waited, and the skilful
and decent management of their attendance :
nor was she less affected with those daily
sacrifices which were offered to God, and the
cai'eful management which the priests and
Levites used about Uiem. When she saw
this done every day, she was in the greatest
admiration imaginable, insomuch that she was
not able to contain the surprise she was in,
but openly confessed how wonderfully shi
was affected ; for she proceeded to discourse
with the king, and thereby owned that siie
was overcome witli admiration at the things
before related ; and said, " All things, in-
deed, O king, that came to our knowledge
by report, came with uncertainty as to our
belief of them ; but as to those good things
that to thee appertain, both such as thou thy-
self possessest, I mean wisdom and prudence,
and tiie happiness thou hast from thy king-
dom, certainly the same that came to us was
no falsity; it was not only a true report, but
it related thy happiness after a much lower
manner than 1 now see it to be before my
eyes. For as for the report, it only attempt
ed to persuade our hearing, but tlid not so
inake known the dignity of the things them-
selves as does the sight of them, and being
present among them. I, indeed, who did
not believe what was reported, by reason ot
the multitude and grandeur of the things I
inquired about, do see them to be much more
numerous than they were reported to be.
Accordingly, I esteem the Hebrew people,
as well .is thy servants and friends, to be hap.
py, who enjoy thy ])resence and hear thy wis-
dom every day continually. One would
therefore bless God, who hath so loved this
douliiin^' in thit nuilvr. > make thee km(; over theni."
CHAP. VII.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
227
6. Now when the queen had thus demon
strated in words how deeply the king had
affected her, her disposition was known by
certain presents, for she gave him twenty
talents of gold, and an immense quantity of
spices and precious stones. (Tliey say also
that we possess t!ie root of that balsam which
our country still bears by this woman's gift). *
Solomon also repaid her with many good
things, and principally by bestowing upon
her what she chose of her own inclination,
for there was nothing that she desired which
he denied her ; and as he was very generous
and liberal in his own temper, so did he
show the greatness of his soul in bestowing
on her what she herself desired of him. So
vshen this queen of Ethiopia had obtained
what we have already given an account of,
and had again communicated to the king
what she brought with her, she returned to
her own kingdom.
CHAPTER VII,
HOW SOLOMON GREW RICH, AND FELL DESPE-
RATELY IN LOVE WITH WOMEN, AND HOW
GOD, BEING INCENSED AT IT, RAISED UP
ADEft AND JEROBOAM AGAINST HIM. CON-
CERNING THE DEATH OF SOLOJION.
§ 1. About the same time there were brought
to the king from the Aurea Cliersonesus, a
country so called, precious stones and pine-
trees, and these trees he made use of for sup-
porting the temple and the palace, as also for
the materials of musical instruments, the
harps, and the psalteries, that the Levites
might make use of them in their hymns to
God. The wood which was brought to him
at this time was larger and finer than any
that had ever been brought before ; but let
no one imagine that these pine-trees were
like those which are now so named, and whicli
take that their denomination from the mer-
chants, who so call them, that they may pro-
cure tliem to be admired by those that pur-
chase them ; for those we speak of were to
» Some blame Joscphiis for supposing that the balsam
tree might bo first brought out of Arabia, or Egypt, or
Ktliiopia, into Judea, by this queen of Shcba, since se-
veral have siiid, that of' old no country bore this preci-
ous balsam but Judea ; yet it is not only fake that this
balsam was peculiar to Judea, but both Egypt aJid Ara-
bia, and particularly Sabaia, had it; which last was that
very country whence Josephus, if understocKl not of
Ethiopia but of Arabia, intimates this queen might bring
it first into Judea. Nor are we to suppose that the
queen of Saba'a could well omit such a present, as this
balsimi-trce would be esteemed by Solomon, in case it
were then almost peculiar to her own country : nor is
the n.cntion of balm or balsam, as carried by mer-
chants, and sent as a jiresent out of Judea by Jacob, to
the governor of Egypt (Gen. xxxvii. 23, and xliii. 1 i )
to be alleged to tlie contrary, since what we there ren
der biilm or baham. denotes rather that turjientine
which we now call Tuipcntiiu nf Cfiio vr Cupms, tlic
jviiic of the turpcntine-t;ce, than tliis precious balsam.
This List is also the .sime w(>rd that we elsewhere ren-
der, by the same mist.ike, hulm of GUeaU : It siiould be
'enjercf' liie TiirperUiiti i^f' G'Ucud, Jer. viii. Si.
the sight like the wood of the fig-tic-e, but
were whiter and more shining. Now we
have said thus much, that nobody may be
ignorant of the difference between these sorts
of wood, nor unacquainted with the nature of
the genuine pine-tree ; and we thought it
both a seasonable and humane thing when
we inentioned it, and the uses the king made
of it, to explain this difference so far as we
have done.
2. Now the weight of gold that was brought
him was six hundred and sixty-six talents,
not including in that sum what was brought
by the merchants, nor what the toparchs and
kings of Arabia gave him in presents. He
also cast two hundred targets of gold, each of
them weighing six hundred shekels : he also
made three hundred shields, every one weigh-
ing three pounds of gold, and he had them
carried and put into that house which was
called The Forest of Lebanon. He also made
cups of gold, and of [precious] stones, for
the entertaininent of his guests, and had tliem
adorned in the most artificial manner ; and
he contrived that all his other furniture of
vessels should be of gold, for there was no-
thing then to be sold or bought for silver ;
for the king had many ships wliich lay upon
the Sea of Tarsus, these he commanded to
carry out all sorts of merchandise into the
remotest nations, by the sale of which silver
and gold were brought to the king, and a
great quantity of ivory, and Ethiojjians, and
apes ; and they finished their voyage, going
and returning, in three years' time.
3. Accordingly there went a great fame all
around the neighbouring countries, which
proclaimed the virtue and wisdom of So-
lomon, insomuch that all the kings every-
where were desirous to see him, as not giving
credit to what was reported, on account of its
being almost incredible : they also demon-
strated the regard they had for him by the pre-
sents they made him ; for they sent him ves-
sels of gold and silver, and purple garments,
and many sorts of spices, and horses, and cha-
riots, and as many mules for his carriages as
they could find proper to please the king's
eyes, by their strength and beauty. This ad-
dition that he made to those chariots and horses
which he had before from those that were sent
him, augmented the number of his chariots
by above four hundred, for he had a thousand
before, and augmented the number of his
horses by two thousand, for he had twenty
thousand before. Tliese horses also were so
much exercised, in order to their making a
fine appearance, and running swiftly, that no
others could, upon the comparison, appear
either finer or swifter ; but they were at once
the most beautiful of all others, and tiieir
swiftness was incomparable also. Their rid-
ers also were a further ornament to them, be-
ing, in the first place, young men in the most
delightful flower of their age, and being emi
"V
J-
228
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
ncnt for their largeness, and far taller tlian
other men. Tliey had also very long heads of
hair hanging down, and were clothed in gar-
ments of Tyrian purple. They had also dust
of gold evei7 day sprinkled on their liair, so
that their heads sparkled with the reflection
of the sun-beams from tiie gold. The king
himself rode upon a chariot in the midst of
these men, -.vho were still in armour, and had
their hows fitted to them. He had on a white
garment, and used to take his progress out of
Uie city in the morning, 'i'here was a certain
place, about fifty furlongs distant from Jeru-
salem, which is called Etham, very pleasant
it is in fine gardens, and abounding in rivu-
lets of water;* thither did he use to go oiit in
the morning, sitting on high [in his chariot].
4. Now Solomon had a divine sagacity in
all things, and was very diligent and studious
to have tilings done after an elegant manner;
so he did not neglect the care of the ways,
but he laid a causeway of black stone along
tile roads that led to Jerusalem, which was the
royal city, both to render them easy for tra-
vellers, and to manifest tlie grandeur of his
riches and government. He also parted his
chariots, and set them in a regular order, that
a certain number of them should be in every
city, still keeping a few about him ; and those
cities he called the cities of his chariots j and
the king made silver as plentiful in Jerusa-
lem as the stones in the street; and so multi-
plied cedar-trees in the plains of Judea, whicli
did not grow there before, that they were like
to the multitude of common sycamore-trees.
He also ordained the Egyptian merchants
that brought him their merchandise, to sell
him a chariot, with a pair of horses, for six
hundred drachma? of silver, and he sent them
to the kings of Syria, and to those kings that
were beyond Euphrates.
5. But although Solomon was become the
most glorious of kings, and the best beloved
by (>od, and had exceeded in wisdom and
riches those that had been rulers of the He-
brews before him, yet did not he persevere in
this hapjjy state till he died. Nay, he for-
sook tlie observation of the laws of his father,
and came to an end no way suitable to our
foregoing history of him. He grew mad in
his love of women, and laid no restraint on
himself in his lusts; nor was he satisfied with
tlie women of liis country alone, but he mar-
» Wlicthcr these fine gardens and rivulets of Etham,
about six miles from Jeriisaloin, whither Solomon rode
m often in «tate, be not those allu<io<t to, Kcclcs. ii, 5,
6; where he says, " lie made him gaidriis and orchanls,
and planted trees in thtni of all kinds of fruits; he
made liiin jiools of water, to wafer the wood that bring-
cth forth trees;" and to the linojt part whereof lie seems
to allude, when, in the Canticli's, he coraiures his spouse
to a " garden eneloscd," to a " spring shut up," to a
" fountain scaled," chap, iv. It' (l«irt of whieh fountains
are still extant, as Mr. Maundrefl informs us, (Kige 87,
88,1 eannot now be certainly determined, but may very
firob.ihly be conjectured. But, whether this Kiham
las any relation to those rivers of Ktham, which Provi-
dence oiM« driud up in a miraculous inanner, I'sahn.
Ixxiv, 13, in the Scptu:it;int, I camint say.
BOOK VI II
ried many wives out of foreign nations . Si-
donians, and Tyrians, and Ammonites, and
Edomites ; and lie transgressed the laws of
Moses, which forbade Jews to marry any but
those that were of their own people. He
also began to worship their gods, which he
did in order to the gratification of his wives,
and out of his atlection for them. This very
thing our legislator suspected, and so admo-
nished us beforehand, that we should not
marry women of other countries, lest we
should be entangled with foreign customs,
and apost.tize from our own ; lest we should
leave ofl' to honour our own God, and should
worship their gods. But Solomon was fallen
headlong into unreasonable pleasures, and
regarded not those admonitions ; for when
he had married seven hundred wives, f the
daughters of princes, and of eminent persons,
and three hundred concubines, and these be-
sides the king of Egypt's daughter, he soon
was governed by them, till became to imitate
their practices. He was forced to give them
this demonstration of his kindness and affec-
tion to them, to live according to the laws of
their countries. And as he grew into years,
and his reason became weaker by length of
time, it was not sufficient to recal to his
mind the institutions of his own country; so
he still more and more contemned his o« n
God, and continued to regard the gods that
his marriages had introduced : nay, before
this happened, he sinned, and fell into an
error about the observation of the laws, when
he made the images of brazen oxen that sup-
ported the brazen sea, ^ and the images of
lions about his own throne ; for these he
made, altliough it was not agreeable to piety
so to do ; and this he did, notwithstanding
that he had his father as a most excellent and
domestic pattern of virtue, and knew what a
glorious character he had left behind hiin,
because of his piety towards God ; nor did
he imitate David, although God had twice ap.
peared Ui him in his sleep, and exhorted him
to imitate his father; so lie died ingloriously.
There came therefore a prophet to him, who
was sent by God, and told him that his wick-
+ These "Oct wives, or the daughters of great men.
and the .jiKl concubines, the daughters of the ignoble,
make li 00 in all; :nd are, I sup]X)sc, those very 10 u
women uitimated elsewhere bv Salomon himself, when
he siieaks of his not having found one [good] woman
among that very number, fcccles. vii, 28.
J Josephus is here certainly too severe upon Solo-
mon, who, in making the cheruliims and these twelve
brazen oxen, seems to have done no more than imitate
the patterns left hmi by David: which were all given
David bv divine inspiration. Sec my description of the
temples,' chap x; and although (iod gave no dirc<-tion
for tne lions that adonicd his throne, vet docs not Solo-
mon seem tluri in to have broken aiiy law of Moses;
lor althdiigli the I'll. irisees and latter U'alibins have ex-
tended the second coinniaiidnunt, to forbid the very
nwX-in^ of any image, iliough without any intention to
have it worshipped, yet do not I sup|>ose inat Solomon
so understood it, nor that it ought to Ik- so understood.
The making any other altar for worship but that at lh«
taliemacic, was equally forbidden by .\Ioses, Aiitiq I).
iv, chap, viii, sei't. A; yet did not the two trilies and a
half uliend when they made an altar Tor a memortal
only, jokh. Kxii ; Antiq. b. v, eh. i, >ecU S6, S7
J'
CHAP. VII.
ed actions were not concealed from God ; and
threatened liim that lie should not long re-
joice in what he had done : that indeed the
kingdom should not be taken from him while
he was alive, because God had promised to
his father David that he would make him his
successor, but that he would take care that
this should befal his son when he was dead;
not that he would withdraw all the people
from him, but that he would give ten tribes
to a servant of his, and leave only two tribes
to David's grand-son for his sake, because he
Joved God, and for the sake of the city of
Jerusalem, wherein he should have a temple.
6. When Solomon heard this he was griev-
ed, and greatly confounded, upon this change
of almost all that happiness which had made
him to be admired, into so bad a state ; nor
had there much time passed after the prophet
had foretold what was coming, before God
raised up an enemy against him, whose name
was Ader, wlio took the following occasion
of his enmity to him : — He was a child of the
stock of the Edomites, and of the blood royal ;
and when Joab, the captain of David's host,
laid waste the land of Edom, and destroyed
all that were men grown, and able to bear
arms, for six months lime, this Hadad fled
away, and came to Pharaoh, the king of
Egypt, who received him kindly, and assign-
ed him a house to dwell in, and a country to
sui'ply him with food ; and when he was grown
up he loved him exceedingly, insomuch that
he gave him his wife's sister, whose name was
Tahpenes, to wife, by whom he had a son,
who was brought up with the king's children.
When Hadad heard in Egypt that both David
and Joab were dead, he came to Pharaoh, and
desired that he would permit him to go to his
own country : upon which the king asked
what it was that he wanted, and what hardship
he liad met with, that he '."'as so desirous to
leave him ; and when he was often trouble-
some to him, and entreated him to dismiss
him, he did not then do it. But at the time
when Solomon's affairs began to grow worse,
on account of his forenientioned transgres-
sions,* and God's anger against him for the
same, Hadad, by Pharaoh's permission, came
to Edom ; and when he was not able to make
the people forsake Solomon, for it was kept
under by many garrisons, and an innovation
was not to be made with safety, he removed
thence, and came into Syria; there he lighted
upon one Rezon, who had run away from Ha-
dadezer, king of Zobah, his master, and was
become a robber in that country, and joined
friendship with him, who had already a band
* Since the beginning of Polornon's evil life and ad-
versity w.-is the time when Hadad or Ader, who was
born at least 20 oroO years before ;-oloinon came to tlie
crown, in tlie days of David, began to gi\e him distur-
bance, tliis nnplies that Solomon's evil life began early,
and continued very long, which the multitude of his
wives and conciibities does imply also : 1 suppose, when
lie was not tif(y years of age.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
229
of robbers about him. So he went up, and
seized upon that part of Syria, and was made
king thereof. He also made incursions into
the land of Israel, and did it no small mis-
chief, and spoiled it, and that in the life-time
of Solomon. And this was the calamity which
the Hebrews suffered by Hadad.
7. There was also one of Solomon's own
nation that made an attempt against him,
Jeroboam the son of Nebat, who had an ex-
pectation of rising, from a prophecy that had
been made to him long before. He was left
a child by his father, and brought up by his
mother ; and when Solomon saw that he was
of an active and bold disposition, he made him
the curator of the walls which he built round
about Jerusalem ; and he took such care of
those works, that the king apjiroved of his be-
haviour, and gave him, as a reward for the
same, the charge of the tribe of Joseph. And
when about that time Jeroboam was once go-
ing out of Jerusalem, a prophet of the city
Shilo, whose name was Ahljah, met him and
saluted him ; and when he had taken him a
little aside, to a place out of the way, where
there was not one other person present, he
rent the garment he had on into twelve pieces,
and bid Jeroboam take ten of them ; and told
him beforehand, that " this is the will of
God ; he will part the dominion of Solomon,
and give one tribe, with that which is next it,
to his son, because of the promise made to
Dj*id for his succession, and will give ten
tribes to thee, because Solomon hath sinned
against him, and delivered up himself to wo-
men, and to their gods. Seeing therefore
thou knowest the cause for which God hath
changed his mind, and is alienated from So-
lomon, be thou righteous and keep the laws,
because he hath proposed to thee the greatest
of all rewards for thy piety, and the honour
thou shalt pay to God, namely, to be as
greatly exalted as thou knowest David to have
been."
8. So Jeroboam was elevated by these
words of the prophet ; and being a young
man,-|- of a warm temper, and ambitious of
greatness, he could not be quiet; and when
he had so great a charge in the government,
and called to mind what had been revealed to
him by Ahijah, he endeavoured to persuade
the people to forsake Solomon, to make a dis-
turbance, and to bring the government over
to himself; but when Solomon understood
his intention and treachery, he sought to catch
him and kill him ; but Jeroboam was informed
of it beforehand, and fled to Shishak, the king
of Egypt, and there abode till the death of
+ This youth of Jeroboam, when Solomon built the
walls of Jerusalem, not very long after he had finished
his twenty years building ot the temple and l.is own
palace, or not very long after the twenty-fourth of his
reign (1 Kings ix, 24; 2 Chron. viii, U) and his youth
here still mentioned, when Solomon's wicki-dr.ess was
become intolerable, fully confirm my former observation,
that such his wickedness began early, and continued
very loni;. See Eccles. xlvii. 14,
^
.^
-T
"V
230
A.VTIQL'ITIKS OF THE JEWS.
Solomun ; by wliicli means he gaitu'd Uicsc
two advantages, — to suHor no harm from So-
lomon, and to hi' prosi-rvcd lor tlii' kinfrdom.
So Solomon died wlien lie was already an olil
man, having reigned eighty years, and lived
ninety-four. He was hurled in Jerusalem,
having been superior to all other kings in
happiness, and riches, and wisdom, excepting
tliat when he was growing into years lie was
deluded by women, and transgressed the law ;
concerning which transgressions, and the
miseries which befel the Hebrews thereby, I
think proper to discourse at another oppor-
tunity.
CHAPTER Vlir.
HOW, UPO>f THE DEATH OF SOLOMON, THK
PKOPLE FORSOOK HIS SON REHOBOAM, AND
ORDAINED JEROBOAM KING OVEK THE TEN
TKIBF.S.
§ 1. Now when Solomon was dead, and his
son Relioboam (who was born of an Ammon-
ite wife, whose name was Naamah) had suc-
ceeded him in the kingdom, the rulers of the
multitude sent immediately into Egypt, and
called back Jeroboam ; and when he was
come to them, to the city Shechem, Relio-
boam came to it also, for he had resolved
to declare himself king to the Israelites, while
they were there gathered together. So the
rulers of the people, as well as Jerolioam,
came to him, and besought him, and said that
he ought to relax, and to be gentler than his
father, in the servitude he had imposed on
them, because they had borne a heavy yoke,
and that then they should be better affected
to him, and be well contented to serve him
under his moderate government, and should do
it more out of love than fear; but Rehoboain
told them they should come to him again in
three days' time, when he would give an answer
to their request. This deliy gave occasion to a
present suspicion, since he had not given then)
a favourable answer to their mind immediate-
ly, for they thought that he should have given
them a humane answer oti-hand, especially
since he was but young. However, they
thouglit that this consultation about it, and
tliat he did not presently give them a denial,
afforded them some good hope of success.
iJ. Rehohoam now called his father's friends,
and advised with them what sort of answer
he ought to give to the multitude: upon
which they gave him the advice which became
friends, and those that knew the teni|)er of
such a multitude. They advised him to sjieak
in a way more popular than suited the grandeur
of a king, because he would thereby oblige
tlicni to submit to him with good-will, it be-
ing most agreeable to subjects that tluir kii
.11111 . 1^1 1 111" s"rt of whip of the hke luturc.
Should be almost upon the level with them ; | stmnheim'* uot«i here.
BOOK VIM,
— but Relioboam rejected this so good, and
in general so prolilable advice (it was such at
least, at that time when he was to be made
king), God himself, I suppose, causing what
was most advantageous to be condemned by
him. So lie called for the young men who
were brought up with him, and told them
what advice the elders had given him, and
bade them speak what they thought he ought
to do. Tiiey advised him to give the follow-
ing answer to the people (for neither their
youth nor God himself suffered them to dis-
cern what was best) : — That his little finger
should be thicker than his father's loins; and
if they had met with hard usage from his fa-
ther, they should experience much rougher
treatment from him ; and if his father had
chastised them with whips, they mtist exjiect
that he would do it with scorpions.* The
king was pleased with this advice, and thought
it agreeable to the dignity of his government
to give them such an answer. Accordingly,
when the multitude was come together to hear
his answer on the third day, all the people
were in great expectation, and very intent to
hear \^•hat the king would say to them, and
supposed they should hear sennewhat of a kind
nature ; but he passed by his friends, and an-
swered as the young men had given him
counsel. Now this was done according to
the will of God, that what Ahijah had fore-
told might tome to pass.
•S. By these words the people were struck,^
as it were, by an iron hamuier, and were so
grieved at the words, as if they had already
felt the effects of them ; and they had great
indignation at the king; and all cried out a-
loud, and said " We will have no longer any
relation to David or his posterity after this
day ;" and they said farther, " We only leave
to Rehoboam the temple which his father
built ;" and they threatened to forsake him.
Nay, they were so bitter, and retained their
wrath so long, that when he sent .Adoram,
who was over the tribute, that he might paci-
fy them, and render them milder, and per-
suade them to forgive him, if he had said any
thing that was rash or grievous to them in his
youth, they would not hear it, but threw
stones at him and killed him. When Rehoboain
saw this, he thought himself aimed at by those
stones with which they had killed his servant,
and fe:ircd lest he should undergo the last of
punishments in earnest; so he got immedi-
ately into his chariot, and fled to Jerusalem,
where the tribe of Judah and that of Renja-
min ordained him king ; but the rest of the
multitude forsook the sons of David from tliat
day, and apjiointed Jeroboam to be the ruler
of their public affairs. Upon this Rehoboam,
• Th.it by scorpiom i« not here meant that mnftl) am
mal so caUtd, which was never used in rorrcftions : but
either a shrub with shar|) prickles, Ukc the >iin(;4 irf
scorpions, such as our furzc-lmsh, or else S4ii;ie urrible
Sec lluiUon'k aiMl
"V
__r
CHAP. VIll.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
'231
Solomon's son, assembled a great congrctra-
tioii of those two tribes that submitted to iiim,
and was ready to take a hundred and eighty
thousand chosen men out of the army, to
make an expedition against Jeroboam and his
people, that he migiit force them by war to
be his servants; but he was forbidden of God
by the prophet [Sliemaiah] to go to war; for
that it was not just that brethren of the same
country should fight one against another.
He also said, that this defection of the multi-
tude was according to the purpose of God.
So he did not pioceed in this expedition : —
and now I will relate first the actions of Je-
roboam the king of Israel, after which we
will relate what are therewith connected, the
actions of Rehoboam, the king of the two
tribes; by this means we shall preserve the
good order of the history entire.
4. When tlierefore Jeroboam had built a
palace in the city Shechem, he dwelt there.
He also built him another at Penuel, a city
so called ; and now the feast of Tabernacles
was approaching in a little time, Jeroboam
considered, if he should permit the multitude
to go to worship God at Jerusalem, and there
to celebrate the festival, they would probably
repent of what they had done, and b^. enticed
by the temple, and by the worship of God
there performed, and would leave him, and
return to their first king ; and if so, he should
run the risk of losing his own life : so he in-
vented this contrivance : He made two golden
neifers, and built two little temples for them,
the one in the city Bethel, and the other in
Dan, which last was at the fountains of the
Lesser Jordan,* and he put the heifers into
both the little temples, in the forementioned
cities. And when he liad called those ten
tribes together, over whom he ruled, he made
A speech to the people in these words i " I
suppose, my countrymen, that you know this,
that every place hath God in it ; nor is there
any one determinate place in which he is, bat
he everywhere hears and sees those that wor-
ship him ; on which account I do not think
it right for you to go so long a journey to
Jerusalem, which is an enemy's city, to wor-
ship him. It was a man that built the temple :
I have also made two golden heifers, dedi-
cated to the same God ; and one of them I
have consecrated in the city Bethel, and the
other in Dan, to the end that those of you
that dwell nearest those cities, may go to them,
and worship God there : and I will ordain for
• Whether these • tountains of the Lesser Jordan'
were near a place called Dan, and the fountains of the
Greater near a place called Jor, before their conjunction ;
or whether there was only one fountain, arising at the
lake Phiala, at first sinking under ground, and then
arising near the mountain Paneuni, and thence running
through the lake Semochonitis to the Sea of Galilee, and
«o far called the Lesser Jordan, is hardly certain, even
in Joscphus himself, though the latter account be the
most probable. However, the northren idolatrous calf,
Jct up by Jeroboam, was where Little Jordan fell into
Great Jordan, near a place called Daphnae as Josephus
•liwhere informf ui, (Of the War, b. iv, ch, j, sect, 1).
tt* Dm; uoW Umci.
you certain priests and Leviles from among
yourselves, that you may have no want of the
tribe of Levi, or of the sons of Aaron ; but
let him that is desirous among you of being a
priest, bring to God a bullock and a ram,
which they say Aaron the first priest brought
also." When Jeroboam had said this, he de-
luded the people, and made tliein to revolt
from the worship of their forefathers, and to
transgress their laws. This was the beginning
of miseries to the Hebrews, and the cause
why they were overcome in war by foreigners
and so fell into captivity. But we shall relate
those things in their proper places hereafter.
5. When the Feast [of Tabernacles] was
just approaching, Jeroboam was desirous to
celebrate it himself in Bethel, as did the two
tribes celebrate it in Jerusalem. Accordingly
he built an altar before the heifer, and under-
took to be high-priest himself. So he went
up to the altar, with his own priests about him ;
but when he was going to oflfer the sacrifices,
and the burnt-offerings in the sight of all the
people, a prophet, whose name was Jadon, was
sent by God, and came to him from Jerusa-
lem, who stood in the midst of the multitude,
and in the hearing of the king, and directing
his discourse to the altar, said thus : — " God
foretels that there shall be a certain man of
the family of David, Josiah by name, who
shall slay upon thee those false priests that
shall live at that time, and upon thee shall
burn the bones of those deceivers of the peo-
ple, those imposters and wicked wretches.
However, that this people may believe tJiat
these things shall so come to pass, I foretel
a sign to them that shall also come to pass :
This altar shall be broken to pieces immedi-
ately, and all the fat of the sacrifices that is
upon it shall be poured upon the ground."
When the prophet had said this, Jeroboam
fell into a passion, and stretched out his hand,
and bid them lay bold of hitn : but the hand
which he stretched out was enfeebled, and he
was not able to pull it in again to him, for it
was become withered, and hung down as if
it were a dead hand. The altar also was
broken to pieces, and all that was upon it was
poured out, as the prophet had foretold should
come to pass. So the king understood that
he was a man of veracity, and had a divine
fore-knowledge; and entreated him to pray
to God that he would restore his right hand.
Accordingly the prophet did pray to God to
grant him that request. So the king having
his hand recovered to its natural state, rejoic-
ed at it, and invited the prophet to sup with
him; but Jadon said, that he could not en-
dure to come into his house, nor to taste of
bread or water in this city, for that was a
thing God had forbidden him to do; as also
to go back by the same way which he came ;
but he said he was to return by another «ay.
So the king wondered at the abstinence of the
man ; but was himself in fear, as suspecting
_r
J^
~v
2S2
ANTIQUITIES OF TIIT. J[::\VS.
BOOK Vlll
piillfd liim oflT tlie bt-asl tie rode on, and slew
hiin ; yet did liu not at all hurt the ass, but sat
by him, and kept him, as also the piopliet's
body. This continued till some travellers
that saw it came and told it in the cily to the
false prophet, who sent his sons and brought
the boily inlo the city, and made a funeral for
„ „„ him at ureat expense. lie also charged his
HOW .TADON Tin- PIIOI'HKT WAS PERSUADED BY ' «=
• change of his affairs for th« worse, from
what had been said to him.
CHAPTER IX.
ANOTHER LYING PROPHET, AND RETURNED
[to RETHEL], AND WAS AFTERWARDS SLAfN
BY A I.ION. AS Al.f
WICKED PROPHET MADE USE OF TO PER-
SUADE THE KING, AND THEREBY ALIENAT-
ED HIS MIND FROM GOD.
sons to bury himself with him ; and said, that
all which he had foretold at,'aiiist that cily,
^VAS AFTERWARDS SLA N ^„^, ,.^,^^ ,,^.^
LSO, WHAT WORDS THE j ^^^^ ^ prove true ; and that if he were buried
with him, he should receive no injurious
treatment after his death, the bones not being
then to be distinguished asunder. But now,
when he had performed those funeral rites to
the prophet, and had given that charge to his
sons, as he was a wicked and impious man,
he goes to Jeroboam, and says to him, " And
wherefore is it now that thou art disturbed at
the words of this silly fellow ?" And when
the king had related to him what had hap-
pened about the altar, and about his own
liand, and gave him the names of divine man,
and an excellent prophet, he endeavoured, by a
wicked trick, to weaken that his opinion ; and
by using plausible words concerning what
had happened, he aimed to injure the truth
that was in them ; for he attempted to per-
suade him, that his hand was enfeebled by
the labour it had undergone in supporting
the sacrifices, and that upon its resting a
while it returned to its fonner nature again :
and that as to the altar, it was but new, and
had borne abundance of sacrifices, and those
large ones too, and was accordingly broken
to pieces, and fallen down by the weight of
what had been laid upon it. He also iufornr.-
ed him of the death of him that had foretold
those things, and how he perished ; [whence
he concluded thatj he had not any thing in
him of a prophet, nor spake any thing like
one. When he had thus spoken, he persuad-
ed the king, and entirely alienated his mind
from God, and fiom doing works that were
righteous and holy, and encouraged him to
go on in his impious practices;* and accord-
ingly, he was to that degree injurious to
God, and so great a transgressor, that he
sought for nothing else every day but how he
mi"ht be guilty of some new instances of
wickedness, and such as should be more de-
testable than what he Imd been so insolent as
§ 1. Now there was a certain wicked man in
that city, who was a false prophet, whom Je-
roboam had in great esteem, but was deceiv-
ed by him and his flattering words. This
man was bed-rid by reason of the infirmities of
old a"-e : however, he was informed by his
sons concerning the prophet that was come
from Jerusalem, and concerning the signs
done by him ; and how, when Jeroboam's
rii^ht hand had been enfeebled, at the pro-
phet's prayer, he had it revived again. Where-
upon he was afraid that this stranger and
prophet should be in better esteem with the
king than himself, and obtain greater honour
from him ; and he gave order to his sons to
saddle his ass presently, and make all ready
that he might go out. Accordingly they
made haste to do what they were command,
ed, and he got upon the ass, and followed af-
ter the propliet ; and when he had overtaken
him, as he was resting himself under a very
large oak-tree that was thick and shady, he
at first saluted him, but presently he com-
plained of him, because he had not come in-
to his house, and partaken of his hospitality.
And when the other said, that God had for-
bidden him to taste of any one's provision in
that city, — he replied, that 'for certain God
had not forbidden that I should set food be-
fore thee, for 1 am a prophet as thou art,
and worship God in the same manner that
thou dost ; and I am now come as sent by
him, in oriler to bring thee into my house,
and make thee my guest.' Now Jadon gave
credit to this lying prophet, and returned
back w ilh him. But when they were at din-
ner, and merry together, God appeared to
Jadon, and said, that he should suffer pu-
nishment for transgressing his commands, —
and he told him what that punishment should
be ; for he said that he shouUi meet with a
lion as he was going on his way, by which
lion he should be torn in pieces, and be de-
prived of burial in tlie sepulchres of his fa-
thers : — which things came to pass, as I sup-
pose, according to the will of God, that so
Jeroboam nnght not give heed to the words
of Jadon, as of one that had been convicted
of lying. However, as Jadon was again go-
ing to Jerusalem, a lion assaulted him, and
• How much a larger aiid better copy Josciihus had
in tliis niiKuk;ible histoiv of the true prophet of
JuiUa, iiiul his a«ii-om with Jcrolxiam, ami with ihe
false pioplut of IJethcl, tliaii our other copies have, is
evukiil at first sight. 'I'he prophet's very name, Jailoii,
or, :is the t'oii.>UCUtions cail luiii. Ailoiiais, is wamnig
ill our other copies ; and it is there, with no little al>-
surdity, Siiid that tiod rcvealett Jadon the true pro-
phet's "deaUi, not to himself, as here, but to the lal!«
prophet. Whether the i';irticui:ir account of the argu.
ine.its Miaile vise i>f, alici all, by the f.il.se prophet against
his own belief, and his own coiiseienee, in order to |ier-
auade Jeioboam to pcrsevcie iu his idoLitry and wici>-
ediiess, Ih.in whieli, more plausible could not be in
vented, wtis intimated iu Josephus'a copy, oi in some
ilher ancient book, cannot now be deterniiiied : our
■liier cn)ucs say not oue word of iu
-\.
"V
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
233
to do before. And so much shall at presant
suffice to liave said cjiicerninir Jeroboam.
CHAPTER X.
CON'CEllNING REHOBOAM, AND HOW GOD IN-
FLICTED PUNISHMENT UPON HIM FOR HIS
IMPIETY, BY SHISHAK [KING OF EGYPT'].
•5 1. Now Rehoboam, the son of Solomon,
who, as we said before, was king of the two
tribes, built strong and large cities, Beth-
lehem, and Etam, and Tekoa, and Bethzur,
and Shoco, and Adullam, and Ipan, and jNIa-
res'ia, and Ziph, and Adoriam, and Lachish,
and Azekah, and Zorah, and Aijalon, and
Hebron ; these he built first of all in the
tribe of Judah. He also built otiier large
cities in the tribe of Benjamin, and walled
them about, and put garrisons in them all,
and captains, and a great deal of corn, and
wine, and oil ; and he furnished every one of
them plentifully with other provisions that
were necessary for sustenance : moreover, he
put therein shields and spears for many ten
thousand men. The priests also that were
in all Israel, and the Levites, and if there
were any of the multitude that were good
and righteous men, they gathered themselves
together to him, having left their own cities,
that they might worship God in Jerusalem ;
for they were not willing to be forced to wor-
ship the heifers which Jeroboam had made ;
and they augmented the kingdom of Reho-
boam for three years. And after he had
married a woman of his own kindred, and
had by her three children born to him, he
married also another of his own kindred, who
was daughter of Absalom by Tamar, whose
name was Maachah ; and by her he had a
son, whom he named Abijah. He had moie-
ovcr many otlier children by other wives, but
he loved Maacliah above them all. Now he
had eighteen legitimate wives, and thirty con-
cubines, and he had born to him twenty-eight
sons and threescore daughters; but be ap-
pointed Abijah, whom he had by Maachah,
to be his successor in the kingdom, and in-
trusted him already with the treasures and the
strongest cities.
2. Now I cannot but think that tlie great-
ness of a kingdom, and its ciiange into pros
perity, often become the occasion of mischief
and of transgression to men ; for when Reho-
boam saw that his kingdom was so much in-
creased, he went out of the right way, unto
unrighteous and irreligious practices, and he
despised the worsl'.ip of God, till the people
tliemselves imitated his wicked actions ; for
so it usually liappens, that the manners of
subjects are corrupted at the same time with
those of their governors ; which subjects then
lay aside their own sober way of living, as
a reproof of their governors' intemperate
courses, and follow their wickedness as if it
were virtue ; for it is not possible to show
that men approve of the actions of their kings,
unless tliey do the same actions with them.
Agreeable whereto it now happened to the
subjects of Rehoboam ; for when he was
grown impious, and a transgressor himself,
they endeavoured not to offend him by re-
solving still to be righteous ; but God sent
Shishak, king of Egypt, to punish them for
their unjust behaviour towards him ; concern-
ing whom Herodotus was mistaken, and ap-
plied his actions to Sesostris; for this S!ii-
siiak,* in the fifth year of the reign of Reho-
boam, made an expedition [into Judea] with
many ten thousand men ; for he had one
thousand two hundred chariots in number
that followed him, and threescore thousand
horsemen, and four hundred thousand foot-
men. These he brought with him, and they
were the greatest part of them Libyans and
Ethiopians. Now, therefore, when he fell
upon the country of the Hebrews, he took
the strongest cities of Rehoboam's kingdom
without fighting ; and when he had put gar-
risons in them, he came last of all to Jerusa-
lem.
3. Now when Rehoboam, and the multi-
tude with him, were shut up in Jerusalem by
the means of the army of Shishak, and when
they besought God to give them victory and
deliverance, they could not persuade God to
be on their side ; but Shemaiah the proplie^
told them, that God threatened to forsake
them, as they had forsaken his worshi>>
When they heard this, they were immediately
in a consternation of mind, and seeing no way
of deliverance, they all earnestly set them-
selves to confess that God might justly over-
look them, since they had been guilty of im-
piety towards him, and had let his laws lie
in confusion. So when God saw them in
tiiat disposition, and that they acknowledged
their sins, he told the prophet that he would
not destroy them, but that he would, how .
ever, make them servants to the Egyptians,
that they may learn whether they will sutlei
less by serving men or God. So when Shi-
shak had taken the city without fighting, be-
cause Rehoboam was afraid, and receiveo
him into it, yet did not Shishak stand to the
covenants he had made, but he spoiled the
temple, and emptied the treasures of God and
j those of the king, and carried off innumerable
I ten thousands of gold and silver, and left no-
thing at all behind him. He also took away
; the bucklers of gold, and the shields, which
1 Solomon the king had made ; nay, he did
i not leave the golden quivers which David
I * That this Shishak was not the same person with
the famous Sesostris, as some have very lately, iu cm>
tnuiietion to all antieiuity, supposed, anil that our J.>st;-
phusiliil not take him to l>e the same, as they iireteiid,
but that sesostris was many eeiituries earlier'than bh)-
sliak, see Autnent. Keeonis, Part ii, page IU'i'4.
^.
J-
234
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
Iiad taken from tlie king of Zol)ali, .and Imd
dedicated to C»od ; and wlien lie had thus
done, he returned to his own kingdom. Now
Herodotus of Halicarnassus mentions this ex-
pedition, having only mistaken the king's
name ; and [in saying that] he made war up-
on many other nations also, and brought Sy-
ria of Palestine into subjection, and took the
men tliat were therein prisoners without fight-
ing. Now it is manifest that he intended to
declare tliat our nation was subdued by him ;
for lie saitli, that he left behind him pillars in
the land of these tliat delivered themselves u])
to him without fighting, and engraved upon
tliem the secret parts of women. Now bur
king Relioboam delivei'cd up our city with-
out fighting. He says withal,* that the
Ethiopians learned to circumcise their privy
Darts from the Egyptians ; with this addition,
that the Phoenicians and Syrians that live in
Palestine confess that they learned it of the
Egyptians; yet it is evident that no other of
the Syrians that live in Palestine, besides us
alone, are circumcised. But as to such mat-
ters, let every one speak what is agreeable to
his own opinion.
4. When Sliishak was gone away, king Re-
hobnam made bucklers and shields of brass,
instead of those of gold, and delivered the
same number of them to the keepers of the
king's palace : so, instead of warlike expedi-
tions, and that glory which results from tiiose
public actions, he reigned in great quietness,
though not without fear, as being always an
enemy to Jeroboam ; and he died when he had
lived fifty-seven years, and reigned seventeen.
He was in his disjiosition a proud and a fool-
ish man, and lost [part of his] dominions by
not hearkening to his father's friends. He
was buried in Jerusalem, in the sepulchres of
the kings ; and his son Abijali succeeded him
in the kingdom, and this in the eighteenth
year of Jeroboam's reign over the ten tribes ;
and this was the conclusion of these afl'aiis.
It must bo now our business to relate the af-
fairs of Jeroboam, and how he ended his life;
for he ceased not, nor rested to be injurious
to God, but every day raised u)) altars upon
• I lerodotiis, .is here quoted by .loseplius, ami as this
passage slill st.-\n(ls in his present I'onics, b. ii, chap, civ,
afflrms, that " the Pha>nicians .uul Syrians in Palestine
[which last arc generally siippnved to denote the Jews]
owned their reccivinj; cifcunicision from the Kj;v)itiaiis;
whereas it Is abundantly eviiicnt that the Jew's receiv-
ed their circumcision from the patriarch Abraham, tieiL
XVII, 9 — 11 ; John vii, 2.', 'J.), as I conclude the Egyp-
tian priests did also. It is not therefore very unlikely,
that Herodotus, because the Jews h.ad lived hmg m
Eijypt, and came out of it cireumciseil, did thereupon
IhniK they had leaned that circumcision in Kcypt.aiid
had it not before. Manctho, the famous Kgyptian
r'hroniilo^cr and historian, who knew the history of his
j'.vii ciimitry much better than Heroilotus, complaiiii
frccpieiitly of hi< mistakes alxiut their atl'airs; as iloos
Jo 'phus more than once in this chapter. Nor indeed
does Herodotus seem at all ac(|uaiiiteil with the jUl'airs
of 'he Jews; for as he never naiiiea them, so little or
Mothins of what he s.iys about them, their country, or
maritime cities, two of which he alone nieiilioiis, I'a-
dytls and Jenysu::, proves true; nor indeed do there ap-
pear ui have ever been any such cities on llieir cuaAt.
BOOK VJII
high mountains, and wont on making priest*
out of the multitude.
CHAPTER XI.
CONCFUNING THE DKATH OF A SON OF JF.RO-
BOA-M. HOW JKROBOAM WAS BEATli.N BY
AEUAH, WHO DIKD A I.ITTI.E AVTEUWARDS,
AND WAS SL'CCF.FDKD IN HIS KINGDOM BY
ASA. AND ALSO HOW, AKfFJU THE DEATH
OF JEROBOAM, BAASHA DESTROYED HIS SON
NADAB, AND ALL THE HOUSE OF JEKOBOA.M.
§ 1. However, God was in no long time
ready to return Jeroboam's wicked actions,
and the punishment they deserved, upon his
own head, and upon the heads of all his house:
and wiiereas a son of his lay sick at that time,
who was called Abijah, he enjoined his wife
to lay aside her robes, and to take the gar-
ments belonging to a private person, and to
go to Aliijah the prophet, for that he was a
wonderful man in foretelling futurities, it
having been he who told me that I should be
king. He also enjoined her, when she came
to him, to in(juire concerning the child, as if she
were a stranger, whether he should escape this
distemper. So she did as her husband bade
her, and changed her habit, and came to the
city Shiloh, for there did Ahijali live : and as
she was going into his house, his eyes being
then dim with age, God appeared to him, and
informed him of two things; that the wife of
Jeroboam was come to him, and what answer
he should make to her inquiry. Accordingly,
as the woman was coming into the house like
a private person and a stranger, he cried out,
" Come in, O thou wife of Jeroboam ! Why
concealest thou thyself? Thou art not con-
coaled from G(kI, who hath a|)peared to me,
and informed me that thou wast coming, and
hath given me in command what I shall say
to thee." So he said that she should go away
to her husband, anil speak to him Ihus : —
" Since I made thee a great man when thou
wast little, or rather wast nothing, and rent
the kingdom from the house of Uavid, and
gave it to thee, and thou hast been unmindful
of these benclits, hast left off my woiship,
hast made thee molten gods, and honoured
them, I will in like manner cast thee down
again, and destroy all thy house, and make
them food for the dogs and the fowls ; for a
certain king is rising up, by appointment, over
all this people, who shall leave none of the
family of Jeroboam remaining. The multi-
tude also shall themselves partake of the same
puiiislmient, and shall be cast out of this good
land, and shall be scattered into the places be-
yond Ku|)hrates, fjecause they have followed
the wicked practices of their kitig, and have
worshipped the gods that he made, and for-
saken my sacrifices. But do thou, O woman.
^
y~
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. XI.
make haste back to thy husband, and tell him
this message; but thou shall then find thy
son dead, for as thou enterest the city he shall
depart this life ; yet shall he be buried with
the lamentation of all the multitude, and ho-
noured with a general mourning, for he is the
only person of goodness of Jeroboam's fami-
ly." When the prophet had foretold these
events, the woman went hastily away with a
disordered mind, and greatly grieved at the
death of the forenamed child ; so slie was in
lamentation as she went along the road, and
mourned for the death of her son, that was
just at hand. She was indeed in a miserable
condition, at the unavoidable misery of his
death, and went apace, but in circumstances
very unfortunate, because of her son ; for the
greater haste she made, she would the sooner
see her son dead, yet was she forced to make
such haste, on account of her husband. Ac-
cordingly, when she was comeback, she found
that the child had given irp the ghost, as the
prophet had said ; and she related all the cir-
cumstances to the king.
2. Yet did not Jeroboam lay any of these
things to heart, but he brought together a very
numerous army, and made a warlike expedi-
tion against Abijah, the son of Rehoboam,
who had succeeded his father in the kingdom
of tiie two tribes ; for he despised him because
of his age. But when he heard of the ex-
pedition of Jeroboam, he was not affrighted
at it, but proved of a courageous temper of
mind, superior both to his youth and to the
nopes of his enemy ; so he chose him an army
out of the two tribes, and met Jeroboam at a
place called Mount Zemaraim, and pitched
his camp near the other, and prepared every
thing necessary for the fight. His army con-
sisted of four hundred thousand, but the army
of Jeroboam was double to it. Now, as the
armies stood in array, ready for action and
dangers, and were just going to fight, Abijali
stood upon an elevated place, and, beckoning
with his hand, he desired the multitude and
Jeroboam himself to hear first with silence
what he had to say. And when silence was
made, he began to speak, and told them, —
" God had consented that David aiid Ins pos-
terity should be their rulers for all time to
come, and this you yourselves are not unac-
quainted with ; but I cannot but wonder how
you should forsake my fatlier, and join your-
selves to his servant Jeroboam, and are now
here with him to fight against those who, by
God's own detennination, are to reign, and to
deprive tliem of tliat dominion which they
have still reuined ; for as to the greater part
of it, Jeroboam is unjustly in possession of it.
However, I do not suppose he will enjoy it
any longer; but when he hath suffered that
punishment which God tliinks due to him for
what is past, he will leave off the transgressions
he liath been guilty of, and the injuries he hath
oflered to him, and which he liatli still con-
235
tinued to offer, and hath persuaded you to do
the same ; yet when you were not any farther
unjustly treated by my father, than that he did
not speak to you so as to please you, and this
only in compliance with the advice of wicked
men, you in anger forsook him, as you pre-
tended, but, in reality, you withdrew your-
selves from God, and from his laws, although
it had been right for you to have forgiven a
man that was young in age, and not used to
govern people, not only some disagreeable
words, but if his youth and his unskilfulness
in affairs had led him into some unfortunate
actions, and that for the sake of his fatlier So-
lomon, and the benefits you received from
him ; for men ought to excuse the sins of pos-
terity on account of the benedictions of pa-
rents : but you considered nothing of ail tliis
then, neither do you consider it now, but come
with so great an army against us. And what
is it you depend upon for victory ? Is it upon
these golden heifers and the altars that you
have on high places, which are demonstrations
of your impiety, and not of religious worship ?
Or is it the exceeding multitude of your army
\\ hich gives you such good hopes ? Yet cer-
tainly there is no strength at all in an army of
many ten thousands, when tlie war is unjust ;
for we ought to place our surest hope of suc-
cess against our enemiesin righteousness alone,
and in piety towards <5od ; which hope we
justly have, since we have kept tiie laws from
the beginning, and have worshipped our own
God, who was not made by hands out of cor-
ruptible matter ; nor w as he formed by a
wicked king, in order to deceive the multitude;
but who is his own workmanship,* and the be-
ginning and end of all things. 1 therefore
give you counsel even now to repent, and to
take better advice, and to leave off the prose-
cution of the war ; to call to mind the laws oi
your country, and to reflect what it hath been
that hath advanced you to so happy a state a«
you are now in."
3. This was the speech which Abijah made
to the multitude. But, while he was still
speaking, Jeroboam sent some of his sol-
diers privately to encompass Abijah round
about, on certain parts of the camp that were
not taken notice of; and when he was thus
within the compass of the enemy, his army
was affrighted, and their courage failed them.
j But Abijah encouraged them, and exhorted
them to place tlieir hopes on God, for that h«
1 was not encompassed by the enemy. So they
, all at once implored the divine assistance,
1 while the priests sounded with the triunpet
and they made a shout, and fell upon tlieii
; enemies, arnl God brake the courage, and cast
I down the force of tiieir enemies, and made
Abijah's army superior to them, for God
* This is a strange exprwsion Ui Josephus, that OmJ
is his own workmanship, or that he m.ufe hinisclf, niv
trary to common sense and to calhoHc Christianity ; per-
ha|« he only means tliat lie waa ikit maite by one, bul
I'is r.non.'jinatcii.
"V.
?38
AN rHiuniL:s or Tiit; ji:\vs.
vouchsafi-rl to prnnl them a wondorfiil and
»ery famous victory ; and sudi a slauglitur
was now made of Jeroboam's army * as is
never recorded to liave happened in any other
war, whetlier it were of the Grerks or of the
Barbarians, for they overthrew [and slew] five
hundred thousand of their enemies, and they
look their strongest cities by force, and spoil-
ed them ; and besides those, they did the same
to Bethel and her towns, and Jeshanah and
her towns. And after tliis defeat, Jeroboam
never recovered himself during the life of
Abijah, who yet did not long survive, for he
reigned but three years, and was buried in
Jerusalem in the sepulchres of his forefathers.
lie left l)ehind him twenty-two sons and six-
teen daughters, and he had also those c^Iiildren
by fourteen wives ; and Asa his son succeeded
in the kingdom ; and the young man's mother
was Michaiah. Under his reign the country
of the Israelites enjoyed peace for ten ; ears.
4. And so far concerning Abijah, the son
of Rehoboam, the son of Solomon, as his his-
tory hath come down to us; but Jeroboam,
the king of the ten tribes, died when he had
goveiiud them two-and-twenty years; whose
son Nadab succeeded him, in the second year
of the reign of Asa. Now Jeroboam's son
governed two years, and resembled his father
in impiety and wickedness. In these two
years he made an expedition against Gibbe-
tlion, a city of the Philistines, and continued
the siege in order to take it ; but he was con-
spired against while he was there, by a friend
of his, whose name was Baasha, the son of
Abijah, and was slain; wliich Baasha took the
kingdom after the other's death, and destroy-
ed the whole house of Jeroboam. It also
came to pass, according as God had foretold,
that some of Jeroboam's kindred that died in
the city were torn to pieces and devoured by
dogs ; and that others of them that died in
the fields, were torn and devoured by the
fowls. So the house of Jeroboam sutf'ered
the just punishment of his imrjiety and of his
wicked iUitioiLS.
CHAPTER XII.
HOW ZFHAH, KINO OF THE ETHIOPIANS, WAS
liKATLN BY ASA ; AND HOW ASA, UPON
IIAASHAS MAKING WAR AGAINST HIM, IN
VITKD TlIK KING OF THE DA.MASCENS TO
ASSIST HI-M ; AND HOW, ON Till: DESTKl'C-
TION or THE HOL'SE OF UAASIIA, 7.I.MKI GOT
THE KINGDOM, AS DID His SON AHAU ArriH
HIM.
BOOK VIM.
to God, and neither did nor designed any
thing l)Ut what had relation to the observation
of the laws. He made a reformation of his
kingdom, and cut off whatsoever was wicked
therein, and purified it from every impurity.
Now he had an army of chosen men, that
were armed with targets and spears : out of
the tribe of Judali three hundred thousand ;
and out of tlie tribe of Benjamin, that bore
shields and drew bows, two hundred and fifty
thousand ; but when he had already reigned
ten years, Zerah, king of Ethiopia,! made an
expedition against liim, with a great aiiny of
nine hundred thousand foot-men, and one
hundred thousand horsemen, and three hun-
dred chariots, and came as far as Mareshah,
a city that belonged to the tribe of Judah.
Now wlien Zerah had passed so far with hii
own army, Asa met him, and put liis army in
array over-against him, in a valley called
Zephathah, not far from the city ; and when
he saw the multitude of the Ethiopians, he
cried out, and besought God to give him the
victory, and that he might kill many ten thou-
sands of the enemy : " For," said he, " 1
depend on nothing else but that assistance
which I expect from thee, which is able to
make the fewer superior to the more numer-
ous, and the weaker to the stronger ; and
thence it is alone tliat I venture to meet Ze-
rah and fight him."
2. While Asa was saying this, God gave
him a signal of victory, and joiniiig baltle
cheerfully on account of what God had fore-
told about it, he slew a great many of the
£t':iopians; and when he had put them iv
(light, he pursued them to the country of
Gerar; and when ihey left ofi' killing their
enemies, they betook tliemselves to spoiling
them (for the city Gerar was already taken),
and to spoiling their camp, so Uiat they car-
ried off much gold, and much silver, and a
great deal of [other] prey, and camels, and
great cattle, and flocks of sheep. Accord-
ingly, when Asa and his army hail obtained
such a victory, and such wealth from God,
they returned to Jerusalem. Now, as thev
were coming, a prophet, whose name «as
Azariah, met them on the road, and bade
them stop their journey a little, and began to
say to them tlius: — That the reason why they
had obliiined this victory from God was this,
that they had showed themselves righteous and
religious men, and had done every thing ac-
cording to the will of God ; that therefore, he
said, if they persevered tlierein, God would
against that idolatry and rehellion fully appeirtd; Ihr
riinjiniler were tlifiehy seriously cautioned not to per-
sist III them, aiiM a liiild of lialaiicc or equilibrium was
m:ulc lH.'t»pen the ten and Uie two tribes for the tunc to
Utimc; while otherwise ibe (icti'etually idolatrous and
<i I. Now Asa, the king of Jerusalem, was ; rtlM.Uious ten tribes would naturallv have been Iwo
if an excellent character, and had a regard I r";y^'f"' '?%''''''"" 'r.''^- "•"^■'' wV''''rV>' '"'"'''^■'''"
" I l\ tree lK)tli from such idolntry and rebtlnon; nor is
I iberc liny reason to lioiiht of the truth of the prudigi-
• By tliis terrilile and perfectlv unparallclcil slaughter l <ni.« luimbtr .slain upon so signal uii ixxsiiion.
iC 5'i '.(H'O men of tlu- ue»ly idnlatmu* and nlx-liious I t The reader ii to remember, tliat Cus/t is not IT.il'W
ten triboi, God's luijh duii>l<a.suca oud iudi^iuiion ' p<a, but Arabia. 5>«e Bovhart. i^ iv, cli. ii.
~v
CHAP. XII
grant that they should always overcome their
enemies, and live happily ; but that if tiiey
left off his worship, all things shall fall out
on the contrary ; and a time should come,*
wherein no true prophet shall be left in your
whole multitude, nor a priest who shall deli-
ver you a true answer from the oracle ; but
your cities shall be overtiirown, and your na-
tion scattered over the whole earth, and live
the life of strangers and wanderers. So he
advised ihem, while they had time, to be good,
and not to deprive themselves of the favour
of God. When the king and the people heard
this, they rejoiced ; and all in common, and
every one in particular, took great care to
behave themselves rigliteousl}'. The king
also sent some to take care that those in the
country should observe the laws also.
3. And this was the state of Asa, king of
the two tribes. I now return to Baasha,
the king of the multitude of the Israelites
who slew Nadab, the son of Jeroboam, and
retained the government. He dwelt in the
city Tirzah, having made that his habitation,
and reigned twenty-four years. He became
more wicked and impious than Jeroboam or
his son. He did a great deal of mischief to
the multitude, and was injurious to God, who
sent the prophet Jehu, and told him before-
hand, that his whole family should be de-
stroyed, and that he would bring the same
miseries on his house which had brought that
of Jeroboam to ruin; because when he had
been made king by him, he had not requited
his kindness, by governing the multitude
righteously and religiously ; which things, in
tlie first place, tended to their own happi-
ness; and, in the neitt place, were pleasing
to God : that he had imitated this very wick-
ed king Jeroboam ; and although that man's
soul had perished, yet did he express to the
life his wickedness ; and he said that he
should therefore justly experience the like
calamity wiili him, since he had been guilty
of the like wickedness. But Baasha, though
he heard beforehand what miseries would be-
fal him and his whole family for their inso-
lent behaviour, yet did not he leave off his
wicked practices for the time to come, nor
did he care to appear to be other than worse
and worse till he died ; nor did he then re-
pent of his past actions, nor endeavour to ob-
tain pardon of God for them, but did as those
do who have rewards proposed to them, when
they have once in earnest set about their work,
they do not leave off their labours ; for thus
did Baasha, wlien the prophet foretold to him
what would come to pass, grow worse, as if
what were tlireatened, the perdition of his fa-
mily and the ilestruction of bis house (which
are really among the greatest of evils), were
• Hire is a very great error in our Hebrew copy in
Uiis place (-' Chroii. vi, 5 — 6), as appl;.ing what foUows
to times pa-it, and not to times future; wlience that text
i£ qui^! misapplied by Sii' I»aac Newtou.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
23 ;
good things ; and, as if lie were a combatant
for wickedness, he every day took more and
inore pains for it ; and at last he took his
army, and assaulted a certain considerable
city called Ramah, which was forty furlongs
distant from Jerusalem; and when he had
taken it, he fortified it, having determined
beforehand to leave a garrison in it, that they
might thence make excursions, and do mis-
chief to the kingdom of Asa.
4. Whereupon Asa was afraid of the at-
tempts the enemy might make upon him ;
and considering with himself what mischiefs
this army that was left in Ramah migiit do
to tlie country over which he reigned, he sent
ambassadors to the king of the Damascens,
with gold and silver, desiring his assistance,
and putting him in mind that we have had a
friendship together from the times of our
forefatheis. So he gladly received that sum
of money, and made a league with him, and
broke the friendship he had with Baasha, and
sent the commanders of his own forces unto
the cities that were under Baasha's dominion,
and ordered them to do them mischief. So
they went and burnt some of them, and spoil-
ed others ■. Ijon, and Dan, and Abelmairi,-|'
and many others. Now when the king of
Israel heard this, he left off building and for-
tifying Ramah, and returned presently to as-
sist his own people under the distresses they
were in j but Asa made use of the materials
that were prepared for building that city, for
building in the same place two strong cities,
the one of which was called Geba, and tlie
other Mizpah ; so that after tliis, Baasha had
no leisure to make expeditions against Asa,
for he was prevented by death, and was bu-
ried in the city Tirzah ; and Elah, his son,
took the kingdom, who, wlien he had reigned
two years, died, being treacherously slain by
Zimri, the captain of half his army ; for when
he was at Arza, his steward's house, he per-
suaded some of the horsemen that were un-
der him to assault Elali, and by that means
he slew him when be was without his armed
men, and his captains, for they were all busied
in the siege of Gibbttlion, a city of the Phi-
listines,
5. When Zimri, the captain of the army,
had killed Elaii, he took the kingdom hiiru
self, and, according to Jehu's prophecy, slew
all the house of Baasha ; for it came to pass
tliat Baasha's house utterly perished, on ac-
t This Ahelinain, or, in Josephus's copy, Abellar>e
that iKlonged to tlie land of Israel, and bordered on tlis
country of Damascus, is supposed, both by Hudson and
Spauheim, to be the same with Abel, or Abila, whence
came Abilene. This may t>e that city so denominated
from Abel th ■ righteous, tliere buried ; concerning the
shedding of whose blood within the compass of the land
of Israel, 1 understand our Saviour's words, about th«
fatal war and o\ ertlirow of Judea by Titus and his Ro
man army, " That upon vou may come all the right-
eous blood shed upon the land, from the blood of right-
eous Abel to the blood of Zacharias, son of Barachias,
whom ye slew between lliete.nple and the altar. Verily,
1 say unto you, all these things shall come upou tliii
generation." Matt, xxiii, To, 36 ; Luke xi. 5i.
238
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK VIII.
CHAPTER XIII.
Wll E, BECAME MOKE WICKED THAN ALL THE
KINGS THAT HAD BEEN BEFORE HIM OF
THE ACTIONS OK THE PBOPHET ELIJAH ;
AND WHAT BEEEL NABOTH.
count of his impiety, in tlie same manner as
we have already described the destruction of
the house of Jerciboam ; but the army tliat
was besieging Gibbetlion, when tliuy Iieard
what had befallen the king, and tl)at when HOW aHAB, WHEN HE HAD TAKEN JEZEBEL TO
Zimri had killed him he had gained the king-
dom, they made Omri their general king,
who drew ofT his army from Gibbcthon, and
came to Tirzah, where the royal palace was,
and assaulted the city, and took it by force.
But when Zimri saw that the city had none' § 1. Now Ahab, the king of Israel, dwelt in
to defend it, he fled into the inmost part of Samaria, and held the government for twenty-
the palace, and set it on fire, and burnt him- ] two years; and made no alteration in the
self with it, when he had reigned only seven ' conduct of the kings that were his predcces-
days. Upon which the people of Israel were sors, but only in such things as were of liis
presently divided, and part of them would own invention for the worse, and in his most
liave Tibui to be king, and part Omri ; but j gross wickedness. He imitated them in their
when those that were for Omri's ruling had wicked courses, and in their injurious behavi-
beaten Tibni, Omri reigned over all the mul- ! our towards God ; and more especially he
titude. Now it was in the thirtieth year of imitated the transgression of Jeroboam ; for
the reign of Asa that Omri reigned for twelve he worshipped the heifers that he had made;
years; six of these years he reigned in the and he contrived other absurd objects of wor-
city of Tirzah, and the re^t in the city called ship besides those heifers; he also took to
Semarcon, but named by the Greeks Sama-'wife the daughter of Ethbaal, king of the
ria ; but he himself called it Semarcon, from Tyrians and Sidonians, whose name was Je-
Senier, who sold him the mountain whereon zebel, of whom he learned to worship lierown
he built it. Now Omri was no way different i gods. This woman was active and bold, and
from those kings that reigned before him, fell into so great a degree of impurity and
but that he grew worse than they, for they
all sought how they might turn the people
away from God, by their daily wicked prac-
tices ; and on that accoimt it was that God
wickedness, that she built a temple to the god
of the Tyrians, which they called Belus, ant,
planted a grove of all sorts of trees; she alsl,
appointed priests and false proplicts to this
made one of them to be slain by another, and god. The king also himself had many such
that no one person of their families should : about him ; and so exceeded in madness and
remain. This Omri also died at Samaria,
and Ahab his son succeeded him.
6. Now by these events we may learn what
concern God hath for the afTalrs of mankind,
and how he loves good men, and hates the
wicked, and destroys them root and branch :
for many of these kings of Israel, they and
their families, were miserably destroyed, and
taken away one by another, in a short time,
for their transgression and wickedness; but
Asa, who was king of Jerusalem, and of the
wickedness all [the kings] that went l)efore
him.
2. Tliere was now a prophet of God .Al-
mighty, of Thesbon, a countrj'in Gilead, that
came to Aliab, and said to liim, tiiat God
foretold he would not send rain nor dew in
those years upon the country but wlitn he
should appear. And when he had confirmed
this by an oath, he departed into the southern
parts, and made his abode by a brook, out of
which he had water to drink ; for as for his food.
two tribes, attained, by God's blessing, a long ravens brought it to him every day ; but wlien
and a blessed old age, for his piety and right- thatriverwas dried up for want of rain, became
eousness, and died hapjiily, when he had
reigned forty and one years; and when he
was dead, liis son Jelioshaphat succeeded him
in the government. He was born of Asa's
wife Azubah. And all men allowed that he
followed the works of David his forefather,
and this both in courage and piety ; but we
are not obliged now to speak any more of
the affairs of Ujis king.
to Zarephath, a city not far from Sidon and
Tyre, for it lay between them, and this at the
command of (iod, for [God told him] that he
should there find a woman, who was a widow,
that shwuld give him sustenance : so when t)«
was not far off' the city, he saw a woman that
laboured with her own hands, gathering of
sticks: so God informed him tiiat this wa^
tlie woman who was to give him sustenance :
so he came and saluted her, and (iesircd l:cr
to bring him some water to drink ; but as she
was going so to do, he called to lier, and
would have her to bring him a loaf of bri-ad
also; whereupon she affirmed upon onth,
that she had at home nothing more than on«
handful of meal and a little oil, and that sh«
was going to gather some sticks, that &li«
might knead it, and make bread fur Iterscll
CHAP. xiir.
and her son ; after which, she said, they must
])erish, and bu consumed by the famine, for
tiiey had nothing for themselves any longer.
— Hereupon he said, " Go on with good
courage, and hope for better things ; and first
of all make me a little cake, and bring it to
me, for I fortel to thee that this vessel of meal
and this cruise of oi! shall not fail until God
send rain." When the prophet had said this, she
came to him, and made him the before-named
cake : of which she had part for herself, and
gave the rest to her son, and to the prophet also ;
nor did any thing of this fail until the drought
ceased. Now Menander mentions this drought
in his account of the acts of Ethbaal, king
of the Tyrians ; where he says thus : " Un-
der him, there was a want of rain from the
month Hyperberetaeus till the month Hyper,
beretaeus of the year following ; but when he
made supplications, there came great thun-
ders. This Ethbaal built the city Botrys, in
Phoenicia, and the city Auza, in Libya."—
By these words he designed tiie want of rain
that was in the days of Ahab ; for at that
time it was that Etlibaal also reigned over
the Tyrians, as Menander informs us.
3. Now this woman, of whom we spake
before, that sustained the prophet, when her
son was fallen into a distemper till he gave
up the ghost, and appeared to be dead, came
to the prophet weeping, and beating her
breasts with her hands, and sending out such
expressions as her passions dictated to her,
and complained to him that he had come to
her to reproach her for her sins, and that on
this account it was that her son was dead.
But he bid her be of good cheer, and deliver
her son to him, for that he would deliver him
again to her alive. So when she had delivered
her son up to him, he carried him into an up-
per room, where he himself lodged, and laid
him down upon the bed, and cried unto God,
and said, that God had not done well in re-
warding the woman who liad entertained him
and sustained him, by taking away her son ;
and he prayed that he would send again the
soul of the child into him, and bring him to
life again. Accordingly God took pity on
the mother, and was willing to gratify the
prophet, that he might not seem to have
come to do her a miscliief ; and the child, be-
yond all expectation, came to life again. So
the mother returned tlie prophet thanks, and
said she was tlien clearly satisfied that God
did converse with him.
4. After a little while Elijah came to king
Aliab, according to God's will, to inform liim
that rain was coming.* Now tlie famine
» Josephus, in his present copies, says, That a little
while after the recovery of the widow's son of Sarcpta,
Goil sent rain upon the earth ; whereas, in our other
copies, it is after many days, 1 Kings xviii. 1. Several
years are also intimated there, and in Josephus, (sect. 2.)
as belonging to this drought and famine ; nay, we have
tlie express mention of the third year, which 1 suppose
was reckoned from the recovery of the widow's son and
theeeasing of this drought in Phoenicia (which, as Me-
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
23D
had seized upon the whole country, and there
was a great want of what was necessary for
sustenance, insomuch that it was not only
men that wanted it, but the earth itself also,
which did not produce enough for the horses
and the other beasts, of what was useful for
them to feed on, by reason of tlie drought.
So the king called for Obadiah, who was
steward over his cattle, and said to him, that
he would have him go to the fountains of
water, and to the brooks, that if any herbs
could be found for them, they might mow it
down, and reserve it for the beasts. And
when he had sent persons all over the liabi-
table earth,f to discover the prophet Elijah,
and they could not find Iiim, he bade Oba-
diah accompany him : so it was resolved they
should make a progress, and divide the ways
between them ; and Obadiah took one road,
and the king another. Now it liappened,
that the same time when queen Jezebel slew
the prophets, this Obadiah had hidden a hun-
dred prophets, and had fed them with no-
thing but bread and water. But when Oba-
diah was alone, and absent from the king,
the prophet Elijah met him ; and Obadiah
asked him who he was ; and when he had
learned it from him, he worshipped him.
Elijah then bid him go to the king, and tell
him that I am here ready to wait on him.
But Obadiah replied, " What evil have I
done to thee, that thou sendest me to one
who seeketh to kill thee, and hath sought over
all the earth for thee ? Or was he so igno-
rant as not to know that the king had left no
place untouched unto which he bad not sent
persons to bring him back, in order, if they
could take him, to have him put to death ?"
For he told him he was afraid lest God should
appear to him again, and he should go away
into another place ; and that when the king
should send him for Elijah, and he should
miss of him, and not be able to find him any
where upon earth, he should be put to deatli.
He desired him therefore to take care of his
preservation ; and told him how diligently he
had provided for those of his o.vn profession,
and had saved a hundred prophets, when Je-
zebel slew the rest of them, anti had kept
them concealed, and that they had been sus-
tained by him. But Elijah bade him fear
nothing, but go to the king; and he assured
him upon oath, that he would certaiidy show
himself to Ahab that very day.
5. So when Obadiah had informed the king
that Elijah was there, Ahab met him, and
asked him in anger, if he were the man that
nander informs us here, lasted one whole year) : and
both our Saviour and St. Jamcv iRirm, that this drought
lasteil three years and six months, as their copies of the
Old Testament tlien informed them, I.uke iv. 1'5 ;
James v. 17
t Josephus here seems to mean, that this drought
atfected all the habitable e.irth, and presently all tha
earth, as our Saviour says it was upon all the earth,
Luke iv. 25. They who restrain these expressions tc
the land of Judea alone, go without sufficient authoii-
ty or examples.
240
ANTIQUITIES OF THK JLWb.
afflicted tn* people of tl>e Hebrews, and was
the occasion of the droiifjlit tlicy lay under ?
But Elijah, without any Hattery, said that he
was himself the man ; lie and his house, wliich
brougljt such atllictions upon them ; and that
'jy introducinj; strange gods into their country,
and worshiping then), and by leaving their
own, who was the only true God, and having
no manner of regard to him. However, he
bade him go liis way, and gather together all
tlie people to him, to mount Carniel, witli his
own prophets, and those of his wife, telling
him how many there were of them, as also the
prophets of the groves, about four hundred
in number. And as all the men whom Ahab
sent for ran away to the forenamed mountain,
the prophet Elijah stood in the midst of them,
and said, " How long will you live thus in un-
certainty of mind and opinion ?" He also ex-
horted them, that in case they esteemed their
own country God to be the true and only God,
they would ft>llow him and his commandments;
but in case they esteemed him to be nothing,
but had an opinion of the strange gods, and
that they ought to worship them, his counsel
was, that they should follow them. And
when the multitude made no answer to wliat
nc said, Elijah desired, that, for a trial of the
power of the stiange gods and of their own
God, he, who was his only prophet, while they
had four hundred, might take a heifer and kill
it as a sacrifice, and lay it upon pieces of wood,
and not kindle any fire, and that they should do
the same things, and call upon their own gods
to set tlie wood on fire, for if that were done,
they would thence learn the nature of the true
God. This proposal pleased the people. So
Elijali bade the prophets to choose out a heifer
first, and kill it, and to call on their gods;
but when there appeared no effect of the prayer
or invocation of the prophets upon their
sacrifice, Elijah derided them, and bade them
call upon their gods with a loud voice, for they
might either be on a journey or asleep ; and
when these prophets had done so from morn-
ing till noon, and cut themselves with swords
and lances,* according to the customs of their
country, and he was about to ofler his sacri-
fice, he bid [the prophets] go away ; but bade
[tlie peoplel come near and observe what he
did, lest he should privately hide fire among
the pieces of wood. So, upon the approach
of the multitude, he took twelve stones, one
for each tribe of the people of the Hebrews,
and built an altar with them, and dug a very
deep trench ; and when he had laid the pieces
of wood upon the altar, and upon them h.id
laid th« pieces of the sacrifices, he ordered
them to fill (our barrels with the water of the
fbimtnin, and to pour it u|)on the altar, till it
ran over it, and till the trench was filled with
• Mr. Siianhfiin takes notice here, fliat in the wor-
«lii|) lif Midir.i (ihe gad of the Persians! the priests cut
Uii-mielves in Ihc same manner as did these priests in
their invucaUm of Kaal (tiic god of the I'hu-mciaiik)
the water poured into it. When lie had dont
this, he began to pray to God, and toinvocat«
him to make manifest liis power to a people
that had already been in an error a longtime ;
upon which words a fire came on a sudden
from heaven, in the sight of the multitude,
and fell upon the altar, and consumed the sa-
crifice, till the very water was set on fire, and
the ))lace was become dry.
G. Now when the Israelites saw this, they
fell down upon the ground, and worshipped
one God, and called him The great and tlit
only true God; but they called tlie others
mere names, framed by the evil and wild
opinions of men. So they caught their pro-
phets, and, at the command of Elijah, slew
them. Elijah also said to the king, that he
should go to dinner without any farther con-
cern, for that in a little time he would see
God send them rain. Accordingly, Ahau
went liis way ; but Elijah went up to the
highest top of Mount Carmel, and sat down
upon the ground, arid leaned his head upon
liis knees, and bade his servant go up to r
certain elevated place, and look towards the
sea, and when he should see a cloud rising
anywhere, he should give him notice of it, foi
till that time the air had been clear. When
Ihe servant had gone up, and had said nian_»
times tliat he saw nothing, at the seventh
time of his going up, he said that he saw ft
small black thing in the sky, not larger than
a man's foot. When Elijah heard that, he
sent to Ahab, and desired him to go away to
the city before the rain came down. So hi
came to the city Jezreel ; and in a little time
the air was all obscured, and covered with
clouds, and a vehement storm of wind came
upon the earth, and with it a great deal of
rain ; and the prophet was under a divine
fury, and ran along with the king's chariot
unto Jezreel, a city of Izar •!■ i^Isachar.]
7. When Jezibel, the wife of Ahab, under-
stood what signs Elijah had wrought, and how
he had slain her prophets, she was angry, and
sent messengers to him, and by them threaten-
ed to kill him, as he had destroyed her pro-
phets. At this Elijah was afl'righted, and fieil
to the city called Hecrsheba, which is situate at
the utmost limits of the country belonging to
the tribe of Judah, towards the land of Edom;
and there he left his servant, and went awaj
into the desert. He prayed also that h«
might die, for that he was not better than his
fathers, nor need he be very desirous to live,
when they were dead; and he lay and ilipt
under a certain tree; and when somebody
awakened him, and he was risen up, he found
food set by him and water ; so when Irj had
eaten, and recovered his strength by that hit
t For Iztir we may here read (with Hudson and Coo
ceius) Isachar, i. t. of the trilx- of Is-ichar, for to that
tribe did Jezreel belong ; and presently, at the liii;in.
mug of seet. 8, as also eh. xv. sect. 1, we may ri:id foi
/:«r, with one MS. nearly, and the Scripture, ./.-ifW
for liial wo* Ihe city meant in tlie hi^oiy of NalxjiU
i,IIAP. XIll.
food, he came to that mountain which is
called Sinai, where it is related that Moses
received his laws from God ; and finding
there a certain hollow cave, he entered into
it, and continued to make his abode in it.
But when a certain voice came to him, but
from whence he knew not, and asked him,
why he was come thither, and had left the
city ? he said, that because he had slain the
prophets of the foreign gods, and had per-
suaded the people tJiat he alone whom they
had worshipped from the beginning was God,
he was sought for by the king's wife to be
punished for so doing. And when he had
heard another voice, telling him that he
should come out the next day into the open
air, and should thereby know what he was to
do, he came out of the cave the next day
accordingly, when he both heard an earth-
quake, and saw the bright splendour of afire;
and after a silence made, a divine voice ex-
horted him not to be disturbed with the cir-
cumstances he was in, for that none of his
enemies should have power over him. The
voice also commanded him to return home,
and to ordain Jeliu, the son of Nimshi, to be
king over their own multitude ; and Hazael,
of Damascus, to be over the Syrians ; and
Elislia, of the city Abel, to be a prophet in
his stead : and that of the impious multitude,
some should be slain by Hazael, and others
by Jehn. So Elijah, upon hearing this charge,
returned into the land of tlie Hebrews. And
when he found Eli!.ha, the son of Shaphat,
ploughing.and certain others with him, driving
twelve yoke of oxen, he came to him, and
cast his own garment upon him ; upon which
Eiisha began to prophesy presently, and leav-
ing his oxen, he followed Elijah. And when
he desired leave to salute his parents, Elijah
gave liim leave so to do : and when he had
taken his leave of them, he followed him,
and became the disciple and the servant of
Elijah all tlie days of his life. And thus
have I dispatched the affairs in which this
prophet was concerned.
8. Now there was one Naboth, of the city
Izar [Jezreel], who had a field adjoining to
that of the king- the king would have per-
suaded him to sell him that his field, which
lay so near to his own lands, at what price he
pleased, that he might join them together, and
make them one farm ; and if he would not
accept of money for it, he gave him leave to
choose any of his other fields in its stead.
But Naboth said he would not do so, but
would keep the possession of that land of his
own, whicli he had by inheritance from his
father. Upon this the king was grieved, as
if he had received an injury, wiien he could
not get another man's possession, and he
would neither wash himself, nor take anv
food : and when Jezebel asked him what it
was that troubled him, and wFiy he would
neither wash himself, nor eat cither dinner
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
241
or supper, he related to her the per\erseness
of Naboth ; and how when he had made use
of gentle words to him, and such as were be-
neath the royal authority, he had been affront-
ed, and had not obtained what he desired.
However, she persuaded him not to be cast
down at this accident, but to leave oft" his i
grief, and return to the usual care of his body, ;
for that she would take care to have Naboth ,
punished : and she immediately sent letters !
to the rulers of the Israelites [Jezreelites] in j
Allah's name, and commanded them to fast, I
and to assemble a congregation, and to set Na- |
both at the head of them, because he was of
an illustrious family, and to have three bold
men ready to bear witness that he had blas-
phemed God and the king, and then to
stone him, and slay him in that manner.
Accordingly, when Naboth had been thus tes-
tified against, as the queen had written to
them, that he had blasphemed against God
and Ahab the king, she desired him to tiike
possession of Naboth's vineyard on free cost.
So Ahab was glad at what had been done,
and rose up immediately from the bed wherein
he lay, to go to see Naboth's vineyard ; but
God had great indignation at it, and sent E-
lijah the prophet to the field of Nabotli, to
speak to Ahab, and to say to him, tliat he
had slain the true owner of that field unjustly.
And as soon as he came to hiin, and the king
had said that he might do with him what he
pleased (for he thought it a reproach to liinj
to be thus caught in his sin), Elijah said, that
in that very place in which the dead body of
Naboth was eaten by dogs, both his own blood
and that of his wife's should be shed ; and that
all his family should perish, because he had
been so insolently wicked, and had slain a citizen
unjustly and contrary to the laws of his coun-
try. Hereupon Ahab began to be sorry for
the things he had done, and to repent of them ;
and he put on sackcloth, and went barefoot,*
and would not touch any food : he also con-
fessed his sins, and endeavoured thus to ap-
pease God. But God said to the prophet,
that while Ahab was living he would put
off the punishment of his family, because he
repented of those insolent crimes he liad
been guilty of, but that still he xvould fulfil
his threatening under Ahab's son. Which
message the prophet delivered to the king.
♦ " The Jews weep to this day (says Jerome, here
cited by Itcland) and roll themselves ujion xickcloih, in
ashes, barefoot, upon such oc-casions. To which ^pan-
heim adds, •' lliat after the same manlier Bcinice, when
his life was In danger, stood at the tribunal of Florus
barefoot." (Of the War, b. ii, chap. 15, sect. 1.)— See the
like of David, ii Sam. XT, 3U Aiitiq. b. vii, chap, ix,
sect. 2.
21ri
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK VIII
CHAPTER XIV.
now HADAl), KING OF DAMAS< L'S AND Ot SYRIA,
WAi)i: TWO EXPKumoNS against AHAU,
AND WAS BEATEN.
§ 1. When the affairs of Alial) were thus, at
that very time the sou of Hadad [Benhadad],
w lio was king of the Syrians and of Damascus,
got togetiier an army out of all his country,
and procured thirty-two kings beyond Eu-
phrates, to be his auxiliaries: so he made an
expedition against Ahab ; but because Ahgh's
army was not like that of Benhadad, he did
not set it in array to fight him, but having shut
up every thing that was in tiie country, in the
strongest cities he had, he abode in Samaria
himself, for tiie walls about it were very strong,
and it appeared to be not easily to be taken
in other resp-cfs also. So the king of Syria
took his army with him, and came to Samaria,
and placed his army round about the city, and
besieged it. He also sent a herald to Ahab,
and desired he would admit the ambassadors
he would send him, by whom he would let
him knosv his pleasure. So upon the king of
Israel's permission for him to send, those am-
bassadors came, and by their king's command
spake thus : — That Ahab's riches, and his
children, and his wives, were Benhadad's, and
if he would make an agreement, and give him
leave to take as much of what he had as he
pleased, he would withdraw his army, and
leave off' the siege. Itpon this Ahab bade the
ambassadors to go back, and tell their king
that both he himself, and all that he hath,
were his possessions. And when these am-
bassadors had told this to Bonhadad, he sent
to iiim again, and desired, since he confessed
that all he had was his, that he would admit
those servants of his which he should send the
next day ; and he commanded him to deliver
to those whom he should send, whatsoever,
upon their searcliing his palace and the houses
of his friends and kindred, they should find to
be excellent in its kind ; but that wliat did not
please them tliey should leave to him. At
this second enibasssage of the king of Syria,
Ahab was surprised, and gathered together
the multitude to a congregation, and told
them, tliat for liimself he was ready, for tlieir
safety and peace, to give up his own wives and
children to the enemy, and to yield to him all
his own possessions, tor tliat was w hat the Sy-
rian king required at his first embassage ; Ijut
tliat now he desires to send his servants to search
all their houses, and in them to leave nothing
that is excellent in its kind, seeking an occa-
sion of fighting against him, "as knowing that
I would not spare what is mine own for your
sakes, but taking a handle from the disagree-
able terms he oilers concerning you to bring
a war upon us ; however, I will do what you
shall resolve is fit to de done " But the mul-
titude advised him to hearken to none of his
proposals, but to despise him, and be in readi-
ness to fight him. Accordingly, when he had
given the ambassadors this answer to be re-
ported, that he still continued in the mind to
comply with what terms heat first desired, for
the safety of the citizens ; but as for his second
desires, lie cannot submit to them, — he dis-
missed them.
2. Now when Benhadad heard this, he had
indignation, and sent ambassadors to Ahab
the third time, and threatened that his army
would raise a bank higher than those walls,
in confidence of whose strength he despised
him, and that by only each man of his army
taking a handful of earth ; hereby making a
show of the great number of his army, and
aiming to aff'right liim. Ahab answered, that
he ought not to vaunt himself when he had
only put on his armour, but when he should
have coiKjuered his enemies in the battle. So
the ambassadors came back, and found the
king at supper with his thirty-two kings, and
informed him of Ahab's answer ; who then
immediately gave orders for proceeding thus
— To make lines round the city, and raise a
bulwark, and to prosecute the siege all man-
ner of ways. Now, as this was doing, Ahab
was in a great agony, and all his people with
him ; but he took courage, and was freed from
his fears, upon a certain prophet coming to
him, and saying to him, that God had pro-
mised to subdue so many ten thousands of
his enemies under him ; and when he inquir-
ed by whose means the victory was to he ob-
tained, he said, " By the sons of the princes ;
but under thy conduct as their leader, by rea-
son of their unskilfulness [in war]." Upon
which he called for the sons of the princes,
and found them to be two hundred and thirty-
two persons. So when he was informed that
the king of Syria had betaken himself to feast-
ing and repose, he opened the gates, and sent
out the princes' sons. Now when the senti-
nels told Benhadad of it, he sent some to meet
them, and commanded tlieni, that if these men
were come out for fighting, they should bind
tliem, and bring them to him ; and tliat if
they came out peaceably they should do the
same. Now Ahab liad another army ready
within the walls, but the sons of the princes
fell upon the out-guard, and slew many of
tliem, and pursued the rest of them to the
camp ; and when the king of Israel saw that
these had the upper hand, he sent out all the
rest of his army, which, falling suddenly up-
on the Syrians, beat them, for they did not
think they would have come out ; on which
account it was that tliey assaulted them when
they were naked • and drunk, insomuch that
• Mr. liclanil notes here very truly, that the word
tuiJl'r'/d(>e>tiut alwiiys sijpiify enlireli/naH-fd ; but some-
tiincb without men's usual annuur, "without their usual
robes or upiHT carmenLs; a> when Virgil bids the hus-
Ijanduiau plougli naked, ajid sow naked ; when Jum^
"Y
J~
CHaP. XIV.
they left all tlieir armour behind them when
they fled out of the camp, and the king him-
self escaped witli difficulty, by Hying away on
horseback. But Ahab went a great way in
pursuit of the Syrians ; and when he had
spoiled their camp, which contained a great
deal of wealth, and moreover a large quantity
of gold and silver, he took Benhadad's cha-
riots and horses, and returned to the city : but
as the prophet told him he ought to have his
army ready, because the Syrian king would
make another expedition against him the next
year, Aiiab was busy in making provision for
it accordingly.
3. Now IJenhadad, when he had saved him-
self, and as much of his army as he could, out
of the battle, he consulted with his friends how
he might make another expedition against the
Israelites. Now those friends advised him not
to fight with them on the hills, because their
God was potent in such places, and thence it
had come to pass that they had very lately
been beaten ; but they said, that if they join-
ed battle with them in the plain they should
beat them. They also gave him this farther
advice, to send home those kings whom he
had brought as his auxiliaries, but to retain
their army, and to set captains over it instead
of the kings, and to raise an army out of
their country, and let them be in the place of
the former who perished in the battle, toge-
ther with horses and chariots. So he judged
their counsel to be good, and acted according
to it in the management of the army.
4. At the beginning of the spring, Benha-
dad took his army with him, and led it against
the Hebrews ; and when he was come to a
certain city which was called Aphek, he
pitched his camp in the Great Plain. Ahab
also went to meet him with his army, and
pitched his camp over against him, although
his army was a very small one, if it were com-
pared with the enemy's ; but the prophet came
again to him, and told him, that God would
give him the victory, that he might demon-
strate liis own power to be not only on the
mountains, but on the plains also; which it
seems was contrary to the opinion of the
Syrians. So they lay quiet in their camp
phus says (Aiitiq. b. iv, ch. iii, sect. 2), that God had
given the Jews the security of armour when they were
naked ; and when he here says, that Ahab fell on the
Syrians when they were both naked and drunk ; when
(Antiq. b. xi, ch. v, sect. 8) he says, that Nehenuah
commanded those Jews that were liuilding the walls of
Jerusalem to take care to ha\ e their armour on upon
occasion, that the enemy niighc not fall upon them
naked. I may add, that the case seems to be the same
in the Scripture, when it says that Saul lay down naked
.imongthc prophets (t Sam. xix, 24) -, wnen it says that
Isaiah wrlKed naked and barefoot (Isa. xx, 2, 3); and
when it also says ilwit Peter, before he girt hisfisher'scoat
to him, was naked, John xxi, ?. What is .said of David
alsopives light to tliis, who was reproached by Mic.hal for
" dancing before the ark, and uncovering himself ni the
eyes of his handmaids, as one of the \ain fellows shame-
fully uncovereth himself" (2 Sam. vi, 14,20); yet it is
there expressly said (ver. 14), tliat " David was girded
with a linen ephod," i. e. he had laid aside his robes of
state, and put on the sacerdotal, Levitical, or sacred gar-
ments, proper for such a solemnity.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
243
seven days ; but on the last of those days,
when tlie enemies came out of their camp,
and put themselves in array in order to light,
Ahab also brought out his own army ; and
when the battle was joined, and they fought
valiantly, he put the enemy to flight, and
pursued them, and pressed upon them, and
slew them ; nay, they were destroyed by their
own chariots, and by one another; nor could
any more than a few of them escape to their
own city Aphek, who were also killed by the
walls falling upon them, being in nunibei
tvventy-seven thousand.* Now there were
slain in this battle a hundred thousand more;
but Benhadad, the king of the Syrians, fled
away, with certain others of his most faithful
servants, and hid himself in a cellar under
ground ; and when these told him that the
kings of Israel were humane and merciful
men, and that they might make use of the
usual manner of supplication, and obtain de-
liverance froin Ahab, in case he would give
them leave to go to him : he gave them leave
accordingly. So they came to Ahab, clothed
in sackcloth, with ropes about their heads
(for this was the ancient manner of supplica-
tion among the Syrians),-}- and said, that Ben-
hadad desired he would save him ; and tliat
he would ever be a servant to him for that
favour. Ahab replied he was glad that he
was alive, and not hurt in the battle ; and he
further promised him the same honour and
kindness that a man would show to his bro-
ther. So they received assurances upon oath
from hiiTi, that when he came to him he should j
receive no harm from him, and then went and i
brought him out of the cellar wherein he was I
hid, and brought him to Ahab as he sat in '
his chariot. So Benhadad worshiped him ;
and Ahab gave him his hand, and made him
come up to him into his chariot, and kissed
hiin, and bid him be of good cheer, and not
to expect that any inischief should be done to
him. So Benhadad returned him thanks,
and professed that he would remember his
kindness to him all the days of his life ; and
promised he would restore those cities of the
Israelites which the former kings had taken
from them, and grant that he should have
leave to come to Damascus, as his forefathers
had to come to Samaria. So they confirmed
* Josephus's number, two myriads and seven thou-
sand, agrees here with that in our other copies, as those
that were slain by the falling down of the walls of
Aphek; but I suspected at first that this number in Jo-
sephus's present copies could not be his original number,
because he calls them " oligoi," a few, which could
hardly be ^aid of so many as twenty -seven thousand, and
because ol the improbability of the fall of a particular
wall killing so many ; yet when I consider Josephus's
next words, how the rest which were slain in the battle
were " ten other myriads," that twenty seven thousand
were but a few in comparison of a hundred thousand ;
and that it was not " a wall," as in our English version,
— but " the »all," or " the entire walls" of the city that
fell down, as in all the originals.
t This manner of suppluation for men's lives among
the Syrians, with ropes or halters about their heads o't
necks, is, I suppose, no strange thing in later ages, ev tii
ui our own country.
244
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
tlieir covenant by oatlis ; and Aliab made
liim many presents, and sent him back to liis
own kingdom. And this was (he conclusion
of the war that }>enhadad made against Ahab
and tiie Israelites.
5. But a certain pro))lict, wiiose name was
Micaiali,* c.inie to one of the Israelites, and
bade him smite him on the head, for by so do-
ing he would pU'ase God ; but when he would
not do so, he foretold to him, tliat since he
disobeyed the commands of God, lie should
meet with a lion and be destroyed by him.
When this sad accident had befallen the man,
the prophet came again to another, and gave
COOK VIII.
hoshaphat, tlie king of Jerusalem, who, when
he had augmented his kingdoni, and had set
garrisons in the cities of the countries belong-
ing to his subjects, and had put such gnrri.
sons no less into those cities which were
taken out of the tribe of Ephraim, by his
grandl'ather Abijah, when Jeroboam reigned
over the ten tribes [than he did into the
other]. But then he had God favourable
and assisting to him, as being both righteous
and religious, and seeking to do somewhat
every day that should be agreeable and ac-
ceptable to God. The kings also that were
round about him honoured him with the prc-
him the same injunction; so he smote him, | sents tlicy made him, till the riches that he
had acquired were immensely great, and the
glory lie had gained was of a most exalted
nature.
2. Now, in the third year of his reign, he
called together the rulers of the country, and
the priests, and commanded them to go round
the land, and teach all the people that were
under him, city by city, the laws of AJoses,
and to keep them, and to be diligent in the
worship of God. With this the whole jnul-
titude was so pleased, that they were not so
eagerly set upon or atl'ected with any thing
so much a» the observation of the laws. The
neighbouring nations also continued to love
Jehoshaphat, and to be at peace with him.
The Philistines paid their appointed tribute,
and the Arabians supplied liim every year
with three hundred and sixty lambs, and as
many kids of the goats. He also fortified
the great cities, which were many in number,
and of grea consequence. He prepared al-
so a mighty army of soldiers and weajioiu
against their enemies. Now the army of
men that wore their armour, was three hun-
dred thousand of the tribe of Judah, of whom
Adnah was the chief; but John was chief of two
hundred thousand. The same man was chief
of the tribe of Benjamin, and had two hun-
dred thousand archers under him. There was
another chief, whose name was Jehozabad,
CONCERNING JEHOSHAPHAT, THE KI>'G OF JE- ! who had a hundred and fourscore thousand
RUSAi.iiM ; A.VD HOW AHAB MADE AN EX- ' armed men. This multitude was distributed
PEUITION AGAINST THE sYKtANS, AND WAS to be rcadv for the king's service, besides
id wounded his skull : upon which he
bound up his head, and came to the king,
and told him that he had been a soldier of
his, and had the custody of one of the prison-
ers committed to him by an officer, and that
the prisoner being run away, he was in dan-
ger of losing his own life by the means of
that officer, who had threatened him, that if
the prisoner escaped he would kill him ; and
when Ahab had said that he would justly die,
he took off the binding that was about his head,
and was known by the king to be JMicaiah
the prophet, who m;de use of this artifice as
a prelude to the following words; for he
said that God would punish him who had
suH'ered Benhadad, a blasphemer against him,
to escape punishment; and that he would so
bring it about, that he should die by the
other's means,-|- and his peop.e by the other's
army. Upon which Ahab was very angry
at the prophet, and gave commandment that
he should be put in prison, and there kept ;
but for himself, he was in confusion at the
words of Micaiah, and returned to his own
house.
CHAPTER XV.
ASSISTED THEREIN BY JEHOSHAI'HAT, BUT
WAS HIMSELF OVERCOME IN BATTLE, AND
PERISHED THEREIN.
§ 1. And these were the circumstances in
which Ahab was. But I now return to J«i-
those whom he sent to the best fortified cities.
3. Jehoshaphat took for his son Jehoram
to wife, the daughter of Ahab, the king of
the ten tribes, whose name was Athaiiah.
And «hen, after some time, he went to Sa-
maria, Ahab received him courteously, and
I treated the army that followed him in a splen-
« It is here remarkable, that in Joscphus's copy, this 'did manner, with great plenty of corn and
proiilict, whiisc severe dcnunciAtiim ot a clisdbetlient i .• i ■ i i i • j i .
jierMjiis slaughitT by a lion had lately come ti.p.-iss. was wine, and ot slain beasts; and tU'sired that
no other ihau Miuaiah, the son of Imlali, who, a< he |,e would join with him in his war against
now denounced tiod'j judgment on disobedient Ahab, , , • ■• o • .i . l • i . e
seems dirctlly to have been that ver\ prophet whom the I the king oJ byria, that he might recover trora
same Ahab, in 1 Kings xxii, 8, 18, complains of " as
one whom he hated, t>Ka<iic he did not prophecy gooil is this, that, during the Jewish theocracy, God acted cn-
concerning him, but evil ;" and who, in that ihaner. | tircly as the Supreme King of Israel, and the Supreme
openly repeats his denunciations against him ; all which ; General at' their armies; and always ox|>ci'lcil that the
came to pass accordingly ; nor is there any reason to ' Israelites should be in such alwolute subjivtion to him,
doubt but this and the fomicr were the very same pro- 1 IhWr Supreme and Heavenly King, and General of their
plift. armies, ;is -ubjccts and soldiers are to their carthlv kingi
+ What is most remarkable in this history, and in and geinT.iU, and that usually without knowing the par
nany histories on other occasions iu the Old Testament | licular reasons of their iiijuuctions.
"V
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. XV
him the city Ramoth, in Gifead ; for though
it had belonged to his father, yet had the
king of Syria's father taken it away from
him ; and wpon Jehoshaphat's promise to af-
ford him his assistance (for indeed his army
was not inferior to the other), and iiis sending
for his army from Jerusalem to Samaria, the
two kings went out of the city, and each of
tliem sat on his own throne, and each gave their
orders to their several armies. Now Jehosh-
aphat bade them call some of the prophets,
if there were any there, and inquire of them
concerning this expedition against the king
of Syria, whether they would give them coun-
sel to make that expedition at this time, for
there was peace at that time between Aliab
and the king of Syria, which had lasted three
years, from the time he had taken him cap-
tive till that day.
4. So Ahab called his own prophets, being
in number about four hundred, and bade
them inquire of God whether he would grant
him the victory, if he made an expedition
agiiinst Benhadud, and enable him to over-
throw that city, for whose sake it was that he
was going to war. Now these prophets gave
thiir counsel for making this expedition ; and
said, that be would beat the king of Syria,
and, as formerly, would reduce him under
his power. But Jehoshaphat, understanding
by their words that they were false prophets,
asked Ahab whether there were not some other
prophet, and he belonging to the true God,
that we may have surer information concern-
ing futurities. Hereupon Ahab said, there
was indeed such a one, but that he hated
him, as having prophesied evil to him, and
having foretold that he should be overcome
and slain by the king of Syria, and that for
this cause he had him now in prison, and
that his name was Micaiah, the son of Inilah.
But upon Jehoshaphat's desire that he might
oe produced, Ahab sent a eunuch, who
brought Micaiah to him. Now the eirauch
had informed him by the way, that all the
otlier prophets liad foretold that the king
should gain the victory ; but he said, that il
was not lawful for liim to lie against God ;
but that he must speak what he should say to
him about tlie king, whatsoever it were.
VVlicn he came to Ahab, and he had adjured
him upon oath to speak the truth to him, he
said that God had shown to him the Israelites
running away, and pursued by the Syrians,
and dispersed upon the mountains by th«m,
as flocks of sheep are dispersed when their
shepherd is slain. He said farther, that God
signified to him that those Israelites should
return in peace to their own home, and that
he only should fall in the battle. When Mi-
caiah had thus spoken, Ahab said to Jehosh-
aphat, — " I told thee a little while ago the
disposition of the man with regard to me, and
that he uses to prophesy evil to me." Upon
which Micaiah replied, that he ought to hear
245
all, whatsoever it be, that God foretels; and
that in particular, they were false prophets
that encouraged him to make this war in
hope of victory, whereas he must fight and
be killed. Whereupon the king was in sus-
pense with himself: but Zedekiali, one of
those false prophets, came near, and exhorted
him not to hearken to Micaiah, for he did not
at all speak truth ; as a demonstration of
which, he instanced in what Elijah had said,
who was a better prophet in foretelling futu-
rities than Micaiah;* for he foretold that the
dogs should lick his blood in the city of Jez-
reeJ, in the field of Naboth, as they licked the
blood of Naboth, who by his means was there
stoned to death by the multitude ; that there-
fore it was plain that this Micaiah was a liar,
as contradicting a greater prophet than him-
self, and saying that he should be slain at
three days' journey distance : " and [said he]
you shall soon know whether he be a true
prophet, and hath the power of the Divine
Spirit ; for I will smile him, and let him
then hurt my hand, as Jadon caused the hand
of Jeroboam the king to wither when he
would have caught him ; for I suppose tliou
hast certainly heard of tliat accident." So
when, upon his smiting Micaiah, no harm
happened to him, Ahab took courage, and
readily led his army against the king of Sy-
ria ; for, as I suppose, fate was too hard for
him, and made him believe that the false
prophets spake truer than the true one, that
it might take an occasion of bringing him to
his end. However, Zedekiah made liorns of
iron, and said to Ahab, that God made those
horns signals, that by them he should over-
throw all Syria. But Micaiah replied, that
Zedekiah, in a few days, should go from one
secret chamber to another, to hide himself,
that he might escape the punishment of his
lying. Then did the king give orders that
they should take Micaiah away, and guard
him to Amon, the governor of the city, and
to give him nothing but bread and water.
5. Then did Ahab, and Jehoshapliat tlie
king of Jerusalem, take their forces, and
marciied to llamoth, a city of Gilead ; and
when the king of Syria heard of this expedi-
tioii, he brought out his army to oppose them,
and pitched his camp not far from Ramoth.
Now Ahab and Jehoshaphat had agreed that
Ahab should lay aside his royal robes, but
that the kmg of Jerusalem should put on his
[Ahab's] proper habit, and stand before the
army, in order to disprove, by this artifice,
* These reasonings of Zedekiah the false prophet, in
order to persuade Aliab not to believe Miciiah the tioie
prophet, are plausible; but being omitted in our other
copies, we cannot now tell whence Joscphus had them ;
whether from his owm temple copy, from some other
original author, or from certain ancient notes. That some
such plausiole objection was now raised against Micaiah
is vi'ri,' likely, otherwise Jelioshaphit, who used to dis-
believe all such false pronhet-s, could p.ever have been
induced to accompajiy Anab ii) Oicse desperate circum-
slaiice:>.
"V
216
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK VIII
wliat Mii-aiali liad foretold.* But Aliab's
fate found liim out without liis robes; for
Bcnhadad tlie king of Assyria had charged
his aiiny, by means of their commanders, to
kill nobody else l)ut only the king of Israel.
So when the Syrians, iiion their joining bat-
tle with the Israelites, saw Jehoshaphat stand
before the army, and conjectured that he was
Aliab, they fell violently upon him, and en-
compassed him round ; but when they were
near, aiwl knew that it was not he, they all
returned back ; and while the fight lasted
from the morning light till late in the even-
ing, and the Syrians were conquerors, they
killed nobody, as their king had commanded
them ; and when they sought to kill Ahab
alone, but could not find him, there was a
young nobleman belonging to king Benha-
dad, whose name was Naaman ; he drew his
bow against the enemy, and wounded the
king through his breastplate, in his lungs.
Upon this Ahab resolved not to make his
mischance known to his army, lest they should
rtm away ; but lie bid the driver of his cha-
riot to turn it back, and carry him out of the
battle, because he was sorely and mortally
wounded. However, he sat in his chariot
and endured the pain till sun-set, and then
ne fainted away and died.
6. And now the Syrian army, upon the
coming on of the night, retired to their camp ;
and when the herald belonging to the camp
* This reading ot Jaseiihus, th?t Johoshaiihat jHit on
not his own but Ahab's rolje^. in order to appi^ar to be
Ahab, while Aliab was witliout any robes at all, ami
hoped thereby to cseapc bis own evil late, and disprove
Micaiali's prophecy against him, is exceeding probable.
It gives great light also to this whole historv, and
shows, that alllwiigh Ahab hoped Jehoshaphat' would
be mistai-en for luin, and run the only risk of beinc
slain in the batilc, yet was he entirely disappointed,
while still the escape of the good man Jchobhaplial, and
the slaughter of the bad uian Ahab, demonstrated the
great c:i:>tinetioa tliat Divine htuvidence made betv.ixt
tllCBO.
! gave notice that Ahab was dead, they returned
home ; and they took the dead body of Ahub
to Samaria, and l>uried it there; hut when
they had washed his chariot in the fountain
of Jezreel, which was bloody with the dead
body of the king, they acknowletigcd that the
prophecy of Elijah was true, t'or the dogs
licked his blood, and the harlots continued
afterwards to wash themselves in tliat foun-
tain ; but still lie died at Kamoth, as Micaiah
had foretold. And as what things were fore-
told should happen to Ahab by the two pro-
phets came to pass, we ought thence to have
high notions of God, and everywhere to ho-
nour and worship him, and never to suppose
that what is pleasant and agreeable is worthy
of belief before what is true ; and to esteem
nothing more advantageous than the gift of
prophecy,! ^"'^ ^^^''^^ foreknowledge of future
events which is derived from it, since God
shows men thereby what we ought to avoid.
We may also guess, from what happened to
this king, and have reason to consider the
power of fate, tliat there is no way of avoid-
ing it, even when we know it. It creeps
upon human souls, and tlatters them with
pleasing hopes, till it leads them about to the
place where it will be too hard for them.
Accordingly Ahab appears to have been de-
ceived thereby, till he disbelieved those that
foretold his defeat ; but by giving credit to
such as foretold what was grateful to liim,
was slain ; and his son Ahaziah succeeded
him.
+ We ha»e here a very wise reflection of Josephus
aljout Divine I'rovidcnce, and what is derived from it,
prophecy, and the incvitatjle certainty of its aec-ora-
pli.<hmcnti and that when wickeil men think they take
proper methods to elude what is denounced against
thein, and to escape the divine judgments thereby
threatened them, without repentance, they are ever by
i'lovidenee infatuated to bring about their ouii ilestru(>
tion, and thereby withal to demonstrate tht i>erfect ve-
racity oi that tied whose ;)redictions ibey in vaiu ea
deuvoLy to elude.
BOOK IX.
CONTAINING THK INTERVAL OF ONE HUNDRED AND FIFTY-SEVEN YEARS.
FROM THE DEATH OF AHAB TO THE CAPTIVITY OF THE TFN
TRIBES.
CHAPTER I.
COXCERNIXG JEHOSHAPHAT AGAIN ; HOW HE
CONSTITUTED JUDGES, AND, BY GOU'S AS-
SISTANCE, OVERCAME HIS ENEMIES.
§ I. When Jehoshaphat the king was come
to Jerusalem, from tlie assistance he had af-
forded Ahab, the king of Israel, when lie
fouglit with Benhadad, king of Syria, the pro-
phet Jehu met him, and accused him for as-
sisting Aliab, a man both impious and wick-
ed ; and said to him, that God was displeased
with him for so doing, but that he delivered
him from the enemy, notwithstanding he had
sinned, because of his own proper disposition,
which was good. Whereupon the king be-
took himself to thanksgivings and sacrifices
to God ; after which he presently went over
all that country which he ruled round about,
and taught the people, as well the laws which
God gave them by Moses, as that religious
worship was due to him. He also con-
stituted judges in every one of the cities of
his kingdom ; and charged them to have re-
gard to nothing so much in judging the mul-
tiude as to do justice, and not to be moved by
bribes, nor by the dignity of men eminent for
either their riches or their higli birth, but to
distribute justice equally to all, as knowir;^-
that God is conscious of every secret action
of theirs. When he had himself instructed
them thus, and gone over every city of the
two tribes, he returned to Jerusalem. He
there also constituted judges out of the priests
and the Levites, and principal persons of the
multitude, and admonished them to pass all
their sentences with care and justice.* And
that if any of the people of his country had
differences of great consequence, they should
send them out of the otlier cities to these
» These judges, constituted by Jehoshaphat, were a
kiin\ of Jeri:s:ilem S.inlieiliim. out of the priests, the
Levi;es, and the piini-ip:'.! of tlie people, both here and
2 Chron. vix, s ; much !ik'^ the old Christian judicatures
of the bishop, the preibyiers, the deacons, and the pa>
pie.
judges, who would be obliged to give right-
eous sentences concerning such causes; and
this with the greater care, because it is pro-
per that the sentences which are given in that
city wherein the temple of God is, and where-
in tlie king dwells, be given with great care
and the utmost justice. Now he set over
them Amariah the priest, and Zebediah, [botli]
of the tribe of Judah : and after this manner
it was that the king ordered these afiairs.
2. About the same time the Moabites and
Ammonites made an expedition against Jeho-
shaphat, and took with them a great body of
Arabians, and pitched their camp at Engedi,
a city that is situate at the lake Asplialtitis,
and distant three hundred furlongs from Je-
rusalem. In that place grows the best kind
of palm-trees, and the opobalsamum.-j- Now
Jehoshaphat heard that the enemies had pass-
ed over the lake, and had made an irruption
into that country which belonged to his king-
dom ; at which news he was affrighted, and
called the people of Jerusalem to a congrega-
tion in the temple, and standing over-against
the temple itself, he called upon God to afford
him power and strength, so as to inflict pu-
nishment on those that made this expedition
against them (for that those who built this his
temple had prayed that he would protect that
city, and take vengeance on those that were
so bold as to come against it) ; for they are
come to take from us that land which thou
hast given us for a possession. When he had
prayed thus, he fell into tears; and the whole
multitude, together with their wives awd chil-
dren, made their supplications also : upon
which a certain prophet, Jahaziel by name,
came into the midst of the assembly, and cried
out, and spake l>oth to the multitude and to
the king, that God heard their prayers, and
promised to fight against their enemies. He
also gave order that tlio king stiould draw his
forces out tlie next day, for that he should
find them between Jerusalem and the ascent
f Concerning this precious balsam, see the note o»
Antjc}. b. vui, ch. \i, sect. (i.
248
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK IX
of Engcfli, at a place called The Eminmce,
and that lie slioiiid not fi<;t)t a;:iuiisl them, l)iit
only stand still, and see how God would fight
a;^aiiist them. When the prophet had said
this, both the king and the multitude fell
on their faces, and gave tlinnks to God, and
worshipped him : and the Levites continued
singing hymns to God with their instruments
of music.
3. As soon as it was day, and the king was
come into that wilderness which is under the
city of Tekoa, he said to the multitude, " that
they ought to give credit to what the prophet
had said, and not to set themselves in array
for fi'^hting ; but to set the priests with their
trum))ets, and the Levites with the singers of
hymns, to give thanks to God, as having al-
ready delivered our country from our ene-
mies." This opinion of the king jileased [the
people], and they did what he advised them
to do. So God caused a terror and a com-
motion to arise among the Ammonites, who
thought one another to be enemies, and slew-
one another, insomuch that not one man out
of so great an army escaped ; and when Je-
hosliaphat looked ujjon that valley wherein
their enemies had been encamped, and saw it
full of dead men, he rejoiced at so surprising
an event as was this assistance of God, while
he himself by his own power, and without
their labour, had given them the victory. He
also gave his army leave to take the prey of
but he failed of his gains, for the ships were
destroyed by being so great [and unwieldy]
on which account he was no longer concern-
ed about shipping. — And this is the history
of Jehoshaphat, the king of Jerusalem.
CHAPTER II.
CONCERNING AHAZIAH, THK KING OF ISRAFL
AND AGAIN CONCERNING THE PEOPIIET ELJ
JAH.
§ I. And now Ahaziah, the son of Ahab,
reigned over Israel, and made his abode in
Samaria. He was a wicked man, and in all
respects like to both his parents, and to Jero-
boam, who first of all transgressed, and began
to deceive the people. In the second year of
his reign, the king of Moab fell off from his
obedience, and left off paying those tributes
which he before paid to his father Ahab. Now
it happened that Ahaziah, as he was comin"
down from the top of his house, fell down
from it, and in his sickness sent to the V\y
which was the god of Ekron, for that was this
god's name, to inquire about his recover\-+ ;
but the God of the Hebrews appeared to Eli-
jah the prophet, and commanded him to go
and meet the messengers that were sent, anu
to ask them, whether the people of Israel liao
the enemy's camp, and to spoil their dead : not a (lod of their own, that the king sent to
bodies ; and indeed so they did for three days j a foreign god to inquire about his recovery ?
together, till they were weary, so great wasland to bid them return and tell the king tlial
the number of the slain ; and on the fourtl
day, all the people were gathered together,
unto a certain hollow place or valley, and
blessed God for his power and assistance ;
from which the place had this name given it,
the Valky of [Beracliah, or] B/essing.
4. And when the king had brought his
army back to Jerusalem, he betook himself to
celebrate festivals, and offer sacriticcs, and
this for many days; and indeed, after this de-
struction of their enemies, and when it came
to the ears of the foreign nations, they were
all greatly affiighted, as supposing that Cod
would opeidy fight for him hereafter. So
Jchoshaiiliat from that time lived in great
glory and splendour, on a'count of his right-
eousness and his piety towards God. He
was also in friendship with Ahali's son, who
was king of Israel ; and he joisied witli
him ill the building of ships that were to sail
to Pontus and the traffic cities of Thrace;*
• What are here Pontus and Tliracc, as the places
wliithiT Jelioslinphal's Meet sailed, arc in our olhor co-
pies Opliir and 'J'arshish, and the place wlimcv il sailed,
IS in ilit-in Ezioiigcbcr, which lay on llic Hid .sca,
whence- it was ini|>o8.-.iblc for any ships to s;iil to I'ontus
or Thrace; so Ihal Ji scphus's copy ilitrcrcd from our
oilier copies, as is fa.-tlicr plain fi'oin his owji words,
which render » hat we rc;id, that ' llic ships were broken
at Kziongeber, from Ihcir unwieldy gri'atncss.' Dut so
far we may c-onclude, that Josephus thoii|;hl one Ophir
U\ I* soincwhcrf in the MctUlerrancan, and not in ihe
lie would not escajie this disease. And when
Elijah had performed what God had com-
manded him, and the messengers had heard
what he said, they returned to the king im-
mediately ; and when tlie king wondered how
they could return so soon, and ask them the
reason of it, they said, that a certain man met
them, and forbade them to go on any farther ;
but to return and tell thee, from the command
of the God of Israel, that this disease will have
a bad end. And when the king bade them
describe the man that said tliis to them, thev
replied, that he was a hairy man, and w-as girt
about with a girdle of leather. So the kino
understood by this that the man who was de-
scribed by the messengers was Elijah ; « here-
upon he sent a captain to him, with fifty
soldiers, and commanded them to bring Elijah
to him ; and when the captain that was sent
found Elijah silling upon llie top of a hill, he
commanded him to come down, and to come
to the king, for so had he enjoined ; but that
in case lie refused, he would carry liini by
South Sea, though perhaps Ihcr* might be another O.
phir in Ilinl Soulh Sea also, and Ihi-.t HceU> mii;ht then
sail liiitli from l'li<ri:ieiaaiid from ine lied Sea, to fetch
the irolil of ophrr.
1 I'liis (iiid of Flirs sc<-ms to have N-eii so crillid, as
was Ihe like giMl anioiiR the Criiks, from his siipiiiseit
power over Dies, in driMiig llicni awav fron Uie I'eli of
their saeriliccs, which otheiwise would have been irrv
troublesome to il-em.
"V.
"V_.
CHAP. III.
force. Elijah s.iid to him, " That you may
have a trial whether I be a true prophet, I will
pray that fire may fall from lieaveii, and de-
stroy both the soldiers and yourself."* So he
prayed, and a whirlwind of fire fell [from
heaven 1, and destroyed the caiJtain aud those
that were with him. And when the king was
informed of the destruction of these men, he
was very angry, and sent another captain with
\i\e like number of armed men that were sent
before. And when this captain also threatened
the prophet, that unless he came down of his
own accord, he would take him and carry him
away ; upon his prayer against him, the fire
[from heaven] slew tiiis captain as well as the
other. And when, upon inquiry, the king was
informed of what had happened to him, he sent
oat a third captain. But when this captain,
who was a wise man, and of a mild disposition,
came to the place where Elijah happened to be,
and spake civilly to him, and said, that he knew
that it was without his own consent, and only in
submission to the king's command that he came
to him ; and that those that came before did not
come willingly, but on the same account, — he
therefore desired him to have pity on those
armed men that were with him ; and that he
would come down and follow him to the king.
So Elijah accepted of his discreet words and
courteous behaviour, and came down and
followed him. And when he came to the king,
he prophesied to iiim, and told him, that God
said, — " Since thou hast despised him as not
AXTIQUrriES OF THE JEWS.
24>9
piety towards God, for, leaving ofThis worsliip,
he worshipped foreign gods ; but in other re-
spects he was an active man. Now at this
time it was that Elijah disappeared from among
men, and no one knows of his death to tliis
very day ; but he left behind him his disciple
Eli.->ha, as we have formerly declared. And
indeed, as to Elijah, and as to Enoch, wiio
was before the Deluge, it is written in the
sacred books tliat they disappeared j but so
that nobody knew that they died.
CHAPTER HI.
HOW JORAM AND JEHOSHAPHAT MADE AX EX-
PEDITION AGAINST THE MOACITES ; AS ALSO
CONCERNING THE WONDERS OF EUSHA j A.ND
THE DEATH OF JEHOSHAPHAT.
§ 1. When Joram had taken upon him tlie
kingdom, he determined to make an expedi-
tion against the king of Moab, whose name
was Mesha ; for, as we told you before, he
was departed from his obedience to bis bro-
ther [Ahaziah], while he paid to his father
Ahab two hundred thousand sheep, with their
fleeces of wool. When therefore he iiad ga-
thered his own army together, he sent also to
Jehoshaphat, and entreated him, that since he
had from the beginning been a friend to hi?
father, he would assist him in tiie war that he
being God, and so unable to foretel the truth I was entering into against the Moabites, who
about thy distemper, but hast sent to the god I had departed from their obedience, who not
of Ekron to inquire of him what will be the
end of this thy distemper, know this, that thou
shalt die."
2. Accordingly the king in a very little
time died, as Elijah had foretold ; but Je-
horam his brother succeeded him in the king-
dom, for he died without children : but for
this Jehoram, he was like his father Ahab in
wickedness, and reigiK-d twelve years, indulg-
ing himself in all sorts of wickedness and im-
only himself promised to assist him, but would
also oblige the king of Edom, who was under
his authority, to make the same espeditioi»
also. When Joram had received these as-
surances of assistance from Jehoshaphat, he
took his army with him, and came to Jeru-
salem ; and when he had been sumptuously
entertained by the king of Jerusalem, it was
resolved upon by them to take their march a-
gainst their enemies through the wilderness
of Edom : and when they had taken a com-
pass of seven days' journey, tliey were in dis-
tress for want of water for the cattle and for
the army, from the mistake of their roads by
the guides that conducted them, insomuch
that they were all in an agony, especially Jo-
,.,,,, . ram ; and cried to God, by reason of their
unlikelv that thc-se ciptains and soldiers believed that jii-j.iii -ij
they were sent to tetoh the prophet, th.it he might be sorrow, and [desired to know] what wicked-
put to death for foretelling the death of the km", and ' ness had been committed by them that induc-
ihis while they knew him to be the prophet of the true j i- . j i- »i i „ .i -.i
God, the Supreme King of Israel (:or they were still i^^ l''"il tO deliver three kings together, w.tll-
under the theocracy), which was no less than impiety, ' out fighting, unto the king of Moab. But Je-
[h^^tna^i1ofT°u^tn,'^o;'fn^^^^ , l-shaphat, who was a righteous man, encour-
dieting the commands of the general, when the captain ' aged him, and bade him send to the camp
and the soldiers both knew it to be so, as I suppose, jus- and know wliether anv nrniihet of God wa«
tify or excuse such gross rebellion and disolx^lience in ' "'^ , wiietner any propnet or Kyoa was
soldiers at this day. Accordingly, when Sau! coniiuand- come along with them, that we might by him
ed his guards to slay Ahimelech and the priests at N,. hi learn from God what we should do. 'And
they knew It to bean unlawful command, and would: . ^ , „ t •■ ,
not obey it, 1 Sam. xxii, 17. From which cases, both I "hen one ot the servants ot Joram said that
officers and soldiers may learn th t the commands of j be had seen there Elisha, the son of Shaphat
their leaders or kings c;innot justify or excuse them ill Li .■ • . r t^t- • u .i .i i-
aoing wliat is wicked in the sight of God, or in fighting the disciple of Elijah, the three kings went to
In an uiyusl cause, when they know it so to be. 1 him at the entreaty of Jehoshaphat. ancj
« It is commonly esteemed a very cruel action of
Elijah, when he called for fire from heaven, and con-
sumed no fe.ver than two captains an<l a hundred sol-
diers, and this for no other crime than obeying the or-
ders of their kii.g, in attempting to seize him ; and it is
owneil by our Saviour, that it was an instance of greater
severity than the spirit of the New Testament allows,
Luke ix, 51. But then we must consider, that it is not
y^
;^0
ANTIQUITIES Ol- THE JEWS.
BOOK IX.
when tliey were come at t!ie proplict's tent,
wliidi tent was pitched out of the camp, tliey
asked liiin, what would become of the army ?
ond Joram was particularly very pressing will)
him about if. And when lie replied to him,
that he should not trouble him, but go to his
father's and his mother's prophets, for they [ to
be sure] were true prophets, — he still desired
him to prophesy, and to save them. So he
swore by God that he would not answer him,
unlenr. ii. were on account of Jehoshaphat,
who was a holy and righteous man : and
when, at his desire, they brought him a man
that could play on the psaltery, the divine
spirit came upon him as the music played,
aiwl he commanded them to dig many trendies
in the valley; for, said he, "though there
appear neither cloud, nor wind, nor storm of
rain, ye shall see this river full of water, till
the army and the cattle be saved for you by
drinking of it; nor will this be all the favour
that you shall receive from God, but you shall
also overcome your enemies, and take the best
and strongest cities of the Moabites, and you
shall cut down their fruit-trees,* and lay waste
their country, and stop up their fountains and
rivers."
2. When the prophet had said this, the
next day, before the sun-rising, a great tor-
rent ran strongly ; for God iiad caused it to
rain very plentifully at the distance of three
days' journey into Edom, so that tlie army
and the cattle found water to drink in a'oun-
dance. But when the Moabites heard that
the three kings were coining upon them, and
made their approach through the wilderness,
the king of ^Nloab gathered his army togctlier
presently, and commanded them to pitch their
camp upon the mountains, that when the eiie
my should attempt to enter their country,
they might not be concealed from them.
But when, at the rising of the sun, they saw
the water in the torrent, for it was not far
from the land of Monb, and that it was of
the colour of blood, for at such a time the
water especially looks red, by the shining of
the sun upon it, they formed a false notion of
the state of their enemies, as if they had slain
one anolhev for thirst ; and tiiat the river ran
with their blood. However, sujjposing that
this was the case, they desired tiieir kin
would send them out to spoil their enemies;
whereupon they all went in haste, as to an
advantage already gained, and came to the
enemy's camp, as supposing them destroyed
already ; but their hope deceived them, for
" This pr.TCticc of cutting down, or plucking up by
the r<«)is, tiic fruit-lret's, was forbidden, cvcji in ordi-
nirry wars, by Ibe law of Moses, HciiL xx, 1!», 'JO; and
only allowcil by CJod in this narlicubr case, when the
Miiiibites were to 1)C punislietl and out off in an cxlra-
ordiiinry manner fur their »:ckc»lness. See Jer. xlvin,
1 1, i:', i3, and many the like |irophecii-> anain-t tht-m.
NuDiing could therefore justify this practice but a p.irii-
eular ciiniiuitjiioii from (iod by his ()ri)|«het, ils in the
Iirest-nt case, wh-ch was ever a sufh.'ii'iil warrant for
irenkinc any such rituj' or ceremonial law wfuiisoevcr.
as their enemies stood round about them,
some of fhem were cut to jjieces, and others
of them were dis|iersed, and fled to their own
country; and when the kings fell into the
land of IMoab, they overthrew the cities that
were in it, and spoiled their fields, and marred
them, filling them with stones out of the
brooks, and cut down the best of their trees,
and stopped up their fountains of water, and
overthrew their walls to their foundations ;
but the king of Moab, when he was pursued,
endured a siege, and seeing his city in dan-
ger of being overthrown by force, made a
sally, and went out with seven hundred men,
in order to break through the enemy's camp
with his horsemen, on that side where the
watch seemed to be kept most negligently ;
and when, upon trial, he could not get away,
for he lighted upon a place that was carefullj
watched, he returned info the city, and did a
thing that showed despair, and the utmost
distress; for he took his eldest son, who was
to reign after him, and lifting him up upon
the wall, that he might be visible to all the
enemies, he oftered him as a whole burnt-
oftering to God, whom, when the kings saw,
they commiserated the distress that was the
occasion of it, and were so affected, in way of
humanity and pity, that they raised the siege,
and every one returned to his own house.
So Jehoshaphat came to Jerusalem, and con-
tinued in peace there, and outlived this ex-
pedition but a little time, and then died, hav
ing lived in all sixty years, and of then;
reigned twenty-five. lie was buried in a
magnilicent manner in Jerusalem, for he had
imitated the actions of David.
CHAPTER IV.
JEIIORAM SUCCEEDS JEHOSHAPHAT: HOW JO-
UAM, HIS NAMESAKE, KING OF ISRAEt.,
lOlGHT WITH THK SYRIANS ; AND WHAT
WONDEllS WERE DONE BY THE PROPHET
ELISHA.
§ 1. Jehoshaphat had a good number of
children ; but he appointed his eldest son, Je-
horam, to be his successor, who had the same
name with his mother's brother, that was
king of Israel, and the son of Ahab. Now
when the king of Israel was come out of the
land of Moab to Samaria, he had with him
J'^lisha the proi>liet, whose acts I have a mind
to go over particularly, for they were illustri-
ous, and worthy to be related, as we have
tliem set down in the sacred books.
'2. For thiy say tliat the widow of 01)a-
diali,f Aliabs stewarri, came to him, and said,
■| That tfiis woman who cried to Elisha, and who In
our Hiblc is styie<l ' the wife of one of the sons ot the
))ro|ihcts,' -J K'ings iv, 1, w^ no other tlian t).e widow
X
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
251
that he was not ignorant how her husband
had preserved the prophets that were to be
slain by Jezebel, the wife of Aiiab ; for she
said that he hid a hundred of them, and had
borrowed money for their maintenance, and
that, after her husband's death, she and her
children were carried away to be made slaves
by the creditors ; and she desired of him to
have mercy upon her on account of what her
husband did, and afford her some assistance.
And when he asked her what she had in the
house, she said, " Nothing but a very small
quantity of oil in a cruise." So the prophet
bid her go away, and borrow a great many
empty vessels of her neighbours, and when
she had shut her chamber-door, to pour the
oil into them all ; for that God would fill them
full. And when the woman had done what
she was commanded to do, and bade her chil-
dren bring every one of the vessels, and all
were filled, and not one left empty, she came
to the prophet, and told him that they were
all full ; upon which he advised her to go
away, and sell the oil, and pay the creditors
what was owing to them, for that there would
be some surplus of the price of the oil, which
she might make use of for the maintenance
of her children : — and thus did Elisha dis-
charge the woman's debts, and free her from
the vexation of her creditors.
3. Elisha also sent a hasty message to Jo-
ram,* and exhorted him to take care of that
of Ohadiah, the good steward of Ahab, is confirmed by
the Chaldee paraphrast, and by the Rabbins and others.
Nor is that unlikely which josephus here adds, that
these debts were contracted by her husband for the sup-
port of those ' hundred of the Lord's prophets, whcun
he maintained by fifty in a cave,' in the days of Aliab
and Jezebel, 1 Kings xviii, i ; which circumstance ren-
dered it highly fit that the prophet Elisha should pro-
vide her a remedy, and enable her to redeem herself
and her sons from the fear of that slavery which insol-
vent debtors were liable to by the law of Moses, l.evit
XXV, 59 ; Matt, xviii. 25. ; which he did accordingly,
with God's help, at the expense of a miracle.
* Dr. Hudson, with very good reason, suspects, that
there is no small defect in our present copies of Jose-
phus, just before the beginning of this section; and
chiefly, as to the distinct account which he had given
us reason to expect in the first section, and to which he
seems to refer (ch. viii, sect. 6), concerning the glorious
miracles which Elisha wrought, which indeed in our
Bibles are not a few (2 Kings iv, to ix) ; but of which
we have several omitted in Josephus's present copies.
One of those histories, omitted ai present, was evident-
ly in his Bible, 1 mean that of the curing of Naaman's
leprosy (2 Kings v.) ; for he plainly alludes to it (b. iii,
ch. xi, sect. 4), where he observes, that " there were
lepers in many nations who yet have been in honour,
and not only free from reproach and avoidance, but
who have been great captauis of armies, and been !«i-
tr\isted with high offices in the commonwealth, and ha^e
had the privilege of entering into holy places and tem-
ples." But what makes me most to regret the want of
that history in our present copies of .losephus, is this,
that we have here, as it is commonly understood, one
of the greatest difficulties in all the Bible, that in 2
KinK v, IS, 19, where Naaman, after he had been mi-
raculously cured by a prophet of the true God, and had
thereupon promised (ver. 17), that " he would hence-
forth eRer neither burnt-offerings nor sacrifice unto other
gods, but unto the Lord, ailds, in this thing the Lord
pardon thy servant, that when my master goeth into the
house of ilimraon to worship tjiere, and he leaneth on
my hands, and I bow down myself in the house of Rim-
mon, the Lord pardon thy servant in this thing ; and
Elisha said. Go hi peace." This looks like a prophet's
permission for being part.aker in idolatly itself, out of
o.impliar.cc with an idolatrous court.
place, for that therein were some Syrians lying
in ambush to kill him. So the king did as the
prophet exhorted him, and avoided his going
a hunting; and when Benhadad missed of
the success of his lying in ambush, he was
«roth with his own servants, as if they had be-
trayed his atnbushment to Joram ; and lie sent
for them, and said they were the betrayers of
his secret counsels ; and be threatened that he
would put them to death, since such their
practice was evident, because he had entrusted
this secret to none but them, and yet it was
made known to his enemy : and when one that
was present said, that he should not mistake
himself, nor suspect that they had discovered
to his enemy his sending men to kill him, but
that he ought to know that it was Elisha the
prophet wlio discovered all to him, and laid
open all his counsels. So he gave order that
they should send some to learn in what city
Elisha dwelt. Accordingly, those that were
sent brought word that he was in Dothan ;
wherefore Benhadad sent to that city a great
army, with horses and chariots, to take Elisha ;
so they encompassed the city round about by
night, and kept him therein confined ; but
when the prophet's servant in the morning
perceived this, and that his enemies sought to
take Elisha, he came running, and crying out
after a disordered manner to him, and told hiirj
of it ; but he encouraged him, and bade him
not be afraid, and to despise the enemy, and
trust in the assistance of God, and was himself
without fear ; and he besought God to make
manifest to his servant his power and presence,
so far as was possible, in order to the inspiring
him with hope and courage. Accordingly,
God heard the prayer of the prophet, and made
tlie servant see a multitude of chariots and
horses encompassing Elisha, till he laid aside
his fear, and his courage revived at the sigiit
of what he supposed was come to their assist-
ance. After this Elisha did farther entreat
God, that he would dim the eyes of their ene-
mies, and cast a mist before them, whereby
they might not discern him. When this was
done, he went into the midst of his enemies,
and asked them who it was that they came to
seek ; and when they replied, " The prophet
Elisha," he promised he would deliver him to
them, if they would follow him to the city
where he was. So these men were so darkened ~
by God in their sight and in their mind, that
they followed him very diligently ; and when
Elisha had brought them to Samaria, he order-
ed Joram the king to shut the gates, and to
place his own ainny round about them ; and
prayed to God to clear the eyes of these their
enemies, and take the mist from before them.
Accordingly, when they were freed from the
obscurity they had been in, they saw tiiem-
selves in the midst of their enemies; and as
the Syrians were strangely amazed and dis-
tressed, as was but reasonable, at an action so
divine and surprising; and as king Joram
■~\_
ej2
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
fcskctl die prophet if he would give liim leave 1 say on, and let liim know what she desiri-d,
to shoot at them, Elisha forbade him so to
do ; and said, tliat " it is just to kill those
tiiat are taken in battle ; but that these men
nad done the country no harm, but, without
knowing it, were come thither by tlie Divine
Power;" — so tliat iiis counsel was to treat
tlieni in an l)ospital)le manner at his table, and
then send them away witJiout hurting them.*
NVherufore Joram obeyed the |)rophet ; and
when he iiad feasted the Syrians in a splendid
and magnificent manner, he let tliem go to
Beiihadad, their king.
4. Now when these men were come back,
and had showed Henhaded how strange an
accident had befallen them, and what an ap-
pearance and power they had cxiierienced of
she said, she had made an agreement with the
other woman, who v\'as her neighbour and her
friend, that because the famine and the want
was intolerable, they should kill their children,
each of them having a son of their own, " and
we will live upon them ourselves for two days,
— the one day upon one son, and the other
day upon the other; and," said she, " I have
killed my son the first day, and we lived upon
my son yesterday ; but this other woman will
not do the same thing, but hath broken he«
agreement, and hath hid litr son." This story
mightily grieved Joram when he heard it; so
he rent his garment, and cried out with a loud
voice, and conceived great wrath against Eli-
sha the i)ropliet, and set himself eagerly to
die God of Israel, he wondered at it, as aUo have him slain, because he did not pray to
at that proijhet with whom God was so evi-
dentlv present ; so he determined to make no
more secret attempts upon the king of Israel,
God to provide them some exit and way of
escape out of the miseries with which they
were surrounded; and sent one away imme-
out of fear of Elisha, but resolved to make ' diately to cut ott his head, who made haste
open war with them, as supposing he could
be too hard for his enemies by the multitude
of his army and power. So he made an ex-
pedition with a great army against Joram,
who, not thinking l-iniself a match for him,
shut himself up in Samaria, and depended on
the strength of its walls ; but Benhaded sup-
posed he should take the city, if not by his
engines of war, yet that lie should overcome
the Samaritans by famine, and the want of
necessarie«, anrl brought his army upon them,
and besieged the city ; and the plenty of ne-
cessaries was brought so low with Joram, that
from the extremity of want, an ass's head was
sold in Samaria for fourscore pieces of silver ;
and the Hebrews bought a sextary of dove's
dung, instead of salt, for five pieces of silver.
Now Joram was in fear lest somebody s^l0uld
betray the city to the enemy, by reason of tlie
famine, arid went every day round the walls
and the guards, to see wheilier any such were
concealed among them ; and by being thus
Been, and taking such care, he deprived them
of the opportunity of contriving any such
thing ; and if they had a mind to do it, he by
this means prevented tl'.em ; but upon a cer-
tain woman's crying out, " Have pity on ine,
my Lord," while he thought that she was a-
bout to ask for somewhat to eat, he imprecat-
ed God's curse upon her, and said, he had
neither thrashing- door nor wine-|)ress, whence
he might give her any thing at her petition.
Ul'on which she said, she did not desire his
aid in any such tiling, nor trouble him about
food, but desired that he would do her justice
as to another woman ; and when he bade her
• Upon ocoasion of this Btratagcm <if Klislin, in Jo-
leplnis, we may lake notice, that all licnigti Josfplius was
one of the greatest lovers of truth in llie w.irlil ; yet, m
a just war, lie seems to have liad no manner of struple
upon him, bv all -.inh stratagems poisiblc, to deceive
public cncmii^. See Ijiis Josepluis's acrountof Jeriiniali s
im wsition on the great men of the Jews in somewhat a
Uke aw:, Antiq. b. x. ch. vii, scet. 6 : 2 b.-uii. xvi. 1 (i. ic.
to kill the prophet; but Elisha was not unac-
quainted with the «rath of the king against
him; for as he sat in his house by himself,
with none but his disciples about hiin, he told
them that Joram,-}- who was the son of a mur-
derer, had sent one to take away his head ;
" but," said he, " when he that is command-
ed to do this comes, take care that you do not
let him come in, but press the door against
him, and hold him fast there, for the kii^'
himself will follow him, and come to me,
having altered his mind." Accordingly, they
did as they were bicklen, when he that was
sent by the king to kill Elisha came; but Jo-
ram repented of his wrath against the pro-
phet ; and for fear he that was commanded
to kill him should have done it before he came,
he made haste to hinder his slaughter, and to
save the prophet : and when he came to him,
he accused him that he did not pray to God
for their deliverance from the miseries they
now lay under, but saw them so sadly destroy-
ed by them. Hereupon Elisha promised,
that the very next day, at the very same hour
in which the king came to him, they should
have great plenty of food, and that two seahs
of barley should be sold in the market for a
shekel, and a seah of fine flour should be sold
for a shekel. This prediction made Joram,
and those that were present, very joyful, for
they did not scruple believing what the pro-
phet said, on account of the experience they
iiad of the truth of his former predictions;
and the expectation of plenty made the want
they were iu that day, with the uneasiness
\ This son of a murdf rcr was .lorjm, the son of Ahab,
whom Aliab slow, or permitted his wife Jezebel to slay,
the Lord's propheta, and Naboth (I Kingsxviii, 4; xxi.
W) ; and he is heri' aUletl bv this name, I nippose, be-
cause he liad now also himself sent an Dllictr to murder
him ; yet is Joscphus's .-ict-ount of Joram's loming luni-
M;lf at lart, as reinnUni! of his imciuUd cruilly, much
more probable lh;ui that in our eopics '2 Kings \ i. .>.^
whicJi rathiT in<plies lite contrary.
"V
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. IV.
tliat accoinpanied it, appear a light thing to
them ; but tlie captain of tlie tiiird band, who
was a friend of the l<ing, and on whose iiand
the king leaned, said, " Thsii talkest of in-
cred ble things, O prophet ! for as it is im-
possible for God to pour down torrents of bar-
ley, or fine flour, out of Heaven, so is it im-
possible that what thou sayest should come to
pass." To which the prophet made this re-
ply : — ' Thou shalt see these things come to
pass, but thou shalt not be in the least a par-
taker of them.'
5. Now what Elisha had thus foretold
came to pass in the manner following: —
There was a law at Samaria,* that those that
had the leprosy, and whose bodies were not
cleansed from it, should abide without the
city. And there were four men that on this
account abode before the gates, while nobody
gave them any food, by reason of the extremi-
ty of the famine ; and as they were prohibit-
ed from entering into the city liy the law, and
they considered that if they were permitted
to enter, they would miserably perish by the
famine ; as also, that if they staid where they
were, they should suffer in the same manner,
— they resolved to deliver themselves up to
the enemy, that in case they should spare
them, they should live ; but if they should be
killed, that would be an easy death. So when
they had confirmed this their resolution, they
came by night to the enemy's camp. Now
God had begun to affright and disturb the
Syrians, and to bring the noise of chariots
and armour to their ears, as though an army
'were coming upon them, and had made them
suspect that it was coming nearer and nearer
to them. In short, tliey were in such a dread
of this anny, that they left their tents, and
ran together to Benhadad, and said, that Jo-
ram, the king of Israel, had hired for auxil-
iaries both the king of Egypt and the king of
the Islands, and led them against them ; for
they heard the noise of them as they were
coming ; and Benhadad believed what they
said (for there came the satne noise to his ears
as well as it did to theirs) ; so they fell into a
mighty disorder and tumult, and left their
horses and beasts in their camp, with imtnense
riches also, and betook themselves to flight.
And those lepers who had departed from Sa-
maria, and were gene to tlie camp of the Sy-
rians, of whom we made mention a little be-
fore, when they were in the camp, saw nothing
but great quietness and silence ; accordingly
they entered into it, and went hastily into one
of their tents; and when they saw nobody
there, they eat and drank, and carried gar-
ments, and a great quantity of gold, and liid
it out of the camp; after which they went
into another tent, and carried off what was in
it, as tliey did at the former, and this did they
• This law of the Jews for the exclusion of lepers
out of the camp in the wilderness, and out of cities in
iudea, i«a known one. Lev, xiil, 46} Num. v, 1 — 4.
25^
for several tiines, without tlie least interrup-
tion from any body ; so they gathered thereby
that the enemies were departed ; w hereuf>on
they reproached themselves that they did not
inform Joram and the citizens of it. So they
came to the walls of Samaria, and called
aloud to the watchmen, and told them in what
state the enemies were, as did these tetl the
king's guards, by whose means Joram came
to know of it ; who then sent for his friends,
and the captains of his host, and said to them,
that he suspected that this departure of the
king of Syria was by way of ambush and
treachery ; " and that out of despair of ruin-
ing you by famine, when you imagine them
to be fled away, you may come out of the
city to spoil their camp, and he may then fall
upon you on a sudden, and may both kill
you, and take the city without fighting; —
whence it is that I exhort you to guard the
city carefully, and by no means to go out of
it, or proudly to despise your enemies, as
though they were really gone away." And
when a certain person said, that he did very
well and wisely to admit iuch a suspicion, but
that he still advised him to send a couple of
horsemen to search all the country as far as
Jordan, that " if they were seized by an am-
bush of the enemy, they might be a security
to your army, that they may not go out as if
they suspected nothing, nor undergo the like
misfortune ; and," said he, " those horsemen
may be numbered among those that have died
by the famine, supposing they be caught and
destroyed by the enemy." So the king was
pleased with this opinion, and sent such as
might search out the truth, who performed
their journey over a road that was without
any enemies ; but found it full of provisions,
and of weapons, that they had therefore
thrown away, and left behind tliem, in order
to their being light and expeditious in their
flight. When the king heard this, he sent
out the multitude to take the spoils of the
camp; which gains of theirs were not of
things of small value ; but they took a great
quantity of gold, and a great quantity of sil-
ver, and flocks of all kinds of cattle. They
also possessed themselves of [so many] ten
thousand measures of wheat and barley, as
they never in the least dreamed of; and were
not only freed from their former miseries, but
had such plenty, that two seahs ot barley
were bought for a shekel, and a seah of fine
flour for a shekel, according to the ])rophecy
of Elisha, Now a seah is equal to an Italian
modius and a half. The captain of the third
band was the only man that received no be-
nefit by this plenty ; for as he was appointed
by the king to oversee the gate, that he miglit
prevent the too great crowd of the multitude,
and they might not endanger one another to
perish, by treading on one another in the press,
he suffered himself in that very way, and died
in that very manner, as Elisha had foretold
-/~
J'
'^;")4.
ANTIQUITIKS Ol' IIJK JEWS.
this his death, when he alone of thcni all dis-
believed what lie said CDncerniiig that plenty
of provisions which they sliould soon liave.
G. Hereupon, wher. Henhadad, the kiiiji of
Syri:i, had escajjcd to Damascus, and under-
stood that it was God himself that cast all his
nrmy into this fear and disorder, and that it
did not arise from the invasion of enemies, he
■was mightily cast down at his having God so
greatly for his enemy, and fell into a distem-
per. Now it happened that Elisha the pro-
phet, at that time, was gone out of his own
country to Damascus, of which Benhadad
was informed : he sent Hazael, the most
faitiiful of all liis servants, to meet him, and
to carry liim presents ; and hade him iiujuire
of him about his distemper, and whether he
should esca|)e the danger that it threatened.
So Hazael' came to Elislia with forty camels,
that carried the best and most precious fruits
that the country of Damascus ailbrded, as
well as those which the king's palace sup-
plied. He saluted him kindly, and said, ' § I. Now .Ii horam, the king of .ferusalem,
that he was sent to him by king Benhadad, ; for we have said before that he had the same
and brought presents with him, in order to ; name with the king of Israel, as soon as he
this day as gods, by re.'ison of their benefac.
tions, and their building them temples, by
which they adorned the city of the Damas-
cens. They also every day do with great
pomp pay their worship to these kings,f and
value themselves upon their antiijuity ; nor
do they know that these kings arc much later
than they imagine, and that they are not jet
eleven hundred years old. Now when Jo-
ram, the king of Israel, luanl tliat Benhadad
was dead, he recovered out of the terror and
dread he had been in on his account, and was
very glad to live in peace.
CHAPTER V.
CONCKUNISG THK WICKEDNESS OF JEHORAM,
KING OF JElllSALEM : HIS DEFEAT, AND
DEATH.
inquire concerning his distemper, whether he
should recover from it or not. Whereupon
the prophet bade him tell the king no melan-
choly news ; but still he said he vvouUl die.
So the king's servant was troubled to hear it;
had taken the government upon him, betook
himself to the slaughter of his brethren and
his father's friends, who were governors un-
der him, and thence made a beginning and a
demonstration of his wickedness; nor was he
and Elisha wept also, and his tears ran down at all better than those kings of Israel who at
plentcously at his foresight of what miseries first transgressed against the laws of their
iiis people would undergo after the death of country, and of the Hebrews, and against
Benhadad ; and when Hazael asked liitn God's worship : and it \\as Athalia, tlie
what was the occasion of this confusion he d.iughler of Ahab, whom he had married,
was in, he said, that he wept out of commiscr- , who taught him to be a had man in other
ation for the multitude of the Israelites, and respects, and also to worship foreign gods,
what terrible miseries they will suil'er by Now God would not quite root out this fa-
tliee • " for thou wilt slay the strongest of mily, because of the promise he had made to
them, and wilt burn their strongest cities, and David. However, Jehoram did not leave off
wilt destroy their children, and dash them j the introduction of new sorts of customs to
against the stones, and wilt rip up their wo- j the propagation of impiety, and to the ruin
men with child." And when Hazael said, of the customs of his own country. And
" How can it be that I should have power
enough to do such things ?" the prophet re-
plied, that God had iniVjrmed him that he
when the Edomites about that time had re-
volted frem him, and slain their former king,
who was in subjection to his father, and had
should be king of Syria. So when Hazael set up one of their own choosing, Jehiir;un
was come to Benhadad, he told him good fell upon the laiiil of Edom, with the horse-
news concerning his distemjjer ;• l>ut on the n)en that were about him, and the chariots,
next day he spread a wet cloth, in the nature by night, and destroyed those that lay nca»
of a net, over him, and strangled him, and to his own kingdom ; but did not proceed
took his dominion. He was an active man, farther. However, this expedition did him
and had the good-will of the Syrians, and of I
the peojjle of Damascus, to a great degree; f What M. Lc Clcrc pretends here, that it Is more
bv whom both Benhadad himself, and Ha- I probable that II azael ami Im son were worship,Kd by
"> , , , , r 1- u 1 the Svriaiis and peoiik' of Damaseiis till the il.iys <.l Jo-
zael, who ruled after him, are honourea to sepluis, than Ueulmilad and Hazael, bccaus* under Ueij-
• Since Elijah did not live to anoint Hazael king of
.Syria himself, as he was empowered to do ( 1 Kiiigs xix,
lo), it was njost (irobably now done, in his nauje, by
his serviUit iuid suitessor Klisha; nor docs it sicni to
me otherwise but ihal Hi iiliailad immediately reiover<>d
of bisdise.isi-, as the piophe! foretold; and Uiat llii/ji'l,
uiHjn his being iuioinlcd to Miixxxd him, thoiigb he
ought to have sUid till he died by the c-oursc of nature,
or S4>me other way of divmc punibhinint, as did Oavid
for many years in the like ease, was tixi impatient, mid
the very next day smothered or strangled hiui, in order
(o oonie Uiicetly to Uie suecessiou.
hadad they had greatly sulTerid, and be\-au>e it is «1-
niost incredible that both a king and that king's mnr-
iteier should be worshipped by the same Syrians, is of
little forir against those iitorJs, out of whiih Jo^eph^ls
drew ihis historv, i-spi-eiallv when it is likely that ilicy
thought leiihadail died ot' the distemper he laboured
uiulei, ;uul not by llaiael's tjeaehery. Uesldc,-, the
reason that Joscphus gi\es forlJus adoration, that the.-*
two kini;s had been great benefactors to the inluibitants
of Daina-eus, and had built them templet, is too re-
mote from the |Hilitical suspicions of Le f'lere; nor
ought such weak su>pieions to be deeineil of any fori*
jgaiiist uullienlie te>iiinonie< of antiiiuiiy.
_-/
J-
CHAP. VJ
ANTIQUITJfiS OF THE JEWS.
263
no service, for tliey all revolted from him,
witli those tliat dwelt in tli-e country of Lib-
nah. He was indeed so mad as to compel
the people to go up to the high places of the
mountains, and worship foreign gods.
2. As he was doing this, and had entirely
cast his own country laws out of his mind,
there was brought him an epistle from Eli-
jah the prophet,* whicii declared, that God
would execute great judgments upon him,
because he had not imitated his own fathers,
but had followed the wicked courses of the
kings of Israel ; and had compelled the tribe
of Judah and the citizens of Jerusalem to
leave the holy worship of their own God, and
to worship idols, as Aliab had compelled the
Israelites to do, and because he had slain his
brethren, and the men that were good and
righteous. And the prophet gave him notice
in this epistle what punishment he should
undergo for these crimes, namely, the destruc-
tion of his people, with the coiTuption of the
king's own wives and children ; and that he
should himself die of a distemper in his bow-
els, with long torments, those his bowels fall-
ing out by the violence of the inward rotten-
ness of the parts, insomuch that, though he
see his own misery, he shall not be able at
all to help himself, but shall die in that man-
ner. This it was which Elijah denounced to
•lim in tliat epistle.
3. It was not long after this that an army
of those Arabians that lived near to Ethiopia,
and of the Philistines, fell upon the kingdom
of Jehoram, and spoiled the country and the
king's house ; moreover, they slew his sons
and his wives ; one only of his sons was left
him, who escaped the enemy ; his name was
Ahaziah ; after which calamity, be himself
fell into that disease which was foretold by
the prophet, and lasted a great while (for God
inflicted this punishment upon him in his
belly, out of his wrath against him), and so iie
died miserably, and saw his own bowels fall
out. The people also abused his dead body ;
I suppose it was because they thought that
such his death came upon him by the wrath
of God, and that therefore he was not worthy
to partake of such a funeral as became kings.
Accordingly, they neither buried him in the
sepulchres of his fathers, nor vouchsafed him
any honours, but buried him likeaprivate man,
and this when he had lived forty years, and
reigned eight; and the people of Jerusalem
delivered tlie government to his son Ahaziah.
* This epistle, in some copies of Josephus, is said to
come to J Oram from Elijah, with this ajclition, "for
he -.vas yet upon earth ;" which could not be true of
Elijah, who, as all aftree, was gone from the earth
above four years before, and could only be true of
Elisha ; nor perhaps is there any more mystery here,
than that the name of Elijah has very anciently crept
into the text instead of Elisha, by the copiers, tliere Ix;-
ing notliing iu any copy of that epistle peculiar to Eli-
jah.
CHAPTER VI.
VxOV JEHU WAS ANOINTED KING, AND SLEW
BOTH JORAM AND AHAZIAH ; AS ALSO
WHAT HE DID FOR THE PUNISHMENT OF
THE WICKED.
§ I Now Joram, the king of Israel, after the
death of Benhadad, hoped that he might now
take Ramoth, a city of Gilead, from the Sy-
rians. Accordingly, he made an expedition
against it, with a great army; but as he was be-
sieging it, an arrow was shot at him by one or
the Syrians, but the wound was not mortal ; so
he returned to have his wound healed in Jez-
reel, but left his whole army in Ramoth, —
and Jehu, the son of Nimshi, for their general j
for he had already taken the city by force ;
and he proposed, after he was healed, to make
war with the Syrians; but Elisha the prophet
sent one of his disciples to Ramoth, and gave
him holy oil to anoint Jehu, and to tell him
that God had chosen him to be their king.
He also sent him to say other things to him,
and bade him to take his journey as if he fled,
that when he came away he might escape the
knowledge of all men. So when he was
come to the city, he found Jehu sitting in the
midst of the captains of the army, as Elisha
had foretold he should find him. So lie came
up to him, and said that he desired to speak
with him about certain matters ; and when
he was arisen, and had followed him into an
inward chamber, the young man took the oil,
and poured it on his head, and said that God
ordained him to be king, in order to his de-
stroying the house of Ahab, and that he might
revenge the blood of the prophets that were
unjustly slain by Jazebel, that so tlieir house
might utterly perish, as those of Jeroboam
the son of Nebat and of Baasha had perished
for their wickedness, and no seed might re-
main of Allah's family. So when he had
said this, he went away hastily out of the
chamber, and endeavoured not to be seen by
any of the army.
2. But Jehu came out, and went to the
place where he before sat with the captains;
and when they asked him, and desired him
to tell them wherefore it was that this young
man came to him, and added withal that
he was mad, — he replied, " You guess right ;
for the words he spake were the words of
a madman:" — and when they were eager
about the matter, and desired he would tell
tliem, he answered, that God had said he had
cliosen him to be king over the multitude.
When he had said this, every one of them put
off his garment,f and strewed it under him,
and blew with trumpets, and gave notice that
+ Spanheim here notes, that this putting ofTmen's gar-
menls, and strewing them under a liing, was an eastfru
ri:stom, whicli hf. had elsewhere explained.
-T
J'
236
AN TKiUITIKS OF THE JEWS.
Jeliii was Uiiig. So wht-n lie had gotten ilie
uniiy Ioj;(.'|Ikt, he was preparing to sot out
immediately against Joram, at the city of
Jezreel, in which city, as we said before, he
was liealing of the wound which he had re-
ceived in the siege of RruiiDth. It hajipened
also that Ahaziah, king of Jerusalem, was now
come to Jor.un, for lie was liis sister's son, as
we have said already, to see how he did after
liis wound, and this upon account of their kin-
dred : but as Jehu was desirous to fall upon
Jorain and those with him on the sudden, he
desired that none of the soldiers might run
away and tell to Joram what had happened, for
that this would he an evident demonstration
of their kindness to him, and would show that
their real inclinations were to make him king.
3. So tliey were pleased with what he
did, and guarded the roads, lest somebody
should privately tell the thing to those that
were at Jezreel. Now Jehu took his choice
horsemen, and sat upon his chariot, and
went on for Jezreel ; and when he was come
near, the watchman whom Joram had set
there to spy out such as came to the city,
saw Jehu marching on, and told Joram that
he saw a troop of horsemen marching on.
Upon which he imiiHxliately gave orders, that
one of his horsemen should be sent out to
meet them, and to know who it was that was
coming. So when the horseman came up to
Jehu, he asked him in what condition the army
was, for that the king wanted to know it; but
Jehu bade him not at all to meddle with such
matters, but to follow him. When the watch-
man saw this, he told Joram that t!ie horse-
man had mingled himself among ^he com-
pany, and came along witli them. And when
the king had sent a second messenger, Jehu
commanded him to do as the former did ; and
as soon as the watchman told this also to Jo-
ram, he at last got upon his chariot himself,
together with Ahaziah, the king of Jerusa-
lem ; for, as we said before, he was tliere to
see how Joram did, after he had been wound-
ed, as being his relation. So he went out to
meet Jehu, who marched slowly,* and in good
order ; and when Joram met him in the field
of Naboth, he asked him if all things were
well in the camp ; but Jehu reproached him
bitterly, and ventured to call his mother a
witch and a harlot. Upon this the king fear-
ing what he intended, and suspecting Ik.' had
no good meaning, turned his chariot about as
soon as he could, and said to Ahaziah, " We
are fought against by deceit and treachery."
• Our copies say tliat this " driving of the chariots
was like tlic (lri\iiig of Jehu, ihc son of Nimshi; for
he ciriveth furiously," t Kings ix, 'JO; whereas Jose-
phus's ci)|iy, as he umltrNiooil it, w;i.s this, th.it, on the
coulrary, Jrliu marilieil slowly, aiul in pooil order. Nor
can it Ix- denied, that sLi\ce there was an interval enough
for king Joram to send out two horsemen, one after
another, to Jehu, and at length to go out with king
Aha/.iah to meet him, and all this after he was come
within sight of the watehuian, and before he w.»s eoinc
to Jezreel, the probability is greatly on Uie bide of Jo-
ici>hut's copy or iutcrprvtatioii.
BOOK IX.
But Jehu drew his bow, and smote him, the
arrow going through his heart : so Joram fell
down imme<liately on his knee, and gave up
the ghost. Jehu also gave orders to liidkar,
the captain of the third part of his army, to
cast the dead body of Joram into the field of
Naboth, putting him in mind of the prophecy
which Elijah prophesied to Ahab his father,
when he had slain Naboth, that both he and
his family should perish in that place ; for
that as they sat behind Aliab's chariot, they
heard the prophet say so, and that it was now
come to pass according to his prophecy. Up-
on the fall of Joram, Ahaziah was afraid of
his own life, and turned his chariot into ano-
ther road, sujiposing he should not be seen by
Jehu ; but he followed after him, and over-
took him at a certain acclivity, and drew his
bow, and wounded him ; so he left his chariot,
and got upon his horse, and fled from Jehu
to Megiddo ; and though he was under care,
in a little time he died of that wound, and
was carried to Jerusalem, and buried there,
after he had reigned one year, and had proved
a wicked man, and worse than his father.
4. Now when Jehu was come to Jezreel,
Jezebel adorned herself and stood upon a
tower, and said, he was a fine servant that
had killed his master! And when he looked
up to her, he asked who she was, and com-
manded her to come down to him. At last
he ordered the eunuchs to throw her down
from tile tower; and being thrown down,
she besjjrinkled the wall with her blood, and
was trodden upon by the horses, and so died.
When this was done, Jehu came to the pa-
lace with his friends, and took some refresh-
ment after his journey, both with other things,
and by eating a meal. He also bade his ser-
vants to take up Jezebel and bury her, be-
cause of the nobility of her blood, for she was
descended from kings; but tliose that were
appointed to bury her found nothing else re-
maining but the extreme parts of her body,
for all the rest were eaten by dogs. When
Jehu heard this, he admired tlie prophecy of
Elijah, for he foretoKl that she should perish
m this manner at Jezreel.
5. Now Ahab had seventy sons brotight up
in Samaria. So Jehu sent two epistles, the
one to them that brought up tlie children, tJie
other to the rulers of Samaria, which said, that
they should set up the tnosl valiant of .Aliab'i
sons for king, fur that they had abundance of
chariots, and horses, and armour, and a great
army, and fenced cities, and that by so doin(;
they might avenge the murder of Al.ab. This
he wrote to try the intentions of those of Siu
mnria. Now when the rulers, and those tha'
had brought up the children, had read thr
letter, they were afraid ; and consiilering thai
they were not at all able to oppose him, who
had already sulxlued two very great kings,
they returned him this answer : — That they
owned him for their lord, ami would do what.
"\-
CHAP. Vli.
soever he bade them. So he wrote back to
them such a reply as enjoined them to obey
what he gave order for, and to cut ofF the
heads of Ahab's sons, aad send (hem to him.
Accordingly the rulers sent for those that
brought up the sons of Ahab, and command-
ed them to slay them, to cut oft" their heads,
and send them to Jehu. So they did what-
soever they were commanded, without omit-
ting any thing at all, and put them up in
vicker baskets, and sent them to Jezreel.
And when Jehu, as he was at supper with his
friends, was informed that the heads of Ahab's
sons were brought, he ordered them to make
two heaps of them, one before each of the
gates ; and in the morning he went out to take
a view of them, and when he saw them, he
began to say to the people that were present,
that he did himself make an expedition against
his master [Joram], and slew him ; but that
It was not he that slew all these ; and he de-
sired them to take notice, that as to Ahab's
family, all things had come to pass according
to God's prophecy, and his house was perished,
according as Elijah had foretold. And when
he had farther destroyed all the kindred of
Ahab that were found in Jezreel, he went to
Samaria; and as he was upon the road, he
met the relations of Ahaziah, king of Jeru-
salem, and asked them, whither they were go-
ing ? they re|)lied, that they came to salute
Joram, and their own king Ahaziah, for they
knew not that he had slain them both. So
Jehu gave orders that they should catch these,
and kill them, being in number forty-two
persons.
6. After these, there met him a good and
a righteous man, whose name was Jehonadab,
and who had been his friend of old. He sa-
luted Jehu, and began to commend him, be-
cause he had done every thing according to
the will of God, in extirpating the house of
Ahab. So Jehu desired him to come up into
his chariot, and make his entry with him into
Samaria ; and told him that he would not
spare one wicked man, but would punish tlie
false prophets and false priests, and those that
deceived the multitude, and persuaded them
to leave the worship of God Almighty, and
to worship foreign gods; and that it was a
most excellent and a most pleasing sight to a
good and a righteous man to see the wicked
punished. So Jehonadab was persuaded by
these arguments, and came up into Jehu s
chariot, and came to Samaria. And Jehu
sought out for all Ahab's kindred, and slew
them. And being desirous that none of the
false prophets, nor the priests of Aliab's god,
might escape punishment, he caught them de-
ceitfully by this wile : for he gathered all the
peojJe together, and said, that he would wor-
ship twice as many gods as Ahab worshipjied,
and desired that his priests, and prophets, and
servants, might be present, because he would
cii'er costly and great sacrifices to Ahab's god ;
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
257
and that if any of his priests were wanting,
they should be punished witli death. Now
Ahab's god was called Baal : and when he
had appointed a day on which he would offer
these sacrifices, he sent messengers through
all the country of the Israelites, that they
might bring the priests of Baal to him. So
Jehu commanded to give all the priests vest-
ments ; and when they had recuived them, he
went into the house [of Baal , with his friend
Jehonadab, and gave orders to make search
whether there were not any foreigner or stran-
ger ambng them, for he would have no one of
a different religion to mix among their sacred
offices. And when they said that there was
no stranger there, and they were beginning
their sacrifices, he set four-score men without,
they being such of his soldiers as he knewr
to be most faithful to him, and bade them
slay the prophets, and now vindicate the
laws of their country, which had been a long
time in disesteem. He also threatened, that
if any one of tliem escaped, their own lives
should go for them. So they slew them all
with tl;e sword ; and burnt the house of Baal,
and by that means purged Samaria of foreign
customs [idolatrous worship]. Now this Baal
was the god of the Tyrians ; and Ahab, in
order to gratify his father-in-law, Etlibaal,
who was the king of Tyre and Sidon, built a
temple for him in Samaria, and appointed
him prophets, and worshipped him with ai;
sorts of worship, although, when this god was
demolished, Jehu permitted the Israelites to
worship the golden heifers. However, be-
cause he had done thus, and taken care to
punish the wicked, God foretold by his ])ro-
phet, that his sons should reign over Israel for
four generations : and in this condition was
Jehu at this time.
CHAPTER VIT.
HOW ATIIAI.IAH REIGNED OVER JERUSALEM
FOR nvE [six] years, when JEUOIADA
THE HIGH-PRIEST SLEW HER, AND AIADE
JEUOASH, tile son of AHAZIAH, KING.
§ 1. Now when Athaliah, the daughter of
Ahab, heard of the death of her brother Jo-
ram, and of her son Ahaziah, and of the royal
family, she endeavoured that none of the house
of David might be left alive, but that the
whole family might be exterminated, that no
king might arise out of it afterward ; and, as
she tiiought, i>he had actually done it ; but
one of Ahaziali's sons was preserved, who
escaped death after the manner following: —
Ahaziah had a sister by the same father,
whose name was Jehosheba, and she was u.ar-
ried to the high-priest Jehoiada. She went
into the king's palace, and found Jeliosah, fat
Y
2:^8
AN'J IQUITII-Si OF TllK JEWS.
that was the little cliilil's name, who was not
abovL' a ji'.-ir dM, ;imong fliose that were slain,
but ronci'iik'd with liis nnise ; so she took him
wjtii her into a secri-t beil-cliaiiibtr, and sliut
hitn lip tlicTC ; and slie and Ikt husband Je-
hoiada bion^lit liini u[) privatily in thu tiinj)lt'
six years, during; which time Athaliali reign-
ed over Jerusalem and the two tribes.
2. Now, on the seventh year, Jchoiada
communicated the matter to certain of the
captains of hundreds, five in number, and
persuaded them to be assisting to what at-
tempts lie was making against Athaliah, and
to join witli him in asserting tlie kingdom to
the child. He also received such oaths from
them as are proper to secure those that assist
one another from the fear of discovery ; and
he was then of good hope that they should
de])ose Athaliah. Now those men whom Je-
hoiada the priest had taken to be his partners,
went into all the country, and gathered toge-
ther the priests and the Levitcs, and ilie heads
of the tribes out of it, and came and brought
them to Jerusalem, to the high-priest. So
he demanded the security of an oath of them,
to keep private whatsoever he should discover
to them, w hich required both tlieir silence and
their assistance. So when they iiad taken the
oath, and had thereby made it safe for him to
speak, he produced the ciiild that he hai!
brought up, of the family of David, and said
to them, " This is your king, of that house
which you know God hath foretold should
reign over you for all time to come : I exhort
you, therefore, tliat one-third part of you guard
him ill the temple, and that a fourth part
keep watch at all the gates of tlie temple, and
that the next part of you keep guard at the
gate wJiich opens and leads to the king's pa-
lace, and let the rcat of tlie multitude be un-
armed in the temple, and let no armed person
go into the temple, but the priest only." He
also gave them this order besides, " That a
part of the priests and the Lcvites should be
about the king himself, and be a guard to him,
with their drawn swords, and to kill that man
immediately, whoever he be, that should be
so bold as to enter armed into the temple ;
and bade them be afraid of nobody, but per-
severe in guarding the king." So these men
obeyed « hat the high-priest advised them to,
and declared the re.ility of their rcsolutic.n by
llieir actions. Jehoiada also opened that arm-
oury which David had made in the temjile,
aiid distributed to the captains of hundreds,
as also to the priests and Levites, all the
spears and quivers, and w hat kind of weapons
soever it cont.iined, and set ihem armed in a
circle round about the temple, so as to touch
one another s hands, and by that means ex-
cluding those from entering that ought not to
enter. So they brought the child into the
midst of them, and jiut on him the royal
crown, and Jchoiada anointed him with the
oil, and made liiin king; and the multitude
rejoiced, and made a noise, and cried, " God
save the king !'
3. When Athaliah unexpectefily heard tlir
tumult and thr acclamations, she was greatly
disturijed in her mind, and suddeidy issued
out of the royal palace with her own army ;
and when she was come to the temple, the
priests received her, but as for those that stood
round about the temple, as they were ordered
by iiie high priest to do, they hindered the
armed men that followed her from going in.
Hut when Athaliali saw (he child standing
upon a pillar, with the royal crown upon hi:;
head, she rent her clothes, and ci ied out vehe-
mently, and commanded [her guards] to kill
him that had laid snares for her, and en-
deavoured to deprive her of the government :
luit Jehoiada called for the captains of hu«-
dreds, and commanded them to bring Athaliah
to the valley of Cedron, and slay lier there,
for he would not have the temple defiled with
the iiunishments of this pernicious woman
and he gave order, that if any one came near
to help her, he should be slain also ; wherefore
those that had the charge of iier slaughter took
hold of her, and led her to the gate of tiie
king's mules, and slew her there.
4. Now as soon as what concerned Athaliah
was, by this stratagem, after this manner, dis-
patched, Jehoiada called together the people
and the armed men into the temple, and made
them take an oath that they would be obedient
to the king, and take care of his safety, and
of the safety of his government; after whicii
he obliged the king to give secutity [upon
oath] that he would worship God, and not
transgress the laws of Rloses. 'lliey then ran
to tlie house of Baal, which Athaliah and her
husband Jehoram had built, to the dishonour
of the God of their fathers, and to the honour
of Aliab, and il. tnolished it, and slew IMattan,
that had his priesthood. Ihit Jehoiada in-
trusted the care and custody of the temple to
the priests and Levites, according to the ap-
pointment of king D.ivid, and enjoined them
to bring their regular burnt-ofrerings twice a-
day, and to oOer incense according to the law.
He also ordained some of the Levites, with
the porters, to be a guard to the temple, that
no one that was defiled might come there.
5. And when Jehoiada had set these things
in order, he, with the captains of hunilreds,
anil the rulers, and all the people, took
•lehoash out of the temple into the king's
palace, and when he had set him u|)on the
king's throne, the people shouted for joy, and
betook fhemsilves to feasting, and kept a fes-
tival for many days; but the city was cjuiet
upon the death of Athaliah. Now Jelioasli
"as seven vcarsold when betook the kingdom:
his mother's name was Zibiah, of the city
Heersluba. And all the time that Jehoiada
lived, Jehoash was careful that the laws should
be ke))t, and very zealous in the worship of
t-ioil ; ami when he was of age, he married
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CIiAF. VIII.
two wives, who were given to him by the
high-priest, by whom were born to him both
sons and daughters. And thus much shall
siilhce to have related concerning king Jeho-
asli, how he escaped the treachery of Athsiliah,
and liovv he received the kingdom.
2.'i9
the priest that were over the treasuries had
emptied the chest, and counted the money in
the king's presence, they then set it in its for-
mer place, and thus did they every day. liut
when the multitude appeared to have cast in
as mucli as was wanted, the high-priest Je-
hoiada, and king Joash, sent to hire masons
and carpenters, and to buy large pieces of
timber, and of the most curious sort; and
when they had repaired the temple, they made
use of the remaining gold and silver, which
was not a little, for bowls, and basons, and
cups, and other vessels, and they went on to
make the altar every day fat with sacrifices of
great value. And these things were taken
suitable care of as long as Jehoiada lived.
3. But as soon as he was dead (which was
when lie had lived one hundred and thirty
years, having been a righteous, and in every
respect a very good man, and was buried in
the king's sepulchres at Jerusalem, because
he had recovered the kingdom to the family
of David), king Jehoash betrayed his [want
of] care about God. The principal men of
the peojile were corrupted also together with
him, and offended against their duty, and
what their constitution determined to be most
for their good. Hereupon God was displeas-
ed with the change that was made on the
king, and on the rest of the people, and sent
prophets to testify to them what their actions
were, and to bring them to leave off their
wickedness : but they had gotten such a strong
affection, and so violent an inclination to it,
that neither could the examples of those tha*
had offered affronts to the laws, and had been
so severely punished, they and their entire
families ; nor could the fear of what the pro-
phets now foretold bring them to repentance,
and turn them back from their ct'urse o{
transgression to their former duty. But the
king commanded that Zcchariah, the son of
the high-priest Jehoiada, should be stoned to
death in the temple, and forgot the kindnesses
he bad received from his father ; for when
God had appointed him to prophesy, he stood
in the midst of the multitude, and gave this
counsel to them and to the king : Tliat they
should act righteously ; and foretold to them,
thnt if they would not hearken to his admo-
nitions, they sl)ould suffer a heavy punish-
ment : but as Zechariah was ready to die, he
appealed to God as a witness of what he suf-
fered for the good counsel he had given them,
and how he peri;.hed, after a most severe and
violent manner, for the good deeds his fathei
had done to Jeiioash.
4. However, it was not long before the king
suffered punishment for his transgressions ,
for when Hazael, king of Syria, made an
irruption into his country, and when he had
overthrown Gath, and spoiled it, he made an
expedition against Jerusalem ; upon which
Jehoash was afraid, and emptied all the trea-
of silver and gold : and when the scribe and^sures of God, and of the kings [before him].
CHAPTER VIII.
«\7,AFX MAKES AN EXPEDITION AGAINST THE
PEOPLE OF ISRAEL AND THE INHABITANTS
OF JERUSALEM. JEHU DIES, AND JEHOA-
HAZ SUCCEEDS IN THE GOVERNMENT. JE-
HOASTI, THE KING OF JERUSALEM, AT FIRST
IS CAREFUL ABOUT THE WORSHIP OF GOD,
BUT AFTERWARDS BECOMES IMPIOUS, AND
COMMANDS ZECHARIAH TO BE STONED.
WHEN JEHOASH [kING OF JUDAH,] WAS
DEAD, AMAZIAH SUCCEEDS HIM IN THE
KINGDOM.
§ 1, Now Hazael, king of Syria, fought
against the Israelites and their king Jehu,
and spoiled the eastern parts of the country
beyond lordiin, which belonged to the Reu-
benites and Gadites, and to [the half tribe of]
Manassites ; as also Gilead and Bashan, burn-
ing and spoiling, and offering violence to all
that he laid his hands on, and this without
impeachment from Jehu, who made no haste
to defend the country when it was under this
distress : nay, he was become a contemner of
religion, and a despiser of holiness, and of
the laws, and died when he had reigned over
the Israelites twenty-seven years. He was
buried in Samaria, and left Jehoahaz his son
his successor in the government.
2. Now Jehoash, king of Jerusalem, had
an inclination to repair the temple of God ;
so he called Jehoiada, and bade him send the
Levites and priests through all the country, to
require half a shekel of silver for every head,
tovvards the rebuilding and repairing of the
temple, which was brought to decay by Jeho-
ram, and Athaliah and her sons. But the
high-priest did not do this, as concluding that
no one would willingly pay that money ; but
in the twenty-third year of Jehoash's reign,
when the king sent for him and the Levites,
and complained that they had not obeyed
what he enjoined them, and still commanded
them to take care of the rebuilding the tem-
ple, he used this stratagem for collecting the
money, with which the multitude was pleased.
He made a wooden chest, and closed it up
fast on all sides, but opened one hole in it;
he then set it in the temple beside the altar,
and desired every one to cast into it, through
the hole, what he pleased, for the repair of
the temple. This contrivance was acceptable
to the people; and they strove one with ano-
ther, and broiiglit in jointly large quantities
"^.
2G0
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK IX.
anti took down tlic gifts that liad bucn dedi-
cated l^iii the teui|)le\ and sent tlicin to the
king of Syria, and procured so much hy tliem,
tliat he was not besiefjed, nor his kingdom
quite endangered ; but Ila/.ael was induced,
by the greatness of tlie sum of money, not
to bring his army against Jerusalem ; yet Je-
hoash fell into a severe distemper, and was
set upon by iiis friends, in order to revenge
tlie deatl) of Zcchariai), the son of Jehoiada.
These laid snares for the king, and slew him.
He was indeed buried in Jerusalem, but not
in the royal sepulchres of his ft)refalhers, be-
cause of his impiety. He lived forty-seven
years ; and Amaziah his son succeeded hhii
in the kingdom.
5. In the one-and-twcntieth year of the
reign of Jehoash, Jehoahaz, the son of Jehu,
took the government of the Israelites in Sa-
maria, and held it seventeen years. He did
not [properly] imitate his father, but was
guilty of as wicked j)ractices as those that
first had God in contempt. But the king of
Syria Ijrought him low, and, by expeditions
against him, did so greatly reduce his forces,
that there remained no more of so great an
army than ten thousand armed men, and
fifty horsemen. He also took away from
him his great cities, and many of them also,
and destroyed his army. And tliese were the
things that the people of Israel sufTered, ac-
cording to the proi)hecy of Elisha, when he
foretold that Hazael should kill his master,
and reign over the Syrians and Damascens. '
Cut when Jehoahaz was imdcr sucli unavoid-
able miseries, he had recourse to prayer and
■iupplicatioa to God, and besought him to
deliver him out of tlie hands of Hazael, and
not overlook him, and give him up into his
hands. Accordingly, God accepted of his
repentance instead of virtue ; ;ind, being de-
sirous lather to admonish those that might
repent, and not to determine that they should
be utterly destroyed, he granted him deliver-
ance from war and dangers. So the country
having obtained peace, retunitd again to its
former condition, and flourished as before.
6. Now after the death of Jeiioahaz, his
son Joash took the kingdom, in the thirty-
seventh year of Jenoasti, the king of tlie tribe
of Juflali. This Joash tlicn took the king-
dom of Israel in Samaria, for he had the same
name with the king of Jerusalem, ami he
retained the kingdom sixteen years. He was
a good man,* and in his disposition was not
» This character of Joash, the son of Jehoahaz, tliat
" he was a gooil miin, and in his disposition not at all
hkc to his father," sceins a direct conlradii-tion to our
ordinary copies, whieh say (L' Kii.gs xiii, 11), that " he
did evil in the sight of the l.ord; and that lie depnrtrd
not from all Uie !>ins of Jerolxiam, the son of Ncbat,
who made Israel to sin: he walke<l therein." Whiih
copies arc hero the truest, it is hardly p<">^sil)lc lo dctcr-
iiiiiic. If Jo-cphiis's be true, this Joash is the single
instanceof a good king ovcrlhe ten tribes; if the either
be true, wc have not one such ex.unplc. The iircount
tli.1t follows, in all copies, of Klisha the prophil'o con-
earn for him, and hisi'onf^m for i:iii-liiu (ircHily favours
at all like his father. Now at this time it was
that when Elisha the propliet, who was al-
ready very old, and was now fallen into a
disease, tJic king of Israel came to visit him ;
and when he found him very near death, he
began to weep in his sight, and lament, to
call him his fatlier, and his weapons, because
it was by his means that he never made use
of his weapons ag.iinsl his enemies, but that
lie overcame his own adver.saries by his pro-
phecies, without fighting ; and that lie was
now departing this life, and leaving him to
the Syrians, that were already armed, and to
other enemies cf his that were under their
power; so he said it was not safe for him to
live any longer, but that it would be well for
liim to hasten to his end, and depart out of
this life with him. As the king was thus
bemoaning himself, Elisha comforted him,
and bade the king bend a bow that was
brought him ; and «hen the king had fitted
the bow for shooting, Elisha took liold of his
hands and bade him shoot ; and when he had
shot three arrows, and then left off, Elislia
said, " If tliou hadst shot more arrows, thou
hadst cut the kingdom of Syria U)) by the
roots ; but since thou hast been satisfied with
shooting three times only, thou slialt fight
and beat the Syrians no more times than three,
that thou niayest recover that country whicli
they cut oil' from thy kingdom in the reign of
thy father." So when the king had heard that
he departed ; and a little while after, the ])ro-
phet died. He was a man celebrated for
righteousness, and in eminent favour with
God. He also performed wonderful and
surprising works by prophecy, and such as
were gloriously jireserved in memory by the
Hebrews. He also obtained a magnificent
funeral, such a one indeed as it was tit a per-
son so beloved of God should have. It also
happened, that at that time certain robbers
cast a man, wlioni they had slain, into Elisha's
grave, and ujion his dead body coming close
to Elisha's body, it revived again. And thus
far fiave we enlarged about the actions of
Elisha the pro]jhfct, both such as he did while
he was alive, and how he had a divine power
after liis death albO.
7. Now upon the death of Hazael, the
king of Syria, that kingdom came to Adad,
his son, with whom Joash, king of Israel, made
war ; and w hen he had beaten him in three
battles, he took from him all that country,
ai5d all those cities and villages, wliicli his fa-
Joscphu'.'s copies, and suppose this king to have boon
Ihcn a good man, and no idolater, with whom Goel's
prophcl.s used noi lo be so familiar. Upon the whole,
since It api'iars, even by Josephus's own account, that
.NmaziaJi, the good king of Jiidah, while he was a good
king, wa.s forbidden to make use of the iO(i,':Oil auxilia-
ries he had hiriHl of this Joash, the king of Israel, .ns if ho
and thcv were then idolaters ('.' Chron. xxv, 6 — 9), il is
most likely th.it thc<;e diftl-rcnt characters of Joash suil-
eil the dmiTeiit parts of his tei(;n, and tnat, .lecordiiig
to our oomnK.ii copies, he was at first a wicked kmi;,
and allerwards w.is rcclaimt <l, and became a ai>n<i oiiu.
ncsirdii'u to .lo.s*']ihuv
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
261
ther Hazael had taken from the kingdom
of Israel, which came to pass, however, ac-
cortling to the prophecy of Elisha. But
when Joash happened to die, he was buried
ill Samaria; and the government devolved on
his son Jeroboam.
CHAPTER IX.
HOW AMAZIAH MADE AN EXPEDITION AGAINST
THE EUOMITES AND AMALEKITES, AND CON-
QflJERED THEM ; BUT WHEN HE AFTEKWAHDS
JIADE WAR AGAINST JOASH, HE WAS BEAT-
EN, AND NOT LONG AFTf.R, WAS SLAIN ; AND
UZZIAH SUCCEEDED IN THE GOVERNMENT.
§ 1. Now, in the second year of the reign of
Joash over Israel, Amaziah reigned over the
tribe of Judah in Jerusalem. His mother's
name was Jehoaddan, who was born at Jeru-
salem. He was exceeding careful of doing
what ,was right, and this when he was very
young; but when he carne to the manage-
ment of affairs, and to the government, he
resolved that he ought first of all to avenge
liis father Jehoash, and to punish those his
friends that had laid violent hands upon him ;
so he seized upon them all, and put them to
death ; yet did he execute no severity on their
children, but acted therein according to the
laws of Moses, who did not think it just to
punisii children for the sins of their fathers.
After this he chose him an army out of the
tribe of Judah and Benjamin, of such as were
in the flower of their age, and about twenty
years old ; and when he had collected about
three hundred thousand of them together, he
set captains of hundreds over them. He al-
so sent to the king of Israel, and hired a hun-
dred thousand of his soldiers for a hundred
talents of silver, for he had resolved to make
an expedition against the nations of tlie Ama-
lekites, and Edomites, and Gebalites : but as
he was preparing for his expedition, and ready
to go out to the war, a prophet gave him
counsel to dismiss the army of the Israelites,
because they were bad men, and because God
foretold that he should be beaten, if he made
use of them as auxiliaries ; but that he should
overcome his enemies, though he had but a few
soldiers, when it so pleased God. And when
the king grudged at his havingalready paid the
hire of the Israelites, the prophet exhorted him
to do what God would have him, because he
should thereby obtain much wealth from God.
So he dismissed them, and said, that he still
freely gave them their pay, and went himself
with his own army, and made war with the
nations before mentioned; and when he had
beaten them in battle, he slew of them ten
thousand, and took as many prisoners alive,
whom he brought to the great rock which is
in Arabia, and threw them down from it
feoadlong. lie also brought awav a great
deal of prey and vast riches from those na-
tions ; but while Amaziah was engaged in
this expedition, those Israelites whom he had
hired and then dismissed, were very uneasy
at it, and taking their dismission for an af-
front (as supposing that this would not have
been done to them but out of contempt), they
fell upon liis kingdom, and proceeded to spoi.
the country as far as Beth-horon, and took
much cattle, and slew three thousand men,
2. Now upon the victory which Amaziah
had gotten, and the great acts he had done,
he was puffed up, and began to overlook
God, who had" given him the victory, and
proceeded to worsliip the gods he had brought
out of the country of the Amalekites. So a
prophet came to him, and said, that he won-
dered how lie could esteem these to be
gods, who had been of no advantage to their
own people who paid them honours, nor had
delivered them from his hands, but had over-
looked the destruction of many of them, and
iiad suffered themselves to be carried captive,
for that they had been carried to Jerusalem in
the same manner as any one might have taken
some of the enemy alive, and led them thither
This reproof provoked the king to anger, ano
he commanded the prophet to hold his peace,
and threatened to punish him if he meddled
with his conduct. So he replied, that he
should indeed hold his peace; but foretold
withal, that God would not overlook his at-
tempts for innovation ; but Amaziah was not
able to contain himself under that prosperity
whicli God had given him, although he had
affronted God thereupon ; but in a vein of
insolence he wrote to Joash, the king of Is-
rael, and commanded that he and all his peo-
ple should be obedient to him, as they had
formerly been obedient to his progenitors,
David and Solomon ; and he let him know,
tliat if lie would not be so wise as to do what
he commanded him, he must fight for his do-
minion. To which message Joash returned
this answer in writing : — " King Joash to
king Amaziah. There was a vastly tall cy-
press-tree in mount Lebanon, as also a
thistle; this thistle sent to the cypress-tree to
give the cypress tree's daughter in marriage
to the thistle's son ; but as the thistle was
saying this, there came a wild beast, and
trode down the thistle : and this may be a
lesson to thee, not to be so ambitious, and to
have a care, lest upon thy good success in the
fight against the Amalekites, thou growest so
proud, as to bring dangers upon thyself, and
upon thy kingdom."
3. When Amaziah had read this letter, he
was more eager upon this expedition ; which,
I suppose, was by the impulse of God, that
he might be punished for his offence against
him. But as soon as he led out his army
against Joash, and they were going to join
battle with him, there cam.e such a fear and
coi>st>.M nation upon the army of Amaziah, a?
-T
V
202
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK IX.
God, when he is displeased, sends upon men, land foreign. He was also the cause often
and discomflted them, even hefore they came thousand misforlunes to tlie people of Israel.
to n i-lose fij^ht. Now it happened, that as
they were scattered about by llie terror that
was upon tlieni, .'\inaziah was left alone, and
>vas taken prisoner by the enemy : wliereup-
on Joash threatened to kill liiin, unless he
would persuade the people of Jerusalem to
open their g.ites to him, and receive him and
his army into the city. Accordingly Aina-
ziah was so distressed, and in such fear of
his life, that he made his enemy to be receiv-
ed into the city. So Joash overthrew a part
of the wall, of the length of four hundred
cubits, and drove his chariot through t"he
breach into Jerusalem, and led Amaziah cap-
tive along with him ; by which means he be-
came master of Jerusalem, and took away the
treasures of God, and carried oH' all the gold
and silver that was in the king's j)alace, and
tlien freed the king from captivity, and re-
turned to Samaria. Now these things hap-
pened to the people of Jerusalem in the four
teenth year of the reign of Amaziah, who af-
ter this had a conspiracy made against him by
his friends, and fled to the city Lacliish, and
was there slain by the conspirators, who sent
men thither to kill him. So they took up
liis dead body, and carried it to Jerusalem,
and made a royal funeral for him. This was
the end of the life of Amaziah, because of his
innovations in religion, and his contempt of
God, when he had lived fifiy-four years, and
had reigned twenty-nine. He was succeeded
bv his aon, whose name was Uzziali.
CHAPTER X.
CONC.FRNIXG Ji:ROBOAM, KING OF ISllAEL, AND
JONAH, THE PIIOI'HKT ; AND HOW, AFTER
THK DEATH OF JEUOBOAiM, HIS SON /.ECHA
RIAH TOOK THE GOVERNMENT. HOW LZ-
/lAH, KING OK JEULSAl.EM, SUCDCEU THE
NATIONS THAT WERE KOL'Nl; AliOl'T HIM
AND WHAT BEFEl. HIM WHEN HE ATTEMI'TED
TO OFFER INCENSE TO COD.
Now one Jonali, a prophet, foretold to him
that he should make war with the. Syrians,
and coiKjuer their army, and enlarge the
bounds of his kingdom on the northern ])arts,
to the city Hainalh, and on the southern, to
the lake Asphaltitis ; for the bounds of the
Canaanites originally wire these, as Joshua
their general had determined them. So Je-
roboam made an expedition against the Sy-
rians, and over-ran all their country, as Jonah
liad foretoltl.
2. Now I cannot but think it necessary
for me, who have promised to give an accu-
rate account of our alVairs, to descrii)e the ac-
tions of tliis ))ropliet, so far as I have found
them written down in the Hebrew books.
Jonah had been commanded by God to go to
the kingdom of Nineveh ; and, when he was
there, to publish it in that city, how it should
lose the dominion it had over the nations.
But he went not, out of fear; nay, he ran
away from God to the city of Joppa, and
finding a ship there, he went into it, and sail-
ed to Tarsus, to Ciliciajf and upon the rise
of a most terrible storm, which was so grea»
that tlie ship was in danger of sinking, the
mariners, the master, and the pilot liimstlf,
made prayers and vows, in case they escaped
the sea. Hut Jonah lay still and covered lin
tlie ship], without in)itating any thing that tlie
others did ; but as the waves grew greater,
and the sea became more violent by the winds,
they suspected, as is usual in such cases, that
some one of the persons that sailed with them
was the occasion of this storm, and agreed
to discover by lot which of them it was.
When they had cast lots, \ the lot fell uiion
the prophet ; and when they asked him whence
he came, and what he had done ? lie replied,
that he was an Hebrew by nation, and a pro-
jihet of Almighty God ; and he persuadc-d
thein to cast him into the sea, if they would
i Wlion Joiijih is said in our Bibles to have gone tn
Tartlii.'-h (Ji)nah i, 5), Josopluis uiHlerstoixl it, (hat he
uent to T.irsu.s in Cilii-ia, ur to (he Mediterranean Sia,
I uiioii wlin'h Tarsirs lay; so that he docs not appear to
,.,,-- , r .1 • r liavi' react ilie text, 1 Kings y.xii, 18, .ns our coiiies do,
§ 1. In the fiftecnUi year of the reign ot I ,,,„, s,,,,,^ „,- -la^,,;^,, „,„m lieat Kzion i;el)<:r, uiwn
Amaziali, Jeroboam the son of Joash reigned I the KeU Sea; butasto Ji>»e|)hii;,'s aasiriion, iliaiJoiiair»
hill was carried by the stieiij;lli of the current, upon
n sionn, a.s fur as the KiiNine Sea, it is no way ini|Hissi-
over Israel in .Samaria forty years. 'I'hi.s king
was guilty of contumely against God,* and
became very wicked in worshipping of idols,
and in many undertakings that were absurd
• What I have al)ove noted concerning Jehoash,
tccni.. to me to liave been true also eoneemiiiK liis ion
Jeriitjoain II, \i/.. tliat ullhough he began wukedly, as
Jtiseplins agrees with our oilier coines, and, ;is he ailds,
" was the e:iusc of a vast nuinlx-r of misfortunes to the
Israelites" in those his first years (Uie jiarliculars of
whieh are unhappily warning liolh in Joseplius and in
all our copies) ; so docs it seem to me lluit he was afler-
wauls reelaiined, and became a gixjd king, and so was
encouraged by tlie prophet Jonah, and had gre;a suc-
cesses alcerwards, when " (Kxl liad sjived the Israelites
by the hand of Jeroboam, the son of Joush," - Kings
XIV, a"; which eiictiufageiiieiit b> Jonah, and great siii-
ee»e«, are eijiially observable in Joseplius, and in llie
nlhuf eiipii.li.
llie; and since the storm might have driven the ship,
uh:le J,<iiah was ill it, near t<i that Kuxiiie Sea, and
since in three more days, while he was in the fish'i
belly, that current mighi bung him to the Assyrian
coast, and since withal iliat coast ixiuld bring him luarii
to Nineveh than c-oi:ld any coast of the Mediicriaiican,
il is by no means an improbable deteruiinauon in Jo<>e-
phus.
X This ancient piece of religion, of supjiosing tliere
was great sin where tlicre was great misery, and of east-
ing loLs to dis<ovcr great sinners, not only ainuiig ihe
Isnicliti's, but among these heathen manners, seems a
remarkable remain of the ancient tradition which pre-
vailed ol old over all mankind, that I'lovidenec used
to iuterpose Msibly in all liiiman afl'airs, and never to
bring, or at least iiiit long to continue, notorious judg-
ment> but for notoiious sins, which llie most ancient
IxMik of Jul) shows to have btrii the slate of mankind
lor iibiiut Ihe former three thousand yeais of Lht world,
UU heda>s i\ Job and Movs.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
'263
escape the danger they were in, for that he
was the occasion of the storm which was up-
on them. Now at the first they durst not do
so, as esteeming it a wicked thing to cast a
man, who was a stranger, and who had com-
mitted Iiis life to them, into such manil'c-;
perdition ; but at last, when their misfortunes
overbore them, and the ship was just going
to be drowned, nnd when tliey were animated
to do it by tiie propnet Iiiniself, and by the
fear concerning their own safety, they cast him
into tlie sea ; upon which the sea became calm.
It is also related that Jonah was swallowed
down by a whale, and that when he had been
there three days, and as many nights, he was
vomited out upon the Euxiiie Sea, and this
alive, and without any hurt upon his body;
and there, on his prayer to God, he obtained
pardon for his sins, and went to the city Ni-
neveh, wliere he stood so as to be iieard ; and
preached, that in a very little time they should
lose the dominion of Asia ; and when he had
publislied this, he returned. Now, I have
given this account about him, as 1 found it
written [in our books].
3. When Jeroboam the king had passed
his life in great hapi)ines3, and had ruled for-
ty years, he died, and was buried in Sama-
ria, and his son Zechariah took the kingdom.
After the same manner did Uzziah, the son of
Amaziah, begin to reign over the two tribes
in Jerusalem, in the fourteenth year of the
reign of Jeroboam. He was boin of Jeco-
liah, his mother, who was a citizen of Jeru-
salem. He was a good man, and by nature
righteous and magnanimous, and very labo-
rious in taking care of the affairs of his king-
dom. He made an expedition also against
the Philistines, and overcame them in battle,
and took the cities of Gath and Jabneh, and
brake down their walls; after which expedi-
tion, he assaulted those Arabs that adjoined
to Egypt. He also built a city upon the Il'.'d
Sea, and put a garrison into it. He after this
overthreiv tiie Ammonites, and appointed that
they should pay tribute. He also overcame
all the countries as far as the bounds of Egypt,
and then began to take care of Jerusalem it-
self for the rest of his life; for he rebuilt and
repaired all those parts of the wall which had
either fallen down by length of time, or by
tlie carelessness of the kings his predecessors,
as well as all that part which had been thrown
down by the king of Israel, when he took his
father Amaziah prisoner, and entered witli him
into the city. Moreover, he built a great many
towers, of one hundred and fifty cubits iiigh,
and built walled towns in desert places, and
put garrisons into them, and dug many chan-
nels for conveyance of water. Pie had also
many beasts for labour, and an immense num-
ber of cattle ; for his country was fit for pas-
turage. He was also given to husbandry, and
took care to cultivate the ground, and planted
it with all sorts of plants, and sowed it with
all sorts of seeds. He Iiad also about him
an army composed of chosen men, in number
three hundred and seventy thousand, who
were governed by general officers and cap-
tains of thousands, who were men of valour
and of unconquerable strength, in number two
thousand. He also divided his whole army
into bands, and armed tliem, givhig every one
a sword, with brazen bucklers and breast-
plates, with bows and slings ; and besides
these, lie made for them many engines of
war for besieging of cities, such as cast stones
and darts, with grapplers, and other instru-
ments of that sort,
4. While Uzziah was in this state, and
making preparations [for futurity], he wm
corrupted in his mind by pride, and became
insolent, and this on account of that abun-
dance which he had of things that will soon
perish, and despised that power which isofeter-
nal duration (%vhich consisted in piety towards
God, and in the observation of his laws) ; so
he fell by occasion of the good success of his
affairs, and was carried headlong into those
sins of his fother, which the splendour of
that prosperity he enjoyed, and the glorious
actions he had done, led him into, while lie
was not able to govern himself well about
them. Accordingly, when a remarkable day
was come, and a general festival was to bt
celebrated, he put on the holy garment, ana
went into the temple to offer incense to God
upon the golden altar, which he was prohi
bited to do by Azariali the high-priest, who
had fourscore priests with him, and who told
him that it was not lawful for him to offer
sacrifice, and that " none besides the poste-
rity of Aaron were permitted so to do."
And when they cried out, that he must go
out of the temple, and not transgress against
God, he was wroth at them, and threatened
to kill them, unless they would hold their
peace. In the mean time, a great earthquake
shook the ground,* and a rent was made in
the temple, and the bright rays of the sun
shone through it, and fell upon the king's
face, insomuch that the leprosy seized upon
him immediately ; and before the city, at ?
place called Eroge, half the mountain broke
off from the rest on the west, and rolled itself
four furlongs, and stood still at the oast moun-
tain, till the roads, as well as the king's gar-
dens, were spoiled by the obstruction. Now,
as soon as the priests saw that the king's face
was infected with the leprosy, they told him
of the calamity he was under, and command-
ed that he should go out of the city as a pol-
* This account of an earthquake at Jerusalem, at the
very same time wlien Uzziali usurped the priest's ofJicc,
aud went into the sanctuary to burn incense, and of the
conseciucntas of the earthquake, is entirely wanting in
our other copies, tliough it be exceeding like to a pro-
phecy of Jeremiah, now in Zech. xiv, 4, 5 ; in which
prophecy mention is made of " fleeing from that earth-
qiiAe, as they tied from this eartlupiake in the days o(
Uzziah, king of Judah;" so that there seems to have
boeii some consiiierable resemblance between these hi»-
1 foric*l aiid propb"Mcal earthquakes.
~Y.
aGi
ANTIQUrriKS OF THE JEWS.
luted person. Hereupon lie was so con-
founded at the sad distemper, and sensible
that he was not at liberty to contradict, that
he did as he was commanded, and underwent
this miserable and terrible punishment for an
intention beyond what befitted a man to have,
and for that impiety a;;ainst God which was
implied therein. So he abode out of the city
for soine time, and lived a private life, while
his son Jotham took the government ; after
which he died with grief and anxiety at what
had happened to him, when he had lived
sixty-eiglit years, and reigned of them fifty-
two ; and was buried by himself in his own
g,'ardens
CHAPTER XL
HOW ZECHARIAH, SHALLUM, MENAHEM, PE-
KAIIIAH, AND PEKAH, TOOK THE GOVEUX-
MENT OVER THE ;SIIAI;I,ITES ; AND HOW
FIT. AND TIGLATH-PILESER MADE AN EXPE-
DITION AGAINST THE ISRAELITES. HOW JO-
THAM, THE SON OF I'ZZI.AH, REIGNED OVER
THE TRIBE OF JL-DAH ; AND WHAT THINGS
NAHLM PROFHECIED AC.AINST THE ASSY-
RIANS.
§ 1. Now when Zechariah, the son of Joro-
boain, had reigned six months over Isiael, lie
was slain by the treachery of a certain friend
of his, whose name was Sliallum, the son of
Jabesh, who took the kingdom afterward, but
kept it no longer than thirty days ; for Mena-
hem, the general of his army, who was at that
time in the city Tirzah, and heard of what
had befallen Zechariah, removed thereupon
with all his forces to Samaiia, and joining
battle with Shallum, slew him ; and when he
had made himself king, he went thence, and
came to the city Tiphsah ; but the citizens
that were in it shut their gates, and barred
them against the king, and would not admit
him ; but in order to be avenged on them,
he burnt the country round about it, and took
the city by force, upon a siege ; and being
very much displeased at what the inhabitants
of Tiphsah had done, he slew them all, and
-spared not so much as the infants, without
omitting the utmost instances of cruelty and
barbarity ; for he used such severity upon
his own countryiTien, as would not be par-
donable with regard to strangers who had
been conquered by him. And after this
manner it was that this Menahem continued
to reign with cruelty and barbarity for ten
years : but when Pul, king of Assyria, had
made an expedition against him, he did not
think meet to fight or engage in battle with the
Assyrians, but lie persuaded him to accept of
a thousand talents of silver, and to go away,
and so put an end to the war. This sum the
multitude Collected for Menahem, by exact-
ing fifty drachmaB as ])oll-money for every
head ;* after which ho died, and was buried
in Samaria, and left his son Pckahiah his sue
ccssor in the kingdom, who followed the bar-
barity of his father, and so ruled but two years
only, after v/hich he was slain with his friends
at a feast, by the treachery of one Pekah, the
general of his horse, and the son of Remaliah,
who had laid snares for him. Now this Pe-
kah held the government twenty years, and
proved a wicked man and a transgressor.
But the king of Assyria, whose name was
Tiglath-Pileser, when he had made an expe-
dition against the Israelites, and had over-run
all the land of Gilead, and the region beyond
Jordan, and the adjoining country, which is
called Galilee, and Kadesh. and Hazor, he
made the inhabitants prisoners, and transplant-
ed them info his own kingdom. And so much
shall suffice to have related here concerning
tlie king of Assyria.
2. Now Jotham, the son of Uzziah, reigned
over the tribe of Judah in Jerusalem, being a
citizen thereof by his mother, whose name was
Jerusha. This king was not defective in any
virtue, but was religious towards God, and
righteous towards men, and careful of the good
of the city (for what part soever wanted to be
repaired or adorned, he magnificently repaired
and adorned them). He also took care o'
the foundations of the cloisters in the temple,
and repaired the walls that were fallen down,
and built very great towers, and such as were
almost impregnable ; and if any thing else in
his kingdom had been neglected, he took great
care of it. He also made an expedition
against the Ammonites, and overcame them
in battle, and ordered them to pay tribute, a
hundred talents, and ten thousand cori of
wheat, and as many of barley, every year, and
so augmented his kingdom that his enemies
could not despise it ; and his own people lived
happily.
3. Now there was at that time a prophet,
whose name was Nahuni, who spake after this
manner concerning the overthrow of the As-
syrians and of Nineveh : — " Nineveh shall be
a pool of water in motion ;-|- so shall all her
* Dr. Wall, in fiis Critical Notes on 2 Kings xv, 2(i,
observes, " that when this Menahern is said to have
exacted the money of Israel of all the mighty men of
wealth, of each man fifty shekels of silver, to give Pul,
the king of Assyria, a thousand talents, this is the first
public money raised by any [Israelite] king by a tax on
the people; that they used before to raise it out of the
treasures of the house of the Lord, or of their own
house; that it was a poll-money on the rich men [and
them onlv], to raise L.o.ij.Oi^O, or, as others count a ta-
lent, L.4 'd.OUO, at the rate of l..C> or L.7 per head ; and
that Go<l commanded, by Kzekiel |Ch. xlv, 8, and xlvi,
18), that no such thing should be done [at the Jews
restoration]; but the king should have land of h is owii.'
t This passage is taken out of the prophet Xahum,
ch. ii, 8 — 1.3, and is the principal, orrathcr the only one
that is given us almost verbatim, liut a little abridged,
in all Josephus's known writings: by which quotation
we learn what he himself always asserts, viz. that he
made use of the Hebrew orijjnal, [and not ef the Greek
version]; as also we leam, that his Hebrew copy con
siderably difiercd from ours, t^ce all these texts par-
tiei'laily set down, and couijinrcd togetlier in tlie Fiisa>
•-n the O.d 'resuiincnt tai't ihT.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. XII
people be troubled, and tossed, and go away
bv flight, while they say one to another, Stand,
stand still, seize their gold and silver, for there
shall be no one to wish them well, for they
will rather save their lives than their money ;
for a terrible contention shall possess them
one with another, and lamentation, and loosing
of the members, and their countenances shall
be perfectly black with fear. And there will
be the den of the lions, and the mother of the
young lions ! God says to thee, Nineveh,
that they shall deface thee, and the lion shall
no longer go out from thee to give laws to
the world," And indeed this jirophet pro-
phesied many other things besides these con-
cerning Nineveh, whidi I do not think ne-
cessary to repeat, and 1 here omit them, that
I may not appear troublesome to my readers ;
all which things happened about Nineveh a
hundred and fifteen years afterward : — so this
may suffice to have spoken of these matters.
CHAPTER XII.
HOW, I'PON THE DEATH OF JOTHAM, AHAZ
UEIGNED IN HIS STEAD; AGAINST WHOM
REZIN, KING OF SYRIA, AND PEKAH, KING
OF ISRAEL, MADE WAR ; AND HOW TIGLATH-
PILESER, KING OF ASSYRIA, CAJIE TO THE
ASSISTANCE OF AHAZ, AND LAID SYRIA
WASTE, AND REMOVING THE DAMASCENS
INTO MEDIA, PLACED OTHER NATIONS IN
THEIR ROOM.
§ 1. Now Jotham died when he had lived
forty-one years, and of them reigned sixteen,
and was buried in the sepulchres of the kings ;
and the kingdom came to his son Ahaz, who
proved most impious towards God, and a
transgressor of the laws of his country. He
imitated the kings of Israel, and reared altars
in Jerusalem, and cflered sacnfices upon them
to idols ; to which also he offered his own son
as a burnt-offering, according to the practices
of the Canaanites. His other actions were
also of tlje same sort. Now as he was going
on in this lAad course, Rezin, the king of Sy-
ria and Damascus, and Pekah, the king of
Israel, who were now at amity one with ano-
ther, made war with him ; and when they had
driven him into Jerusalem, they besieged that
city a long while, making but a small pro-
gress, on account of the strength of its walls ;
and when the king of Syria had taken the ci-
ty Elath, upon the Red Sea, and had slain
the inhabitants, he peopled it with Syrians;
and when he had slain those in tlie [other]
garrisons, and the Jews in their neighbour-
hood, and had driven away much prey, he re-
turned with his army back to Damascus. Now
when the king of Jerusalem knew that the
Syrians were returned home, be, supposing
'^66
himself a matcn for the V.mg of Israel, drew
out his array against him, and joining battle
with him was beaten ; and this happened be-
cause God was angry with him, on account
of his many and great enormities. Accord-
ingly, there were slain by the Israelites one
hundred and twenty thousand of his men that
day, whose general, Amaziah by name, slew
Zechariah the king's son in his conflict with
Ahaz, as well as the governor of the kingdom,
whose name was Airicam. He also carried
Elkanah, the general of the troops of the tribe
of Judah, into captivity. They also carried
the women and children of the tribe of Ben-
jamin captives; and when they had gotten
a great deal of prey, they retiu'ned to Sama
ria.
2. Now there was one Obed, wlio was t,
prophet at that time in Samaria; he met the
army before the city walls, and with a loud
voice told them that they had gotten the vic-
tory not by tiieir own strength, but by reason
of the anger God had against king Ahaz.
And he complained that they were not satis-
fied with the good success tlvey had had against
him, but were so bold as to make captives
out of their kinsmen the tribes of Judah and
Benjamin. He also gave them counsel to
let them go home without doing them any
harm, for that if they did not obey God herein,
they sbou!il be punished. So the people ot
Israel came together to their assembly, and
considered of these matters, when a man
whose name was Berechiah, and who was one
of chief reputation in the government, stood
up, and three others with him, and said,—
" We will not suffer the citizens to bring these
prisoners into the city, lest we be all destroy-
ed by God : we have sins enough of our own
that we have committed against him, as the
prophets assure us ; nor ought we therefore
to introduce the practice of new crimes."
When the soldiers heard that, they permitted
them to do what they thought best So the
forenamed men took the captives and let them
go, and took care of them, and gave them
provisions, and sent them to their own coun-
try, without doing them any harm. How
ever, these four went along with them, and
conducted them as far as Jericho, which is
not far from Jerusalem, and returned to Sa-
maria.
3. Hereupon king Ahaz, having tseen so
thorouglily beaten by the Israelites, sent to
Tiglath-Pileser, king of the Assyrians, and
sued for assistance from him in his war
against the Israelites, and Syrians, and Da
mascens, with a promise to send him much
money ; he sent him also great presents at th»
same time. Now this king, upon the recep-
tion of those ambassadors, came to assist
Ahaz, and made war upon the Syrians, and
laid their country waste, and took Damascus
by force, and slew Rezin their king, and
transplanted the people of Damascus into the
26G
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
Upper Media, ami broiij^tit a colony of As-
syriuns, aiul planted tlieiii in Daniasetis. He
also adlicted tlic land of Israel, and took
many captives out of it. \Vliile lie was do-
ing thus with the Syrians, kinj; Ahaz took all
the gold that was in the ki)i;f's treasures, an<i
the silver, and « hat was in the temple of
God, anil what precious j^ifls were there, and
lie carried them with him, and came to Da-
mascus, and gave it to tht; king of Assyria,
according to his agreement. So he confessed
that he owed him thanks fur all that he had
done for him, and returned to Jerusalf m. Now
this king was so sottish and thoughtless of
what was for his own good, that he would
not leave olf worshipping the Syrian gods
when he was beaten by tliem, but he went on
in worshipping them, as tliougli they would
procure him the victory ; and when he was
beaten again be began to honour the gods of
the Assyrians j and he seemed more desirous
to honour any other gods than his own pater-
nal and true God, whose anger was the cause
of bis defeat : nay, he proceeded to such a
degree of despite and contempt [of God's
worship\ that lie shut up the temple entirely,
and forbade them to bring in the appointed
sacrifices, and took away the gifts that had
been given to it. And when he had offered
these indignities to God, he died, having
lived thirty-six years, and out of them reigned
sixteen ; and he left his son Hezekiah for bis
successor.
CHAPTER XIII.
HOW Pr.KAH DIED BV THE TREACHF.aY 07 HO-
SllEA, WHO WAS A LITTLE AITKR SUBDUED
EY SHAEMANESER; AND HOW HEZEKIAH
REIGNED INSTEAD OF AHAZ; ANU WHAT
ACTIONS OF PIETY AND JUSTICE HE DID.
§ 1. About the same time Pekah the king of
Israel died, by the treachery of a friend of
bis, whose name was Iloshea, who retained
the kingdom nine years' time ; but was a
wicked man, and a dcspiser of the divine
worship : and Shalmaneser, the king of As-
syria, made an expedition against him, and
overcame him (which must have been because
he had not God favourable nor assistant to
him), and brought him to submission, and or-
dered him to pay an a|)pointed tribute. Now
in the fourth year of the reign of Hoshea,
Hezekiah, the son of Ahaz, began to reign in
Jerusalem ; and his mother's name was Abi-
jah, a citizen of Jerusalem. His nature was
good, and righteous, and relii^ious ; for when
be came to the kingdom, be thought that no-
thing was prior, or more necessary, or more
advantageous, to himself and to his subjects,
than to worship God. Accordingly, he call
cd the people together, and the priests, and
the Levites, and made a speech to tbnn, and
said, — " You are not ignorant how,^bv the
sins of my father, who transgressed that sa-
cred lionour which was due to God, you have
had experience of many and great miseries,
while you were corrujJted in your mind by
him, and were induced to worsln'p those which
he supposed to be gods ; I exhort you, there
fore, wlio have learned by sad experience how
dangerous a thing impiety is, to put that im-
mediately out of your memory, and to purify
yourselves from your former pollutions, and to
open the temple to these jjriests and Levites
who are here convened, and to cleanse it with
the accustomed sacrifices, and to recover all
to the ancient honour which our fathers paid
to it ; for by this means v/e may render God
favourable, and he will remit the anger he
hath bad to us."
2. When the king had said this, the priests
opened the temple; and when they had set
in order the vessels of God, and cast out what
was impure, they laid the accustomed sacri-
fices upon the altar. The king also sent to
the country that was under him, and called
the people to Jerusalem to celebrate the feast
of unleavened bread, for it had been intermitted
a long time, on account of the wickedness of
the forementioned kings. He also sent to the
Israelites, and exhorted them to leave ofl' their
present way of living, and to leturn to their
ancient practices, and to worship God, for
that he gave them leave to come to Jerusalem,
and to celebrate, all in one body, the feast ol
unleavened bread ; and this he said was by
way of invitation only, and to be done of their
own good-will, and for tiieir own advantage,
and not out of obedience (o him, because it
would make them happy. Hut the Israelites,
upon the coming of tlie ambassadors, and
upon their laying before them what they bad
in charge from their own king, were so f.ir
from complying therewith, that they laughed
the ambassadors to scorn, and mocked them
as fools : as also they aflVontcd the prophets
who gave them the same exhortations, and
foretold what lliey would sutler if they tiid
not return to the worship of God, insomuch
that at length they caught tliem, and slew
them ; nor did this degree of transgressing
sufiice them, but they had more wicked con-
trivances than what have been described: nor
did tluy leave oH', before God, as a punish-
ment for their impiety, brought them under
their enemies: — but of that more hereafter.
However, many there were of the tribe of
Manasseh, and of Zebulon, and of Issachar,
who were obedient to what the prophets ex-
horted them to do, and returned to the wor-
ship of God. Now all these came running
to Jerusalem, to Hezekiah, that they might
worship God [there].
3. When these men were come, king Heze-
kiah went up into the tem|)Ie, with the ruler*
and all the people, and oU'ered for bimseif
"V
CHAP. XIV.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
2G7
seven bulls, and as many rams, with seven
Iambs, and as many kids of the goats. The
king also himself, and the rulers, laid their
hands on the heads of the sacrifices, and
permitted the priests to complete the sacred
offices about them. So they both slew the
sacrifices and burnt the burnt-ofl'crings while
the Levites stood round aliout them, with
their musical instruments, and sang hynms to
God, and played on their psalteries, as they
were instructed by David to do, and this while
tke rest of the priests returned the music, and
sounded the trumpets which tliey had in their
hands : and when this was done, the king
and the multitude tlirew themselves down
upon their faces, and worshipped God. He
also sacrificed seventy bulls, one hundred
rams, and two hundred lambs. He also
granted the multitude sacrifices to feast upon,
six hundred oxen, and three thousand otlier
cattle ; and the priests performed all things
according to the law. Now the king was so
pleased herewith, that he feasted with the peo-
ple, and returned thanks to God ; but as the
feast of unleavened bread was now come, when
they had oflered that sacrifice vrhich is called
the Passover, they after that ottered other sa-
crifices for seven days. When the king had
bestowed on the multitude, besides what they
sanctified of themselves, two tliousand bulls,
and seven thousand other cattle, the same
thing was done by the rulers; for they gave
them a thousand bulls, and a tliousand and
forty other cattle. Nor had this festival been
so well observed from the days of king Solo-
mon, as it was now first observed with great
splendour and magnificence ; and when the
festival was ended, they went out into the
country, and purged it ; and cleansed the city
of all the pollution of the idols. The king
also gave order that the daily sacrifices shotdd
be offered, at his own charges, and according
to the law ; and appointed that the tithes and
the first-fruits should be given by the mul-
titude to the priests and Levites, that they
might constantly attend upon divine service,
and never be taken off from the worship of
God. Accordingly, the multitude brought
together all sorts of their fruits to the priests
and the Levites. The king also made garners
and receptacles for these fruits, and distributed
them to every one of the priests and Levites,
and to their children and wives ; and thus did
they return to their old form of divine wor-
ship. Now when the king had settled these
matters after the manner already described,
he made war upon the Philistines, and beat
them, and possessed himself of all the enetny's
cities, from Gaza to Gath ; but the king of
Assyria sent to him, and threatened to over-
turn all his dominions, unless he would pay
him the tribute which his father paid him
formerly ; but king Hezekiah was not con-
cerned at his threatenings, but depended on
his piety towards God, and upon Isaiah the
prophet, by whom he inquired, and accurately
knew all future events :- and tluis mucli sh U
suffice for the present concerning this king
Ilezekiali.
CHAPTER XIV.
now SHALMANFSER TOOK SAMARIA BY FORCE,
AND HOW HE TRANSPLANTED THE TEN
TRIBES INTO MEDIA, AND BROUGHT THE NA-
TION OF THE CUTHEANS INTO THEIR COUN-
TRY [in THEIR room].
§ 1. When Shalmaneser, the King of Assy-
ria, had it told him, that [Hoshea] tlie king ot
Israel ha i sent privately to So, the king of
Egypt, desiring his assistance against him, he
was very angry, and made an expedition a-
gainst Samaria, in the seventh 3'car of the
reign of Hoshea; but when he was not ad-
mitted [into the city] by the king,* he be-
sieged Samaria three years, and took it by
force in the ninth year of the reign of Hosh-
ea, and in the seventh year of Hezekiah, king
of Jerusalem, and quite demolished the go-
vernment of the Israelites, and transplanted
all the people into Media and Persia, among
whom he took king Hoshea alive; and when
he had removed these people out of this their
land, he transplanted other nations out of
Culhah, a place so called (for there is [still]
a river of that name in Persia), into Samaria,
and into the country of the Israelites. So
the ten tribes of the Israelites were removed
out of Judea, nine hundred and forty-seven
years after their forefathers were come out of
the land of Egypt, and possessed themselves
of this country, but eight hundred years after
Joshua had been their leader, and, as I have
already observed, two hundred and forty years,
seven months, and seven days, after they had
revolted from Kehoboam, the gran-dson of
David, and had given the kingdom to Jero^
boam. And such a conclusion overtook the
Israelites, when they had transgressed the
laws, and would not hearken to the prophets,
who foretold that this calamity would come
upon them, if they would not leave off their
evil doings. What gave birth to these evil
doings, was that seditic 1 which they raised a-
gainst Rehoboam, the grandson of David,
when they set up Jeroboam, his servant, to be
their king, who, by sinning against God, and
bringing them to imitate his bad example.
» This siege of Samaria, though not ft'ven a parti-
cular account of, either in our Hebrew or C.rcek BiblfS,
or in Josephus, was so very loiij?, no less tlian three
years, that it was no way improbable but that parents,
and particularly mothers, mi(;ht thcrcui be reduced to
eat their own children, as thc'law of Moses had threa-
tened upon their disoljedience (Levit. xx^i, 29; Deut.
xxviii, 53 — 57) ; and was accoirplinhed in the other
shorter sieges of botli tlie capital cities, .Icrusalem and
Samaria ; the former mentioned Jcr. xix, 9 ; Antiq. b.
ix. ch iv, sect. •! ; and tjie latter, 2 Kin;js vi, 2(5— :iy.
•-i68
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
made God to be their enemy, while Jeroboam
underwent that punislnnent which he justly
deserved.
'J. And now the king of Assyria invaded
all Syria and Phoenicia in a hostile manner.
The name of this king is also set down in the
archives of Tyre, for he made an eipedition
against Tyre in the reign of Eluleus; and
Menander attests to it, who, when he wrote
his Chronology, and translated the archives of
Tyre into the Greek language, gives us the
following history : — " One whose name was
Jyluleus, reigned thirty-six years: this king,
upon the revolt of the Citteans, sailed to
them, and reduced them again to a submis-
sion. Against these did the king of Assyria
send an army, and in a hostile manner over-
run all Phoenicia, but soon made peace with
them all, and returned back ; but Stdon, and
Ace, and Palictyrus, revolted ; and many
other cities thcie were which delivered them-
selves up to the kingof Ass3Tia. According-
ly, when the Tyrians would not submit to
him, the king returned, and fell upon them
again, while the Phoenicians had furnished
him with threescore ships, and eight hundred
men to row them ; and when the Tyrians had
coine upon them in twelve ships, and the e-
nemy's ships were dispersed, they took five
hundred men prisoners; and the reputation
of all the citizens of Tyre was thereby in-
creased ; but the king of Assyria returned,
and placed guards at their rivers and aque-
ducts, who should hinder the Tyrians from
drawing water. This continued for five years ;
and still the Tyrians bore the siege, and drank
of the water they had out of the wells they
dug." And this is what is written in the
Tyrian archives concerning Shalmancser, the
king of Assyria.
BOOK IX.
3. But now tl»e Cuthcans, who removed
info SaiTi.iria (for that is the name they have
been railed by to this time, because they were
broMght out of the country called Cutliali,
wliich is a country of Persia, and there is a
liver of the same name in it), each of them,
according to their nations, which were in
number five, brought their own gods into Sa-
maria, and by worshipping them, as was the
custom of their own countries, they provoked
Almighty God to be angry and displeased
at them, for a plague seized upon them, by
which they were destroyed ; and when they
found no cure for their miseries, they learned
by the oracle that they ought to worship Al-
mighty God, as the method for their deliver-
ance. So they sent ambassadors to the king
of Assyria, and desired him to send them
some of those priests of the Israelites whom
he had taken captive. And when he there-
upon sent them, and the people were by them
taught the laws, and the holy worship of God,
they worshipped him in a respectful manner,
and the plague ceased immediately ; and in-
deed they continue to make use of the verj
same customs to this very time, and are call-
ed in the Hebrew tongue Cutlieans ; but in
the Greek Samaritans. And when they see
the Jews in prosperity, they pretend that they
are changed, and allied to them, and call
them kinsmen, as though they were derived
from Joseph, and had by that means an ori-
ginal alliance with them : but when they see
them falling into a low condition, they say
they are no way related to them, and that the
Jews have no right to expect any kindness or
marks of kindred from them, but they declare
that they are sojourners, tliat come from other
countries. But of these we shall have a more
seasonable opportunity to discourse hereafter.
"V
269
BOOK X.
CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF ONE HUNDRED AND EIGHTY-TWO TEARS
AND A HALF.
FROM THE CAPTIVITY OF THE TEN TRIBES TO THE FIRST OF
CYRUS.
CHAPTER L
HOW SENNACHERIB MADE AN EXPEDITION
AGAINST HEZEKIAH ; WHAT THREATENINGS
RABSHAKEH MADE TO HEZEKIAH WHEN
SENNACHERIB WAS GONE AGAINST THE
EGYPTIANS ; HOW ISAIAH THE PROPHET EN-
COURAGED HIxM; HOW SENNACHERIB, HAV-
ING FAILED OF SUCCESS IN EGYPT, RETURN-
ED THENCE TO JERUSALEM ; AND HOW, UP-
ON HIS FINDING HIS ARMY DESTROYED, HE
RETURNED HOME ; AND WHAT BEFEL HIM
A LITTLE AFTERWARD.
§ 1. It was now the fourteenth year of the
government of Hezekiah, king of the two
tribes, when the king of Assyria, whose name
was Sennacherib, made an expedition against
him with a great army, and took all the cities
of the tribes of Judah and Benjamin by force ;
and when he was ready to bring his army
against Jerusalem, Hezekiah sent ambassa-
dors to him beforehand, and promised to sub-
mit, and pay what tribute he should appoint.
Hereupon Sennacherib, when he heard of
what offers the ambassadors made, resolved
not to proceed in the war, but to accept of
the proposals that were made him : and if he
might receive three hundred talents of silver,
and thirty talents of gold, he promised that
he would depart in a friendly manner ; and
he gave security upon oath to the ambassa-
dors that he would then do him no harm, but
go away as he came. So Hezekiah submit-
ted, and emptied his treasures, and sent the
money, as supposing he should be freed from
his enemy, and from any farther distress
about his kingdom. Accordingly, the As-
syrian king took it, and yet had no regard
to what he had promised; but while he him-
self went to the war against the Egyptians
and Ethiopians, he left his general Rab-
shakeh, and two other of his principal com-
manders, with great forces, to destroy Jeru-
salem. The names of the two other com-
nianders were Tartan »nd Rabsaris.
2. Now as soon as they were come before
the walls, they pitched their camp, and sent
messengers to Hezekiah, and desired that
they might speak with him ; but he did not
himself come out to them for fear, but he
sent three of his most intimate friends ; the
name of the one was Eliakim, who was over
the kingdom, and Shebna, and Joah the re-
corder. So these men came out, and stood
over against the commanders of the Assyrian
army ; and when Rabshakeh saw them, he
bade them go and speak to Hezekiah in the
manner following: — That Sennacherib, the
great king,* desires to know of him, on whom
it is that he relies and depends, in flying from
his lord, and will not hear him, nor admit
his army into the city? Is it on account of
the Egyptians, and in hopes that his army
would be beaten by them ? Whereupon he
lets him know, that if this be what he expects,
he is a foolish man, and like one who leans
on a broken reed ; while such a one will not
only fall down, but will have his hand pierced
and hurt by it. That he ought to know he
makes this expedition against him by the will
of God, who hath granted this favour to him,
that he shall overthrow the kingdom of Israel,
and that in the very same manner he shall
destroy those that are his subjects also. When
Rabshakeh had made this speech in the He-
brew tongue, for he was skilful in that Ian
guage, Eliakim was afraid lest the multitude
that heard him should be disturbed ; so he
desired him to speak in the Syrian tongue.
But the general understanding what he meant,
and perceiving the fear that he was in, he
made his answer with a greater and a loudei
voice, but in tlie Hebrew tongue ; and said,
that " since they all heard what were tlie
king's commands, they would consult their
own advantage in delivering up themselves
to us ; for it is plain that both you and your
• This title of Great King, both in our Bibles (2 Kingi
xviii, 19; Isa. xxxvi, 4), and here in Josephus, is the
very same that Herodotus gives this Sennacherib; ai
Spanlieim takes notice on this place.
^
"V
270
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
kiili^ (lissmtlo tlio people from submitting by
vain hopes, and so iniluce ilium to resist; but
if you be courajreous, and tliink to drive our
forces away, 1 am ready to deliver to you two
thousand of these horses that are with me for
your use, if you can set as many horsemen
on their backs, and show your strength ; but
what you have not, you cannot proiluce.
Why, therefore, do you delay to deliver up
yourselves to a superior force, vvlio can take
you without your consent ? altiiough it will
be safer lor you to deliver yourselves uj) vo-
luntarily, while a forcible capture, wiien you
are beaten, must appear more dangerous, ainl
will bring farther calamities' upon you."
3. When the people, as well as the ambas-
SJidors, heard what the Assyrian commander
said, they related it to Hezekiah, who there-
upon put ofl' hi^ royal a))parel, and clothetl
himself with sackcloth, and took the habit of
a mourner, and, after the manner of his coun
try, he fell upon his face, and besought God,
and entreated him to assist them, now they
Lad no other hope of relief. He also sent
some of his friends, and some of the priests,
to the piophet Isaiah, and desired that he
would pray to God, and offer sacrifices for
their common deliverance, and so (Jiit up
supjilications to him, that he would have in-
dignation at the expectations of their enemies,
and have mercy upon his people. And when
the prophet had done accordingly, an oracle
came from God to him, and encouraged the
king and his friends that were about him ;
and foretold, that their enemies should be
beaten without figliting, and should go away
in an iginnninious manner, and not with that
insolence which they now sho« , for that God
would take care that they should be destroy-
ed. He also foretold that Sennacherib, the
king of Assyria, should fail of his purpose
against Egypt, and that when he came liome,
he should perish by the sv»-ord.
4. About the same lime also the king of
Assyria wrote an ejjistle to Hezekiah, in
which he said he was a foolish man in sup-
posing that he should escape from being his
servant, since he had aliea'dy brought under
many and great nations; and he threatened,
that, when he took him, he would utterly
destroy him, unless he now opened the gates,
and willingly received his army into Jerusa-
lem. When he had read this epistle, he desi)is-
cd i', on account of the trust that he had in
God ; but lie rolled up the epistle, and laid
it up within the temple ; and as he made his
farther prayers to God for tlie city, and for
the preservation of all the people, the pro-
pliet Isaiah said, that God had heard his
prayer, and that he should not at lliis time
be besieged by the king of Assyria;* that,
• Wliat Joscphus says here, how Isaiah the prophet
a-surcil Hcztki.ih, ilia' '• a', ih:.-. liii.e he shoulit not l)e
liwiitged by the king of Assyria; that for the future he
niif hi be Mrurc uf not being at all distnrbeil by him ;
uia that [at'terwarUJ the people might gu ou [K-ueeably,
ROOK X.
for the future, he might be secure of not
being at all disturbed by him ; and that the
people might go on peaceably, and without
fear, with their husbandry and other affairs
but after a little while, the king of Assyria,
when he had failed of his treacherous designs
against the Egyi)tians, returned home with-
out success on the following occasion : — He
spent a long time in ihe siege of Pelusiuni ;
and when the bunks that lie had raised over
against the walls were of a great height, and
when he was retidy to make an iniinediatc as-
sault upon them, but heard that Tirhaka, king
of the Ethiopians, was coming, and bringing
great forces to aid the Egyptians, and was
resolved to march through the desert, and so
to fall directly upon the Assyrians, this king
.Sennacherib was disturbed at the news ; and,
as I said before, left Pelusiuin, and returned
back without success. No.v concerning this
Sennacherib, Herodotus also says, in the se-
cond book of his histories, how " this king
came against the Egyjitian king, who was the
priest of Vulcan ; and that as he was besieg-
ing Pelusium, he broke up the siege on the
following occasion : — This Egyptian priest
prayed to (Jod, and God heard his prayer,
and sent a judgment upon the Arabian king."
But in this Herodotus was mistaken when
he called this king not king of the Assyrians,
but of the Arabians; for he saith, that "a
multitude of mice gnawed to pieces in one
night both the bows and the rest of the ar
mour of the Assyrians ; and that it was on
that account that the king, when he had no
bows left, drew off his army from Pelusium."
And Herodotus docs indeed give us this his-
tory ; nay, and Berosus, w ho wrote of the
afl'airs of Chaldea, makes mention of this king
Sennacherib, and that he ruled over the Assy-
rians, and that he made an expedition against
all Asia and Egypt ; and says thus : — ■f
5. " Now when Sennacherib was return-
ing from his Egyptian war to Jerusalem, he
found his army under Kabshakeh his general
in danger [by a plague], for' God had sent a
pestilential distemper upon his army ; and on
the very first night of the siege, a hundred
fourscore and five thousand, with their cap-
tains and generals, were destroyed. So the
king was in a great dread, and in a terrible
agony at this calamity; and being in great
and without fear, with their husbandry, and other .if-
fairs," is more distiiiet in our otiier eopi'es, both of the
Kings and of Isaiah, .and deserves \ery great considera-
tron. The words are ihcse: — " This sliall be a sign unto
tliee : Ve shall cat Uiis year sueh as groweth ot itself;
and the second year that which springcth of the same;
and ill the third year sow ye, and reaji, and plant vine-
yards, mid oat the fruit thereof ('.' Kings xix, 2U; Isa.
xxxvii, 3(1) i which seem to me plainly to design a Sal>-
batic year, a year of jubiliH: i.cxt after it, and the sut--
cccdiiii; usual labours and fruits of them ou the third
and fallowing yeans.
t 'I hat till-, lerrililc calamity o:' the slaughter of the
lH-i,!)! II Assyiiaiis is here dcli\eud in the words of Be-
rosus the ('haldian ; and that it wiu eiiiainly and fre-
qui'illy foretold by the Jewish prophets; aiid that it
was certainly and undeniably uecuinpliiJied, see Alt'
UwuL Rcc. Part ii. pafie 8Jti.
.r
6HAP. a.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
271
foar for his whole army, lie fled with the rest
of his forces to his own kingdom, and to his
city Nineveh ; and when he had abode tiiere
a little while, he was treaclierously assaulted,
and died by the hands of his elder sons,*
Adrammelech and Seraser, and was slain in
his own temple, which was called Araske.
Now these sons of his were driven away, on
account of the murder of their father, by the
citizens, and went into Armenia, while As-
sarachoddas took the kingdom of Sennache-
rib." And this proved to be the conclusion
of this Assyrian expedition against the peo-
ple of Jerusalem.
CHAPTER II.
now HEZEKIAH WAS SICK, AND RHADY TO
DIE, AND HOW GOD BESTOWED UPON HIM
FIFTEEN YEARS LONGER LIFE [AND SECUR-
ED THAT promise], EY THE GOING BACK OF
THE SHADOW TEN DEGREES.
§ 1. Now Hezekiah being thus delivered, af-
ter a surprising manner, from the dread he
was in, offered thank-offerings to God, with
all his people ; because nothing else had de-
stroyed some of their enemies, and made the
rest so fearful of undergoing the same fate,
that they departed from Jerusalem, but that
divine assistance : yet, while he was very zeal-
ous and diligent about the worship of God,
did he soon afterwards fall into a severe dis-
temper,f insomuch, that the physicians de-
spaired of him, and expected no good issue
of his sickness, as neither did his friends : and
besides the distemper itself, there was a very
inelancholy circumstance that disordered the
king, which was the consideration that he was
childless, and was going to die, and leave his
house and his government without a successor
of his own body : so he was troubled at the
thoughts of this his condition, and lamented
himself, and entreated of God that he would
prolong his life for a little while till he had
some children, and not suffer him to depart
this life before he was become a father. Here-
upon God had mercy upon him, and accepted
* We are here to take notice, that these two sons of
Sennacherib that ran away into Armenia, became the
heads of two famous families there, the Arzeninii and
the Genunii; of which see the particular histories in
Moses Chorenensis, p. 6ii.
f Josephus, and all our copies, place the sickness of
Hezekiah after the destruction of Sennacherib's anny,
because it appears to have Ijeen after his first assault, as
he was going into Arabia and Egypt, where he pushed
his conquesU as far as they would go, and in order to
dispatch his story altogether ; yet does no copy but this
of Josephus say it was after that destruction, but only
that it happened in those days, or about that time of
Hezekiah's life. Nor will the fifteen years' prolongation
of his life after his sickness, allow that sickness to ha\ e
been later than the former part of the fifteenth year of
his reign, since chronology does not allow him in all
above twenty-nine years ar.d a few rr.onths : whereas the
first assault of Sennacherib was in the fourte^ith year
of Hezekiah ; but the destruction of Sennacherib's army
was not till liis eighteenth \ear.
of his supplication, because the trouble he was
under at his supposed death was not because
he was soon to leave the advantages he en-
joyed in the kingdom ; nor did he on that ac-
count pray that he inight have a longer life
aflfbrded him, but in order to have sons, that
might receive the government after him. And
God sent Isaiah the prophet, and commanded
him to inform Hezekiahj that within three
days' time he should get clear of his distera
per, and should survive it fifteen years, and
tliat he should have children also. Now up-
on the prophet's saying this, as God had com-
manded him, he could hardly believe it, both
on account of the distexnppr he was under,
which was very sore, and by reason of the
surprising nature of what was told him ; so
he desired that Isaiah would give him some
sign or wonder, that he might believe him in
what he had said, and be sensible that he came
from God : for things that are beyond expec-
tation, and greater than our hopes, are made
credible by actions of the like nature. And
when Isaiah had asked him what sign he de-
sired to be exhibited, he desired that he would
make the shadow of the sun, which he had
already made to go down ten steps [or de-
grees] in his house, to return again to the
same place,f and to make it as it was before.
And when the prophet prayed to God to ex-
hibit this sign to the king, he saw what he
desired to see, and was freed from his distem-
per, and went up to the temple, where he wor-
shipped God and made vows to him.
2. At this time it was that the dominion of
the Assyrians was overthrown by the Medes;§
but of these things I shall treat elsewhere.
But the king of Babylon, whose name was
Baladan, sent ambassadors to Hezekiah with
presents, and desired lie would be his ally and
his friend. So he received the ambassadors
t As to this regress of the shadow, either upon a sun-
dial, or the steps of the roval palace built by Ahaz, whe-
ther It were physically done by the real miraculous re-
voluuon of the earth in its diurnal motion backwards
from east to west for a while, and its return again to its
old natural revolution from west to east ; or whether it
were not apparent only, and performed by an aerial
phosphorus, which imitated the sun's motion back-
wards, while a cloud hid the real sun, cannot now bo
detennined. I'hilosophers and astronomers will natu-
rally incline to the latter hypothesis. However, it must
be noted, that Josephus seems to have understood it
otherwise than we generally do; that the shadow was
accelerated as much at first forward as it was made to go
backward afterwards, and so the day was neither longer
nor shorter than usual; which, it must be confessed,
agrees best of all to astronomy, whose eclipses, older
than that time, were observed at the same times of the
day as if this miracle had never happened. After all,
this wonderful signal was not, it seems, peculiar to Ju-
dea, but either seen, or at least heard of, at Uabylon
also, as appears by 2 Chron. xxxii, 51 ; where we learn
that the Babylonian ambassadors were sent to Hezekiah,
among other things, to inquire of the wonder that was
done in the land.
j This expression of Josephus, that the Medes, upon
this destruction of the Assyrian army, " overthrew" the
Assyrian empire, seeras to be too strong; for although
they immediately cast off the Assyrian voke, and set up
Deioces, a king of their own, yet it was some time be-
fore the Medes and tiabylonians overthrew Nineveh;
and some genejations before the Medes and Pei-sians,
under Cyaxares and Cyrus, overthrew the .Assyrian o»
Babylonian empire, and took Babylon.
.r
272
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK X
gladly, ami made them a feast, and sliowcd
tlicin Ills treasures, and liis armoury, and tlie
other wealth he was possessed of, in precious
stones, and in gold, and gave them presents
to be carried to lialadan, and sent tlietn back
to him. Upon which tiie prophet Isaiah came
to him, and inquired of him whence those
ambassadors came : to whicli he replied, that
tliey came from IJabylon, from the king; and
tiiat l)e liad sliowed tliem all lie had, that by
the sight of his riches and forces he might
thereby guess at [the plenty he was in\ and
be able to inform the king of it. But the
prophet rejoined, and said, — " Know thou,
that, after a little while, these riches of thine
shall be carried away to Babylon, and thy
posterity shall be made eunuchs there, and
lose their manhood, and be servants to the
king of Babylon ; for that God foretold such
things would come to pass." Upon which
words Hezekiah was troubled, and said, that
he was himself unwilling that his nation
should fall into such calamities ; yet, since it
is not possible to alter what God had deter-
mined, he prayed that there might be peace
while he lived. Berosus also makes mention
of this Baladan, king of Babylon. Now as
to this prophet [Isaiah], he was, by the con-
fession of all, a divine and wonderful man in
speaking truth ; and out of the assurance that
he had never written what was false, he wrote
down all his prophecies, and left them behind
him in books, that their accomplishment might
be judged of from the events by posterity.
Nor did this prophet do so alone j but the
others, which were twelve in number, did the
same. And whatsoever is done among us,
whether it be good, or whether it be bad,
comes to pass according to their prophecies ;
but of every one of these we shall speak here-
after.
CHAPTER III.
HOW MANASSEH REIGNED AFTEB HEZEKIAH ;
AND HOW, WHEN HE WAS IN CAPTIVITY, HE
UETI'IINED TO GOD, AND WAS KLSTORED TO
HIS KINGDOM, AND LEiT IT TO [hI3 SON]
A.MON.
§ 1. When king Hezekiah had survived the
interval of time already mentioned, and had
dwelt all that time in peace, he died, having
completed fifty-four years of his life, and
reigned twenty-nine. But when his son Ma-
nasseh, whose mother's name was Hephzibah,
of Jerusalem, had taken the kingdom, he de-
parted from the conduct of his father, and
fell into a course of life quite contrary there-
to, and showed himself in his manners most
wicked in all respects, and omitted no sort of
imj)iety, but imitated tliose transgressions of
the Israelites, by the commission of which
against God, they had been destroyed ; for he
was so hardy as to defile the temple of God,
and the city, aiid the whole country ; for, by
setting out fiom a contempt of God, he bar-
barously blew all the righteous men that were
among the Hebrews; nor vyould he spare the
prophets, for he every day slew some of them,
till Jerusalem was overflown with blood. So
God was angry at these proceedings, and sent
prophets to the king, and to the multitude, by
whom he threatened the very same calamities
to them which their brethren the Israelites,
upon the like afl'ronts offered to God, were
now under. But these men would not be-
lieve their words, by which belief they might
have reaped the advantage of escaping all
those miseries; yet did they in earnest learn
that what the prophets had told them was
true.
2. And when they persevered in the same
course of life, God raised up war against them
from the king of Babylon and Chaldea, who
sent an army against Judea, and laid waste the
country; and caught king Manasseh by trea-
chery, and ordered him to be brought to him,
and had him under his power to inflict what
punishment he pleased upon him. But then
it was that Manasseh perceived what a miser-
able condition he was in, and esteeming him-
self the cause of all, he besought God to ren-
der his enemy humane and merciful to him.
Accordingly, God heard his prayer, and
granted him what he prayed for. So Manasseh
was released by the king of Babylon, and es
caped the danger he was in ; and when he
was come to Jerusalem, he endeavoured, if it
were possible, to cast out of his memory those
his former sins against God, of which he now
repented, and to apply himself to a very reli.
gious life. He sanctified the temple, and
purged the city, and for the remainder of liis
days he «as intent on nothing but to return
his thanks to God for his deliverance, and to
preserve him propitious to him all his life
long. He also instructed the multitude to do
the same, as having very nearly experienced
what a calamity he was fallen into by a con-
trary conduct. He also rebuilt the altar, and
offered the legal sacrifices, as Moses com-
manded ; and when he had re-established
what concerned the divine worship, as it ought
to be, he took care of the security of Jerusa-
lem : he did not only repair the old walls
with great diligence, but added another wall
to the former. He also built very lofty towers,
and the garrisoned places before the cily he
strengthened, not only in other res];ects, but
« ith provisions of all sorts that they wanted ;
and indeed, when he had changed his former
course, he so led his life for the time to comt,
that from the time of his return to piety to-
wards God, he was deemed a happy man, and
a pattern for imitation. When therefore h«
had lived sixty-seven yenrs, l>e departed this
life, having reigned fifty-five years, and waa
CHAP. IV.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
273
buried in his own garden ; and the kingdom
came to his son Amon, whose motl)er's name
was Meshulemeth, of the city of Jotbath.
CHAPTER IV.
HOW AMON KEIGNED INSTEAD OF MANASSEH ;
AND APTKR AMON, REIGNED JOSIAII ; HE
WAS BOTH RIGHTEOUS AND RELIGIOUS. AS
ALSO CONCERNING HULDAH THE PRO-
PHETESS.
§ 1. This Amon imitated those works of his
father which he insolently did when he was
young : so he had a conspiracy made against
him by his own servants, and was slain in his
own house, when he had lived twenty-four
years, and of them had reigned two ; but the
multitude punished those that slew Amon,
and buried him witli his father, and gave the
kingdom to his son Josiah, who was eight
years old. His mother was of the city of
Boscath, and her name was Jedidah. He
^■as of a most excellent disposition, and
naturally virtuous, and followed the actions
of king David, as a pattern and a rule to him
in the whole conduct of his life ; and when
he was twelve years old he gave demonstra-
tions of his religious and righteous behaviour ;
for he brought the people to a sober way of
living, and exhorted them to leave off the opi-
nion they had of their idols, because they were
not gods, but to worship their own God ; and
by reflecting on the actions of his progenitors,
he prudently corrected what they did wrong,
like a very elderly man, and like one abun-
dantly able to understand what was fit to be
done ; and what he found they had well done,
he observed all the country over, and imitated
the same ; and thus he acted in following the
wisdom and sagacity of his own nature, and
in compliance with the advice and instruction
-of tlie elders ; for by following the laws it
was that he succeeded so well in the order of
his government, and in piety with regard to
the divine worship ; and this happened be-
cause the transgressions of the former kings
were seen no more, but quite vanished away ;
for tiie king went about the city, and the
whole country, and cut down the groves,
which were devoted to strange gods, and over-
threw t'heir altars ; and if there were any gifts
dedicated to them by his forefathers, he made
them ignominious, and plucked them down ;
and by tiiis means he brought the people back
from tiieir opinion about them to the worship
of God. He also offered his accustomed sa-
crifices and burnt-offerings upon the altar.
Moreover, he ordained certain judges and
overseers, that they might order the matters
to them severally belonging, and have regard
to justice above all things, and distribute it
with the same concern they would have about
their own soul. He also sent over all the
country, and desired such as pleased to bring
gold and silver for the repairs of the temple
according to every one's inclinations and abi-
lities; and when the money was brought in,
he made one Maaseiah the governor of the
city, and Shaphan the scribe, and Joah the re-
corder, and Eliakim the high-priest, curators
of the temple, and of the charges contributed
thereto ; who made no delay, nor put the work
off at all, but prepared arcliitects, and what-
soever was proper for those repairs, and set
closely about the work. So the temple was
repaired by this means, and became a public
demonstration of the king's piety.
2. But when he was now in the eighteenth
year of his reign, he sent to Eliakim the high-
priest, and gave order, that out of what mo-
ney was overplus, he should cast cups, and
dishes, and vials, for ministration [in the tem-
ple] ; and besides, that they should bring all
the gold or silver which was among the trea-
sures, and expend that also in making cups
and the like vessels: but as the high- priest
was bringing out the gold, he lighted upon the
holy books of Moses that were laid up in the
temple ; and when he had brought them out,
he gave them to Sliaphan the scribe, who,
when he had read them, came to the king,
and informed him that all was finished which
he had ordered to be done. He also read
over the books to him, who, when he had
heard them read, rent his garment, and called
for Eliakim the high-priest, and for [Shaphan]
the scrilie, and for certain [other] of his most
particular friends, and sent them to Huldah
the prophetess, the wife of Shallum (which
Shallum was a man of dignity, and of an
eminent family), and bade them go to her and
say that [he desired] she would appease God,
and endeavour to render him propitious to
them, for that there was cause to fear lest,
upon the transgression of the laws of Moses
by their forefathers, they should be in peril
of going into captivity, and of being cast out
of their own country ; lest they should be In
want of all things, and so end their days mi-
serably. When the prophetess had heard this
from the messengers that were sent to her by
the king, she bade them go back to the king,
and say, that God had already given sentence
against them, to destroy the people, and cast
then out of their country., and deprive them
of all the happiness they enjoyed ; which sen-
tence none could set aside by any prayers of
theirs, since it was passed on account of their
transgressions of the laws, and of their not
having repented in so long a time, while the
prophets bad exhorted them to amend, and
had foretold the punishments that would ensue
on their impious practices ; which tlireatening
God would certainly execute upon them, that
they might be persuaded that he is God, and
had not deceived them in any respect as to
1 what he had denounced by Ms prophets; tliat
_r
274
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
yet, because Josiali was a riglitcous man, he
woiiKl at present delay those calamilies, Ixit
tliat, after his ileatli, he would send on the
multitude what miseries he had determined
for them.
3. So these messengers, upon tliis prophecy
of the woman, came and told it to the king ;
whercuiion lie sent to the people everywhere,
and ordered that the priests and the Levites
shou'd come together to Jerusalem ; and
commanded that those of every ago should he
present also; and when they were gathered
together, he first read to them the holy books ;
after which he stood upon a jjulpit, in the
midst of the multitude, and obliged them to
make a covenant, with an oath, that they
would worship God and keep the laws of Mo-
ses. Accordingly, they gave their assent
willingly, and undertook to do what the king
had recomiTiended to them. So they imme-
diately oflered sacrifices, and that after an ac-
ceptable manner, and besought God to be
gracious and merciful to tiiem. He also en-
joined tlie high-priest, that if there remained
in the temple any vessel that was dedicated
to idols, or to foreign gods, they should cast
it out ; so when a great number of such ves-
sels were got together, he burnt them, and
scattered their ashes abroad, and slew the
priests of the idols that were not of the fami-
ly of Aaron.
4. And when he had done thus in Jerusa-
lem, he came into the country, and utterly
destroyed what buildings had been made
therein by king Jeroboain, in honour of
strange gods ; and lie burnt the bones of the
false prophets upon that altar which Jero-
boam first built; and, as the prophet [Jadon],
who came to Jeroboam when he was offering
sacrifice, and when all the people heard him,
foretold what would come to pass, viz. that
a certain man of the house of Uavid, Josiah
by name, should do what is here mentioned.
And It liappened that those predictions took
effect after three hundred and sixty-one years.
5. After these things, Josiah went ah>o to
such other Israelites as had escaped captivity
and slavery under the Assyrians, and per-
suaded them to desist from their impious
practices, and to leave off the honours they
paid to strange gods, but to worbliij) rightly
and what thing soever there was besides
which they worshipped as a god. And when
he had tlius purged all the country, he called
the people to Jerusalem, and there celebrated
the feast of unleavened bread, and that called
the Passover. He also gave the people for
paschal sacrifices, young kids of the goats,
and lambs, thirty thousand, and three thou-
sand oxen for burnt-on'erings. The princi-
pal of the priests also gave to the priests
against the jiassover two tiiousand and six
hundred lambs ; the princi|>al of the Levites
also gave to the Levites five thousand lambs,
and five hundred oxen, by which means there
was great plenty of sacrifices ; and they offer-
ed these sacrifices according to the laws of
IMoses, while every priest explained the mat-
ter, and ministered to the multitude. And
indeed there had been no other festival thus
celebrated by the Hebrews from the times of
Samuel the ))rophet; and the plenty of sacri-
fices now was the occasion that all things
were performed according to the laws, and
according to the custom of their forefathers.
So when Josiah had after this lived in peace,
nay, in riches and reputation also, among all
men, he ended his life in the manner follow
CHAPTER V.
HOW JOSIAH rOLGHT Wn H NECO |^KIXG OF
EGVFr], AND WAS WOl'NDED, AND DIED IN
A LITTLE TIME AllEHWAUDS : AS ALSO HOW
NECO CARRIED JEHOAHAZ, WHO HAD BEEN
MADE KING, INTO EGYPT, AND DEI.IVEIIF.D
THE KINGDOM TO JEllOlAKIM : AND [LAST-
LY], CONCEIINING JEUEMIAH AND EZEKIEU
§ I. Now Neco, king of Egypt, raised an
army, and marched to the river Euphrates,
in order to fight with the Medes and Baby,
lonians, who had overthrown the dominion of
the Assyrians,f for he had a desire to reign
over Asia. Now when he was come to the
city IMendes, which belonged to the kingdom
of Josiah, he brought an army to hinder him
from passing through his own country, in his
expedition against the jMedes. Now Neco
their own Almighty God, and adhere to him. sent a herald to Josiah, and told him, that he
He also searched the houses, and the villages, bad not made this expedition against him,
and the cities, out of a suspicion that some- i lJ"t was making haste to Euphrates; and de-
body might have one idol or other in private;
nay, indeed, be took away the chariots [of
the Sun] that were set up in liis royal pa-
lace,* which his predecessors had framed.
• It is hard to reconcile the acoimif in the second
lx)ok of Kings {cli. xxjii, II) with this ncixmnt in Josi-
phus, and Ui tran;>liilc this passnitc truly in Joseiihus,
whose copies arc sll])|l()^l■^l to Ix- laic iini'icrfccl. Mow-
ever, the general s<n«.- of both -ccnis to Ix; this: — Thai
there were cert in chariots, with Ihcir horses, dcilifalcil
U) the idol of the Sun, or to Molecli : whiih i<lol inif{lit
tie ramed about in procc^iun, and worshipped by the
sired that he would not provoke him to fight
against him, because he obstructed his march
people ; which chariots were now " taken away," as Jo-
.scphus says, or, as the book of Kings says, " burnt with
(ire, by Josiah."
t This is a remarkable passage of chronology in Jo-
scphiis, that about the latter end of the reign of Josiah,
the Modes and Habyloniaiis overthrew the empire of
the Assyrians; or, in the words of Tobit's coiitmuator,
that " before Tobhis died, he heard of the destruction
of Nineveh, which was taken by Ncbuchodonosor the
llabylonian, and Assucrus the Medc," Tob. xiv, 15 See
Dean Pridcaux's Connexion, at the year 312.
r
J'
ANTIQUITIES OV THE JEWS.
CHAP. VX.
to the place whither he had resolved to go.
But Josiah did not admit of this advice of
Neco, but put liimself into a posture to hin-
der him from his intended march. I sup-
pose it was fate that pushed him on to this
conduct, that it might take an occasion against
him ; for as he was setting his ainiy in array,*
and rode about in his chariot, from one wing
of his army to another, one of the Ei;yptians
shot an arrow at him, and put an end to his
eagerness for fighting ; for, being sorely
wounded, he commanded a retreat to be
sounded for his army, and returned to Jeru-
salem, and died of that wound ; and was
magnificently buried in the sepulchre of his
fathers, when ho /lad lived thirty-nine years,
and of them had reigned thirt3'-one. But all
the people mourned greatly for him, lament-
ing and grieving on his account many days ;
and Jeremiah the prophet composed an elegy
to lament him,-|- wliich is extant till this time
also. Moreover, this prophet denounced be-
forehand the sad calamities t])at were coming
upon the city. He also left behind him in
writing a description of that destruction of
our nation which has lately happened in our
days, and the taking of Babylon; nor was he
the only prophet wlio delivered such predic-
tions beforehand to the multitude j but so
did Ezekiel also, who was the first person
that wrote,, and left behind him in writing
two books, concerning these events. Now
these two prophets were priests by birth, but
of them Jeremiah dwelt in Jerusalem, from
the thirteenth year of the reign of Josiah, un-
til the city and temple were utterly destroyed.
However, as to what btfel this prophet, we
will relate it in its proper place.
2. Upon the death of Josiah, which we
have already mentioned, his son, Jehoaliaz
by name, took the kingdom, being about
twenty-three years old. He reigned in Je-
rusalem ; and his mother was Hamutal, of
the city Libnah. He was an ijnpious man,
and impure in his course of life ; but as the
king of Egypt returned from the battle, he sent
for Jehoahaz to come to him to the city called
Hamatli,! which belongs to Syria ; and when
he was come, he put him in bands, and de-
livered the kingdom to a brother of his by
the father's side, whose name was Eliakim,
and changed his name to Jehoiakim., and laid
* This battle is justly esteemed the very same that
Herodotus (b. ii, sect 156), mentioiis, wheu ho says,
that " Nccao joined battle with Bie Syrians [or Jews]
at Magdolum [Megiddo], and be;it them," as 13r. Hud-
sou here observes.
■(■ Whether Josephus, from 2 Chron. xxxv, 21, here
means the book of the I anientaticiis of Jeremiah, still
extant, which chiefly belongs to the destruction of Je-
rusalem under Neliuchaelneizar, or to any other like
melancholy poem now lost, but extant in the days of
Josephus, belonging peculiarly to Josiah, cannot now be
determined.
X This ancient city Hamath, which is joined with
Arpad, or Aradus, arid with Damascus (2 Kings xviii,
5l ; Isa. xxxvi, 19; Jcr. xlix, 25), cities of Syria and
Phoenicia, near the borders of Judca, was also itself evi-
dently near the same borders, though long ago utterly
destroyed.
275
a tribute upon the land of a htindred talents
of silver, and a talent of gold ; and tiiis sum
of money Jthoiakim paid by way of tribute;
but Neco carried away Jehoahaz into Egypt,
where he died, when he had reigned three
months and ten days. Now Jehoiakim's
mother was called Zebudali, of the city Ru-
mah. He was of a wicked disposition, and
ready to do mischief, nor was he either reli-
gious towards God, or good-natured towards
men.
CHAPTER VI.
HOW NEBUCHADNEZZAR, WHEN HE HAD CON-
QUERED THE KING OF EGYPT, MADE AN EX-
PEDITION AGAINST THE JEWS, AND SLEW
JEKOIAKIM, AND MADE JEHOIACHIN, U13
SON, KING.
§ 1. Now in the fourth year of the reign of
Jehoiakim, one whose name was Nebuchad-
nezzar took the government over the Babylo-
nians, who at the saine time went up with a
great army to the city Carchemish, which was
at Euphrates, upon a resolution he had taken
to fight with Neco, king of Egypt, under
whom all Syria then was. And when Necc
understood the intention of the king of Babj-
lou, and that this expedition was made against
him, he did not despise his attempt, but made
haste with a great band of men to Euphra-
tes to defend himself from Nebuchadnezzar ;
and when they had joined battle, lie was
beaten, and lost many ten thousands [of his
soldiers] in the battle. So the king of Ba-
bylon passed over Euphrates, and took all
Syria, as far as Pelusium, excepting Judea.
But when Nebuchadnezzar had already reign-
ed four years, which was the eighth of Jehoi-
akim's government over the Hebrews, the king
of Babylon made an expedition with mighty
forces against the Jew's, and required tribute
of Jeiioiakim, and threatened, on his refusal,
to make war against him. He was atfrighted
at his threatening, and bought his peace with
money, and brought the tribute he was order-
ed to bring for three years.
2. But on the third year, upon hearing
that the king of the Babylonians made an ex-
pedition against the Egyptians, he did not pay
his tribute ; yet was he disappointed of bis
hope, for the Egyptians durst not fight at this
time. And indeed the prophet Jeremiah fore-
told every day how vainly they relied on tlieir
hopes from Egypt, and how the city would be
overthrown by the king of Babylon, and Je-
hoiakim the king would be subdued by him.
But what he thus spake proved to be of no
advantage to them, because there were none
that should escape ; for both the nniltitude,
and the rulers, when they heard him, had no
concern about what they heard ; but being
"V.
jT
J~
276
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK X
displeased at wliat was said, as if tlic propliet
were a diviner against the king, tliey accused
Jeremiah ; and bringing him before the court,
tliey required tliat a sentence and a punish-
ment might be given against liim. Now all
the rest gave their votes for his condemnation,
but the elders refused, who prudently sent
•way tlie propliet from the court [of the pri-
son], and persuaded the rest to do Jeremiah
no harm ; for tliey said that he was not the
only person who foretold what would come
to the city, but that Micah signified the same
before him, as well as many others, none of
whom suffered any thing of the kings that
then reigned, but were honoured as the pro-
phets of God. So they mollified the multi-
tude with these words, anddelirered Jeremiah
from the punishment to which he was con-
demned. Now when this prophet had written
all his prophecies, and the people were fast-
ing, and assembled at the temple, on the ninth
month of the fifth year of Jelioiakim, he read
the book he had composed of his predictions
of what was to befal the city, and the temple,
and the multitude ; and when the rulers heard
of it, they took the book from him, and bade
him and Baruch the scribe to go their ways,
lest they should be discovered by one or other ;
but tliey carried the book, and gave it to the
king; so he gave order in the presence of his
friends, that his scribe should take it and read
it. When the king heard what it contained,
he was angry, and tore it, and cast it into the
fire, where it was consumed. He also com-
manded that they should seek for Jeremiah
and Baruch the scribe, and bring them to him,
that they might be punished. However, they
escaped his anger.
3. Now, a little time afterwards, the king
of Babylon made an expedition against Je-
lioiakim, whom he received [into the city],
and this out of fear of the foregoing predic-
tions of this prophet, as supposing that he
should sufl'er nothing that was terrible, be-
cause he neither shut the gates, nor fought
against him ; yet when he was come into the
city, he did not observe the covenants he had
made ; but he slew such as were in the flower
of their age, and such as were of the greatest
dignity, together with their king Jehuiakim,
whom he commanded to be thrown before the
walls, without any burial ; and made his son
Jehoiachin king of tlie country and of the
city : he also took the principal persons in
dignity for captives, three thousand in num-
ber, and led them away to Babylon ; among
whom was the prophet Ezekiel, who was then
but young. And this was the end of king
Jelioiakim, when he had lived thirty-six years,
and of them reigned elvcn. But Jehoiachin
succeeded him in the kingdom, whose mo-
ther's imme was Nehushta ; she was a citizen
of Jerusalem. lie reigned three months and
tun days.
CHAPTER VII.
THAT THE KING OF BABYLON REPENTED OT
MAKING JEHOrACHIN KING, AND TOOK UIM
AWAY TO BABYLON, AND DF.LIVERED THE
KINGDOM TO ZEDEKIAH. THIS KING WOULD
NOT BELIEVE WHAT WAS PREDICTED BY JE-
REMIAH AND EZEKIEL, BUT JOINED HIMSELP
TO THE EGYPTIANS ; WHO, WHEN THEY CAME
INTO JUDEA, WERE VANQUISHED BY THE
KING OF BABYLON ; AS ALSO WHAT BEFEL
JEREMIAH.
§ 1. But a terror seized on the king of Ba-
bylon, who had given the kingdom to Jehoia.
chin, and that immediately ; he was afraid
that he should bear him a grudge, because of
his killing his father, and thereupon should
make the country revolt from him ; where-
fore he sent an army, and besieged Jehoiachin
in Jerusalem ; but because he was of a gen-
tle and just disposition, he did not desire to
see the city endangered on his account, but
he took his mother and kindred, and deliver-
ed them to the coitimanders sent by the king
of Babylon, and accepted of their oaths, that
neither should they sufl'er any harm, nor the
city ; which agreement they did not observe
for a single year, for the king of Babylon did
not keep it, but gave orders to his generals
to take all that were in the city captives, both
the youth and the handicraftsmen, and bring
them bound to him ; their number was ten
thousand eight hundred and thirty-two ; as
also Jehoiachin, and his mother and friends ;
and when these were brought to him, he kept
them in custody, and appointed Jehoiachin's
uncle, Zedekiah, to be king; and made him
take an oath, that he would certainly keep the
kingdom for him, and make no innovation,
nor have any league of friendship with the
Egyptians.
2. Now Zedekiah was twenty-and-one years
old when he took the government ; and had
the same mother with his brother Jehoiakim,
but was a despiser of justice and of his duty,
for truly those of the same age with him were
wicked about him, and the whole multitude
did what unjust and insolent things they
pleased ; for which reason the prophet Jere-
miah came often to him, and protested to him,
and insisted, that he must leave off his im-
pieties and transgressions, and take care of
what was right, and neither give ear to the
rulers (among whom were wicked men) nor
give credit to their false prophets who delud
ed them, as if the king of Babylon would make
no more war against him, and as if the Egyp-
tians would make war against him, and conquer
him, since what they said was not true; and the
events would not prove such [as they expect-
edl. Now as to Zedekiah himself, while he
beard the orophet speak, he believed him, and
CHAP. VII.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
277
agreed to every thing as true, and supposed
it was for his advantage ; but then his friends
perverted him, and dissuaded him from what
the prophet advised, and obliged him to do
what they pleased. Ezekiel also foretold in
Babylon what calamities were coming upon
the people, which when he heard, he sent ac-
counts of them unto Jerusalem ; but Zede-
kiah did not believe their prophecies, for the
reason following : — It happened that the two
prophets agreed with one another in what they
said as in all other things, that the city should
betaken, and Zedekiah himself should betaken
captive ; but Ezekiel disagreed with him, and
said, that Zedekiah should not see Babylon ;
while Jeremiah said to him, that the king of
Babylon should carry him away thither in
bonds ; and because they did not both say
the same thing as to this circumstance, he
disbelieved what they both appeared to agree
in, and condemned them as not speaking
truth therein, although all the things foretold
him did come to pass according to their pro-
phecies, as we shall show upon a fitter oppor-
tunity,
3. Now when Zedekiah had preserved the
league of mutual assistance he had made w ith
the Babylonians for eight years, he brake it,
and revolted to the Egyptians, in hopes, by
their assistance, of overcoming the Babylo-
nians. When the king of Babylon knew
this, he made war against him : he laid his
country waste, and took his fortified towns,
and came to the city Jerusalem itself to be-
siege it : but when the king of Egypt heard
'vhat circumstances Zedekiah his ally was
in, he took a great army with him, and came
into Judea, as if he would raise the siege ;
upon which the king of Babylon departed
from Jerusalem, and mot the Egyptians, and
joined battle with them, and beat them ;
and when he had put them to flight, he
pursued them, and drove them out of all
Syria. Now as soon as the king of Ba-
bylon was departed from Jerusalem, the
false prophets deceived Zedekiah, and said,
that the king of Babylon would not any more
make war against him or his people, nor re-
move them out of their own country into
Babylon ; and that those then in captivity
would return, with all those vessels of the
temple, of which the king of Babylon had
despoiled that temple. But Jeremiah came
among them, and prophesied what contra-
dicted those predictions, and what proved to
be true, that they did ill, and deluded the
king ; that the Egyptians would be of no ad.
vantage to them, but that the king of Baby-
lon would renew the war against Jerusalem,
and besiege it again, and would destroy the
people by famine, and carry away those that
remained into captivity, and would take away
what they had as spoils, and would carry
oft' those riches that were in the temple ; nay,
tlvat, besides this, he would burn it, and ut-
terly overthrow the city, and that they should
serve him and his posterity seventy years ;
and then the Persians and the Medes should
put an end to their servitude, and overthrow
the Babylonians; "and that we shall be dis-
missed, and return to this land, and rebuila
the temple, and restore Jerusalem."* — When
Jeremiah said this, the greater part believed
him ; but the rulers, and those that were
wicked, despised him, as one disordered in
his senses. Now he had resolved to go else,
where, to his own country, which was called
Anathoth, and was twenty furlongs distant
from Jerusalem ; and as he was going, one of
the rulers met him, and seized upon him, and
accused him falsely, as though he were going
as a deserter to the Babylonians ; but Jere-
miah said that he accused him falsely, and
added, that he was only going to his own
country ; but the other would not believe him,
but seized upon him, and led him away to
the rulers, and laid an accusation against
him, under whom he endured all sorts of
torments and tortures, and was reserved to
be punished ; and this was the condition he
was in for some time, while he suffered what
I iiave already described unjustly.
4. Now, in the ninth year of the reign of
Zedekiah, on the tenth day of the tenth month,
the king of Babylon made a second expedi
tion against Jerusalem, and lay before it eigh-
teen months, and besieged it with the utmost
application. There came upon them also two
of the greatest calamities, at the same time
that Jerusalem was besieged, a famine and a
pestilential distemper, and made great havoc
of them : and though the prophet Jeremiah
was in prison, he did not rest, but cried out,
and proclaimed aloud, and exhorted the mul-
titude to open their gates, and admit the
king of Babylon, for that, if they did so, they
should be preserved, and their whole families;
but if they did not so, they sliould be destroy-
ed ; and he foretold, that if any one staid in
the city, he should certainly perish by one of
these ways, — either be consumed by the fa-
mine, or slain by the enemy's sword ; but
that if he would fly to the enemy he should
escape death : yet did not these rulers who
heard believe him, even when they were in
the midst of their sore calamities; but they
came to the king, and, in their anger, inform-
ed him what Jeremiah said, and accused him,
and complained of the prophet as of a madman,
and one that disheartened their minds, and,
by the denunciation of miseries, weakened
the alacrity of the multitude, who were other-
wise ready to expose themselves to dangers
for him, and for their country, while he, in a
• Joscphus says here, that Jeremiah prophesied noc
only of the return of the Je« s from the Babylonian cap-
tivity, and this under the Persians and Medes, as inouir
other coi/ies ; but of their rcbuildnig the temple, and
even the city Jerusalem, which docs not appear in our
copies under his name. See the note on Antiq. b. ai
ch. 1 , sect. 3.
k
278
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEUS
K
way of tlircatciiing, warned tliciii to fly to the
enciny, niiil told tht-iii tliat tlx" city should
certainly he taken, and he utterly destroyed.
5. Put for the kinj:; iiiinseU", he was not at
all irritated against Jeremiah, such was his
gentle antl righteous disposition ; yet, that he
might not be engaged in a quarrel with those
rulers at such a time, by opposing uhat they
intended, he let them do with the prophet
whatsoever tl.ey would ; whereupon, when
the king had granted them such a permission,
they presently came into the prison and took
hiin, and let him down with a cord into a pit
full of mire, that he nu'glit be sufTocatedj^ and
die of himself. So he stood up to the neck
in the mire, which was all about liini, and so
continued : i)ut there was one of tiie king's
servants, who was in esteem witii liim, an E-
thiopian by descent, who told the king what
a state the prophet was in, and said, that his
fiicnds and his rulers had done evil in put-
ting the propliet into the mire, and by that
means contriving against him tiiat he should
sufler a death more bitter than that by his
bonds only. When the king heard this, he
repented of his having delivered uj) the pro-
phet to the rulers, and bade the Ethiopian
take thirty men of the king's guards, and
cords with them, and whatsoever else they
understood to be necessary for the i)ro])het's
preservation, and to draw him up immediate-
ly. So the Ethiopian took the men that he was
ordered to take, and drew up the prophet out
of the mire, and left him at liberty in tlie
prison.
6. But when the king had sent to call him
privately, and inquired what he could say to
him from God, ^^llich might l)e suitable to his
present circumstances, and desired him to in-
form liim of it, Jeremiah replied, that he
had somewhat to say ; but he said withal, he
should not be believed, nor, if he admonislied
them, should be hearkened to ; " for," said he,
" thy friends have determined to destroy me,
as though I had been guilty of some witkeil-
ness : and where are now those men who de-
ceived us, and said that the king of I5abylon
would not come and fight against us any
more ? but I am afraid now to speak the
truth, lest thou shouldest condenm me to
die." And when the king liad assured iiim
upon oath that he would neither himself put
him to death, nor deliver him up to the rulers,
le became bold upon that assurance that was
given him, and gave him this advice : — That
he should deliver the city up to the Baby-
lonians; and he said, that it was God who
prophesied this by him, that [he must do so]
if he would be pre-erved, and escape out of
the danger he was in, and that then neither
should the city full to the ground, nor should
the temi)le be burned ; but that [if he dis-
obeyed], he would be the cause of these mi-
series coming u])on the citizens, and of the
calamity that would befal his whole house.
Wlien the king lieard this, he said, that he
would willingly di) what he persuaded him to,
and what he declared would be to his advan-
tage, but that he was afraid of those of hi?
O'vn country that had fallen away to the Ba-
bylonians, lest he should be accused by them
to the king of Babylon, and he punished.
But the prophet encouraged him, and said he
had no cause to fear such |>uriishmcnt, for
that he sh()uld not have the cxjjerience of any
misfortune, if he would deliver all up to the
Babylonians ; neither himself, nor liis chil-
tlrcn, nor his wives, and that the teinple
should then continue unhurt. So when Je-
remiah had said this, the king let him go, and
charged him to betray what they had resolved
on to none of the citizens, nor to tell any of
these matters to any of the rulers, if they
should have learned that he had been sent
for, and should inquire of him what it was
that he was sent for, and what lie had said to
him ; but to pretend to them that he besoughj
him that he might not be kept in bonds and
in prison. Anil indeed he said so to thetn,
for they came to the prophet, and asked him
what advice it was that he came to give the
king relating to them : and thus I have fi-
nished what concerns this matter.
CHAPTER VIII.
HOW THE KliVG OF BABYLON TOOK JERlSAT.Ey
AND BURNT THIi TLMPI.E, AND ilE.MOVKD
THE PEOPLE OF JERUSALEM AND ZEDEKIAH
TO BABYLON. AS ALSO, WHO THEY WERE
THAT HAD SITCCEEDED IN THE HIGH-PRIEST-
HOOD UNDER THE KINGS.
§ 1 . Now the king of Babylon was very intent
and earnest upon the siege of Jerusalem ; and
he erected towers upon great banks of earth
and fronj thtm repelled those that stood upon
the walls: he also made a great number of
such banks round about the whole city,
the height of whicli «as equal to those walls.
However, those that were within bore the
siege with courage and alacrity, for they were
not discouraged, either by the famine or by
the pestilential distemper, but were of cheer-
ful minds in the prosecution of the war, al-
though those miseries within oppressed them
also; and they did not sutler themselves to
ie terrified, either by the contrivances of the
enemy, or by their engines of war, but con-
trived still dillcrent engines to oppose all the
other withal, till indeed there seemed to be
an entire struggle between the Babylonians
and the people of Jerusalem, «ho had the
greater sagacity and skill ; the former party
supi)osing they should be thereby too hard
for the other, for the destruction of the city ;
the latter placing their liopes of deliverance
in nothing else but in perse\ering in such in.
^
CHAP. VIII.
ANTiaUITIES OF THE JEWS.
279
veutions, in opposition to the other, as might
demonstrate the enemy's engines were use-
less to them ; and this siege they endured
for eighteen moiitlis, until they were destroy-
ed by the famine, and by the darts which the
enemy threw at them from the towers.
2. Now the city was taken on the ninth
day of the fourth month, in the eleventli year
of the reign of Zedekiah. They w<!re in-
deed only generals of the king of Babylon,
to whom Nebuchadnezzar committed the care
of the siege, for he abode himself in the city
of Riblah. The names of these generals who
ravaged and subdued Jerusalem, if any one
desire to know them, were these : Nergal
Sharezer, Samgar Nebo, Rabsaris, Sarse-
cliini, and Rabmag; and when the city was
taken about midnight, and the enemy's gene-
rals were entered into the temple, and when
Zedekiah was sensible of it, he took his
wives and his children, and his captains and
friends, and with thein fled out of the city,
tlirough the fortified ditch, and through the
desert ; and when certain of the deserters had
informed the Babylonians of this, at break of
day, they made haste to pursue after Zede-
kiah, and overtook him not far from Jericho,
and encompassed him about. But for those
friends and captains of Zedekiah who had
fled out of the city with him, when they saw
their enemies near them, they left him and
dispersed themselves, some one way and some
another, and every one resolved to save him-
self j so the enemy took Zedekiah alive, when he
was deserted by all but a few, with his chil-
dren and his wives, and brought him to the
king. When he was come, Nebuchadnezzar
began to call liim a wicked wretch, and a
covenant-breaker, and one that had forgotten
his former words, when he promised to keep
the country for him. He also reproached him
for his ingratitude, that when he had received
the kingdom from him, who iiad taken it from
Jehoiachin, and given it him, he had made
use of the power he gave him against him
that gave it: " but," sAid he, " God is great,
»vho hateth that conduct of thine, and hath
brought thee under us." And when he had
used these words to Zedekiah, he commanded
his sons and his friends to be slain, while Ze-
dekiah and tlie rest of the captains looked on ;
after which he put out the eyes of Zedekiah,
and bound him, and carried him to Babylon.
And these things happened to him,* as Jere-
miah and Ezekiel had foretold to him, that
he should be caught, and brought before the
king of Babylon, and should speak to him
face to face, and should see his eyes with his
# This observation of Josephus about the seeming
disagreement of Jeremiah (ch. xxxii, 4; and xxxiv, 5;
anit Kzek. xii, 13), but real agreement at last, concern-
ing the fate of Zedekiah, is very true and very remark-
able. See ch. vii, sect. 2. Nor is it at all unlikely that
tlie courtiers and false prophets might make use of this
seeming contradiction to dissuade Zedekiah from believ-
ing either of tliose prophets, as Josephus here intimates
he was dissuaded thereby.
own eyes ; and thus far did Jeremiah pro-
phesy. But he was also made blind, and
brought to Babylon, but did not see it, ac-
cording to the prediction of Ezekiel.
3. We have said thus much, because it was
sufficient to show the nature of God to such
as are ignorant of it, that it is various, and
acts many different ways, and that all events
happen after a regular manner, in their pro-
per season, and that it foretols what must
coine to pass. It is also sufficient to show
the ignorance and incredulity of men, where-
by they are not permitted to foresee any thing
tliat is future, and are, without any guard,
exposed to calamities, so that it is impossible
for them to avoid the experience of those ca-
lamities,
4. And after this manner have the kings of
David's race ended their lives, being in num-
ber twenty-one, until the last king, who ail
together reigned five hundred and fourteen
years, and six montlis, and ten days : of whom
Saul, who was their first king, retained the
government twenty years, though he was not
of the same tribe with the rest.
5. And now it was that the king of Ba-
bylon sent Nebuzaradan, the general of his
army, to Jerusalem, to pillage the temple ;
who had it also in command to burn it and
the royal palace, and to lay the city even w ith
the ground, and to transplant the people into
Babylon. Accordingly he came to Jerusalem,
in the eleventh year of king Zedekiah, and
pillaged the temple, and carried out the ves-
sels of God, both gold and silver, and parti-
cularly that large laver which Solomon dedi-
cated, as also the pillars of brass, and their
chapiters, with the golden tables and the can-
dlesticks : and when he had carried these ofT,
he set fire to the temple in the fifth month,
the first day of the month, in the eleventh
year of the reign of Zedekiah, and in the
eighteenth year of Nebuchadnezzar ; he also
burnt the palace, and overthrew the city. Now
the temple was burnt four hundred and seventy
years, six months, and ten days, after it was
built. It was then one thousand and sixty-
two years, six months, and ten days, from the
departure out of Egypt ; and from the De-
luge to the destruction of the temple, the
whole interval was one thousand nine hundred
and fifty-seven years, six months, and ten
days; but from the generation of Adam, un-
til this befel the temple, there were three thou-
sand five hundred and thirteen years, six
months, and ten days ; so great was the num-
ber of years hereto belonging ; and what ac-
tions were done during these years, we have
particularly related. But the general of the
Babylonian king now overthrew the city to
the very foundations, and removed all the peo-
ple, and took for prisoners the high-])riest
Seraiah, and Zephaniah the priest that was
next to him, and the rulers that guarded the
temple, who were three in number and the
J-
2S0
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK X
eunuch who was over the armed men, and 1 Jews into captivity, left the poor, and those
seven friends of Zodi'kiah, and his scribe, and that had deserted, in the country ; and made
sixty otlier rulers; nil whom, togetiier with I one, whose name was Gedaliah, the son of
the vessels they tiad pillaged, he carried to the
king of Babylon to lliblab, a city of Syria.
Ahikam, a person of a noble family, their
governor ; which Gedaliah was of a gentle
So the king commanded the heads of the and righteous disposition. lie also com-
high-priest and of the rulers, to be cut ofl
there ; but he himself led all the captives and
Zedekiah to Babylon. lie also led Josedek
the high-priest away bound. lie was the son
of Seiaiah the high-privst, whom the king of
Babylon had slain in Iliblah, a city of Syria,
as we just now related.
6. And now, because we have enumerated
4he succession of the kings, and who they
were, and how long tluy reigned, I think it
necessary to set down the names of the high-
priests, and who they were that succeeded one
anotherin the high-priesthood underthe kings.
The first high-ptiest then at the temple which
Solomon built was Zadok ; after him his son
Achimas received that dignity ; after Achimas
was Azarias ; his son was Joram, and Joram's
son was Isus ; after him was Axioramus ; his
son was Phideas, and Phideas's son was Su-
deas, and Sudeas's son was Juelus, and Jue-
lus's son was Jotham, and Jotham's son was
Urias, and Urias's son was Nerias, and Ne-
rias's son was Odeas, and his son was Sallu-
mus, and Sallumus's son was Elcias, and his
son [was Azarias, and his son] was Sareas,*
and his son was Josedec, who was carried
captive to Babylon. All these received the
high-priesthood by succession, the sons from
their father.
7. When the king was come to Babylon,
he kept Zedekiah in prison until he died, and
buried him magnificently, and dedicated the
vessels he had pillaged out of the temple of
Jerusalem to his own gods, and planted the
people in the country of Babylon, but freed
tlie high-priest from his bonds.
CHAPTER IX,
HOW NEBUZARADAN SET GEDALIAH OVER THE
JEWS THAT WERE EEfT IN JUDEA, WHICH
GEDALIAH WAS A LITTIJ': AITEUWAKU SLAIN
UYISHMAEL; AND HOW JOHANAN, AJTER
ISriMAEL WAS DRIVEN AWAY, WENT DOWN
INTO EGYPT WITH THE PEOPLE; WHICH PEO-
PLE NEBUCHADNEZZAR, WHEN HE MADE AN
EXPEDITION AGAINST THE EGYPTIANS, TOOK
CAPTIVE, AND BROLGHT THE.M AWAY TO
BABYLON.
§ 1. Now the general of tlic army, Nebuza-
radan, when he had carried the people of the
• I have licre liiscrtc<l in tjiuckots this liigh-pricst
Azarias, tlioiigli he lie oiiiiltt'd in all .liist'phu<< coiiics,
out of the Jewish ehionielL-, Seller *)laiii, of how luile
authority M)fvcr I generally esteem sueh late llabliimcal
hUtormns, l>c<«use we know Iroin JoM.-|>hus hiiiiAelf, that
manded them that they should cultivate the
ground, and pay an a])poinled tribute to the
king. He also took Jeremiah the prophet
out of prison, and would have persuaded him
to go along with him to Babylon, for that he
had been enjoined by the king to supply him
with whatsoever he wanted ; and if he did
not like to do so, he desired him to inform
him where he resolved to dwell, that he might
signify the same to the king. But the pro-
phet had no mind to follow him, nor to dwell
anywhere else, but would gladly live in the
ruins of his country, and in the miserable re-
mains of it. When the general understood
what his purpose was, he enjoined Gedaliah,
whom he left behind, to take all possible care
of him, and to supply him with whatsoever
he wanted ; so when he had given him rich
presents, he dismissed him. Accordingly,
Jeremiah abode in a city of that country,
which was called Mispah ; and desired of
Nebuzaradan that he would set at liberty his
disciple Baruch,f the son of Neriah, one of a
very eminent family, and exceeding skilful in
the language of his country.
2. When Nebuzaradan had done thus, he
made haste to Babylon ; but as to those that
fled away during the siege of Jerusalem, and
had been scattered over the country, when
they heard that the Babylonians were gone
away, and had left a remnant in the land of
Jerusalem, and those such as were to culti-
vate the same, they came together from all
parts to Gedaliah to Mispah. Now the rulers
that were over them were Johanan, the son of
Kareal), and Jezaniah, and Seraiali, and others
beside them. Now there was of the royal
family one Ishmael, a wicked man, and very
crafty, who, during the siege of Jerusalem,
fled to Baalis, king of the Annnonites, and
abode with him during that time; and Geda-
liah persuaded them, now they were there,
to stay with him, and to have no fear of the
Babylonians, for that if they would cultivate
the country, they should sulTer no harm.
This he assured them of by oath ; and said
that they should have him for their patron,
and that if any disturbance should arise, they
should find him ready to defend them. He
also advised them to tlwell in any city, as
every one of them pleased ; and that they
would send men along willi his own servants,
the number of the hiRh-pricsts belonging to this inter-
val was eif;hterii (Antiq. b. xx, ch. x), wlicreas liis co-
pies lia\e here hut seventeen.
t Of this I hnracler of Uanich, the son of Neriah, and
Ihe genuiiieiii-ss of his lK)ok, lliat stands now in out
Aptx-npna, ami that it is real'v n eanorieal book, and
an Ap'iiemUx to Jeremiah, see AuthciiU Ucc. yaM i,
jiage i— 1 1,
^-
^
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. IX,
and rebuild their houses upon the old foun-
dations, and dwell there; and he admonished
them beforehand, that they should make pre-
paration, while the season lasted, of corn, and
wine, and oil, that they might have whereon
to feed during the winter. When he had
thus discoursed to them, he dismissed them,
that every one might dwell in what part of
the country he pleased.
3. Now when this report was spread abroad
as far as the nations that bordered on Judea,
that Gedaliah kindly entertained those that
came to him, after they had fled away, upon
this [only] condition, that they should pay
tribute to the king of Babylon, they also
came readily to Gedaliah, and inhabited the
country. And when Johanan, and the rulers
that were with him, observed the country, and
the humanity of Gedaliah, they were exceed-
ingly in love with him, and told him that
Baalis, the king of the Ammonites, had sent
[shmael to kill hiin by treachery, and sccret-
y, that he might have the dominion over the
Israelites, as being of the royal family ; and
they said that he might deliver himself from
this treaclierous design, if he would give them
leave to slay Ishmael, and nobody should
know it, for tliey told him they were afraid
that when he was killed by the other, the en-
tire ruin of the remaining strength of the
Israelites would ensue. But he professed
that he did not believe what they said, when
they told him of such a treacherous design,
in a man that had been well treated by him ;
because it was not probable that one who,
under such a want of all things, had failed
of nothing that was necessary for him, should
be found so wicked and ungrateful towards
his benefactor, that when it would be an in-
stance of wickedness in him not to save him,
had he been treacherously assaulted by others,
to endeavour, and that earnestly, to kill him
with his own hand : that, however, if he
ought to suppose this information to be true,
it was better for himself to be slain by the
other, than destroy a man who fled to him
for refuge, and entrusted his own safety to
him, and committed himself to his disposal.
4. So Johanan, and the rulers that were
with him, not being able to persuade Gedaliah,
went away : but after the interval of thirty
days was over, Ishmael came again to Geda-
liah, to the city Mispah, and ten men with him :
and when he had feasted Ishmael, and those
that were with him, in a splendid manner at
his table, and had given them presents, he be-
came disordered in drink, while he endeavour-
ed to be very merry with them : and when
Ishmael saw him in that case, and that he was
drowned in his cups to the degree of insensi-
bility, and fallen asleep, he rose up on a sud-
den, with his ten friends, and slew Gedaliah
and those that were with him at the feast ; and
when he had slain them, he went out by night,
and slew all the Jews that were in the city,
281
and those soldiers also which were left therein
by the Babylonians ; but the next day four-
score men came out of the country with pre-
sents to Gedaliah, none of them knowing what
had befallen him ; when Ishmael saw them,
he invited tiiem in to Gedaliah, and when they
were come in, he shut up the court and slew
them, and cast their dead bodies down into a
certain deep pit, that they might not be seen ;
but of these fourscore men Ishmael spared
those that entreated him not to kill them, till
tliey had delivered up to him wliat riches they
had concealed in the fields, consisting of their
furniture, and garments, and corn : but he
took captive the people that were in Mispah,
with their wives and children ; among whom
were the daughters of king Zedekiah, whom
Nebuzaradan, the general of the army of
Babylon, had left with Gedaliah ; and when
he had done this, he came to the king of the
Ammonites.
5. But when Johanan and the rulers with
him heard of what was done at Mispah by
Ishmael, and of the death of Gedaliah, they
had indignation at it, and every one of them
took his own armed men, and came suddenly
to fight with Ishmael, and overtook him at
the fountain in Hebron ; and when those that
were carried away captives by Ishmael, saw
Johanan and the rulers, tliey v/ere very glad,
and looked upon them as coming to their as-
sistance ; so they left him that had carried
them captives, and came over to Johanan :
then Ishmael, with eight men, fled to the king
of the Ammonites ; but Johanan took those
whom he had rescued out of the hands of Ish-
mael, and the eunuchs, and their wives and
children, and came to a certain place called
Mandara, and there they abode that day, for
they had determined to remove from thence
and go into Egypt, out of fear, lest the Baby-
lonians should slay them, in case they con-
tinued in the country, and that out of anger
at the slaughter of Gedaliah, who had been by
them set over it for governor.
6. Now while they were under this delibe-
ration, Johanan, the son of Kareah, and the
rulers that were with him, came to Jeremiah
the prophet, and desired that he would pray
to God, that because they were at an utter
loss about what they ought to do, he would
discover it to them, and they sware that they
would do whatsoever Jeremiah should say to
them : and when the prophet said that he would
be their intercessor with God, it came to pass,
that after ten days God appeared to him, and
said, that he should inform Johanan and the
other rulers and all the people, that he would
be with them while they continued in that
country, and take care of them, and keep
them from bemg hurt by the Babylonians, of
whom they were afraid ; but that he would
desi;rt them if they went into Egypt; and,
ou'. of his wrath against them, would inflict
thf same punishments upon them which Uiey
2 A
282
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
knew ilicir lirclhrcn had already endured.
So when tlie prophet had informed Johanan
and the peo])le that God liad foretold these
things, he was not believed, when lie said that
God commanded them to continue in that
country ; but they imagined that he said so
to gratify Baruch, his own disciple, and be-
lied God, and that he persuadsd them to stay
there, that they might be destroyed by the
Babylonians. Accordingly, both the people
and Johannn disobeyed the counsel of God,
which he gave them by the prophet, and re-
moved into Egypt, and carried Jeremiah and
Baruch along with them.
7. And when they were there, God signi-
fied to the prophet that the king of Babylon
was about making an expedition against the
Egyptians, and commanded him to foretel
to the people that Egypt should be taken,
and the king of Babylon should slay some of
them, and should take others captive, and
bring them to Babylon ; which things came
to pass accordingly; for on the fifth year af-
ter the destruction of Jerusalem, which was
the twenty-third of the reign of Nebuchad-
intcrval of time which passed from the capti-
vity of the Israelites, to the carrying away of
the two tribes, proved to be a hundred and
thirty years, six months, and ten days.
CHAPTER X,
CONCEBNING DANIEL, AND WHAT BEFF.I. HIM
AT BABYLON.
§ I. Bi'T now Nebuchadnezzar, king of Ba-
bylon, took some of the most noble of the
Jews that were children, and the kinsmen of
Zedekiah their king, such as were remarkable
for the beauty of their bodies and the come-
liness of their countenances, and delived their
into the hands of tutors, and to the improve-
ment to be made by them. He also made
some of them to be eunuchs ; which course
he took also with those of other nations whom
he had taken in the flower of their age, and
afforded them their diet from his own table,
and had them instructed in the institutes of
nezzar, he made an expedition against Cele- I tlip country, and taught the learning of the
Syria; and when he had possessed himself of; Chaldeans; and they had now exercised them-
it, he made war against the Ammonites and selves sufficiently in that wisdom which he
Moabites ; and when be had brought all , had ordered they should apply themselves to.
those nations under subjection, he fell upon Now among these there were four of the family
Egypt, in order to overthrow it; and he slew of Zcdekiah, of most excellent dispositions;
the king that then reigned,* and set up ano- the one of whom was called Daniel, another
ther : and he took those Jews that were there , was called Ananias, another ^lisael, and the
captives, and led them away to Babylon ; fourth Azarias : and the king of Babylon
and such was the end of the nation of the changed their names, and commanded that
Hebrews, as it hath been delivered down to j they should make use of other names. Daniel
us, it having twice gone beyond Euphrates; he called Baltasar ; Ananias, Shadrach; Mi-
for the people of the ten tribes were carried sael, Meshach ; and Azarias, Abednego.
out of Samaria by the Assyrians in the days of These the king had in esteem, and continued
kingHoshea; after which the people ofihe two to love, because of the very excellent temper
tribes that remained after Jerusalem was taken , they were of, and because of their application
[were carried away] by Nebuchadnezzar, the to learning, and the progress they had made
king of Babylon and Chaldea. Now as to in wisdom.
Shaltnanezcr, he removed the Israelites out of I 2. Now Daniel and his kinsmen had re-
their country, and placed therein the nation solved to use a severe diet, and to abstain from
of the Cutheans, wiio had formerly belonged tliose kinds of food which came from the king's
to the inner parts of Persia and Media, but table, and entirely to forbear to eat of all liv-
were then called Samanlans, by taking the ing creatures : so lie came to Ashpenaz, who
name of the country to wliich tliey were re- j was that eunuch to whom the care of them
moved ; but the king of Babylon, «ho brought was committed,* and desired him to take and
out the two tribes,-f placed no other nation spend what was brought for llieiTi from tlie
in their country, bv wliich means all Judea king; but to give them pulse and dates for
and Jerusalem, and the temple, continued to their food, anil any thing else, besides the
be a desert for seventy years; but tlie entire ; flesh of living creatures, that he pleased, for
. „ I that their inclinations were to that sort of
• Herodotus savs, t>iis kiiic of Egypt (Pharaoh Ho- „ , , ,, , j • j .i .i _ ti„
p!ira, or A,.r.cs). Vks slain bv the V%>tln.. as Jere- food, and that they despised the other. He
mi.ih foretold his slaiighler by hi* enemies (Jer. xliv. -.'a, replied, that he was ready to serve them in
3' ) ; and that as a sign of if.c distriiclioi. of Kgypt by , , , i ■ j u , i jusuected that they
Ncbuehadnczzar. Josephus savs, this king was slain, ""ai ">e> otsircu, uui lit suspttieu uidi uirj
by Nebuchadnezzar himself. . ^, ,^ ■ , , , .v. i »
t We see here that Judea was left in a manner dcso- 1 t That Daniel was made one of these eunuehs of
Jate atter the eantivity of the two tribc-s, and was not re- ' which Isaiah prophesied (Isa. xxxix, 7), and the ihrt-e
reonled with foreipii e»>lonics, pciliaps as an indication ' children his eumpanioiK also, soenis to me plain, bt>th
of IVo\idence ihat the Jews were to repwple it without herein Jostphus. and inourcojiies of ni.niel(l)an. i,3, t,
onnosition Ihemseh es. I also esteem the Uller iind pre- 7, H, 18), although, it must be granttd, that some mar-
•Eiit desolate condition of tliesamceountiy, without be- ' rietl persons, that had children, were sometimes calle<l
inc rci>et)pl.-d bv foreign wloniL-s. to bo a like m.liea- eunuchs, in a general ac-ceiiUtlon for tvurUers, on ao
ti.Tii that the Kiiue Jewi are hereafter to rc|K-ople it <x<unt that so many of the ancient courtiers were re«-
•iiaii'i theiiiselves, at their to long cxjiccU-d restoration. , eunuchs, tiec Oeu. xxxix, 1.
CHAP. X.
would be discovered by the king, from their
meagre bodies, and the alteration of their
countenances; because it could not be avoid-
ed but their bodies and colours must be chang-
ed with their diet, especially while they would
be clearly discovered by the finer appearance
of the other children, who would fare better,
and thus they should bring him into danger,
and occasion him to be punished : yet did
they persuade Arioch, who was thus fearful
to give them what food they desired for ten
days, by way of trial ; and in case the habit
of their bodies were not altered, to go on in
the same way, as expecting that they should
not be hurt thereby afterwards; but if he
saw them look meagre, and worse than the
rest, he should reduce them to their former
diet. Now when it appeared that they were
so far from becoming worse by the use of this
food, that they grew plumper and fuller in
body than the rest, insomuch, that he thought
those who fed on what came from the king's
table seemed less plump and full, while those
that were with Daniel looked as if they had
lived in plenty, and in all sorts of luxury, Ari-
och, from that time, securely took himself
what the king sent every day from his supper,
according to custom, to the children, but gave
them the fore-mentioned diet, while they had
their souls in some measure more pure, and
less burdened, and so fitter for learning, and
had their bodies in better tune for hard la-
bour ; for they neither had the former oppress-
ed and heavy with variety of meats, nor were
the other effeminate on the same account; so
they readily understood all the learning that
was among the Hebrews, and among the
Chaldeans, as especially did Daniel, who, be-
ing already suffciently skilled in wisdom, was
very busy about the interpretation of dreams ;
and God manifested himself to him.
3. Now two years after the destruction of
Egypt, king Nebuchadnezzar saw a wonderful
dream, the accomplishment of which God
showed him in his sleep ; but when he arose
out of his bed, he forgot the accomplishment :
so he sent for the Chaldeans and magicians,
and the prophets, and told them that he had
seen a dream, and informed them that he had
forgotten the accomplishment of what he had
seen, and he enjoined them to tell him both
what the dream was, and what was its signi-
fication ; and they said that this was a thing
impossible to be discovered by men ; but they
promised him, that if he would explain to them
what dream he had seen, they would tell him
its signification. Hereupon he threatened to
put them to death, unless they told him his
dream : and he gave command to have them
all put to death, since they confessed they
could not do what they were commanded to
do. Now when Daniel heard that the king
had given a command that all the wise men
shoiilil be put to death, and that among them
himself and his three kinsmen wert in danger,
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
283
he went to Arioch, who was captain of the
king's guards, and desired to know of him
what was the reason why the king had given
command that all the wise men, and Chal-
deans, and magicians, should be slain. So
when he had learned that the king had had a
dream, and had forgotten it, and that when
they were enjoined to inform the king of it,
they had said they could not do it, and had
thereby provoked him to anger, he desired of
Arioch that he would go in to the king, and
desire respite for the magicians for one night,
and to put off their slaughter so long, for that
he hoped within that time to obtain, by prayet
to God, the knowledge of the dream. Ac-
cordingly Arioch informed the king of what
Daniel desired : so the king bid them delay
the slaughter of the magicians till he knew
what Daniel's promise would come to; but
the young man retired to his o-ah house, with
his kinsmen, and besought God that whole
night to discover the dream, and thereby de-
liver the Magicians and Chaldeans, with whom
they were themselves to perish, from the king'
anger, by enabling him to declare his vision,
and to make manifest what the king had seen
the night before in his sleep, but had forgotten
it. Accordingly, God, out of pity to those that
were in danger, and out of regard to the wis-
dom of Daniel, made known to him the dream
and its interpretation, that so the king might
understand by him its signification also.
When Daniel i:ad obtained this knowledge
from God, he arose very joyful, and told it his
brethren, and made them glad, and to hope
well that they should now preserve fVeir lives,
of which they despaired before, and had their
minds full of nothing but the thoughts of
dying. So when he had with them returned
thanks to God, who had commiserated their
youth, when it was day he came to Arioch, and
desired him to bring him to the king, because
he would discover to him that dream which
he had seen the night before.
4. When Daniel was come in to the king,
he excused himself first, that he did not pre-
tend to be wiser than the other Chaldeans and
magicians, when, upon their entire inability
to discover his dream, he was undertaking to
inform him of it; for this was not by his own
skill, or on account of his having better cul-
tivated his understanding than the rest ; but
he said, " God hath had pity upon us, when
we were in danger of death, and when I
prayed for the life of myself, and of those of
my own nation, hath made manifest to me
both the dream and the interpretation there-
of; for I was not less concerned for thy glory
than for the sor*-ow that we were by thee con-
demned to die, while thou didst so unjustly
command men, both good and excellent in
themselves, to be put to death, when thou
enjoinedst them to do what was entirely above
the reach of human wisdom, and req-uiredst
of them what was only the work of God.
284
ANTIQUITIKS OF THE JEWS.
Wlicrt'forc, an tlioii in lliy sleep wast solicit-
ous coiH't'iiiiiig those tlial sliotild succcl'iI tlice
in tlic government of tlic wliole world, God
was desirous to sliow tiiee all those that sliould
reign after thee, and to that end exhihiled to
thee tlie following dream : — Thou seeniedst
to see a great image standing before thee, the
head of which proved to be of gold, the
shoulders and arms of silver, and the belly
and the thighs of brass, but the legs and the
feet of iron ; after which thou sawest a stone
broken oil' from a mountain, v, hich fell upon
the image and threw it down, and brake it to
pieces, and did not permit any part of it "to
remain whole ; but the gold, the silver, the
brass, and the iron, became smaller than meal,
which, upon the blast of a violent wind, was
by force carried away, and scattered abroad ;
but the stone did increase to such a degree.
that the whole earth beneath it seemed to be
filled therewith. This is the dream which thou
sawest, and its interpretation is as follows: —
The head of gold denotes thee, and the kings
of Babylon that have been before thee ; but
the two hands and arms signify this, that your
government shall be dissolved by two kings;
hut another king that shall come from the
west, armed with brass, shall destroy that go-
vernment ; and another government, that shall
be like unto iron, shall put an end to the
power of the former, and shall have dominion
over all the earth, on account of the nature of
iron, which is stronger than that of gold, of
silver, and of brass." Daniel did also de-
clare tlie meaning of the stone to the king ; •
but I do not think proper to relate it, since i
have only undertaken to describe things past
or things present, but not things that arc fu-
ture ; yet if any one be so very desirous of
knowing truth, as not to wave such points of
curiosity, and cannot curb his inclination ibr
understanding the uncertainties of futurity,
and whether they will ha|)pen or not, let him
be diligent in reading the book of Daniel,
which lie will find among the sacred writ-
ings,
5. When Nehuchadnezzar heard this, and
recollecled his dream, he was astonished at
the nature of Daniel, and fell upon his face,
and saluted Daniel in the manner that men
worship God, and gave command that he
should he sacrificed to as a god. And this
was not all, for he also imposed the name of
his own god upon liini [B.dlasar], and made
him and his kinsmen rulers of his wliole king-
dom ; which kinsmen of his happened to fall
• Of this most remarkable passage in Joscphus coii-
ccniing Uie ' stone cut out of the inouiitiiiu, ami de-
stroying the im.ifjc,' whieli he would not explain, but
intii'iiated to be a propheey of futurity, and probably
not safe for him to explain, as iKlungin'g to the destrui--
tion of Uic Roman empire by Jesus Christ, the true
Messiah of the Jews, Lake the words of llavereamp (eh.
X, seet. 1): " Nor is this to be wondered at, that he
would nut now meddle with things future, for he had
no miml to provoke the Homans, by speaking of the
destructiou of that city wliich Uicy caUcd the £lernal
Citv,"
into great danger by the envy and malice [of
their enemies] ; for they ollended the king
upon the occasion following: — He made an
image of gold, the height of which was sixty
cubits, and its breadth si.\ cuhits, and set it in
the great plain of Babylon ; and when he was
going to dedicate the iniage, lie invited the
|)rincipal men out of all the earth that were
under liis dominions, and commanded them,
in the first place, that when they should hear
the sound of the trumpet, they should then
fall down and worship the image; and he
threatened, that those who did not do so should
be cast into a fiery furnace. When, therefore,
all the rest, upon the hearing of the sound of
the trumpet, worshijiped the image, they re-
late that Daniel's kinsmen did not do it, be-
cause they would not transgress the laws of
their country : so the^e men were convicted,
and cast immediately into the fire, but were
saved by Divine Providence, and after a sur-
prising manner escaped death; for the fire did
not touch them : and I suppose that it touch-
ed them not, as if it reasoned with itself that
they were cast into it without any fault of
theirs, and that, therefore, it was too weak to
burn the yoimg men when they were in it.
This was done by the power of God, who
made their bodies so far superior to the fire,
that itcoidd not consume them. Tliis it was
which recommended thein to the king as
righteous men, and men beloved of God ;
on which account they continued in grea'
esteem wi;h him.
6. A little after this the king saw in hi*
sleep again another vision ; how he should
fall from his dominion, and feed among the
wild beasts ; and that, when he had lived ir
this manner in the desert for seven years, | he
should recover his dominion again. When
he had seen this dream, he called the magi-
cians together again, and inquired of them
about it, and desired tliera to tell hiui what it
t Since Josephus here explains the seven prophetic
times which weretopas-s over Nebuchadnezzar (Dan.
iv. Hi) to bo seven years, we thence learn how he most
prc)b.iljly must ha\e understoml tho^e other parallel
plir.Tscs, of ' a lime, times, and a haU' (Antiq. b vii,
cli. XXV) of so many prophetic years also, though he
withal lets us know, by his hint at tlic iuterprel;ition of
the seventy weeks, as belonging to the fourth monarchy,
and the destructum of Jerusalem by the Rinnans in tlie
days of Joscphus (ch. ii, sect. 71, that he did not think
those years ti> be b:irc >e.irs, but rather days for years;
by which reckoning, aiid by which alone, could seventy
wifks, or four hundicd and ninety days, reach to the
age of Josenlius. Hut as to the truth of those seven
years' banisliment of Ncbuehadnezzi^ from men, and
his livinj; so long among the beasts, the very small rft.
mains we have ;iiiywhere else of this N( buefiadneizflr
prevent our expceiation of any other full account of it.
So far we know by I'lolcmy's canon, a c\)iitemporary
record, .is well .is by Joscphus pre-ently, tiiat he reiijnei
in all forty-lhicc years, that is, eight yc.irs after we meet
with any .Recount of his uctions ; onei.f the last of which
was ihe'thirteen years' siege of Tj re (Anti(|. b. xi, ch.
xj) ; where yet the uld Latin has but three years and ten
mniuhs: yet were his actions before so remarkable,
lx)th ill sacred and profane authors, that such a vacuity
of eight years at the least, at the latter end of his reign,
must lie allowed lo agree very well with Daniel's ae-
(.•ounts, that at!crase\en yiaiV brutal life, he inigSf
return to his icusoii, and to the exercise of lis royal
aulliorit;^, for one whole year at least bcfoie Ins lUaih-
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JKWS.
CllAi-. \l.
signified ; but when none of them could find
out the moaning of the dream, nor discover
it to the king, Daniel was the only person
that explained it; and as he foretold, so it
came to pass ; for after he had continued in
the wilderness tlie forementioned interval of
time, while no one durst attempt to seize his
kinodom during those seven years, he prayed
to God that he might recover his kingdom,
and he returned to it. But let no one blame
me for writing down every thing of this na-
ture, as I find it in our ancient books; for as
to that matter, 1 have plainly assured those
that think me defective in any such point, or
complain of my management, and have told
them, in the beginning of this history, that I
intended to do no more than translate the
Hebrevv books into the Greek language, and
promised them to explain those facts, without
adding any thing to them of my own, or tak-
ing any thing away from them.
CHAPTER XL
CONCERNING NEBUCHADNEZZAR AND HIS SUC-
CESSORS, AND HOW THKIR GOVERNMENT WAS
DISSOLVED BY THE PERSIANS ; AND WHAT
THINGS BEFEL DANIEL IN MEDIA ; AND
WHAT PROPHECIES HE DELIVERED THERE.
§ 1. Now when king Nebuchadnezzar had
reigned forty-three years,* he ended his life.
He was an active man, and more fortunate
than the kings that were before him. Now
Berosus makes mention of his actions in the
third book of his Chaldaic History, where he
says thus : — " When his fatiier Nebuchodo-
nosor [Nabopollassar] heard that the gover-
nor whom he had set over Egypt, and the
places about Celesyria and Phoenicia, had re-
volted from him, while he was not himself
able any longer to undergo the hardships [of
warl, he committed to his son Nebuchadnez-
zar, who was still but a youth, some parts of
his army, and sent them against him. So
when Nebuchadnezzar had given battle, and
fought with the rebel, he beat him, and re-
duced the country from under his subjection,
and made it a branch of his own kingdom ;
but about that time it happened that his fa-
ther Nebuchoilonosor [Nabopollassar] fell ill,
and ended his life in the city of Babylon,
when he had reigned twenty -one years ;f and
• These forty-three years for the duration of the
reign of Nebuchadnezzar are, as 1 have just now ob-
served, the very same mimber in Ptolemy's canon.
Moses Chorenensis does also confirm this captivity of
the Jews under Nebuchadnezzar; and .idds, what is
very remarkable, that one of those Jews that were car-
ried by him into captivity, got away into Armenia, and
raised the great family of the Bagratidae there.
t These twenty-one years here ascribed to one Na-
boulassar, in the tirst book against Apion, or to Nabo-
pollassar, the father of the great Nebuchadnezzar, arc
al>o the very same with those given him in Ptoln ay's
lanuu. And note here, tJiat what Dr. Pride.mx says.
285
when he was made seiisible, as he was in a
little time, that his fatiier, Nebuchodonosoi
[Nabopollassar], was dead, and having set-
tled the afl'airs of Egypt, and the other coun-
tries, as also those thai concerned the captive
Jews, and Phoenicians, and Syrians, and those
of the Egyptian nations, and having com-
mitted the conveyance of them to Babylon to
certain of his friends, together with the gross
of his army, and the rest of tlieir ammunition
and provisions, he went himself hastily, ac-
companied with a few others, over the desert,
and caine to Babylon. So he took upon him
the management of public affairs, and of the
kingdom which had been kept for him by
one that was the principal of tlie Chaldeans,
and he received the entire dominions of his
father, and appointed, that when the captives
came, they should be placed as colonies, in
the most proper places of Babylonia; but
then he adorned the temple of Belus, and tlie
rest of the temples, in a magnificent manner,
with the spoils he had taken in the war. He
also added anotiier city to that which was
there of old, and rebuilt it, that such as would
besiege it hereafter might no more turn the
course of the river, and thereby attack the
city itself: he therefore built three walls
round about the inner city, and tliree others
about that which was the outer, and this he
did with burnt brick. And after he had,
after a becoming manner, walled the city,
and adorned its gates gloriously, he built
another palace before his father's palace, but
so that they joined to it ; to describe the vast
height and immense riches of which, it would
perhaps be too much for me to attempt ; yet,
as large and lofty as they were, they were
completed in fifteen days.f He also erected
elevated places for walking, of stone, and
inade it resemble mountains, and built it so
that it might be planted with all sorts of trees.
He also erected what was called a pensile pa-
radise, because his wife was desirous to have
things like her own country, she having been
bred up in the palaces of Media." Megas-
thenes also, in his fourth book of his Accounts
of India, makes mention of these things, and
thereby endeavours to show that this king
[Nebuchadnezzar] exceeded Hercules in for-
titude, and in the greatness of his actions ;
in the year 612, that Nebuchadnezzar must have been
a common name of other kings of Uabylon, besides the
great Nebuchadnezzar himself, is a groundless mistake
of some modem chronologers only, and destitute of all
proper original autliority.
X These fifteen days for finishing such vast buildings
at Babylon, in Josejihus's copy of Berosus, woidd seem
too absurd to be supposed to be the true number, were
it not for the same tcstimonv extant also iJi the first
book against Anion (sect. 19), 'with the same iuiml)er.
It thence indeed appears, that Josephus's copy of Bero-
sus had this small number ; but that it is the true nun>
ber 1 still doubt. Josephus assures us, that the ""ails
of so much a smaller city as Jerusalem were two years
and four months in building by Nehemiah, who yet
hastened the work all that he could, Autiq. b. xi, ch. v,
sect. 8. I should think one hundred and fifteen days,
1 or a year and fifteen days, mucli more proportionabia
I to so great a work.
"\
280
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
for he saith, that he conquered a great part
of Liliya and Iberia. Diodes also, in the
second book of his Accounts of Persia, men-
tions tliis king ; as does Philostratus, in his
Accounts both of India and I'liocnicia, say,
that this king besieged Tyre tiiirtcen years,
while at the same time Ethbaal reigned at
Tyre. These are all the histories that I have
met with concerning this king.
2. But now, after the death of Nebuchad-
nezzar, Evil-Merodach his son succeeded in
tlie kingdom, who immediately set Jeconiah
at liberty, and esteemed him amongst bis
most intimate friends. He also gave- him
many presents, and made him honourable
above the rest of the kings that were in Ba-
bylon ; for his father had not kept his faith
with Jeconiah, when he voluntarily delivered
up himself to him, with his wives and chil-
dren, and bis whole kindred, for the sake of
his country, that it might not be taken by
siege, and utterly destroyed, as we said be-
fore. When Evil-Merodach was dead, after
a reign of eighteen years, Neglissar his son
took the government, and retained it forty
years, and then ended his life ; and after him
the succession in the kingdom came to his
son Labosordacus, who continued in it in all
but nine months; and when he was dead, it
came to Baltasar,* who by the Babylonians
was called Naboandelus : against liim did
Cyrus, the king of Persia, and Darius, the
king of Media, make war ; and when he was
besii'ged in Babylon, there happened a won-
derful and prodigious vision. He was sat
down at supper in a large room, and there
were a great many vessels of silver, such as
were made for royal entertainments, and be
had with him bis concubines and his friends;
whereupon he came to a resolution, and
commanded that those vessels of God which
Nebuchadnezzar had plundered out of Jeru-
salem, and had not made use of, but had put
them into his own temple, should be brought
out of that temple. He also grew so haughty
as to proceed to use them in the midst of his
cups, drinking out of them, and blaspheming
• It is here remarkable that Joscphus, without the
knowledge of Ptolcmv's canon, should call the samo
king, whom he Uiiuself here (liar, i, 11, and Dan. v,
1,V, !), 1?, 'JL', 2:i, 3(1) stvlcs liclUzar, or lifl.shii//.ar,
from the liahyloman god Bel. Nelxjaiulehis al»o ; ani
in the lirst book against Apion (secL ID, vol. iii), from
the same citation out of Hcrosus, Natxmnodon, from the
Babylonian go-l Nabo, or Ncbo. This last is not re-
mote from the original pronunciation Itself in Ptolemy's
canon, Naljonadlus ; for both the place of this king in
that canon, as the last of the Assyrian or Uabylonian
kings, and the number of years of his reign, seventeen,
the s.imc in both dcnions'trate that it is one and the
same king that is meant by them all. It is also worth
noting, that Joscphus knew that I/arius, the partner of
Cyrxis, was the son of Astyagos, and was calleil by ano-
ther name among the Greeks, tJioiigh it docs not appear
he knew what that name was, as having never seen the
ixst history of this pi riod, whUh is Xcnophon's : but
then what Josephus's present copies say presently (sect.
4), that it was only wuhin no long time after Ihe hand-
.vriting on Ihe wall that Uallasar was slain, does not so
well .igree with our copies of Daniel, which say it was
tlie same nij;ht, Uiui. v, 30.
BOOK X.
against God. In the mean time, he saw a
hand proceed out of the wall, and writing
upon the wall certain syllables ; at which
sight, being disturbed, he called the magi-
cians and Chaldeans together, and all that
sort/ of men that are among these barbarians,
and were able to interpret signs and dreams,
that tliey might explain tlie writing to him.
But when the magicians said they could dis-
cover nothing, nor did understand it, the
king was in great disorder of mind, and un-
der great trouble, at this surprising accident ;
so he caused it to be proclaimed through all
the country, and promised, that to him who
could explain the writing, and give the signi-
fication couched tlierein, he would give him a
golden chain for his neck, and leave to wear
a purple garment, as did the kings of Chal-
dea, and would bestow on liim the third part
of his own dominions. When this proclama-
tion was made, the magicians ran together
more earnestly, and were very ambitious to
find out the importance of the writing ; but
still hesitated about it as much as before.
Now when the king's grandmother saw him
cast down at this accident, f she began to en-
courage him, and to say, that there was a
certain captive who came from Judea, a Jew
by birth, but brought away thence by Nebu-
chadnezzar when he had destroyed Jerusa-
lem, whose name was Daniel, a wise man,
and one of great sagacity in finding out what
was impossible for others to discover, and
what was known to God alone ; who brought
to light and answered such questions to Ne-
buchadnezzar as no one else was able to an-
swer when they were consulted. She there-
fore desired that he would send for him, and
inquire of him concerning the writing, and
to condemn the unskilfulncss of those that
could not find their meaning, and this, al-
though what God signified thereby should be
of a melancholy nature.
3. When Baltasar heard this, he called for
Daniel : and when he had discoursed to him
what he had learned concerning him and his
wisdom, and how a divine spirit was with him,
and that he alone was fully capable of finding
out what others would never liave thought of,
he desired him to declare to him what this
writing meant : that if he did so, he would
give hiiTi leave to wear purple, and to put a
chain of gold about his neck, and would be-
stow on him the third part of liis dominion,
as an honorary reward for his wisdom, that
thereby he might become illustrious to those
who saw him, and who inquired upon what
occasion he obtained such honours. But
Daniel desired that he would keep his gifts
t This grandmother, or mother of Baltisar, the
?uccn-dowager of Babylon (for she is distinguished
rom his queen (Oan. v, 10, '-'5), seems to have been
the famous Nitocris, who fortified Mabylon against the
Mcdes and Persians, and in all protxibditygovcrncil un-
der L'altasar, who seems to be a weak aod i-Acminalc
prince.
A-
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
287
to himself; for what is the effect of wisdom
and of divine revelation admits of no gifts,
and bestows its advantages on petitioners
freely ; but that still he would explain the
writing to him ; which denoted that he should
soon die, and this because he had not learnt
to honour God, and not to admit things a-
bove human nature, by what punishments his
progenitor had undergone for the injuries he
had offered to God ; and because he had
quite forgotten how Nebuchadnezzar was re-
moved to feed among wild beasts for his im-
pieties, and did not recover his former life a-
mong men and his kingdom, but upon God's
mercy to him, after many supplications and
prayers ; who did thereupon praise God all
the days of his life, as one of almighty power,
and who takes care of mankind. [He also
put him in mind] how he had greatly blas-
pliemed against God, and had made use of
his vessels amongst his concubines : that there-
fore God saw this, and was angry with him,
and declared by this writing beforehand what
a sad conclusion of his life he should come to.
And he explained the writing thus: — " Ma-
NEH. Tliis, if it be expounded in the Greek
language, may signify a Number, because
God hath numbered so long a time for thy
life, and for thy government, and that there
remains but a small portion. — Thekei.. This
signifies a Weight, and means that God hath
weighed thy kingdom in a balance, and finds
it going down already. — Phares. This also,
in the Greek tongue, denotes a fragDient ;
God will therefore break thy kingdom in
pieces, and divide it among the Medes and
Persians."
4. When Daniel had told the king that
the writing upon the wall signified these e-
vents, Baltasar was in great sorrow and afflic-
tion, as was to be expected, when tlie inter-
pretation was so heavy upon him. However,
he did not refuse what he had promised Da-
niel, although he were become a foretellar of
misfortunes to him, but bestowed it all upon
him : as reasoning thus, that what he was to
reward was peculiar to himself, and to fate,
and did not belong lo the prophet, but that
it was the part of a good and a just man to
give what he iiad promised, although the e-
vents were of a melancholy nature. Accord-
ingly, the king determined so to do. Now,
after a little while, both himself and the city
were taken by Cyrus, the king of Persia, who
fought against him ; for it was Baltasar, un-
der whom Babylon was taken, when he had
reigned seventeen years. And this is the end
of the posterity of king Nebuchadnezzar, as
history informs us; but when Babylon was
taken by Darius, and when he, with his kins-
man Cyrus, had put an end to the dominion
of the Babylonians, lie was sixty-two years
old. He was tlie son of Astyages, and had
another name among tlie Greeks. Moreover,
he took Daniel the prophet, and carried him
with him into Media, and honoured him very
greatly, and kept him with him ; for he was
one of the three presidents whom he set over
his three hundred and sixty provinces; for
into so many did Darius part them.
5. However, while Daniel was in so great
dignity, and in so great favour with Darius, and
was alone intrusted with every thing by him, as
having somewhat divine in him, he was en-
vied by the rest : for those that see others in
greater honour than themselves with kings,
envy them : and when those that were grieved
at the great favour Daniel was in with Darius,
sought for an occasion against him, he afford-
ed them no occasion at all, for he was above
all the temptations of money, and despised
bribery, and esteemed it a very base thing to
take any thing by way of reward, even when
it might be justly given him, he afforded those
that envied him not the least handle for an
accusation. So when they could find nothing
for which they might calumniate him to the
king, nothing that was shameful or reproach-
ful, and thereby deprive' him of the honour
he was in with him, they sought for some
other method whereby they might destroy
him. When therefore they saw that Daniel
prayed to God three times a day, they thought
they had gotten an occasion by which they
might ruin him ; so they came to Darius, and
told him, that "the princes and governors
had thought proper to allow the multitude a
relaxation for thirty days, that no one might
offer a petition or prayer either to himself, or
to the gods, but that he who shall transgress
this decree shall be cast into a den of lions,
and there perish."
6. Whereupon the king, not being acquaint-
ed with their wicked design, nor suspecting that
it was a contrivance of theirs against Daniel,
said he was pleased with tiiis decree of theirs,
and he promised to confirm what they desired;
he also published an edict to promulgate to
the people that decree which the princes had
made. Accordingly, all the rest took care
not to transgress those injunctions, and rested
in quiet ; but Daniel had no regard to them,
but, as he was wont, he stood and prayed to
God in the sight of them all : but the princes
having met with the occasion they so earnestl^r
sought to find against Daniel, came presently
to the king, and accused him, that Daniel
was the only person that transgressed the de-
cree, while not one of the rest durst pray to
their gods. This discovery they made, not
because of his impiety, but because they had
watched him, and observed him out of envy ;
for supposing that Darius did thus out of a
greater kindness to him tnan they expected,
and that he was ready to grant him a pardon
for tills contempt of his injunctions, and en-
vying this very pardon to Daniel, they did not
become more favourable to him, but desired he
might be cast Into the den of lions, according
to the law. So Durius, hoping that Cod
286
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
would deliver liiin, and that he would under-
go notliing tliat was terrible by the wild beasts,
bade biin bear this accident cheerfully ; and
when he was cast into the den, lie put his seal
to the stone that lay upon the mouth of the den,
and went his way, but he jiassed all the night
without food and without sleep, being in great
distress for Daniel ; but when it was day, he
got up, and came to the den, and found the
seal entire, which he had left the stone sealed
withal ; he also ojiened the seal, and cried out,
and called to Daniel, and asked him if he
were alivp ; and as soon as he heard the king's
voice, and said that he had sullered no harm,
the king gave order that he should be drawn
up out of the den. Now when his enemies
saw that Daniel had sufl'ered nothing which
was terrible, they would not own that he was
preserved by God, and by his providence ; but
they said, that tlie lions had been filled full with
food, and on that account it was, as they sup-
posed, that the lions would not touch Daniel,
nor come to him ; and this they alleged to
the king ; but the king, out of an abliorrence
of their wickedness, gave order that they
should throw in a g-eat deal of flesh to the
lions ; and when they had filled themselves,
he gave farther order that Daniels enemies
should be cast into the den that he might
learn wiiether the lions, now tliey were full,
•would touch them or not ; and it appeared
plain to Darius, after the princes had been
cast to the wild beasts, that it was God who
preserved Daniel,* for the lioris spared none
of them, but tore them all to pieces, as if they
had been very hungry, and wanted food. I
suppose, therefore, it was not their hunger,
which had been a little before satisfied with
abundance of flesh, but the wickedness of these
men that provoked them [to destroy the
princes] : for if it so please God, that wicked-
ness might, by even thost .rrational creatures,
be esteemed a plain foundation for their pu-
nishment.
7. When, therefore, those that had intend-
ed thus to destroy Daniel by treachery were
themselves destroyed, king Darius sent [let-
ters] over all the country, and praised that
God whom Daniel worshipped, and said that
he was the only true God, and had all power.
He had also Daniel in very great esteem, and
made him the principal of his friends. Now
when Daniel was become so illustrious and
famous, on account of the opinion men had
that he was beloved of God, he built a tower
at Ecbatana, in Media : it was a most elegant
building, and wonderfully made, and it is
still remaining, and preserved to this day;
and to sucii as see it, it appears to have been
lately built, and to have been no older than
that very day when any one looks upon it, it
is so fresh, j- Hourishing, and beautiful, and no
way grown old in so long time ; for buildings
sutler the same as men do, they grow old as
well as they, and by numbers of years their
strength is dissolved, and their beauty wither-
ed. Now they bury the kings of Media, of
Persia, and Parthia, in this tower, to this day ;
and he who was intrusted with the care of it,
was a Jewish priest ; which thing is also ob-
served to this day. But it is fit to give an
account of what this man did, which is most
admirable to hear ; for he was so ha))py as to
have strange revelations made to him, and
those as to one of the greatest of the prophets,
insomuch, that while he was alive he had the
esteem and applause both of the kings and
of the multitude ; and now he is dead, he re-
tains a remembrance that will never fail, for
the several books that he wrote and left be-
hind him are still read by us till this time ;
and from them we believe that Daniel con-
versed with God ; for he did not only pro-
phecy of future events, as did the other pro-
phets, but he also determined the time of their
accomplishment; and while the projihets used to
foretel misfortunes, and on that account were
disagreeable both to the kings and to the mul-
titude, Daniel was to them a prophet of good
things, and this to such a degree, tliat, by the
agreeable nature of his predictions, lie procur-
ed the good-will of all men ; and by the ac-
complishment of them, lie procured the be-
lief of their truth, and the opinion of [a sort
of] divinity for himself, among the multi-
tude. He also wrote and left behind him wliai
made manifest the accuracy and undeniable
veracity of his predictions ; for he saitli, that
when he was in Susa, the metropolis of Per-
sia, and went out into the field \\ith his com.
panions, tlicre was, on the sudden, a motion
and concussion of the earth, and that he was
left alone by himself, his friends flying away
from him, and tliat he was disturbed, and fel'
on his face, and on his two liands, and that a
certiiin person touched him, and, at the same
time, bade him rise, and see what would befal
his countrymen after many generations. He
also related, that when he stood up, he was
shown a great ram, with many horns growing
out of his head, and that the last was higher
than the rest : that after this he looked to the
west, and saw a hc-goat carried through tlu?
• It is no way improbable that Daniil's enemies mJEhf
>u(;gcst this reason ti) ll>e kinc wliy Ihe buns did licit
meiTdIo Willi him, ami that llu-y mii;ht • iispnt llie ikinj;';
kindiieis to Daniel had j-roeured llu-e limiN to Ik' so lilk-d
beforehand, and tliat theiiee it iva-i that he eneonrasid
Daniel to submit U) thiscxperinienl, in liol>esof eoiiiiiip
off,s;ife; and that thi' was the true riason of makinj
to terrible an experiment ujion those his enemies, and
:il| their families (Dan. vi, -J-l), though our other copies
do not directly takp notice uf it.
t What Jojephns here snys, th.it the stones of the
sepulchres of the kinfrs of Persia at this tower, or those
perhaps of the same sort that iire now commonly c-alled
the Hiii-is nf Perscpuli.i, continued so entire and unal-
tered in his days, as if tticy were lately put there, " I
(s;iys Iteland) here can show to be true, as to those stones
of ihe J'ersian kings' mausoleum, which Com. Urunius
brake off and gave me." He ascrilx;d this to the hard
ness of the stones, which scarcely yields to iron tools,
anil jirovcs fre(|ueiitly l(K) hard for cutting bv the chisel,
but oftentimes breaks it to pieces.
~V
.r
CHAP. xr.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
289
air from that quarter ; that he rushed upon
the ram with violence, and smote him twice
with his horns, and overthrew liim to tlie
ground, and trampled upon him ; that after-
wards he saw a very great horn growing out
of the head of the he-goat ; and that when it
was broken off, four horns grew up that were
exposed to each of the four winds, and he
wrote that out of them arose another lesser
horn, which, as he said, waxed great ; and
that God showed to him, that it should fight
against liis nation, and take their city by force,
and bring the temple-worship to confusion,
and forbid the sacrifices to be offered for one
thousand two hundred and ninety-six days.
Daniel wrote that he saw these visions in the
plain of Susa ; and he hath informed us that
God interpreted the appearance of this vision
after the following manner : — He said that the
ram signified the kingdoms of the Medes and
Persians, and the horns those kings that were
to reign in them ; and that the last horn sig-
nified the last king, and that he should ex-
ceed all the kings in riches and glory; that
tlie he-goat signified that one should come and
-eign from the Greeks, who should twice fight
vs'ith the Persian, and overcome him in bat-
tle, and should receive his entire dominion ;
that by the great horn which sprang out of
the foreiiead of the he-goat was meant the
first king; and that the springing up of four
horns upon its falling off, and the conversion
of every one of them to the four quarters of
the earth, signified the successors that should
arise after the death of the first king, and the
partition of the kingdom among them, and
that they should be neither his cliildren nor
of his kindred that should reign over the ha-
bitable earth for many years ; and that from
among them tliere should arise a certain king
that should overcome our nation and their
laws, and should take away our political go-
vernmeDt, aud should spoil the temple, and
forbid the sacrifices to be oflrrcd for three
years' time." And indeed it so came to pass,
that our nation suttered these things under
Antiochus Epiphanes, according to Daniel's
vision, and what he wrote many years before
they came to pass. In the very same manner
Daniel also wrote concerning the Roman go-
vernment, and that our country should be
made desolate by them. All these things did
this man leave in writing, as God had showed
them to him, insomuch, that such as read his
prophecies, and see how they have been ful-
filled, would wonder at the honour where-
with God honoured Daniel ; and may thence
discover how the Epicureans are in an error,
who cast providence out of human life, and
do not believe that God takes care of the af-
fairs of the world, nor that the univers;e is
governed and continued in being by that bles-
sed and immortal nature, but say that the
world is carried along of its own accord,
without a ruler and a curator ; which, were
it destitute of a guide to conduct, as they
imagine, it would be like ihips without pilots,
which we see drowned by the winds, or like
chariots without drivers, which are overturn-
ed ; so would the world be dashed to pieces
by its being carried without a Providence, and
so perish, and come to nought. So that, by
the forementioned predictions of Daniel, those
men seem to me ver^' much to err from the
truth, vvho determine that God exercises no
providence over human affairs ; for if that
were the case, that the world went on by me-
chanical necessity, we should not see that all
things would come to pass according to his
prophecy. Now, as to myself, I have so de-
scribed these matters as I have found them
and read them ; but if any one is inclined to
another opinion about them, let him enjoy his
different sentiments without any blame from
me.
2 B
BOOK XI.
CONTAINING THE INTKRVAL OF TWO HUNDRED AND FIFTY-THREE YEARS
FIVE MONTHS.
FROM THE FIRST OF CYRUS TO THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER THE
GREAT.
CHAPTER I.
HOW CYRUS, KING OF THB PERSIANS, DELIVER-
ED THE JEWS OUT OF liAHYLON, AND SUF-
FERED THEM TO RETURN TO THEIR OWN
COUNTRY, AND TO BUILD THEIR TEMPLE ;
FOR WHICH WORK HE GAVE THEM MONEY.
§ 1. In the first year of the reign of Cyrus,*
which was the seventieth (lom the day that our
people were removed out of their own land
into Babylon, God commiserated the capti-
vity and calamity of these poor people, accord-
ing as he had foretold to tliem by Jeremiah
the prophet, before the destruction of the
city, that after they had served Nebuchadnez-
rar and his posterity, and after they had un-
dergone that servitude seventy years, he would
restore them again to the lanti of their fathers,
and they should build their temple, and enjoy
their ancient prosperity ; and these things God
did afford them ; for he stirred up the mind of
Cvrus, and made him write this throughout
all Asia: — " 'i'hus saith Cyrus the King: —
Since God Almighty hath appointed me to be
king of the habitable earlli, I believe that he
is that God which the nation of the Israelites
worship ; for indeed he foretold my name by
the prophets, and that I should build him a
house at Jerusalem, in the country of Judea."
2. This was known to Cyrus by his read-
ing the book which Isaiah left behind him of
his prophecies ; for this prophet said that God
had spoken thus to him in a secret vision : —
" r»Iy will is, that Cyrus, whom I have ap-
pointed to be king over many and great na-
tions, send ))ack my peoi)le to their own land,
and build my temple." This was foretold by
Isaiah one hundred and forty j'oars before the
temple was demolished. Accordingly, when
Cyrus read this, and admired the divine
» This Cyrus is tailed Ood's Slievhcrd by Xcnoptitin,
■s well iiN l)y ls:iiiih (Isa. xliv, .'8', an also it is siiiil <il"
tiiiii by the saiiic iir<i|ihet, that " 1 will make a man
more pruious than fine ooUl, even a man than the Rol-
dcn wcilge of (Jphir" (ha. xiii, li!): which eliaraeter
makes Xenophim'g rnont exculluit historv of him very
credible.
■"^ ■
power, an earnest desire and ambition seized
upon him to fulfil what was so written ; so he
called for the most eminent Jews that were in
Babylon, and said to them, that he gave them
leave to go back to their own country, and to
rebuild their city Jerusalem, -f- and the temple
of God, for that he would be their assistant,
and that he would write to the rulers and go-
vernors that were in the neighbourhood of
their country of Judea, that they should con-
tribute to them gold and silver for the build-
ing of the temple, and, besides that, beasts
for their sacrifices.
3. When Cyrus had said this to the Is-
raelites, the rulers of the two tribes of Judali
and Benjamin, with the Levites and priests,
went in liaste to Jerusalem, yet did many ol
them stay at Babylon, as not willing to leave
their possessions ; and when they were come
thither, all the king's friends assisted them,
and brought in, for the building of the tem-
ple, some gold, and some silver, and some a
great many cattle and horses. So they per-
formed their vows to God, and offered the
sacrifices that had been accustomed of old
time ; I mean this u))on the rebuilding ot
their city, and the revival of the ancient prac-
tices relating to their worship. Cyrus also
sent back to them the vessels of God which
king Nebuchadnezzar had pillaged out of the
temple, and carried to Babylon. So he com-
mitted these things to JNIithridates, the trea-
surer, to be sent a«ay, with an order to give
them to Sanabassar, that he might keep them
*+ This leave to build Jerusalem (sects. 2, ."), and this
epistle of Cyrus to Sisinnes and Sathrabuzancs, to the
same puqwse, are most unfortunately oniilte<l in all our
copies, but this best and conipletest coi>> of Josephus ;
and by such oniis.-.ion the famous proiihi'cy of Isaiah
(Isa. xliv, t'8), where we are infotmed that (jod s;iid ol
or to Cyrus, •' He is mvshepherd, and shall perform all
my pleasure; even s.-iv'inp to Jerusiilcm, thou slialt be
Iniilt ; and to the lenip'le, thy fouiulalion shall be laid,"
could not hitherto be dem'onstrate<l from llie sacred
history to have lx,'en complctelv fuifillol, I mean as to
that part of it which concerned his giviup leave or com-
mission for rebuilding tlie eitv Jerusalem as distinct
from the temple, the rebuilding of which is alone pcr-
n>iltcd or directed in 'he decree of Cjrus, in all our
copies.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
291
till the temple was built ; and when it was
finished, he might deliver tiiem to the priests
and rulers of the multitude, in order to their
being restored to the temple. Cyrus also
sent an epistle to the governors that were in
Syria, the contents whereof here follow : —
" KING CYRUS TO SISINNES AND SATHRABUZA-
NE3, SENDETH GREETING."
" I have given leave to as many of the
Jews that dwell in my country as please to
return to their own country, and to rebuild
their city, and to build the temple of God at
Jerusalem, on the same place where it was
before. I have also sent my treasurer, Mi-
thridates, and Zorobabel, the governor of the
Jews, that they may lay the foundations of
the temple, and may build it sixty cubits high,
and of the same latitude, making three edi-
fices of polished stones, and one of the wood
of the country, and the same order extends to
the altfir whereon they offer sacrifices to God.
I require also, that the expenses for these
things may be given out of my revenues.
Moreover, I have also sent the vessels which
king Nebuciiadnezzar pillaged out of the
temple, and have given them to Mithridates
the treasurer, and to Zorobabel the governor
of the Jews, that they may have them carried
to Jerusalem, and may restore them to the
temple of God. Now their number is as fol-
lows : * — Fifty chargers of gold and five hun-
dred of silver ; forty Thericlean cups of gold,
and five hundred of silver; fifty basons of gold,
and five hundred of silver; thirty vessels for
pouring [the drink-otferings], and three hun-
dred of silver , thirty vials of gold, and two
thousand four hundred of silver ; with a thou-
sand other large vessels. I permit them to
have the same honour which they were used
to have from their forefathers, as also for their
small cattle, and for win« and oil, two hun-
dred and five thousand and five hundred
drachmJE ; and for wheat-flour, twenty thou-
sand and five hundred artaba : and 1 give
order that these expenses shall be given them
out of the tributes due from Samaria. The
priests shall also offer these sacrifices accord-
ing to the laws of Moses in Jerusalem ; and
when they offer them, they shall pray to God
for the preservation of the king and of his fa-
mily, that the kingdom of Persia may conti-
nue. But my will is, that those who disobey
these injunctions, and make them void, shall
be hung upon a cross, and their substance
brought into the king's treasury." And such
was the import of this epistle. Now the num-
ber of thoje that came out of captivity to Je-
rusalem, were forty-two thousand four hun-
dred and sixty-two.
• Of the true number of Rolden and sliver vessels here
and elsewhere belonging to the temple of Solomon, see
'he description of the temple, chap. xiii.
CHAPTER II.
HOW, UPON THE DEATH OF CYRUS, THE JFWS
WERE HINDERED IN BUILDING OF THE TEM-
PLE BY THE CUTHEANS, AND THE NEIGH-
BOURING GOVERNORS ; AND HOW CAMBYSES
ENTIRELY FORBADE THE JEWS TO DO ANY
SUCH THING.
§ 1. When the foundations of the temple
were laying, and when the Jews were very
zealous about building it, the neiglibouring
nations, and especially the Cutheans, whom
Shalmanezer, king of Assyria, had brought
out of Persia and Media, and liad planted in
Samaria, when he carried the people of Israel
captive, besought the governors, and those
that had the care of such affairs, that they
would interrupt the Jews, both in the rebuild-
ing of their city, and in the building of their
temple. Now as these men were corrupted
by them with money, they sold the Cutheans
their interest for rendering this building a
slow and a careless work, for Cyrus, who was
busy about other wars, knew nothing of all
this ; and it so happened, that when he had
led his army against the Massagetae, he ended
his life.f But when Cambyses, the son of
Cyrus, had taken the kingdom, the governors
in Syria, and Phoenicia, and in the countries
of Ammon, and Moab, and Samaria, wrote
an epistle to Cambyses; whose contents were
as follow : — " To our Lord Cambyses. We
thy servants, Rathumus the historiographer
and Semellius the scribe, and the rest that are
thy judges in Syria and Phoenicia, send greet-
ing : It is fit, O king, that thou shouldest
know that those Jews A'ho were carried to
Babylon, are come into our country, and are
building that rebellious and wicked city, and
its market places, and setting up its vialls,
and raising up the temple : know, therefore,
that when these things are finished, they will
not be willing to pay tribute, nor will they
submit to thy commands, but will resist kings,
and will choose rather to rule over others,
than be ruled over themselves. We there-
fore thought it proper to write to thee, O
f Josephus here follows Herodotus and those that
related how Cyrus made war with the Scythians and
Massagetes, near the Caspian Sea, and perished in it ;
while Xenophon's account, which appears never to have
been seen by Josephus, that Cyrus died in peace in his
own country of Persia, is attested to bv the \rnters of
the aflairs of Alexander the Great, when they agree
that he found Cyrus"s sepulchre at Hasargad^, near Her
sepoiis. This accoimt of Xenophon is also confirnitd
by the circumstances of Cambyses, upon his succession
to Cyrus, who, instead of a war to avenge his father's
death upon the Scvthians and Massagctes, and to pie-
vent those nations from overruiniing his northern pro-
vinces, whiih would have been the iiatmai consequence
ot his fatlvr's ill success and death there, went immedi-
atelv to an Kgyptian war, long ago begun by Cyrus, ac-
cording to AeV.ophon, page 644, and conquered that
kuig<lom ; nor is there, that I ever heard of, the least
mention in the reign of Cambyses of any war acainst the
Scythians and Massagetes that he was ever eiiijaged iu,
, in all his life.
292
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK XI
king, while the works about the temple are
going on so fast, and not to overlook this
matter, that thou maycst search into the books
of thy fatliers, for thou wilt find in them that
the Jews have been rebels, and enemies to
kings, as hath their city been also, wliicli, for
that reason, hath been till now laid waste.
We thought proper also to inform tliee of this
matter, because thou mayest otherwise per-
haps be ignorant of it, that if this city be
once inhabited, and be entirely encompassed
with walls, thou wilt be excluded from the
passage to Celcsyria and Plioenicia."
2. When Camhyscs had read the epistle,
being naturally wicked, he was irritated at
what they told him | and wrote back to them
as follows ! " Camhyses, the king, to Ratliu-
mus, the historiographer, to Beeltethmus, to
Semellius the scribe, and the rest that are in
commission, and dwelling in Samaria and
Phoenicia, after tlUs manner : I have read the
epistle that was sent from you ; and I gave
order that the books of my forefathers should
be searched into; and it is there found, that
this city hath always been an enemy to kings,
and its inhabitants have raised seditions and
wars. We also are sensible that their kings
have been powerful and tyrannical, and have
exacted tribute of Celesyria and Phoenicia :
wherefore I give order, that the Jews shall
not be permitted to build that city, lest such
mischief as they used to bring upon kings be
greatly augmented." W^hen this epistle was
read, Rathumus, and Semellius the scribe,
and their associates, got suddenly on horse-
back, and made haste to Jerusalem ; they al-
so brought a great company with them, and
forbade the Jews to build the city and tiie
temple. Accordingly, these works were hin-
dered from going on till the second year of
the reign of Darius, for nine years more ; for
Cambyses reigned six years, and within that
time overthrew Egypt, and when he was coiue
back, he died at Damascus.
CHAPTER III.
HOW, AFTER THE DEATH OK CAMBYSES, AND
THE SLAUGHTEH OF THE MAGI, BUT UNDER
THE REIGN O?" DARIUS, ZOUOBABEI. WAS SU-
PERIOR TO THE REST IN THE SOLUTION OF
PROBLEMS, AND THEREBY OBTAINED THIS
lAVOUU OF THE KING, THAT THE TEMPLE
SHOULD BE BUILT.
§ I. After the slaughter of the magi, who,
upon the death of Cambyses attained the
government of the Persians for a year, tliose
families who were called the seven families of
the Persians, appointed Darius, the son of
Ilystaspes, to be their king Now he, while
he was a [jrivate man, had made a vow to CJod,
that if he came to be kin^i lie would send all
the vessels of God that were in Babylon to
llie temple at Jerusalem. Now it so fell out,
that about this time Zor<)l)abcl, who had been
made governor of the Jews that had been in
eafjtivity, came to Darius, from Jerusalem; for
there had been an old friend-Jiij) between him
and the king. He was also, witli two others,
thought worthy to be guard of the king's
body ; and obtained that honour which he
hoped for.
2. Now, in the first year of the king's reign,
Darius feasted those that were about him, and
those born in his house, with the rulers of ilie
Medes, and princes of the Persians, and the
toparchs of India and Etiiiopia, and the gene-
rals of tlie armies of his hundred and twenty-
seven provinces ; but when they liad eaten and
drunken to satiety and abundantly, they every
one departed to go to bed at their own houses,
and Darius the king went to bed; but after
he had rested a little part of the night, he a-
waked, and not being able to sleep any more,
he fell into conversation with the three guards
of his body, ami promised, that to him who
should make an oration about points that he
should inquire of, such as should be most a-
grceable to truth, and to the dictates of wis-
dom, he would grant it as a reward of his vic-
tory, to put on a purple garment, and to drink
in cups of gold, and to sleep upon gold, and
to have a ciiariot with bridles of gold, and a
heaJ-tire of fine linen, and a chain of gold a-
bout his neck, and to sit next to himself, on
account of his wisdom: — "And," says he,
" he shall be called my Cousin." Now when
he had promised to give them these gifts, he
aslied the first of them, *' Whether wine was
no', the strongest?" — the second, "Whether
kings were not such ?" — and the third, " Whe-
ther women were not such ? or whether truth
was not the strongest of all ?" When he had
pr jposed that they should make their inquiries
about these problems, he went to rest ; but
in the morning he sent for his great men, his
princes, and toparchs of Persia and Media,
and set himself down in the place where he
used to give audience, and bid each of the
guards of his body to declare what they thought
proper concerning the proposed questions, in
the hearing of them all.
3. Accordingly, the first of them began to
speak of tlie strength of wine ; aiid demon-
strated it thus : " When," said he, " I am to
give my opinion of wine, O you men, 1 find
th.it it exceeds every thing, by the following
indications : it deceives the mind of those
that drink it, and reduces that of the king to
the same state with that of the orphan, and
he who stands in need of a tutor ; and erects
that of the slave to the boldness of him that
is flee ; and that of the needy becomes like
thai of the rich man, for it changes and re-
news the souls of men when it gets into them ;
and it (juenches the sorrow of tliose that are
under calamities, and makes men forget ths
"^-
J-
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. III.
debts they owe to others, and makes them
think themselves to be of all men the richest ;
it makes them talk of no small things, but of
talents, and such other things as become weal-
thy men only ; nay more, it makes them in-
sensible of their commanders and of their
kings, and takes away the remembrance of
their friends and companions, for it arms men
even against those that are dearest to tliem,
and makes them appear the greatest strangers
to them ; and when they are become sober, and
they have slept out their wine in the night, they
arise without knowing any thing they have
done in their cups. I take these for signs of
power, and by them discover that wine is the
strongest and most insuperable of all things.
4. As soon as the first had given the fore-
mentioned demonstrations of the strength of
wine, he left off; and the next to him began
to speak about the strength of a king, and
demonstrated tliat it was the strongest of all,
and more powerful than any thing else that
appears to have any force or wisdom. He
began his demonstration after the following
manner ; and said, " They are men who go-
vern all things : they force the earth and the
sea to become profitable to them in what they
desire, and over these men do kings rule, and
over them they have authority. Now those
who rule over that animal which is of all the
strongest and most powerful, must needs de-
serve to be esteemed insuperable in power
and force. For example, when these kings
command their subjects to make wars, and
undergo dangers, they are hearkened to ; and
when they send them against their enemies,
their power is so great that they are obeyed.
They command men to level mountains, and
to pull down walls and towers ; nay, when
they are commanded to be killed and to kill,
they submit to it, that they may not appear to
transgress the king's commands ; and when
they have conquered, they bring what they
have gained in the war to the king. Those
also who are not soldiers, but cultivate the
ground, and plough it, after they have en-
dured the labour, and all the inconveniences
of such works of husbandry, when they have
reaped and gathered in their fruits, they bring
tributes to the king ; and whatsoever it is
wliich the king says or commands, it is done
of necessity, and that without any delay, while
he in the meantime is satiated with all sorts
of food and pleasures, and sleeps in (juiet.
He is guarded by such as watch, and Mich as
are, as it were, fixed down to the place through
fear ; for no one dares leave him, even when
he is asleep, nor does any one go away and
take care of his own affairs, but he esteems
this one thing the only work of necessity, to
guard the king; and accordingly to this he
wholly addicts himself. How then can it be
otherwise, but that it must appear that the
king exceeds all in strength, while so great a
multitude obeys his injunctions?"
293
5. Now when this man had held his peace,
the third of them, who was Zorobabel, began
to instruct them about women, and about
truth, who said thus : " Wine is strong, as is
the king also, whom all men obey, but wo-
men are superior to them in power ; for it
was a woman that brought the king into the
world ; and for those that plant the vines and
make the wine, they are women who bear
them, and bring them up ; nor indeed is there
any thing which we do not receive from
them ; for these women weave garments for
us, and our household affairs are by their
means taken care of, and preserved in safety ;
nor can we live separate from women ; and
when we have gotten a great deal of gold,
and silver, and any other thing that is of
great value, and deserving regard, and see a
beautiful woman, we leave all these things,
and with open mouth fix our eyes upon her
countenance, and are willing to forsake what
we have, that we may enjoy her beauty, and
procure it to ourselves. We also leave fa-
ther, and mother, and the earth that nourislies
us, and frequently forget our dearest friends,
for the sake of women ; nay, we are so hardy
as to lay down our lives for them ; but what
will cliiefly make you take notice of the
strength of women is this that follows : Do
not we take pains, and endure a great deal of
trouble, and that both by land and sea, and
when we have procured somewhat as the fruit
of our labours, do not we bring them to the
women, as to our mistresses, and bestow tlvem
upon them ? Nay, I once saw the king, who
is lord of so many people, smitten on the face
by Apame, the daughter of Rabsases Thema-
sius his concubine, and his diadem taken from
him, and put upon her own head, while he
bore it patiently ; and when she smiled he
smiled, and when she was angry he was sad ,
and according to the change of her passions,
he flattered his wife, and drew her to recon-
ciliation by the great humiliation of himself
to her, if at any time he saw her displeased at
him."
6. And when the pHlinces and rulers looked
one upon another, he began to speak about
truth ; and he said, " I have already demon-
strated how powerful women are ; but both
tliese women themselves, and the king him-
self, are weaker than truth : for although the
earth be large, and the heaven high, and the
course of the sun swift, yet are all these moved
according to the will of God, who is true and
righteous, for which cause we also ought to
esteem truth to be the strongest of all things,
and that what is unrighteous is of no force
against it. IMoreover, all things else that
have any strength are mortal, and short-lived,
but truth is a thing that is immortal and eter-
nal. It affords us not indeed such a beauty
as will wither away by time, nor such riche«
as may be taken away by fortune, but right-
eous rules and laws. It distinguishes tbesn
"V
:^9-l
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
from injustice, and puts what is unrighteous
to ruljiikf. "•
7. So wlicn Zorobabel had loft off his dis-
course ahout truth, and llie inuhitude had
cried out aloud that he had spoken tlie most
wisely, and that it was truili alone tliat had
immutable strength, and sucii as never would
wax old, tlie king commanded that he should
ask for somewhat over and above what he had
promised, for that lie would give it him be-
cause of his wisdom, and that jirudence where-
in he exceeded the rest; "and thou shalt sit
with me," said the king, "and shalt be called
my Cousin." When he had said this, Zoroba-
bel put him in mind of the vow he had iriade
in case he should ever have the kingdom.
Now this vow was, " to rebuild Jerusalem, and
to build therein the temple of God, as also to
restore the vessels which Nebuchadnezzar had
pillaged, ajid carried to Babylon. And this,"
said he, " is that request which thou now per-
mittest m« to make, on account that I have
been judged to be wise and understanding."
8. So the king was pleased with what he
had said, and arose and kissed him ; and wrote
to the toparchs, and governors, and enjoined
them to conduct Zorobabel and tliose that
were going with him to build the temple.
He also sent letters to those rulers that were
in Syria and Plioeniciato cut down and carry
cedar-trees from Lebanon to Jerusalem, and
to assist him in building the city. He also
wrote to them, that all the captives wlio should
go to Judea should be free ; and he prohibited
his deputies and governors to lay any king's
taxes upon the Jews : he also permitted that
they should have all the land which they
could possess tliemselves of without tributes.
He also enjoined the Idumeans and Samari-
tans, and the inhabitants of Celesyria, to re-
store those villages which tlioy had taken from
tlie Jews ; and that, besides all this, fifty
talents should be given them for the building
of the temple. He also permitted them to
• The reader is to note, that .ilthoiigh the speeches or
papers of tliese three of the kiiif^'s guard are much the
same, in our tliinl book of Esilras, chap. iii. ar.il iv. as
they are here in Josciiluis, ^t that the intro<ii!ction of
tliem is entirely iliflirent, while in our Ksdras (he whole
is related as the eontrivanec of the tince of tlie king's
guards themselves; and even the itiiplity rewards are
spoken of as proposed hy tliemselves, and the si)eecJies
are related to have tx'cn "delivered by themselves to the
king in writinK, while all is contrary in Joscphus. I
need not sav lOiose account is the most probable, tlie
matters siieak for themselves; and there can be no
doubt but Josephus's history is here to Ix.' very much
preferred before the other. N'or indeed does it seem to
me at all unlikely that the whole was a contrivaiue of
king Darius's own, in order to be decf nt'y and inoft'en-
sivciy put in min<l liy Zorobalx'l of fulfilling his old
vow for the rebuilding of Jerusalem and the temple,
and tilt restoration of the worship of the ' One true God"
there. Nor does the full meaning of Zorobabel, when
he cries out (3 Esd. iv, i(>), •• Blessed be the Ood of
truth ;" and here, " Ood is true and righteous," or even
of all the iK-ople {3 Esd. iv, li;, " Great is truth, and
mighty above all things," seem to nic much diflerent
from tlii», " There is but one true (iod, the God .)f Is.
racl." To which doctrine, such .is Cyrus, and Darius,
&C. the Jews' great patrons, seem not to have been very
averse, thoMirh the entire idolatry of their kingdoms
maiV them per.crally eonecil it.
BOOK XI,
offer their appointed sacrifices, and that what-
soever the high-priest and the priests wanted,
and those sacred garments wherein they used
to worship God, should lie made at his own
charges ; and that the musical instruments
which the Levites used in singing fiymns to
God should he given them. Moreover, he
charged them, that portions of land should be
given to those that guarded the city and the
temple, as also a determinate sum of money
every year for their maintenance : and withal
lie sent the vessels. And all that Cyrus in-
tended to do before him, relating to the re-
storation of Jerusalem, Darius also ordained
should be done accordingly.
9. Now when Zorobabel had obtained these
grants from the king, he went out of the pa-
lace, and looking up to lieaven, he began to
return thanks to God for the wisdom he had
given him, and the victory he had gained
thereby, even in the presence of Darius him-
self; for, said he, " I had not been tliought
worthy of these advantages, O Lord, unless
thou hadst been favourable to me." When,
therefore, he had returned these thanks to
God for the present circumstance lie was in,
and had prayed to him to afford him the like
favour for the time to come, he came to Ba-
bylon, and brought the good news to his coun-
trymen of what grants he liad procured for
them from the king; who, when they heard
the saine, gave thanks also to God that lie re-
stored the land of their forefathers to them a-
gain. So they betook themselves to drinking
and eating, and for seven days they continued
feasting, and kept a festival, for the rebuild
ing and restoration of their country: after
this they chose themselves rulers, who should
go up to Jerusalem, out of the tribes of their
forefathers, with their wives, and children,
and cattle, who travelled to Jerusalem with
joy and |>leasure, under the conduct of tliose
whom Darius sent along with them, and
making a noise with songs, and pipes, and
cymbals. Tiie rest of the Jewisli multitude
also besides accomjianied them with rejoic-
ing.
10. And thus did these men go, a certain
and determinate number out of every family,
though I do not think it proper to recite
particularly the names of those families, tl<at
I may not take off llie minds of my readers
from the connexion of the historical facts,
and make it hard for them to follow the co-
herence of my narration ; but the sum of
those that went up, above flie age of twelve
years, of the tribes of Judali and Benjamin,
was feur hundred and sixty-two myriads and
eight thousand j-j- the I^'vites were scventy-
t This strange reading in Josephus's present conies,
of four millions instead of forty tfiovisano, is one of the
Grossest errors that is in lliem, and ought to be correcte-d
rom K:Ta ii, 64, 1 Ksd. v, 40, and Neh. vii, C(', who
all agree the general sum Wiis but about forty -Hvo thou-
sand three hundred and sixty. It is also very' plain, that
Jnscnhus thought, that when £'s<lrasa{lerwar(L> brought
.r.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. IV.
four ; the number of the women and children
mixed together was forty thousand seven hun-
dred and forty-two ; and besides these, there
were singers of the Levites one hundred and
twenty-eight, and porters one liundred and
ten, and of the sacred ministers three hun-
dred and ninety-two ; there were also others
besides these, who said they were Israelites,
but were not able to show their genealogies,
six liundred and sixty- two: some tiiere were
also who were expelled out of the number
and honour of the priests, as having married
wives whose genealogies they could not pro-
duce, nor were they found in the genealogies
of the Levites and priests ; they were about
five hundred and twenty-five ; the multitude
also of servants who followed those that
went up to Jerusalem seven thousand three
hundred and thirty-seven; the singing men
and singing women were two hundred and
forty-five ; the caraels were four hundred and
thirty-five ; the beasts used to the yoke were
five thousand five hundred and twenty-five ;
and the governors of all this multitude thus
numbered were Zorobabel, the son of Sala-
thiel, of the posterity of David, and of the
tribe of Judah ; and Jeshua, the son of Jose-
dek the high-priest ; and besides these there
were Mordecai and Serebeus, who were dis-
tinguished from the multitude, and were
rulers, who also contributed a hundred
pounds of gold and five thousand of silver.
By this means, therefore, the priests and the
Levites, and a certain part of the entire peo-
ple of the Jews that were in Babylon, came
and dwelt in Jerusalem ; but the rest of the
multitude returned every one to their own
countries.
CHAPTER IV.
HOW THE TEMPLE WAS BUILT, WHILE THE
CUTHEANS ENDEAVOURED IN VAIN TO OB-
STRUCT THE WOEK.
§ I. Now in the seventh month after they
were departed out of Babylon, both Jeshua
tlie Iiigh-priest, and Zorobabel the governor,
sent messengers every way round about, and
gathered those that were in tlie country to-
gether to Jerusalem universally, who came
very gladly thither. He then built tlie altar
on the same place it had formerly been built,
up another company out of Babylon and Persia, in the
days of Xerxes, tliey were also, as well as these, out of
the two tribes, and out of them onl^, and were in all no
more than " a seed" and " a remnant," while an " im-
mense number" «f the ten tribes never reiurned, but,
as he believed, continued then beyond Euphrates, ch.
v, sect 2, 5. Of which multitude, the Jews beyond
Euphrates, he speaks frequently elsewhere, though, by
ihe way, he never fakes them to be idolaters, but looks
on them still as obeervers of the laws of Moses. The
" certain part" of the people that now came up from
Babylon, at the end of this chapter, imply the same
imaller number of Jews that now came up; and wi) no
*av agree witirthe four millions.
295
^
that they might offer the appointed sacrifices
upon it to God, according to the laws of Mo-
ses. But while they did this, they did not
please the neighbouring nations, who all of
them bare an ill-will to them. They also
celebrated the Feast of Tabernacles at that
time, as the legislator had ordained concern-
ing it ; and after that they oflTered sacrifices,
and what were called the daily sacrifices, and
the oblations proper for the Sabbatlis, and
for all the holy festivals. Those <i'lso that
had made vows performed them, and offered
their sacrifices from the first day of the
seventh month. They also began to build
the teinple, and gave a great deal of monej
to the masons and to the carpenters, and
what was necessary for the maintenance of
the workmen. The Sidonians also were very
willing and ready to bring the cedar-trees
from Libanus, to bind them together, and to
make a united float of them, and to bring
them to the port of Joppa, for that was what
Cyrus had commanded at first, and what was
now done at the command of Darius.
2. In the second year of their coming to
Jerusalem, as the Jews were there, in the se-
cond month, the building of the temple went
on apace; and when they had laid its foun
dations on the first day of the second montti
of that second year, they set, as overseers of
the work, such Levites as were full twenty
years old ; and Jeshua and his sons and bre-
thren, and Codmiel, the brother of Judas, the
son of Aminadab, with his sons ; and the
temple, by the great diligence of those that
had the care of it, was finished sooner than
any one would have expected. And when
the temple was finished, the priests, adorned
uith their accustomed garments, stood with
their trumpets, while the Levites, a-nd the sons
of Asaph, stood and sung hymns to God,
according as David first of all appointed them
to bless God. Now the priests and Levites,
and the elder part of the families, recollecting
with themselves how»inuch greater and more
sumptuous the old temple had been, seeing
that now made how much inferior it was, on
account of their poverty, to that wliich had
been built of old, considered with theinselves
how much their happy state was sunk below
what it had been of old, as well as their tem-
ple. Hereupon they were disconsolate, and
not able to contain their grief, and proceeded
so far as to lament and shed tears on those
accounts; but the people in general were
contented with their present condition ; and
because they were allowed to build them a
temple, they desired no more, and neither re-
garded nor remembered, nor indeed at all
tormented themselves with the comparison of
that and the former temple, as if this were
below their expectations. But the wailing of
the old men, and of the priests, on account of
the deficiency of this temple, in their opinion,
[if compared witJi that which had been de-
"^^
296
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS
molislitd, overcame the sounds of the trum-
pi'ts and tlio rejoicing of tlie people.
3. 15ut when the Samaritans, who were still
enemies to trie tribes of Judah and 13enj.imin,
heard the sound of the trumpets, they came
running togctlier, and desired to know wliat
was the occasion of this tumult ; and when
they perceived tl)at it was from the Jews who
had been carried captive to Babylon, and were
rebuilding their temple, tliey came to Zoro-
babel and to Jeshua, and to the heads of the
families, and desired that they would give
them leave to build the temple with thein, and
to be partners with them in building it;
for they said, " We worship their God, and
especially pray to him, and are desirous of
their religious settlement, and this ever since
Shalmanezer, the king of Assyria, transplant-
ed us out of Cuthah and Media to this place."
When they said thus, Zorobabel, and Jeshua
the high -priest, and the heads of the families
of the Israelites, replied to them, that it was
impossible for them to permit them to be their
partners, whilst they [only] had been appoint-
ed to build that temple at first by Cyrus, and
now by Darius, although it was indeed lawful
for them to come and worship there if they
nleased, and that they could allow them no-
thing, but that in common with them, which
was common to them with all other men, to
come to their temple and worship God there.
4. When the Cutheans heard this, for the
Samaritans have that appellation, they had in-
dignation at it, and persuaded the nations of
Syria to desire of the governors, in the same
maiiner as they had done formerly in the days
of Cyrus, anil again in the days of Cambyses
afterwards, to put a stop to the building of
the temple, and to endeavour to delay and pro-
tract the Jews in their zeal about it. Now at
this time Sisinnes, the governor of Syria and
Phoenicia, and Sathrabuzanes, with certain
others, came up to Jerusalem, and asked the
rulers of the Jews, by whose grant it was that
they built tl.e tem])le in«this manner, since it
was more like to a citadel than a temple ? and
for what reason it was that they built cloisters
and walls, and those strong ones too, about
the city ? To which Zorobabel and Jeshua
the high-priest replied, that tliey were the ser-
vants of God Almighty: that this tem]ile was
built for him by a king of theirs tiiat lived
in great prosperity, and one that exceeded all
men in virtue; and that it contiimed a long
time, but tli:it because of their fathers' im-
piety towards God, Nebuchadnezzar, king of
the Babylonians and of the Chaldeans, took
their city by force, and destroyed it, and pil-
laged the temple, and burnt it down, and
transplanted the people whom he had made
captives, and ren)()ved them to Babylon ; that
Cyrus, will), after him, was king of Babylo-
nia and Persia, wrote to them to build the
temple, and conunitted the gifts and vessels,
nnd whatsoever Nebuchadnezzar hud carried
out of it, to Zorobabel, and Mithridates tha
treasurer; and gave order to have them car-
ried to .Jerusalem, and to have tliem restored
to their own temple when it was built; for
he had sent to tliem to have it done speedily,
and commanded Sanabassar to go up to Je-
rusalem, and to take care of the building of
the temple; who, ujion receiving that epiitie
from Cyrus, came and immediately laid its
foundations : — " and although it hath been
in building from that time to this, it hath not
yet been finished, by reason of the malignity
of our enemies. If therefore you have a
mind, and think it proj)er, write this account
to Darius, that when he hatli consulted the
records of the kings, he may find that we
have told you nothing that is false about this
matter."
5. When Zorobabel and the high-priest
had made this answer, Sisiimes, and those
that were Mith him, did not resolve to hinder
the building, until they had informed king
Darius of all this. So they immediately
wrote to him about these affairs ; but as the
Jews were now under terror, and afraid lest
the king should change his resolutions as to
the building of Jerusalem and of the temple,
there were two prophets at that tiine amongst
them, Haggai and Zechariah, who enctHi-
raged them, and bade them be of good cheer,
and to suspect no discouragement from the
Persians, for that God foretold this to them.
So, in dependence on those prophets, they
applied themselves earnestly to building, and
did not intermit one day.
6. Now Darius, when the Samaritans had
written to him, and in their epistle had accus-
ed the Jews how they fortified the city, and
built the tem[)le more like to a citadel than a
temple ; and said, that their doings were not
expedient for the king's affairs; and besides,
they showed the epistle of Cambyses, where-
in he forbade them to build the temple : and
when Darius thereby understood that the re-
storation of Jerusalem was not expedient for
his affairs, and when he had read the epistle
that was brought him from Sisinnes and tliose
that were with him, he gave order that what
concerned ther.e matters should be sought for
among the royal records. — Whereupon a book
was found at Ecbatuna, in the tower that was
in Media, wherein was written as follows : —
" Cyrus the king, in the first year of his reign,
commanded that the temple should be built
in Jerusalem ; and the altar in height three-
score cubits, and its breadth of the same, win.
three edifices of polished stone, and one edi-
fice of stone of their own country ; and he or-
dained that the expenses of it should be paid
out of the king's revenue. He also com-
manded that the vessels which Nebuchadnez-
zar had pillaged [out of the temple], and had
carried to Babylon, should be restored to the
people of Jerusalein ; and that the care of
these things should belong to Sanabassar, the
J
*\-.
CHAP. IV.
governor and president of Syria and Phcenl-
cia, and to his associates, that they may not
incddle with that place, but may permit the
serv ints of God, the Jews and their rulers, to
build the temple. He also ordained that they
sliould assist them in the work ; and that they
should pay to the Jews, out of the tribute of
the country where they were governors, on
account of the sacrifices, bulls, and rams, and
lambs, and kids of the goats, ind fine flour,
and oil, and wine, and all other things that
the priests should suggest to them ; and that
they should pray for the preservation of the
king, and of the Persians : and that for such
as transgressed any of these orders thus sent
to them, he commanded that they should be
caught, and hung upon a cross, and their sub-
stance confiscated to the king's use. He also
prayed to God against them, that if any one
attempted to hinder the building of the tem-
ple, God would strike him dead, and thereby
restrain his wickedness."
7. When Darius had found this book
among the records of Cyrus, he wrote an an-
swer to Sisinnes and his associates, whose con-
tents were these : — " King Darius to Sisinnes
the governor, and to Sathrabuzanes, sendeth
greeting. Having found a copy of this epistle
am ing the records of Cyrus, I have sent it
to you; and I will that all things be done as
therein written. — Farewell." So when Si-
sinnes, and those that were with him, un-
derstood the intention of the king, they re-
solved to follow his directions entirely for the
time to come. So they forwarded the sacred
works, and assisted the elders of the Jews, and
the princes of the sanhedrim; and the struc-
ture of the temple was with great diligence
brought to a conclusion, by the prophecies of
Huggai and Zechariah, according to God's
commands, and by the injunctions of Cyrus
and Darius the kings. Now the temple was
built in seven years' time : and in the ninth
year of the reign of Darius, on the twenty.
third day of the twelfth month, which is by us
called Adar, but by the Macedonians Di/strus,
the priests and the Levites, and the other multi-
tude of the Israelites, offered sacrifices, as tlie
renovation of theirformer prosperity after their
captivity, and because they had now the tem-
ple rebuilt, a hundred bulls, two hundred
rams, four hundred lambs, and twelve kids of
the goats, according to the number of their
tribes (for so many are the tribes of the Israel-
ites) ; and this last for the sms of every tribe.
The priests also, and the Levites, set the por-
ters at every gate according to the laws of
IVloses. The Jews also built the cloisters of
the inner temple that were round about the
temple itself.
8. And as the feast of unleavened bread
was at hand, in the first month, which, accord-
ing to the Macedonians, is called Xcinthicus,
but according to us yisaii, all the people ran
together out of the villages to the city, and
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
297
celebrated tb festival, having purified them.
selves, with their wives and children, accord-
ing to the law of their country ; and they of-
fered the sacrifice which was called the Pass-
over, on the fourteenth day of the same month,
and feasted seven days, and spared for no cost,
but offered whole burnt-offerings to God, and
performed sacrifices of thanksgiving, because
God had led them again to the land of their
fathers, and to the laws thereto belonging, and
had rendered the mind of the king of Persia
favourable to them. So these men offered
the largest sacrifices on these accounts, and
used great magnificence in the worship of
God, and dwelt in Jerusalem, and made use
of a form of government that was aristocrati-
cal, but mixed with an oligarchy,, for the higb-
priests were at the liead of their affairs, until
the posterity of the Asainoneans set up king-
ly government; for before their captivity, and
the dissolution of their polity, they at first
had kingly government from Saul and David
for five hundred and thirty-two years, six
months, and ten days : but before those kings,
such rulers governed them as were called
Judges and Monarchs. Under this form of
government, they continued for more than
five hundred years, after the death of Moses,
and of Joshua their commander. — And this is
the account I had to give of the Jews who
had been carried into captivity, but were de-
livered from it in the times of Cyrus and Da-
rius.
9. * But the Samaritans, being evil and ei>-
viously disposed to the Jews, wrought thena
many mischiefs, by reliance on their riches,
and by their pretence that tiiey were allied to
the Persians, on account that thence they
came ; and whatsoever it was that they were
enjoined to pay the Jews by the king's order
out of their tributes for the sacrifices, they
would not pay it. They had also the gover-
nors favourable to them, and assisting them
for that purpose ; nor did they spare to hurt
them, either by themselves or by others, as
far as they were able. So the Jews deter-
mined to send an embassage to king Darius,
in favour of the people of Jerusalem, and in
order to accuse the Samaritans. The ambas
sadors were Zorobabel, and four others of the
rulers ; and as soon as the king knew from
the ambassadors the accusations and com-
plaints they brought against the Samaritans,
he gave them an epistle to be carried to thu
governors and council of Samaria ; the con-
tents of which epistle were these : '' King
Darius to Tanganas and Sambabas, the go-
vernors of the Samaritans ; to Sadraces and
Bobelo, and the rest of their fellow-servants
that are in Samaria : Zorobabel, Ananias,
and Mordecai, the ambassadors of the Jews,
complain of you, that you obstruct them in
the building of the temple, and do not sujv-
• The history contained in this section is entirely
wanting in all uur c-upies. both of Ezra and Ksdras.
A.
r*
J-
J?!>8
ANTIQUITJCS OF THE JEWS.
ply tlieiT) with Uic expenses which I commrt/id-
eil you to do for tiiu oU'erinjr of their sairi-
fices. IMy will therefore is this : That upon
the reading of this epistle, you supply tlicin
with wi)atsocver tliey want for their sacrifices,
and that out of the royal treasury, of the tri-
butes of Samaria, as the priest shall desire,
that they may not leave ofl t'lcir offering daily
sacrifices, nor praying to Clod for me and the
Persians :"— and these were tJie contents of
that epistle.
CHAPTER V
HOW XERXES, THE SON OF DARIUS, WAS WELL-
DISPOSED TO THE JEWS ; AS ALSO CONCERN-
ING ESDRAS AND NEHEMIAH.
§ 1. Upon the death of Darius, Xerxes his
son took the kingdom ; who, as he inherited
his father's kingdom, so did he inherit his
piety towards God, and honour of him ; for
lie did all things suital)ly to his fatlier relat-
ing to divine worship, and he was exceeding
friendly to the Jews. Now about this time a
son of Jeshua, whose name was Joacim, was
the high-priest. Moreover, there was now in
Babylon a righteous man, and one that en-
joyed a great reputation among the multitude;
he was the principal priest of the peojile, and
his name was Esdras. He was very skilful
in the laws of Moses, and was well acquaint-
ed with king Xerxes. He had determined to
go up to Jerusalem, and to take with him
some of those Jews that were in Babylon ; and
he desired that the king would give him an
■epistle to the governors of Syria, by which
they might know who he was. Accordingly,
the king wrote the following epistle to those
governors: — " Xerxes, king of kings, to Es-
•dras the priest, and reader of the divine law,
greeting. I think it agreeable to that love
which I bear to mankind, to permit tliose of
the Jewisii nation who are so disposed, as well
as those of the priests and Lcvites that are in
our kingdom, to go togithfr to Jerusalem.
Accordingly, I have given command for tliat
purpose; and let every one that hath a mind
go, according as it liath seemed good to me,
and to my seven counsellors, and this in or-
der to their review of the atl'airs of Judea, to
see whether they be agreeable to the law of
God. Let them also take with them tliose
presents which I and my friends have vowed,
with all that silver and gold which is found in
the country of the Babylonians, as dedicated to
Ciod, and let all this be carried to Jerusalem,
to God for sacrifices. Let it also be lawful
for thee and thy brethren to make as many
vessels of silver and gold as thou ]jlcasesi.
Thou shalt also dedicate those holy vessels
which have been given thee, and as many
more as tliou hast a mind to make, and shalt
UOOK XI
I take the expenses out of the king's treasury.
I have moreover written to the treasurers ol
I Syria and Phoenicia, that they take care of
j those affairs that Esdras the priest, and readei
of the laws of God, is sunt about; and that
\ CJod may not be at all angry with me, or with
my children, I grant all that is necessary for
sacrifices to God, according to the law, as far
as a hundred cori of wheat ; and I enjoin you
not to lay any treacherous imjjosition, or any
tributes, upon their priests or Levites, or sa-
cred singers, or porters, or sacred servants,
or scribes of the temple ; and do thou, O Es-
dras, appoint judges according to the wisdom
[given thee] of God, and tiio.se such as under-
stand the law, that they may judge in all Sy-
ria and Phceriicia; and do thou instruct those
also which are ignorant of it, that if any one
of thy countrymen transgress the law of God,
or that of the king, he may be punished, as
not transgressing it out of ignorance, but as
one that knows it indeed, but boldly despises
and contemns it; and such may be punished
by death, or by paying fines. Farewell."
2. When Esdras had received this epistle,
he was very joyful, and began to worship
God, and confessed that he had been tht; cause
of the king's great favour to him, and that
for the same reason he gave all the thanks to
God. So he read the epistle at Babyion to
those Jews that were there ; but he kept the
e;)istle itself, and sent a copy of it to all those
of his own nation that were in Media ; and
when these Jews had understood what piety
the king had towards God, and what kindness
he had for Esdras, they were all greatly pleas-
ed ; nay, many of them took their eff'ects with
them, and came to Babylon, as very desirous
of going down to Jerusalem ; but then the
entire body of the peojile of Israel remained
in that country; wherefore there are but two
tribes in Asia and Europe subject to the Ro-
mans, while the ten tribes are beyond Eu-
phrates till now, and are an immense multi
tude, and not to be estimated by numbers.
Now there came a great number of priests,
and Levites, and porters, and sacred sin^^ers,
and sacred servants, to Esdras. So he ga-
thered those that were in the cajjtivity toge-
ther beyond Euplirates, and staid there three
days, and ordained a fast for them, that ihey
might make their prayers to God for their
preservation, that they might suH'er no mis-
fortunes by the way, either from their ene-
mies, or from any other ill accident ; for Es-
dras had said beforehand, that he had told the
king how God would preserve them, and so
he had not thought fit to request that he would
send horsemen to conduct them. So when
they had finished their prayers, they removed
from Euijhrates, on the twelfth day of the
first month of the seventh year of the reign
of Xerxes, and they came to Jerusalem on
the fifth month of the same year. Now Es-
dra.«i presented tlie sacred money to tlie trp3
V
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
299
surers, who were of the family of tlie priests,
of silver six hundred and fifty talents, ves-
sels of silver one hundred talents, vessels of
gold twenty talents, vessels of brass, that
was more precious than gold,* twelve talents
by weight; for these presents had been made
by the king aiid liis counsellors, and by all
the Israelites that staid at Babylon. So when
Esdras had delivered these things to the
priests, he gave to God, as the appointed sa-
crifices of whole burnt-offerings, twelve bulls
on account of the common preservation of the
people, ninety rams, seventy-two lambs, aid
twelve kids of the goats, for the remission of
sins. He also delivered the king's epistle
to the king's officers, and to the governors of
Celesyria and Phoenicia ; and as they were
under the necessity of doing what was en-
joined by him, they honoured our nation,
and were assistant to them in all their neces-
sities.
3. Now these things were truly done un-
der the conduct of Esdras ; and he succeeded
in them, because God esteemed him worthy
of the success of his conduct, on account of
his goodness and righteousness. But some
time afterward there came some persons to
him, and brought an accusation against cer-
tain of the multitude, and of the priests and
Levites, who had transgressed their settlement,
and dissolved the laws of their country, by
marrying strange wives, and had brought the
family of the priests into confusion. These
persons desired him to support the laws, lest
God should'take up a general anger against
them all, and reduce them to a calamitous
condition again. Hereupon he rent his gar-
ment immediately, out of grief, and pulled o!f
the hair of his head and beard, and cast him-
self upon the ground, because this crime had
reached the principal men among the people ;
and considering that if he should enjoin them
to cast out their wives, and the children they
had by them, he should not be hearkened to,
he continued lying upon the ground. How-
ever, all the better sort came running to him,
who also themselves wept, and partook of the
grief he was under for what had been done.
So Esdras rose up from the ground, and
stretched out his hands towards Heaven, and
said that he was ashamed to look towards it,
because of the sins which the people had com-
mitted while they had cast out of their memo-
ries what their fathers had undergone on ac-
count of their wickedness; and he besought
God, who had saved a seed and a remnant out
of the calamity and captivity they had been in,
and had restored them again to Jerusalem,
and to their own land, and had obliged the
king of Persia to have compassion on them,
that he would also forgive thein their sins
tliey had now committed, which, though they
• Dv. Hudson take^ notice here, that this kind of
brass or copper, or rather mixture oi gokl and brass or
copper, was called aurieliiilcun, and that this was ol
oiil esteemed the most piecious of all metaU
deserved death, yet, was it agreeable to the
mercy of God, to remit even to these the pu-
nishment due to them.
4. After Esdras had said this, he left off
praying; and when all those that came to him
with their wives and children were under la-
mentation, one, whose name was Jechonias,
a principal man in Jerusalem, came to him,
and said, that they had sinned in marrying
strange wives ; and he persuaded him to ad-
jure them all to cast those wives out, and the
children born of them ; and that those should
be punished who would not obey the law. So
Esdras hearkened to this advice, and trade
the heads of the priests, and of the Levites,
and of the Israelites, swear that they would
put away those wives and children, according
to the advice of Jechonias ; and when he had
received their oaths, he went in haste out of
the temple into the chamber of Jbhanan, the
son of Eliasib, and as he had hitlierlo tasted
nothing at all for grief, so he abode there that
day; and when proclamation was made, that
all those of the captivity should gather them-
selves together to Jerusalem, and those tliat
did not meet there in two or three days sliould
be banished from the multitude, and that their
substance should be appropriated to the uses
&f the temple, according to the sentence of
the elders, those that were of the tribes of Ju-
dah and Benjamin came together in three
days, viz. on the twentieth day of the ninttj
month, which, according to the Hebrews, is
called Teheth, and according to the Macedo-
nians, Apelleius. Now, as they were sitting
in the upper room of the temple, where the
elders also were present, but were uneasy be-
cause of the cold, Esdras stood up and ac-
cused them, and told them that they hafl sin-
ned in marrying wives that were not of their
own nation ; but that now they would do a
thing both pleasing to God and advantageous
to themselves, if they would put those wives
away. Accordingly, they all cried out that
they would do so. That, however, the mul-
titude was great, and that the season of the
year was winter, and that this work would re-
quire more than one or two days. " Let
their rulers, therefore [said they], and those
that have married strange wives, come hither
at a proper time, while the elders of every
])lace, that are in common, to estimate the
number of those that have thus married, are
to be there also." Accordingly, this was re-
solved on by them ; and they began the in-
quiry after those that had married strange
wives on the first day of the tenth month, and
continued the inquiry to the first day of the
next inonth, and found a great many of the
posterity of Jeshua the higli-priest, and of the
priests and Levites, and Israelites, who had a
greater regard to the observation of the law
than to their natural aflTection,* and immedi-
* This procednre of Esdras, and of the best part of tlio
Jewiih nation, after their return from the Uabsloxisli
"X
s-
300
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
ati'ly cast out their wives, and the children
which were born of them; and in order to
appease God, they offered sacrifices, and slew
rams, as ohhiiions to liim ; but it does not
seem to me to be necessary to set down the
names of tl)ese men. So when Esdras liad
reformed this sin about the marriages of the
forementioned persons, he reduced that prac-
tice to purity, so that it continued in that
state for the time to come.
.5. Now when they kept the feast of ta-
bernacles in the seventli month,* and almost
all the people were come together to it, they
went up to the open part of tlie temple, to
the gate which looked eastward, and desired
of Esdras that tlie laws of Moses might be
read to thein. Accordingly, he stood in the
midst of the multitude and read thcin ; and
this he did from morning to noon. Now, by
hearing the- laws read to them, they were in-
structed to oe righteous men for the present
and for the future ; but as for their past of-
fences, they were displeased at themselves and
proceeded to shed tears on their account, as
considering with themselves, that if they had
kept the law, they had endured none of these
miseries which they had experienced ; but
when Esdras saw them in that disposition, he
bade them go home and not weep, for that it
was a festival, and that they ought not to
weep thereon, for that it was not lawful so to
do.f He exhorted them rather to proceed
immediately to feasting, and to do what was
suitable to a feast, and what was agreeable to
a day of joy ; but to let tiieir repentance and
sonow for their former sins be a security and
a guard to them, that they fell no more into
the like offences. So upon Esdras' exhorta-
tion they began to feast: and when they liad so
done for eight days, in their tabernacles, they
departed to their own homes, singing hymns
to God, and returning thanks to Esdras for
his reformation of what corruptions had been
introduced into their settlement. So it came
to pass, that after he had obtained this repu-
tation among the people, he died an old man,
and was buried in a magnificent manner at
Jerusalem. About the same time it happen-
ed also that Joacim, the high-priest, died ;
captivity, of reducing thp Jewish marrijigcs, once for all,
to the !.tricuiess of the la" of Moses, wiilioutany ritjard
to Ihc (;rcatiicss of t^ioi-e who had broken it, anil with-
out rcpard to that natural afltrtion or compassion for
their heathen wives, .iiid their children by them, which
made il so hard for Esdsas to correct it, deserves prcatly
to be ol)servcd and imitated in all attcmnts for rcforma.
tion amonj; Christians, the contrary coniluct haviiiy ever
been the bane of true religion, both amoujj Jews and
('hri>tiaiis, while political views, or human passions, or
prinUiitial motives, aic sufl'trcd to take place instead of
the ilivuic laws, and so the bicssinj; of (foil is forfcitul,
and the church still sufl'cred to continue corrupt from
one ceneration to another. See eh. viii. sect. 2.
• This Jewish feast of tabernacles was imitated in
several heathen solemnities, as .'^panhrim here observes
and proves. He also farther observes j>resenlly, what
pieat regard many heathens had to the monuments of
tlieir forelatlKrs, as Niheiiii.ih had here, sect. 6.
) Tills rule of F:s<lrivs, not to f.ist on a festival day, is
(luolid in the Anostolical Constitutions, (b. v), as'ob-
<^iun|; among christians also.
and his son Eliasib succeeoed in the In'gh-
priestliood.
6. Now there was one of those Jews who
had been carried captive, who was cu))-bearer
to king Xerxes; his name was Nehemiah.
As this man was walking before Susa, the
metropolis of the Persians, he heard some
strangers that were entering the city, after a
long journey, speaking to one anotlier in the
Hebrew tongue ; so he went to them and ask-
ed from whence they came ; and when their
answer vvas, tli;tf they came from Judea, he
began to inquire of them again in wliat state
the multitude was, and in what condition Je-
rusalein was: and when they replied that they
were in a bad state, f for that their walls were
thrown down to the ground, and that tiie
neighbouring nations did a great deal of mis-
chief to the Jews, while in the day-time they
over-ran the country and pillaged it, and in
the night did them mischief, insomuch that
not a few were led away captive out of the
country, and out of Jerusalem itself, and that
the roads were in the day-time found full of
dead men. Hereupon Nehetniah shed tears,
out of commiseration of the calamities of his
countrymen; and, looking up to Heaven, he
said, " How long, O Lord, wilt thou overlook
our nation, while it sutlers so great miseries,
and while we are made the prey and the spoil
of all men V And while he staid at the gate,
and lamented thus, one told l)im that the king
was going to sit down to supper; so he made
haste, and went as he was, without washing
himself, to minister to the king in his office of
cup-bearer: but as the king was very plea-
sant after supper, and more cheerful than
usual, tie cast his eyes on Netiemiah, and see-
ing liim look sad, he asked hiin wliy he was
sad. Whereupoti he prayed to God to give
him favour, and afford liim the power of per-
suading by his words ; and said, " How can
I, O king, appear otlierwise than thus, and
not be in trouble, while I hear that the walls
of Jerusalem, tlie city where are the sepul-
chres of my fatliers, are thrown down to ttie
ground, and that its gates are consumed by
lire .' But do lliou grant me the favour to
go and build its wall, and to finish tlie build-
ing of the lemiile." Accordingly the king
gave liim a signal, that he freely granted tiiin
wtiat he asked ; and told tiim, that lie sliould
carry an epistle to ttie governors, that ttiey
might pay liim due honour, and afford Iiim
whatsoever assistiince tie wanted, and as lie
pleased. " Leave off" thy sorrow then," said
the king, "and tie cheerful in the performance
of tliy office tiereafter." So Nehemiati wor-
shipped God, and gave the king thanks for his
% This miserable condition of the Jews, and their
capital, must have bcon after the death of Esdras, their
former covemor, ;uid bi^t'ore Nehemiah came with his
coiumii.^ion to build the walls of Jcrus;ilcin; nor is that
at all disagreeable to these histories in Joscphns, since
Ksdras cainc on the seventh, and Nehemiah not till the
wwUi-tiftli of Xerxes, at tlis inter\ al of eighteen year*
CHAP. V.
promise, and cleared up his sad and cloudy
countenance, by the pleasure he had from the
king's promises. Accordingly, the king call-
ed for hiir llie next day, and gave him an
epistle to be carried to Adeus, the governor
oi" Syria, and Phtenicia, and Samaria ; where-
in he sent to him to pay due honour to Ne-
hemiah, and to supply him with what he want-
ed for his building.
7. Now when he was come to Babylon,
and had taken with him many of his country-
men, who voluntarily followed him, he came
to Jerusalem in the twenty and fifth year of
the reign of Xerxes ; and when he had shown
the epistles to God,* he gave them to Adeus,
and to the other governors. He also called
together all the people to Jerusalem, and stood
in the midst of the temple, and made the fol-
lowing speech to them : — " You know, O
Jews, that God hath kept our fathers, Abra-
ham, Isaac, and Jacob, in mind continually ;
and for the sake of their righteousness hath
not left off the care of you. Indeed, he hath
assisted me in gaining this authority of the
king to raise up our wall, and finish what is
wanting of the temple. I desire you, there-
fore, who well know the ill-will our neigh-
bouring nations bear to us, and that when
once they are made sensible that we are in ear-
nest about building, they will come upon us,
and contrive many ways of obstructing our
works, that you will, in tl t first place, put
70ur trust in God, as in hiia that will assist
us against tlieir hatred, and to intenriit build-
ing neither night nor day, but to use all dili-
gence, and to hasten on the work, now we
have this especial opportunity fc; it." When
he had said this, he gave order that the rulers
should measure the wall, and part the work
of it among the people, according to their vil-
lages and cities, as every one's ability should
require. And when he had added this pro-
mise, that he liimself, with his servants, would
assist them, he dissolved the assembly. So
the Jews prepared for the work : that is the
name they are called by from the day that
they came up from Babylon, which is taken
fioni the tribe of Judah, which came first to
these places, and thence both they and the
country gained that appellation.
P. Butnow when the Ammonites, and Moab-.
ites, and Samaritans, and all that inhabited Ce-
lesyria, heard that the building went on apace,
they took it heinously, and proceeded to lay
snares for them, and to hinder their inten-
tions They also slew many of the Jews, and
sought how they might destroy Neheiniah
himself, by hiring some of the foreigners to
* This showing king Xerxes' epistles to God, or lay-
ing them open before Xiod in the tei iple, is very like the
laying open the epistles of Sennaclurib before him also
by Hezekiah 1,2 Knigsxix, 14; Isa. xxxvii, H) ; although
this last was for a memorial, to put him in mind of tlie
enemies, in order to move the divine compassion, and
the present as a token of gratitude for mercies already
received, as Havercamp well ol)serves on this place
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
301
kill him. They also put the Jews in fear,
and disturbed tliem, and spread abroad ru-
mours, as if many nations were ready to make
an expedition against tiiem, by which means
they were harassed, and had almost left ofl
the building. But none of these things could
deter Nehemiah from being diligent about
the work ; he only set a number of men about
him as a guard to his body, and so unwea-
riedly persevered therein, and was insensible
of any trouble, out of his desire to perfect
this work. And thus did he attentively, and
with great forecast, take care of his own safe-
ty ; not that he feared death, but of this per-
suasion, that if he were dead, the walls, for
his citizens, would never be raised. He also
gave orders that the builders should keep tiieir
ranks, and have their armour on wl-.ile they
were building. Accordingly, the mason had
his sword on, as well as he that brought the
materials for building. He also appointed that
their shields should He very near them ; and
he placed trumpeters at every five hundred
feet, and charged them, that if their enemies
appeared, they should give notice of it to the
people, that they might fight in their armour,
and their enemies might not fall upon them
naked. He also went about the compass of
the city by night, being never discouraged,
neither about the work itself, nor about liis
own diet and sleep, for he made no use of
those things for his pleasure, but out of ne-
cessity. And this trouble he underwent for
two years and four months ;■}■ for in so long
a time was the wall built, in the twenty-
eighth year of the reign of Xerxes, in the
ninth month. Now when the walls were
finished, Nehemiah and the multitude olTered
sacrifices to God for the building of them;
and they continued in feastmg eight days.
However, when the nations which dwelt in
Syria heard that the building of the wall was
finished, they had indignation at it; but when
Nehemiah saw that the city was thin of peo-
ple, he exhorted the priests and the Levites,
that they would leave tlie country, and remove
themselves to the city, and there continue;
and he built them houses at his own expenses;
and he commanded that part of the peojile
who were employed in cultivating the land,
to bring the tithes of their fruits to Jerusa-
i It may not be very improper to remark here, with
what an unusual accuracy .lo^ephus determines tliese
years of Xerxes, in which the walls of Jerusalem were
built, viz. that Nehemiah came with this commission in
the l'5th of Xerxes ; that the walls were two years and four
months in buildinp ; and that they were finished on the
ysth of Xerxes, sect. 7, 8. it may also l>e remarked
farther, that .loscphus hardly ever mentions more than
one infallible astronomical character, 1 mean an eclipse
of the moon, jmd this a little before the death of Herod
the Great, Antiq. b. xvii, ch. vi, sect. 4. Now on these
two chronological characters in great measure depend
some of the most important points belonging to Chris-
tianity, viz. the exphcation of Daniel's seventy weeks,
and the duration of our Saviour's ministry, and the
time of his death, in correspondence to thc»c seventy
weeks. See tlie Supplement to the Lit. Aceomp. of
Proph. p. 7i«.
"V
J'
302
ANTICiUITIKS OF TIIK JKWS.
lem, that tlie [iriests and Levitt-s having
whereof they might live perpetually, might
not leave the (hvine worship ; who willingly
licarkened to tlie constitutions of Neheniiah,
by vvhicli means the city Jerusalem came to
be fuller of peo|)lo than it was before. So
when Neheniiah had done many other excel-
lent things, and thinj^s worthy of commenda-
tion, in a glorious manner, he came to a great
age, and then died. He was a man of a
gooil and a righteous disposition, and very
amhiiious to make his own nation happy ;
and he hath left tlie walls of Jerusalem as an
eternal monument for himself. Now this
was done in the days of Xerxes.
CHAPTER VI.
COXCERNINll ESTHER, AND MORDECAF, AND
HAiMAN ; AND HOW, IN THE REIGN OF AR-
TAXICRXES, THE WHOLE NATION OF THE
JEWS WAS IN DANGER OF PERISHING.
§ 1. After the death of Xerxes, the king-
dom came to be transferred to his son Cyrus,
whom the Greeks called Ariaxerxes. When
this man had obtained the government over
the Persians, the whole nation of the Jews, *
with their wives and children, were in danger
of peris'iing ; the occasion whereof we shall
declare in a little time ; for it is proper, in
the first place, to explain somewhat relating
to this king, and hriw he came to marry a
Tcwish wife, who was her5;elf of the royal fa-
mily also, and who is related to have saved
our nation ; for when Artaxerxes had taken
the kingdom, and had set goveinors over the
hundred twenty and seven provinces, from
India even unto Ethiopia, in the third year
♦ Since soinc sceplical persons are willing to discard
tliis book of Estlicr as no true liisLory (and even our
learned and judicious Dr. Wall, in his late poslh\imous
Critical Notes upon all tlie other Hebrew books of the
Old Testament, gives us none upon the (.'antulcs, or
upon Esther, and seems thereby to give up this book,
up the Canticles, as indefensiliU), I
shall venture tb«iy. that almost all the nbjcctions against
as well as he gives up the i
this book of Esther arc gone at once, if, as we ccnainly
ought to do, and as Dean Priileaux has justly done, we
place this history under Artaxerxes Longimanus, as do
both the Scptnagiiit liiterpreters and Josephus. 1 he
learned Or. I,cc, in his posthumous Dissertation on ihi;
Second liook of Ksihiis, page '-•5, also says, that " the
truth of this history is deinonstratcd by the feast of
Purim, kept up from that time to this very day: and
thi" "-urprisini; providential revolution in favoiir of a
captive people, tlitreby constantly eonimemorated,
stiir.ileth even upon a firmer basis than that there ever
v/as such a man as knig Alexander [the llreat] in the
world, of whose reign there is no such abiding monu-
ment at this day to be found anywhere. Nor will they,
I dare say, who quariel at this or any other of the sacred
histories, find it a very easy matter to reconcile the dif-
ferent accounts which were given by historians of the
aflairs of this king, or to confirm any one fact of his
whatever with the same evidence which is here given
for the principal fact in the sacred book, or even so
much as to prove the existence of such a person, of
whom so great things are related, but uimn granting
tins book of Esther, or sixth of Ksiiras (as it is placed
in some of the most ancient copies of the Vulgau-) to be
• most true and certani history," <Ssc.
of Ills reign, he made a costly feast for liis
friends, and for the nations of Persia, and for
their governors, such a one as was proper for
a king to make, when he had a mind to make
a public demonstration of his riches, and this
for a hundred and fourscore days ; after
which he made a feast for other nations, and
for their ambas^adors, at Shiisiian, for seven
days. Now tliif^ feast was ordered after the
manner following: — He caused a tent to be
pitched, which was supported by pillars of
gold and silver, with curtains of linen and
l)iirple spread over them, that it might aifoid
room for many ten thousands to sit down.
The cups with wliich the waiters ministered
were of gold, and adorned with precious
stones, for pleasure and for sight. He also
gave order to the servants, that they should
not force them to drink, by bringing them
wine continually, as is the practice of the
Persians, but to permit every one of the
guests to enjoy himself according to his own
inclination. Moreover, he sent messengers
through the country, and gave order tiiat
they thouid have a remission of their labours,
and should keep a festival many days, on ac-
count of his kingdom. In like manner ilij
Vashti the queen gather lier guests 'ogeiher
and made them a feast in the palace. No«
the king was desirous to show her, who ex-
ceeded all other women in beauty, to those
that feasted with him, and he sent some to
command her to come to his feast. But she
out of regard to the laws of the Persians,
which forbid the wives to be seen by stran-
gers, did not go to the king ;f and though he
oftentimes sent the eunuchs to her, she did
nevertheless stay away, and refused to come,
till the king was so much irritated, that he
brake up the entertainment, and rose up, and
called for those seven who had the interpre-
tation of the laws committed to them, and
accused his wife, and said, that he h.id been
ail'ronted by her, because that when she was
frequently called by him to his feast, she did
not obey him once. He therefore gave order
that they should inform him what couiil be
done by the law against her. So one of
them, whose name was Memucan, s.iid that
this allVont was ollereil not to him alone, but
to all the Persians, who were in danger of
leading their lives very ill with their wives, if
t If the ClialUce paraphrast be in the right, that .Ar-
taxerxes intended to show Vashti to his guests naked, it
is no wonder at all that she would not submit to such
an indignity : but still if it were not so gross as that, yet
it might, in the king's cups, \>c done in a way so inde-
cent, as the I'crsian wws would not then bear, no inoie
than the common laws of modesty. And that the king
had some such di'sipn, seems not improbable, for other-
wise the principal of these royal g\iesu could be no
strangei-s to the ([ueen, nor unanjirised of her beauty,
so far as decency adinittetl. llowever, since Provi-
dence was now paving the wav for the introduction of
a Jewess into the kiii-'s aflccuciis, in order to bring
about one of the mo^t wondrrlul deliverances which th*
Jewish or any nation ever had, wc need not be farlliei
solicitous jibout the motives by which the king wa> lu
duced to divo p Vashti, and irarry EstJier
X
.^r
CHAV. VI. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 30'3
they must be thus despised by them ; for that
none of their wives would have any reve-
rence for their husbands, if they had " such
an example of arrogance in the queen to-
wards thee, who rulest over all." Accord-
ingly, he exhorted him to punish her, who
had been guilty of so great an affront to him,
after a severe manner ; and when he had so
done, to publish to the nations what had been
decreed about the queen. So the resolution
was to put Vashti away, and to give her dig-
nity to another woman.
2. But the king having been fond of her,
he did not well bear a separation, and yet by
the law he could not admit of a reconciliation,
so he was under trouble, as not having it in
his power to do what he desired to do : but
when his friends saw him so uneasy, they ad-
vised him to cast the me^mory of his wife, and
his love for her, out of his mind, but to send
abroad over all the habitable earth, and to
search out for comely virgins, and to take her I he who touched it was free from ds
whom he should best like for his wife, because | But of this matter we have discoursed sufE-
his passion for his former wife would be ciently.
and the principal men of the nations, for a
whole month, on account of this his marriage.
Accordingly, Esther came to his royal palace,
and he set a diadem on her head ; and thus
was Esther married, without making known
to the king what nation she was derived from.
Her uncle also removed from Babylon to
Shushan, and dwelt there, being every day
about the palace, and inquiring how the
damsel did, for he loved her as though she
had been his own daughter,
3. Now the king had made a law,* that
none of his own people should approach him
unless they were called, when he sat upon Ida
throne ; and men, with axes in their hands,
stood round about his throne, in order to pu-
nish such as approached to him without being
called. However, the king sat with a golden
sceptre in his hand, which he held out when
he had a mind to save any one of those that
approached to him without being called; and
quenched by the introduction of another, and
the kindness he had for Vashti would be with-
drawn from her, and be placed on her that was
with him. Accordingly, he was persuaded to
follow this advice, and gave order to certain
persons to choose out of the virgins that were
in his kingdom those that were esteemed the
most comely. So when a great number of
tliese virgins were gathered together, tlicre
was found a damsel in Babylon, whose parents
4. Some time after this [two eunuchs],
Bigthan and Teresh, plotted against the king;
and Barnabazus, the servant of one of the
eunuchs, being by birth a Jew, was acquaint-
ed with their conspiracy, and discovered it to
the queen's uncle ; and Mordecai, by means of
Esther, made the conspirators known to the
king. This troubled the king ; but he disco-
vered the trutn, and hanged the eunuchs up-
on a cross, while at that time he gave no re-
were both dead, and she was brought up with ward to Mordecai, who had been the occasion
her uncle Mordecai, for that was her uncle's I of his preservation. He only bade the scribes
name. This uncle was of the tribe of Ben-
jamin, and was one of the principal persons
among the Jews. Now it proved that this
damsel, whose name was Esther, was the
most beautiful of all the rest, and that the
grace of her countenance drew the eyes of the
spectators principally upon her: so she was
committed to one of the eunuclis to take the
care of her ; and she was very exactly provided
with sweet odours, in great plenty, and with
costly ointments, such as her body required
to be anointed withal ; and this was used for
six months by the virgins, who were in num-
ber four hundred; and when the eunuch
thought the virgins had been sufficiently puri-
fied, in the forementioned time, and were now
fit to go to the king's bed, he sent one to be
with the king every day. So when he had
accompanied with her, he sent her back to the
eunuch ; and when Esther had come to him,
he was pleased with her, and fell in love with
the damsel, and married her, and made her
his lawful wife, and kept a wedding-feast for
her on the twelfth month of the seventh year
of his reign, which was called Adar. He also
sent arigari, as they are called, or messengers,
unto every nation, and gave orders that they
thould keep a feast for his marriage, while he
himself treated the Persians and the Medes,
to set down his name in the records, and bade
him stay in the palace, as an intimate friend
of the king.
5. Now there was one Haman, the son of
Amedatha, by birth an Amalekite, that used
to go in to the king; and the foreigners and
Persians worshipped him, as Artaxerxes had
commanded that such honour should be paid
to him ; but Mordecai was so wise, and so ob-
servant of his own country's laws, that he
would not worship the man.f When Haman
observed this, he inquired whence he came ;
and when he understood that he was a Jew,
he had indignation at him, and said within
• Herodotus says that this law [against any one's
coming uncalled to the kings of Persia when tliey were
silting on their thrones] was first enacted by Ueioces
[i. e. by hira who first withdrew the Medes from the
dominion of the Assyrians, and himself first reigned
over them]. Thus also, says Spanheim, stood guards,
with their axes, about the throne of leniis, or Tenudus,
that tlie offender might by them be punished immedi-
ately.
t Whether this adoration required of Mordecai to
Haman were by him deemed too like the adoration
due only to God, as Josephus seems here to think,
as well as the Septuagint interpreters also, by their
translation of Esth. xiii, 12, 15, 14, or whether he
thought he ougiit to pay no sort of adoration lo an
Amalekite, wliich nation had been such great sinners as
to liave been universally dev<ited to destruction by God
himself (Fxod. xvii, 14, 15, 16; 1 Sam. xv, 18), or whe-
ther both causes concurred, cannot now, I doubt, be
certainly determined.
J-
"V
S04.
ANTHiUlTlES OF THE JEWS.
r.ooK XI
himself, that whereas the rersiiins, who were
free men, wotsliijjped liim, this man, who was
no better tlian a slave, does not vouchsafe to
do so. And when he desired to])iinibli Mor-
decai, he thoui^ht it too small a tiling to re-
quest of the king that he alone n)ight be pu-
nished ; he ratlior determined to abolish the
whole nation, for he was naturally an enemy
to the Jews, because the nation of the Aina-
lekites, of which lie was, had been destroyed
by them. Accordingly he came to the king,
and accused them, sayi:-g, " There is a certain
wicked n:ition, and it is dispersed over all the
habitable earth that was under his dominion ;
a nation separate from others, unsociable, nei-
ther admitting the same sort of divine wor-
ship that others do, nor using laws like to the
laws of others, at enmity witli thy people, and
with all men, both in their manners and prac-
tices. Now, if thou wilt be a benefactor to
thy subjects, thou wilt give order to destroy
them utterly, and not leave the least remains
of them, nor preserve any of them, either for
slaves or for captives." But that the king
might not be damnified by the loss of the tri-
butes which the Jews paid him, Haman pro-
mised to give him out of his own estate forty
thousand talents whensoever he pleased ; and
he said he would pay this money very wil-
lingly, that the kingdom might be freed from
such a misfortune.
6. When Hainan had made tliis petition,
the king boti) forgave him the money, and
granted him the men, to do what he would
with them. So Haman, having gained what
he desired, sent out immediately a decree, as
from the king, to all nations, the contents
whereof were those : — " Artaxerxes, the great
king, to the rulers of the hundred and twenty-
seven provinces, from India to Ethiopia, sends
tliis writing. Whereas I have governed many
nations, and obtained the dominions of all the
habitable earth, according to my desire, and
have not been obliged to ilo any thing that is
insolent or cruel to my subjects by such my
power, but have showed myself mild and
gentle, by taking care of th«ir peace and good
order, and have sought how they might enjoy
those blessings for all time to come ; and
whereas I have been kindly informed by Ha-
man, who, on account of his prudence and
justice, is the first in my esteem, and in dig-
nity, and only second to myself, for his fidelity
and constant good-will to me, that there is an
ill-natured nation intermixed will) all man-
kind, that is averse to our laws, and not sub-
ject to kings, and of a dillerent conduct of
life from others, that hateth monarchy, and of
a disposition that is pernicious to our atlairs ;
I give order that these men, of whom Ha-
man, our second father, hath informed us, be
destroyed, with their wives and children, ami
t! at none ol thein be spared, and that none
prefer pity to them before obedience to tliis
decree ; and this 1 will to be executed on the
fourteenth day of the twelfth month of this
present year, that so when all that have en-
mity to us are destroyed, and this in one day,
we may be allowed to lead the rest of our
lives in peace hereafter." Now when this
decree was brought to the cities, and to the
country, all were ready for the destruction
and entire abolishment of the Jews, against
the day before-meationed ; and they were
very hasty about it at Shushan, in particular.
Accordingly, the king and Haman spent their
time in feasting together with good cheer and
wine ; but the city was in disorder.
7. Now when JNJordecai was informed of
what was done, he rent his clothes, and put
on sackcloth, and sprinkled ashes upon his
head, and went about the city, crying out,
that " a nation that had been injurious to no
man, was to be destroyed." And h went on
saying thus as far as to the king's pai.ice, and
lliere he stood, for it was not lawful for him
to go into it in that liabit. The same thing
was done by all tiie Jews that were in the
several cities wherein this decree was publish-
ed, with lamentation and mourning, on ac-
count of the calamities denounced against
them. But as soon as certain persons had
told the queen that Mordecai stood before the
court in a mourning habit, she was disturbed
at this report, and sent out such as should
change his garments ; but when he could not
be induced to put off his sackcloth, because
the sad occasion that forced him to put it on
was not yet ceased, she called the eunuch
Acratheus, for he was then present, and sent
him to Mordecai, in order to know of him
what sad accident had befallen him, for which
he was in mourning, and would not put off
the habit he had put on, at her desire. Then
did IMordecai inform the eunuch of the occa-
sion of his mourning, and of the decree « hich
was sent by the king into all the country, and
of the promise of money whereby Hainan
bought the destruction of their nation. He
also gave him a copy of what was proclaimed
at Sliushan, to be carried to Esther; and he
charged her to petition the king about this
matter, and not to tljink it a dishonourable
thing in her to put on a humble habit, for
the safety of her nation, wherein she might
deprecate the ruin of the Jews, who were in
danger of it ; for that Haman, whose dignity
was only inferior to that of the king, had ac-
cused the Jews, and had irritated the king a-
gainst them. Wlien she was informed of this,
she sent to IMordecai again, and told him that
she was not called by the king, and that he « ho
goes in to him without being called, is to be
slain, unless when he is willing to save any
one, he holds out his golden sceptre to liim ;
but that to whomsoever he does so, although I'c
go in without being called, that person is so far
from being slain, that he obtains pardon, ai.ii
is entirely preserved, Now when the eunuch
carried this message from Esther to Moi'la-
■V
CUM'. VI.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEAVa.
S05
cai, lie bade him also tell her that she must
not only provide for her own preservation,
but for the common preservation of her na-
tion, for that if she now neglected this oppor-
tunity, there would certainly arise help to
tliem from God some other way ; but she and
her father's house would be destroyed by those
whom she now despised. But Esther sent
the very same eunuch back to Mordecai [to
desire him], to go to Shusiian, and to gather
■the Jews that were there together to a con ■
gregation, and to fast, and abstain from all
sorts of food, on her account, and [to let him
know that] she with her maidens would do
the same ; and then she promised that she
•would go to the king, though it were against
the law, and that if she must die for it, she
would not refuse it.
8. Accordingly, Mordecai did as Esther
had enjoined him, and made the people fast;
and he besought God, together with them,
not to overlook his nation, particularly at tliis
time, when it was going to be destroyed ; but
that, as he had often before provided for them,
and forgiven when they had sinned, so he
would now deliver them from that destruc-
tion which was denounced against them ; for
although it was not all the nation that had of-
fended, yet must they so ingloriously be slain,
and that he was himself the occasion of the
wrath of Haman, " Because," said he, " I did
•lot worship liim, nor could I endure to pay
that honour to him which I used to pay to
tliee, O Lord ; for upon that bis anger hatli
he contrived this present mischief against
those that have not transgressed thy laws."
The same supplications did the multitude put
lip ; and entreated that God would provide
for their deliverance, and free the Israelites
that were in all the earth from this calamity
which was now coming upon them, for they
had it before their eyes, and expected its com-
ing. Accordingly, Esther made supplication
to God after the manner of her country, by
casting iierself down upon the earth, and put-
ting on her mourning garments, and bidding
f.irewell to meat and drink, and all delicacies,
.for three days' time ; and slie entreated God
■to have mercy upon her, and make her words
appear persuasive to the king, and render her
countenance more beautiful than it was be-
fore, that both by her words and beauty she
tnight succeed, for the averting of the king's
anger, in case he were at all irritated against
her, and for the consolation of those of hej'
own country, now they were in the utmost
.danger of perishing : as also that tie would
excite a hatred in the king against the ene-
mies of the Jews, and those that had contrived
tlieir future destruction, if they proved to be
contemned !)y him.
9. When E^tlier had used this supplication
for three days, she put off tliose garments,
and changed her habit, and adorned herself as
b.eosiae a queen, and took two of her hand-
maids with her, the one of wliich supported
iier, as she gently leaned upon her, and the
other followed after, and lifted up her large
train (which swept along the ground) witii
the extremities of her fingers : and thus slie
came to the king, having a blushing redness
in her countenance, with a pleasant agreeable-
ness ill her behaviour, yet did she go in to him
with fear ; and as soon as she was come over-
against him, as he was sitting on his throne,.,
in his royal apparel, which was a garment in-
terwoven with gold and precious stones, which
made him seem to her more terrible, especial-
ly when he looked at her somewhat severely,
and with a countenance on fire with anger
iier joints failed her immediately, out of the
dread she was in, and she fell down sideways
in a swoon : but the king changed his mind,
which happened, as 1 suppose, by the will of
God, and was concerned for his wife, lest her
fear should bring some very evil thing upon
Iier, and he leaped from his throne, and took
her in his arms, and recovered her, by em-
bracing her, and speaking comfortably to lier^
and exhorting her to be of good cheer, and noit
to suspect any tiling that was sad on accouai
of her coming to him without being called,
because that law was made for subjects, bui
that she, who was a queen, as well as he a
king, might be entirely secure : and as he said
this, he jHit the sceptre into her hand, and
laid his rod upon her neck, on account of the
law ; and so freed her from her fear. And
after she had recovered herself by these en-
couragements, she said, " My Lord, it is not
easy for me, on the sudden, to say what Lath
happened, for so soon as I saw tliee to be
great, and comely, and terrible, my spirit de-
parted from me, and I had no soul left iu
me." And while it was with difficulty, and in
a low voice, that she could say thus mncl\,
the king was in great agony and disorder, and
encouraged Esther to be of good cheer, and
to expect better fortojne, since he was ready,
if occasion should re<]nire it, to grant to heJ
the half of his kingdom. Actordingly, Es-
ther desired that he and his friend Haman
would come to her to a banquet, for she said
she had prepared a supper for him. He con.-
sented to it ; and when they were there, as
they were drinking, he bade Esther to lethiis
know what she had desired ; for that sly;
should not be disappointed, though she should
desire the half of his kingdom. But she |,Uit
off tlie discovery of her petition till the tiex,!
day, if he would come again, together witL'
Haman, to her banquet.
10. Now when the king had promised so to
do, Haman went away very glad, because he
alone had the honour of supping with the king
at Esther's banquet, and because no one else
partook of the same honour with kings bivt
liimself ; yet when he saw Mordecai in the
court, he was very much displeased, for he
paid iiim no manner of respect when be s^w
2C
S06
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK XI
liim. So he went home and called for his
wife Zerosh, and his friends, and when tliey
were come, he showed them wiiat honour he
enjoyed, not only from the kinjj, but from the
queen also, for as he alone liad that day sup- 1
ped with her, together with the king, so was he I
also invited again for the next day; "yet,"
said he, " am I not pleased to see Mordecai
the Jew in the court." Hereupon his wife
Zeresh advised him to give order that a gal-
lows should be made fifty cubits high, and!
that in the morning he should ask it of Uie
king that Mordecai might be hangefl thereon.
So he commended her advice, and gave order
to his servants to prepare the gallows, and to
place it in the court, for the punishment of
Jlordecai thereon, which was accordingly pre-
pared. But God laughed to scorn the wicked
expectations of Ilaman ; and as he knew what
the event would he, he was delighted at it, for'
that night he took away the king's sleep : and '
as the king was not willing to lose the time of ,
his lying awake, but to spend it in something
that migiit be of advantage to his kingdom,
he commanded the scribe to bring him the !
chronicles of the former kings, and the re-
cords of his own actions ; and when he had i
brought them, and was reading them, one was
found to have received a couiitry on account
of his excellent management on a certain oc-
casion, and the name of the country was set
down ; another was found to have had a pre-
sent made him on account of his fidelity : then
the scribe came to Bigthan and Tcresh, the
eunuchs that had made a conspiracy against
the king, which Mordecai had discovered ; and
when the scribe said no more but that, and
was going on to another history, the king
stopped him, and inquired, " whether it was
not added that IMordecai had a reward given
him?" and when he said there was no such
addition, he bade him leave off; and he in-
quired of those that were appointed for that
purpose, what hour of the night it was ; and
when he was informed that it was already day,
lie gave order that, if tliey found any one of
his friends already come, and standing before
the court, they si ould tell him. Now it Iiap-
pened that Hainan was found there, for he
was come sooner than ordinary, to pefilion
the king to have Mordecai |iut to ileath : and
when the servants i^aid, that Haman uas be-
fore the court, he bade them call him in ; and
when he was come in, he said, " Ik'cause I
know that thou art my only fast friend, 1 de-
sire thee to give me advice how I may honour
one that 1 greatly love, and tliat after a man-
ner suitable to my magnificence." Now Ha-
man reasoned with himself, that what opinion
he should give it would be for himself, since
it was he alone who was beloved by the king ;
so he gave that advice which he thouglit of all
ollicrs the best ; for he said, " If thou wouldst
truly honour a man whom thou sayest tJiou
dost luvc, give order that lie may ride on
horseback, with the same garment whic'i
(hou wcarest, and with a gold chain about his
neck, a-nd let one of thy intimate friends go
before him, and proclaim through the whole
city, that whosoever the king iionoureth, ob-
taineth this mark of his honour." This was
the advice which Ilaman gave, out of a su|>-
posal that such reward would come to himself.
Hereupon the king was pleased with the ad-
vice, and said, " Go thou, therefore, for thou
hast the horse, the garment, and the chain,
ask for Mordecai the Jew, and give him those
things, and go before his horse and proclaim
accordingly ; for thou art," said he, " my in-
timate friend, and hast given me good advice ;
be thof. then the minister of what thou hast
advised me to. This shall be his reward from
us, for preserving my life." When he heard
this order, which was entirely unexpected, he
was confounded in his mind, and knew not
what to do. However, he went out and led
the horse, and took the purple garment, and
the golden chain for the neck, and finding
Mordecai before the court, clothed in sack-
cloth, he bade him put that garment off", and
put the purple garment on : but Mordecai
not knowing the truth of the matter, but
thii.king that it was done in mockery, said,
"O thou wretch, the vilest of all mankind,
dost thou thus laugh at our calamities ?" But
when he was satisfied that tlie king bestowed
this honour upon him, for the deliverance he
had procured him when he convicted the eu-
nuchs wl:o had conspired against him, he put
on that purple garment which the king al-
ways wore, and put the chain about his neck,
and got on horseback, and went round the
city, while Haman went before, and proclaim-
ed, " This shall be the reward which the king
will bestow on every one whom he loves, and
esteems worthy of honour." And when they
had gone round the city, Mordecai went in to
the king ; but Ilaman went home, out of
shame, and informed his wife and friends of
what had happened, and this with tears : who
said, that he wi.uld icver be able to be re-
venged of Mordecai, for that God was mIiL
him.
11. Now while these men were thus talk-
ing one to airuher, Esther's eunuchs hasten-
ed Ilaman away to come to supper: but one
of the eunuchs named Sahuchadas, saw the
gallows that was tixcd in llaman's horise, and
inquired of one of his servants for what pur-
pose they had prci)ared it. So he knew iliat
it was for the queen's uncle, because Haman
was about to petition the king that he might
he punislied ; but at present he held his peace.
Now when the king, with HaHian, were at
the bancpiet, he desired the queen to tell him
what gift she desired to obtain, and assured
her that she should have whatsoever she had
a mind to. She then lamented the danger
her people were in ; and saiil, that " she and
her nation were given up to be destroyed, and
"^-
jr
v_
CHAP. VI. ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 307
that she, on that account, made tliis her pcli- sired ; but he bade her write what she pleased
tion : tliat she would not have troubled him i about the Jews, in the king's name, and seal
if he had only given order that tbey should j it with his seal, and send it to all his kinj
be sold into bitter st?rvitude, for such a mis-
fortune would not have been intolerable; but
slie desired that they might be delivered from
such destruction." And when the king in-
quired of her who was the author of this mi-
sery to them, she then openly accused Haman,
and convicted him, that he hid been the wick-
ed instrument of this, and had formed this plot
against them. When the king was hereupon
in disorder, and was gone hastily out of the
banquet into tlie gardens, Haman began to
intercede with Esther, and to beseech her to
forgive him, as to what he had offended, for
he perceived that he was in a very bad case.
And as he had fallen upon the queen's bed,
and was making supplications to her, the
king came in, and being still more provoked
at what he saw, " O thou wretch," said he,
" thou vilest of mankind, dost thou aim to
force my wife?" And when Haman was
astonished at this, and not able to speak one
word more, Sabuchadas the eunuch came in,
and accused Haman, and said, " He found a
gallows at his house, prepared for Mordecai ;
for that the servant told him so much, upon
his inquiry, when he was sent to him to call
him to su])per:" he said farther, that the gal-
lows was fifty cubits high : which, when the
king heard, he determined that Haman should
be punished after no other manner than that
which had been devised by him against Mor-
decai ; so he gave order immediately that he
should be hung upon those gallows, and be
put to death after that manner. And from
hence I cannot forbear to admire God, and
to learn hence his wisdom and his justice, not
only in punishing the wickedness of Haman,
but in so disposing it, that he should undergo
the very same punishment which he had con-
trived for another; as also, because thereby
he teaches others this lesson, that what mis-
chiefs any one prepares against another, he
without knowing of it, first contrives it against
liimself.
12. Wherefore Haman, who had immode-
rately abused the honour he had from the
king, was destroyed after this manner ; and
the king granted his estate to the queen. He
also called for Mordecai (for Esther had in-
formed him that she was akin to him), and
gave that ring to Mordecai which he had be-
fore given to Haman. The queen also gave
Haman's estate to Mordecai ; and prayed the
king to deliver the nation of the Jews from
the fear of death, and showed him what had
been written over all the country by Haman
the son of Ammedatha ; for that if her coun-
try were destroyed, and her countrymen were
to perish, she could not bear to live herself
any longer. So the king promised her that
he would not do any thing that should be dis-
agreeable to her, nor contradict what she de-
dom, for that those who read epistles whose
authority is secured by having the king's seal
to them, would no way contradict what was
written therein. So he commanded the king's
scribes to be sent for, and to write to the na-
tions, on the Jews' behalf, and to his lieute-
nants and governors, that were over his hun-
dred and twenty-seven provinces, from India
to Ethiopia. Now the contents of this epistle
were these : — " The great king Artaxerxes to
our rulers, and those that are our faithful
subjects, sendeth greeting.* Many men there
are who, on account of the greatness of the be-
nefits bestowed on them, and because of the ho-
nour which they have obtained from the won-
derful kind treatment of those that bestowed it,
are not only injurious to their inferiors, but do
not scruple to do evil to those that have been
their benefactors, as if they would take away
gratitude from among men, and by their inso-
lent abuse of such benefits as they never ex-
pected, they turn the abundance they have
against those that are the authors of it, and
suppose that they shall lie concealed from
God in that case, and avoid that vengeance
which comes from him. Some of these men,
when they have had the management of
affairs committed to them by their friends
and bearing private malice of their own a-
gainst some others, by deceiving those thai
have the power, persuade them to be angry at
such as have done them no harm, till thev are
in danger of perishing, and this by laying ac-
cusations and calumnies : nor is this state of
things to be discovered by ancient examples,
or such as we have learned by report only,
but by some examples of such impudent at-
tempts under our own eyes, so that it is not
fit to attend any longer to calumnies and ac-
cusations, nor to the persuasion of others, but
to determine what any one knows of himself
to have been really done, and to punish what
justly deserves it, and to grant favours to such
as are innocent. This hath been the case of
Haman, the son of Ammedatha, by birth an
Amalekite, and alien from the blood of the
Persians, who, when he was hospitably enter,
tained by us, and ])artook of that kindness
which we bear to all men to so great a de-
gree, as to be called my father, and to be all
along worshipped, and to have honour paid
him by all in the second rank after the royal
» The true reason why king Artaxerxes did not here pro
pcrly revoke his former barbarous decree for tlie univer-
sal slaugliter of the Jews, but onlv emiiowered and en-
couraged the Jews to fight for theirlives, and to kiU their
enemies, if tliey attempted their destruction, seems to
have been that old law of the Medes and l^ersians, not
yet laid aside, that whatever decree was signed both by
the king and his lords, could not be changed, but re-
mained unalterable, Dan. vi, ", 8, 9, 12, 13, 17; Estb.
i, 19; and viii, 8. iVnd Haman having engrossed the
royal favour, might perhaps have himself signed this
decree for the Jews' slaughter mstead of the ancient
lords, and so might have rendered it by their nUas inr^
vocable.
S08
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK XI
honour cine to ourselves, lie could not bear
(lis {rood fortune, nor {govern tlie magnitude
of liis prosperity with sound reason ; nay, lie
made a conspiracy against me and my life,
who gave him his autliority, by endeavouring
to take away ]Mordecai, my benefactor, and
my saviour, and Ijy basely and treacherously
re<]uiring to have Esther, the partner of my
life, and of my dominion, brought to destruc-
tion ; for he contrived by this means to de-
prive me of my faithful friends, and transfer
the government to others;* — but since I per-
ceived that these Jev\-s, that were liy this per-
nicious fellow devoted to destruction, were
not wicked men, but conducted their lives af-
ter the best manner, and were men dedicated
"to the worship of that God wiio hath preserv-
ed the kingdom to me and to my ancestors, I
do not only free them from the punishment
which the former eiiistle, which was sent by
Haman, orde-ed to be inflicted on them, — to
wliich if you refuse obedience you sliall do
well ; but I will that they have all honour
paid them. Accordingly, I have hanged up
the man that contrived such tilings against
them, with his family, before the gates of
Shushan ; that punishment being sent upon
him by God, who seeth all things. And I
give you in charge, tiiat you publicly propose
■a copy of this epistle through all my king
dom, that the Jews may be permitted peace-
al)ly to use their own laws, and that you as-
sist them, that at the same season whereto
tlieir miserable estate did belong, they may
defend themselves tlie very same day from
unjust violence, the tliirteentli day of the
twelfth month, which is Adar, — for God liatl
made that day a day of salvation, instead of a
day of destruction to them ; and may it be a
good day to those that wish us well, and a
memorial of the punishment of the conspira
tors against us : and I will that you take no-
tice, that every city, and every nation, that
shall disobey any tiling that is contained in
this eiiislle, sliall be destroyed by fire and
sword. However, let this ejiistle be publish-
ed through all the country tiiat is under our
obedience, and let all tiie Jews, by all means,
be ready against the day before mentioned,
tliat tliey may avenge tiiemselves upon their
enemies."
13. Accordingly, the horsemen who carried
• These words give an hitimation as if Artaxcrxes
suspcelc'ii 1 iltejicr <l(sipn ill Hanan fhan o|ienly ap-
iiearcd, \iz. tlial knowin;; tlie Jews would hclaillinil lo
Iiim, and thai lie couUl never trai;sfcr the crown to his
own family, who was an Agnijile (Kslli. iii, 1, 1(1), or of
tlie posterity of Au;ic, the ol.l kiiij; of the Aniakkilcs
(1 Sain, XV, 8, 52, 5jl, while they wercnhve, and sjircad
over ajl hii> dominions, lie llicreloie eiideavourcxl lo de-
stroy lliem. Nor is it to me imprnliable llial those se-
venty-live thousiuid oipht hundn^d of the Jews' enemies
*hicn were soon destioved hy llic Jews, on the poimis-
sioii of the king, wliieh'imist be on Kiiiie great o^-casion,
v/cre Aiivilckctes, tlieir old and hereditaiv enoniii's
'F.xml xvii, H, 15); and iJiat Ihculiy wius lulfillcd Ba-
laam's projilieey ; " Aniidek was Uie tiist of llie nalions;
the epistles, jirocecded on tlie ways which
they were lo go with speed ; but as for Mor-
decai, as soon as he had assumed the roval
garment, and the crown of gold, and had put
the chain about his neck, he went forth in a
public procession ; and when the Jews who
were at Shushan saw liim in so great honour
with the king, they thought his good fortune
was common to themselves also ; and joy and
a beain of salvation encomiiassed the Jews,
both those that were in the cities and those
that were in the countries, upon the publica-
tion of the king's letters, insomucli that many
of oilier nations circumcised their foreskin
for fear of the Jews, that they might jjrocure
safety to themselves thereby ; for on the thir-
teenth day of the twelfth month, which, ac-
cording to the Hebrew, is called Adar, but,
according to the Macedonians, J)>/strus, those
tliat carried the king's epistle gave them no-
tice, that the same day wherein their danger
was to have been, on that very day should
they destroy their enemies. I5ut now the
rulers of the provinces, and the tyrants, and
the kings, and the scribes, had the Jews in
esteem ; for the fear they were in of Morde-
cai forced tliem to act with discretion. Now
when the royal decree was come to all the
country that was subject to the king, it fell
out that the Jews at Shushan slew five hun-
dred of their enemies : and when the king
had told Esther the number of those that were
slain in that city, but did not well know what
had been done in the provinces, he asked her
whether she would have any thing farther
done against them, for that it should be done
accordingly : upon which she desired that the
Jews might be permitted to treat their re-
maining enemies in the same inanner the next
day ; as also, that they might hang the ten
sons of Haman upon the gallows. So the
king permitted the Jews so to do, as desirous
not to contradict Esther. So they gathered
themselves together again on the fourteenth
day of the month Dystrus, and slew about
three hundred of tlieir enemies, but touched
nothing of what riches they h.id. Now there
were slain by the Jews that were in the coun-
try, and in the other cities, seventy -five thou-
sand of their enemies, and these were slain on
the thirteenth day of the month, and the next
day they kept as a festival. In like manner
the Jews that were in Slii.slian gathered
themselves together, anil feasted on tiie four-
teenth day, and that which followed it ;
whence it is, that even now all the Jews
that are in tlie habitable earth keep these
days festivals, and send portions to one ano-
ther. Mordecai also wrote to the Jews that
lived in the kingdom of Artaxerxes to ob-
serve these days, and to celebrate them as fes-
tivals, and to deliver them down to jiosterity,
that this festival miglit continue for all tinu;
to come, and that it might never be buried in
W
but liis latter end aJiall be, tliat he iHTisIi for ever." , ,■ ■ .. • ., i „ . .^ i
N'uDib- xxiv no. wjiivion ; lor wnce tliey were about to be
CHAP. VII.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
30 'J
stroyed on these clays by Haitian, they woiild
do a right thing, upon escaping the danger in
them, and on them inflicting punishment on
their enem es, to observe those days, and give
thanks to ( od on them : for which cause the
Jews still keep the forcmentioned days, and
call them days of Phurim [or Purim].* And
Mordecai became a great and illustrious per-
son with the king, and assisted him in the
government of the people. He also lived
•with the queen ; so that the affairs of the
Jews were, by their means, ?)etter than they
could ever have hoped for. And this was
the state of the Jews under the reign of Ar-
taxerxes.-j-
CHAPTER VII.
HOW JOHN SLEW HIS EHOTHER JESUS IN THE
TEMPLE ; AND HOW BAGOSES OFFERED MANY
INJURIES TO THE JEWS; AND WHAT SAN-
BALLAT DID.
^ 1. When Eliashib the higli-priest was dead,
his son Judas succeeded in the high-priest-
hood : and when lie was dead, his son John
took that dignity ; on whose account it was
also that Bagoses, the general of another Ar-
.axerxes' army,^ polluted tlie temple, and
imposed tributes on the Jews, that out of the
Dublic stock, before they offered the daily sa-
* Take here part of Reland's note on this disputed
passage: " In Josephus's copies these Hebrew words,
' days of Purim,' or ' 1 ots,' as in the Greek copies of
Esther, ch. ix, 26, 2S; — 52, is read ' days of phurim,'
or ' days of protection hut ought to be read ' days of
purim, as in the Hebrew ; than which emendation," says
he, " nothing is more certain." And had we any assur-
ance that Josephus's copy mentioned the " casting of
lots," as our otlier copies do, Esth. iii, 7, 1 should fully
agree with llcland ; Jjut, as it now stands, it seems to
me by no means certain.
t As to tills vvhole book of Esther in the present He-
brew copy, it is so very imperfect, in a case where Ihe
providence of Ood was so very remarkable, and the
Septuagint and JosepUus have so much of religion, that
it has not so much as the name of (iod once in it ; and
it is hard to say who made that epitome which the Ma-
torites have given us for the genuine book itself; no re-
ligious Jews coirld well be the authors of it, whose edu-
cation obliged them to have a constant regard to God,
and whatsoever related to his worship; nor do we know
tliat there ever was so imperfect a cojiy of it in the
world till after the days of Barchocab, in the second
century.
i Coneeming this othfr Artaxerxes, called Mnemon,
and the Persian affliction and captivity of the Jews un-
der liim, occasioned by the murder of the high-priest's
brother in the holy house itself, see Authentic Rec at
large, page 19. .Xnd if any wonder why Josephiis wlioUy
onriits the rest of the kings of Persia after Artaxci-xes
Mnemon, till he came to their last king Darius, who
was conquered by Alexander the Great, 1 shall give them
Vossius's and Dr. Hudson's answer, thoiigh in my own
words, viz. tliat Josephus did not do ill in omitting those
kings of Persia with whom the Jews had Ijo concern .
bee;iuse he was giving the history of the .lews, and not
of the Persians [whicli is a sufficit-nt reason also why he
omitji the historv and the l)ook of Job, as not particu-
larlv relatmg to that nation]. He justly, therefore, re-
turns to the Jewish aft:iirs after the death ol Longima-
nus, without any mention of D.irius li. before ArtJixer-
XPs Mnemon, or of Ochus or Arogus, as the Canon of
Ptolemy makes Uiem, afjer him. Nor had he ])rob;ibly
mentioned this other ATtaxerxes, unless B.-ignscs, one of
the governors xciA commanders under him, had occ.i-
slone<l the pollution of the Jewish temple, and had
.Teatly distreased the Jews U|><«1 tltal pollution.
crifices, they should pay for every Iau;b fifty
shekels. Now Jesus was the brotlier of John,
and was a friend of Bagoses, who liad pro-
mised to procure him the high-priesthood.
In confidence of whose support, Jesus quar
relied with John in the temple, and so pro-
voked his brother, that in his anger his bro-
ther slew him. Now it was a horrible thing
for John, when he was high-priest, to perpe-
trate so great a crime, and so much the more
horrible, that there never was so cruel and
impious a thing done, neither I)y the Greeks
nor Barbarians. However, God did not ne-
glect its punishment; but the people were on
that very account enslaved, and the temple
was polluted by the Persians. Now when
Bagoses, the general of Artaxerxes' army,
knew that John, the high-priest of the Jews,
had slain his own brother Jesus in the tem-
ple, he came upon the Jews immediately, and
began in anger to say to them, " Have you
had the impudence to perpetrate a murder in
your temple V And as he was aiming to go
into the temple, they forbade him so to do ;
but he said to them, " Am not I purer than
he that was slain in the temple?" And
when he had said these words, he went into
the temple. Accordingly, Bagoses made use
of this pretence, and punished the Jews seven
years for the murder of Jesus.
2. Now when John liad departed tliis life,
his son Jaddua succeeded in the liigh-pricst-
hood. He had a brother, whose name was
Manasseh. Now there was one Sanballat
who was sent by Darius, the last king [of
Persia], into Samaria. He was a Cuthenn by
birth; of which stock were the Samaiitans
also. This man knew that the city Jerusalem
was a famous city, and that their kings had
given a great deal of trouble to the Assyrians,
and the people of Celesyria ; so that he wil-
lingly gave his daugliter, whose name was
Nicaso, in marriage to Manasseh, as thinking
this alliance by marriage would be a pledge
and security that the nation cS the Jews
should continue their good-will to him.
CHAPTER VIII.
CONCERNIN'G SANBALLAT AND MANASSEH, AND
THE TEMPLE WHICH THEY BUILT ON MOUNT
GEttlZZI.M ; AS ALSO HOW ALEXANDER MADE
HIS ENTRY INTO THE CITY JERUSALLJI ; AND
WHAT BENEFITS HE BESTOWED ON THE JEWS.
§ 1. About this time it was that Philip, king
of Macedon, was treacherously assaulted and
slain at Ega by Pausanias, the son of Ce-
rastes, who was derived from the family of
Orest.x, and his son Alexander succeeded him
in the kingdom ; who, passing over the Hel-
lespont, ovurca-ne the generals of Darius's
army in a battle fonght at Granicum. So hr
~\.
»10
ANTIQUITIES Ol- THE JEWS.
mardied over I/vdia, and sulKhied Ionia, and
overran Caria, and fell upon the places of
Paniplijlia, as lias been related elsewhere.
2. lUit tlir ciders of Jerusalem being very
uneasy that ihe brother of Jriddua the high-
|)riest, though married to a foreigner, should
be a partner with him in the high-priesthood,
quarrelled witli liim ; for they esteemed this
man's marriage a step to such as should be
desirous of transgressing about the marriage
of [strange] wives, and that tliis would be
the beginning of a mutual society with fo-
reigners, although the offence of some about
marriages, and their having married wives'lliat
were not of their own country, had been an
occasion of their former captivity, and of the
miseries they then underwent ; so they com-
manded Manasseh to divorce his wife, or not
and told Manasseli thai he would suddenly
perform his promises to him, and this as soon
as ever Darius should come back, after lie had
beaten his enemies ; for not he only, but all
thostf that were in Asia also, were persuaded
that the Macedonians would not so much as
come to a battle wiih the Persians, on account
of their midtitude; hut the event proved o-
therwise than they expected, for the king joirt
ed battle with the Macedonians, and was bea-
ten, and lost a great ])art of his army. His
mother also, and his wife and children, were
taken captives, and he fled into Persia. So
Alexander came into Syria, and took Damas-
cus; and when he had obtained Sidon, he be-
sieged Tyre, when he sent an ejjistle to the
Jewish liigh-priest, to send him some auxili-
also told him farther, that he would build him
a temple like that at Jerusalem, upon Mount
Gerizzim, which is the highest of all the moun-
tains that are in Samaria ; and he promised
that lie would do this with the approbation of whose name was Babemeses.
Darius the king. Manasseh was elevated 4. But Sanballat thought he had now goV-
wilh these promises, and staid «ith Sanbal- ten a proper opportunity to make his attempt,
lat, upon a supposal that he should gain a so he renounced Darius, and taking with hira
high-priesthood, as bestowed on him by Da
rius, for it happened Sanballat was then in
years. But there was now a great disturb-
ance among the people of Jerusalem, because
inanv of those priests and Levites were en-
tangled in such matches; for they all revolted
to Manasseli, and Sanballat allbrded them
monev, and divided among them land for lil-
fege, and habitations also; and all this in or-
der every way to gratify his son-in-law.
S. Aliout this time it was that Darius heard
hviw Alexander had passed over the Ilelles-
pon{, and had beaten his lieutenants in the
buttle at Granicuni, and was proceeding far-
ther; whereuiioii he gathered to_'etlier an ar-
my of horse and foot, and deteriiiiiied that he
would meet the Macedonians before they
should assault and conquer all Asia. So he
)iassed over the river Euphrates and came over
Taurus, the C'ilician mountain ; aiul at Issus
of Cilicia he waited for the enemy, as ready
there to give liim battle. Upon which San-
l»allat was jj'ad that Darius was come <io" n ;
seven thousand of his own subjects, he came
to Alexander; and finding him beginning the
siege of Tyre, he said to him, that he delivered
up to hiui these men, who came out of places
under his dominion, and did glailly accept of
him for their lord instead of Darius. So
when Alexander had received him kindly,
Sanballat thereupon took courage, and spake
to him about liis present allair. He told liim,
that he had a son-in-law, Manasseli, who was
hrotlicr to the high priest Jaddua: and thai
there were many others of his own nation now
with him, that uere desirous to have a teiTv-
jile in the places subject to him ; that it would
be for tlie king's advantage to have tl)«
strength of the Jews divided into two parts,
lest w hen the nation is of one mind and unit-
ed, upon any attempt for innovation, it i)rove
troublesome to kings, as it had formerly prov
ed to the kings of Assyria. Whereupon Al-
exaniler gave Sanballat leave so to do; wljfl
Used the utmost diligence, and built tlie tem-
ple, and made Manasseh tlie priest, and deent-
aries, and to supply his anny with provisions ;
to approach the altar, the high-priest himself] and that what presents he formerly sent to i
joining with the people in their indignation Darius, he would now send to him, and choose '
ao'ainst his brother, and driving him away I the friendship of the Macedonians, and that
from the altar. Whereupon Manasseh came [ he should never repent of so doing; but the |
to his father in-law, Sanballat, and told him, high -priest answered the messengers, that he !
that although he loved his daughter Nicaso, jliad given his oath to Darius not to bear arms I
yet was he not willing to be deprived of his j against him ; and he said that he would not [
sacerdotal dignity on her account, which was transgress this while Darius was in the land i
the principal dignity in their nation, and al- ! of the living. Upon hearing this answer,
ways continued in the same family. And | Alexander was very angry ; and though he
then Sanballat promised him not only to pre-! determined not to leave Tyre, which was just
serve to him the honour of his priesthood, j ready to be taken, yet, as soon as he had takun
but to procure for him the power and dignity it, lie threatened that he would make an ex-
of a hi'di-priest, and would make him gover- | pedition against the Jewish high-priest, and ,
nor of all the places he himself now ruled, if; through him teach all men to whom they must i
he would keep his daughter for his wife. He | keep their oaths. So uhen he had, with a
good deal of pains during the siege, taken
'I'yre, and had settled its affairs, he came to
the city of Gaza, and besieged both the city I
and him that was governor of the garrison, I
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CEIAP. VIII
ed it a great reward that bis daughter's chil-
dren should have that dignity ; but when the
seven months of the siege of Tyre were over,
and the two months of the siege of Gaza,
SanbaJIat died. Now Alexander, when he
had taken Gaia, made haste to go up to Je-
rusalem ; and Jaddua the high-priest, when
he heard that, was in an agony, and under
terror, as not knowing how he should meet
the Macedonians, since the king was displeas-
ed at his foregoing disobedience. He there-
fore ordained that the people should make
supplications, and should join with him in of-
fering sacrifices to God, whom he besought to
protect that nation, and to deliver them from
the perils that were coming upon them ;
whereupon Gt)d warned him in a dream,
which came upon him after he had offered sa-
critice, that he should take courage, and a-
dorn the city, and open the gates ; that the
rest should appear in white garments, but that
he and the priests should meet the king in the
habits proper to their order, without the dread of
any ill consequences, which the providence of
God would prevent. Upon which, when he
rose from his sleep, he greatly rejoiced ; and
declared to all the warning he had received
from God. According to which dream he
acted entirely, and so waited for the coming
of the king.
5. And when he understood that he was
not far from the city, he went out in proces-
sion, with the priests and the multitude of the
citizens. Tlie procession was venerable, and
the manner of it different from that of other
nations. It reached to a place called Sapha ;
which name, translated into Greek, signifies
a prospect, for you have thence a prospect both
of Jerusalem and of the temjile ; and when
the Phoenicians and the Chaldeans that fol-
lowed him, thought they should have liberty
to plunder the city, and torment the higli-
pricst to death, which the king's displeasure
fairly promised them, the very reverse of it
happened ; for Alexander, when he saw the
multitude at a distance, in white garments,
while the priests stood clothed with fine linen,
and the high-priest in purple and scarlet cloth-
ing, with his mitre on his head, having the
golden plate whereon the name of God was
engraved, he approached by himself, and ador-
ed that name, and tirst saluted the high-priest.
The Jews also did all together, with one voice,
salute Alexander, and encompass him about ;
whereupon the kings of Syria and the rest
were surprised at what Alexander had done,
and supposed him disordered in his mind.
However, Parmenio alone went up to him,
and a^ked him how it came to pass that, when
all otiiers adored him, he should adore the
high-priest of the Jews ? To whom he re-
plied, " 1 did not adore him, but that God
who hath honoured him with his high-priest-
hood ; for I saw this very person in a dream,
in tills \ery habit, when I was at Dios in I\Ia-
Sll
cedonia, who, when I was consiaering with
myself how I might obtain the dominion of
Asia, exhorted me to Jiiake no delay, but
boldly to pass over the sea thither, for that
he would conduct my army, and would give
me the dominion over the Persians ; whence
it is, that having seen no other in that habit,
and now seeing this person in it, and remem-
bering that vision, and the exhortation which
I had in my dream, I believe that I bring
this army under the divine conduct, and siiall
therewith conquer Darius, and destroy the
power of the Persians, and that all things
will succeed according to what is in my own
mind." And when he had said this to Par-
menio, and had given the high-priest his right
hand, the priests ran along by him, and he
came into the city ; and when he went up in-
to the temple, he offered sacrifice to God, ac-
cording to the high-priest's direction, and
magnificently treated both the high-priest and
the priests. And when the book of Daniel
was showed him,* wherein Daniel declared
that one of the Greeks shoidd destroy the
empire of the Persians, he supposed that him-
self Was the person intended ; and as he was
then glad, he dismissed the multitude for the
present, but the next day he called them to
him, and bade them ask wiiat favours they
pleased of him ; whereupon the high-priest
desired that they might enjoy the laws of their
forefathers, and might pay no tribute on the
seventh year. He granted all they desired ;
and when they entreated him that he would
permit the Jews in Babylon and Media to
enjoy their own laws also, he willingly pro-
mised to do hereafter what they desired : and
when he said to the multitude, that if any of
them would inlist themselves in his ariny on
this condition, that they should continue un-
der the laws of their forefathers, and live ac-
cording to them, he was- willing to take them
with him, many were ready to accompany him
in his wars.
6. So when Alexander had thus settled
matters at Jerusalem, he led his army into the
neighbouring cities ; and when all the inhabi-
tants, to whom he came, received him with
great kindness, the Samaritans, who had then
Shechem for their metropolis (a city situate at
Mount Gerizzim, and inhabited by apostates
of the Jewish nation), seeing that Alexander
had so greatly honoured the Jews, determined
to profess themselves Jews ; for such is the
disposition of the Samaritans, as we have al-
ready elsewhere declared, that when the Jews
are in adversity they deny that they are of kin
to them, and then they confess the truth; but
when they perceive that some good fortune
hath befallen them, they immediately pretend
to have communion with them, saying, that
• The place showed Alexander might be Dan. vii, B
viii, 3 — S, W, 21, "21; xi, 5: some or all cf thein very
pliiin priKlictions of Alexander's conrjui-sts and sucees
"V
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
812
tliey belong to tlicm, and Herivc fluir jjcnca-
'ORy from tlic posterity of Jom-j)!!, Epliraiin,
and Munasseli. Aci-orilinj;ly. tlicy made thi-ir
address to tlic king with splendour, and show-
ed great alacrity in meeting liiin at a little
distance from Jerusalem; and wlien Alexan-
der liad commended tlicm, tiie Slu'ch.'inites
approached to liim, taking witii tliem the
troops that Sanbalhit had sent him, and they
desired that lie would come to their city, and
do honour to their temple also; to whom he
promised, that wiien he returned he would
come to them ; and when they ]>etitioned that
he would remit the tribute of tlic seventh" year
to them, because they did not now sow there-
on, he asked who they were that made such a
petition; and when tliey said that they were
Hebrews, but had tl'C name ol Sidonians,
living at Shechem, be asked tliem again whe-
ther they were Jews; and when they said they
were rot Jews, " It was to the Jews," said
lie, " that I granted that privilege ; however,
when I return, and am th iroughly informed
by you of this matter, I "ill do whit I shall
think proper." And in this manner he took
leave of tlie Shecliemites ; but ordered that
the troops of S.inballat should follow him
into Egypt, bscause ihere lie designed lo give
them Innds, which he did a little after in 'J"he-
biis, when he ordered them to guard that
country.
7. Now when Alexander was dead, tlie
government was parted among his successors ;
but the temple upon Mount Gerizzini remain-
ed ; and if any one were accused by those of
Jerusalem of having eaten things common,*
or of having broken the Sabbath, or of any
other crime of the like nature, he fled away
to the Shecliemites, and said that be was ac-
cused unjustly. About this time it was that
Jaddua the high ptie^t died, and Onias bis
son took the h^gh-priesthooJ. This was the
state of the affairs of the people of Jeiu-.a-
lem at this time.
BOOK XII.
CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF A HUNDRED AND SEVENTV YEARS.
FROM THE DEATH OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT TO THE DEATH
OF JUDAS MACCABEUS.
CHAPTER I.
«0W PTOI-F.>rV, THE SON OF LAGUS, TOOK
JERUSALKM AND JUDEA BY DKCf.IT AND
TRKACHKRY', AND CAIUIIED MANY OF THE
JEWS THENCE, AND PLANTED THEM IN E-
GVI'T.
§ 1. Now when Alexander, king of Mace-
do:), had put an end to the dominion of the
Persians, and had setiKd the affairs of Ju lea
after the fore-mentioned nianuer, he ended
his life; and as his government fell among
many, Antigonus obtained Asia ; SeJiiicus
Babylon ; and of the other na'ions w hich
Were there, Lysimachiis governed tlie IlelKs-
p )nt, and C'aSsander possessed M iCedoiiia ;
«s d d Ptolemy, the son ot Jjigus, seize upon
Egypt: aivd while these princes ambitiously
strove one against another, every one for his
own prii>cii)ality. it came to pass that ih.re
were coininual wars, and those lasting wars
too; and the cities were suiFerers, and lost n
gr. at many of their inhabitants in these times
of distress, insomuch that all Syria, by the_
means of Ptolemy, the son of li^gus, under-.
Went the revel se of that denomination, of Sa-
vour, which he thtn had. Hci'also seized
upon Jejusihm, and tor that Cod made u^e
of deceit and tieacheiy ; for as he came into
the city on a SLibbath-day, as if he would
t ffer sacrifice, he, without any trcub'e, gained
the ci'.y, while the Jews did not oppose him
ft>r they did not suspect him to be their ine-
my ; and he gained it tluis, because they
Were free from susp cion of hini, and becau-o
on that day they were at rest and (juietncS'j;
' and when he had gained it, he rtigntd over
it in a cruel manner. Nay, Agatliarchid. s
of Cnidus, who wrote the acts of Alcxmder's
?:uccessors, reproaches us with superstition, as
if we, by it, had lo^t, cur liberty, where besays
thus: " There is a nation called the nation
of the Jews, who inhabit a city strong and
great, namid Jtrusalem. These men toik
no care, but let it come into the hands of
• Here JoFcnhiis inci flic word KtHnopfiafIa, " «iK
inp common tilings," lor " catiiip tliirt'^ ur eleaii ;" xt
ilocs our Now Tcstimenl. in Acta X. I* 15.. 28 ; and
xi. K, &; Horn. xlv. 11.
X
CHAP. 11.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
S13
Ptolemy, as not willing to take arms, and
thereby they submitted to be under a hard
master, by reason of their unseasonable super-
stition." This is what Agatharchides relates
of our nation. But when Ptolemy had taken
a great many captives, both from the moun-
tainous parts of Judea and from the places
about Jerusalem and Samaria, and the places
near Mount Gerizzim, he led them all into
Eaypt,* and settled them there. And as he
knew that the people of Jerusalem were most
faith.'jl in the observation of oaths and co-
venants ; f and this from the answer they
made to Alexander, when he sent an embas-
sage to tliem, after he had beaten Darius in
battle ; so he distributed many of them into
garrisons, and at Alexandria gave them equal
privileges of citizens with the Macedonians
themselves; and required of them to take
their oaths that they would keep their fidelity
to the posterity of tliose who committed these
places to their care. Nay, there were not a
few other Jews who, of their own accord,
went into Egypt, as invited by the goodness
of the soil, and by the liberality of Ptolemy.
However, there were disorders among their
posterity, with relation to the Samaritans, on
account of tiieir resolution to preserve that
conduct of life which was delivered to them
by their forefathers, and they thereupon con-
tended one with another, while those of Jeru-
salem said that their temple was holy, and
resolved to send their sacrifices thither ; but
the Samaritans were resolved that they should
be sent to Mount Gerizzim.
CHAPTER 11.
HOW PTOLEMY PHILADELPHUS PROCURKD THE
LAWS OF THE JEWS TO BE TRANSLATED INTO
THE GREEK TONGUE ; AND SET MANY CAP-
TIVES EREE; AND DEDICATED MANY GIFTS
XO GOD.
§ 1. When Alexander had reigned twelve
years, and after him Ptolemy Soter forty
years, Philadelphus then took the kingdom
• The great number of these Je-A-s and Samaritans
that were formerly uarried into Egypt by Alexander,
and now by Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, appear after-
wards, in the vast multitude who, as wo shall see pre-
sently, were soon ransomed by Philadelphus, and by
him made free, l)efore he sent for theseventy-two inter-
preters: in the many garrisons, and other soldiers of
that nation in Egypt: in the famous settlernent of Jews,
and the number of their synagogues at Alexandria long
afterward: and in the vehement eonlention between the
Jews and Samaritans under I'hilometer, about the plaee
appointed for piiblic worship in the law of Moses, whe-
ther al the Jt-.vish tempi? of Jerusalem, or at the Sa-
maritan temple of Uerizzim : of all which our author
treats hereafter. As to the Samaritans carried into
Egypt under the same princes, Scaliger supposes, that
those who have a great synagogue at Cairo, as also those
whom the Arabic geographer speaks of, as having seized
an an island in the Red Sea, are remains of them at this
very day, as the notes here mform us.
f (If the sacredness of oaths among the Jews in the
old Testament, see Scripture Politics, p, o^t'—di
of Egypt, and held it forty years within one.
He procured the law to be interpreted,^ and
set free those that were come from Jerusa-
lein into Egypt, and were in slavery there,
who were a hundred and twenty thousand.
The occasion was this : — Demetrius Phale-
rius, v.ho was library-keeper to the king, was
now endeavouring, if it were possible, to ga-
ther together all the books that were in the
habitable earth, and buying whatsoever was
anywhere valuable, or agreeable to the king's
inclination (who was very earnestly set upon
collecting of book^) ; to which inclination of
his, Demetrius was zealously subservient.
And when once Ptolemy asked him how
many ten thousands of books he had collect-
ed, he replied, that he had already about
twenty times ten thousand ; but that, in a
little time, he should liave fifty times ten
thousand. But he said, he had been inform-
ed that there were many books of laws among
the Jews worthy of inquiring after, and wor-
thy of the king's library, but which, being
written in characters and in a dialect of their
own, will cause no small pains in getting
them translated into the Greek tongue : that
the character in which they are written seems
to be like to that which is the proper cha-
racter of the Syrians, and that its sound, when
pronoimced, is like to theirs also ; and that
this sound appears to be peculiar to tliem-
selves. Wherefore he said, that nothing hin-
dered why they might not get those books to
be translated also j for while nothing is want-
ing that is necessary for tiiat purpose, we may
have their books also in tiiis library. So the
king thought that Demetrius was very zea-
lous to procure him abundance of books, and
that he suggested what was exceeding proper
for him to do; and tlierefove he wrote to tiie
Jewish high priest that he should act accord-
ingly.
2. Now there was one Aristeus, who was
among the king's most intimate friends, and,
on account of his modesty, very acceptable to
him. This Aristeus resolved frequently, and
that before now, to petition the king that he
would set all the captive Jews in his kingdom
free ; and he thought this to be a convenient
opportunity for the making that petition. So
he dicoussed, in the first place, with the cajj-
tainsof the king's guards, Sosibius of Taren-
tum, and Andreas, and persuaded them to
assist him in wliat he was going to intercede
with the king for. Accordingly, Aristeus
embraced the same opiiiion with those that
have been before mentioned, and went to the
king and made the following speech to iiim :
:|: Of the translation of the other parts of Ihe Old Tes-
tament by seventy Egyptian Jews, in the teigns of Pto-
lemy, the son of Lagus, and Philadelphus; as also, o'
the translation of the Pent.iteucli by scventN-two Jeru-
salem .lews, in the seventh year of Philadelphus, a!
Alexandria, as given us an account of by Aristt us ; and
thence by Philo and Josephiis, with a vindication of
Aiisteiis's' history, — see the Appendix to Lit. Aceomif
of Prrjih. at large, p. 117 — IV2. g D
314.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
" It ja not fit for us, O king, to overlook
tilings hastily, or to deceive ourselves, but to
lay the trutii open : for since we have deter-
mined not only to get the laws of the Jews
transcribed, but interpreted also, for thy satis-
faction, by what means can we do this, while
so many of the Jews are now slaves in thy
kingdom? Do thou then what will be agree-
able to thy magnanimity, and to thy good-
nature: free them from the miserable condi-
tion they are in, because that God, who sup-
porteth tliy kingdom, was the author of their
laws, as 1 have learned by particular in(|uiry ;
for botu these people and we also worship the
same God, the framer of all thiiigt. We
call him, and that truly, by the name of Zrita
[or life, or Jupiter], because he breathes
life into all men. Wherefore, do thou restore
these men to their own country ; and this do
to the honour of God, because these men pay
a peculiarly excellent worship to him. And
know this farther, that though I be not of kin
to them by birth, nor one of the same country
with them, yet do 1 desire these favours to be
done them, since all men are the workmanship
of God ; and I am sensible that he is well
pleased with those that do good. 1 do there-
j fore put up this petition to thee, to do good
to them."
3. When Arisleus was saying thus, the king
looked upon him with a cheerful and joyful
countenance, and said, " How many ten thou-
sands dost thou suppose there are of such as
want to be made free '(" To which Andreas
repFied, as he stood by, and said, ' A few more
than ten times ten thousand.' The king made
answer, " And is this a small gift that thou
askest, Aristeus }" But Sosibius, and the
rest that stood by, said, that he ought to of-
fer such a tliank-oifering as was worthy of
his greatness of soul, to that God who liad
given him his kingdom. With this answer
he was much pleased ; and gave order, that
when they paid the soldiers their wages, they
should lay down j^a hundred and | twenty
drachmaj for every one of the slaves.* And
he promised to publish a magnificent decree,
about what they requested, which should con-
firm what Aristeus had proposed, and espe-
cially V hat God willed should be ilone ; where-
by, he said, he would not only set those free
who had been led away captive by his father
» Although tliis number one hundred and twenty
tlraehinar [of Alexandria, or sixty Jewish shekels] be
here thrc.; times repeated, and that in all J()So^>hus'3
copies, Greek and hatin, yet, since all thccojilesol Aris-
teus, whence Joseph us took his relation, ha\e this sum
several times, and still as no more than twenty drach-
ma', or ten Jewish shekels; and since the sum of the
talents, to l>e set down presently, winch is little above
four hundred and sixty for somewhat more tlum one
hundretl thousand slaves, and is nearly the ^amc in Jo-
sephus and Aristeus, does better agiee lotwciitv than to
one hundred and twenty drachmu:; and since the value
of a slave of old was, at the utmost, but thirty shekels,
or sixty drachms, sec Kxod. xxi. 32, while in the \>tc-
sent circumsUinces of these Jewish slaves, and those so
very numerous, I'hiladelphus would rather redeem them
.- 1 a ehca|)er than at a dearer rate, — there is (freat reason
U> iirefer here Aristeus's cojucs before Joscphu's.
■^
and his army, but those who were in his king
duni before, and tliosc also, if any such there
were, who had been brouglit away since. And
when they said that their redemption-money
would amount to above four hundred talents,
he granted it. A copy of which decree I
have determined to preserve, that the magna-
nimity of this king may be made known. Its
contents were as follows : " Let all those who
were soldiers under our father, and who,
when they overran Syria and Phoenicia, and
laiil waste Judea, took the Jews captives, and
made them slaves, and brought them into our
cities, and into this country, and then sold
them ; as also all those that were in my king-
dom before them, and if there be any that
have lately been brought thither, be made
flee by those that possess them ; and let them
accept of [a hundred and] twenty drachma)
for every slave. And let the soldiers receive
this redemption-money with their pay, but the
rest out of the king's treasury : for I suppose
that they were made captives without our fa-
tlier's consent, and against cijuity ; and that
their country was harassed by the insolence
of the soldiers, and that, by removing them
into Egypt, the soldiers have made a great
profit by them. Out of regard, therefore, to
justice, and out of pity to those that have
been tyrannized over, contrary to equity, I
enjoin those that have such Jews in their ser-
vice to set them at liberty, upon the receipt
of the before-mentioned sum ; and that no
one use any deceit about them, but obey what
is iiere connnandcd. And I will, that they
give in their names witiiin three days after
the publication of this edict, to such as are
appointed to execute the same, and to produce
the slaves before them also, for I tliink it will
be for the advantage of my affairs : and let
every one that will, inform against those that
do not obey this tlecree ; and I will, that their
estates be confiscated into the king's treasury."
When this decree was read to the king, it at
iirst contained the rest that is here inserted,
and only omitted those Jews that had former-
ly been l)rought, and those brouglu after-
wards, which had not been distinctly men.
tioned ; so he added these clauses out of his
humanity, and with great generosity. He al-
so gave order tluit the payment, which was
likely to be done in a hurry, should be di-
vided among the king's ministers, and among
the oflicers of his treasury. When this was
over, what the king had decreed was (juickly
brought to a conclusion ; and tliisin no more
than seven days' time, the number of the ta-
lents paid tor the captives being above four
hundred and sixty, and this, because their
masters recjuired the [hundred and] twenty
drachma* for the children also, the king hav-
ing, in effect, commanded that these should
be paid for, when he said, in his decree, thai
they iJiould receive the furementioned sum for
every slave.
CHAP. n.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
313
4, Now when this had been done after so
magnificent a manner, according to the king's
inclinations, he gave order to Demetrius to
give him in writing his sentiments concerning
the transcribing of the Jewish books ; for no
part of the administration is done rashly by
these kings, but all things are managed with
great circumspection. On which account I
have subjoined a copy of these epistles, and
set down the multitude of the vessels sent as
ijifts [to Jerusalem], and the construction of
cveiy one, that the exactness of the artificers'
workmanship, as it appeared to those that saw
them, and which workmen made every vessel,
may be made manifest, and tiiis on account of
the excellency of the vessels themselves. Now
the copy of the epistle was to this purpose : —
" Demetrius to the great king, When thou,
king, gavest me a charge concerning the
collection of Books that were wanting to fill
your library, and concerning the care that
ought to be taken about such as are imperfect,
1 have used the utmost diligence about those
matters. And I let you know, that we want
the books of the Jewish legislation, with some
others ; for they are written in the Hebrew
characters, and being in the language of that
nation, are to us unknown. It hath also
happened to them, that they have been tran-
scribed more carelessly than they should have
been, because they have not had hitherto royal
care taken about them. Now it is necessary
that thou shouldst have accurate copies of
them. And indeed this legislation is full of
hidden wisdom, and entirely blameless, as
being the legislation of God : for which cause
it is, as Hecateus of Abdera says, that the
poets and historians make no mention of it,
nor of those men who lead their lives accord-
ing to it, since it is a holy law, and ought not
to be published by profane mouths. If liien
it please thee, O king, thou mayest write to
the high-priest of the Jews, to send six of the
elders out of every tribe, and those sucli as
.•»re most skilful of the laws, that by their
means we may learn the clear and agreeing
sense of these books, and may obtain an ac-
curate interpretation of their contents, and so
may have such a collection of these as may be
suitable to thy desire."
5. When this epistle was sent to the king,
h(' commanded that an epistle should be draw n
up for Eleazar, the Jewish high-priest, con-
cerning these matters ; and that tliey should
inform him of the release of tlie Jews that had
been in slavery among them. He also sent
fifty talents of gold for the making of large
basons, and viais, and cups, and an immense
quantity of precious stones. He also gave
order to those who had the custody of the
cliests that contained those stones, to give the
artificers leave to choose out what sorts of them
they pleased. He withal appointed, that a
Iiundred talents in money should be^scnt to
the temple for sacrifices, and for other uses.
Now I will give a description of these vessels,
and the manner of their construction, but not
till after I have set down a copy of the epistle
which was written to Eleazar the high -priest,
who had obtained that dignity on the occasiorj
following: — When Onias the high-priest was
dead, his son Simon became his successor.
He was called Simon the Jusi,* because of
both his piety towards God,, and his kind dis-
position to those of his own nation. When
he was dead, and had left a young son, who
was called Oin"as, Simon's brother Eleazar, of
whom we are speaking, took the high-priest-
hood ; and he it was to whom Ptolemy wrote,
and that in the manner following: — "King
Ptolemy to Eleazar the high .priest, sendeth
greeting. There are many Jews who now
dwell in my kingdom, whom the Persians,
when they were in power, carried captives.
These were honoured by my father; some of
whom he placed in the army, and gave them
greater pay than ordinary ; to others of them,
when they came with him into Egypt, he com-
mitted his garrisons, and the guarding of
them, that they might be a terror to the E-
gyptians; and when I had taken the govern,
menf, I treated all men with humanity, and
especially tliose that are tliy fellow-citizens,
of whom I have set free above a hundred
thousand that were slaves, and paid the price
of their redemption to their masters out of
my own revenues; and those that are of a fit
age, I have admitted into the number of my
soldiers ; and for such as are capable of be-
ing faithful to me, and proper for my court,
I have put them in such a post, as thinking
this [kindness done to them] to be a very
great and an acceptable gift, which I devote
to God for his providence over me; and as I
am desirous to do what will be grateful to
these, and to all the other Jews in the habi-
table earth, I have determined to procure an
interpretation of your law, and to have it
translated out of Hebrew into Greek, and
to be deposited in my library. Thou wilt
therefore do well to choose out and send to
me men of a good character, who are now
elders in age, and six in number out of every
tribe. These, by their age, must be skilful in
the laws, and of abilities to make an accurate
interpretation of them ; and when this shall
be finished, I shall think that I have done a
work glorious to u)yself ; and I have sent to
thee Andreas, the captain of my guard, and
Aristeus, men whom I have in very great
esteem ; by whom I have sent those first-fruits
which 1 have dedicated to the temple, and to
the sacrifices, and to other uses, to the value
of a hundred talents ; and if thou wilt send to
us, to let us know what thou wouldest have far*
ther, thou wilt do a thing acceptable to me."
» We have a very great encomium of this Simon the
Just, the son of Onias i, hi the fifiieth chapter of the
Ecfiesiasticus, through the whole chapter. Nor is it
imp»oper to consult that cliapter itself upon this octv
sioii
•^-
316
ANTIQUITIES UI' THE JEWS.
6. Wlien this epistle of tlie king was
broiifjlit to Elt'azar, he wrote an answer to
it with all the respect possible: — " Eleazar
the high-priest to king Ptolemy, sendeth
greeting. If thou and thy queen Arsinoe,*
and thy cliildren, be well, we are entirely sa-
tisfied. When we received thy ej)istle, we
greatly rejoiced at thy intentions ; and when
the multitude were gathered together, we read
it to them, and thereby made them sensible of
the piety thou hast towards God. We also
showed them the twenty vials of gold, and
thirty of silver, and the five large basins, and
the table for the sliew-bread ; as also the Iiun-
drcd talents for the sacrifices, and for the
making what shall be needful at the temple:
which things Andreas and Aristeus, those
most liononred friends of thine, have brought
us ; and truly they are persons of an excel-
lent chaiacter, and of great learning, and
worthy of tliy virtue. Know then tliat we
will gratify thee in what is for thy advantage,
though we do what we used not to do before ;
for we ought to make a return for the numer-
ous acts of kindness which thou hast done to
our countrymen. We immediately, therefore,
offered sacrifices for thee and thy sister, with
thy children and friends ; and the multitude
made prayers, that thy affairs may l)e to thy
mind ; and that thy kingdom may be preserv-
ed in peace, and that tiie translation of our
lav\ may come to the conclusion tliou desirest,
and be for thy advantage. Wo have also
chosen six elders out of every tribe, whom
we have sent, and the law with them. It will
be thy part, out of thy piety and justice, to
send back the law when it hath been translat-
ed ; and to return those to us that bring it in
safety. — Farewell."
7. This was the reply which the high-priest
made ; but it does not seem to me to be neces-
sary to set down the namesof the seventy [two]
elders who were sent by Eleazar, and carried
the law, which yet were subjoined at the end
of the epistle. However, I thought it not
improper to give an account of those very
valuable and artificially contrived vessels
which the king sent to God, that all may see
how great a regard the king had for God ; for
the king allowed a vast deal of expenses for
these vessels, and came often to the workmen,
and viewed their works, and sull'ered nothing
of carelessness or negligence to be any da-
mage to their operations ; a;id I will relate
how rich they were as well as I am able, al-
though, perhaps, the nature of this history
may not re()uire such a description ; but I
iniagiiie I sliall thereby recommend the ele-
• Wlicn wc have here aiiil presently mention nindu
of I'hiliulelphus's quecMi anil sister Arslnoc, wc arc to
retncmb-T, with >p:inhivm, that Arsinoe w,ts both hi-i
sister and his wife, according to the old custom of I'cr-
sia, and of Kgyiit at this very time ; nay, of the Assy-
rians long aftiTAards. Sec Aiiti(|. I), xx, ch. ii, sect. \.
Wlience we have, ii|)Oii tlie I'oins of l"hlladcll)hll^, this
known in&eri^tiuu : — ■' The divine Urothcr and tiiiitcr "
gant taste and magnanimity of this king to
those that read this history.
8. And first I will describe what belongs
to the table. It was indeed in the king's
I mind to make this talile vastly large in in
dimensions; but then he gave orders that
} they should learn what was the magnitude of
the table which was already at Jerusalem, antl
how large it was, and whether there were a
possibility of making one larger than it : and
when he was informed how large that was
which was already there, and that nothing
hindered but a larger miglit be made, he
said that he w.is willing to have one made
that should be five times as large as the pre-
sent table ; but his fear was that it might be
then useless in their sacred mim'strations by
its too great largeness ; for he desired that the
gifts he presented thcin should not only l)e
there for show, but should be useful also in
their sacred ministrations. According to which
reasoning, that the former table was made of
so moderate a size for use, and not for want
of gold, he resolved that he would not exceed
the former table in largeness, but would make
it exceed it in the variety and elegancy of its
materials ; and as he was sagacious in observ-
ing the nature of all things, and in having a
just notion of what was new and surprising,
and where there v.-ere no sculptures, he would
invent such as were pro]>er by his own skill,
and would show them to the workmen, lie
commanded that such sculptures should now
be made ; and that those which were deline-
ated should be most accurately formed, by it
constant regard to their delineation
9. When therefore the workmen had un-
dertaken to make the table, they frameti it in
length two cubits [and a halfl, in breadth out
cubit, and in height one cubit and a half ; and
tlie entire structure of the work was of gold.
They witlial made a crown of a hand-breadth
round it, with wave- work wreathed about it,
and witli an engraving which imitated a cord,
and was admirably turned on its three parts;
for as they were of a triangular figure, every
angle had the same disposition of its sculp-
tures, that when you turned them about, the
very same form of them was turned about
without any variation. Now that part of the
crown-work that was enclosed under thi> table
had its sculptures very beautiful ; but liiat pari
] which went niiind on the outside was more
elaborately adorned with most beautiful orna-
I ments, because it was exposed to sight, and to
the view of the spectators; for whicli reason
it was that both tliose sides which were extant
I above the rest were acute, and none of the
angles, which we before told you were three,
appeared less than another when the table was
turned about. Now into the cord nork thus
turned were precious stones inserted, in rows
parallel one to the other, enclosed in gulden
buttons, which had ouches in them; but the
jiarts which were on the side of the crown
■\.
^
ANTIQUITIES OB' THE JEWS.
CHAP. II.
and were exposed to the sight, were adorned
with a row of oval figures obliquely placed,
of the most excellent sort of precious stones,
which imitated rods laid close, and encom-
passed the table round about ; but under these
oval figures thus engraven, t.ie workmen liad
put a crown all round it, where tlie nature of
all sorts of fruit was represented, insomuch
that the bunches of grapes hung up ; and
when they had made the stones to represent
all the kiiids of fruit before mentioned, and
that each in its proper colour, they made them
fast with gold round the whole table. The
like disposition of the oval figures, and of the
engraved rods, was framed under the crown,
that the table might on each side show the
same appearance of variety and elegancy of
its ornaments, so that neither the position of
the wave-work nor of the crown might be dif-
ferent, although tlie table were turned on the
other side, but that the prospect of the same
artificial contrivances might be extended as
far as the feet ; for there was made a plate of
gold four fingers broad, through the entire
breadth of the table, into which they inserted
the feet, and then fastened them to the table
by buttons and button-holes, at the place
where the crown was situate, that so on what
side soever of the table one should stand, it
might exhibit the very same view of the ex-
quisite workmanship, and of the vast expenses
bestowed upon it ; but upon the table itself
they engraved a meander, inserting into it
very valuable stones in the middle like stars,
of various colours ; the carbuncle and the
emerald, each of which sent out agreeable rays
of light to the spectators ; with such stones of
other sorts also as were most curious and best
esteemed, as being most precious in tlieir kind.
Hard by this meander a texture of net-work
ran round it, the middle of which appeared
like a rhombus, into which were inserted rock-
crystal and amber, which, by the great resem-
blance of the appearance they made, gave
wonderful delight to those that saw them.
The chapiters of the feet imitated the first
budding of lilies, while tlieir leaves were bent
and laid under the table, but so that the chives
were seen standing upright within them. Their
bases were made of a carbuncle ; and the place
at the bottom, which rested on that carbuncle,
was one palm deep, and eight fingers in breadth.
Now they had engraven upon it, with a very
fine tool, and with a great deal of pains, a
branch of ivy, and tendrils of the vine, send-
ing forth clusters of grapes, that you would
guess they were nowise different from real
tendrils; for they were so very thin, and so
very far extended at their extremities, that
they were moved with the wind, and made
one believe that they were the product of na-
ture, and !iot the representation of art. They
ilso made the entire workmanship of the table
appear to be threefold, while the joints of the
several parts were so united together as to be
\=_ ^ .
317
invisible, and the places where they joined
could not be distinguished. Now the thick..
ness of the table was not less than half a cu-
bit. So that this gift, by the king's great ge-
nerosity, by the great value of the materials,
and the variety of its exquisite structure, and
the artificer's skill in imitating nature with
graving tools, was at length brought to per-
fection, while the king was very desirous,
that though in largeness it were not to be dif-
ferent from that which was already dedicated
to God, yet that in exquisite workmanship,
and the novelty of the contrivances, and in
the splendour of its construction, it should far
exceed it, and be more illustrious than that
was.
10. Now of the cisterns of gold there were
two, whose sculpture was of scale-wo k, from
its basis to its belt-like circle, with various
sorts of stones inchased in the spiral circles.
Next to which there was upon it a meander
of a cubit in height : it was composed of
stones of all sorts of colours ; and next to this
was the rod-work engraven ; and next to that
was a rhtmbus in a texture of net-work,
drawn out to the brim of the basin, while small
shields, made of stones, beautiful in their
kind, and of four fingers* depth, filled up the
middle parts. About the top of the basin
were wreathed the leaves of lilies, and of the
convolvulus, and the tendrils of vines in a cir-
cular manner ; and this was the construction
of the two cisterns of gold, each containing
two firkins :^but those which were of silver
were much more bright and splendid than
looking-glasses; and you might in them see
images that fell upon them more plainly than
in the other. The king also ordered thirty
vials ; those of which the parts that were of
gold, and filled up with precious stones, were
shadowed over with the leaves of ivy and vines,
artificially engraven ; and these were the ves-
sels that were, after an extraordinary manner,
brought to this perfection, partly by the skill
of the workmen, who were admirable in such
fine work, but much more by the diligence
and generosity of the king, who not only sup-
plied the artificers abundantly, and with great
generosity, with what they wanted, but he
forbade public audiences for the time, and
came and stood by the workmen, and saw the
whole operation ; and this was the cause why
the workmen were so accurate in their per-
formance, because they had regard to the
king, and to his great concern about the ves-
sels, and so the more indetktigably kept close
to the work.
11. And these were what gifts were sent
by Ptolemy to Jerusalem, and dedicated to
God there. But when Eleazar the high-
priest had devoted them to God, and had paid
due respect to those that brought them, and
had given them presents to be carried to the
king, he dismissed them. And when they
were come to Alexandria, and Ptolemy heard
J —
SI8
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK XII
that tlity were come, and that the seventy I should be requisite for their diet and way of
clduis xvc'ic come also, he presently sent for living : whicli thing was ordered hy the king
Andreas and Aristeiis, his ambassadors, who after this manner: he took care that those tliat
came to him, and delivered him the epistle belonged to every city, which did not use the
which tliey brought l)im from tl)e higli-i)riest, | same way of living, that all things should be
and made answer to all the questions he put
to tliein by word of mouth. He then made
haste to meet the elders that came from Je-
rusalem for tlic interpretation of the laws ;
and he gave command, that every body who
came on other occasions should be sent away,
vhicli was a thing surprising, and what he
did not use to do ; for those that were drawn
thither upon such occasions used to come to 1
him on the fifth day, but ambassadors at the
month's end. But when he had sent those
away, he waited for these that were sent by
Eleazar ; but as the old men came in with tlie
presents, which the high-priest had given them
to bring to the king, and with the membranes,
;ipon wliich tlicy had tl)eir laws written in
golden letters,* he put questions to them con-
cerning those books ; and when they had
taken off the covers wherein they were wrapt
up, they showed him the membranes. So the
king stood admiring the thinness of those
membranes, and the exactness of the junc-
tures, which could not be perceived (so ex-
actly were they connected one with another) ;
and this he did for a considerable time. He
then said that lie returned them thanks for
coming to him, and still greater thanks to
him that sent them j and, above all, to that
God whose laws they appeared to be. Then
did the elders, and those that were present
with them, cry out with one voice, and wished
all happiness to the king. Upon which he
fell into tears by the violence of the pleasure
he had, it being natural to men to afford the
same indications in great joy that they do un-
der sorrow. And when he had bidden them
deliver the books to those that were appointed
to receive them, he saluted the men, and said
that it v\as but just to discourse, in the first
place, of the errand they were sent about, and
then to address himself to themselves. lie
'promised, however, tliat he would make this
day on which they came to him remarkable
and eminent every year through the whole
course of his life ; for their coining to him,
and the victory wliich he gained over Antigo-
nus by sea, proved to be on the very same
day. lie also gave orders that they should
sup with liini ; and gave it in charge that
they should have excellent lodgings provided
for them in the upper part of the city.
12. Now he that was ajjpointed to take care
of the reception of strangers, Nicanor by
name, called for Dorotiieus, whose duty it
was to make provision for them, and bade
him prepare for every one of them what
• The talmudists say, that it is not lawful to write
the bw in letters of ({i)l<l, contrary to tins certain ami
very ancient example. See lludson'tand Ileljui(l'ii notes
hcie.
prepared for them according to the custom of
those that came to him, that, being feasteo
according to the usual method of their own
way of living, they might I)e the better jjleased,
and might not be uneasy at any thing done
to tlitm from which they were naturally averse.
And this was now done in the case of these
men by Dorotheus, who was put into ihis of-
fice because of his g:eat skill in such matters
belonging to commo.i life ; for he took care
of all such matters as concerned the reception
of strangers, and appointed them double seats
for them to sit on, according as the king had
commanded him to do ; for he had conmiand-
ed that half of their seats should be set at his
right hand, and the other half behind his table^
and took care that no respect should be omit-
ted that could be shown them. And when
they were thus set down, he bid Dorotheus to
minister to all those that were come to him
from Judea, after the manner they used to be
ministered to ; for which cause he sent away
their sacred heralds, and those that slew the
sacrifices, and the rest that used to say grace :
but called to one of those that were come to him,
whose name was Eleazar, who was a priest,
and desired him to say grace -.^ who then
stood in the midst of them, and prayed, that
all prosperity might attend the king, and those
that Were his subjects. Upon which an ac-
clamation was made by the whole company,
with joy and a great noise ; and when that
was over, they fell to eating their supper, and
to the enjoyment of what was set before them.
And at a little interval afterward, when the
king thought a sufficient time had been inter-
posed, he began to talk philosophically to
them, and he asked every one of them a i)hi-
losophical question, f and such a one as might
give light in those inquiries; and when they
had explained all the problems that had been
proposed by the king about every point, he
was well pleased with their answers. This
took up the twelve days in which they were
treated ; and he that pleases may learn the
particular questions in that book of Aristeus,
which he wrote on tliis very occasion.
13. And while not the king only, but the
+ This is the mo-st ancient example I have met with
of a gT.icc, or short jiraver, or tnankspiving, before
meat ; which, as it is used to be saiil by a heathen priest,
Has. now said by Kleazar, a Jewish jiriest, who w;is one
of those seventy-two interpreters. The n< xt example I
have met with Vs that of the Essencs (Of the War, b. ii,
oh. viii, sect. 5), both before and after it ; those of our
Saviour before it (Mark viii, 6; John vi, II, '.'.>;
and ."^t. I'aul, Acts xxvii, 35); and a form of such
a grnct or prayer for Christians, at the em! of the fifth
iMiok of the .Apostolical Constitutions, which seems to
have been intended for both times, lx)th l)cfore and af-
ter meat.
X They were rather r)olitical questions and answeis,
tending to the good and religious government of uuit
kind.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. II
pliilosopher Mencdemus also, admired them,
and said, that all things were governed by
Providence, and that it was probable that
thence it was that such force or beauty was
discovered in these men's words, — they tlien
left off' asking any more questions. But the
king said that he had gained very great ad-
vantages by their coming, for tiiat he had re-
ceived this profit from them, that he had learn-
ed how he ought to rule his subjects. And
he gave order that they should have every one
three talents given them ; and that those that
were to conduct them to their lodging should
do it. Accordingly, when three days were
over, Demetrius took them, and went over the
causeway seven furlongs long : it was a bank
in the sea to an island. And when they had
gone over the bridge, he proceeded to the
northern parts, and showed them where they
should meet, which was in a house that was
l)uilt near the shore, and was a quiet place,
and fit for their discoursing together about
their work. When he had brought them
thither, he entreated them (now they had all
things about them which they wanted for
the interpretation of their law), that they
would suffer nothing to interrupt them in
their work. Accordingly, they made an ac-
curate interpretation, with great zeal and great
pains; and this they continued to do till tiie
ninth hour of the day ; after which time they
relaxed and took care of their body, while
their food was provided for them in great
plenty : besides, Dorotheus, at the king's
command, brought them a great deal of wliat
was provided for the king himself. But in
the morning they came to the court, and sa-
luted Ptolemy, and then went away to their
former place, where, when they had washed
their hands,* and purified themselve?, they
betook themselves to the interpretation of the
laws. Now when the law was transcribed,
and the labour of interpretation was over,
which came to its conclusion in seventy-two
days, Demetrius gathered all the Jews toge-
ther to the place where the laws were trans-
lated, and where the interpreters were, and
re:id them over. The multitude did also ap-
prove of those elders that were the interpret-
ers of the law. They withal commended
Demetrius for his proposal, as the inventor of
what was greatly for their happiness ; and they
desired that he would give leave to their rul-
ers also to read the law. Moreover they all,
both the priests and the ancientest of the el ■
ders, and the principal men of their common-
wealth, made it their request, that since the in-
terpretation was happily finished, it might
* This purification of the interpreters, by washing
In the sea, before they prayed to God every mominc,
and before they set alwut translating, may be compareti
with the like practice of Peter the Aposile, in the Re-
cognitions of Clement, b. iv. ch. iii, and b. v, ch. xxxvi;
and with the places of the ProseuchjE, or of prayer,
which were sometimes built near the sea or river^; also.
Of which matter, see Antiq. b. xiv, ch. x,--sect. 22 j and
tLedxvi, 13, 16
^__
S19
continue in the state it now was, and might
not be altered. And when they all com-
mended tliat determination of theirs, they
enjoined, that if any one observed either any
thing superfluous, or any thing omitted, that
he would take a view of it again, and have it
laid before them, and corrected ; which was a
wise action of theirs, that when the thing was
judged to have been well done, it might con-
tinue for ever.
14. So the king rejoiced when he saw that
his design of this nature was brought to per-
fection, to so great advantage : and he was
chiefly delighted with hearing the laws read
to him ; and was astonished at the deep mean-
ing and wisdom of the legislator. And he
began to discourse with Demetrius, " How
it came to pass that, when this legislation was
so wonderful, no one, either of the poets or of
the historians had made mention of it."
Demetrius made answer, "that no one durst be
so bold as to touch upon the description of
these laws, because they were divine and ve-
nerable, and because some that had attempted
it were afflicted by God." — He also told him,
that " Theopompus was desirous of writing
somewhat about them, but was thereupon dis-
turbed in his mind for above thirty days'
time; and upon some intermission of his dis-
temper, he appeased God [by prayer], as sus-
pecting that his madness proceeded from that
cause." Nay, indeed, he further saw in a
dream, that his distemper befel him while he
indulged too great a curiosity about divine
matters, and was desirous of publishing them
among common men ; but when he left off
that attempt, he recovered his understanding
again. Moreover, he informed him of Theo-
dectes, the tragic poet, concerning whom it
was reported, that when in a certain dramatic
representation, he was desirous to make men-
tion of things that were contained in the sa-
cred books, he was afflicted with a darkness
in his eyes ; and that upon his being con-
scious of the occasion of his distemper, and
appeasing God [by prayer], he was freed from
thai affliction.
15. And when the king had received these
books from Demetrius, as we have said al-
ready, be adored them ; and gave order, that
great care should be taken of them, that they
might remain uncorrupted. He also desired
that the interpreters would come often to him
out of Judea, and that both on account of the
respects that he would pay them, and on ac-
count of the presents he would make them ;
for he said, it was now but just to send them
away, although if, of their own accord, they
would come to him hereafter, they should ob-
tain all that their own wisdom might justly
require, and what his generosity was able to
give them. So he sent them away, and gave to
every one of them three garments of the best
sort, and two talents of gold, and a cup of
tie value of one talent, and the furniture of
J"
320
ANTIQUITIES OF THU JEWS.
BOOK XII.
the room wlieriin tliey wi-re fcasti'il. And
thv'so HiTt- till" tliiiifjs 1)0 pieskiilt'il to them.
Kut hy them he sent to Kleazar tlie liit^h-priest
ten hods, will) feet of silver, and the furniture
to them behjiiginj;, and a cup of the vahic
of thirty talents; and besides these, ten gar-
ments, and purple, and a very beautiful crown,
and a liundred pieces of the finest woven
linen ; as also vials and dishes, and vessels for
Dourinj:;, and two golden cisterns, to be <ledi-
cated to God. lie also desired him, by an
epistle, that he would give these interpreters
leave, if any o'i them were desirous, of com-
ing to him ; because he highly valued a con-
versation with men of such learning, and
should be very willing to lay out his wealth
upon such men. — And this was what came to
the Jews, and was much to their glory and
honour, from Ptolemy Pliiladelphus.
CHATTER III.
HOW THE KINGS OF ASIA HONOURED THE NA-
TION OF THE JEWS, AND JIAUE THEM CITI-
ZENS OF THOSE CITIES WHICH THEV BUILT.
§ i. The Jews also obtained honours from
the kings of Asia when they became tlieir
auxiliaries; for Seleticus Nicator made them
citizens in those cities which he built in
Asia, and in the Lower Syria, and in the me-
tropolis itself, Antioch ; and gave them pri-
vileges equal to those of tlie ]\Iacedoi!ians
tid Greeks, who were the inhabitants, inso-
much that tbeiie privileges continue to this
very day : an argument for which you have
in this, that whereas the Jews do make use
of oil prepared by foreigners,* they receive a
certain sum of money from the proper offi-
cers belonging to their exercises as the value
of that oil ; which money, when the people of
Antioch would have deprived them of, in the
last war, Rlucianus, who was then prc!.iilem
of Syria, preserved it to them. And when
the people of Alexandria and of Antiocli did
after that, at the time that Vespasian and
Titus bis son, governed the habitable earth,
pray that these privileges of citizens might be
taken away, they did not obtain their request.
In which behaviour any one may discern the
equity and generosity of the Romans,f espe-
• The use of oil was much greater, and the donatives
of it innch more valuable, In Judea, and the neighbour-
ing counlrie!>, than it is amongst us. It was also, in the
days of Josc|ilius, thought unlawful for Jews to make
use of any oil that was incpared by heathens, peihaj)s
on account of some supersiitions intermixed with its
jiieparation by tho.-e heathens. When, therefore, the
t.cathens were to make tliem a donaiive of oil, they
paid Ihem money instead of it. ."^iv, i;f the War, b ii,
ell. xxi, sect. 2; the Life of Josophus, sect. 15; and
Hudson's note on I he pl.ice before us.
t Thii, and '.he like great and just characters, of the
Justice, and e-juity, and generosity of the old Komaiis,
both tn the Jews and other coiuiuercd nations, aObrds
us a very good reason why Almighty C;o«l, upon the re-
iivtion (if the Jews for their wickedness, chose Ihein for
his jieople, and lirst established Christiaiiity in that ein-
jiire. Of which matter, see Joscphus here, sect, i ; us
alio .Anli<i. b. xiv, cti. x, '."i, SJ ; b. xvi, ch. 2, uxX. \.
daily of Vespasian and Titus, who, although
they had been at a great deal of pains in the
war against the Jews, and were exasperated
against them, because they did not delivei up
their weapons to them, but continued the war
to the very last, yet did not they take away
any of their foreinentioned privileges belong-
ing to them as citizens, but restrained their
anger, and overcame the prayers of the Alex-
andrians and Antiochians, wlio were a very
powerful people, insomuch that they did not
yield to them, neither out of their favour
to these people, nor out of tlierr old grudge
at those whose wicked opposition tluy liad
subdued in the war ; nor would tliey alter
any of the ancient favours granted to the
Jews, but said, that those who had borne
arms against them, and fought them, had
suffered punishment already, and that it was
not just to deprive those that bad not offend-
ed of the privileges they enjoyed.
2. We also know that Marcus Agrippa was
of the like disposition towards the Jews : for
when the people of Ionia were very angry at
them, and besougiit Agrippa, that they, and
they only, mij'ht have those privileges of citi-
zens which Antiochus, the grandson of Se-
leucus (who by the Greeks was called The
God), had bestowed on them ; and desired
that, if the Jews were to be joint-partakers
with them, they might be obliged to worship
the gods tiiey themselves worshipped : but
when these matters were brought to trial, the
Jews prevailed, and obtained leave to make
use of their own customs, and this under the
patronage of Nicolaus of Damascus ; for
Agrippa gave sentence, that he could not in-
novate. And if any one hath a mind to know
this matter accurately, let him peruse the
hundred and twenty-third and hundred and
twenty-fourth books of the history of this
Nictriaus, Now, as to this detenninalion of
Agrippa, it is not so much to be admired;
for at that time our nation had not made war
against the Ilomans. But one may well be
astonished at the generosity of Vespasian and
'J'itus, that after so great wars and contests
which they had from us, they should use
such moderation. But I will now return to
that part of my history whence I made the
present digression.
3. Now it happened that in tlie reign of
Antiochus tlie Great, who ruled overall Asia,
that the Jews, as well as tlie inhabitants of
Celesyria, suH'ered greatly, and their land was
sorely harassed; for while he was at war with
Ptoltmy I'hilopater, and with his son, who
was called Epi|;hanes, it fell out that these
nations were equally sutlerers, both when he
was beaten and when he beat the others: so
that they were very like to a ship in a storm,
which is tossed by the waves on both sitles .
and just thus we»e they in their situation in
the middle between .Antiochus's prosperity and
its change to adversity. But at length, w hen
CHAP. III.
Antioclius had beaten Ptolemy, he seized upon
Judea : and when Philopater was dead, his
son sent out a great army under Scopas, the
general of his forces, against the inhabitants
of Celesyria, who took many of their cities,
and in particular our nation; which, when he
fell upon them, went over to him. Yet was
it not long afterward when Antiochus over-
came Scopas, in a battle fought at the foun-
tains of Jordan, and destroyed a great part of
liis army. But afterward, when Antiochus
subdued those cities of Celesyria which Scopas
had gotten into his possession, and Samaria
with them, the Jews, of their own accord,
went over to him, and received him into the
city [Jerusalem], and gave plentiful provision
to all his army, and to his elephants, and
readily assisted him when he besieged the gar-
rison whicli was in the citadel of Jerusalem.
Wherefore Antioclius thought it but just to
requite the Jews' diligence and zeal in his ser-
vice : so he wTote to the generals of his armies,
and to his friends, and gave testimony to the
good behaviour of the Jews towards him, and
informed then? what rewards he had resolved
to bestow on them for that their behaviour.
I will set down presently the epistles them-
selves which he wrote to the generals concern-
ing them, but will first produce the testimony
of Polybius of Megalopolis; for thus does he
speak, in the sixteenth book of his history :
— " Now Scopas, the general of Ptolemy's
army, went in haste to the superior parts of
the country, and in the winter-time overthrew
the nation of the Jews." He also saith, in
the same book, that " when Scopas was con-
quered by Antiochus, Antiochus received
Batanea and Samaria, and Abila and Gadara ;
and that, a while afterwards, there came in to
him those Jews that inhabited near that tem-
ple which was called Jerusalem ; concerning
which, although I have more to say, and par-
ticularly concerning the presence of God about
that temple, yet do I put off that history till a-
nother opportunity," This it is which Polybi-
us relates ; but we will return to the series of
the history, when we have first produced the
epistles of king Antiochus.
" KING ANTIOCHUS TO PTOLEMY, 8ENDETH
GREETING.
" Since the Jews, upon our first entrance
on their couiitry, demonstrated their friend-
ship towards us ; and when we came to their
city LJerus;ilem], received us in a splendid
manner, and came to meet us with their se-
nate, and gave abundance of provisions to our
soldiers, and to the elephants, and joined with
us in ejecting the garrison of the Egyptians
that were in the citadel, we have thought fit
to reward them, and to retrieve the condition
of their city, which hath been greatly depo-
pulated by such accidents as have hefallen its
inhabitants, and to bring those tnat have been
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
321
scattered abroad back to the cfty ; and, in the
first place, we have determined, on account of
their piety towards God, to bestow on them,
as a pension, for their sacrifices of animals
tliat are fit for sacrifice, for wine and oil, and
frankincense, the value of twenty thousand
pieces of silver, and [six] sacred artabrae of fine
flour, with one thousand four hundred and
sixty medimni of wheat, and three hundred
and seventy-five medimni of salt ; and these
payments I would have fully paid them, as I
have sent orders to you. I would also have
the work about the temple finished, and the
cloisters, and if there be any thing else that
ought to be rebuilt ; and for the materials of
wood, let it be brought tiiem out of Judea
itself, and out of the other countries, and out
of Libanus, tax-free ; and the same I would
have observed as to those other materials
which will be necessary, in- order to render
the temple more glorious ; and let all of that
nation live according to the laws of their own
country ; and let the senate and the priests,
and the scribes of the temple, and the sacred
singers, be discharged from poll money and
the crown-tax, and other taxes also; and that
the city may the sooner recover its inhabitants,
I grant a discharge from taxes for three years
to its present inhabitants, and to such as shall
come to it, until the month Hyperberetus.
We also discharge them for the future from
a third part of their taxes, that the losses they
have sustained may be repaired ; and all those
citizens that have been carried away, and are
become slaves, we grant them and their chil-
dren their freedom ; and give order that their
substance be restored to them."
4. And these were the contents of this
epistle. He also published a decree, through
all his kingdom, in honour of the temple,
which contained what follows : — " It shall be
lawful for no foreigner to come within the
limits of the temple round about ; which
thing is forbidden also to the Jews, unless
to those who, according to their own custom,
have puiified themselves. Nor let any flesh
of horses, or of mules, or of asses, be brought
into the city, whether they be wild or tame;
nor that of leopards, or foxes, or hares; and, in
general, that of any animal which is forbidden
for the Jews to eat. Nor let their skins be
brought into it; nor let any such animal be
bred up in the city. Let them only be per-
mitted to use the sacrifices derived from their
forefathers, with which they have been oblig.
ed to make acceptable atonements to God.
And he that transgresseth any of these or-
ders, let him pay to the priests three thousand
drachmas of silver." Moreover, this Antio-
clius bare testimony to our piety and fidelity,
in an epistle of his, written when he was in-
formed of a sedition in Phrygia and Lydia,
at which time he was in the superior provinces,
wherein he commanded Zeuxis, the general
of liis forces, and his most intimate friend, to
J~
^'12
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK XII.
send some of our nation out of Bal>ylon into
i'hrygiii. The epistle was this : —
" KING ANTIOCHUS TO ZEUXIS, HIS FATHKIt,
SKNDKTH GREETING.
'•If you are in health, it is well. I also
am in health. Ilavinj^ been informed tiiat
a sedition is arisen in Lydia and I'hrygia, I
thought that matter required great care ; and
upon advising with my friends what was fit to
be done, it hath been thought proper to re-
move two thousand families of Jews, witii
their effects, out of Mesopotamia and Baby-
lon, unto the castles and places that lie most
convenient; for I am persuaded that they will
be welldis])osed guardians of our possessions,
because of their piety towards God, and be-
cause I know that my predecessors have borne
witness to them that they are faithful, and
with alacrity do wliat they are desired to do.
I will, therefore, though it be a laborious
work, that thou remove these Jews ; under a
promise, that they shall be permitted to use
their own laws : and when thou shalt have
brought them to the places forenientioned,
thou shalt give every one of their families a
place for building their houses, and a portion
of land for their husbandry, and for the plan-
tation of their vines ; and thou shalt discharge
them from paying taxes of the fruits of the
earth for ten years ; and let them have a pro-
per quantity of wlieat for the maintenance of
their servants, until they receive bread-corn
out of the earth ; also let a sufficient share be
given to such as minister to them in the ne-
cessaries of life, that by enjoying the effects
of our humanity, they may show themselves
the more willing and ready about our affairs.
Take care likewise of that nation, as far as
thou art able, that they may not have any dis-
turbance given them by any one." Now these
testimonials, which I have produced, are suf-
ficient to declare the friendship that Antiochus
the Great bare to the Jews.
CHAPTER IV.
HOW ANTIOCHUS HADE A LEAGUE WITH PTO-
LEMV ; AND HOW ONIAS PllOVOKED PTO-
LEMY EUERGETES TO ANGEIl ; AND HOW JO-
SErn UROUGHT ALL THINGS UIGHT AGAIN,
AND ENTERED INTO FRIENDSHIP WITH HIM ;
AND WHAT OTHER THINGS WERE DONE BY
JOSEPH, AND HIS SON HYRCANUS.
§ 1. After this Antiochus made a friend-
ship and a league wiUi Ptolemy, and gave
him liis daughter Cleopatra to wife, and
yielded up to him CclesyrLa, and Samaria,
and Judea, and Phcenicia, by way of dowry ;
and upon tlie division of the taxes between
the two kings, all the principal men framed
the taxes of their several countries, and col-
lecting ttie sum that was settled fur tlicm,
paid the same to the [two) kings. Now at
this time the Samaritans were in a ffourisliinii'
condition, and much diNtressed the Jews, cut-
ting off parts of their land, and carrying off
slaves. This happened wlien Oiiia^ was
high-priest ; for afier Eleazar's death, his
uncle Manasseh took the priest-hood, and
a/'ter he tiad ended his life, Onias received
that dignity. He was the son of .Simon, who
was calleil The Just ; wliich Simon was tlie
brother of Eleazar, as I said before. Tliis
Onias was one of a little soul, and a great
lover of money ; and for that reason, because
he did not pay that tax of twenty talents of
silver, which his forefathers paid to these
kings, out of their own estates, fie provoked
king Ptolemy Euergetes to anger, who was
the father of Philo])ater. Euergetes sent an
ambassador to Jerusalem, and complained
that Onias did not pay his taxes, and threat-
ened, that if lie did not receive them, he
would seize upon tlieir land, and send sol-
diers to live upon it. When the Jews heard
this message of the king, they were confound-
ed ; but so sordidly covetous was Onias, that
nothing of this nature made him ashamed.
2. There was now one Joseph, young in
age, but of great reputation among the peo-
ple of Jerusalem, for gravity, prudence, and
justice. His father's name was Tobias; and
his mother was the sister of Onias tlie high,
priest, who informed him of the coming of
the ambassador; for he was then sojourning
at a village named Phicol,* where he was born.
Hereupon he came to the city [Jerusalem], and
reproved Onias for not taking care of the pre-
servation of his countrymen, but bringing tfie
nation into dangers, by not paying this money.
For which preservation of them, he told him he
liad received the authority over them, and had
been made high-priest ; but that, in case he
was so great a lover of money, as to endure
to see his country in danger on that account,
and his countrymen suffer tlie greatest da-
mages, he advised him to go to the king, and
petition him to remit either the whole or a
part of tlie sura demanded. Onias's answer
was this: — That lie did not care for his au-
thority, and that he was ready, if the thing
were practicable, to lay down his high-priest-
hood ; and that he would not go to the king,
because he troubled not himself at all about
such matters. Joseph then asked him if he
would not give him leave to go ambassador
on behalf of the nation; he replied, tliat he
would give him leave. L'|)on which Joseph
went up into the temjjle, and called the mul-
titude together to a congregation, and exhort-
ed tliem not to be disturbed nor affrighted, be-
cause of Ills uncle Onias's carelessness, but
• The name of thli place, Phlcol, Is the ^-er^• same
with that of the chief captain of Abimclech's host, in
the ilays of Abraham ((ien. xxi, ifS), and might |>ossibly
be the plni-e of that Phii-ol's nativity or abode : for it
scoMi.s to liavc been in Uie south ]>art of raltstine, at
that was.
J~
"\,
CHAP. IV.
desired them to be at rest, and not terrify
themselves with fear about it; for he pro-
mised them that he would be their ambassa-
dor to the king, and persuade him that they
had done him no wrong ; and when the mul-
titude heard this, they returned thanks to Jo-
seph. So he went down from the temple,
and treated Ptolemy's ambassador in an hos-
pitable manner. He also presented him with
rich gifts, and feasted him magnificently for
many days, and then sent him to the king
before him, and told him that he w^ould soon
follow him ; for he was now more willing to
go to the king, by the encouragement of the
ambassador, who earnestly persuaded him to
come into Egypt, and promised him that he
would take care that he should obtain every
thing that he desired of Ptolemy ; for he was
highly pleased with his frank, and liberal
temper, and with the gravity of his deport-
ment.
3. "When Ptolemy's ambassador was come
into Egypt, he told the king of the thought-
less temper of Onias ; and informed him of
the goodness of the disposition of Joseph ;
and that he was coming to him, to excuse the
multitude, as not having done him any harm,
for that he was their patron. In short, he
was so very large in his encomiums upon the
young man, that he disposed both the king
and his wife Cleopatra to have a kindness for
him before he came. So Joseph sent to his
friends at Samaria, and borrowed money of
them ; and got ready what was necessary for
his journey, garments and cups, and beasts
for burden, which amounted to about twenty
thousand drachmae, and went to Alexandria.
Now it happened that at this time all tlie prin-
cipal men and rulers went up out of the cities
of Syria and Phoenicia, to bid for their taxes ;
for every year the king sold them to the men
of the greatest power in every city. So these
men saw Joseph journeying on the way, and
laughed at him for his poverty and meanness ;
but when he came to Alexandria, and heard
that king Ptolemy was at Memphis, he went
up thither to meet with him ; which happened
as the king was sitting in his chariot, with his
wife, and with his friend Athenion, who was
thevery person who had been ambassador at Je-
rusalem, and had been entertained by Joseph.
As soon therefore as Athenion saw him, he
presently made him known to the king, how
good and generous a young man he was.
So Ptolemy saluted him first, and desired him
to come up into his chariot; and as Joseph
sat there, he began to complain of the ma-
nagement of Onias : to which he answered,
" Forgive him, on account of his age ; for
thou canst not certainly be unacquainted with
this, that old men and infants have their minds
exactly alike ; but thou shalt have from us,
who are young men, everything thovj^desirest,
and shalt have no cause to complain." With
\his good lumiour and pleasantry of the voung
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
323
man, the king was so delighted, that he began
already, as though he had had long experience
of him, to have a still greater affection for
him, insomuch that he bade him take his diet
in tlie king's palace, and be a guest at his own
table every day ; but when the king was come
to Alexandria, the principal men of Syria saw
him sitting with the king, and were much of-
fended at it.
4. And when the day came on which the
king was to let the taxes of the cities to farm,
and those that were the principal men of dig-
nity in their several countries were to bid for
them, the sum of the taxes together, of Cele-
syria and Phoenicia, and Judea, with Samaria
[as they were bidden for], came to eight thou-
sand talents. Hereupon Joseph accused the
bidders, as having agreed together to estimate
the value of the taxes at too low a rate ; and
he promised that he would himself give twice
as much for them ; but for those who did not
pay, he would send the king home their whole
substance ; for this privilege was sold toge-
ther with the taxes themselves. The king
was pleased to hear that offer ; and, because
it augmented his revenues, he said he would
confirm the sale of the taxes to him ; but when
he asked him this question, whether he had
any sureties that would be bound for the pay-
ment of the money, he answered very plea-
santly, " I will give such security, and those
of persons good and responsible, and which
you shall have no reason to distrust:" and
when he bade him name them, who they were,
he replied, " I give thee no other persons, O
king, for my sureties, than thyself, and this
thy wife ; and you shall be security for both
parties." So Ptolemy laughed at the proposal,
and granted him the farming of the taxes with-
out any sureties. This procedure was a
sore grief to those that came from the cities
into Egypt, who were utterly disappointed ;
and they returned every one to their own
country with shame.
5. But Joseph took with him two thousand
foot-soldiers from the king, for he desired he
might have some assistance, in order to force
such as were refractory in the cities to pay.
And borrowing of the king's friends at Alex-
andria five hundred talents, he made haste
back into Syria. And when he was at Askelon,
and demanded the taxes of the people of Aske-
lon, they refused to pay any thing, and
affronted liiui also : upon which he seized
upon about twenty of the principal men, and
slew them, and gathered what they had toge-
ther, and sent it all to the king ; and informed
him what he had done. Ptolemy admired the
prudent conduct of the man, and commended
him for what he had done ; and gave him
leave to do as he pleased. When the Syrians
heard of this, they were astonished ; and hav-
ing before them a sad example in the men of
Askelon that were slain, they opened tlieir
gates, and willingly admitted Joseph, and paid
■^
824
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BUOK \II
tluir taxes. And when the inhabitants of Scy-
thopolis attcini)tc'il to aflront liim, and would
not pay him those taxos wliicli tliey formerly
used to pay, without disputing about them, he
slew also the principal men of that city, and
sent their eflFccts to the king. By this means
he gathered great wealth together, and made
vast gains by tliis farming of the taxes; and
he made use of what estate he had thus gotten,
in order to support his authority, as thinking
it a piece of prudence to keep what had been
the occasion and foundation of liis present
good fortune; and this he did by the assist-
ance of what he was already possessed of, for
he privately sent many presents to the king,
and to Cleopatra, and to their friends, and to
all that were powerful about the court, and
tlicrcby purchased their good-will to himself.
6. This good fortune he enjoyed for twen-
ty-two years ; and was become the father of
seven sons by one wife ; he had also another
son, whose name was Hyrcanus, by his bro-
ther Solymius's daughter, whom he married
on the following occasion. He once came
to Alexandria with his brother, who had along
with him a daughter already marriageable, in
order to give licr in wedlock to some of the
Jews of chief dignity there. He then supped
with the king, and falling in love with an ac-
tress that was of great beauty, and came into
the room where they feasted, he told his bro-
ther of it, and entreated him, because a Jew
is forbidden by their law to come near to a
foreigner, to conceal his offence, and to be
kind and sybservient to him, and to give him
«i opportunity of fulfilling his desires. Upon
.vhich his brother willingly entertained the
proposal of serving him, and adorned his own
daughter, and brought her to him by night,
and put her into his bed. And Joseph being
disordered with drink, knew not who she was,
and so lay with his brother's daughter ; and
this did he many times, and loved her ex-
ceedingly ; and said to his brother, that he
loved this actress so well, that he should run
the hazard of his life [if he must part with
her], and yet probably the king would not
give him leave [to take her with him]. But
his brother bade him be in no concern about
that matter, and told him he might enjoy her
whom lie loved without any danger, and
might have her for his wife ; and opened the
truth of tlie matter to him, and assured him
that he chose rather to have his own daughter
abused, than to overlook him, and iee him
come to [public] disgrace. So Joseph com-
mended him for this his brotherly love, and
married his daughter ; and by her begat a son
whose name was Hyrcanus, as we said before.
And when this his youngest son showed, at
thirteen years old, a mind that was botli cou-
rageous and wise, and was greatly envied by
liis l)rethrcn, as being of a genius much above
them, and such a one as they might well envy,
Josepli had once a mind to know whicli of
^1
his sons had the best disposition to virtue;
and when lie sent them severally to those tliat
had then tlie best reputation for instructing
youth, the rest of his children, by reason of
their sloth, and unwillingness to take pains,
returned to him foolish and unlearned. Af-
ter them he sent out tlie youngest, Hyrcanus,
and gave him three hundred yoke of oxen,
and bid him go two days' journey into the
wilderness, and sow the land there, and yet
kept back privately the yokes of the oxen that
coupled them together. When Hyrcanus
came to the place, and found he had no yokes
with him, he contemned the drivers of the
oxen, who advised him to send some to his
father, to bring them some yokes; but he
thinking that he ought not to lose his time
while they should be sent to bring him the
yokes, he invented a kind of stratagem, and
what suited an age elder than his own ; for
he slew ten yoke of the oxen, and distributed
their flesh among the labourers, and cut their
hides into several pieces, and made him yokes,
and yoked the oxen together with them ; bj
which means he sowed as much land as his
father had appointed him to sow, and return
cd to him. And when he was come back, his
father was mightily pleased with his sagacity,
and commended the sharpness of his under-
standing, and his boldness in what he did.
And he still loved him the more, as if he
were his only genuine son, while his brethren
were much troubled at it.
7. But when one told him that Ptolemy
had a son just born, and that all the principal
men of Syria, and the other countries subject
to him, were to keep a festival on account of
the child's birth-day, and went away in haste
with great retinues to Alexandria, he was him-
self indeed hindered from going by old age ;
but he made trial of his sons, whether any
of them would be willing to go to the king.
And when the elder sons excused themselves
from going, and said they wore not courtiers
good enough for such conversation, and ad-
vised him to send their brother Hyrcanus, he
gladly hearkened to that advice, and called
Hyrcanus, and asked him, whether he would
go to the king ; and whether it was agreeable
to him to go or not. And upon his promise
that he would go, and his saying that he
slnould not want much money for his journey,
because he would live moderately, and that
ten thousand drachma; would be sufficient, he
was ideasod with his son's prudence. After
a little wliile, the son advised his father not
to send his presents to the king from thence,
but to give him n letter to his steward at
Alexandria, that he might furnish him with
money, for purchasing what should be most
excellent and most precious. So he thinking
that the expense often talents would be enough
for jiresents to be made to the king, and com-
mending his son, as giving him good advice,
wrote to Arion his steward, that managed all
s
"V.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. IV.
his money matters at Alexandria; which mo-
ney was not less than three thousand talents
on his account, for Joseph sent the money he
received in Syria to Alexandria. And when
the day appointed for the payment of the
taxes to the king came, he wrote to Arion to
pay them. So when the son had asked his
father for a letter to this steward, and had re-
ceived it, he made haste to Alexandria. And
when he was gone, his brethren wrote to all the
king's friends, that they should destroy him.
8. But when he was come to Alexandria,
he delivered his letter to Arion, who asked
him how many talents he would have (hoping
he would ask for no more than ten, or a little
more) ; he said, he wanted a thousand ta-
lents. At which the steward was angry, and
rebuked him, as one that intended to live ex-
travagantly ; and he let him know how his fa-
ther had gathered together his estate by pains-
taking and resisting his inclinations, and
wished him to imitate the example of his fa-
ther : he assured him withal, that he would
give him but ten talents, and that for a pre-
sent to the king also. The son was irritated
at this, and threw Arion into prison. But
when Arion's wife had informed Cleopatra of
tliis, with her intreaty, that she would rebuke
the child for what he had done (for Arion was
m great esteem with her), Cleopatra informed
the king of it. And Ptolemy sent for Ilyr-
canus, and told him that he wondered, when
he was sent to him by his father, that he had
not yet come into his presence, but had laid
the steward in prison. And he gave order,
therefore, that he should come to him, and
give an account of the reason of what he had
done. And they report, that the answer he
made to the king's messenger was this; That
" there was a law of his that forbade a child
that was born to taste of the sacrifice, before
he had been at the temple and sacrificed to
God. Accordiniz to which way of reasoning,
he did not himself come to him in expectation
of the present he was to make to him, as to
one who had been his father's benefactor ; and
that he had punished the slave for disobeying
his commands, for that it mattered not whe-
ther a master was little or great : so that un-
less we punish such as these, thou thyself
mayest also expect to be despised by thy sub-
jects." Upon hearing this his answer, he fell
a-laughing, and wondered at the great soul
of the child.
9. When Arion was apprised that this was
the king's disposition, and that he had no way
to help himself, he gave the child a thousand
talents, and was let out of prison. So after
three days were over, Hyrcanus came and
saluted the king and queen. They saw him
with pleasure, and feasted him in an obliging
manner, out of the respect they bare to his
father. So lie came to the merchants privately,
and bought a hundred boys, that had learning,
and were in the Cower of their ages, each at
323
a talent apiece; as also he bought a hundred
maidens, each at the same price as tlie other.
And when he was invited to feast with the
king among the principal men of the country,
he sat down the lowest of them all, because
he was little regarded, as a child in age still ;
and this by those who placed every one ac-
cording to their dignity. Now when all those
that sat with him had laid the bones of the
several parts in a heap before Hyrcanus ^for
they had themselves taken away the flesh be-
longing to them), till the table where he sat was
filled full with them, Trypho, who was the king's
jester, and was appointed for jokes and laugh-
ter at festivals, was now asked by the guests
that satatthe table [to expose him to laughter].
So he stood by the king, and said, " Dost thou
not see, my lord, the bones that lie by Hyr-
canus ? by this similitude thou mayest con-
jecture that his father made all Syria as bare
as he hath made these bones." And the king
laughing at what Trypho said, and asking of
Hyrcanus, How he came to have so many
bones before him ? he replied, " Very right-
fully, my lord ; for they are dogs that eat the
flesh and the bones together, as these thy guests
have done (looking in the mean time at those
guests), for there is nothing before them ; but
they are men that eat the flesh, and cast away
the bones, as I, who am also a man, have now
done." Upon which the king admired at his
answer, which was so wisely made ; and bade
them all make an acclamation, as a mark of
their approbation of his jest, which was truly a
facetious one. On the next day Hyrcanus
went to every one of the king's friends, and
of the men powerful at court, and saluted
them ; but still inquired of the servants what
present they would make the king on his son's
birth-day ; and when some said that they
would give twelve talents, and that others of
greater dignity would every or.e give accord-
ing to the quantity of their riches, he pretend-
ed to every one of tiiem to be grieved that he
was not able to bring so large a present ; for that
he had no more than five talents. And when
the servants heard what he said, they told their
masters ; and they rejoiced in the prospect
that Joseph would be disapproved, and woidd
make the king angry, by the smallness of his
present. When the day came, the others, even
those that brought the most, oflfered the king
not above twenty talents ; but Hyrcanus gave
to every one of the hundred boys and hundred
maidens that he had bought a talent apiece,
for them to carry, and introduced them, the
boys to the king, and the maidens to Cleo-
patra : every body wondering at (he unexpect-
ed richness of the presents, even the king
and queen themselves. He also presented
those tliat attended about the king with gifts
to the value of a great number of talents,
that he might escape the danger he was in
from them ; for to these it was that Hyrca-
nus's brethren had written to aestroy him.
-/■
V
326
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
Now rtolcmy Bflmirtd at tlie young tnaii's
magnanimity, and commanded liim to ask
what gift lie plcasi-d. But lie dt'sircd nothing
else to ho done for iiini hy the king ttian to
write to his father and brethren ahout him.
So when tiie king had |)aid liim very great re-
spects, and had given him very large gifts, and
had written to his father and iiis brethren, and
all his commanders and officers, about him, he
sent him away. But when his brethren iieard
that Hyrcaiuis had received such favours from
the king, and was returning liome witli great
honour, tlicy went out to meet him, aiul to
destroy him, and that with the privity of tiieir
father : for lie w as angry at him for the [large]
sum of money that he bestowed for presents,
and so had no concern for his preservation.
However, Joseph concealed the anger he had
at his son, out of fear of the king. And
when Ilyrca lus's brediren caine to figi)t bin),
he slew many others of those that were with
them, as also two of his brethren themselves;
but the rest of them escaped to Jerusalem to
their father. But when Hyrcanus came to
the city, where nobody would receive him, he
was afraid for himself, and retired beyond
the river Jordan, and there abode ; but oblig-
ing the Barbarians to pay their taxes.
10. At this time Seleucus, who was called
Soier, reigned over Asia, being the son of
Antio-hus the Great. And [now] Hyrca-
nus's father, Joseph, died. He was a good
man, and of great magnanimity ; and brought
the jews out of a state of poverty and mean-
ness, to one that was more splendid. He
retained the farm of the taxes of Syria, and
Phoenicia, and Samaria, twenty-two years.
His uncle also, Onias, died [about this time],
and let't the high-priesthood (o his son Simon.
And when he was dead, Onias his son suc-
ceeded him in that dignity. To him it was
that Areus, king of the Lacedemonians, sent
an embassage, with an epistle; the copy wliere-
of here follows : —
" AllEl'S, KING OF THE LACF.DKMONIANS, TO
O.MAS, SENUETH GKEEIING.
" We have met with a certain writing,
whereby we Imvu discovered that l)oth tiie
Jews and the Lacedemonians are of one stock,
and are derived from the kindred of Abra-
ham.* It is but just, therefore, that you,
» Whence it comes that tliesc Lacedemonians declare
themsthcs here to be of kin to the Jews, as derived
I'roin the same aiutstor, Abraliarn, 1 nuiiiut tell, unless,
as firotius supiMjses, tlu y were derived I'riim the Durcs,
that came of iho I'ela-yi. 'Ilicsc are, by Herodotus,
called UailMriaiis; ar.d perhaps were derived from the
Syrians and .Arabians, ihc }>osterity of Abraham hy
Keturah. Sc-c Aiitiq. 1>. xiv, eh. x, Kx-t. '-'-' ; and Of the
War, b. i, ch. xxvi, sect. I ; and (irot. on I M.ic. xil, 7-
We may fartlier ebservc, from the ItCLdcmlions oi Cle-
ment, that Kluzer, of Damascus, the jcrxant of Abra-
ham, Gen. XV. '.', and xxiv, was of old by some takcti
for his son. So Uiat if the Laeedcmoniuiis were sprung
from him, ihiv might think ihcmsehes to be of the
posterity of Aliiaham, us well as the Jews, who were
tprung tiuin Isaac And {icrhaps tlus Eliezcr of IM
"V
BOOK XII
who are our brethren, should send to us about
any of your concerns as you jilease. We will
also do the same thing, and esteem your con-
cerns as our own, and will look upon our
concerns as in common with yours. Demo
tole.s, who brings you liiis letter, will bring
your answer back to us. This letter is four
square ; and the seal is an eagle, with a dra-
gon in liis claws."
II. And these were the contents of iha
epistle which was sent from the king of the
Lacedemonians. But upon the death of Jo-
seph, the pco|)le grew seditious, on account
of his sons ; for whereas the elders made war
against Hyrcanus, who was the youngest of
Josejih's sons, the multitude was divided, but
the greater part joined with the elders in this
war ; as did Simon the high-priest, by reason
he was of kin to them. However, Hyrcanus
determined not to return to Jerusalem any
more, but seated himself beyond Jordan, and
was at perpetual war with the Arabians, and
slew many of them, and took many of them
captives. He also erected a strong castle, and
built it entirely of white stone to the very
roof, and had animals of a prodigious mag-
nitude engraven upon it. He also drew round
it a great and deep canal of water. He also
made caves of many furlongs in length, by
hollowing a rock that was over against him;
and tlien he made large rooms in it, some for
feasting, and some for sleeping, and living in.
He introduced also a vast rjuantity of waters
which ran along it, and which were very de-
lightful and ornamental in the court. But
still he made the entrances at the mouth of
the caves so narrow, that no Jiiore than one
person could enter by them at once. And
the reason why he built them after that man-
ner was a good one ; it was for his own pre-
servation, lest he should be besieged by his
brethren, and run ilie hazard of being caught
by them. Moreover, he built courts of greater
magnitude than ordinary, which he adorned
«itli vastly large gardens. And when lie had
i)rought the place to this state, he named it
Tyre. This place is between Arabia and Ju-
dea, beyond Jordan, not far from the country
of Heshbon. And he ruled over tliosc parts
for bcven years, even all the time that Seleu-
cus was king of Syria. Bui when he was
dead, his brother Antiochus, who was culled
Kpiphanes, took the kingdom. I'tolemy also,
the king of Egypt, died, who was besides
called Epiplianes. He left two sons, and
both young in age ; the elder of whom was
called Philometer, and the younger I'hyscon.
As for Hyrcanus, when he saw that Aniiuehus
mnsciis is that very nam.Tsous whom Trogus Pompeiut,
as abridged bv Justin, makes the founder of the Jewish
nalioii itself, ihou;;!. heaflerwards blunders, and makes
A/tlus, Adi.re-, Abraliaiii, anil I.racI, kin!;s of Judca,'
and sucves^~ors to this I)aiiia'-<-us. It may not l)c impnv
iicr to ob>er\e larther, that .Mo.-is fiiorenensis, in his
nislory of the Armenians, informs us, that the nation
of the I'arihians was also derived from Abraham, bv
Keiiirah, aud her ehildiuii.
y
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. V.
nad a great army, and feared lest he should
be caught by him, and brought to punishment
for what he had done to the Arabians, he
ended his life, and slew himself with his own
hand ; while Antiochus seized upon all his
substance.
CHAPTER V.
HOW, I'PON THE QUARRELS OF THE JEWS ONE
AGAINST ANOTHER ABOUT THE HIGH-PUIEST-
HOOD, ANTIOCHUS MADE AN EXPEDITION
AGAINST JERUSALEM, TOOK THE CITY, AND
PILLAGED THE TEMPLE, AND DISTRESSED
THE JEWS : AS ALSO, HOW MANY Of THE
JEWS FORSOOK THE LAWS OF THEIR COUN-
TRY ; AND HOW THE SAMARITANS lOLLOW-
ED THE CUSTOMS OF THE GREEKS, AND
NAMED THEIR TEJIPLE AT MOUNT GERIZ-
ZIM, THE TEMPLE OF JUPITER HELLENIUS.
§ 1. About this time, upon the death of
Onias the high-priest, they gave the high-
priesthood to Jesus his brother ; for that son
which Onias left [or Onias IV.] was yet but
an infant: and, in its proper place, we will
inform the reader of all the circumstances that
befel this child. But this Jesus, who was the
brother of Onias, was deprived of the high-
priesthood by the king, who was angry with
bim, and gave it to his younger brother, whose
name also was Onias; for Simon had these
three sons, to each of wliom the priesthood
came, as we have already informed the rea-
der.* This Jesus changed his name to Ja-
son ; but Onias was called IMenelaus. Now
as the former high-priest, Jesus, raised a se-
dition against Menelaus, who was ordained
after him, the multitude were divided between
them both. And the sons of Tobias tooii the
part of Menelaus, but the greater part of the
people assisted Jason : and by tliat means
Menelaus and the sons of Tobias were dis
tressed, and retired to Antiochus, and inform-
ed him, that they were desirous to leave the
laws of their country, and the Jewisli way of
living according to tiiom, and to follow the
king's laws, and the Grecian way of living :
• We have hitherto had but a few of tliose many ci-
tations where Josephus says that he hatl elsewhere'for-
merjy treated of many things of which yet his present
books have not a syllable. Our commentators have
hitherto been able to give no tolcralile account of these
citations, which are far too numerous, and that usually
in all his copies, both Greek and Latin, to be sujiposed
later interpolations ; which is almost all that has been
hitherto said upon this occasion. What I liave to say
farther is this, that we have but very few of these re-
ferences before, and very many in and after the history
of AntiooKus Eiiiphanes; and that Josciihus s first bo.>k,
the Hebrew or Chaldee, as well as the Greek History of
the Jewish War, long since lost, began with that very
history, so that the references are most probably made
to that edition of the seven books Of the War. See
several other examples, besides those, in the two sec-
tions before us, in Antiq. b. xiii, ch. ii, sect. 1, 1 ; ar.d
eh. iv, sect. 6, 8; ch. v, sect. C, 11; ch. viii, sect, -i;
and ch. xiii, sect. 4, 5 ; and Antiq. b. xviii, ch. il? sect 5.
327
wherefore they desired his permission to build
them a Gj'tnnasium at Jerusalem, f And
when he had given them leave, they also hid
the circumcision of their genitals, that even
when they were naked they miglit appear to
be Greeks. Accordingly, they left ofl' all the
customs that belonged to their own country,
and imitated the practices of the other na
tions.
2. Now Antiochus, upon the agreeable
situation of the affairs of his kingdom, re-
solved to make an expedition against Egypt,
both because he had a desire to gain it, and
because he contemned the son of Ptolemy, as
now weak, and not yet of abilities to manage
aflairs of such consequence; so he came with
great forces to Pelusium, and circumvented
Ptolemy Philometor by treachery, and seized
upon Egypt. He then came to the places
about Memphis ; and when he had taken
them, he made haste to Alexandria, in hopes
of taking it by siege, and of subduing Ptole-
my, who reigned there. But he was driven
not only from Alexandria, but out of all
Egypt, by the declaration of the Romans,
who charged him to let that country alone.
Accordingly, as I have elsewhere fonnerly de-
clared, I will now give a particular account
of what concerns this king, — how he subdued
Judea and the teinple ; for in my former work
I mentioned those things very briefly, and
have therefore now thought it necessary to
go over that history again, and that with greal
accuracy.
3. King Antiochus returning out of Egypt,|
for fear of tlie Romans, made an expedition
against the city Jerusalem ; and wlien he was
there, in the hundred and forty-third year of
the kingdom of the Seleucidae, he took the
city without fighting, those of his own party
opening the gates to him. And when he had
gotten possession of Jerusalem, lie slew many
of the opposite party ; and when he had plun-
dered it of a greal deal of money, he returned
to Antioch.
4. Now it came to pass, after two years,
in the hundred and forty-fifth year, on tiie
twenty-fifth day of that month which is by us
called Chasleu, and by the Macedonians Ap-
peleus, in the hundred and fifty-third olym-
piad, that tlie king came up to Jerusalem,
and, pretending peace, he got possession of
t This word, " Gymnasium," properly denotes a
place where the exercises wereprrlormen naktd ; which,
because it would naturally distinguish circumcised Jews
from uncircumcised Gentiles, these Jewish apostates en-
deavoured to appear uncircumcised, by means of a
chirurgical operation, hinted at by St. I'aul, 1 Cor. vii
18, and described by Cclsus, b. vii, en. xxv, as Dr. HuiK
son here informs us.
X Hereabout Josephus begins to follow the first book
of tlie Maccabees, a most excellent and most authentic
history ; and accordingly it is here with great fidelity
and exactness abridged by him : between whose present
copies there seem to be fewer variations than in any other
sacred Hebrew book of the Old Testament whatever
(for this book .ilso was origin.illy written in Hebrew),
which is very natural, because it was written so mucb
nearer to the time of Josephus than the rest were.
J-
3^8
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BUOK XII
tlie city by tronehery : at which time he spar-
ed not so niiich as those that admitted him
into it, on account of the riches that lay in
the temple; but, led by his covetous inclina-
tion (for he saw there vas in it a great deal
of gold, and many ornaments that liad been
dedicated to it of very great value), and in
souls, did not regard him, but did pay a
greater respect to the customs of their coun-
try ihan concern as to the |)uiiisliment which lie
threatened to the disobedient ; on which ac-
count they every day uinlerwent great mise-
ries and bitter torments ; for they were whip.
j)ed with rods, and their bodies were torn to
order to plunder its wealth, ne ventured to pieces, and were crucified while they were
break the league he had made. So he left
the temple hare, and took away the golden
candlesticks, and the golden altar [of incense',
and tal)le [of shew.biead\ and the altar [of
burnt-otl'eiing ; and did not abstain from
even the veils, which were made of tine linen
and scarlet. He also emptied it of its secret
treasures, and left nothing at all remaining;
and by this means cast the Jews into great
till alive and breathed : they also strangled
those women and their sons whom they had
circumcised, as the king had appointed, hang-
ing their sons about their necks as they were
ujion the crosses. And if there were any
sacred book of the law found, it was destroy-
ed ; and those with whom they were found,
miseral)ly perished also.
5. Wlien the Samaritans saw the Jews un-
lamentation, for he forbade them to oHcr der these sufllrings, i hey no longer confessed
those daily sacrifices which they used to od'ir that lliey were of their kindred, nor that the
to God, according lo the law. And when
he had pilkiged the whole city, some of the
inhabitants he slew, and some he carried cap-
tive, together with llieir wives and children,
so that the multitude of those captives that
were taken alive amounted to about ten thou-
temple on Mount Gerizzim belonged to W
mighty God. This was according to their
nature, as we have already shown. And they
now said that they were a colony of Medes
and Persians : and indeed they were a colony
of theirs. So they sent ambassadors to An-
sand. He also burnt down the fiiiest build- tiochus, and an ti)istle, whose contents are
ings; and when he had overthrown the city-
walls, he built a citadel in the lower part of
the city,* for the piace was high, and over-
looked the temple, on which account he for-
tified it with high walls and towers, and put
into it a garrison of ^Macedonians. How-
ever, in that citadel dwelt the impious and
these : — " To king Aniioclius the god, Epi-
phanes, a memorial from the Sidonians, who
live at Shechem. Our forefathers, irpon cer-
tain frequent plagues, and as following a cer-
tain ancient superstition, had a custom of ob-
serving that day which by the Jews is called
the Sabbath. •)• And when they had erected a
wicked part of the [.Jewish] multitude, from temi)le at the mountain called Gerizzii
whom it proved that the citizens sulT'ered though without a name, they ofi'ercd upon it
many and sore calamities. And when the the ])roper sacrifices. Now, upon the just
king had built an idol altar upon God's altar, ! treatment of these wicked Jews, those that
he slew swine upon it, and so oti'ered a sacri- ' manage their attairs, supposing that we were
fice neither according to the law, nor the
Jewish religious worship in that country. He
also conjpelled them to forsake the worship
of kin to them, and practised as they do, make
us liable to the same accusations, although
we are originally Sidonians, as is evident
which they paid their own God, and to adore | from the public records. We therefore be-
those whom he took to be gods ; and made ' seech thee, our beiufactor and saviour, to
them build temples, and raise idol altars, in give order to Apolloniiis, the governor of this
every city and village, and oiler swine upon part of the country, and to Nicanor, the pro-
them every day. He also conjmanded them curator of thy atl'airs, to give us no (iisturb-
not to circiuiicisc their sons, and threatened ance, nor to lay to our charge what the Jews
to punish aiiy that should be found to have i are accused for, since we are aliens from
transgressed his injunction. He also ap- their nation and from their customs ; but let
pointed overseers, who should compel them our ten;ple, which at present hath no name
to do v^hat he commanded. And indeed at all, be named the Temple of Jupiter Hei-
many Jews there were v. !:o complied with the lenius. If this were once done, we should
king's conmiands, eitiiti voluntarily, or out be no longer disturbed, but shoidd be more
of fear of the penalty that was denounced : \ intent on our own occupation with quietness,
but the best men, and those of the noblest | and so bring in a greater revenue to thee."
I When tlic Samaritans had petitioned for this,
• Thiscit.itlcl,of whicliwclmesnch fri-(,iiriit inon-l tiic king sent them back the following an-
)n in tlic tullowiiig liistury, Ixjln 111 llic MaiviilKis and I . ° . . ,, .-• , •
isephus, scemsto |i.ivi- U'cn a castU- Ijinlioii a lull, ;swer in an epistle :—" King Antioclius to
Nicanor. The Sidonians, wlio live at She-
chem, have sent me the memorial inclosed.
tinii I
Josepliu
lowcT than Mount '/.ion. iliouRh upon its skills, ami ! Jijicanor. The Sidonians, wlio live at She-
hipiiir Ihan Mount Morinli, but Ixlwcfn thi-ni bo(li;|
which lull ihe ( ncmits oi 'he Jr«s now got iios^ession
of, anil liiiilt on It tl-.i.< citadel, and roriM'icil it, till a
^ood while afterwards the .lews reKaincsl it, deiii(ili>hed
It, and levelled the hill itsc-lf with the common ground,
that thtir enemies might no more recover it, and might
thence overlook the temple it>elf, and do them mch
mischief as ihey I'lul lung undergone from it. Aniiq.
b xiii, cli. vi, sccu ti. ,
t This allegation of the Samaritans Is remarkable,
that though llicy were not Jews, yet did Ihi'V, from an-
cient times, oliservc the .'^abl)iith-day, and, as they tisiv
where pretend, the Sablxitic \'ear'aliO. Anliii. b. xi,
"li viii, sect. 6.
^
CHAP. VI.
When, therefore, we were advising with our
friends about it, the messengers sent by them
represented to us that they are no way con-
cerned with accusations which belong to the
Jews, but choose to live after the customs of
the Greeks. Accordingly, we declare them
free from such accusations, and order that,
agreeable to their petition, their temple be
nauied the Temple of Jupiter Hellenius."
He also sent the like epistle to Apollonius,
the governor of that part of the country, in the
forty-sixth year, and the eighteenth day of the
month Hecatombeon,
CHAPTER VI.
HOW, UPOK ANTIOCHUS'S PROHIEITON TO THE
JEWS TO MAKE USE OF THE LAWS OF THEIR
COUNTRY, MATTATHIAS, THE SON OF ASA-
MONEUS, ALONE DESPISED THE KING, AND
OVERCAME THE GENERALS OF ANTIOCHUS's
ARMY : AS ALSO CONCERNING THE DEATH
OF MATTATHIAS, AND THE SUCCESSION OF
JUDAS.
§ 1. Now at this time there was one whose
name was Mattathias, who dwelt at Modin,
the son of John, the son of Simeon, the sou of
Asamoneus, a priest of the order of Joarib,
and a citizen of Jerusalem. He had five
sons ; John, who was called Gaddis, and Si-
mon, who was called Matthes, and Judas,
who was called Maccabeus,* and Eleazar,
who was called xluran, and Jonathan, who
was called Apphus. Now this Mattathias
lamented to his children the sad state of their
affairs, and the ravage made in the city, and
the plundering of the temple, and (he cala-
mities the multitude were under; and he told
them that it was better for them to die for
the laws of their country, than to live so in-
gloriously as they then did.
2. But when those that were appointed by
the king were come to Modin, that they might
compel the Jews to do what they were com-
manded, and to enjoin those that were there
to offer sacrifice, as the king had commanded,
they desired that Mattathias, a person of the
greatest character among them, both on other
accounts, and particularly on account of such
a numerous and so deserving a family of cliil-
dren, would begin the sacrifice, because his
fellow-citizens would follow his example, and
because such a procedure would make him
» That thij appeUation of Maccabec was not first of
sll given to Judas Maccabeus, nor was derived from any
initial letters of the Hebrew words on his banner, " Mi
Kamoka Be Klim, Jehovah ?" (" Who is like unto thee
among the gods, O Jehovah?") Exod. xv, 11, as the
modern Rabbins vainly pretend, see Authent. Rec.
jiart i, p. 2(1.5, 206. Only we may note, by the way,
that the original name of these N^^ccabces, and their
posterity, was Asamoneans- wnieli was derived from
Asamoneus, the great-granafather of Alattatlyas, as Jo-
icphus here informs us. op
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
329
honoured by the king. But Mattathias said
that he would not do it; and that if all the
other nations would obey the commands of
Antiochus, either out of fear, or to please
him, yet would not he nor his sons leave the
religious worship of their country; but as
soon as he had ended his speech, there came
one of the Jews into the midst of them, and
sacrificed as Antiochus had commanded. At
which Mattathias had great indignation, and
ran upon him violently with his sons, who had
swords with them, and slew both the man
himself that sacrificed, and Apelles the king's
general, who compelled them to sacrifice, with
a few of his soldiers. He also overthrew the
the idol altar, and cried out, " If," said he,
" any one be zealous for the laws of his coun-
try, and for the worship of God, let him fol-
low me;" and when he had said this, he made
haste into the desert with his sons, and left
all his substance in the Tillage. Many others
did the same also, and fled with their children
and wives into the desert and dwelt in caves;
but when the king's generals heard this, they
took all the forces they then had in the cita-
del at Jerusalem, and pursued the Jews into
the desert; and when they had overtaken
them, they in the first place endeavoured to
persuade them to repent, and to choose what
was most for their advantage, and not put
them to the necessity of using them according
to the law of war ; but when they would not
comply with their persuasions, but continued
to be of a different mind, they fought against
them on the Sabbath-day, and they burnt them
as they were in the caves, without resistance,
and without so much as stopping up the en-
trances of the caves. And they avoided to
defend themselves on that day, because they
were not willing to break in upon the honour
they owed the Sabbath, even in such dis-
tresses ; for our law requires that we rest upon
that day. There were about a thousand, with
their wives and children, who were smotliered
and died in these caves : but many of those
that escaped joined themselves to Jlattathias,
and appointed him to be their ruler, who
taught them to fight even on the Sabbath-day;
and told tiiem that unless they would do so,
they would become their own enemies, byob-
serving the law [so rigorously], while their
adversaries would still assault them on this
day, and they would not then defend them-
selves; and tliat nothing could then hinder
but they must all perish without fighting
This speech persuaded them ; and this rule
continues among us to this day, that if there
be a necessity, we may fight on Sabbath-days.
So Mattathias got a great army about him,
and overthrew their idol altars, and slew those
that l)roke the laws, even all that he could
get under his power ; for many of them were
dispersed among the nations round about them
for fear of him. He also commanded that
those boys who went not yet tircumcised
330
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK XII
slioiild be circtinic-isod now ; and he drove
tliose auay tliat were appointed to liinder sucli
llieir ci^Clm1ci^iol).
3. Hut when lie had ruled one year, and
was fallen into a distemper, he tailed for his
sons, and set them round about him, and
said, " O my sons, I am going the way of all
the earth; and I recommend U< you my re-
solution, and beseech you not to be neglig'jnt
in keeping it, but to be mindful of the de-
sires of him who begat ynu, and brouglit you
up, and to preserve the customs of your coun-
try, and to recover your ancient form of go-
vernment, which is in danger of being over-
turned, and not to be carried away with those
that, either by their own inclination, or out of
necessity, betray it, but to become such sons
as are worthy of me ; to be above all force
and necessity, and so to dispose your souls,
as to be ready, when it shall be necessary, to
die for your laws , as sensible of tliis, by
just reasoning, that if God see that you are
so disposed he will not overlook you, but
will have a great value for your virtue, and
will restore to you again what you have lost,
and will return to you that freedom in which
you shall live quietly, and enjoy your own
customs. Your bodies are mortal, and sub-
ject to fate; but they receive a sort of immor-
tality, by the remeinbrance of what actions
they have done; and I would have you so in
love with this immortality, that you inay
pursue after glory, and that, when you have
undergone the greatest difficulties, you may
not scruple, for such things, to lose your lives.
I exhort you especially to agree one with an-
other ; and in what excellency any one of
you exceeds another, to yield to him so far,
iuid by tliat means to reap the advantage of
every one's own virtues. Do you then es-
teem Simon as your father, because he is a
man of extraordinary prudence, and be go-
verned by him in what counsels he gives you.
Take Maccabeus for the general of your ar-
my, because of his courage and strcngtii, for he
will avenge your nation, and will bring ven-
geance on your enemies. Admit among you
the righteous and religious, and augment their
power. '
4. When Mattathias had thus discoursed to
liis sons, and had prayed to (lod to be their
assistant, and to recover to the people their
former constitution, he ilied a little al'terwanl,
and was buried at i\lodin ; all the ])et)ple mak-
ing great lamentation for iiim. Whereupon
his son Judas took upon him tlie administra-
tion of i>ublic affairs, in theliundied and for-
ty-sixth year; and thus, by the ready assist-
ance of his brethren, and of others, Judas
cast their enemies out of thecountiy, and put
liiose of their own country to death a tio had
transgrossed its laws, and pnrilied the land of
itll the pollutions that were in it.
CIIAPTEIl VII.
now JUOAS OVKIITHIIKW THK FORCES OF APOI--
LONIIJS AND SI.KON, AND KILLED THE GE-
NEllALS OF THEIll AKiMIES THEMSELVES;
AND HOW WHEN, A LITTLE WHILE AFrEK-
WARD, LYSIAS AND GOUGIAS WEHE BEATEN,
HE WENT UP TO JEKLbALEM, AND PL'UIHED
THE TEMPLE.
§ 1. When Apollonius, the general of the
Samaritan forces, heard this, he took his ar-
my, and maile haste to go ag;;inst Judas, who
met him, and joined battle with him, and beat
him, and slew many of his men, and among
them Ajjollonius himself, their general, whose
sword, being that which he happened then to
wear, he seized upon and kcjit for himself; but
he wounded more than he slew, and took a
great deal of i)rey from the enemy's camp, and
went his way; but when Seron, who was ge-
neral of tlie army of Celesyria, heard that
many had joined themsehes to Judas, and
that he had about him an army sufficient for
fighting and for making war, he determined
to make an expedition against Iiim, as think-
ing it became Iiim to endeavour to punish
those that transgressed the king's injunctions.
He then got together an army, as large as ha
was able, and joined to it the runagate and
wicked Jews, and came against Judfls. He
then came as far as Bethoron, a village of Ju-
dea, and there pitched his camp ; upon whicli
Judas met him, and when he intended to give
him battle, he saw that his soldiers were back-
ward to fight, because their ntnnbor was small,
and because they wanted food, for they were
fasting, he encouraged them, and sdid to tliem,
that victory and conquest of enemies are not
derived from the multitude in armies, but in
the exercise of piety towards God ; and that
they had the plainest instances in their forefa-
thers, who^ I)y their righteoHsness, and exert-
ing themselves on behalf of iheir own laws,
and their own children, had frecjuently con-
quered many ten thousands, — for innocence
is the strongest army. By this speech he in-
duced his men to contemn the multitude of
the enemy, and to fall upon Seron ; and up-
on joining l).ittle with him, he beat the Syri-
ans ; and when their general fell among the
rest, they all ran away vsith speed, as tiiink-
ing that to be their best way of escaping. So
he pursued them unto the j)lain, and slew
about eight hundred of the enemy ; but the
rest escaped to the region which lay near to
the sea.
'J. When king Antiochus heard of these
things, he was veiy angry at what had hap-
pened ; so he got together all his own army,
with manv mercenaries, whom lie had hired
from the islands, ami look them with him, and
prepared tu break into Judea about the be-
CUAP. VH.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
331
ginning of the spring ; but when, upon his
mustering liis soldiers, he perceived tliat his
treasures were deficient, and there was a want
of money in them, for all the taxes were not
paid, by reason of the seditions there had been
among the nations, he having been so mag-
nanimous and so lil)eral that what lie had was
not sufficient for him, he therefore resolved
first to go into Persia, and collect the taxes
of that country. Hereupon he left one whose
name was Lysias, who was in great repute
with him, governor of the kingdom, as far as
the bounds of Egypt, and of the Lower Asia,
and reaching from the river Euphrates, and
committed to him a certain part of his forces,
and of his elephants, and charged him to bring
up his son Antiochus with all possible care,
until he came back ; and that he should con-
quer Judea, and take its inhabitants for slaves,
and utterly destroy Jerusalem, and abolish the
whole nation ; and when king Antiochus had
given these things in charge to Lysias, he
went into Persia ; and in the hundred and
forty-seventh year, he passed over Euphrates,
and went to the superior provinces.
3. Upon this Lysias chose Ptolemy, the
son of Uorymenes, and Nicanor, and Gorgias,
very potent men among the king's friends, and
delivered to them forty thousand foot-soldiers
and seven thousand horsemen, and sent them
against Judea, who came as far as the city
Emmaus, and pitched their camp in th^ plain
country. There came also to them auxiliaries
out of Syria, and the country round about ;
as also many of the runagate Jews ; and be-
sides these came some merchants to buy those
tliat should be carried captives (having bonds
with them to bind those that should be made
prisoners), with that silver and gold which they
were to pay for their price ; and when Judas
saw their camp, and how numerous their ene-
mies were, he persuaded his own soldiers to
be of good courage ; and exhorted them to
place their hopes of victory in God, and to
make supplication to him, according to the
custom of their country, clothed in sackcloth ;
and to show what was their usual habit of
supplication in the greatest dangers, and there-
by to prevail with God to grant you the victory
over your enemies. So he set them in their
ancientorder of battle used by their forefathers,
under their captains of thousands, and other
officers, and dismissed such as were newly
married, as well as those that had newly gain-
ed possessions, that they might not fight in a
cowardly manner, out of an inordinate love of
life, in order to enjoy those blessings. When
he had tlius disposed his soldiers, he encourag-
ed them to fight by the following speech,
wliich he made to them: — "O my fellow-
soldiers, no other time remains more oppor-
tune than the present for courage and con-
tempt of dangers ; for if you now fight maii-
fully, you may recover your liberty, which, as
It is a thing of itself agreeable to all liten, so it.
proves to be to us much more desirable, by
its affording us the liberty of worshipping
God. Since, therefore, you are in such cir-
cumstances at present, you must either recover
that liberty, and so regain a happy and blessed
way of living, which is that according to our
laws, and the customs of our country, or to
submit to the most opprobrious sufferings;
nor will any seed of your nation remain if you
be beat in this battle. Fight therefore man-
fully; and suppose that you must die, though
you do not fight ; but believe, that besides
such glorious rewards as those of the liberty
of your country, of your laws, of your religion,
you shall then obtain everlasting glory. Pre-
pare yourselves, therefore, and put yourselves
into such an agreeable posture, that you may
be ready to fight with the enemy as soon as it
is day to-morrow morning."
4 And this was the speech which Judas
made to encourage them. But when the ene-
my sent Gorgias, with five thousand foot and
one thousand horse, that he might fall upon
Judas by night, and had for that purpose cer-
tain of the runagate Jews as guides, the son
of Mattathias perceived it, and resolved to fall
upon those enemies that were in their camp,
now their forces were divided. When they
had therefore supped in good time, and had
left many fires in their camp, he marched all
night to those enemies that were at Emmaus ;
so that when Gorgias found no enemy in their
camp, but suspected that they were retired
and had hidden themselves among the moun--
tains, he resolved to go and seek them where-
soever they were. But, about break of day,
Judas appeared to those enemies that were at
Emmaus, with only three thousand men, and
those ill armed, by reason of their poverty ;
and when he saw the enemy very well and
skilfully fortified in their camp, he encourag-
ed the Jews, and told them, that they ought
to fight, though it were with their naked bo-
dies, for that God had sometimes of old given
such men strength and that against such as
were more in number, and were armed also,
out of regard to their great courage. So he
commanded the trumpeters to sound for the
battle : and by thus falling upon tho enemy
when they did not expect it, and thereby a-
stonishing and disturbing their minds, he slew
many of those that resisted him, and went on
pursuing the rest as fir as Gadara, and the
plains of Idumea, and Ashdod, and Jamnia:
and of these there fell. about three thousand.
Yet did Judas exhort his soldiers not to be
too desirous of the spoils, for that still they
must have a contest and battle with Gorgias,
and the forces that were with Jiim : but that
when they had once overcome them, then they
might securely plunder the camp, because
they were the only enemies remaiiiii'.g, and
they expected no others. And just as he was
speaking to his soldiers, Gorgias's men look>
ed down into that army which they left in
V,
3;^2
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEW'S.
BOOK. XII
their camp, and saw that it was overthrown,
and the camp burnt; for the smoke that a-
rose from it showed them, even when tiiey
were a great way off, what had happened.
Wlien, therefore, those that were with Gor-
gias understood tliat things were in this pos-
ture, and perceived that those that wove with
Judas were ready to fight tliem, they also
were affrighted, and put to flight; but then
Judas, as though he had already beaten Gor-
gias's soldiers without fighting, returned and
seized on the spoils. He took a great quan-
tity of gold and silver, and purple, and blue,
and then returned home with joy, and singing
hymns to God for their good success ; for this
victory greatly contributed to the recovery of
their liberty.
5. Hereupon Lysias was confounded at the
defeat of the army which he had sent, and the
next year he got together sixty thousand cho-
sen men. He also took fire thousand horse-
men, and fell upon Judea ; and he went up
to the hill country of Bethsur, a village of
Judea, and pitched his camp there, where
Judas met him with ten thousand men ; and
when he saw the great number of his enemies,
he prayed to God that he would assist him,
and joined battle with the first of the enemy
that appeared, and beat them, and slew about
five thousand cf them, and thereby became
terrible to the rest of them. Nay, indeed,
Lysias observing the great si>irit of the Jews,
how they were prepared to die rather than
lose their liberty, and being afraid of their
desperate way of fighting, as if it were real
strength, lie took the rest of the army back
with him, and returned to Antioch, where he
listed foreigners into the service, and prepared
to fall upon Judea with a greater army.
6 When, therefore, the generals of Antio-
chus's armies had been beaten so often, Judas
assembled the people together, and told them,
tliat after these many victories which God
had given them, they ought to go up to Jeru-
salem, and purify the temple, and offer the
appointed sacrifices. But as soon as he, with
the whole multitude, was come to Jerusalem,
and found the temple deserted, and its gates
burnt down, and plants growing in the tem-
ple of their own accord, on account of its de-
sertion, he and those that were with him be-
gan to lament, and were quite confounded at
the sight of tlie temple ; so he cliose out some
of his soldiers, and gave them order to fight
against those guards that were in the citadel,
until he should have purified the temple.
When therefore he had carefully purged it,
and had brought in new vessels, the candle-
stick, the taljle [of shew-bread], and the altar
[of incense], which were made of gold, he
hung up the veils at the gates, and added
doors to them. He also took down the altar
[of burnt-offering], and built a new one of
stones that he gathered together, and not of
such as were hewn with iron tools. So on
the five and twentieth day of the month Ca*.
leu, which the Macedonians call Apelleus,
they lighted the lamps that were on tlie can-
dlestick, and offered incense upon the altar
[of incense,], and laid tlie loaves upon the
table [of shew-bread], and offered burnt-offer-
ings upon the new altar [of burnt-offering].
Now it so fell out, that these things were done
on the very same day on which their divine
worship had fallen off, and was reduced to a
profane and common use, after three years'
time ; for so it was, that the temple was made
desolate by Antiochus, and so continued for
three years. This desolation happened to the
temple in the hundred forty and fifth year,
on the twenty-fifth day of the month Apel-
leus, and on the hundred and fifty-third o-
lympiad : but it was dedicated anew, on the
same day, the twenty-fifth of the month A-
pelleus, in the hundred and forty-eiglith year,
and on the hundred and fifty-fourth olympiad
And this desolation came to pass according
to the prophecy of Daniel, which was given
four hundred and eight years before; for he
declared tliat the Macedonians would dissolve
that worship [for some time].
7. Now Judas celebrated the festival of
the restoration of the sacrifices of the temple
for eight days; and omitted no sort of plea-
sures thereon : but he feasted them upon very
rich and splendid sacrifices ; and he honoured
God, and delighted them, by hymns and
psalms. Nay, they were so very glad at the
revival of their customs, when after a long
time of intermission, they unexpectedly had
regained the freedom of their worship, that
they made it a law for their posterity, that
they should keep a festival, on account of the
restoration of their temple worship, for eight
days. And from that time to this we cele-
brate this festival, and call it Lights. I sup-
pose the reason was, because this liberty be-
yond our hopes appeared to us; and that
thence was the name given to that festivaL
Judas also rebuilt the walls round about the
city, and reared towers of great height against
tlie incursions of enemies, and set guards
therein. He also fortified the city Beth-
sura, that it might serve as a citadel against any
distresses that mijfht come from our enemies.
CHAPTER VIIL
HOW JUDAS SUBDUED THE NATION'S ROUND
ABOUT ; AND HOW SIMON BEAT THE PEO-
PLE OF TYRE AND PTOI.EMAIS ; AND HOW
JUDAS OVERTHREW TIMOTHEUS, AND FORCED
IHM TO FLY AWAY, AND DID MANY OTHER
THINGS AFTER JOSEPH AND AZARIAS HAD
BEEN BEATEN.
§ 1. When these things were over, the na-
tions round about the Jews were very un
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. VIII.
easy at the revival of their power, and rose
up together, and destroyed many of them, as
gaining advantage over them by laying snares
for them, and making secret conspiracies a-
gainst them. Judas made perpetual expedi-
tions against these men, and endeavoured to
restrain them from those incursions, and to
prevent the mischiefs they did to the Jews,
So he fell upon the Iduraeans, the posterity
of Esau, at Acrabattene, and slew a great ma-
ny of them, and took their spoils. He also
shut up the sons of Bean, that laid wait for
the Jews ; and he sat down about them, and
besieged them, and burnt their towers, and
destroyed the men [that were in them]. Af-
ter this he went thence in haste against the
Ammonites, who had a great and a numerous
army, of which Timotheus was the command-
er. And when he had subdued them, he
seized on the city Jazer, and took their wives
and their children captives, and burnt the
city, and then returned into Judea. But
when the neighbouring nations understood
tint he was returned, they got together in
great numbers in the land of Gilead, and
came against those Jews that were at their
borders, who then fled to the garrison of Da-
thema ; and sent to Judas, to inform him that
, Timotheus was endeavouring to take the
place whither they were fled. And as these
epistles were reading, there came other mes-
sengers out of Galilee, who informed him that
the inhabitants of Ptolemais, and of Tyre and
Sidon, and strangers of Galilee, were gotten
together.
2. Accordingly Judas, upon considering
what was fit to be done with relation to the
necessity both these cases required, gave or-
der that Simon his brother should take three
thousand chosen men, and go to the assistance
of the Jews in Galilee, while he and another
of his brothers, Jonathan, made haste into the
land of Gilead with eight thousand soldiers.
And he left Joseph, the son of Zacharias, and
Azarias, to be over the rest of the forces ; and
charged them to keep Judea very carefully,
and to fight no battles with any persons
whomsoever until his return. Accordingly,
Simon went into Galilee, and fought the ene-
my, and put them to flight, and pursued them
to the very gates of Ptolemais, and slew about
three thousand of them, and took the spoils of
those that were slain, and those Jews whom
they had made captives, with their baggage,
and then returned home.
3. Now as for Judas Maccabeus, and his
brother Jonathan, they passed over the river
Jordan ; and when they had gone three days'
journey, they lighted upon the Nabateans, who
came to meet them peaceably, and who told
them how the afiTairs of those in the land of
Galilee stood, and how many of them were
in distress, and driven into garrisons, and in-
to the cities of Galilee ; and exhorted him to
•nake haste to <jo ajrainst tlio foreigners, and
333
to endeavour to save his own countrymen out
of their hands. To this exhortation Judas
hearkened, and returned into the wilderness ;
and in the first place fell upon the inhabitants
of Bosor, and took the city, and beat the in-
habitants, and destroyed all the males, and all
that were able to fight, and burnt the city
Nor did he stop even when night came on.
but he journeyed in it to the garrison where
the Jews happened to be then shut up, and
where Timotheus lay round the place with
his army : and Judas came upon the city in
the morning ; and when he found that the
enemy were making an assault upon the
walls, and that some of them brought ladders,
on which they might get upon those walls
and that others brought engines [to battel
them], he bid the trumpeter to sound his trum-
pet, and he encouraged his soldiers cheerful-
ly to undergo dangers for the sake of their
brethren and kindred ; he also parted his ar-
my into three bodies, and fell upon the backs
of their enemies. But when Timotheus's
men perceived that it was Maccabeus that was
upon them, of both whose courage and good
success in war they had formerly had suf
ficient experience, they were put to flight ;
but Judas followed them with his army, and
slew about eight thousand of them. He then
turned aside to a city of the foreigners called
Malie, and took it, and slew all the males,
and burnt the city itself. He then removed
from thence, and overthrew Casphora and
Bosor, and many other cities of the land ot
Gilead.
4. But not long after this, Timotheus pre-
pared a great army, and took many others as
auxiliaries ; and induct i some of the Arabi-
ans, by the promise of rewards, to go with
him in this expedition, and came with his ar-
my beyond the brook, over against the city
Rsphon : and he encouraged his soldiers, it
it came to a battle with the Jews, to fight cou-
rageously, and to hinder their passing over
the brook ; for he said to them beforehand,
that, " if they come over it, we shall be beat-
en." And when Judas heard that Timotheus
prepared himself to fight, he took all his own
army, and went in haste against Timotheus
his enemy ; and when he had passed over the
brook, he fell upon his enemies, and some ot
them met him, whom he slew, and others
of them he so terrified, that he compelled
them to throw down their arms and fly ; and
some of them escaped, but some of them fled
to what was called the Temple of Carnaim,
and hoped thereby to preserve themselves;
but Judas took the city, and slew them, and
burnt the temple, and so used several ways of
destroying his eaemies,
5, AV'hen he had done this, he gathered the
Jews together, with their children, and wives,
and the substance that belonged to them, and
was going to bring them back into Judea.
But as soon as he was come to a certain city
J-
_/"
834
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
tlw name of wliicli was Ephron, that lay up-
on the roail (and as it was not possible for
liini to go any othur way, so he was not will-
ing to go back again), he then sent to the in-
habitants, and desired that they would open
their gates, and permit them to go on tlieir
way through the city ; for they had stopped
up the gates witli stones, and cut off' their pas-
sage through it. And when the inhabitants
of Ephron would not agree to tliis proposal,
he encouraged those that were with him, and
encompassed the city round, and besieged it,
and, lying round it, by day and night, took
the city, and slew every male in it, and burnt
it all down, and so obtained a way through
it ; and the multitude of those that were slain
was so great, tliat they went over the dead
Dodies. So they came over Jordan, and ar-
rived at the great plain, over against which is
situate the city Bethshan, which is called by
the Greeks Scythopolis.* And going away
hastily from thence, they came into Judea,
singing psalms and hymns as they went, and
indulging such tokens of mirth as are usual
in triumphs upon victory. They also offered
thank-offerings, both for their good success,
and for the preservation of their army, for
not one of the Jews was slain in these bat-
tles, f
C. But as to Joseph, the son of Zacharias,
and Azarias, whom Judas left generals [of the
rest of his forces] at the same time when Si-
mon was in Galilee, fighting against the peo-
ple of Ptolemais, and Judas himself, and his
brother Jonathan, were in the land of Gilead,
did these men also affect the glory of being
courageous generals in war, in order whereto
they took the army that was under their com-
mand, and came to Jamnia. There Gorgias,
the general of the forces of Jamnia, met
them ; and upon joining battle with him, they
lost two tliousand of their army, ^ and fled
away, and were pursued to the very borders
of Judea. And this misfortune befel them
by their disobedience to what injimctions Ju-
das had given them, not to fight with anyone
before his return. r"or besides the rest of
Judas's sagacious counsels, one may well
wonder at this concerning the misfortune that
• The rc.ison why Rcthslian was called Scjlliopolis
s well known from lleroilotus, D. i, page l'J5, and Syn-
ccllus, !>. '-'11, that the Scythians, when they over-fan
Asia, ill the daysof Josiah, seized on this city, and kept
it iVi long as tlicy eoritiniied in Asia; from which time
it retained the name of ijcythoixjlis, or the City of the
Scythians.
f This most providential preservation ot all the reli-
gious Jews in this expeilition, which was aeeordnig to
the will of God, is obsenable often among Lioil's peo-
ple, the Jews; and somewhat very like it in the changes
of the four monarchies, which were also providential.
Sec I'rideaux at the ye.irs 331, 355, and 331.
* Here is another great insUince of providence, that
when, even at the very time that Simon, and Judas,
and Jonathan, were so miraculously pri'servctl and ble>-
se<l, in the just defence of their laws and religion, these
other generals of the Jews, who went to fight for hon-
our in a vainglorious way, .-ind without any commission
from (IchI, or the taniily he had raised uyt to deliver
them, were miserably disap|K)inte<l aiid delealed. Sec
I M.iccab. V, tii, ti:i.
BOOK XII
befel the forces commanded by Joseph and
Azarias, which he understood would happen
if tliey broke any of the injunctions he liad
given them. But Judas and his brethren did
not leave off fighting with the Idumeans, but
pressed upon them on all sides, and took from
them the city of Hebron, and demolished all
its fortifications, and set all its towers on fire,
and burnt tlie country of tlie foreigners, and
the city IVIarissa. Tliey came also to Ash-
dod, and took it, and laid it waste, and took
away a great deal of the spoils and prey that
were in it, and returned to Judea.
CHAPTER IX.
CONCERNING THE DEATH OF ANTIOCHUS EPI-
PHANES HOW ANTIOCHUS ELPATOK KOL'GHT
AGAINST JUDAS, AND BESIEGED HIM IN THE
TEMPLE, AND APrEIlWAIlDS MADE PEACE
WITH UI.M, AND DEP^VRTED. OF ALCIMUS
AND ONIAS.
§ 1. About this time it was that king An-
tiochus, as he was going over the upper coun-
tries, heard that there was a very rich city in
Persia, called Elymais ; and therein a very
rich temple of Diana, and that it was full of
all sorts of donations dedicated to it ; as also
weapons and breast-plates, which, upon in-
quiry, lie found had been left there by Alex-
ander, the son of Philip, king of Macedonia;
and being incited by these motives, he went
in haste to Elymais, and assaulted it, and be-
sieged it. But as those that were in it were
not terrified at his assault, nor at his siege,
but opposed him very courageously, he was
beaten off' his hopes ; for they drove him aw.-iy
from the city, and went out and pursued af.
ter him, insomuch tliat he tied away as far as
Babylon, and lost a great many of his army ;
and when he was grieving for tliis disappoint-
ment, some persons told him of the defeat of
his commanders whom he had left behind him
to fight against Juilea, and what strength tlie
.Tews had already gotten. When this concern
about these affairs was added to the former,
he was confounded, and, by the anxiety he
was in, fell into a distemper, wliicii, as it last-
e<l a great while, and as his pains increased
upon him, so he at lengtli perceived he should
die in a little time ; so he called his friends
to him, and told them that his distemper was
severe upon him, and confessed withal, that
this calamity was sent upon him for the mi-
series he had brought upon the Jewish nation,
while he plundered their temple and contemn-
ed their God ; and when he had said this, he
gave up the ghosU Whence one may wonder at
Polybius of Megalopolis, who, though other-
wise a good man, yet saith that " Antiochus
died, because he had a purpose to plunder the
temple of Diana in Persia;" for the purpos-
"X
-v_
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. IX.
ing to do a thing,* but not actually doing it,
is not worthy of punishment. But if Poly-
bius could think that Antiochus thus lost liis
life on that account, it is much more probable
that this king died on account of his sacrilegi-
ous plundering of tiie temple at Jerusalem,
But we will not contend about this matter
with those who may think tliat the cause as-
signed by this Polybius of Megalopolis is
nearer the truth than that assigned by us.
2. However, Antiochus, before he died,
called for Philip, who was one of his compa-
nions, and made him the guardian of his king-
■lom ; and gave him his diadem, and his gar-
ment, and his ring, and charged him to carry
them, and deliver them to his son Antiochus;
and desired him to take care of his education,
and to preserve the kingdom for him. f This
Antiochus died in the hundred forty and ninth
year : but it was Lysias tliat declared his
death to the multitude, and appointed his son
Antiochus to be king (of whom at present he
bad the care), and called him Eupator.
3. At this time it was that the garrison
in the citadel at Jerusalem, with the Jewish
runagates, did a great deal of harm to the
Jews : for the soldiers that were in that gar-
rison rushed out upon the sudden, and de-
stroyed such as were going up to the temple
in order to offer their sacrifices, for this cita-
del adjoined to and overlooked the temple.
When these misfortunes had often happened
to them, Judas resolved to destroy that garri-
son ; whereupon he got all tlie people toge-
ther, and vigorously besieged those that were
in the citadel. This was in the hundred and
fiftieth year of the dominion of the Seleuci-
da. So lie made engines of war, and erect-
ed bulwarks, and very zealously pressed on
to take the citadel. But there were not a few
of the runagates who were in the place, that
went out by night into the country, and got
together some other wicked men like them-
selves, and went to Antiochus the king, and
desired of him that he would not suffer tliem
to be neglected, under the great hardships that
lay upon them from those of their own nation ;
and this because their sufferings were occasion-
ed on his father's account, while they left the
religious worship of their fathers, and preferred
that which he had commanded them to fol-
low : that there was danger lest the citadel,
aad those appointed to garrison it by the king,
• Since St Paul, a Pharisee, confesses that he had not
known concupisfenee, or desires, to be sinful, had not
the tenth commandment said " Thou shall not covet,"
Rom. vii, 7 ; the case bcems to have been much the same
with oiii Josophus, who was of the same sect, that he
had not a deep sense of the greatness of any sins that
proceeded no farther than tl-.e intention. However,
since Josephus speaks properly of the punishment of
death, which is not inflicted by any law, either of (Jod
or man, for the bare intention, his words need not be
strained to mean, that sins inteudtd, but not executed,
were no sins at all.
t No wonder that Josephus here describes Antiochus
Eupator as young, and wanting tuition, when he came
to the crown, since Appian informs i;s (Syriac. p. ^^^)
that he was then but uiiie yeirs old. '-^
335
should be taken by Judas and those that were
with him, unletss he would send them suc-
cours. When Antiochus, who was but a child,
heard this, he was angry, and sent for his cap-
tains and his friends, and gave order that they
should get an army of mercenaries together,
with such men also of his own kingdom as
were of an age fit for war. Accordingly an
army was collected of about a hundred thou-
sand footmen, and twenty thousand horsemen,
and thirty-two elephants.
4. So the king took this army, and march-
ed hastily out of Antioch, with Lysias, who
had the command of the whole, and came to
Idumea, and thence went up (k) the city Beth-
sura, a city that was strong, and not to be
taken without great difficulty. He set about
this city, and besieged it ; and while the in-
habitants of Bethsura courageously opposed
him, and sallied out upon him, and burnt his
engines of war, a great deal of time was spent
in the siege ; but when Judas heard of the
king's coming, he raised the siege of the cita-
del, and met the king, and pitched his camp
in certain straits, at a place called Bethzacha-
riah, at the distance of seventy furlongs from
the enemy ; but the king soon drew his forces
from Bethsura, and brought them to those
straits j and as soon as it was day, he put his
men in battle-array, and made his elephant?
follow one another through the narrow passes,
because they could not be set sideways by
one another. Now round about every ele-
phant there were a thousand footmen and five
hundred horsemen. The elephants also had
high towers [upon their backs], and archers
[in them] ; and he also made the rest of his
army to go up the mountains, and put his
friends before the rest ; and gave orders for
the army to shout aloud, and so he attacked
the enemy. He also exposed to sight their
golden and brazen shields, so tliat a glorious
splendour was sent from them ; and w ben
they shouted, the mountains echoed again.
When Judas saw this, he was not terrified,
but received the enemy with great courage,
and slew about six hundred of the first ranks.
But when his brother Eleazar, whom they
called Auran, saw the tallest of all the ele-
phants armed with royal breast-plates, and
supposed that the king was upon hitn, he
attacked him with great quickness and bra-
very. He also slew many of those that were
about the elephant, and scattered the rest,
and then went under the belly of the ele-
phant, and smote him, and slew him ; so the
elephant fell upon Eleazar, and by his weight
crushed him to death. And thus did this
man come to his end, when he had first cou-
rageously destroyed many of In's enemies.
5. But Judas, seeing the strength of the
eneiny, retired to Jerusalem, and prepared to
endure a siege. As for Antiochus, he sent
part of his arrny to Bethsura, to besiege it,
and with the rest of his armv he came against
"X.
_r^
^^
336
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK XII
Jerusalem ; but the inhabitants of Bethsura
were terrified at his strength ; and seeing
that their provisions grew scarce, tliey deli-
vered themselves u)) on the security of oaths
that they should suffer no hard treatment
from the king. And when Antiochus had
thus taken the city, he did them no other
harm than sending them out naked. He also
placed a garrison of his own in the city : but
as for the temple of Jerusalem, he lay at its
ficge a long time, while they within bravely
defended it ; for what engines soever the king
set against them, they set other engines again
to oppose them. But then their provisions'
failed them; what fruitsof the ground they had
laid up were spent, and the land being not
ploughed that year, continued unsowed, be-
cause it was the seventh year, on which, by
our laws, we are obliged to let it lie unculti-
vated. And withal, so many of the besieged
ran away for want of necessaries, that but a
few only were left in the temple.
6. And these happened to be the circum-
stances of such as were besieged in the tem-
ple. But then, because Lysias, the general
of the army, and Antiochus, the king, were
informed that Philip was coming upon them
out oi" Persia, and was endeavouring to get
the management of public affairs to himself,
they came into these sentiments, to leave the
siege, and to make haste to go against Phi-
lip ; yet did they resolve not to let this be
known to the soldiers or the officers ; but the
king commanded Lysias to speak openly to
the soldiers and the officers, without saying a
>vord about the business of Philip ; and to
intimate to them that the siege would be very
long ; that the place was very strong ; that
they were already in want of provisions ;
that many affairs of the kingdom wanted re-
gulation ; and that it was much better to
make a league with the besieged, and to be-
come friends to their whole nation, by per-
mitting them to observe the laws of their fa-
thers, while they broke out into this war only
because they were deprived of them, and so to
depart home. Wiien Lysias had discoursed
thus with them, both the army and the officers
were jjleased with this resolution.
7. Accordingly the king sent to Judas, and
to those that were besieged with him, and
promised to give them peace, and to permit
them to make use of and live according to
the laws of their fathers ; and they gladly re-
ceived his proposals ; and when they had
gained security upon oath for their perfonn-
ance, they went out of the temple : but when
Antiochus came into it, and saw how strong
the place was, he broke his oatlis, and ordered
ills army that was there to pluck down the
walls to the ground; and «lien he had so
done, he returned to Antioch. He also car-
ried with him Onias the high-priest, %\ho was
also called Menelaus ; for Lysias advised tiie
king to slay JVIenelaus, if he would have the
Jcwsbcquiet, and cause him no farther disturb-
ance, for that this man was the origin of all
the mischief the Jews had «lone them, by per
suading his father to compel the Jews to leave
the relij^ion of their fathers ; so the king sent
Menelaus to Berea, a city of Syria, and there
had him put to death, when he had been
high-priest ten years. He had been a wicked
and an impious man ; and, in order to get
the government to himself, had com])clled his
nation to transgress their own laws. After
the death of ISIenelaus, Alcimus, who was
also called Jacimus, was made high-priest.
But when king Antiochus foimd that Philip
had already possessed himself of the govern-
ment, he made war against him, and subdued
him, and took him, and slew him. Now, as
to Onias, the son of the high-priest, who, as
we before informed you, was left a child
when his father died, when he saw that the
king had slain his uncle Menelaus, and given
the high-priesthood to Alcimus, who was not
of the high-priest stock, but was induced by
Lysias to translate that dignity from his fa-
mily to another house, he fled to Ptolemy
king of Egypt; and when he found he was
in great esteem with him, and with his wife
Cleopatra, he desired and obtained a place in
the Nomus of Heliopolis, wherein he built a
temple like to that at Jerusalem ; of which,
therefore, we shall hereafter give an account,
in a place more proper for it.
CHAPTER X.
HOW 3ACCIIIDES, THE GENERAL OF DENtETRl-
US'S ARMY, MADE AN EXPEDITION AGAINST
JUDEA, ANP RETURNED WITHOLT SLCCESS ;
AND HOW NICANOR WAS SENT A LITTLE AF-
TERWARD AGAINST JUDAS, AND PERISHED,
TOGETHER WITH HIS ARMY ; AS ALSO CON-
CERNING THE DEATH OFALCIJIUS, AND THE
SUCCESSION OF JUDAS.
§ 1. About the same time Demetrius, the
son of Seleucus, fled away from Kome, and
took Tripoli, a city of Syria, and set the dia-
dem on his own head. He also gathered cer-
(tain mercenary soldiers together, and entered
I into his kingdom, and was joyfully received
I l)y all, who deliveied themselves up to him;
and when they had taken Antiochus, the
king, and Lysias, they brought them to him
alive ; both whom were immediately put to
death by the command of Demetrius, when
Antiochus had reigned two years, as we have
already elsewhere related ; hut there were
now many of the wicked Jewish run:ig;itcs
that came togetlier to him, and with them
Alcimus the high-priest, who accused the
whole nation, and particularly Judas and his
hrethreif; anil said that they had slain all hij
friends ; and that those in his kingdom that
^
J'
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
337
were of his party, and waited for his return, | the country, and sJew all that he could find
were by them (jut to death ; that these men of Judas's party; but when Judas saw that
had ejected them out of their own country, I Alcimus was already become great, and had
and caused them to be sojourners in a foreign ! destroyed many of the good and holy men o\
land ; and tiiey desired that he would send j the country, he also went all over the country
some one of liis own friends, and know from and destroyed those that were of the other
him what mischief Judas's party had done, j party ; but when Alcimus saw that he was
2. At this Demetrius was very angry, and not able to oppose Judas, nor was equal to
Bent Bacchides, a friend of Antiochus Epi- him in strength, he resolved to apply himselt
phanes,* a good man, and one that had been to king Demetrius for his assistance ; so he
intrusted with all Mesopotamia, and gave him came to Antioch, and irritatetl him against
an army, and committed Alcimus the liigli- Judas, and accused him, alleging that he had
priest to his care; and gave him charge to | undergone a great many miseries by this
slav Judas, and those that were with him. | means, and that he would do more mischief
So Bacchides made haste, and went out of' unless I'.e were prevented, and brought to pu--
Antioch with his army; and when he was ' nishment, which must be done by sending a
come into Judea, he sent to Judas and his powerfiil force against him.
brethren, to discourse with him about a league I 4. So Demetrius, being already of opininn
of friendship and peace, for he had a mind to | that it would be a thing pernicious to his own
take him by treachery ; but Judas did not | atlairs to overlook Judas, now he was becom-
give credit to him, for he saw that he cameling so great, sent against him Nicanor, the
with so great an army as men do not bring ] most kind and most faitliful of all his friends;
when tliey come to make peace, but to make j for he it was who fled away with him from
war. However, some of the people acqui- 1 the city of Rome. He also gave him as many
esced in what I5acchides caused to be pro- forces as he thouglit sufficient for him to con-
clainied ; and supposing tliey should undergo I quer Judas withal, and bade him not to spare
no considerable harm from Alcimus, who was \ the nation at all. When Nicanor was come
to Jerusalem, he did not resolve to fight Judas
immediately, but judged it better to get him
into his power by treachery; so he sent him
a message of peace, and said there was no
manner of necessity for them to fight and
hazard themselves ; and that he would give
him his oath that he would do him no harm,
for that he only came with some friends, in
order to let him know what king Demetrius's
intentions were, and what opinion he had of
their nation. When Nicanor iiad delivered
tliis message, Judas and hisbrethren complied
witli him, and suspecting no deceit, they gave
him assurances of friendship, and received
Nicanor and his army; but while he was
saluting Judas, and they were talking together,
he gave a certain signal to his own soldiers,
upon which they were to seize upon Judas;
but he perceived the treachery, and ran back
to his own soldiers, and fled away with them.
So upon this discovery of his purpose, and ot
the snares laid for Judas, Nicanor determined
to make open war with him, and gathered his
army together, and prepared for fighting him ;
and upon joining battle with him at a certain
village called Capharsalama, he beat Judas,-|-
and forced him to fly to that citadel which
was at Jerusalem.
5. And wlien Nicanor came down from the
citadel into the temple, some of the priests
and elders met him, and saluted him ; and
+ Josephus's copies must have been corrupted v.hi n
they lieie give victory to Nicanor, contrary to the wonts
following, which imply, that lie who was beaten flcil
into tlic citadel, which far certain belonged to th<' city
of Da\id or to mount Zion, and was in the posst-sion
of Nieaiior's garrison, and not of Juda's: as also i< is
contrary to the express words of Joscpluis's ori ina)
author, 1 Maccab. vii, .52, who says thut .N'ivanor lost
about 5000 men, and fled to the city oi David.
2 F
their countryman, they went over to them ;
and when they b ad received oaths from both
of them, that neither they themselves nor
those of the same sentiments should come to
any harm, they intras'ed themselves v.iih
them; but Bacchides troubled not hiiiiself
about the oaths he had taken, lot slew three-
score of them, although, by not keeping his
faith with those that first went over, he de-
terred all the rest, who h;iJ intentions to go
over to him, from doing it ; but as he was
gone out of Jerusalem, and was at the village
called Betl'zetho, he sent out, and cauglit
many of the deserters, and some of the peo-
ple also, and slew them all : and enjoined all
tliat lived in the country to submit to Alci-
mus. So he left him there, with some part of
the army, that he might have wherewith to
keep Itie country in obedience, and returned
to Antioch to kirig Demetrius.
3. But Alcimus was desirous to have the
dominion more firmly assured to him ; and
understanding that, if he could bring it about
that the multitude should be his friends, he
should govern with greater security, he spake
kind words to them all, and discoursed to each
of them after an agreeable and pleasant man-
ner ; by which means he quickly had a great
body of men and an army about him, although
the greater part of them were of the wicked,
and the deserters. With these, whom he used
as his servants and soldiers, he went all over
« It is no way probable that Josephus would call
Bacchides, that bitter and bloody enemy of the Jews,
as our present copies have it, a man good, or kind, and
gentle. What the author of the first book of Maccabees,
whom Josephus here follows, instead of that character,
says of him, is, that he was a great man in the king-
dom, and faithful to his king; which was very probably
losephus's meaning also. ^
3.S8
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BUOK xir.
sliowcd him the sacrifices which they said
tlii'v oll'iTcd to God for the king : upon whicli
ho bhtsplienu'ii, and thrcateni'd tlioni, that iin-
k'ss tlic people would deliver up Judas to liim,
upon iiis return he would pull downtlicir tem-
ple. And when he had thus threatened ihcm,
lie departed from Jerusalem : but the priests
fell into tears out of grief at wliat he had said,
and besought Ciod to deliver them from their
enemies. Hut now Micanor, when he was
gone out of .Jerusalem, and was at a certain
village called Betlioron, he there pitched his
can)p, — another army out of Syria having
joined him. And Judas pitched liis camp at
Adasa, another village, which was thirty fur-
longs distant from liethoron, having no more
than one thousand soKiiers. And when he
had encouraged them not to be dismayed at
the multitude of tiieir enemies, nor to regard
how many they were against whom they were
going to fight, but to consider who tliey
tliemselves were, and for what great rewards
they hazarded themselves, and to attack the
enemy courageously, he led them out to fight,
and joining battle with Nicanor, wiiich proved
to be a severe one, he overcame the enemy,
and slew many of them ; and at last Nicanor
himself, as he was fighting gloriously, fell : —
upon whose fall the army did not stay ; but
when they had lost their general, they were
put to flight, and threw down their arms.
Judas also pursued them and slew them ; and ]
gave notice by the ^ound of his trumpets to
the neighbouring villages that he liad con-
quered the enemy ; which when the inhabi-
tants hiurd, tlu y put on their armour hastily,
and met their eiiemiesin the face as tliey were
running away, and slew them, insomuch that
not one of them escaped out of tliis battle ;
who were in number nine thousand. This
victory happened to fall on the thireenth day
of that mouth which by the Jews is called
Adar, and by the Macedonians Dystrus : and
the Jews therein celebrate this victory every
year, and esteem it as a festival day. After
which the Jewish nation were, for a while,
free from wars, and enjoyed peace ; but after-
ward they returned into their former stale of
wars and hazards.
6. IJut now as tlie high-priest Alcimus was
resolving to pull down the wall of the sanc-
tuary, whitl. had been there of old time, and
bad been bnilt by the holy prophets,' he was
smitten suddeidy by God, and fell down.
Tliis stroke made him fall down speechless
upon the ground ; and undergoing torments
for many days, he at length died, when lie
had been liigh-priest four years. And when
» This account of the miserable (icatJi of Alcimus or
Jacimus, the v. icUeil hiph-pricil (the lirst that was not
of the family of the high-priesls, and made bv a vile
heathen, Lysias), before the death of Judas, and of Ju-
das's succession to him as high-priest, both here and at
the conclusion of this book, directly contradicts 1 Mac.
ix, CA—fil, which places his death after the death of Ju-
das, aiid wy» not a syllable of the high-priesthmid of
iudas.
he was dead, the people bestowed the high-
priesthood on Jndas; who hearing of the power
of the lUimaiis, f and that they had conquered
in war Galatia, and Iberia, and Carthage, and
Lybia ; anil that, besides these, they had sub-
dued Greece, and their kings, Perseus, and
Philip, and Antiochus the Great also, he
resolved to enter into a league of friend-
ship with iheiii. He therefore sent to Home
some of his friends, Eupolemus the son of
.Tohn, and Jason the son of Eleazar, and by
them desired the Romans that they would as-
sist them, and be tlicir friends, and would
write to Demetrius that he would not fight
against the Jews. So the senate received the
ambassadors that came from Judus to Rome,
and discoursed with them about the errand on
which tlicy came, and then granted them a
league of assistance. They also mailc a de-
cree concerning it, and sent a copy of it into
Judea. It was also laid up in the capital,
and engraven in brass. Tlie decree itself was
this : — " The decree of the senate concerning
a league of assistance and friendship with the
nation of the Jews. It shall not be lawful
for any that are subject to the Romans to
make war with the nation of the Jews, nor to
assist those that do so, either by sending them
corn, or ships, or money. And if any attack
be made upon the Jews, the Romans shall
assist them, as far as they are able; and again,
if any attack be inade upon the Romans, the
Jews shall assist them. And if the Jews have
a mind to add to, or to take away any thing
from, this league of assistance, that shall be
done with the common consent of the Ro-
mans. And whatsoever addition shall thus
be iTiade, it shall be of force." This decree
was written by Eupolemus the son of John,
and by Jason the son of Eleazar, | when Ju-
das was high-priest of the nation, and Simon
his brother was general of the army. And
this w as the first league that the Romans made
with the Jews, and was managed after tliis
manner.
CHAPTER XT.
THAT BAClHIOKS WAS AGAIN SKNT OUT AOAINST
JUDAS ; AND HOW JUDAS FELL AS Ht WAS
COURAGEOUSLY FIGHTING.
§ 1. But when Demetrius was informed of
the death of Nicanor, and of the destruction
1 How well the Roman histories agrc-cto this account
of the conijuests and powerful condition of the Kom^ns
at this time,— SIC the notes in Havcicainp's e^lition : on-
ly, that the mimlK-r of the senators of Home was th< n
jiist 3'-'ll, is, I think, only known from 1 Maccab. v.ii,
t This subscription is wanlini;, 1 Maccab. viii, 17,
29, and must be the words of Joscphus, who, by mis.
lake, thought, as we have just now seen, that Judxs was
at this time high-pricst, and accordingly then reckoned
his brother Jonathan to be the general of the anr.y,
which yet he seems not to have been till after the dcaih
of Jndas-
'Y
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. XI
of the army that was with him, he sent Bac-
chides again with an army into Judea, who
marched out of Antioch, and came into Ju-
dea, and pitched his camp at Aibt-la, a city of
Galilee ; and having besieged and taken ihoiC
that were in caves (for many of tlie people
fled into such places), he removed, and made
all the haste he could to Jerusalem. And
when he had learned that Judas had pitched
his camp at a certain village whose name was
Bethzetho, he led his army against him : they
were twenty thousand footmen, and two thou-
sand horsemen. Now Judas had no more
soldiers tlian one thousand.* When these
saw the multitude of Bacchides's men, they
were afraid, and left their camp, and fled all
away, excepting eight hundred. Now when
Judas was deserted by his own soldiei-s, and
the enemy pressed upon him, and gave him
no time to gather his army together, he was
disposed to fight with Bacchides's army,
though he had hut eight hundred men with
him ; so he exhorted these men to undergo
the danger courageously, and encouraged
them to attack the enemy. And when they
said they were not a body sufficient to fight
so great an army, and advised that they should
retire now and save themselves, and that when
he had gathered his own men together, then
he should fall upon the enemy after\vards, his
answer was this : — " Let not the sun ever
see such a thing, that I should siiow my buck
to the enemy; and although this be the tirne
that will bring me to my end, and I must die
in this battle, I will rather slaiivl to it cour
ageously, and bear whatsoever comi.s upon
me, than by now running away, bring re-
proach upon my former great actions, or tar-
nish their glory." This was the speech he
made to those that remained with him, and
whereby he encouraged them to attack the
enemy.
2. But Bacchides drew his army out of
their camp, and put them in array for the bat-
tle. He set the horsemen on both the wings,
and t-he light soldiers and the archers he
• That this copy of Josejihus, as he wrote it, haii
here not 1(!00 but 5;i00, with 1 Mat-, ix, .5, is very plain ;
because, though the main part ran away at first, even
in Josephus, as weli as in 1 Mac. ix, ti, yet, as there, so
here, H(iO are said to have remained with J udas ; wliich
would be absurd, if the whole number had been no more
than lUUO.
339
placed before the whole army, but was him-
self on the right wing. And wiien he iiad
thus put his army in order of battle, and was
going to join battle willi the enemy, he com-
manded the ti umi)eter to give a signal of bat-
tle, and the army to make a shout, and to fall
on the enemy. And when Judas had done
the same, he joined battle with them ; and as
both sides fought valiantly, and the battle
continued till sun-set, Judas saw that Bac-
chides and tlie strongest part of the army was
in the right wing, and thereupon took the
most courageous men with him, and ran up-
on that part of the army, and fell upon those
that were there, and broke their ranks, and
drove them into the middle, and forced them
to run away, and pursued them as far as to a
mountain called Aza : but when those of the
left wing saw that the right wing was put to
flight, they encompassed Judas, and pursued
hitn, and catne behind Iiim, and took him in-
to tiie middle of their army ; so not being
able to fly, but encoinpassed round about
with enemies, lie stood still, and he and those
that were with him fought j and when he had
slain a great many of those that catne against
him, heat last was himself woundeil, and fell,
and gave up the ghost, and died in a way like
to his former famous actions. When Judas
was dead, those that were with him had no
one whom they could regard [as their com
inaiider] ; but when they saw themselves de
prived of such a general, they fled. But
Simon and Jonathan, Judas's brethren, re
ceived his dead body by a treaty from the ene-
my, and carried it to the village Modin, where
their father had been buried, and there buried
liim ; while the multitude lamented him ma-
ny days, and performed the usual soleinn
rites of a funeral to him. And this was the
end that Judas came to. He had been a
man of valour and a great warrior, and
mindful of all the commands of their father
Mattatliias ; and had undergone all difficul-
ties, both in doing and suffering, for the li-
berty of his countrymen. And when his cha-
racter was so excellent [while lie was alive],
he left beiiind him a glorious reputation and
memorial, by gaining freedom for iiis nation,
and delivering them from slavery under the
the Macedonians. And when he had retained
the high-priesthood three years, he died
BOOK XIII.
CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF EGHTY-TWO YEARS.
FROM THE DEATH OF JUDAS MACCABEUS TO QUEEN ALEXAN.
DIIA'S DEATH.
CHAPTER I. I
HOW JONATHAN TOOK THE GOVERNMENT AF-
TER HIS BROTHER JUDAS ; AND HOW HE. TO-
GETHER WITH HIS BROTHER SIMON, WAGED
WAR AGAINST BACCHIDES.
§ 1. By what means the nation of the Jews
recovered their freedom when they had heen
brotigiit into slavery by the Macedonians, and
wliat struggles, and how many great battles,
Judas, the general of their army, ran through
till he was slain as he was fighting for them,
hath been related in the foregoing book ; but
after he was dead, all the wicked, and those
'.hat transgressed the laws of their forefathers,
sprang up again in Judea, and grew upon
them, and distressed them on every side. A
famine also assisted their wickedness, and af-
flicted the country, till not a few, who by reason
of their want of necessaries, and because they
were not able to bear up against the miseries
that both the famine and their enemies brought
upon them, deserted their country, and went
to the Macedonians. And now Bacchides
gathered those Jews together who had aposta-
tized from the accustomed way of living of
their forefathers, and chose to live like their
neighbours, and committed the care of the
country to them ; who also caught the friends
of Judas, and those of his party, and deliver-
ed them up to Bacchides, who, when he
had, in the first place, tortured and tor-
mented them at his pleasure, he, by that
means, at length killed them. And when
this calamity of the Jews was become so
great, as they had never had experience of
the like since their return out of Babylon,
those that remained of the companions of Ju-
das, seeing that the nation was about to be
destroyed after a miserable manner, came to
his brother Jonathan, and desired him that he
would imitate his brother, and that care
which he took of his countrymen, for whose
lil)erty in general he died also ; and that he
would not permit the nation to be without a
governor, especially in those destructive cir-
cumstanccs wherein it now was. And when
Jonathan said that he was ready to die for
them, and was indeed esteemed no way infe-
rior to his brother, he was appointed to be the
general of the Jewish army.
2. When Bacchides heard this, and was
afraid that Jonathan might be very trouble-
some to the king and the Macedonians, as
Judas had been before him, he sought how he
might slay him by treachery : but this inten-
tion of his was not unknown to Jonathan, nor
his brother Simon ; but when these two were
apprised of it, tliey took all their companions,
and presently fled into that wilderness which
was nearest to the city ; and when they were
come to a lake called Asphar, they abode
there. But when Bacchides was sensible
that they were in a low state, and were in that
place, he hasted to fall upon them with all
his forces, and pitching his camp beyond Jor-
dan, he recruited his army : but when Jona-
than knew that Bacchides was coming upon
him, he sent his brother John, who was also
called Gaddis, to the Nabatean Arabs, that
he might lodge his baggage with them until
the battle with Bacchides should be over, for
they were the Jews' friends. And the sons
of Ambri laid an ambush for Jolm, from the
city Medaba, and seized upon him, and upon
those that were with him, and plundered all
that they had witli them ; they also slew John,
and all his companions. However, they were
sufficiently punished for what they now did
by John's brethren, as we shall relate pre-
sently.
3. But when B.icchides knew that Jona-
than had pitched his camp among the lakes
of Jordan, he observed when their Sabbath-
day came, and then assaulted him, as suppos-
ing that he would not fight because of the law
for resting on that day] : but he exhorted
his companions [to figlit] ; and told them,
that their lives were at stake, since they were
encompassed by tlie river, and by tiieir ene-
mies, and had no way to escape, for that theit
enemies pressed upon them before, and the
river was behind them. So, after he had
'V
J-
CHAP. 1.
ANTIQUITIES Ol- THE JEWS.
341
prayed to God to give them the victory, he
joined battle tvith the enemy, of whom he
overthrew many : and as he saw Bacchides
coming up boldly to him, he stretched out his
right hand to smite him ; but the other fore-
seeing and avoiding the stroke, Jonathan with
his companions leaped into the river, and
swam over it, and by that means escaped be-
yond Jordan, while the enemy did not pass
over that river; but Bacchides returned pre-
sently to the citadel at Jerusalem, having lost
about two thousand of his army. He also
fortified many cities of Judea, whose walls
had been demolished ; Jericho, and Emmaus,
and Bethoron, and Bethel, and Timna, and
Pharatho, and Tecoa, and Gazara, and built
towers in every one of these cities, and en-
compassed them with strong walls, that were
very large also, and put garrisons into them,
that they might issue out of them, and do
mischief to the Jews. He also fortified the
citadel at Jerusalem more than all the rest.
Moreover, he took the sons of the principal
Jews as pledges, and shut them up in the
citadel, and in that manner guarded it.
4. About the same time, one came to Jo-
nathan, and to his brotlier Simon, and told
them that the sons of Ambri were celebrating
a marriage, and bringing the bride from the
city Gabatha, who was the daughter of one of
the illustrious men among the Arabians, and
that the damsel was to be conducted with
pomp and splendour, and much riches : so
Jonathan and Simon thinking this appeared
to be the fittest time for them to avenge the
death of their brother, and that they had forces
sufficient for receiving satisfaction from them
for his death, they made haste to Medaba, and
lay in wait among the mountains for the com-
ing of their enemies ; and as soon as they saw
I them conducting the virgin and the bride-
I groom, and such a great company of their
friends with them as was to be expected at this
wedding, they sallied out of their ambush and
slew them all, — and took their ornaments, and
all the prey that then followed them, and so
returned, and received this satisfaction for
their brother John from the sons of Ambri ;
for as well these sons themselves as their
friends, and wives, and children, that follow,
ed tliem, perished, being in number about four
hundred.
5. However, Simon and Jonathan returned
to the lakes of the river, and abode there ; but
Bacchides, when he had secured all Judea
with his garrisons, returned to the king; and
then it was that the affairs of Judea were quiet
for two years ; but when the deserters and the
wicked saw that Jonathan and those that were
ivith him lived in the country very quietly, by
reason of the peace, they sent to king Deme-
trius, and excited him to send Bacchides to
seize upon Jonathan, which they said was to
be done without any trouble, and in one
night's time; and that if they fell uijon them
before they were aware, they might slay them
all. So the king sent Bacchides, who, when
he was come into Judea, wrote to all his
friends, both Jews and auxiliaries, that they
should seize upon Jonathan, and bring him to
him; and when, upon all their endeavours,
they were not able to seize upon Jonathan,
for he was sensible of the snares they laid for
him, and very carefully guarded against them,
Bacchides was angry at these deserters, as
having imposed upon him, and upon the king,
and slew fifty of their leaders ; whereupon
Jonathan, with his brother, and those that
were with him, retired to Bethagla, a village
that lay in the wilderness, out of his fear of
Bacchides. He also built towers in it, and
encompassed it with walls, and took care that
it should be safely guarded. Upon the hear-
ing of which Bacchides led his own array
along with him, and besides took his Jewish
auxiliaries, and came against Jonathan, and
made an assault upon his fortifications, and
besieged him many days, but Jonathan did
not abate of his courage at the zeal Bacchides
used in the siege, but courageously opposed
him ; and while he left his brotlier Simon in
th.e city to fight with Bacchides, he went pri-
vately out himself into the country, and got
a great body of men together of his own party,
and fell upon Bacchides's camp in the night-
time, and destroyed a great many of them.
His brother Simon knew also of this his fall-
ing upon them, because he perceived that the
enemies were slain by him, so he sallied out
upon them, and burnt the engines which the
Macedonians used, and made a great slaugh-
ter of them ; and wiien Bacchides saw himself
encompassed with enemies, and some of them
before, and some behind him, he fell into de-
spair and trouble of mind, as confounded at
the unexpected ill succcess of this siege.
However, he vented his displeasure at these
misfortunes upon those deserters who sent
for him from the king, as having deluded
him. So he had a mind to put an end to
this siege after a decent manner, if it were
possible for him so to do, and then to return
home,
6. When Jonathan understood these his
intentions, he sent ambassadors to him about
a league of friendship and mutual assistance,
and that they might restore those they had
taken captive on both sides. So Bacchides
thought this a pretty decent way of retiring
liome, and made a league of friendship with
Jonathan, when they sware that they would
not any more make war against one another.
Accordingly, he restored the captives, and
took h's own men with him, and returned to
the king at Antioch ; and after this his de-
parture, he never came into Judea again.
Then did Jonathan take the opportunity of
this quiet state of things, and went and lived
in the city Michmash ; and there governed
the multitude, and punished the wicked and
"V
342
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
ungodly, and by tiiat means purged tliu na-
tiun of tlioui.
CHAPTER II.
HOW AI.KXANDER [bALA"', IN HIS WAR WIl H
llEMlVfillUS, GUANTKD JONATHAN MANY
ADVANTAGES, AND APPOINTED HIM TO BE
HIGH-PKIi;ST, AND PERSUADED HIM TO ASSIST
HIM, ALTHOUGH DEMETRIUS PROMISED HIM
GREATER ADVANTAGES ON THE OTHER SIDE.
CONCERNING THE DEATH OF DEMETRIUS.
§ 1. Now in the hundred and sixtieth year,
it fell out tliat Alexander, the son of Antio-
cbus Epiphanes,* can)e up into Syria, and
took Ptolemais, the soldiers liaving betrayed
it to him, for they were at enmity with De-
metrius, on account of his insolence and dif-
ficulty of acci'ss : for he shut himself up in a
palace of his that had four towers, which he
had built himself, not far from Antioch, and
admitted nobody. He was withal slothful
and negligent about the public atl'airs, where-
by the hatred of his subjects was the more
kindled against him, as we have elsewhere al-
ready related. When, therefore, Demetrius
heard that Alexander was in Ptolemais, he
took his whole army, and led it against
him ; he also sent ambassadors to Jonathan,
about a league of mutual assistance and
friendship, for he resolved to be beforehand
with Alexander, lest the other should treat
will) him first, and gain assistance from
him ; and this he did out of the fear he
had lest Jonathan should rememl)er how
ill Demetrius had formerly treated him, and
should join with him in this war against him.
He therefore gave orders that Jonathan should
be allowed to raise an army, and should get
armour made, and should receive back those
hostages of the Jewish nation whom Bacchi-
des had shut up in the citadel of Jerusalem.
Wiien this good fortune liad befallen Jona-
than, by the concession of Demetrius, he
came to Jerusalem, and read the king's letter
in the audience of the people, and of those
that kept the citadel. When these were read,
these wicked men and deserters, who were in
the citadel, were greatly afraid, upon the
king's permission to Jonathan to raise an
irmy, and to receive back the hostages : so
• This Alex.intier liala, who certainly pretfiuleil to
oe the son of Antiochus Kpiphaiics, aiiu w;u> ow ned tor
veil by the Jews and Romans, and many others, and
yet is by several historians deemed to be a eouiiterfeil,
and of no f.inuly at all, is, however, by Josephus, be-
lieved to have been the real son of thai Antiotltus, and
bv him always spoken of aceordiufjly ; and truly, since
tht oiii,'i:ial ennUiniiorarv and anthenne author of (he
tirst bo'k of MacL-abees (x, 1) e:dls him by his father's
iiaiiie, Kjiiphaiies, ai;d says he 1^a^ the son of Antioelius,
I su)iiiii-,e the oth r writers, wlio are all Miii-ti lalrr, arc
not lo he folUi'>e(l against such evidence, though jier-
iiaps Epiplia)ies iniKhl have hiin by a woman ol no fa-
mily. The king ol Kgypt also, l»hilomclor, soon gave
mm his daughter in iiiarriace, which he would hardly
have done, had he bclicvol liim loljo a counlerfeit.and
of so very inea;i biiih as ihe laii-r liislorians pretend. I
BOOK xni,
he delivere(h every one of them to his own
parents; and thus did Joiialhiui make his
abode at Jerusalem, renewing the city to a
belter slate, and reforming the buildings as
l>e pleased ; for he gave orders thit the walls
of the city should be rebuilt with sijuare
stones, that it might be more secure from
their enemies ; and when those that kept thp
garrisons that were in Judea saw this, they all
left them, and fled to Antioch, excepting
those tliat were in the city Ik-thsura, and
those that were in the citadel of Jerusalem,
for the greater part of these was of llie wicked
Jews and deserters, and on that account these
did not deliver up their garrisons.
S. When Alexander knew w.iat promises
Demetrius had made Jonathan, and withal
knew his courage, and what great things he
had done when he fought the Macedonians,
and beiL:ides what hardships he had undergone
by the means of Demetrius, and of Bacchi-
des, the general of Demetrius's army, he told
his friends that he could not at present find
any one else that might atlbrd him better as-
sistance than Jonathan, who was both coura-
geous against his enemies, and had a particu-
lar haired against Demetrius, as having both
suffered many hard things from him, and
acted many Iiard things against him. If,
therefore, tliey were of oiiinion that they
should make him their friend against Denje-
trius, it was more for their advantage to in-
vite liim to assist them now than at anoUier
time. It being therefore determined by him
and his friends to sind to Jonathan, he wrote
to him this epistle : — " King Alexander to
his brother Jonatlian, sendeth greeting. We
have long ago heard of thy courage and thy
fidelity, and for that reason have sent to tl)ee,
to make with thee a league of friendship atid
mutual assistance. We therefore do ordain
thee this day the high-priest of the Jews, and
that thou beest called my friend. I have also
sent thee, as presents, a purple robe and a
golden crown, and desire that, now thou art
by us honoured, tliou wilt in like manner re-
spect us also."
3. \\'hen Jonathan had received this letter,
he put on the pontilical robe at the time of
the feast of tabernacles,f four years after the
death of liis brother Judas, for at that time
no high-priest had l>een made. So he raised
great forces, atid had abundance of armour
got ready. This greatly grieved Demetrius
when he heartl of it, ami made him blame
himself for his slowness, that he had not pre-
t Since Jona'.lian plainly did not put on the pontifical
robes nil seven or eight years after the death of liis bro-
ther Juila-, or not till tlie I'c.ist of Tabernacles, in iho
IC ■ of the Seleucida- il Maccab. x, '.'1), Fetitu-s's eiiK;n-
datioii seems Iktl to deserve consider lion, who, instead
of " .ifter four years sir.c« the death of his brother Ju-
d.is," would have iis re.«l, " and ihcrcfore after eight
years since the death of liis brother Judas." This would
tolerably well agree with the dateof the Mai-cabi'es, and
with .:i>sephus'» own exact chronology at theeiul of the
twentieth book of these Antiquities, whicU the picseui
text cannot lie made to du.
~\-
J-
x
CHAP. III.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
343
\'ented Alexander, and got the good-will of
Jonathan, but had given liim time so to do.
However, he also himself wrote a letter to
Jonathan, and to the people, the contents
whereof are these : — " King Demetrius to Jo-
nathan, and to the nation of the Jews, sendeth
greeting. Since you have preserved your
friendship for us, and when you have been
tempted by our enemies, you have not joined
yourselves to them ; I both commend you for
this your fidelity, and exhort you to continue
in the same disposition ; for which you shall
be repaid, and receive rewards from us : for
I will free you from the greatest part of the
tributes and taxes which you formerly paid
to the kings my predecessors, and to myself;
snd I do now set you free from those tributes
which you have ever paid ; and besides, I
forgive you the tax upon sail, and the value
of the crowns which you used to otter to me:*
and instead of the third part of the fruits [of
the field], and the half of the fruits of the
trees, I relinquish my part of them from this
day : and as to the poll-money, which ought
to be given me for every head of the inhabi-
tants of Judea, and of the three toparchies
that adjoin to Judea, Samaria, and Galilee,
and Perea, that I relinquish to you for this
time, and for all time to come. I will also,
that the city of Jerusalem be holy and invio-
lable, and free from the tithe, and from the
taxes, unto its utmost bounds : and I so far
recede from my title to the citadel, as to per-
mit Jonathan your high-priest to possess it,
that he may place such a garrison in it as he
approves of for fidelity and good-will to him
self, that they may keep it for us. I also
make free all those Jews who have been made
captives and slaves in my kingdom. I also
give order that the beasts of the Jews be not
pressed for our service : and let their Sab-
baths, and all their festivals, and three days
before each of them, be free from any impo-
sition. In the same manner, I set free the
Jews that are inhabitants in my kingdom,
and order that no injury be done them. I
also give leave to such of them as are willing
to list themselves in my army, that they may
do it, and those as far as thirty thousand ;
which Jewish soldiers, wheresoever they go,
shall have the same pay that my own army
hath ; and some of them I will place in my
garrisons, and some as guards about mine
own boxly, and as rulers over those that are
in my court. I give them leave also to use
the laws of their forefathers, and to observe
them ; and I will that they have po^ver over
the tliree toparchies that are added to Judea ;
and it shall be in the power of the high-priest
to take care that no one Jew shall have any
• Take Grotius's note here : " The Jews," says he,
" were wont to present erowiis to the kings [of Syria] ;
«ftenvarils that gold which was paid instead of those
crowns, or which was expended in making; them, was
lalled the Crown-Gold and Crown-Tax." On 1 Maceab.
«. 2!)
Other temple for worship but only that at Je-
rusalem. I bequeath also, out of my own
revenues, yearly, for the expenses about the
sacrifices, one hundred and fifty thousand
[drachmae] ; and what money is to spare, I
will that it shall be your own. I also release
to you those ten thousand drachmae v.hich the
kings received from the temple, because they
appertain to the priests that minister in that
temple. And whosoever shall fly to the tem-
ple at Jerusalem, or to the places thereto be-
longing, or who owe the king money, or are
there on any other account, let them be set
free, and let their goods be in safety. I also
give you leave to repair and rebuild your
temple, and that all be done at my expenses.
I also allow you to build the walls of your
city, and to erect high towers, and that they
be erected at my charge. And if there beany
fortified town that would be convenient for
the Jewish country to have very strong, let it
be so built at my expenses."
4. This was what Demetrius promised and
granted to the Jews, by this letter. But king
Alexander raised a great army of mercenary
soldiers, and of those that deserted to him out
of Syria, and made an expedition against De-
metrius. And when it was come to a battle,
the left wing of Demetrius put those who op-
posed them to flight, and pursued them a
great way, and slew many of them, and spoil
ed their camp ; but the right wing, where
Demetrius happened to be, was beaten ; and
as for all the rest, they ran away. But De-
metrius fought courageously, and slew a great
many of the enemy ; but as he was in pursuit
of the rest, his horse carried him into a deep
bog, where it was hard to get out, and there
it happened, that upon his horse's falling
down, he could not escape being killed ; for
when his enemies saw what had befallen him,
they returned back, and encompassed Deme-
trius round, and they all threw their darts at
him ; but he, being now on foot, fought brave-
ly. But at length he received so many wounds,
that he was not able to bear up any longer,
but fell. And this is the end that Demetrius
came to, when he had reigned eleven years,f
as we have elsewhere related.
CHAPTER III.
THE FRIENDSHIP THAT WAS BETWEEN' ONTAS
AND PTOI.EMY PHILOMETOR ; AND HOW
ONIAS BUILT A TEMPLE IN EGYPT LIlvE TO
THAT AT JERUSALEM.
§ 1. But then the son of Onias the high-
priest, who was of the same name with his
t Since the rest of the historians now extant give
this Demetrius 13 years, and Josephus only II years.
Dean Prideaux does not aiiiiss ia :t>cribing to him iha
mean number Xi
344
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK Xlll
father, and who fled to king Ptolemy, who
was calli-'d Pliiloinetor, lived now at Alexan-
dria, as we have said already. W'lien this
Oiiias saw that Judea was oppressed by the
Macedonians and their kings, out of a desire
to piueiiase to himself a memorial and eter-
nal fame, he resolved to send to king Ptolemy
and queen Cleopatra, to ask leave of them
that he might build a temple in Egypt like to
that at Jerusalem, and might ordain Levites
and priests out of their own stock. The chief
reason why he was desirous so to do, was, that
he relied upon the prophet Isaiah, who lived
above six hundred years before, and foretold
that there certainly was to be a temple built
to Almighty God in Egypt by a man that was
a Jew, Oiiias was elevated with th.is predic-
tion, and wrote the following epistle to Pto-
lemy and Cleopatra: — " Having done many
and great things for you in the afl'airs of the
war, by the assistance of God, and that in
Celesyria and Phrenicia, I came at length with
the Jews to l.eontopolis, and to other places
of your nation, where I found that the great-
est part of your people had temples in an im-
proper manner, and that on this account they
bare ill will one against another, which hap-
pens to the Egyptians by reason of the mul-
titude of their temples, and the dill'erence of
opinions about divine worship. Now I found
a very fit |)lace in a castle that hath its name
from the country Diana ; this place is full of
materials of several sorts, and replenished with
sacred animals : I desire, therefore, that you
will grant me leave to purge this lioly place,
w'n'ch belongs to no master, and is fallen
down, and to build there a temple to Almigh-
ty God, after the pattern of that in Jerusalem,
and of the same dimensions, that may be for
the benefit of thyself, and thy wife and chil-
dren, that those Jews who dwell in Egypt
may have a place whither they may come and
meet together in inutuai harmony one with
another, and be subservient to thy advantages;
for the prophet Isaiah foretold, that ' there
should be an altar in Egypt to the Lord
God :' • and many other such things did he
prophesy relating to that place."
• It seems to me, contrary' to the opinion of Josc-
phus, ani* of the moderns, both Jews ami Christians,
th.it this iiropliccv of Isaiah, xix, 19, &c. • In that day-
there shall be an 'altar to the Lord in the midst of the
land of Kg\ pt," Jkc. directly foietold the building of this
temple ot'Onias in Kgypt, and was a suiliciont warrant
to the Jews for biiildmt; it, and for worsliiiipiiig Ihi' true
God, the God of Isr.iel, Ihtrcin. See AutlunU Kcc. ii,
p. 7.).5. Th.ittiod seems to have soon better atreiUed
of the sacrifices and prayers hi re oircri d him than those
at Jerusalem ; see the note on eh. x, sect. V. And truly
the marks of Jewish corruption or iiiti rpolation in this
text, in order tu discourage their pcojile Irom approving
hip oftJod here, are very strong, and highly
of the wor. .. , ■.-..,.
deserve our consideration and correction. I he forego-
ing verse In Isaiah runs thus in our common copies:-
"In that day shall five cities in the land of Kgypt speak
the language of Canaan," [the Hchrew language: shall
be full of Jews, whose sacred books were m llcbrcwj
" and swear to the Lord of Hosts One for the first]
shall be called • the City of Destruction,'" ls:i. xx, IS.
A strange name, *• City of IHstruction," upon so joy-
ful an occasion ; and a name never lieanl of in the land
of Kgypt, or perhaps in any other nation. The old
'2 And this was what Onias wrote to king
Ptolemy. Now any one may observe his
piety, and that of his sister and wife Cleojjatra,
by that ejiistle wliich tliey wrote in answer to
it ; for they laid tiie blame and the transgres-
sion of the law upon the head of Onias
And this was tiieir reply : — " King Ptolemy
and queen Cleopatra to Onias, send greeting.
We have read tliy )jetition, wherein thou de-
sirest leave to be given to thee to purge that
temple which is fallen down at Leontopolis,
in the Nomns of Ileliopolis, and which is
named from the country Bubastis; on which
account we cannot but wonder that it sliould
be pleasing to God to have a temple erected
in a place so unclean, and so full of sacred
animals. But since thou sayest that Isaiah
the prophet foretold this long ago, we give
thee leave to do it, if it may be done accord-
ing to your law, and so that we may not ap-
pear to have at all ofi'ended God herein."
3. So Onias took the place, and built a
temjile, and an altar to (iod, like indeed to
that in Jerusalem, but smaller and poorer. I
do not think it proper for me now to describe
its dimensions, or its vessels, which have been
alieady described in my seventh book of the
Wars of the Jews. However, Onias found
other Jews like to himself, together with
priests and Levites, that there performed di-
vine service. But we have said enough about
this temple.
4. Now it came to pass that the Alexan-
drian Jews, and those Samaritans who paid
their worship to the temple that was built in
the days of Alexander at Mount Gerizzim,
did now make a sedition one agair.st another,
and disputed about their temples before Pto-
lemy himself, the Jews saying that, according
to the law of Moses, the temi)le was to be
built at JerusLilem ; and the Samaritans say-
ing that it was to be built at Gerizzim. They
desired therefore the king to sit with his
friends and hear the debates about these mat-
ters, and punish those with death who were
baffled. Now S;ibbeus and Theodosius m.a-
naged the argument for the Samaritans, and
reading nas e\idently the City of the Snn, or Heliopo-
iis; and OnkeUjs, in effect, and Symmachus, with the
Arabic version, entirely confess tlia't to be the truere;id-
ing. The ScjituaKiut iilso, although Ihcy liavc the text
disguised in tlic conniuin copies, and call it Asetlek, the
City of nighteousncs.-; vet iii two or three other copies
thc'llcbrrwwonl itself tor ll-.e Sun, Atharc.-. or Tharcs,
is preserved. And siiur Oni:is insists wuh the king and
Muccu, that Isaiah's nroiilieev cimiaincd mai.y other pri--
liictions relating to this i>laee besiiUs the words recited,
it is highlv probable thiit these were especially meant by
him ; amt that one main reason why ho applied this
prediction to himself, and to his prefecture of Heliopo-
lis, which Dean I'ridcaux well proves was in that))artuf
Kgypt, and why he chose to build in that prefecture of
Heliopolis, though oilicrwise an impr<>pcr placv. was
this : That the same authority that he had for building
this temple in Kgvi>t, the very snnehc had for building
It in his own pi-ctecturc of Ileliopolis also; wh.ch hii
dcjiied to do, ;ind which he did a<-cordingly. Dean
I'ridcaux h.as much ado to avoid seeing this corruption
of the Hebrew ; but it being in sui>iH.rt of his own oiii-
nion alxiiii this tcmiilc, he durst not >i e it ; and iinlccd lit
reasons here in the most injudicious maimer possiU'
bef liim at the year 149.
"V.
J~'
X
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. IV.
Andronicus, the son of Messalainiis, for the
people of JtTiisalein ; and they took an oath
by God and the king, to make their demon-
strations according to the law ; and they de-
sired of Ptolemy, that whomsoever he should
find that transgressed what they had sworn to,
he would put him to death. Accordingly,
the king took several of his friends into
the council, and sat down, in order to hear
what the pleaders said. Now the Jews that
were at Alexandria were in great concern for
those men, whose lot it was to contend for
the temple at Jerusalem ; for they took it
very ill that any should take away the repu-
tation of that temple, whicli was so ancient
and so celebrated all over the habitable earth.
Now when Sabbeus and Theodosius had given
leave to Andronicus to speak first, he began
to demonstrate out of the law, and out of the
successions of the high-priests, how they every
one in succession from bis father had received
that dignity, and ruled over the temple; and
how all the kings of Asia had honoured that
temple with their donations, and with the
most splendid gifts dedicated thereto ; but as
for that at Gerizzim, he made no account of
it, and regarded it, as if it had never had a be-
ing. By this speech, and other arguments,
Andronicus persuaded the king to determine
tliat the temple at Jerusalem was built ac-
coiding to the laws of Moses,* and to put
S ib!)eus and Theodosius to death. And these
«ere the events that befell the Jews at Alex-
andria 'n the days of Ptolemy Pliilometor.
CHAPTER IV.
HOW ALEXANDER HONOURED JONATHAN AF-
TKR AN EXTRAORDrNARY MANNER ; AND
MOW DEMETRIUS, THE SON OF DEMETRI-
US, OVERCAME ALEXANDER, AND MADE A
LEAGUE OF FRIENDSHIP WITH JONATHAN.
§ 1. Demetrius being thus slain in battle, as
we have above related, Alexander took the
kingdom of Syria ; and wrote to Ptolemy
Philoinetor, and desired his daughter in mar-
* A vory unfair disputation this! while the Jewish
disputant, knowing that he could not properlv prove
out or' the Penta-euch, that the place which the lord
their God shall choose to place his name there,' so of-
ten referred to in the book of Deuteronomy, was Jeru-
salem any more than Gerizzim. that being not determin-
ed till the day~ of David, ( Antiq. b. vii, ch. xiii. set-t 3.)
proves only, what the Samaritans did not deny, that
the temple at Jerusalem was much more ancient, and
inuch more celebrated and honoured, than that at Ge-
rizzim ; which was nothing to the present purpose, the
whole evidence, by the very oaths of both i>artii's, be-
ing, we sec, obliped to be o6nfine<l to the law of Moses,
or to the Pentateuch alone. However, wordly |)olicy
and interest, and the multitude prevailing, the court
gave sentence, as usual, on the stronger side, and poor
.Sabbeus and Theoitosius, the Samaritan disputants,
were martyred, and this, so far as appears, without any
direct hearing at all ; which is like the usual practice of
such political courts about matters of religiou. Our
copies say that the bxiy of the Jews were ina greatcon-
oem about those men (in the plural) who were to dis-
pute for their temiiln at Jerusalem \ whereas^ seems
345
riage ; and said it was but just that he should
be joined in affinity to one that had now re-
ceived the principality of his forefathers, and
had been promoted to it by Gods jirovidence,
and had conquered Demetrius ; and that was
on other accotints not unworthy of being re-
lated to him. Ptolemy received this propo-
sal of marriage gladly ; and wrote him an
answer, saluting him on account of his hay-
ing received the principality of his forefathers;
and jjromising him that he would give him
his daughter in marriage ; and assured him
that he was coming to meet him at Ptolemais,
and desired that he woisld there meet him, for
that he would accompany her from Egypt so
far, and would there marry his child to him.
When Ptolemy had written thus, he came sud-
denly to Ptolemais, and brought his daugh-
ter Cleopatra along with him ; and as he
found Alexander there before him, as he de-
sired him to come, he gave him his child in
marriage, and for her portion gave her as
much silver and gold as became such a king
to give.
2. When the wedding was over, Alexander
wrote to Jonathan, the high -priest, and desired
him to come to Ptolemais. So when he came
to these kings, and had made them magnificent
presents, he was honoured by them both. Alex-
ander compelled him also to put off his own
garment, and to take a purple garment, and
made him sit with him on his throne ; and
commanded his captains that they should gr
with him into the middle of the city, and pro
claim, that it was not permitted to any one tc
speak against him, or to give him any disturb-
ance. And when the captains had thus done,
those that were prepared to accuse Jonathan,
and who bore him ill-will, when they saw the
honour that was done him by proclaination,
and that by the king's order, ran awav, and
were afraid lest some misihief should befall
them. Nay, king Alexander was so very
kind to Jonathan, that he set him down as
the principal of his friends.
3. But then, upon the hundred and sixty-
fifth year, Demetrius, the son of Demetrius,
came from Crete with a great nuinber of mer-
cenary soldiers, which Lasthenes, the Cretan,
brought him, and sailed to Cilicia. This thing
cast Alexander into great concern and disorder
when he heard it ; so he made haste im-
mediately out of Phoenicia and came to An-
tioch, that he might put matters in a safe pos-
ture there before Demetrius should come.
He also left Apollonius Dausf governor of
here they had but one disputant, Andronicus by name;
perhaps more were prepared to speak on the Jews' side:
but the first having answered to his name, and over-
come the Samarit.ans, there was no necessity for any
other defender of the Jerusalem temple.
+ Of the several ApoUonii atiout tiiese ages, sec Dean
Prideaux at the year I-IS. This Ap llonius Daus was,
by his account, the son of that Apollonius who had been
made governor of CelesjTia and Pha-nicLi by Seleucus
Philopater, and i<as himself a conli.iant of his son De-
m. tr us the fa: her, and restored to liis father's govern-
ment by him, but arterwarils revolted from him u> .Vle»
ander; but not to Demconus .he son, as lie suppo»e»
"\.
J~
346
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
Celi'syria, who, coniin}; to Janinia witli a great
army, sent to Jonathan, the liigh-priest, and
told liim that it was not right that he alone
should live at rest, and with authority, and
not be subject to the king; that this thing
liad made him a reproach among all men,
that he had not yet made him subject to
the king. " Do not thou therefore deceive
tlivseir, and sit still among the mountains, and
pretend to have forces with thee; but if thou
hast any dependence on thy strengtii, come
down into the plain, and let our armies be
compared together, and the event of the battle
will demon-,trate which of us is the most cou-
rageous. However, take notice, that the most
valiant men of every city are in my army, and
that these are the very men who have always
beaten thy progenitors ; but let us have the
battle in such a place of the country where we
may tight with weapons, and not with stones,
and where there may be no place whither
those that are beaten may fly."
4. With this Jonathan was irritated ; and
choosing himself out ten tliousand of his sol-
diers, he went out of Jerusalem in haste, with
his brother Simon, and came to Joppa, and
pitched his camp on the outside of the city,
because the people of Joppa had shut their
gates against him, for they had a garrison in
the city put there by ApoUjjnius. But when
Jonathan was preparing to besiege them, they
were afraid he would take them by force, and
so they opened the gates to him. But Ajjol-
lonius, when he heard that Joppa was taken
by Jonathan, took three thousand horsemen,
and eight thousand footmen, and came to Ash-
dod ; and removing thence, he made his jour-
ney silently and slowly, and going up to Jop-
pa, he made as if he was retiring from the
place, and so diew Jonathan into the plain, as
valuing himself highly upon his horsemen,
and having his hopes of victory principally in
them. However, Jonathan sallied out, and
pursued Apollonius to Ashdod ; but as soon
as Apollonius perceived that his enemy was
in the plain, he came back and gave him bat-
tle. But Apollonius had laid a thousand
horsemen in ambush in a valley, that they
might be seen l)y their enemies as behind
them ; which when Jonathan perceived, he
was imder no consternation, but, ordering his
army to stand in a square battle array, lie
gave them a charge to fall on the enemy on
both sides, and set them to face those that at-
tacked them both before and behind ; and
while the fight lasted till the evening, he gave
part of his forces to his brother Simon, and
ordered him to attack the enemies ; but for
himself he charged tho-^e that were with him
to cover themselves with their armour, and
receive the darts of the horsemen, who did as
tlu-v were commanded ; so that the enemy's
horsemen, while they threw their darts till
they had no more left, did them no harm, for
the darts that were thrown did not enter into
BOOK XIII
their bodies, being thrown upon the shields
that were united and conjoined together, the
c'oseness of which easily overcame the force
of the darts, and they flew about without any
efl'ect. But when the enemy grew remiss ill
throwing their darts from morning till late at
night, Simon perceived their weariness, and
fell upon the body of men before him; and
because his soldiers showed great alacrity, he
put the enemy to flight: and when the horse-
men saw that the footmen ran away, neither
did they stay themselves ; but they being very
weary, by the duration of the fight till the
evening, and their hope from the footmen be-
ing quite gone, they basely ran away, and in
great confusion also, till they were separated
one from another, and scattered over all the
plain. Upon which Jonathan pursued them
as far as Ashdod, and slew a great many o/
them, and compelled the rest, in despair of
escaping, to fly to the temple of D.igon, which
was at Ashdod . but Jonathan took the city
on the first onset, and burnt it, and the vil-
lages about it; nor did he abstain from the
temple of Dagon itself, but burnt it also, and
destroyed those that had fled to it. Now the
entire multitude of the enemies that fell in
the battle, and were consumed in the temple,
were eight thousand. When Jonathan there-
fore had overcome so great an army, he re-
moved from Ashdod, and came to Askelon :
and when he had pitched his camp without the
city, the people of Askelon came out and met
him, bringing him hospitable presents, and
honouring him ; so he accepted of their kind
intentions, and returned thence to Jerusalem
with a great deal of prey, which he brought
thence when he conquered his enemies. But
when Alexander heard that Apollonius, the
general of his army, was beaten, he pretended
to be glad of it, because he had fought with
Jonathan his friend and ally against his direc-
tions. Accordingly, he sent to Jonathan, and
gave testimony to his worth ; and gave him
honorary rewards, as a golden button," which
it is the custom to give the king's kinsmen,
and allowed him Ekron and its toparchy for
his own inheritance.
5. About this time it was that king Ptole-
my, who was called i'hilometor, led an army,
part by sea and part by land, and came to
Syria, to the assistance of Alexander, who
was his son-in-law; and accordingly all the
cities received him willingly, as Alexander
had commanded them to do, and conducted
him as far as Ashdod; where they all made
loud complaints about the temple of Dagon,
which was burnt, and accused Jonathan of
having laid it waste, and destroyed the coun-
try adjoining with fire, and slain a great num-
ber of them. Ptolemy heard these accusations,
• Dr. Miictson here observes, that the PhoEniciansaiid
Uuitiaiu Used to it'W.-ird such as had dcser\cd well of
them, by (ircseiitiiig to tlieni a golden buttiiu. See ch.
V, sect. 4.
^
J~
CHAP, IV.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
347
but said nothing. Jonathan also went to and assured them that he would not be mind-
meet Ptolemy as far as Joppa, and obtained ful of what they did to his father in case he
from him hospitable presents, and those glori- should be now obliged by them ; and he un-
cus in their kinds, with all the marks of hon- i dertook that he would himself be a good
our; and when he had conducted him as far j monitor and governor to him; and promised
as the river called Eleutherus, he returned a- that he would not permit him to attempt any
gain to Jerusalem. bad actions ; but that, for his own part, he was
6. But as Ptolemy was at Ptolemais, he contented with the kingdom of Egypt. By
was very near to a most unexpected destruc-
tion ; for a treacherous design was laid for
his life by Alexander, by the means of Am-
which discourse he persuaded the people of
Antioch to receive Demetrius.
8. But now Alexander made haste, with a
monius, who was his friend : and as the numerous and great army, and came out of
treachery was very plain, Ptolemy wrote to | Cilicia into Syria, and burnt the country be-
Alexander, and required of him that he should j longing to Antioch, and pillaged it; where-
bring Ammoiiius to condign punishment, upon Ptolemy, and bis son-in-law Demetrius,
informing him what snares had been laid fori brought their army against him (for be had
him by Ammonius, and desired that he might already given him his daughter in marriage),
be accordingly punished for it; but when Al- and beat Alexander, and put him to flight;
exander did not comply with his demands, he i and accordingly he fled into Arabia. Now,
perceived that it was he himself who laid the it happened in the time of the battle that Pto-
design, and was very angry at him. Alexan- lemy's horse, upon hearing the noise of an ele-
der had also formerly been on very ill terms | phant, cast him off his back, and threw him
with tile people of Antioch, for they had suf- on the ground ; upon the sight of which ac-
fered very uuicli by this means; yet did Am
monius at length undergo the punishment his
insolent crimes had deserved, for he was kill-
ed in an opprobrious manner, like a wo-
man, while he endeavoured to conceal him-
self in a feminine habit, as we have elsewhere
related.
7. Hereupon Ptolemy blamed himself for
cident his enemies fell upon him, and gave
him many wounds upon his head, and brought
him into danger of death, for when his guards
caught him up he was so very ill, that for
four days' time he was not able either to un-
derstand or to speak. However, Zabdiel, a
prince among the Arabians, cut off Alex-
ander's head and sent it to Ptolemy, who re-
'lavmg given his daughter in marriage to covering of his wounds, and returning to his
Alexander, and for the league ho had made understanding, oti the fifth day, heard at once
with him to assist him against Demetrius; so ! a most agreeable hearing, and saw a most
he dissolved his relation to him, and took his | agreeable sight, which were the death and the
daughter away from him, and immediately i head of Alexander; yet a little after this his
sent to Demetrius, and ofl'ered to make a joy for the death of Alexander, with which he
league of mutual assistance and friendship ! was so greatly satisfied, he also departed this
with him, and agreed with him to give him I life. Now Alexander, who was called Balas,
his daughter in marriage, and to restore hiiu reigned over Asia five years, as we have else-
to the principality of his fathers. Demetrius
was well ple;ised with this embassage, and ac-
cepted of his assistance, and of the marriage
of his daughter ; but Ptolemy had still one
more hard task to do, and that was to persuade
the people of Antioch to receive Dometrius,
because they were greatly displeased at him,
on account of the injuries his father Demetrius
where related.
9. But when Demetrius, who was styled
Nicator,* had taken the kingdom, he was so
wicked as to treat Ptolemy's soldiers very
hardly, neither remembering the league of
mutual assistance that was between them, nor
that he was his son-in-law and kinsman, by
Cleopatra's marriage to him ; so the soldiers
had done them ; yet did he bring this about ; fled from his wicked treatment to Alexan-
for as the people of Antioch hated Alexander I dria ; but Demetrius kept his elephants,
on Ammonius's account, as we have shown I But Jonathan the high-priest levied an army
already, they were easily prevailed with to out of all Judea, and attacked the citadel at
cast him out of Antioch; who, thus expelled | Jerusalem, and besieged it. It was held by
out of Antioch, came into Cilicia. Ptolemy - a garrison of Macedonians, and by some of
came then to Antioch, and was made king by
its inhabitants, and by the army ; so that he
was forced to put on his own two diadetns, the
one of Asia, the other of Egypt ; hut being
naturally a good and a righteous man, and not
desirous of what belonged to others, and be-
sides these dispositions, being also a wise man
in reasoning about futurities-, he determined
to avoid the envy of the Romans, so he called
those men wi.o had deserted the customs of
their forefathers. These men at first despised
the attempts of Jonathan for taking the place,
as depending on its strength; but some of
those wicked men went out by night, and
came to Demetrius, and informed him that
the citadel was besieged ; who was irritated
This name, Demetiius Nicator, or Deraetrius the
I conqueror, is so written on his ooii.s still extant, as
the people of Antioch toj^ether to an assembly, I HmUon and Spanheim inform us; the latter of whom
„„j 1 1 .1 . • r-i • gives us here the entire inscriptiiin. " King Demetiraj
and persuaded tliem to receive Dcu^etrius ; the coil. Fhiladelphus, Nicator.'"
J-
848
ANTIQUlTIliS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK Xill
CHAPTER V.
CIILS, THK SON OF AI.KXANUKK, AND GAIN-
ED JONATHAN lOR HIS ASSISTANT ; AND
CONCliUNING THE ACTIONS AND J^MBASSIl;:^
OF JONATHAN.
wiili u'liat he lioard, and took his army, and ,
came from Aniioch, against Jonatlian. And
when he was at Antioch, he wrote to him, |
and commanded liim to come to liim ijiiickly'
to Ptolemais : upon which Jonathan did not HOW TttYPHO, AFTER HE had beaten DEME-
mtermit the siege of the citadel, but took TUius, DKLIVEUKD THi; KiNGixJiM TO antio-
with him tiie ehlers of tlie people, atid the !
priests, and carried with hiin gold, and silver, j
and garmetits, and a great number of presents!
of friendship, and came to Demetrius, and
presented him with them, and tliereby paci- 1
fied the king's anger. So he was honoured § 1. Now there was a certain commander of
by him, and received from him the confirma- Alexander's forces, an Apanemian by birth,
tion of his liigh-priesthood, as he had passes- whose name was Diodotus, and was also call-
sed it by the grants of the kings his predeces- ed Trypho, took notice of the ill-will the soU
sors. And when the Jewish deserters accused diers bare to Demetrius, and went to Mal-
him, Demetrius was so far from giving credit chus the Arabian, who brought up Antiochus,
to them, that when he petitioned him that he the son of Alexander, and told him what ill-
would demand no more than three hundred will the army bare Demetrius, and persuaded
talents for the tribute of all Judea, and the him to give him Antiochus, because he would
three toparchies of Samaria, and Perea, and make him king, and recover to him the king-
Galilee, he complied with the proposal, and dom of his father. Malchus at first opposed
gave him a letter confirming those grants; him in this attempt, because he could not be-
the contents of which were as follows: — , lieve him; but when Trypho lay hard at him
" King Demetrius to Jonathan his brother, for a long time, he over-persuaded )iim to
and to the nation of the Jews, sendeth greet- comply with Trypho's intentions and entrea-
ing. We have sent you a copy of that epistle ties. And this was the state Trypl)o was
which we have written to Lasthenes our kins- now in.
man, that you may know its contents.— 2. But Jonathan the high-priest, being de-
' King Demetrius to Labthenes our father, sirous to get clear of those that were in the
sendeth greeting. I have determined to re- citadel of Jerusalem, and of the Jewisli de-
turn thanks, and to show favour to the na- serters and wicked men, as well as those ir
tion of the Jews, who hath observed the rules ' all the garrisons in the country, sent jjresents
of justice in our concerns. Accordingly, I and ambassadors to Demetrius, and entreated
remit to them the three prefectures, Apheri- 1 him to take away his soldiers out of the
ma, and Lydda, and liamatha, which have
been added to Judea out of Samaria, with
their appurtenances : as also what the kings
my predecessors received from those that of-
fered sacritices in Jerusalem, and what are
due from the fruits of the earth, and of the
trees, and what else belongs to us ; with the
salt-pits, and the crowns that used to be pre-
sented to us. Nor shall they be compelled
to pay any of those taxes from this time to
all futurity. Take care, therefore, that a
copy of this epistle be taken, and given to
Jonathan, and be set up in an eminent place
of their holy temple.' " And these were the
contents of this writing. And now when
Demetrius satv that there was peace every-
where, and that there was no danger, nor
fear of war, he disbanded the greatest part of
liis army, and diminished their pay, and even
retained in pay no others than such foreigners
as came uj) «itli him from Crete, and from
the other islands. However, this procured
liim ill-will and hatred from the soldiers, on
whom he bestowed nothing from this time,
while the kings before iiim used to pay them
in time of peace, as they did before, that they
might have their good -will, and that they
might be very ready to undergo the dilH-
culties of WM, if any occasion should re-
quire it.
strong holds of Judea. Demetrius made an-
swer, that after the war, which he was now
deeply engaged in, was over, he would not
only grant liim that, but greater things than
that also: and he desired he would send him
some assistance ; and informed him that his
army had deserted him. So Jonathan chose
out three thousand of his soldiers, and sent
them to Demetrius.
3. Now the people of Antioch hated De-
metrius, both on account of what mischief he
had himself done them, and because they
were his enemies also on accoimt of his father
Demetrius, who had greatly abused them ; so
they watched some opportunity which they
might lay hold on, to fall upon him. And
when they were informed of the assistance that
was Coming to Demetrius from Jonathan,
and considered at the same time that he would
raise a luimeious army, unless they jirevented
him and seized upon him, they took their
weapons immediately, and encom|)assed his
palace in the way of a siege, and seizing up-
on all the ways of getting out, they sought to
subdue their king. And when he saw that
the jieople of Antioch were become his bitter
enemies, and that they were thus in arms, he
took the mercenary soldiers which he had
with him, and those Jews who were sent by
'unatlian, and assaulted the Antiochians; but
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. V.
he was overpowered by tliem, for ttiey were
many ten thousands, and was beaten. But
when the Jews saw that the Antiochians were
superior, they went up to the top of the pa-
lace, and bliot at them from thence ; and be-
cause tliey were so remote from them by their
height, that they suffered notliing on tlieir
side, but did great execution on the others,
as figliting from such an elevation, they drove
them out of the adjoining houses, and imme-
diately set thein on fire, wiiereupon the Hame
spread itself over the whole city, and burnt it
all down. This happened by reason of the
closeness of the houses, and because they
were generally built of wood : so the Antio-
chians, when they were notable to help them-
selves, nor to stop the fire, were put to flight.
And as the Jews leaped from the top of one
house to the top of another, and pursued them
after that manner, it thence happened that the
pursuit was very surprising. But when the
king saw that the Antiochians were very busy
in saving their children and their wives, and
so did not fight any longer, he fell upon them
in the narrow passages, and fought them, and
slew a great number of them, till at last they
were forced to throw down their arms, and to
deliver themselves up to Demetrius. So he
forgave them this their insolent behaviour,
and put an end to the sedition : and when he
had given rewards to the Jews out of the
rich spoils he had gotten, and had returned
tliem thanks, as the cause of his victory, he
sent them away to Jerusalem to Jonathan,
with an ample testimony of the assistance
they had afforded him. Yet did he prove an
ill man to Jonathan afterward, and broke the
promises he had made : and he threatened
that he would make war upon him, unless he
would pay all that tribute which the Jewish
nation owed to the first kings [of Syria].
And this he had done, if Trypho had not hin-
dered him, and diverted his preparations a-
gainst Jonathan to a concern for his own pre-
sei'vation ; for he now returned out of Ara-
bia into Syria, with the child Antiochus, for
he was yet in age but a youth, and put the
diadem on his head ; and as the whole forces
that had left Demetrius, because they had no
pay, came to his assistance, he made war up-
on Demetrius, and joining battle with him,
overcame him in the fight, and took from him
both his elephants and the city of Antioch.
4. Deinetrius, upon this defeat, retired in-
to Cilicia : but the child Antiochus sent am-
bassadors and an epistle to Jonathan, and
made him his friend and confederate, and con-
firmed to him the high-priesthood, and yield-
ed up to him the four prefectures which had
been added to Judea. Moreover, he sent him
Tessels and cups of gold, and a purple gar-
ment, and gave him leave to use them. He
also presented him with a golden button, and
styled him one of his principal friends ; and
appointed his brother Simon to be tbcgeneral
349
over the forces, from the Ladder of Tyre un-
to Egypt. So Jonathan was so pleased with
these grants made him by Antiochus, that he
sent ambassadors to him and to Trypho, and
professed liimself to be their friend and con-
federate, and said he would join with him in
a war against Demetrius, informing him that
!ie had made no proper returns for the kind-
nesses he had done him ; for that when he
had received many marks of kindness from
him, when he stood in great need of them, he,
for such good turns, had requited him with
farther injuries.
5. So Antiochus gave Jonathan leave to
raise himself a numerous army out of Syria
and Phoenicia, and to make war against De-
metrius's generals ; whereupon he went in
haste to the several cities, which received him
splendidly indeed, but put no forces into his
hands. And when he was come from thence
to Askelon, the inhabitants of Askelon came
and broirght him presents, and met him in a
splendid manner. He exhorted them, and
every one of the cities of Celesyria, to forsake
Demetrius, and to join with Antiochus, and
in assisting him, to endeavour to punish De-
metrius for what offences he had been guilty
of against themselves; and told them there
were many reasons for that their procedure,
if they had a mind so to do. And when he
had persuaded those cities to promise their as-
sistance to Antiochus, he came to Gaza, in
order to induce them also to be friends to
Antiochus; but he found the inhabitants ot
Gaza much more alienated from him than he
expected, for they had shut their gates against
him; and although they had deserted Deme-
trius, they had not resolved to join themselves
to Antiochus. This provoked Jonathan to
besiege them, and to harass their country ;
for as he set a part of his army round about
Gaza itself, so with the rest he overran their
land, and spoiled it, and burned what was in
it. When the inhabitants of Gaza saw them-
selves in this state of affliction, and that no
assistance came to them from Demetrius, that
what distressed them was at hand, but what
should profit them was still at a great distance,
and it was uncertain whether it would come
at all or not, they thought it would be pru-
dent conduct to leave off any longer continu-
ance with him, and to cultivate friendship
with the other ; so they sent to Jonathan, and
professed they would be his friends, and afford
him assistance ; for such is the temper of men,
that before they have had the trial of great af-
flictions, they do not understand what is for
their advantage; but when they find them-
selves under such aflHictions, they then change
their minds, and what it had been better for
them to have done before they had been at
all damaged, they choose to do, but not till
after they have suH'ered such damages. How-
ever, he made a league of friendship with
them, and took from them hostages for their
V
-T
J'
850
ANTfQUITlES OF THE JEWS.
performance of if, and sent these liosvages to
Jcnisiileni, while he went himself over all tin*
coiiiUty, .'IS tar as Daniasctis.
6. l>ut «hen he heard that the generals of
Demetrius's forces were come to the city Ca-
desh with a numerous army (the place lies
between the land of tlie Tyrians and (jalilee),
for tliey supposed they should hereby draw
him out of Syria, in order to preserve Gali-
lee, and that he would not overlook the Gali-
leans, who were liis own people, when war
was made upon «hem, he went to meet them,
having left Simon in Judea, who raised as
great an army as he was able out of the coun-
try, and tlien sat down before I'ethsura, and
besieged it, that being the strongest place in
all Judea; and a garrison of Demetrius's kept
it, as we have already related. But as Simon
was raising banks, and bringing his engines of
war against Bethsura, and was very earnest
about the siege of it, the garrison was afraid
lest the place should be taken of Simon by
force, and they put to the sword ; so they sent
to Simon, and desired the security of his oath,
that they should come to no harm from him,
and that they would leave the place, and go
away to Demetrius. Accordingly, he gave
them his oath, and ejected them out of the
city, and be put therein a garrison of his own.
7. But Jonathan removed out of Galilee,
and from the waters which are called Genne-
sar, for there he was before encamped, and
came into the plain that is called Asor, witii-
out knowing that the enemy was there. When
tlierefore Demetrius's men knew a day be-
forehand that Jonathan was coming against
them, they lay in ambush in tlie mountain,
who were to assault him on the sudden, while
they themselves met him with an army in the
plain ; which arrny, when Jonathan saw ready
to engage him, he also got ready his own sol-
diers for the battle as well as he was able.
But those that were laid in ambush by De-
metrius's generals being behind them, the
Jews were afraid lest they should be caugiit
in the midst between two bodies, and perish ;
so they ran away in haste, and indeed all the
rest, left Jonathan, but a few that were in
number about fifty, who staid with him, and
with them Mattatin'as, the son of Absalom ;
and Judas, the son of Chapseus, who were
commanders of the whole army. Tliese
marched boldly, and like men desperate,
against the enemy, and so pushed them, that
by their courage they daunted them, and with
their weapons in their hands, they put tliem
to flight. And when those soldiers of .Jona-
than that had retired, saw the enemy giving
A'ay, they got together after their flight, and
pursued them with great violence; and this
did they as far as Cadesh, where tlie camp of
tlie enemy lay.
8. Jonathan having thus gotten a glorious
victory, and slain two thousand of tlie enemy.
BOOK, XIIT.
all his aflfajrs prospered acccording to his mind,
l)y llie [)rovi(lencc of (iiid, he sent ambassa-
dors to the Hoiiians, being desirous of renew,
itig that friendship which their nation had with
them formerly. He enjoined the same em-
bassadors, that, as they came back, they should
go to the Spartans, and put them in mind of
their friendship and kindred. So whe:) the am-
bassadors came to Rome, they went in to their
senate, and said what they were commanded by
Jonathan tlieir high-priest to say, how he had
sent them to confirm their friendship. The
senate then confirmed what had been formerly
decreed concerning their friendship with the
Jews, and gave them letters to carry to all the
kings of Asia and Europe, and to the gover-
nors of the cities, that thoy might safely con-
duct them to their own country. According
ly, as they returned, they came to Sparta, and
delivered the epistle which they had received
of Jonathan to them ; a copy of which here
follows: — " Jonathan the high-priest of the
Jewish nation, and the senate, and body of
the people of the Jews, to the ephori and se-
nate, and body of the people of the I,,aced<?-
monians, send greeting. If you be well, and
both your public and private affairs be agree-
able to your mind, it is according to our
wishes. We are well also. When in fortner
times an epistle was brought to Onias, who
was then our high-priest, from Areus, who at
that time was your king, by Demotelcs, con-
cerning the kindred that was between us and
you, a copy of which is here subjoined, we
both joyfully received the epistle, and were
well pleased with Deinoteles and Areus, al-
though we did not need such a demonstration,
because We were well satisfied about it from
the sacred writings,* yet did not we think fit
first to begin the claim of this relation to you,
lest we should seem too early in taking to our-
selves the glory which is now given us by you
It is a long time since this relation of ours to
you hath been renewed ; and when we, upon
holy and festival days, offer sacrifices to God,
we pray to him for your preservation and vic-
tory. As to ourselv«;s, although we have had
many wars that have compassed us around, by
reason of tlie covetousness of our neighbours,
yet did not we determine to be troublesome ei-
ther to you or to others that w ere related to us ;
but since we have now overcome our enemies,
and have occasion to send Numenius, tlie son
of Antiochus, and Antipater, the son of Ja-
son, who are l)oth honourable men belonging
to our senate, to the Romans, we gave tliein
this epistle to you also, that they might re
new tliat friendship which is between us.
* This cUiiise is otherwise reiulercd in tlie first Ixxik
of MatTabees, xii, i) : " Kor tlial Wt \\;\\v Itie holy li.KiUt
orSiiiiituii.s 111 our huiuis to coinfuit us." I'lic llebn.-*
origii:.il lit'iiiK lost, wccaiinut certainly Jiirtgo wli^uh »<ts
tlic triicst ^cr^ion, only tiieeolieroiicc i'uvouis Joscplius.
Hut if lhi> were the Jews' iiieanmg, th;il tlioy «cie n;*-
tisfifit out of their Hiblf that the Jews ami Laccdenio-
, , , .. I , I mans were of km, that part of llKir liible is now lott
returned to Jerusalem. So when he saw lliat for wc find no such asseruou lu our prenent c<n«e«.
"Y
^
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
You will therefore do well yourselves to write
to us, and send iis an account of what you
stand in need of from us, since we are in all
things disposed to act according to your de-
sires." So the Lacedemonians received the
ambassadors kindly, and made a decree for
friendship and mutual assistance, and sent it
to them.
9. At this time there were three sects among
the Jews, who had different opinions concern-
ing human actions ; the one was called tlie
sect of the Pharisees, another the sect of the
Sadducees, and the other the sect of the Es-
sens. Now for the Pharisees,* they say that
some actions, but not all, are the work of fate,
and some of them are in our own power, and
tliat they are liable to fate, but are not caused
by fate, But the sect of the Essens affirm,
that fate governs all things, and that nothing
befals men but what is according to its deter-
mination. And for the Sadducees, they take
away fate, and say there is no such thing, and
that the events of human aflTairs are not at its
disposal ; but they suppose that all our actions
are in our own power, so that we are ourselves
the causes of what is good, and receive what
is evil from our own folly. However, I have
given a more exact account of these opinions
in the second book of the Jewish War.
10. But now the generals of Demetrius
being willing to recover the defeat they had
had, gathered a greater array together tlian
they had before, and came against Jonathan ;
but as Boon as he was informed of their com-
ing, he went suddenly to meet them, to the
country of Hamath, for he resolved to give
them no opportunity of coming into Judea;
so he pitched his camp at fifty furlongs' dis-
tance from the enemy, and sent out spies to
take a view of their camp, and after what
manner they were encamped. When his
spies had given him full information, and had
seized upon some of them by nigiit, who told
him the enemy would soon attack him, he
tlius apprized beforehand, provided for his
• Those that suppose Josephus to contradict himself
in his three several accounts of the notions of the Pha-
risees, this here, and that earlier one, which is the larg-
est, Of the War, b. ii, ch. viii, sect. 14; and that later, An-
tiq. b. xviii, ch. i, sect, .'i ; as if he sometimes said tliey
introduced an absolute fatality, and denied all freedom
of human actions, is almost wholly groundless ; he ever,
S3 the very learned Cassaubon here truly observes, as-
•erting that the Pharisees were between the Essens and
Szidducees, and did so far ascribe all to fate or Divine
Providence as was consistent with thefreedom of human
actions. However, their perplexed way of talkmg about
fate or Providence, as over-ruling all things, made it
commonly thought they were willing to excuse their
lins by ascribing them to fate, as in the Apostolical
Constitutions, b. vi, ch. vi. Perhaps, under the same
general name some ditference of opinions in this point
might be propagated, as is very common in all parties,
esi>ecially in points of metaphysical subtilty. However,
our Josephus, who in his heart was a great admirer of
the piety of the Essens, was yet in practice a Pharisee,
as he hirnself informs us, iu his own Life, sect 2. And
his acciiunt of this doctrine of the Pharisees, is for cer-
tain agreeable to his own opinion, who both fully allowed
the freedom of human actions, and yet strongly beheved
the powerful interposition of Divine Providence. See
eonoerninj this matter a remarkable clause, -^.^tiq. b.
iviii, ch. xi, sect. 7.
'651
security, and pl-iced watchmen beyond his
camp, and kept ail his forces armed all night;
and he gave them a charge to be of good cour-
age, and to have their minds prepared to fight
in the niglit-time, if they should be obliged
so to do, lest their enemy's designs should
seem conealed from them. But when Deine-
trius's commanders were informed that Jona-
than knew what they intended, tlieir counsels
were disordered, and it alarmed them to find,
that the enemy had discovered those their in-
tentions ; nor did they expect to overcome
tliem any other way, now they had failed in
the snares they had laid for them ; for should
they hazard an open battle, they did not think
they should be a match for Jonathan's army,
so they resolved to fly : and having lighted
many fires, that when the enemy saw them
they might suppose they were there still, they
retired. But when Jonathan came to give
them battle in the morning in their camp, and
found it deserted, and understood they were
fled, be pursued them ; yet he could not over-
take them, for they had already passed over
the river Eleutherus, and were out of danger.
So when Jonathan was returned thence, he
went into Arabia, and fought against the Na-
bateans, and drove away a great deal of their
prey, and took [many] captives, and came to
Damascus, and there sold off what he hai)
taken. About the same time it was thr.t Si
mon his brother went over all Judea and Pa-
lestine, as far as Askelon, and fortified the
strong holds : and when he had niade them
very strong, both in the edifices erected, and
in the garrisons placed in them, he ca.ne to
Joppa ; and when he had taken it, he brought
a great garrison into it, for he heard that the
people of Joppa were disposed to deliver up
the city to Demetrius's generals.
11. When Simon and Jonathan had finish-
ed these affairs, they returned to Jerusalem,
where Jonathan gathered all the people to^^e-
ther, and took counsel to restore the walls of
Jerusalem, and to rebuild the wall that en-
compassed the temple, which had been thrown
down, and to make the places adjoining
stronger by very high towers ; and besides
that, to build another wall in the midst of
the city, in order to exclude the market-place
from the garrison, which was in the citadel,
and by that means to hinder them from any
plenty of provisions ; and moreover, to make
the fortresses that were iu the country much
stronger, and more defensible than they were
before. And when these things were approv-
ed of by the multitude, as rightly proposed,
Jonathan himself took care of the building
that belonged to the city, and sent Simon a-
way to make the fortresses in the coimtry more
secure than formerly. But Demetrius passed
over [Euphrates], and came into Mesopota-
mia, as desirous to retain tiiat country still, as
well as Babylon ; and when he should have
obtained the dominion of the upper provinces^
■\.
J^
J-
352
AN'JIQUITIES OF TIIK JKWfi.
BOOK XIII
to lay a foumlution lor recovering his cntii.
kingiiom ; fur llusc Greeks and ftlacedonians
dwelt Iheie, IViqin'iitly sent ambassadors to
liini, and promised that if lie would come to
them, they would deliver themselves up to
him, and a:5sist him in fighting against Arsa-
c-es,* the king of the Parthians. So he was
elevated with these hopes, and caine hastily to
them, as having resolved tliat, if he had once
overthrown the Parthinns, and gotten an ar-
my of his own, lie would make war against
Trypho, ami eject him out of Syria ; and the
people of that country received him with great
alacrity. So he raised forces, with which he
fought ngainst Arsaces, and lost all his army;
and was himself taken alive, as we have else-
where related.
CHAPTER VI.
HOW JONATHAN WAS ST.AIN BY TREACHERY;
AND HOW THEREUPON THE JEWS MADE SI-
MON THEIR GENERAL AND HIGH-PRIEST :
WHAT COURAGEOUS ACTIONS HE ALSO PER-
FORMED, ESPECIALLY AGAINST TRYPHO.
1. Now when Trypho knew what had be-
fallen Demetrius, he was no longer firm to
Antiochus, but contrived by subtilty to kill
him, and then take jxissession of his kingdom;
but the fear that he was in of Jonathan was
an obstacle to this his design, for Jonathan
was a friend to Antiochus, for which cause he
resolved first to take Jonathan out of the
way, and then to set about his design relating
to Antiochus; but he judging it best to take
him off" by deceit and treachery, came from
Antioch to Ik'thshan, which by the Greeks is
called Scythopolis, at which place Jonathan
met him with forty thousand chosen men, for
he thought that he came to fight him ; but
when he perceived that Jonathan was ready
to fight, he attempted to gain him by presents
and kind treatment, and gave order to his
captains to obey him, and by these means was
desirous to give assurance of his good-will,
and to take away all suspicions out of his
mind, that so he might make Iiim careless
and inconsiderate, and might take him when
he was unguarded. He also advised him to
dismiss his army, because there was no occa-
sion for bringing it xvitli him, when there was
no war, but all was in peace. However, lie
desired him to retain a few about him, and
go with him to Ptolemais, for that he would
deliver the city up to him, and would bring
• The king, who Wcis of tlie famous race of Arsaces,
is lx)th here and 1 Mac. jciv, '.', called by t' e family-
name Arsaces ; but Appian says his prniicr name was
l» hraafes. He is here also called by Jcrophus the king
of the Parthians, as the (Greeks uscil to cill them ; but
by the elder aiiihor ot the First Maccabees, the Uitvg of
Uie Persians and Mcdc.s, according to the lanpuagc of
the ea.stern nations. See Autlient Ucc. purt. ii, p. 1108.
all the fortresses that were in the country nn-
der his dominion ; and he told him iliat he
came with those very designs.
2. Yet did not Jonathan suspect any thing
at all by this his management, but believed
that Trypho gave this advice out of kindness,
and with a sincere design. Accordingly, he
dismissed liisarmy, and retained no more than
three thousand of them with him, and left
two thousand in Galilee; and he himself,
with one thousand, came with Trypho to Pto-
lemais ; but when the people of Ptolemais
had shut their gates, as it had been command-
ed by Trypho to do, he took Jonathan alive,
and slew all that were with him. He also
sent soldiers against those two thousand that
were left in Galilee, in order to destroy them:
but those men having heard the report of what
had happened to Jonathan, they prevented the
execution, and before those that were sent by
'JVyplio came, they covered themselves with
their armour, and went away out of the coun-
try. Now when t^iose that were sent against
them saw that they were ready to fight for
their lives, they gave them no disturbance,
but returned back to Trypho.
3. But when the people of Jerusalem heard
that Jonathan was taken, and that the soldiers
who were with him were destroyed, they de-
plored his sad fate; and there was earnest in-
quiry made about him by every body, an<l a
great and just fear fell upon them, and made
them sad, lest now they were deprived of the
courage and conduct of Jonathan, the nations
about them should bear them ill-will ; and as
they were before quiet on account of Jonathan,
they should now rise up against them, and by
making war with them, should force them into
the utmost dangers. And indeed what they
suspected really befell them ; for when those
nations heard of the death of Jonathan, they
began to make war with the Jews as now des-
titute of a governor; Tryi)lio himself got an
army together, and had an intention to go up
to Jtidea, and itiake war against its inhabi-
tants. Uut when Simon saw that the people
of Jerusalem were terrified at the circum-
stances they were in, he desired to make a
speech to them, and thereby to render them
more resolute in opposing Trypho when he
should come against them. He then called
the peo|)le together into the temple, and thence
began thus to encourage them; — "O my
countrymen, you are not ignorant that our
father, myself, and my brethren, have ventured
to hazard our lives, and that willingly, for the
recovery of your liberty; since I have there-
fore such plenty of examples before me, and
we of our family have determined with our-
selves to die for our laws and our divine wor-
ship, there shall no terror be so great as to
banish this resolution from our souls, nor to
introduce in its place a love of life and a con-
temjit of glory. Do you therefore follow nic
wiili alacrity whithersoever 1 shall lead you,
X.
/
J-
CHAP. VI.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
353
as not destitute of such a captain as is willing
to suffer, and to do the greatest things foryou ;
for neither am I better than my brethren that
I should be sparing of my own life, nor so far
worse than they as to avoid and refuse what
they thought the most honourable of all things,
— I mean, to undergo death for your laws,
and for that worship of God which is peculiar
to you ; I will therefore give such proper de-
monstrations as will show that I am their own
brother ; and I am so bold as to expect that
I shall avenge their blood upon our enemies,
and deliver you all, with your wives and child-
ren, from the injuries they intend against you,
and, with God's assistance, to preserve your
temple from destruction by them ; for I see
tliat these nations have you in contempt, as
being without a governor, and that they thence
are encouraged to make war against you."
4. By this speech of Simon he inspired the
multitude with courage ; and as they had be-
fore been dispirited through fear, they were
now raised to a good hope of better things,
insomuch that the whole multitude of the peo-
ple cried out all at once, that Simon should be
leader; and that instead of Judas and Jona-
than his brethren, he should have the govern-
ment over them : and they promised that they
would readily obey him in whatsoever he
should command them. So he got together
immediately all his own soldiers that were fit
for war, and made haste in rebuilding the walls
of the city, and strengthening them by very
high and strong towers, and sent a friend of
his, one Jonathan, the son of Absalom, to
Joppa, and gave him order to eject the inhabi.
tants out of the city, for he was afraid lest they
should deliver up the city to Trypho j but he
himself staid to secure Jerusalem.
5. But Trypho removed from Ptolemais
with a great army, and came into Judea, and
brought Jonathan with him in bonds. Simon
also met him with his army at the city Adida,
which is upon a hill, and beneath it lie the
plains of Judea. And when Trypho knew
tJiat Simon was by the Jews made their gover-
nor, he sent to him, and would have imposed
upon him by deceit and treachery, and de-
sired, if he would have his brother Jonathan
released, that he would send him a hundred
talents of silver, and two of Jonathan's sons
as hostages, that when he shall be released,
he may not make Judea revolt from the king;
for that at present he was kept in bonds on
account of the money he had borrowed of the
king, and now owed it to him. But Simon
was aware of the craft of Trypho ; and al-
though he knew that if he gave him the mo-
ney he sliould lose it, and that Trypho would
not set his brother free, and withal should
deliver the sons of Jonathan to the enemy,
yet becaus.- he was afraid that he should have
ti calumnj raised against him among the mul-
titude as the cause of his brother's death, if
he neitlier gave the money, nor sent Jona-
^_
than's sons, he gathered his army together,
and told them what offers Trypho had made ;
and added this, that the offers were ensnaring
and treacherous, and yet that it was more eli.
gible to send the money and Jonathan's sons,
than to be liable to the imputation of not
complying with Trj-pho's offers, and thereby
refusing to save his brother. Accordingly,
Simon sent the sons of Jonathan and the mo-
ney ; but when Trypho had received them,
he did not keep his promise, nor set Jonathan
free, but took his army, and went about all
the country, and resolved to go afterward to
Jerusalem, by the way of Idumea, \vhile Si-
mon went over-against him with his army,
and all along pitched his camp over-against
his.
6. But when those that were in the citadel
had sent to Trypho, and besought him to make
haste and come to them, and to send them
provisions, he prepared his cavalry as though
he would be at Jerusalem that very night ;
but so great a quantity of snow fell in the
night, that it covered the roads, and made
them so deep, that tliere was no passing, espe-
cially for the cavalry. This hindered him
from coming to Jerusalem ; whereupon Try-
pho removed tfience, and came into Celesyria,
and falling vehemently upon the land of Gi-
lead, he slew Jonathan there ; and when he
had given order for his burial, he returned
himself to Antioch. However, Simon sent
some to the city Basca to bring away his bro-
ther's bones, and buried them in their own
cityModin; and all the people made great
lamentation over him. Simon also erected a
very large monument for his father and his .
brethren, of white and polished stone, and
raised it a great height, and so as to be seen a
long way off, and made cloisters about it, and
set up pillars, which were of one stone apiece;
a work it was wonderful to see. Moreover,
he built seven pyramids also for his parents
and brethren, one for each of them, which were
made very surprising, both for their largeness
and beauty, and which have been preserved
to this day ; and we know that it was Simon
who bestowed so much zeal about the burial
of Jonathan, and the building of these monu-
ments for his relations. Now Jonathan died
when he had been high-priest four years,*
and had been also the governor of his nation.
And these were the circumstances that con-
cerned his death.
» There is some error in the copies here, when no more
than four ycais are ascnlied to the liigh-priestliood of
Jonathan. We know by Juscjihus's last Jewish chrona-
logy, Aiitiq. b. XX, ch x, that there was an interval of
sevun yeais between the death of Aleinuis, or Jaciiniiii,
the last high-priest, and the real h!gh-i)nesthoo(l of Jo-
nathan, to whom yet those seven years seem here to be
ascribtd, as a part of them were to Judas before, Antiq.
b. xii, eh. x, sect. 6. N'ow since, bcsitlcs tliese se\en
years intenegnum in the potitificatc, we are told. An-
tic), b. XX, ch. X, that Jo;:aihan's real high-iiricsthoixl
l.i.--;ed seven years more, these two seen years will n.ake
up fourteen ytars; which 1 suppose was Josephus's own
number iu this place, ins'ead of the four in our present
copies. 2 G
.3:j4
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JF:\VS.
BOOK XIII
7. But Simon, who wns made liigli-pricst
by ilie miiltitiide, on the very first year of his
high-priesllioo(), set liis people free from their
slavery under tiie Macedonians, and permit-
ted tliem to pay tribute to tliem no lonj;er ;
which liberty and free(h)m from tribute they
obtained, after a hundred and seventy years*
of tile kingdom of the Assyrians, whicii was
after Seleucus, wlio was calK'd Nicator, got
tlie dominion over Syria. Now the affection
of tlie multitude towards Simon was so great,
that in their contracts one with another, and
in their jiublic records, tliey wrote, " in the
first year of Simon the benefactor, and eth -
narch of the Jews ;" for under him they were
very ha])py, and overcame the enemies tliat
were round about them ; for Simon over-
threw the city Gazara, and Joppa, and Jam-
nia. He also took the citadel of Jerusalem
by siege, and cast it down to the ground, that
it might not !)e any more a place of refuge to
their enemies when they took it, to do them
a mischief, as it had been till now. And
when he had done this, lie thought it their
oest way, and most for their advantage, to
level the very mountain itself upon whicii the
citadel happened to stand, that so the temple
might Ikj higher than it. And indeed, when
tie had called the multitude to an assembly,
lie persuaded tiiem to have it so deniolislied,
and this by putting tliem in mind what mise-
ries they had suffered by its garrison and
the Jewish deserters ; and what miseries
they might hereafter suffer in case any fo-
reigner should obtain the kingdom, and put
a garrison into that citadel. 'J'his speech in-
duced the multitude to a compliance, because
he exhorted them to do nothing but what was
for their own good: so they all set themselves
to the work, and levelled the mountain, and
in that work spent both day and night with-
out intermission, which cost them three whole
years before it was removed, and brouglit to
an entire \c\v\ with the plain of the rest of
the city. After whicii the tem|)le was the
highest of all the buildings, now the citadel,
as well as the mountain whereon it stood,
were demolished. And these actions were
thus performed under Simon,
• These one hundred and seventy years of tfie Assy-
rians mean no more, as Josephus explains himself lieie,
than fri)ni the jera of Seleiieus, whieh as it is known to
have began on the ol'.'th u'ar l)e:"ore tlio Christian ara,
from its spring in the (irst'liooJi. of MacraUrs, aiul from
its autumn ni the serond Ijiiok of Niarcii'i'-s, so .iid it
not Ix'gin at Habylon lill the neM spring, on tlie .)l Itli
year. See I'rid. at tlic year ol^J. And it is truly observ-
ed by Dr. Hudson on this place, that llic Syiiaiis and
Assyrians are sometimes confounded in ancient authors,
aecoriling to the words of Justin, the cpitomizer of Tro-
gus I'oinpeius, who says, tliat " the Assyrians were af
terwards called Syrians." II. i, eh. xi. See of the War,
b V, eh, ix, sect, l, where the Philislineithcmsehea, ac
tlie very south limit of Syria in its utmost extent, are
cilled Assyrians by Josephus, as Spanheiin observes.
CHAPTER VII.
HOW SIMON CONJKIJKRATKD IIIMSF.LF WITH
ANTIOCHUS PIUS, A.VlJ MADli WAJl AGAINST
TKYI'HO, AND, A LITTLF, AriKKWARDS, A-
GAINST CKNUKHIl'S, THE GENKRAL OF AN-
TIOCHUS'S ARMY ; AS ALSO HOW SI.MON WAS
MURDERED HY HIS SON-I.N-LAW, FfOLEMY
AND THAT BY TREACHERY.
§ 1. f Now a little while after Demetrius
had lieen cariied into captivity, Tryplio his
governor destroyed Antiochus, \ the son of
Alexander, who was also called Tlie God,\\
and this when lie had reigned four years,
though he gave it out that he died under the
hands of the surgeons. He then sent liis
friends, and those that were most intimate
with him, to the soldiers, and |)romised that
he would give tl:em a great deal of moriey if
they would make him king. He intimated
to them that Demetrius was made a cjptive
by the Parthians ; and that Demetrius's bro-
ther Antiochus, if he came to be king, would
do them a great deal of mischief, in way of
revenge for revolting from his brother. So
the soldiers, in expectation of the wealth they
t It must here be diligently noted, that Josephus's
copy of the first book of Maccabees, which he had so
carefully followed, and faithfully abridged, as far as the
fiftieth verse of the thirteenth chapter, seems there to
haveended. What few things there are afterwards com-
mon to both, might probably be learned by hiin from
soii^e other more imperfect records. However, we must
exactly observe here, what the remaining part of that
bocdi of the Maccabees informs us of, and what Jose-
phus would never have omitted had his copy contained
so much, — that ttiis Simon the Great, the "\ .iccalK'e,
made a league with Antiochus Soter, the son of Deme-
trius Soter, and brother of the otlier Demetrius, who
was now a captive in I'arthia ; that upon his coming to
the crown, about the Mith year before the Christian
a'la, he granted great privileges to the Jewish nation
and to Simon their high-priest and ethnareh : whiih
privileges Simon seems to have taken of his own aeeo d
about uiree years before. In particular, he gave him
leave to coin money for his country with his own stamp:
and as concerning Jerusalem and the sanctuary, that they
should be free, or, .as ihe Milgar latin haih it, '• holy
and free" (1 Maccab. xv, G, 71, which 1 take to be the
true reading, .as being the very words of his father's
coiKcssion offered to Jonathan several years before: ch.
X. 31 ; and Antiip b. xiii, eh. ii, sect. .3. Now what makes
this date and these grants greatly remarkable, is the state
of the icmaining genuine shekels of th« Jews with Sa-
maritan characters, which seem to have bten (most of
them at lea>tl wiincd m the first four years of this Simon
the Asaiiionean, and iiav ing upon ihem these words on
one side, " Jerusiilem the Holy ;" and on the reverse,
" In the N'ear of l-'reedcui," 1, or '.', or 5, or 4 : which
shekels, therefore, are original monuments of these
times, and undeniable marks of the truth of the history
in these chapters, though it be in great mca.-ure omitted
by Josephus. See hssay on the Old Test. p. ].J7, l,iS.
The reason why I rather sujipose that his copy of Ihe
Maccaljees wanted these chapters, than that his'own co-
pies are here impeitVct, is this: That all their contents
iire not here omitted, though much the greater part Ix!.
X How Trypho killed this Antiochus, the epitome of
I. ivy informs us, chap. 5.», viz. that he corrupted his
physicians or surgeons, wno f.ilsely pretended to Ihe
iieopie that he was perishing with the slone, as they cut
nim for it, killed him ; winch exactly agrees with Jose-
phus.
II That this Antiochus, the son of .Alexander Bala.^,
wa> called " the (j'od," is evidei.t from his coins, whicl:
Spanheim assures us bi\<r lliis inse iption : " King An
I tiuebus the tinU ; Epiphaitcii tlw Victurious."
■\.
ANTIQUJTIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. VII-
should get by besr-»n'ing the kingdom upon
Trypho, made him their ruler. However,
when Trypho had gained the management of
affairs, he demonstrated his disposition to be
wicked ; for while he was a private person,
he cultivated a familiarity with the multitude,
and pretenaed to great moderation, and so
drew them on artfully to whatsoever lie pleas-
ed ; but when he had once taken the king-
dom, he laid aside any farther dissimulation,
and was the true Trypho ; which behaviour
made his enemies superior to him ; for the
soldiers hated him, and revolted from him to
Cleopatra, the wife of Demetrius, who was
then shut up in Seleucia with her children ;
but as Antiochus, the brother of Demetrius
who was called Soter, was not admitted by
any of the cities, on account of Trypho, Cleo-
patra sent to him, and invited him to marry
her, and to take the kingdom. The reasons
why she made this invitation were these :
That her friends persuaded her to it, and that
she was afraid for herself, in case some of
the people of Seleucia should deliver up the
city to Trypho.
2. As Antiochus was now come to Seleucia,
and his forces increased every day, he march-
ed to fight Trypho ; and having beaten him
in the battle, he ejected him out of the Up-
per Syria into Phcenicia, and pursued him
thither, and besieged him in Dora, which was
a fortress hard to be taken, whitlier he had
fled. He also sent ambassadors to Simon the
Jewish high-priest, about a league of friend-
ship and mutual assistance; wlio readily ac-
cepted of the invitation, and sent to Antio-
chus great sums of money and provisions for
those that besieged Dora, and thereby sup-
plied them very plentifully, so that for a lit-
tle while he was looked upon as one of his
most intimate friends; but still Trypho fled
from Dora to Apamia, where he was taken
during the siege, and put to death, when he
had reigned tliree years.
3. However, Antiochus forgot the kind as-
sistance that Simon had afforded him in his
necesj^ily, by reason of his covetous and wick-
ed disposition, and committed an army of
soldiers to his friend Cendebeus, and sent him
at once to ravage Judea, and to seize Simon.
When Simon heard of Antiochus's breaking
his league with him, although he were now
in years, yet, provoked with the unjust treat-
ment lie had mtt with from Antiociuis, and
taking a resolution brisker than his age could
well bear, he went like a young man to act
as general of his army. He also sent his sons
before among the most hardy of his soldiers,
and he liimself marched on with his army an-
other way, and laid many of his men in am-
bushes in tlie narrow valleys between the
mountains; nor did he fail of success in
any one of his attempts, but was too hard
for his enemies in every one of them. So
ae led the rest of his life in peacev,and did
355
also himself make a league with the Ro-
mans.
4. Now he was ruler of the Jews in all
eight years ; but at a feast came to his end.
It was caused by the treachery of his son-in-
law Ptolemy, who caught also his wife, and
two of his sons, and kept them in bonds. lie
also sent some to kill John the third son,
whose name was Hyrcanus: but the young
man perceiving them coming, he avoided the
danger he was in from them,* and made haste
into the city [Jerusalem], as relying on tlie
good-will of the multitude, because of the
benefits they had received from his father, and
because of the hatred the same multitude bare
to Ptolemy ; so that when Ptolemy was en-
deavouring to enter the city by another gate,
they drove him away, as having already ad-
mitted Hyrcanus.
CHAPTER VIII.
HYRCANUS RECEIVES THE HrCH-PRIESTHOOD,
AND EJECTS PTOLEJIY OUT OF THE COUN-
TRY. ANTIOCHUS MAKES WAR AGAINST
HYRCANUS, AND AFTERWARDS WAKES A
LEAGUE WITH HIM.
§ 1. So Ptolemy retired to one of the for-
tresses that was above Jericho, which was call-
ed Dagon. But Hyrcanus having taken the
high-priesthood that had been his father's be-
fore, and in the first place propitiated God by
sacrifices, he then made an expedition against
Ptoleiriy ; and when he made his attacks up-
on the place, in other points he was too hard
for him, but was rendered weaker than he,
by the commiseration he had for his mother
and his brethren, and by tliat only ; for Pto-
lemy brought them upon the wall, and tor-
mented them in the sight of all, and threat-
ened that he would throw them down head-
long, unless Hyrcanus would leave off the
siege ; and as he thought that, so far as he
relaxed to the siege and taking of the place,
so much favour did he show to those that were
dearest to him by preventing their misery, his
zeal about it was cooled. However, his mo-
ther spread out her hands, and begged of . im
that he would not grow remiss on her account,
but indulge his indignation so inuch the more,
and that he would do his utmost to take the
jjlace quickly, in order to get their enemy un-
der his power, and then to avenge upou him
* Here Josephus be^ns to follow and fo abridge the
next sacred Hebrew book, stvlc<l in the end ot" the first
book of Maccabees, "The Chronicle of John [Hyrca.
nus's] High-priesthood ;" but in some of the Greek I
copies, " the fourth book of Maccabees." A Greek
version of this chronicle was extant not very long jigo,
in the days of Santes Pagninus and Sixtus Senensis. at
L\ons, though it seems to have been there burnt, and
to be utterly lost. See Sixtus Senensis's account of it,
of its jniiny Hebraisms, and its agreement witli J115&
jihus"* abriagement, in the Authent. Rec. iiart 1, n. ^'j6.
airj, SOS,
~^,
356
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
«liat lie had done to those tliat were dearest
to liiiiiself ; for that death would be to her
sweet, though with torment, if tJiat enemy
of tlieirs might hut be brouglit to punishment
for his wicked dealings to them. Now when
his mother said so, he resolved to take tlie for-
tress immediately ; but when he saw her beaten,
and torn to pieces, his courage failed him, and
he could not but sympathize with wiiat his
mother suffered, and was thereby overcome ; sooner spent by them, and yet, as is natural tc
BOOK XIII
bitants within it as within a wall ; but the
besieged contrived to make frcijucnt sallies
out; and if the enemy were not anywhere
u))on tlieir guaid, tiiey fell upon them, and
did them a great deal of mischief; and if they
perceived them, they tiien retired into the city
with ease. But because Hyrcanus discerned
the inconvenience of so great a number of
men in the city, while the provisions were tlie
id as the siege was drawn out into length
by this means, that year on which the Jews
use to rest, came on ; for the Jews observe this
rest every seventh year, as they do every sevent-li
suppose, those great numbers did nothing, he
separated the useless part, and excluded iliem
out of the city, and retained that part only
who were in tlie flower of their age, and fit
day ; so that Ptolemy being for this cause re- i for war. However, Antiochus would not let
leased from the war,* he slew the brethren of j those that were excluded go away ; who, there-
Hyrcanus and his mother : and when he had | fore, wandering about between the walls, and
so done, he fled to Zeno, who was called Coty- I consuming away by famine, died miserably ;
las, who was then the tyrant of the city Phi- I but when the feast of tabernacles was at band^
ladelphia. those that were within commiserated their
2. But Antiiichus, being very uneasy at the condition, and received them in again. And
miseries that Simon had brought u))on him, when Hyrcanus sent to Antiochus, and de-
he invaded Judea in the fourth year of his sired there miglit be a truce for seven days,
reign, and the first year of the principality of because of the festival, he gave way to this
Hyrcanus, in the hundred and sixty-second piety towards (iod, and made that truce ac-
Olympiad.f And when he had burnt the j cordingly ; and besides that, he sent in a mag-
country, he shut up Hyrcanus in the city, nificent sacrifice, bulls with theirhornsgilded.j
which he encompassed round \vith seven en-
campments ; but did nothing at the first, be-
cause of the strength of the walls, and be-
cause of the valour of the besieged, althougii
they were once in want of water, wliich yet
they were delivered from by a large shower
of rain, which fell at the setting of the Pleia
with all sorts of sweet spices, and with cups ot
gold and silver. So those that were at the gates
received the sacrifices from those that brought
them and led them to the temple, Antiochus
the meanwhile feasting his army, which was a
quite different conduct from Antiochus Epi-
phanes, who, when he had taken the city, of-
des.| However, about the north part of the fered swine upon the altar, and sprinkled the
wall, where it happened the city was u])on a I temple with the broth of their flesh, in order
level with the outward ground, the king raised ! to violate the laws of the Jews, and the reli-
gion they derived from their fortlathers ; for
which reason our nation made war with liim,
and would never be reconciled to him ; but
for this Antiochus, all men called him Antu>-
chus the Pious, for the great zeal he had about
religion.
3. Accordingly, Hyrcanus took this mode-
ration of his kindly ; and when he understood
how religions he was towards the Deity, he
sent an embassage to him, and desired that he
would restore the settlements they received
from their forefathers. So he rejected the
counsel of those that would have him utterly
destroy the nation § by reason of their way
of living, which was to others unsociable, and
did not regard what they said. But being
persuaded that all they did was out of a reli-
gious mind, he answered tiie ambassadors,
ic'A.n llyrcamis, whifh we have just now seen to liavc j that if the besieged would deliver up their
a hundred towers of three stories high, and
pla,-;ed bodies of soldiers upon them ; and as
be made his attacks every day, he cut a double
ditch, deep and broad, and confined the inha-
* Hence we learn, that in the days of this excel-
lent high-priest, John Hyrcanus, the observation of tlie
Sabljatic Vear, as Joscphus supposed, required a rest
from w:ir, as liid that of the weekly Sabb.ith from work ;
I mean this, unless in the case of necessity, when the
Jews were attacked by th;ir enemies, in winch case, in-
deed, and in which alone, they then allowed defensive
fightiny to be lawful even on the Sabbath-day, as we see
in several places of JoRC'iiluis, Anticp b. xii, ch. vi, sect.
2; b. xiii, ch. i, sect. . I ; Of the War, b. i, ch. vii, sect.
3. But then it must be noteit, that this rest from war
no way appears in the tirst book of Maccabees (ch. xvi ,
but the (lircct contrary ; though inded the Jews, in the
(lays of Antioclni Kpiphanes, did n^/t venture upon
iigb ling on the SabbaUi-day, even in the defence of iJieir
own lives, till the ;\.samoneans or Maccalxcs decreed so
to do, 1 Mao. ii, -'^2 — 41 ; Aiitiq. b. xii, ch. vi, sect. 2
T Joscnhus's copies, both fJreek and I.atm, have here
a gross niistako, when they say that this first year of
ley
'c h
been a Sabbatic Vear, was in the I ()2d Olympiad, where-
as it was for c-ertain the second year of the J6Ist. See
the like Ijefore, b. xii, ch. vii, sect G.
t 'I'liis helical selling of the I'leiadcs, or seven stars,
was, in tlie <lays of Hyrcmits and Josciilius, early in the
spring, about Kcbruary, the time of the latter rain in
Judea: and this, so far .as 1 iemeinl)er, is the only as-
tronomical character of time, besides one eclipse of the
moon in llie reign of llcrod, that we meet within all
Joseplius : the Jews being little actustoineil to ■•ushrono-
nucal oUsenatioiis, anytaitlii't llnu) for tiieu^es of their
italeiidii ; ami utterly forbidden those iistroloaical uses
which the healhens commonly made of Ihvm
arms, and pay tribute for Joppa, and the
other cities which bordered upon Judea, and
II Pr. Hudson tells us hero, that this custom of gild-
ing the horns of those oxen that wcte to be sacrificed,
is a Known thing ijoth in the poets ai:d orators.
Jj This account in Joscphus, that the prc.-cnt .-Xntio-
chiis w^us ]>cr^u :il(»', tJiouj;h in vain, t ot to make pi ace
wiih the .le\is, but to cut them oftultcrly, is fully eon-
firmed by Dii.durus biculiis. in I'hotius's extioetsuutof
his -j lUi liooL
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
357
admit a garrison of liis, on tliese terms he
\»ould make war against them no longer.
But the Jews, although they were content
with the other conditions, did not agree to
admit the garrison, because they could not
associate with other people, nor converse with
them ; yet were they willing, instead of the
admission of the garrison, to give him hosta-
ges, and five hundred talents of silver ; of
which they paid down three hundred, and
sent the hostages immediately, which king
Antiochus accepted. One of those hostages
was Hyrcanus's brother. But still he broke
down the fortifications that encompassed the
city. And upon these conditions Antiochus
broke up the siege, and departed.
4. But Hyrcaiuis opened the sepulchre of
David, who excelled all other kings in riches,
and took out of it three thousand talents. He
was also the first of the Jews tiiat, relying on
this wealth, maintained foreign troops. Tliere
was also a league of friendship and mutual
assistance made between them ; upon which
Hyrcanus admitted him into the city, and
furnished him with whatsoever his army want-
ed in great plenty, and with great generosi-
ty, and marched along with him when he made
an expedition against the Partln'ans, of which
Nicolaus of Damascus is a witness for us ;
who, in his history writes thus :— " When
Antioclius had erected a trophy at the river
Lycus, upon his conquest of Indates, the ge-
nera! of the Parthians, he staid there two days.
It was at the desire of Hyrcanus the Jew, be-
cause it was sucl) a festival derived to them
from their forefathers, whereon the law of the
Jews did not allow them to travel." And
truly he did not speak falsely in saying so ;
for that festival, which we call Pentecost, did
tlien fall out to be the next day to the Sab-
batli : nor is it lawful for us to journey, either
on the Sabbath-day, or on a festival day.*
But when Antiochus joined battle with Ar-
saces, the king of Parthia, he lost a great part
of his army, and was himself slain ; and his
brother Demetrius succeeded in the kingdom
of Syria, by the permission of Arsaces, who
freed him from his captivity at tiie same time
that Antiochus attacked Parthia, as we have
formerly related elsewhere.
» The Jews were not to inarch or journey on the Sab-
bath, or on sue!) a great festival as was equivalent to tiie
SabL>.»t]i, any farther than a Sabbath-ilay's jouniey, or
two tJiousa.nd cubits. Sue the note oa A"tjq. b. xx, cli.
viii, se.'t (i.
CHAPTER IX.
HOW, AFTER THE DEATH OF ANTIOCHUS, HYR-
CANUS MADE AN EXPEDITION AGAINST SY-
RIA, AND MADE A LEAGUE WITH THE RO-
MANS. CONCERNING THE DEATH OF KING
DEMETRIUS AND ALEXANDER.
§ 1. But when Hyrcanus heard of the death
of Antiochus, he presently made an expedi-
tion against the cities of Syria, hoping to find
them destitute of fighting men, and of such
as were able to defend them. However, it
was not till the sixth month that he took
Medaba, and that not without the greatest
distress of his army. After this he took
Saniega, and the neighbouring places; nnii,
besides tliese, Shechein and Garizzim, a-:id
the nation of the Cutheans, who dwelt at
the temple which resembled that temple
which was at Jerusalem, and which Alex-
ander permitted Sanbaliat, the general of
his army, to build for the sake of Manas-
seh, who was son-in-law to Judua the high-
priest, as we have formerly related ; which
temple was now deserted two hundred years
after it was built. Hyrcanus took also Dora
and Marissa, cities of Idumea, and subdued
all the Idumeans ; and permitted them to stay
in that country, if they would circumcise thei?
genitals, and make use of the laws of the
Jews; and they were so desirous of living in
the country of their forefathers, that they sub-
mitted to the use of circumcision, j- and the
rest of the Jewish ways of living; at which time
(lierefore this befel them, that they were here-
after no other than Jews.
2. But Hyrcanus the high-priest was de-
sirous to renew the league of friendship they
j This account of the Idumeans admitting circumci-
sion, and the entire Jewish law, from this time, or from
the days of Hyrcanus, is confirmed by their entire his-
tory aftei wards, see Antiq. b. xiv, eh. viii, sect. 1 ; b.
XV, ch. vij, sect. 9. Of the War, b. ii, ch. iii, sect, i ;
b. iv, ch. i\ , sect. 5. This, in the opinion of Josephu.;,
made them proselytes of jusliee, or entire Jews, as here
and ehev.hcre, Antiq. b. xiv, eh. viii, sect. 1. How-
ever, Anti^'iiiuis, the enemy of Herod, though Henxi
wcri- derived from such a proselyte of jiistice for seve-
ral Kcuerations, will allow him to be no more than a half
Jew, b. XV, ch. xv, sect. 2. But still, take out of Dean
I'rideaux, at the year ll'9, the words of ."^mmonius, a
grammarian, which fully confirm this account of the
Idumeans, in Joseiihus: " The Jews," says he, " ara
such by nature, and from the beginunig, whilst the Idu-
nie .ns were not Jews from the ueginr.ing, but Phceni-
dans and Syrians ; but being afterwards subdued by the
Jews and ci impelled to bo circumcised, and to unite in-
to one nation, and bo subject to the same lav/s, they
were called Jews." Dio also says, as the Dean there
{)uotes liim, from twok xxxvi, p. 57, " That country
is also called Judea, and the people Jews ; and this
name is given also to as many otiiers as embrace their
religion, though of other natiiins." But then upon what
fuundalion so good a giAernor as Hyrcanus took upon
him to compel those Idumeans eiih'er to become Jews
or to leave the country, deserves great consideration. I
suppose it was because they had long ago bepu driven
out of the land of Edoni, and had seized on and pos-
sessed the tribe of Simeon, and all the southern pari of
the trilie of Judah, which was the peculiar inheritaiics
of t^e worship ers of the true Go<l without idolatry,
as the reader may learn from Riland, I'aleoiine, part i,
p 1.51, 50.5, and from Pridcaux, at the ycai-s Hi) am>
-T
"X
358
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK XIII.
had with the Romans : accordingly he sent
an embassage to them ; and when the senate
had received their epistle, they made a league
of friendship with tliem, after the manner fol-
lowing : — " Fanius, the son of Marcus, the
pra;tor, gathered the senate together on the
eighth day before the Ides of February, in the
senate-house, when Lucius Manlius, the son
of Lucius, of the Mentinc tribe, and Caius
St.'mproniiis, the son of Caius, of the Faler-
tiian tribe, were present. The occasion was,
that the ambassadors sent by tlie people of the
Jews,* Simon, the son of Dositheus, and A-
pollonius, the son of Alexander, and Dio-
dorus, the son of Jason, who were good and
virtuous men, had somewhat to propose about
that league of friendship and mutual c.ssist-
ance wliich subsisted between tiiem and the
Romans, and about other public affairs, who
desired tiiat Joppa, and the havens, and Gaz-
ara, and the springs [of Jordan 1, and the se-
veral other cities and countries of theirs, wliich
/witiochus had taken from them in the war,
contrary to the decree of the senate, might be
restored to them ; and that it might not be
lawful for the king's troops to pass through
their country, and the countries of those that
are subject to them: and that what attempts
Antiochus had made during that war, with-
out the decree of the senate, might be made
void : and tiiat they would send ambassadors,
V. Iio should take care that restitution be made
tliuni of what Antiochus had taken from theni,
and tliat tliev should make an estimate of tlie
to Ptolemy, who was tailed Physcon, that he
would send them one of the family of Seleu-
cus, in order to take the kingdom, and ho
sent tliem Alexander, who was called Zebina,
with an army, and there had been a battle
between them, Demetrius was beaten in the
fight, and fled to Cleopatra his wife, to Ptole-
mais J but his wife would not receive him.
He went thence to Tyre, and was there
caught ; and when he had siifl'ered much from
his enemies before his dealli, he was slain by
them. So Alexander took the kingdom, and
made a league "ith Hyrcanus. Yet, when
he afterward fought with Antiochus the son
of Demetrius, who was called Grypus, he
was alto beaten in the fight, and slain.
CHAPTER X,
HOW, UPON THE QUARREL BETWEEN ANTIOCHU3
GUYl'US AND ANTIOCHUS CYZICENUS, ABOUT
THE KINGDOM, HYRCANUS TOOK SAMARIA,
AND UTTERLY DEMOLISHED IT j AND HOW
HYRCANUS JOINED HIMSELF TO THE SECT
OF THE SAUDUCEES, AND LEFT THAT OF THB
PHARISEES.
§ 1. When Antiochus had taken the king
dom, he was afraid to make war against Judea,
because he heard that his brother by tiie same
mother, who was called Antiochus, was raising
an army against him out of Cyzicuin ; so he
country that had been laid waste in the war: i staid in his own land, and resolved to prepare
and that they would grant them letters of i himself for tiie attack he expected from his
protection to the kings and free people, in i brother, who was called Cyzicenus, because he
order to their quiet return home. It was had been brought up in that city. He wa3
therefore decreed as to these points^ to renew
their league of friendship and mutual assist-
ance with these good men, and who were sent
the son of Antiochus that was called Soter,
who died in Parthia. He was the brother of
Deinelrius, the father of Grypus ; for it had so
jy a good and a friendly people." — But as 1 happened, tiiat one and the same Cleopatra
to the letters desired, their answer was, that
the senate would consult about that matter
when their own affairs would give them leave,
and that they would endeavour, for the time
to come, that no like injury should be done
was married to two who were brethren, as we
have related elsewhere. IJut Antiochus Cyzi-
cenus coining into Syria, continued many
years at war with his brother. Now Hyr-
canus lived all tins v>liile in peace; for after
them: and that their pra;tor Fanius should the death of Antiochus, he revolted from tlie
give them money out of the jiublic treasury j iMacedonians,f nor did he any longer pay them
to bear (heir expenses home. And thus did [the least regard, either as their subject or their
Fanius dismiss the Jeuish ambassadors, aiul friend, but his all'airs were in a very improv-
gave them money out of the public treasury ; |ing and flourishing condition in the times of
and gave the decree of the senate to those that j Alexander Zebina, and especially under these
were to conduct tliein, and to take care that j brethren, for the war which they had with one
they should return home in safely. another gave Hyrcanus the opportunity ofen-
3. And thus stood the all'airs of Hyrcanus joying himself in Judea quietly, iiisomticli
tlie high-priest. IJiit as for king Demetrius, tiiat he got an inniiense quantity of money.
\\ho had a njiiid t(» make war against Ilyr- However, when Antiochus Cyzicenus distre>s-
canus, there was no opportunity nor room for ed his land, he tlien openly showed what he
it, while both the Syrians and the soldiers meant. And when he saw that Antiochus
bare ill-will to him, because he was an ill
man. Hut when they had sent ambassadors
• lu this ikfoe of tlic Riinian senate, it seems that
these auib.is ailors wea' sent from lliu "pcoiilcof thu
Jews," iu well H.s from their i)riiu:e or hii;li-()i]Cit John.
t ntnn Prideaiix takes notice at the year 1,"0, that
Justin, in ;in iifjiut'incnt witli Josejihns, sajs, •• The
pout r (ii iho Ji'ws was now grown so gre.it, that alter
iliis Antiochus, thev would not l>car any Macedonian
Uinj; OMT thcin ; anil that (liey set up a government o'
Ihcir own, anil infested byria with great wars,"
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
359
was destitute of Egyptian auxiliaries, and that
botii lie and his brother were in an ill condi-
tion in tile struggles they had one with an-
other, he despised them both.
2. So he made an expedition against Sa-
maria, which was a very strong city , of ^^ hose
present name Sebaste, and its rebuilding by
Herod, we shall speak at a proi)er time ; but
he made his attack against it, and besieged it
with a great deal of pains ; for he was great-
ly displeased with the Samaritans for the in-
juries they had done to the people of Marissa,
a colony of the Jews, and confederate with
them, and this in compliance to the kings of
Syria. When he had therefore drawn a ditch,
and built a double wall round the city, which
was fourscore furlongs long, he set his sons
Antigonus and Aristobulus over the siege ;
which brought the Samaritans to that great
distress by famine, that they were forced to
eat wliat used not to be eaten, and to call for
Antiochus Cyzicenus to iielp them, ivho came
readily to their assistance, but was beaten by
Aristobulus ; and when he was pursued as
<"ar as Scythopolis by the two brethren, he
got away : so they returned to Samaria, and
shut them again within the wall, till they were
forced to send for the same Antiochus a se-
cond time to help them, who procured about
six thousand men from Ptolemy Lathyrus,
which were sent them without his mother's
consent, who had then in a manner turned
him out of his government. With these
Egyptians Antiochus did at first overrun and
.-avage the country of Hyrcanus after the
manner of a robber, for he durst not meet
him in the face to fight with him, as not hav-
ing an army sufficient for that purpose, but
only from this supposal, that by thus harass-
ing his land he should force Hyrcanus to
raise the siege of Samaria; but because he
fell into snares, and lost many of his soldiers
therein, he went away to Tripoli, and com-
mitted the prosecution of the war against the
Jews to Callimander and Epicrates.
3. But as to Callimander, he attacked the
enemy too rashly, and was put to flight, and
destroyed immediately ; and as to Epicrates,
he was such a lover of money, that he openly
betrayed Scythopolis, and other jilaces near it,
to the Jews ; but was not able to make them
raise the siege of Samaria. And when Hyr-
canus had taken tlie city, which was not done
till after a year's siege, he was not contented
with doing that only, but he demolished it
entirely, and brought rivulets to it to drown
it, for he dug such hollows as might let the
waters run under it; nay, he took away the
very marks tliat there had ever been such a
city there. Now a very surprising thing is
related of this higii-pri.'.'st Hyrcanus, how Uod
came to discourse with him : for they sav
that on the very same day on \^hiell his sons
fought with Antiochus Cyzicenus, he was a-
lone in the temple, as high-priest, ofttring in-
cense, and heard a voice, that his sons had
just then overcome Antiochus. And this he
openly declared before all the multitude or
his coming out of the temple ; and it accord
ingly proved true ; and in this posture wen
the affairs of Hyrcanus.
4. Now it happened at this time, that no(
only those .Jews who were at Jerusalem and
in Judea were in prosperity, but also those ol
them that were at Alexandria, and in Egypt^
and Cyprus, for Cleopatra the queen was al
variance with her son Ptolemy, who was call-
ed Lathyrus, and appointed for her generals,
Chelcias and Ananias, the sons of that Onias
who built the temple in the prefecture of He-
liopolis, like that at Jerusalem, as we have
elsewhere related. Cleopatra intrusted these
men with her army ; and did nothing without
their advice, as Strabo of Cappadocia attests,
when he saith thus: — " Now the greater part,
both those that came to Cyprus with us, and
those that were sent afterward thither, revolt-
ed to Ptolemy immediately ; only those that
were called Onias's party, being Jews, conti-
nued faithful, because their countrymen Chel-
cias and Ananias were in chief favour with
the queen." These axe the words of Strabo,
5. However, this prosperous state of affairs
moved the Jews to envy Hyrcanus ; but they
that were the worst disposed to him were the
Pharisees,* who are one of the sects of the
Jews, as we have informed you already..
These have so great a power over the multi-
tude, that when they say any thing against
the king or against the high-priest, they are
presently believed. Now Hyrcanus was a
disciple of theirs, and greatly beloved by
them. And when he once invited them to a
feast, and entertained them very kindly, when
he saw them in a good humour, he began to
say to them, tiiat they knew he was desirous
to be a righteous man, and to do all things
whereby he might please God, which was the
profession of the Pharisees also. However, he
desired, that if they observed him offending in
any point, and going out of the right way,
tliey would call him back and correct him.
On which occasion they attested to his being
entirely virtuous ; with which commendation
he was well pleased : but still there was one
of his guests there, whose name was Elea-
» The original of the Sadilucees, as a considerable
[larty among the Jews, being coiilained in this and the
two following sections, take [lean Prideaux's note upon
tliis their first public appearance, whieh I suppose to be
true : — " Hyrcanus," says he, " went o\et to the party
of the Sadducees, that is, by embracing their doctrine
against the traditions of the elders, added to the written
law, and made of equal authority with it, but not their
doctrine against the resurrection and a future state ; for
this cannot be supposed oi so good and nghtcousaman
as John Hyrcanus is said to be. It is rriost probable,
that at this time tlie Sa Idiicccs had gone no farther in
the doctrines of ttiat sect than to deny all their un-
written traditions, which the Pharisees were so fond nf;
for Joseptuis mentions no o'.he ditTcrence at this time
between tliem; neither doth he say that MxrKiiius went
over to the Sadducees in any other pariiciilai- than in
the abolisking of all the traditionary constitutionsof the
Pharisees, which our .Svioiu- condemned as well a»
they." /"Af 'Siu year IdS.J
S60
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK XIII
znr,* a man of au ill temper, and delighting! 7. But when Ilyrcanus had put an end lo
in seditious practices. This man said, " Since this sedition, he alter that lived lia[)pily, and
thou desirest to know the truth, if ihou wilt administered the government in the best man-
be righteous in earnest, lay down the high- ner for thirty-one years, and then died,f leav-
priesthood, and content thyself with tiie civil ing behind him five sons. He was esteemed
government of the peo|)le." And when he by God worthy of the three privileges, — the
desired to know for what cause he ought to , government of his nation, the dignity of the
lay down the high priesthood, the other re- I high-priesthood, and prophecy; for (iod was
jjlied, " We have heard it from old tnen, that' with him, and enabled him to know futuri-
thy mother had been a captive under the | ties ; and to foretel this in particular, that, as
rtign of Antiochus Epiphanes." This siory'to his two eldest sons, he foretold that they
was false, and Hyrc;inus was provoked against j would not long continue in the government
of public ailairs ; whose unhappy catastrophe
will he worth our description, that we may
thence learn how very much they were infe-
rior to their father's happiness.
liim ; and all the Pharisees had a very great
indignation against liiin.
6. Now there was one Jonathan, a very great
friend of Hyrcanus, but of the sect of the Sad-
ducees, whose notions are (juite contrary to
those of the Pharisees. He told Hyrcanus that
Eleazar had cast such a reproach upon him, ac-
cording to the common sentiments of all the
Pharisees, ai.d that this would be made ma-
nifest if he would but ask him the question,
What punishment they thought this man de-
served ? for that he mij^ht depend upon it,
that the reproach was not laid on hiin with
their ajiprobation, if they were for punishing
him as his crime deserved. So the Pharisees
made answer, that he deserved stripes and
bonds ; but that it did not seem right to pu-
nish reproaches with death ; and indeed the ; dead, the eldest son Aristobulus, intending to
Pharisees, even upon other occasions, are notjchani^e the government into a kingdom, for
apt to be severe in punishments. At tiiis so he resolved to do, first of all put a diadem
CHAPTER XI.
HOW ARISTOBULUS, WHEN HE HAD TAKEN THE
GOVF.RN.MI.NT, riRST OF ALL PUT A DIADK.M
ON HIS HEAD, AND WAS JIOST BAaUAKGLSLY
CRUEL TO HIS .MOTHER AND HIS HKETHUEN;
AND HOW, ArrEK HE HAD SLAIN ANTIGO-
NUS, HE HIMSELF DIED.
§ 1. Now when their father Hyrcanus was
• gei;tle sentence, Hyrcanus was very angry,
and thought that this man reproached him
by their a])probation. It was this Jonathan
who chiefly irritated him, and influenced him
on liis head, four iiuiidred and eighty one
years and three months after the people had
been delivered from the Babylonish slavery,
and were returned to their own country again
so far, that he made him leave the party of T'lis Aristobulus loved his next brother An
tigonus, and treated him as his equal ; but the
others he held in bonds. He also cast his
mother into prison, because she disputed the
government with him ; for Hyrcanus had left
her to be mistress of all. He also proceeded
t Here cuds the high-priesthood, and the life of this
exc'cllciit person John Hyrcanus; and together with him
the holy tiieoeraey, or divine government of the Jewish
nation, and its concomitant oracle by L'rim. Now fol-
lows the profane and tyrannical Jewish monarchy, first,
of the A.^iimoncans or Slaeeabees, and then of l!eio<l the
(ircat, tlic IdwniL'an, till the coming of the Messiah. See
the note on .\ntiq. b. iii, ch, viii, sect. U. Hear Strabos
te-timony on this occasion, b. xvi, jiage 761, Tti- :^
" Those," says he, " that sucecedeil Moses, eonlhiucd
for some time in earnest, lx)th in righteous actions and
in piety ; but afier a while, there were oUicrs lliat took
upon them the high-priesthood; at first superslitiouj
and afterwards tyrannical persons. Such a prophet was
Moses and those that sueceedetl him, beginning In away
not to be blamed, but eh;uiging for ilie worse. Auo
when it openly appeared that the governn^ent was be-
come tyranni«il, .\ lexander was the first that set up him-
self for a king insttad of a priest; .ind his .sons were
Hyrcanus .-uid Ari-lobulus." All in agreement with
I Ji>-ephus, excepting this, that Strabo omits the first king
sees have the multitude of their side: but ' Aristiibulus, who reignni!' but a single vear, seems harcC
about these two sects, and that of the Es- ' '>' '" ',"",'' "^1'^ '° hii knowledge. "Nor indeed docs
- , , 1-1 , ■ -^risiobulus, the son of Alexander, pretend that the
sens, 1 have treated accurately in the second ; name of king was taken before his father Alexander
book of Jewish aflairs. I ''>"'' " '"""self, Antiii b. xiv, eh. iii, sect. *J. See also
ehap. xii, sect. 1, which favour Strabo eIso. And in-
1 deeil, if we iiiav judge from the very dillcrent ehar.ietcrs
« This slander, that arose from a Pharisee, has been of the Kg\pti.-in Jews under high-priests, and of the
prcservcil by their si;cce>sors the KabbiiH to these later Palestine Jews under kings, in the two next etiituries,
ages; f;irl)r. I luri.-;on assures us that I avid (iaiitz, in we may well suppose, that the divine .>-heehinah wa.s rc>
his C'hriinology, S. Pr. p. 77, in Vorstius's version, re- moved into Eg: pt, and that the worshiiipers at the teni-
lates that lljrcanus's mother was taken captive in pie of Onias were better men than those at Uie tenula
Mount Moilinth, sec chap, xiii, sect. 5. at Jerusalem
the Pharisees, and abolish the decrees they
had imposed on the people, and punish those
that observed them. From this source arose
that hatred which he and his sons met with
from the multitude : but of these matters we
shall speak hereafter. What I would now
explain is this, that the Pharisees have de-
livered to the peojjle a great many observances
by succession from their fathers, which are
not written in the law of Moses; and for
that reason it is that the Sadducees reject
them, and say that we are to esteem those ob-
servances to be obligatory which are in the
written word, but are not to observe u hat are
derived from the tradition of our forefathers ;
and concerning these things it is that great
disputes and dilferences have arisen among
them, while the Sadducees are able to per-
suade none but the rich, and have not the
populace obsequious to them, but the Phari
CHAP. XI.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
301
to that degree of barbarity, as to kill her in
prison with hnnger ; nay, he was alienated
from his brother Antigoniisby calumnies, and
added him to the rest whom he slew ; yet he
seemed to have an affection for him, and made
him above the rest a partner with him in the
kingdom. Those calumnies he at first did
not give credit to, partly because he loved
him, and so did not give heed to what was
said against him, and partly because he
thought the reproaches were derived from the
envy of the relaters. But when Antigonus
was once returned from the army, and that
feast was then at hand when they make taber-
nacles to [the honour of] God, it happened
that Aristobulus was fallen sick, and that An-
tigonus went up most splendidly adorned, and
with his soldiers about him in their armour to
the temple to celebrate the feast, and to put
up many prayers for the recovery of his bro-
ther, when some wicked persons, who had a
great mind to raise a difference between the
brethren, made use of this opportunity of the
pompous appearance of Antigonus, and of
the great actions which he had done, and went
to the king, and spitefully aggravated the
pompous show of his at the feast, and pre-
tended that all these circumstances were not
like those of a private person ; that these ac-
tions were indications of an affectation of
royal authority ; and that his coming with a
strong body of men must be with an intention
to kill him ; and that his way of reasoning
was this : That it was a silly tiling in him,
wliile it was in his power to reign himself, to
look upon it as a great favour that he was
honourtd with a lower dignity by his brother.
2. Aristobulus yielded to these imputa-
tions, but took care both that his brother
should not suspect him, and that he himself
might not run the hazard of his own safety ;
so he ordered his guards to lie iti a certain
place that was under grotind, and dark (he
himself then lying sick in the tower which
was called Antonia); and he commanded
them, that in case Antigonus came in to him
tmarmed, they should not touch any body,
but if armed, they should kill him; yet did
he send to Antigonus, and desired that he
would come unarmed : but the queen, and
those that joined with her in the plot against
Antigonus, persuaded the messenger to tell
him the direct contrary : how his brother had
heard that he had made himself a fine suit of
armour for war, and desired him to come to
him in that armour, that he might see how
fine it was. So Antigonus, suspecting no
treachery, Init depending on the good-will of
his brotlier, came to Aristobulus armed, as he
used to be, with his entire armour, in order
to show it to him ; but when he was come to
a place which was called Strato's Tower,
where the passage happened to be exceeding
dark, tiie guards .'■.lew him: which death de-
monslrates that nothmg is stronger than envy
and calumny, and that nothing does more
certainly divide the good-will and natural af-
fections of men than those passions. But
here one may take occasion to wonder at one
Judas, who was of the sect of the Essens,
and who never missed the truth in his predic-
tions ; for this man, when he saw Antigonus
passing by the temple, cried to his companions
and friends, who abode with him as his scho-
lars, in order to learn the art of foretelling
things to come,* " That it was good for him
to die now, since he had spoken falsely about
Antigonus, who is still alive, and I see him
passing by, although he had foretold that he
should die at the place called Strato's Tower
that very day, while yet the place is six hun-
dred furlongs oflf where he had foretold he
should be slain ; and still this day is a great
part of it already past, so that he was in dan-
ger of proving a false prophet." As he was
saying this, and that in a melancholy mood,
the news came that Antigonus was slain in a
place under ground, which itself was called
also Strato's Tovver, or of the same name
with that Cesarea which is seated at the sea.
This event put the prophet into a great dis-
order.
3. But Aristobulus repented immediately
of this slaughter of his brother ; on which ac-
count his disease increased upon him, and he
was disturbed in his mind, upon tlie guilt of
such wickedness, insomuch that his entrails
were corrupted by his intolerable pain, and ho
vomited blood : at which time one of tiie ser-
vants that attended upon him, and was carry-
ing his blood away, did, by divine providence,
as I cannot but suppose, slip down, and shed
part of his blood at the very place where there
were spots of Antigonus's blood there slain,
still remaining ; and when there was a cry
made by the spectators, as if the servant had
on purpose slied the blood on that place,
Aristobulus heard it, and inquired what the
matter was; and as they did not answer him,
he was the more earnest to know what it was,
it being natural to men to suspect that what
is thus concealed is very bad : so upon his
threatening, and forcing them by terrors to
speak, they at length told him the truth ;
whereupon he shed many tears, in that disordej
of mind which arose from his consciousness
of what he had done, and gave a deep groan,
and said, " I am not therefore, I perceive, to
be concealed from God, in tlie impious and
horrid crimes I have been guilty of; but a
sudden punishment is coming upon me for the
shedding the blood of my relations. And now,
O thou most impudent body of mine, how
• Hence we learn, tliat the Essens pretended to have
rules whereby men might forctel tilings to come, iuid
th.it this Judas the lissene, taught those rules lo his
scholars; but whether their i>rctciux;s were of an astro-
logical or magical nature, which yet in such religious
Jews, wlio were uttierly forbiiklcn such arts, is no way
jirobable, or to any Bath Col, spoken of by the later
Habbins, or othcrwuse, 1 cannot tell. See Of the Wai.
b. U, ch. \iii, sect. 12, vol. iiL
2 H
362
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK XIII
long wilt thou retain a soul that ought to die, I
in order to appease the gliost of my brother
and my mother ? Why dost thou not give it
all up at once? And why do I deliver up
my blood, drop by drop, to those whom I have
so wickedly murdered ?" In saying which
last words he died, having reigned a year.
He was called a lover of the Grecians ; and
had conferred many benefits on his own cmm-
try, and made war against Iturea, and added
a great part of it to Judea, and compelled the
inhabitants, if they would continue in that
country, to be circumcised, and to live accord-
ing to the Jewish laws. He was naturally a
man of candour, and of great modesty, as
Strabo bears witness in the name of Tim-
agenes: who says thus: — " This man was a
person of candour, and very serviceable to the
Jews, for he added a country to them, and ob-
tained a part of the nation of the Itureans for
them, and boimd them to them by the bond of
the circumcision of their genitals."
CHAPTER Xir.
HOW ALEXANDER, WHEN HE HAD TAKEN THE
GOVERNMENT, MADE AN EXPEDmON A-
GAINST PTOLEMAIS, AND THEN RAISED THE
SIEGE, OUT OF FEAR OF PTOLEMY LATHYRUS ;
AND HOW PTOLEMY MADE WAR AGAINST
HIM, BECAUSE HE HAD SENT TO CLEOPATRA
TO PERSUADE HER TO MAKE WAR AGAINST
PTOLEJIY, AND YET PRETENDED TO BE IN
FRIENDSHIP WITH HIM, WHEN HE WENT TO
BEAT THE JEWS IN BATTLE.
§ 1. When Aristobulus was dead, his wif«r
Salome, who, by the Greeks, was called Alex-
andra, let his brethren out of prison (for Aris-
tobulus had kept them in bonds, as we have
said already), and made Alexander Janneus
king, who was the superior in age and in
moderation. This child happened to be hated
by his father as soon as he was born, and
could never be permitted to come into liis
father's sight till he died. Tiie occasion of
which hatred is thus reported : when Hyr-
canus chiefly loved the two eldest of his scms,
Antigonus and Aristobulus, God appeared to
him in his sleep, of whom he inquired which of
his sons should be his successor. Upon God's
representing to him the countenance of Alex-
ander, he was grieved that he was to be the
heir of all his goods, and sufl'ered him to be
brought up in Galilee.* However, God did
not deceive Hyrcanus, for after the death of
Aristobulus, he certainly look the kingdom ;
• The reawn why IhTcanus suffered not tliis son of
his whom he did not love to come into Judea, hut onler-
cd him to be brought up in Galilee, if sug«cstcd by Dr.
Hudson, that Galilee was not esteemed so h.ippy and
well cultivated a country- as Judea, MaU xxvi.Tj; John
vii, 5'i; Acts ii, 7, although another obvious reason
occurs also, that he was farther out of his sight in Caliloe
tlian he would hivc been in Judea.
and one of his brethren who afTected the king,
dom he slew ; and the other, wl)o those to
live a ])rivate and quiet life, he had in esteern.
2. When Alexander Janneus had settled
the government in the manner that he judged
best, he made an expedition against Ptole-
mais ; and having overcome the men in bat-
tle, he shut them up in the city, and sat round
about it, and besieged it ; for of the maritime
cities there remained only Ptolemais and Gaza
to be conquered, besides Strato's Tower and
Dora, wliich were held by the tyrant Zoilus.
Now while Antiochus Philometor, and An-
tiochus who was called Cyzicenus, were mak-
ing war against one another, and destroying
one another's armies, the people of Ptolemais
could have no assistance from them ; but when
they were distressed with this siege, Zoilus,
who possessed Strato's Tower and Dora, and
maintained a legion of soldiers, and, on oc-
casion of the contest between the kings, af-
fected tyranny himself, catne and brought
some small assistance to the people of Ptole-
mais ; nor indeed had the kings such a frieiid-
ship for them as that they should hope for any
advantage from them. Both those kings
were in the case of wrestlers, who finding
themselves deficient in strength, and yet being
ashamed to yield, put off the fight by laziness,
and by lying still as long as they can. Tlie
only hope they had remaining was from the
kings of Egypt, and from Ptolemy Lathyrus,
who now held Cyprus, and who came to Cy-
prus when he was driven from the govern-
ment of Egypt by Cleopatra his mother : so
the people of Ptolemais sent to this Ptolemy
Lathyrus and desired him to come as a con-
federate, to deliver them, now they were in
such danger, out of the hands of Alexander.
And as the ambassadors gave him hopes, that
if he would pass over into Syria, he would
have the people of Gaza on the side of those
of Ptolemais ; as they also said that Zoluis,
and besides these the Sidonians and many o-
thers would assist them, so he was elevated
at this, and got his fleet ready as soon as pos-
sible.
3. But in this interval Demenetus, ona
that was of abilities to persuade men to do as
he would have them, and a leader of the po-
pulace, made those of Ptolemais change their
opinions ; and said to them, that it was better
to tun the harard of being subject to the Jews
than to admit of evident slavery by delivering
themselves up to a master ; and besides that,
to have not only a war at present, but to ex-
pect a much greater war from Egypt j for
that Cleopatra would not overlook an army
raised by Ptolemy for liimself out of the
neighbourhood, but would come against them
with a great army of her own, atid this be-
cause she was labouring to eject her son out
of Cyprus also : that as for Ptolemy, if he
fail of his hopes, he can si 11 retire to Cyprus;
but that they will be left in the greatest daiv-
"1.
"V
CHAP. XII.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
363
ger possible. Now Ptolemy, although he had
heard of tlie change that was made in the
people of Ptolemais, yet did he still go on
with his voyage, and came to tlie country
called Sycamine, and there set his army on
shore. This army of his, in the whole horse
and foot together, were about thirty thousand,
with which he marciied near to Ptolemais,
and there pitched his camp : but when the
people of Ptolemais neither received his am-
bassadors, nor would hear what they had
to say, he was under a very great concern.
4. But when Zoilus and the people of Ga-
za came to him, and desired his assistance,
because their country was laid waste by the
Jews, and by Alexander,— Alexander raised
the siege, for fear of Ptolemy : and when he
had drawn off his army into his own country,
he used a stratagem afterwards, by privately
inviting Cleopatra to come against Ptolemy,
but publicly pretending to (Jesire a league of
friendship asid mutual assistance with him ;
and promising to give him four hundred ta-
lents of silver, he desired that, by way of re-
quital, he would take off Zoilus the tyrant,
and give his country to the Jews. And then
indeed Ptolemy, with pleasure, made such a
league of friendship with Alexander, and sub-
dued Zoilus : but when he afterwards heard
that he had privily sent to Cleopatra his mo-
ther, he broke the league with him, which
yet he had .confirmed with an oath, and fell
upon him, and besieged Ptolemais, because it
would not receive him. However, leaving
his generals, with some part of his forces, to
go on with the siege, he went himself imme-
diately with the rest to lay Judea waste ;
and when Alexander understood this to be
Ptolemy's intention, he also got together about
fifty thousand soldiers out of his own country;
nay, as some writers have said, eighty thou-
sand.* He then took his army, and went to
meet Ptolemy; but Ptolemy fell upon Aso-
chis, a city of Galilee, and took it by force on
the Sabbath-day, and there he took about ten
thousand slaves, and a great deal of other
prey.
5. He then tried to take Sepphoris, which
was a city not far from that which was de-
stroyed, but lost many of his men ; yet did he
then go to fight with Alexander. Alexander
met him at the river Jordan, near a certain
place called Saphoth [not far from the river
Jordan], and pitched his can)p near to the
enemy. He had however eight thousand
in the first rank, which he styled Hecatonto-
machi, having shields of brass. — Those in the
♦ From these, and other occasional expressions, drop-
ped by Josephus, we may leani, that wliere the sacred
books of the Jews were deficient, he Iiad several other
histories then extant (but now most of them lost) which
he faithfully followed in his own historj- ; nor indeed
have ueany other records of those times relating to Ju-
dea, thatcanbe compared to these accounts of .losehpus;
though, when we do meet with authentic fragments of
euch original records, they must always eoufitm his his
tory.
first rank of Ptolemy's soldiers also had shields
covered wiah brass ; but Ptolemy's soldiers in
other respects were inferior to those of Alex-
ander, and therefore were more fearful of
running hazards; but Philostephanus, the
camp-master, put great courage into them,
and ordered them to pass the river, whicb
was between their camps : nor did Alexander
think fit to hinder their passage over it ; for
he thought, that if the enemy liad once gotten
the river on their back, that he should the
easier take them prisoners, when they could
not flee out of the battle : in the beginning
of which, the acts on both sides, with their
hands, and with their alacrity, were alike, and
a great slaughter was made by both the ar..
mies ; but Alexander was superior, till Phi-
lostephauBs opportunely brought up the aux-
iliaries, to help those that were giving way ;
but as there were no auxiliaries to afford help
to that part of the Jews that gave way, it fell
out that they fled, aiwi those near them did
not assist them, but fled along with them.
However, Ptolemy's soldiers acted quite other-
wise ; for they followed the Jews, and killed
them, till at length those that slew them pur-
sued after them when they had made them all
run away, and slew them so long, that their
weapons of iron were blunted, and their
hands quite tired with the slaughter ; for the
report was, tiiat thirty thousand men were
then slain. Timagenes says, they were fifty
thousand. As for the rest, they were part of
them taken captives ; and the other part ran
away to their own country.
6. After this victory, Ptolemy overran all
the country; and when night came on, he a-
bode in certain villages of Judea, which when
he found full of women and children, he com-
manded his soldiers to strangle them, and to
cut them in pieces, and then to cast them in-
to boiling caldrons, and then to devour their
limbs as sacrifices. This commandment was
given, that such as fled from the battle, and
came to them, might suppose their enemies
were cannibals, and eat men's flesh, and might
on that account be still more terrified at them
upon such a sight. And both Strabo and
Nicholaus [of Damascus] affirm, that they
used these people after this manner, as I have
already related. Ptolemy also took Ptole-
mais by force, as we have declared elsewhere.
5C,i
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK XIII.
CHAPTER XIII.
BOW ALEXANDER, UPON THE I.EAGLE OF MU-
TUAL DEPIvXCE WHICH CLEOPATHA HAU
AGUEED WITH IIIM, MADE AN EXPEDITION
AGAINST CELESYKIA, AND rTTEREY OVEIl-
THREW THE CITY OF GAZA ; AND HOW HE
SI.F.W MANY TEN THOUSANDS OF JEWS THAT
HAD REEEI.LED AGAINST HIM ; ALSO CON-
CERNING ANTIOCHUS GUYPUS, SELEUCUS, AN-
TlOCHUS CYZICENUS, AND ANTIOCHUS PIUS,
AND OTHERS.
§ 1. When Cleopatra saw that her son was
grown great, and laid Judea waste witiiout
disturbance, and had gotten the city of Gaza
under his power, she resolved no longer to
overlook what he did, when he was almost at
her gates; and she concluded that, now he
was so much stronger than before, he would
be very desirous of the dominion over the
Egyptians ; but she immediately marched
against him, with a fleet at sea and an army
of foot on land, and made Chelcias and Ana-
nias, the Jews, generals of her whole army,
while she sent the greatest part of her riches,
her grandchildren, and her testament, to the
people of Cos. * Cleopatra also ordered her
son Alexander to sail with a great fleet to
Phoenicia : and when that country had re-
volted, she came to Ptolemais ; and because
the people of Ptolemais did not receive her,
she besieged the city ; but Ptolemy went out
of Syria, and made haste unto Egypt, sup-
posing that he shoiild find it destitute of an
army, and soon take it, though he failed of
his hopes. At this time Chelcias, one of
Cleopatra's generals, happened to die in Cele-
syria, as he was in pursuit of Ptolemy.
2. When Cleopatra heard of her son's at-
tempt, and that his Egyptian expedition did
not succeed according to his expectations, she
sent thither part of her army, and drove him
out of that country ; so when he was return-
ed out of Egypt again, he abode during the
winter at Gaza, in which time Cleopatra took
the garrison that was in Ptolemais by siege,
as well as the city ; and when Alexander came
to her, he gave her presents, and such marks
of respect as were but proper, since, under
the miseries he endured by Ptolemy, he had
no otiier refuge but her. Now there were
some of her friends who persuaded her to
seize Alexander, and to overrun and take
possession of the country, and not to sit still
and see such a multitude of brave Jews sub-
ject to one man ; but Aaanias's counsel was
• This city, or island, Cos, is not that remote island
In the KscanSea, famous tor the birth of the (jreat llip-
ixicrates, but a city or island of the sjiine name adjoin-
ing to Kgypt, nientionwl bi)th by Stephanus and Hto-
leihv, as Dr. Hudson informs us. Of which I os, and
the treasures tliere laid up by Cleopatra and the Jews,
(cc ^ntiq. b. xiv. eh. vii sect. 9
contrary to theirs, who said that she would do
an unjust action if slie deprived a man that
was hir ally of that authority which belonged
to liiin, and this a man wlio is related to us;
" for (said he) I would nut have thee igno-
rant of this, that what injustice thou dost to
him will make all us that are Jews to be thy
enemies." This desire of Ananias, Cleopa-
tra complied with ; and did no injury to Alex-
ander, but made a league of iniitual assistance
with him at Scylhopolis, a city of Celesyria.
3. So when Alexander was delivered from
the fear he was in of Ptolemy, he presently
made an expedition against Celesyria. He
also took Gadara, after a siege of ten months.
He took also Amathus, a very strong fortress
belonging to the inhabitants above Jordan,
where Tlieodorus, the son of Zeno, had his
chief treasure, and what he esteemed most
precious. This Zeno fell unexpectedly upon
the Jews, and slew ten thousand of them, and
seized upon Alexander's baggage : yet did not
this misfortune terrify Alexander; but he
made an expedition upon the maritime parts
of the country, Raphia and Anthedon (the
name of which king Herod afterwards chang-
ed to Agrippias), and took even that by force.
But when Alexander saw that Ptolemy was
retired from Gaza to Cyprus, and his mother
Cleopatra was returned to Egypt, he grew
angry at the peoi)le of Gaza, because they had
invited Ptolemy to assist them, and besieged
their city, and ravaged their country. But
as .'Vpollodotus, the general of the army of
Gaz.i, fell upon the c.iinp of the Jews by
night, with two thousand foreign, and ten
thousand of his own forces, while the night
tasted, those of Gaza prevailed, because the
enemy was made to believe that it was Pto-
lemy who attacked them ; but when day was
come on, and that mistake was corrected, and
the Jews knew the truth of the matter, they
came back again and fell upon those of Gaza,
and slew of them about a thousand. But
as tiiose of Gaza stoutly resisted them, and
would not yield for either their want of any
thing, nor for the great multitude that were
slain (for they would rather suHer any hard-
ship whatever, than come under the power of
tlieir enemies), Aretas, king of the Arabians,
a person then very illustrious, encouraged
them to go on with alacrity, and promised
liiem that iie would come to their assistance ;
but it happened that, before he came Apollo-
dotus was slain ; for his brother Lysimachus
envying him for the great reputation he had
gained among the citizens, slew him, and got
the army together, and delivered up the ciiy
to Alexander ; who, when he came in at first,
lay (piiet, but afterwards set his army upon
the inhabitants of Gaza, and gave them leave
to punish them; so some went one way, and
some went another, and slew the inhabitants
of Gaza ; yet were not they of cowardly hearts,
but opposed those that came to slay tliem, and
■\.
CHAP. SIV.
slew as many of the Jews ; and some of them,
when Ihey saw themstlves deserted, burnt
their own houses, that the enemy might get
none of their spoils: nay, some of them, with
their own hands, slew their children and their
wives, having no other way but this of avoid-
ing slavery for them ; but the senators, who
were in all five hundi»ed, fled to Apollo's
temple (for this attack happened to be made
as they were sitting), whom Alexander slew;
and when he had utterly overthrown their
city, he returned to Jerusalem, having spent
a year in that siege.
4. About this very time Antiochus, who
was called Grypus, died.* His death was
caused by Heracleon's treachery, when he
had lived forty.five years, and had reigned
twenty-nine, f His son Seleucus succeeded
him in the kingdom, and made war with An-
tiochus, his father's brother, who was called
Antiochus Cyzicenus, and beat him, and took
him prisoner, and slew him ; but after a while
Antiochus, J the sonof Cyzicenus, who was call-
ed Pius, came to Aradus, and put the diadem
on his own head, and niade war with Seleucus,
and beat him, and drove him out of all Syria.
But when he fled out of Syria, he came to
Mopsuestia again, and levied money upon
them ; but the people of Mopsuestia had in-
dignation at what he did, and burnt down his
palace, and slew him, togetherwith his friends.
But vhen Antiochus, the son of Cyzicenus,
was king of Syria, Antiochus, || the brother
of Seleucus, made war upon him, and was
overcome, and destroyed, he and his army.
After him, his brother Philip put on the dia-
dem, and reigned over some part of Syria ;
but Ptolemy Lathyrus sent for his fourth bro-
ther Demetrius, who was called Eucerus, from
Cnidus, and made him king of Damascus.
Both these brothers did Antiochus vehement-
ly oppose, but presently died ; for when he was
come as an auxiliary to Laodice, queen of the
Gileadites,§ when she was making war against
the Parthians, and he was figliting courage-
ously, he fell, while Demetrius and Philip go-
verned Syria, as hath been elsewhere related.
* This account of the death of Antiochus Grypus is
confirmed by Appiaii, Syriac. p. 152, here cited by Span-
heim.
t Porphyry says that this Antiochus Grypus reigned
but twenty-six years, as Dr. Hudson obser\es.
t The copies of Josephus, both Grceiv and Latin,
have here so grc ssly false a reading, Antiochus and An-
toninus, or Antonius Fius, for Antiochus Pius, that the
editors are forced to correct the text from the other his-
torians ; who all agree that this king's name was nothing
more than Antiochus Pius.
II These two brothers, Antiochus and Philippus, are
called twins by Porphyry ; the fourth brother was king
of Damascus. Both which are the observations of
Spanheim.
^ Tills Laodicea was a city of Gilead, beyond Jor-
dan. Howeyer, Porphyry' says, that this Antioei us
Pius did not die in this battle; but, running away, was
drowned in theriyer Orontes. AppLan says, that he was
deprived of the kingdom of Syria by Tigranes ; but
Porphyry makes this Laodice queen of the Calanian^;
all which is noted by Spanheim. In such confusion of
the later historians, we have no reason to prefer any of
them before Josephus, who had more origmal ones be-
fore him.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
3f)5
5. As to Alexander, his own people were
seditious against him ; for at a festival which
was then celebrated, when he stood upon thi;
altar, and was going to sacrifice, the nation
rose upon him and pelted with citrons [which
they then had in their hands, because] the law
of the Jews required, that at the feast of ta-
bernacles every one should have branches of
the palm-tree and citron-tree ; which thing we
have elsewhere related. They also reviled
him, as derived from a captive,^ and so un-
worthy of his dignity and of sacrificing. At
this he was in a rage, and slew of them about
six thousand. He also built a partition- wall
of wood round the altar and the temple, as
far as that partition within which it was on-
ly lawful for the priests to enter ; and bj
this means he obstructed the multitude from
coming at him. He also maintained foreign-
ers of Pisidia2 and Cilicia ; for as to the Sy-
rians, he was at war with them, and so made
no use of them. He also overcame the Ara-
bians ; such as the Moabites and Gileadites,
and made them bring tribute. Moreover, he
demolished Amathus, while Theodorus**durst
not fight with him ; but as he had joined bat-
tle with Obedas, king of the Arabians, and
fell into an ambush in the places that were
rugged and diflScult to be travelled over, he
was thrown down into a deep valley, by the
multitude of the camels at Gadara, a village
of Gilead, and hardly escaped with his life.
From thence he fled to Jerusalem, where, be-
sides liis other ill-success, the nation insulted
him, and he fiaught against them for six years,
and slew no fewer than fifty thousand of them ;
and when he desired that they would desist
from their ill-will to him, they hated him so
much the more, on account of what had al-
ready happened ; and when he had asked them
what he ought to do, they all cried out, that
he ought to kill himself. They also sent to
Demetrius Eucerus, and desired him to make
a league of mutual .defence with them.
CHAPTER XIV.
HOW DEMETRIUS EUCERUS OVERCAME ALEX-
ANDER, AND YET, IN A LITTLE TIME, RE-
TIRED OUT OF THE COUNTRY FOR FEAR OF
THE JEWS ; AS ALSO HOW ALEXANDER SLEW
MA>;Y OF THE JEWS, AND THEREBY GOT
CLEAR OF HIS TROUBLES. CONCERNING THE
DEATH OF DEMETRIUS.
§ I. So Demetrius came with an army, and
took those that invited him, and pitched his
camp near the city Shechem j upon which
t This reproach upon Alexander, that he was sprung
from a captive, seems only the repetition of the old
Pharisaical calumny upon his father, chap, x, sect. 5.
** This Theodorus was the son of Zeuo, and was in
possession of Amathus, as we learu from sect. 5 fuie-
Uoiiig.
.J~
3(36
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK XIV
Alexander, with liis six tliousand two liun-
dreil niercenaiii's, ami about twenty thousand
Jews, wlio were of his party, went against
Demetrius, who had three thousand horsemen,
and forty thousand footmen. Now there
were great endeavours used on both sides, —
Demetrius trying to bring ofl' the mercenaries
that were with Alexander, because they were
Greeks; and Alexander tried to bring otf the
Jews that were with Demetrius. However,
when neither of them coidd jicrsuade them so
to do, they came to a battle, and Demetrius
was the conqueror ; in wiiich all Alexander's
mercenaries were killed, when they had given
demonstration of their fidelity and courage.
A great number of Deinetrius's soldiers were
slain also.
2. Now as Alexander fled to the moun-
tains, six thousand of the Jews hereupon
came together [from Demetrius] to him out
of pity at the change of his fortune ; upon
which Demetrius was afraid, and retired out
of the country ; after which the Jews fought
against Alexander, and being beaten, were
slain in great numbers in the several battles
which they had ; and when he had shut up the
most powerful of them in the city Bethome,
he besieged them therein ; and when he had
taken the city, and gotten the men into his
power, he brought them to Jerusalem, and did
one of the most barbarous actions in the world
to them ; foras he was feasting with his concu-
bines, in the sight of all the city, he ordered
about eight hundred of them to be crucified;
and while they were living, he ordered the
throats of their children and wives to be cut
before their eyes. This was indeed by way
of revenge for the injuries they had done him ;
which punishment yet was of an inhuman na-
ture, though we suppose that he had been ever
so much distressed, as indeed he had been, by
his wars with them, for he had by their means
come to the last degree of hazard, both of his
life and of his kingdom, while they were not
satisfied by themselves only to fight against
him, but introduced foreigners also for the
same purpose; nay, at lengtli they reduced
him to that degree of necessity, that he was
forced to deliver back to the king of Arabia
the land of .Moab and Gilead, which he had
subdued, and the places that were in them,
thai they might not join with them in the war
against him, as they had done ten thousand
other things that tended to affront and re-
proach him. However, this barbarity seems
to have been without any necessity, on which
account he bare the name of a 'I'liracian among
the Jews ;* whereupon the soldiers that had
fought against him, being about eight thou-
sand in number, ran away by night, and con-
tinued fugitives all tl»e time that Alexander
lived ; who being now freed from any further
» This name Tliracid.i, which the Jews gnve Alex-
ander, must, by tlic c«lierciicc, denote as /xirbaroits as
a Thrac'uin, or somewhat like it; but what it i"opcrly
(i^nilies \s nut kiiuwn. I
disturbance from them, reigned the rest of hi»
time in the utmost tranijuillity.
3. But when Demetrius was departed out
of Judea, he went to Berca, and besieged his
brother I'liilip, having with him ten tliousand
foot-men, and a tliousand horsemen. How-
ever, Slrato, the tyrant of Berea, the confede-
rate of Philip, called in Zizon tiie ruler of
the Arabian tribes, and Mithridates Sinax, the
ruler of the Parthians, who coming with a
great number of forces, and besieging Deme-
trius in his encampment, into which they had
driven him with their arrows, they compelled
those that were with him, by thirst, to deliver
up themselves. So they took a great many
spoils out of that country, and Demetrius him.
self, whom they sent to JMithridates, who was
then king of Parthia ; but as to those whom
they took captives of the people of Antioch,
they restored them to the Antiochians without
any reward. Now Mithridates, thekingof Par-
thia, had Demetrius in great honour, till Deme-
trius ended his life by sickness. So Philip,
presently after the fight was over, came to
Antioch, and took it, and reigned over Syria.
CHAPTER XV.
HOW ANTIOCHUS, WHO WAS CALLED DlONYSfS,
AND AFIER HIM ARETAS, MAUE EXPEBJ-
TIONS INTO JUDEA; AS ALSO HOW ALEX-
ANDER TOOK MANY CITIES, AND THEN RE-
TURNED TO JERUSALEM, AND AITER A SICK-
NESS OF THREE YEAR.S DIED ; AND WHAT
COUNSEL HE GAVE TO ALEXANDRA.
§ 1. After this, Antiochus, who was called
Dionysius,+ and was Philip's brother, aspired
to the dominion, and came to Damas(?us, and
got the p>ower into his hands, and there he
reigned ; but as he was making war against
the Arabians, his brother Philip heard of it,
and came to Damascus, where iVJilesius, who
had been left governor of the citadel, and liie
Damascens themselves delivered up the city
to him ; yet because Philip was become un-
grateful to him, and had bestowed upon him
nothing of that in hopes whereof he had re-
ceived him into the city, but had a mind to
have it believed that it was rather delivered
up out of fear than by the kindness of INIile^i-
us, and because he had not rewarded him as
he ought to have done, he became suspected
by him, and so he was obliged to leave Da-
mascus again ; for Rlilesius caught him
marching out of the Hippodrome, and shut
him up in it, and kept Damascus for Antio-
chus [Eucerus], wlio, hearing how Philip's
affairs stood, came back out of Arabia. He
f ?panheim lakes notice, that this Antiochus Diony-
siiis [the brother of Philip, and of Dcmetrin» Kuccni's,
and of two others] was the fifth son of Anlimhus Gry-
r)u> ; and that he is stjled on Uie coins " iUitiochui.
kpiphaues, Uionysius.''
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. XV.
also came immediately, and made an expedi-
tion against Judea, with eight thousand
armed foot-men, and eight liundred horse-
men. So Alexander, out of fear of liis com-
ing, dug a deep ditch, beginning at Ciiabar-
zaba, which is now called Antipatris, to the
Sea of Joppa, on which part only his army
could be brought against him. He also raised
a wall, and erected wooden towers, and inter-
mediate redoubts, for one hundred and fifty
furlongs in length, and there expected the
coming of Antiochus; but he soon burnt
them all, and made his army pass by that way
into Arabia. The Arabian king [Aretas] at
first retreated, but afterward appeared on the
sudden with ten thousand horsemen. Antio-
chus gave them the meeting, and fought des-
perately ; and indeed when he had gotten the
victory, and was bringing some auxiliaries to
that part of his army that was in distress, he
was slain. When Antiochus was fallen, his
army fled to tiie village Cana, where the great-
est part of them perished by famine.
2. After him * Aretas reigned over Celesy-
ria, being called to the government by those
that held Damascus, by reason of the hatred
tliey bare to Ptolemy Menneus. He also
made thence an expedition against Judea, and
beat Alexander in battle, near a place called
Adida ; yet did he, upon certain conditions
agreed on between them, retire out of Judea.
3. But Alexander marched again to the
city Dios, and took it, and then made an ex-
pedition against Essa, where was the best part
of Zeno's treasures, and there he encompassed
the place with three walls ; and when he had
taken the city by fighting, he marched to Go-
lan and Seleucia ; and when he had taken
these cities, he, besides them, took that val-
ley which is called The Valley of Aatiochus,
as also the fortress of Gamala. He also ac-
cused Demetrius, who was governor of those
places, of many crimes, and turned him out ;
and after he had spent three years in this war,
he returned to his own country ; when the
Jews joyfully received him upon this his good
success.
4. Now at this time the Jews were in pos-
session of the following cities that had be-
longed to the Syrians, and Idumeans, and
Phcenicians: At the sea-side, Strato's Tower,
ApoUonia, Joppa, Jamnia, Ashdod, Gaza, An-
thedon, Rapliia, and Rhinocolura; in the
middle of the country, near to Idumea, Adora,
and Marissa ; near the country of Samaria,
Mount Carmel, and Mount Tabor, Scytho-
polis, and Gadara ; of the country of the
Gaulonites, Seleucia, and Gabala ; in the
country of Moab, Heshbon, and Medaba,
Lemba, and Oronas, Gelithon, Zara, the
* This Aretas was the first king of the Arabians who
took Damascus, and reigned tlitre ; which name became
afterwards common to sueii Arabian kings, both at Pe-
tia and at Damascus, as we learn from Josephus in ma-
ny places ; and from St. Paid, 2 Cor. xi, q2. See the
DOCe on AJitiq. b. x.vi, ch. ix^ u:ct. 4.
367
valley of the Cilices, and Pella ; which last
they utterly destroyed, because its inhabitants
would not bear to change their religious rites
for those peculiar to the Jews.-j- The Jews
also possessed others of the principal cities of
Syria, which had been destroyed.
5. After this, king Alexander, although
he fell into a distemper by hard drinking,'
and had a quartan ague which held him three
years, yet would not leave off going out with
his army, till he was quite spent with the la-
bours he had undergone, and died in the
bounds of Ragaba, a fortress beyond Jordan.
But when his queen saw that he was ready to
die, and had no longer any hopes of surviving,
she caine to him weeping and lamenting, and
bewailed herself and her sons on the desolate
condition they should be left in ; and said to
him, " To whom dost thou thus leave me and
my children, who are destitute of all other
supports, and this when thou knowest how
much ill-will thy nation bears thee ?" But
he gave her the following advice: — That she
need but follow what he would suggest to her
in order to retain the kingdom securely, with
her children : that she should conceal his
death from the soldiers till she should have
taken that place ; after this, she should go in
triumph, as upon a victory, to Jerusalem, and
put some of her authority into the hands of
the Pharisees ; for that they would commend her
for the honour she had done them, and would
reconcile the nation to her; for he told her
they had great authority among the Jews, both
to do hurt to such as they hated, and to bring
advantages to those to whom they were friend-
ly disposed ; for that they are then believed
best of all by the multitude when they speak
any severe thing against others, though it be
only out of envy at them. And he said, that
it was by their means that he had incurred the
displeasure of the nation, whom indeed he had
injured. ' Do thou therefore,' said he, ' when
thou art come to Jerusalem, send for the
leading men among them, and show them my
body, and with great appearance of sincerity,
give them leave to use it as they themselves
please, whether they will dishonour the dead
body by refusing it burial, as liaving severely
suffered by my means, or whether in their
anger they will offer any other injury to that
body. Promise them also, that thou wilt do
nothing witiiout them in the affairs of the
kingdom. If thou dost but say tliis to them,
I shall have the honour of a more glorious
t We may here and elsewhere take notice, that what-
ever countries or cities the Asamoneans conquered from
any of the neighbouring nations, or whatever countries
or cities they gained from them that had not belonged
to them before, they, after the days of Hyrtanus, com-
pelled the inhabitants to leave their idolatry, and eu.
tirely to receive the law of Moses, as proselytes of jus.
tice, or else banished them into other lands. Thai ex-
cellent prince, John Hyrcanus, did it to the Idumeans,
as I have noted on ch. ix, sect. 1, already, who lived then
in the promised land, and this 1 suppose justly ; but by
what right the rest did it, even to the countries or cities
that were no part of that land, I do not at ail know
This looks too like unjust persecution for religion.
J-
368
funeral from them than tliou coulJst have
made for me : and wlien it is in tlieir power
to abuse my dead body, they will ilo it no
injury at all, and tliou wilt rule in safety.'*
So when lie bad given bis wife this advice,
ho died, — after be bad reigned twenty-seven
years, and lived fifty years, within one.
CHAPTER XVI.
HOW ALEXANDRA, BY GAINING THE GOOD- WILL
OF THE PHARISEES, RETAINED THE KINGDOJI
NINE YEARS, AND THEN, HAVING DONE MANY
GLORIOUS ACTIONS, DIED.
§ 1. So Alexandra, when she had taken the
fortress, acted as her husband Hau suggested
to her, and spske to the Pharisees, . iid put
all things into their power, both as to the dead
body and as to the affairs of the kingdom, and
thereby pacified their anger ag.iinst Alexan-
der, and made them bear good-« ill and friend-
ship to him ; who then came among the mul-
titude, and made speeches to them, and laid
btfore them the actions of Alexander, and
told them that they had lost a righteous king;
and by the commendation tliey gave him, they
brought them to grieve, and to be in heaviness
for him, so that be had a funeral more splen-
did than had any of the kings before him.
Alexander left behind him two sons, Hyrca-
nus and Aristobulus, but committed the king-
dom to Alexandra. Now, as to these two
sons, Ilyrcanus was indeed unable to manage
public all'airs, and delighted rather in a quiet
life; but the younger, Aristobulus, was an
active and a bold man ; and for this woman
* It seems, by this dying advice of Alexander Jan-
lieus to his wife, that he had himself pursued the mea-
sures of his fatlier Ilyrcanus, and talteii part with the
Sadducces, who kept close to the written law against the
Pharisees, who had introduced their own traditions, ch.
xvi, sect 2; and that he now saw a political necessity
of submitting to the Pharisees, and their traditions
hereafter, if his widow and family minded to retain
their monarchical government or tyranny over the Jew-
ish nation : which sect yet, thus supported, were at l;ist
in a great measure the ruin of the religion, government,
and nation of the Jews, and brought them into so wick-
ed a state, that the vengeance of (iod ciiine upon them
to their ultci excision. Just thus ilid ('aiai)has politi-
cally a(hi>e the Jewish sanliedrim, John xi, An, "that it
was expedient for them that one man should die for the
people, and that the whole nation perish not:" and this
in conseciuenee of (heir own political supjiosal, ver. 48,
that, " If they let Jesus alone," with his miracles, " all
men would tx-lieve on him; .ind tliu Romans would
come and takeaway lK>tli their place and nation." Which
political crucifixion of Jesus <if Nazareth brought down
the vengeance of (Jod upon iheni, and (K.<r.isioned those
very Romans, of whom tlicy seemed so much afraid,
that to prevent it they put hrm to death, actually to
" come and take away iMith ihtir place and nata)n,"
within tliirty-eiyht years afterwards." I heartily wish
the imliticiaiisot Christendom would consider those and
the like examples, and no longer saeiiliee all virtue and
religion to their pernicious .sdicmes of government to
the bringing down the judgments of (jikI ii|ion tJiem-
tclvcs, and the several nations intrusted to their e:ire.
Hut this ii a iligression : I wish it were an uiise.isonable
one also. Joseuhiis himself several limes maki-s such
digressions; and 1 here venlure Iji follow him. See eiie
of them at the cunclu;>iuu of the very next chapter
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK xni.
herself, Alexandra, she was loved by Uie mul-
titude, because she seemed displeased at the
olf'ences her husband had been guilty of.
2. So she made Ilyrcanus high-priest be-
cause he was the elder, but much more be-
cause be cared not to meddle with politics,
and permitted the Pharisees to do every tiling ;
lo whom also she ordered the multitude to be
obedient. She also restored again those prac-
tices which the Pharisees had introduced, ac-
cording to the traditions of their forefathers,
and wliich lier father-in-law, Ilyrcanus, bad
abrogated. So she had indeed the name oi
the Regent; but the Pharisees bad the au-
thority ; for it was they who restored such as
had been banished, and set such as were pri-
soners at liberty, and, to say all at once, they
difl'eied in nothing from lords. However, the
queen also took care of the afl'airs of the king-
dom, and got together a great body of merce-
nary soldiers, and increased her own army to
such a degree, that she became terrible to the
neighbouring tyrants, and took hostages of
them ; and the country was entirely at peace,
excepting the Pharisees ; for they disturbed
the queen, and desired that she would kill
those who persuaded Alexai)der to slay the
eight hundred men ; after which they cut the
throat of one of them, Diogenes : and after
him they did the same to several, one after an-
other, till the men that were the most potent
came into the palace, «^d Aristobulus with
them, for he seemed to be displeased at w hat
was done; anil it ap))eared openly that, if he
bad an opportunity, he would not permit his
mother to go on so. These put the queen in
mind what great dangers they had gone
through, and great things they had done,
whereby they had demonstrated the firm-
ness of their fidelity to their master, inso-
much that they had received the greatest
niarks of favour from him ; and they begged
of her, that she would not utterly blast their
hopes, as it now happened, tliat when they
had escaped the hazards that aro.se from their
[ojjcuj enemies, they were to be cut ofl' at
home, by their [private] enemies, like brute
beasts, without any help whatsoever. They
said also, that if their adversaries would be
satisfied with those that bad been slain already,
they would take what bad been done jiatieiitly,
on account of their natural love to their go-
vernors ; but if they must expect the same for
the future also, they imi)lored of her a dis-
mission from her service ; for they could not
bear to think of attempting any method fui
their deliverance without her, but would rather
die willingly bel'ore the palace-gate, in case
she would not forgive them. And that it was
a great shame, both for themselves and for the
queen, that when Uiey were neglected by lier,
they should come under the lash of her hus-
band's enemies ; for that Aretas, the Arabian
king, and the moiiarchs, would give any re-
ward, if they could get such men as foreign
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. XVI.
auxiliaries, to whom their very names, before
their voices be heard, may perhaps be terrible ;
but if they could not obtain this their second
request, and if she had determined to prefer
the Pharisees before them, they still insisted
that she would place them every one in her
fortresses ; for if some fatal demon hath a con-
stant spite against Alexander's house, they
would be willing to bear their part, and to live
in a private station there.
S. As these men said thus, and called upon
Alexander's ghost for commiseration of those
already slain, and those in danger of it, all
tlie by-standers brake out into tears : but
Aristobulus chiefly made manifest what were
his sentiments, and used many reproachful
expressions to his mother [saying], " Nay,
indeed, the case is this, that they have been
themselves the authors of their own calamities,
who have permitted a woman who, against
reason, was mad with ambition, to reign over
them, when there were sons in the flower of
their age fitter for it." So Alexandra, not
knowing what to do with any decency, com-
mitted the fortresses to them, all but Hyrca-
nia and Alexandrium, and Macherus, where
her principal treasures were. After a little
while also, she sent her son Aristobulus with
an army to Damascus against Ptolemy, wlio
was called Menneus, who was such a bad
neighbour to the city; but he did nothing
considerable there, and so returned home.
4. About this time news was brought that
Tigranes, the king of Armenia, had made an
irruption into Syria with five hundred tliou-
sand soldiers,* and was coming against Judea.
Tins news, as may well be supposed, terrified
tlie queen and the nation. Accordingly they
sent him many and very valuable presents, as
also ambassadors, and that as he was besieging
Ptolemais ; for Selene the queen, the same
that was also called Cleopatra, ruled then
over Syria, who had persuaded the inhabitants
to exclude Tigranes. So the Jewish ambas-
sadors interceded with him, and entreated him
that he would determine nothing that was se-
vere about their queen or nation. He com-
mended them for the respects they paid him
at so great a distance : and gave them good
hopes of his favour. But as soon as Ptole-
mais was taken, news came to Tigranes, that
Lucullus, in his pursuit of JVIithridates, could
not light upon him, who was fled into Iberia,
but was laying waste Armenia and besieging
its cities. Now, when Tigranes knew this,
he returned home.
5. After this, when the queen was fallen
into a dangerous distemper, Aristobulus re-
* The mimber of five hundred thousand, or even
three hundred thousand, as one Greek copy, with the
Latin copies, have it, for Tigranes's army, that came
out of Armenia into Syria and Judea, seems much too
large. We have had already several such extravagant
numbers in Josephus's present copies, which are not to
he at all jiscribed to him. Accordrngly, 1 incline to Dr.
H udson's emendation here, which supposes them but for-
ty thousand ^
369
solved to attempt the seizing of the govern-
ment J so he stole away secretly by night,
with only one of his servants, and went to
the fortresses, wherein his friends, that wera
such from the days of his father, were settled ;
for as he had been a great while displeased at
his mother's conduct, so he was now much
more afraid, lest, upon her death, their whole
family should be under the power of the Pha-
risees ; for he saw the inability of his brother,
who was to succeed in the government : nor
was any one conscious of wiiat he was doing
but only his wife, whom he left at Jerusalem
with their children. He first of all came to
Agaba, where was Galestes, one of the potent
men before mentioned, and was received by
him. When it was day the queen perceived
that Aristobulus was fled ; and for some time
she supposed that his departure was not in
order to make any innovation ; but when
messengers came one after another with the
news that he had secured the first place, the
second place, and all tl)e places, for as soon
as one had begun, they all submitted to his
disposal, then it was that the queen and the
nation were in the greatest disorder, for they
were aware that it M'ould not be long ere
Aristobulus would be able to settle himself
firmly in the government. What they were
principally afraid of was this, that he would
inflict punishment upon them for the mad
treatment his house had had from them : so
they resolved to take his wife and children
into custody, and keep them in the fortress
that was over the temple.f Now there was
a mighty conflux of people that came to
Aristobulus from all parts, insomuch that he
had a kind of royal attendants about him j
for in a little more than fifteen days, he got
twenty-two strong places, which gave him
the op;)ortunity of raising an army from Li-
banus and Trachonitis, and the monarchs ;
for men are easily led by the greater number,
and easily submit to them. And besides this,
that by affording him their assistance, when
he could not expect it, they, as well as he,
should have the advantages that would come
by his being king, because they had been the
occasion of his gaining the kingdom. Now
the elders of the Jews, and Hyrcanus with
them, went in unto the queen, and desired
that she would give them her sentiments about
the present posture of affairs, for that Aristo-
bulus was in effect lord of almost all the
kingdom, by possessing of so many strong
holds, and that it was absurd for them to take
any counsel by themselves, how ill soever she
were, whilst she was alive, and that the dan-
ger would be upon them in no long time,
ijut she bade them do what they thought
f This fortress, cattle, citadel, or tower, whither the
wife and children of Aristobulus were now sent, and
whicli overlool^cd the temple, could be no otlier than
what Hyrcanus I. built (Antiq. b. xviii, ch. iv, sect. 5) ;
and Herod the Great rebuilt, and ealletl the " Tower ol
Antouia," Auliij. b. xv, cb. xi, sect. 5.
-T
3;o
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
proper to be done : tliat tlicy had many cir-
cunibtances in llioir favour still remaining ; a
nation in good heart, an army, and money in
their several treasuries ; for that slie had
small concern ab< ut public allairs now, when
the strength of her body already failed her.
6. Now a little while after she had said
this to them, she died, when she had reigned
nine years, and had in all lived seventy-three.
A woman she was wlio sliowed no signs of the
weakness of her sex, for she was sagacious to
the greatest degree in her ambition of govern-
ing, and demonstrated by her doings at oiue,
that her mind was fit for action, and " that
sometimes men themselves show the liiile
understanding they have by the frequent mis-
takes th''y make in point of government; for
she always preferred the present to futurity,
and preferred the power of an imperious do-
minion above all things, and in comparison of
BOOK XIV.
that, Iiad no regard to what was good or what
was right. However, she brouglit the affairs
of her house to such an unfortunate condition,
that she was the occasion of the taking away
that authority from it, and that in no long time
afterward, wliich she had obtained by a vast
number of hazards and misfortunes, and this
out of a desire of what does not belong to a
woman, and all by a compliance in her senti-
ments with tliose that bare ill-will to their fa-
mily, and by leaving the administration des-
titute of a proper support of great men ; and
indeed, her management during her adminis-
tration, while she was alive, was such as filled
the palace after her death with calamities and
disturbance. However, although this had
been her way of governing, she preserved the
nation in peace : — and this is the conclusion
of the ati'airs of Alexandra.
BOOK XIV.
CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF THIRTY-TWO YEARS.
FROM THE DEATH OF QUEEN ALEXANDRA TO THE DEATH OF
ANTIGONUS.
CHAPTER I.
THE WAR BETWEEN ARISTOBULUS AN'D HYRCA-
NUS ABOUT THE KINGDOM ; AND HOW THEV
MADE AN AGREEMENT THAT ARISTOBUI.CS
SHOULD BE KING, AND HYRCANUS LIVE A
PRIVATE LIFE : AS ALSO, HOW HYRCANUS, A
LITTLE AFTERWARDS, WAS PERSUADED BY
ANTIPATER TO FLY TO ARETAS.
§ 1. We have related the affairs of queen
Alexandra, and her death, in the foregoing
book, and will now speak of what followed,
and was connected with those histories; de-
claring, before we proceed, that we have no-
thing so much at heart as this, that we may
omit no facts either through ignorance or la-
ziness ; • for we are upon the history and ex-
plication of such tilings as the greatest part
are unactjuainted witl)al, because of tlieir dis-
tance from our times ; and we aim to do it
• Rclaiul takes notice lierc, very justly, how Josn-
phus's declaration, that it was his ^Tt-at «)iicem not oi.ly
to write " an aKrceablc, an accurate," and " atrue" his-
tory, but also (listinclly; " not to omit any thing" [of
consc(|iicncf], cither through " ignorancf or In/.iness,"
implies that he could not, consistently with that rc>olii-
tion, omit the mentiou of [so famouii a person ai]
" Jesus t.luiiit."
with a proper beauty of style, so far as that is
derived from proper words harmonically dis-
posed, and from such ornaments of speech also
as may contribute to the pleasure of our read-
ers, that they may entertain the knowledge of
what we write with some agreeable satisfaction
and pleasure. But the principal scope that
authors ought to aim at, above all the rest, is
to speak accurately, and to speak truly, for
the satisfaction of tliose that are otherwise un-
acquainted with such transactions, and oblig-
ed to believe what these writers inform them
of.
2. Hyrcanus then began his high-priest-
hood on the thiid year of the hundred and
seventy-seventh olympiad, when Quintus Hor-
tensius and Quintus I^Ietellus, who was called
Metellus of Crete, were consuls at Rome ;
when presently Aristobulus began to make
war against him, and as it came to a battle witit
Hyrcanus at Jericho, many of his soldiers de-
serted him, and went over to his brother : up-
on which Hyrcanus fled into the citadel, where
Aristobulus's wile and children were impri-
sonetl by his inothcr, as we have said already,
and attacked and overcame those his adversa-
ries that had fled tliither, and lay withia tba
CilAP. II.
walls of the temple. So when he had sent a
message to his brother about agreeuig the mat-
ters between them, he laid aside his enmity to
him on these conditions, that Aristobulus
should be king, that he should live without
intermeddling with public affairs, and quietly
enjoy the estate he had acquired. When they
had agreed upon these terms in the temple,
and had confirmed the agreement with oaths,
and the giving one another their right hands,
and embracing one another in the sight of the
whole multitude, they departed; the one, Aris-
tobulus, to the palace, and Hyrcanus, as a
private man, to the former house of Aristobu-
lus.
3. But there was a certain ft-iend of Hyr-
canus, an Idumean, called Antipater, who
was very rich, and in his nature an active and
a seditious man ; who was at enmity with A-
ristobulus, and had differences with him on
account of his good-will to Hyrcanus. It is
true, that Nicolaus of Damascus says, that
Antipater was of the stock of the principal
Jews who came out of Babylon into Judea;
but that assertion of his was to gratify Herod,
who was his son, and who, by certain revolu-
tions of fortune, came afterwards to be king
of the Jews, whose history we shall give you
in its proper place hereafter. However, this
Antipater was at first called Antipas,* and
that was his father's name also ; of whom
they relate this : That king Alexander and
his wife made him general of all Idumea, and
that he made a league of friendship with those
Arabians, and Gazites, and Ascalonites, that
were of his own party, and had, by many and
large presents, made them his fast friends ;
but now this younger Antipater was suspicious
of the power of Aristobulus, and was afraid
of some mischief he might do him, because of
his hatred to him ; so he stirred up the most
powerful of the Jews, and talked against him
to them privately ; and said, that it was un-
just to overlook the conduct of Aristobulus,
who had gotten the government unrighteous-
ly, and ejected liis brother out of it, who was
the elder, and ouglit to retain what belonged
to him by prerogative of his birtii ; and the
same speeches he perpetually made to Hyr-
canus ; and told him that his own life would
be in danger unless he guarded himself, and
got quit of Aristobulus j for he said that the
friends of Aristobulus omitted no opportunity
of advising him to kill him, as being then,
and not before, sure to retain his principality.
Hyrcanus gave no credit to these words of
his, as being of a gentle disposition, and one
that did not easily admit of calumnies against
other men. This temper of his not disposing
him to meddle with public affairs, and want
« That the famous Antipater's or Antipas's father was
also Antipater or Antipas (which two may justly lie es-
teemed one and the same name ; the former with a
Greeli or Gentile, the latter with a Hebrew or Jewish
termination), Josephus Iiere assures us, though Euse-
bius indeed says it was Herod.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
371
of spirit, occasioned him to appear to specta-
tors to be degenerate and unmanly ; while
Aristobulus was of a contrary temper, an ac-
tive man, and one of a great and generous
soul.
4. Since therefore Antipater saw that Hyr-
canus did not attend to what he said, he never
ceased, day by day, to charge feigned crimes
upon Aristobulus, and to calumniate him be-
fore him, as if he had a mind to kill him ;
and 30, by urging him perpetually, he advised
him, and persuaded him to fly to Aretas, the
king of Arabia; and promised, that if he
would comply with his advice, he would also
himself assist him, [and gowithliim]. When
Hyrcanus heard this, he said that it was for his
advantage to fly away to Aretas, Now Arabia
is a covuitry that borders upon Judea. How-
ever, Hyrcanus sent Antipater first to the king
of Arabia, in order to receive assurances from
liim, that when he should come in the manner
of a supplicant to him, he would not delivei
him up to his enemies. So Antipater having
received such assurances, returned to Hyrca-
nus to Jerusalem. A while afterward lie took
Hyrcanus, and stole out of the city by night,
and went a great journey, and came and
brought him to the city called Petra, where
the palace of Aretas was ; and as he was a
very familiar friend of that king, he persuad-
ed him to Ijring back Hyrcanus into Judea;
and this persuasion he continued every day
without any intermission. He also proposed
to make him presents on that account. At
length he prevailed with Aretas in his suit.
Moreover, Hyrcanus promised him, that when
he had been brought thither, and had received
his kingdom, he would restore that country,
and those twelve cities which his father Alex-
ander had taken from the Arabians; which
were these, IMedaba, Nabalio, Libyas, Thara-
basa, Agala, Athene, Zoar, Orone, Marissa,
Rudda, Lussa, and Oruba.
CHAPTER II.
J£OW ARETAS AND HYRCANUS MADE AN EXPE-
DITJON AGAINST ARISTOBULUS, AND BESIEG-
ED JERUSALEM ; AND HOW SCAURUS, THE
ROMAN GENERAL, RAISED THE SIEGE. CON-
CERNING THE DEATH OF ONIAS,
§ 1. After these promises had been given
to Aretas, he made an expedition against Aris-
tobulus, with an army of fifty thousand horse
and foot, and beat him in the battle. And
when after that victory many went over to
Hyrcanus as deserters, Aristobulus was left
desolate, and fled to Jerusalem ; upon which
the king of Arabia took all his army and made
an assault upon the temple, and besieged Aris.
tobulus therein, the people still supporting
Hyrcanus, and assisting him in the siege, while
jT
■v
372
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK XIV
none but the priests continued with Aristohii- I into Syria, while he was himself in Armenia,
his. So Aretas united the forces of tlie Ara- and making war with Tigranes ; but wlien
bians and of tlic Jews together, and pressed Scaurus was come to Damascus, and found
on tlie siege vigorously. As this happened at that Lollius and Metellus lad newly taken
the time wlien the feast of unleavened bread j the city, he came liimself hastily into Judea.
was celebrated, which we call the Passover, j And when lie was come thither, ambassadors
the principal men among the Jews left the [ came to him, both from Aristobulus and Ilyr-
country, and fled into Egypt. Now there canus, and both desired lie would assist lliem;
was one, whose name was Onias, a -ightcoiis
man lie was, and beloved of God, who, in a
certain drought, had prayed to God to put an
end to the intense heat, and wliose prayers
God had heard, and had sent them rain. This
man had hid himself, because he saw that this
sedition would last a great while. However,
they brought him to the Jewish camp, and de-
sired, that as by his prayers he had once put
an end to the drought, so he would in like
manner make imprecations on Aristobulus and
those of his faction. And when, upon his
refusal, and the excuses that he made, he was
still by the multitude compelled to speak, he
stood up in the midst of them, and said, " O
God, the King of the whole world ! since those
that stand now with me are thy people, and
those that are besieged are also thy priests, I
beseech thee, that thou wilt neither hearken
to the prayers of those against those, nor bring
to effect what these pray against those."
Whereupon such wicked Jews as stood about
him, as soon as he had made tliis prayer,
stoned him to death.
2. But God punished them immediately
for this their barbarity, and took vengeance of
them for the murder of Onias, in the manner
following; — While the priests and Aristobu-
lus were besieged, it happened that the feast
called the Passover was come, at which it is
our custom to ofler a great number of sacri-
fices to God J but those that were with Aris-
tobulus wanted sacrifices, and desired that
their countrymen without would furnish tliem
with such sacrifices, and assured Ihcm they
should have as much money for them as
they sliould desire ; and when they requir-
ed them to pay a thousand drachma; for each
head of cattle, Aristobulus and the priests
willingly undertook to pay for them accord-
ingly ; and those within let down the money
over the walls, and gave it them. But when
the others had received it, they did not deliver
the sacrifices, hut arrived at that height of
wickedness as to break the assurances they had
given, and to be guilty of impiety towards
God, by not furnishing those that wanted them
with sacrifices. And when the priests found
tliey had been cheated, and that the agree,
nieiits they had made were violated, they j'ray-
ed to (!od that he would avenge them on their
countrymen. Nor did lie delay that their
punishment, but sent a strong and vehement
btonn of wind, that destroyed the fruits of
the whole country, till a modius of wheat was
then bought for eleven drachma-.
3 In the mean time Pompey sent Scaurus
and when both of them promised to give him
money, Aristobulus four hundred talents, and
Ilyrcanus no less, he accepted of Aristobu-
lus's promise, for he was rich, and had a great
soul, and desired to obtain nothing but what
was moderate ; whereas the other was poor
and tenacious, and made incredible promises
in hope of greater advantages ; for it was not
the same thing to take a city that was exceed-
ing strong and powerful, as it was to eject
out of the coimtry some fugitives, with a great
number of Nabateans, who were no very war-
like people. He therefore made an agree-
ment with Aristobulus, for the reason before
mentioned, and took his money, and raised
the siege, and ordered Aretas to depart, or
else he should be declared an enemy to the
Romans, So Scaurus returned to Damascus
again ; and Aristobulus, with a great army,
made war with Aretas and Hyrcanus, and
fought them at a place called Pai)yron, and
beat them in the battle, and slew about six
thousand of the enemy, with whom fell Pha-
lion also, the brother of Antipater.
CHAPTER III.
HOW ARISTOBULUS AND HYUCANUS CAME TO
POMl'EY, IN ORDER TO ARGUE WHO OUGHT
TO HAVE THE KINGDOM ; AND HOW, UPON
THE EIJGHT OF ARISTOBULUS TO THE EOR-
TRESS ALEXANDRIUM, POMPEY LED HIS ARMY
AGAINST HIM, AND ORDERED HIM TO DELI-
VER UP THE FORTRESSES WHEREOF HE WAS
POSSESSED.
§ 1. A LITTLE afterward Pompey came to
Damascus, and marched over Celesyria ; at
wliich time there came ambassadors to him
from all Syria, and Egypt, and out of Judea
aUo, for Aristobulus had sent him a great
present, which was a golden vine, • of the
value of five hundred talents. Now Strabo
of Cappadocia mentions this present in these
• This " golden vine," or " g.iiden," seen by Strabo
at Rome, has its insiTiption licre as if it were ihe eifl of
Alexaiuler, the father of Aristobuhis, and not of Aris-
tobulus hiiiiMll", to whom yet Josephiii iistnlx-s it; aiid
ill Older to prove tile truth of thai part of his histon,;,
iiitroduecs this tesliinoiiy of Stral'o; so Uiat the ordi-
nary eopies seem to be here either erroneous or defcc
live, and the original reading seems to have Ix'en either
Aristobulus, instead of Ak'X.aiuler, with one tireek copy,
or else " Aristobulus the son of Alexander," with the
1 atij) copies; which last seeins to nie the most pro-
bable; for as to Archliishop Usher's eoiijeetures, that
Alexander made it, and dedicated it to (iml in the leni-
iile, .ind that llieiice Aristobulus took it, anil sent it to
I'oiiipcy, they art both very iinprol>able, and no way
-T
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. III.
words : — " Tliere came also an embassage
out of Egypt, and a crown of tlie value of
four thousand pieces of gold ; and out of Ju-
dea there came another, whether you call it a
vine or a garden; they called the thing Ter-
pole, the Delight. However, we ourselves saw
that present reposited at Rome, in the temple
of Jupiter Capitolinus, with this inscription :
' The Gift of Alexander, the King of the
Jews.' It was valued at five hundred talents;
and the report is, that Aristobulus, the gover-
nor of the Jews, sent it."
2. In a little time afterward came ambassa-
dors again to him, Antipater from Hyrcanus,
and Nicodemus from Aristobulus ; which last
also accused such as had taken bribes ; first
Gabinius, and then Scaurus, — the one three
hundred talents, and the other four hundred;
by which procedure he made these two his e-
neraies, besides those he had before ; and
when Pompey had ordered those that had
controversies one with another to come to him
in the beginning of the spring, he brought
his army out of their winter quarters, and
inarched into the country of Damascus; and
as he went along he demolished the citadel
that was at Apamea, which Antiochus Cyzi-
cenus had built, and took cognizance of the
country of Ptolemy Menneus, a wicked man,
and not less so than Dionysius of Tripoli,
who had been beheaded, who was also his re-
lation by marriage ; yet did he buy off the
punishment of his crim.es for a thousand ta-
lents, with which money Pompey paid the
soldiers their wages. He also conquered the
place called Lysias, of which Silas a Jew was
tyrant ; and when he had passed over the ci-
ties of Heliopolis and Chalcis, and got over
the mountain which is on the limit of Cele-
syria, he came from Pella to Damascus; and
there it was that he heard the causes of the
Jews, and of their governors Hyrcanus and
Aristobulus, who were at difference one with
another, as also of the nation against them
both, which did not desire to be under kingly
government, because the form of government
they received from their forefathers was that
of subjection to the priests of that God whom
they worshipped ; and [they complained],
that though these two were the posterity of
priests, yet did they seek to change the go-
vernment of their nation to another form, in
order to enslave them. Hyrcanus complain-
ed, that although he were the elder brother,
he was deprived of the prerogative of his birth
by Aristobulus, and that he had but a small
part of the country under him, Aristobulus
having taken away the rest from him by force.
He also accused him, that the incursions
which had been made into their neighbours'
agreeable to Josephus, who would hardly have avoided
the recording both these uncommon points of history,
had he knowii any thing of them ; nor would either the
Jewish nation, nor even Pompey hjraself, theq have re-
lished such a flagrant Instance of sacrilege. <
373
countries, and the piracies that had been at
sea, were owing to him ; and that the nation
would not have revolted, unless Aristobulus
had been a man given to violence and disor-
der ; and there were no fewer than a thousand
Jews, of the best esteem among them, who
confirmed this accusation ; which confirma-
tion was procured by Antipater; but Aristo-
bulus alleged against him, tliat it was Hyrca-
nus's own temper, which was inactive, and
on that account contemptible, which caused
him to be deprived of the government; and
that for himself he was necessitated to take it
upon him, for fear lest it should be transfer-
red to others ; and that as to his title [of
king], it was no other than what his father
had taken before him]. He also called for
witnesses of what he said, some persons who
were both young and insolent; whose purple
garments, fine heads of hair, and other orna-
ments, were detested [by the court"', and
which they appeared in, not as though they
were to plead their cause in a court of justice,
but as if they were marching in a pompous
procession.
3. When Pompey had heard the causes of
these two, and had condemned Aristobulus
for his violent procedure, he then spake civilly
to them, and sent them away ; and told them,
that when he came again into their country he
would settle all their affairs, after he had first
taken a view of the affairs of the Nabateans.
In the mean time, he ordered them to be
quiet; and treated Aristobulus civilly, lest he
should make the nation revolt, and hinder his
return; which yet Aristobulus did ; for with-
out expecting any farther determination, which
Pompey had promised them, he went to the
city Delius, and thence marched into Judea.
4. At this behaviour Pompey was angry ;
and taking with him that army which he was
leading against the Nabateans, aud the auxili-
aries that came from Damascus, and the other
parts of Syria, with the other Roman legions
which he had with him, he made an expedition
against Aristobulus; but as he passed by Pella
and Scythopolis, he came to Cores;, which is tlie
first entrance into Judea when one passes over
the midland countries, where he came to a most
beautiful fortress that was built on the top of a
mountain called Alexandrium, whither Aris-
tobulus had fled ; and thence Pompey sent his
commands to him, that he should come to him.
Accordingly, at the persuasions of many that he
would not make war with the Romans, he came
down ; and when he had disputed with his bro-
ther about the right to the government, he went
up again to the citadel, as Pompey gave him
leave to do ; and this he did two or three times,
as flatteringhimselfwiththe hopesof bavingthe
kingdom granted him ; so that he still pre-
tended he would obey Pompey in whatsoever
he commanded, although at the same time
he retired to his fortress, that he might not
depress himself too low, and that he might bn
J-
374
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
prepared for a war, in case it should prove as
he feared, that Poinpt'y would transfer tlic
government to Ilyrcaiuis: but when Pompcy
enjoined Aristohulus to deliver up the for-
tresses he held, and to send an injunction to
their governors under his own hand for tiiat
puqjose, for ihey had been forbidden to de-
liver tJiein up upon any other commands, he
submitted indeed to do so ; but still he retired
in displeasure to Jerusalem, and made pre-
paration for war. A little after this, certain
persons came out of Pontus, and informed
Pompcy, as he was on the way, and conduct-
ing his army against Aristohulus, that Mith-
ridates was dead, and was slain by his son
Pharnaces.
CHAPTER IV.
HOW POMPEY, WHEN THE CITIZENS OF JERU-
SALEM SHUT THEIR GATES AGAINST HIM,
BESIEGED THE CITY, AND TOOK IT BY rOaCK ;
AS ALSO WHAT OTHEK THINGS HE DID IN
JUDEA.
§ 1. Now when Pompey had pitched his
camp at Jericho (wliere the palm-tree grows,*
and that balsnm whicli is an ointment of all
the most precious, which, upon any incision
made in the wood with a sharp stone, distils
out thence like a juice), he marched in tlie
rooming to Jerusalem. Hereupon Aristo •
bulus repented of what he was doing, and
came to Pompey, and [promised to] give him
money, and received him into Jerusalem, and
desired that he would leave off the war, and
do what he pleased peaceably. So Pompey,
upon his entreaty, forgave him, and sent Ga-
binius, and soldiers with him, to receive the
money and the city ; yet was no part of this
performed ; but Gabiuius came back, being
both excluded out of the city, and receiving
none of the money promised, because Aristo-
bulus's soldiers would not permit the agree-
ments to be executed. At this Pompey was
very angry, and put Aristohulus into prison,
and came himself to the city, which was
strong on every side, excepting the north,
which was not so well fortified, for there was
a broad and deepdiich, that encompassed the
city, f and included within it tiie temple,
• These express testimonies of Josephiis here, and
Aiitir). b. viii, ch. vi, sect. C, and b. xv, ch. iv, sect. '.',
thnt the only l);ilum ((Mrdciis, and the best palin-lrces,
were, at least in liisdays, tie.r jeiiilinaml Kngiiddi, about
the north iiart of the Ikad Sea (wlicreabout also Alex-
ander the Great saw the balsnm drop), show the mistake
of those that understand Kusebius and Jerom, as if one
of those gardens were at the south part of that sen, at
Zoar or Segor, whereas they must either mean another
Zoar or Segor, whieli ivas between Jcrielm and Kngaddi,
agreeably to Josephus; wh.ch yet they do not appiar to
do, or else they ilirectly eontradiet Josephus, ami were
therein greatly mistaken ; i mean this, unless tluit bal-
sam, .iiid the best palni-tn-es, grew inueh more souili-
waid in Judea in the diiys of Kuscbius and Jerom llian
they did in the days of Josephus.
t The particular depth a;id breadth of this diteh,
wi\cncc the atones for the wall about tjie teinjili; were
BOOK XIV
which was itself encompassed about with a
very strong stone wall.
2. Now there was a sedition of the men
that were within the city, who did not agree
what was to be done in their present circum-
stances, while some thought it best to deliver
up the city to Pompey ; hut Aristobulus's
party exhorted them to shut the gates, be-
cause he was kept in prison. Now thesp
prevented the others, and seized upon the
temple, and cut ofl' the bridge which reached
from it to the city, and prepared themselves
to abide a siege ; but tlie others admitted
Pompey's army in, and delixercd up both tJie
city and the king's palace to hiin. So Pom-
pey sent his lieutenant Piso with an army,
and placed garrisons both in the city and in
the palace, to secure tlicm, and fortified the
houses that joined to the temple, and all
those which were inore distant and without it.
And in the first jilace, he oft'crod terms of ac-
commodation to those that were within ; but
when they would not comply with what was
desired, he encompassed all the places there-
about with a wall, wherein Hyrcaniis did
gladly assist him on all occasions ; but Pom-
pey pitched his camp within [the wall], on
the north part of the temple, where it was
most practicable ; but even on that side there
were great towers, and a ditch had been dug,
and a deep valley begirt it round about, for
on the parts towards the city were precipices,
and the bridge on which Pompey had gotten
in was broken down. However, a bank was
raised, day by day, with a great deal of la-
bour, while the Romans cut down materials
for it from the places round about ; and when
this hank was sufficiently raised, and the ditch
filled up, though but poorly, by reason of its
immense depth, he brought his mechanical
engines and battering-rams from Tyre, and
placing them on the bank, he battered the
temple with the stones that were thrown
against it ; and had it not been our practice,
from the days of our forefathers, to rest on
the seventh day, this l)aiik could never have
been perfected, by reason of tlie opposition
the Jews would have made ; for though our
law gives us leave then to defend ourselves
against those that begin to fight with us and
assault us, yet does it not permit us to med-
dle with our enemies while they do any thing
else.
3. Which thing when the Romans under-
stood, on those days wliich we call Sabbaths,
they threw nothing at the Jews, nor came to
any pitched battle with them, but raised up
their earthen banks, and brought their engines
into such forwardness, that they might do ex-
CroKibly tiken, are omitte<l in our copies of Josephus,
ut set diiiMi by Strabo, b. xvi, p. '\t?i\ from whom we
Irani, that Ihis'diteh was sixty feet deep, and two hun-
dreil and Hfty iVet broad. However, it^ depth is, in the
next seetionj said by Joseiiliiis to be immense, whietl
exactly agrees to i>tralx)'s description, and which iium
Ikms ni Strabo arc a strong confirmauou of tlie truUi oi
Josejihus's ilesciijiUon also.
"^
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. IV.
ecution the next days ; and any one may
hence learn how very great piety we exercise
towards God, and the observance of his laws,
since the priests were not at all hindered from
their sacred ministrations, by their fear dur-
ing this siege, but did still twice each day, in
the morning and about the ninth liour, offer
their sacrifices on the altar ; nor did they
omit those sacrifices, if any melancholy acci-
dent happened, by the stones that were thrown
among them ; for although the city was taken
on the third month, on the day of the fast,*
upon the hundred and seventy-ninth olympiad,
when Caius Antonius and Marcus Tullius
Cicero were consuls, and the enemy then fell
upon them, and cut the throats of those tliat
yfere in the temple, yet could not those that of-
fered the sacrifices be compelled to run away,
neither by the fear they were in of their own
lives, nor by the number that were already
slain, as thinking it better to suffer whatever
came upon them, at their very altars, than to
omit any thing that their laws required of
them ; and that this is not a mere brag, or an
encomium to manifest a degree of our piety
that was false, but is the real truth, I appeal
to those that have written of the acts of Pom-
pey ; and, among them, to Strabo and Nico-
laus [of Damascus] ; and besides these, to
Titus Livius, the writer of the Roman Histo-
ry, who will bear witness of this tiling. -f-
4. But when the battering-engine was
brought near, the greatest of the towers was
shaken by it, and fell down, and broke down
a part of the fortifications, so the enemy poured
in apace ; and Cornelius Faustus, the son of
Sylla, with his soldiers, first of all ascended
the wall, and next to him Furius the centu-
rion, with those that followed, on the other
part ; while Fabius, who was also a centurion,
ascended it in the middle, with a great body
of men after him ; but now all was full of
slaughter ; some of the Jews being slain by
the Romans, and some by one another j nay,
some tiiere were who threw themselves down
the precipices, or put fire to their houses, and
burnt them, as not able to bear the miseries
they were under. Of the Jews there fell
twelve thousand ; but of the Romans very
few. Absalom, who was at once both uncle
and father-in-law to Aristobulus, was taken
* That is on the twentv-third of Sivan, the annual fast
for the defection and idolatry of Jeroboam, "who made
Israel to sin ;" or possibly some otlier fast might fall
into that month, before and in the days of JosepTius.
t It deserves here to be noted, that this Pharisaical
superstitious notion, that offensive fighting vats unlaw-
ful to Jews, even under the utmost necessity, on the
Sabbath-day ; of which we hear nothing before the
times of the Maccabees, was th.e proper occasion of Je-
rusalem's being taken by Pompey, by Sossius, and by
Titus, as appears from the places already quoted in the
note on Antiq. b. xiii, ch. viii, sect. 1 ; which scrupu-
lous superstition, as to the observation of such a rigo-
rous rest upon the Sabbath-day, our Saviour always op-
posed, when the Pharisaical Jews insisted on it, as is evi-
dent in many places in the New Testament, though he
etill intimated how pernicious that superstition might
prove to them in their flight from the RomaiilS Matt
sxv, "0
375
captive ; and no small enormities were com-
mitted about the temple itself, which, in for-
mer ages, had been inaccessible, and seen by
none ; for Pompey went into it, and not a
few of those that were with him also, and saw
all that which it was unlawful for any other
men to see, but only for the high-priests.
There were in that temple the golden table,
the holy candle-stick, and the pouring vessels,
and a great quantity of spices ; and besides
these there were among the treasures two thou-
sand talents of sacred money ; yet did Pon>
pey touch nothing of all this,| on account of
his regard to religion ; and in this point also
he acted in a manner that was worthy of his
virtue. The next day he gave order to those
that had the charge of the temple to cleanse
it, and to bring what offerings the law requir-
ed to God ; and restored the high-priesthood
to Hyrcanus, both because he had been use-
ful to him in other respects, and because
he hindered the Jews in the country from
giving Aristobulus any assistance in his war
against him. He also cut off those that had
been the autliors of that war ; and bestowed
firoper rewards on Faustus, and those others
that mounted the wall with such alacrity j and
he made Jerusalem tributary to the Romans ;
and took away those cities of Celesyria which
the inhabitants of Judea had subdued, and
put them lander the government of the Ro-
man president, and confined the whole na-
tion, which had elevated itself so high before,
within its own bounds. Moreover, he re-
built Gadara, which had been demolished a
little before, ]| to gratify Demetrius of Gada-
ra, who was his freed-man, and restored the
rest of the cities. Hippos and Scythopolis,
and Pella, and Dios, and Samaria, as also
Marissa, and Ashdod, and Jamnia, and Are-
thusa, to their own inhabitants : these were
in the inland parts. Besides those that had
been demolished, and also of the maritime
cities, Gaza, and Joppa, and Dora, and Stra-
to's Tower : which last Herod rebuilt after a
glorious manner, and adorned with havens
and temples ; and changed its name to Cassa-
rea. All these Pompey left in a state of free-
dom, and joined them to the province of Sy-
ria.
5. Now the occasions of this misery which
came upon Jerusalem were Hyrcanus and
Aristobulus, by raising a sedition one against
the other ; for now we lost our liberty, and
became subject to the Romans, and were de-
prived of that country which we had gained
by our arms from the Syrians, and were com-
pelled to restore it to the Syrians. Moreover,
the Romans exacted of us, in a little time,
t This is fully confirmed by the testimony of Cicero,
who says, in his oration for Flaccus, That " Cneius
Pompei'us, when he was conqueror, and had taken Je-
rusalem, did not touch any thing belonging to that
temple."
II Of this destruction of Gadara here presupposed, and
its restoration by Pompey, see the note on the War, Ix
eh. vii, sect. 7.
J~
876
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK XIX.
I
above ten tJiotisand talents ; and the royal
authority, which uas a dignity formerly he-
stowed on tliose th;it were liij;h- priests, hy the
right of their family, became the property of
private men ; but of these matters we shall
treat in their proper ])laccs. Now Pompey
committed Celesyria, as far as tiie river Eu-
phrates and Egyi)t, to Scaurus, with two Ro-
man legions, and then went away to Cilicia,
and made haste to Home. He also carried
bound along with him Aristobulus and his
children ; for he had two daugliters, and as
many sons ; the one of whom ran away ;. hut
the younger, Antigonus, was carried to Home,
together with his sisters.
CHAPTER V.
HOW SCAURUS iMADE A LEAGl'E OF MUTUAL
ASSISTANCE WITH ARETAS ; AND WHAT GA-
BINIUS DID IN JUDEA, AITER HE HAD CON-
QUERED ALEXANDER, THE SON OF ARISTO-
BULUS.
§ 1. SCAURUS made now an expedition a-
gainst Petrea, in Arabia, and set on fire all
the places round about it, because of the great
difficulty of access to it ; and as his army was
pinched by famine, Antipater furnished him
with corn out of Judea, and with whatever
else he wa".tcd, and this at the command of
Hyrcanns ; and wiien he was sent to Arctas
as an ambassador, l;y Scaurus, because he had
hved with him formerly, he persuaded Aretas,
to give Scaurus a simi of money, to prevent
the burning of his country; and undertook
to be his surety for three hundred talents.
So Scaurus, upon these terms, ceased to
make war any longer : wliieh was done as
much at Scaurus's desire as at the desire of
Aretas.
2. Some time after this, when Alexander,
the son of Aristobulus, made an incursion
into Judea, Gabinius came from Rome to Sy-
ria, as commander of the Roman forces. He
■Jid many consirlerable actions ; and particu-
arly made war witii Alexander, since Ilyrca-
nus was not yet .ible to oppose his ))ower, but
was already attempting to rebuild the wall of
Jerusalem, wliicii Pumjiey liad overthrown,
although the Romans v ho were there restrain-
ed him from that his design. However, Al-
exander went over all tiie country round a-
bout, and armed many of the Jews, and sud-
denly got together ten thousand armed foot-
men, and fifteen linndied horsemen, and for-
tified Alexandrium, a fortress near to Cores,
and Macherus, near the mountains of .Arabia.
Gabinus theretore came upon him, having
sent Marcus Antonius, with other comman>
ders, before. These armed such Romans as
followed them ; and, together with them, sudi
Jews as were subject to them, whose leadei«
were Pitholaus and IMalichus ; and they took
with them also their friends tliat were with
Antijiater, and met Alexander, while Gabi-
nius himself followed with his legion. Here-
upon Alexander retired to the neighbourhood
of Jerusalem, where they fell upon one ano-
ther, and it came to a pitched battle ; in whicli
the Romans slew of their enemies about three
thousand, and took a like number alive.
3. At which time Gabinius came to Alex-
andrium, and invited those that were in it to
deliver it up on certain conditions, and pro-
mised that then their former offences should
be forgiven : but as a great numl)er of the e-
nemy had pitched their camp before the for-
tress, whom the Romans attacked, l\J;u-cus
Antonius fought bravely, and slew a great
number, and seeitied to come off with the
greatest honour. So Gabinius left part of
his army there, in order to take the place, and
he himself went into other parts of Judea, and
gave order to rebuild all tlie cities that he met
with that had been demolished ; at which time
were rebuilt Samaria, Aslidod, Scythopolis,
Anihedon, Raphia, and Dora ; Marissa also,
and Gaza, and not a few otiiers besides ; and
as the men acted according to Gabinius's
command, it came to i)ass, that at this time
these cities were securely inhabited, which had
been desolate for a long time.
4. When Gabinius had done thus in the
country he returned to Alcxandrium; and
when he urged on the siege of the place, Alex-
ander sent an embassage to him, desiring that
he would pardon his former offences; he also
delivered up the fortresses, Hyrcania and
Macherus, and at last Alexandrium itself,
which fortresses Gabinius demolished ; but
when Alexander's mother, wlio was of the side
of the Romans, as having her husband and
other children at Rome, came to him, he
granted her whatsoever slie asked ; and w hen
he had settled matters with her, he brought
Ilyrcanus to Jerusalem, and committed the
care of the temi)le to him ; and when he had
ordained five councils, he distributed the na-
tion into the same number of parts: so these
councils governe<l the people ; the first was at
Jerusalem, the second at Gadara, the third at
Amathus, the fourth at Jericho, and the fifth
at Sepphoris, in Galilee. So the Jews were
now freed from monarchic authority, and were
governed by an aristocracy.*
• Dean Pridcnux well observes, " That nofwilh^tann.
iiiR the claraoiir ajjainst (i.ibmuis al Home, Jo&ephui
Cive* him a lamlable character as if he hail acquitted
himsolf with honour in the ehiirge committetl to him
[ill Judea]. ^ec At the year ji.
CHAP VII.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
877
CHAPTER VI.
HOW GABINIUS CAUGHT ARISTOEULUS AFTER
HE HAD FLED FROM ROJIE, AND SENT HIM
BACK TO ROME AGAIN ; AND HOW THE
SAME GABINIUS, AS HE RETURNED OUT OF
EGYPT; OVERCAME ALEXANDER AND THE
NABATEANS IN BATTLE.
§ 1. Now Aristobulus ran away from Rome
to Judea, and set about the rebuilding of Alex-
andrium, which had been newly demolished :
hereupon Gabinius sent soldiers against him,
and for their commanders Sisenna, and An-
tonius, and Servilius, in order to hinder him
from getting possession of the country, and to
take him again ; and indeed many of the Jews
ran to Aristobulus on account of his former
glory, as also because they should be glad of
an innovation. Now, there was one Pitholaus,
a lieutenant at Jerusalem, who deserted to him
with a thousand men, although a great number
of those that came to him were unarmed ; and
when Aristobulus had resolved to go to Ma-
cherus, he dismissed those people, because they
were unarmed ; for they could not be useful
to him in what actions he was going about;
but he took with him eight thousand that were
armed, and marched on ; and as the Romans
fell upon them severely, the Jews fought
valiantly, but were beaten in the battle; and
when they had fought with alacritj-, but were
overborne by the enemy, they were put to
flight ; of whom were slain about five thou-
sand, and the rest being dispersed, tried, as well
as they were able, to save themselves. Howev-
er, Aristobulus had with him still above a thou-
sand, and with them he fled to Macherus, and
fortified the place ; and though he had had ill
success, he still had good hope of his aflTairs ;
but when he had struggled against the siege for
two days' time, and had received many wounds,
he was brought as a captive to Gabinius, with
his son Antigonus, who also fled with him from
Rome; and this was the fortune of Aristobulus,
who was sent back again to Rome, and %vas there
retained in bonds, having been both king and
high-priest for three years and six months ; and
was indeed an emsnent person, and one of a
great soul. However, the senate let his child-
ren go, upon Gabinius's writing to them that
he had promised their mother so much when
she delivered up the fortresses to him ; and
ccordingly they then returned into Judea.
2. Now when Gabinius was making an
expedition against the Parthians, and had al-
ready passed over Euphrates, he changed his
mind, and resolved to return into Egypt, in
order to restore Ptolemy to his kingdom.*
» This historj- is best illustrated by Dr. Hudson out
of Livy, who says, ihat " A. Gabinius, the proconsul,
restored Ptolemy to his kingdom of Egypt, and ejected
Archelaus, whom they had set up for a kuig," iic. bee
Prid. at the yeais 6 1 and 65 ^
This hath also been related elsewhere. How-
ever, Antipatcr supplied his army, which he
sent against Archelaus, with corn, and wea-
pons, and money. He also made those Jews
who were above Pelusium his friends and con-
federates, and had been the guardians of the
passes that led into Egypt. But when he
came back out of Egypt, he found Syria in
disorder with seditions and troubles; for
Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, having seiz-
ed on the government a secon''. time by force,
made many of the Jews revolt to him ; and
so he marched over the country with a great
army, and slew all the Romans he could light
upon, and proceeded to besiege the mountain
called Gerizzim, whither they had retreated.
3. But when Gabinius found Syria in such
a state, he sent Antipater, who was a prudent
man, to those that were seditious, to try whe-
ther he could cure them of their madness, and
persuade them to return to a better mind ; and
when he came to them, he brought many of
them to a sound mind, and induced them to
do what they ought to do. But he could not
restrain Alexander, for he had an army of thir-
ty thousand Jews, and met Gabinius, and,
joining battle with him, was beaten, and lost
ten thousand of his men about Mount Tabor.
4. So Gabinius settled the affairs which be-
longed to the city Jerusalem, as was agreea-
ble to Antipater's inclination, and went against
the Nabateans, and overcame them in battle.
He also sent away in a friendly manner,
Mithridates and Orsanes, who were Parthian
deserters, and came to him, though the report
went abroad that they had run away from him.
And when Gal)inius had performed great and
glorious actions, in his management of the
affairs of the war, he returned to Rome, and
delivered the government to Crassus. Now,
Nicolaus of Damascus, and Strabo, of Cap-
padocia, both describe the expeditions of Pom-
pey and Gabinius against the Jews, while nei-
ther of them say any thing new which is not
in the other.
CHAPTER VII.
HOW CRASSUS CAME INTO JUDEA, AND PIL-
LAGED THE TEJIPLE ; AND THEN MARCHED
AGAINST THE PARTHIANS, AND PERISHED,
WITH HIS ARMY. ALSO HOW CASSIUS OB-
TAINED SYRIA, AND PUT A STOP TO THE
PARTHIANS, AND THEN WENT UP TO JUDEA.
§ 1. Now Crassus, as he was going upon his
expedition against the Parthians, came into
Judea, and carried off the money that was in
tlje temple, which Pompey had left, being two
thousand talents, and was disposed to spoil it
of all the gold belonging to it, which was
eight thousand talents. He also took a beam,
which was made of solid beaten gold, of the
weight of three hundred minae, each of which
r
S78
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
weiglied two pounds and a half. It was the
priest wlio was guardian of the sacred trea-
sures, and whose name was Eleazar, that gave
him this beam, not out of a wicked design,
for he was a good and a rigliteous man ; hut
l)eing intrusted wiili the custody of the veils
belonging to the temple, which were of admir-
al)le beauty, and of very costly woikmanshij),
and hung down from this beam, when he saw
that Crassus was busy in gathering money,
and was in fear for the entire ornaments of
the temple, he gave him this beam of gold as
a ransom for the whole, but this not till he
had given his oath that he would remove no-
thing else out of the temple, but be satisfied
with this only, whicli he should give him, be-
ing worth many ten thousand [shekels]. Now,
this beam was contained in a wooden beam
that was hollow, but was known to no others;
but Eleazar alone knew it ; yet did Crassus
take away this lieam, upon the condition of
touching nothing else that belonged to the
temple, — and then brake his oath, and carried
away all the gold that was in the temple.
2. And let no one wonder that there was
so much wealth in our temple, since all the
Jews throughout the habitable earth, and
those that worshipped God, nay, even those
of Asia and Europe, sent their contributions
to it, and this from very ancient times. Nor
is the largeness of these sums without its at-
testation ; nor is that greatness owing to our
/anity, as raising it without ground to so
great a height : but there are many witnesses
to it, and particularly Strabo of Cappadocia,
who says thus: — " Mitliridates sent to Cos,
and took the money which queen Cleopatra
had deposited there ; as also eight hundred
talents belonging to the Jews." Now we
have no public money but only what apper-
tains to God ; and it is evident that the Asian
Jews removed this money, out of fear of IMi-
thridates ; for it is not probable that those of
Judea, who had a strong city and temple,
should send their money to Cos ; nor is it
likely that the Jews who are inhabitants of
Alexandria, should do so neither, since they
were in no fear of Mithridates. And Strabo
himself i)ears witness to the same thing in
another place ; that at the same time that Sylla
passed over into Greece, in order to (iglit
against Mithridates, he sent LucuUus to put
an end to a sedition that our nation, of whom
the habitable earth is full, had raised in Cy-
rene ; wiicre he speaks thus: — " There were
four classes of men among those of Cyrene ;
that of citizens, that of husbandmen, the third
of strangers, and tiic fourth of Jews. Now
these Jews are already gotten into all cities ;
and it is hard to find a place in the iiahituble
earth that hath not admitted this tribe of men,
and is not possessed by them: and it hath come
to pass that Egypt and Cyrwie, as having the
<ame governors, and a great number of other
nations, iiuilate Uieir way of living, and iiiain-
BOOK XIV
tain great bodies of these Jews in a peculiar
manner, and grow up to greater prosperity
with them, and make use of the same laws
with that nation also. Accordingly, the Jeus
have places assigned them in Egy|)t, wherein
they inhabit, besides what is peculiarly allot-
ted to this nation at Alexandria, which is a
large part of that city. U'here is also an eth-
narch allowed tliem, who governs the nation,
and distributes justice to them, and takes care
of their contracts, and of the laws to them
belonging, as if he were the ruler of a free
republic. In Egypt, therefore, this nation is
powerfid, because the JeiTs were originally
Egyptians, and because the land wherein they
inhabit, since they went thence, is near to
Egypt. They also removed into Cyrene, be-
cause that this land adjoined to the govern-
tnent of Egypt, as well as does Judea, or ra-
ther was fonr.erly under the same govern-
ment." And this is what Strabo says.
3. So wliLii Crassus had settled all things
as he hiiTiself pleased, he marched into Par-
thia, where both he himself and all liis army
perished, as hath been related elsewhere. But
Cassius, as he fled from Rome to Syria, took
possession of it, and was an impediment to
the Parthians, who, by reason of their victory
over Crassus, made incursions upon it : and
as he came back to Tyre, he went up into Ju-
dea also, and fell upon Tarichea', and pre-
sently took it, and carried about thirty thou-
sand Jews captives ; and slew Pilholaus, who
succeeded Aristobulus in his seditious prac
tices, and that by the persuasion of Antipater,
who proved to have great interest in him, and
was at that time in great repute with the Idu-
means also : out of which nation he married
a wife, who was the daughter of one of their
eminent men, and her natne was Cypros,* by
whom he had four sons, Pliasael, and Herod,
who was afterwards made king, and Joseph,
and Pheroras ; and a daughter, named Sa-
lome. This Anli|)ater cultivated also a friend-
ship and mutual kindness with otiier poten-
tates, but especially with the king of Arabia,
to whom he committed his children, while he
fought against .\ristobulus. So Cassius re-
moved his camp, and marched to Eu])hrates,
tt) meet those that were coining to attack hinv,
as hath been related by others.
4. IJut some lime afterwards, Caesar, when
he had taken Rome, and after Ponipey and
the senate were lied beyond the Ionian Sea,
freed Aiistolnilus from liis bonds, and resolv-
ed to send him into Syria, and delivered two
legions to him, that he might set matters right,
as bi'ing a potent man in that country ; but
Aristobulus had no enjoyment of what lie
hoped for from the power that was given him
by Ca;sar; for tJiose of Poinpey's party prc-
• Dr. Hudson observes, tl\at the name of tliis wife of
Antiiiater, in .losiphus, was Cypros, ;<s an Hebrew ter-
mination ; but not t'ypris, the (J reek name tor \enus,
as Mjmu critics were ruaUv to correct it
CHAP. VIII.
vented it, and destroyed him by poison ; and
those of Caesar's party buried him. His dead
body also lay, for a good while, embalmed in
honey, till Antony afterwards sent it to Judea,
and caused him to be buried in the royal se-
pulchre. But Scipio, upon Pompey's send-
ing to him to slay Alexander, the son of
Aristobulus, because the young man was ac-
cused of what offences he had been guilty of
at first against the Romans, cut off his head ;
and thus did he die at Antioch. But Ptole-
my, the son of Menneus, who was the ruler
of Chalcis, under Mount Libanu?, took his
brethren to him, and sent his son Philippion
to Askelon to Aristobulus's wife, and desired
her to send back with him her son Antigo-
nus and her daughters : the one of whom,
whose name was Alexandra, Philippion fell
in love with, and married her; though after-
wards his father Ptolemy slew him, and mar-
ried Alexandra, and continued to take care of
her brethren.
CHAPTER VI I r.
THE JEWS EECOME CONFEDERATES WITH C^SAR
WHEN HE FOUGHT AGAINST EGYPT. THE
GLORIOUS ACTIONS OF ANTIP-VTEB, AND HIS
FRIENDSHIP WITH C^SAR. THE HONOURS
WHICH THE JEWS RECEIVED FROM THE RO-
MANS AND ATHENIANS.
§ 1 Now after Pompey was dead, and after
that victory Ctesar had gained over him, An-
tipater, who managed the Jewish affairs, be-
came very useful to Casar when he made
war against Egypt, and that by the order of
Hyrcanus ; for when Mithridates of Perga-
mus was bringing his auxiliaries, and was not
able to continue his march through Pelusium,
but obliged to stay at Askelon, Antipater
came to him, conducting three thousand of
the Jews, armed men : he had also taken care
the principal men of the Arabians should
come to his assistance ; and on his sccount it
was that all the Syrians assisted him also, as
not willing to appear behindhand in their ala-
crity for Caesar, viz. Jamblicus the ruler, and
Ptolemy his son, and Tholomy the son of
Sohemus, who dwelt at Mount Libanus, and
almost all the cities. So Mithridates march-
ed out of Syria, and came to Pelusium ; and
when its inhabitants would not admit him, he
besieged the city. Now Antipater signalized
himself liere, and was the first who plucked
down a part of the wall, and so opened a way
to the rest, whereby they might enter the city,
and by this means Pelusium was taken. But
it happened that the Egyptian Jews, who
dwelt in t!)e country called Onion, would not
let Antipater and Mithridate*, with their sol-
diers, pass to Ca?sarj but Antipater persuad-
ed them to come over to their i)arr>-, because
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
379
he was of the same people with them, and
that chiefly by showing them the epistles of
Hyrcanus the high-priest, wherein he exhort-
ed them to cultivate friendship with Caesar ;
and to supply his army with money, and all
sorts of provisions which they wanted ; and
accordingly, when they saw Antipater and tlie
high-priest of the same sentiments, they did
as they were desired. And when the Jews
about Memphis heard that these Jews were
come over to Cajsar, they also invited Mithri-
dates to come to them ; so he came and re-
ceived them also into his army.
2. And when Mithridates had gone over all
Delta, as the place is called, lie came to a
pitched battle with the enemy, near the place
called the Jewish Camp. Now Mithridates
had the right wing, and Antipater the left ;
and when it came to a fight, that wing where
Mithridates was gave way, and was likely to
suffer extremely, unless Antipater had come
running to him with his own soldiers along
the shore, when he had already beaten the
eneiny that opposed him ; so he delivered Mi-
thridates, and put those Egyptians who had
been too hard for him to flight. He also
took their camp, and continued in the pur-
suit of them. He also recalled Mithridates,
who had been worsted, and was retired a great
way off, of whose soldiers eight hundred fell;
but of Antipater's fifty. So Mithridates sent
an account of this battle to Ctesar, and open-
ly declared that Antipater was the author of
this victory, and of his own preservation ; in-
somuch that Cassar commi'nded Antipater
then, and made use of him ail the rest of that
war in the most hazardous undertakings : he
happened also to be wounded in one of those
engagements.
3. However, when Cxsar, after some time,
had finished that war, and was sailed away
for Syria, he honoured Antipater greatlj', arid
confirmed Hyrcanus in the high-priesthood ;
and bestowed on Antipatur the privilege of a
citizen of Rome, and a freedom from taxes
everywhere ; and it is reported by many, that
Hyrcanus went along with Antipater in this
expedition, and came himself into Egypt.
And Strabo of Cappadocia bears witness to
this, when he says thus, in the name of Asi-
nius: — "After Mithridates had invaded E-
gypt, and with him Hyrcanus the high-priest
of the Jews." Nay, the same Strabo says
thus again, in another place, in the name of
Hypsicrates, that " ^Mithridates at first went
out alone ; but that Antipater, who had the
care of the Jewish atVairs, was called by him
to Askelon, and that he h;<d gotten ready three
thousand soldiers to go a'ong with him, and
encouraged other governors of the country to
go along with him also ; and that Hyrcanus
the high-priest was also present in this expe-
dition." This is what Strabo says.
4. But Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus,
came at this time to Csesar, and lameJited his
-<^
380
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BouK xrr
fallier's fate; and complained, tliat it was by
Antipatci's meaii!) tliat Ari.stobulus was taken
oil" by poison, and liis biotiiur was beheaded
by Scipio, and desired that he would take pity
of him who had been ejected out of that prin-
cipality which was due to him. He also ac-
cused Hyrcanus and Antipater as governing
the nation by violence, and offering injuries
to himself. Antipater was j)resent, and made
Iiis defence as to the accusations that were
laid against him. He demonstrated, that
Antigonus and his party were given to inno-
vation, and were seditious persons. He al-
so put Cassar in mind what difficult services
he had undergone when he assisted him in
his wars, and discoursed about what he was a
witness of himself. He added, that Aristo-
bulus was justly carried away to Rome, as
one that was an enemy to the Romans, and
could never ba brought to be a friend to them,
and that liis brother had no more than he de-
served from Scipio, as being seized in com-
mitting robberies ; and that this punishment
was not inflicted on him in a way of violence
or injustice by him that did it.
5. Wiien Antipater had made this speech,
Cajsar appointed Hyrcanus to be high-priest,
and gave Antipater what principality he him-
self should choose, leaving the determination
to himself; so he made liim procurator of
Judea. He also gave Hyrcanus leave to
raise up the walls of his own city, upon his
asking that favour of him, for they had been
demolished by Pompey. And this grant he
sent to the consuls of Rome, to be engraren
in the capitol. The decree of the senate was
this that follows:* " Lucius Valerius, the
Bon of Lucius the prastor, referred this to the
senate, upon the Ides of December, in the
temple of Concord. There were present at
the writing of this decree Lucius Coponius,
the son of Lucius of the CoUine tribe, and
Papirius of the Quirine tribe, concerning the
affairs which Alexander, the son of Jason,
and Numenius the son of Antiochus, and
Alexander, the son of Do'»itheus, ambassadors
of the Jews, good and worthy men, i)roj)o.sed,
who came to renew that league of good-will
and friendship with the Romans wliich was
in being before. They also brought a shield
of gold, as a mark of confederacy, valued at
fifty thousand pieces of gold ; and desired
that letters might be given them, directed
• Take Dr. Hudson's note \ipon this \>lacc, which I
stiiipose to be the truth: — " Here is some mistake in
Joscphus; for when he hail promised us a decree for
the restoration of Jerusalem, he brings in a decree of
far grcatLT antiquity, and that a league of fiiendsliip
and union only. One may e;viily bcheve that Joscphus
gave order for one Uiing, and his amanuensis performed
another, by trsusposini^ decrees that i()n<iiiud the Hyr-
cani, and as dcUulod by the sanlene^s of their nanu-s;
for that belongs to the fir»t high llrie^t of this name
[John Hyrcanus], winch Josenhos licre ascribes to one
that live<l later [Hyrcanus, the ^on of Alexander Jan-
neus]. However, the decree which he pr(>ix)se<l id set
down follows a little lower, in the collection of Roman
decrees that conccnicd the Jews, and is that dated "hen
Csjar was uotuuJ Uic lifth Uuie." i>ce ch. x, sect. 5
both to the free cities and to the kings, that
their country and their havens might be at
peace, and that no one among them might
receive any injury. It therefore pleased [the
senate] to make a league of friendship and
good -will with them, and to bestow on thcin
whatsoever they stood in need of, and to ac-
cept of the shield whicli was brouglit by them.
This was done in the ninth year of Hyrcanus
the high-|)riest and etiinarch, in the month
Panemus. " Hyrcanus also received honours
from tiie people of Athens, as having been
useful to them on many occasions ; and when
they wrote to hitii, they sent him this decree,
as it here follows: — " Under the prutaneia
and priesthood of Dionysiiis, tiie son of Es-
culapius, on the fifth day of tl<.e latter part of
the month Panemus, this decree of the Athe-
nians was given to their commanders, when
Agathocles was archon, and Elides, the son
of Menander of Alimusia, was the scribe.
In the month Munychion, on the eleventh
day of the Prutaneia, a council of the presi.
dents was held in the theatre. Dorotheus
the high-priest, and the fellow-presidents with
him, put it to the rote of the people. Dic-
nysius, the son of Dionysius, gave the sen-
tence. Since Hyrcanus, the son of Alexan..
der, the high-priest and ethnarch of the Jews,
continues to bear good-will to our people in
general, and to every one of our citizens in
particular, and treats them with all sorts of
kindness ; and when any of the Athenians
come to him, cither as ambassadors, or on any
occasion of their own, he receives them in an
obliging manner, and sees that they are con-
ducted back in safety, of which we have had
several former testimonies : it is now also de-
creed, at the report of Theodosius, the son of
Theodorus, and upon his putting the people
in mind of the virtue of this man, and that
his purpose is to do us all the good that is in
his power, to honour him with a crown of
gold, the usual reward according to the law,
and to erect his statue in brass in the temple
of Demus and of the Graces ; and that thi?
present of a crown shall be proclaitiied pub
licly in the theatre, in the Dionysian shows,
while the new tragedies are acting ; and in
the Panathenean, and Eleusinian, and Gyin-
nical shows also ; and that the commanders
shall take care, while he contmues in his
friendship, and preserves his good-will to us,
to rettirn all possible honour atid favour to
the inan, for his affection and generosity ;
that by this treatnu'iit it may appear liow our
people receive the good kindly, and repay
them a suital)le reward ; and he nray be in-
duced to proceed in his affection towards us,
by the honours we have already paid him.
That ambassadors be also chosen out of ail
the Athenians, who shall carry this decree to
him, and desire hiin to accept of the honours
we da him, and to endeavour always to be
idoing some good to our city." — And Uiis
•V.
CHAP. IX.
shall suffice us to have spoken as to the ho-
nours that were paid by the Romans and the
people of Athens to Hyrcanus.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
381
CHAPTER IX.
HOW ANTIPATER COMMITTED THE CARE OF
GALILEE TO HEROD, AND THAT OF JERUSA-
LEM TO PHASAELUS ; AS ALSO, HOW HEROD,
UPON THE jews' ENVY AT ANTIPATER, WAS
ACCUSED BEFORE HYRCANUS.
§ 1. Now when Csesar had settled the affairs
of Syria, he sailed away ; and as soon as An-
tipater had conducted Csesar out of Syria, he
returned to Judea. He tlien immediately
raised up the wall which had been thrown
down by Pompey ; and, by coming thither, he
pacified that tumult which had been in the
country, and this by both threatening and ad-
vising them to be quiet ; for that, if tliey would
be of Hyrcanus's side, they would live hap-
pily, and lead their lives without disturbance,
in the enjoyment of their own possessions ;
but if they were addicted to the hopes of
what might come by innnovation, and aimed
to get wealth thereby, they should have him a
severe master, instead of a gentle governor,
and Hyrcanus a tyrant instead of a king, and
the Romans, together with Caesar, their bitter
enemies, instead of rulers, for that they would
never bear him to be set aside whom they had
appointed to govern. And when Antipater
had said this to them, he himself settled the
affairs of this country.
2. And seeing that Hyrcanus was c^f a
slow and slothful temper, he made Phasaelus,
his eldest son, governor of Jerusalem, and of
the places that were about it, but committed
Galilee to Herod, his next son, who was then
a very young man, for he was but fifteen years
of age ; * but that youth of his was no impe--
diment to him ; but as he was a youth of great
mind, he presently met with an opportunity of
signalizing his courage; for, finding there
was one Hezekias, a captain of a band of rob-
bers, who overran the neighbouring parts of
Syria with a great troop of them, he seized
him and slew him, as well as a great number
of the other robbers that were with him ; for
which action he was greatly beloved by the
Syrians ; for when they were very desirous
to have their country freed from this nest of
robbers, he purged it of them : so they sung
songs in his commendation in their villages
and cities, as having procured them peace and
« Those who will carefully obser\"e the several occa-
sional numbers and chronological characters in the life
and de tth of this Herod, and of his children, hereafter
noted, will see, that twenty-five years, and not fifteen,
must for certain have been here Josephus's own number
for the age of Herod, when he was made governor of
Galilee. Seech, xxiii, sect. 5 ; and ch xxiv, sect. 7;
and particularly Antin. b. xvii, ch. viii, sect. 1; where,
about fourtj'-four years afterwards, Herod dlfes an old
man at about seventy.
the secure enjoyment of their possessions ;
and on this account it was that he became
known to Sextus Caesar, who was a relation
of the great Csesar, and was now president of
Syria. Now Phasaelus, Herod's brother, was
moved with emulation at his actions, and en
vied the fame he had thereby gotten, and be-
came ambitious not to be behindhand with
him in deserving it : so he made the inhabi .
tants of Jerusalem bear him the greatest good-
will while he held the city himself, but did
neither manage its affairs improperly, nor
abuse his authority therein. This conduct
procured from the nation to Antipater such
respect as is due to kings, and such honours
as he might partake of if he were an absolute
lord of the country. Yet did not this splen-
dour of his, as frequently happens, in the
least diminish in him that kindness and fide-
lity which he owed to Hyrcanus.
3. But now the principal men among the
Jews, wlien they saw Antipater and his sons
to grow so much in the good-will the nation
bare to them, and in the revenues which they
received out of Judea, and out of Hyrcanus's
own wealth, they became ill-disposed to him •
for indeed Antipater had contracted a friend-
ship with the Roman emperors; and when he
had prevailed with Hyrcanus to send them
money, he took it to himself, and purloined
the present intended, and sent it as if it were
his own, and not Hyrcanus's gift to them.
Hyrcanus heard of this his management, but
took no care about it; nay, he rather was
very glad of it : but the chief men of the Jews
were therefore in fear, because they saw tljat
Herod was a violent and bold man, and very
desirous of acting tyrannically; so they came
to Hyrcanus, and now accused Antipater
openly, and said to him, " How long wilt
thou be quiet under such actions as are now
done? Or dost thou not see that Antipater and
his sons have already seized upon the govern-
ment, and that it is only the name of a king
which is given thee ? But do not thou suffer
these things to be hidden from thee ; nor do
thou think to escape danger by being so care-
less of thyself and of thy kingdom ; for Anti-
pater and his sons are not now stewards of
thine affairs ; do not thou deceive thyself with
such a notion ; they are evidently absolute
lords ; for Herod, Antipater's son, hath slain
Hezekiah and those that were with him, and
hath thereby transgressed our law, which hath
forbidden to slay any man, even though he
were a wicked man, unless he liad been first
condemned to suffer death by the sanhe-
drim ;f yet hath he been so insolent as to do
t It is here worth our while to remark, that none
could be put to death in Judt-a but by the approbation
of the Jewish sanhedrim, there being an excellent prtv
vision in the law of Moses, tluit even in criminal causes,
and i)articul.-iiy where life w.as concerned, an apjieal
should lie from the lesser councils of seven in tfte other
cities, to tlie supreme council of seventy-one at Jerusa-
lem ; and this is exactly ni'oortliug to our Saviour's
words, when he says "It could not be that a prophel
' should perish out of Jerusalem." Luke xiii, 53.
J^
382
'S
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK XIV
this, and that witliout any autliority from
thee."
4. Upon Hyrcaniis hearing this ho com-
ph'ed witli them. The mothers also of tliose
that had been slain by Herod raised his in-
dignation ; for those women continued every
day in the temjjle, persuading the king and
the peojile that Herod might undergo a trial
before the sanhedrim for what he had done.
Ilyrcanus was so moved by these complaints,
that he summoned Herod to come to his trial
for what was charged upon him. Accordingly
he came ; but his father had persuaded him to
come not like a private man, but with a guard,
for the security of his person ; and that when
king, who give him ah'cencc so to do. How
ever, take you notice, that God is great, and
tliat tin's very man, wliom you are going to
absolve and dismiss, for the sake of Hyrcanus,
will one day punish both you and your king
himself also." Nor did Sameas mistake in
any part of this prediction ; for when Herod
liad received the kingdom, he slew all the
members of tliis sanhedrim, and flyrcanus
himself also, excepting Sameas, for he had a
great honour for him on account of his right-
eousness, and because, when the city was
afterwards besieged by Herod and Sosius, he
persuaded the people to admit Herod info it;
and told them, that for their sins they would
he had settled the affairs of Galilee in the best ! not be able to escape his hands : — wliich things
manner he could for his own advantage, he | will be related by us in their proper places,
should come to his trial, but still with a body 5. But when Hyrcanus saw that the mem-
of men sufficient for his security on his jour- I bers of the sanhedrim were ready to pro-
ney, yet so that he should not come with so nounce tlie sentence of death upon Herod, he
great a force as miglit look like terrifying put off" the trial to another day, and sent pri-
Hyrcanus, but still such a one as might not j vately to Herod, and advised him to fly out
expose him naked and unguarded [to his ene- j of the city ; for that by this means he might
mies]. However, Sextus Caspar, president of ' escape. So he retired to Damascus, as though
Syria, wrote to Hyrcanus, and desired him j he fled from the king; and when he had been
to clear Herod, and dismiss him at his trial, with Sextus Caesar, and had put his own af-
and threatened him beforehand if he did not fairs in a sure posture, he resolved to do thus-
do it. Which epistle of his was the occasion — That in case he were again simimonea be-
ef Hyrcatuis delivering Herod from suffering ' fore the sanhedrim to take his trial, he would
any harm from the sanhedrim, for he loved not obey that summons. Hereupon the mem-
him as his own son ; but when Herod stood bers of the sanhedrim had great indignation
before the sanliedrim, w ith his body of men . at this posture of affairs, and endeavoured to
about him, he affrighted them all, and no one I persuade Hyrcanus that all these things were
of his former accusers durst after that bring ' against him ; which state of matters lie was
any charge against him, but there was a deep not ignorant of; but his temper was so un-
silence, and nobody knew what was to be manly and so foolish, that he was able to do
done. Wlien aflTairs stood thus, one whose ' nothing at all; but when Sextus had made
name was Sameas,* a righteous man he was, ' Herod general of the army of Celesyria, for
and for that reason above all fear, rose up, and he sold him that post for money, Hyrcanus
said, " O you that are assessors with me, and was in fear lest Herod should make war upon
O thou tliat art our king, I neither have ever liim ; nor was the effect of wliat he feared
myself known such a case, nor do I suppose long in coming upon him, — for Herod came,
tliat any one of you can name its parallel, that and brought an army along with him to fight
one who is called to take his trial by us ever with Hyrcanus, as being angry at the trial he
stood in such a manner before us ; but every had been summoned to undergo before the
one, whosoever he be, that comes to be tried sanhedrim ; but his father Antipater, and his
by this sanhedrim, presents himself in a sub- brother [Phasaelus] met him, and hindered
missive manner, and like one that is in fear of him from assaulting Jerusalem, They also
himself, and that endeavours to move us to ' pacified his vehement temper, and persuaded
compassion, with his hair dishevelled, and in liini to do no overt action, but only to affright
ablackandmourninggarment: but this admir- them with threateiiings, and to proceed no
able man Herod, who is accused of murder, farther against one who had given him the
and called to answer so heavy an accusation, dignity he had-, they also desired him no«
stands here clothed in purple, and with the only to be angry that he was summoned, and
hair of his head finely trimmed, and with his obliged to come to his trial, but to remember
armed men about him, that if we shall con- withal how he was dismissed without condem
demn him by our law, he may slay us, and nation, and how he ought to gi\e Hyrcanus
by overbearing justice may himself escape thanks for the same ; and that he was not to
death ; yet do not I make this complaint a- regard only what was disagreeable to him, and
gainst Herod himself : he is to be sure more be unthankful for his deliverance. So they de-
concerned for himself than for the laws ; but sired him to consider, that since it is God that
my complaint is against yourselves and your turns the scales of war, there is great uncer
(taintv in the issue of battles, and that there-
• This accTimit. as Rclana olsrrvcs, is lonlirmoil Ijy fy^^. i,^, j,, ,,,( , , ,„ ^.y^,,^^.^ x.\\\i victory when
the Talinuilist>, who call this Saiucas " buuuuu. ihc , . ^. , •. ,• i- i i .i .
jouofShcuch." i he should hght witli his kiiijr --' — •'■"'
and him tlial
"V
"V_
CHAP. X.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
883
had supported him, and bestowed many bene-
fits upon him, and had done nothing of it-
self very severe to him ; for that his accusa-
tion, wiiich was derived from evil counsellors,
and not from himself, had rather the suspi-
cion of some severity, than any thing really
severe in it. Herod was persuaded by these
arguments, and believed that it was sufficient
for his future hopes to have made a show of
his strength before the nation, and done no
more to it ; — and in this state were the affairs
of Judea at this time.
CHAPTER X.
THE HONOUKS THAT WERE PAID THE JEWS; AND
THE LEAGUES THAT WERE MADE BY THE RO-
WANS, AND OTHER NATIONS, WITH THEM.
§ 1. Now when Caeear was come to Rome,
he was ready to sail into Africa to fight
against Scipio and Cato, when Hyrcanus
sent ambassadors to him, and by them desired
that he would ratify that league of friendship
and mutual alliance which was between them;
and it seems to me to be necessary here to
give an account of all the honours that the
Romans and their emperors paid to our na-
tion, and of the leagues of mutual assistance
they have made with it, that all the rest of
mankind may know what regard the kings of
Asia and Europe have had to us, and that they
have been abundantly satisfied of our courage
and fidelity ; for whereas many will not be-
lieve what hath been written about us by tlie
Persians and Macedonians, because those
writings are not everywhere to be met with,
nor do lie in public places, but among us our-
selves, and certain other barbarous nations,
while there is no contradiction to be made a-
gainst the decrees of the Romans, for tliey
are laid up in the public places of the cities,
and are extant still in the capitol, and engraven
upon pillars of brass ; nay, besides this, Ju-
lius Caesar made a pillar of brass for the Jews
at Alexandria, and declared publicly that
they were citizens of Alexandria. Out of
these evidences will I demonstrate what I
say ; and will now set down the decrees made
both by the senate and by Julius Cresar,
which relate to Hyrcanus and to our nation.
2. " Caius Julius Caesar, imperator and
high-priest, and dictator the second time,
to the magistrates, senate, and people of Si-
don, sendeth greeting. If you be in health,
it is well. I also and the army are well.
I have sent you a copy of that decree, regis-
tered on the tables, which concerns Hyrca-
nus, the son of Alexander, the high-priest
and ethnarch of the Jews, that it may be laid
up among the public records ; and I will that
it be openly proposed in a table of brass, boUi
in Greek and in Latin. It is as follows -.^
I Julius Caesar, imperator the second time,
and high-priest, have made this decree, with
the approbation of the senate : Whereas Hyr-
canus, the son of Alexander the Jew, hath
demonstrated his fidelity and diligence about
our affairs, and this both now and in former
times, both in peace and in war, as many of
our generals have borne witness, and came to
our assistance in the last Alexandrian war,*
with fifteen hundred soldiers ; and when he
was sent by me to Mithridates, showed him-
self superior in valour to all the rest of that
army; — for these reasons I will that Hyrca-
nus, the son of Alexander, and his children,
be ethnarchs of the Jews, and have the high
priesthood of the Jews for ever, according to
the customs of their forefathers, and that he
and his son be our confederates ; and that be-
sides this, every one of them be reckoned a-
mong our particular friends. I also ordain,
that he and his children retain whatsoever pri-
vileges belong to the office of high-priest, or
whatsoever favours have been hitherto granted
them ; and if at any time hereafter there arise
any questions about the Jewish customs, I
will that he determine the same ; and I think
it not proper that they should be obliged to
find us winter quarters, or that any money
should be required of them."
3. " The decrees of Caius Caesar, consul,
containing what hath been granted and deter-
mined, are as follow : — That Hyrcanus and
his children bear rule over the nation of the
Jews, and have the profits of the places to
them bequeathed; and that he, as himself the
high-priest and ethnarch of the Jews, defend
those that are Injured; and that ambassadors
be sent to Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander
the high -priest of the Jews, that may discourse
with him about a league of friendship and
mutual assistance ; and that a table of brass,
containing the premises, be openly proposed
in the capitol, and at Sidon, and Tyre, and
Askelon, and in the temple, engraven in Ro-
man and Greek letters : that this decree may
also be communicated to the questors and
prsetors of the several cities, and to the friends
of the Jews : and that the ambassadors may
have presents made them, and that these de-
crees be sent everywhere."
4. " Caius Csesar, imperator, dictator, con-
sul, hath granted, That out of regard to the
honour, and virtue, and kindness of the man,
and for the advantage of the senate, and of
the people of Rome, Hyrcanus, the son of
Alexander, both he and his children, be high-
priests and priests of Jerusalem, and of the
Jewish nation, by the same right, and accord-
ing to the same laws, by which their progeni-
tors have held the priesthood."
* That Hyrcanus was himself in E^pt, along with
Antipater, at this time, to wliom accordingly the bold
and prudent .'\ctions of his deputy Antipater are here as-
cribed, as this decree of Julius Caesar supposes, we are
further assured by the testimony of i«trabo, already pro-
duced by Josephiis, chap, viii, sect. 5.
"\_
384
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK XIV
5. " Cnius Coesar, consul the fifth time, I tween single gladiators, and In those with
hath decreed. That the Jews siiall possess Je- beasts, they shall sit among the senators to
rusalcm, and may encompass tliat city wi'h 1 see those shows; and that wlien they desire
an audience, they shall be introduced into the
senate by the dictator, or by the general of the
horse ; and when they have introduced them,
their answers shall be returned them in ten
days at the farthest, after the decree of tlie
senate is made about their afl'airs."
7. " Caius Caisar, impcrator, dictator the
fourth time, and consul the fifth time, de-
clared to be perpetual dictator, made this
speech concerning tlie riglits and privileges of
Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, the iiigli-
priest and ethnarch of the Jews. Since those
imperators* that have been in the provinces
before me have borne witness to Hyrcanus,
the high-priest of the Jews, and to the Jews
themselves, and this before the senate and
people of Rome, «hen the people and senate
returned their thanks to tiiem, it is good tliat
we now also remember the same, aaid provide
that a requital be made to Hyrcanus, to the
nation of the Jews, and to the sons of Hyr-
canus, by the senate and people of Rome,
and that suitably to what good-will they have
walls; and that Hyrcanus, the son of Alex-
ander, the high-priest and ethnarch of the
Jews, retain it, in the manner he himself
pleases; and the Jews be allowed to deduct
out of their tribute, every second year the
land is let [in the Sabbatic jjcriod], a corus of
that tribute ; and that the tribute they pay be
not let to farm, nor that they pay always the
same tribute."
6. " Caius CaDsar, impcrator the second
time, hath ordained. That all the country of
the Jews, excepting Joppa, do pay a tribute
yearly for the city Jerusalem, excepting the
seventh, which they call the Sabbatical Year,
because thereon they neither receive the fruits
of their trees, nor do they sow their land ; and
that they p;'.y their tribute in Sidon on the se-
cond year [of that Sabbatic period], the fourth
part of what was sown : and besides this, they
are to pay the same tithes to Hyrcanus and
his sons, which they paid to their forefathers.
And that no one, neither president, nor lieu-
tenant, nor ambassador, raise auxiliaries with-
in the bounds of Judea, nor may soldiers ex- shown us, and to the benefits they have be-
ad money of them for winter quarters, or un-
der any other pretence, but that they be free
from all sorts of injuries : and that whatsoever
they shall hereafter have, and are in possession
of, or have bought, they sliall retain them all.
It is also our pleasure that the city Joppa,
which the Jews had originally, when they
made a league of friendship with the Romans,
shall belong to them, as it formerly did ; and
that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his
sons, have as tribute of that city, from those
that occupy the land, for the country, and for
what they export every year to Sidon, twenty
thousand six hundred and seventy-five modii
every year, the seventh year, which they call
the Sabbatic Year, excepted ; whereon they
neither plough, nor receive the product of
stowed upon us."
8. " Julius Caius, prastor [consul] of
Rome, to the magistrates, senate, and people
of the Parians, sendelh greeting. The Jews
of Delos, and some other Jews that sojourn
there, in the presence of your ambassadors,
signified to us, that, by a decree of yours, you
forbid them to make use of the customs of
their forefathers, and their way of sacred
worshi]). Now it does not please me that
such decrees should be made against our
friends and confederates, whereby they are
forbidden to live according to their own cus-
toms, or to bring in contributions for common
suppers and holy festivals, while they are not
forbidden so to do even at Rome itself; for
even Caius Cassar, our imperator and consul,
their trees. It is also the pleasure of the se- | in that decree wherein he forbade the Bac-
nate, that as to the villages which are in the ! chanal rioters to meet in the city, did yet per-
great plain, which Hyrcanus and his forefa- >nit these Jews, and these only, both to bring
thers formerly possessed, Hyrcanus and the in their contributions, and to make their
common suppers. Accordingly, when I for-
Jews have them, with the same privileges
with which they formerly had them also ; and
that the same ori<;inal ordinances remain still
bid other Bacchanal rioters, I permit these
Jews to gather themselves together, accord-
in force which concern the Jews with regard i"g to the customs and laws of their forefa-
to their high-priests ; and that they enjoy the j thers, and to persist therein. It will be
oame benefits w hich they have had formerly j therefore good for you, tliat if you have
by the concession of the people, and of the made any decree against these our friends
senate; and let them enjoy the like privileges and confederates, to abrogate the same, by
in Lydda. It is the jileasure also of the se- | reason of their virtue, and kind disposition
nate, that Hyrcanus the ethnarch, and the ! to"'a"Js us."
Jews, retain those places, countries, and vil-.
lages, which belonged to the kings of Syria |
and Pha-nicia, the confedeiates of the Ro- '
mai\s, and which they had bestowed on them
as their free gifts. It is also granted to Hyr-
canus, and to his sons, and to the ambassa-
ior& by them sent to us, tliat in the fights be-
9. Now after Caius was slain, when Mar-
• Dr. Hudson justly supposes, that the Roman im-
perators, or generals of aniiics, meant l)Olli licre and
i-ect. "J, who gave testimony to Hyrcanus's and IheJcw^
f.iillit Illness ami gooii-will to the Itonians Ufore th«
.-cnali' anil people cf Home, were pruicipally l'>)m|>cy,
^I'jurus, aniK/abniius: of all whom .losephus hail al-
reaily gi\en u.sche history, so fu as tlic Jews wore coo
ccrncil with thcra.
"V
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. X.
cus Antonius and Publius Dolabclla were
consuls, they both assembled the senate, and
introduced Hyrcanus's ambassadors into if,
and discoursed of what tliey desired, and made
a league of friendship with them. The senate
also decreed, to grant them all they desired.
I add the decree itself, that those who read
the present work, may have ready by them a
demonstration of the truth of what we say.
The decree was this : —
10. The decree of the senate, copied out
of the treasury, from the public tables be-
longing to the qusestors, when Quintus Ru-
tilius and Caius Cornelius were quaestors, and
taken out of the second table of tlie first class,
on the tiiird day before the ides of April, in the
temple of Concord. There were present at
the writing of this decree, Lucius Calpurnius
Piso, of the Menenian tribe, Servius Papi-
nius Potitus of the Lemonian tribe, Cains
Caninius Rebilius of tlie Terontine tribe,
Publius Tidetius, Lucius Apulinus, the son
of Lucius, of the Scrgian tribe. Flavins, the
son of Lucius, of the Lemonian tribe, Pub-
lius Platius, the son of Publius, of the Papy-
rian tribe, jMarcus Acilius, the son of Mar-
cus, of the Mecian tribe, Lucius Eruciiis, the
son of Lucius, of the Stellatine tribe, I\Iarcus
Quintus Plancillus, the son of Marcus, of
the Pollian tribe, and Publius Serius. Pub-
lius Dolabella and Marcus Antonius, the con-
suls, made this reference to the senate, that
as to tlwse things which, by the decree of the
senate, Caius Caesar had adjudged about the
Jews, and yet had not hitherto that decree been
jrought into the treasury, it is our will, as it
,'s also the desire of Publius Dolabella and
Marcus Antonius, our consuls, to have t'.iese
decrees put into the public tables, and brought
to the city quaestors, that they may take cnre
to have them put upon the double taMes.
This was done before the fifth of the ides of
February, in the temple of Concord. Now
the ambassadors from Hyrcanus tlie high-
priest were these : — Lysimachns, the son of
Pausanias, Alexander, the son of Theodorus,
Patroclus, the son of Chereas, and Jonathan,
the son of Onias."
11. Hyrcanus sent also one of these am-
bassadors to Dolabella, who was then the
prefect of Asia, and desired him to dismiss
the Jews from military services, and to pre-
serve to ihem the customs of their forefathers,
and to permit them to live according to them.
And when Dolabella had received Hyrcanus's
letter, without any farther deliberation, he sent
an epistle to all the Asiatics, and particularly
to the city of the Ephesians, the metropolis
of Asia, about the Jews ; a copy of which
epistle here follows : —
12. " When Artemon was prytanis, on the
first day of the month Leneon, Dolabella im-
perator, to the senate and magistrates, and
people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting.
385
Alexander, the son of Theodorus, the am-
bassador of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander,
the high-priest and ethnarch of the Jews, ap-
peared before me, to show that his countrymen
could not go into their armies, because they
are not allowed to hear arms, or to travel on
the Sabbath-days, nor there to procure them-
selves those sorts of food which they have been
used to eat from the times of their forefathers,
— I do therefore grant them a freedom from
going into the army, as the former prefects
have done, and permit them to use the customs
of their forefathers, in assembling together for
sacred and religious purposes, as their law re-
quires, and for collecting oblations necessary
for sacrifices ; and my will is, that you write
this to the several cities under your jurisdic-
tion."
13. And these were the concessions that
Dolabella made loour nation wlien Hyrcanus
sent an embassage to him ; but Lucius the
consul's decree ran thus :' — " I have at my
tribunal set these Jews, who are citizens of
Rome, and follow the Jewish religious rites,
and yet live at Ephcsus, fi-ee from going into
the army, on account of the superstition they
are under. Tliis was done before the twelffh
of the calends of October, when Lucius Len-
tulus and Caius INIarcellus were consuls, iu
the presence of Titus Appius Palgus, the son
of Titus, and lieutenant of the Horatian
tribe; of Titus Tongius, the son of Titus, of
the Crustumiue tribe ; of Quintus Ilesius, the
son of Quintus; of Titus Pompoius Longinus,
the son of Titus ; of Caius Servilius, the son
of Caius, of the Terentine tribe ; of Bracchus
the military tribune ; of Publius Lucius Cal-
lus, the sou of Publius, of the Veturian tribe ;
of Caius Sentius, the son of Caius, of the
Sabbatine tribe; of Titus Atilius Bulbus, the
son of Titus, lieutenant and vice-pretor to the
magistrates, senate, and people of the Ephe-
sians, sendeth greeting. Lucius Lentulus the
consul freed the Jews that are in Asia from
going into the armies, at my intercession for
them ; and when I had made the same peti-
tion some time afterward to Plianius the im-
perator, a-id to Lucius Antonius the vice-
quaestor, I obtained the privilege of them
also ; and my will is, that you take care that
no one give them any disturbance."
14. 'i'he decree of the Delians. "The an-
swer of the pretors, w hen Beotus was archon,
on the twentieth day of the month Tliarge-
leon. While Marcus Piso the lieutenant liv-
ed in our city, who was also apjiointed over
the choice of the soldiers, he called us, and
many other of the citizens, and gave order,
that if there be here any Jews who are Ro-
man citizens, no one is to give them any dis-
turbance about going into the army, because
Cornelius Lentulus, the consul, freed tht
Jews from going into the army, on account
of the superstiton they are under, — you are
2K
3«6
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
therefore obliged to submit to tlie pretor:"
— and tlie like decree was made by the Sar-
dians about us also.
15. " Caius Plianius, the son of Caius, iin-
peralor and consul, to the magistrates of Cos,
sfndeth greeting. I would have you know-
that the ambassadors of the Jews have been
with me, and desired they might have those
decrees which the senate had made about
them : which decrees are here subjoined.
Jly will is, that you have a regard to and
take care of these men, according to the se-
nate's decree, that they may be safely convey-
ed home throiigli your country."
16. The declaration of Lucius Lentulus
the consul : — "1 have dismissed those Jews
who are Roman citizens, and who appear to
me to have their religious rites, and to ob-
serve the laws of the Jews at Ephesus, on ac-
count of the superstition they are under.
This act was done before the thirteenth of the
calends of October."
17. " Lucius Antonius, the son of Marcus,
vice-qu£Bstor, and vice-pretor, to the magis-
trates, senate, and people of the Sardians, send-
eth greeting. Those Jews that are our fel-
low-citizens of Rome, came to me, and de-
monstrated that they had an assembly of their
own, according to the laws of their forefathers,
and this from the beginning, as also a place
of their own, wherein they determined their
suits and controversies with one another.
Upon their petition therefore to me, that
these might be lawful for them, I give order
that tliese their privileges be preserved, and
they be permitted to do accordingly."
18. The declaration of Marcus Publius,
the son of Spurius, and of Marcus, the son of
Marcus, and of Lucius, the son of I'ublius:
— " Vi'c went to the proconsul, and informed
him of what Dositheus, the son of Clcopatrida
of Alexandria, desiied, that, if he thought
good, he would dismiss those Jews who were
Roman citizens, and were wont to observe
the rites of the Jewish religion, on account
of the superstition they were under. Ac-
cordingly he did di-jmiss them. This was
done before the thirteenth of the calends of
October."
19. " In the month Quintilis, wlien Luci-
us Lentulus and Caius Marcellus were con-
suls ; and there were present Titus Appius
I3a!bus, the son of Titus, lieutenant of the
Horatian tril)e, Titus Tongius of tlie Crus-
tuniine tribe, Quintus llesius, the son of Quin-
lus, Titus Pomjieius, the son of Titus, Cor-
nelius Longinus, Caius Servilius liracchus,
Uie son of Caius, a military tribune, of the
Terentine tribe, I'ublius Clusius Callus, tlie
son of Publius, of the Veturian tribe, Caius
Teutius, tiic son of Caius, a military tribune,
of tiie Emilian tribe, Sextus Atilius Serranus,
the son of Sextus, of the Esquiline trilie,
Caius Ponipeius, the son of Caius, of the Sab-
batine tribe, Titus Appius Menander, the son
BOOK XIV
of Titus, Publius Servilius Strabo, the son of
Publius, Lucius Paccius Capito, the son of
Lucius, of the Colline tribe, Aulus Furius
Tertius, tlie son of Aulus, and Appius Me-
nas. In the presence of these it was that
Lentulus pronounced this decree: I have be-
fore the tribunal dismissed those Jews that
are Roman citizens, and are accustomed to
observe the sacred rites of the Jews at Ephe-
sus, on account of the superstition they are
under."
20. " The magistrates of the Laodiceans
to Caius Rubilius, tlie son of Caius, the con-
sul, sendcth greeting. Sopater, the ambassa-
dor of Hy rcanus the high-priest, hath delivered
us an epistle from thee, whereby he lets us
know that certain ambassadors were come
from Hy rcanus, the high-priest of the Jews
and brought an epistle written concerning
tlieir nation, wherein they desire that the
Jews may be allowed to observe their Sab-
baths and other sacred rites, according to the
laws of their forefathers, and that they may
be under no command, because they are our
friends and confederates • and that nobody
may injure them in our provinces. Now al-
though the Trallians there present contradict-
ed them, and were not pleased with these de-
crees, yet didst thou give order that they
should be observed, and informed us that
thou hadst been desired to write this to us
about tliem. We therefore, in obedience to
the injunctions we have received from thee,
have received the epistle which thou sentest
us, and have laid it up by itself among our
public records; and as to the other things
about which thou didst send to us, we will
take care that no complaint be made against
us."
21. " Publius Servilius, the son of Publius,
of the Galban tribe, the proconsul, to the ma-
gistrates, senate, and people of the Milesians,
scndeth greeting. Prytanes, the son of Her.
mes, a citizen of yours, came to me when I
was at Tralles, and held a court there, and
informed me tliat you used the Jews in a way
different from my opinion, and forbade them
to celebrate their .Sabbaths, and to perform the
sacred rites received from their forefathers,
and to manage the fruits of the earth accord-
ing to their ancient custom ; and that he had
himself been the promulger of your decree,
according as your laws require; I would
tlierefore have you know, that upon hearing
the pleadings on both sides, I gave sentence
tliat the Jews should not be prohibited to
make use of their own customs."
22. Tlie decree of those of Pergamus:—
" When Crati))pus was prytanis, on the first
day of the month Desius, the decree of the
pretors was this : Since the Romans, follow-
ing the conduct of tlieir ancestors, undertake
dangers for the common safety of all man-
kind, and are ambitious to settle their confe-
derates and friends in happiness, and in firm
-^_
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAl'. X.
peace, and since the nation of the Jews, and
their high-priest Hyrcanus, sent as ambassa-
dors to them, Strato, the son of Tiieodatus,
and Apollonius, tlie son of Alexander, and
Eneas, the son of Antipater, and Aristobiilus,
the son of Amyntas, and Sosipater, t!ie son of
Philip, worthy and good men, who gave a
particular account of their affairs, the senate
thereupon made a decree about what they had
desired of them, that Antiochus the king, the
son of Antiochus, should do no injury to the
Jews, the confederates of the Romans ; and
that the fortresses and the havens, and the
country, and whatsoever else he had taken
from them, should be restored to them ; and
that it may be lawful for them to export their
goods out of their own havens ; and that no
king nor people may have leave to export any
goods, either out of the country of Judea, or
out of their havens, without paying customs,
but only Ptolemy, the king of Alexandria,
because he is our confederate and friend : and
that, according to their desire, the garrison
that is in Joppa may be ejected. Now Lu-
cius Pettius, one of our senators, a worthy
and good man, gave order that we should
take care that these things should be done
according to the senate's decree ; and that we
should take care also tiiat their ambassadors
might return home in safety. Accordingly
we admitted Theodorus into our senate and
assembly, and took the epistle out of his hands,
as well as the decree of the senate: and as he
discoursed with great zeal about the Jews, and
described Hyrcanus's virtue and generosity,
and how he was a benefactor to al! men in
common, and particularly to every body that
comes to him, we laid up the epistle in our
public records ; and made a decree ourselves,
that since we also are in confederacy with the
Romans, we would do every thing we could
for the Jews, according to the senate's decree.
Theodorus also, who brouglit the epistle, de-
sired of our pretors, that they would send
Hyrcanus a cojiy of that decree, as also am-
bassadors to signify to him the afl'cction of
our people to him, and to exhort them to
preserve and augment their friendship for us,
and be ready to bestow other benefits upon
us, as justly expecting to receive proper re-
quitals from us ; and desiring them to remem-
ber that our ancestors * were friendly to the
» Wc have here a most remarkable and authentic
attestation of the citizens of Pergamus, that Abraham
was the fatlier of all the Hebrews ; that their own an-
cestors were, in the oldest times, the friends of those
Hebrews ; and that the pviblic acts of their city, then
extant, confirmed the same ; which evidence is too
strong to be evaded by our present ignorance of the par-
ticular occasion of su'di ancient friendship and alliance
between those people. See the like full evidence of the
kindred of the Lacedemonians and the Jews ; and that
because they were both the posterity of Abraham, by a
public epistle of those jieople to the Jews, preserved in
the first book of the Maccabees, xii, 19 — -'5, and thence
by Josephus, Antiq. b. xii, ch. iv, sect. 10; both which
authentic records are highly valuable. It is also well
worthy of observation, what Moses Chorenensis, the
principal Armenian historian, informs us of, p. 85, that
Arsaces, who raised the Parthiaii empire, wasof the sect
ss;
Jews, even in the days of Abraham, who was
the father of all the Hebrews, as we have
[also] found it set down in our public re-
cords."
23. The decree of those of Halicarnassus.
" When Memnon, the son of Orcstidas by
descent, but by adoption of Euonymus, was
priest, on the *** day of the month Ariste-
rion, the decree of the people, upon tlie re-
presentation of Marcus Alexander, was this :
Since we have ever a great regard to piety to-
wards God, and to holiness ; and since we
aim to follow the people of the Romans, wlio
are tlie benefactors of all men, and what they
have written to us about a league of friend-
ship and mutual assistance between the Jews
and our city, and that their sacred offices and
accustomed festivals and assemblies may be
observed by them ; we have decreed, that as
many men and women of the Jews as are
willing so to do, may celebrate their Sab
baths, and perform their holy offices, accord-
ing to the Jewisli laws ; and may make their
proscucha; at the sea-side, according to the
customs of their forefathers; and if any one,
whether he be a magistrate or a private per-
son, hindereth them from so doing, he shall
be liable to a fine, to be applied to the uses
of the city."
24. The decree of the Sardians. " This
decree was made by the senate and people,
upon the representation of the pretors : —
Whereas those Jews who are our fellow-citi-
zens, and live with us in this city, have ever
had great benefits heaped upon them by the
people, and have come now into the senate,
and desired of the people, that upon the resti-
tution of their law and their liberty, by the
senate and people of Rome, they may assem-
ble together, according to their ancient legal
custom, and that we will not bring any suit
against them about it ; and that a place may
be given them where they may have their con-
gregations, with their wives and children, and
may offer, as did their forefathers, their pray-
ers and sacrifices to God. Now the senate
and people have decreed to permit them to
assemble together on the days form.erly ap-
pointed, and to act according to their own
laws ; and that such a place be set apart for
them by the pretors, for the building and in-
habiting the same, as they shall esteem fit for
that purpose : and that those that take care of
the provisions for the city, shall take care that
such sorts of food as they esteem fit for their
eating, may be imported into the city."
25. The decree of the Ephesians. " When
Menophilus was prytanis, on the first day of
the month Artemisius, this decree was made
by the people: — Nicanor, the son of Euplie-
mus, pronounced it, upon the representation
of the pretors. Since the Jews that dwell
of Abraham by Kcturah ; and that thereby was accom-
plished that j^rediction which said, " Kings of nativ nj
shall proceed from thee,' Gen.
388
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK XIT
in this city have petitioned Marcus Juliu'i
Poinpeius, tlic son of Brutus, the proconsul,
that they might be allowed to ol)serve their
Sabbaths, and to act in all things according
to the customs of their forefathers, without
impediment from any body, the pretor hath
granted their petition. Accordingly, it was
decreed by the senate and people, that in this
afl'air that concerned the Romans, no one of
them should be hindered from keeping the
Sabbath-day, nor be fined for so doing; but
that they may be allowed to do all things ac-
cording to their own laws."
26. Now tliere are many such decrees of
the senate and imperators of the Romans, *
and those ditierent from these before us, whicli
have been made in favour of Ilyrcanus, and
of our nation ; as also, there have been more
decrees of the cities, and rescripts of the pre-
tors to sucJi epistles as concerned pur rights
and privileges : and certainly such as are not
ill-disposed to what we write, may believe that
they are all to this purpose, and that by the
specimens which we have inserted : for since
we have produced evident marks that may still
be seen, of the friendship we have had with
the Romans, and demonstrated that those
marks are engraven upon columns and tables
of brass in the capitol, that are still in being,
and preserved to this day, we have omitted to
set them all down, as needless and disagree-
able ; for I cannot suppose any one so per-
verse as not to believe the friendship we have
had with tlie Romans, while they have demon-
strated the same by such a great number of
their decrees relating to us ; nor will they
doubt of our fidelity as to the rest of these
decrees, since we have shown the same in
those we have produced. And thus have we
sufficiently explained that friendship and con-
federacy we at those times had with the Ro-
mans.
• If we compare Joscphus's promise in sect. 1, to pro-
duce all the public decrees of the liomans in favour of
tlic Jews, wilh his excuse here for omitting many of
thiMii, we may observe, that when he came to transcribe
all lliiise ilecrces he had collected, he found them so nu-
merous that he tlioiiplil he should too much tire his read-
ers if he had atlcinptiii it, wliich lie thought a sulhcieiit
apoloiiy for his oiiiitling Ihe rest of them ; yet do those
by him proiluitd afford such a strong coiilinnation to
his history, and j;ive such great liglrt to e\ en the Homan
anliquitics theinselvi's, that I believe the curious are not
anlKiu
a little
sorry fur such hu omission*.
CHAPTER XI.
HOW MARCUS f S17CCEEUKD SEXTL'S WHEN HE
HAD BEEN SLAIN UY BASSLS'S TUEACHEKY ;
AND HOW, AFTER THE DEATH OF C.tSAB,
CASSKJS CAME INTO SYRIA, AND DISTRESSED
JUDEA ; AS ALSO, HOW MALICHLS SLEW AN-
TIPATER, AND WAS HIMSELF SLAIN BY HE-
ROD.
§ 1. Now it SO fell out, that about this veiy
time the affairs of Syria were in great disor-
der, and this on the occasion following: Ce-
lilius Bassus, one of Pompey's party, laid a
treacherous design against Sextus Cjcsar, and
slew him, and then took his army, and got
the management of public affairs into liis own
hand ; so there arose a great war about Apa-
mia, while Cxsar's generals came against him
with an army of horsemen and footmen ; to
these Antipater sent also succours, and his
sons with them, as callir.'g to mind the kind
nesses they had received from Cxsar, and on
that account he thought it but just to require
punishment for him, and to take vengeance
on the man that had murdered liim. And
as the war was drawn out into a great length,
Marcus came from Rome to take Sextus's
government upon him: but Caesar was slain
by Cassius and Brutus in the senate-house,
after he had retained the government three
years and six months. This fact, however,
is related elsewhere.
2. As the war that arose upon the death
of Caesar was now begun, and the principal
men wen all gone, some one way, and some
another, to raise armies, Cassius came from
Rome into Syria, in order to receive the
[army that lay in the] camp at Apamia ; and
liaving raised the siege, he brought over both
Bassus and Marcus to his party. He then
went over the cities, and got together wea-
pons and soldiers, and laid great taxes upon
those cities; and he chiefly oppressed Judca,
and exacted of it seven hundred talents : but
Antipater, when he saw the state to be in so
great consternation and disorder, he divided
the collection of that sum, and appointed his
sons to gather it; and so that part of it was
to be exacted by Malichus, who was ill-dis-
posed to him, and part by others. And be-
cause Herod did exact wliat is required of
him from Galilee before others, he was in the
greatest favour with Cassius; for he tiiutight
it a part of prudence to cultivate a friendship
with the Romans, and to gain their good-will
at tlie expense of others ; whereas the cura-
tors of the other cities, with their citizens,
were sold for slaves ; and Cassius reduced
f For Marcus, this president of Syria, sent as succc»-
iior ti> Sc\li:s (ii'Mir, the Koiiian historians rctpiire us to
read ' Miir.us' in Josephiis, and this peri>etually, tx>lli
in these Antiquities and m his IlL'^toi)' of Uie Wars, ac
I Ihe learned generally agree.
"V
CHAP. XI
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
389
four cities into a state of slavery, the two most
potent of which were Gophna and Emmaus ;
and, besides these, Lydia and Thamna. Nay,
Cassius was so very angry at Malichus, that
he had killed him (for he assaulted him) had
not Hyrcanus, by the means of Antipater,
sent him an hundred talents of his own, and
thereby pacified his anger against him.
3. But after Cassius was gone out of Ju-
dea, Malichus laid snares for Antipater, as
thinking that his death would be the preser-
vation of Hyrcanus s government; but his
design was not unknown to Antipater, wiiich,
when he perceived, he retired beyond Jordan,
and got together an army, partly of Arabs,
and partly of his own countrymen. How-
ever, Malichus being one of great cunning,
denied that he had laid any snares for him,
and made his defence with an oath, both to
himself and his sons ; and said that while
Phasaelus had a garrison in Jerusalem, and
Herod had the weapons of war in his custody,
he could never have thought of any such
thing. So Antipater, perceiving the distress
that Malichus was in, was reconciled to him,
and made an agreement with him : this was
when Marcus was president of Syria ; who
yet perceiving that this Malichus was mak-
ing a disturbance in Judea, proceeded so
far that he had almost killed him ; but still,
at the intercession of Antipater, he saved
him.
4. However, Antipater little thought that
by saving Malichus, he had saved his own
niuderer ; for now Cassius and Marcus had
got together an army, and intrusted the entire
care of ic with Herod, and made him general
of the forces of Celesyria, and gave him a fleet
of ships, and an army of horsemen and foot-
men ; and promised him, that after the war
was over they would make him king of Judea ;
for a war was already begun between Antony
and the younger Caesar ; but as Malichus was
most afraid of Antipater, he took him out of
the way ; and by the offer of money, persuad-
ed the butler of Hyrcanus, with whom they
were both to feast, to kill him by poison. This
being done, and he having armed men with
him, settled the affairs of the city. But when
Antipater's sons, Herod and Phasaelus, were
accquainted with this conspiracy against their
father, and had indignation at it, Malichus
denied all, and utterly renounced any know-
ledge of the murder. And thus died Antipa-
ter, a man that had distinguished himself for
piety and justice, and love to his country.
And whereas one of hrs sons, Herod, resolved
immediately to revenge their father's death,
and was coming upon Malichus with an army
for that purpose, the elder of his sons, Pha-
saelus, thought it best rather to get this man
into their hands by policy, lest they should
appear to begin a civil war in the country ;
so he accepted of Malichus's defence_for him-
self, and pretended to believe him, that he had
had no hand in the violent death of Antipater
his father, but erected a fine monument for
him. Herod also went to Samaria : and when
he found them in great distress, he revived
their spirits, and composed their differences.
5. However, a little after this, Herod,
upon the approach of a festival, came with his
soldiers into the citv ; whereupon Malichus
was affrighted, and persuaded Hyrcanus not
to permit him to come into the city. Hyr-
canus complied ; and, for a pretence of exclud-
ing him, alleged, that a rout of strangers ought
not to be admitted while the multitude were
purifying themselves. But Herod had little
regard to the messengers that were sent to him,
and entered the city in the night-time, and
aflVighted Malichus, yet did he remit nothing
of his former dissimulation, but wept for Anti-
pater, and bewailed him as a friend of his,
with a loud voice ; but Herod and his friends
thought it proper not openly to contradict
Malichus's hypocrisy, but to give him tokens
of mutual friendship, in order to prevent his
suspicion of them.
6. However, Herod sent to Cassius, and
informed him of the murder of his father ; who
knowing what sort of man INIalichus was as
to his morals, sent him back word, that he
should revenge his father's death ; and also
sent privately to the commanders of his army
at Tyre, with orders to assist Herod in the
execution of a very just design of his. Now
when Cassius had taken Laodicea, they all
went together to him, and carried him gar
lands and money : and Herod thought that
Malichus might be punished while he was
there ; but he was somewhat apprehensive of
the thing, and designed to make some great
attempt, and because his son was then an hos-
tage at Tyre, he went to that city, and resolv-
ed to steal him away privately, and to march
thence into Judea; and as Cassius was in
haste to march against Antony, he thought to
bring the country to revolt, and to procure
the government for himself. But providence
opposed his counsels ; and Herod being a
shrewd man, and perceiving what his inten
tion was, he sent thither beforehand a ser-
vant, in appearance indeed to get a supper
ready, for he had said before, that he would
feast them all there, but in reality to the com-
manders of the army, whom he persuaded to
go out against Malichus^ with their daggers.
So they went out and met the roan near the
city, upon the sea-shore, and there stabbed hira.
Whereupon Hyrcanus was so astonished at
what had happened, that his speech failed
him ; and when, after some difficulty, he had
recovered himself, he asked Herod what the
matter could be, and who it was that slew
Malichus : and when he said that it was done
by the command of Cassius, he commended
the action ; for that Malichus was a very
wicked man, and one that conspired against
his own country. And this was the punish
J-
300
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
merit that was inflicted on Malidms for what
lie wickedly did to Antipater.
7. But when Ca^siiis was marched out of
Syria, tiistiirhances arose in Judea : for Ftlix,
who was left at Jerusalem with an army,
made a sudden atteinpt against Phasaelus, and
the people themselves rose in arms ; but He-
rod went to Fabius, the prefect of Damascus,
and was desirous to run to his brother's assist-
ance, but was hindered by a distemper that
seized upon him, till Phasaelus by himself had
been too hard for Felix, and had shut him up
in the tower, and there, on certain conditiojis,
dismissed him. lliasaelus also complained of
Hyrcanus, that although he had received a
great many benefits from them, yet did he
su))port their enemies ; for Malichus's bro-
ther had made many places to revolt, and kept
garrisons in them, and particularly Masada,
the strongest fortress of them all. In the
mean time, Herod was recovered of his dis-
ease, and came and took from Felix all the
places he had gotten ; and, upon certain con-
ditions, dismissed him also.
CHAPTER XII.
herod ejf.cts antigonus, the son of abk-
tobulus, out of judea, and gains the
fi'.ii:ndship ou antony, who was now
come into syria, by sending him much
money ; on w hich account he would not
admit or those that would have ac-
cused hkltod: and what it was that
ANTONY WROTE TO THE TYttlANS IN BE-
HALF OF THE JEWS.
§ 1. Now* Ptolemy, the son of Menncus,
brought back into Judca, Antigonus, the son
of Aristobulus, who had alrcaily raised an ar-
my, and had, by money, made Fabius to be
Ills friend, and this because he was of kin to
him. IMarion also gave him assistance. He
had been left by Cassius to tyrannize over
Tyre ; for this Cassius was a man that seized
on Syria, and then kept it under, in the way
of a tyrant. IMarion also marched into Ga-
lilee, which lay in his neighhourhooil, and
took three of its fortresses, and put garrisons
into them to keep them. But when Herod
came, he took all from him ; but the Tyrian
garrison he dismissed in a very civil manner ;
» In this and the following chapters the reader will
easily remark, how truly (Jronovius observes, in his
notes on the Roman deerecs in favour of the Jews, that
(heir ri(;hls an<l privileges were eoiiiinonly purehiised of
the Ilomans with money. Many examples of this sort,
lioth iis to the llonians and others in authority, will oc-
cur in onr Josejihus, Ixilh now arid heieaflcr, and need
not Ik- taken partieular notice of on the several wca-
sions in these notes. Accordingly, t' e chief captain con-
fe.^ses to St. Paul, that, ' with a great sum he had ob-
taincit his freedom' (Acts xxii, t'b) ; as had St. I'aul's
ancestors, vcrv probably, purchasetl the like freedom
for their fair.ily by inouey, as the same autlior justly
concludes also.
BOOK XIT
nay, to some of the soldiers he made presents
out of the good-will he bare to that city.
When he iiad dispatched these afl'uirs, and
was gone to meet Antigonus, he joined bat-
tle with him, and beat him, and drove him
out of Juilea presently, when he was just
come into its borders ; but when he was come
to Jerusalem, Hyrcanus and tlie people put
garlands about his head ; for he had already
contracted an affinity with the family of Hyr-
canus by having espoused a descendant of his,
and for that reason Herod took the greater
care of him, as being to marry tlie daughter
of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, and
the grand-daughter of Hyrcanus ; by which
wife he became the father of three male and
two female children. He had also married
before this another wife, out of a lower fami-
ly of his own nation, whose name was Doris,
by whom he had his eldest son Antipater.
2. Now Antonius and Cassar had beaten
Cassius near Philippi, as others have related;
but after the victory, Ca'sar went into Gaul
[Italy], and Antony marched for Asia, who
when he was arrived at Bithynia, he had am-
bassadors that met him from all parts. The
principal men also of the Jews came thither,
to accusej'hasaelus and Herod, and they said
that Hyrcanus had indeed the appearance ol
reigning, but that these men had all the
power ; but Antony paid great respect to
Herod, who was come to him to make his
defence against his accusers, on which ac-
count his adversaries could not so much as
obtain a hearing; which favour Herod had
gained of Antony by money ; but still, when
Antony was come to Ephesus, Hyrcanus,
the high-priest, and our nation, sent an em-
bassage to him, which carried a crown of gold
with them, and desired that ho would write
to the governors of the provinces, to set those
Jews free who had been carried captive by
Cassius, and this without their having fought
against him, and to restore them that coun-
try which, in the days of Cassius, had been
taken from thein. Antony thought the Jewb*
desires v^ere just, and wrote immediately to
Hyrcanus, and to the Jews. He also sent,
at the same time, a decree to the Tyrians ;
the contents of which were to the same pur-
pose.
3. " Marcus Antonius, imperator, to Hyr-
canus the high-priest and etimarch of the
Jews, sendeth greeting. If you be in health,
it is well ; I am also in health, with the army.
Lysimachus, the son of Pausanias, and Jose-
phus, the son of iVItnneus, and Alexaiide.',
the son of 'I'heodorus, your ambassiidors, met
me at Kphesus, and have renewed the embas-
sage which they had formerly been upon at
Home, and have diligently acquitted them-
selves of the present embassage, which thou
and thy nation have intrusted to them, and
have fully declared the good-will thou hast
for us. I am Uiertfore satiitied, bolli by
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. XII.
your actions and your words, that you are
well-disposed to us ; and I understand that
your conductor life is constant and religious;
so I reckon you as our own ; but when those
that were adversaries to you, and to the Ro-
man people, abstained neither from cities nor
temples, and did not observe the agreement
they had confirmed by oath, it was not only
on account of our contest with them, but on
account of all mankind in common, that we
have taken vengeance on those who have been
the authors of great injustice towards men,
and of great wickedness towards the gods;
for the sake of which we suppose that it was
that the sun turned away his light from us,*
as unwilling to view the horrid crime tliey
were guilty of in the case of Cssar. We
have also overcome their conspiracies, which
threatened the gods themselves, which Mace-
donia received, as it is a climate peculiarly
proper for impious and insolent attempts ;
and we have overcome that confused rout of
men, half mad with spile against us, which
they got together at Philippi, in Blacedonia,
when they seized on the places that were pro-
per for their purpose, and, as it were, walled
them round with mountains to the very sea,
and where the passage was open only through
a single gate. This victory we gained, be-
cause the gods had condemned those men for
their wicked enterprises. Now Brutus, when
he had fled as far as Philippi, was shut up by
us, and became a partaker of the same perdi-
tion with Cassius; and now these have re-
ceived their punishment, we suppose that we
may enjoy peace for the time to come, and
that Asia may be at rest from war. We
therefore make that peace which God hath
given us common to our confederates also, in-
somuch that the body of Asia is now reco-
vered out of that distemper it was under by
means of our victory, I, therefore, bearing
in mind both thee and your nation, shall take
care of what may be for your advantage. I
have also sent epistles in writing to the seve-
ral cities, that if any persons, whether free-
men or bondmen, have been sold under the
spear by Caius Cassius or his subordinate
officers, they may be set free ; and I will
that you kindly make use of the favours
which I and Dolabella have granted you. I
also forbid the Tyrians to use any violence
with you ; and for what places of the Jews
they now possess, I order them to restore
them. I have withal accepted of the crown
which thou sentest me."
4. " Marcus Antonius, imperator, to the
magistrates, senate, and people of Tyre, send-
etli greeting. The ambassadors of Hyrcanus,
» This clause plainly alludes to that well-known but
unusual and very long darkness of the sun, which hap-
pened upon the murder of Julius Caesar l)y Brutus and
Cassius; which is greatly taken notice ol' by Virgil,
Pliny, and other Roman authors. See Virgil's Geor-
gics, book i, just before tlie end ; and Pliuy^ Nat. Hist,
book ii, clu jtxx.
391
the high-priest and ethnarch [of the Jews],
appeared before me at Ephesus, and told me
that you are in possession of part of their
country, which you entered upon under the
government of our adversaries. Since, there-
fore, we have undertaken a war for the ob-
taining the government, and have taken care
to do what was agreeable to piety and justice,
and have brought to punishment those that
had neither any remembrance of the kindness
they had received, nor have kept their oaths,
I will that you be at peace with those that
are our confederates ; as also, that what you
have taken by the means of our adversaries
shall not be reckoned your own, but be re-
turned to those from whom you took them ;
for none of them took their provinces or their
armies by the gift of the senate, but they
seized them by force, and bestowed them by
violence upon such as became useful to them
in their unjust proceedings. Since, there-
fore, those men have received the punishment
d-ue to them, we desire that our confederates
may retain whatsoever it was that they for-
merly possessed without disturbance, and that
you restore all the places which belong to
Hyrcanus, the ethnarch of the Jews, which
you have had, though it were but one day
before Caius Cassius began an unjustifiable
war against us, and entered into our pro-
vince ; nor do you use any force against him,
in order to weaken him, that he may not be
able to dispose of that which is his own ; but
if you have any contest with him about your
respective rights, it shall be lawful for you to
plead your cause when we come upon the
places concerned, for we shall alike preserve
the rights, and hear all the causes, of our
confederates."
5. " Marcus Antonius, imperator, to the
magistrates, senate, and people of Tyre, send-
eth greeting. I have sent you my decree, of
which I will that ye take care that it be en-
graven on the public tables, in Roman and
Greek letters, and that it stand engraven in
the most illustrious places, that it may be
read by all. Marcus Antonius, imperator,
one of the triumvirate over the public affairs,
made this declaration : — Since Caius Cassius,
in this revolt he hath made, hath pillaged
that province which belonged not to him, and
was held by garrisons there encamped, while
they were our confederates, and hath spoiled
that nation of the Jews which was in friend-
ship with the Roman people, as in war ; and
since we have overcome his madness by arms,
we now correct, by our decrees and judicial
determinations, what he hath laid waste, that
those things may be restored to our confede-
rates ; and as for what hath been sold of the
Jewish possessions, whether they be bodies or
possessions, let them be released ; the bodies
into that state of freedom they were origi-
nally in, and the possessions to their former
owners. I also will, that he who shall not
— ^
3^a
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK Xt»
comply with fliiN decree of mine, shall he ])n-
nislietl for his ilis<)l)cilieiK-e ; anil if such a
one he caught, I "ill take care that the of-
fenders sutler coiulij^ii pnnislnnont."
6. The same ihiiig did Antony write to
the Sidonians, and the Aiitiochians, and the
Aradians. We have produced these decrees,
tiierefore, as marks for futurity of the truth
of what we have said, that the Romans had a
great concern about our iiation.
chapti:r XIII.
HOW ANTONY MADE HEROD AND PIIASAELUS
TETUAIICHS, AFTER THEY HAD BEEN ACCLS-
ED TO NO rUUrOSE; AND HOW TJIE PAR-
THIANS, WHEN THEY BROUGHT ANTIGONUS
INTO JUDEA, TOOK HYRCANUS AND I'HASAE-
I.US CAPTIVES. HEROd's FLIGHT ; AND WHAT
AFFLICTIONS HYRCANUS AND PHASAELUS EN-
DLTRED.
§ 1. When after this, Antony came into Sy-
ria, Cleopatra met him in Cilicia, and brought
him to fall in love with her. And there came
now also a hundred of the most potent of the
Jewsto accuse Herod and those about him, and
5et the men of the greatest eloquence among
them to speak. But Messala contradicted
them, on behalf of the young men, and all this
if they went on with their accusation. But
they did not acquiesce : wliereupon the Ro-
mans ran upon them with their daggers, and
slew some, and wounded more of them, and
the rest fled away, and went home, and lay
still in great consternation : and when the
peo'ple made a calmouraga'nst Herod, Antony
was so provoked at it, that he slew the pri-
soners.
3. Now, in the second year, Pacorus, tlie
king of Parthia's son, and Barzapharnes, a
commander of the Parthians, possessed them-
selves of Syria. Ptolemy, tlie son of Men-
neus, also was now dead, and Lysanias his
son took his government, and made a league
of friendship with Antigonus, theson of Aris-
tobulus : and in order to obtain it, made use
of that commander, who had a great interest
in him. Now Antigonus had promised to
give the Partliiansa tl>ousand talents, and five
liundred women, upon condition they would
take the government away from Hyrcanus,
and bestow it upon him, and withal kill He-
rod. And although he did not give them w hat
he had promised, yet did the Parthians make
an expedition into Judeaon that account, and
carried Antigonus with them. Pacorus went
along the maritime parts ; but the commander
Barza))liarnes, through the midland. Now
the Tyrians excluded Pacorus; but the Sido-
nians, and those of Ptolemais, received him.
i However, Pacorus sent a troop of horsemen
in the presence of Hyrcanus, who was He- j into Judea, to take a view of the state of the
rod's father-in-law * already. When Antony
had heard both sides at Daphne, he asked
Hyrcanus who they w^ere that governed the
nation best ? He replied, Herod and his
friends. Hereupon .\!itony, by reason of the
old hospitable friendship he had made with
his father [Antipater], at that time when he
was with Gabinius, he made both Herod and
Phasaelus tetrarchs, and committed the pub-
lic afl'airs of the Jews to them, and wrote let-
ters to that purpose. He also bound fifteen
of their adversaries, and was going to kill
them, but that Herod obtained tJieir pardon.
2. Yet did not these men continue quiet
when they were come back, but a thousand of
the Jews came to Tyre to meet him there,
whither the report was that he would come.
But Antony was corrupted by the money
which Herod and his brother had given him ;
and so he gave order to the governor of the
place to punish the Jewish ambassadors, who
were for making innovations, and to settle the
government upon Herod : hut Herod went
out hastily to them, and Hyrcanus was with
him (for they stood upon the shore bifore
the city); and he charged them to go llieir
ways, because great mischief would befall tlieni
country, and to assist .'\ntigonus ; and sent
also the king's I utler, of the same name witli
himself. So when the Jews that dwelt al)Out
mount Carmel came to Antigonus, and were
ready to march with him into Juilea, Anti-
gonus hoped to get some part of the country
by their assistance. Tlie place is called
Dryroi ; and when some others came and met
them, the men privately fell upon Jerusalem ;
and when some more were come to them, they
got together in great numbers, and canie
against the king's palace, and besieged it.
But as Pliasaelus's and Herod's parly came
to the other's assistance, and a battle happened
between them in the market-place, the young
men beat their enemies, and pursued them
into the temple, and sent some armed men
into the adjoining houses, to keep them in,
who yet being destitute of such as should sup-
port them, were burnt, and the houses w ith
them, by the jieople who rose uj) against tliem.
But Herod was revenged on these seditious
adversaries of his a little afterward foi this in-
jury they had oll'ered him, when he fought
with them, and slew a great number of them.
'i. But while there were daily skirmishes,
the enemy waited lor tlie coming of the iiinl-
tilude out of the country to Pentecost, n feaot
♦ We may here take notu-c that i-spousals alone were I „(• „j,p5 j,, called; and when that day was
of olil esic-c-infdas\iilicii>iil fDiinilation for allinity, Hyr- , , ~ . „. i ' . .„
cairns iKMi.p here callr.l IhlUcr-inlaw 1.. H.t.hI. iWeaiise Ci>me, many ten thousands of the people were
hl^ ur;iiul-ilaiighlfr Manaiiuir vwi^ iKtrothiil to him, al- 1 jrathcred together about the tenqde, some in
Lrrtt'r^Xut lu"^''"'''''''' "" """ ^'""'armour, and some without. Now those that
ANTiaUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. xni.
came, guarded both the tem)5le and the city,
excepting what belonged to the palace, which
Herod guarded with a few of his soldiers ;
and Phasaelus had the charge of the wall,
while Herod with a body of his men, sallied
out upon the enemy, who lay in the suburbs,
and fought courageously, and put many ten
thousands to fliglit, some flying into the city,
and some into the temple, and some into the
outer fortifications, for some such fortifica-
tions there were in that place. Phasaelus
came also to his assistance; yet was Pacorus,
the general of tlie Parthians, at the desire of
Antigonus, admitted into the city, with a few
of his horsemen, under pretence indeed as if
he would still the sedition, but in reality to
assist Antigonus in obtaining the government.
And when Phasaelus met him, and received
him kindly, Pacorus persuaded him to go
himself as ambassador to Barzapharnes, which
was done fraudulently. Accordingly, Phasa-
elus, suspecting no harm, complied with his
proposal, while Herod did not give his con-
sent to what was done, because of the perfidi-
ousness of those barbarians, but desired Pha-
saelus rather to figlit tliose that were come
into the city.
5. So both Hyrcanus and Pliasaelus went
on the embassage ; but Pacorus left with He-
rod two hundred horsemen, and ten men, who
were called thejrertneni and conducted the
others on their journey ; and when they were
in Galilee, the governors of the cities there
(net them in their arms. Barzapharnes also
received them at the first with cheerfulness,
and made them presents, though he afterward
conspired against them ; and Phasaelus, with
his horsemen, were conducted to tlie sea-side ;
but when they heard that Antigonus had pro-
mised to give the Parthians a thousand talents,
and five hundred women, to assist him against
thenj, they soon had a suspicion of the bar-
barians. Moreover, there was one who in-
formed them that snares were laid for them
by night, while a guard came about them secret-
ly ; and they had then been seized upon, had they
not waited for the seizure of Herod by the Par-
thians that were about Jerusalem, lest, upon
the slaughter of Hyrcanus and Phasaelus, he
should liave an intimation of it, and escape
out of their hands. And these were the cir-
cumstances they were now in ; and they saw
who they were that guarded them. Some
persons indeed would have persuaded Phasa-
elus to fly away immediately on horseback,
and not to stay any longer ; and there was
one Ophellius, who, above all the rest, was
earnest with him to do so, for he had heard
of this treachery from Saramalla, the richest
of all the Syrians at that time, wlio also pro-
mised to provide him siiips to carry him off;
for the sea was just by them : but he had no
mind to desert Hyrcanus, nor bring his bro-
tiier into danger ; but he went to Barza-
pliarnes, and told him he did not aet justly
393
when he made such a contrivance agairist
them, for that if he wanted money, he would
give him more than Antigonus ; and besides,
that it was a horrible thing to slay those that
came to him upon the security of their oaths,
and that when they had done them no in-
jury. But the bari)arian swore to him that
there was no truth in any of his suspi-
cions, but that he was troubled with nothing
but false proposals, and then went away to Pa-
corus.
6. But as soon as he was gone away, some
men came and bound Hyrcanus and Pliasa-
elus ; while Phasaelus greatly reproached the
Parthians for their perjury. However, that
butler who was sent against Herod had it in
command to get him without the walls of the
city, and seize upon him ; but messengers
had been sent by Phasaelus to inform Herod
of the perfidiousnes of the Parthians ; and
when he knew that the enemy had seized upon
them, he went to Pacorus, and to the most
potent of the Parthians, as to the lords of the
rest, who, although they knew the whole mat-
ter, dissembled with him in a deceitful way ;
and said that he ought to go out with them
before the walls, and meet those who were
bringing him his letters, for that they were
not taken by his adversaries, but were com-
ing to give him an account of the good suc-
cess Phasaelus had had. Herod did not give
credit to what they said ; for he had heard
that his brother was seized upon by others
also; and the daughter of Hyrcanus, whose
daughter he had espoused, was his monitor
also [not to credit them], which made him still
more suspicious of the Parthians ; for al-
though other people did not give heed to her,
yet did he believe her, as a woman of very
great wisdom.
7. Now while the Parthians were in con-
sultation what was fit to be done; for they
did not think it proper to make an open at-
tempt upon a person of his character ; and
while they put ofT the determination to the
next day, Herod was under great disturbance
of mind ; and rather inclining to believe the
reports he heard about his brother and the
Parthians, than to give heed to what was said
on the other side, he determined, that when
the evening came on, he would make use of
it for his flight, and not make any longer de-
lay, as if the dangers from the enemy were
not yet certain. He therefore removed with
the armed men whom he had with him ; and
set his wives upon the beasts, as also his mo-
ther, and sister, and her whom he was about
to marry [Mariamne , the daughter of Alex-
ander, the son of Aristobulus, witii her mo-
ther, the daughter of Hyrcanus, and his
youngest brother, and all their servants, and
the rest of the multitude that was with him,
and without the enemy's privity pursued his
nay to Idumea : nor could any enemy of his
who then saw him in this case, be io hard-
~^t_
-T
S94
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
hearted, but would have commiserated his
fortune, while tiie women drew alon;^ their
infant chilihen, and left tlieir own country,
and tlieir friends in prison, with tears in their
eyes, and sad lamentations, and in expectation
of nothing but what was of a melanciioly na-
ture.
8. But for Ilerod himself, he raised his
mind above the miserable state he was in, and
was of good courage in the midst of his mis-
fortunes; and, as he passed along, he bade
them every one to be of good cheer, and not
to give themselves up to sorrow, because that
would hinder them in their flight, which was
now the only hope of safetj that they had.
Accordingly, they tried to bear with patience
the calamity tliey were under, as he exhorted
them to do ; yet was he once almost going to
kill himself, upon the overthrow of a waggon,
and the danger his mother was then in of be-
ing killed ; and tliis on two accounts, because
of his great concern for her, and because he
was afraid lest, by this delay, the enemy should
overtake him in the pursuit; but as he was
drawing his sword, and going to kill himself
therewith, those that were present restrained
tiim, and being so many in number, were too
hard for him ; and told him that he ought not
to desert them, and leave them a prey to their
enemies, for that it was not the part of a brave
man to free himself from the distresses lie was
in, and to overlook his friends that were in
the same distress also. So he was compelled
to let that horrid attempt alone, partly out of
shame at what they said to him, and partly
out of regard to the great number of tliose
that would not permit him to do what he
intended. So he encouraged his mother,
and took all the care of her the time would
allow, and proceeded on the way he proposed
to go with the utmost haste, and tiiat was to
the fortress of Masada. And as lie had many
skirmishes with such of the I'arthians as at-
tacked him and pursued him, lie was con-
queror in them all.
9. Nor indeed was he free from the Jews
all along as lie was in his flight : for by the
time he was gotten sixty furlongs out of the
city, and was upon the road, they fell upon
him, and fought hand to hand with him, w liom
he also put to flight, and overcame, not like
one that was in distress and in necessity, but
like one that was excellently prepared for war,
and had what he wanted in great plenty. And
in this very place w liere he overcame the Jews,
it was that he some time afterwards built a
most excellent palace, and a city round about
it, and called it Ilerodium. And when he
was come to Idumea, at a jilace called Thres-
iv, his brother Jose|)h met him, and he then
held a council to take advice about all his af-
fairs, and wliat was fit to be done in his cir-
cumstances, since he had a great multitude
that foUoweil him, besides his mercenary sol-
diers, and the place Masada, whitlier he pro-
bOoK XIV.
posed to fly, was too small to contain so great
a multitiiile; so lie sent away the greater part
of his company, being above nine thousand,
'uid bade tliem go, some one way and some
another, and so save themselves in Idumen,
and gave tlieni what would buy them provi-
sions in their journey. 15ut he took with him
those that were the least encumbered, and
were most intimate with him, and came to the
fortress, and placed there his wives and his
followers, being eight hundred in number,
there being in the place a suflicient quantity
of corn and water, and other necessaries, and
went directly for I'etra, in Arabia. But when
it was day, the Parthians plundered all Jeru-
salem, and the palace, and abstained from ni>-
thingbut Hyicanus's money, which was three
hundred talents. A great deal of Herod's
money escaped, and principally all that the
man had been so provident as to send into
Idumea beforehand : nor indeed did what was
in the city suffice the Parthians ; but they
went out into the country, and plundered it,
and demolished the city 3Iarissa.
10. And thus was Antigonus brought back
into Judfca by the king of the Parthians, and
received Hyrcanus and Phasaelus for his pri-
soners ; but he w-as greatly cast down because
the women had escaped, whom he intended
to have given the enemy, as having proinised
they should have them, with the money, for
their reward : but being afraid that Hyrcanus,
who was under the guard of the Parthians,
might have his kingdom restored to him by
the multitude, he cut olF his ears, and there-
by took care that the high-priesthood should
never come to him any more, because he was
maimed, while the law required that this dig-
nity should belong to none but such as had
all their members entire. * But now one can-
not but here admire the fortitude of Phasae-
lus, who, perceiving that he was to be put to
death, did not think death any terrible thing
at all ; but to die thus by the means of his
enemy, this he thought a most ])itiable and
dishonourable thing, and therefore, since he
had not his hands al liberty, for the bonds he
was in prevented him from killing himself
thereby, he dashed his head against a great
stone, and thereby took away his own life,
which he thought to be the best thing he
could do in such a distress as he was in, and
thereby put it out of the ])ower of the enemy
to bring him to any death he pleased. It is
also reported, that when he had made a great
wound in his head, Antigonus sent physicians
to cure it, and, by ordering them to infuse
poison into the wounil, killed him. How-
ever, I'hasaclus hearing, before he was quite
(lead, by a certain woman, that his brother
Herod had escaped the enemy, underwent his
death cheerfully, since he now left behind
• This law of Moses, that the priests were to b«
" without blemish, " as to all tlie j>arU of their bodies
U ill L«vit. xxi, 11'— 'it.
V
CHAP. XIV.
him one who woukl revenge his death, and
who was able to inflict punishment on his
enemies.
CHAPTER XIV.
HOW HEUOD GOT AWAY FROM THE KING OF
ARABIA. AND MADE HASTE TO GO INTO
EGYPT', AND THENCE WENT IN HASTE ALSO
TO ROME; AND HOW, BY PROMISING A GREAT
DEAL OF MONEY TO ANTONY, HE OBTAINED
OF THE SENATE AND OF C^SAB TO BE MADE
KING OF THE JEWS.
§ 1. As for Herod, the great miseries he was
in did not discourage him, but made him
sharp in discovering surprising undertakings ;
for he went to Malchus, king of Arabia, whom
he had formerly been very kind to, in order
to receive somewhat by way of requital, now
he was in more than ordinary want of it, and
desired he would let him have some money,
either by way of loan, or as his free gift, on
account of the many benefits he had received
from him ; for not knowing what was become
of his brother, he was in haste to redeem him
out of tiie hand of his enemies, as willing to
give three hundred talents for the price of his
redemption. He also took with him the son
of Pliasaelus, who was a child of but seven
years of age ; for this very reason, that lie
might be an hostage for the repayment of the
money. But there came messengers from
Malchus to meet him, by whom he was de-
sired to be gone, for that the Parthians had
laid a charge upon him not to entertain He-
rod. This was only a pretence which he
made use of, that he might not be obliged to
repay him what he owed him ; and this he
■was farther induced to, by the principal men
among the Arabians, tlfat they might cheat
him of what sums they had received from [his
father] Antipater, and which he had commit-
ted to their fidelity. He made answer, that
he did not intend to be troublesome to them
by his coming thither, but that he desired
only to discourse with them about certain
affairs that were to him of the greatest im-
portance.
2. Hereupon he resolved to go away, and
did go very prudently the road to Egypt ;
and then it was that he lodged in a certain
temple ; for he had left a great many of his
followers there. On the next day he came to
Rhinocoiura, and there it was that he heard
what had befallen his brother. Though Mai-
clius soon repented of what he had done, and
came running after Herod ; but with no man-
ner of success, for he was gotten a very great
way off, and made haste into the road to Pe-
lusium ; and when the stationary ships that I
lay there hindered him from sailing to Alex- !
andria, he went to their captains, "by whose |
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
395
assistance, and that out of much reverence of,
and great regard to liim, he was conducted in-
to the city [Alexandria], and was retained
there by Cleopatra, yet was she not able to
prevail with him to stay there, because he was
making haste to Rome, even though the wea-
ther was stormy, and he was informed that
the affairs of Italy were very tumultuous, and
in great disorder.
3. So he set sail from thence to Pamphy
lia, and falling into a violent storm, he had
much ado to escape to Riiodes, with the loss
of the ship's burden ; and there it was that
two of his friends, Sappinas and Ptolemeus,
met with him : and as he found tliat city very
much damaged in the war against Cassius,
though he were in necessity himself, he ne-
glected not to do it a kindness, but did what
he could to recover it to its former state. He
also built there a three-decked ship, and set
sail thence, with liis friends, for Italy, and
came to the port of Brundusium : and when
he was come from thence to Rome, he first
related to Antony what had befallen him in
Judea, and how Phasaelus his brother v/as
seized on by the Parthians, and put to death
by them ; and how Hyrcanus was detained
captive by them, and how they had made An-
tigonus king, who had promised them a sum
o*" money, no less than a thousand talents,
with five hundred women, who were to be of
the principal families, and of the Jewish
stock ; and that he had carried off the women
by night; and that, by undergoing a great
many hardships, he had escaped the hands of
his enemies ; as also, that his own relations
were in danger of being besieged and taken,
and that he had sailed through a storm, and
contemned all these terrible dangei's, in order
to come, as soon as possible, to him who was
his hope and only succour at this tiine.
4. This account made Antony commiserate
the change that had happened in Herod's
condition ; * and reasoning with himself
that this was a common case among those
that are placed in such great dignities, and
that they are liable to the mutations that come
from fortune, he was very ready to give him
the assistance he desired ; and this because
he called to mind the friendship he had had
with Antipater, because Herod offered him
money to make him king, as he had formerly
given it to him to make him tetrarch, and
chiefly because of his hatred to Antigonus,
for he took him to be a seditious person, and
an enemy to the Romans. Caesar was also
the forwarder to raise Herod's dignity, and
to give him his assistance in what he desired,
on account of the toils of war which he had
" Concerning the chronology of Herod, and the time
when he was first made king at Home, and r-oneerning
the time when he be_an his second reign, without a ri-
val, upon the conquest and slaughter of Antigonus
both principally derived from this and the two next
chaptei^ in Josephus, see the note on sect. 6, and oh
XV, ""wt '0
_r
39G
ANIIQUITILS OF THE JEWS.
Iiinisclf uiulerjTone witli Aiitipatcr liis fatliur
in Egypt, and of the liospitality lie liad treated
him \vitl)al, and the kindness he had always
shown liim; as also to frratify Antony, who
«as very zealous for Herod. So a senate
was convocated ; and Messala first, and then
Atratinus, introduced Herod into it, and en-
larged upon the benefits they had received
from his father, and put them in mind of the
(food-will he had borne to the Romans. At
tlie same time, tliey accused Antigonus, and
declared him an enemy, not only because of
his former opposition to them, but that he had
now overlooked the Romans, and taken the
government from tlie Parthians. Upon this
tlie senate was irritated ; and Antony inform-
ed them farther, that it was for their advan-
tage in the Parthian war that Herod sliould
be king. This seemed good to all the sena-
tors ; and so they made a decree accordingly.
5. And this was the principal instance of
Antony's affection for Herod, that he not
only procured him a kingdom which he did
not expect (for he did not come with an inten-
tion to ask the kingdom for himself, wliicli he
did not suppose the Romans would grant him,
who used to bestow it on some of the royal
family, but intended to desire it for his wife's
brother, who was grandson by his father to
Aristobulus, and to Hyrcanus by liis mother),
but that he procured it for him so suddenly,
that he obtained what he did not expect, and
departed out of Italy in so few days as seven
in all. This young man [the grandson] Herod
afterward took care to have slain, as we shall
show in its proper place. But when the senate
was dissolved, Antony and Caesar went out of
the senate-house, with Herod between them,
and with the consols and other magistrates
before them, in order to ofl'er sacrifices, and
to lay up their decrees in the capitol. Antony
also feasted Herod the first day of his reign.
And thus did this man receive the kingdom,
having obtained it on the hundred and eighty-
fourth olympiad, when Caius Domitius Cal-
vjnus was consul the second time, and Caius
Asinius Pollio [the first time].
6. All this while Antigonus besieged those
that were in Masada, wlio had plenty of all
other necessaries, but were only in want of
water,* insomuch that on this occasion Joseph,
Herod's brother, was contriving to run away
from it, with two hundred of his dei)cndants,
lo the Arabians ; for he had heard that JMal-
cbus repented of the oHinces he had been
guilty of with regard to Herod ; but God, by
sending rain in the night-time, prevented his
going away, for their cisterns were thereby
filled, and as he was under no necessity of run-
ning away on that account : but they were now
of good courage, and the more so, because the
• This grfevouB want of water at Masad.i, till the
jilacL' lia<l liKf to have bcc-n takin bv ihc ParOiians
(nientione<l lx>th Irtc- and Ol the War, b. i, eli. xv, stxt.
1), is an indicalioii timt it was now suiiuiwr-Liiiio
BOOK XIV.
sending that plenty of water which they had
been in want of, seemed a mark of divine pro-
vidence; so they made a sally, and fought hand
to hand with Antigonus's soldiers (with some
openly, with some priv.itely), and destroyed a
great number of tin m. At the same time Ven-
tidius, the general of the Romans, was sent out
of Svria, to drive the Parthians out of it, and
marched afierthem intojudca, on pretence in-
deed to succour Joseph; but in reality, the
whole affair was no more than a stratagem, in
order to get money of Antigonus; sothey pitch-
ed their camp very iiearlo Jerusalem, and strip-
ped Antigonus of a great deal of money, and
then he retired himself with the greater part
of the army ; hut, that the wickedness he had
been guilty of might not be found out, he left
Silo there, with a certain part of his soldiers,
with whom also Antigonus cultivated an ac-
(juatntance, that he might cause him no dis-
turbance, and was still in hopes that the Par-
thians would come again and defend him.
CHAPTER XV.
HOW HEROD SAILED OUT OF ITALY TO JUDEA,
AND FOUGHT WITH ANTIGONUS ; AND WHAT
OTHER THINGS HAPPENED IN JUDEA ABOUT
THAT TIME.
§ 1. By this time Herod had sailed out of
Italy to Ptolemais, and had gotten together
no small army, both of strangers and of his
own countrymen, and marched through Gali-
lee against Antigonus. Silo also, and Ven-
tidius, came and assisted him, being persuad-
ed by Uellius, who was sent by Antony to
assist in bringing back Herod. Now, for
Ventidius, he was employed in composing the
disturbances that had been made in the cities
by the means of the Parthians ; and for Silo,
he was indeed in Judea, but corrupted by
Antigonus. However, as Herod went along,
liis army increased every day, and all Galilee,
with some small exception, joined him ; but
as he was marching to those that were in Ma-
sada (for he was obliged to endeavour to save
those that were in that foi tress, now they were
besieged, because they were his relations),
Joppa was a hindcrance to him, for it was
[ necessary for him to lake that place first, it
being a city at variance with him, that no
1 strong-hold might be left in his enemies' hands
behind him when he should go to Jerusalem.
'And when Silo inade this a pretence for rising
up from Jerusalem, and was thereupon pur-
sued by the Jews, Herod fell upon tliem with
a small body of men, and both put the Jews
to riighl and saved Silo, when he was very
poorly able to defend himself; but when He-
rod had taken Joppa, he made haste to set
free those of his family that were in Masada.
Now of the people of the country, some
-/"
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. XV.
ioined him because of the friendahip they had
had with his father, and some because of the
splendid appearance he made, and others by
way of requital for the benefits they had re-
ceived from both of them ; but the greatest
number came to him in hopes of getting
somewhat from him afterward, if he were
once firmly settled in the kingdom.
2. Herod had now a strong army ; and as
he marched on, Antigonus laid snares and
ambushes in the passes and places most pro-
per for them ; but in truth he thereby did
little or no damage to the enemy : so Herod
received those of his family out of Masada,
and the fortress Ressa, and then went on for
Jerusalem. The soldiery also that was with
Silo accompanied him all along, as did many
of the citizens, being afraid of his power ;
and as soon as he had pitched his camp on
the west side of the city, the soldiers that
were set to guard that part shot their arrows,
and tlirew tlieir darts at him ; and when some
sallied out in a crowd, and came to fight
hand to hand with the first ranks of Herod's
army, he gave orders that they should, in the
first place, make proclamation about the wall,
that he came for the good of the people, and
for the preservation of the city, and not to
bear any old grudge at even his most open
enemies, but ready to forget the offences
which his greatest adversaries had done him ;
but Antigonus, by way of reply to what He-
rod had caused to be proclaimed, and this
before the Romans, and before Silo also,
said, that they would not do justly if they
gave the kingdom to Herod, who was no
more than a private man, and an Idumean,
L e. a half Jew,* whereas they ought to be-
stow it on one of the royal family, as their
custom was ; for, that in case they at present
bare an ill-will to him, and had resolved to
deprive him of the kingdom, as having re-
ceived it from the Parthians, yet were there
many others of his family that might by their
law take it, and these such as had no way
offended the Romans ; and being of the sa-
cerdotal family, it would be an unworthy
thing to put tliem by. Now while they said
thus one to another, and fell to reproaching
one another on both sides, Antigonus per-
mitted his own men that were upon the wall
to defend themselves ; who, using their bows,
and showing great alacrity against their ene-.
mies, easily drove them away from the towers,
S. And now it was that Silo discovered that
• This affirmation of Antigonus, spoken in the days
of Herod, and in a manner to his face, that he was an
Idumean, i. e. a half Jew, seems to mt of much greater
authority tlian that jiretence of his favourite and flat-
terer Nicolaus of Damascus, that he derived his pedi-
gree from Jews as far backward as the Babylonish cap-
tivity, ch. i, sect. 3. Accordingly Josephus always
esteems him an Idumean, though he says his father An-
tipater was of the same people with the Jews (ch. viii,
sect. 1), and a Jew by birth (Antiq. b. xx, ch. viii, sect.
7), as indee<l all such proselytes of justice as the Idu-
means, were in time esteemed the very same people
with the Jews. "^
397
he had taken bribes: for he set a great num-
ber of his soldiers to complain aloud of the
want of provisions they were in, and to re-
quire money to buy them food ; and that it
was fit to let them go into places proper for
winter quarters, since the places near the city
were a desert, by reason that Antigonus's
soldiers had carried all away; so he set his
army upon removing, and endeavoured to
march away ; but Herod pressed Silo not to
depart, and exhorted Silo's captains and sol-
diers not to desert him, when Csesar and An-
tony, and the senate, had sent him thither, for
that he would provide them plenty of all the
things they wanted, and easily procure them
a great abundance of what they required ; af-
ter which entreaty, he immediately went into
the country, and left not the least pretence
to Silo for his departure, for he brought an
unexpected quantity of provisions, and sent
to those friends of his who inhabited about
Samaria, to bring down corn, and wine, anc
oil, and cattle, and all other provisions, to
Jericho, that there might be no want of a
supply for the soldiers for the time to come.
Antigonus was sensible of this, and sent pre-
sently over the country such as might restrain
and lie in ambush for those that went out for
provisions. So these men obeyed the orders
of Antigonus, and got together a great num-
ber of armed men about Jericho, and sat up-
on the mountains, and watched those that
brought the provisions. However, Herod was
not idle in the meantime, for he took ten
bands of soldiers, of whom five were of the
Romans, and five of the Jews, with some
mercenaries among them, and with some few
horsemen, and came to Jericho ; and as they
found the city deserted, but that five hundred
of them had settled themselves on the tops of
the hills, with iheir wives and children, those
he took and sent away ; but the Romans fell
upon the city, and plundered it, and found
the houses full of all sorts of good things.
So the king left a garrison at Jericho, and
came back again, and sent the Roman army
to take their winter quarters in the countries
that were come over to him, Judea, and Gali-
lee, and Samaria. And so much did Antigonus
gain of Silo for the bribes he gave him, that
part of the army should be quartered at Lyd-
da, in order to please Antony. So the Ro-
mans laid their weapons aside, and lived in
plenty of all things.
4. But Herod was not pleased with lying
still, but sent out his brother Joseph against
Idumea with two thousand armed footmen,
and four hundred horsemen, while he himsel
came to Samaria, and left his mother and his
other relations there, for they were airead;;
gone out of Masada, and went into Galilee,
and took certain places which were held by the
garrisons of Antigonus ; and he passed on to
Sepphoris, as God sent a snow, while Anti-
gonus's garrisons withdrew themselves, and
jr
398
ANTIQUITIES OF TIIH JKWS.
BOOK XIV.
had great plenty of provisions. He also went
tlicnce, aiK) resolved to destroy those rohhers
that d'.velt in the caves, and did much mischief
ill the country; so he sent a troo]) of horsemen,
and throe companies of armed footmen, a-
gainst them. They were very near lo a vil-
lage called Arhela ; and on the fortieth day
after, he came Iiimself with his whole army ;
and as the enemy sallied out boldly upon him,
the left wing of his army gave way ; but he
appearing with a body of men, put those to
flight who were already conquerors, and re-
called his men that ran away. He also i)rc'ssed
upon his enemies, and pursued them as far as
the river Jordan, though they ran away hy
diffi-rent roads. So he brought over to him
all Galilee, excepting those that dwelt in the
caves, and distributed money to every one of
his soldiers, giving them a hundred and
fifty drachma! apiece, and much more to their
captains, and sent them into winter quarters ;
at which time Silo came to him, and his com-
manders with him, because Atuigonus would
not give them provisions any longer ; for he
supplied them for no more than one month ;
nay, he had sent to all the country round about,
and ordered them to carry ofl' the provisions
that were tliere, and retired to the mountains,
that the Romans might have no provisions to
live upon, and so might perish by famine ;
but Herod cominitted the care of that matter
to Pheroras, his youngest brotlier, and ordered
him to repair Alexandrium also. According-
ly, he quickly made the soldiers abound with
great plenty of provisions, and rebuilt Alex-
andrium, which had been before desolate.
5. About this time it was that Antony con-
tinued some time at Athens, and that Venti-
dius, who was now in Syria, sent for SilO;
and commanded him to assist Herod^ in the
first place, to finish the present war, and then to
send for their confederates for the war they \\ ere
themselves engaged in ; but as for Herod, he
went in haste against the robbers that were
in the caves, and sent Silo away lo V^entidi-
us, wliile lie marched against them. Tliese
caves were in mountains tliat were exceeding
abrupt, and in their middle were no other
than precipices, with certain entrances into
the caves, and those caves were encompassed
with sharp rocks, and in these did the robbers
lie concealed, with all their families about
them ; but the king caused certain chests to
be made, in order to destroy them, and to l>e
hung down, bound about with iron chains, hy
an engine, from the top of the mounUiin, it
being not jjossible to get up to tliem, by rea-
son of the sharp ascent of the mountains, nor
to creep down to them from above. Now
these chests were filled witli armed men, who
had long hooks in their hands, hy which they
might pull out such as resisted thetn, and
tlicn tumble them down, and kill them by so
doing ; but the letting the chests down proved
to be a matter of great danger, becausu of
the vast depth they were to be let down, al-
though they had their provisions in the chests
themselves ; but when the chests were let
down, and not one of those in the mouths
of the caves durst come near them, but lay
still out of fear, some of the armed men girt
on their armour, and by both their hands to(jk
hold of the chain by which the chests were
let down, and went into the mouths of the
caves, because they fretted that such rlelay
was made by the robbers not daring to come
out of the caves ; and when they were at any
of those moutlis, they firnt killed many of
those that were in the mouths with their
darts, and afterwards pulled those to them
that resisted them with their hooks, and tum-
bled them down the precipices, and afterwards
went into the caves, and killed many more,
and then went into their chests again, and lay
still there ; but, upon this, terror seized the
rest, wlien they heard the lamentations that
were made, and they despaired of escaping ;
however, when the night came on, that ))ul
an end to the whole work; and as the king
proclaimed pardon by an herald to such as
delivered themselves up to him, many accept-
ed of the ofler. The same method of assaul*
was made use of the next day ; and they weni
farther, and got out in baskets to fight them,
and fought them at their doors, and sent fire
among them, and set their caves on fire, for
there was a great deal of couiliustihie matter
within them. Now there was one old man
who was caught within one of these caves,
with seven children and a wife; these prayed
him to give them leave to go out, and yield
themselves up to the enemy ; but he stood at
the cave's mouth, and always slew that child
ot his who went out, till he had destroyed
them every one, and after that he slew his
wife, and cast their dead bodies down the
precipice, and himself after them, and so un-
derwent death rather than slavery : but be-
fore he did this, he greatly re|)roached He-
rod with the meanness of his family, alihougli
he was then king. Herod also saw what he
was doing, and sfretdied out his hand, and
iillered him all manner of security for liis
life ; by wliich means all these caves were at
length subdued entirely.
6. And when the king had set Ptolemy
over these parts of the country as his general,
he went to Samaria with six hundred horse-
men and three thousand armed footmen, as
intending to fight Antigonus; but still this
command of the army did not succeed well
«ith Ptolemy, but tiiose th.it had been tiou-
hlesome to Galilee before attacked him, and
slew him ; and when they had done this, they
lied among the lakes and places almost inacces-
sible, laying waste and phmdering whatsoever
they could come at in those places; but He-
rod soon returned, and punished them for what
they had done ; for some of those rebels he
slew, and others of them, who had fled to the
•V
-^
CHAP. XV.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
399
strong holds, he besieged, and l)oth slew
them and demolished their strong holds ; and
when he had thus put an end to their rebel -
lion, he laid a fine upon the cities of a hun-
dred talents.
7. In the mean time Pacorus was fallen
in a battle, and the Parthians were defeated,
when Ventidius sent Macheras to th« assist-
ance of Herod, with two legions and a thou-
sand horsemen, while Antony encouraged
him to make haste; but Macheras, at the in-
stigation of Antigonus, without the approba-
tion of Herod, as being corrupted by money,
went about to take a view of his affairs ; but
Antigonus, suspecting this intention of his
coming, did not admit him into the city, but
kept him at a distance, with throwing stones
at him, and plainly showed what he himself
meant ; but when Macheras was sensible that
Herod had given him good advice, and that
he had made a mistake himself in not heark-
ening to that advice, he retired to the city
Emmaus ; and what Jews he met with he
slew them, whether they were enemies or
friends, out of the rage he was in at what
hardships he had undergone. The king was
provoked at this conduct of his, and went to
Samaria, and resolved to go to Antony about
these affairs, and to inform him that he stood
in no need of such helpers, who did him more
mischief than tiiey did his enemies ; and that
he was able of himself to beat Antigonus.
But Maclieras followed him, and desired that
he would not go to Antony ; or, if he v^-as
resolved to go, that he would join his brother
Joseph with them, and let them fight against
Antigonus. So he was reconciled to Mache-
ras, upon his earnest entreaties. Accordingly
he loft Joseph there with his army, but charg-
eJ him to run no hazards, nor to quarrel with
Macheras.
8. But for his own part, he made haste to
Antony (who was then at the siege of Samo-
sata, a place upon Euphrates) with his troops,
l)oth horsemen and footmen, to be auxiliaries
to him ; and when he came to Antioch, and
met there a great number of men gotten to-
gether that were very desirous to go to An-
tony, but durst not venture to go, out of fear,
because the barbarians fell upon men on the
road, and slew many, so he encouraged them,
and became their conductor upon the road.
Now when they were within two days' march
of Samosata, the barbarians had laid an am-
bush there to disturb those that came to .An-
tony, and where the woods made the passes
narrow, as they led to the plains, there they
laid not a few of their horsemen, who were
to lie still until those passengers were gone
by into the wide place. Now as soon as the
first ranks were gone by (for Herod brought
on the rear), those that lay in ambush, who
were about five hundred,, fell upon them on
the sudden, and when they had put the fore-
most to flight, the king came riding hard, with
the forces that were about him, and immediate-
ly drove back the enemy ; by which means he
made the minds of his own men courageous,
and emboldened them to go on, insomuch
that those who ran away before, now returned
back, and the barbarians were slain on all
sides. The king also went on killing them,
and recovered all the baggage, among which
were a great number of beasts for burden,
and of slaves, and proceeded on in his march ;
and whereas there were a great number of
those in the woods that attacked them, and
were near the passage that led into the plain,
he made a sally upon these also with a strong
body of men ; and put them to flight, and
slew many of them, and thereby rendered the
way safe for those that came after ; and these
called Herod their saviour and protector.
9. And when he was near to Samosata, An-
tony sent out his army in all their proper ha-
biliments to meet him, in order to pay Herod
this respect, and because of the assistance he
had given him ; for he had heard what at-
tacks the barbarians had made upon him [in
Judea], He also was very glad to see him
there, as having been made acquainted with
the great actions he had performed upon the
road ; so he entertained him very kindly, and
could not but admire his courage. Antony
also embraced him as soon as he saw him,
and saluted liim after a most affectionate man-
ner, and gave him the upper hand, as having
himself lately made him a king; and in a
little time Antiochus delivered up the fortress,
and on that account this war was at an end ;
tlien Antony committed tlie rest to Sossius,
and gave him orders to assist Herod, and
went himself to Egypt. Accordingly, Sos-
sius sent two legions before into Judea to the
assistance of Herod, and he followed himself
with the body of the army.
10. Now Joseph was already slain in Ju-
dea, in the manner following : — He forgot
what charge his brother Herod had given him
when he went to Antony ; and when he had
pitched his camp among the mountains, for
Macheras had lent him five regiments, with
these he went hastily to Jericho, in order to
reap the corn thereto belonging ; and as the
Roman regiments were but newly raised, and
were unskilful in war, for they were in great
part collected out of Syria, he was attacked
by the enemy, and caught in those places of
difficulty, and was himself slain, as he was
fighting bravely, and the whole army was lost,
for there were six regiments slain. So when
Antigonus had got possession of the dead
bodies, he cut off Joseph's head, although
Plieroras his brother would have redeemed it
at the price of fifty talents. After which de-
feat, the Galileans revolted from their com-
manders, and took those of Herod's party,
and drowned them in the lake; and a great
part of Judea was become seditious : but Ma-
cheras fortified the place Gitta fin Samaria).
4.00
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK XIV
11. At fills time mi'ssengers came to He-
rod, (iiul informed him of what had been
done ; and w h^n he was come to Daphne by
Antioch, tliey fold him of the ill fortune that
had befallen his brother, which yet he expect-
ed, from certain visions that appeared to him
in his dreams, which clearly foreshowed his
brother's death. So he hastened his march ;
and when he came to mount Libanus, he re-
ceived about eijiht hundred of the men of that
place, having already with him also one Ro-
man legion, and with these he came to Ptole-
mais. He also tnarclied thence by night with
his army, and proceeded along Galilee. Here
it was that the enemy met him, and fought
him, and were beaten, and shut up in the
same place of strength « hence they had sallied
out the day before. So he attacked the place
in the morning ; but, by reason of a great
storm that wf s then very violent, he was able
to do nothing, but drew off his army into the
neighbouring villages ; yet as soon as the
other legion that Antony sent him was come
to his assistance, those that were in garri-
son in the place were afraid, and deserted it
in the nigbt-tirae. Then did the king march
hastily to Jericho, intending to avenge himself
on the enemy for the slaughter of his brother ;
and wlien he had pitched his tents, he made
n feast for the principal commanders, and
after this collation was over, and he had dis-
missed his guests, he retired to his own cham-
ber ; and liere may one see what kindness
of armed men,* and many of ihem ran as fai
as the fops of the houses, he got them under
his power, and pulled down the roofs of the
houses, and saw the lower rooms full of sol-
diers that were caught, and lay all on a heap;
so they threw stones down upon them as they
lay piled one upon another, and thereby kill-
ed them : nor was there a more frightful spec-
tacle in all the war than this, where, beyond
the walls, an immense multitude of dead men
lay heaped one upon another. This action
it was which chiefly brake the spirits of the
enemy, who expected now what would come ;
for there appeared a mighty number of peo-
ple that came from places far distant, that
were now about the village, but then ran
away ; and had it not been for the depth of
winter, which then restrained them, the king's
army had presently gone to Jerusalem, as be-
ing very courageous at this good success, and
the « hole work had been done immediately ;
for Antigonus was already looking about how
he might fly away and leave the city.
13. At this time the king gave order that
the soldiers should go to supper, for it was
late at night, while he went into a chamber to
use the bath, for he was very weary : and here
it was that he was in the greatest danger,
which yet, by God's providence, he escaped ,
for as he was naked, and had but one servanl
that followed him, to be with him while he
was bathing in an inner room, certain of the
enemy, who were in their armour, and liad
God had for flic king, for the upper part of I fled thither out of fear, were then in the place
the house fell down when nobody was in it, and as he was bathing, the first of them came
and so killed none, insomuch that all the peo-
ple believed that Herod was beloved of God,
since he had escaped such a great and surpris-
ing danger.
19.. But the next day six thousand of the
enemy came down from the tops of the moun-
tains to figlit the Romans, which greatly ter-
rified them ; and the soldiers that were in light
armour came near, and pelted the king's
guards that were come out with darts and
stones, and one of them hit him on the side
with a dart. Antigonus also sent a comman-
der against Samaria, whose name was Pappus,
with soinc forces, being desirous to show the
enemy how potent he was, and that he had
men to sjiare in his war w ith fliem : lie sat
down to oppose Macheras ; but Herod, when
he had taken five cities, took such as were left
in them, being about two thousand, and slew
them, and burnt the cities themselves, and
then returned to go aga'nst Pappus, who was
epcani|)ed at a village called Isanas : and there
ran in to liiin many out of Jericho and Judea,
near to which places he was, and the enemy
fell upon his men, so stout were they at this
time, and joined battle with them, but he beat
them in the fi;;ht ; and in order to he reveng-
ed on them for the slaughter of his brother,
ne pursued tliem sharply, and killed them as
they ran away ; and as the houses were full
out with his naked sword drawn, and went
out at the doors, and after him a second, and
a third, armed in like manner, and were un-
der such a consternation, that they did no hurt
to the king, and thought themselves to have
come off' very well in suficring no harm them-
selves in their getting out of the house. How-
ever, on the next day, he cut oft' the head of
Papinis, for he was already slain, and sent it
to Pheroras, as a punishment of what their
brotJier had suffered by his means, for lie was
the man that slew him with his own hand.
14. When the rigour of winter was over,
Herod removed his army, and came near to
Jerusalem, and pitched his camp hard by the
city. Now this was the third year since he
had been made king at Rome ; and as he re-
moved his camp, and came near that part of
the wall where it could he most easily assault-
ed, he pitched tliat camp before the temjile,
intending to make his attacks in the same
manner as did Pompey. So he encompassed
the place with three bulwarks, and erected
towers, and emplojed a great many liands
• It may be worth our otiscrv.ition hero, lliaf there
!;<il<lifrs of Herod could not have f;ottcn upon the tops
of ilu~.c' houses which were lull of enemies, in or.lir to
Cull up the upper floors and dcstruv them IxncalU, but
y hKl.lersftoui rficoutiide ; which illustrat. s some texK
in' the New Te>t.iment, by which it apinars uia-. unit
^ used to ascend thither bv ladders on the oiitsiilc Sm
I Matt, xxiv, 17: Mark XII i, 15; Luke v. igixvu 3t
^_
_^
cHAP. XVI.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
401
about the work, and cut down the trees that
were round about the city ; and wlien he had
appointed proper persons to oversee the works,
even while the army lay before the city, he
himself went to Samaria, to complete his mar-
riage, and to take to wife the daughter of
Alexander, the son of Aristobulus ; for he had
betrothed her already, as I have before related.
CHAPTER XVI.
HOW HEROD, WHEN HE HAD MARRIED MARI-
AMNE, TOOK JERUSALEM, WITH THE ASSIST-
ANCE OF SOSIUS, BY FORCE ; AND HOW THE
GOVERNMENT OF THE ASAMONEANS WAS
PUT AN END TO.
§ 1. After the wedding was over, came
Sosius through Phoenicia, having sent out his
army before him over the midland parts. He
also, who was their commander, came himself,
with a great number of horsemen and foot-
men. The king also came himself from Sa-
maria, and brought with him no small army,
besides that which was there before, for they
were about thirty thousand ; and tliey all met
together at the walls of Jerusalem, and en-
camped at the north wall of the city, being
now an army of eleven legions, armed men on
foot, and six thousand horsemen, with other
auxiliaries out of Syria. The generals were
two : Sosius, sent by Antony to assist Herod,
and Herod on his own account, in order to
take the government from Antigonus, who
was declared an enemy to Rome, and that he
might himself be king, according to the de-
cree of the senate.
2. Now the Jews that were inclosed within
the walls of the city fought against Herod wiih
great alacrity and zeal (for the whole nation
was gathered together^ ; they also gave out
many prophecies about the temple, and many
things agreeable to the people, as if God
would deliver them out of the dangers they
were in ; they had also carried off what was
out of the city, that they might not leave any
thing to afford sustenance either for men or
for beasts; and, by private robberies, they
made the want of necessaries greater. Wlien
Herod understood this, he opposed ambushes
in the fittest places against their private rob-
beries, and he sent legions of armed men to
bring in provisions, and that from remote
places, so that in a little time they had great
plenty of provisions. Now the three bul-
warks were easily erected, because so many
hands were continually at work upon it; for
it was summer-time, and there was nothing
to hinder them in raising their works, neither
from the air nor from the workmen : so they
brought their engines to bear, and shook the
walls of the city, and tried all manner^f ways
to get in : yet did not those within discover
any fear, but they also contrived not a few
engines to oppose their engines withal. They
also sallied out, and burnt not only those en-
gines that were not yet perfected, but those
that were ; and when they came hand to hand,
their attempts were not less bold than those
of the Romans, though they were behind them
in skill. They also erected new works when
the former were ruined, and making mines
underground, they met each other, and fought
there ; and making use of brutish courage
rather than of prudent valour, they persisted
in this war to the very last : and this they did
while a mighty army lay round about them,
and while they were distressed by famine and
the want of necessaries, for this happened to
be a Sabbatic Year. The first that scaled the
walls were twenty chosen men ; the next were
Sosius's centurions; for the first wall was ta-
ken in forty days, and the second in fifteen
more, when some of the cloisters that were a-
bout the temple were burnt, which Herod
gave out to have been burnt by Antigonus,
in order to expose him to the hatred of the
Jews. And when the outer court of the tem-
ple, and the lower city, were taken, the Jews
fled into the inner court of the temple, and
into the upper city ; but now fearing lest the
Romans should hinder them from offering
their daily sacrifices to God, they sent an em
bassage, and desired that they would only
permit them to bring in beasts for sacri-
fices, which Herod granted, hoping they were
going to yield ; but when he saw that they
did nothing of what he supposed, but bitterly
opposed him, in order to preserve the king-
dom to Antigonus, he made an assault upon
the city, and took it by storm ; and now all
parts were full of those that were slain, by the
rage of the Romans at the long duration of
the siege, and by the zeal of the Jews that
were on Herod's side, who were not willing
to leave one of their adversaries alive ; so they
were murdered continually in the narrow
streets and in the houses by crowds, and as
they were flying to the temple for shelter, and
there was no pity taken of either infants or
the aged, nor did they spare so much as the
weaker sex ; nay, although the king sent a-
bout, and besought them to spare the people,
yet nobody restrained their hand from slaugh-
ter, but, as if they were a company of mad-
men, they fell upon persons of all ages, with-
out distinction ; and then Antigonus, without
regard to either his past or present circum-
stances, came down from the citadel, and fel]
down at the feet of Sosius, who took no pity
of him, in the change of his fortune, but in-
sulted him beyond measure, and called him
Antigone [i. e. a woman, and not a man] ;
yet did he not treat him as if he were a woman,
by letting him go at liberty, but put him
into bonds, and kept him in close custody.
3. And now Herod having overcome his
enemies, his care was to govern those io-
2 L
-V-
402
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
rci^ncrs who liad been his assistants, for the
cr<nv(l of strangers rushed to sec the temple,
and tlie sacred things in tiic temple; but the
king thinking a victory to be a inore severe
allliction than a defeat, if any of those things
wiiich it was not lawful to see shoidd be seen
by them, used entreaties and threatenings,
and even sometimes force itself, to restrain
them. lie also prohibited the ravage that
was inade in the city, and many times asked
Sosius, whether the Romans would empty
the city both of money and men, and leave
him king of a desert ; and told him, that he
esteemed the dominion over the whole habit-
able earth as by no means an equivalent satis-
faction for such a murder of his citizens: and
■when he said that this plunder was justly to
bo i)ermilted the soldiers for ihe siege they
had undergone, he replied, that he would give
every one his reward out of his own money ;
and by this means he redeemed what remain-
ed of the city from destruction ; and he per-
formed what he had promised him, for he
gave a noble present to every soldier, and a
j)roportionable present to their commanders;
but a most royal present to Sosius himself,
till they all went away full of money.
4. This destruction befel the city of Jeru-
salem when Marcus Agrippa and Caninius
Callus were consuls at Rome," on the hun-
• Note here, that Josephus fully and frcqiiontly as-
Burcs us, that there passect alxivu three years between
Herod's first obt;iining the kingdom at Home and his
Bceond obtaining it ui)on the taking of Jerusalem and
death of Antigouus. The present history of this inter-
val twice mentions the army going into winter quarters,
which perhaps belonged to two several winters (ch. xv,
sect. 3, 4) ; and though Josephus says nothing how long
they lay in those ([uartcrs, yet docs he give such an ac-
count of the long and studied delays of Vcntidius, Silo,
and Macheras, who were to see Ucrod settled in his
now kingdom (but seem not to have had sufficient
forces for that purpose, and were for certain all cor-
rupted by Antigonus to make the longest delays pos-
sible), and gives us such pariicidaraecountsof the many
great actions of Hcro<l during the same interval, as
fairly imply that interval, before Herod went to isaniiv
saUi, to nave been very considerable. However, what
is wantmg in Josephus, is fully suii|)licd by Moses Cho-
renensis, the Armenian historian, in his history of that
interval (b ii, ch. xviii) ; where he directly assures us
that Tigranes, then king of Armenia, and tlie jirincipal
manager of this Parthian war, reigned two years alter
Herod was made king at Rome, and yet Antony did
liot hear of his deatJi, in that very iieighlx>i>«liood, at
BOOK XIV.
dred and eighty-fifth olympiad, on the third
month, on the solemnity of tlie fast, as if a
periodical revolution of calamities had re-
turned since that which befel the Jews under
Pompey ; for the Jews were taken by him
on the same day, and this was after twenty,
seven ycars's time. So when Sosius had de-
dicated a crown of gold to God, he tnarched
away from Jerusalem, and carried Antigonus
with him in bonds to Antony ; but Herod
was afraitl lest Antigonus should be kept in
prison [only] by Antony, and that «hen he
was carried to Rome by him, he miglit get
his cause to be heard by the senate, and might
demonstrate, as lie was himself of the royal
blood, and Herod but a private man, that
therefore it belonged to his sons, however, to
have the kingdom, on account of the family
they were of, in case he had himself offended
the Romans by what he had done. Out of
Herod's fear of this it was that he, by giving
Antony a great deal of money, endeavoured
to persuade him to have Antigonus slain,
which, if it were once done, he should be
free from tl)at fear. And thus did the go-
vernment of the Asamoneans cease, a hun-
dred and twenty-six years after it was first set
up. Tills family was a splendid and an illus-
trious one, both on account of the nobility
of their stock, and of the dignity of tlie high-
priesthood, as also for the glorious actions
their ancestors hail performed for our nation :
but tliese men lost t'ne government by their
dissensions one with another, and it came to
Herod, the son of Antijiater, who was of no
more than a vulgar family, and of no emi-
nent extraction, but one that was subject to
other kings. And this is what history tells
us was the end of the Asamonean family.
Samosata, till he was come thither to besiege it; .ifter
which Herod bi ought him an army, which was three
hundred and forty miles' march, and throuph a difli
cult country, full of enemies also, and joiniifwith hira
in tlve siege of Samo«ita till that city was taken ; then
Herod anil Sosius marched back with their large armies
the s.imc number of three hunrirwl and forty miles;
and when, in a little time, they sat down to besiege Je-
rusalem, they were not able to take it but by a siege of
live mouths. All which put together, fully sui)plies
what is wanting in Josephus, and secures the eutir*
chronology uf these times ueyuiut contraUicliun.
BOOK XV.
CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF EIGHTEEN YEARS.
FROM THE DEATH OF ANTIGONUS TO THE FINISHING OF THE
TEMPLE BY HEROD.
CHAPTER I.
CONCERNING POLLIO AND SAMEAS. HEROD
SLAYS THE PRINCIPAL OF ANTIGONUS'S
FRIENDS, AND SPOILS THE CITY OF ITS
WEALTH. ANTONY BEHEADS ANTIGONUS.
§ 1. How Sosius and Herod took Jerusalem
by force ; and besides that, how they took
Antigo'.ius captive, has been related by us in
the foregoing book. We will now proceed in
the narration. And since Herod had now
the government of all Judea put into his
hands, he promoted such of the private men
of the city as had been of his party, but never
left off avenging and punishing every day
those that had chosen to be of the party of his
enemies ; but PoUio the Pharisee, and Sa-
meas, a disciple of his, were honoured by
him above all the rest ; for when Jerusalem
was besieged, they advised the citizens to re-
ceive Herod ; for which advice they were
well requited. But this PoUio, at the time
when Herod was once upon his trial of life
and death, foretold, in way of reproach, to
Hyrcanus and the other judges, how this
Herod, whom they suffered now to escape,
would afterward inflict punishment on them
all ; which had its completion in time, while
God fulfilled the words he had spoken.
2. At this time Herod, now he had got
Jerusalem under his power, carried off all the
royal ornaments, and spoiled the wealthy
men of what they had gotten ; and when, by
these means, he had heaped together a great
quantity of silver and gold, he gave it all to
Antony, and his friends that were about him.
He also slew forty-five of the principal men
of Antigonus's party, and set guards at the
gates of the city, that nothing might be car-
ried out together with their dead bodies.
They also searclied the dead, and whatsoever
was found, either of silver or gold, or other
treasure, it was carried to the kingj nor was
there any end of the miseries he brought
upon them ; and this distress was Lq part oc-
casioned by the covetousness of the prince
regent, who was still in want of naore, and in
part by the Sabbatic Year, which was still go-
ing on, and forced the country to lie still un-
cultivated, since we are forbidden to sow the
land in that year. Now when Antony had
received Antigonus as his captive, he deter-
mined to keep him against his triumph ; but
when he heard that the nation grew seditious,
and that, out of their hatred to Herod, they
continued to bear good-will to Antigonus, he
resolved to behead him at Antioch, for other-
wise the Jews could no way be brought to be
quiet. And Strabo of Cappadocia attests to
what I have said, when he thus speaks: —
" Antony ordered Antigonus the Jew to be
brought to Antioch, and there to be behead-
ed ; and this Antony seems to me to have
been the very first man who beheaded a king,
as supposing he could no other way bend the
minds of the Jews so as to receive Herod,
whom he had made king in his stead ; for by
no torments could they be forced to call him
king, so great a fondness they had for their
former king ; so he thought that this disho-
nourable death would diminish the value they
had foi Antigonus's memory, and at tlie same
time would dim.inish the hatred they bare to
Herod," Thus far Strabo.
CHAPTER II.
HOW HYRCANUS WAS SET AT LIBERTY BY THE
PARTHIANS, AND RETURNED TO HEROD ;
AND WHAT ALEXANDRA DID WHEN SHE
HEARD THAT ANANELUS WAS MADE HIGH-
PRIEST.
§ 1. Now after Herod was in possession of
the kingdom, Hyrcanus the high-priest, who
was then a captive among the Parthians,
came to him again, and was set free from
his captivity in the manner following : —
Barzapharnes and Pacorus, the generals of
the Parthians, took Hyrcanus, who was first
made high-priest and afterwards king, and
401
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
Hero(l'« brother, Phasaclus, captives, and
wore carryin;^ them away into I'artliia. I'lia-
sacliis intk't'il coukl not hear the rtproadi of
lieinj^ in bonds; and tliinkin^ that dcatli with
glory was better than any life whatsoever, he
became his own executioner, as 1 have for-
merly related.
2. But when Hyrcanus was brought into
Parthia, the king Phraates treated him after
a very guntle manner, as having already learn-
ed of what an illustrious family he was; on
wliiuh account he set him free from his bonds,
and gave him a habit ttion at Babylon,* where
there were Jews in great numbers. These
Jews honoured Hyrcanus as their high-priest
and king, as did all the Jewish nation that
dwelt as far as Euphrates, which respect was
very much to his satisfaction. But when he
was informed that Herod had received the
kingdom, new iiopes came upon him, as hav-
ing been himself still of a kind disposition
towards him ; and expecting that Herod would
bear in mind what favour he had received
from him, and u hen he was upon liis trial, and
when he was in danger that a capital sentence
would be pronounced against him, he deliver-
ed liim from that danger, and from all pu-
nishment. Accordingly, lie talked of that
matter with the Jews that came often to him
with great affection ; but tiiey endeavoured to
retain him among them, and desired that he
would stay with them, putting him in mind of
the kind offices and honours they did him, and
tliat those honours they paid him were not at
all inferior to what they could pay to either
their high-priests or their kings : and what
was a greater motive to determine him, they
said, was this, that he could not have those
dignities [in Judea] because of tliat maim in
bis body, which had been inflicted on liim by
Antigonus ; and that kings do not use to re-
quite men for those kindnesses which tiiey re-
ceived when they were private persons, the
height of their fortune making usually no
small changes in them.
3. Now, although they suggested these ar-
guments to him for his own advantage, yet
did Hyrcanus still desire to depart. Herod
also wrote to him, and persuaded him to de-
sire of I'liraates, and the Jews that were there,
tliat they should not grudge him the royal
authority, which he should have jointly with
himself, for that now was the proper time for
himself to make him amends for the favours
he had received trom liim, as having been
brought uj) by him, and saved by him also,
as well as for Hyrcanus to receive it. And
as he wrote thus to Hyrcanus, so did he send
also Saramallas his ambassador to Pliraates,
• Tlie cir>' here called " Babylon" by Jo5C))hus, scorns
tu lieonc which » as built by some of liie S'fleucJilir, up-
on llif Tigris ; which, long after the utter dosuLilniii (if
Olii fl:il))lon, was commonly so callt<I, nml I suppose
I not f.ir from Scleucia; just is the later ailjoining city
I Bug>l;it has Ixtn and is often called by tJif same old
uaiiu: uf Bab) lun tiU this very day.
and many presents with him. and desired linn
in tlie most obliging way, tiiat he would be no
liinderance to iiis gratitude towards his bene-
factor. But this zeal of Herod's did not flow
from that principle, but because he had been
made governor of that country without having
any just claim to it, he was afraid, and that
upon reasons good enough, of a change in his
condition, and so made w hat haste he could to
get Hyrcanus into his power, or indeed to])ut
him quite out of the way ; which last thing
he ell'ected afterwards.
4. Accordingly, when Hyrcanus came, full
of assurance, by the permission of the king
of Parthia, and at the expense of the Jews,
who sujiplied him with money, Herod receiv-
ed him with all possible respect, and gave him
the upper place at public meetings, and set
him above all the rest at feasts, and thereby
deceived him. He called him his father, and
endeavoured, by all the ways possible, that he
might have no suspicion of any treacherous
design against him. He also did other things,
in order to secure his government, which yet
occasioned a sedition in his own family ; for
being cautious how he made any illustrious
person the high-priest of God,f he sent for
an obscure priest out of Babylon, whose name
was Ananelus, and bestowed the high-priest-
hood upon him.
.5. However, Alexandra, the daughter of
Hyrcanus, and w ife of Alexander, the son ot
Aristobulus the king, who had also brought
/Mexander [two] children, could not bear this
indignity. Now this son was one of the
greatest comeliness, and was called Aristo-
bulus; and the daugiiter, ]Mariamne, was
married to Herod, and eminent for her beauty
also. This Alexandra was much disturbed,
and took this indignity offered to her son ex-
ceeding ill, that while he was alive, any one
else should be sent to have the dignity of the
high-priesthood conferred upon him. Ac-
cordingly she wrote to Cleo])atra (a musician
assisting her in taking care to have her letters
carried) to desire her intercession with Antony,
in order to gain tlie high-priesthood for her
son.
6. But as Antony was slow in granting this
request, his friend Dellius \ came into Jiidea
upon some afl'airs, and when he saw Ari>:tobu-
+ Here we have an eminent example of Herod's
worldlv anil profane ix>litics, when by the abuse of his
unlawt'iil and usuriMxf power, to make whom he pleased
!iigh-i>ricst, in the person of Ananelus, he occasioned
such disturbances in his kingdom, and in his own fa-
milv, as suffered him to enjoy no Lfsling jwacc or tran-
quillity ever afterwards: and such is fretiuently tlic ef-
fect of profane court-politics about matters of icligion
in other agiri and nations. The Old Testaiiienl is full
of the miseries of tlie people of the Jews derived from
such o)urt-i*>litiis, esiK-cially in and after the days of
Jerotxjam, llic son of Nebiit, " who made Krael to »in ;"
who cave the most pernicious example of it ; who
brouKlit on the grossest corruption ot religion by it ;
and the puni-hmint of whoM.' family for it was most re-
markable. The case is too well known to stand in need
of |iar!ieular citations.
J Of iliis wicked DoUiiu, SCO the note on the War, b.
i, cii. XV, sccL 3
CHAP. III.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
403
lus, he stood in admiration at the tallness and
handsomeness of the child, and no less at
Mariamne, the king's wife, and was open in
his commendations of Alexandra, as the mo-
ther of most beautiful children : and when
she came to discourse with him, he persuaded
her to get pictures drawn of them both, and
to send tiiem to Antony, for that when he saw
them, he would deny her nothing that she
would ask. Accordingly, Alexandra was e-
levated with these words of his, and sent the
pictures to Antony. Dellius also talked ex-
travagantly, and said that these children seem-
ed not derived from men, but from some god
or other. His design in doing so was to
entice Antony into lewd pleasures with them,
who was ashamed to send for the damsel, as
being the wife of Herod, and avoided it, be-
cause of the reproaches he should have from
Cleopatra on that account; but he sent, in
the most decent manner he could, for the
young man ; but added this withal, unless
he thought it hard upon him so to do. When
this letter was brought to Herod, he did not
think it safe for him to send one so handsome
as was Aristobulus, in the prime of his life,
for he was sixteen years of age, and of so noble
a family, and particularly not to Antony, the
principal man among the Romans, and one
that would abuse him in his amours, and be-
sides, one that openly indulged himself in such
pleasares as his power allowed him, witliout
controul. He therefore wrote back to him,
that if this boy should only go out of the
country, all would be in a state of war and up-
roar ; because the Jews were in hopes of a
change in the government, and to have another
king over them.
7. When Herod had thus excused himself
to Antony, he resolved that he would not en-
tirely permit the child of Alexandra to be
treated dishonourably : but his wife Mariam-
ne lay vehemently at him to restore the high-
priesthood to her brother ; and he judged it
was for his advantage so to do, because, if he
once had that dignity, he could not go out of
the country. So he called all his friends to-
gether, and told them that Alexandra privately
conspired against his royal authority, and en-
deavoured, by the means of Cleopatra, so to
bring it about, that he might be deprived of
the government, and tliat by Antony's means
this youth might have the management of pub-
lic affairs in his stead ; and that this proce-
dure of hers was unjust, since she would at
the same time deprive her daughter of the dig-
nity she now had, and would bring distur-
bances upon the kingdom, for which he had
taken a great deal of pains, and had gotten it
with extraordinary hazards : that yet, while
he well remembered her wicked practices, he
would not leave off doing what was right him-
self, hut would even now give the youth the
higli-priesthood ; and that he formerly set up
Ananelus, because Aristobulus was then so
very young a child. Now when he had said
this, not at random, but as he thought with
the best discretion he had, in order to deceive
the women, and those friends whom he had
taken to consult withal, Alexandra, out of
the great joy she had at this unexpected pro-
mise, and out of fear from the suspicions she
lay under, fell a weeping ; and made the fol-
lowing apology for herself, and said, that as
to tiie [high] priesthood, she was very much
concerned for the disgrace her son was under,
and so did her utmost endeavours to procure
it for him, but that as to the kingdom, she
had made no attempts, and that if it were
offered her [for her son], she would not ac-
cept it ; and that now she would be satisfied
with her son's dignity, while he himself held
the civil government, and she had thereby the
security that arose from his peculiar ability in
governing, to all the remainder of her fami-
ly : that she was now overcome by his bene-
fits, a-nd thankfully accepted of this honour
shown by him to her son, and that she would
hereafter be entirely obedient ; and she de-
sired him to excuse her, if the nobility of her
family, and that freedom of acting which she
thought that allowed her, had made her act
too precipitately and imprudently in this mat-
ter. So when they had spoken thus to one
another, they came to an agreement ; and all
suspicions, so far as appeared, were vanished
away.
CHAPTER III.
HOW HKROD, UPON HIS MAKING ARISTOBULUS
HIGH-PRIEST, TOOK CARE THAT HE SHOULD
BE MURDERED IN A LITTLE TIME; AND
WHAT APOLOGY HE MADE TO ANTONY
ABOUT ARISTOBULUS : AS ALSO CONCERNING
JOSEPH AND MARIAMNE.
§ I. So king Herod immediately took the
high-priesthood away from Ananelus, who,
as we said before, was not of this country,
but one of those Jews that had been carried
captive beyond Euphrates ; for there were not
a few ten thousands of this people that had
been carried captives, and dwelt about Baby-
lonia, whence Ananelus came. He was one
of the stock of the high-priests,* and had been
* When Josephus says here that tliis Ananelus, the
new high-priest, was "of the stock of the high-priests,"
and since he had been just telhng us that he was a
priest of an obscure family or character (ch. ii, sect. 4),
it is not at all probable that he could so soon say that
he was "of the stock, of the high-priests." However,
Josephus liere makes a remarkable observation, that
this Ananelus was the third that was ever unjustly and
wiukedly turned out of the high-priesthood by the civil
power, iio king or governor having ventured to do so,
that Josephus knew of, but that heathen tyrant and
persecutor Antiochus Epiphanes; tliat barbarous par-
ricide Aristobulus, the first that took royal authority
among the Maccabees; and this tyrant king Herod tha
Great, although afterward that infamous practice be-
came frequent, till the vcrj- destruction of Jerusalem
when the otBcc of high-priesthood was at an eiuL
I
406
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
of old a particular friend of Ilerod ; and
when he was first made king, he conferred
that dignity iiijon him, and now put him out
of it :i5;ain, in order to quiet tlie troubles in
his family, though what he did was plainly
unlawful, for at no other time [of old] was
any one that had once been in that dignity
deprived of it. It was Antiochus Epiplianes
who first broke that la«-, and deprived Jesus,
and made his brother Onias high-priest in his
stead. Aristobukis was the second that did
so, and took tiiat dignity from his brother
[Hyrcanus] ; and this Ilerod was the tJiird
who took that high office away [from Anane-
lus], and gave it to tliis young man, Aristo-
bulu!:', in his stead.
2. And now Herod seemed to have healed
the divisions in his family ; yet was he not
without suspicion, as is frequently the case
of people seeming to be reconciled to one
another, but thought that, as Alexandra had
already made attempts tending to innovations,
so did he fear that she would go on therein,
if she found a fit opportunity for so doing;
so he gave a command that she should dwell
ill the palace, and meddle with no public af-
fairs . her guards also were so careful, that
nothing she did in private life every day was
concealed. All these hardships put her out
of patience, by little and little, and she began
to hate Herod ; for as she had the pride of a
woman to the utmost degree, she had great
indignation at this suspicious guard that was
about her, as desirous rather to undergo any
thing that could befall her tlian to be depriv-
ed of lM?r liberty of speech, and, under the
notion of an honorary guard, to live in a state
of slavery and terror. She therefore sent to
Cleopatra, and made a long complaint of the
circumstances she was in, and entreated her
to do her utmost for her assistance. Cleo-
patra hereupon advised her to U\ke her son
with her, and come away immediately to her
into Egypt. This advice pleased her ; and
she had this contrivance for getting away :
She got two coffins made, as if they were to
carry away two dead bodies, and put herself
into one, and her son into the other, and gave
orders to such of her servants as knew of her
intentions, to carry thorn away in the night-
time. Now their road was to be thence to
the sea-side ; and there was a ship ready to
carry them into Egypt. Now ^sop, one of
her servants, happened to fall upon Sabion,
one of her friends, and spake of this matter
to him, as thinking he had known of it before.
When Sabion knew this (who had formerly
been an enemy of Ilerod, and had been e-
Bteemed one of those that laid snares for and
gave (he poison to [his father] Antipater, he
expected that this discovery would change
Herod's hatred into kindness ; so he told the
king of this private stratagem of Alexandra :
whereupon he suffered her to proceed to the
viecutioa of lier project, and caught her in
the very fact ; but still lie passed by her of-
fence : and though he had a great mind to
do it, he durst not inflict any thing that was
severe upon her, for he knew that Cleopatra
would not bear that he should have her ac-
cused, on account of her hatred to him ; but
made a show as if it were rather the generosi-
ty of his soul, and his great moderation, that
made him forgive them. However, he fully
])roposed to himself to put this young man
out of the way, by one means or other ; but
he thought he migiit in all probability be bet-
ter concealed in doing it, if he did it not pre-
sently nor immediately after what had lately
ha))pened.
3. And now, upon the approach of the
feast of tabernacles, which is a festival very
much obser\-ed among us, he let those days
pass over, and both he and the rest of the
people were therein very merry ; yet did the
envy which at this time arose in him, cause
him to make haste to do what he was about,
and provoke him to it ; for when this youth,
Aristobulus, who was now in the seventeenth
year of his age, went up to the altar, accord-
ing to the law, to offer the sacrifices, and this
with the ornaments of his high-priesthood,
and when he performed the sacred offices,*
he seemed to be exceeding comely, and taller
than men usually were at that age, and to ex-
hibit in his countenance a great deal of that
high family he was sprung from, — a warm
zeal and affection towards him appeared
among the people, and the memory of the
actions of his grandfather Aristobulus was
fresh in their minds ; and their affections got
so far the mastery of them, that they could
not forbear to show their inclinations to him.
They at once rtjoictd and were confounded,
and mingled with good wishes their joyful ac-
clamations which they made to him, till the
good-will of tiie multitude was madu too evi-
dent ; and they more rashly proclaimed the
happiness they had received from his family
than was fit under a monarchy to have done.
Upon all this, Herod resolved to complete
what he had intended .igainst the young man.
When therefore the festival was over, and he
was feasting at Jcriciiof with Alexandra, who
entertained him there, he was then very plea-
sant with the young man, and drew him into
a lonely place, and at tlie same time played
with him in a juvenile and hidicious manner.
Now the nature of that place was hotter than
ordinary; so they went out in a body, and o(
a sudden, and in a vein of madness ; and as
they stood by the fish ponds, of which there
were large ones about the houte, they went to
cool themselves [by batliiiig^ because it was
• Tliis entirely confutes the Talinudists, who pretend
that no one under twenty years of a^je could ofliciate u
liij;h-|iriest among the Jews.
f An Hebrew ihronicle, cited by Reland, ciys thi>
drowning was at Jordan, not at Jericho, and this even
whin he quotiN Joscphus. I sniin-cl tlie transi'ril)cr of
llic lUbriwchnjuiclc mistook the name, and wrote Jof>
diui iui Jericho.
"V
/
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
407
in the midst of a hot day. At first they were
only spectators of Herod's servants and ac-
quaintance as they were swimming; but after
a wliile, the young man, at the instigation of
Herod, went into the water among them,
while such of Herod's acquaintance as he had
appointed to do it, dipped him as he was swim-
ming, and plunged him under water, in the
dark of the evening, as if it had been done in
sport only ; nor did they desist till he was en-
tirely suffocated. And thus was Aristobulus
murdered, having lived no more in all than
eighteen years,* and kept the high-priesthood
one year only ; which high-priesthood Anane-
lus now recovered again.
4. When this sad accident was told the
women, their joy was soon changed into la-
mentation, at the sight of the dead body that
lay before them, and their sorrow was immo-
derate. The city also [of Jerusalem], upon
the spreading of this news, was in very great
grief, every family looking on this calamity as
if it had not belongftd to another, but that one
of themselves was slain : but Alexandra was
more deeply affected, upon her knowledge
that he had been destroyed [on purpose]. Her
sorrow was greater than that of others, by her
knowing how the murder was committed ; but
she was under the necessity of bearing up un-
der it, out of her prospect of a greater mis-
chief that might otherwise follow ; and she
sometimes came to an inclination to destroy
herself with her own hand, but still she re-
strained herself, in hopes she might live long
enough to revenge the unjust murder thus
privately committed ; nay, she further resolved
to endeavour to live longer, and to give no
occasion to think she suspected that her son
was slain on purpose, and supposed that she
might thereby be in a capacity of revenging
it at a proper opportunity. Thus did she re-
strain herself, that she might not be noted for
entertaining any such suspicion. However,
Herod endeavoured that none abroad should
believe that the child's death was caused by
any design of his ; and for this purpose he
did not only use the ordinary signs of sorrow,
but fell into tears also, and exiiibited a real
confusion of soul ; and perhops his affections
were overcome on this occasion, when he saw
the child's countenance so young and so beau-
viful, altliough his death was supposed to tend
to his own security. So far at least this grief
served as to make some apology for liim ; and
as for his funeral, that he took care should be
very magnificent, by making great preparation
for a sepulchre to lay his body in, and pro-
viding a great quantity of spices, and burying
many ornaments together with him, till the
very women, who were in such deep sorrow,
• The reading of one of Josci-Jius's Greek MSS.
seems here to be right, that Aristobulus was " not eigh-
teen years old" when he was drowned, for he was not
seventeen when ho was made high-priest (ch. ii, sect. 6 j
eh. iii, seet. 3) ; and he continued in that office- but one
year, as in t)i£ pUice before us.
were astonished at it, and received in this way
some consolation.
5. However, no such things could overcome
Alexandra's grief; but the remembrance of
this miserable case made her sorrow both deep
and obstinate. Accordingly, she wrote an
account of this treacherous scene to Cleopatra,
and how her son was murdered ; but Cleo-
patra, as she had formerly been desirous to
give her what satisfaction she could, and com-
miserating Alexandra's misfortunes, made the
case her own, and would not let Antony be
quiet, but excited him to punish the child's
murder : for that it was an unworthy thing
that Herod, who had by him been made a
king of a kingdom that no way belonged to
him, should be guilty of such horrid crimes
against those that were of the royal blood in
reality. Antony was persuaded by these ar-
guments ; and when he came to Laodicea, he
sent and commanded Herod to come and
make his defence as to what he had done to
Aristobulus, for that such a treacherous de-
sign was not well done, if he had any hand in
it. Herod was now in fear, both of the ac-
cusation and of Cleopatra's ill-will to him,
which was such that she was ever endeavouring
to make Antony hate him. He therefore de-
termined to obey his summons, for he had no
possible way to avoid it : so he left his uncle,
Joseph, procurator for his government and for
the public affairs, and gave him a private
charge, that if Antony should kill him, he also
should kill Mariamne immediately; for that
he had a tender affection for this his wife, and
was afraid of the injury that should be offered
him, if, after his death, she, for her beauty,
should be engaged to some other man : but
his intimation was nothing but this at the
bottom, that Antony had fallen in love with
her, when he had formerly heard somewhat of
her beauty. So when Herod had given Jo-
seph this charge, and had indeed no sure hopes
of escaping with his life, he went away to
Antony,
6. But as Joseph was administering the
public affairs of the kingdom, and for that
reason was very frequently with Mariamne,
both because his business required it, and be-
cause of the respects he ought to pay to the
queen, he frequently let himself into discourses
about Herod's kindness, and great affection
towards Iier ; and when the women, especially
Alexandra, used to turn his discourses into
feminine raillery, Joseph was so over-desiroua
to demonstrate the king's inclinations, that he
proceeded so far as to mention the charge he
had received, and thence drew his demonstra-
tion, that Herod was not able to live without
her ; and that if he should come to any ill
end, he could not endure a separation from
her, even after he was dead. Thus spake Jo-
seph. But the women, as was natural, did
not take this to be an instance of Herod's
strong affection for them, but of his severe
J-
408
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOR XV
usage of tliem, tliat tlicy could not escape de-
struction, nor a tyrannical death, even when
lie w;is dead himself: and tliis saying [of Jo-
sepl)] was a foundation for the women's se-
vere suspicions about him afterwardU.
7. At this time a report went about the
city of Jerusalem, among Herod's enemies,
that Antony had tortured Herod, and put
him to deatli. This report, as is natural, dis-
turbed those that were about the palace, l)ut
chiefly the women: upon wliich Alexandra
endeavoured to persuade Joseph to go out of
the palace, and flyaway with them to ilie ensigns
of tlic Roman legion, which then lay encamped
about the city, as a guard to the kingdom, un-
der the command of Julius; for that by this
means, if any disturbance sliould hajipen a-
bout the palace, they should be in greater se-
curity, as having tiie Romans favourable to
them ; and tjat besides, they hoped to obtain
the highest authority, if Antony did but once
see IMariamne, by whose means they should re-
cover the kingdom, and want nothing which
was reasonable for them to hope for, because
of their royal extraction.
8. But as they were in the midst of these
deliberations, letters were brouglit from He-
rod about all his affairs, and jjroved contrary
to the report, and of what they before expect-
ed ; for when he was come to Antony, he
soon recovered his interest with him, by the
presents he made him, which he had brought
with him from Jerusalem ; and he soon in-
duced him, upon discoursing with him, to
leave off his indignation at him, so that Cleo-
patra's persuasions liad less force than the ar-
guments and presents he brought to regain
his friendship : for Antony said, that it was
not good to require an account of a king, as
to the affairs of his government, for at this
rate lie could jje no king at all, but that tliose
who had given him that authority ought to
permit him to make use of it. He also said
the same things to Cleopatra, that it would
be be^t for tier not busily to meddle with the
acts of the king's government. Herod wrote
an account of these things; and enlarged
upon the other lionours which he h.;d received
from Antony : how he sat by liim at his hear-
ing causes, and took his diet with liim every
day, and that he enjoyed those favours from
liim, notwithstanding the reproaches that
Cleopatra so scvcriy laid against him, who
having a great desire of his country, and ear-
nestly entreating Antony that the kingdom
might be given to her, laboured with her ut-
most diligence to have him out of the w;iy ;
but that he still found Antony just to liim,
and had no longer any appri-lieiibions of hard
treatment from him ; and that he was soon
upon his return, with a firmer additional as-
surance of his favour to him, in his reigning
and managing public affairs; and that there
was no longer any hope for Cleojiatra's covet-
ous temper, since Antony had given her Cele-
syria instead of v«°hat she desired ; by which
means he had at once pacified her, and got
clear of the entreaties which she made him
to have Judea bestowed upon her.
9. When these letters were brought, the wo-
men left off their attempt for flying to the Ro-
mans, which they thought of while Herod was
supposed to be dead ; yet was not that purpose
of theirs a secret; but when the king had
conducted Antony on his way against the
I'arthians, he returned to Judea, when both
his sister Salome, and his mother, informed
him of Alexandra's intentions. Salome al-
so added somewhat farther against Joseph,
though it was no more than a caltimr.y, that
he had often had criminal conversation with
Mariamne. The reason of her saying so was
this, that she for a long time bare her ill-will ;
for when they had differences with one ano.
ther, Mariamne took great freedoms, and re-
proached the rest for the meanness of their
birth. But Herod, whose affection to Jlari-
amne was always very warm, was presently
disturbed at this, and could not bear the tor-
ments of jealousy, but was still restrained
from doing any rash thing to her by the love
he had for her ; yet did his vehement aflTec-
tion and jealousy together make him ask Ma-
riamne by herself about this matter of Jo-
seph ; but she denied it upon her oath, and
said all that an innocent woman could possi-
bly say in her own defence ; so that by little
and little the king was prevailed upon to
drop the suspicion, ;ind left off his anger at
her; and being overcome with his passion for
his wife, he made an apology to her for hav-
ing seemed to believe what he had heard
about her, and returned her a great many
acknowledgments of her modest behaviour,
and professed the extraordinary allection and
kindness he had for her, till at last, as is
usual between lovers, they both fell into tears,
and embraced one another with a most ten-
der affection. But as the king gave more
and more assurances of his belief of lier fide-
lity, and endeavoured to draw her to a like
confidence in him, Mariamne said, " Yet was
not that command thou gavest, that if any
harm came to thee from Antony, I, who had
been no occasion of it, should perish with
thee, a sign of thy love to me ?" When these
words were fallen from her, the king was
shocked at them, and presently let her go out
of his arms, and cried out, and tore his hair
with his own hands, and said, that now lie
had an evident demonstration tliat Joseph had
had criminal conversation with his wife; for
that he would never have uttered what he had
told him alone by himself, unless there had
been such a great familiarity and firm confi-
dence between them. And while he was in
this passion he had liked to have killed his
wife; but being still overborne by his lore to
her, he restrained this his passion, though not
without a lasting grief and discjuietness of
A.
r
r~
ANTIQUIllES OF THE JEWS.
409
CHAP. IV.
mind. However, he gave order to slay Jo- 'by doing every thing which she enjoined him,
sepli, H'itliout permitting him to come into his appear openly to be an ill man, he took some
si^ht ; aiwi as for Alexandra, he bound her, parts of each of those countries away from
asd kept her in custody, as the cause of all
this mischief.
tlieir former governors, and gave them to lier.
Thus he gave her the cities that were witliiti
the river Eleutherus, as far as Egypt, except-
ing Tyre and Sidon, which he knew to have
been free cities from their ancestors, althotigl)
she pressed him very often to bestow those on
her also.
2. When Cleopatra had obtained thus
much, and had accompanied Antony in his
expedition to Armenia, as far as Ei^plirates,
she returned back, and came to Aparnia and
Damascus, and passed on to Judea ; wlicre
Herod met her, and farmed of her her parts
of Arabia, and those revenues that came to
CHAPTER IV.
UOW CLEOPATRA, WHEN SHE HAD GOTTEN
FROM ANTONY SOME PARTS OF JUDEA AND
ARABIA, CAME INTO JUDEA ; AND HOW HE-
ROO GAVE HER MANY PRESENTS, AND CON-
DUCTED HER ON HER IV AY BACK TO EGYPT.
§ 1 Now at this time the affairs of Syria
v.i:y^ in confusion by Cleopatra's constant [ her from the region about Jericho. This
l)ersuasions to Antony to make an attempt ' country bears that balsam, which is the most
upon every body's dominions ; for she per- ' precious drug that is there, and grows there
suaded him to take those dominions away j alone. The place bears also palm-trees, both
from their several princes, and bestow them i many in number, and those excellent in their
upon her; and ^he had a migiity influence kind. When she was there, and was very
upon him, by reason of his being enslaved to often with Herod, she endeavoured to have
her by his affections. She was also by na- , criminal conversation with the king : nor did
ture verj' covetous, and stuck at no wicked- she alFect secrecy in the indulgence of such
ncss. She had already poisoned her brother, sort of pleasures; and perhaps slie had in
l)ecause she knew that he was to be king of some measure a passion of love to him, or
Egypt, and this when he was but fifteen years i rather, what is most proiiable, she laid a treach-
o!d ; and she got her sister Arsinoe to be | erous snare for him, by aiming to obtain such
slain, by tiie means of Antony, when she was i adulterous conversation from him; however,
a supplicant at Diana's temple at Ephesus ; . upon the whole, she seemed overcome with
for if there were btit any hopes of getting mo- love to him. Now Herod had a great while
ney, she would violate both temples and se- I borne no good-will to Cleopatra, as knowing
pulchres. Nor was tliere any holy place that that she was a woman irksome to all ; and at
was esteemed the most inviolable, from which j that time he thought her particularly wortliy
she would not fetch the ornaments it had in
it ; nor any place so profane, but was to suf-
fer the most flagitious treatment possible from
her, if it could but contribute somewhat to
the covetous humour of this wicked creature ;
yet did not all this suffice so extravagant a
woman, who xvas a slave to her lusts, but slie
still imagined that she wanted every thing
of his hatred, if this attempt proceeded out ot
lust : he had also thouglit of preventing her
intrigues, by putting her to death, if sucli
were her endeavours. However, he refused
to comply with her proposals, and called a
counsel of his friends to consult with them
whether he should not kill her, now he had
her in his power; for that he should thereby
she could think of, and did her utmost to | deliver all those from a multitude of evils to
gain it; for which reason she hurried Anto- whom she was already bi'come irksome, and
ny on perpetually to deprive others of their [was expected to be still so for the time to
dominions, and give them to her ; and as she I come ; and that this very thing would be
went over Syria with him, she contrived to much for the advantage of Antony iiimseif.
get it into her possession ; so he slow Lysa- | since she would certainly not be faithful to
nias the son of Ptolemy, accusing l)im of his i him, in case any such season or necessity
bringing the Parthians upon those countries, [should come upon him as that he should stand
She also petitioned Antony to give her Judea iin need of her fidelity. But when he thought
and Arabia; and, in order thereto, desired | to follow this advice, his friends would not
him to take these countries away from their | let him ; and told him, that, in the first place,
present governors. As for Antony, he was I it was not right to attempt so great a thing,
so entirely overcome by this woman, that one and run himself thereby into the utmost dan-
would not think her conversation only could
do it, but that he was some way or other be-
« itche(i to do whatsoever she would have him ;
jet did the grossest parts of her injustice make
him so ashamed, ttiat he would not always
hearken to her to do those flagrant enormities
slie would have persuaded him to. That
tiierefore he migh* not totally deny her, nor,
;cr ; and they laid hard at him, and lieggcd of
him to undertake nothing rashly, for that An-
tony would never bear it, no, not though any
one should evidently lay before his eyes that
it was for his own advantage ; and tliat the
appearance of depriving him of her conversa-
tion, by this violent and treacherous method,
would probably set his affections more on 'j
2 M
"V
4lO
AXTIQUrTlF.S O!' Ill F, JK WS.
BOOK XV.
flame than berorc. Nor did it appear that lie of Actium was now expected, which fell into
CDuld oiler any thing of tolerable weight in
his defence, this attempt being against such a
woman as was of the highest dignify of any
of her sex at that time in the world; and as
to any advantage to be expected from such an
undertaking, if any suih could be supposed
in this case, it would appear to deserve con-
demnation on account of the insolence he must
tlic liunilred and eighty-seventh olympiad
where Ca-sar and Antony were to fight for
the supreme power of the world ; but Herod
having enjoyed a country that was very fruit-
ful, and that now for a long time, and having
received great taxes, and raised great ariiJes
therewith, got together a body of men, and
carefully furnished them with all necessaries,
take upon liiin in doing it: v/hich consider- and designed them as auxiliaries for Antony;
ations made it very plain, that in so doing he
would find his government filled with mis-
chiefs, both great and lasting, both to himself
and his posterity, wlierias it was still iii his
power to reject that wickedness she would
persuade him to, and to come off honourably
at the saine time. So by thus aflVighting He-
rod, and representing to him the hazards he
must, in all probability, run by this under-
taking, they restrained him from it. So he
treated Cleopatra kindly, and made her pre-
sents, and conducted heron her way to Egypt.
3. But Antony subdued Armenia, and
sent Artabazes, the son of Tigranes, in bonds,
with his children and procurators, to Egypt,
and made a present of them, and of all the
royal ornaments which he had taken out of
ttiat kingdom, to Cleopatia; and Artaxias,
the eldest of his sons, who had escaped at
that time, took the kingdom of Armenia
but Antony said lie had no want of his assist-
ance ; but he commanded him to punish the
king of Arabia, for he had beard, bolli from
him anu from Cleopatra, how ])er(idious he
was ; for this was what Cleopatra desireil,
who thought it for her own advanUige that
these two kings should do one another as
great nn'schief as possible. Upon this mes-
sage from Antony, Herod returned back, but
kept his army with him, in order to invade
Arabia immediately. So when his army of
horsemen and footmen was ready, he march-
ed to Diospolisi, whither the Arabians came
also to meet them, for they wore not unap-
prised of this war that was coming upon
them ; and after a great battle had been
fouuht, the Jews had the victory ; but after-
ward there were gotten together another nu-
merous army of the Arabians, at Cana, which
is a jjlace of Celesyria. Herod was informed
who yet was ejected by Archtlaus and Nero of this beforehand : so he marched against
Cassar, when they restored Tigranes, his them with the greatest part of the forces he
had ; and when he was come near to Cana,
he resolved to encamp himself; and he cast
up a bulwark, tliat he might take a proper
season for attacking the enemy ; but as he
was giving those orders, the multitude of the
Jews cried out that he should make no delay,
but lead them against the Arabians. 'J'hey
went with great spirit, as believing they were
in very good order ; and those es))ecially were
so that had been in the former battle, and had
been conquerors, and had not permitted their
enemies so much as to come to a close fight
with them; and when they were so tumultu-
ous, and showed such great alacrity, the king
resolved to make use of that zeal the multi-
tude (hen exhibited; and when he had as-
sured theiTi he would not be behindhand with
them in courage, he ltd them on, and stood
before them all in '.lis armour, all the regi-
ments following I'.im in their several ranks ;
whereupon a consternation fell upon the Ara-
ARAUIA, ANU AFl'EU TIli:Y HAD FOUGHT bians ; for when they perceived that the Jews
MANY UATTLKS, AT I.ICNGTH cONtiUtKF.U ' were not to be conquered, and were full of
Hi.M, ANU WAS CHOSEN BY THE AUABS TO spirit, the greater p;u-t of them ran away,
Bii GOVEiiNOii OK THAT NATION; AS ALSO nnd avoided fighting; and they had been
CONCERNING A GUEAT EARTHQUAKE. quitc destroyed, had not Alhenio fallen upon
the Jews, and distressed them ; for this man
§ 1. Hereupon Herod held liimsclf ready was Cleopatra's general over the soldiers she
to go against the king of Arabia, because of had there, and was at enmity with Herod,
his ingratitude to him, and because, after all, and very wistfully looked on to see what the
he would do nothing that was just to him, .event of the battle would be. He had also
although Herod made the Roman war an resolved, that in -ase the Arabians did any
occasion of delaying his own ; for the battlu i thing that was brave and successful, he would
younger brother, to that kingdom : but this
happened a good while afterward.
4. But then, as to the tributes which He-
rod was to pay Cleopatra for that country
which Antony had given her, he acted fairly
with her, as deetning it not safe for him to
afford any cause for Cleopatra to hate him.
As for the king of Arabia, whose tribute He-
rod had undertaken to pay her, for some time
indeed he paid him as much as came to two
hundred talents ; but he afterward became
very niggardly and slow in his payments, and
could hardly be brought to pay some parts of
it, and was not willing to pay even them
without some deductions.
CHAPTER V
HOW HEHOD MADE WAR WITH THE KING OK
"^-
J-
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
411
lie still ; but in case they were beaten, as it
really happened, he would attack tlie Jews v\ith
those forces lie had of his own, and with those
that the country had gotten together for iiiui:
so he fcli upon the Jews unexpectedly, when
they were fatigued, and thought they liad al-
ready vanquished the enemy, and made a
great slaughtc. of them ; for as the Jews had
spent till ir courage upon their known ene-
mies, and were about to enjoy themselves in
quietness after their victory, they were easily
beaten by these that attacked them afresh ;
and in particular received a great loss in
places where the horses could not be of any
service, and which were very stony, and wliere
those that attacked them were better acquaint-
ed with the places than themselves; and when
the Jews had suffered this loss, the Arabians
raised their spirits after their defeat, and re-
turning back again, slew tliose that were al-
ready put to flight; and indeed all sorts of
slaughter were now frequent, and of tliose
Jiat escaped, a few only returned into the
camp. So king Herod, when he despaired
of ihe battle, rode up to them to bring them
assistance, yet did he not come time enough
to do them any service, though he laboured
hard to do it ; but the Jewish camp was taken,
so that the Arabians had unexpectedly a most
glorious success, having gained that victory
which of themselves they were no way likely
to have gained, and slaying a great part of
the enemy's army ; whence afterward Herod
could only act like a private robber, and
make excursions upon many parts of Arabia,
and distress them by sudden incursions, wliile
he encamped among the mountains, and avoid-
ed by any means to come to a pitched battle;
yet did he greatly harass the enemy by his
assiduity, and the hard labour he took in
this matter. He also took great care cf his
own forces, and used all the means he could
to restore his affairs to their old state.
2. At this time it was that the fight hap-
pened at Actium, between Octavius Cavsar
and Antony, in the seventh year of the reign
of Herod ;• and then it was also that there
was an earthquake in Judea, such a one as
had not happened at any other time, and
which earthquake brought a great destruction
upon the cattle in that country. About ten
thousand men also perished by the fall of
houses ; but the army, which lodged in the
field, received no damage by this sad acci-
dent. When the Arabians were informed of
this, and when those that hated the Jews, and
pleased themselves with aggravating the re-
ports, told them of it, they raised their spirits,
as if their enemy's country was quite over-
* The reader is here to take notice, that this seventh
year of tiie reign of Herod, and all tlic other years of
his ;eign, in Jo-ephus, aie dated troni the death of An-
tigonii.'., or at the s .oncst from the conquest of Antii,'o-
nus, and the taking <if Jerusalem, a fewraoiichs before,
ind never from his (irstobtaining tl.e kingdom at Home,
ahove three years before, as some have vefy^'eakly and
'niudieiously doJi»
thrown, and the men were utterly destroyed,
and thought there now remained nothing thai
could oppose them. Accordingly, they took
tlie Jewish ainbassadors, who came to them
after all this had happened, to make peace
with them, and slew them, and came with
great alacrity against tlieir army; but the
Jews durst not withstand tliem, and were so
cast down by the calamities tliey were under,
that they took no care of their affairs, but
gave up themselves to despair, for they had
no hojje that thej' should be upon a level
again with them in battles, nor obtain any as-
sistance elsewhere, whiU. their affairs at home
were in sucli great distress also. Wlien mat-
ters were in this condition, the king persuad-
ed the coinmanders by hi-, words, and tried
to raise their spirits, which were quite sunk :
and first he endeavoured to encourage and
embolden some of the better sort beforehand,
and then ventured to make a speech to the
multitude, which he had before avoided to
do, lest he should find them uneasy thereat,
because of the misfortunes which had liappen-
ed ; so he made a consolatory speech to the
multitude, in the manner following: —
3. " You are not unacquainted, my fellow-
soldiers, that we have had, not long since,
many accidents that have put a stop to what
we are about ; and it is probable, that even
those that are most distinguished above others
for their courage, can hardly keep up tlieir
spirits in such circumstances; but since we
cannot avoid fighting, and nothing that hath
happened is of such a nature but it may by
ourselves be recovered into a good state, and
this by one brave action only well performed,
I have proposed to myself both to give you
some encouragement, and, at the same time,
some information; both which parts of my
design will tend to this point, that you may
still continue in your own proper fortitude.
I will then, in the first place, demonstrate to
you, that this war is a just one on our side,
and that on this account it is a war of neces-
sity, and occasioned by the injustice of our
adversaries ; for, if you be once satisfied ot
this, it will be a real cause of alacrity to you ;
after whicli I will farther detr.onstrnte, that
the misfortunes we are under are of no great
consequence, and that we have the greatest
reason to hope for victory. I >:liall begin
with the first, and appeal to yourselves as
witnesses to what I shall say. You are not
ignorant certainly of the wickedness of the
Arabians, which is to that degree as to appear
incredible to all other men, and to include
somewhat that shows the grossest barbarity
and ignorance of God. The chief things
wherein they have affronted us have arisen
from covetousness and envy ; and they have
attacked us in an insidious manner, and on
the sudden. And what occasion is there for
me to mention many instances of such theii
procedure? When they were in danger jwf
411
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
losing their own government of themselves,
and of l)ein;^ slaves to Cleoiiatra, what otiiers
were they tliat freed them from that fear ? for
it was tiie friendsliip I had witli Antony, and
tJie kind disposition he was in towards us,
tliut hath been tiie occasion that even these
Aral)ians Iiave not been utterly imdone, An-
tony being unwilling to undertake any thing
w!i:ch might be suspected by us of unkind-
ness : but when he had a mind to bestow
some jjarts of each of our dominions on Cleo-
patra, I also managed that matter so, that by
giving him presents of my own, I might o.b-
tain a security to both nations, while I under-
took myself to answer for the money, and
gave him two hundred talents, and became
surety for those two hundred more which
were imposed upon the land that was subject
to this tribute : and this they have defrauded
us of, although it was not reasonable that
Jews should pay tribute to any man living,
or allow part of their land to be taxable; but
although that was to bo, yet ought we not to
pay tribute for these Arabians, whom we have
ourselves preserved; nor is it fit that tliey
who have professed (and that with great in-
tegrity and sense of our kindness) that it is
by our means that they keep their principali-
ty, should injure us, and deprive us of what
is our due, and this while we have been still
not their enemies but their friends. And
whereas observation of covenants takes place
among the bitterest enemies, but among
friends is absolutely necessary,— this is not
observed among these men, who think gain
to be the best of all things, let it be by any
means whatsoever, and that injustice is no
harm, if they may but get money by it : is it
therefore a question with you, whetlier the
unjust are to be punished or not? when God
liunself hath declared his mind that so it ought
to be, — and hath commanded that we ever
should hate injuries and injustice, which is
not only just but necessaiy in wars between
several nations; for these Arabians have done
what both the Greeks and Barbarians own to
be an instance of the grossest wickedness,
with regard to our ambassadors, whom tliey
liave beheaded, while the Greeks declare that
such ambassadors are sacred and inviolable.*
And for ourselves, we have learned from God
the most excellent of our doctrines, and tiie
most holy part of our law, by angels or am-
bassadors ; for this name brings God lo the
knowledge of mankind, and is sufiieient to
reconcile enemies one to another. What
wickedness then can be greater than tlie
slaughter of ambassadors, who come to treat
about doing uhat is ri;:ht ? And when such
have been their actions, how is it possible
• Ilerrxlsays here, thnt as anibassadora were sacroi
when Uiey earned iiieNS.-ii^i-s lo iilhcrs, f.o ilul llie laws of
tlu' Jiv.xlerive a ^a^■re(l aiilh(iritv by beiiiR ilcli^trcil
from Cjoil by angels [or divine aniLassjidossI ; wliieh is
hu Viiu['i cxvrt-Mion about the same laws. Gal. iii, Iti ;
lleb. ii. i.
they can either live securely in common life,
or be successful in war ? In my opinion,
this is iin|)ussihle. But perhaps some wilj say,
that wliat is holy, and what is righteous, is
indeed on our side, but that the Arabians are
cither more courageous or more numerous
than we are. Now, as to this, in the first
place, it Is not fit for us to say so, for witli
whom is what is righteous, with them is God
himself; now, where God is, there is both
multitude and courage. But to examine our
own circumstances a little, we were conquer-
ors in the first battle ; and when we fought
again, they were not able to oppose us, but
ran away, and could not endure our attacks
or our courage ; but when we had conquered
them, then came Athenion, and made war
against us without declaring it ; and pray, is
this an instance of their manhood, or is it not
a second instance of their wickedness and
treachery .' Why are we therefore of less
courage, on account of that which ought to
inspire us with stronger hopes? and why are
we terrified at these, who, when they fight
upon a level, are continually beaten, and
wlien they seem to be conquerors, they gain
it by wickedness .' and if we suppose that
any one should deem them to be men of real
courage, will not he be excited by that very
consideration to do his utmost against them?
for true valour is not shown by fi«hting
against weak persons, but in being able to
overcome the most hardy. But then, if the
distiicsses we are ourselves under, and the mi-
series that have come by the earthquake, have
aO'righted any one, let him consider, in the
first place, that this very thing will deceive
the Arabians, by their siiijjjosal that what
hath befallen us is greater than it really is.
Moreover, it is not right that the same thing
that emboldens them should discourage us;
for these men, you see, do not derive their
alacrity from any advantageous virtue of their
own, but from their hope, as to us, that we
are quite cast down by our misfortunes; but
when we boldly march against them, we shall
soon pull down their insolent conceit of them-
selves, and shall gain this by attacking them,
that they will not be so insolent when we
come to the battle ; for our distresses are not
so great, nor is what hath happened an indi-
cation of the anger of God against us, as
some imagine ; for such things are accidental,
and adversities that come in the usual course
of things ; and if we allow that this was done
by tiie «ill of God, we must allow that it is
now over by bis will also, and that he is sa-
tisfied with what hath already hapiK-ned ; for
had he bwen willing to afilict us still more
thereby, he had not changed his mind so soon.
And as for the war we are engaged in, he
hath himself demonstrated that he is willing
it should go on, and tlurt he knows it to be a
just war ; for while some of the people in
the country have perished, all you who wero
'V
J-
CHAP. VI.
in arms have suffered nothing, but are all
preserved alive ; whereby God makes it plain
to us, that if you had universally, with your
cliildren and wives, been in the army, it had
come to pass that you had not undergone any
thing that would have much hurt you. Con-
sider these things, and, what is more than all
tlie rest, that you have God at all times for
your protector ; and prosecute these men
with a just bravery, who, in point of friend-
ship, are unjust, in their battles perfidious,
towards ambassadors impious, and always in-
ferior to you in valour."
4. When the Jews heard this speech, they
were much raised in their minds, and more
disposed to fiiiht than before. So Herod,
when he had offered the sacrifices appointed
by the law,* made haste, and took them, and
led them against the Arabians ; and in order
to tliat, passed over Jordan, and pitched his
camp near to that of the enemy. He also
thought fit to seize upon a certain castle that
lay in the midst of them, as hoping it would
be for his advantage, and would die sooner
produce a battle ; and that if there were occa-
sion for delay, he should by it have his camp
fortified ; and as the Arabians had the same
intentions upon that place, a contest arose
about it ; at first they were but skirmishes,
after which there came more soldiers, and it
proved a sort of fight, and some fell on both
sides, till those of the Arabian side were
beaten, and retreated. This was no small
encouragement to the Jews immediately j and
when Herod observed that the enemy's army
were disposed to any thing rather tlian to come
to an engagement, he ventured boldly to at-
tempt the bulwark itself, and to pull it to
pieces, and so to get nearer to their camp, in
order to fight tliem ; for when they were forc-
ed out of their trenches, they went out in
disorder, and had not the least alacrity, or
hope of victory; yet did they fight hand to
hand, because they were more in number than
tlie Jews, and because they were in such a dis-
position of wai- that they were under a neces-
sity of coming on boldly ; so they came to a
terrible battle, while not a few fell on each
side. However, at length the Arabians fled ;
and so great a slaughter was made upon their
being routed, tliat they were not only killed
by tJieir enemies, but became the authors of
* This piece of religion, the supplicating God with
sacrifices, by Herod, before he went to this fight witli
t1ie Arabians, taken notice of also in the fir»t book Of
the War, ch. xix, sect. 5, is worth remarking, because
it is the only exampie of this nature, so far as I remem-
ber, that Josepluis ever mentions in all his lari;e and
particular acieounts of this Herod : and it was when he
had been iu mighty distress, and discouraged by a great
defeat of his former army, and by a very great earth-
ipiake in Judea, such times of affliction making men
most religious ; nor was lie disapiiointed of his' hopes
hc;e, but immediately gained a most signal victory over
Ae Arabians, while they who just before had been so
great victors, and somucli elevate! upon the earthquake
in Judca as to venture to slay the Jewisli ambassadors,
were now under a strange consternation, und hardly
able to fight at all.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
413
their own deaths also, and were trodden down
by the multitude, and the great current of
people in disorder, and were destroyed by their
own armour; so five thousand men lay dead
upon the spot, while the rest of the multitude
soon ran within the bulwark [for safety], but
had no firm hope of safety, by reason of their
want of necessaries, and especially <,i water.
Tlie Jews pursued them, but could not get in
with them, but sat round about the bulwark,
and watched any assistance tliat would get
into them, and prevented any there, that had
a mind to it, from running away.
5. When the Arabians were in these cir-
cumstances, they sent ambassadors to Herod,
in the first place, to propose terms of accom-
modation, and after that to offer him, so press,
ing was their thirst upon them, to undergo
whatsoever he pleased, if he would free them
from their present distress ; but he would ad-
mit of no ambassadors, of no price of redemp-
tion, nor of any other moderate terms what-
ever, being very desirous to revenge those
unjust actions which they had been guilty of
towards his nation. So they were necessitated
by other motives, and particularly by their
thirst, to come out, and deliver themselves up
to him, to be carried away captives ; and in
five days' time, the number of four thousand
were taken prisoners, while all the rest resolv-
ed to make a sally upon their enemies, and to
fight it out with them, choosing rather, if so
it must be, to die therein, than to perish grsL.
dually and ingloriously. When they had
taken this resolution, tliey came out of their
trenches, but could no way sustain the fight,
being too much disabled, both in mind and
body, and having not room to exert them-
selves, and thought it an advantage to be kill-
ed, and a misery to survive; so at the first
onset there fell about seven thousand of them,
after which stroke, they let all the courage
they had put on before fall, and stood amazed
at Herod's warlike spirit under his own cala-
mities ; so for the future they yielded, and
made him ruler of their nation ; whereupon
he was greatly elevated at so seasonable a suc-
cess, and returned home, taking great autho-
rity upon him, on account of so bold and
glorious an expedition as he had made.
CHAPTER VI.
HOW HEROD SLEW HYRCAXU3, AND THEN HAST
ED AWAY TO CiESAU, AND OBTAINED Tllh
KINGDOM FUOM HIM ALSO; AND HOW, A
LITTLE TIME AFTERWARD, HE ENTERTAIN-
ED C^SAR IN A MOST HONOURABLE MAN.
NER.
§ 1. Herod's Other affairs were now very
prosperous, and he was not to be easily as-
saulted on any side. Yet did there come u])-
on him a danger that would hazard liis entire
414
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
dominions, after Antony had been beaten at
the battle of' Ac-tium by Ca'sar (Oclavian];
for at thai lime bolh Herod's enemies and
friends despaired of Ids afl'airs, for it was not
probable lint ')'■ wotikl remain witliout pu-
nishment, who bad shown so much friendship
for Antony. So it happened that his friends
despaired, and had no hopes of his escape;
but for his enemies, tliey all :^utviardly ap-
peared to be troubled at his ease, but were
privately very glad of it, as liopinjj to obtain
a chanjre for the better. As for Herod him-
self, he saw that there was no one of royal
di^Miity left but Hyreanii<-., and therefore he
thongiit it would be for his advantage not to
sufi'er liim to be an obstacle in his way any
longer ; for that in case he himself survived,
and escaped the danger he was in, he i bought
it was the safest way to juit it out of the power
of sue!) a man to make any attempt against
him at such junctures of ailiiirs, as was more
worthy of the kingdom than himself; and in
case he should be slain by Cnesar, his envy
prompted him to desire to slay him that would
otherwise be king after him.
2. While Herod had these things in his
mind, there was a certain occasion afl'orded
him ; for Hyrcanus was of so mild a temper,
both then and at other times, fliat he desired
not to meddle with public alfairs, nor to con-
cern liimself with innovations, but left all to
fortune, and contented himself with what that
afforded him: but Alexandra ibis daughter]
was a lover of strife, and was exceeding de-
sirous of a change of the government ; and
spoke to her father not to bear for ever He-
rod's injurious treatment of their family, but
to anticipate their future hopes, as he safely
might ; and desired him to write about these
matters to Malchus, who was then governor
of Arabia, to receive them, and to secure them
f from Ilerod^, for that if they w-ent away, and
Herod's affairs proved to be, as it was likely
they would be by reason of Oaesar's enmity to
him, they sliould then be tiie only persons that
could take the government ; and this, both on
account of tlie royal family they were of, and
on account of the gootl dis|)osition of the
multitude to them. While she used these jier-
suasioiiS, Hyrcanus put off her sint ; but as
S)he showed that she was a woman, and a con.
tenlious woi:ian too, and would not desist
either night or day, but would always be
speaking to him about these matters, and
about Herod's treacherous designs, she at last
l^revailed with liim to entrust Dositheus, one
of his friends, with a letter, wherein bis re-
solution was declared ; and he ilesircd the
Arabian governor to send him some horsemen,
who should leceive him, and conduct him to
the lake Aspli^dtiles, which is from the bounds
of Jerusalem three hundred furlongs : and he
ilid therefore trust Dositheus witli his letter,
because he was a careful attendant on him,
and on Alexandra, and had iiu small occasion
BOOK XV
to bear ill-will to Herod ; for he was a kins-
man of one Joseph, whom he had slain, and a
brother of those that were formerly slain at
'I'yre by Antony : yet could not these motives
induce Dositheus to serve Hyrcanus in this
allair ; for, preferring the hopes he had from
the present king to those he had from him, he
gave Herod the letter. So he took his kind-
ness in good part, and bade him besides do
what lie had already done, that is, go on in
serving him, by rolling up the epistle and
sealing it again, and delivering it to Malchus,
and then to bring back the letter in answer to
it; for it would be much better if he could
know Malchus's intentions also. And when
Dositheus was very ready to serve him in this
point also, the Arabian governor returned
hack for answer, that he would receive Hyr-
canus, and all that should come with him, and
even all the Jews that were of his party : that
he would, moreover, send forces sufficient to
secure them in their journey ; and that he
should be in no want of any thing he should de»
sire. Now as soon as Herod had received
this letter, he immediately sent for Hyrcanus,
and questioned him about the league he had
made with IMalchus; and when he denied it,
he showed his letter to the sanhedrim, and
put the man to death immediately.
3. And this account we give the reader, as it
is contained in the commentaries of king He-
rod : but other historians do not agree with
them, for they suppose that Horod did not find,
but rather make, this an occasion for thus put-
ting him to death, and that by treacherously lay-
ing a snare for him ; for thus do they write ;—
That Herod and he were once at a treat, and
that Herod had given no occasion to suspect
[that he was displeased at him], but put this
question toHyrcanus, Whelherhe had received
any letters from Malchus ? and when he an-
swered that he had received letters, but those of
salutation only ; and when he asked fiirther,
whelherhe liad not received any presents from
him ? and when lie had replied, that he had re-
ceived no more than four horses to ride on,
which Malchus had sent him, they pretended
that I lerod charged these upon him as the crimes
of bribery and treason, and gave order tliat he
should be led awaj' and slain And in order
to demonstrate that he had been fuilty of no
offence, when he was thus brought lo his end,
llu'y alli'ge how mild his temper had been ;
and that even in i-.is youth he had never given
any demonstration of boldness or rashness, and
that the case was the same when he came to
be king, but lliat be even then ciminiited the
Uie management of the greatest part of public
art'airs to ;\nlipater: and that he was now
above fourscore years old, and knew that He-
rod's govermnent was in a secure state. He
also came over Euphrates, and left those who
greatly honoured him beyond that river,
though he were to be entirely under Herod's
;;overninent ; and that it was a inosi incredible
J~
CHAP. VI.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
•il5
thing that he should enterprise any thing by
way of innovation, and not at all agreeable to
his temper, but that this was a plot of He-
rod's own contrivance.
4. And this was the fate of Hyrcanus ; and
thus did he end his life, after he had endured
various and manifold turns of fortune in his
lifetime; for he was made high-priest of the
Jewish nation in the beginning of his mother
Alexandra's reign, who held the government
nine years; and when, after his mother's
death, he took the kingdom himself, and held
it three months, lie lost it, by the means of
his brother AristobuUis. He was then re-
stored by Pompey, and received all sorts of
honour from him, and enjoyed them forty
years ; but when he was again deprived by
Anligonus, and was maimed in his body, he
was made a captive by the Parthians, and
thence returned home again after some time.
on account of the hopes that Herod had given
him ; none of which came to pass according
to his expectation, but he still conflicted with
many misfortunes througn the whole course
of his life ; and, what was the heaviest cala-
mity of all, as we have related already, he
came to an end which was undeserved by
him. His character appeared to be that of a
man of a mild and moderate disposition, who
suH'ered the administration of affairs to be ge-
nerally done by others under him. He was
averse to much meddling with the public, nor
had shrewdness enough to govern a kingdom :
and both Antipater and Herod came to their
greatness by reason of his mildness ; and at
last he met with such an end from them as
was not agreeable either to justice or piety.
5. Now Herod, as soon as he had put Hyr-
canus out of the way, made haste to Caasar ;
and because he could not have any hopes of
kindness from him, on account of the friend-
ship he had for Antony, he had a suspicion of
Alexandra, lest she should take this opportu-
nity to bring the multitude to a revolt, and
introduce a sedition into the affairs of the king-
dom ; so he committed the care of every thing
to his brother Pheroras, and placed his mother
Cyprus, and his sister [Salome], and the whole
family, at Massada, and gave him a charge,
that if he should hear any sad news about
him, he should take care of the government :
but as to Mariamne his wife, because of the
misunderstanding between him and his sister,
and his sister's mother, which made it impos-
sible for them to live together, he placed her
at Alexandrium, with Alexandra her mother,
and left his treasurer Joseph and Sohemus of
Iturea, to take care of that fortress. These
two had been very faithful to him from the
beginning, and were now left as a guard to
the women. They also had it in charge, that
if they should hear any mischief had befallen
him, they should kill them both ; and, as far
as they were able, to preserve the kingdom
for his sons, and for his brother Pheroras.
6. When he had given them this charge,
he made haste to Rhodes, to meet Caesar ;
and when he had sailed to that city, he took
off" his diadem, but remitted nothing else of
his usual dignity : and when, upon his meet-
ing him, he desired that he would let him
speak to him, he therein exhibited a much
more noble specimen of a great soul, for he
did net betake himself to supplications, as
men usually do upon such occasions, nor of-
fered him any petition, as if he were an of-
fender; but, after an undaunted manner,
gave an account of what he had done ; for he
spake thus to Caesar : — That he had the great-
est friendship for Antony, and did every
thing he could that he might attain the go-
vernment : that he was not indeed in the ar-
my with him, because the Arabians had di-
verted him, but ihat he had sent him both
money and corn, which was but too little in
comparison of what he ought to have done
for him; "for, if a man owns himself to be
another's friend and knows him to be a bene-
factor, he is obliged to hazard every thing, to
use every faculty of his soul, every member of
his body, and all the wealth he hath, for him;
in which I confess I have been too deficient.
However, I am conscious to myself, that so
far I have done right, that I have not desert-
ed him upon his defeat at Actium : nor upon
the evident change of his fortune have I trans-
ferred my hopes from him to another, bu'
ha\e preserved myself, though not as a valu-
able fellow-soldier, yet certainly as a faithful
counsellor, to Antony, when I demonstrated
to him that the only way he had to save him-
self, and not lose all his authority, was to
slay Cleopatra ; for when she was once dead,
there would be room for him to retain his au-
thority, and rather to bring thee to make a
composition with him, than to continue at en-
mity any longer. None of which advices would
he attend to, but preferred his own rash reso-
lutions before them, which have happened un-
profitably for him, but profitably for thee.
Now, therefore, in case thou determinest
about ine, and my alacrity in serving Antony,
according to thy anger at him, I own there is
no room for me to deny what I have done,
nor will I be ashamed to own, and that pub-
licly too, that I had a great kindness for him ;
but if thou wilt put him out of the case, and
only examine how I beliave myself to my be-
nefactors in general, and what sort of friend
I am, thou wilt find by experience that we
shall do and be the same to thyself, for it is
but changing the names, and the firmness of
friendship that we shall bear to thee, will not
be disapproved by thee."
7. By this speech, and by his behavi-.
our, whicii showed Caesar the frankness of
his mind, he greatly gained upon him, who
was hiinself of a generous and magnificent
temper, insomuch that those very actions,
which were the foundation of the accusation
"V
4 10
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK XV
Aj^fainst him, procure(! liiin C.esar's good-
uill. Accordingly, ho restored liiin his di.i-
tk'in again ; and encouraged him to exlii-
hit liimseif as great a friend to himself as he
hud been to Antony, and then had him in
gieat esteem. Moreover, he added this, that
(iuintus Uidiiis had written to him that Hc-
i<id had very readily assisted him in the affair
of the gladiators. So when he had obtained
s'.ich a kind reception, and had, beyond all liis
CHAPTER VII.
HOW IIEROL SLEW .^OHI.MUS AND M-AUIAMNE,
AND AFTERWAIIDS ALEXANDRA AND COSTO-
BAHUS, AND HIS JIOsT INTIMATE VUILNDS,
AND, AT LAST, THE SONS OF BAEA ALSO.
§ 1. However, when he came into his ki
liojies, procured his crown to be more entirely I doni again, he found his house all in disorder,
and firmly settled upon him than ever, by
Csesar's donation, as well as by that decree
of the Romans, which Csesar took care to pro-
cure for his greater security, he conducted
Caesar on his way to Egypt, and made pre-
sents, even beyond his ability, to both him
and his friends; and in general behaved him-
self with great magnanimity. He also desir-
ed that Csesar would not put to death one
Alexander, who had been a companion of
Antony ; but Ca;sar had sworn to put him to
death, and so he could not obtain that his pe.
tition : and no« he returned to Judea again
with greater honour and assurance than ever,
and affrighfed those that had expectations to
the contrary, as still acquiring from his very
dangers greater splendour than.before, by the
favour of God to him. So he prepared for
the reception of Csesar as he was going out
of Syria to invade Egypt ; and when he came,
he entertained him at Ptolemais with all royal
magnificence. He also bestowed presents on
the army, and brougiit them provisions in
abundance. Pie also proved to be one of
Csesar's most cordial friends, and put the army
in array, and rode along with Caesar, and had
a hundred and fifty men, well appointed in
all respects, after a rich and sumptuous man-
ner, for the better reception of him and his
friends. He also provided them with wli;it
they should want, as they passed over the dry
desert, insomuch that they lacked neither wine
nor water, which last the soldiers stood in the
greatest need of; and besides, he presented
Caesar with eight hundred talents, and procur-
ed to himself the good-will of them all, be-
cause he was assisting to them in a much
greater and more splendid degree than the
kingdom he had obt;iined could afford; by
which he more and more demonstrated to
Ca.'sar tlie firmness of his friendship, and his
readiness to assist him : and what was of the
greatest advantage to him was this, that his
Uberulity came at a seasonable time also; and
when they returned again out of Egypt, his
assistances were no way inferior to the good
oihces he had formerly done them.
d his wife Mariamne and her mother Alex-
andra very uneasy ; for, as they supposed,
(what was easy to be sujjposed) that tliey were
not put into that fortress [Alexadrium] for
the security of their persons, but as into a
garrison for their imprisonment, and tiiat they
had no power over any thing, either of others
or of their own affairs, they were very imeasy ;
and Mariamne, supposing that the king's love
to her was but hypocritical, and rather pre
tended (as advantageous to himself) than real,
she looked upon it as fallacious. She also
was grieved that he would not allow her any
hopes of surviving him, if he should come to
any harm himself. She also recollected what
commands he had formerly given to Joseph,
insomuch that she endeavoured to please her
keepers, and especially Sohemus, as well ap-
prised how all was in his power ; and at the
first Sohemus was faithful to Herod, and ne-
glected none of the things he had given him
in charge. But when the women, by kind
words, and liberal presents, had gained his
affections over to them, he was by degrees
overcome, and at length discovered to them
all the king's injunctions, and this on that ac-
count principally, that he did not so much as
hojje he would come back with the same au-
thority he had before, so that he thought he
should both escape any danger from him, and
supposed that he did hereby much gratify the
women, who were likely not to be overlooked
in the settling of the government, nny, that
they would be able to make him abundant re-
compense, since they must either reign them-
selves, or be very near to him that should
reign. He had a farther ground of hope also,
that though Herod should have all the success
he could wish for, and should return again,
he could not contradict his wife in what she
desired, for he knew that the king's fondness
for his wife was inexpressible. These were
the motives that drew Sohemus to discover
what injunctions had been given him. So
Marianme was greatly displeased to hear that
there was no end of the dangers she was un-
der from Herod, and was greatly uneasy at
it, and wislied that he might obtain no favours
[from Cassarj, and esteemed it almost an in-
supportable task to live with him any longer;
and this she afterwards openly declared, with-
out concealing her resentment.
2. And now Heroil sailed home with joy,
at the uncxjiected good success he had had •
J-
"S
CHAP. VII.
and went first of all, as was proper, to this his
wife, and told lier, and her only, tin; good
news, as preferring her before the rest, on ac-
count of liis fondness for her, and the inti-
macy there had been between them, and sa-
luted her ; but so it happened, tiiat as he told
lier of the good success he had had, she was
so far from rejoicing at it, that she rather was
sorry for it ; nor was she able to conceal her
resentments, but, depending on her dignity,
and the nobility of her birth, in return for
his salutations, she gave a groan, and declared
evidently that she rather grieved than rejoiced
at his success, — and this till Herod was dis-
turbed at her, as affording him, not only
marks of her suspicion, but evident signs of
her dissatisfaction. This much troubled him,
to see that this surprising hatred of his wife
to him was not concealed, but open ; and he
took this so ill, and yet was so unable to bear
it, on account of the fondness he had for her,
tliat he could not continue long in any one
mind, but sometimes was angry at her, and
sometimes reconciled himself to her ; but by
always changing one passion for anotlier, he
was still in great uncertainty, and thus was
entangled between hatred and love, and was
frequently disposed to inflict punishment on
her for her insolence towards him ; but being
deeply in love with her in his soul, he was
not able to get quit of this woman. In
short, as he would gladly have her punished,
so was he afraid lest, ere he were aware, he
should, by putting her to death, bring a hea-
vier punishment upon himself at the same
time.
3. When Herod's sister and mother per-
ceived that he was in this temper with regard
to Mari.imne, they thought they had now got
an excellent opportunity to exercise their hat-
red against her, and provoked Herod to wrath
by telling him such long stories and calum-
nies about her, as might at once excite his
hatred and his jealousy. Now, though he wil-
lingly enough heard their words, 3'et had not
he courage enough to do any thing to her as
if he believed them, but still he became worse
and worse disposed to her, and tliese ill pas-
sions were more and more inflamed on both
sides, while Uhe did not hide her disposition
towards him ; and he turned his love to her
into wrath agaii>st her; but when he was just
going to put this matter past all remedy, he
lieard ihe news that Casar was the victor in
the v~ar, and that Antony and Cleopatra were
both dead, and that he had conquered Egypt ;
whereupon he made haste to go to meet
Cajsar, and left the affairs of his family in
tiieir present state. However, Mariamne re-
commended Sohemus to him, as he was set-
ting out on his journey, and professed that she
owed him tlianks for the care he had taken of
ner, and asked of the king for him a place in
the government ; upon which an honourable
employment was besto\> ed upon him accord-
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEW5.
41?
ingly. Now, when Herod was come into
Egypt, he was introduced to Caesar witli great
freedom, as already a friend of his, ard re-
ceived very great favours from him ; for he
made him a present of those four hundred
Galatians who had been Cleopatra's guards,
and restored that country to him again, which,
by lier means, had been t;iken away from him.
He also added to his kingdom Gadara, Hip.
pos, and Samaria ; and, besides those, the
maritime cities, Gaza, Anthedon, Joppa, and
Strato's Tower.
4. Upon these new acquisitions, he grew
more magnificent, and conducted Cassar as
far as Antioch ; but upon his return, as much
as his prosperity was augmented by the foreign
additions that had been made hiui, so much
the greater were the distresses that came up-
on him in his own family, and chiefly in tiie
affair of his wife, wherein he formerly appear-
ed to have been most of all fortunate ; ior the
affection he had for Mariamne was no way in-
ferior to the affections of such as are on dial
account celebrated in history, and this very
justly. As for her, she was in other respects
a chaste woman, and faithful to him ; yet had
she somewhat of a woman rough by nature,
and treated her husband imperiously enough,
because she saw he was so fond of her as to
be enslaved to her. She did not also con-
sider seasonably with herself that she lived
under a monarchy, and that she was at ano-
ther's disposal, and accordingly would behave
herself after a saucy manner to him, which
yet he usually put off in a jesting way, and
bore with moderation and good temper. She
would also expose his mother and his sister
openly, on account of the meanness of their
birth, and would speak unkindly of them, in-
somuch, that there was before this a disagree-
ment and unpardonable hatred among the
women, and it was now come to greater re-
proaches of one another than formerly, wliieh
suspicions increased, and lasted a whole year
after Herod returned from Caesar. Howe-
ver, these misfortunes, which had been kept
under some decency for a great while, burst
out all at once upon such an occasion as was
now offered ; for as the king was one dav
about noon lain down on his bed to rest him,
he called for Mariamne, out of the great af-
fection he had always for her. She came in ac-
cordingly, but would not lie down by him;
and when he was very desirous of her con)pa-
ny, she shewed her contempt of biin ; anil
added, by way of reproach, that he had caused
her father and her brother tt be slain ;* and
when he took this injury very unkindly, and
* Whereas Mariamne is here represented as reproach-
ing Herod with Die murder of lier fatlu-r [Alexander],
as well as her brother [AristobulusT, while it was her
grajidfathcr Hyrcanus, and nut her lather ^Uexaiuki,
whom he caused to be slain (as Joscplius hiiiiselT in
forms us, (ch. vi, sect. 2), we must either Uike Zonara'»
reading, which is here ^rarvz/aMir, rightiy, or else we
mu.st, asl)efoie (ch. i, sect. 1 , allow ashp of Josephu-'j
l)fcn or memory in the place before us.
J-
418
ANTIQUITIES OF TIllC JEWS.
was ready to use violence to her, in a precipi- I Salome and her party laboured hard to have
tate manner, tlie king's sister Salome, ob- the woman ])ut to dealli ; and tiiey prevailed
serving tliat lie was more than ordinarily dis- with the king to do so, and advised this out
turbcd, sent in to the king his cup-bearer,
w'IdO had been prepared long beforehand for
such a design, and bade him tell the king how
Mariamne had persuaded him to give his as-
sistance in preparing a love-potion for him ;
and if he appeared to be greatly concerned,
and to ask wl)at tkat love-potion was, to tell
him that she had the potion, and that he was
desired only to give it him ; hut in case he
did not appear to be much concerned at this
potion, to let the tiling drop; and that if he
did so, no harm should thereby come to him.
When she had given him these instructions,
she sent him in at tiiis time to make such a
speech. So he went in, after a composed
manner, to gain credit to what he should say,
and vet somewhat hastily ; and said, tliat
Mariamne had given him presents, and per-
suaded him to give him a love-potion ; and
when this moved the king, he said that this love-
potion was a composition that she had given
him, whose eflects he did not know, which
was the reason of his resolving to give him
this information, as the safest course he could
take, both for himself and for the king.
When Ilerod heard what he said, and was in
an ill disposition before, his indignation grew
more violent; and he ordered that eunuch of
Mariamne, who was most faithful to her, to
be brought to torture about this potion, as
well knowing it was not possible that any
thing small or great could be done without
him ; and when the man was under the ut-
most agonies, he could say nothing concern,
ing the thing he was tortured about, but so
far he knew, that Rlariamne's hatred against
him was occasioned by somewhat that Sohe-
nius had said to her. Now, as he was saying
this, Herod cried out aloud, and said, that
Soliemus, who had been at all other times tlie
most faithful to him, and to his government,
wimld not have betrayed wliat injunctions he
had given him, unless he I. ad had a nearer
coi versation than ordinary with Mariamne.
&o he gave orders that Soliemus should be
seized on and slain immediately; but he allow.
ed his wife to take her trial ; and got togetlier
those that were most faithful to him, and
laid an elaborate accusation against her for
this love-])otion and composition, which had
been charged upon her by way of calumny
only. However, he kept no temper in what
he said, and was in too great a passion for
judging weH about this matter. According-
ly, when the court was at length satisfied that
he was so resolved, they passed tlie sentence
of death upon her ; but when the sentence
was passed upon her, this temper was sug-
gested by himself, and by some others of the
court, that she should not be thus hastily put
t<) death, but be laid in prison in cine of the
fortitssLS belonging to tlie kiiigt'oni ; but
of caution, lest the multitude should be tu-
multuous if she were suffered to live; and
thus was Mariamne led to execution.
5. When Alexandra observed how things
went, and that there were small hopes tliat
she herself should escape the like treatment
from Herod, she changed her behaviour to
quite the reverse of what might have been
expected from her former boldness, and this
after a very indecent manner; for out of her
desire to show how entirely ignorant she was
of the crimes laid against Mariamne, she
leaped out of her place, and reproached her
daughter, in the hearing of all the people ;
and cried out, that she had been an ill wo-
inan, and ungrateful to her husband, and
that her punishment came justly upon her
for such her insolent behaviour, for that she
had not made proper returns to him who had
been their common benefactor. And when
she had for some time acted after this hypo-
critical manner, and had been so outrageous as
to tear her hair, this indecent and dissembling
behaviour, as was to be expected, was greatly
condemned by the rest of the sjiectators, as it
was principally by the poor woman who was
to sutler ; for at the first she gave her not a
word, nor was discomposed at her peevish-
ness, and only looked at hei, yet did she, out
of a greatness of soul, discover her concern
for her mother's oll'ence, and especially for
her cxjiosiiig herself in a manner so unbecom-
ing her : but as for lierself, she went to her
death with an unshaken firmness of mind,
and without changing the colour of her face,
and thereby evidently discovered the nobility
of her descent to the spectators, even in the
last moments of her life.
6. And thus died JNIariamne, a woman of
an excellent character, both for chastity and
greatness of soul ; but she wanted modera-
tion, and had too much of contention in her
nature, yet had she all that can be said in the
beauty of her body, and her majestic ajipear-
ance in conversation ; and thence arose the
greatest part cf the occasions why she did
not prove so agreeable to the king, nor live
so pleasantly with him as slie might other-
wise have done ; for while she was most in-
dulgently used by the king, out of his fond-
ness for her, and did not expect that he could
do any thing hard to her, she took too un-
bouiuled a liberty. Moreover, that which
most afflicted her, was what he had done to
her relations ; and she ventured to speak of all
tl ey had suffered by him, and at last greatly
provoked both the king's niotl:er and sister,
till they became enemies to her; ami even he
himself a'so did the same, on whom alone she
depended for her expectations of escaping the
last of punishments.
7. liut when she was once dead, the king'*
^
CHAP. vir.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
419
affections for her were kindled in a more out-
rageous manner than before, wl)ose old pas-
sion for her we have already described ; for
his love to her was not of a calm nature, nor
such as we usually meet with among other
husbands ; for at its commencement it was of
an enthusiastic kind ; nor was it, by their
long cohabitation and free conversation to-
gether broup:ht under his power to manage ;
but at this time his love to Mariamne seemed
to seize him in such a peculiar manner, as
looked like divine vengeance upon him for
the taking away her life ; for he would fre-
quently call for her, and frequently lament
for her, in a most indecent manner. More-
over, he bethought him of every thing he
could make use of to divert his mind from
thinking of her, and contrived feasts and as-
semblies for that purpose, but nothing would
suffice : he therefore laid aside the adminis-
tration of public affairs, and was so far con-
quered by his passion, that he would order
his servants to call for Mariamne, as if she
were still alive, and could still hear them ;
and when he was in this way, there arose a
pestilential disease, and carried off the great-
est part of the multitude, and of his best and
most esteemed friends, and made all men sus-
pect that this was brought upon them by the
anger of God, for the injustice that had been
done to Mariamne. This circumstance af-
fected the king still more, till at length he
forced himself to go into desert places, and
there, under pretence of going a hunting, bit-
terly afflicted himself; yet had he not borne
his grief there many days before he fell in-
to a most dangerous distemper himself; he
had an inflammation upon him, and a pain in
the hinder part of his Iiead, joined with mad-
ness ; and for the remedies that were used,
they did him no good at all, but proved con-
trary to his case, and so at lengtii brought
nim to despair. All the physicians also that
were about him, partly because the medicines
they brought for his recovery could not at all
conquer the disease, and partly because his
diet could be no other than what his disease
inclined him to, desired him to eat whatever
he had a mind to, and so left the small hopes
they had of his recovery in the power of tliat
diet, and committed him to fortune. And
thus did his distemper go on, while he was at
Samaria, now called Sebaste.
8. Now Alexandra abode at this time at
Jerusalem ; and being informed what condi-
tion Herod was in, she endeavoured to get
possession of the fortified places that were
about the city, which were two, the one be-
longing to the city itself, the other belonging to
the temple ; and those that could get them into
their hands had the whole nation under their
power, for without the command of them it
was not possible to of^er their sacrifices; and
to think of leaving oflf" those sacrifices, is to
every Jew plainly impossible, who ^e still
more ready to lose their lives than to leave
off that divine worsiiip which they have been
wont to pay imto God. Alexandra, there-
fore, discoursed with those that had the keep-
ing of these strong iiolds, that it was proper
for them to deliver the same to her, and to
Herod's sons, lest, upon his death, any other
person should seize upon the government;
and that upon his recovery none could keep
them more safely for him than those of his
own family. These words were not by them
at all taken in good part; and, as they liad
been in former times faithful [to Herod],
they resolved to coiitinue so more than ever,
both because they hated Alexandra, and be-
cause they thought it a sort of impiety to de-
spair of Herod's recovery while he was yet
alive, for they had been his old friends ;
and one of them, whose name was Achiabus,
was his cousin-german. They sent messen-
gers, therefore, to acquaint him with Alex-
andra's design ; so he made no longer delay,
but gave orders to have her slain ; yet was it
with difficulty, and after he hail endured great
pain, that he got clear of his distemper. He
was still sorely afflicted, both in mind and
body, and made very uneasy, and readier than
ever upon all occasions to inflict punishment
upon those that fell under his hand. He also
slew the most intimate of his friends, Costo-
barns, and Lysimachus, and Gadias, who was
also called Antipater; as also Dositheus, and
that upon the following occasion.
9. Costobarus was an Idumcan by birth,
and one of principal dignity among them,
and one whose ancestors had been priests to
the Koze, whom the Idumeans had [form.er-
ly] esteemed as a god ; but after Hyrcanus
had made a change in their political govern-
ment, and made them receive tlie Jewish cus-
toms and law, Herod made Costobarus go-
vernor of Idumea and Gaza, and gave him
his sister Salome to wife ; and this was upon
his slaughter of [his uncle] Joseph, who had
that government before, as we have related
already. When Costobarus had gotten to be
so highly advanced, it pleased him, and was
more than he hoped for, and he was more
and more putted up by his good success, and
in a little while he exceeded all bounds, and
did not think fit to obey what Herod, as their
ruler, commanded him, or that thf Idumeans
should make use of the Jewish customs, or
be subject to them. He therefore sent to
Cleopatra, and informed her that the Idu-
means had been always under his progenitors,
and thai for the same reason it was but just
that she should dcbi'e that coinitry for him of
Antony, for that he was ready to transfer his
friendship to her : and this he did, not be-
cause he was better pleased to be under Cleo.
patra's government, hut because he thought
that, upon the iluninntion of Herod's power
it would not be difhcult for him to nbtair
himseJf the entire government over the Tdii
"\.
_/■
420
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK XV.
mean!!, and somewhat more also ; for he rais-
ed liis liopcs still higher, as having no small
preleiici's, both by his I)irtli and by tliesi-
riches whieli he had gotten by his constant
attention to filthy lucre; and nccordingly it
was not a small matter that he aimed at. So
Cleopatra desired this country of Antony,
but failed of her purpose. An account of
tliis was brouglit to Herod, who was there-
upon ready to kill Costobarus ; yet, upon the
entreaties of his sister and mother, he for-
gave him, and vouchsafed to pardon him en-
tirely, tiiough he still liad a suspicion of-him
afterward for this his attempt.
10. But some time afterward, when Sa-
lome happened to quarrel with Costobarus,
she sent him a bill of divorce,* and disssolved
her marriage with him, though this was not
according to the Jewish laws ; for with us it
is lawful for a husband to do so ; but a wife,
if she departs from her husband, cannot of
herself be married to another, unless her for-
mer husband put her away. However, Sa-
lome chose not to follow the law of her coun-
try, but the law of her autliorit^', and so re-
nounced her wedlock ; and told her brother
Herod, that she left her husband out of her
good-will to him, because slie perceived that
he, with Antipater, and Lysimachus, and Do-
sitheus, w'ere raising a sedition against him :
as an evidence whereof, she alleged the case
of the sons of Babas, that they had been by
him preserved alive already for the interval of
twelve years, which proved to be true. But
when Herod thus unexpectedly heard of it,
lie was greatly surprised at it, and was the
more surprised, because the relation ajipeared
incredible to him. As for the fact relating to
these sons of Babas, Herod had formerly
taken great pains to bring them to punish-
ment, as being enemies to his government ;
but they were now forgotten by him, on ac-
count of the length of time i since he liad or-
dered them to be slain]. Now the cause of
his ill-will and hatred to tlicin arose hence:
that while .\ntigonus was I'.ing, Herod, with
his army, besieged the city of Jerusalem,
» Here IS a plain examjilc of a Jewish lady Riving a
bill of divorce- to her liusbaiid, though in liic d.iys of
Josepliu^ it was not cslernicd lawful lor a woman so to
do. St-c the likf among the Parthians, Antiq b. xviii,
ch. ix, sec't C. Ilovvevcr, the Christian law, whcti It
allowed divorce foradulteiy \Mat. v, ov), allowed the
innoeent wife to divorce her Rinlty hiisliand, a* well as
the iniuxeul hufband to divorce his ifuilty wife, as we
learn from the i.|.e|ihcrd of HcrnuK (ManJ. b. iv), and
from the ^.-iKUid ajiidoKy of Justin Martyr, where a i er-
tcciition WHS bronght upon the Christians v.pon such a
divorce; .-uul 1 mink inc Htmian laws permitted it at
that time, ;is well as the laws of ( hrisiianily. Now this
Babas, who was one >.f the racv of the \samoneans or
Maccabix;.s, as the latter end of this section infunns us,
li lelatcd bv the Jews, .is : r. Hudson licic remarks, to
have been 'so eminently religious in the Jewish way,
that, except the day following ihe tenth of 'I'isri, the
gie.1t day of atoiicnunt, when he seems to have siippus-
e<l .ill his sins entirely forgiven, he useil every day ot the
whc^le year to oflei a sacrifice lor his sius of iynoranic,
or such as he supposed he had been guilty ol, but did
not distinctly reincmlicr. Sec eoincwhat like ii of
Agriipa the'Oreat, Anliq. b. xlx. ch. in, sei-t. o ; iind
Job I. 4. i.
where the distress and miseries which the
besieged endured were so pressing, that the
greater number of them invited Herod into
the city, and already placed their hopes on
him. Now, the sons of Babas were of great
dignity, and liad power among the multitude,
and were faithfid to Antigorius, and were al-
ways raising calumnies against Herod, and
encouraged the people to preserve the govern-
ment to that royal family which held it by
inheritance. So theve men acted thus politi-
cally, and, as they thought, for their own ad-
vantage ; but when the city was taken, and
Herod had gotten the government into his
own hands, and Costobarus was appointed to
hinder men from passing out at the gates, and
to guard the city, that those citizens that were
guilty, and of the party opposite to the king,
might not get out of it, — Costobarus being
sensible that the sons of Babas were had in
respect and honour by the whole multitude,
and supposing that their preservation might
be of great advantage to him in the chatiges
of government afterward, he set them by them-
selves, and concealed them in his o An farms,
and when the thing was suspected, he assured
Herod upon oath that he really knew nothing
of that matter, and so overcame the suspicions
that lay upon him ; nay, after that, when the
king had publicly proposed a reward for the
discovery, and had put in practice all sorts of
methods for searching out this matter, he
would not confess it ; but being persuaded
that when he had at first denied it, if the men
were found, he should not escape unpunished,
he was forced to keep them secret, not only
out of his good-will to them, but out of a ne-
cessary regard to his own preservation also.
But when the king knew the thing, by his
sister's information, he sent men to the places
where he had the intimation they were con-
cealed, and ordered both them and tiiose that
were accused as guilty with them, to be slain,
insomuch that there were now none at all left
of tlie kindre<l of Hyrcanus ; and the king-
dom was entirely in Herod's own power, and
there was nobody remaining of such dignity
as could put a stop to what he did against the
Jewish laws.
CHATTER VIII.
HOW TEN MEN OF THE CITIZENS [OF JERfSA-
LE.M ' MADE A CONSPIRACY AGAINST HEROl),
FOR THE FOUEir.N PRACTICES HE HAD IN-
TRODCCED, WHICH WAS A 1 UaNSGRESSION
OF THE LAWS OK THEIR COINTRY. CON-
CERNING THE BCII.DING OF SEliASTE AND
CESAhEA, AND OTHttt EDIFICES OF HliROlJ.
§ 1. On this account it was that Herod re-
volted from the laws of his country, and cor-
rupted their aticient constitution, by the in-
CHAP. vni.
tioduction of foreign practices, whicli consti-
tution yet ought to have been preserved in-
violable ; by which means we became guilty
of great wickedness afterward, wliile those
religious observances whicli used to lead the
multitude to piety, were now neglected : for,
in the first place, he appointed solemn games
to be celebrated every fifth year, in honour of
Ca3sar, and built a theatre at Jerusalem, as
rIso a very great amphitheatre in the plain.
Both of them were indeed costly works, but
opposite to the Jewish customs ; for we have
had no such shows delivered down to us as
fit to be used or exhibited by us, yet did he
celebrate these games every five years, in the
most solemn and splendid manner. He also
made proclamation to the neighbouring coun-
tries, and called men together out of every
nation. The wrestlers, and the rest of those
that strove for the prizes in such games, were
invited out of every land, both by the hopes
of the rewards there to be bestowed, and by
the glory of victory to be there gained. So
the i)rincipal persons that were the most emi-
nent in these sorts of exercises, were gotten
together, for there were very great rewards for
victory proposed, not only to those that per-
formed their exercises naked, but to tliose
ihat played the musicians also, and were call-
ed Tliymclici : and he spared no pains to in-
duce all persons, the most famous for such
exercises, to come to tliis contest for victory.
He also proposed no small rewards to those
who ran for the prizes in chariot-races, when
they were drawn by two, or three, or four
pair of horses. He also imitated every thing,
though ever so costly or magnificent, in other
nations, out of an ambition that he might
give most public demonstration of his gran-
deur. Inscriptions also of the great actions
of Ca?sar, and trophies of those nations which
he had conquered in his wars, and all made
of the purest gold and silver, encompassed the
theatre itself : nor was there any thing that
could be subservient to his design, whether it
were precious garments, or precious stones set
in order, which was not also exposed to sight
in these games. He had also made a great
preparation of wild beasts, and of lions them-
selves in great abundance, and of such other
blasts as were either of uncommon strength,
or of such a sort as were rarely seen. Tliese
were prepared either to fight with one ano-
ther, or that men who were condemned to
death were to fight with them. And truly
foreigners were greatly surprised and delight-
ed at the vastness of the expenses hare exhi-
bited, and at the great dangers that were here
seen ; but to natural Jews, this was no better
than a dissolution of these customs for which
they had so great a veneration.* It appeared
* These ^antl plays, and shows, and Thymeiici, or
music-meetings, and chariot-races, when the chariots wore
drawn by two, three, or four pair of horses.^Vc. insti-
luted bv Herod in his theatres, were still, as wu see here.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
421
also no better than an instance of barefaced
impiety, to throw men to wild beasts, for the
affording delight to the spectators; and it ap-
peared an instance of no less impiety, to
change their own laws for su-ch foreign exer-
cises ; but, above all the rest, the trophies gave
most distaste to the Jews ; for as they imagin-
ed them to be images, included within the
armour that hung round about them, they
were sorely displeased at them, because it was
not the custom of their country to pay ho-
nours to such images.
2. Nor was Herod unacquainted with the
disturbance they were under j and, as lie
thought it unseasonable to use violence with
them, so he spake to some of them by way of
consolation, and in order to free them from
that superstitious fear they were under ; yet
could not he satisfy tliem, but they cried out
with one accord, out of their great uneasiness
at the offences they thought he had been guilty
of, that although they should think of bearing
all the rest, yet would they never bear images
of men in their city, meaning the trophies,
because this was disagreeable to the laws of
their country. Now when Herod saw them
in such a disorder, and tliat they would not
easily change their resolution unless they re-
ceived satisfaction in this point, he called to
him the most eminent men among them, and
brought them upon the theatre, and showed
them the trophies, and asked them, what sort
of things they took these trophies to be ; and
when they cried out that they were the images
of men, he gave order that they should be
stripped of these outward ornaments which
were about them, and showed ttiem the naked
pieces of wood ; which pieces of wood, now
without any ornament, became matter of great
sport and laugiiter to them, because they !iad
before always had the ornaments of images
themselves in derision.
3. When therefore Herod had thus got
ckar of the multitude, and had dissipated tiie
vehemency of passion under vvhicli they had
been, the greatest part of the people were dis-
posed to change their conduct, and not to be
displeased at him any longer ; but still some
of them continued in their displeasure against
him, for his introduction of new customs,
and esteemed the violation of the laws of their
country as likely to be the origin of very
great mischiefs to them, so that they deemed
it an instance of piety rather to hazard them-
selves [to be put to death], than to seem as if
they took no notice of Herod, who, upon the
change he had made in their government, in-
looked on by tlie sober Jews as heathenish sports, and
tending not only to corrupt the manners of tho Je\^ish
nation, and to bring them in love with paganish idoU
try and paganish conduct of life, but to the dissoluiion
of the law of Moses, and accordingly were greatly and
justly condemned by them, as appears here and every
where else in Josephus. Nor is the case of our modern
masquerades, pla\s, operas, and the like " i>onnps and
vanities cf this wicked world," of any better tendency
under CJ. isti;mity.
-T
Jr
♦22
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK XV.
troiluced such customs, <inrl tliat in a violent
manner, which tliey had never heen used to
before, as indeed in pretence a king, but in
reality one tliat sliowed liimsclf an enemy to
their whole nation; on whi(h account ten
men that were citizens [of J.:'rusalem], con-
spired together a<;ainst him, and sware to one
another to undergo any d.iiigers in the at-
tempt, and took dag^rcrs with them under
their garments for the purpose of killing
Herod]. Now there was a c<;riain blind n)an
among those conspirators who had thus sworn
to one anotiicr, O'' account of tlu; indignation
he had against what he heard to liave been
done ; he was not indeed able to afford the
rest any assistance in the undertaking, but
was ready to undc -go any su(lcring with them,
if so be they should come to any harm, in-
somuch that he became a viry great encou-
rager of the rest of the undertakers.
4. When they had taken this resolution,
and that by common consent, they went into
the theatre, hoping that, in the first place,
Herod himself could not escipe them, as they
should fall upon him so unexpectedly; and
supposing, however, that if they missed him,
they should kill a great many of those that
were about him ; and this resolution they
took, though they should die for it, in order
to suggest to the king what injuries he had
done to the nmltitude. Tliese conspirators,
therefore, standing thus prepared beforehand,
went about their design with great alacrity ;
but there was one of those spies of Herod that
were appointed for such purposes, to fish out
and inform him. of any conspy-acies that
should be made against him, who found out
the whole affair, and told ihe king of it, as
he was about to go into the theatre. So when
he reflected on the h.atrcd which ho knew the
greatest part of the ])eople bore him, and on
the disturbances tliat arose upon every occa-
sion, he thought tiiis plot against him not to
be improbable. Accordingly, he retireil into
his palace, and called those that were accused
of this conspiracy before him by their several
names; and a:,, upon theg;iariis filling upon
them, they were caught in the very fact, anil
knew they could not escape, they prei)ared
themselves for their ends%\ith all tlie decency
they could, and so as not at all to recede from
their resolute behaviour, fcr they showed no
shame for what they were about, nor denied
it; but when they were seized, they showed
their daggers, and professed, that the conspi-
racy they had sworn to was a holy and a pious
action; that what they iniended to do was
not for gain, or out of any indulgence to their
passions, but principally for tliose common
customs of their country, which all the Jews
were obliged to observe, O! to die for tliem.
This was what these men «ii<I, out of their
undaunted couiage in tlin conspiracy. So
tliey were led away to execution by (lie king's
guards that stood about them, and paticntl>
underwent all the torments inflicted on them
till they died. Nor was it long before that
spy who had discovered them, was seized on
by some of the people, out of the hatred tJiey
bore to him ; and was not only slain by them,
but pulled to pieces, limb from limb, and
given to the dogs. 'I'liis execution was seen
by many of the citizens, yet would not one
of them discover the doers of it, till upon
Herod's making a strict scrutiny after them,
by bitter and severe tortures, certain women
that were tortured confessed what they had
seen done; the authors of which fact were so
terribly punished by the king, that their en-
tire families were destroyed for this their rash
attempt ; yet did not the obstinacy of the peo-
ple, and the undaunted constancy they show-
ed in the defence of their laws, make Herod
any easier to them, but he still strengthened
himself after a more secure manner, and re-
solved to encom])ass the multitude every way,
lest such innovations should end in an open
rebellion.
5. Since, therefore, he had now ttie city for-
tified by the palace in which he lived, and by
the temple wliich had a strong fortress by it,
called Antonia, and was rebuilt by himself,
he contrived to make Samaria a fortress for
himself also against all the people, and called
it Sebaste, supposing that this place would be
a strong-hold against the country, not inferior
to the former. So he fortified that jilace,
which was a day's journey distant from Jeru-
salem, and which would be useful to him in
common, to keep both the country and the
city in awe. He also built another fortress
for the whole nation : it was of old called
Strato's Tower : but was by him named Ce-
sarea. ]\Ioreover, he chose out some select
horsemen, and placed them in the great plain ;
and built [for them] a place in Galilee, called
Gaba, with Ilesebonitis, in Perea ; and these
weie the places which he particularly built,
while he always was inventing somewhat far-
ther for his own security, and encompassing
the whole nation with guards, that they miglit
by no means get from under his power, nor
fall into tumults, which they did continually
upon any small commotion ; and that if they
did make any commotions, he might know of
it, w liile some of his spies might be upon them
from the neighbourhood, and might both be
able to know what they were attempting, and
to prevent it; .nnd when he went about build-
ing the wall of Samaria, he contrived to bring
thither many of those that had been assisting
to him in his wars, and many of the people
in tliat neighbourhood also, whom he made
fellow-citizens with the rest. This he did, out
of an am!)itious desire of building a temple,
and out of a desire to make the city more emi-
nent than it had been before, but principiily
because he contrived that it might at once be
for his own security, and a monument of hia
magnificence. He also changed iu nami>,
■\-
CHAP. IX.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
■123
and called it Sebaste. Moreover, he parted
the adjoining country, whicli was excellent in
its kind, among the inhabitants of Samaria,
that they mijrht be in a happy condition, upon
tlieir fiist coming to inhabit. Besides all
which, he encompassed tiie city with a wall
of great strength, and made use of the accli-
vity of the place for making its fortifications
stronger : nor was the compass of the place
made now so small as it had been before, but
was such as rendered it not inferior to the
most famous cities , for it was twenty furlongs
in circumference. Now within, and about
the middle of it, he built a sacred place, of a
furlong and a half [in circuit], and adorned
it with all sorts of decorations, and therein
erected a temple, which was illustrious, on ac-
count of both its largeness and beauty ; and
as to the several parts of the city, he adorned
them with decorations of all sorts also ; and
as to what was necessary to provide for his
own security, he made the walls very strong
for that purpose, and made it for the greatest
part a citadel ; and as to the elegance of the
Duildings, it was taken care of also, that he
might leave monuments of the fineness of his
taste, and of his beneficence, to future ages.
CHAPTER IX.
CONCERNING THE FAMINE THAT HAD HAPPEN-
ED IN JUDEA AND SYRIA ; AND HOW HE-
ROD, AFTER HE HAD MARRIED ANOTHEft
WIFE, REBUILT CESAREA, AND OTHER GRE-
CIAN CITIES.
§ 1. Now on this very year, which was the
thirteenth year of the reign of Herod, very
great calamities came upon the country ; whe-
ther they were derived from the anger of God,
or whether this misery returns again natural-
y in certain periods of time;* for, in the
6rst place, there were perpetual droughts, and
for that reason the ground was barren, and
did not bring forth the same quantity of fruits
that it used to produce ; and after this barren-
ncs of the soil, that change of food which the
want of corn occasioned, produced distempers
in the bodies of men, and a pestilential disease
prevailed, one misery following upon the
liack of another ; and these circuinstances,
that they were destitute both of methods of
cure and of food, made the pestilential dis-
temper, which began after a violent manner,
tlif more lasting. The destruction of men
also, after such a manner, deprived those that
« Here we have an eminent example of the language
of .loseplnis in his writing to Gentites, different from
Uiat when he wrote to Jews; ni his writing to whom lie
still derives all such judgments from the anger of Cod ;
but because he knew many of the Gentiles tliought
they might naturally come iii certain periods, he com-
plies with them in the following sentence. See the
note on the War, (b. i, ch. xxxiii sect. 2. ^
survived of all their courage, because they
had no way to provide remedies sufficient for
the distresses they were in. When therefore
the fruits of that year were spoiled, and wJiat-
soever they bad laid up beforehand was spent,
there was no foundation of hope for relief re-
maining, but the misery, contrary to vvhat
they expected, still increased upon them ; and
this, not only on that year, while they had
nothing for themselves left [at the end of it],
but what R?ed they had sown perished also,
by reason of the ground not yielding its fruits
on the second year.-f This distress they were
in made thern also, out of necessity, to eat
many things that did not use to be eaten ;
nor was the king himself free from this dis-
tress any more than other men, as being de-
prived of that tribute he used to have from
the fruits of the ground; and having already
expended what money he had, in his liberali-
ty to those vi'hose cities he had built ; nor had
he any people that were wortiiy of his assist-
ance, since this miserable state of things had
procured him the hatred of his subjects ; for it
is a constant rule, that misfortunes are still
laid to the account of those that govern,
2. In tliese circumstances, he considered
with himself how to procure some seasonable
help ; but tills was a hard thing to be done,
while their neighbours had no food to sell
them ; and their money also was gone, had it
been possible to purchase a little food at a
great price. However, he thought it bis best
way, by all means, not to leave off his endea-
vours to assist his people ; so he cut ofl" the
rich furniture that was in his palace, both of
silver and gold, insomuch that he did not
spare the finest vessels he had, or those that
were made with the most elaborate skill of
the artificers, but sent the money to Petroni-
us, who had been made prefect of Egypt by
Csesar ; and as not a few had already fled
to him under their necessities, and as he was
particularly a friend to Herod, and desirous
to have his subjects preserved, he gave leave
to them, in the first place, to export corn, and
assisted them every way, both in purchasing
and exporting the same ; so that he was the
principal, if not the only person, who afibrd-
ed them what help they had. And Herod,
taking care the people should understand that
f This famine for two years that affected Judea and
Syria, the thirteenth and fourteenth years of Herod,
which are the twenty-third and twenty-fourth years be-
fore the Christian a?ra, seems to have been more terrible
durnig this time than was that in the days of Jacob,
Oen. xli, xlii. And what makes the comparison the
more remarkable is this : — That now, as well as then,
the relief they had was from Egypt also ; then from
Joseph the governor of Egypt, under Pharaoh king of
Kgypt ; and now from Petronius the prefect of Kgypt,
under Augustus, the lioman emperor. See almost tlie
like case, Antiq. b. xx, ch. ii, sect. 6. It is also wtU
worth our observation here, that these two years were a
Sabbatic Vear, and a year of jubilee, for which Provi-
dence, during the theocracy, used to provide a triple
crop beforehand; but which became now, when the
Jews had forfeited that blessing, the greatest years of
famine to them ever since the days of Aliab. 1 Kings,
xvii. xviii.
-V.
-T
J'
424
ANTIQUITIES OF TIIH JEWS.
tliis liulp came from liimsulf, did ilicnby not
only n'inovo the ill opinion of those that for-
nv.rly hated him, but gave them the greatest
demonstration possible of his good-will to
them, and care of them : for, in tlie first jjlace,
as tor those who were able to jirovide their
own food, he distributed to them their pro-
portion of corn in the exactest manner; but
for those many that were not able, either by
reason of their old age, or any other infirmity,
to provide food for themselves, he made this
provision for them, that the bakers should
make their bread ready for them. He also
took care that they might not be hurt by the
dangers of winter, since they were in great
want of clothing also, by reason of the utter
destruction and consumption of their sheep
and goats, till they had no wool to make use
of, nor any thing else to cover themselves
withal. And when he had piocured these
tilings for his own subjects, he went farther,
in onier to provide tiecessarics for their neigh-
bours ; and gave seed to the Syrians ; which
things turned greatly to his own advantage
also, this charitable assistance being afforded
most seasonably to their fruitful soil, so that
every one had now a plentiful provision of
food. Upon the whole, when the harvest of
the land was approaching, he sent no fewer
than fif;y thousand men, whom he had sus-
tained, into the country ; by which moans he
6oth repaired the afflicted condition of his own
kingdom with great generosity and diligence,
and lightened the afflictions of his neighbours,
who were under the sanie calamities; for there
was nobody who had been in want, that was
left destitute of a suitable assistance by him :
nay, farther, there were neither any people,
nor any cities, nor any private men, who were
to make provision for the multitudes; and on
that account were in want of su))port, and
bad recourse to him, but received what they
stood in need of, insomuch that it aj)peared,
upon a computation, that the number of cori
of wheat, of ten Attic medimni a-piece, that
were given to foreigners, amounted to ten
thousand ; and the immbir that was given in
his own kingdom was fourscore thousand.
Now it happened that this care of his, and
tliis seasonable benefaction, had such influ-
ence on the Jews, and was so cried up among
other nations, as to wipe off that old hatred
which his violation of some of their customs,
during his reign, had [jrocured him amotig
all the nation, and that this liberality of his
assistance in this their greatest necessity was
full satisfaction for all that he had done of
that nature, as it also procured him great
fame among foreigners ; and it looked as
if these calumities (liat afilicted his land to a
degree plainly incredible, came in order to
raise his glory, and to be to his great advan-
tage: for the greatness of his liberality m
these distresses, which he now demonstrated
beyoad all expectation, did so change the uis-
BOOK XV
position of the multitude towards him, thai
they were ready to suppose he had been
from the l)eginning not such a one as they
had found him to be by experience, but
such a one as the care he had taken of them
in supplying their necessities proved him now
to be.
3. About this time it was that lie sent five
hundred chosen men out of the guar<ls of iiis
body as auxiliatiefi to Ca;sar, whom ^iius
Gallus* led to the Red Sea, and who were of
great service to him there. When therefore
his affairs were tliusimjjroved, and were again
in a flourishing condition, he built himself a
palace in the upper city, raising the rooms to
a very great height, and adorning them %\ith
the most costly furniture of gold, and marble
seats, and beds ; and these were so large that
they could contain very many comijanies of
men, Tliese apartments were also of distinct
magtiitudes, and had particular names given
them ; for one apartment was called Caesar's,
another Agrippa's. He also fell in love again,
and maiTied another wife, not suffering his
reason to hinder him from living as he pleased.
The occasion of this his marriage was as fol-
lows : — There was one Simon, a citizen of
Jerusalem, the son of one Boethus, a citizen
of Alexandria, and a priest of great note there :
this man had a daughter, who was esteemed
the most beautiful woman of that time ; and
when the people of Jerusalem began to speak
much in her commendation, it l)ai)pened Uiat
Herod was much affected with what was said
of her : and when he saw the damsel, he was
smitten with lier beauty, yet did he entirely
reject the thoughts of using his authority to
abuse her; as believing, what was the truth,
that by so doing he should be stigmatized for
violence and tyranny : so he thought it best
to take the damsel to wife. And while Simon
was of a dignity too inferior to be allied to
him, l)ut still too considerable to be despised,
he governed his inclinations after the most
prudent manner, by augmenling the dignity
of the family, and making them more honour-
able ; so he inimediatek deprived Jesus the
son of I'lKibit of the liigh-priesthood. and
conferred thai dignity on Simon, and so join-
ed in affinity with tiim [by marrying his
daughter].
4. When this wedding was over, he built
another citadel in that place where he had
conipiered the Jews, when he was ilriven out
of his government, and Antigonus enjoyed it.
'i'his citade! is (lista^U tVom Jeiu-.alem about
threescore furlongs. It was strong by nature,
and tit for such a building. It is a sort of a
moderate iiill, raised to a farther height by
tlie hand of man, till it was of the shape of a
• This if.Iius Gallus sconis to tw no other than thaJ
yElius I.arjjiis whom IJio, s|i..ikiii(; of fl>c«.nilm-ting ;ir.
cxpwlitioii (hat M.1S alioii; \\\\> linn- iji.iilc into Araiiis
IVlix, atxonliiic to I'll.ivius, wlio i^hl■n• litiill.y SjtJi
hcim. Sec a tiiTl accuiiut of tJiis txiicdJlion ui Pruloaiui
at the y«Ku-!> ^ aiid '\ t.
~v
_/"
■\-
CHAP. IX.
woman's breast. It is encompassed with cir-
cular towers, and hath a straight ascent up
to it, which ascent is composed of steps of
polished stones, in number two hundred.
VViiiiin it are royal and very rich apartments,
of a structure that provided both for security
and for beauty. About the bottom there are
habitations of sudi a structure as are well
wortii seeing, both on other accounts, and also
on account of the water vvhich is brought
thither from a great way off, and at vast ex-
penses ; for the place itself is destitute of
water. The plain that is about this citadel
is full of edifices, not inferior to any city in
lai-geness, and having the hill above it in the
nature of a castle.
5. And now, when all Herod's designs
had succeeded according to his hopes, he had
not the least suspicion that any troubles could
arise in his kingdom, because he kept his
peoi)!e obedient, as well by the fear they stood
in of him, for he was implacable in the inflic-
tion of his punishments, as by the provident
care he had shown towards them, after the
most magnanimous manner, when they were
under their distresses : but still he took care
to have external security for his government,
as a fortress against his subjects; for the ora-
tions he made to the cities were very fine, and
full of kindness ; and he cultivated a season-
able good understanding with their gover-
nors, and bestowed presents on every one of
them, inducing them thereby to be more
friendly to him, and using his magnificent
disposition so as his kingdom might be the
better secured to him, and this till all his af-
fairs were every way more and more aug-
mented. But then, this magnificent temper
of his, and that submissive behaviour and
liberality which he exercised towards Caesar,
and the most powerful men of Rome, obliged
him to transgress the customs of his nation,
and to set aside many of their laws, by build-
ing cities after an extravagant manner, and
erecting temples, — not in Judea indeed, for
that would not have been borne, it being for-
bidden for us to pay any honour to images,
or representations of animals, after the man-
ner of the Greeks; but still he did this in
the country [properly] out of our bounds,
and in the cities thereof. • The apology
» One may liere take notice, that how tvvannical and
extravagant soever Heroil were in hhnself, and in his
Grecian cities, as to those plays, and shows, and temples
for idolatry, mentioned above ch. viii, sect, i), and liere
also, yet durst even he introduce very few of them into
the cities of the Jews, who, as Jo.^ephus here notes,
would not even then have borne them, so zealwus were
they still for many of liie laws of Moses, even under so
tyrannical a government as this was of Herod the Great ;
which tyrannical govcrninent puts ine naturally in mind
of Deaii Pridcaux's hontst rellection upon the like am-
bition after such tyrannical power in Hompey and Cae
sar : — " One of these {says he, at the yeai 60), could not
bear an equal, and the other a superior; and through
this ambitious humour and thirst al'ier more power in
these two men, the whole Roman empire being divided
into two opposite factions, there was (-.rodiieod hereby
the inosL destructive war lliat e\ er .illiicted it ; and the
like folly too much reigns in all other ]4iices. Could
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
425
which he made to the Jews for these things
was this : — That all was done, not out of his
own inclinations, but by the commands and
injunctions of others, in order to please Caesar
and the Romans ; as though he had not the
Jewish customs so much in his eye as he had
the honour of those Romans, while yet he
had himself entirely in view all the while, and
indeed was very ambitious to leave great
monuments of his government to posterity;
whence it was that he was so zealous in build-
ing such fine cities, and spent such vast sums
of money upon them.
6. Now upon his observation of a place
near the sea, which was very proper for con-
taining a city, and was before called Strato's
Tower, he set about getting a plan for a mag-
nificent city there, and erected many edifices
with great diligence all over it, and this of
white stone. He also adorned it with most
sumptuous palaces, and large edifices for con-
taining the people; and what was the great-
est and most laborious work of all, he adorned
it with a haven, that was always free from the
waves of the sea. Its largeness was not less
than the Pyrafum [at Athens] ; and had to-
wards the city a double station for the ships.
It was of excellent workmanship ; and this
was the more remarkable for its being built
in a place that of itself was not suitable to
such noble structures, but was to be brought
to perfection by materials from other places,
and at very great expenses. This city is situ-
ate in Phoenicia, in the passage by sea to
Egypt, between Joppa and Dora, vvhich are
lesser maritime cities, and not fit for havens,
on account of the impetuous south winds that
beat upon them, which, rolling the sands that
come from the sea against the shores, do not
admit of ships lying in their station ; but the
merchants are generally there forced to ride
at their anchors in the sea itself. So Herod
endeavoured to rectify this inconvenience,
and laid out such a compass towards the land
as might be sufncient for a haven, wherein the
great ships might lie in safety ; and this he ef-
fected by letting down vast stones of above
fifty feet in length, not less than eighteen in
breadth, and nine in depth, into twenty fa-
thoms deep ; and as some were lesser, so
were others bigger, than those dimensions.
This mole which he bnilt by the sea-side was
two hundred feet wide, the half of which was
opposed to the curient of the waves, so as to
keep off those waves which were to break
about thirty men be persuaded to live at home in peace
without enterprising upon the rights of each other, for
the vain glory of conquest, and the enlargement trf
power, the whole world might be at quiet ; but tlieir
ambition, their follies, and their humour, loading them
constantly to encroach upon and quarrel with each
other, they involve all that are ander them in the mis-
chiefs thereof, and many thousands arc they whieb
yeaily perish by it: so that it may almost' raise a
doubt, wliether'the benefit which the woild receiveii
from government be sulhcicnt to make amends for tbt
calamities which it suffers from the follies and m-U-..d
ministrations of those that manage it." ^ ^
425
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
EOOK XV
CHAPTER X,
j HOW HRROD SENT HIS SONS TO ROME ; HOW
ALSO HE WAS ACCUSED LY ZLNODPHUS AND
THF GADARENS, BUT WAS CLEARED OF WHAT
THEY ACCrSED HEM OV, AND WITHAL GAIN-
ED TO HIMSELF THE GOOD-WILL OF CESAR.
CONCERNING THE PHARISEES, THE ESSENS,
AND MANAHEM.
ui)on them, anJ so was called Procymatia, or
llie first bleaker of llie waves ; but the other
half had upon it a wall, witli several towers,
the largest of which was named Drusus, and
was a woik of very gieat excellence, and had
its name from Drusus, the son-in-law of Cec-
sar, who died young. There were also a
gieat number of arches, wliere the mariners
dwelt : there was also before thetn a quay
[or landing-place], which ran round the en-
tire haven, and was a most agreeable walk to i
such as had a mind to that exercise; but tlie
entrance or mouth of the port was made on § 1. When Herod was engaged in such mat-
the north quarter, on which side was the still- ters, and when he had alreiidy re-edified Se-
est of tlie winds of all in this place : and the baste [Samaria'', he resolved to send his sons
basis of the whole circuit on the left hand, as i Alexander and Aristobulus to Rome, to cn-
you enter the port, supported a round turret, I joy tlie company of Caisar ; who, when they
which was made very strong, in order to re- | came thither, lodged at the house of Pollio.f
sist the greatest waves ; while, on the riglit 1 who was very fond of Herod's friendship:
hand, as you enter, stood two vast stones, and i and they had leave to lodge in Cjesar's own
those each of them larger tlian the turret, palace, for he received these sons of Herod
which was over-against them : these stood i with all humanity, and pave Hccod leave to
upriglit, and were joined together. Now there , give his kingdom to which of liis sons he
were edifices all along the circular haven, pleased ; and, besides all this, he bestowed on
made of the most polished stone, with a certain him Trachon, and Batanea, and Auranitis,
elevation, whereon was erected a temple, that which he gave him on the occasion following:
was seen a great way oH' by those that were, — One Zenodorus ^ had hired what was called
sailing for that haven, and had in it two the house of Lysanias, who, as he was not
statues, the one of Rome, the other of Ca;sar. ; satisfied with its revenues, became a partner
I'he city itself was called Cesarea, which was | with the robbers that inhabited the Trachonites,
also itself built of fine materials, and was of and so procured him a larger income ; for the
a fine structure; nay, the very subterranean inhabitants of those places lived in a mad way,
vaults and cellars had no less of architecture ; and pillaged the country of the DaiLascenes,
bestowed on them than had the buildings while Zenodorus did not restrain them, but
above ground. Some of these vaidts carried partook of the prey they acquired. Now,
things at even distances to the haven and to as tiie neighbouring people were hereby great
the sea ; but one of them ran obliquely, and sufferers, they complained to Varro, who was
bound all the rest together, that both the rain ] then president [of Syria], and entreated him
and the filth of the citizens were togetiier car- 'to write to Caesar about this injustice of Ze-
ried oir with ease, and tiie sea itself, upon the nodorus. Wlien these matters were laid be-
tlux of the tide from without, came into the fore C'jesar, he wrote back to Varro to destroy
city, and washed it all clean. Herod also those nests of robbers, and to give the land
built therein a theatre of stone; and on the , to Herod, that by his care the neighbouring
south quarter, behind the port, an amphi- ' countries might be no longer disturbed with
theatre also, capable of holding a vast num- ! these doings of the Trachonites, for it was not
her of inen, and conveniently situated for a ' an easy thing to restrain them, since this way
prospect to the sea. So tliis city was thus of rohliery had been their usual practice, and
finisiied in twelve years;* during which time ! they 1 ad no other way to get their living, be-
the king did not fail to go on both with the cause they had neither any city of their own.
work, and to pay the charges that were ne-
cessary.
nor lands in their possession, but only some
receptacles and dens in the earth, and there
. , , ... , , J tliey and their cattle lived in commo;i toge-
• Ccsarca bciiiir here sa!d to Ix" rebuilt and adorned ■ , ' , .i i i i
..twelve ye;irs, and soon afterwards in ten jcars (An ' ther : however, they had made connivances to
tiq. b. xvi. cli. V, sect. 1), tluTu uuisl bo a mistake in ' gtt pools of water, and laid ui) corn in gra-
oiie of the niiict's as to the true number; liut in wliicli • »• .i i i i i . i
ct llitm" it IS hard positively to determine. "a''"-'* *^.'' themselves, and were able to make
great resistance, by issuing out on the sudden
against any that attacked them ; for the en-
t This I'ollio, with whom Herod's sons lived at
Koine, w;is not Pollio the I'hari-ir. •ilrcady mcnliont'd
by Jo-^i-phus (eh. i, S'et. 1), and iipiiin pn'-setuly after
IliiM (I'll. X, s(\'t. I), but Asinius Pollio, the Kuniaii, as
' p.iiihcim here obscrv.-s.
J The ehaiaottr of this Zenodorus is so like that of
a famous robU r of ihe same name in stralx>, and that
almul (his \cry country, and about this \er\ time also,
that I think IJr. Hudson h.irdly nee<l»l to have put a
i vcrltaps to Jiis determination tluit they were the naaf
J^
■X
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
427
trances of their caves were narrow, in which
but one could come in at a time, and the
places within incredibly large, and made very
wide ; but the ground over their habitations
was not very hij^h, but rather on a plain, while
the rocks are altogether hard and difficult to
be entered upon, unless any one gets into the
plain road by the guidance of another, for
these roads are not straight, but have several
revolutions. But wlien these men are hin-
dered from their wicked preying upon their
neighbours, their custom is to prey one upon
another, insomuch that no sort of injustice
comes amiss to them. But when Herod had
received this grant from Cassar, and was come
into this country, he procured skilful guides,
and put a stop to their wicked robberies, and
procured peace and quietness to the neigh-
bouring people-
2. Hereupon Zenodorus was grieved, in the
first place, because liis principality was taken
away from him, and still more so, because he
envied Herod, who had gotten it; so he went
up to Rome to accuse him, but returned back
again without success. Now Agrippa was
[about this time] sent to succeed Caesar in
the government of the countries beyond the
Ionian Sea, upon whom Herod lighted when
he was wintering about Mitylene, for he had
been his particular friend and companion, and
then returned into Judea again. However,
some of the Gadarens came to Agrippa, and
accused Herod, whom he sent back bound to
the king, without giving them the hearing:
but ntill the Arabians, who of old bare ill-will
to Herod's government, were nettled, and at
that time attempted to raise a sedition in his
dominions, and, as they thought, upon a more
justifiable occasion ; for Zenodorus, despairing
already of success as to his own aflairs, pre-
vented [his enemies], by selling to those Ara-
bians a part of his principality, called Aura-
iiitis, for the value of fifty talents; but as
this was included in the donations of Cassar,
they contested the point with Herod, as un-
justly deprived of what they had bought.
Sometimes they did this by making incursions
upon him, and sometimes by attempiing force
against him, and sometimes by going to law
with him. Moreover, they persuaded the
poorer soldiers to help them, and were trouble-
some to him, out of a constant hope that tiiey
should reduce the people to raise a sedition ;
that was heavy in his injunctions, and tyran-
nical. These repro<iches they mainly ven-
tured upon by the encouragement of Zenodo-
rus, who took his oath that he would never
leave Herod till he had procured that they
should be severed from Herod's kingdom,
and joined to CiEsar's province. The Gada-
rens were induced hereby, and made no small
cry against him ; and that the more boldly,
because those that had been delivered up by
Agrippa were not punished by Herod, who
let them go, and did them no harm ; for in-
deed he was the principal man in the world
who appeared almost inexorable in punishing
crimes in his own family ; but very generous
in remitting the oifences that were committed
elsewhere. And while they accused Herod
of injuries and plunderings, and subversion
of temples, he stood unconcerned, and was
ready to make his defence. However, Caesar
gave him his right hand, and remitted no-
thing of his kindness to liim, upon this dis-
tuibance by the multitude; and indeed these
things were alleged the first day, but the hear-
ing proceeded no farther; for as the Gada-
rens saw the inclination of Caesar and of his
assessors, and expected, as they had reason to
do, that they should be delivered up to the
king, some of them, out of a dread of the tor-
ments they might undergo, cut their own
throats in the night-time, and some of them
threw themselves down precipices, and others
of them cast themselves into the river, and de-
stroyed themselves of their own accord ; which
accidents seemed a sufficient condemnation
of the rashness and crimes they had been
guilty of; whereupon Cassar made no longer
delay, but cleared Herod from the crimes ho
was accused of. Another happy accident
there was, which was a farther great advan-
tage to Herod at tJiis time; for Zenodorus's
belly burst, and a great quantity of blood is-
sued from him in his sickness, and he there-
by departed this life at Antioch in Syria; so
Caesar bestowed his country, which was no
small one, upon Herod ; it Jay between
Trachon and Galilee, and contai-ned Ulatiia,
and Pancas, and the country round about.
He also made him one of the procurators of
Syria, and commanded that they should do
every thing with his approbation; and, in
short, he arrived at that pitch of felicity, that
whereas there were but two men that govern-
in which designs those that are in the most ed the vast Roman empire, first Caesar and
miserable circumstances of life are still the ; then Agrippa, who was his principal favour-
most earnest ; and although Herod had been ite, Ccesar preferred no one to Herod besides
a great while apprized of these attempts, yet Agrippa; and Agrippa made no one his
did not he indulge any severity to tliem, but 'greater friend than Herod beside Caesar; and
by rational methods aimed to mitigate things, j wiien he had acquired such freedom, he beg-
as not willin
mults,
3. Now when Herod had already reigned 1. .. , , j--,ij.j,.
^ . V- • I * A tdrarchy pioperlv and originally denoted the
seventeen years, Caesar came jnto Syria; at | fourth part of an entire kingdom or country, and ii /f-
which time the greatest part of t'.ie inhabitants '';'"''■'' '.'"'^ "i^^ was ruler oi such a fourtli p.-irt, whiih
,. , . , , ^ J . ,, J always iinplics somewhat loss extent ct dominirvn aid
ot Oadara clamoured against HeTvd, as one power than belong tc a kingdom and to a king.
to give any handle for tu- ged of Caesar a tetrarchy* for his brother
"^_
428
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
Plicroras, wliile he did himself bestow upon
liiin a levtnue of a huntlri-d talents out of his
own kingdoin, that in case he came to any
harm hiniself, his brother might be in safety,
and that his sons migi.t not liavc dominion
over him. So \> hen he had eoiuiucteti Caesar
to tlie sea, and was returned home, lie Ijuilt
him a most beautiful temple, of the whitest
stone in Zcnodorus's country, near the place
called Panium. This is a very fine cave in a
mountain, under wliicli there is a great cavity
in the earth, and the cavern is abrupt, and
prodigiously dcp, and full of a still water;
over it hangs a vast mountain ; and under tlie
caverns arise the springs of the river Jordan.
Herod adorned tins place, which was already
a very remarkable one, still farther by the e-
lertion of liiis temple, which he dedicated to
Caesar.
4. At which time Herod released to his
subjects the tl'ird part of their taxes, under
pretence indeed of relieving them, after the
dearili they had liad ; but the main reason was,
to recover their good-will, which he now
wanted ; for they were uneasy at him, because
of the innovations he had introduced in their
practices of the dissolution of their religion,
and of the ditnjse of their own customs ; and
the people everywhere talked against him,
like those that were still more provoked and
disturbed at his procedure; against which
discontents he greatly guarded himself, and
look away the ojiportunities they might have
to disturb him, and enjoined them to be always
at work ; nor did he permit the citizens either
to meet together, or to walk, or eat together,
but watched every thing they did, and when
any were caught, they were severely punished ;
and many there were who Here brought to
the citadel Hyrcania, both openly and secretly,
and were there put to death ; and there were
spies set everywhere, both in the city and in
the roads, who watclieu those that met toge-
ther; nay, it is reported that he did not him-
self neglect this pait of caution, but that he
would oftentinies himself take the habit of a
private man, and mix among the multitude,
in the night-tiure, and make trial what opinion
they had of his government ; and as for those
that could no way be reduced to accjuiesce
under his scheme of government, he persecuted
them all manner of ways; but for the rest of
the multitude, he required that they should be
obliged to take an oath of fidelity to him, anil
at the same time compelled them to s«ear
tiiat they would bear liim good-will, and con-
tinue certainly so to do, in his management
of the government ; and indeed a great part
of them, either to please him, or out of fear
of him, yielded to what he required of Ihein ;
but for such as were of a more 0i)en and ge-
n^'rous disposition, and had indignation at the
force he useil to them, he by one means or
nlher made away with them. He endeavoured
also to persuade J'ollio thi- I'lurisee, and Sa-
■OOK X.V
meas, and the greatest pa.t of their scholars,
to take the oafli ; but these would neiti er sul>-
mit so tc do, nor were they puriished togetliei
with the rest, out of the reverence he bore to
I'ollio. The Essens also, as we call a sect
of ours, were excused from this imposition.
These men live the same kind of life as do
those whom the Greeks call Pythagoreans ;
concerning whom I shall discourse more fully
elsewhere. However, itisbut fit to set down
here the reasons wherefore Herod had these
Essens in such honour, and thought higher of
them than their mortal nature required : nor
will this account be unsuitable to the nature
of this history, as it will show the opinioti men
had of these Essens.
5. Now there was one of these Essens,
whose name was Manahem, who had this tes-
titnony, that he not only conducted his life
after an excellent manner, but had the fore-
knowledge of future events given him by
God also. This man once saw Herod when
he was a child, and going to school, and sa-
luted him as king of the Jews ; but he, think-
ing that either he did not know him, or
that he was in jest, put him in mind that he
was but a private man ; but IManahem smiled
to himself, and clapped him on his backside
with his hand, and said, " However that be,
thou wilt be king, ana wiit hegin thy reign
happily, for God finds thee worthy of it ; and
do thou remember the blows that Manaheir.
hath given thee, as being a signal of the
change of thy fortune ; and truly this will be
the best reasoning for thee, that thou love
justice towards men], and piety towards God,
and clemency towards thy citizens ; yet do I
know how thy whole conduct will be, that
tliou wilt not be such a one, for thou wilt ex-
cel all men in happiness, and obtain an ever.
lasting reputation, but wilt forget piety and
righteousness; and these crimes will not be
concealed from God at the conclusion of thy
life, when thou wilt find that he will be mindful
of them, and punish tlue for them." Now
at that time Herod diil not at all attend to
what Manahem said, as having no hopes of
such advancement; but a little afterward,
when he was so fortunate as to be advanced
to the iligiiity of king, and was in the height
of his dominion, he sent for Manahem, and
asked him how long he should reign. Ma-
nahem dill not tell him the full length of his
reign ; wherefore, upon that silence of his,
he asked him larther, whether he shoidd reign
ten years or not? He replied, " Yes< twenty,
nay, thirty years ;" but did not assign the
just determinate limit of his reign. Herod
was satisfied with these rejilies, and gave ]Ma-
nahem his hand, and dismissed him ; and
from that time he continueil to honour all the
Kssetis. We have thought it proper to re-
late these facts to our readers, how strange
soever they be, and to declare what hath hap-
pened among us, because many of these 11s-
X
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS. 429
sens have, by their e-xcfllent virtue, been this temple to God Almighty, yet does it
thought worthy of tliis knowledge of divine want sixty cubits of its largeness in altitude ;
revelations. for so much did that first teinple which Solo-
mon built exceed this temple: nor let any
one condemn our fathers for their negligence
PH APTFR "V T ' ""^ want of piety herein, for it was not their
i fault that the temple was no higher ; for they
HOW HKIlOl) REBi;iI,T THE TEiMPLE, AND RAISED vi'ere Cyrus, and Darius the son of Hystas-
IT HiGHKH, AND MADE IT MORE MAGNIFI- pes, who determined the measures for its re--
CENT THAN IT WAS BEFORE; AND ALSO CON- building ; and it hatli been by reason of the
CEUNING THAT TOWER WHICH HE CALLED Subjection of those fathers of ours to them
^NTONIA. and to their posterity, and after them to the
Macedonians, that they had not the opportii-
§ 1. And now Herod, in the eighteenth year nity to follow the original model of this pious
of his reign, and after the acts already men- edific, nor could raise it to its ancient a!ti-
tioned, undertook a very great work, that tude ; but since I am now, by God's will,
is, to build of himself the temple of God,* your governor, and I have had peace a long
and make it larger in compass, and to raise it time, and have gained great riches and large
to a most mai,nificent altitude, as esteeming , revenues, and, what is the principal thing of
it to be the most glorious of all his actions, as all, I am at amity with and well regarded by
it really was, to bring it to perfection, and , the Romans, who, if I may so say, are the
that this would be sufficient for an everlast- ! rulers of the whole world, I will do myendea-
ing memorial of him ; but as he knew the , vour to correct that imperfection, which hatli
multitude were not ready nor willing to as- arisen from the necessity of our aflairs, and
sist him in so vast a design, he thought to the slavery we have been under formerly, and
prepare them first by making a speech to to make a thankful return, after the most pi-
them, and then set about the work itself; so ous manner to God, for what blessings I havs
he called them together, and spake thus to received from him, by giving me this king-
them : — "I think I need not speak to you, dom, and that by rendering his temple as
my countrymen, about such other works as I complete as I am able."
have done since I came to the kingdom, al- 2. And this was the speech wliich Herod
though I may say they have been performed made to thi.m : but still this speech affriglited
in such a manner as to bring more security 'many of the people, as being unexpected bj
to you than glory to myself; for I have nei- them, and because it seemed incredible, it did
ther been negligent in the most difficult ' not encourage them, but put a damp upon
times about what tended to ease your ne- ; them, for they were afraid that he would pull
ce>sities, nor have the buildings I have made down the whole edifice, and not be able to
been so proper to preserve me as yourselves bring his intentions to perfection for its re-
from injuries; and I imagine that, with God's building; and this danger ajipeared to them
assistance, I have advanced the nation of to be very great, and the vastness of the un-
the Jews to a degree of happiness which dertaking to be such as could liardly be ac-
they never had before ; and for the particu- ' complished. But while they were in this dis-
lar edifices belonging to your own country, ' position, the king encouraged them, and told
and to your own cities, as also to those cities them he would not pull down their temple till
that we have lately acquired, which we have all things were gotten ready for building it up
erected and greatly adorned, and thereby aug- entirely again. And as he promised them
mented the dignity of your nation, it seems this beforehand, so he did not break his word
to me a needless task to enumerate them to with them, but got ready a thousand waggons,
you, since you well know them yourselves ;' that were to bring stones for the bi'iilding,
but as to that undertakin-g which I have a and those out ten thousand of the most skil-
niiiid to set about at present, and which will ful workmen, and bought a thousand sacer-
be a work of the greatest piety and excellence dotal garments for as many of the priests, and
thiit can possibly be undertaken by us, I will had some of them taught (he arts of stone-
now declare it to you. Our fathers, indeed, cutters, and others of carpenters, and then
when they were returned from Babylon, built! began to build ; but this not till every thing
* Wc- may here obsorve. that the fancy of the mo- ^'^'S well prepared for the work,
dern Jews, in calling this temple, which was really the 3. So Herod took away the old foundations,
third of their temples, the second temple, followed so I „ i i„; j „.k . ^^A „, ,. .1 .i,„ .„.„., 1„ ,..,«.,
long by later Christians, seems to be without any solid | ^"^^ ^^^'^ others, and erected the temple upon
' " ■ them, being in length a hundred cubits, and
in height twenty additional cubits, which
foundation. The reason why the Christians here fol-
low the Jews is, because of the projihccy of Hagijai (ii,
6, 9), which they expound of tlie Mcssiali's coiuiiig to
the second or Zorobabel's temple, of wliich they sii^)-
pose this of Herod to be only a continuation, whicli is
meant, 1 think, of his coming to the fourth and last
temple, or to thai future, largi-^t, and most glorious one,
described by Kzekiel j whence 1 take the tonner notion,
how gener.il soever, to be a great mistake.^ See Lit
[twenty], upon the sinking of their founda-
tions, f fell down : and this p;u-t it was that
f Some of our modem students in architecture have
made a strange blunder here, when they iin.igine tliat
loiap. of I'roph. p. ai. josephus ailirms the entire fomulation of the teniiylo
iSO
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
we resolved to raise acjaiti in the tUys of
Nero. Now the teinple was built of stones
that were white and strong, and each of their
lenn;tli was twenty-five cuhits, their height
.vas eight, and their breadth about twelve;
and the whole structure, as also the structure
of the royal cloister, was on each side much
tower, but the middle was mucli higher, till
t!)ey were visible to those that dwelt in the
country for a >:reat many furlongs, but chief-
ly to such as lived over-against them and those
that approached to them. The temple had
doocs also at the entrance, and lintels over
tliem, of the same height with the temple it-
self. They were adorned with embroidered
veils, with their flowers of purple, and pil-
lars interwoven : and over these, but under
the c-rown-work, was spread out a golden vine,
with its branches hanging down from a great
lieight, the largeness and fine workmanship
of which was a surprising sight to the spec-
tators, to see what vast materials there were,
and with what great skill thi- workmanship
was done. He also encoin passed the entire
temple with very large cloisters, contriving
them to be in a due proportion tiiereto ; and
he laid out larger sums of money upon them
than had been done before him, till it seemed
that no one else had so greatly adorne<l the
temple as lie had done. There was a large
wail to both the cloisters; which wall w,:s it-
self the most prodigious work that was ever
heard of by man. The hill was a rocky
ascent, that declined by degrees towards the
east parts of the city, till it came to an ele-
vated level. This hill it was which Solomon,
who was the first of our kings, ijyoivine reve-
lation, encompassed with a wall; it was of ex-
cellent workmanship upwards, and round tlie
top of it. He also built a wall below, begin-
ning at the bottom, which was encompassed
by a deep valley ; and at the south side he
laid rocks together, and bound them one to
another with lead, and included some of the
inner parts, till it proceeded to a great height,
and till both the largeness of the square eili-
fice and its altitude were iminense, and till
the vastness of tlie stones in the front were
plainly visible on the outside, yet so that the
inward parts were fastened together with iron,
and preserved the joints immoveable for all
or holy house sunk down into the rwkv mountain on
wh>c-h it stooJ, no less th.n twcntv eulnts, wlicreas lie
U clear Uiat they w;re the tbuntlatrons of tlu- Hdditinn.il
twenty cubits only above the hundred >niadc perhaps
weak on pur|>osc, and only for show ar.d craudpiir), that
sunk or fell dowti, as Or. Hudson rikjhllv umhrslands
hiin : nor is the thing itself po>»ible ni tlie other sense.
Agiippa't preparation for IniildinK the in-itr p.irlsoflhe
temple twenty cubits hicher (ilislorv of the War, b. v,
ch. 1, sect. H), must in all probaOilWy refc r to this mat-
ter, since Joscnhus says here, that this whieh had fal-
len down was designed tube raised up.igain under Nero,
under whom Agnpiia made that preparation. But what
Jospphus says presently, that Solomon wasihc lirst kin;;
of the Jews, appcais iiy the paiallel pliier, Antifi. b. xx,
ch. ix, seel. 7. and other places, to Iw meant oiil\ the
first of ria' id"» posterity, and the firki buildct jf the
t«mpUv
future times. When this work [for the foun-
dation] was done in this manner, and joined
together as part of the hill itself to the very
top of it, he wrought it all into one outwarf'
surface, and filled up the hollow places whic..
were about the wall, and made it a level on
the external ujiper surface, and a smooth level
also. This hill was walled all round, and in
compass four furlongs, [the distance of| each
angle containing in length a furlong : but
within this wall, and on the very top of all,
there ran aniither wall of stone also, having, on
the east quarter, a doul)le cloister, of the same
length with the wall ; in the midst of which
was the temple itself. This cloister looked |
to the gates of the temple; and it had been 1
adorned by many kings in former times; and
round about the entire temple wvrc fixed tl)e
spoils taken froin barbarous nations; all these
had been dedicated to the temple by Herod,
with the addition of tliese he bad taken from ,
the Arabians. ,
4. Now on the north side [of the temple] !
was built a citadel, whose walls were square, I
and strong, and of extraordinary firmness. I
This citadel was built by the kings of the
Asamonean race, who were also high-priests |
before Herod, and they called it the Tower, in t
which were reposited the vestments of the
high-priest, which the higli-priest only put on
at the time when he was to offer sacrifice.
These vestments king Herod kept in tlia» |
place ; anH after his death tlu-y were imder the
power of the Ilomans, until the time of Ti-
berius Caesar; under whose reign Vitellius, the 1
president of Syria, when he once came to Je-
rusalem, and had been most magnificently r&-
ceived by the multitude, he hail a mind to
inake them some requital for the kindness
they had shown him ; so, upon their petition
to have those holy vestments in their own
power, he wrote about tliem to Tiberius Cs-
sar, who granted his request : and this their
power over the sacerdotal vestments continued
with the Jews till the death of king Agrippa ;
but after that, Cassius l.onginus, who was
president of .Syria, and Cuspius Eadus, wiio
was procurator of Judea, enjoisied the Jews
to reposit those vestments in tlie tower of An-
tonia, for that they ought to have tliwii in their
power, as they formerly had. However, the
Jews sent ambassadors to Claudius Cassar, to
intercede «ith him for them; upon whose
coming, king .\grip])a, junior, being then at
Rome, asked for and ohiaiiied the power over
them from the emperor; who gave command
to VitelliuK, who was then commander in Syn'a,
to give tliem it accordingly. Before that time
thej were kept under the seal of the high-
priest, and of the treasurers, of the temple ;
which treasurers, the day before a festival,
went up to the Roman captain of the tem])!e
guards, and viewed their own seal, and re-
ceived tl/e vestments ; and again when the fes-
tival was over, they brought it to tlie same
CHAP. XI.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
431
place, and showed tlie captain of the temple-
guards tlieir ieal, which corresponded with his
se-al, and reposited tliem there. And that
these things were so, the afflictions that hap.
pened to us afterward [about tlien^l are suf-
ficient evidence : but for the tower itself, when
Herod the king of the Jews had fortified it
more firmly tlian bofore, in order to secure
and guard the temple, he gratified Antonius,
who was liis friend, and the Roman ruler, and
then gave it the name of the Tower of An-
tunia.
5. Now, in the western quarter of the en-
closures of the temple there were four gates;
the first led to the king's palace, and went to
a passage over the intermediate valley ; two
more led to the suburbs of the city ; and tlie
last led to the other city, where the road de-
scended down into the valley by a great num-
ber of steps, and thence up again by the as-
cent ; for the city lay over-against the temple
in the manner of a theatre, and was encom-
passed with a deep valley along the entire
south quarter ; but the fourth front of tlie
temple, which was southward, had indeed it-
self gates ill its middle, as also it had the
royal cloisters, with three walks, which reach-
ed in length from the cast valley unto that
on the west, for it was impossible it sliould
reach any faither : and this cloister deserves
to be mentioned better than any other under
tlia sun ; for while the valley was very deep,
and its bottom could not be seen, if you look-
ed from above into the depth, this farther
vastly high elevation of the cloister stood
upon that height, insomuch that if any one
looked down from tlie top of the battlements,
or down both those altitudes, ho would be
giddy, while his sight could not reach to such
a'U immense depth. This cloister had pillars
that stood in four rows one over-against the
other all along, for the fourth row was inter-
woven into the wall, which [also was built of
stone:; and the thickness of each pillar was
such, that three men might, with their arms
extended, fathom it round, and join their
hands again, while its length was twenty--
seven feet, with a double spiral at its basis ;
and the number of all the pillars [in tliat
court] was an hundred and sixty-two. Tlicir
chapiters were made with sculptures after the
Corinthian order, and caused an amazement
[to the spectators], by reason of the grandeur
of the whole. These four rows of pillars in-
cluded three intervals for vvalkiiig in the mid-
dle of this cloister ; two of which walks were
made parallel to each other, and were con .
trived after the same manner ; the breadth of
each of them was thirty feet, the length was
a I'urlong, and the height fifty feet : but the
breadth of the middle part of the cloister was
one and a lialf of the other, and the height
was double, for it was much higher than those
on each side ; but the roofs were adorned
"'itJi deep sculptures in wood, repr^enting
many sorts of figures : the middle was much
higher than the rest, and the wall of the front
was adorned with beams, resting upon pillars,
that were interwoven into it, and that front
was all of polished stone, insomuch that its
fineness, to such as had not seen it, was in-
credible, and to such as had seen it, was
greatly amazing. Thus was the first enclo-
sure. In the midst of which, and not far
from it, was the second, to be gone up to by
a few steps : this was encompassed by a stone
w;>ll for a partition, with an inscription, which
forbade any foreigner to go in, under pain of
death. Now this inner enclosure had on its
southern and northern quarters three gates
[equally] distant from one another j but on
the east quarter, towards the sun-rising, there
was one large gate through which such as
were pure came in, together with their wives;
but the temple farther inward in that gate
was not allowed to tlie women ; but still more
inward was there a third [court of the] tem-
ple, whereinto it was not lawful for any but
the priests alone to enter. The temple itself
was within this; and before that temple was
the altar, upon which we offer our sacrifices
and burnt-offerings to God. Into none of
these tiiree did king Herod enter,* for he was
forbidden, because he was not a priest. How-
ever, he took care of the cloisters and the outer
enclosures ; and these he built in eight yeai;s
6. But the temple itself was built by the
priests in a year and six months, — upon whicl-
all the people were full of joy ; and present-
ly they returned thanks, in the first place, to
God ; and in the next place, for the alacrity
the king had shown. Tiiey feasted and cele-
brated this rebuilding of the temple : and for
the king, he sacrificed three hundred oxen to
God ; as did the rest, every one according to
his ability : the number of which sacrifices is
not possible to set down ; for it cannot be
that we should truly relate it ; for at the same
time with this celebration for the work about
the temple, fell also the day of the king's in-
auguration, which he kept of an old custom
as a festival, and it now coincided with the
other ; which coincidence of them both made
the festival most illustrious.
7. There was also an occult passage built
for the king: it led from Antonia to the in-
ner temple, at its eastern gate ; over which he
also erected for liimself a tower, that he might
have tlie opportunity of a subterraneous as-
cent to the temple, in order to guard against
any sedition which might be made by the peo-
ple against their kings. It is also reported, f
« " Into none of these tliree did king Herod enter,"
i. e. 1, Not into the eoiul of the priests; 'i. Nor into
the holy house itself; ,5, Nor into the separate place
iKlonging to the altar, as the words following imply ; for
none but priests, or their attendants the Levites, rnight
come into any of them. See Antiq. b. xvi, ch. iv, stet.
6, wlien Heiod goes into the temple, and makes a speech
in it to the peojilc ; but that could only be into the court
of Israel, whither the people could come to hear him.
t This tradition whioh Josephus here mentions, as
delivered down from fathers to their childien, of this
"A
4.'i2
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK XVI.
that during the time tliat the temple was
builiiiiig, it did not rain in tiie day-time, but
that the showers fell in the niglits, so tliat tiie
work was not hindered. And this our fathers
liave delivered to us ; nor is it incredible, U
any have regard to tiie manifestations of God.
And thus was performed tlie work of tlie re-
building of the temple.
BOOK XVI.
CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF TWELVE YEARS.
rUOM THE FINISHING OF THE TEMPLE BY HEROD TO THE
DEATH OF ALEXANDER AND ARISTOBULUS.
CHAPTER L
K LAW OF HF.ROD'S ABOUT THIEVES. SALO-
ME AND PHtaORAS CaLI'MNIATE ALEXAN-
DKR AND ARISTOIiL'LIJS, UPON THEIR RE-
TURN FROM ROME, FOR WHOM HEROD YET
PROVIDES WIVES.
§ 1. As king Herod was very zealous in the
administration of his entire government, and
desirous to put a slop to particular acts of in-
justice which were done by criminals about
the city and country, he made a law, no way
like our original laws, and whicli he enacted
of himself, to expose housebreakers to be
ejected out of his kingdom ; which |)unish-
ment was not only grievous to be borne by
the offenders, but contained in it a dissolu-
tion of tiie customs of our forefathers ; for
tliis slavery to foreigners, and such as did not
live after the manner of Jews, and tliis neces-
sity tliat they were under to do whatsoever
such men sliould command, was an offence
against our religious settlement, rather than a
punishment to such as were found to liave of-
fended, such a punishment being avoided in
our original laws ; for those laws ordain, tliat
the thief shall restore fourfold ; and that if he
have not so mucli, he shall be sold indeed,
but not to foreigners, nor so that lie be under
perpi'tual slavery, for he must have been re-
leased after six years. But this law, thus en-
iiarticiilar remarkable circumstance relating to thebiiitd-
iiij; of llcroiPs teni|iU>, is ;i (lemonstration that such its
bLiilcling was a known thing in .luilea at this liniu. lie
was born but fort>-six years after it is related to have
been Klli^he<l, and inigtit liimself have seen and spoken
«vitli some of the builders Ihenisohes, and with a great
nuuibor of those who had seen its buiUhng. The doubt
thcrit'ore about the truth of tliis history of the imlling
down and rebuilding this temple bj Heroii, whicii some
weak people have indulged, was not then much greater
than it S(«)n may be, wheiher or not St. Paul's church in
London was burnt down in the fire of London, A D l)>'l!'',
aiul rebuilt by Hii Chri»tu|)her Wren a little afturwaid.
acted in order to introduce a severe and ille-
gal punishment, seemed to be a piece of inso-
lence in Herod, when he did not act as a king
but as a tyrant, and thus contemptuously,
and without any regard to his subjects, did he
venture to introduce such a punishmen*.
Now this penalty thus brought into practice,
was lika Herod's other actions, and became a
part of his accusation, and an occasion of the
hatred he lay under.
2. Now at this time it was that he sailed to
Italy, as very desirous to meet with CiEsar,
and to see his sons w ho lived at Koine :
and Cassar was not only very obliging to him
in other respects, but delivered him his sons
again, that he might take them home with
him, as having already completed themselves
in the sciences ; but as soon as the young men
were come from Italy, the multitude were
very desirous to see them, and they became
conspicuous among them all, as adorned with
great blessings of fortune, and having the
countenances of persons of royal dignity.
So they soon appeared to be the objects of
envy to Salome, tlie king's sister, and to such
as had raised calumnies against ^lariamne ;
for they were suspicious, that when these
came to the government, they should be pu-
nislied for the wickedness they had been guilty
of against their mother; so they made this
very fear of theirs a irotive to raise calumnies
against them also. They gave it out that
they were not pleased with their father's
company, because he had put their mother to
death, as if it were not agreeable to piety to
appear to converse with their mother's mur-
derer. Now, by carrying these stories, that
had indeed a true foundation [in the fact'',
but were only built on probabilities as to the
present accusation, they were able to do them
mischief, and to make Iltrod take away that
kindness from his sons which he had before
*v
CHAP. II.
borne to them, for they did not say these
things to him openly, but scattered abroad
such words among the rest of the multitude ;
from which words, when carried to Herod, he
was induced [at last] to hate them, and which
natural affection itself, even in length of time,
was not able to overcome ; yet was the king
at that time in a condition to prefer the natu-
ral ai'ection of a father before all the suspi-
cions and calumnies his sons lay under :
so he respected them as he ought to do, and
married them to wives, now they were of an
age suitable thereto. To Aristobulus he gave
for a wife Bernice, Salome's daughter ; and
to Alexander, Glaphyra, the daughter of Ar-
chelaus, king of Cappadocia.
CHAPTER 11.
HOW HEROD TWICE SAILED TO AGRIIPA; AND
HOW, UrOy THE COMPLAINT OT THE JEWS
IN IONIA AGAINST THE GREEKS, AGRtPPA
CONFIRMED THE LAWS OF THE JEWJ TO
THEM.
§ 1. When Herod had dispatched these af-
fairs, and he understood that Marcus Agrippa
had sailed again out of Italy into Asia, he
made haste to him, and besought him to come
to him into his kingdom, and to partake of
what he might justly expect from one that
'jad been his guest, and was his friend. This
request he greatly pressed, and to it Agrippa
agreed, and came into Judea : whereupon
Herod omitted nothing tliat might please him.
He entertained him in his new-built cities,
and showed him the edifices he had built, and
provided all sorts of tlie best and most costly
dainties for him and his friends, and that at
Sebaste and Cesarea, about that port tliat he
had built, and at the fortresses which he had
erected at great expenses, Aloxandrium, and
Herodium, and Ilyrcania. He also conduct-
ed liim to the city Jerusalem, where all the
people met him in their festival garments, and
received him with acclamations. Agrippa
also offered a hecatomb of sacrifices to God ;
and feasted the people, without omitting any
of the greatest dainties that could be gotten.
He also took so much pleasure there, tliat he
abode many days with them, and would will-
ingly have staid longer, but that the season
of the year made him make haste away ; for,
as winter was coming on, he thought it not
safe to go to sea later, and yet he was of ne-
cessity to return again to Ionia.
9. So Agrippa went away, when Herod
had bestowed on him, and on the principal of
those that were with him, many presents ;
but king Herod, when he had passed the win-
ter in his own dominions, made haste to get
to him again in the spring, when he knew he
designed to go to a campaign at tlie Bospho-
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
433
rus. So when he had sailed by Rhodes and
by Cos, he touched at Lesbos, as thinking he
should have overtaken Agrippa there; but he
was taken short here by a north wind, which
hindered his ship from going to the shore ;
so he continued many days at Ciiius, and
there he kindly treated a great many that
came to him, and obliged them by giving
them royal gifts. And when he saw tliat the
portico of the city was fallen down, which as
it was overthrown in the Mithridatic war, and
was a very large and fine building, so was it
not so easy to rebuild that as it was the rest,
yet did he furnish a sum not only large enough
for that purpose, but what was more than
sufl'icient to finish the building; and ordered
them not to overlook that portico, but to re-
build it quickly, that so the city might recover
its proper ornaments. And when the high
winds were laid, he sailed to Mitylene, and
thence to Byzantium ; and when he heard
that Agrippa was sailed beyond the Cyanean
rocks, he made all the haste possible to over-
take him, and came up with him about Si-
nope, in Pontus. He was seen sailing by
the shipmcn most unexpectedly, but appeared
to their great joy; and many friendly saluta-
tions there were between them, insomuch that
Agrippa thought lie bad received the greatest
marks of the king's kindness and humanity
towards him possible, since the king had come
so long a voyage, and at a very proper sea-
son, for his assistance, and had left the govern-
ment of his own dominions, and thought it
more worth his while to come to him. Ac-
cordingly, Herod was all in all to Agrippa,
in the management of the war, and a great
assistant in civil affairs, and in giving liim
counsel as to particular matters. He was
also a pleasant companion for him when he
relaxed himself, and a joint partaker with him
in all things; in troubles because of his kind-
ness; and in prosperity, because of tJie re-
spect Agrippa had for him. Now as soon as
those aflairs of Pontus were finished, for v/hoss
sake Agrippa was sent thither, they did not
think fit to return by sea, but passed through
Paphlagonia and Cappadocia; they then tra-
velled thence over great Phrygia, and came
to Ephesus, and then they sailed from Ephe-
sus to Samos, And indeed the king bestow-
ed a great many benefits on every city that he
came to, according as they stood in need of
them ; for as for those that wanted either mo-
ney or kind treatment, he was not wanting to
them; but he supplied the former himself out
of bis own expenses : lie also became an in-
tercessor with Agri]ipa for all such as sought
after his favour, and he brought things so a-
bout, that the petitioners failed in none of
their suits to him, Agrippa being himself of
a good disposition, and of great generositv,
and ready to grant all such requests as niiglit
be advantageous to the petitioners, provided
they were not to the detriment of others.
2 O
4S4.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
Tlie inclination of the king was of great
weight also, and still excited Agrippa, who
was himself ready to do good ; for he made a
reconciliation between the people of Ilium, at
whom he was angry, and paid what money the
people of Chins owed Cassar's procurators,
and discharged them of their tributes ; and
helped all others, according as their several
necessities required.
3. But now, when Agrippa and Herod
were in Ionia, a great multitude of Jews, who
dwelt in their cities, came to them, and laying
hold of the opportunity and the liberty now-
given them, laid before them the injuries
whicli they suflered, while they were not per-
mitted to use their own laws, but were com-
pelled to prosecute their law-suits, by the ill
usage of the judges, upon their holy days,
and were deprived of the money they used to
lay up at Jerusalem, and were forced into the
army, and upon such otlier offices as obliged
them to spend their sacred money ; from
which burdens they always used to be freed
by the Romans, who had still permitted them
to live according to their own laws. When
this clamour was made, the king desired of
Agrippa that he would hear their cause, and
assigned Nicolaus, one of his friends, to plead
for those their privileges. Accordingly, when
Agrippa had called the principal of the Ro-
mans, and such of the kings and rulers as
were there, to be his assessors, Nicolaus stood
up, and pleaded for the Jews, as follows: —
" It is of necessity incumbent on such as are
in distress to have recourse to those that have
it in their power to free them from those in-
juries they lie under ; and for those that now
are complainants, they approach you with
great assurance ; for as tliey have formerly
often obtained your favour, so far as they have
even wished to have it, they now only entreat
that you, who have been tlie donors, will take
care that those favours you have already grant-
ed them may not be taken away from them.
We have received these favours from you, who
alone have power to grant them, but have
them taken from us by such as are no greater
than ourselves, and by such as we know are
as much subjects as we are ; and certainly, if
we have been vouchsafed great favours, it is
to our commendation who have obtained them,
as having been found deserving of such great
favours; and if those favours be but small
ones, it would be barbarous for the donors not
to confirm them to us : and for those that are
the hindrance of the Jews, and use them re-
proachfully, it is evident that tiiey aflront both
the receivers, while they will not allow those
to be worthy men to whom their excellent
rulers themselves have borne their testimony,
and the donors, while they desire those favours
already granted may be abrogated. Now if
any one should ask these Gentiles themselves,
which of the two things they would choose to
jiart with, their lives, or the customs of their
BOOK X\l
forefathers, their solemnities, their sacrifices,
their festivals, which they celebrate in honour
of those they suppose to be gods ? I know
very well that they would choose to suffer any
thing whatsoever rather than a dissolution of
any of the customs of their forefathers ; for
a great many of them have rather chosen to
go to war on that account, as very solicitous
not to transgress in those matters: and indeed
we take an estimate of that happiness which
all mankind do now enjoy by your means
from this very thing, that we are allowed every
one to worship as our own institutions require,
and yet to live [in peace] ; and althougli they
would not be thus treated themselves, yet do
they endeavour to compel others to comply
with them, as if it were not as great an in-
stance of impiety, profanely to dissolve the
religious solemnities of any others, as to be
negligent in the observation of their own to-
wards their gods. And let us now consider
the one of these practices : — Is there any peo-
ple, or city, or community of men, to whom
your government and the Roman power does
not appear to be the greatest blessing ? Is
there any one that can desire to make void the
favours they have granted ? No one is cer-
tainly so mad ; for there are no men but such
as have been partakers of their favours, both
public and private ; and indeed those that take
away what you have granted, can have no as-
surance, but every one of their own grants
made them by you may be taken from them
also; which grants of yours can yet never be
sufficiently valued ; for if they consider the
old governments under kings, together with
your present government, besides the great
number of benefits which this government
hath bestowed on them, in order to their hap-
piness, this is instead of all the rest, that they
appear to be no longer in a state of slavery,
but of freedom. Now the privileges we de-
sire, even when we are in the best circumstan-
ces, are not such as deserve to be envied, for
we are indeed in a prosperous state by your
means, but this is only in common with others;
and it is no more than this which we desire,
to preserve our religion without any prohibi-
tion, whicii, as it appears not in itself a privi-
lege to be envied us, so it is for the advantage
of those that grant it to us : for if the Divi-
nity delights in being honoured, he must de-
light in those that permit him to be honoured.
And there are none of our customs which are
inhuman, but all tending to piety, and de-
voted to the preservation of justice ; nor do
we conceal those injunctions of ours by which
we govern our lives, they being memorials of
piety, and of a friendly conversation among
men. And the seventh day we set apart from
labour ; it is dedicated to the learning of our
customs and laws,* we thinking it proper to
• We mav here ob<;cr%e the ancient practice of the
Jews, of (Uiliealing the Sabbath day, not to idleness^
but to till learning iheir sacred rites and religious cu»
^
•V
CHAP. II.
reflect on them, as well as on any [good] tiling
else, in order to our avoiding of sin. If any
one therefore examine into our observances,
he will find they are good in themselves, and
that they are ancient also, though some think
otherwise, insomuch that those who have re-
ceived them cannot easily be brought to de-
part from them, out of that honour they pay
to the length of time they have religiously
enjoyed them and observed them. Now our
adversaries take these our privileges away in
the way of injustice ; they violently seize up-
on that money of ours which is offered to God,
and called sacred money, and this openly, after
a sacrilegious manner ; and they impose tri-
butes upon us, and bring us before tribunals
on holy days, and then require other like debts
of us, not because the contracts require it,
and for their own advantage, but because tbey
would put an affront on our religion, of
which they are conscious as well as we, and
have indulged tliemselves in an unjust, and
to them involuntary hatred ; for yoiw govern-
ment over all is one, tending to the establish-
ing of benevolence, and abolishing of ill-will
among such as are disposed to it. This is
therefore what we implore from thee, most ex-
cellent Agrippa, that we may not be ill treat-
ed ; that we may not be abused ; that we may
not be hindered from making use of our own
customs, nor be despoiled of our goods ; nor
be forced by these men to do what we our-
selves force nobody to do : for these privileges
of ours are not only according to justice, but
have formerly been granted us by you : and
we are able to read to you many decrees of
the senate, and the tables that contain them,
which are still extant in the capitol concern-
ing these ttings, which it is evident were
granted after you had experience of our fide-
lity towards you, which ought to be valued,
though no such fidelity had been ; for you
have hitherto preserved what people were in
possession of, not to us only, but almost to
all men, and have added greater advantages
than they could have hoped for, and thereby
your government is become a great advantage
to them. And if any one were able to enu-
merate the prosperity you have conferred on
every nation, which they possess by your
means, he could never put an end to his dis-
course ; but that we may demonstrate that we
are not unworthy of all those advantages we
have obtained, it will be sufficient for us to
say nothing of other things, but to speak
freely of this king who now governs us, and
is now one of thy assessors : and indeed in
what instance of good-will, as to your house,
hath he been deficient ? What mark of fide-
lity to it hath he omitted ? What token of
honour hath he not devised ? What occasion
for his assistance of you hath he not regarded
toms, and to the meditation on the law of Moses. The
like to which we meet w.th elsewhere in JoSephus also
against Apion, b. i, sect. 2'i.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
435
at the very first? What hindereth, therefore,
but that your kindness may be as numerous
as his so great benefits to you have been ?
It may also perhaps be fit not here to pass
over in silence the valour of his father Anti-
pater, who when Ca3sar made an expedition
into Egypt, assisted him witii tivo thousand
armed men, and proved inferior to none,
neither in the battles on land, nor in the ma-
nagement of the navy ; and what need I say
any thing of how great weight those soldieri
were at that juncture ? or how many, and how
great presents they were vouchsafed by Csesar ?
And truly I ought before now to have men-
tioned the epistles which Cassar wrote to the se-
nate; and how Antipater had honours, and the
freedom of the city of Rome, bestowed upon
him ; for these are demonstrations both that we
have received these favours by our own deserts,
and do on that account petition thee for thy
confirmat'ion of them, from whom we had rea-
son to hope for them, though they had not been
given us before, both out of regard to our
king's disposition towards you, and your dis-
position towards him ; and farther, we have
been informed by those Jews that were there,
with what kindness thou earnest into our coun-
try, and how thou oflferedst the most perfect sa-
crifices to God, and honouredst him with re-
markable vows, and how thou gavest the peo-
ple a feast, and acceptedst of their own hospi-
table presents to thee. We ought to esteem
all these kind entertainments made both by our
nation and our city, to a man who is the ruler
and manager of so much of the public affairs,
as indications of that friendship whicli thou
hast returned to the Jewish nation, and which
hath been procured tliem by the family of He-
rod. So we put thee in mind of these things in
the presence of the king, now sitting by thee,
and make our request for no more but this, that
what you have given us yourselves, you will
not see taken away by others from us."
4. AV^hcn Nicolaus had made this speech,
there was no opposition made to it by the
Greeks, for this was not an inquiry made, as
in a court of justice, but an intercession to
prevent violence to be offered to the Jews any
longer ; nor did the Greeks make any defence
of themselves, or deny what it was supposed
they had done. Their pretence was no more
than this, that while the Jews inhabited in
their country, they were entirely unjust to
them [in not joining in their worship] ; but
they demonstrated their generosity in this,
that though they worshipped according to
their own institutions, they did nothing that
ought to grieve them. So when Agrippa
perceived that they had been opjjressed by
violence, he made this answer : — That, on ac-
count of Herod's good-will and friendship,
he was ready to grant the Jews whatsoever
they should ask him, and that their requests
seemed to him in themselves just ; and that
if they requested any thing farther, he should
_r
*36
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK XVI.
not scruple to grant it them, provided they
were no way to tlie detriment of the lloman
government ; huttliat, while tlieir request was
no more than this, that what privileges they
liad already given tliem might not be abro-
gated, he confirmed this to them, that they
might continue in the observation of their
own customs, witliout any one offering them
the loast injury ; and when lie had said thus,
he dissolved the assembly : upon which He-
rod stood up and saluted him, and gave him
thanks for the kind disposition he showed to
them. Agri])|)a also took tliis in a very
obliging manner, and saluted him again, and
embraced him in his arms ; after which he
went a«ay from Lesbos ; but the king deter-
mined to sail from Samos to his oun coun-
try ; and when he had taken his leave of
Agrippa, he pursued his voyage, and landed
at Cesarea in a few days' time, as having fa-
vourable winds ; from whence he went to Je-
rusalem, and there gathered all the people
together to an assembly, not a few being
there out of the country also. So when he
caine to them, and gave them a particular ac-
count of all his journey, and of tlie affairs of
all the Jews in Asia, how by his means they
would live without injurious treatment for the
time to come. He also told tliem of the en-
tire good fortune he had met with, and how
he had administered the government, and had
fectation of dominion. The old grudge was also
renewed ; and they cast reproaclies on Salome
and I'iieroras, who requited tlie young men
with malicious designs, and actually laid
treacherous snares for them. Now, as for
this hatred, it was equal on both sides, but
the manner of exerting that hatred was dif-
ferent ; for as for the young men, (hey were
rash, reproaching and affronting the others
o))enly, and were inexperienced enough to
think it the most generous to declare their
minds in that undaunted manner; but the
others did not take that method, but made
use of calumnies after a subtile and a spite-
ful manner, still provoking the young men,
and imagining that their boldness might in
time turn to the offering violence to their fa-
ther, for inasmuch as they were not ashamed
of the pretended crimes of their mother, nor
thought she suffered justly, these sup])osed
tiiat might at length exceed all bounds, and
induce them to think they ought to be aveng-
ed on their father, though it were by dis-
patching him with their own hands. At
length it came to this, that the wliole city
was full of their discourses, and, as is usual
in such contests, the unskilfulness of the
young men was pitied ; but the contrivance
of Salome was too hard for them, and what
imputations she laid upon them came to be
believed, by means of their own conduct ;
not neglected any thing which was for their for they were so deeply affected with the death
advantage ; and as he was very joyful, he now
remitted to them the fourth part of their taxes
for the last year. Accordingly, they were so
pleased with his favour and speech to them,
that they went their ways with great glad-
ness, and vv'ished the king all manner of hap-
piness.
CHAPTER III.
HOW GREAT DISTL'UBANCES AROSE IN HEROD's
FAMILY ON HIS PREFERUING ANTIPATER,
IMS ELDEST SON, BEFORE THE REST, TILL
ALEXANDER TOOK THAT INJURY VERY HEI-
NOUSLY.
§ 1. But now the affairs in Herod's family
were in more and more disorder, and became
more severe upon him, l)y the hatred of Salome
to the young men [Alexander and Aristobu-
lus\ which descended as it were by inheritance
[from their mother IMariamne] : and as she
had fully succeeded against their mother, so
she )>roceeded to that degree of madness and
insolence, as to endeavour that none of her
posterity might be left alive, who might have
it in their power to revenge her death. The
young men had also somewhat of a bold and
uneasy disposition towards their father, occa-
sioned by the remembrance of what their mo-
ther had unjustly suflered, and by tlieir own nf-
of their mother, that while they said both she
and themselves were in a miserable case, they
vehemently complained of her pitiable end,
which indeed was truly such, and said that
they were themselves in a pitiable case also,
because they were forced to live with those
that had been her murderers, and to be par-
takers with them.
2. These disorders increased greatly, and
the king's absence abroad had afforded a (it
oi)i)ortunity for that increase ; but as soon as
Herod was returned, and had made the fore-
mentioned speech to the multitude, Pheroras
and Salome let fall words immediately as if
he were in great danger, and as if the young
men openly threatened thai they would not
spare him any longer, but revenge their mo-
ther's deatli upon him. I'iiey also added an-
other circumstance, that their hopes were fix-
ed on Archelaus, the king of Cai)padocia, that
they should be able by his means to come to
Caesar, and accuse their father. Upon hear-
ing such things, Herod was immediately dis-
turbed ; and indeed was the more astonished,
because the same things were related to him
by some others also. He then called to mind
his former calamity, and considered that the
disorders in his family had hindered him from
enjoying any comfort from tliose that were
dearest to l,im, or from his wife whom he lov-
ed so well ; and suspecting that his future
troubles would soon be heavier and grcatei
than lliose Uiat were past, he was in great
"V
CHAP. IV
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
437
confusion of mind, for divine Providence had I and while these joint accusations, which, from
in reality conferred upon him a great many
outward advantages for his happiness, even
beyond his hopes, — but the troubles he had
at home were such as he never expected to
have met with, and rendered him unfortunate;
nay, both sorts came upon him to such a de-
gree as no one could imagine, and made it a
doubtful question, whether, upon the com-
parison of both, he ought to have exchanged
so great a success of outward good things for
so great misfortunes at home, or whetlier he
ought not to have chosen to avoid the calami-
ties relating to bis family, though he had, for
a compensation, never been possessed of the
admired grandeur of a kingdom.
3 As he was thus disturbed and afflicted,
in order to depress tliese young men, he
brought to court another of his sons, that was
born to him when he was a private man ; his
name was Antipater : yet did he not then in-
dulge him as he did afterwards, when he was
quite overcome by him, and let iiim do every
thing as he pleased, but rather with a design of
depressing the insolence of the sons of INIariam-
ne, and managing this elevation of his son, that it
might be for a warning to them ; for this bold
behaviour of theirs [he thought] would not be
so great, if they were once persuaded that the
succession to the kingdom did not appertain
to them alone, or must of necessity come to
them. So he introduced Antipater as tlieir
antagonist, and imagined that he made a good
provision for discouraging their pride, and
that after this was done to the young men,
there might be a proper season for expecting
these to be of a better disposition : but the
event proved otherwise than he intended, for
the young men thought he did them a very
great injury ; and as Antipater was a shrewd
man, when he had once obtained this degree
of freedom, and began to expect greater things
than he had before hoped for, he had but one
single design in his head, and that was to dis-
tress his brethren, and not at all to yield to
them the pre-eminence, but to keep close to
his father, who was already alienated from
them by the calumnies he had heard about
tliem, and ready to be brought upon in any
way his zeal against them should advise him
to pursue, that he might be continually more
and more severe against them. Accordingly
all the reports that were spread abroad came
from him, while he avoided himself the sus-
picion, as if those discoveries proceeded from
liim : but he rather chose to make use of
tliose persons for his assistants that were un-
suspected, and such as might be believed to
speak truth by reason of the good-will they
bore to the king ; and indeed there were al-
ready not a few who cultivated a friendship
with Antipater, in hopes of gaining somewiiat
by him, and these were the men who most of
all persuaded Herod, because they appeared
to speak thus out of their good-\?ill to him ;
^\ .
various foundations, supported one another's
veracity, the young men themselves afforded
farther occasions to Antipater also ; for they
were observed to shed tears often, on account of
the injury that was offered them, and had their
mother in their mouths; and among their
friends they ventured to reproach their father,
as not acting justly by them ; all which things
were with an evil intention reserved in me-
m.ory by Antipater against a proper oppor-
tunity ; and when they were told to Herod,
with aggravations, increased the disorder so
much, that it brought a great tumult into the
family; for while the king was very angry at
imputations that were laid upon the sons of Ma-
riamne, and was desirous to humble them, he
still increased the honour that he had bestowed
on Antipater, and was at last so overcome by
his persuasions, that he brought his motiier to
court also. He also wrote frequently to Csesar
in favour of him, and more earnestly recom-
mended him to his care particularly. And
when Agrippa was returned to Rome, after
he had finished his ten years government in
Asia,* Herod sailed from Judea; and when he
met with him, he had none with him but An-
tipater, whom he delivered to Agrippa, that
he might take him along with him, together
with many presents, that so he might become
Caesar's friend, insomuch that things already
looked as if he had all his father's favour, and
that the young men were already entirely re-
jected from any hopes of the kingdom.
CHAPTER IV.
HOW, DURING ANTI?ATER'S ABODE AT EOME,
herod brought alexander and aristo-
bulus before c^sar, and accused them.
Alexander's defence of himself before
c^sar, and reconciuation to his fa-
THER.
§ I. And now what happened during Anti-
pater's absence augmented the honour to
which he had been promoted, and his apparent
eminence above his brethren ; for he had made
a great figure in Rome, because Herod had
sent recommendations of him to all his friends
there ; only he was grieved that he was not at
home, nor had proper opportunities of perpe-
tually calumniating his brethren ; and his chief
fear was, lest his father should alter his mind,
and entertain a more favourable opinion of
the sons of Mariamne ; and as he had this in
his mind, he did not desist from his purpose,
but continually sent from Rome any such
stories as he hoped might grieve and irritate
* This interval of ten years for the duration Marcus
Agrijipa's government in ABia, seems to be true, aiid
agreeable to the Roman histor)-. See Ushsr's Aiuial*
at A. M. "5592.
438
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
Iiis father against his hrcthn-n, iiiidcr pretence
intli'L'd of" a ilc'i'p concern for iiis preservation,
but in truth, such as his malicious inind dic-
tated, in order to purchase a greater liope of
the succession, uliict) yet was already great
in itself: and tlius lie did till he had excited
sucli a degree of anger in Herod, that he was
already become very ill disposed towards the
young men ; but still while he delayed to ex-
ercise so violent a disgust against tliem, and
that he might not either be too remiss or too
rash, and so ofl'end, he thought it best to sail
to Rome, and there accuse his sons before
CsEsar, and not indulge himself in any such
crime as niiglit be heinous enough to be sus-
pected of impiety. But as he was going up
to Rome, it liaijpened that he made such haste
as to meet with Caesar at the city Aquilei : *
so when he came to tlie speech of Caesar, lie
asked for a time for hearing this great cause,
wherein he thought himself very miserable,
and presented his sons there, and accused
them of their mad actions, and of their at-
tempts against him :— That they were ene-
mies to him ; and by all the means they were
able, did their endeavours to show their hat-
red to their own father, and would take away
his life, and so obtain his kingdom, after the
most barbarous manner : that he had power
from Caesar to dispose of it, not by necessity,
but by choice, to him who shall exercise the
greatest piety towards him ; while these my
sons are not so desirous of ruling, as they are
upon a disappointinent thereof, to expose their
own life, if so be they may but deprive their
father of his life ; so wild and polluted is their
mind by time become, out of their hatred to
him : that whereas he had a long time borne
Uiis his misfortune, he was now compelled to
lay it before Ca'sar, and to pollute his ears
with Euch language, while he himself wants
to know what severity they have ever sufl'ered
from him, or what liardships he had ever laid
upon them to make them complain of him ;
anil how they can think it just that he should
not be lord of that kingdom which he in a
long time, and with great danger, had gain-
ed, and not allow him to keep it and dispose
of it to liim who should deserve best; and j if they said nothing, they should seem to be
this, witJ) other advantages, he proposes as a in this dithculty from a consciousness of guilt,
reward for the piety of such a one as will here- — nor had they any defence ready, by reason
after imitate the care he hath taken of it, and , of their youth, and the disorder they were un-
BOOK XVI.
liis view, at the same time reckons upon pro-
curing the death of his father, because other-
wise he cannot come at the government: that
as for himself, he had iiitherto given them all
that he was able, and what was agreeable to
such as are subject to the royal authority,
and the sons of a king ; what ornaments they
wanted, with servants and delicate fare, and
had married them into the most illustrious
families, the one [Aristobulus^ to )iis sister's
daughter, but Alexander to the daughter of
king Archclaus; and, what was the greatest
favour of all, when their crimes were so very
bad, and he had authority to punish them,
yet had he not made use of it against them,
but had brought thtm before Car.ar, their
common benefactor, and had not used the se-
verity which either as a father who had been
impiously abused, or as king who had been
assaulted treacherously, he might have done,
but made them stand upon the level with
him in judgment : that, however, it was ne-
cessary that all this should not be passed over
without punishment, nor himself live in the
greatest fears ; nay, that it was not for their
own advantage to see the light of the sun
after what they had done, although they
should escape at this tin>e, since they haj
done the vilest things, and would certainly suf-
fer the greatest punishments that ever were
known among mankind.
2. These were the accusations which He-
rod laid with great vehemency against his
sons before Caesar. Now the young men,
both while he was speaking, and chiefly at his
concluding, wept, and were in confusion.
Now as to themselves, they knew in their own
conscience they were innocint, but because
they were accused by their father, they were
sensible, as the truth was, that itwashatd for
them to make their apclogy, since though
they were at liberty to speak tluir minds free-
ly as the occasion required, and might with
force and earnestness refute the accusation,
yet was it not now decent so to do. There
was therefore a difficulty how they should be
able to speak ; and tears, and at length a deep
groan followed, while they were afraid, that
tliat such a one may gain so great a reijuital
as that is: and that it is an impious thing
for them to pretend to meddle with it before-
hand, for he who hath ever the kingdom in
• Although Hero<l met Augustus at A(iuilei, yet was
this accusiitioii of his sons ifcffrreU till they eanie to
llonic, as i«'t. 3 assures us, niul as »e arc particularly
iiifiimie<l in the History of the War, b. i,ch. xxin, sect.
5, though wliat he here says btlonced iliblinetly to Alex-
aiiJcr, the elder brother, I mean Iiis being brought to
Home, i>liere justly extende<l U) both the brollieni, and
thiit not only in our conies, but in that of Zmiaras also :
nor is there reason to doubt but they were both at this
aulemn hearing by Augustus, although the defence was
inade by Alexander atJiiie, who was tlic cldfjt bruthei,
and one that could sjieak very well
der ; yet was not Ca'sar unapprised, when he
looked upon thein in the confusion they were
ill, that their delay to make their defence did
not arise from any consciousness of great en-
ormities, but from their unskilfulness and
modesty. They were also commiserated by
those that were there in particular; and they
moved their fatlier's ati'ections in earnest till
he had much ado to conceal thtm.
S. But when they saw there was akinddis.
position arisen both in him and in Cssar.
and that every one of the rest did either shed
tears, or at least did all grieve with them, the
r^'
CHAP. IV
ANTiaUITIES OF THE JEWS.
439
ore of them, whose name was Alexander, call-
ed to his father, and attempted to answer his
accusation, and said, " O father, the benevo-
lence thou hast showed to us is evident, even 1
in this very judicial procedure, for hadst thou
any pernicious intentions about us, thou hadst
not produced us here before the common
saviour of all, for it was in thy power, both
as a king and as a father, to punish the guil-
ty ; but by thus bringing us to Rome, and
making Csesar himself a witness to what is
done, thou intimatest that thou intendest to
save us ; for no one that hath a design to slay
a man will bring him to the temples, and to
the altars ; yet are our circumstances still
worse, for we cannot endure to live ourselves
any longer, if it be believed tliat we have in-
jured such a father ; nay, perhaps it would
be worse for us to live with this suspicion up-
on us, that we have injured him, than to die
without such guilt : and if our open defence
may be taken to be true, we shall be happy,
both in pacifying thee, and in escaping the
danger we are in ; but if this calumny so
prevails, it is more than enough for us that
we have seen the son this day ; which why
should we see, if this suspicion be fixed upon
us ? Now it is easy to say of young men,
that they desired to reign ; and to say farther,
that this evil proceeds from the case of our
unhappy mother. This is abundantly suffi-
cient to produce our present misfortune out of
the former; but consider well, whether such an
accusation does not suit all such young men,
and may not be said of them all promiscuous-
ly ; for nothing can hinder him that reigns, if
he have children, and their mother be dead,
but the father may have a suspicion upon all
his sons, as intending some treachery to him:
but a suspicion is not sufficient to prove such
an impious practice. Now let any man say,
whether we have actually and insolently at-
tempted any such thing, whereby actions other-
wise incredible used to be made credible ?
Can any body prove that poison hath been
prepared ? or prove a conspiracy of our
equals, or the corruption of servants, or letters
written against thee ? though indeed there are
none of those things but have sometimes been
pretended by way of calumny, when they
were never done ; for a royal family that is
at variance with itself is a terrible thing;
and that which thou callest a reward of piety,
often becomes, among very wicked men, such
a foundation of hope, as makes them leave no
sort of mischief untried. Nor does any one
lay any wicked practices to our charge ; but
as to calumnies by hearsay, how can he put
an end to them, who will not hear what we
have to say ? Have we talked with too great
freedom ? yes ; but not against thee, for that
would be unjust, but against those that never
conceal any thing that is spoken to them.
Hath either of us lamented our mother ? yes ;
but not because she is dead, but because she,
was evil spoken of by those that had no rea-
son so to do. Are we desirous of that domi-
nion which we know our father is possessed
of? For what reason can we do so? If we
already have royal honours, as we have, should
not we labour in vain ? And if we have them
not, yet are not we in hopes of them ? Or
supposing that %ve had killed thee, could we
expect to obtain thy kingdom ? while neither
tlie earth would let us tread upon it, nor the
sea let us sail upon it, after such an action as
that : nay, the religion of all your subjects,
and the piety of the whole nation, would have
prohibited parricides from assuming the go-
vernment, and from entering into that most
holy temple which was built by thee.* But
suppose vve had made light of other dangers,
can any murderer go off unpunished while
Caesar is alive ? We are thy sons, and not so
impious, or so thoughtless as that comes to,
though perhaps more unfortunate than is con-
venient for thee. But in case thou neither
findest any causes of complaint, nor any
treacherous designs, what sufficient evidence
hast thou to make such a wickedness of ours
credible ? Our mother is dead indeed, but
then what befel her might be an instruction
to us to caution, and not an incitement to
wickedness. We are willing to make a larger
apology for ourselves; but actions never done
do not admit of discourse ; nay, we will make
this agreement with thee, and that before
CsEsar, the lord of all, who is now a mediator
between us, if thou, O father, canst bring thy-
self by the evidence of truth, to have a mind
free from suspicion concerning us, let us live,
though even then we shall live in an un-
happy way, for to be accused of great acts of
wickedness, though falsely, is a terrible thing;
but if thou hast any fear remaining, continue
thou on in thy pious life, we will give this
reason for our own conduct; our life is not
so desirable to us as to desire to have it, if it
tend to the harm of our father who gave it
us."
4. When Alexander had thus spoken, Cas-
sar, who did not before believe so gross a
calumny, was still more moved by it, and
looked intently upon Herod, and perceived
he was a little confounded : the persons there
present were under an anxiety about the
young men, and the fame that was spread
abroad made the king hated, for the very in-
* Since some prejudiced men have indulged a wild
suspicion, as we have supposed already, (Antiq. b. xv,
eh. xi, sect. 7). that Josephus's history of Herod's re-
building the f.emple is no better than a fable, it may r.ot
be amiss to take notice of tliis occasional clause in the
speech of Alexander before his father Herod, in liis and
his brother's vindication, which mentions the temple aa
known by every body to have been built by Herod. See
John ii, i.'(). bee also another speech of Heroil's own to
the young men that pulled down his golden eagle from
Uie front of the temple, where he takes notice how the
building of the temple cost him a vast sum; and that
the Asamoneans, in those one hundrcu and twenty-five
years they held the government, were not able to per
form so great a work, t-o the honour of God as this was
Antiq. b. xvii, ch. vi, sect. 3.
V
J
♦40
ANTIQUITIES OF TllK JEWS.
credibility of tlie cahimtiy, and the commi-
seration of the Hower of youth, the beauty of
body, whicli wore in the young men, pleaded
strongly for assistance, and the more so on
this account, that Alexander had made their
defence with dexterity and prudence ; nay,
they did not themselves any longer continue
in their former countenances, which liad been
bedewed with tears, and cast downwards to
the ground, but now there arose in them hope
of the best : and the king himself appeared
not (0 have had foundation enough to build
such an accusntion upon, he having no real
e^ idence wherewith to convict them. Indeed
he wanted some apology for making the ac-
cusation ; but Caesar, after some delay, said,
that although the young men were thorough-
ly innocent of that for which they were ca-
limmiated, yet had they been so far '.o blame,
that they had not demeaned themselves to-
wards their father so as to prevent that suspi-
cion wliich was spread abroad concerning
them. He also exhorted Herod to lay ail
such suspicions aside, and to be reconciled to
his sons ; for that it was not just to give any
credit to such reports concerning his own
children; and that this repentance on both
sides might heal those breaches that had hap-
pened between them, and might improve that
tli"ir good-will to one another, whereby those
on both sides, excusing the rashness of their
suspicions, might resolve to bear a greater
degree of afTection towards each other than
they had before. After Caesar had given
them this admonition, he beckoned to the
young men. When, therefore, they were
disposed to fall down to make intercession to
their father, he took them up, and embraced
them, as tliey were in tears, and took each
of them distinctly in his arms, till not one of
those that were present, whether freeman or
slave, but was deeply attected with what they
saw.
5. Then did they return thanks to Ccesar,
and went away together ; and with them went
Antipater, witli an hypocritical pretence that
he rejoiced at this reconciliation. And in the
last days they were with Ca-sar, Herod made
him a present of three hundred talents, as he
was then exhibiting shows and largesses to the
people of Rome : and Cajsar made him a pre-
sent of half the revenue of the copper mines
in Cyprus, and committed the care of tJie
other half to him, and honoured him with
other gifts and incomes : and as to his own
kingdom, he left it in his power to a))point
which of his sons he jjleascd for his successor,
or to distribute it in parts to every one, that
the dignity might theuby come to them all ;
and when Ilerod was disposed to make such
a settlement immediately, Cicsar said he
would not give him leave to deprive liimself,
while he was alive, of the power over his king-
dom, or over his sons.
6". After this, Herod returned to Judea
BOOK XVI.
again ; but during his absence, no small part
of his dominions about Trachon had revolted,
whom yet tlie commanders he left there had
vanquished, and compelled to a submission
again. Now, as Herod was sailing with his
sons, and was come over-against Cilicia, to
[the islandl Kleusa, which hath now changed
its name for Sebastc, he met with Archelaus,
king of Cappadocia, who received him kindly,
as rejoicing that he was reconciled to his sons,
and that the accusation against Alexander
who had married his daughter, was at an end
Tliey also made one another such presents as
it became kings to make. From thence He.
lod came to Judea and to the teinple, whcra
he made a speech to the people concerning
what had been done in this his journey : — he
also discoursed to them about C'jesar's kind-
ness to him, and about as many of the parti-
culars he had done as he thought it for his ad-
vantage other people should be acquainted
with. At last he turned his speech to the ad-
monition of his sons ; and exhorted those that
lived at court, and the multitude, to concord ,
and informed them that his sons were to reign
after him ; Antipater first, and then Alcxan-
der and Aristobuhis, the sons of Mariamne ;
but !.e desired that at present they should all
have regard to himself, and esteem him king
and lord of all, since he was not yet hindered
by old age, but was in that period of life when
he must be the most skilful in governing ; and
that he was not deficient in other arts of ma-
nagement that might enable him to govern the
kingdom well, and to rule over his children
also. He farther told the rulers under him,
and the soldiery, that in case they would look
upon him alone, their life would be led in a
peaceable manner, and they would make one
another happy ; and w.ien he had said this, he
dismissed the assembly. Which speech was
acceptal)le to the greatest part of the audience,
but not so to them all ; for the contention among
his sons, and the hopes he had given them,
occasioned thoughts and desires of imiovations
among them.
CHAPTER V.
now HI'IIOD CF.I.EBRArj.D THE GAMES THAT
WERE TO UKTUUN EVERY limi YEAR, fP-
ON THE Bl'ILDING OF Ci:SA»lE.V ; AND HOW
HE lll'M.T AND ADORNED MANY OTHIR
PLACES AFTEU A MAGNIFICENT MANNER ;
AND DID MANY OTHER ACTIONS C.I.OIU-
OLSI.Y.
§ 1. AbOtT this time it w-as that Ccsarea Se-
baste, wliich he had built, was fiiiisiied. The
entire buihling being accomplished in the
te!ith ye.ir, the solemnity of it foil into the
twenty-eighth year of Herod's reign, and in-
to tlif hundred and ninety-second olympiad •
J^
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. V.
there was accordingly a great festival, and
most sumptuous preparations made presently,
in order to its dedication; for he had appoint-
ed a contention in music, and games to be
performed naked ; he had also gotten ready a
great number of those that fight single com-
bats, and of beasts for the like purpose ; horse-
races also, and the most chargeable of such
sports and shows as used to be exhibited at
Rome, and in other places. He consecrated
tliis combat to Cassar, and ordered it to be
celebrated every fifth year. He also sent all
sorts of ornaments for it out of his own fur-
niture, that it might want nothing to make it
decent; nay, Julia, Cassar's wife, sent a great
part of her most valuable furniture [from
Rome], insomuch that he had no want of any
thing ; the sum of them all was estimated at
five hundred talents. Now when a great
multitude was come to that city to see the
shows, as well as the ambassadors whom other
people sent, on account of the benefits they
had received [from Herod], he entertained
them all in the public inns, and at public
tables, and with perpetual feasts ; this solem-
nity having in the day-time the diversions of
the fights, and in the night time such merrj'
meetings as cost vast sums of money, and
publicly demonstrated the generosity of his
soul; for in all his undertakings he was am-
oitious to exhibit what exceeded whatsoever
had been done before of the same kind ; and
it is related that Csesar and Agrippa often
said, tliat the dominions of Herod were too
little for the greatness of his soul ; for that
he deserved to have both all the kingdom of
Syria, and that of Egypt also.
2. After this solemnity and these festivals
were over, Herod erected another city in the
plain called Capharsaba, where he chose out
a fit place, both for plenty of water and good-
ness of soil, and proper for the production of
what was there planted, where a river encom-
passed the city itself, and a grove of the best
trees for magnitude was round about it ; this
he named Antipatris, from his father Antipa-
ter. He also built upon another spot of
ground above Jericho, of the same name with
his mother, a place of great securitj', and very
pleasant for liabitation, and called it Cyprus,
He also dedicated the finest monuments to
his brother Pliasaelus, on account of the great
natural aflfection there had been between them,
by erecting a tower in the city itself, not less
tiian the tower of Pharos, which he named
Phasaelus, which was at once a part of the
strong defences of the city, and a memorial
for him that was deceased, because it bare his
name. He also built a city of the same name
in the valley of Jericho, as you go from it
northward, whereby he rendered the neigh-
bouring country more fruitful, by the culti-
vation its inhabitants introduced ; and this al-
so he ciUed Phasaelus.
S. But as for his other benefits, it i^ impos-
441
sible to reckon them up, those which he be-
stowed on cities, both in Syria and in Greece,
and in all the places he came to in his voy-
ages ; for he seems to have conferred, and
that after a mo>t plentiful manner, what would
minister to many necessities, and tlie build-
ing of public vorks, and gave them the mo-
ney that was necessary to such works as
wanted it, to support them upon the failu.'e
of their other revenues ; but what was the
greatest and most illustrious of all his works,
he erected Apollo's temple at Rhodes, at his
own expenses, and gave them a great num-
ber of talents of silver for the repair of their
fleet. He also built the greatest part of tin
public edifices for the inhabitants of Nicopo-
lis, at Actium;* and for the Antiochians, the
inhabitants of the principal city of Syria,
where a broad street cuts through the place
lengthways, lie built cloisters along it on both
sides, and laid the open road with polished
stone, which was of very great advantage to
the inhabitants ; and as to the Olympic games,
which were in a very low condition, by rea-
son of the failure of their revenues, he reco-
vered their reputation, and appointed reve-
nues for their maintenance, and made that
solemn meeting more venerable, as to the sa-
crifices and other ornaments ; and by reason
of this vast liberality, he was generally de-
clared in their inscriptions to be one of the
perpetual managers of those games,
4, Now some there are who stand amazec^
at the diversity of Herod's nature and pur-
poses ; for when we have respect to his mag.
nificence, and the benefits which he bestowed
on all mankind, there is no possibility for
even those that had the least respect for him
to deny, or not openly to confess, that he had
a nature vastly beneficent: but when anyone
looks upon the punishments he inflicted, and
the injuries he did, not only to his subjects,
but to his nearest relations, and takes notice
of his severe and unrelenting disposition there,
he will be forced to allow that he was brutish,
and a stranger to all humanity ; insomuch
that these men suppose his nature to be dif-
ferent, and sometimes at contradiction with
itself; but I am myself of another opinion,
and imagine that the occasion of both these
sorts of actions was one and the same ; for
being a man ambitious of honour, and quite
overcome by that passion, he was induced to
be magnificent, wherever there appeared any
hopes of a future memorial, or of reputa-
tion at present; and as his expenses were
beyond his abilites, he was necessitated to
be harsh to hts subjects ; for the persona
on whom he expended his money were so
many, that they made him a very bad procur
* Dr, Hudson here gives us the words of Suetonius
concerning this Nicopalis, when Augustus rebuilt it:
" And tl*.t the memorj- of the vietor\' at Xctium might
be celebrated the more afterward, he built Nicopolis at
Actium. and appointed public shows to be there exhibit
ed every fifth year," lu Aueust. sect. 16.
"V
-T
-v.
442
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK XVI.
er of it ; anil liecause lie was conscious tliat
he was Imtod by those under him, for tlie in-
juries he did them, he tliought it not an easy
thing to amend his offences, for that was
inconvenient for his revenue ; he tlierefore
strove on the other side to make tlieir ill-will
an occasion of his gains. As to Ills own
court, therefore, if any one was not very ob-
sequious to him in his language, and would
not confess himself to he his slave, or but
seemed to think of any innovation in his go-
vernment, he was not ahle to contain himself,
but prosecuted his very kindred and friends,
and punislied them as if they were enenries ;
and this wickedness he undertook out of a
desire that he might be himself alone honour-
ed. Now fo/ this my assertion about that
passion of his, we have the greatest evidence,
by what he did to honour Caesar and Agrip-
pa, and his other friends ; for with wliat ho-
nours he paid his respects to them wlio were
his superiors, the same did he desire to be
paid to himself; and what he thought the
most excellent present he could make ano-
ther, he discovered an inclination to have the
like presented to himself; but now the Jew-
ish nation is by their law a stranger to all
such things, and accustomed to prefer right-
eousness to glory ; for which reason that na-
tion was not agreeable to him, because it was
out of their power to flatter the king's ambi-
tion with statues or temples, or any other
.such performances ; and this seems to me to
have been at once the occasion of Herod's
crimes as to his own courtiers and counsel-
lors, and of his benefactions as to foreigners
and those that had no relation to him.
CHAPTER VI.
/kN EMBASSAGE OF THE JEWS IN CYUENE AND
ASIA TO C.TiSAR, CONCERNING THE COM-
PLAINTS THEV HAD TO MAKE AGAINST THE
GREEKS ; WITH COPIES OF THE EPISTLES
WHICH C^SAR AND AGBIPPA WROTE TO THE
CITIES FOR THEM.
§ 1. Now the cities ill-treated the Jews in
Asia, and all tliose also of tlie same nation
which lived in Libya, which joins to Cyrene,
while the former kings had given them equal
privileges with the other citizens; but the
Greeks affronted them at this time, and that
so far as to take a'vay thiir sacred money,
and to do them miscliief on other particular
occasions. When, therefore, they were thus
afflicted, and found no end of the barbarous
treatment they met with among the Greeks,
tluy sent ambassadors to Ca.'sar on those ac-
counts ; wlio gave tliem the same privileges
as they had before, and sent letters to the
same purpose to the governors of tlie pro-
vinces, copies of which I subjoin here, as
testimonials of the ancient favourable dispo-
sition tlie Koman emperors had towards us.
2. " Ca?sar Augustus, high-priest and tri-
bune of the people, ordains thus : — .Since the
nation of the Jews have been found grateful
to the Roman people, not only at this time,
but in times past also, and chiefly Hyrcanus
the high-priest, under my father,* Caesar the
emperor, it seemed good to me and my coun-
sellors, according to the sentence and oath of
the people of Rome, that the Jews have li-
berty to make use of their own customs, ac-
cording to the law of their forefathers, as
they made use ot them under Hyrcanus, the
high-priest of Almighty God; and that their
sacred money be not touched, but be sent to
Jerusalem, and that it be committed to the
care of the receivers at Jerusalem ; and that
they be not obliged to go before any judge
on the Sabbatli-day, nor on the day of the
preparation to it, after the ninth hour;f but if
any be caught stealing their holy books, or
their sacred money, whether it be out of the
synagogue or public school, he shall be deem-
ed a sacrilegious person, and his goods shall
be brought into the public treasury of the
Romans. And I give order, that the testi-
monial which they have given me, on account
of my regard to that piety which I exercise
toward all mankind, and out of regard to
Caius Marcus Censorinus, together with the
present decree, be proposed in that most emi-
nent place which hath been consecrated to me
by the community of Asia at Ancyra. And
if any one transgress any part of what is
above decreed, he shall be severely punish-
ed." This was inscribed upon a pillar in the
temple of Caesar.
3. " Caesar to Norbanus Flaccus, sendeth
greeting. Let those Jews, how many soever
they be, who have been used, according to
their ancient custom, to send their sacred
money to Jerusalem, do the same freely."
These were the decrees of Ca;sar.
4. Agrippa also did himself write, after the
manner following, on behalf of the Jews : —
" Agrippa, to the magistrates, senate, and
people of the Ephesians, sendeth greeting. I
will that the care and custody of the sacred
money that is carried to the temple at Jeru-
salem be left to the Jews of Asia, to do with
it according to their ancient custom ; and that
such as steal that sacred money of the Jews,
and fly to a sanctuary, shall be taken thence
and delivered to the Jews, by the same law
that sacrilegious persons are taken thence. I
have also written to Sylvanus the ])retor, tliat
no one compel the Jews to come before a
judge on the Sabbath-day."
• Augustus hero calls Julius Casar K\s father, though
by birlli he w.-u only his uncle, on aivouiu of his a(to|>-
tion by him. Sec the same, Anliq. b. xiv, eh. xiv, sect.
•J.
+ This is authentic evidence that the Jews, in tht
(lavs of Augustus, began to nreparc fur the celebration
of the Sabbath at the ninth hour on Kriday, as the trar
ditiun of the cidcn did, it seenu, then require of ttiem
.-r
CHAP. VII.
5. Marcus Agrippa to the magistrates, se-
nate, and people of Cyrene, sendeth greeting.
The Jews of Cyrene have interceded with me
for the performance of what Augustus sent
orders about to Flavius, the then pretor of
Libya, and to the other procurators of that
province, that the sacred money may be sent
to Jerusalem freely, as hath been their custom
from their forefathers, they complaining that
they are abused by certain informers, and un-
der pretence of taxes which were not due, are
hindered from sending them ; which I com-
mand to be restored without any diminution
or disturbance given to them : and if any of
that sacred money in the cities be taken from
their proper receivers, 1 farther enjoin, that
the same be exactly returned to the Jews in
that place."
6. " Caius Norbanus Flaccus, proconsul,
to the magistrates of the Sardians, sendeth
greeting. Caesar hath written to me, and
commanded me not to forbid the Jews, how
many soever they be, from assembling toge-
ther according to the custom of their forefa-
thers, nor from sending their money to Jeru-
salem : I liave therefore written to you, that
you may know that both Caesar and I would
have you act accordingly."
7. Nor did Julius Antonius, the proconsul,
write otherwise. " To the magistrates, se-
nate, and people of the Ephesians, sendeth
greeting. As I was dispensing justice at
Ephesus, on the ides of February, the Jews
that dwell in Asia demonstrated to me that
Augustus and Agrippa had permitted them
to use their own laws and customs, and to
offer those their first-fruits, which every one of
them freely offers to the Deity on account of
piety, and to carry them in a company toge--
tlier to Jerusalem without disturbance. They
also petitioned me, that I would confirm
what had been granted by Augustus and
Agrippa by my own sanction. I would there-
fore have you take notice, that according to
the will of Augustus and Agrippa, I permit
them to use and do according to the customs
of their forefathers without disturbance."
8. I have been obliged to set down tliese
decrees, because the present history of our
own acts will go generally among tlie Greeks;
and I have hereby demonstrated to them, that
we have formerly been in great esteem, and
have not been prohibited by those governors
we were under from keeping any of the laws
of our forefathers ; nay, that we have been
supported by them, while we followed our
own religion, and the worship we paid to God :
and I frequently make mention cf these de-
crees, in order to reconcile other people to us,
and to take away the causes of that hatred
which unreasonable men bear to us. As for
our customs,* there is no nation which always
» The remaining part of this chapter is remarkable,
as justly distinguishing natural justice, religion, and
moraliiy, from positive institutions, in all countries.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
443
X
'makes use of the same, and in every city al.
most we meet with tliem different from one
another ; but natural justice is most agreeable
to the advantage of all men equally, botii
Greeks and barbarians, to which our laws
have the greatest regard, and thereby render
us, if we abide in them after a pure manner,
benevolent and friendly to all men : on wiiich
account we have reason to expect the like re-
turn from others, and to inform them that
they ought not to esteem diflTerence of posi-
tive institutions a sufficient cause of aliena-
tion, but [join with us in] the pursuit of vir-
tue and probity, for this belongs to all men
in common, and of itself alone is sufficient
for the preservation of human life. I now
return to the thread of my history.
CHAPTER VII.
HOW, UPON HEROD'S going DOWN INTO DA-
VID's sepulchre, the SEDITION IN HIS FA-
MILY GREATLY INCREASED.
§ 1. As for Herod, he had spent vast sums
about the cities, both without and witliin his
own kingdom : and as he had before heard
that Hyrcanus, who had been king before
him, had opened David's sepulchre, and taken
out of it three thousand talents of silver,
and that there was a much greater number
left behind, and indeed enough to suffice
all his wants, he had a great while an inten-
tion to make the attempt ; and at this time he
opened that sepulchre by night, and went in-
to it, and endeavoured that it should not be
at all known in the city, but took only his
most faithful friends with him. As for any
money, he found none, as Hyrcanus had done,
but that furniture of gold, and those precious
goods that were laid up there; all which he
took away. However, he had a great desire
to make a more diligent search, and to p^o
farther in, even as far as the very bodies of
David and Solomon ; where two of his guards
were slain, by a flame that burst out upon
those tliat went in, as the report was. So he
was terribly affrighted, and went out, and
built a propitiatory monument of tliat fright
he had been in ; and this of white stone, at the
mouth of the sepulchre, and that at a great
expense also. And even Nicolausf his laL>-
and evidently preferring the former before the latter, as
did the true prophets of God always under the old Tes-
tament, and Christ and his apostles always under the
New; whence our Josephus seems to haye been at this
time nearer Christianity than were the Scribes and Pha-
risees of his age ; who, as we know from the New Tes
lament, were entirely of a different opinion aiid prac-
tice.
t It is here worth our obser^'ation, how careful Jose
phus was as to thediscoyery of truth in Herod's history,
since he would not follow Nicolaus of Damascus him.
self, so great an historian, where there was great reason
to suspect that he had flattered Herod; whicli impar-
tiality in history Josephus here solemnly professes, and
of which impartiality Vie has given more demonstrations
J~
iU
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
torirtj;rr»plier makes mention of this monu-
ment built by Herod, thougli lie docs not
mention liis going down into the sepulelire,
as knowing that action to be of ill rej)ute ;
and many other things he treats of in the
same manner in his book ; for he wrote in
Herod's life-time, and under his reign, and
so as to please him, and as a servant to him,
toucliing upon notiiing but what tended to liis
glory, and openly excusing many of his noto-
rious crimes, and very diligently concealing
them. And as he was desirous to put hand-
some colours on the death of Mariamne and
her sons, which were barbarous actions fn the
king, he tells falsehoods about the inconti-
nence of Mariamne, and the treacherous de-
signs of his sons upon him ; and thus he pro-
ceeded in his whole work, making a pompous
encomium upon what just actions he had
done, but earnestly apologizing for his unjust
ones. Indeed, a man, as I said, may have a
great deal to say by way of excuse for Nico-
laus, for he did not so properly write this as a
history for others, as somewhat that might be
subservient to the king himself. As for our-
selves, who come of a family nearly allied to
the Asamonean kings, and on that account
have an honourable place, which is the priest-
hood, we think it indecent to say any thing
that is false about them, and accordingly we
have described their actions after an unblem-
ished and upright manner. And although we
reverence many of Herod's posterity, who
still reign, yet do we pay a greater regard to
truth than to tliem, and this though it some-
times happens that we incur their displeasure
by so doing.
2. And indeed Herod's troubles in his fa-
mily seemed to be augmented, by reason of
this attempt be made upon David's scpulclire;
whether divine vengeance increased the c:ila-
niities he lay under, in order to render them
incurable, or whether fortune made an assault
upon liim, in those cases, wherein the season-
ableness of the cause made it strongly believ-
ed that the calamities came upon him for his
impiety; for the tumult was like a civil war
in his palace ; and their hatred towards one
another was like that where each one strove
to exceed another in calumnies. However,
Antipater used stratagems perpetually against
his brethren, and that very cunningly: while
abroad he loaded them with accusations, but
still took upon him frequently to apologize
for tliem, that this apparent benevolence to
lliem might make him be believed, and for-
ward his attempts against them ; by which
means he, after various manners, circumvent,
ed his father, who believed that all lie did was
for bis preservation. Herod also ncommend-
cd Ptolemy, who was a great director of llie
than almost any other historian ; but as to Hcroil's tak-
ing great wpallh out of David's s^'pulclire, thoiiph 1
cannot prove it, yet do I strongly susjiect it from this
very history
BOOK XVI.
affairs of his kingdom, to Antipater j and
consulted with his mother about the public
affairs also. And indeed these were all in
all, and did what they pleased, and made the
king angry against any other persons, as they
thought it might be to their own advantage :
but still the sons of Mariamne were in a
worse and worse condition perpetually ; and
while they were thrust out, and set in a more
dishonourable rank, who yet by birth were the
most noble, they could not bear the di->ho-
nour. And for the women, Glaphyra, Alex-
ander's wife, the daughter of Archelauj, hat-
ed Salome, both because of her love to her
husband, and because Glaphyra seemed to
behave herself somewhat insolently towards
Salome's daughter, who was the wife of Aris-
tobulus, which equality of hers to herself Gla-
phyra took very impatiently.
3. Now, besides this second contention tliat
had fallen among them, neither did the king's
brother Pheroras keep himself out of trou-
ble, but had a particular foundation for sus-
picion and hatred ; for he was overcome
with the charms of his wife, to such a degree
of madness, that he despised the king's daugh-
ter, to whom he had been betrotlied, and
wholly bent his mind to the other, who had
been but a servant. Herod also was grieved
by the dishonour that was done him, because
he had bestowed many favours upon him,
and had advanced him to that height of power
that lie was almost a partner with him in
the kingdom ; and saw that he had not made
him a due return for his favours, and esteem-
ed himself unhappy on that account. So
upon Pheroras's unworthy refusal, he gave
the damsel to Phasaelus's son ; but after some
time, wlien he thought the heat of his bro-
ther's afTl'Ctions was over, he blamed him for
his former conduct, and desired him to take
his second daughter, whose name was Cypros.
Ptolemy also advised him to leave off affront-
ing his brother, and to forsake her whom he
had loved, for that it was a base thing to be
so enamoured of a servant, as to deprive him
Self of the king's good-will to him, and be-
come an occasion of his trouble, and make
himself hated l)y him. Pheroras knew that
this advice would be for his own advantage,
particulary because he had been accused be-
fore, and forgiven ; so he put his wife away,
although he already had a son by her, and en-
gaged to the king that he would take his se-
cond daughter, and agreed that the thirtieth
day after should be the day of marriage ; and
sware lie would have no farther conversation
witli her whom he had put away ; but when
the thirty days were over, he was such a slave
to his aflections, that he no longer performed
any thing he had promised, but continued
still with his former wife. This occasioned
Ilerod to grieve openly, and niade him angry,
while the king dropped one word or other a-
gaiiist Pheroras perpetually ; and many made
"V
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. VII.
the king's anger an opportunity for raising
calumnies against liim. Nor had the king
any longer a single quiet day or hour, but
occasions of one fresh quarrel or another arose
among his relations, and those that were dear-
est to him ; for Salome was of a harsh tem-
per, and ill-natured to Mariamne's sons ; nor
would she suffer her own daughter, who was
the wife of Aristobulus, one of those young
men, to bear a good-will to her husband, but
persuaded her to tell her if he said any thing
to her in private, and when any misunder-
standings happened, as is common, she raised
a great many suspicions out of it: by which
means she learned all their concerns, and
made the damsel ill-natured to the young
man. And in order to gratify her mother,
she often said that the young men used to
mention Mariamnc when they were by them-
selves ; and that they hated their father, and
were continually threatening, that if they had
once got the kingdom, they would make He-
rod's sons by his other wives country-school-
masters, for that the present education which
was given them, and their diligence in learn-
ing, fitted them for such an employment.
And as for the women, whenever they saw
them adorned with their mother's clothes, they
threatened, that instead of their present gaudy
apparel, they should be clothed in sackcloth,
and confined so closely that they should not
see the light of the sun. 1 hese stories were
presently carried by Salome to the king, who
was troubled to hear them, and endeavoured
to make up matters : but these suspicions af-
flicted him, and becoming more and more un-
easy, he believed every body against every
body. However, upon his rebuking his sons,
and hearing the defence they made for them-
selves, he was easier for a while, though a
little afterwards much worse accidents came
upon him.
4. For Pheroras came to Alexander, the
husband of Glaphyra, who was the daughter of
Archelaus, as we have already told you, and
said that he had heard from Salome, that He-
rod was enamoured of Glaphyra, and that his
passion for her was incurable. When Alex-
ander heard that, he was all on fire, from his
youth and jealousy ; and he interpreted the
instances of Herod's obliging behaviour to
her, which were very frequent, for the worse,
which came from those suspicions he had on
account of that word which fell from Phero-
ras ; nor could he conceal his grief at the
thing, but informed him what words Phero-
ras had said. Upon which Ilerod was in a
greater disorder than ever; and not bearing
such a false calumny, which was to his shame,
was much disturbed at it: and often did he
lament the wickedness of liis domestics, and
how good he had been to them, and how ill
requitals they had made him. So he sent for
Pheroras, and reproached him, and said,
"Thou >ilest of all men I art thou come to
445
that unmeasurable and extravagant degree
of ingratitude, as not only to suppose such
things of me, but to speak of them ? I now
indeed perceive what thy intentions are: it is
not thy only aim to reproach me, when thou
usest such words to my son, but thereby to
persuade him to plot against me, and get me
destroyed by poison ; and who is there, if he
had not a good genius at his elbow, as hath
my son, that would bear such a suspicion of
his father, but would revenge himself upon
him ? Dost thou sup])ose that thou hast only
dropped a word for him to think of, and
not rather hast put a sword into his hand to
slay his fatlier ? And what dost thou mean,
when thou really hatest both him and hisbro-
tlier, to pretend kindness to them, only in or-
der to raise a reproach against me, and talk of
such things as no one but such an impious
wretch as thou art could cither devise in their
mind, or declare in their words ? Begone,
thou that art such a plague to thy benefactor
and thy brother ; and may that evil con-
science of thine go along with thee ; while I
still overcome my relations by kindness, and
am so far from avenging myself of them, as
they deserve, that I bestow greater benefits
upon them than they are worthy of."
5. Thus did the king speak. Whereupon
Pheroras, who was caught in the very act ol
his villany, said, that, " it was Salome who
was the framer of this plot, and that the words
came from her;'' bat as soon as she heard
that, for she was at hand, she cried out, like
one that would be believed, that no such thing
ever came out of her mouth ; that they all
earnestly endeavoured to make the king hate
her, and to make her away, because of the
good-will she Ijore to Herod, and because she
always foreseeing the dangers that were com-
ing upon him, and that at present there were
more plots against him than usual : for while
she was the only person who persuaded her
brother to put away the wife he now had, and
to take the king's daughter, it was no wonder
if she were hated by him. As she said this,
and often tore her hair, and often beat her
breast, her countenance made her denial to be
believed, but the perverseness of her manners
declared at the same time her dissimulation
in these proceedings ; but Pheroras was caught
between them, and had nothing plausible to
oiler in his own defence, while he confessed that
he liad said what was charged upon him, but
was not believed when he said he had heard
it from Salome; so the confusion among them
WlIs increased, and their quarrelsome words
one to another. At last the king, out of his
hatred to his brother and sister, sent them both
away ; and when he had commended the
moderation of his son, and that he had him-
self told him of the report, he went in the
evening to refresh himself. After such a con-
test as tills had fallen out among them, Sa-
lome's reputation suffered greatly, since she
s
446
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
I5()()K XVI
was siijiposed to have first raised tlio calumny ;
and tlie king's wives were grieved at lier, as
knowing siie was a very ill-natured woman,
and would sometimes be a friend, and some-
times an enemy, at different seasons; so tliey
perpetually said one thing or anotiier against
her; and sonicwhat that now fell out, made
them the bolitir in speaking against her.
6. Tliere was one ()i)odas, king of Arabia,
an inactive and slothful man in his nature;
but Sylleus managed most of his affairs for
him. He was a shrewd man, although he
was but young, and was handsome withal.
Tliis Sylleus, upon some occasion coming to
Herod, and su])ping with him, saw Salome,
and set his heart upon her: and understand-
ing that she was a widow, he discoursed with
her. Now because Salome was at this time
less in favour with her brother, she looked
upon Sylleus with some passion, and was very
earnest to be married to hmi ; and on the days
following there appeared many, and those
very great, indications of their agreement to-
gether. Now the women carried this news to
the king, and laughed at the indecency of it;
whereupon Herod inquired about it farther
of Plicroras, and desired him to observe them
at supper, how their behaviour was one towards
another ; who told him, that by the signals
which came from their heads and their eyes,
they both were evidently in love. After this,
Sylleus the Arabian being suspected, went
away, but came again in two or three months
afterwards, as it were on that very design,
and spake to Herod about it, and desired that
Salome might be given him to wife; for that
liis affinity might not be disadvantageous to
his affairs, by a union with Arabia, flie go-
verninent of which country was already in
effect under his power, and more evidently
would be his hereafter. Accordingly, when
Herod discoursed with his sister about it, and
asked her whether she were disposed to this
match, she immediately agreed to it ; but
when Sylleus was desired to come over to the
Jewish religion, and then lie should marry
her, and that it was impossible to do it on any
other terms, he could not bear that projiosal,
and went his way ; for lie said, that if he
should do so, he should be stoned by the
Arabs. Then did Pheroras reiiroach Salome
for her inconlinency, as did the women much
more ; and said that Sylleus had del)auchcd
her. As for that damsel which the king had
betrothed to his brother Pheroras, but he liud
not taken lier, as I liave before related, be-
cause he was enamoured of his former wife,
Salome desired of Herod she might he given
to her sou by Costobarus : which :iiatch he
was very willing to, but was dissuaded from
it by Plieroras, who pleaded, that this young
man would not be kind to her since her father
had been slain by him, and that it was more
just that his son, v.ho was to be his successor
in the tetrarchy, should have lier j so lie bi v:
"V
ged his pardon, and persuaded him to do so.
Accordingly the damsel, ujjon tliis change of
her espousals, was disposed of to this young
man, the son of Pheroras, the king giving for
her portion a hundred talents.
CHAPTER VIII.
HOW HEROD TOOK UP ALEXANDER, AND BOUND
UIM ; WHOM YET ARCHEI.AUS, KING OF CAP-
PAUOCIA, RECONCILED TO HIS FATHER HE-
ROD AGAHs".
§ 1. But still the affairs of Herod's family
were no better, but jierpetually more trouble-
some. Now this accident happened, which
arose from no decent occasion, but jiroceeded
so far as to bring great difficulties upon him.
There were certain eunuchs which the king
had, and on account of their beauty was very
fond of them ; and the care of bringing him
drink was entrusted to one of them ; of bring-
ing him his supper, to another ; and of put-
ting him to bed, to the third, who also ma-
naged the principal affbirs of the government ;
and there was one told the king that these eu-
nuchs were corrujited by .Vlexaiuler the king's
son, by great sums of money : and when they
were asked whether Alexander had had cri-
minal conversation with them, they confessed
it, but said they knew of no farther mischief
of his against his father; but when they were
more severely tortured, and were in the ut-
inost extremity, and the tormentors, out of
compliance with Antipater, stretclied the rack
to the very utmost, they said that Alexander
bare great ill-will and innate hatred to his
father : and that he told tliein that Herod de
spaired to live much longer; and that, in or-
der to cover his great age, he coloured his
hair black, and endeavoured to conceal what
would discover how old he was; but that if
he would ajijily himself to him, when he
should attain the kingdom, which in spite of
liis father, could come to no one else, he
should quickly have the first place in that
kingdom under him, for that he was now
ready to take the kingdom, not only as his
birthright, but by the preparations he had
made for obtaining it, because a great many
of the rulers, and a great many of his friends,
were of his side, and those no ill men neither,
ready both to do and to suffer whatsoever
should come on that account.
2. When Herod heard this confession, he
was ail over anger and fear, some parts seem-
ing to hiin reproachful, and sonfe made him
su^picious of dangers that attended him, in-
somuch, that on both accounts he was pro-
voktd, and bitterly afraid lest some more
heavy plot was laid against him than he should
be tlien able to escape from ; whereupon he
did not now make an open search, but sent
r
"-v.
CHAP. VIII.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
447
about spies to watch such as he suspected, for
he was now overrun with suspicion and ha-
tred against all about him ; and indulging
abundance of those suspicions, in order to his
preservation, he continued to suspect those
that were guiltless : nor did he set any bounds
to himself; but supposing that those who
staid with him had the most power to hurt
him, they were to him very frightful ; and
for those that did not use to come to him, it
seemed enough to name them [to make them
suspected], and he thought himself safer when
they were destroyed : and at last his domes-
tics were come to that pass, that being no way
secure of escaping themselves, they fell to ac-
cusing one another, and imagining that he
who first accused another, was most likely to
save himself; yet, when any had overthrown
others, they were liated ; and they were
thought to suffer justly, who unjustly accused
others ; and they only thereby prevented their
own accusation ; nay, they now executed their
own private enmities by this means, and when
they were caught, they were punished in the
same way. Thus these men contrived to
make use of this opportunity as an instrument
and a snare against their enemies ; yet, when
they tried it, were themselves caught also in
the same snare which they laid for others :
and the king soon repented of what he had
done, because he had no clear evidence of the
guilt of those whom he had slain ; and yet
what was still more severe in him, he did not
make use of his repentance, in order to leave
oft' doing the like again, but in order to inflict
the same punishment upon their accusers.
3. And in this state of disorder were the
affairs of the palace ; and he had already told
many of his friends directly, that they ought
not to appear before him, nor come into the
palace ; and the reason of this injunction was,
tliat [when they were there] he had less free-
dom of acting, or a greater restraint on him-
self on their account; for at this time it was
that he expelled Andromaclius and Gemellus,
men who had of old been his friends, and
been very useful to him in the affairs of liis
kingdom, and been of advantage to his fa-
mily, by their embassages and counsels ; and
had been tutors to his sons, and had in a man-
ner the first degree of freedom with him. He
expelled Andromachus, because his son De-
metrius was a companion to Alexander ; and
Gemellus, because he knew that he wished
him well, which arose from his having been
with him in his youth, when he was at school,
and absent at Rome. These he expelled out
of his palace, and was willing enough to have
done worse by them ; but that he might not
seem to take such liberty against men of so
great reputation, he contented himself with
depriving them of their dignity, and of their
power to hinder his wicked proceedings.
4. Now it was Antipater who was the
cause of all this; who when he knew what a
mad and licentious way of acting his father
was in, and had been a great while one of his
counsellors, he hurried him on, and then
thought he should bring him to do somewhat
to purpose, when every one that could oppose
him was taken away. When therefore An-
dromachus and his friends were driven away,
and had no discourse nor freedom with the
king any longer, the king, in the first place,
examined by torture all whom he thought to
be faithful to Alexander, whether they knew
of any of his attempts against him ; but these
died without having any thing to say to that
matter, which made the king more zealous
[after discoveries], when he could not find
out what evil proceedings he suspected them
of. As for Antipater, ho was very sagacious
to raise a calumny against those that were
really innocent, as if their denial was only
their constancy and fidelity [to Alexander],
and thereupon provoked Herod to discover
by the torture of great numbers, what at-
tempts were still concealed. Now there was
a certain person among the many that were
tortured, who said that he knew that the
young man had often said, that when he was
commended as a tall man in his body, and a skil-
ful marksman, and that in his other commend-
able exercises he ej;ceeded all men, these qua-
lifications, given him by nature, though good
in themselves, were not advantageous to him,
because his father was grieved at them, and
envied him for them ; and tliat when he walk-
ed along with his father, he endeavoured to
depress and shorten himself, that he might
not appear too tall ; and that when he shot at
any thing as he was hunting, when his father
was by, he missed his mark on purpose ; for
he knew how ambitious his father was of be-
ing superior in such exercises. So when the
man was tormented about this saying, and
had ease given his body after it, he added,
that he had his brother Aristobulus for his as-
sistance, and contrived to lie in wait for their
father, as they were hunting, and kill him;
and when they had done so, to fly to Rome,
and desire to have the kingdom given them.
There were also letters of the young man
found, written to his brother; wherein he
complained that his father did not act justly
in giving Antipater a country, whose [yearly]
revenues amounted to ten hundred talents.
Upon these confessions Herod presently
thought he had somewhat to depend on, in
his own opinion, as to his suspicion about his
sons : so he took up Alexander and bound
him ; yet did he still continue to be uneasy,
and was not quite satisfied of the truth of
what he had heard; and when he came to re-
collect himself, he found that they had only
made juvenile complaints and contentions,
and that it was an incredible thing, that when
his son should have slain him, he should open-
ly go to Rome [to beg the kingdom] ; so he
was desirous to have some surer mark of his
J'
448
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
son's wickedness, and was very solicitous a-
bout it, tliat he might not appear to liave con-
demned liim to be put in prison too rashly ;
so-he tortured the principal of Alexander's
friends, and put not a few of them to death,
without getting any of the things out of them
which he suspected. And wliile Herod was
very busy about this matter, and the palace
was full of terror and trouble, one of the
younger sort, when he was in the utmost ago-
ny, confessed that Alexander had sent to his
friends at Rome, and desired tiiat lie might
be quickly invited thither by Caesar, and tliat
he could discover a plot against him ; that
Mithridates, the king of I'arthia, was joined
in friendship witii his father against the Ro-
mans, and that he had a poisonous potion
ready prepared at Askelon.
5. To these accusations Herod gave credit,
and enjoyec' hereby, in his miserable case,
some sort of consolation, in excuse of his rash-
ness, as flattering himself witli finding things
in so bad a condition ; but as for the poison.
ous potion, which he laboured to find, he
could find none. As for Alexander, he was
very desirous to aggravate the vast misfortunes
he was under, so he pretended not to deny the
accusations, but punished the rashness of his
father with a greater crime of his own ; and
perhaps he was willing to make his father
asbflmed of his easy belief of such calumnies :
he aimed especially, if he could gain belief to
his story, to plague him and his whole king-
dom ; for he \> rote four letters and sent them
to him, that " he did not need to torture any
more persons, for lie had plotted against him ;
and that he hail for his partners, I'heroras and
the most faithful of his friends; and that Sa-
lome came in to him by night, and that she
lay with him whether he would or not; and
that all men were come to be of one mind to
make away with him as soon as they could, and
so get clear of the continual fear they were in
from him. Among these were accused Pto-
lemy and Sapinnius, who were the most faith-
ful friends to the king. And what more can
be said, but that those who before were the
most intimate friends, were become wild beasts
to one another, as if a certain madness had
fallen tipon them, while there was no room
for defence or refutation, in order to the dis-
covery of the truth, but all were at random
doomed to destruction I so that some lamented
those that were in prison, some those that were
put to death, and others lamented tliat they
were in exjiectation of the same miseries ; and
a melancholy solitude reiidered the kingdom
deformed, and quite the reverse to that ha|)py
state it was formerly in. Herod's own life
also was entirely disturbed ; and, because he
could trust nobody, he was sorely punisiiid by
the expectation of farther misery ; for he often
fancied in his imagination, that his son had fall-
en upon him, or stood by iiiin «itli a sword in
bis hand; and thus was his mind nightand day
BOOK XVI.
intent upon this thing, and revolved it over
and over, and no otherwise than if he were
under a distraction. And this was the sad
condition Herod was now in.
6. But when Archelaus, king of Cappado-
cia, heard of the state that Herod was in, and
being in great distress about his daughter, and
the young man [her husband], and grieving
witJi Herod, as with a man that was his friend,
on account of so great a disturbance as he
was imder, he came [to Jerusalem] on pur-
pose to compose their difl'erences ; and, wher
he found Herod in such a temper, he though!
it wholly unseasonable to reprove him, or to
pretend that he had doive any thing rashly, foi
that he should thereby naturally bring him to
dispute the point with him, and by still more
and more apologizing for lilinself to be the
more irritated : he went, therefore, another
way to work, in order to correct the former
misfortunes, and appeared angry at the young
man, and said that Herod had been so very
mild 3 man that he had not acted a rash part
at all. He also said he would dissolve his
daughter's marriage with Alexander, nor
could in justice spare his own daughter, if
she were conscious of any thing, and did not
inform Herod of it. When Archelaus appear,
ed to be of this temper, and otherwise than
Herod exi)ected or imagined, and for the main
took Herod's part, and was angry on his ac-
count, the king abated of his harshness, and
took occasion from his ajjpearing to have act-
ed justly hitherto, to come by degrees to jiut
on the afl'ection of a father, and «as on both
sides to be pitied ; for when some persons re-
futed tlie calumnies that were laid on the
young man, he was thrown into a passion ;
but when Archelaus joined in the accusatii n,
he was dissolved into tears and sorrow after
an aifectionate manner. Accordingly, he de-
sired that he would not dissolve his son's mar-
riage, and became not so angry as before for
his oU'ences. So when Archelaus had brought
him to a more moderate temper, he transferred
the calumnies upon his friends; and said it
must be owing to them that so young a man,
and one unoiqtiaintcd uilh niulice, was cor-
rupted ; and he supposed that there was more
reason to susiiect the brother tiian the son.
Upon which Herod « as very much displeased
at I'lieroras, who indeed now liad no one that
could make a reconciliation between him and
his brother. So when he saw that Archelaus
had the greatest jjower with Herod, he betook
himself to iiim in the habit of a mourner, and
] like one that had all the signs upon him of an
I undone man. Ui)on this .Vrclieiaus did not
overlook the intercession lie made to him, nor
yet did he undertake to changa the king's
disposition towards him immediately ; and he
I said that it was better for him to come himself
: to the king, and confess himself the occasion
of all; that this woidd make the king's anger
, not to be extravagant towards him, and ttiat
J^
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. IX.
then he would be present to assist him. WTien
he had persuaded him to this, he gained his
point with both of them ; and the calumnies
raised against the young man were, beyond
all expectation, wiped off. And Archelaus,
as soon as he had made the reconciliation,
went then away to Cappadocia, having proved
at this juncture of time the most acceptable
person to Herod in the world ; on which ac-
count he gave him the richest presents, as
tokens of his respects to him, and being on
other occasions magnanimous, he esteemed
him one of his dearest friends. He also made
an agreement with him that he would go to
Rome, because he had written to Csesar about
these affairs ; so they went together as far as
Antioch, and there Herod made a reconcilia-
tion between Archelaus and Titus, the presi-
dent of Syria, who had been greatly at vari-
ance, and so returned back to Judea.
CHAPTER IX.
;ONCERNING THE REVOLT OF THE TRACHON-
n'ES ; HOW SYLLEUS ACCUSED HEROD BEFORE
CaiSAR ; AND HOW HEROD, WHEN C^SAR
WAS ANGRY AT HIM, RESOLVED TO SEND
NICOLAUS TO ROME.
§ 1. When Herod had been at Rome, and
was come back again, a war arose between
him and the Arabians, on the occasion follow-
ing : — The inhabitants of Trachonitis, after
Caesar had taken the country away from Ze-
nodorus, and added it to Herod, had not now
power to rob, but were forced to plough the
land, and to live quietly, which was a thing
they did not like ; and when they did take
that pains, the ground did not produce much
fruit for them. However, at the first the king
would not permit them to rob ; and so they
abstained from that unjust way of living up-
on their neighbours, which procured Herod
a great reputation for his care. But when he
was sailing to Rome, it was at that time when
he went to accuse his son Alexander, and to
commit Antipater to Caesar's protection, the
Trachonites spread a report as if he were
dead, and revolted from his dominion, and
betook themselves again to their accustomed
way of robbing their neighbours ; at which
time the king's commanders subdued them
during his absence ; but about forty of the
principal robbers, being terrified by those that
had been taken, left the country, and retired
into Arabia, Sylleus entertaining them, after
he had missed of marrying Salome, and gave
them a place of strength, in which they dwelt
So they overran not only Judea, but all Cele-
syria also, and carried off the prey, while Syl-
leus afforded them places of protection and
quietness during their wicked practices. But
when Herod came back from Rome, he per
449
ceived that his dominions had greatly suffered
by them, and since he could not reach the
robbers themselves, because of the secure re-
treat they had in that country, and which the
Arabian government afforded them, and yet
being very uneasy at the injuries they had
done him, he went all over Trachonitis, and
slew their relations ; whereupon these robbers
were more angry than before, it being a law
among them to be avenged on the murderers
of their relations by all possible means ; so
they continued to tear and rend eveiy thing
under Herod's dominion with impunity; then
did he discourse about these robberies to Sa-
turninus and Volumnius, and required that
they should be punished ; upon which occa-
sion they still the more confirmed themselves
in their robberies, and became more numer-
ous, and made very great disturbances, laying
waste the countries and villages that belongea
to Herod's kingdom, and killing those men
whom they caught, till these unjust proceed-
ings came to be like a real war, for the rob-
bers were now become about a thousand ;— at
which Herod was sore displeased, and requir-
ed the robbers, as well as the money which he
had lent Obodas, by Sylleus, which was sixty
talents, and since the time of payment was
now past, he desired to have it paid him ; but
Sylleus, who had laid Obodas aside, and ma-
naged all by himself, denied that the robbers
were in Arabia, and put off the payment of
the money ; about which there was a hearing
before Saturninus and Volumnius, who were
then the presidents of Syria.* At last, he,
by their means, agreed, that within thirty
days' time Herod should be paid his money,
and that each of them should deliver up the
other's subjects reciprocally. Now, as to He-
rod, there was not one of the other's subjects
found in his kingdom, either as doing any in-
justice, or on any other account ; but it was
proved that the Arabians had the robbers
amongst them.
2. When the day appointed for payment of
the money was past, without Sylleus's per-
forming any part of his agreement, and he
was gone to Rome, Herod demanded the pay-
ment of the money, and that the robbers that
were in Arabia should be delivered up ; and,
by the permission of Saturninus and Volum-
nius, executed the judgment himself upon
those that were refractory. He took an army
that he had, and led it into Arabia, and in
three days' time marched seven mansions ;
and when he came to the garrison wherein
the robbers were, he made an assault upon
them, and took them all, and demolished the
place, which was called Raepta, but did no
harm to any others. But as the Arabians
came to their assistance, under Naceb their
• These joint presidents of S>Tia, Saturninus and
Volumnius, were not perhaps of equal authority, but
the latter like a procurator under the former, as the
very learned Noris and Pajfi, and with them Dr. Hud-
son, determine. 2 P
450
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
nooK XVI
captain, there ensued a battle, wherein a few
of Herod's soldiers, and Nactb, the captain
of the Arabians, and about twenty of his sol-
diers fell, while the rest betook themselves to
flight. So when he had brought these to pu-
nishment, he placed three thousand Idumeans
in Trachonitis, and thereby restrained the rob-
bers that were there. He also sent an account
to the captains that were about Pha-nicia, and
demonstrated that he had done nothing but
what he ought to do, in punishing the refrac-
tory Arabians, which, upon an exact inquiry,
they found to be no more than what was true.
3. However, messengers were hasted away
to Syllcus to Rome, and informed him what
had been done, and, as is usual, aggravated
every thing. Now Sylleus had already in-
sinuated himself into the knowledge of Ca-sar,
and was then about the palace ; and as soon
as he heard of these things, he clianged his
habit into black, and went in, and told Ca;-
sar that Arabia was afflicted with war, and
that all his kingdom was in great confusion,
upon Herod's laying it waste with his army ;
and he said, wiili tears in his eyes, tliat
two thousand five hundrod of the principal
men among the Arabians had been destroyed,
and that their captain Nacebus, liis familiar
friend and kinsman, was slain ; and that the
riches that were at Raepta were carried off;
and that Obodas was despised, whose infirm
state of body rendered him unfit for war ; on
which account neither he nor the Arabian
army were present. When Sylleus said so,
and added invidiously, that he would not him-
self liave come out of the country, unless he
had believed that CaB:;ar would have provided
that they should all have peace one with ano-
ther, and that, had he been there, he would
have taken care that the war should not have
been to Herod's advantage. Csesar was pro-
voked when this was said ; and asked no more
than tliis one question, both of Herod's friends
that were there, and of his own friends, who
were come from Syria, Whetlicr Herod had
led an army thither? And when tliey were
forced to confess so much, Ca)sar, without
slaying to hear for what reason he did it, and
how ii was done, grew very angry, and wrote
to Herod sharply. The sum of liis epistle
was thi-i, that wliereas of old he had used him
as his friend, he should now use him as his
subject. Sylleus also wrote an account of
this to the Arabians; who were so elevated
wiili it, that they neitlier delivered up the rob-
bers that had fled to them, nor paid the mo-
ney that was due : they retained those pastures
also which they had hired, and kept them
without paying their rent, and all this because
the kiiig of the Jews w;is now in a low con-
dition, by reason of Ciesar's anger at him.
Tiiosc of Trachonitis also made use of this
opportunity, and rose up against the Idumcan
garrison, and followed the same way of rob-
bing with tlic Arabians, who had (lillagcd
their country, and were more rigid in their
unjust proceedings, not only in order to get
by it, but by way of revenge also.
4. Now Herod was forced to bear all this,
that confidence of his being quite gone with
which Ciesar's favour used to inspire him ;
for Cajsar would not admit so much as an
embassage from him, to make an apology for
him ; and when they came again, he sent
them away without success : so he was cast
into sadness and fear; and Sylleus's circum-
stances grieved him exceedingly, who was
now believed by Ciesar, and was present at
Rome, nay, sometimes aspiring higher. Now
it came to pass that Obodas was dead : and
jEneas, whose name was afterward changed
to Aretas,* took the government, for Sylleus
endeavoured by calumnies to get him turned
out of his principality, that he might himself
take it ; with which design he gave much
money to the courtiers, and promised much
money to Csesar, wlio indeed was angry that
Aretas had not sent to him first before he
took the kingdom, yet did i^neas send an
epistle and presents to Cffisar, and a crown of
gold, of the weight of many talents. Now
that epistle accused Sylleus as having been a
wicked servant, and having killed Obodas by
poison ; and that while he was alive, he had
governed him as he pleased ; and had also
debauched the wives of the Arabians ; and
had borrowed money, in order to obtain the
dominion for hiinsclf : yet did not Ca?sar give
heed to these accusations, but sent his ambas-
sadors back, without receiving any of his pre-
sents. But in the mean time the affairs of
Judea and Arabia became worse and worse,
partly because of the anarchy they were un-
der, and partly because, bad as they were,
nobody had power to govern them ; for of
the two kings, the one was not yet confirmed
in his kingdom, and so had not authority suf-
ficient to restrain the evil-doers ; and as for
Herod, Ca'sar was immediately angry at him
for having avenged himself, and so lie was
compelled to bear all the injuries that were
offered liiin. .-^t length, when he saw no end
of the mischief which surrounded him, he re-
solved to send ambassadors to Rome again,
to see whether his friends had prevailed to
mitigate Ctcsar, and to address tiiemselves to
Ca-sar himself; and the ambassador he sent
thither was Nicolaus of Damascus.
• This Aret.ns was now become so cstsblishtsl a name
for the kings of Arabia [at I'ctra and DairiAfcus], that
when the crown caiuc to this ^ncas, he chaii^«i hij
name to Aretas, as Havcrcamp here justly oSiiTvefi.
See Antiq. li. xiii, eh. xv, sect. S.
r
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
451
CHAPTER X.
HOW EL'RYCLES FALSELY ACCUSED HEROD's
SONS ; AND HOW THEIR FATHER BOUND
THEM, AND WROTE TO C>ESAR ABOUT THEM.
OF SYLLEUS ; AND HOW HE WAS ACCUSED BY
NICOLAUS.
§ 1. The disorders about Herod's family and
children about this time grew much worse ; for
it now appeared certain, nor was it unforeseen
upon Antipater, thinking hini to be his friend
by this advice, gave him presents upon all
occasions, and at length persuaded him to
inform Herod of what he had heard. So
when he related to the king Alexander's ill
temper, as discovered by the words he had
heard him speak, he was easily believed by
him ; and he thereby brought the king to
that pass, turning him about by his words,
and irritating him, till he increased his hat-
red to him, and made him implacable, which
he showed at that very time, for he immedi--
beforehand, that fortune threatened the great- ■ ately gave Eurycles a present of fifty talents ;
est and most insupportable misfortunes pos- who, when he had gotten them, went to Ar-
sible to his kingdom. Its progress and aug- > chelaus, king of Cappadocia, and commended
mentation at this time arose on the occasion ' Alexander before him, and told him that he
following : — One Eurycles, a Lacedemonian had been many ways of advantage to him, in
making a reconciliation between him and his
father. So he got money from him also,
and went away, before his pernicious prac-
(a person of note there, but a man of a per-
verse mind, and so cunning in his ways of
voluptuousness and flattery, as to indulge
both, and yet seem to indulge neither of ] tices were found out ; but when Eurycles was
them), came in his travels to Herod, and
made him presents, but so tliat he received
more presents from him. He also took such
proper seasons for insinuating himself into
his friendship, that he became one of the most
intimate of the king's friends. He had bis
lodging in Antipater's house ; but he had not
only access, but free conversation, with Alex-
ander, as pretending to him that he was in
great favour with Archelaus, the king of
Cappadocia ^ whence he pretended much re
returned to Lacedemon, he did not leave off
doing mischief; and so, for his many acts of in-
justice, he was banished from his own country.
2. But as for the king of the Jews, he was
not now in the temper he was in formerly to-
wards Alexander and Aristobulus, when he
had been content with the hearing their ca-
lumnies when others told him of them, but he
was now come to that pass as to hate them
himself, and to urge men to speak against
them, though they did not do it of themselves.
sppct to Glaphyra, ar.d, in an occult manner. He also observed all that was said, and put ques-
cultivated a friendship with them all, but al-
ways attending to what was said and done,
that he might be furnished with calumnies to
please them all. In short, he behaved himself
so to every body in his conversation, as to
appear to be his particular friend, and he
made others believe that his being anywhere
was for that person's advantage. So he won
upon Alexander, who was but young ; and
persuaded him, that he might open his griev-
ances to him with assurance, and with no-
body else. So he declared his grief to him,
how his father was alienated from him. He
related to him also the affairs of his motl>er,
and of Antipater ; that he had driven them
from their proper dignity, and had the power
over every thing himself; that no part of this
was tolerable, since his father was already
come to hate them ; and he added, that he
would neitlier admit them to his table nor to
his conversation. Such were the complaints.
tions, and gave ear to every one that would but
speak, if they could but say any thing against
them, till at length he heard that Euaratus of
Cos was a conspirator with Alexander ; which
thing to Herod was the most agreeable and
sweetest news imaginable.
3. But still a greater misfortune came up-
on the young men ; while the calumnies
against them were continually increased, and,
as a man may say, one would think it was
every one's endeavour to lay some grievous
thing to their charge, which might appear to
be for the king's preservation. There were
two guards of Herod's body, who were in
great esteem for their great strength and tall-
ness, Jucundus and Tyrannus; these men
had been cast off by Herod, who was dis-
pleased at them ; these now used to ride along
with Alexander, and for their skill in their
exercises were in great esteem with him, and
had some gold and other ccifts bestowed on
as was but natural, of Alexander about the them. Now theking,havingan immediate sus-
Uiiiigs that troubled him : and these discourses ' picion of these men, had them tortured ; who
Eurycles carri^^d to Antipater, and told him, 'endured the torture courageously for a loi.g
he did not inform him of this on his own ac-jtime; but at last confessed that Alexander
count, but that being overcoine by his kind- | would have persuaded tliem to kill Herod
ness, the great importance of the thing oblig- when he was in pursuit of the wild beasts,
ed him to do it : and he warned him to have that it might be said he fell from his horse,
a care of Alexander, for that what he said land was run through with his own spear, for
was spoken with vehemency, and that, in that lie had once such a misfortune formerly,
consequence of what he s;iid, he would cer- They also showed where there was money
tainly kill him with his own hand.^ Where- | hidden in the stable, underground; and these
152
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
convicted tlie king's chief hunter, tliat lie had
given the young men the royal hunting-spears
and weapons to Alexander's dependants, and
at Alexander's command.
4. After these, the commander of the gar-
rison of Alexandrium was caught and tortur-
ed ; for he was accused to have promised to
receive the young men into his fortress, and
to supply them with that money of the king's
which was laid up in that fortress, yet did not
he acknowledge any thing of it himself; but
his sen came in, and said it was so, and deli-
vered up the writing, which, so far as could
be guessed, was in Alexander's hand. Its
contents were these : — " When we have fi-
nibhed, by God's help, all that we have pro-
posed to do, we will come to you ; but do
your endeavours, as you have promised, to re-
ceive us into your fortress." After this writ-
ing was produced, Herod had no doubt about
the treacherous designs of liis sons against
liim ; but Alexander said that Diophantus,
the scribe, had imitated his hand, and that the
paper was maliciously drawn up by Antipa-
ter ; for Diophantus appeared to be very cun-
ning in such practices ; and as he was after-
ward convicted of forging other papers, he
was put to death for it.
5. So the king produced those that had been
tortured before the multitude at Jericho, in
order to have them accuse the young men,
which accusers many of the people stoned to
death ; and when they were going to kill
Alexander and Aristobulus likewise, the king
would not permit them to do so, but restrain-
ed the multitude, by means of Ptolemy and
Pheroras. However, the young men were
put under a guard, and kept in custody, that
nobody might come at them ; and all that
they did or said was watched, and the re-
proach and fear they were in was little or no-
thing different from those of condemned cri-
minals ; and one of them, who was Aristobu-
lus, was so deeply affected, that he brought
Salome, who was his aunt, and his mother-in-
law, to lament with him for his calamities, and
to hate him who had sufl'ered tilings to come
to that pass ; when he said to her, " Art thou not
in danger of destruction also, while the re-
port goes that thou hadst disclosed before-
hand all our afl'airs to Sylleus, when thou
wast in hopes of being married to him ?"
But she immediately carried those words to
her brother : upon this he was out of patience,
and gave command to bind him ; and enjoin-
ed them both, now they were kept sep.irate
one from the other, to write down all the ill
things they had done against their father, and
Ijring the writings to him. So when tliis was
enjoined them, they wrote this : that tliey had
laid no treacherous designs, nor made any
preparations against their father, but that they
had intended to fly away ; and that by the
distress they were in, their lives being now
uncertain and tedious to them.
BOOK XVI
6. About this time there came an ambassa-
dor out of ("appadocia from Archelaus, whoso
name was ISKlas ; he was one of the princi-
pal rulers under him. So Ilerod being de
sirous to show Archelaus's ill-will to him,
called for Alexander, as he was in his bonds,
and asked him again concerning his flight,
whetlier and how they had resolved to retire :
Alexander replied, — To Archelaus, who had
promised to send them away to Home ; but
that they had no wicked or mischievous de-
signs against their father, and that nothing of
that nature which their adversaries had charged
upon them was true ; and that their desire
was, that he might have examined Tyrannus
and Jucundus more strictly, but that they
had been suddenly slain by the means of An
tipater, who put his own friends among the
multitude [for that purpose].
7. When this was said, Herod commanded
that both Alexander and Melas should be
carried to Glaphyra, Archelaus's daughter, and
that she should be asked, whether she did not
know somewhat of Alexander's treacherous
designs against Herod ? Now as soon as
they were come to her, and she saw Alexander
in bonds, she beat her head, and in great con-
sternation, gave a deep and a moving groan.
The young man also fell into tears. This was
so miserable a spectacle to those present, that,
for a great while, they were not able to say or
to do any thing ; but at length Ptolemy, who
was ordered to bring Alexander, bade him
say whether his wife were conscious of his ac
tions. He replied, " How is it possible that
she, whom I love better than my own soul,
and by whom I have had children, should not
know what I do?" Upon which she cried
out, that she knew of no wicked designs ot
his ; but that yet, if her accusing herself
falsely would tend to his preservation, she
would confess it all. Alexander replied,
" There is no such wickedness as those (who
ought the least of all so to do) suspect, which
either I have imagined, or thou knowtst of, but
this only, that we had resolved to retire to Ar-
chelaus, and from thence to Koine." Which
she also confessed. Upon which Ilerod, sup-
posing that Archelaus's ill-will to him was
fully proved, sent a letter by Olympus and
Volumnius ; and bade them, as they s.iiled by,
to touch at Eleusa of Cilicia, and give Ar-
chelaus the letter. And that when they had
expostulated with him, that he had a hand
in his son's treacherous design against him,
they should from thence sail to Rome; and
that, in case they found Nicolaus had gained
any ground, and that Caesar was no longer
displeased at him, he should give him h/s let-
ters, and the proof which he had ready to show
against tlic young men. As to Archelaus, he
made this defence for himself, that he had pro-
mised to receive the young men, because it
was bijili for llieir own and their father's ad-
vantage so to do, lest some too severe proco-
■\.
CHAP. X.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
453
dure should be gone upon in that anger and ,'
disorder they were in on occasion of the pre- j
sent suspicions ; but that still he had not pro-
mised to send tbem to Caesar ; and that he i
had not promised any thing else to the young
men that could show any ill-will to him.
8. When these ambassadors were come to |
Rome, they had a fit opportunity of deliver,
ing their letters to Caesar, because they found
cim reconciled to Herod ; for the circumstan-
ces of Nicolaus's embassage had been as fol-
lows : — As soon as he was come to Rome, and
was about the court, he did not first of all
set about what he was come for only, but he
thought fit also to accuse Sylleus. Now, the
Arabians, even before he came to talk with j
them, were quarrelling one with another; and ,
some of them left Sylleus's party, and joining ,
themselves toNicolaus, informed him of all the
wicked things that had been done ; and pro-
duced to him evident demonstrations of the
slaughter of a great number of Obodas's
friends by Sylleus ; for when these men left
Sylleus, they had carried off with them those
letters whereby they could convict him. When
Nicolaus saw such an opportunity afforded
him, he made use of it, in order to gain his
own point afterward, and endeavoured imme-
diately to make a reconciliation between Cae-
sar and Herod ; for he was fully satisfied, that
if he should desire to make a defence for He-
rod directly, he should not be allowed that
liberty ; but that if he desired to accuse Syl-
leus, there would an occasion present itself of
speaking on Herod's behalf. So when the
cause was ready for a hearing, and the day
was appointed, Nicolaus, while Aretas's am-
bassadors were present, accused Sylleus, and
said that he imputed to him the destruction
of the king [Obodas], and of many others of
the Arabians : that he had borrowed money
for no good design ; and he proved that he
had been guilty of adultery, not only wiih the
Arabian, but Roman women also. And he
added, that above all the rest he had alienat-
ed Csesar from Herod ; and that all that he
had said about the actions of Herod were fal-
sities. When Nicolaus was come to this to-
pic, Caesar stopped him from going on, and
desired him only to speak to this atfair of
Herod, and to show that he had not led an
army into Arabia, nor slain two thousand five
hundred men there, nor taken prisoners, nor
pillaged the country. To which Nicolaus
made this answer: — " I shall principally de-
monstrate, that either nothing at all, or but
a very little, of those imputations are true, of
which tliou hast been informed ; for had they
been true, thou mightest justly have been still
more angry at Herod." At this strange as-
sertion, Caesar was very attentive ; and Nico-
laus said, that there was a debt due to Herod
of five hundred talents, and a bond, wherein
it was written, tliat if tlie time appointed be
elapsed, it should be lawful to maJ(e o^seizuis
out of any part of his country. " As for the
pretended army," he said, " it was no army,
but a party sent out to require the just pay-
ment of the money : that this was not sent
immediately, nor so soon as the bond allowed,
but that Sylleus had frequently come before
Saturninus and Volumnius, the presidents of
Syria : and that at last he had sworn at Be-
rytus, by thy fortune,* that he would cer-
tainly pay the money within thirty days, and
deliver up the fugitives that were under his
dominion. And that when Sylleus had per-
formed nothing of this, Herod came again
before the presidents ; and upon their per-
mission to make a seizure for his money, he,
with difficulty, went out of his country with
a party of soldiers for that purpose. And
this is all the war which these men so tragi-
cally describe ; and this is the affair of the
expedition into Arabia. And how can this
be called a war, when thy presidents permit-
ted it, the covenants allowed it, and it was
not executed till thy name, O Cassar, as well
as that of the other gods, had been profaned ?
And now I must speak in order about the
captives. There were robbers that dwelt io
Trachonitis: — at first their number was no
more than forty, but they became more after-
wards, and they escaped the punishment He-
rod would have inflicted on them, by making
Arabia tlieir refuge. Sylleus received them,
and supported them with food, that they might
be mischievous to all mankind; and gave them
a country to inhabit, and himself received the
gains they made by robbery; yet did he pro-
mise that he would deliver up these men, and
that by the same oaths and same time that h
sware and fixed for payment of his debt : noi
can he by any means show that any other per-
sons have at this time been taken out of Ara-
bia besides these, and indeed not all these
neither, but only so many as could not con-
ceal themselves. And thus does the calumnj
of the captives, which hath been so odiously
represented, appear to be no better than a
fiction and a lie, made on purpose to provoke
fiiy indignation ; for I venture to affirm, that
when the forces of the Arabians came upon
us, and one or two of Herod's party fell, he
then only defended himself, and there fell
Nacebus their general, and in all about twen-
ty-five others, and no more; whence Sylleus,
by multiplying every single soldier to a hun-
dred, he reckons the slain to have been two
thousand five hundred."
9. This provoked Caesar more than ever ;
so he turned to Sylleus full of rage, and ask-
ed liim how many of the Arabians were slain.
Hereupon he hesitated, and said he had been
imposed upon. The covenants were also read
about the money he had borrowed, and the
• This oath, by tlie fortune of Ctesar, was put to
Polycarp, a bishop of Smyrna, by the Roman governor
to try whether he were a Christian, as they were tJien
esteemed who refused to swear that oath. Martyi,
Polycari>. sect. 9.
"X.
451
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
letters of tlie presickMUs of Syria, and tlic
runiplaiiUs of the several cities, so many as
had been injured l)y the robbers. The con-
clusion was this, that Syileus was condemned
to die, and that Caesar was reconciled to He-
rod, and owned liis repentance for wliat severe
things he had written to liim, occasioned by
calumny, insomuch that lie told Syileus, that
he had compelled him, by his lying account
of tilings, to be guilty of ingratitude against
a man that was his friend. At the last all
came to this, — Syileus was sent away to an-
swer Herod's suit, and to repay the debt that
he owed, and after that to be punished [with
death] ; but still Ca;sar was oll'ended witli
Aretas, that he had taken upon himself the
government, without his consent first obtain-
ed, for he had determined to bestow Arabia
upon Herod ; but that the letters he had sent
Hindered hini from so doing; for Olympus
and Volumnius, perceiving that Cicsar was
now become favourable to Herod, thought fit
immediately to deliver him the letters they
were commanded by Herod to give him con-
cerning his sons. V»'lien Caesar had read them,
he thought it would not be proper to add ano-
ther government to him, now he was old, and
in an ill state with relation to his sons, so he
admitted Aretas's ambassadors ; and after he
had just reproved him for his rashness, in not
tarrying till he received the kingdom from
him, he accepted of his presents, and confirm-
ed him in his government.
CHAPTER XI.
HOW HEROD, BY PKRMISSION FROM C.SSAR,
ACCUSED HIS SONS BEFORE AM ASSEMBLY OF
JUDGES AT BERYTUS ; AND WHAT TERO SUF-
FERED, FOR USING A BOUNDLESS AND MILI-
TARY LIBERTY OF SPEECH. CONCERNING
ALSO THE DEATH OF THE YOUNG MEN, AND
THEIR BURIAL AT ALEXANDRIUM.
§ 1. So Caesar was now reconciled to Herod,
and wrote thus to him • — That he was grieved
for him on account of his sons ; and that in
case iJiey had been guilty of any profane and
insolent crimes against him, it would behove
him to punibh them as parricides, for which he
gave him ])ower accordingly ; hut if they had
only contrived to fiy away, he would have
him give them an admonition, and not pro-
ceed to extremity with them. He also ad-
vised him to get an assenjbly together, and to
appoint some place near lierytus,* which is a
city belonging to the Romans, and to take
tLe presidents of Syria, and Archeiaus, king
• What Joscphus relates Aupustiis to have here saiil,
that berytus was a city lK'Ioiii;iiiK '" 'he IlomaiK, is
confiniieil l>y Snaiihcim'siiote iicri': — '• It was ciays he)
a colony placet! ihtru tiy Aiipustus. Whence Ulpiaii,
De fens. Del. L. T. xv. The colony of Uerytus w.-is rcn-
ilcred famous by the benefits of C'a-sar : anil thence it is,
■Jiat among the cjini of Augustus, we meet with Mime
Having this inscri|>ti-<n The Iia^tpy colony of Augustus
»t Uerytiii."
BOOK XVI
of Cappadocia, and as many more as lie
llioiight to be illustrious for their friendship
to him, and the dignities they were in, and
determine what should be done by their ap-
probation. These were the directions that
Casar gave him. Accordingly Herod, when
the letter was brought to him, was immediate-
ly very glad of Csesar's reconciliation to him,
and very glad also that he had a complete au-
thority given him over his sons. And it
strangely came about, that whereas before, in
his adversity, though he had indeed shown
himself severe, yet had he not been very rash,
nor hasty, in procuring the destruction of his
sons ; he now, in his prosperity, took advan-
tage of this change for the better, and the
freedom he now had, to exercise his hatred
against them, after an imheard-of manner ;
he therefore sent and called as many as he
thought fit to this assembly, excepting Arche-
iaus ; for as for him, he either hated liim, so
that he would not invite him, or thought ha
would be an obstacle to his designs.
2. When the presidents, and the rest that
belonged to the cities were come to Berytus,
he kept his sons in a certain village belonging
to Sidon, called Plalana, but near to this city,
that if they were called he might produce
them, for he did not think fit to bring them
before the assembly : and when there were
one hundred and fifty assessors present, He-
rod came by hiinself alone, and accused liis
sons, and in such a way as if it were not a
melancholy accusation, and not inade but out
of necessity, and upon the misfortunes he was
under ; indeed, in such a way as was very in-
decent for a father to accuse his sons, for he
was very vehement and disordered when he
came to the demonstration of the crime they
were accused of, and gave the greatest signs
of passion and barbarity : nor would he suffer
the assessors to consider of the weiglit of the
evidence, but asserted them to be true by
his own authority, after a manner most in-
decent in a father against his sons, and read
himself what they themselves had written,
wherein there was no confession of any plots
or contrivances against him, but only how
they had contrived to fly away, and containing
withal certain reproaches against him, on ac-
count of the ill-will he bare them; and when
he came to those reproaches, he cried out
most of all, and exaggerated what tl.ey said,
as if they had confessed the design against
him, — and took his oath that he liad rather
lose his life than hear such repioachful words.
At last he said that he had suthcient authority,
botli by nature and by C'jusar's grant to him,
[to do what he thouglit fit]. He also added
an allegation of a law of their country, which
enjoined this : — 'J'hat if parents laid their
hands on the head of him that was accused,
the standers by were obliged to cast stones ac
him, and thereby to slay him ; which though
he were ready to do in his own country and
>,
r
~V-
CHAP. XI.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
455
kingdom, yet did he wait for their determina-
tion ; and yet they came thither not so much
as judges, to condemn them for such manifest
designs against him, whereby he had almost
perished by his sons' means, but as persons
that had an opportunity of showing their de-
testation of sucli practices, and declaring how
unworthy a thing it must be in any, even the
most remote, to pass over such treacherous de-
signs [without punishment].
3. When the king had said this, and the
young men had not been produced to make
any defence for themselves, the assessors per-
ceived there was no room for equity and re-
conciliation, so they lonfirmed his authority.
And in the first place, Saturninus, a person
that had been consul, and one of great digni-
ty, pronounced his sentence, but with great
moderation and trouble ; and said, that he
condemned Herod's sons ; but did not think
they should be put to death. He had sons
of his own ; and to put one's son to death, is
a greater misfortune than any other that could
befall him by their means. After him Satur-
ninus's sons, for he had three sons that fol-
lowed him, and were his legates, pronounced
the same sentence with their father. On the
contrary, Volumnius's sentence was to inflict
death on such as had been so impiously un-
dutiful to their father; and the greatest part
of the rest said the same, insomuch that the
conclusion seemed to be, that the youug men
*pere condemned to die. Immediately after
this Herod came away from thence, and took
his sons to Tyre, where Nicolaus met him in
his voyage from Rome ; of whom he inquired,
after he had related to him what had passed at
Berytus, what his sentiments were about his
sons, and what his friends at Rome thought
of that matter. His answer was, " That what
they had determined to do to thee was im-
pious, and that thou oughtest to keep them in
prison : and if thou thinkest any thing farther
necessary, thou mayest indeed so punish them,
that thou mayest not appear to indulge thy
anger more than to govern thyselT by judg-
ir.ent ; but if thou inclinest to the milder side,
thou mayest absolve them, lest perhaps tliy
misfortunes be rendered incurable ; and this
is the opinion of the greatest part of thy
friends at Rome also." Whereupon Herod
was silent, and in great tlioughtfulness, and
bade Nicolaus sail along with him.
4. Now as they came to Cesarea, every
body was there talking of Herod's sons; and
the kingdom was in suspense, and the people
in great expectation of what would become
of them, for a terrible fear seized upon all
men, lest tJie ancient disorders of the family
should come to a sad conclusion, and they
were in great trouble about their sufferings;
nor was it without danger to say any rash
thing about this matter, nor even to hear ano-
ther saying it, but men's pity was forced to
1 e shut up in themselves, which rendered the
excess of their sorrow very irksome, but very
silent ; yet was there an old soldier of Herod's,
whose name was Tero, who had a son of the
same age as Alexander, and his friend, who
was so very free as openly to speak out what
others silently thought about that matter ; and
was forced to cry out often among the mul-
titude, and said, in the most unguarded man-
ner, that truth was perished, and justice ta-
ken away from men, while lies and ill-will
prevailed, and brought such a mist before
public affairs, that the offenders were not
able to see the greatest mischiefs that can be-
fall men. And as he was so bold, he seemed
not to have kept himself out of danger, by
speaking so freely ; but the reasonableness of
what he said moved men to regard him as
having behaved himself with great manhood,
and this at a proper time also, for which rea-
son every one heard wliat he said with plea-
sure : and although they first took care of
their own safety by keeping silent themselves,
yet did they kindly receive the great freedom
he took ; for the expectation they were in
of so great an affliction, put a force upon
them to speak of Tero whatsoever they pleased.
5. This man had thrust himself into the
king's presence with the greatest freedom, and
desired to speak with him by himself alone,
which the king permitted him to do ; where he
said this : — " Since I am not able, O king, to
bear up under so great a concern as I am un-
der, I have preferred the use of this bold liberty
that I now take, which may be for thy advan-
tage, if thou mind to get any profit by it, be-
fore my own safety. Wliither is thy under-
standing gone, and left thy soul empty ?
Whither is that extraordinary sagacity of tliine
gone, whereby thou hast performed so many
and such glorious actions ? Whence comes this
solitude, and desertion of thy friends and rela-
tions ? Of which I cannot but determine that
they are neither thy friends nor relations, while
they overlook such horrid wickedness in thy
once happy kingdom. Dost not thou perceive
what is doing? Wilt thou slay these two young
men, born of tliy queen, who are accomplished
with every virtue in the highest degree, and
leave thyself destitute in thy old age, but expos-
ed to one son, who liath very ill managed the
hopes thou liast given him, and to relations,
whose death thou hast so often resolved on
thyself? Dost not thou take notice, that the
very silence of the multitude at once sees the
crime, and abhors the fact ? The whole army
and the officers have commiseration on the
poor unhappy youths, and hatred to those
that are the actors in this matter." — These
words the king lieard, and for some time with
good temper. But what can one say ? Wheo
Tero plainly touched upon the bad behaviour
and perfidiousness of his domestics, he was
moved at it ; but Tero went on farther, and
by degrees used an unbounded military free-
dom of speech, nor was he so well disciplineil
_r
450
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
as fo accommodate himself to the time : so
Herod was greatly disturbed, and seemed to
be rather reproached by this speech, than to
be hearing what was for his advantage, while
DC learned tliereby that both the soldiers ab-
liorred the thing he was about, and the offi-
cers had indignation at it, he gave order that
all whom Tero had named, and Tero himself,
should be bound and kept in prison.
6. When this was over, one Trypho, who
A'as the king's barber, took the oi)portunity,
and came and told the king that Tero would
often have persuaded him, wlien he trimmed
him with a razor, to cut his throat, for that
by this means he should be among the chief
of Alexander's friends, and receive great re-
wards from iiim. When he had said this, the
king gave order that Tero, and his son, and
the barber, should be tortured, which was done
accordingly ; but while Tero bore up himself,
his son, seeing his father already in a sad case,
and with no hope of deliverance, and perceiv-
in<^ what would be the consequence of his
teii ible sufferings, said, that if the king would
free him and his father from these torments
for what he should say, he would tell tlie
truth. And when the king had given his
word to do so, he said tliat there was an agree-
ment made, that Tero should lay violent hands
on the king, because it was easy for him to
come when he vvas alone ; and that if, when he
had done the thing, he should suffer death for
it, as was not unlikely, it would be an act of ge-
nerosity done in favour of Alexander. This
was what Tero's son said, and thereby freed
his father from the distress he was in ; but un-
certain it is whether he had been thus forced to
speak what was true, or whether it were a con-
trivance of his, in order to procure his own and
his father's deliverance from their miseries.
7. As for Herod, if he had before any doubt
about the slaughter of his sons, there was now
no longer any room left in liis soul for it ; but
he had banished away whatsoever miglit af-
ford him the least suggestion of reasoning
better about this matter, so he already made
haste to bring his purpose to a conclusion.
He also brought out three hundred of the of-
ficers that were under an accusation, as also
'J'ero and his son, and the barber that accused
them, before an assembly, and brought an ac-
cusation against them all ; whom llie multi-
tude stoned with whatsoever came to hand,
and thereby slew them. Alexander also and
Aristobulus were brought to Subaste, by their
father's command, and there strangled ; but
their dead bodies were, in the night-time, car-
ried to Alexandrium, where their uncle, by
the motlier's side, and the greatest part of
their ancestors, had been deposited.
8. • And now perhaps it may not seem un-
» The reader is here to note, that this eighth section
U entirely wanting in the old Latin versiun, as Span-
ncim truly obsirics; nor is there any other reason for
it, I siipiKise, than the great difliculty of an exact trans-
kiuou.
BOOK XVI
reasonable to some, that such an inveterats
hatred might increase so much [on both
sides], as to proceed farther, and overcome
nature ; but it may justly deserve considera-
tion, whether it be to be laid to the charge of
the young men, that they gave such an occa-
sion to their father's anger, and led him to
do what he did, and by going on long in the
same way, put things past remedy, and brought
him to use them so unmercifully ; or whether
it be to be laid to the father's charge, that he
was so hard-hearted, and so very tender in
the desire of government, and of other things
that would tend to his glory, that he would
take no one into a partnership with him, that
so whatsoever he would have done himself
might continue immoveable; or, indeed, whe-
ther fortune has not greater power than all
prudent reasonings ; whence we are persuad-
ed tliat human actions are thereby determined
beforehand by an inevitable necessity, and we
call her Fate, because there is nothing which
is not done by her ; wherefore I suppose it
will be sufficient to compare this notion with
that other, which attributes somewhat to our-
selves, and renders men not unaccountable
for the different conducts of their lives ; which
notion is no other than the philosophical de-
termination of our ancient law. According-
ly, ot the two other causes of this sad event,
any body may lay the blame on tlie young
men, who acted by youthful vanity, and pride
of tiicir royal birth, that they should bear to
hear the calumnies that were raised against
their father, while certainly they were not equi-
table judges of the actions of his life, but ill-
natured in suspecting, and intemperate in
speaking of it, and on both accounts easily
caught by those that observed them, and re-
vealed them to gain favour ; yet cannot theii
father be thought worthy of excuse, as to tliat
horrid impiety which he was guilty of about
them, while he ventured, without any certain
evidence of their treacherous designs against
him, and without any proofs that they had
made preparations for such an attempt, to kill
his own sons, who were of very comely bodies,
and the great darlings of other men, and no
way delicient in their conduct, whether it
were in hunting, or in warlike exercises, or in
speaking upon occasional topics of discourse;
for in all these they were skilful, and especi-
ally Alexander, who was the eldest; for cer-
tai-nly it had been sufficient, even though ho
had condemned them, to have kept them alive
in bonds, or to kt them live at a distmce
from his dominions in banishment, while he
was surrounded by t!ie Konian forces, which
were a strong security to him, whose help
would prevent iiis suffering any thing by a
sudden onset, or by open force; but for him
to kill them on the sudden, in order to grati-
fy a passion that governed liim, vvas a demon-
stration of insufferable impiety. He also wa»
guilty of so great a crime in his older age •
"\
.r"
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
457
nor will the delnys that he made, and the
length of time in which the thing was done,
plead at all for his excuse ; for when a man
is on a sudden amazed, and in commotion of
mind, and then commits a wicked aclioii, al-
though this be a heavy crime, yet it is a thing
that frequently happens; but to do it upon
deliberation, and after frequent attempts, and
as frequent puttings-off, to undertake it at
last, and accomplish it. was the action of a
murderous mind, and such as was not easily
moved from that which was evil : and thiM
temper he showed in wl)at he did afterward,
when he did not spare those that seemed to
be the best beloved of his friends that were
left, wherein, though the justice of the pu-
nishment caused those that |)erished to be the
less pitied, yet was the barbarity of the man
here equal, in that he did not abstain from
their slaughter also. But of those persons
we shall have occasion to discourse more
hereafter.
BOOK XVII.
CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF FOURTEEN YEARS.
FROM ALEXANDER AND ARISTOBULUS'S DEATH TO THE BANISH-
MENT OF ARCHELAUS.
CHAPTER r.
HOW AXTIPATF.R WAS HATED BY ALL THE NA-
TION [of the jews] for toe slaughter
OF HIS BRETHREN ; AND HOW, FOR THAT
REASON, HE GOT INTO PECULIAR FAVOUR
WITH HIS FRIENDS AT ROME, BY GIVING
THEM MANY PRESENTS ; AS HE DID ALSO
V/ITH SATURNINUS, THE PRESn:)ENT OF SY-
RIA, AND THE GOVERNORS WHO WERE UN-
DEB HIM; AND CONCERNING HEROD's WIVES
AND CHILDREN.
§ 1. When Antipater had thus taken off his
brethren, and had brought liis father into the
highest degree of impiety, till he was haunted
with furies for what he had done, his hopes
did not succeed to his mind, as to the rest of
his life ; for although he was delivered from
the fear of his brethren being his rivals as to
the government, yet did he find it a very
hard thing, and almost impracticable, to come
at the kingdom, because the hatred of the
nation against him on that account was be-
come very great ; and, besides this very disa-
greeable circumstance, the affairs of the sol-
diery grieved him still more, who were alien-
ated from him, from which yet these kings
derived all the safety which they had, when-
ever they found tlie nation desirous of inno-
vation : and all this danger was drawn upon
him by his destruction of his hretliren. How-
ever, he governed the nation jointly with his
father, being indeed no other than a king al-
ready ; and he was for that very reason trust-
ed, and the more firmly depended on, for
which he ought himself to have been put to
death, as ajipearing to liave betrayed his bre-
thren out of his concern for the preservation
of Kerod, and not rather out of his ill will
to tliem, and before them, to his father him-
self; and this was the accursed state he was
in. Now, all Antipater's contrivances tended
to make his way to take off Herod, that he
might have nobody to accuse him in the vile
practices he was devising ; and that Herod
might have no refuge, nor any to afibrd him
their assistance, since they must thereby have
Aniipaler for their open enemy; insomuch
that the very plots he had laid against his bre-
thren, were occasioned by the hatred he bore
his father. But at tiiis time he was more
tlian ever set upon the execution of his at-
tempts against Herod, because, if he were
once dead, the government would now be
firmly secured to him; but if he were sufler-
ed to live any longer, he shoidd be in danger
upon a discovery of that wickedness of which
he had been the contriver, and his father
would then of necessity become his enemy
And on this account it was that he became
very bountiful to his father's friends, and he-
stowed great sums on several of them, in or-
der to surj)rise men with his good deeds, and
take off their hatred against them. And he
sent great presents to his friends at Rome
particularly, to gain their good-will ; and,
above all, to Saturninus, the president of Sy-
ria. He also hoped to gain the favour of Sa-
turninus's brother with the large presents he
458
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
bestowed on bim ; as also be used the same
art to [Salome] tb« king's sister, who iiad
married one of Herod's chief friends. And,
wlien be counterfeited friend.siiip to those
with whom lie conversed, he was very subtle
in gaining their belief, and very cunning to
hide his hatred against any that he really did
hate. But be could not impose upon his
aunt, who understood bim of a long time, and
was a woman not easily to be deluded, espe-
cially while she had already used all possible
caution in preventing bis pernicious designs.
Altliough Antipater's uncle by the mother's
side was married to her daugliter, and tliis by
his own connivance and management, while
she bad before been married to Arisiobulus,
and while Salome's other daughter by that
husband was married to the son of Calleas ;
yet that marriage was no obstacle to her, who
knew bow wiiked he was, in her discovering
his designs, as her former kindred to him
could not prevent her hatred of him. Now
Herod bad compelled Salome, while she was
in love with Sylleus the Arabian, and had
taken a fondness to him, to marry Alexas;
which match was by her submitted to at the
instance of Julia, who persuaded Salome not
to refuse it, lest she should herself be their
open enemy, since Herod had sworn that he
would never be friends with Salome if she
would not accept of Alexas for her husband ;
so she submitted to Julia, as being Caesar's
wife ; and besides that, she advised her to
nothing but what was very much for her own
advantage. At this time also it was that He-
rod sent back king Archelaus's daughter, wlio
had been Alexander's wife, to her father, re-
turning the portion he had with her out of his
own estate, that there might be no dispute be-
tween them about it.
2. Now Herod brought up his sons' chil-
dren with great care ; for Alexander had two
sons by Glaphyra; and Aristobulus had three
sons by Bernice, Salome's daughter, and
two daughters; and as bis friends were once
with him, he presented the children before
them; and deploring the hard fortune of his
own sons, be prayed that no such ill fortune
would befall these who were their children,
but that they might improve in virtue, and
obtain what they justly deserved, and might
mase bim amends for his c:u-e of their edu-
cation. He also caused them to be betrothed
against they should come to the projier age
of marriage; the elder of Alexander's sons
to Pheroras's daughter, and Antipater's
daughter to Aristobulus's eldest son. He
also allotted one of Aristobulus's daughters
to Antipater's son, and Aristobulus's other
daughter to Herod, a son of his own, who
was born to him by the high-priest's daughter :
for it is the ancient practice among us to
have many wives at the same time. Now,
the king made these espousals for the chil-
dren, out of commiseration of them now they
BOOK XVII.
were fatherless, as endeavouring to render
Antipater kind to them by these intermar-
riages. But Antipater did not fail to bear
the same temper of mind to bis brothtr's
children which he had borne to his brothers
themselves ; and his father's concern about
them provoked his indignation against them
upon his supposal, that they would become
greater than ever his brothers had been ; while
Archelaus, a king, would sup|)oit his daugh-
ter's sons, and Pheroras, a tetrarch, would
accept of one of th^,- daughters as a wife to
his son. What provoked him also was this,
that all the multitude would so ccmmiseratt
these fatherless children, and so hate bim for
making them fatherless], that all would come
out, since they were no strangers to his vile
di'iposition towards his brethren. He con-
trived, therefore, to overturn his father's set
tlements, as thinking it a terrible thing that
they should be so related to bim, and be so
powerful withal. So Herod yielded to hini,
and changed bis resolution at his entreaty;
and the determination now was, that Antipa-
ter iiimself should marry Aristobulus's daugh-
ter, and Antipater's son should marry Pliero-
ras's daughter. So the espousals for the mar-
riages were changed after this manner, even
without the king's real approbation.
3. Now Herod • the king had at this time
nine wives ; one of tliem Antipater's mother,
I and another the high-priest's daughter, by
whom he had a son of his own name. He had
' also one who was his brother's daughter, and
another his sister's daughter ; which two had
no children. One of his wives also was of the
Samaritan nation, whose sons were Antipas
and Archelaus, and whose daughter was Oiym-
pias ; which daughter was afterward married
to Joseph, the king's brother's son ; but Ar-
chelaus and Antipas were l)rought up with a
certain private man at Rome. Herod had
also to wife Cleopatra of Jerusalem, and by
her he had his sons Heiod and Piiilip ; which
last was also brought up at Rome : Pallas
also was one of his wives, nho bare him his
son Phasaelus ; and besides these, he liad for
his wives Phedra and Elpis, by whom he liad
his daughters Roxana and Salome. As for
his elder daughters by the same mother with
Alexander and Aristobulus, and whom Phe-
roras neglected to marry, he gave the one in
marriage to Antipater, the king's sister's son,
and the other to Phasaelus, his brother's son;
— and this was tlie posterity of Herod.
• Those « ho hive a mind to know all the family and
ilosfcr.ilaiiti of Antiiutcr the Iiliiniciin, ami of MeriKl 'Jie
(ireat, his sun, and li.ive a niiinor; to preserve them all
distinctly, may consult Josciil'us, Antiq. b. xviii, ch. v,
sect, i; and Of the War, h. i, ch. xxviii, sect. 1 ; and
Nokljus in Havercamp's edition, p. 3oG; and S^ian-
hi'im, ib. p. 4ut! — Hii • and ileland, Palcklin. part i, p
1"5, 176.
~v
J~
"V.
CHAl'. H.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
459
CHAPTER II.
CONOERNINC, ZAMARIS, THE BABYLONIAN JEW ;
CONCERNING THE PLOTS LAID BY ANTl'.'A-
TER AGAINST HIS FATHER J AND SOMEWHAT
ABOUT THE PHARISEES.
§ 1. And now it was that Herod, being de-
sirous to secure liiniselt' on the side of the
Trachonites, resolved to build a village as
large as a city for the Jews, in the middle of
that country, which might make his own
country difficult to be assaulted, and whence
he might be at hand to make sallies upon
them, and do them a mischief. Accordingly,
when he understood that there was a man
that was a Jew come out of Babylon, with
five hundred horsemen, all of whom could
shoot their arrows as they rode on horseback,
and, with a hundred of his relations, had
passed over Euphrates, and now abode at
Antioch by Daphne of Syria, where Saturni-
nus, who was then president, had given them
a place for habitation, called Valatha, he sent
for this man, with the multitude that fol-
lowed him, and promised to give him land in
the toparcliy called Batanea, which country
is Ijounded with Trachonitis, as desirous to
make that his habitation a guard to himself.
He also engaged to let him hold the country
free from tribute, and that they should dwell
entirely without paying such customs as used
to be paid, and gave it him tax-free.
2. The Babylonian was induced by these
offers to come hither ; so he took possession
of the land, and built in it fortresses and a
village, and named it Bathyra. Whereby
this man became a safeguard to the inhabi-
tants against the Trachonites, and preserved
those Jews who came out of Babylon, to offer
their sacrifices at Jerusalem, from being hurt
by the Trachonite robbers ; so that a great
number came to him from all those parts
whore the ancient Jewish laws were observed,
and the country became full of people, by rea-
son of their universal freedom from taxes.
This continued during the life of Herod; but
wiien Philip, who was [tetrarch] after him,
took the government, he made them pay some
small taxes, and that for a little while only;
and Agrippa the Great, and his son of the
same name, although they harassed them
greatly, yet would they not take their liberty
away. From whom, when the Romans have
now taken the government into their own
bands, they still gave them the privilege of
their freedom, but oppress them entirely with
the imposition of taxes. Of which matter I
shall treat more accurately in the progress
of this history*
3. At length Zamaris the Babylonian, to
• T'nis is now wanting.
wliom Herod had given that country for a pos-
session, died ; having lived virtuously, and
left children of a good cliaracter behind him ;
one of whom was Jacim, who was famous
for his valour, and taught his Babylonians
how to ride their horses ; and a troop of
them woreguards to the forementioned kings ;
and when Jacim was dead in his old age, he
left a son, whose name was Philip, one of
great strength in his hands, and in other re-
spects also more eminent for his valour than
any of his contemporaries ; on which account
there was a confidence and firm friendsliip be-
tween him and king Agrippa. He had also
an army which he maintained, as great as that
of a king ; which he exercised and led where-
soever he had occasion to march.
4. When the afl'airs of Herod were in the
condition I have described, all the public af-
fairs depended upon Antipater ; and his pow-
er was such, that he could do good turns to
as many as he pleased, and this by his father's
concession, in hopes of his good-will and fi-
delity to him ; and this till he ventured to
use his power still farther, because his v.'icked
designs were concealed from his father, and
lie made him believe every thing he said.
He was also formidable to all, not so much
on account of the power and authority he
had, as for the shrewdness of his vile attempts
beforehand ; but he who principally cultivat-
ed a friendship with him was Pheroras, who
received the like marks of his friendship ;
while Antipater had cunningly encompassed
him about by a company of women, whom he
placed as guards about him ; for Pheroras
was greatly enslaved to his wife, and to her
mother, and to her sister; and this notwith-
standing the hatred be bare them, for the in
dignities they had offered to his virgin daugh-
ters. Yet did he bear them ; and nothing
was to be done without the women, who had
got this man into their circle, and continued
still to assist each other in all tilings, inso-
much that Antipater was entirely addicted to
them, both by himself and by his mother ;
for these four women * said all one and the
same thing ; but the opinions of Pheroras
and Antipater were different in some points
of no consequence. But the king's sister
[Salome] was their antagonist, who for a good
while hud looked about all their affairs, and
was apprised that this their friendship was
made, in order to do Herod soine inischitf, and
was disposed to inform the king of it ; and
since these people knew that their friendship
was very disagreeable to Herod, as tending
to do him a mischief, they contrived that their
meetings should not be discovered ; so they
pretended to hate one another, and abuse one
anotiier when time served, and especially when
Herod was present, or when any one was
• Pheroras's wife, aiid her mother and iistcr, ajid ]''e
ris, Ar.t)|ii»lor's iiiothejr.
4(50
ANTIQUITIES OF illK JEWS.
BOOK xyii
tlicro that would tell liim ; but still their in-
'tiinacy was firmer than over, when tliey were
private ; and this was the course tJiey took.
Hut tliey could not conceal from Salome
neither their first contrivance, when they set
about these tlieir intentions, nor when ihey
nad made some progress in them ; but she
searched out every thing, and, aggravating
the relations to her brother, declared to him,
as well their secret assemblies and compota-
tions, as their counsels taken in a clandestine
manner, which, if they were not in order to
destroy him, they might well enough have
been open and public ; but to appearance
they are at variance, and speak about one
another as if they intended one another a
nu'schief, but agree so well together when
they are out of the sight of the multitude;
for when they are alone by themselves they
act in conceit, and profess that they will
never leave off their friendship, but will fight
against those from whom they conceal their
designs : and thus did she search out these
things, and get a perfect knowledge of them,
and then told her brother of them, who un-
derstood also of himself a great deal of what
she said, but still durst not depend upon it,
because of the suspicions he had of his sister's
calumnies; for there w-as a certain sect of
men that were Jews, v\'ho valued themselves
highly upon the exact skill they had in the
Jaw of their fathers, and made men believe
they were highly favoured by God, by whom
this set of women were inveigled. These
are those that are called the sect of the Pha-
risees, who were in a capacity of greatly op-
posing kings. A cunning sect they were,
and soon elevated to a pitch of open fi^liting
and doing mischief. Accordingly, when all
the people of the Jews gave assurance of
their good-will to Caesar, and to the king's
government, these very men did not swear,
being above six thousand ; and when the
king imposed a fine upon them, Pheroras's
wife paid their fine for them. In order to
requite which kindness of hers, since they
were believed to have the foreknowledge of
things to come by divine inspiration, they
foretold how God had decreed tliat Herod's
government should cease, and his posterity
should be deprived of it ; but that the king-
dom should come to her and Pheroras, and
to their children. These predictions were
not concealed from Salome, but were told
the king ; as also how they had perverted
some persons about the palace itself. So tlie
king slew such of the Pharisees as were prin-
cipally accused, and IJagoas the eunuch, and
one Carus, who exceeded all men of that
time in comeliness, and one that was his ca-
tamite. He slew also all those of liis own
family who had consented to what the Phari-
sees foretold ; and for Bagoas, lie had been
puHed up by them, as though he sliould be
named tlu> father and the benefactor of liim
who, by the prediction, was foretold to be
their appointed king ; for that this king
would have all things in his power, and
would enable Bagoas to marry, and to have
children of his own body begotten.
CHAPTER III.
CONTERMNG THE ENMITY BETWEEN' HEROD
AND PHERORAS ; HOW HEROD SENT ANTI-
PATEU TO C^SAB ; AND OF THE DEATH OF
PllEKORAS.
§ 1. When Herod had punished those Pha-
risees wlio had been convicted of ihe forego-
ing crimes, he gathered an assembly together
of his friends, and accused Pheroras's wife;
and ascribiiig the abuses of the virgins to the
impudciice of that woman, brought an accu-
sation against her for the dishonour she had
brought upon them : that she had studiously
introduced a quarrel between him and his
brother; and, by her ill temper, had brought
them into a state of war, both by her words
and actions : that the fines which he had laid
had not been paid, and the offenders had
escaped punishment by her means ; and that
nothing which had of late been done, had
been done without her: " for which reason
Pheroras would do well, if he would of his
own accord, and by his own command, and
not at my entreaty, or as following my opi-
nion, put this his wife away, as one that will
still be the occasion of war between thee and
me. And now, Pheroras, if thou valuest
thy relation to me, put this wife of thine
away ; for by this means thou wilt continue
to be a brother to me, and wilt abide in thy
love to me." Then said Piieroras (although
he was ])ressed hard by the former words), that
as he would not do so unjust a thing as to
renounce his brotherly relation to him, so
would ho not leave off his atl'ection for his
wife; that he would rather choose to die, than
to live and be deprived of a wife that was so
dear unto him. Hereupon Herod put oil
his anger against Pheroras on these accounts,
although he himself thereby underwent a very
uneasy punishment. However, he forbade
Antipater and his mother to have any con-
versation with Pheroras, and bade lliem to
take care to avoid the assemblies of the wo-
men : which they promised to do, but still
got together when occasion served ; and both
Piieroras and Antipater had their own merry
meetings. The report went also, that Anti-
pater had criminal conversation with Phero-
ras's wife, aiid that they were brought toge-
Uier by Antipater's mother.
2. But Antipater had now a suspicion of
his father, and was afraid that the effects of
his hatred to him might increase ; so he wrote
to his friends at Uunie, aud bade tliem send
"^
J~
■V
CHAP. IV.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
431
to Herod, that he would immediately send
Antipater to CiEsar ; vhich when it was done,
Herod sent Antipater thither, and sent most
noble presents along with him ; as also his
testament, wherein Antipater was appointed
to be his successor: and that if Antipater
should die first, his son [Herod Philip], by
the high-priest's daughter, should succeed.
And, together with Antipater, there went to
Rome, Sylleus the Arabian, although he had
done nothing of all that Ca?sar had enjoined
him. Antipater also accused him of tlie same
crimes of wliich he had been formerly accused
by Herod. Sylleus was also accused by Are-
tas, that without his consent he had slain
many of the chief of the Arabians at Petra;
and particularly Soemus, a man that deserved
to be honoured by all men, and that he had
slain Fabatus, a servant of Caesar. These
were the things of which Sylleus was accused,
and that on the occasion following : — There
was one Corinthus, belonging to Herod, of
the guards of the king's body, and one who
was greatly trusted by him. Sylleus had per-
suaded this man with the offer of a great sum of
money to kill Herod ; and he had promised to do
it. When Fabatus had been made acquainted
with this, for Sylleus had himself told him
of it, he informed the king of it ; who caught
Corinthus, and put him to the torture, and
thereby got out of him the whole conspiracy.
He also caught two other Arabians, who were
discovered by Corinthus; the one the head of
a tribe, and the other a friend to Sylleus, who
both were by the king brought to the torture,
and confessed that they were come to encou-
rage Corinthus not to fail of doing what he
nad undertaken to do ; and to assist liini with
tlieir own hands in the murder, if need should
re(]uire their assistance. So Saturninus, upon
Herod's discovering the whole to him, sent
them to Rome.
3. At this time Herod commanded Phe-
roras, that since he was so obstinate in his af-
fection for his wife, he should retire into his
own tetrarchy ; which he did very willingly,
and sware many oaths that he would not come
again till he heard that Herod was dead.
And indeed when, upon a sickness of the king,
he was desired to come to him before he died,
that he might entrust him with some of his
injunctions, he had such a regard to his oath,
that he would not come to him ; yet did not
Herod so retain his hatred to Pherora^, but
remitted of his purpose [not to see himj which
he before had, and that for such great causes
as have been already mentioned : but as soon
as he began to be ill he came to him, and this
without being sent for; and when he was
dead he took care of his funeral, and had his
body brougiit to Jerusalem, and buried there,
and appointed a solemn mourning for him.
This [death of Pheroras] became the origin
of Antipater's misfortunes, although he had
already sailed for Home, God now" being a-
bout to punish him for the murder of his
brethren. I will explain the history of this
matter very distinctly, that it may be for
a warning to mankind, that they take care
of conducting their whole lives by the rules
of virtue.
CHAPTER IV.
PHERORAS'S WIFE IS ACCUSED BY HIS FREED-
MEN AS GUILTY OF POISONING HLM ; AND
HOW HEROD, UPON EXAMINING OF THE
MATTER BY TORTURE, FOUND THE POISON ;
BUT SO THAT IT HAD BEEN PREPARED FOR
HIMSELF BY HIS SON ANTIPATER ; AND, UP-
ON AN INQUIRY BY TORTURE, HE DISCOVER-
ED THE DANGEROUS DESIGNS OF ANTIPATER.
§ 1. As soon as Pheroras was dead, and his
funeral was over, two of Pheroras's freed-
men, who were much esteemed by him, came
to Herod, and entreaied him not to leave the
murder of his brother without avenging it,
but to examine into such an unreasonable and
unhappy death. When he was moved with
these words, for they seemed to him to be
true, they said that Pheroras supped with his
wife the day before he ftll sick, and that a
certain potion was brought him in such a
sort of food as he was not used to eat ; but
that when he had eaten he died of it : that
this potion was brought out of Arabia by a
woman, under pretence indeed as a love-po-
tion, for that was its name, but in reality to
kill Pheroras ; for that the Arabian women
are skilful in making such poisons : and the
woman to whom they ascribe this, was con-
fessedly a most intimate friend of one of Syl-
leus's mistresses ; and that both the mother
and the sister of Pheroras's wife had been at
the place where she lived, and had persuad-
ed her to sell them this potion, and had come
back and brought it with them the day before
that of his supper. Hereupon the king was
provoked, and put the women-slaves to the
torture, and some that were free with thera ;
and as the fact did not yet appear, because
none of them would confess it, at Iciigth one
of them, under the utmost agonies, said no
more but this, that she prayed that God
would send the like agonies upon Antipater's
mother, who had been the occasion of these
miseries to all of them. This prayer induced
Herod to increase the women's tortures, till
thereby all was discovered : their merry meet-
ings, their secret assemblies, and tiie disclos-
ing of what he had said to his son alone unto
Pheroras's* women. (Now what Herod had
charged Antipater to conceal, was the gift of
a hundred talent? to him, not to liave any
conversation with Pheroras.) And what ha-
* His wife, her mother, and sister.
'\-_
462
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK XVII.
tred lie bore to his father ; and that he com-
plained to !iis mother how very lonij liis fa-
ther lived; and that he was himself almost an
old man, insomuch that if the kingdom should
come to him, it would no* afl'ord him any
great pleasure ; and that there werir' a great
many of his brothers, or brothers' cb.iidren,
bringing up, tliat might have hopes of the
Kingdom as well as himself; all which made
his own hopes of it uncertain; for that even
now, if he should himself not live, Herod
liad ordained that the government should be
conferred, not on his son, but rather on a bro-
ther. He also had accused the king of great
barbarity, and of the slaughter of his sons ;
and that it was out of the fear he was under,
lest he should do the like to him, that made
him contrive this his journey to Rome, and
Pheroras contrive to go to his own tetrarchy.f
2. These confessions agreed with what his
sister had told him, and tended greatly to cor-
roborate her testimony, and to free her from
the suspicion of her unfaithfulness to him.
50 the king having satisfied hiinself of the
51 ite which Doris, Antipater's mother, as well
as himself, bore to him, took away from her
all her fine ornaments, which were worth many
talents, and then sent her away, and entered
into friendship with Pheroras's women. But
he who most of all irritated the king against
his son. was one Antipatcr, the procurator of
Antipater the king's son, vvlio, when he was
tortured, among other things, said that Anti-
pater had prepared a deadly potion, and given
it to Pheroras, with his desire that he would
give it to his father during his absence, and
when he was too rem.ote to have the least sus-
picion cast upon him thereto relating; that
Antiphilus, one of Atitipater's friends,biought
that potion out of Egypt ; and tliat it was sent
to Pheroras by Theudion, the brother of the
mother of Antipater, the king's son, and by
that means came to Pheroras's wife, her hus-
band having given it her to keep. And when
the king asked her about it, she confessed it;
and as she was running to fetch it, she threw
herself down from the house-top, yet did she
not kill herself, because she fell upon her
feet : by w hich means, when the king had
comforted her, and had promised her and her
domestics pardon, upon condition of their
concealing notliing of the trutli from him,
but had tiireatened her with the utmost mise-
ries if she proved ungrateful [and concealed
any thing] ; so she promised him, and swore
that she would speak out every thing, and tell
t It seems to me, by this wtiole story put together,
that Pheroras was not Jiinisclf poisoned, as is commoi-.Iy
supposed; for Antipater had persuaded him to poison
Herod (ch. v, sect. 1), which wou'd fall to the sronD'l
if he were himself poisoned: nor could the poisoning
of Pheroras serve any desigii that appears now poing
fovNvaul ; it was only the supnosal of two of his freed-
nien, that this love-potion, or" poison, which thoy knew
was brought to Pheroras's wife, was made use of for
■oisoninghim ; whereasit appears to have been brou(;ht
)r her h'lsbs.nd to poison Heiod wilhj!, as tlie future
iruuiailons demonstrate
I
after what manner every thing was done ; and
said what many took to be entirely true, that
the potion was brought out of Egypt by An-
tipliilus, and that his brother, wlio was a phy-
sician, had procured it; and that, "when
Theudion brought it us, she kept it upon
Pheroras's committing it to her ; and that it
was prepared by Antipater for thee. When,
therefore, Pheroras was fallen sick, and thou
earnest to him and tookest care of him, and
when he saw the kindtiess thou hadst for him,
his mind was overbornL- thereby. So he call-
ed me to him, and said to me, ' O woman !
Antipater hath circumvented me in thisaft'air
of his father and my brother, by persuading
me to have a murderous intention to him, and
procuring a potion to be subservient thereto :
do thou, therefore, go and fetch my potion
(since my brother appears to have still the
same virtuous disposition towards me which
he had formerly, and I do not expect to live
long myself, and that I may not defile my
forefathers by the murder of a brother) and
hnrn it before my face:' that accordingly she
immediately brought it, and did as her hus-
band bade her ; and that she burnt the great-
est part of the potion ; but that a little of it
was left, that if the king, after Piieroras's
death, should treat her ill, she might poison
herself, and thereby get clear of her miseries."
Upon her saying thus, she brought out the
potion, and the box in which it was, before
them all. Nay, there was another brother of
Antiphilus, and his mother also, who, by the |
extremity of pain and torture, confessed the i
same things, and owned the box j^to be that \
which had been brought out of Eizypt]. The '
high-priest's daughter also, who was the king's
wife, was accused to have been conscious of
all this, and had resolved to conceal it ; for
which reason Herod divorced her, and blot-
ted her son out of his testament, wherein
he had been mentioned as one that was to
reign after him ; and he took the high-priest-
hood away from his father-in-law, Simeon the
son of Boethus, and appointed Matthias the
son of Theophilus, who was born at Jerusa-
lem, to be high-priest in his room.
3. Vv'hile this was doing, Bathyllus also,
Antipater's freedman, came from Rome, and
upon the torture was found to have brought
another potion, to give it into the hands of
Antipater's mother, and of Piieroras, that if
t!ie former potion did not operate upon t!ie
king, this at least might carry liim off. There
came also letters from Herod s friends at
Rome, by the approbation and at the sugges-
tion of Antipater, to accuse Archelaus and
Pliilip, as if they calumniated their father on
account of the slaughter of Alexander and
Arislobulus, and as if they commiserated tlteir
deaths, and as if, because they were sent for
home (for their father had already recalled
them), they concluded th.ey were themselves
also to be destroyed. These letters had been
~\-
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. V.
procured !)y great rewards, by Antipater's
friends; but Aiitipater himself wrote to his
father about them, and laid the heaviest things
to their charge ; yet did he entirely excuse
them of any guilt, and said they were but
young men, and so imputed their words to
their youth. But he said, that he had him-
self been very busy in the affair relating to
Sylleus, and in getting interest among the
great men ; and on that account had bought
splendid ornaments to present them withal,
which cost him two hundred talents. Now,
one may wonder how it came about, that
wliile so many accusations were laid against
him in Judea during seven months before this
time, he was not made acquainted with any
of them. The causes of which were, that
the roads were exactly guarded, and that men
hated Antipater ; for there was nobody who
xvould run any hazard himself, to gain him
any advantages.
CHAPTER V.
antipater's navigation from ROiME TO HIS
FATHER ; AND HOW HE WAS ACCUSED BY
NICOLAUS OF DAMASCUS, AND CONDEMNED
TO DIE BY HIS FATHER, AND BY QUINTILI -
US VARUS, WHO WAS THEN PRESIDENT OF
SYRIA ; AND HOW HE WAS THEN BOUND
riLL C^SAR SHOULD BE INFORMED OF HIS
CAUSE.
§ I. Now Herod, upon Antipater's writing
to him, that having dene &U that he was to
do, and this in the manner he was to do it,
he would suddenly come to him, concealed
his anger against him, and wrote back to him,
and bade him not delay his journey, lest any
harm should befall himself in his absence.
At the same time also he made some little
complaint about his mother, but promised that
he would lay those comjilaints aside when lie
should return. He withal expressed his en-
tire affection for him, as fearing lest he should
have soine suspicion of him, and de'er his
journey to him ; and lest, while he lived at
Rome, he should lay [.lots for the kingdom,
and, moreover, do somewhat against himself.
This letter Antipater met with in Cilicia; but
had received an account of Pherora's death be-
fore at Tarentum. This last news affected him
deeply ; not out of any affection for Phero-
ras, but because he was dead without having
murdered his father, which he had promised
liim to do. And when he was at Celendris
in Cilicia, he began to deliberate with liim-
self about his sailing home, as being much
grieved with tlie ejection of his mother. Now,
some of his friends advised him that he should
tarry a while somewliere, in expectation of
fariiier information. But others advised him
to sail home witliout delay ; for that if he
463
were once come thither, he would soon put an
end to all accusations, and that nothing afford-
ed any weight to his accusers at present but
his absence. He was persuaded by these last,
and sailed on, and landed at the haven called
Sebastus, which Herod had built at vast ex-
penses in honour of Caesar, and called Sebas-
tus. And now was Antipater evidently in a
miserable condition, while nobody came to
him nor saluted him, as they did at his going
away, with good wishes or joyful acclama-
tions; nor was there now any thing to hin-
der them from entertaining him, on the con-
trary, with bitter curses, while they supposed
he was come to receive his punishment for
the murder of his brethren.
2. Now Quintilius Varus was at this time
at Jerusalem, being sent to succeed Saturni-
nus as president of Syria, and was come as
an assessor to Herod, who had desired his ad-
vice in his present affairs ; and as they were
sitting together, Antipater came upon them,
without knowing any thing of the matter; so
he came into the palace clothed in purple.
The porters indeed received him in, but ex-
cluded his friends. And now he was in great
disorder, and presently understood the condi-
tion he was in, while, upon his going to sa-
lute his father, he was repulsed by him, who
called him a murderer of his brethren, and a
plotter of destruction against himself, and
told him that Varus should be his auditor and
his judge the very next day ; so he found,
that what misfortunes he now heard of was al-
ready upon him, with the greatness of which
he w ent away in confusion ; upon which his
mother and his wife met him (which wife was
the daughter of Antigonus, who was king of
the Jews before Herod), from whom he learn-
ed all circumstances which concerned liiui,
and then prepared himself for his trial.
3. On the next day Varus and the king
sat together in judgment, and both their
friends were also called in, as also the king's
relations, with his sister Salome, and as many
as could discover any thing, and such as had
been tortured ; and besides these, some slaves
of Antipater's mother, who were taken up a
little before Antipater's coming, and brouglit
with them a written letter, the sum of which
was t-his : That he should not come back, be-
cause all was come to his father's knowledge
and that Caesar was the only refuge he hai
left to prevent both his and her delivery into
his father's hands. Then did Antipater fall
down at his father's feet, and besought him
not to prejudge his cause, but that he might be
first heard by his father, and that his father
would keep himself still unprejudiced. So
Herod ordered him to be brought into the
midst, and then lamented himself about his
children, from whom he had suffered such great
misfortunes ; and because Antipater fell upon
him in his old age. IJe also reckoned up
what maintenance, and what education he had
4G4.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS,
I500K XVII
given them; and what seasonable supplies of i and this when it was doubtful wl'.cther he
wealth lie had afforded them, according to
their own desires ; none of which favours had
hindered them from contriving against him,
and from bringing his very life into danger in
order to gain his kingdom, after an impious
manner, by tfiking away liis life before the
course of nature, their father's wishes, or
justiee, required that that kingdom should
come to them ; and that he wondered what
hopes could elevate Antipaier to sucli a pass
as to be hardy enough to attempt such things ;
that he had by his testament in writing de-
clared him his successor in the government;
and while he was alive, he was in no respect
inferior to him, either in his illustrious dig-
nity, or in power and authority, he having no
less than fifty talents for his yearly income,
and had received for his journey to Rome no
fewer than thirty talents. lie also objected
to him the case of his brethren whom he hud
accused ; and if they were guilty, he had imi-
tated their example ; and if not, he had
brought him groundless accusations against
his near relations; for that he had been ac-
quainted with all those things by him, and
by nobody else, and had done wiiat was done
by his approbation, and whom he now ab-
solved from all that was criminal, by becom-
ing the inheritor of the guilt of such their
parricide.
4. When Herod had thus spoken, he fell
a-weeping, and was not able to say any more ;
but at his desire Nicolaus of Damascus, being
the king's friend, and always conversant with
him, and acquainted with whatsoever he did,
and with the circumstances of his afl'airs, pro-
ceeded to what remained, and explained all
that concerned the demonstrations and evi-
dences of the facts. Upon which Antipater,
in order to make his legal defence, turned
himself to his father, and enlarged upon the
many indications he had given of his good-
will to him; and instanced in the honours
that had been done him, which yet had not
been done, had he not deserved them by his
virtuous concern about him ; for that he had
made provision for every thing that was fit to
be foreseen befoiehand, as to giving him his
wisest advice; and vhenever there was oc-
casion for the labour of his own hands, he had
not grudged any such pains for him. And
that it was almost impossible that he, who had
delivered his father from so many treacherous
contrivances laid against hin:, should be him-
self in a plot against him, and so lose all the
reputation he had gained for his virtue, by
his wickedness which succeeded it ; and tliis
while he had nothing to proliihit him, who
was already appointed his successor, to enjoy
the royal honour with his father also at present ;
and that there was no likelihood that a person
who had the one half of that authority without
could obtain it or not ; and when he saw the
sad example of his brethren before him, and
was both the informer and the accuser against
them, at a time when thev might not other-
wise have been discovered ; nay, vvas ths
author of the punishment inflicted u])on them,
when it appeared evidently that they were
guilty of a wicked attcmjjt against theirfather ;
and that even the contentions that were in
the king's family, were indications that he
had ever managed afl'airs out of the sincerest
affection to his father. And as to what he
had done at Rome, Cssar was a witness
thereto, who was yet no more to be imposed
upon than God himself; of whose opinions
his letters sent hither are sufficient evidence :
and that it was not reasonable to prefer the
calumnies of such as proposed to raise dis-
turbances, before those letters ; the greatest
part of which calumnies had been raised
during his absence, which gave scope to his
enemies to forge them, which they had not
been able to do if he had been there. More-
over he showed the weakness of the evidence
obtained by torture, which was commonly
false; because the distress men are in under
such tortures, naturally obliges them to say
many things, in order to please those that
govern them. He also offered himself to the
torture.
5. Hereupon there was a change observed
in the assembly, while they greatly jjitied
Antipater, who, by weeping and putting on
a countenance suitable to his sad case, made
them commiserate the same; insomuch that
his very enemies were moved to compassion ;
and it appeared jilainly that Herod himself
was afTected in his own mind, although he
was not willing it should be taken notice of.
Then did Nicolaus begin to prosecute what
the king had begun, and that with great bit-
terness; and summed up all the evidence
which arose from the tortures, or from the
testimonies. He principally and largely cri-
ed up the king's virtues, which he had exhi-
bited in the maintenance and education of h'n
sons ; while he never could gain any advan-
tage thereby, but still fell from one misfor
tune to another. Although he owned that
he was not so much surprised with that
thoughtless behaviour of his former sons, who
were but young, and were besides corrupted
by wicked counsellors, who were the occasion
of their wiping out of their minds all the
righteous dictates of nature, and this out of
a desire of coming to the government sooner
than they ought to do; yet that he could not
but justly stand amazetl at the horrid wicked-
ness of Antipater, who, although he had not
only had great benefits bestowed on him by
his fatlier, enough to t;:me his reason, yet
could not be more tamed than the most en -
any danger, and with a good character, should i venomed serpents; whereas even those crea-
buiit after the whole with infamy and danger, jtures ailmit of some mitigation, and will not
^
CHAP. V.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
465
l>ite their benefactors, while Antipater nath
not let the tnist'ortuncs of his brethren he anv,
hindrance to him, but he hath gone on to im-
itate tiieir barbarity notwithstanding. " Yet
wast thou, O Antipater! (as thou hast thy-
self confessed) the informer as to what wicked
actions they had done, and the searcher out
of the evidence against them, and the author
of the punishment they underwent upon their
detection. Nor do we say this as accusing
thee for being so zealous in thy anger against
them, but are astonished at thy endeavours to
imitate tneir profligate behaviour ; and we
discover thereby, that thou didst not act thus
for the safety of thy father, but for the de-
struction of thy brethren, that by such outside
hatred of their impiety thou mightest be be-
lieved a lover of tiiy father, and mightest
thereby get thee power enough to do mischief
with the greatest impunity; which design thy
actions indeed demonstrate. It is true, thou
tookest thy brethren off, because thou didst
convict them of their wicked designs; but
thou didst not yield up to justice those who
were their partners ; and thereby didst make
it evident to all men that thou madest a cove-
nant with them against thy father, when thou
chosest to be the accuser of thy brethren, as
desirous to gain to thyself alone this advan-
tage of laying plots to kill thy father, and so
to enjoy double pleasure, which is truly wor-
thy of thy evil disposition, — which tliou hast
openly shown against thy brethren ; on which
account thou 4itlst rejoice, as having done a
most famous exploit, nor was that behaviour
unworthy of thee; but if thy intention were
otherwise, thou art worse than they : while
thou didst contrive to hide thy treachery a-
gaiast thy father, thou didst hate them ; not
its plotters against thy father, for in that case
thou hadst not thyself fallen upon the like
crime, but as successors of his dominions, and
more worthy of that succession than thyself.
Tliou wouldest kill thy father after thy bre-
thren, lest thy lies raised against them might
be detected ; and lest thou shouldst suH'er
what punishment thou hadst deserved, thou
hadst a mind to exact that punishment of thy
unhapi)y father, and didst devise such a sort
of uncommon parricide as the world never
yet saw ; — for thou who art his son didst not
only lay a treacherous design against thy fa-
ther, and didst it while he loved thee, and
had been thy benefactor, — had made thee in
reality his partner in the kingdom, and had
openly declared thee his successor, while thou
wast not forbidden to taste the sweetness of
authority already, and hadst the firm hope of
what was future by thy father's determination,
and the security of a written testament ; but
fur certain, thou didst not ineasure these things
according to thy father's various disposition,
but according to thy own thoughts and incli-
nations ; and wast desirous to take the part
thiit remained away from thy too'^uidulgent
father, and soughtest to destroy him with thy
deeds, whom thou in words pretendedst to
preserve. Nor wast thou content to be wick-
ed thyself, but thou filledst thy mother's head
with thy devices, and raisedst disturbance a-
mong thy brethren, and hadst the boldn'.'ss to
call thy father a wild beast ; while thou hadst
thyself a mind more cruel than any serpent,
whence thou sentest out that poison among
thy nearest kindred and greatest benefactors,
and invitedst them to assist thee and guard
thee, and didst hedge thyself in on all sides
by the artifices of both men and women, a-
gainst an old man, — as though that mind of
thine was not sufficient of itself to support so
great a hatred as thou barest to him ; and
here thou appearest, after the tortures of free-
men, of doinestics, of men and women, which
have been examined on thy account, and af-
ter the informations of thy fellow-conspira-
tors, as making haste to contradict the truth ;
and hast thought on ways not only liow to
take thy father out of the world, but to disan-
nul that written law which is against thee,
and the virtue of Varus, and the nature of
justice; nay, such is that impudence of thine
on which thou confidest, that thou desirest to
be put to the torture thyself, while thou al-
legest that the tortures of those already ex-
amined thereby have made them tell lies ; that
those that have been the deliverers of thy fa-
ther may not be allowed to have spoken the
truth ; but that thy tortures may be esteemed
the discoverers of truth. Wilt not thou, O
Varus ! deliver the king from the injuries of
his kindred ? Wilt not thou destroy this
wicked wild beast, which hath pretended kind-
ness to his father, in order to destroy his bre-
thren ; while yet he is himself alone ready to
carry off the kingdom immediately, and ap-
pears to be the most bloody butcher to him
of them all ? for thou art sensible that par-
ricide is a general injury both to nature and
to common life; and that the intention of
parricide is not inferior to its preparation ;
and he who does not punish it, is injurious to
nature itself."
6. Nicolaus added farther what belonged
to Antipater's mother, and whatsoever she
had prattled like a woman ; as also about the
predictions and the sacrifices relating to the
king ; and whatsoever Antipater had done
lasciviously in his cups and his amours among
Pheroras's women ; the examination upon
torture ; and whatsoever concerned the tes-
timonies of the witnesses, which were many, and
of various kinds; some prepared beforehand,
and others were sudden answers, which farther
declared and confirmed the foregoing evi.
dence. For those men who were not ac-
quainted with Antipater's practices, but had
concealed them out of fear, when they saw
that he was exposed to the accusations of the
former witnesses, and thai his great good for-
tune, which had supported him hilluTto, ha^jt
J'
4GG
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
now evidently betrayed him into the hands of
his enemies, who were now insatiable in their
hatred to him, told all they Icnew of him ; and
ills ruin was now liaslened, not so much by
the enmity of those that were his accusers, by
his gross, impudent, and wicked contrivances,
and by his ill-will to liis father and his
brethren ; while he liad filled their house with
disturbance, and caused them to murder one
another ; and was neither fair in his hatred
nor kind in his friendship, but just so far as
served his own turn. Now, there were a
great number who for a long time beforehand
had seen all this, and especially such as were
naturally disposed to judge of matters by the
rules of virtue, because they were used to de-
termine about affairs without passion, but had
tjeen restrained from making any open com-
plaints before ; these, upon the leave now
given them, produced all that they knew be-
fore the public. The demonstrations also of
tliese wicked facts could no way be disproved ;
because the many witnesses there were did
neither speak out of favour to Herod, nor
were tl)ey obliged to keep what they had to
say silent, out of suspicion of any danger they
were in ; but they spake what they knew, be-
cause they thought such actions very wicked,
and that Antipater deserved the greatest pu-
nishment; and indeed not so much for He-
rod's safety, as on account of the man's own
wickedness. Many things were also said,
and those by a great number of persons, who
were no way obliged to say them : insomuch
that Antipater, who used generally to be very
shrewd in his lies and impudence, was not
able to say one word to the contrary. When
Nicolaus had left otf speaking, and had pro-
duced the evidence, Varus bade Antipater to
btta.ke himself to the making his defence, if
lie had prepared any tiling whereby it might
appear that he was not guilty of the crimes
lie was accused of; for that, as he was himself
desirous, so did he know that his father was
in like manner desirous also to have him found
entirely innocent ; but Antipater fell down
on his face, and appealed to God and to all
men, for testimonials of his innocency, de-
siring that God would declare, by some evi-
dent signals, that he had not laid any plot a-
gainst his father. This being the usual me-
thod of all men destitute of virtue, tliat, when
they set about any wicked undertakings, they
fall to work according to their own inclina-
tions, as if they believed that God was uncon-
cerned in human affairs ; but when once they
are found out, and are in danger of undergo-
ing the punishment due to their crimes, they
endeavoured to overtlirow all the evidence a-
gainst them, by appealing to God ; which was
the very thing which Antipater now did ; for
viliereas he had done every thing as if there
were no God in the world, when he was on all
fides distressed by justice, and when he had
v.ti otiier advantage to expect fiom any legal,
BOOK XVII.
proofs, by which he might disprove the ac-
cusations laid against him, he impudently
abused the majesty of God, and ascribed it to
his power, that lie hath been preserved hither-
to ; and produced before them all what diffi-
culties he had ever undergone in his bold act-
ing for his father's preservation.
7. So when Varus, upon asking Antipater
what he had to say for himself, found that he
had nothing to say besides his appeal to God,
and saw that there was no end of that, he
bade them bring the potion before the court,
that he might see what virtue still remained
in it ; and when it was brought, and one that
was condemned to die had drank it by Va-
rus's command, he died presently. Then Va-
rus got up, and departed out of the court,
and went away the day following to Antioch,
where his usual residence was, because that
was the palace of the Syrians; upor which
Herod laid his son in bonds : but what were
Varus's discourses to Herod, was not known
to the generality, and upon what words it was
that lie went away ; though it was also gene-
rally supposed, that whatsoever Herod did af-
terward about liis son, was done with his ap
probation : but when Herod had bound his
son, he sent letters to Home to Cfesar about
him, and such messengers withal as should,
by word of mouth, inform Casar of Antipa-
ter's wickedness. Now, at this very time,
there was seized a letter of Antiphilus, written
to Antipater out of Egypt (for he lived there) ;
and, when it was opened by the king, it was
found to contain what follows : — " 1 have sent
thee Acme's letter, and hazarded my own life ;
for thou knowest that I am in danger from
two families, if I be discovered. I wish thee
good success in thy affair." These were the
contents of this letter; but the king made in-
quiry about the other letter also, for it did not
appear; and Antiphiliis's slave, who biought
that letter which had been read, denied that
he had received the other : but while the king
was in doubt about it, one of Herod's friends
seeing a seam upon the inner coat of the shne,
and a doubling of the cloth (for he had two
coats on) he guessed that the letter might l)e
within that doubling; which accordingly
proved to be true. So they took out the let-
ter ; and its contents were these: — "Acme
to Antipater. I liave written such a letter to
thy father as thou desiredst me. I have also
taken a copy and sent it, as if it came from
Saloirie, to my lady [Livia] ; which when thou
readest, I know that Herod will punish Salo-
me, as plotting against him." Now, this pre-
tended letter of Salome to her lady was com-
posed by Antipater, in the name of Salome,
as to its meaning, but in the words of Acme.
The letter was this : — "Acme to king Herod.
I have done my endeavour that nothing that
is done against thee should be concealed from
thee. So, upon my finding a letter of Salo-
me written to m^' lady against tliee, 1 have
_r
CHAP. VI.
written out a copy and sent it to thee ; witli
liuzard to myself, but for thy advantage. Tlie
reason why she wrote it was this, — that she
liad a mind to be married to Sylieus. Do
thou therefore tear this letter in pieces, that I
may not come into danger of my life." Now
Acme had written to Antipater himself, and
informed him, tiiat in compliance with his
command, she had both herself written to He-
rod, as if Salome had laid a sudden plot en-
tirely against him, and had herself sent a copy
of an epistle, as coming from Salome to her
lady. Now Acme was a Jew by birth, and a
servant to Julia, Caesar's wife : and did this
out of her friendship for Antipater, as having
been corrupted by him with a large present of
money, to assist in his pernicious designs
againt his father and his aunt.
8. Hereupon Herod was so amazed at the
prodigious wickedness of Antipater, that he
was ready to have ordered him to be slain im-
mediately, as a turbulent person in the most
important concerns, and as one that had laid
a plot not only against himself, but against
his sister also ; and even corrupted Csesar's
own domestics. Salome also provoked him
to it, beating her breast, and bidding him kill
her, if he could produce any credible testimo •
ny that she had acted in that manner. He-
rod also sent for his son, and asked him about
this matter, and bade him contradict it if he
could, and not suppress any thing he had to
say for himself j and when he had not one
word to say, he asked him, since he was every
way caught in his villany, that he would make
no farther delay but discover his associates
in these his wicked designs. So he laid all
upon Antiphilus; but discovered nobody else.
Hereupon Herod was in such great grief, that
he was ready to send his son to Rome to
Caesar, there to give an account of these his
wicked contrivances. But he soon became
afraid, lest he might there, by the assistance
of his friends, escape the danger he was in :
so he kept him bound as before, and sent
more ambassadors and letters [to Rome] to
accuse his son, and an account of what assis-
tance Acme had given him in his wicked de-
signs, with copies of the epistles before men-
tioned.
CHAPTER VI.
CONCERNING THE DISliASE THAT HEROD FELL
INTO, ANU THE SEDITION WHICH THE .lEWS
RAISED THEKEL'PON ; WITH THE PUNISH-
MENT OF THE SKDITIOUS.
§ 1. Now Herod's ambassadors made haste to
Rome; but sent, as instructed beforehand,
what answers they were to make to the ques-
tions put to them. They also carried the
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
467
epistles with them. But Herod now fell in.
to a distemper, and made his will, and be-
queathed his kingdom to [ Antipas], his young,
est son; and this out of that hatred to Arche-
laus and Philip, which the calumnies of An-
tipater had raised against them. He also be-
queathed a thousand talents to Casar, and
live hundred to Julia, Caasar's wife, to Cae-
sar's children, and friends and freed-men.
He also distributed among his sons and their
sons his money, his revenues, and his lands.
He also made Salome, his sister, very rich,
because she had continued faithful to him in
all his circumstances, and was never so rash
as to do him any harm. And as he despair-
ed of recovering, for he was about the seven-
tieth year of his age, he grew fierce, and in-
dulged the bitterest anger upon all occasions ;
the cause whereof was this, that he thought
himself despised, and that the nation was
pleased with his misfortunes; besid3s which,
he resented a sedition which some of the
lower sort of men excited against him, the
occasion of which was as follows : —
2. There was one Judas, the son of Sar»-
pheus, and Matthias, the son of Margalothus,
two of the most eloquent men among the
Jews, and the most celebrated interpreters of
the Jewish laws, and men well-beloved by
the people, because of their education of their
youth ; for all those that were studious of
virtue frequented their lectures every day.
These men, when they found that the king's
distemper was incurable, excited the young
men that they would pull down all those
M'orks which the king had erected contrary to
the law of their fathers, and thereby obtain
the rewards which the law will confer on
them for such actions of piety; for that it
was truly on account of Herod's rashness in
making such things as the law had forbidden,
that his other misfortunes, and tliis distemper
also, which was so unusual among mankind,
and with which he was now afflicted, came
upon him : for Herod had caused such things
to be made, which were contrary to the law,
of whic!) lie was accused by Judas and Mat-
thias ; for the king had erected over the great
gate of the temple a large golden eagle, of
great value, and had dedicated it to the tem-
ple. Now, the law forbids those that pro-
pose to live according to it, to erect images,*
or rejiresentations of any living creature. So
these wise men persuaded [their scholars] to
pull down the golden eagle; alleging, that
although they should incur any danger which
might bring them to tlieir deaths, the virtue
of the action now pro]Josed to them would
appear much more advantageous to them
than the pleasures of life; since they would
die for the preservation and observation of
the law of their fathers ; since they would also
* That the making of images, without an intention
to wor.ihip them, was not unlawful lo the Jews, see (h«>
note uu Antuj. b. viii, cl». vii, seet X
I
J-
4(58
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK XVII.
acquire an everlasting fame and commenda-
tion ; since they would be both commended
l)y the present generation, and leave an ex-
ample of life that would never be forgotten
to posterity ; since that common calamity of
dying cannot be avoided by our living so as
to escape any such dangers : that therefore it
is a right thing for those who are in love with
a virtuous conduct, to wait for that fatal hour
by such a behaviour as may carry them out
of the world with praise and honour ; and
that this will alleviate death to such a degree,
thus to come at it by the performance of
brave actions, which bring us into danger of
it ; and at the same tin)e to leave that repu-
tation behind them to their children, and to
all their relations, whether they be men or
women, which will be of great advantage to
them afterward.
3. And with such discourses as this did
these men excite the young men to this ac-
tion ; and a report being come to them that
the king was dead, this was an addition to the
wise men's persuasions ; so, in the very mid-
dle of the day they got upon the place, they
pulled down the eagle, and cut it into pieces
with axes, while a great number of the people
were in the temple. And now the king's cap-
tain, upon hearing what the undertaking was,
and supposing it was a thing of a higher na-
ture than it proved to be, came up thither,
having a great band of soldiers with him, such
as was sufficient to put a stop to the midtitude
of those who pulled down what was dedicated
to God: so he fell upon them unexpectedly,
and as they were upon this bold attempt, in a
foolisli presumption rather than a cautious
circumspection, as is usual with the multi-
tude, and w^hile they were in disorder, and
incautious of what was for their advantage, —
so he caught no fewer tlian forty of the young
men, who had the courage to stay behind
when the rest ran away, together with the au-
thors of this bold attempt, Judas and Mat-
thias, who thought it an ignominious thing to
retire upon his approach, and led them to the
king. And when they were come to the king,
and he had asked them if they had been so
bold as to pull down what he had dedicated
to God, " Yes (said they) what was contrived
we contrived, and what hath been performed,
we performed it j and that with such a virtu-
ous courage as become men ; for we have
given our assistance to those things which
were dedicated to the majesty of God, and we
have provided for what we have learned by
hearing the law ; and it ought not to be won-
dered at, if we esteem those laws which Moses
had suggested to him, and were taught him
by God, and wliich he wrote and left behind
liiin, more worthy of observation than thy
conjiiiands. Accordingly we will undergo
death, and all sorts of punishments which
thou canst inflict upon us, willi pleasure, since
Ae are conscious to ourselves that «e shall
die, not for any unrighteous actions, but for
our love to religion." And thus they all said,
and their courage was still equal to their pro-
fession, and equal to that with which they
readily set about this undertaking. And when
the king had ordered them to be bound, he
sent them to Jericho, and '?alled together the
principal men among die Jews; and when
they were come, he made them assemble in
the theatre, and because he could not himself
stand, he lay upon a couch, and enumerated
the many labours that he had long endured
on their account, and his building of the tem-
ple, and wliat a vast charge that was to him ;
wliile the Asamoneans, during the hundred
and twenty-five years of their government,
had not been able to perform any so great a
work for the honour of God as that was : that
he had also adorned it with very valuable do-
nations; on which account he hoped that he
bad left himself a memorial, and procured
hitnself a reputation after his death. He
then cried out, that these men had not ab-
stained from artVonting him, even in his life-
time, but that, in the very day-time, and in
the sight of the multitude, they had abused
him to that degree, as to fall upon what he
had dedicated, and in that way of abuse, had
pulled it down to the ground. Tliey pretend-
ed, indeed, that they did it to affront liiin ;
but if any one consider the thing truly, they
will find that they were guilty of sacrilege
against God therein.
4. But the people, on account of Herod's
barbarous temper, and for fear he should be
so cruel as to inflict punishment on them, said
what was done, was done without approbation,
and that it seemed to them that the actors
might well be punished for what they had
done. But as for Herod, he dealt more mild-
ly with others [of the assembly^; but he de-
prived Matthias of the high-priesthood, as in
part an occasion of tuis action, and made
Joazar, who was Matthias's wife's brother,
hii'h-priest in his stead. Now it happened,
that during the time of the high -priesthood
of this Matthias, tliere was another person
made high-priest for a single day, that very
day which the Jews observed as a fast. The
occasion was this : — This Matthias the high-
priest, on the night before that day when the
fast was to be celebrated, seemed, in a dream,*
♦ This fact, that one Joseph was made high-priest
for a single day, on occasion of the action liere specifi-
ed, thai befell Matthias, the real high-priest, in his
bleep, the night before the great day of expiation, is at-
tested to both in the Mishna and Talmud, as Dr. Hud-
son here informs us. And indeed from this fact, thus
fully attested, we may confute that pietended rule in
the Talmud here mentioned, and endeavoured to le
excused by lieland, that the high-priest was not suffer-
ed to .^leep the night before that great day of expiation j
which watching would surely rather unfit him for the
many nnportant duties he was to perform on that si>-
lenin day, than dispose him duly to perform them. Nor
do such Talmudical rules, when unsupported by beLter
eiidence, much less when contradicted thereby, seem to
me of weight enough to deserve that so great a man ai
Hcland sliould spend his time in en<!eavour» at their
\mdicatK)U.
"V
CHAP. VI.
to have conversation with his wife ; and be-
cause he could not officiate himself on that
account, Joseph, the son of Ellcmus, iiis
kinsman, assisted him in thaf sarred office.
But Herod deprived this Matthias of the iiij^h-
priesthood, and burnt the otiier Matthias, who
had raised the sedition, with iiis companions,
alive. And that very night there was an
eclipse of the moon.*
5. But now Herod's distemper greatly in-
creased upon him after a severe m.uiner, and
this by God's judgment upon him for Iiis
sins : for a fire glowed in him slowly, which
did not so much appear to the tou'-h out-
wardly, as it augmented his pains inwardly ;
for it brought upon him a vehemeril appetite
to eating, which lie could not- avoid to supply
with one sort of food or other. His entrials
were also exulcerated, and the chief violence
of his pain lay on his colon ; an aqueous and
transparent liquor also had settled itself about
his feet, and a like matter afflicted him at
the bottom of his belly. Nay, farther, his
privy-member was putrified, and produced
worms ; and when he sat upright he had a
difficulty of breathing, which was very loath-
some, on account of the stench of his bre>;th,
and the quickness of its returns ; he had also
convulsions in all parts of his body, which in-
creased his strength to an insuflerabie degree.
It was said by those who pretended to divine,
%nd wlio were endued with wisdom *o fore-
tell such things, that God inflicted this pu-
nishment on the king on account of his great
impiety ; yet was he still in hopes of recover-
ing, though his afflictions seemed greater than
any one could bear. He also sent for physi-
cians, and did not refuse to follow what they
prescribed for his assistance ; and went be-
yond the river Jordan, and bathed himself in
warm baths that were at Callirrhoe, which, be-
sides their other general virtues, were a'lso fit
to drink ; wliich water runs into the lake
called Asphaltiti-;. And when the physicians
once thought fit to have him bathed in a
vessel full of oil, it was supposed that he was
just dying ; but, upon the lamentable cries of
liis domestics, he revived ; and havuig no
longer the least hopes of recovering, he gave
order that every soldier should be paid fifty
drachma; ; and he also gave a great deal >o
their conimanders, and to his friends, a.ii
came again to Jericho, where he grew so cho-
leric, that it brought him to do all things like
a madman ; and though he were near his
death, he contrived the following wicked do-
signs. He commanded that all the principal
• This eclipse of the moon (which is the only eclipse
of either of the luminaries nientiontd by our Josephus
in any of his writin;.s) is of the greatest consequence
for the determination of the time lor t^^ death of He-
rod and Aiitipater, and for the birth anu iiitire chrono-
logy of Jesus Christ. It happened March 15th, in the
jear of the Julian period 47111, and the -Ith year before
uie Christian sera. .See its calculation by ttie rules of
astiondmy, at the end of the Astronomical Lectures,
alit- Lai. p. 451, 452.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
469
men of the entire Jewish nation, wheresoever
they lived, should be called to him. Accord-
ingly, there were a great nunil>er that came,
because tlie whole nation was called, and all
men heard of this call, and death was the pe-
nalty of such as should despise the epistles that
were sent to call them. And now the king
was in a wild rage against them all, the in-
nocent as well as those that had afforded him
ground for accusations : and when they were
come, he ordered them all to be shut up in
the hippodrome,f and sent for his sister Sa-
lome, and her husband Alexas, and spake thus
to them : — " I shall die in a little time, so
great are my pains ; which death ought to be
cheerfidiy borne, and to be welcomed by all
men ; but what principally troubles me is
this, that I shall die without being lamented,
and without such mourning as men usually
expect at a king's death. P'or that he was
not unacquainted with the temper of the Jews,
that his death would be a thing very desirable,
and exceedingly acceptable to them ; because
during his lifetime they were ready to revolt
from him, and to abuse the donations he had
dedicated to God : that it therefore was their
business to resolve to affiard him some allevia-
tion of his great sorrows on this occasion ;
for that, if they do not refuse him their con-
sent in what he desires, he shall have a great
mourning at his funeral, and such as neve'
any king had before him ; for then the whole
nation would mourn from their very soul,
wliich otherwise would be done in sport and
mockery only. He desired therefore that as
soon as they see he hath given up the ghost,
they shall place soldiers round the hippodrome,
while they do t'ot know that he is dead ; and
that they shall not declare his death to the
multitude till this is done, but that they shall
give orders to have those that are in custody
shot with their darts j and that this slaughter
of them all will cause that he shall not miss
to rejoice on a double account ; that as he is
dying, they will make him secure that his will
shall be executed in what he charges them to
do; and that he shall have the honour of a
memorable mourning at his funeral. So he
deplored his condition, with tears in his eyes,
and obtested them by the kindness due from
them, as of his kindred, and by the faith they
ov.'cd to God, and begged of them that they
would not iiinder him of this honourable
mourrt'iig at his funeral. So they promised
hin ^ict to tiansgicss his commands.
6. Now any one may easily discover the
temper of this man's mind, which not only
toik pleasure in doing what he had done for-
merly against his relations, out of the love of
life, but by those commands of his which sa-
voured of no humanity since he took care,
when he was departing out of this life, that
the whole nation should be put into niourn-
f A place for the horse-r«ces.
■V
-T
470
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK XVII
ing, and indeed made desolate of their dear-
est kindred, when he gave order that one out
of every family should be slain, although
they had done nothing that was unjust, or
against him, nor were they accused of any
other crimes ; while it is usual for those who
have any regard to virtue, to lay aside their
hatred at such a time, even with respect to
those they justly esteemed their enemies.
CHAPTER VII.
KEROD HAS THOUGHTS OF KILLING HIMSELF
WITH HIS OWN HAND ; AND A LITTLE AF-
TERWARDS HE ORDERS ANTIPATER TO BE
SLAIN.
§ 1. As he vas giving these commands to his
relations, there came letters from his ambas-
sadors, who had been sent to Rome unto
Cx'sar, which 'vhcn ihey were read, their pur-
port w:as this : — That Acme was slain by Cse-
sar, out of his indignation at what hand slie
bad in Antipater's wicked practices; and that
as to Antipater himself, Ca;sar left it to He-
rod to act as became a father and a king, and
either to banish him or to take away his life,
which he pleased. When Herod heard tiiis,
he was somewhat better, out of the pleasure
be had from the contents of the letters, and
was elevated at the death of Acme, and at
the power that was given him over his son ;
but, as his pains were become very great, he
was now ready to faiiit for want of something
to eat ; so he called for an apple and a knife;
for it was his custom formerly to pare the
apple himself, and soon afterwards to cut it,
and eat it. Wlien he had got the knife, he
looked about, and had a mind to stab himself
with it; and lie had done it, had not his iiist
cousin, Achiahus, prevented him, and held
his hand, and cried out loudly. Wliereupon
a vvoful lamentation echoed through the pa-
lace, and a great tumult was made, as if the
king were dead. Upon which Antipater, who
verily believed his father was deceased, grew
bold in his discourse, as hoping to be imme-
diately and entirely released from his bonds,
and to take the kingdom into his hands, with-
out any more ado ; so he discoursed with the
jailor about letting him go, and in that case
promised him great things, both now and
iiereafter, as if that were the only ching now
in question ; but the jailor did not only re-
fuse to do wiiat Antipater would have him,
but informed the king of his intentions, and
how many solicitations he had had from him
[of that nature]. Hereupon Herod, who
had formerly no affection nor good-will to-
wards his son to restrain him, when he heard
what the jailor said, he cried ou,, and beat
his liead, although he was at death s door,
and raised himself upon his elbow, and sent
for some of his guards, and commanded them
to kill Antipater without any farther delay,
and to do it presently, and to bury him in
an ignoble manner at Hyrcania.
CHAPTER VIII.
CONCERNING HEROD'S DEATH, AND TESTA-
MENT, AND DURIAL.
§ I. And now Herod altered his testament
upon the alteration of liis mind ; for he ap-
))ointed Antipas, to whom he iuid before left
the kingdom, to be tetrarch of Galilee and Be-
rea, and granted the kingdom to Archelaiis.
He also gave Gaulonitis, and Trachonitis,
and Paneas, to Philip, who was his son, but
own brother to Archelaus,* by the name of a
Tetrarchy ; and bequeathed Jamnia, and Ash-
dod, and Phasaelis, to Salome his sister, with
five hundred thousand [drachmae] of silver
that was coined. He also made provision for
all the rest of his kindred, by giving them
sums of money and annual revenues, and so
left them all in a wealthy condition. He be-
queathed also to Csc-ar ten millions I of drach-
m;c] of coined money ; besides both vessels
of gold and silver, and garments exceeding
costly, to Julia, Cic:ar's wife ; and to certain
others, five millio/is. When he had done
those things, he died, the fifth day after he
had caused Antipater to be slain; having
reigned, since he had procured Antigonusf to
be slain, thirty-four years ; but since he had
been declared king by the Romans, thirty-se-
ven. — A man he was of great barbarity to-
wards all men equally, and a slave to his pas-
sion ; but above the consideration of what was
right; yet was he favoured by fortune as
much as any man ever was, for Horn a private
man he became a king ; and though he were
encompassed with ten thousand dangers, he
got clear of them all, and continued his life
till a very old age ; but then, as to the af-
fairs of his family and children, in which, in-
deed, according to his own opinion, he was
also very fortunate, because he was able to
conquer his enemies ; yet, in my opinion, he
was herein very unfortunate.
2. But then Salome and Alexas, before the
* When it is said that Philip the tetrarch, and Arthe-
laiis till' king, or etlaiareh, were aStXfm y^r^ioi, or ge-
nuine briithcrs, if tliose words mean ovn Lrot/icis, or
iKirn ol (lie si\ine fatlicr and mother, tliere must be here
some mistake ; because tliey had indeed the same fa-
ther, Herod, but different mothers : tlie former Cle(i|ia-
tra, — and Archelaus, Malthace. They were indeed
brought up altogether at Rome like own brothers ; ai.d
Philip was Avehelaus's deputy when he went to have his
ki-ngdom confirmed to nim at Rome, (eh. Ix. sect. j.
and Of the War, b. ii, eh. ii, sect. 1.' ; which intimacy is
perhaps all that Josephus intended by the words before
us.
t These numbers of years for Herod's reign, 31 and
37, are the very same with those (of the War, b. i, ch.
xxxiii, sect. 8 , and are among the principal chronologi-
cal characters belonging to the reign or death of Herod.
See Harm of the Evau. page loO — 155.
"V
AxVTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. IX,
king's death was made known, dismissed those
that were shut up in the hippodrome, and
told them that the king ordered them to go
away to their own lands, and take care of
their own affairs, whicli was esteemed by the
nation a great benefit ; and now the king's
death was made public, when Salome and
Alexas gathered the soldiery together in the
amphitheatre at Jericlio ; and the first thing
they did was, they read Herod's letter, writ-
ten to the soldiery, thanking them for their
fidelity and good-will to him, and exhorting
them to afford his son Archelaus, whom he
had appointed for their king, like fidelity and
good-will. After which Ptolemy, who had
the king's seal intrusted to him, read the
king's testament, which was to be of force
no otherwise than as it should stand when
Caesar had inspected it ; so there was present-
ly an acclamation made to Archelaus, as
king; and the soldiers came by bands, and
their commanders with them, and promised
the same good-will to him, and readiness to
serve him, which they had exhibited to He-
rod ; and they prayed God to be assistant to
him.
3. After this was over, they prepared for
his funeral, it being Archehius's care that the
procession to his father's sepulchre should be
very sumptuous. Accordingly he brought
out all his ornaments to adorn the pomp of
the funeral. The body was carried upon a
gO'lden bier, embroidered with very precious
stones of great variety, and it was covered
over with purple, as well as the body itself;
he had a diadem upon his head, and above it
a crown of gold ; he also had a sceptre in his
right hand. About the bier were his sons
and his numerous relations ; next to these was
the soldiery distinguished according to their
several countries and denominations ; and
they were put into the following order : -
First of all went his guards ; then the band
of Thracians ; and after them the Germans ;
and next the band of Galalians, every one in
their habiliments of war ; and behind these
marched the whole army in the same manner
as they used to go out to war, and as they
used to be put in array by their muster-mas-
ters and centurions : these were followed by
five hundred of his domestics, carrying spices.
So they went eight furlongs,* to Herodium ;
for there, by his own command, he was to be
buried ; — and thus did Herod end his life.
4. Now Archelaus paid him so much re-
spect, as to continue his mourning till the
seventh day ; for so many days are appointed
for it by the law of our fathers ; and when
he had given a treat to the multitude, and
left off his mourning, he went up into the
temple ; he had also acclamations and praises
* At eight stadia or furlongs a-day, as here, Herod's
funeral, conduoled to Herodium (which lay at tlie dis-
tance from Jericho, where he died, of 2i}0 stadia or fur-
longs (Of t!ie War, b. i, ch. xxxiii, sect. 9)7tuusthave
taken up no less than twenty-five days.
47 f
given him, which way soever he went, every
one striving with the rest who should appear
to use the loudest acclamations. So he as-
cended a high elevation made for him, and
took his si at, in a throne made of gold, and
spake kindly to the multitude, and declared
with what joy he received their acclamations,
and the marks of the good-will they showeil
to him : and returned them thanks that they
did not remember the injuries his father had
done them, to his disadvantage; and promis-
ed them he would endeavour not to be behind
hand with them in rewarding their alacrity in
his service, after a suitable manner ; but that
he should abstain at present from the name
of King ; and that he should have the honour
of that dignity, if Caesar should confirm and
settle that testament which his father had
made; and that it was on this account, that
when the army would have put the diade.n
on him at Jericho, he would not accept of
that honour, which is usually so much desir-
ed, because it was not yet evident that he wlio
was to be principally concerned in bestowing
it, would give it him ; although, by his ac-
ceptance of the government, he should not
want the ability of rewarding their kindness
to him ; and that it should be his endeavour,
as to all things wherein they were concerned,
to prove in every respect better than his fa-
ther. Whereupon the multitude, as it is usu-
al with them, supposed that the first days of
those that enter upon such governments, de-
clare the intentions of those that accept them ;
and so by how much Archelaus spake the more
gently and civilly to them, by so much did
they more highly commend him, and made
application to him for the grant of what they
desired. Some made a clamour that he would
ease them of some of their annual payments;
but others desired him to release those that
were put into prison by Herod, who were
many, and had been put there at several times ;
others of them required that he would take
away those taxes which had been severely laid
upon what was publicly sold and bought. So
Archelaus contradicted them in nothing, since
he pretended to do all things so as to get the
good-will of the multitude to him, as looking
upon that good- will to be a great step towards
his preservation of the government. Here-
upon he went and offered sacrifice to God,
and then betook himself to feast with his
friends.
CHAPTER IX.
HOW THE PEOPLE RAISED A SEDITION AGAIVST
AUCHELAUS, AND HOW HE SAILED TO ROME.
§ 1. At this time also it was that some of tlie
Jews got together, out of a desire of iniiova-
tion. They lamented Mattliias, and those
"V
J^
J'
472
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK XV 11
that were slain with liim by Herod, who had ! would not let one of them speak. The se-
not any respect paid tliem by a funeral mourn- dition, also, was made by sucii as were in a
jng, out of the fear men were in of that man ; | great passion ; and it was evident that tliey
they were those who had been condemned for i were proceeding farther in seditious practices,
pulling down the golden eagle. The people by the multitude running so fast upon them,
made a great clamour and lamentation here- 3. Now, upon tlie approach of that feast
upon, and cast out soine reproaches against of unleavened bread, whidi the law of their
the king also, as if that tended to alleviate
the miseries of tiie deceased. The people
assembled together, and desired of Arclielaus,
that, in way of revenge on their account, he
would inflict punishment on those who had
been honoured by Herod; and that, in the
first and principal place, he would deprive
that high-priest whom Herod had made, and
would choose one more agreeable to the law,
and of greater purity, to officiate as high-
priest. This was granted by Arclielaus, al-
though he was mightily offended at their im-
portunity, because he proposed to himself to
go to Rome immediately, to look after Cae-
sar's determination about hiin. However, he
sent tlie general of his forces to use persua-
sions, and to tell them that the death vviiich
was inflicted on their friends, was according
to the law ; and to represent to them, that
their petitions about these things were carried
to a great height of injury to him ; that the
time was not now proper for such petitions,
but required their unanimity until such time
as he should be established in the govern-
ment by the consent of Ca;sar, and should
then be come back to them ; for that he would
then consult with them in common concern-
ing the purport of their petitions ; but that
they ought at present to be quiet, lest they
should seem seditious persons.
2. So when the king had suggested these
things, and instructed his general in what he
was to say, he sent him away to the people ;
but ti.ey made a clamour, and would not give
him leave to speak, and put him in danger of
his life, and as many more as were desirous to
venture upon saying openly any thing which
might reduce them to a sober mind, and pre-
vent their going on in their present courses,
.^because they had more concern to have all
their own wills performed than to yield obe-
dience to their governors ; thinking it to be a
thing insufferable that, while Herod was alive,
they should lose those that were the most dear
to them, and that when he was dead, they
could not get the actors to be punished. So
tliey went on with thtir designs after a vio-
lent manner, and thought all to be lawful and
right which tended to please them, and being
unskilful in foreseeing what dangers they in-
curred ; and when they had suspicion of such
a thing, yet did the present pleasure they took
in the punishment of those they deemed their
enemies overweigh all such considerations ;
and although Arclielaus sent many to speak
to them, yet they treated them not as messen-
gers sent by hini, but as persons that came of
fathers had appointed for the Jews at this
time, which feast is called the Passover,* and
is a memorial of their deliverance out of
Egypt (when they offer sacrifices with great
alacrity ; and when they are required to slay
more sacrifices in number than at any other
festival ; and when an innumerable multitude
came thither out of the country, nay, from
beyond its limits also, in order to worship
God), the seditious lamented Judas and Mat-
thias, those teachers of the laws, and kept to-
gether in the temple, and had plenty of food,
because these seditious persons were not
ashamed to beg it. And as Arclielaus was
afraid lest some terrible thing should spring
up by means of these inen's madness, he sent
a regiment of armed men, and with them a
captain of a thousand, to suppress the violent
ertbrts of tlie seditious, before the whole mul-
titude should be infected with the like mad-
ness ; and gave them this charge, that if they
found any much more openly seditious than
others, and more busy in tumultuous prac-
tices, they should bring tliein to him. But
those that were seditious on account of those
teachers of tiie law, irritated the people by
the noise and clamours they used to encou-
rage the people in their designs ; so they made
an assault upon the soldiers, and came up to
them, and stoned the greatest part of them,
although some of them ran away wounded,
and their captain among them ; and when they
had thus done, they returned to the sacrifices
which were already in their hands. Now
Archelaus thought there was no way to pre-
serve the entire government, but by cutting
ofl" those who made this attempt upon it ; so
he sent out the whole army upon them, and
sent the horsemen to prevent those that had
their tents without the temple, from assisting
those that were within the temple, and to kil(
such as ran away from the footmen when
they thought themselves out of danger; wliicli
horsemen slew three thousand men, wliile tlie
rest went to the neighbouring mountains.
Then did Arclielaus order proclamation to be
made to them all, that they should retire to
their own homes ; so they went away, and lefc
the festival, out of fear of somewhat worse
which would follow, although they had been so
bold by reason of their want of instruction. So
Archelaus went down to the sea with his mo-
ther, and took with him Nicolaus and Ptole-
my, and many others of his friends, and left
iheJr own accord to mitigate their anger, and ltd.
• This passover, when the sedition here mentioned
was moved agninst Aiitielaus, was not one, but tlnrtecn
onths afier the eclipse of the moon, already mention
^
"V
uIIAP. IX,
Philip his brother as governor of all things
hulonging l)oth to his own family and to the
public. There went out also with him Sa-
lome, Herod's sister, who took with her her
children, and many of her kindred were with
her; which kindred of hers went, as they pre-
tended, to assist Archelaus in gaining tlie king-
dom, but in reality to oppose him, and chiefly
to make loud complaints of what he had done
in the temple. But Sabinus, Ca;sar's steward
for Syrian affairs, as he was making haste in-
to Judea, to preserve Herod's effects, met
with Archelaus at Caesarea ; but Varus (pre-
sident of Syria) came at that time, and re-
strained him from meddling with tliem, for he
was there as sent for by Archelaus, by the
means of Ptolemy. And Sabinus, out of
regard to Varus, did neither seize upon any
of the castles that were among the Jews, nor
did he seal up the treasures in them, but per-
mitted Archelaus to have them, until Caesar
should declare his resolution about them ; so
that, upon this his promise, he tarried still at
Cajsarea. But after Archelaus was sailed for
Rome, and Varus was removed to Antioch,
Sabinus went to Jerusalem, and seized on the
king's palace. He also sent for the keepers
of the garrisons, and for all those that had
the charge of Herod's effects, and declared
publicly that he should require them to give
an account of what they had ; and he disjjos-
ed of the castles in tlie manner he pleased ;
but t! iose who kept tliem did not neglect what
Archelaus bad given them in command, but
continued to keep all things in the manner
they liad been enjoined them; and their pre-
tence was, that they kept them all for Caesar.
4. At the same lime also did Antipas, an-
other of Herod's sons, sail to Rome, in order
to gain the government ; being bnoyed up
by Salome with promises that he should take
that government ; and that he was a much
lionester and fitter man than Archelaus for
that authority, since Herod had, in his former
testament, deemed him the worthiest to be
made king ; which ought to be esteemed more
valid than his latter testament. Antipas also
brought with him his mother, and Ptolemy
the brother of Nicolaus, one that had been
Herod's most honoured friend, and was now
zealous for Antipas : but it was Ireneus the
orator, and one who, on account of his repu-
tation for sagacity, was intrusted with the af-
fairs of the kingdom, who most of all en-
couraged him to attemjjt to gain the kingdom ;
by whose nieans it was that, when some ad-
vised him to yield to Archelaus, as to his
elder brother, and who had been declared
king by their father's last will, he would not
submit so to do. And when he was come
to Rome, all his relations revolted to him ;
not out of their good-will to him, but out
of their hatred to Archelaus ; though indeed
they were most of all desirous -qf gaining
their liberty, and to be put under a Roman
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
473
governor; but, if there were too great an op-
position made to that, they tliought Antipas
preferable to Archelaus, and so joined with
him, in order to procure the kingdom for him.
Saiiinus also, by letters, accused Archelaus to
Csesar.
5. Now when Archelaus had sent in his
papers to C;esar, wherein lie pleaded his right
to the kingdom and his failier's testament,
with the accounts of Herod's money, and with
Ptolemy, who brought Herod's seal, he so
expected the event ; but when C»sar had read
these papers, and Varus's and Sabinus's let-
ters, with the accounts of the money, and
what were the annual incomes of the kingdom,
and understood that Antipas had also sent
leiters to lay claim to the kingdom, he sum-
moned his friends together, to know their opi-
nions, and with them Caius, the son of A-
grippa, and of Julia his daughter, whom he
had adopted, and took him, and made him sit
first of all, and desired such as pleased to
speak their minds about the affairs now before
them. Now, Antipater, Salome's son, a very
subtle orator, and a bitter enemy to Archelaus,
spake first to this purpose: — That it was ridi-
culous in Archelaus to plead now to have the
kingdom given him, since he had, in reality,
taken already the power over it to himself,
before Caesar had granted it to him ; and ap-
pealed to those bold actions of his, in destroy-
ing so many at the Jewish festival ; and, if
the men had acted unjustly, it was but fit the
punishing of them should have been reserved
to those that were out of the country, but had
the power to punish them, and not been exe-
cuted by a man that, if he pretended to be a
king, he did an injury to Caesar, by usurping
that authority before it was determined for
him by Csesar ; but, if he owned himself to
be a private person, his case was much worse,
since he who was putting in for the kingdom,
could by no means expect to have that power
granted In'm, of which he had already depriv-
ed Csesar [by taking it to himself]. He also
touched sharply upon him, and appealed to
his changing the commanders in the army,
and his sitting in the royal throne before-
hand, and his determination of law-suits ; a!i
done as if he were no other than a king. He
appealed also to his concessions to those (hat
petitioned him on a public account, and in-
deed doing such things, than whicli he could
devise no greater if he had been already set-
tled in the kingdom by Caesar. He also as-
cribed to him the releasing of the prisoners
that were in the Hippodrome, and many other
things, that either had been certainly done by
him, or were believed to be done, and easily
might be believed to have been done, because
they were of such a nature as to bo irsually
done by young men, and by such as, out of a
desire of ruling, seize upon ilie government
too soon. He also charged him wiih his ne-
iilect of the funeral mourning for his father
2 K
~\_
471
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
and with having merry meetings the very
night in which he died ; and that it was
tlience the muhitude took the liandle of rais-
ing a tumult ; and if Arehelaus couhl tlius
requite his dead father, who had bestowed sucli
benefits upon him, and bequeatlied such great
things to him, by pretending to shed tears for
>iim in the day-time, hke an actor on tiie
stage, but every night making mirth for hav-
ing gotten tlie government, he would ajipear
to he the same Arciielaus with regard to Cse-
sar, if he granted him tlie kingdom, wiiicii he
hath been to his father ; since he had then
dancing and singing, as though an enemy of
his were fallen, and not as though a man were
carried to his funeral that was so nearly relat-
ed, and had been so great a benefactor to him.
But he said that the greatest crime of all was
tliis, that he came now before Cc-csar to ob-
tain the government by his grant, while he
had before acted in all things as he coidd have
acted if Caesar himself, wiio ruled all, had
fixed him firmly in the government. And
what he most aggravated in his pleading, was
the slaughter of those about the temple, and
the impiety of it, as done at the festival ; and
how they were slain like sacrifices themselves,
some of whom were foreigners, and others of
their own country, till the temple was full of
iead bodies : and all this was dene, not by
.in alien, but by one who pretended to the
.awful title of a king, that he might complete
the wicked tyranny wiiich liis aature prompt-
ed iiini to, and which is iiated by all men.
On which account his father never so much
as dreamed of making him his successor in
die kingdom, when he was of a sound niind,
because he knew his disposition ; and, in his
former and more autiientic testament, he ap-
pointed his antagonist Antipas to succeed ;
but that Arehelaus was called by his father to
that dignity, when he was in a dying condi-
tion, both of body and mind j while Antipas
was called when he was ripest in iiis judg-
ment, and of such strength of body as made
t)im capable of managing his own aflfairs :
I and if his father had the like notion of liim
formerly that lie iiath now shown, yet hatli he
given a sufficient specimen what a king lie is
likely to be wiicn he hath [in efiect] deprived
Cicsar of that power of disposing of the king-
dom, wliicli he justly hath, and hath not ab-
stained from making a terrible slaughter of
Ins fellow-citizens in the temple, while he was
but a private person.
C. So when ;\ntipater had made this speech,
and had confirmed wliat he had said by produc-
ing manv witnesses from among Archelaus's
own relations, he made an end of his jjleading.
Upon which Nicolaus arose up to plead lor
Arehelaus, and said, " That what had been
done at the temple was rather to be attributed
i to the mind of those tiiat had been killed,
I than to the authority of Arehelaus; for tliat
j those who were the authors of such tilings,
i
^
BOOK XVII
are not only wicked in the injuries they do of
tiitniselves, but in forcing sober persons to
avenge themselves upon them. Now, it is
evident that what these did in way of opposi-
tion was done under pretence, indeed against
Arehelaus, but in reality against Ctesar him-
self, for they, after an injurious manner, at-
tacked and slew those who were sent by Ar-
ehelaus, and who came only to put a stop to
their doings. They had no regard, either to
God or to the festival, whom Antipater yet is
not ashained to patronize, whether it he out
of his indulgence of an enmity to Arehelaus, or
out of his hatred of virtue and justice. For
as to those who begin such tumults, and first
set about such unrighteous actions, they are
the men who force those that punish them to
betake thtniselves to arms even against their
will. So that Antipater in effect ascribes the
rest of what was done to all those who were
of counsel to the accusers ; for nothing which
is here accused of injustice has been done,
but what was derived from them as its au-
thors; nor are those things evil in themselves,
but so represented only, in order to do harm
to Arehelaus. Such is these men's inclina-
tion to do an injury to a man that is of their
kindred, their father's benefactor, and familiar-
ly acquainted with them, and that hath ever
lived in friendship with them ; for that, as to
this testament, it was made by the king when
he was of a sound mind, and so ought to be
of more authority than his forn-.er testament ;
and that for this reason, because Caesar is
therein left to be the judge and disposer of
all therein contained ; and for Casar, he will
not, to be sure, at all imitate the unjust pro-
ceedings of those men, who, during Herod's
whole life, had on all occasions been joint,
partakers of power with him, and yet do
zealously endeavour to injure his determina-
tion, wliile tliey have not themselves had the
some regard to their kinsman [which Arehe-
laus had]. Cassar will not therefore disannul
the testament of a man whom he had entirely
supported, of his friend and confederate, and
that which is committed to him in trust to
ratify ; nor will Ciesar's virtuous and ujjright
disposition, which is known and uncontested
tlirough all the habitable world, imitate the
wickedness of these men in condemning a
king as a madman, and as having lost his rea-
son, while he hath bequeathed the succession
to a good son of his, and to one who flies to
Ca;sar's- upright determination for refuge.
Nor can Herod at any time have been mis-
taken in his judgment about a successor,
w liile he showed so much prudence as to sub-
mit all to Cicsar's determination,"
7. Now when Nicolaus had laid these
things before Ca;sar, he ended his plea;
whereupon Caesar was so obliging to Arehe-
laus, that he raised him up when he had cast
himself down at his feet, and said, that he
well deserved the kingdom : and he s«x)i> iH
"V.
CHAP. X.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
475
l)iem ktiow that he was so far moved in his
favour, that lie would not act otherwise than
his father's testament directed, and than was
for the advantage of Archelaus. However,
while he gave this encouragement to Arche-
laus to depend on him securely, he made no
full determination about him; and, when the
assembly was broken up, he considered by
himself whether he should confirm the king-
dom to Archelaus, or whether he should part
it among all Herod's posterity ; and this be-
cause they all stood in need of much assist-
ance to support them.
CHAPTER X.
A. SEOrTIONT OF THE JER'S AGAfNST SABINUS ;
AND HOW VAllUS BROUGHT THE AUTHORS
OF IT TO PUNISHMENT.
§ 1. But before these things could be brought
to a settlement, Malthace, Archelaus's mo-
ther; fell into a distemper, and died of it;
and letters came from Varus the prebident of
Syria, which informed Casar of the revolt of
the Jews; for after Archelaus was sailed, the
whole nation was in a tumult. So Varus,
since he was there himself, brought the au-
thors of the disturbance to punishment; and
when he had restrained them for the most
part from this sedition, which was a great
one, he took his journey to Antioch, leaving
one legion of his army at Jerusalem to keep
the Jews quiet, who vvere now very fond of
innovation. Yet did not this at all avail to
put aii end to that their sedition, for, after
Varus was gone away, Sabinus, Caesar's pro-
curator, staid behind, and greatly distressed
the Jews, relying on the forces that wore left
there, that they would by their multitude pro-
tect him ; for he made use of them, and arm-
ed them as his guards, thereby so oppressing
the Jews, and giving them so great disturb-
ance, that at length they rebelled ; for be
used force in seizing the citadels, and zeal-
ously pressed on the search after the king's
money, in order to seize upon it by force, on
account of his love of gain, and his extraor-
dinary covetousness.
2. But on the approach of pentecost, which
is a festival of ours, so called from the days
of our forefathers, a great many ten tliousands
of men got together ; nor did they come only
to celebrate the festival, but out of their in-
dignation at the madness of Sabinas, and at
the injuries he offered them. A great num-
ber there was of Galileans, and Idumeans,
and many men from Jericho, and others who
had passed over the river Jordan, a:id inha-
bited those parts. This whole multitude
joined themselves to all the rest, and were
more zealous than the others in making an
liisault on .Sibinus, in order to" be avenged
on him ; so they parted themselves into three
bands, and encamped themselves in the places
following : — some of them seized on the Hip-
podrome ; and of the other two bands, one
pitched themselves from the northern part of
the temple to the southern, on the east quar-
ter; but the third hand held tiie western part
of the city, where the king's palace was.
Their work tended entirely to besiege the
Romans, and to enclose them on all sides.
Now Sabinus was afraid of these men's num-
ber, and of their resolution, who had little
regard to their lives, but were very desirous
not to be overcome, while they thought it a
point of puissance to overcome their ene-
mies; so he sent immediately a letter to Va-
rus, and, as he used to do, was very pressing
with him, and entreated him to come quickly
to his assistance ; because the forces ho had
left vvere in imminent danger, and would
probably, in no long time, be seized upon,
and cut to pieces; while he did himself get
up to the highest tower of the fortress Pha-
saelus, which had been built in honour of
Phasaelus, king Herod's brother, and called
so when the Parthians had brought him to
his death.* So Sabinus gave thence a signal
to tlie Romans to fall upon the Jews, al
though he did not himself venture so much
as to come dov.m to his friends, and thought
he might expect that the others should exjjose
themselves first to die on account of his ava-
rice. However, the Romans ventured to
make a sally out of the place, and a terrible
battle ens-ued ; wherein, though it is true the
Romans beat their adversaries, yet were not
the Jews daunted in their resolutions, even
when they had the sight of that terrible
slaughter that was made of them ; but they
went round about, and got upon those clois-
ters which encompassed the outer court of the
temple, whore a great fight was still continued,
and they cast stones at the Romans, partly
with their hands, and partly with slings, a*
being much used to those exercises. All the
archers also in array did the Romans a great
deal of mischief, because they used their hands
dexterously from a place superior to the others,
and because the others ware at an utter loss
what to do; for when they tried to shoot their
arrows against the Jews upwards, these ar.
rows could not reach them, insomucii that
the Jews vvere easily too hard for their ene-
mies. And this sort of fight lasted a great
while, till at last the Romans, who were
greatly distressed by what was done, set fire
to the cloisters so privately, that those who
were gotten upon them did not perceive it.
This fire,f being fed by a great deal of conj-
* See Antiq. b. xiv, ch. xiii, sect. iO; and Of the
War, b. ii, d\. xii, .<ect. 9.
t TliL'sc great ilevastations maile about the temple
here, and Ut the War, b. li, ch. JM, seL't. 5, setin not :o
have been fully re-wiified in tho days of i\ero; till
whose time there were cij»ht'.-fn thousand vvoikinea
coiitinu.iUy employed in rebuilding and repairing that
~\.
476
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
bustible matter, caiiglit bold immediately on
tlie roof of tliu cloisters ; so the wood, wliicli
was full of pitch and wax, and whose gold
v\as laid on it with wax, yielded to the fiainc
presently, and those vast woiks, which were
of the liighest value and esteem, were de-
stroyed utterly, while those that were on the
roof unexpectedly perished at the same time;
for as the roof tumbled down, some of these
men tumbled down with it, and others of
ihcm were killed by their enemies who en-
compassed them. 1'here was a great number
more, who out of despair of saving their lives,
and out of astonishment at the misery thtit
surrounded them, did either cast themselves
into the fire, or threw themselves upon their
own swords, and so got out of their misery.
But as to those that retired behind the same
way by which they ascended, and thereby
escaped, they were all killed by the Romans,
as being unarmed men, and their courage
failing them ; their wild fury being now not
able to help them, because they were desti-
tute of armour, insomuch that of those that
went up to the top of the roof, not one escap-
ed. The Romans also rushed through the
fire, where it gave them room so to do, and
seized on that treasure where the sacred mo-
ney was reposited : a great part of v.liich was
stolen by the soldiers ; and Sabinus got open-
ly four hundred talents.
3. But this calamity of the Jews' friends,
who fell in this battle, grieved them, as did
also this plundering of the money dedicated
to God in the temple. Accordingly that body
of them which contiiuicd best together, and
was the most warlike, encoinpassed the palace,
and threatened to set fire to it, and kill all
thiit were in it. Yet still iliey commanded
them to go out presently, and promised that
if they would do so, they would not hurt
them, nor Sabinus neither; at which time the
greatest part of the king's troops deserted to
them, while Rufus and Grains, who had three
thousand of the njosl warlike of Herod's
army with them, who w ere iren of active bo-
dies, went over to the Romans. There was
also a band of horsemen imder tiie command
of Rufus, which itself went over to the Ro-
mans also. However, the Jews went on with
the siege, and dug mines under the palace-
wails, and besouglit those that w ere gone over
to the other side, not to be their hindrance,
now they had such a proper opi)ortiinity for
the recovery of their country's ancient liberty ;
and for S binus, truly he was desirous of go-
ing away with his soldiers, but was not able
to trust himself with the enemy, on account
of vviiat mischief he had already done them ;
and he took this great [pretended] lenity of
theirs for an argument why he should not
comply with tliem ; and so, because he ex-
temple, as JosephuF informs us. Aiituj. b. xx, cli. is,
Sivu 7. -'ice the iio'.e on th.-.t [■.lat'O.
BOOK XVU.
pected that Varus was coming, he still bore
the siege.
4. Now, at this time there were ten thou-
sand other disorders in Judea, which were
like tumult?, because a great number put
tliemselves into a warlike posture, either out
of hopes of gain to themselves, or out of en-
mity to the Jews. In particular, two thou-
sand of Herod's old soldiers, who had been
already disbanded, got together in Judea itself,
and fought ag:iin<t the king's troops, although
Achiabus, Herod's first cousin, opposed them ;
but as he was driven out of the plains into
the mountainous parts by tlse military skill of
those men, he kept himself in the fastnesses
that were there, and saved what he could.
5. There was also Judas,* the son of that
Ezekias who had been head of the robbers ;
which Ezekias was a very strong man, and
had v.itli great difficulty been ciiiight by He-
rod. This .Tudas having gotten together a
multitude of men of a profligate character
about Sepphoris in Galilee, and made an as-
sault upon the palace [there], and seized upon
all the weapons that were laid up in it, and
with them armed every one of those that were
witii him, and carried away what money was
left there ; and he became terrible to all men,
by tearing and rending those that came near
him; and all this in order to raise himself,
and out of an ambitious desire of the royal
dignity ; and he hoped to obtain that as the
rewaid, not of his virtuous skill in war, but
of Ills extravagance in doing injuries.
6. There was also Simon, who had been a
slave of Herod the king, but in other respects
a comely person, of a tall and robust body ; he
was one that was much superior to others of his
order, and had had great things committed to
his care. This man was elevated at the dis-
orderly state of things, and was so bold as to
put a diadem on his head, while a certain
number of the people stood by him, and by
them he was declared to be a king, and thought
himself luore worthy of that dignity than any
one else. He burnt down the royal palace
at Jericho, and plundered what was left in it
He also set fire to many others of the king'
houses in several places of tiie country, and
utterly destroyed them, and permitted those-
that were with him to take what was left in
* Unless this Judas, tlie son of Ezekias, be the same
with that 1 htuila!, ii-.tiitioiit-il Atts v,56, .Iosei)hiismi:sr
ha\e omitieil Inm ; for that other Theiulas, whcni he
afterwards mentions \iiider Fadiis, the Riiman governor,
b. XX, eh. V, sect. 1, is n.ucli too late to lorrcspord to
liim that is mentioned in the Acts. The names Tbeii-
dasj Thaddeiis, and Jiul;:s differ but little. See Arcli-
bishn]> Usher's Annals, at A. M. -IdUl. However, since
Josephus does not pretend to reckon up the heads of all
those ten thousand disorders in Jiidca, which he tells us
were then abroad, sec sect. 4 and 8, Ih* Ti.ciidas of the
Ads might tic at the head of one of those seditions,
though not particidnrly named by him. This he in-
t'ornis us here, sect, fi, and Of the War, b. ii, cli. iv,
sect. ;', that certain of the seditious came ar.d bunil the
royal palace at Amathus, or Belharamphtii, upon tJic
river Joidan. I'erhaps their leader, who i» uot named
by .losejluis. might be this Theiuias.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
477
them for a prey; anil he vould have done
greater things, unless care had been taken to
repress him immediately ; for Gratiis, wlien
he had joined himself to some Roman soldiers,
took the forces he had "itli him, and met Si-
mon, and after a great and a long figl't, no
small part of those that came from Perea,
who were a disordered body of men, and
fought ratlier in a bold than in a skilful man-
ner, were destroyed; and although Simon
had saved himself by flying away througli a
certain valley, yet Gratus overtook him, and
cut off his head. The royal palace also, at
Amathus, by the river Jordan, was burnt
down bv a party of men that were got toge-
ther, as were those belonging to Simon. And
thus did a great and wild fury spread itself
over the nation, because they had no king to
keep the multitude in good order; and be-
cause those foreigners, who came to reduce
the seditious to sobriety, did, on the contrary,
set them more in a flame, because of the in--
juries they otl'ered them, and the avaricious
management of their aiTairs.
7. But because Atlironges, a person nei-
ther eminent by the dignity of progenitors, nor
for any great wealth lie was possessed of, but
one that had in all respects been a shepherd
only, and was not known by any body; yet
because he was a tall man, and excelled o-
thers in the strength of his hands, he was so
bold as to set up for king. This man thouglil
it so sweet a thing to do more than ordinary
injuries to others, that although he should be
killed, he did not much care if he lost his life
in so great a design. He had also four bre-
thren, who were tall men themselves, and
were believed to be superior to others in the
strength of their hands, and thereby were en-
couraged to aim at great things, and thought
that strengh of theirs would support them in
retaining the kingdom. Each of these ruled
over a band of men of their own ; for those
that got together to them were very numerous.
They were every one of them also command-
ers ; but, when they came to fight, they were
subordinate to him, and fought for him, wliile
he put a diadem about his head, and assem-
bled a council to debate about what things
should be done ; and all things were done
according to his pleasure. And this man re-
tained his power a great while; lie was also
called king, and had nothing to hinder him
from doing what he pleased. He also, as
weli as his brethren, slew a great many both
of the Romans and of the king's forces, and
managed matters with the like hatred to each
of them. The king's forces they fell upon,
because of the licentious conduct they had
been allowed under Herod's government;
and they fell upon the Roinans, because of
the injuries they had so lately received from
them. Rut in process of time they grew
more cruel to all sorts of men ; nor could any
one escaue frt:in one or other of th^se sedi-^
tions, since they slew some out of the hopes
of gain, and others from a mere custom of
shiying men. They once attacked a company
of Romans at Emmaus, who were bringing
corn and weapons to the army, and fell upon
Arius, the centurion, who commanded the
company, and shot forty of the best of his foot-
soldiers ; but the rest of tliem were aft'righted
at their slaughter, and left their dead behind
them, but saved themselves by the means of
Gratus, who came with the king's troops that
were about him to their assistance. Now,
these four brethren continued the war a long
while by such sort of expeditions, and much
grieved the Romans (but did their own na-
tion also a great deal of mischief) ; yet were
they afterwards subdued; one of them in a
fight with Gratus, another with Ptolemy ;
Archelaus also took the eldest of them pri-
soner ; while the last of them was so dejected
at the others' misfortune, and saw so plainly
that he had no way now left to save himself^
his army l)eing worn away with sickness and
continual labours, that he also delivered him-
self up to Archelaus, upon his promise and
oath to God to [preserve his life]. But
these things came to pass a good while after-
ward.
8. And now Judea was full of robberies ,
and, as the several companies of the seditious
lighted upon any one to head them, he was
created a king immediately, in order to do mis-
chief to the public. They were in some small
measure indeed, and in small matters, hurtful
to the Romans, but the murders they coinmit-
ted upon their own people lasted a long while,
9. As soon as Varus was once informed of
the state of Judea by Sabinus's writing to
him, he was afraid for the legion he had left
there ; so he took the two other legions (for
there were three legions in all belonging to
Syria), and four troops of horsemen, with
the several auxiliary forces which either the
kings or certain of the tetrarchs afi'orded
him, and made what haste he could to assist
those that were then besieged in Judea. He
also gave order, that all that were sent out
for this expei'.ition should make haste to
j Piolemais. The citizens of Berytus also gave
■ him fifteen hundred auxiliaries, as he passed
1 through their city. Aretas also, the king of
I Arabia Petrea, out of his hatred to Ileiod,
land in order to purchase tlie favour of tim
' Romans, sent him no small assistance, be-
sides their footmen and horsemen : and
! when he had now collected all his forces to-
i gether, he coinmitted part of tliem to his son,
I and to a friend of his, and sent them upon an
expedition into Galilee, '.vhich lies in tlie
I neighbourhood of Ptolemais ; who made an
! attack upon the enemy, and put them to flight,
and took Sepplioris, and made its inhabitants
slaves, and burnt the city. But Varus him-
self pursued his march to Samaria with iiis
whole army : yet did not he mediiie with tlir
4-78
ANTIQUITIES OK THE JEWS.
BOOK XVII
city of that name, because it had not at all
joined with the seditious, but pitched his
camp at a certain village that belonged to
Ptolemy, whose name was Arus, which the
Arabians burnt, out of their hatred to Herod,
and out of the enmity they bore to his friends ;
whence they marched to another village, whose
name %vas Sampho, which the Arabians plun-
dered and burnt, although it was a fortified
and strong place* and all along this march
nothing escaped them, but all places were full
CHAPTER XL
AN EMBASSAGK OF THE JEWS TO C>«SAR ; AND
HOW C^^SAR CONEIRMED HEROd's TESTA-
MENT.
§ I. So when Varus had settled these affairs,
and had placed the former legion at Jerusa-
lem, he returned back to Antioch ; but as for
of fire and of slaughter. Emmaus was also I Archelaus, he had new sources of trouble
burnt by Varus's order, after its inhabitants
had deserted it, that he might avenge those
that had there been destroyed. From thence
he now marched to Jerusalem ; whereupon
those Jews whose camp ]a^ there, and who
bad besieged the Roman legion, not bearing
the coming of this army, left the siege im-
perfect: bu' as to the Jerusalem Jevvs, when
Varus reproached them bitterly for what had
been done, they cleared themselves of the ac-
cusation ; and alleged that the conflux of the
people was occasioned by the feast ; that the
come upon him at Rome, on the occasions
following : for an embassage of the Jews was
come to Rome, Varus having permitted the
nation to send it, that they might petition for
the liberty of living by their oxvn laws.*
Now, the number of the ambassadors that
were sent by the aulliority of the nation were
fifty, to which they joined above eight thou-
sand of the Jews that « ere at Rome already.
Hereupon Caasar assembled his friends, and
the chief men among the Romans, in the tem-
ple of Apol!(),f which he had built at a vast
war was not made with their approbation, but by [ charge ; whither the ambassadors came, and a
tlie rashness of the strangers ; while they were multitude of the Jews that were there already
on the side of the Romans, and be'iieged to
gether with them, rather than having any in-
clination to besiege them. There also came
beforehand to meet Varus, Joseph, the cousin-
german of king Herod, as also Grains and
Rufus, who brought their soldiers along whh
them, together with those Romans who had
been besieged ; but Sabinus did not come
into Varus's presence, but stole out of the
city privately, and went to the sea-side.
10. Upon this. Varus sent a part of his ar-
n>y into the country, to seek out those that
had been the authors of the revolt; and when
they were discovered, he punished some of
tliem that were most guilty, and some he dis-
missed : now the number of those that were
crucified on this account were two thousand :
after which he disbanded his army, which he
found nowise useful to him in the affairs he
came about ; for they behaved themselves ve-
ry disorderly, and disobeyed his orders, and
what Varus desired them to do; and this out
of regard to that gain which they made by the
came with them, as did also Archelaus and his
friends ; but as for the several kinsmen which
Archelaus had, they woidd not join them-
selves with him, out of their hatred to him
and yet they thought it too gross a thing for
them to assist the ambassadors [against him],
as supposing it would be a disgrace to them
in Casar's opinion to think of thus acting in
opposition to a man of their own kindred :
Philipl also was come hither out of Syria, by
the persuasion of Varus, with this principal
intention to assist his brother [Archelaus] ;
for Varus was his great friend : but still so,
that if there should any change happen in the
form of governinent (which Varus suspected
there would), and if any distribution should be
made on account of the number that desired
the liberty of living by their own laws, that
he might not be disappointed, but might have
his share in it.
2. Now, upon the liberty that was given to
the Jewish ambassadors to speak, they who
hoped to obtain a dissolution of kingly go-
mischief they did. As for himself, when he 1 vernment, betook themselves to accuse He-
was informed that ten thousand Jews had '"od of his iniquities ; and they declared tiiat
gotten together, he made haste to catch them; (he was indeed in name a king, but that he
but they did not proceed so far as to fight I had taken to himself that uncontrollable au-
him, but, by the advice of Achiabus, they ( thority which tyrants exercise over their sub-
came together, and delivered themselves upljects, and had made use of that authority for
to him : hereupon Varus forgave the crime j'he destruction of the Jews, and did not ab-
of revolting to the multitude, but sent their , stain from making many innovations among
several commanders to Ca?sar, many of whom
C;i"sar dismissed ; but for the several rela-
tions of Herod who had been among these
men in this war, they were the only persons
whom he punished, who, without the least re-
gard to justice, fought against thtir own kin-
dred.
them besides, according to his own inclina-
tions ; and that whereas there were a great
many who perished by that destruction he
brought upon them, so many indeed as no
other history relates, they that survived were
* See Of the War, b. ii. ch. ii, sect .5.
I vpc the note, of the U ar, b. li, di. vi, sett. 1
J He was tctraicli at'terwiircls.
r
:hap. xt.
ANTIQUJTIESOF THE JEVVS.
479
far more miserable than those that suffered
undor him, not only by the anxiety they were
in from his looks and disposition towards
them, but from the danger their estates were
in of being taken away by him. That he dia
never leave off adorning these cities that lay
in their neighbourhood, but were inhal)ited
by foreiLtners ; but so that the cities belong-
ing to his own government were ruined, and
utterly destroyed : that whereas, when he
took the kingdom, it was in an extraordinary
flourishing condition, he had filled the nation
with the utmost degree of poverty ; and when,
upon unjust pretences, he had slain any of
the nobility, he took away their estates : and
when he permitted any of them to live, he
condemned them to the forfeiture of what they
possessed. And, besides the annual imposi-
tions which he laid up(>n every one of them,
they were to make liberal piesents to himself,
to iiis domestics and friends, and to such of
his slaves as were vouchsafed the favour of
being his tax gatherers , because there was no
way of obtaining a freedom from unjust vio-
lence, without giving either gold or silver for
it. That they would say nothing of the cor-
ruption of the chastity of their virgins, and
the reproach laid on their wives for inconti-
nency, and those things acted after an inso-
lent and inhuman manner; because it was
not a smaller pleasure to the sufferers to have
such things concealed, than it would have
been not to have suffered them. That Herod
had put such abuses upon them as a wild
beast would not have put on them, if he had
power given him to rule over us : and that
although llieir nation had passed through
many subversions and alterations of govern-
n\ent, tlieir history gave no account of any ca-
lamity they had ever been under, that could
be compared with this which Herod had
brought upon their nation ; that it was for
this reason that they thought they might just-
ly and gladly salute Archelaus as king, upon
tills supposition, that whosoever should be
set over their kingdom, he would appear more
mild to them than Herod had !)een ; and that
Ihcy had joined with him in the mourning for
his father, in order to gratify him, and were
ready to oblige him in other points also, if
they could meet with any degree of modera-
tion from him ; but that he seemed to be
afraid lest he should not be deemed Herod's
own son ; and so, without any delay, he im-
mediately let the nation understand his mean-
ing, and this before his dominion was well es-
tal)lished, since the power of disposing of it
belonged to Ca?sar, who could eittier give it
to him or not as he pleased. That he had
given a specimen of his future virtue to his
subjects, and with what kind of moderation
and good administration he would govern
them, by that his first action which concerned
them, his own citizens, and God liim*elf also,
wlieji he made the slaughter of llnee thousand
of liis own countrymen at the temple. How,
then, could they avoid the just hatred of him,
who, to the rest of his barbarity, hath added
this as one of our crimes, that we have op-
posed and contradicted him in the exercise of
his authority? Now, the main thing they de-
sired was this: Tliat tliey might be delivered
from kingly and the like forms of govern-
ment,* and might be added to Syria, and be
])ut under the authority of such presidents: of
theirs as should be sent to them ; for that it
would thereby be made evident, whether they
be really a seditious people, and generally
fond of innovations, or whether they would
live in an orderly manner, if they might have
governors of any sort of moderation set over
them.
3. Now wlien the Jews had said this, Ni-
colaus vindicated the kings from those accu-
sations, and said, that as for Herod, since he
had never been thus accused -j- all the time of
his life, it was not fit for tliose that might
have accused him of lesser crimes than those
now mentioned, and might liave procured
him to be punished during his lifetime, to
bring an accusation against him now he h
dead. He also attributed the actions of Ar-
chelaus to the Jews' injuries to him, who,
aH'ecting to govern contrary to the laws, and
going about to kill those that would have
hindered them from acting unjustly, when
tliey were by him punished for what they had
done, made their complaints against him; so
he accused them of their attempts for innova-
tion, and of the pleasure they took in sedi-
tion, by reason of their not having learned to
submit to justice and to the laws, but still
desiring to be superior in all things. This
was the substance of what Nicolaus said.
4. When Ca;sar had heard these pleading-^,
lie dissolved the assembly; but a few days
afterwards he appointed Archelaus, not in.-
deed to be the king of the whole country,
but ethnarch of one half of that which had
been subject to Herod, ami promised to give
him the royal dignity hereafter, if he govern
ed his part virtuously. But as for the othej
half, he divided it into two parts, and gave it
* If any one compare that divine prediction concern-
ing tlie tyrannical power which the Jewish kings would
exercise over them, if they would be so foolish as to
p efer it btfore their ancient theocracy or aristocracy,
(1 bam. viii, 1— '.'2 Antiq. b. vi.ch. iv,' sect. 4.), he will
soon find that it vv^is superabundantly fulfilled in the
days of Herod, and that to such a degree, that the nation
now at last .seemed sorely to repent of such their ancient
choice, in opposition to God's better choice fur them,
and had much rather be subject to evenapagaii Roman
govenimciit, and their deputies, than to be any longer
under tlie oppression of the family of Herod ; which re-
fjucsl of theiis .Vugiistus did not'iiow grant them, but
did it for the one half of that nation in a few years af
teiward, uu'in ficsh complaints made by the Jews
against .\rchilaus, who, under the more humble name
of an ctlmarch, which .Vugustu.^ would only now allow
him, soon took upon him the insolence and tyranny of
his father king Herod, as the remaining part of this
book will inform us, and particularly ch. xiii, sect. 2.
f This is not true See Antiq. b. xiv, cl . ix, sect.
", 1 ; and ch. xii, sect. ''J, and ch. xiii, sect. 1, 2 ; An-
tic), b. XV, ch. ill, sect. 5; and ch. x, sect. 2, 3; Antio.
b xvi, ch. ix, sect> -5.
-^80
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK XVII
to two other of Herod's sons, to Philip and
to Antipas, that Antipas who disputed with
Archelaus for the whole kingdom. Now, to
him it was that Perea and Galilee paid their
tribute, whicli amounted annually to 200 ta-
lents,* while Batanea with Trachonitis, as well
as Auranitis, with a certtu'n part of what was
called the Himse of' Zenodorvs,-f paid the tri-
bute of one liundred talents to Philip ; but
Idumea, and Judea, and the country of Sa-
maria, paid tribute to Archclaus, but had
now a fourth part of that tribute taken off by
the order of Caesar, who decreed them- that
mitigation, because they did not join in this
revolt with the rest of the multitude. There
were also certain of the cities which paid tri-
bute to Archelaus : — Strato's Tower and Se-
baste, with Joppa and Jerusalem ; for as to
Gaza, Gadara, and Hippos, they were Gre-
cian cities, iviiich Caesar separated from his
government, and added them to the province
of Syria. Now the tribute-money tliat came
to Arciielaus every year from his own domi-
nions, amounted to six hundred talents.
5. And so much came to Herod's sons
from their father's inheritance; but Salome,
(jesides what her brother left her by his testa-
ment, which were Jamnia, Ashdod, and Pha-
saelis, and five hundred thousand [drachma]
of coined silver, Cssar made her a jiresent of
* since .loscjihus here informs us that Archelaus had
(me-half of the kingdom of Heiod, and inescnlly in-
fo; nis us farther, tliat Archelaus's annual inccjine, aficr
an abatement of one quarter for the ;)re;-ent, was COD
talents, we may therefore gather pretty nearly what was
Herod the Great's yearly income, 1 nuan about UiJDtii-
Icnts, which, at the known value of 300(1 shekels to a
talent, and about 2s. lod. to a shekel, in ti;e(ia\s of Jo-
sephus, see the note on Antiq. b. iii, eh. viii,' sect. 2,
amounts to L.68o,0(IO sterling per anniitn ; which in-
come, though great in itself, bearing no juoportion to
his vast expenses every where visible in Josephns, and to
the vast sums he left behind him in liis will (ch. viii,
sect. 1 ; and ch. xii, sect. 1), the rest must have arisen
either from his confiscation of those great men's estates
whom he put to death, or made to pay tine for the sav-
ing of then- lives, or from some otlier heavy methods
of oppression which sueh savage tyrants usually exercise
upon their miserable subjects; or rather from these se-
veral methods p.ut together, all which yet seem very
much too small for his expenses, being drawn from no
larger a nation than that of the .lews, wliich was very
populous, but wilho'it Ihe advantasie ot trade to bring
them riches; so tliat 1 cannot but scrongiy suspect that
no smaU jiart of this his weaUh arose from another
source; I mean from some vast sums he took out of
David's sepulchre, but concealed from the people. See
the note on Antiq. b. vii, ch. xv.sect. 5.
t Take here a very useful noie of Grotius, on Luke
lii, 1, here quoted by Dr. Hud on :— " When Josephus
says that some part of the house (or possession! of Ze-
nodorus [i. t: Abilene) was allotted to Philip, he there-
by declares that the larger part of it belonged to ano-
ther. This other was I.ysiinias, whom I, uke mentions,
of the posterity of that Lysanias who was possessed of
the same country called Abilene, from the city Abiia,
and by others Chalcidene, from the city of Chalcis, when
the goveniment of the east was under Antonius, and
this after i'tolcmy, the son of Meiiueus; from which
Lysanias, tliis country came to be commonly called the
Country of Lysanias ; and as, afier tlie death of the for-
nier Lysanirrs, it was called the Tetrarchy of Zeiiodor*is,
so after the death of Zenodorus, or when the tunc for
which he hired it was endtnl, wlien anoiher Lysanias, of
the same name with the former, wf.s jiossesscd of the
Kime country, it began to bo called the 'I'ctrar.hy of
Lysawias." However, since Josi'phus eUewhere jAntiq.
'j. xs, eh. vii, sect. 1) clearly disiingu:she< AbUent from
C'liitcidaie, Uiolius niunt ue here so far nii.t;iB.L:i.
a royal liahit.ation at Askelon : in all, her
revenues amounted to sixty talents by the
year, and her dwelling-house was within Ar-
chelaiis's government. The rest also of the
king's relations received what his testament
allotted them. Moreover, Cwsar made a pre-
sent to each of Herod's two virgin daughters,
besides what their father left thein, of tv.o
hundred and fifty thousand [drachmae] of sil-
ver, and married them to Plieroras's sons : he
also granted all that was bequeathed to him.-
self to the king's sons, which was one thou-
sand five hundred talents, excepting a few of
the vessels, which he reserved for himself;
and they were acceptable to hii^.i, not so much
for the gieat value tliey were of, as because
they were memorials of the king to him.
CHAPTER XII.
CONCERNING A SPURIOUS ALEXANDEB.
§ 1. Whe.v these affairs had been thus set-
tled !)y Caesar, a certain yoimg man, by birth
a Jew, but bioughl up by a Roman freed-nian
in the city Sidon, ingrafted hiinself into the
kindred of Herod, by the resemblance of his
couHteiiance, which those that saw him at-
tested to be that of Alexander, the son of
Herod, whom he had slain ; and this was an
incitement to liim to endeavour to obtain the
government ; so he took to him as an assist-
ant, a man of his own country (one that was
well acquainted with the affairs of the pa-
lace, but, on other accounts, an ill man, and
one whose nature made him capable of caus-
ing great distuibances to the public, and one
that becaiTie a teacher of such a mischievous
contrivance to the other), and declared him-
self to be Alexander, and the son of Herod,
but stolen away by one of those that were
sent to slay him, wh.o, in reality, slew other
men, in order to deceive the spectators, but
saved both him and his brother Aristobulus.
Thus was this man elated, and able to im-
pose on those that came to hiin ; and when
he was come to Crete, he made all the Jews
that came to discourse with him believe him
to be [Alexander]. And when he had gotten
much money which had been presented to
him there, he passed over to Melos, where he
got much more money than he had before,
out of the belief they had that he was of the
royal family, and their ho])es that he would
recover his father's principality, and reward
his benefactors ; so he made haste to Rome,
and was conducted thither by those strangers
who entertained him. He was also so fortu-
nate as, upon his landing at Dicearci.ia, to
bring the Jews that were there into the same
delusion ; and not only other people, but also
all those who had been great with Herod, or
had a kindiiiss for him, joined theni'iclves t<
Y-
"V
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. XIII.
this man as to their king. The cause of it
was this, that men were glad of his pretences,
which were seconded by the likeness of his
countenance, which made those that had been
acquainted with Alexander strongly to believe
tliat he was no other but the very same per-
son, whicii they also confirmed to others by
oath ; insomuch that when the report went
about him that he was coming to Rome, the
whole multitude of the Jews that were there
went out to meet him, ascribing it to Divine
Providence that he had so unexpectedly e-
scaped, and being very joyful on account of
bis mother's family. And when hewascome,
he was carried in a royal litter through the
streets ; and all the ornaments about him were
such as kings are adorned withal ; and this
^vas at the expense of those that entertained
him. 1'he multitude also flocked about him
greatly, and made mighty acclamations to
bim, and nothing was omitted which could
be thought suitable to such as had been so
i]nex{>ectedly preserved,
2. When this tbing was told Caesar, he did
not believe it, because Herod was not easily
to be imposed upon in such affairs as were of
great concern to him ; yet, havmg some sus-
f>ii.ion it might be so, he sent one Celadus, a
freed- man of his, and one that had conversed
with the young men themselves, and hade
him bring Alexander into his presence: so
he brought him, being no more accurate in
judging about him tlian the rest of the mul-
titude. Yet did not he deceive Casar ; for
although there was a resemblance between
him and Alexander, yet it was not so exact as
to impose on such as were prudent in discern-
ing ; for this spurious Alexander had his hands
rough, by the labours he had been put to ; and
instead of that softness of body which the
other had, and this as derived from his deli-
oate and generous education, this man, for
the contrary reason, had a rugged body.
When, therefore, Cresar saw how the master
and the scholar agreed in this lying story, and
in a bold way of talking, he inquired about
Aristobulus, and asked what became of him,
who (it seems) was stolen away together with
him, and for what reason it was tliat he did
not come along with him, and endeavour to
recover that dominion which was due to his
high birth also. And when he said that he
had been left in the Isle of Crete, for fear of
♦.iie dangers of the sea, that, in case any acci-
dent should come to himself, the posterity of |
Mariamne might not utterly perish, but that'
Aristobulus might survive, and punish those
that laid such treacherous designs against
them ; and wlien he persevered in his affirma-
tions, and the author of the imposture agreed
in supporting it, Csesar took tiie young man
by himself, and said to him, " If thou wilt
not impose upon me, thou slialt have this for
thy reward, that thou shall escape with thy
life J tell me, then, who thou art Snd who it
481
was that had boldness enough to contrive such
a cheat as this. For this contrivance is too
considerable a piece of villany to be under-
taken by one of thy age." Accordingly, be-
cause he had no other way to take, he told
Cffisar the contrivance, and after what man-
ner, and by whom, it was laid together. So
CfEsar, upon observing the spurious Alexan-
der to be a strong active man, and fit to work
with his hands, that he might not break his
promise to him, put him among those that
were to row among the mariners, but slew
him that induced him to do what he had done ;
for as for the people of Melos, he thought
them sufficiently punished, in having thrown
away so much of their money I'pon this spu-
rious Alexander. And such was the igno-
minious conclusion of this bold contrivance
about the spurious Alexander.
CHAPTER XIII.
HOW ARCHET.AUS, UPON A SECOND ACCUSATION,
WAS BANISHED TO VIENNA.
§ !. When Archelaus was entered on his
ethnarchy, and was come into Judea, he ac-
cused Joazar, the son of Boethus, of assisting
the seditious, and took away the high-priest-
hood from him, and put Eleazar his brother
in his place. He also magnificently rebuilt
the royal palace that had been at Jericho, and
be diverted half the water with which the vil-
lage of Neara used to be watered, and drew
off that water into the plain, to water those
palm-trees which he had there planted : he
also built a village, and put his own name
upon it, and called it Archelais. Moreover,
he transgressed the law of our fathers,* and
married Glaphyra, the daughter of Archelaus,
who had been the wife of his brother Alex-
ander, which Alexander had three children by
her, wiiile it was a thing detestable among the
Jews to marry the brother's wife. Nor did
this Eleazar abide long in the high-priesthood,
Jesus, the son of Sie, being put in his rooiu
while he was still living.
2. But in the tenth year of Archelaus's
government, both his brethren and the princi-
pal men of Judea and Samaria, not b^ing
able to bear his barbarous and tyrannical
usage of them, accused him before Csesar,
and that especially because they knew he had
broken the commands of Ca;sar, which oblig-
ed him to behave himself with moderation
among them. Whereupon Ca?sar, when he
heard it, was very angry, and called for Ar-
chelaus's steward, who took care of his affairs
at Rome, and whose name was Archelaus
» Spanheim seasonably observes here, th.it it was for
bi<ldeii the Jews to marrv their brother's wife when "^he
hail fhildren by her first husband; and that Zcnoraa
reites, or) interprets tlie clause before us accordiiialv.
2 8
482
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK XVII
also ; and thinking it beneath him to write to
Archelaus, he bade him sail away as soon as
possible, and bring him to Rome j so the man
made haste in his voyage, and when he came
into Judea lie found Archelaus feasting with
his friends ; so he told him what Caesar had
sent him about, and hastened him away. Aiui
when he was come [to Rome], to Caesar, up-
on hearing what certain accusers of his had
to say, and what reply he could make, botli
banished him, and appointed Vienna, a city
of Gaul, to be the place of his habitation,
and took his money away from him.
3. Now, before Archelaus was gone up to
Rome upon this message, he related this
dream to his friends : That he saw ears of
corn, in number ten, full of wheat, perfectly
ripe; which ears, as it seemed to him, were
devoured by oxen. And when he was awake
and gotten up, because the vision appeared to
be of great importance to him, he sent for
the diviners, whose study was employed about
dreams. And while some were of one opi-
nion and some of another (for all their inter-
pretations did not agree), Simon, a man of the
sect of the Essens, desired leave to speak his
mind freely, and said, (hat the vision denoted
a change in the affairs of Archelaus, and that
not for the bettor; that oxen, because that
animal takes uneasy pains in his labours, de-
noted afflictions, and indeed denoted, farther,
a change of affairs ; because that land which
is ploughed by oxen cannot remain in its for-
mer state ; and that the ears of corn being ten,
determined the like number of years, because
an ear of corn grows in one year ; and that
the time of Archelaus's government was over.
And thus did this man expound the dream.
Now, on the fifth day after this dream came
first to Archelaus, the other Archelaus, that
was sent to Judea by Ca;sar to call him away,
came hither also.
4. The like accident befell Glaphyra his
wife, who was the daughter of king Arche
laus, who, as I said before, was married, while
she was a virgin, to Alexander, the son of
Herod, and brother of Archelaus ; but since
it fell out so that Alexander was slain by his
father, she was married to Juba, the king o^
Libya ; and when he was dead, and she lived
in widowhood in Cappadocia with her father,
Archelaus divorced his former wife Mariam-
ne, and married her, so great was his affection
for her ; who, during her marriage to him,
saw the following dream: — She thought shr
saw Alexander standing by her; at which she
rejoiced, and embraced him with great atTec
tion ; but that he complained of her, and said,
O Glaphyra ! thou provest that saying to be
true, which assures us that women are not to
be trusted. Didst thou not pledge thy faith
to me ? and wast thou not married to me
when thou wast a virgin ? and bad we not
children between us ? Yet hast thou forgot-
ten the affection I bare to thee, out of desire
of a second husband. Nor hast thou been
satisfied with that injury thou didst me, but
thou hast been so bold as to procure thee a
third husband to lie by thee, and in an inde-
cent and imprudent manner hast entered into
my house, and hast been married to Arche*
laus, thy husband and my brother. How-
ever, I will not forget thy former kind affec-
tion for me ; but will set thee free from every
such reproachful action, and cause thee to be
mine again, as thou once wast." When she
had related this to her female companions, in
a few days' time she departed this life.
5. Now, I did not think these histories im-
proper for the present discourse, both because
my discourse now is concerning kings, and
otherwise also on account of the advantage
hence to be drawn, as well for the confirma-
tion of the immortality of the soul, as of the
providence of God over human affairs, I
thought them fit to be set down ; but if any
one does not believe such relations, let him
indeed enjoy his own opinion, but let him not
hinder another that would thereby encourage
himself in virtue. So Archelaus's country
was laid to the province of Syria ; and Cyre-
nius, one that had been consul, was sent by
Cii'sar to take account of people's effects if
Syria, and to sell the house of Archelaus.
"Y.
BOOK XVIII.
CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF THIIITY-TWO YEARS.
■ROM THE BANISHMENT OF ARCHELAUS TO THE DEPARTURE OI<"
THE JEWS FROM BABYLON.
CHAPTER I.
ROW CYRENIUS WAS SENT EY C^=ESAR TO JIAKE
A TAXATION OF SYRIA AND JUDEA ; AND
HOW COPONIUS WAS SENT TO BE PROCURA-
TOR OF JUDEA ; CONCERNING JUDAS OF GA-
LILEE, AND CONCERNING THE SECTS THAT
WERE AMONG THE JEWS.
§ 1. Now Cy renins, a Roman senator, and
one who had gone through other magistracies,
and had passed through them till he had been
consul, and one who, on other accounts, was
of groat dignity, came at this time into Syria,
■with a few others, being sent by Caesar to be
s judge of that nation, and to take an account
of their substance : Coponius also, a i^ian of
the equestrian order, was sent together with
him, to have the supreme power over the
Jews. Moreover, Cyrenius came himself in-
to Judea, which was now added to tlie pro-
vince of Syria, to take an account of their
substance, and to dispose of Archelaiis's mo-
ney; but the Jews, although at the begin-
ning they took the report of a taxation hei-
nously, yet did they leave off any farther op-
position to it, by the persuasion of Joazar,
who was the son of Boethus, and high-priest.
So they, being over-persuaded by Joazar'G
words, gave an account of their estates, with-
out any dispute about it ; yet there was one
Judas, a Gaulonite,* of a city whose name
• Since St. Luke once (Acts v, 37), and Josephus
four several times once here (sect. 6 : and b. xx, ch. v,
sect. 2 ; Of the War, b. ii, ch. riii, sect. 1 ; and ch. xvii,
sect. 8), calls this Judas, who was the pestilent author of
that seditious doctrine and temper which brought the
Jewish nation to utter destruction, a Galilean ; but here
(sect. 1), Josephus calls him a Gaulonite, of the city of
Gamala; it is a great question where this Judas was
born, whether in Galilee on the west side, or in Gaulo-
nitis on the east side of the river Jordan ; while, in the
place just now cited out of the Antiquities (b. xx, ch. v,
sect. 2), he is not only called a Galilean, but it is added
to his stery, " as I haN* signified in the books that go
before these," as if he had still called him a Galilean in
those Antiquities before, as well as in that particular
place, as Dean Aklrich observes, Of the War, I), ii, ch.
viii, sect. 1. Nor can one well imagine why he should
here call him a Gaulonite.when, in tfie 6th sect, following
here, as well as twice Of the War, he still calls him a
Galilean. As for the city of Gamala, whence this Judas
was derived, it determines notliing, since there were
was Gamala, who, taking with him Sadduc,f
a Pharisee, became zealous to draw them to
a revolt, who both said that this taxation was
no better than an introduction to slavery, and
exhorted the nation to assert their liberty ; as
if they could procure them happiness and se-
curity for what they possessed, and an assur-
ed enjoyment of a still greater good, which
was tliat of the honour and glory they wou'd
thereby acquire for magnanimity. They also
said that God would not otherwise be assist-
ing to them, than upon their joining with
one another in such counsels as might be
successful, and for their own advantage ;
and this especially, if they would set about
great exploits, and not grow weary in execut-
ing the same ; so men received what they
said with pleasure, and this bold attempt pro-
ceeded to a great height. All sorts of mis-
fortunes also sprang from these men, and the
nation was infected with this doctrine to an
incredible degree ; one violent war came up-
on us after another, and we lost our friends,
who used to alleviate our pains; there were
also very great robbtries and murders of our
principal men. This was done in pre-
tence indeed for the public welfare, but in
reality for the hopes of gain to themselves ;
whence arose seditions, and from them mur-
ders of men, which sometimes fell on those
of their own people (by the madness of these
men towards one another, while their desire
was that none of the adverse party might be
left), and sometimes on their enemies ; a fa-
mine also ccfliing upon us, reduced us to the
last degree of despair, as did also the taking
two of that name, the one in Gaulonitis, the other
in Galilee. See Rcland on the city or town of that
name.
t It seems not very improbable to me that this Sad-
due, the Pharisee, was the very same man of whom the
Rabbins speak, as the unhappy but undesigning occa-
sion of the impiety or infidelity of tlie Saildueees ; noi
perhaps had the men this name of Sadducees till this
very time, though they were a distinct seel long before.
See the note on b. xiii, ch. x, sect. 5, and Dean i'ri-
deaux as there quoted ; nor do wc, that I know of, find
the least footsteps of such impiety or infidelity of these
Sadducees before this time, the 'Recognitions assuring
us that they began about the days of John the Baptist,
b. i, ch. liv
484i
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
and demolishing of cities ; nay, the sedition at
last increased so high, that the very temple of
God was burnt down by their enemy's fire.
Such were the consequences of this, that the
customs of our fathers were altered, and such
a change was made, as added a mighty weight
toward bringing all to destruction, which these
men occasioned by thus conspiring together ;
for Judas and Sadduc,* who excited a fourth
philosophic sect among us, and had a great
many followers therein, filled our civil go-
vernment with tumults at present, and laid
the foundation of our future miseries, by this
system of philosopliy, which we were before
unacquainted withal ; concerning which I
shall discourse a little, and this the rather,
because the infection which spread thence
among the younger sort, who were zealous
for it, brought the public to destruction.
SJ. The Jews had for a great while three
sects of philosophy peculiar to themselves ;
tlie sect of the Essens, and the sect of the
Sadducees, and the third sort of opinions was
that of those called Pharisees ; of which sects
although I have already spoken in the second
book of the Jewish War, yet will I a little
touch upon them now.
3. Now, for the Pliarisees, they live mean-
ly, and despise delicacies in diet ; and they
follow the conduct of reason : and what that
prescribes to them as good for them, they do ;
and they think they ought earnestly to strive
to observe reason's dictates for practice.
Tney also pay a respect to such as are in
vears ; nor are they so bold as to contradict
tlipui in any thing which tliey have introduc-
ed ; and, when they determine that all things
are done by fate, they do not take away the
freedom from men of acting as they think fit ;
since their notion is, that it hath pleased God
to make a temperament, whereby what he
wills is done, but so tiiat the will of men can
act virtuously or viciously. They also be-
lieve that souls have an immortal vigour in
them, and that under the earth there will be
rewards or punishments, according as they
have lived virtuously or viciously in this life;
and the latter are to be detained in an ever-
lasting prison, but that the former shall have
power to revive and live again ; on account
of which doctrines, they are able greatly to
persuade the body of the people; and what-
soever they do about divine worship, prayers,
and sacrifices, they perform them according
to their direction ; insomuch that the cities
gave great attestations to them on account
of their entire virtuous conduct, both in
the actions of their lives and their discourses
also.
4. But the doctrine of the Sadducees is
this : That souls die with the bodies ; nor do
they regard the observation of any thing be-
sides what the law enjoins them ; for they
• Sec the previous Note.
BOOK XVIl
think it an instance of virtue to dispute with
those teachers of philosophy whom they fre-
quent ; but this doctrine is received but by a
few, yet by those still of the greatest dignity ;
but they are able to do almost nothing of
themselves ; for when they become magis-
trates, as they are unwillingly and by force
sometimes obliged to be, they addict them-
selves to the notions of the Pharisees, be-
cause the multitude i\'ould not otherwise bear
them,
5. The doctrine of the Essens is this : That
all things are best ascribed to God. They
teach the immortality of souls, and esteem
that the rewards of righteousness are to be
earnestly striven for ; and when they send
what they have dedicated to God into the
temple, they do not offer sacrifices,! because
they have more pure lustrations of their own;
on which account they are excluded from the
common court of the temple, but offer their
sacrifices themselves ; yet is their course of
life better than that of other men ; and they
entirely addict themselves to husbandry. It
also deserves our admiration, how much they
exceed all other men that addict themselves to
virtue, and this in righteousness : and indeed
to such a degree, that as it hath never appear-
ed among any other men, neitlier Greeks nor
barbarians, no, not for a little time, so hath it
endured a long while among them. This is
demonstrated by that institution of theirs
which will not suffer any thing to hinder them
from having all things in common ; so that a
rich man enjoys no more of his own wealth
than he who hath nothing at all. There are
about four thousand men that live in this way,
and neither marry wives, nor are desirous to
keep servants ; as thinking the latter tempts
men to be unjust, and the former gives the
handle to domestic quarrels ; but as they live
by themselves, they minister one to another.
They also appoint certain stewards to receive
the incomes of their revenues, and of the
fruits of the ground ; such as are good men
and priests, who are to get their corn and
their food ready for them. They none of
them differ from others of the Essens in their
way of living, but do the most resemble those
Dacae who are called Polisl^e^ [dwellers in
cities.]
6. But of the fourth sect of Jewish philO'
t It seems by wtiat Josephus says here, and Philo
himself elsewhere (Op. p. 679), that these Essens did not
use to go to the Jewish festivals at Jerusalem, or to of-
fer sacrifices there, which may be one great occasion
why thsy are never mentioned in the ordinary books ot
the New Testament ; though, in the Apostolical C'on-
stitutions, they are mentioned as those that observed the
customs of their forefathers, and that without any such
ill character laid upon them as is there laid upon the
other sects among that people.
t Who these UnkKrjxi in Jnsephus, oi Krirrxi in
Strabo, among the Pylhagoric Uacfe were, it is not easy
to determine. Scaligcr offers no imjirobable conjecture,
that some of these Daoe lived alone, like monks, in
tents or caves ; but that others of them lived togethei
in built cities, and thence were called by such names a<
implied tlic same
"V
JJMAP, II.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
485
sophy, Judas the Galilean was the author.
These men agree in all other things with the
Pharisaic notions; but they have an inviolable
attachment to liberty ; and say that God is to
be their only Ruler and Lord. They also do
not value dying any kinds of death, nor in-
deed do they heed the deaths of their relations
and friends, nor can any such fear make
them call any man Lord ; and since this im-
moveable resolution of theirs is well known
to a great many, 1 shall speak no farther
about that matter ; nor am I afraid that any
tiling I have said of them should he disbeliev-
ed, but rather fear, that what I have said is
beneath the resolution they show when they
undergo pain ; and it was in Gessius Florus's
time that the nation began to grow mad with
this distemper, wlio was our procurator, and
who occasioned the Jews to go wild with it
by the abuse of his authority, and to make
tliem revolt from the Romans ; and these are
the sects of Jewish philosophy.
CHAPTER XL
HOW HEROD AND PHILIP BUILT SEVERAL CITIES
IN HONOUR or C^:SAR. CONCERNING THE
SUCCESSION OF PRIESTS AND PROCURATORS ;
AS ALSO WHAT BEreLL PHKAATES AND THE
PARTUIANS.
§ 1. When Cyrennius had now disposed of
Archelaus's money, and when the taxings
were come to a conclusion, which were made in
the thirty-seventh year of Cassar's victory over
Antony at Actium, he deprived Joazar of the
high-priesthood, which dignity had heen con-
ferred on him by the multitude, and he ap-
pointed Ananus, the son of Seth, to be high-
pr'est ; while Herod and Philip had each of
them received their own tetrarchy, and settled
the aifairs thereof, Herod also built a wall
about Sepphoris (which is the security of all
Galilee), and made it the metropolis of the
country. He also built a wall round Betha-
ramphtha, which was itself a city also, and
called it Julias, from the name of the empe-
ror's wife. When Philip, also, had built Pa-
neas, a city, at the fountains of Jordan, he
named it Cesarea. He also advanced the vil-
lage Bethsaida, situate at the sake of Gennes-
areth, unto the dignity of a ciiy, both by the
number of inhabitants it contained, and its
other grandeur, and called it by the name of
Julias, the same name with Caesar's daughter.
2. As Coponius, who we told you was sent
along with Cyrenias, was exercising his office
of procurator, and governing Judea, the fol-
lowing accidents happened. As the Jews
were celebrating the feast of unleavened
bread, which we call the Passover, it was
customary for the priests to open the temple-
gates just after midnight. Wheny therefore,
those gates were first opened, some of the
Samaritans came privately into Jerusalem,
and threw about dead men's bodies in the
cloisters; on which account the Jews after-
ward excluded them out of the temple, which
they had not used to do at such festivals ; and
on other accounts also they watched the tem-
ple more carefully than they had formerly
done. A little after which accident, Copo-
nius returned to Rome, and Marcus Ambi-
vius came to be his successor in that govern-
ment ; under whom Salome, the sister of king
Herod, died, and left to Julia [Ca;sar's wife],
Jamnia, all its toparchy, and Pliasaelis in the
plain, and Archelaus, where is a great planta-
tion of palm-trees, and their fruit is excellent
in its kind. After him came Annius Rufus,
under whom died Caesar, the second emperor
of the Romans, the duration of whose reign
was fifty-seven years, besides six months and
two days (of which time Antonius ruled to-
gether with him fourteen years; but the du-
ration of his life was seventy-seven years) ;
upon whose death Tiberius Nero, his wife
Julia's son, succeeded. He was now the
third emperor; and he sent Valerius Gratus
to be procurator of Judea, and to succeed
Annius Rufus. This man deprived Ananus
of the high-priesthood, and appointed Ismael,
the son of Phabi, to be high-priest. He also
deprived him in a little time, and ordained
Eleazar, the son of Ananus, who had been
high-priest before, to be high-priest: which
office, when he had held for a year, Gratus
deprived him of it, and gave the high-priest
hood to Simon, the son of Camithus ; and^
when he had possessed that dignity no longer
than a year, Joseph Caiaphas was made his
successor. When Gratus had done those
things, he went back to Rome, after he had
tarried in Judea eleven years, when Pontius
Pilate came as his successor.
3. And now Herod the tetrarch, who was
in great favour with Tiberius, built a city of
tlie same name with him, and called.it Tibe-
rias. He built it in the best part of Galilee, at
the lake of Gennesareth. There are warm
baths at a little distance from it, in a village
named Emmaus. Strangers came and in
habited this city; a great number of the in
habitants were Galileans also; and many
were necessitated by Herod to come thither
out of the country belonging to him, and were
by force compelled to be its inhabitants ; some
of them were persons of condition. He also
admitted poor people, such as those that were
collected from all parts, to dwell in it. Nay,
some of them were not quite freemen ; and
these he was a benefactor to, and made them
free in great numbers; but obliged them not
to forsake the city, by building them very
good houses at his own expenses, and by giv-
ing them land also ; for he was sensible, that
to make this place a habitation was to trans-
gresi the Jewish ancient laws, because many
J-~
486
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK XVHI
sepulchres were to be here taken away, in order
to make room for the city Tiberias ;* whereas
our law pronounces, that such inhabitants are
unclean for seven days.-}-
4. About this time died Phraates, king of
the Parthians, by the treachery of Phraataces
his son, upon the occasion following : — Wlwn
Phraates had had legitimate sons of his own, he
had also an Italian maid-servant, whose name
was Thermusa, who had been formerly sent to
him by Julius Ca2sar, among other presents.
He fVrst made her his concubine ; but he be-
ing a great admirer of her beauty, in process
of time having a son by her, whose name vvas
Phraataces, he made her his legitimate wife,
and had a great respect for her. Now, she
was able to persuade him to do any thing that
she said, and was earnest in procuring the
government of Parthia for her son ; but still
she saw that her endeavours would not suc-
ceed, unless she could contrive how to remove
Phraates's legitimate sous [out of the king-
dom] ; so she persuaded him to send those liis
sons as pledges of his fidelity to Home; and
they were sent to Rome accordingly, because
it was not easy for him to contradict her com-
mands. Now. while Phraataces was alone
brought up in order to succeed in the govern-
ment, he thought it very tedious to expect that
government by his father's donation [as his
successor] ; he therefore formed a treacherous
design against his father, by his mother's as-
sistance, with whom, as the report went, he
had criminal conversation also. So he was
hated for both these vices, while his subjects
esteemed this [wicked] love of his mother to
be no way inferior to his parricide; and he
was by them, in a sedition, expelled out of
the country before he grew too great, and
died. But, as the best sort of Parthians
agreed together, that it was impossible they
should be governed without a king, while also
it was their constant practice to clioose one of
the family of Arsaces [nor did their law allow
of any others ; and they thought this kingdom
had been sufficiently injured already by the
marriage witli an Italian concubine, and by
her issue], they sent ambassadors, and called
Orodes [to take the crown] ; for the multitude
would not otherwise have borne them ; and
though he was accused of very great cruelty,
and was of an untractable temper, and prone
to wrath, yet still he was one of the family of
Arsaces. However, they made a conspiracy
against him, and slew him, and that, as some
say, at a festival, and among their sacrifices
(for it is the universal custom there to carry
their swords with them) ; but, as the more
* We may here take notice, as well as in the parallel
paits of the books Of the War, b. ii, cli. ix, sect. I, that
aftijr the death of Herod the Great, and the succession
of Archelaus, Josephus is very brief in his accounts of
Judea, till near his own time. I suppose the reason is,
th at after the large history of N jcolaus of Damascus, in-
cluding the hfe of Herod, and probably the succession
and Hrst actions of his sons, he had but few good histories
of those times before him. t Num. xix> 11—14.
general rep<>rt is, they slew him when they
had drawn him out a-hunting. So they sent
ambassadors to Rome, and desired they would
send one of those that were there as pledges,
to be their king. Accordingly, Vononeswas
preferred before the rest, and sent to tliem
(for he seemed capable oi such great fortune,
which two of the greatest kingdoms under
the sun now ofl'ercd him, his own and a
foreign one). However, the barbarians soon
changed tht^ir minds, they being naturally of
a mutable disposition, upon the supposal that
this man was not worthy to l>e their governor ;
for they could not think of obeying the com-
mands of one that had been a slave (for so
they called those that had been hostages), nor
could they bear the ignominy of that name;
and this was the more intolerable, because
then the Parthians must have such a king set
over them, not by riglit of war, but in time
of peace. So they presently invited Artaba-
nus, king of Media, to bo their king, he be-
ing also of the race of Arsaces. Artabanus
complied with the offer that was made him,
and came to them with an army. So Vonones
met him ; and at first the multitude of
the Parthians stood on his side, and he put
his army in array ; but Artabanus was beaten,
and fled to tlie mountains of Media. Yet
did he a little after gather a great army to-
getlier, and fought with Vonones, and beat
him ; whereupon Vonones fled away on horse-
back, with a few of his attendants about him,
to Selucia [upon Tigris]. So when Artaba-
nus had slain a great number, and this after
he had gotten the victory by reason of the
very great dismay the barbarians were in, he
retired to Ctesiphon with a great number of
his people ; and so he now reigned over the
Parthians. But Vonones fled away to Ar-
menia ; and as soon as he came tliither, he
had an inclination to have the government of
the country given him, and sent ambassadors
to Rome [for tliat purpose]. But because
Tiberius refused it him, and because he want-
ed courage, and because the Parthian king
threatened him, and sent ambassadors to him
to denounce war against him if ht proceeded,
and because he had no way to take to regain
any other kingdom (for the people of authority
among the Armenians about Niphates joined
themselves to Artabanus), he delivered up
himself to Silanus, the president of Syria, who,
out of regard to his education at Rome, kept
him in Syria, while Artabanus gave Armenia
to Orodes, one of his own sons.
5. At this time died Antiochus, the king of
Commagene ; whereupon tlie multitude con-
tended with the nobility, and both sent am-
bassadors [to Rome] ; for the men of power
were desirous that their form of government
might be changed into that of a [Roman"]
province ; as were the multitude desirous to
be under kings, as their fathers had been. So
the senate made a decree, tliat Germanicus
.r
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. III.
should be sent to settle the affairs of the east,
fortune hereby taking a proper opportunity
for depriving him of his life ; for when he had
been in the east, and settled all affairs there,
his life was taken away by the poison which
Piso gave hiai, as hath been related else-
where. •
CHAPTER III.
SEDITION OF THE JEWS AGAINST PONTIUS PI-
LATE ; CONCERNING CHRIST, AND WHAT BE-
FELL PAULINA AND THE JEWS AT ROJIE.
§ 1. But now Pilate, the procurator of Ju-
dea, removed the army from Cesarea to Jeru-
salem, to take their winter-quarters there, in
order to abolish the Jewish laws. So he in-
troduced Caesar's effigies, which were upon
the ensigns, and brought them into the city ;
whereas our law forbids us the very making
of images ; on which account the former pro-
curators were wont to make their entry into
the city with such ensigns as had not those
ornaraeiUs. Pilate was the first who brought
those images to Jerusalem, and set them up
there j which was done without the knowledge
of the people, because it was done in the
night-time ; but as soon as they knew it, they
came in multitudes to Cesarea, and interced-
ed with Pilate many days, that he would re-
move the images ; and when he would not
grant their requests, because it would lend to
the injury of Caesar, while yet they persevered
in their request, on the sixth day he ordered
his soldiers to have their weapons privately,
while he came and sat upon his judgment-
seat, which seat was so prepared in the open
place of tlie city, that it concealed the army
that lay ready to oppress them ; and when the
Jews petitioned him again, he gave a signal
to the soldiers to encompass them round, and
tlireatened that their punishment should be
no less than immediate death, unless they
would leave off disturbing him, and go their
ways home. But they threw themselves upon
the ground, and laid their necks bare, and
said they would take their death very willing-
ly, rather than the wisdom of their laws should
be transgressed ; upon which Pilate was deep-
ly affected with their firm resolution to keep
their laws inviolable, and presently command-
ed the images to be carried back from Jeru-
salem to Cesarea.
2. But Pilate undertook to bring a current
of water to Jerusalem, and did it with the
sacred money, and derived the origin of the
stream from the distance of two hundred fur-
longs. However, the Jewsf were not pleased
» This citation is now wanting.
f These Jews, as they are here called, whose blood
Pilate shed on this occasion, may very well be those
very Galilean .lews, " whose blood Pilate had mingled
with tlieir sacrifices" (I uke xiiL 1, 2) : these tumulu
487
with what had been done about this water ;
and many ten thousands of the people got
together, and made a clamour against him,
and insisted that he should leave off that de-
sign. Some of them also used reproaches,
and abused the man, as crowds of such peo-
ple usually do. So he habited a great num-
ber of his soldiers in their habit, who carried
daggers under their garments, and sent them
to a place where they might surround them.
So he bade the Jews himself go away ; but
they boldly casting reproaches upon him, he
gave the soldiers that signal which had been
beforehand agreed on; who laid upon them
much greater blows than Pilate had com-
manded them, and equally punished those
that were tumultuous, and those that were
not, nor did they spare them in the least ; and
since the people were unarmed, and were
caught by men prepared for what they were
about, there were a great number of them
slain by this means, and others of them ran
away wounded ; and thus an end was put to
this sedition.
3. Now, there was about this time Jesus,
a wise man, if it be lawful to call him a man,
for he was a doer of wonderful works, — a
teacher of such men as receive the truth with
pleasure. He drew over to him both many
of the Jews, and many of the Gentiles. He
was [the] Christ ; and when Pilate, at the
suggestion of the principal men amongst us,
had condemned him to the cross, | those that
loved him at the first did not forsake him, foi
he appeared to them aKve again the third day,||
as the divine prophets had foretold these and
ten thousand other wonderful things concern-
ing him ; and the tribe of Christians, so nam-
ed from him, are not extinct at this day.
4. About tlie same time also another sad ca-
lamity put the Jews into disorder; and certain
shameful practices happened about the tem-
ple of Isis that was at Rome. I will now
first take notice of the wicked attempt about
the temple of Isis, and will then give an ac-
count of the Jewish affairs. Tliere was at
Rome a woman whose name was Paulina;
being usually excited at some o( the Jews' great festi
vals, when they slew abundance of s icrifices, and the
Galileans being commonly much more busy in such tu-
mulu than those of Judea and Jerusalem, as we learn
from the History of Archelaus (Antiq. b. xvii, ch. ix,
sect. 5 ; and ch. x, sect, 2, 9) ; though indeed, Jose-
phus's present copies say not one word of " those eigh-
teen upon whom the tower iu Siloam fell, and slew
them," which the 4th verse of the same 13th chapter
of St. Luke informs us of : but since our Gospel teaches
us (Luke xxiii, 6, 7), that " when Pilate heard of Ga-
lilee, he asked whether Jesus were a Galilean .' And as
soon as he knew that he belonged to Herod's jurisdic-
tion, he sent him to Herod ;" and (ver. 12) " tfie same
day Pilate and Herod were made friends together ; for be-
fore, they had been at enmity between themselves ;" take
the very probable key of this matter in the words of the
learned Noldius, de Herod. No. 249. " The cause of
the enmity between Herod and Pilate (says he) seems
to have been this, that Pilate had interraed(iled with the
tetrarch's jurisdiction, and had slain some of his Gali-
lean subjects ;Luke xiii, 1) ; and, as he was willing to
correct that error, he sent Christ to Herod at this time."
t A. D. 5.3, April 5.
II April 5.
-\
4B8
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
one who, on account of the dignit)' of her an-
cestors, and by the regular conduct of a vir-
tuous life, had a great reputation : she was
also very rich ; and although she was of a
beautiful countenance, and in tliat flower of
her age wherein women are tlie most gay, yet
did she lead a life of great modesty. She
was married to Saturninus, one that was every
way answerable to her in an excellent charac-
ter. Decius Mundus fell in love with this
woman, who was a man very high in the e-
questrian order; and as she was of too great
dignity to be caught by presents, and had al-
ready rejected them, tliough they had been
sent in great abundance, he was still more in-
flamed with love to her, insomuch that he
promised to give her two hundred thousand
Attic drachmas for one night's lodging; and
when this would not prevail upon lier, and he
was not able to bear this misfortune in his
amours, he tlic ught it the best way to famish ,
himself to death for want of food, on account
of Paulina's sad refusal ; and he deteruiineti
with himself to die after such a manner, and
he went on with his purpose accordingly.
Now, Mundus had a freed-woman, who had
been made free by his father, whose name
was Ide, one skilful in all sorts of mischief.
This woman was very much grieved at the
young man's resolution to kill himself (for
he did not conceal his intentions to destroy
himself from others) and came to him, and
encouraged him by her discourse, and made
liim to hope, by some promises she gave him,
that he might obtain a night's lodging with
Paulina; and when he joyfully hearkened to
lier entreaty, she said she wanted no more
than fifty thousand drachmae for the entrap-
ping of the woman. So when she had en-
couraged tlie young man, and gotten as much
money as she required, she did not take the
same methods as had been taken before, be-
cause she perceived that the woman was by
110 means to be tempted by money ; but as
she knew that she was very much given to the
worship of the goddess Isis, she devised the
following stratagem: — She went to some of
Isis's priests, and upon the strongest assur-
ances [of concealment], she persuaded them
by words, but chiefly by the offer of money,
of twenty -five thousand drachma? in hand, and
as much more when the thing had taken ef-
fect; and told them the passion of the young
] man, and persuaded them to use all means
' ])ossible to beguile the woman. So they were
I drawn in to promise so to do, by that large
j sum of gold they were to have. According-
ly, the oldest of them went immediately to
Paulina; and upon his admittance, he desired
to s] eajt with her by herself. When that was
granted him, he told her that he was sent by
tlie god Anubis, who was fallen in love with
tier, and enjoined her to come to him. Upon
this she took the message very kindly, and
valued lierself greatly u^Jon this condescen-
DOOK XMTl.
sion of Anubis; and told her husband that
she had a message sent her, and was to sup
and lie with Anubis; so he agreed to her ac-
ceptance of the offer, as fully satisfied with
the chastity of his wife. Accordingly, she
went to the temple; and after she had supped
there, and it was the hoiu- to go to sleep, the
priest shut Uie doors of the temple; when, in
the holy part of it, the lights were also put
out. Then did Mundus leap out (for he was
hidden therein) and did not fail of enjoying
her, who was at his service all the night long,
39 supposing he was the god ; antl when- he
was gone away, which was before those prJests
who knew nothing of this stratagem were stir-
ring, Paulina came early to her husband, and
told him how the god Aiuibis had appeared
to her. Among her friends also she declared
how great a value she put upon this favour,
who partly disbelieved the tiling, when they
reflected on its nature, and partly were amaz-
ed at it, as having no pretence for not believ-
ing it, when they considered the modesty and
the dignity of the person ; but now, on the
third day after \\hat had been done, Mundus
met Paulina, and said, " Nay, Paulina, thou
hast saved me two hundred tliousand drachm;e,
which sum thou mightest have added to thy
own family ; yet hast thou not failed to be at
my service in the manner I invited thee. As
for the reproaches thou hast laid upon Mun-
dus, I value not tlte business of names ; but
I rejoice in the pleasure I reaped by what I
did, while I took to myself the nameof Anu-
bis. " When he had said this, he went his
way : but now she began to come to the sense
of the grossness of what she had done, and
rent her garments, and told her husband of
the horrid nature of this wicked contrivance,
and prayed him not to neglect to assist her in
this case. So he discovered the fact to the
emperor ; whereupon Tiberius inquired into
the matter thoroughly, by examining the
priests about it, and ordered them to be cru-
cified, as well as Ide, who was the occasion
of their perdition, and who had contrived the
whole matter, which was so injurious to the
woman. He also demolished the temple of
Isis, and gave order tint her statue should be
thrown into the river Tiber; while he only
banished Mundus, but did no more to him,
because he supposed that what crime he had
committed was done out of the passion of love;
and these were the circumstances which con-
cerned the temple of Isis, and the injuries oc-
casioned by her priests. — I now return to the
relation of what happened about this time to
the Jews at Rome, as I formerly told you I
would.
.5. There was a man who was a Jew, but
had been driven away from his own country
by an accusation laid against him for trans-
gressing their laws, and by the fear he was
under of punishment for the same; but in all
respects a witked man ; — he then liviuij at
J~
CHAP. IV
Rome, proresseJ to instruct men in the wis-
dom of the laws of Moses. He procured
also three other men, entirely of the same
character witli himself, to he his partners.
These men persuaded Fulvia, a woman of
great dignity, and one that liad embraced the
Jewish religion, to send purple and gold to
the temple at Jerusalem ; and, when they
had gotten them, they employed them for
their own uses, and spent the money them-
selves ; on which account it was that they
at first required it of her. Wliereupon Ti-
berius, who had been informed of the thing
by Saturninus, the husband of Fulvia, who
desired inquiry might be made about it, or-
dered all the Jews to be banished out of
Rome ; at which time the consuls listed four
thousand men out of them, and sent them to
the island Sardinia ; but punished a greater
number of tiiem, who were unwilling to be-
come soldiers on accoutit of keeping the laws
of their forefathers.* Thus were these Jews
banished out of the city by the wickedness of
four men.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
489
CHAPTER IV.
HOW THE SAMAKITANS MADE A TUMULT, AND
PILATE DESTROYED MANY OF THEM ; HOW
PILATE WAS ACCUSED, AND WHAT THINGS
WERE DONE BY VITELLIUS RELATING TO THE
JEWS AND THE PARTHIANS.
§ 1. But the nation of the Samaritans did
not escape without tumults. The man who
excited them to it, was one who thought ly-
ing a thing of little consequence, and who
contrived every thing so, tliat the multitude ,
might be pleased ; so he bade them get to- !
getlier upon Mount Gerizzim, which is by |
Uiem looked upon as the most holy of all I
mountains, and assured them that, when they
were come thither, he would show them those '
sacred vessels which were laid under that i
place, because Moses put them there. f So
* Of the banLshment of these four thousand Jews in-
to Sardiuia by Tiberius, see Suetonius in Tiber, sect. I
56. Hul as for Mr. Reland's note here, which supposes
that Jews could not, consistenily with their laws, be
soldiers, it is contradicted by one branch of the history
before us, and contrary to" innumerable instances of
their fighting, and proving excellent soldiers in war ;
ajid indeed many of the best of them, and even under
heathen kings tlKuiselves, did so; those, 1 mean, who
allowed them their rest on the Sabbath-day, and other
solemn festivals, and let them live according to their
own laws, as Alexander tlie Great and the Ptolemies of
Egypt did. It is tr\ie, they could not always obtain
those privileges, and then they got excused as well as
they could, or sometimes .ibsolutely refused to fight,
which seems to h3\ e been the case here, as to the major
part of the Jews now banished, but nothing more. See
several of the Roman decrees in tlieir favour as to such
matters, b. xiv, ch. x,
t Since Moses never came himself beyond Jordan,
nor particularly to Mount Gerizzim, and snice these Sa-
maritans liave a tradition among them, related liere by
Dr. Hudson, from Reland, who was very skilful in
Jewish and Samaritan learning, that iu the days of Uzzi
or Ozis the high-priest (1 CUron. vi, 6J. th^ark and
they came thither armed, and thought the dis.
course of the man probable ; and as they
abode at a certain village, which was called
Tirathaba, they got the rest together to them,
and desired to go up the mountain in a great
multitude together. But Pilate jjrevented
their going up, by seizing ujjon the roads
with a great band of horsemen and footmen,
who fell upon those that were gotten toge-
ther in the village; and when they came to
an action, some of them they slew, and others
of them they put to fliglit, and took a great
many alive, the principal of wiiom, and also
the inost potent of those that Hed away, Pi-
late ordered to be slain.
2. But when this tunmlt was appeased,
the Samaritan senate sent an embassy to
Vitellius, a man that had been consul, and
who was now president of Syria, and accused
Pilate of the murder of those that were killed ;
for that they did not go to Tiratliaba in order
to revolt from the Romans, but to escape the
violence of Pilate. So Vitellius sent Marcel-
lus, a friend of his, to take care of the affairs
of Judea, and ordered Pilate to go to Rome,
to answer before the emperor to the accusation
of the Jews. So Pilate, when he had tarried
ten years in Judea, made haste to Rome, and
this in obedience to the orders of Vitellius,
which he durst not contradict ; but before he
could get to Rome, Tiberius was dead.
3, But Vitellius came into Judea, and
went up to Jerusalem ; it was at the time ot
that festival which is called the Passover.
Vitellius was there magnificently received,
and released the inhabitants of Jerusalem
from all the taxes upon the fruits that were
bought and sold, and gave tliem leave to have
the care of the high-priest's vestments, with
all their ornaments, and to have them under
the custody of the priests in the temple ;
which power they used to have formerly, al-
though at this time they were laid up in the
tower of Antonia, the citadel so called, and
that on the occasion following : — There was
one of the [high J priests, named Hyrcanus,
and as there were many of that name, he was
the first of them ; this man built a tower near
the temple, and when he had so done, he ge-
nerally dwelt in it, and had these vestments
with him ; because it was lawful for him
alone to put them on, and he had them there
reposited when he went down into the city,
and took his ordinary garments; the same
things were continued to be done by his sons,
and by their sons after them ; but when He-
rod came to be king, he rebuilt this tower,
which was very conveniently situated, in a
magnificent manner ; and because he was a
friend to Antonius, he called it by the name
other sacred vessels were, by God's command, laid up
or hidden in Mount Gerizzim, it is highly piobablethat
this was the foolish foundation the present Samaritans
went upon, in the sedition here describe<l, and that we
should read here Q.criui, instead of iliuunoit, ai tht text
of Josei>Uus.
490
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK XVIH
of Antonia; and as he found these vestments nus's father's kinsmen and friends, that he
lying there, he retained them in the same place,
as believing that, wliile he had them in his
custody, the people would make no innova-
tions against him. The like to what Herod
did was done by his pon Archelaus, who was
made king after him ; after whom the Ro-
mans, when they entered on the government,
took possession of these vestments of the high-
priest, and had them reposited in a stone-
chamber, under the seal of the priests, and of
the keepers of the temple, the captain of the
guard lighting a lamp there every day ; and
seven days before a festival* they were deliver-
ed to them by the captain of the guard, when
the high-priest having purified them, and
made use of tliem, laid them up again in the
same chamber where they had been laid up
befo)'e, and this the very next day after the
feast was over. This was the practice at the
three yearly festivals, and on the fast-day ;
but Vitellius put those garments into our own
power, as in the days of our forefathers, and
ordered the captain of the guard not to trouble
himself to inquire where they were laid, or
when they were to be used ; and this he did
as an act of kindness, to oblige the nation to
him. Besides which, he also deprived Joseph,
who was called Caiphas, of the high-priesthood,
and appointed Jonathan, the son of Ananus,
the former high-priest, to succeed him. After
which he took his journey back to Antioch.
4. Moreover, Tiberius sent a letter to Vi-
tellius, and commanded him to make a league
of friendship with Artabanus, the king of
Parthia ; for, vvhfle he was his enemy, he ter-
rified him, because he had taken Armenia
away from him, lest he should proceed farther,
and told him he should no otherwise trust
him than upon his giving him hostages, and es-
pecially his son Artabanus. Upon Tiberius's
writing thus to Vitellius, by the offer of great
presents of money, he persuaded both the
king of Iberia and the king of Albania to
make no delay, but to fight against Artaba-
nus; and although they would not do it them-
selves, yet did they give the Scythians a pas-
sage through their country, and opened the
had almost procured him to be slain by the
means of those bribes which they had taken.
And when Artabanus perceived that the plot
laid against him was not to be avoided, be-
cause it was laid by the principal men, and
those a great many in number, and that it
would certainly take effect, — when he had es-
timated the number of those that were truly
faithful to him, as also of those who were al-
ready corrupted, but were deceitful in the
kindness they professed to him, and were
likely, upon trial, to go over to his enemies,
he made his escape to the upper provinces
where he afterwards raised a great army ou
of the Dallas and Saca, and fought with his
enemies, and retained his principality.
5. When Tiiierius had heard of these things,
he desired to have a league of friendship made
between him and Artabanus ; and when, up-
on this invitation, he received the proposal
kindly, Artabanus and Vitellius went to Eu-
phrates, and as a bridge was laid over the ri-
ver, they each of them came with their guards
about them, and met one another on the
midst of the bridge. And when they had
agreed upon the terms of peace, Herod the
tetrarch erected a rich tent on the midst of
the passage, and made them a feast there.
Artabanus also, not long afterwards, sent his
son Darius as an hostage, with many presents,
among which there was a man seven cubits
tall, a Jew he was by birth, and his name was
Eleazar, who, for his tallness, was called a
giant. After which Vitellius went to An-
tioch, and Artabanus to Babylon ; but He-
rod [the tetrarch], being desirous to give Caj-
sar the first information that they had obtain-
ed hostages, sent posts with letters, wherein he
had accurately described all the particulars,
and had left nothing for the consular Vitellius
to inform him of. But when Vitellius's letters
were sent, and Csesar had let him know that he
was acquainted with the affairs already, because
Herod had given him an account of them be-
fore, Vitellius was very much troubled at it ;
and supposing that he had been thereby a
reater sufferer than he really was, he kept
Caspian gates to them, and brought them up- ' up a secret anger upon this occasion, till he
on Artabanus. So Armenia was again taken ' could be revenged on him ; which he was af-
from the Parthians, and (he country of Par- ter Caius had taken the government,
thia was filled with war, and the principal of I 6. About this time it was that Philip, He-
their men were slain, and all things were in [rod's brother, departed this life, in the twen-
disorder among them : the king's son also ^ tieth year of the reign of Tiberius,-|- after he
himself fell in these wars, together wilh many [ had been tetrarch of Trachonitis, and Gaulo-
ten thousands of his army. Vitellius had al- | nitis, and of the nation of the Bataneans al-
so sent such great sums of money to Artaba-
• This mention of the high-priest's sacred garments
received seven days before a festival, and purified in
those days against a festival, as having been jioUuted by
being in the custody of heathens, in Joscnhus, agrees
with the traditions of the Tahiiudists, as Ueland here
observes. Nor is there any question but the three feasts
here mentioned, were the Passover, Pentecost, and
Feast of Tabern;icles ; and the Fast, so called by way of
distinction (as Acts xxvii. y), was the great dayof expia-
kioii.
t This calculation, from all Josephus's Greek copies,
is exactly right; for since He:od died about .Septem-
ber, in the tourth year before the Christian aera, and
Tiberius began, as is well known, Aug 19, A. D. 11, it
is evident that the 37th year of Philip, reckoned from
his father's death, was the i;Oth of Tiberius, or near the
end of A. D. 35 (the very year of our Saviour's death al-
so), or, however, in the beginning of the next year, a.
B. 54. This Philip the tetrarch seems to ha\ e been the
best of all the posterity of Herod, for his love of peace
I and his love of justice.
"V
y
CHAP. V.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
491
So, thirty -seven years. He had shown him-
self a person of moderation and quietness in
the conduct of his life and government j he
constantly lived in that country which was
subject to him ;* he used to make his pro-
gress with a few chosen friends ; his tribunal
also, on which he sat in judgment, followed
him in his progress ; and when any one met
him who wanted his assistance, he made no
delay, but had his tribunal set down imme-
diately, wheresoever he happened to be, and
sat down upon it, and heard his complaint :
he there ordered the guilty that were convict-
ed to be punished, and absolved those that
had been accused unjustly. He died at Ju-
lias ; and when he was carried to that monu-
ment which he had already erected for him-
self beforehand, he was buried with great
pomp. His principality Tiberius took (for
he left no sons behind him) and added it to
the province of Syria, but gave orckr that the
tributes which arose from it should be col-
lected, and laid up in his tetrarchy.
CHAPTER V.
HEROD THE TETRARCH MAKES WAR WITH ARE-
TAS, THE KING OF ARABIA, AND IS BEATEN
BY HIM ; AS ALSO CONCERNING THE DEATH
OF JOHN THE BAPTIST. HOW VITELLIUS
WENT UP TO JERUSALEM ; TOGETHER WITH
SOME ACCOUNT OF AGRIPPA, AND OF THE
POSTERITY OF HEROD THE GREAT.
§ 1. About this time Aretas (the king of
Arabia Petrea) and Herod had a quarrel, on
the account following : Herod the tetrarch
had married the daughter of Aretas, and had
lived with her a great while ; but when he
was once at Rome, he lodged with Herod, f
wlio was his brother indeed, but not by the
same mother; for this Herod was the son of
the high-priest Simon's daughter. However,
he fell in love with Herodias, this last He-
rod's wife, wLo was the daughter of Aristo-
bulus their brother, and the sister of Agrippa
the Great. This man ventured to talk to
her about a marriage between them ; which
address when she admitted, an agreement was
made for her to change her habitation, and
» An excellent example this !
■f This Herod seems to have had the additional name
of Philip, as Antipas was nametl Herod- Autipas : and as
Antipas and Antipater seem to be in a manner the very-
same name, yet were the names of two sons of Herocl
the Great; so might Philip tne tetrarch and this Herod-
Philip be two difterent sons of the same father; all
which Grotius observes on Matt, xiv, 5. Nor was it, as
I agree with Grotius and others of the learned, Philip
the tetrarch, but this Herod-Philip, whose wife Herod
the tetrarch had married, and that in her first husband's
life-time, and when her first husband had issue by her ;
for which adulterous and incestuous marriage, John the
Baptist justly reproved Herod the tetrarch ; and for
which reproof Salome, the daughter of Herodias by
her iirst husband Herod-Philip, who was still ahve, oc-
casioned him to be uiviustly beheaded.
come to him as soon as he should return
from Rome : one article of this marriage also
was this, that he should divorce Aretas's
daughter. So Antipas, when he had made
tliis agreement, sailed to Rome ; but when
he had done there the business he went about,
and was returned again, his wife having dis-
covered the agreement he had made with He-
rodias, and having learned it before he had
notice of her knowledge of the whole design,
she desired him to send her to Macherus,
which is a place on the borders of the do-
minions of Aretas and Herod, without in-
forming him of any of her intentions. Ac-
cordingly Herod sent her thither, as thinking
his wife had not perceived anything; now
she had sent a good while before to Mache-
rus, which was subject to her father, and so
all things necessary for her journey were made
ready for her by the general of Aretas's army
and by that means she soon came into Arabia,
under the conduct of the several generals,
who carried her from one to another succes-
sively ; and she soon came to her father, and
told him of Herod's intentions. So Aretas
made this the first occasion of his enmity be
tween him and Herod, who had also some
quarrel with him about their limits at the
country of Gamalitis. So they raised armies
on botli sides, and prepared for war, and sent
their generals to fight instead of themselves ;
and, when they had joined battle, all Herod'3
army was destroyed by the treachery of some
fugitives, wlio, though they were of the te-
trarchy of Philip, joined with Aretas's army.
So Herod wrote about these affairs to Tibe-
rius ; who, being very angry at the attempt
made by Aretas, wrote to Vitellius, to make
war upon him, and either to take him alive,
and bring him to him in bonds, or to kill
him, and send him his head. This was the
charge that Tiberius gave to the president of
Syria.
2. Now, some of the Jews thought that
the destruction of Herod's army came from
God, and that very justly, as a punishment of
what he did against John, that was called the
Baptist ; for Herod slew him, who was a good
man, and commanded the Jews to exercise
virtue, both as to righteousuess towards one
another, and piety towards God, and so to
come to baptism ; for that the washing [with
water] would be acceptable to him, if they
made use of it, not in order to the putting
away [or the remission] of some sins [only],
but for the purification of the body : suppos-
ing still that the soul was thoroughly purified
beforehand by righteousness. Now, when
[many] others came in crowds about him, for
they were greatly moved [or pleased] by hear-
ing his words, Herod, who feared lest the
great influence John had over tl;e people
might put it into his power and inclmation to
raise a rebellion (for they seemed ready to do
any thing he should advise), thought it best, by
-V.
_r
-\.
492
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK XVJIl
putting him to death, to prevent any mis- is a demonstration of the interposition of Pro-
chief he might cause, and not bring himself
into difficulties, by sparing a man who might
make him repent of it when it should be too
late. Accordingly he was sent a prisoner,
out of Herod's suspicious temper, to Mache-
rus, the castle I before mentioned, and was
there put to death. Now the Jews had an
opinion that the destruction of this army was
sent as a punishment upon Herod, and a
mark of God's displeasure against him.
3. So Vitellius prepared to make war with
Aretas, having with him two legions of armed
men ; he also took witii him all those of light
armature, and of the horsemen which belong-
ed to them, and were drawn out of those
kingdoms which were under the Romans, and
made haste for Petra, and came to Ptolemais.
But as he was marching very busily, and
leading his army through Judea, the princi-
pal men met him, and desired that he would
not thus march through their land ; for that
the laws* of their country would not permit
them to overlook those images which were
brought into it, of which there were a great
many in their ensigns ; so he was persuaded
by what they said, and changed that resolu--
tion of his, which he had before taken in this
matter. Whereupon he ordered the army to
march along the Great Plain, while he him-
self, with Herod the tetrarch, and his friends,
went up to Jerusalem to offer sacrifice to
God, an ancient festival of the Jews being-
then just approaching ; and when he had been
tliere, and been honourably entertained by tlie
multitude of the Jews, he made a stay there
for three days, within which time he deprived
Jonathan ol' the high-priesthood, and gave it
to his brother Tlitophilus ; but when on the
fourth day letters came to him, which inform-
ed him of the death of Tiberius, he obliged
the multitude to take an oath of fidelity to
Caius; he also recalled his army, and made
them every one go home, and take their win-
ter-quarters there, since, upon the devolution
of the empire upon Caius, lie had not the like
authority of making this war which he had
before. It was also reported, that when Are>-
tas heard of the coming of Vitellius to fight
him, he said, upon his consulting the diviners,
that it was impossible that this army of Vilel-
lius's could enter Petra; ibr that one of the
rulers would die, either he that gave orders
for the war, or he that was marching at the
other's desire, in order to be subservient to
his will, or else he against whom this army is
prepared. So Vitellius truly retired to An--
tioch ; but Agrippa, the son of Aristobulus,
went up to Rome, a year before the deatli of
Tiberius, in order to treat of some afl'airs with
the emperor, if he might be permitted so to
do. 1 have now a mind to describe Herod
and his family, how it fared with them, partly
because it is suitable to this history to speak
of tliat matter, and partly because this tiiingj heini informi us.
vidence ; how a multitude of children is of
no advantage, no more than any other strength
that mankind set their hearts upon, besides
those acts of piety which are done towards
God ; for it hap})ened, that within the revolu-
tion of a hundred years, the posterity of He-
rod, who were a great many in number, were,
excepting a few, utterly destroyed.* One
may well apply this for tlio instruction of
mankind, and learn thence how unhappy they
were : it will also show us the history of A-
grippa, who, as he was a person most worthy
of admiration, so was he from a private
man, beyond all the expectation of those that
knew him, advanced to great power and au-
thority. I have said something of them for-
merly ; but I shall now also speak accurately
about them.
4. Herod the Great had two daughters by
]\Iariamne, the [grand] daughter of Hyr-
canus; the one was Salampsio, who was
married to Phasaelus, her first cousin, who
was himself the son of Phasaelus, Herod's
brother, her father making the match : the
other was Cypres, who was herself married
also to her first cousin Antipatcr, the son of
Salome, Herod's sister. Phasaeleus had five
children by Salampsio ; Antipater, Herod, anf"
Alexander, and two daughters, Alexandra
and Cypros; which last, Agrippa, the son of
Aristobulus, married; and Timius of Cyprus
married Alexandra ; he was a man of note,
but had by her no children. Agrippa had by
Cypros two sons and three daughters, which
daughters were named Bernice, ftlariamne^
and Drusilla; but the names of the sons were
Agrippa and Drusus, of which Drusus died
before he came to the years of puberty ; but
their father, Agrippa, was brought up with
his other brethren, Herod and Aristobulus,
for these were also the sons of the son of He-
rod the Great by Bernice ; but Bernice was
the daughter of Costobarus and of Salome,
who was Herod's sister. Aristobulus left
tliese infants when he was slain by liis father,
together with his brother Alexander, as we
have already related ; but when they were ar-
rived at the years of puberty, this Herod, the
brother of Agrippa, married Mariamne, the
daughter of Olympias, who was the daughter
of Herod the king, and of Joseph, the son of
Joseph, who was brother to Herod the king,
and had by her a son, Aristo))ulus ; but Aris-
tobulus, the third brother of Agrijipa, married
Jotape, the daughter of Sampsigeramus, king
of Emesa;! they had a daughter who was
• Whether Uiis siiilden exthiction of almost the entire
lineage of Herod Uie Great, which was very iiumeious,
as we are bolh here and in the next section informed,
was not in part as a punishment for the gross incests
they were frequently guilty of, in marrjing their own
nephews and nieces, well deser\es to be considered. See
Le\it. xviii, 6, 7; xxi, 10; and Noldius, De Herod.
No. 209, 270.
f I heie are coins still extant of this Emesa, m Span-
-V
CHAf». VI.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
493
deaf, whose name also was Jotape ; and these
hitherto were the children of the male line ;
but Herodias, their sister, was married to He-
rod [Pliilipl, the son of Herod the Great, who
was born of Mariamne, the daughter of Si-
mon the high-priest, who Iiad a daughter, Sa-
lome ; after whose birth Herodias took upon
her to confound tiie laws of our country, and
divorce herself from her husband while he
was alive, and was married to Herod [Anti-
pas], her husband's brother by the father's
side; he was tetrarch of Galilee; but her
daughter Salome was married to Philip, the
son of Herod, and tetrarch of Trachonitis ;
and, as he died childless, Aristobulus, the son
of Herod, the brother of Agrippa, married
her; they had three sons, Herod, Agrippa,
and Aristobulus; and this was the posterity
of Phasaelus and Salampsio ; but the daughter
of Antipater by Cypros, was Cypros, whom
Alexas Selcias, the son of Alexas, married ;
they had a daughter, Cypros ; but Herod and
Alexander, who, as we told you, were the bro-
thers of Antipater, died cliildless. As to
Alexander, the son of Herod the king, who
was slain by his father, he had two sons, Alex-
ander and Tigranes, by the daughter of Arche-
laus, king of Cappadocia. Tigranes, who
was king of Armenia, was accused at Rome,
and died childless ; Alexander had a son of
the same name with his brother Tigranes, and
was sent to take possession of the kingdom of
Armenia by Nero ; he had a son, Alexander,
who inarried Jotape,* the daughter of An-
tiochus, the king of Commagena ; Vespasian
made him king of an island in Cilicia. But
these descendants of Alexander, soon after
their birth, deserted the Jewisii religion, and
went over to that of the Gr<>eks ; but for the
rest of the daughters of Herod the king, it
happened that they died childless ; and as
these descendants of Herod, whom we have
enumerated, were in being at the same time
that Agrippa the Great took the kingdom,
and I have now given an account of them, it
now remains that I relate the several hard
fortunes which befell Agrippa, and how he
got clear of them, and war. advanced to the
greatest height of dignity and power.
CHAPTER VI.
OF THE NAVIGATION OF KING AGRIPPA TO
ROME, TO TIBERIUS CESAR ; AND HOW, UP-
ON HIS BEING ACCUSED BY HIS OWN FREED-
MAN, HE WAS BOUND ; HOW ALSO HE WAS
SET AT LIBERTY BY CAIUS, AFTER TIBERI-
US'S DEATH, AND WAS MADE KING OF THE
TETRARCHY OF PHILIP.
§ I. A LITTLE before the death of Herod the
king, Agrippa lived at Rome, and was gene-
• Spanlieiin also infonns us of a coin still extant of
this Jtitape, daughter of the kiiig of Commagena
rally brought up and convorsed with Drusus
the emperor Tiberius's son, and contracted a
friendship with Antonia, the wife of Drusus
the Great, who had his mother Bernice in
great esteem, and was very desirous of ad-.
vancing her son. Now, as Agrippa was bj
nature magnanimous and generous in the
presents he made while his mother was alive,
this inclination of his mind did not appear,
that he might be able to avoid her anger for
such his extravagance ; but when Bernice was
dead, and he was left to his own conduct, he
spent a great deal extravagantly in his daily
way of living, and a great deal in the immo-
derate presents lie made, and those chiefly
among Caesar's freed-men, in order to gain
their assistance, insomuch that he was in a
little time reduced to poverty, and could not
live at Rome any longer. Tiberius also for-
bade the friends of his deceased son to come
into his sight, because on seeing them he
should be put in mind of his son, and his
grief would thereby be revived.
2. For these reasons he went away from
Rome and sailed to Judea, but in evil cir-
cimistances, being dejected with the loss of
that money which he once had, and because
he had not wherewithal to pay his creditors,
who were many in number, and such as gave
no room for escaping them. 'Whereupon he
knew not what to do ; so for shame of his
present condition, he retired to a certain tower
at Malatha, in Idumea, and had thoughts
of killing himself ; but his wife Cypros per.
ceived his intentions, and tried all sorts of
methods to divert him from his taking such a
course: so she sent a letter to hu sister He-
rodias, who was now the wife of'Herod the
tetrarch, and let her know Agrippa's present
design, and what necessity it was which drove
him thereto, and desired her, as a kinswoman
of his, to give him her help, and to engage
her husband to do the same, since she saw
how she alleviated these her husband's troubles
all she could, although she had not the like
wealth to do it withal. So they sent for
him, and allotted him Tiberias for his habita-
tion, and appointed him some income of mo-
ney for his maintenance, and made him a ma-
gistrate of that city, by way of honour to
him. Yet did not Herod long continue in
that resolution of supporting him, tliough
even that support was not sufficient for him ;
for, as once they were at a feast at Tyre, and
in their cups, and reproaches were cast upon
one another, Agrippa thouglit that vvas not to
be borne, while Herod hit him in the teeth
with his poverty, and with his owing his ne-
cessary food to him. So he went to Flaccus,
one that had been consul, and had been a ve-
ry great friend to him at Rome formerly,
and was now president of Syria.
3. Hereupon Flaccus received him kindly,
and he lived with him. Flaccus had also
with him ttiere Aristobulus, who was indeed
J-
494
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
Agrippa's brother, but was at variance with
him ; yet did not their enmity to one another
hinder the friendship of Flaccus to them both ;
but still they were honourably treated by him.
However, Aristobulus did not abate of his
ill-will to Agrippa, till at length he brought
him into ill terms with Flaccus ; the occasion
of bringing on which estrangement was this :
— The Damascens were at difference with the
Sidonians about their limits, and when Flac-
cus was about to hear the cause between
them, they understood that Agrippa had a
mighty influence upon him ; so they desired
that he would be of their side, and for that
favour promised him a great deal of money ;
so he was zealous in assisting tlie Damascens
as far as he was able. Now, Aristobulus had
gotten intelligence of this promise of money
to him, and accused him to Flaccus of the
same ; and when, upon a thorough examina-
tion of the matter, it appeared plainly so to
be, he rejected Agrippa out of tlie number of
his friends. So he was reduced to the ut-
most necessity, and came to Ptoleniais ; and
because he knew not where else to get a live-
lihood, he thought to sail to Italy ; but as he
was restrained from so doing by want of mo-
ney, he desired Marsyas, who was his freed-
man, to find some method for procuring him
so inuch as he wanted for that purpose, by
borrowing such a sum of some person or
other. So Marsyas desired of Peter, who was
the freed-man of Bernice, Agrippa's mother,
and by the right of her testament was be-
queathed to Antonia, to lend so much upon
Agrippa's own bond and security : but he ac-
cused Agrjj(pa of having defrauded him of
certain sums of money, and so obliged Mar-
syas, when he made the bond of twenty thou-
sand Attic drachmas, to accept of twenty-five
hundred drachmas* less than what he desired ;
wliich tlie other allowed of, because he could
not help it. Upon the receipt of this money,
Agrippa came to Anthedon, and took ship-
ping, and was going to set sail ; but Herennius
Capito, who was the procurator of Jamnia, sent
a band of soldiers to demand of him three hun-
dred thousand drachma? of silver, which were
by him owing to C'a?sar's treasi:ry while he
was at Rome, and so forced him to stay. He
then pretended that he would do as he bade
him ; but when night came on, he cut his
cables, and went of!', and sailed to Alexan-
dria, where he desired Alexander the ala-
barch f to lend him two hundred tliousand
drachmae ; but he said he would not lend it
to him, but would not refuse it to Cyi>ros, as
greatly astonished at her attection to her hus-
band, and at the other instances of her vir-
tue; so she undertook to repay it. Accord-
• Spanheim observes, that we have here an instince
of the Attic quantity of iisc-nioiiey, which was the
eighth jiart of til. ■ i i . i - "i, or I'.'J per end. for
such is the pro])Oi»',i; ■' :' , , _' ,000.
t The governor of liie Jcrs there.
BOOK XVIIl.
ingly, Alexander paid them five talents at
Alexandria, and promised to pay them the
rest of that sum at Dicearchia [Puteoli] ;
and this he did out of the fear he was in that
Agrippa would soon spend it. So this Cy-
pros set her husband free, and dismissed him
to go on with his navigation to Italy, while
she and her children departed for Judea.
4. And now Agrippa was come to Puteoli,
whence he wrote a letter to Tiberius Cassar,
who then lived at CapreaD, and told him that
he was come so far, in order to wait on hinn
and to pay him a visit ; and desired that hk
would give him leave to come over to Capreae:
so Tiberius made no difficulty, but wrote to
him in an obliging way in other respects ; and
withal told him he was glad of his safe re-
turn, and desired him to come to Capreae ;
and, when he was come, he did not fail to
treat him as kindly as he had promised him
in his letter to do. But the next day came
letter to Caesar from Herennius Capito, to in-
form him that Agrippa had borrowed three
hundred thousand drachmae, and not paid ii
at the time appointed ; but, when it was de-
manded of him, he ran away like a fugitive,
out of the places under his government, and
put it out of his power to get the money of
him. When Cassar had read this letter, he
was much troubled at it, and gave order that
Agrippa should be excluded from his presence
until he had paid that debt: upon which he
was no way daunted at Caesar's anger, but
entreated Antonia, the mother of Germanicus,
and of Claudius, who was afterwards Ca?sar
himself, to lend him those tiiree hundred
thousand drachma;, that he might not be de-
prived of Tiberius's friendship ; so, out of re-
gard to the memory of Bernice his mother
(for those two women were very familiar with
one another), and out of regard of his and
Claudius's education together, she lent him
the money ; and, upon the payment of this
debt, there was nothing to hiiider Tiberius's
friendship to him. After iliis, Tiberius Cae-
sar recommended to him his grandson,* and
ordered tliat he should always accompany him
when he went abroad. But, upon Agrippa's
kind reception by Antonia, he betook him to
pay his respects to Caius, who was her grand-
son, and in very high reputation by reason of
the good-will they bare his father.f Now
there was one Thallus, a freed-man of Caesar,
of whom he borrowed a million of drachmae,
and thence repaid Antonia the debt he owed
her; and by sending the overplus in paying
his court to Caius, became a person of great
authority with him.
5. Now, as the friendship which Agrippa
had for Caius was come to a great height, there
happened some words to pass between them,
as they once were in a chariot together, con-
cerning Tiberius; Agrippa praying [to GodJ
Tiberius, junior.
f Germanieus.
^
^^
~v
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
495
(for they two sat by themselves) that Tiberius
might soon go off the stage, and leave the go-
vernment to Caius, who was in every respect
more worthy of it. Now, Eutychus, who
was Agrippa's freed-man, and drove his cha-
riot, heard these words, and at that time said
notliing of them ; but when Agrippa accused
him of stealing some garments of his (which
was certainly true), he ran away from him ;
but when he was caught, and brought before
I'iso, who was governor of the city, and the
man was asked why he ran away, he replied,
that he had somewhat to say to Casar, that
tended to his security and preservation : so
Piso bound him, and sent him to Caprea?.
But Tiberius, according to his usual custom,
kept him still in bonds, being a delayer of af-
fairs, if ever there was any other king or ty-
rant that was so; for he did not admit am-
bassadors quickly, and no successors were
dispatched away to governors or procurators
of the provinces that had been formerly sent,
kinless they were dead ; whence it was tliat he
was so negligent in hearing the causes of pri-
soners ; insomuch that when he was asked by
his friends what was the reason of his delay
in such cases, he said that he delayed to hear
ambassadors, lest, upon their quick dismission,
other ambassadors should be appointed, and
return upon him ; and so he should bring
trouble upon himself in their public reception
and dismission : that he permitted those go-
vernors who had been sent once to their
governments [to stay there a great while], out
of regard to the subjects that were under
them ; for that all governors are naturally dis-
posed to get as much as they can ; and that
those who are not to fix there, but to stay a
short time, and that at anuncertainty when they
shall be turned out, do the more severely hur-
ry themselves on to fleece the people ; but
that, if their government be long continued
to them, they are at last satiated with the
spoils, as having gotten a vast deal, and so
become at length less sliarp in their pillaging;
but that, if successors are sent quickly, the
poor subjects, who are exposed to them as a
prey, will not be able to bear the new ones,
while they shall not have the same time allow-
ed them wherein their predecessors had filled
themselves, and so grow more unconcerned
about getting more; and this because they
are removed before they have had time [for
their oppressions]. He gave them an exam-
ple to show his meaning : — A great number
of flies came about the sore places of a man
that had been wounded ; upon wliich one of
the standcrs-by pitied the man's misfortune,
and thinking he was not able to drive away
tliose flies himself, was going to drive them
away for him ; but he prayed him to let them
alone ; the other, by way of reply, asked him
the reason of such a preposterous proceeding,
in preventing relief from his present misery;
to which he answered, " If thou drtvest these
' flies away, thou wilt hurt me worse ; for as
these are already full of my blood, they do
not crowd about me, nor pain me so much
as before, but are sometimes more remiss,
while the fresh ones that come, almost fa-
mished, and find me quite tired down already,
will be my destruction. For this cause, there-
fore, it is that I am myself careful not to send
such new governors perpetually to those my
subjects, who are already sufficiently harassed
by many oppressions, as may, like these flies,
farther distress them ; and so, besides their
natural desire of gain, may have this addi-
tional incitement to it, that they expect to be
suddenly deprived of that pleasure which they
take in it." And, as a farther attestation to
what I say of the dilatory nature of Tiberius,
I appeal to this his practice itself; for although
he was emperor twenty-two years, he sent in
all but two procurators to govern the nation
of the Jews, — Gratus, and his successor in
the government, Pilate. Nor was he in one
way of acting with respect to the Jews, and
in another with respect to the rest of his sub-
jects. He further informed them, that even
in the hearing of the causes of prisoners, he
made such delays, because immediate death
to those that must be condemned to die,
would be an alleviation of their present mi-
series, while those wicked wretches have not
deserved any favour ; " but I do it, that by
being harassed with the present calamity, they
may undergo greater misery."
6. On this account it was that Eutychus
could not obtain a hearing, but was kept still
in prison. However, some time afterward,
Tiberius came from Caprese to Tusculanum,
which is about a hundred furlongs from Rome
Agrippa then desired of Antonia that she
would procure a hearing for Eutychus, let the
matter whereof he accused him prove what it
would. Now, Antonia was greatly esteemed
by Tiberius on all accounts, from the dignity
of her relation to him, who had been his bro-
ther Drusus's wife, and from her eminent
chastity ; * for though she was still a young
» This high commendation of Antonia for marrying
but once, given here, and supported elsewhere, Antiq.
b. xvii, ch. xiii, sect. 4 ; and this, notwithstanding the
strongest temp";allons, shows Iiow honourable single
marriages were both among the Jews and Romans, in
the days of Joscphus and of the apostles, and takes
away rnuch of that surprise which tlie modern Protest-
ants have at those laws of the apostles, where no wi-
dows, but those who had been the wives of one husband
only, are taken into the church list; and no bishops,
priests, or deacons, are allowed to marry more than
once, without leaving off to officiate as clergymen any
longer. See Luke ii, 56; 1 Tim. v, 11, 12; lii, 2, 12 ;
Tit. i, 10; Constitut Apost.'j. n, sect. 1, 2; b. vi, sect.
17 ; Can. b. xvii ; Grot, in Luc. ii, 5G ; and Respons. ad
Consult. Cassand. p. 14, and Cotelet. in Constit. b. vi,
sect. 17. And note, that Tertulian owns this law against
second marriages of the clergy, had tic-en once at least
executed in his time; and heavily complains elsewhere,
that the breach tliereof had not been always punished
by the Catholics, as it ought to have been. Jerome,
speaking of tlic ill reputation of marrying twice, says,
that no such person could be chosen into the clergy iu
his days; which Augustine testifies also ; and for Epi-
phanius, rather earlier, he is clear and full to the same
vurpose, and savs, that law obtained over the whale
J'
496
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK XVIII
woman, she continued in her widowhood, and
refused all other matches, although Augustus
had enjoined her to be married to somebody
else ; yet did she all along preserve her repu-
tation free from reproach. She had also been
the greatest benefactress to Tiberius, when
there was a very dangerous plot laid against
him by Sejanus, a man who had been her hus-
band's friend, and who had the greatest au-
thority, because he was general of the army,
and when many members of the senate, and
many of tht freed-men, joined with him, and
the soldiery was corrupted, and the plot was
ance, but would be taken off" by thee, and that
earth would be happy, and I happy also."
Now, Tiberius took these to be truly Agrip-
pa's words, and bearing a grudge withal at
Agrippa, because, when he had commanded
him to pay his respects to Tiberius, his grand-
son, and the son of Drusus, Agrippa had not
paid him that respect, but had disobeyed his
commands, and transferred all his regard to
Caius ; he said to Macro, " Bind this man.''
But Macro, not distinctly knowing which of
them it was whom he bade him bind, and not
expecting that he would have any such thing
come to a great heiglit. Now Sejanus had done to Agrippa, he forbore, and came to ask
certainly gained his point, had not Antonia's ' more distinctly what it was that he said. But
boldness been more wisely conducted than Se
janus's malice ; for, when she had discovered
his designs against Tiberius, she wrote him
an exact account of the whole, and gave the
letter to Pallas, the most faithful of her ser-
vants, and sent him to Capreje to Tiberius,
who, when he understood it, slew Sejanus and
his confederates ; so that Tiberius, who had
when Cffisar had gone round the hippodrome,
he found Agrippa standing;-^" For certain,"
said he, " jNIacro, tiiis is the man I meant to
have bound ;" and when he still asked, which
of these is to be bound ? he said, Agrippa.
Upon which Agrippa betook himself to make
supplication for himself, putting him in mind
of his son, with whom he «as brought up,
her in great esteem before, now looked upon and of Tiberius [his grandson] whom he had
her with still greater respect, and depended educated, but all to no purpose, for they led
upon her in all things. So, when Tiberius him about bound even in his purple garments,
was desired by this Antonia to examine Eu-jit was also very hot weather, and they had
tychus, he answered, '' If indeed Eutychus but little wine to their meal, so that he was
hath falsely accused Agrippa in what he hath [ very thirsty ; he was also in a sort of agony,
said of him, he hath had sufficient punish- ! and took this treatment of him heinously : as
ment by what I have done to him already ;' he therefore saw one of Caius's slaves, whose
but if, upon examination, the accusation ap-
pears to be true, let Agrippa have a care, lest,
out of desire of punishing his freed-man, he
do not rather bring a punishment upon him-
self." Now, when Antonia told Agrippa of
name was Tliaumastus, carrying some water
in a vessel, he desired that he would let him
drink ; so the servant gave him some water to
drink ; and he drank heartily, and said, '' O
thou boy ! this service of thine to me will be
this, he was still much more pressing that the for thy advantage ; for, if I once get clear of
matter mi^ht be examined into ; so Antonia, these my bonds, I will soon procure thee thy
upon Agrippa's lying hard at her continually
to beg this favour, took the following oppor-
tunity : — As Tiberius lay once at his ease
upon his sedan, and was carried about, and
Caius, her grandson, and Agrippa, were be-
fore him after dinner, she walked by the se-
dan, and desired him to call Eutychus, and
have him examined J to which he replied, " O
Antonia ! the gods are my witnesses that I am
induced to do what I am going to do, not by
freedom from Caius, who has not been want-
ing to minister to me now I am in bonds, in
the same manner as when I was in my former
state and dignity." Nor did he deceive him
in what he i)roinised him, but made him
amends for what he had now done ; for, when
afterward Agrippa was come to the kingdom,
he took particidar care of Thaumastus, and
got him his liberty from Caius, and made him
the steward over his own estate ; and when
my own inclination, but because 1 am forced he died, he left him to Agrippa liis son, and
to it by thy prayers." When he had said this,
he ordered Macro, who succeeded Sejanus,
to bring Eutychus to him; accordingly, with-
out any delay, he was brought. Tlien Tibe-
rius asked him wliat he had to say against a
to Bernice his daughter, to minister to them
in the same capacity. The man also grew
old in that honourable post, and ti.erein died.
But all this happened a good while later.
7. Now Agrippa stood in his bonds before
man who had given hiin his liberty. Upon the royal palace, and leaned on a certain tree
which he said, " O my lord ! this Caius, and for grief, with many others, who were in
Agrippa with him, were once riding in acha- bonds also; and as a certain bird sat upon
riot, when 1 sat at their feet, and, among ; the tree on which Agrippa leaned (the Romans
other discourses that passed, Agrippa said to called this bird bubo), [an owl], one of those.
Caius, O that the day would once comewhtn that were bound, a German by nation, saw
this old fellow «ill die, and name thee for the him, and asked a soldier who that man in
governor of the habitable earth ! for then this purple was ; and v/hen he was informed that
Tiberius, his grandson, would be no hinder- j his name was Agrippa, and that he was by
nation a Jew, and one of the principal men
Catholic church in his ilay
cited authors inform us.
the places in the fore-
of tliat nation, he asked leave of the soldiei
^.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. VI
lO whom he was bound,* to let him come
near to him, to speak with him ; for that he
had a mind to inquire of him about some
things relating to his country ; which liberty,
when he had obtained, as he stood near him,
he said thus to him by an interpreter, — " This
sudden change of thy condition, O young
man ! is grievous to thee, as bringing on
thee a manifold and very great adversity ;
nor wilt thou believe me, when I fortell how
thou wilt get clear of this misery which thou
art now under, and how Divine Providence
will provide for thee. Know therefore (and
I appeal to my own country gods, as well as
to the gods of this place, who have awarded
these bonds to us), that all I am going to say
about thy concerns, shall neither be said for
favour nor bribery, nor out of an endeavour
to make thee cheerful without cause ; for
iuch predictions, when they come to fail,
make the grief at last, and in earnest, more
bitter than if the party had never heard of any
such thing. However, though I run the ha-
zard of my own self, I think it fit to declare
to thee the prediction of the gods. It can-
not be that thou shouldst long continue in
these bonds ; but thou wilt soon be delivered
from them, and wilt be promoted to the high-
est dignity and power, and thou wilt be envied
by all those who now pity thy hard fortune ;
and thou wilt be happy till thy death, and
wilt leave thine happiness to the children
whom thou shalt have. But, do tliou remem-
ber, when thou seest this bird again, tliat thou
will then live but five days longer. This event
will be brought to pass by that God who hath
sent this bird hither to be a sign unto thee.
And I cannot but think it unjust to conceal
from thee what I foreknow concerning thee,
that, by thy knowing beforehand what happi-
ness is coming upon thee, thou mayest not
regard thy present misfortunes. But, when
this happiness shall actually befall thee, do
not forget wliat misery I am in myself, but en-
deavour to deliver me." So when the Ger-
man had said this, he made Agrippa laugh at
him as much as he afterwards appeared
worthy of admiration. But now Antonia
took Agrippa's misfortune to heart : however,
to speak to Tiberius on his behalf, she took
to be a very difficult thing, and indeed quite
impracticable, as to any hope of success ; yet
did she procure of Macro, that the soldiers
that kept him should be of a gentle nature,
and that the centurion who was over them,
and was to diet with him, should be of the
same disposition, and that he might have leave
to bathe himself every day, and that his freed-
men and friends might S'ome to him, and that
other things that tended to ease him might be
indulged him. So his friend Silas came in
« Dr. Hudson here takes notice, out of Seneca, Epis-
tle V. tliat this was the custom of Tiberius, to couple
the prisoner and tlie soldier that guardetl_him together
in tlie same chain.
497
to him, and two of his freed-men, Marsyas
and Stechus, brought him such sorts of food
as be was fond of, and indeed took great care
of him ; they also brought him garments, un-
der pretence of selling them, and, when night
came on, they laid them under him ; and the
soldiers assisted them, as Macro had given
them order to do beforehand. And this was
Agrippa's condition for six mouths' time;
and in this case were his affairs.
8. But as for Tiberius, upon his return to
Caprea;, he fell sick. At first his distemper
was but gentle ; but, as that distemper in-
creased upon him, he had small or no hopes
of recovery. Hereupon he bade Euodus,
who was the freed-man whom he most of all
respected, to bring the childrenf to him, for
that he wanted to talk to them before he died.
Now he had at present no sons of his own
alive ; for Drusus, who was his only son, was
dead ; but Drusus's son Tiberius was still
living, whose additional name was Gemellus:
there was also living Caius, the son of Ger-
manicus, who was the son \ of his brother
[Drusus], He was now grown up, and had
had a liberal education, and was well improved
by it, and was in esteem and favour with the
people, on account of the excellent character
of his father Gerraanicus, who had attained
the highest honour among the multitude, by
the firmness of his virtuous behaviour, by the
easiness and agreeableness of his conversing
with the multitude, and because the dignity
he was in did not hinder his familiarity with
them all, as if they were his equals ; by which
behaviour he was not only greatly esteemed
by the people and the senate, but by every
one of those nations that were subject to the
Romans ; some of whom were affected when
they came to him, with the gracefulness of
their reception by him ; and others were af-
fected in the same manner by the report of
the others that had been with him ; and, up-
on his death, there was a lamentation made
by all men ; not such a one as was to be
made in way of flattery to their rulers, while
they did but counterfeit sorrow, but such as
was real ; while every body grieved at his
death, as if they had lost one that was near to
them. And truly such had been his easy
conversation with men, that it turned greatly
to the advantage of his son among all ; and,
among others, the soldiery were so peculiarly
affected to him, that they reckoned it an eli-
gible thing, if need were, to die themselves,
if he might but attain to the government.
9. But when Tiberius had given order to
Euodus to bring the children to him the next
day in the morning, he prayed to his country
gods to show him a manifest signal, which of
those children should come to the govern-
t Tiberius his own grandson, and Caius his brother
Drusui's grandson.
+' t'O I correct Josephus's copy, which calls Gerir.ani-
cus his brother, who was his brother's son.
2 T
"X.
493
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
ment ; being very desirous to leave it to his
son's son, but still depending upon whiat God
would foresliow concerning them, more than
upon his own opinion and inclination ; so he
made this to be the omen, that the govern-
inent sliould be left to liim who should come
to him first the next day. When he had thus
resolved within himself, he sent to his grand-
son's tutor, and ordered Iiim to Oring the
child to him early in the morning, as suppos-
ing that God would permit him to be made
emperor. But God proved opposite to his
designation ; for, while Tiberius was thus
contriving matters, and as soon as it was at
all day, he bid Euodus to call in that child
which should be there ready. So he went
out, and found Caius before the door, for Ti-
berius was not yet come, but staid waiting
for his breakfast ; for Euodus knew nothing
of what his lo:-d intended ; so he said to Caius,
" Thy father calls thee," and then brought
liim in. As soon as Tibeiius saw Caius, and
not before, he reflected on the power of God,
and how the ability of bestowing the govern-
ir.ent on whom he would was entirely taken
from liim ; and thence he was not able to
establish what he had intended. So he great-
ly lamented that his power of establishing
what he had before contrived was taken from
hiiTi, and that his grandson Tiberius was not
only to lose the Roman empire by his fatali-
ty, but his own safety also ; because his pre-
servation would now depend upon such as
would be more potent than himself, wholnished." This was the speech which Tibe-
would think it a thing not to be borne, thatirius made; which did not persuade Caius to
BOOk XVIIl
tion beforehand, while it was in his power to
have died without grief by this knowledge of
futurity ; whereas he was now tormented by
his foreknowledge of the misfortune of such
as were dearest to him, and must die undei
that torment. Now, although he was disor-
dered at this unexpected revolution of the go.
vernment to those for whom he did not in-
tend it, he spake thus to Caius, though un-
willingly, and against his own inclination :—
" O child, although Tiberius be nearer relat-
ed to me than thou art, I, by my own deter-
inination, and the conspiring suffrage of the
gods, do give, and put into thy hand, the
Roman empire ; and I desire thee never to
be unmindful when thou comest to it, either
of my kindness to thee, who set thee in so
high a dignity, or of thy relation to Tiberius:
but as thou knowest that I am, together with
and after the gods, the procurer of so great
happiness to thee, so I desire that thou wilt
make me a return for my readiness to assist
thee, and wilt take care of Tiberius because
of his near relation to thee. Besides which,
thou art to know, that, while Tiberius is
alive, he will be a security to thee, both as to
empire and as to thy own preservation ; but,
if he die, that will be but a prelude to thy
own misfortunes; for to be alone under the
weight of such vast affairs, is very dangerous;
nor will the gods suffer those actions which
are unjustly done, contrary to that law wiiich
directs men to do otherwise, to go off unpu-
kinsman should live with them, and so his
relation would not be able to protect him :
but he would be feared and hated by him
who had tlie supreme authority, partly on
account of his being next to the empire, and
partly on account of his jierpelually contriv-
ing to get tlie government, both in order to
preserve himself, and to be at the head of
affairs also. Now Tiberius had been very
much given to astrology,* and the calcula-
act accordingly, although he promised so to
do ; but, when he was settled in the govern,
ment, he took off this Tiberius, as was pre-
dieted by the otlier Tiberius ; as he was also
himself, in no long time afterward, slain by a
secret plot laid against him.
10. So when Tiberius had at this time ap
pointed Caius to bo his successor, he outlived
but a few days, and then died, after he had
held the government twenty-two years five
tion of nativities ; and had spent his life in months and three days. Now Caius was the
the esteem of what predictions had proved j fourth emperor : but when the Romans un-
true, more than those whose profession it ' derstood that Tiberius was dead, they rejoiced
was. Accordingly, when he once saw Galba at the good news, but had not courage to be-
coming in to him, he said to his most inti- j licve it ; not because they were unwilling ii
mate friends, tliat there came in a man tiiat should be true, for they would have given
would one day liave the dignity of the llo- large sums of inoney that it might be so, but
man empire. So that tiiis Tiberius was more i because they were afraid that, if they had
addicted to all such sorts of diviners than any ' shown their joy when the news proved false,
other of the Roman emperors, because he j their joy should be openly known, and they
had found them to have told the truth in his! sliould be accused for it, and be thereby un-
own aifairs; and indeed he was now in great done; for this Tibeiius had brought a vas
distress upon this accident that had bufalien , number of miseries on the best families of tht
him, and was very much grieved at the de- Romans, since he was easily inflamed with
struction of his son's son, which he foresaw, i passion in all cases, and was of such a temper
and complained of himself, that he should as rendered his anger irrevocable, till he had
have made use of such a method of divina-
» Tliis U =1 knojirn tiling among the Roman histo-
rians ar.tl ports, that Tiberius was greatly given to as-
tiology and divinatlou.
executed the same, although he had taken a
hatred against men without reason ; for he
was by nature fierce in all the sentences he
gave and made death the penalty for the
CHAP. VII.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEW'S.
499
slightest offences ; insomuch tliat when the
Romans heard the rumour about liis death
gladly, they were restrained from the enjoy-
ment of that pleasure by the dread of such
miseries as they foresaw would follow, if their
hopes proved ill-grounded. Now Marsyas,
Agrippa's freed-man, as soon as he heard of
Tiberius's death, came running to tell Agrip-
pa the news ; and finding him going out to
the bath, he gave him a nod, and said, in the
Hebrew tongue, " Tlie lion * is dead ;" who,
understanding his meaning, and being over-
joyed at the news, " Nay," said he, " but all
sorts of thanks and happiness attend thee for
this news of thine ; only I wish that what
thou sayest may prove true." Now the cen-
turion who was set to keep Agrippa, when he
saw with what haste Marsyas came, and what
joy Agrippa had from what he said, he had a
suspicion that his words implied some great
innovation of affairs, and he asked them about
•what was said. They at first diverted the
discourse ; but upon his farther pressing,
Agrippa, without more ado, told him, for lie
was already become his friend ; so he joined
with him in that pleasure which this news oc-
casioned, because it would be fortunate to
Agrippa, and made him a supper: but, as
diey were feasting, and the cups went about,
there came one wlio said, that Tiberius was
still alive, and would return to the city in a
few days. At which news the centurion was
exceedingly troubled, because he had done
what might cost him his life, to have treated
so joyfully a prisoner, and this upon the news
of the death of Csesar ; so he thrust Agrippa
from the couch whereon he lay, and said,
" Dost thou think to cheat me by a lie aI)out
the emperor without punishment ? and shall
not thou pay for this thy malicious report at
the price of thine head?" When he had so
said, he ordered Agrippa to be bound again
(for he had loosed him before), and kept a se-
verer guard over him than fo<-merly, and in
that evil condition was Agrippa tliat night ;
but the next day the rumour increased in the
city, and confirmed the news that Tiberius
was certainly dead; insomuch that men durst
now openly and freely talk about it ; nay,
some offered sacrifices on that account. Se-
veral letters also came from Caius ; one of
them to the senate, which informed them of
the death of Tiberius, and of his own entrance
on the government ; another to Piso, the go-
vernor of the city, which told him the same
thing. He also gnve order that Agrippa
should be removed out of the camp, and go
to that house where he lived before be was
put in prison ; so that he was now out of fear
as to his own affairs ; for, althougli he was
• The name of a Lion is often gi\ en to tyrants, espe-
cially by the Jews, such as Agrijjpa, and probably his
frc«1-maj) Marsyas, in effect were, Ezek. xix. 1, 9:
Estli. iv, 13; i Tim. iv. 17- They are also sometimes
compared to, or represented by, wild beasts, of which
the Uon is tlie principal Dan. vi- 3 H "Xiioc. xiii. 1 2..
still in custody, yet it was now with ease to
his own affairs. Now, as soon as Caius was
come to Rome, and had brought Tiberius's
dead body with him, and had made a sumptu-
ous funeral for him, according to the laws of
his country, he was much disposed to set
Agrippa at liberty that very day ; but Anlo-
nia hindered him, not out of any ill-will to
the prisoner, but out of regard to decency in
Caius, lest that should make men believe that
he received the death of Tiberius with plea-
sure, wlien he loosed one whom he had bound
immediately. However, there did not many
days pass ere he sent for him to his house,
and had him shaved, and made him change
his raiment ; after which he put a diadem
upon his head, and appointed him to be king
of the tetrarchy of Philip. He also gave him
tlie tetrarchy of Lysanias,f and changed his
iron chain for a golden one of equal vveiglit.
He also sent MaruUus to be procurator of
Judea.
11. Now, in the second year of the reign
of Caius Cfesar, Agrippa desired leave to be
given him to sail home, and settle the affairs
of his government ; and he promised to re-
turn again when he had put the rest in order,
as it ought to be put. So, upon the empe-
ror's permission, he came into his own coun-
try, and appeared to them all unexpectedly as
a king, and thereby demonstrated to the men
that saw him, the power of fortune, when they
compared his former poverty with his present
happy affluence; so some called him a happy
man ; and others could not well believe that
things were so much changed with liim for
the better.
CHAPTER Vil.
HOW HEROD THE TETRARCH WAS BANISHED.
§ 1. But Herodias, Agrippa's sister, who
now lived as wife to that Herod who was te-
trarch of Galilee and Pert-a, took this autho-
rity of her brother in an envious manner, par-
ticularly when she saw that he had a greater
dignity bestowed on him than her husband
had ; since, when he ran away, he was not
able to pay his debts ; and now he was come
back, it was because he was in a way of dig-
nity and of great fortune. She was therefore
grieved and much displeased at so great a
mutation of his affairs; and chiefly when she
saw him marching among the multitude with
the usual ensigns of royal autliority, slie was
not able to conceal how miserable slie was, by
reason of the envy she had towards him ; but
she excited her husband, and desired him that
he would sail to Rome, to court honoui-s
f Although Caius now promised to give Agrippa the
tetrarchy ot Lysanias, yet was it not actually conferred
upon him till the reign of Claudius, as we leaiii, Antiq
b. xix. chap. V. sect. 1
^
500
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
equal to his ; for she said, that she could not
bear to live any longer, while Agrippa, the
son of that Aristobulus who was condemned
to die by his father, one that came to her hus-
band in such extreme poverty, that the neces-
saries of life were forced to be entirely sup-
plied him day by day ; and when he fled away
from his creditors by sea, he now returned a
king : while he was himself the son of a king,
and while the near relation he bare to royal
authority, called upon him to gain the like dig-
nity, he sat still, and was contented with a
privater life. " But then, Herod, although
thou wast formerly not concerned to be in a
lower condition than thy father, from whom
thou wast derived, liad been, yet do thou now
seek after the dignity which thy kinsman hath
attained to ; and do not thou bear this con-
tempt, that a man who admired thy riches
should be in greater honour than thyself,
nor suffer his poverty to show itself able
to purchase greater things than our abun-
dance ; nor do thou esteem it other than a
Bliair.eful thing to be inferior to one who, the
otl'er day, lived upon thy charity. But let
us go to Rome, and let us spare no pains nor
expenses, either of silver or gold, since they
cannot be kept for any better use than for the
obtaining of a kingdom."
2. But for Herod, he opposed her request
at this time, out of the love of ease, and hav-
ing a suspicion of the trouble he should have
at Rome ; so he tried to instruct her better.
But the more she saw him draw back, the
more she pressed him to it, and desired him
to leave no stone unturned in order to be
kinT; and at last she left not off till she en-
gaged him, whether he would or not, to be
of her sentiments, because he could no other-
wise avoid her importunity. So he got all
things ready, after as sumptuous a manner
as lie was able, and spared for nothing, and
went up to Rome, and took Herodias along
with him. E-ut Agrippa, when he was made
sensible of their intentions and preparations,
he also prepared to go thither ; and as soon
as he heard tliey set sail, he sent Fortunatus,
one of his frecd-men, to Rome, to carry pre-
sents to the emperor, and letters against He-
rod, and to give Caius a particular account
of those matters, if he should have any op-
portunity. This man followed Herod so
quick, and had so prosperous a voyage, and
came so little after Herod, that while Herod
was with Caius, he came himself, and deli-
vered liis letters ; for they both sailed to Di-
cearcliia, and found Caius at Baias, which is
itself a little city of Campania, at the distance
of about five furlongs £iom Dicearchia. There
are in that place royal palaces, with sump-
tuous iipartments, every enip.ror still endea-
vouring to outdo liis predecessor's magnifi-
rei'.ce : the jjlace also affords warm baths,
tiiat spring out of the ground of their own
accord, whii-li are of advantage for the reco-
BOOK XVHI
very of the health of those that make use of
them ; and, besides, they minister to men's
luxury also. Now Caius saluted Herod, fo»
he first met with him, and then looked upon
the letters which Agrippa had sent him, and
which were written in order to accuse He-
rod ; wherein he accused him, that he had
been in confederacy with Sejanus, against
Tiberius's government, and that he was now
confederate with Artabanus, the king of Par-
thia, in opposition to the government of
Caius ; as a demonstration of which, he al-
leged that he had armour sufficient for seven-
ty thousand men ready in his armoury. Caius
was moved at this information, and asked
Herod, whether what was said about the ar-
mour was true ; and when he confessed there
was such armour there, for he could not deny
the same, the truth of it being too notorious,
Caius took that to be a sufficient proof of the
accusation, that he intended to revolt. So
he took away from him his tetrarchy, and
gave it by way of addition to Agrippa's king-
dom; he also gave Herod's money to Agrip-
pa, and, by way of punishment, awarded him
a perpetual banishment, and appointed Lyons
a city of Gaul, to be his place of habitation
But when he was informed that Herodias
was Agrippa's sister, he made her a present of
what money was her own, and told her that
it was her brother who prevented her being
put under the same calamity with her hus-
band. But she made this reply: — " Thou,
indeed, O emperor! actest after a magnifi-
cent manner, and as becomes thyself, in \\hat
thou offerest me ; but the kindness which I
have for my husband hinders me from par-
taking of the favour of thy gift : for it is not
just that I, who have been made a partner in
his prosperity, should forsake him in his mis-
fortunes." Hereupon Caius was angry at
her, and sent her with Herod into banisli-
nient, and gave her estate to Agrippa. And
thus did God punish Herodias for her envy
at her brother, and Herod also for giving ear
to the vain discourses of a woman. Now,
Caius managed public affairs with great mag-
nanimity during the first and second year of
liis reign, and behaved himself with such mo-
deration, that he gained the good-will of the
Romans themselves, and of his other subjesjts.
But, in process of time, he went beyond the
bounds of human nature in his conceit ol
himself, and, by reason of the vastness of his
dominions, made himself a god, and took
upon himself to act in all things to tlic re-
proach of the Deity itself.
J'
CHAP. VI 11
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
501
CHAPTER VIII.
CONCERNING THE EMBASSAGE OF THE JEWS TO
CAIUS ; * AND HOW CAIUS SENT PETRONIUS
INTO SYRIA, TO MAKE WAR AGAINST THE
JEWS, UNLESS THEY WOULD RECEIVE HIS
STATUE.
§ 1. There was now a tumult arisen at
Alexandria, between the Jewish inhabitants
and tlie Greeks ; and three ambassadors f
were chosen out of each party that were at
variance, who came to Caius. Now, one of
these ambassadors from the people of Alex-
andria was Apion, who uttered many blasphe-
mies against the Jews; and, among other
things, that he said he charged them with ne-
glecting the honours that belonged to Caesar;
for that while all who were subject to the
Roman empire built altars and temples to
Caius, and in other regards universally re-
ceived him as they received the gods, these
Jews alone thought it a dishonourable thing
for them to erect statues in honour of him,
as well as to swear by his name. Many of
these severe things were said by Apion, by
which he hoped to provoke Caius to anger at
the Jews, as he was likely to be. But Pliilo,
the principal of the Jewish embassage, a man
eminent on all accounts, brother to Alexan-
der the alabarch, \ and one not unskilful in
philosophy, was ready to betake himself to
make his defence against those accusations ;
but Caius prohibited him, and bade him be-
gone : he was also in such a rage, that it open-
ly appeared he was about to do them some
very great mischief. So Philo, being thus
affronted, went out, and said to those Jews
who were about him, that they should be of
good courage, since Caius's words indeed
showed anger at them, but in reality had al-
ready set God against himself.
2. Hereupon Caius, taking it very hein-
* This is a most remarkable chapter, as containing
such instances of the interposition of Providence, as
have been always very rare among the other idolatrous
nations, but of old very many among the posterity of
Abraham, the worsliippers of the true God ; nor do
these seem much inferior to those in the Old Testament,
which are the more remarkable, because, among all tlieir
other follies and vices, the Jews were not at this time
idolaters; and the deliverances here mentioned were
done, in order to prevent their relapse into that idolatry
t Josephus here assures us, that the ambassadors from
Alexandria to Caius were on each part no more than
three in number, for the Jews, and for the Gentiles,
which are but six in all : whereas Philo, who was the
principal ambassador from the Jews, as Josephus here
confesses (as was Apion for the Gentiles), says, the Jews'
ambassadors were themselves no fewer than five, to-
wards the end of his legation to Caius ; which, if there
t)e no mistake in the copies, must be supposed the
truth ; nor, in that case, would Josephus have contra-
dicted so authentic a witness, had he seen that account
of Philo's ; which, that he ever did, does not appear.
X This Alexander, the alabarch, or governor of the
Jews, at Alexandria, and biother to Philo, is supposed,
by Bishop Pearson, in Act. Apost. p. 41, 42, to be the
same with that Alexander who is mentioned by St.
Luke, as of the kindred of tlie high-priesls.-^cts iv, 6.
ously that he should be thus despised by the
Jews alone, sent Petronius to be president
of Syria,, and successor in the government to
Vitellius, and gave him order to make an in-
vasion into Judea, with a great body of troops,
and, if they would admit of his statue wil-
lingly, to erect it in the temple of God ; but,
if tliey were obstinate, to conquer them by
war, and then to do it. Accordingly Petro-
nius took the government of Syria, and made
liaste to obey Caesar's epistle. He got toge-
ther as great a number of auxiliaries as he
possibly could, and took witli him two legions
of the Roman army, and came to Ftolemais,
and there wintered, as intending to set about
the war in the spring. He also wrote word
to Caius what he had resolved to do ; who
commended him for his alacrity, and ordered
him to go on, and to make war with them, in
case they would not obey his commands. But
there came many ten thousands of the Jews
to Petronius, to Ptolemais, to offer their pe-
titions to him, that he would not compel them
to transgress and violate the law of their fore-
fathers ; " but if," said they, " thou art en-
tirely resolved to bring this statue, and erect
it, do thou first kill us, and then do what thou
hast resolved on, for, while we are alive, we
cannot permit such things as are forbidden us
to be done by the authority of our legislator,
and by our forefathers' determination that
such prohibitions are instances of virtue.'
But Petronius was angry at them, and said,
" If indeed I were myself emperor, and were
at liberty to follow my own inclination, and
then had designed to act thus, these your
words would be justly spoken to me ; but now
Caesar hath sent to me, I am under the ne-
cessity of being subservient to his decrees,
because a disobedience to them will bring
upon me inevitable destruction." Then the
Jews replied, " Since, therefore, thou art so
disposed, O Petronius ! that thou wilt not
disobey Caius's epistles, neither will we trans-
gress the commands of our law ; and as we
depend upon the excellency of our laws, and,
by the labours of our ancestors, have conti-
nued hitherto without suffering them to be
transgressed, we dare not by any means suf-
fer ourselves to be so timorous as to transgress
those laws out of the fear of death, which
God hath determined are for our advantage;
and, if we fall into misfortunes we will bear
them, in order to preserve our laws, as know-
ing that those who expose themselves to dan-
gers, have good hope of escaping them ; be-
cause God will stand on our side when, out
of regard to him, we undergo afflictions, and
sustain the uncertain turns of fortune. But,
if we should submit to thee, we should be
greatly reproached for our cowardice, as
thereby showing ourselves ready to transgress
our law; and we should incur the great anger
of God also, who, even thyself being judge,
is superior to Caius."
^
_r
"Vi.
50-.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOh. XVIIl
3. When Petronius saw by their words that
their determination was hard to be removed,
and that, without a war, he should not be able
to be subservient to Caius in the dedication
of his statue, and that there must be a great
deal of bloodshed, he took his friends, and
the servants that were about him, and hasted
to Tiberias, as wanting to know in what pos-
ture the afl'airs of the Jews were ; and many
ten thousands of the Jews met Petronius
again, when he was come to Tiberias. These
thought they must run a mighty hazard if
they should have a war with the Romans, but
ju igod t'nat the transgression of t!ie law was
of much greater consequence, and made sup-
plication to him, that he would by no means
reduce them to such distresses, nor defile their
city with the dedication of the statue. Then
Petronius said to them, " Will you then make
war with Caesar, without considering his great
preparations for war, and your own weak-
ness ?" They reiilied, " We will not by any
means make war with him ; but still we will
die before we see our laws transgressed." So
they threw themselves down upon their faces,
and stretched out their throats, and said they
were ready to be slain ; and this they did for
forty days together, and in the mean time left
ofT the tilling of their ground, and that while
the season of the year required them to sow
It.* Tluis they continued firm in their reso-
lution, and proposed to themselves to die wil-
lingly, rather than to see the dedication of
the statue.
4. When matters were in this state, Aristo-
hulus, king Agrippa's brother, and Helcias
the Great, and the other principal men of that
family with them, went in unto Petronius.
and besought him, that, since he saw the re-
solution of the multitude, he would not make
any alteration, and thereby drive them to de-
spair ; but would write to Caius, that the Jews
had an insuperable aversion to the reception
of the statue, and how they continued with
him, and left off the tillage of their ground :
that they were not willing to go to war with
him, because they were not able to do it, but
were ready to die with pleasure, rather than
suffer their laws to be transgressed : and how,
upon the land's continuing unsown, robberies
would grow up, on the inability they would
be under of paying their tributes; and that
perhaps Caius might be thereby moved to
pity, and not order any barbarous action to
be done to them, nor think of destroying the
nation ; that if he continues inflexible in his
former opinion to bring a war upon them, he
uiuy then set about it himself. And thus did
Aristobiilus, and the rest with him, suppli-
• What Josephiis here, and sect. 6, relates as dene by
the Jews before seed-time, is in Philo, " not far oft' the
<nne when the corn was riije," who, as Le Clcrc notes,
dirter here one from the other. This is another indica-
tion that Josephus, when he wrote this account, liad not
Been Philos Legal, ad t'junn, otherwise he would hard-
ly have herein differed from him.
cate Petronius. So Petronius,-|- partly on ac-
count of the pressing instances which Aristo-
bulus and the rest with him made, and be-
cause of the great consequence of what ihey
desired, and the earnestness wherewith they
made their supplication, — partly on account
of the firmness of the opposition made by the
Jews, which he saw, while he thought it a
horrible thing for him to be such a slave to
the madness of Caius, as to slay so many ten
thousand men, only because of their religious
disposition towards God, and after that to
pass his life in expectation of punishment;
Petronius, I say, thought it much better to
send to Caius, and to let him know liovv intole-
rable it was to him to bear the anger he might
have against him for not serving him sooner,
in obedience to his epistle, for that perhaps he
might persuade him; and that if this mad re-
solution continued, he might then begin the
war against diem ; nay, that in case he should
turn his hatred against himself, it was fit for
virtuous persons even to die for the sake of
such vast multitudes of men. Accordingly
he determined to heaiken to the petitions in
this matter.
5. He then called the Jews together to Ti-
berias, who came many ten thousands in num-
ber ; he also placed that army he now had
with him opposite to them •. but did not dis-
cover his own meaning, but the commands of
the emperor, and told them that his wrath
would, without delay, be executed on such as
had the courage to disobey what he had com-
manded, and this immediately ; and that it
was fit for him who had received so great a
dignity by his grant, not to contradict him in
any thing : — " yet (said he) I do not think it
just to have such a regard to my own safety
and honour, as to refuse to sacrifice them for
your preservation, who are so many in num-
ber, and endeavour to preserve the regard that
is due to your law ; which as it hath come
down to you from your forefathers, so do you
esteem it worthy of your utmost contention
to preserve it: nor, with the supreme assist-
ance and power of God, will 1 be so hardy
as to suffer your temple to fall into contempt
by the means of the imperial authority. I
will, therefore, send to Caius, and let him
know what your resolutions are, and will as-
sist your suit as far as I am able, that you
may not be exposed to suffer on account of
the honest designs you have proposed to your-
selves ; and may God be your assistant, for
his authority is beyond all the contrivance and
power of men ; and may he procure you the
t This Publius Petronius wa-s after this still president
of .SjTia, under Claudius, and, .it the desire of Agrippa,
I>ublished a severe decree against the inhabitants of Do-
ra, who, in a sort of imiiation of Caius, had set up a
statue of Claudius iu a Jewish synagogue there. This
decree is extant, b. xix, eh. vi, sect. 5 ; and greatly eon-
firms the j)rcsent accounts of Josephus, as do the other
decrees ot t laudius, relating to the Jewish affairs, bi
xix. ch. V, sect. 2, 3; to which I refer the inquisitive
reader
"V
~v.
CHAP. VIII.
preservation of your ancient laws, and may
not he be deprived, though witliout your con-
sent, of his accustomed honours. But if
Caius be irritated, and turn the violence of
his rage upon me, I will rather undergo all
that danger and that affliction that may come
either on my body or my soul, than see so
many of you perish, while you are acting in
so excellent a manner. Do you, therefore,
every one of you, go your «ay about your
own occupations, and fall to the cultivation
of your ground ; I will myself send to Rome,
and will not refuse to serve you in all things,
both by myself and by my friends."
6. When Petronius had said this, and had
dismissed the assembly of the Jews, he desir-
ed the principal of them to take care of their
husbandry, and to speak kindly to the people,
and encourage them to liave good hope of
their affairs. Thus did lie readily bring the
multitude to be cheerful again. And now
did God show liis presence* to Petronius, and
signify to hiin, that he would aflbrd him his
assistance in his whole design ; for he had no
sooner finished the speed) thai he made to the
Jews, but God sent down great showers of
rain, contrary to human expectation ; for that
day was a clear day, and gave no sign, by the
appearance of the sky, of any rain ; nay, the
whole year had been subject to a great drouglit,
and made men despair of any water from a-
bove, even when at any time they saw the
heavens overcast with clouds; insomuch, that
when such a great quantity of rain came, and
that in an unusual manner and without any
other expectation of it, the Jews hoped that
Petronius would by no moans fail in his pe-
t.tion for them. But as to Petronius, he was
migiitily surprised when he perceived that
God evidently took care of tlie Jews, and
gave very plain signs of his appearance,f and
this to such a degree, that those that were in
earnest much inclined to the contrary, had no
power left to contradict it. Tliis was also a-
mong those other particulars which he wrote
to Caius, which all tended to dissuade him,
and by all means to entreat him not to make
so many ten thousands of these men go dis-
tracted ; whom, if he should slay (for without
war they would by no means suffer the laws
»f their worship to be set aside) he would lose
the revenue they paid him, and would be pub-
licly cursed by them for all future ages.
Moreover, that God who was their governor,
had shown his power most evidently on their
account^ and that such a power of his as left
* Josephus here uses the solemn New Testament
words, 3-«««!/«-i« aiid iTn^cmiKt, the prestnce and appear-
ance of God, for the extraordinary manifestation of his
powc-r and providence to Petronius, by sending rain in a
time of distress, immediately upon the resolution he
had taken to preserve the temple unpolluted, at the haz-
ard of his own life, witliout any otner miraculous ap-
pearance at all in that case; whieh well deserves to be
taken notice of here, and greatly illustrates several texts,
iioth in the Old and New Testament. ^
t See the preceding note.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
503
no room for doubt about it ; — and this was
the business that Petronius was now engaged
in.
7. But king Agrippa, who now lived at
Rome, was more and more in the favour of
Caius; and when he had once made him a
supper, and was careful to exceed all others,
both in expenses and in such picparations as
might contribute most to his pleasure; nay,
it was so far from the ability of others, that
Caius himself could never equal, much less
cicced it (such care had he taken before-
hand to exceed all men, and particularly to
inake all agreeable to Csesar) ; hereupon Caius
admired his understanding and magnificence,
that he should force liimself to do all to please
him, even beyond such expenses as he could
bear, and was desirous not to he behind A-
grippa in that generosity which he exerted, in
order to please him. So Caius, when he had
drank wine plentifully, and was merrier than
ordinary, said thus during the feast, when
Agrippa had drank to him : — " I knew before
now how great a respect thou hast had for
me, and how great kindness thou hast shown
me, though with those hazards to thyself,
which thou underwenlest under Tiberius on
that account ; nor hast thou omitted any thing
to show thy good-will towards us, even be-
yond thy ability; whence it would be a base
thing for me to be conquered by thy affection.
I am therefore desirous to make thee amends
for every thing in which I have been former-
ly deficient ; for all that I have bestowed on
thee, that may be called my gifts, is but little.
Every thing that may contribute to thy hap-
piness shall be at tliy service, and that cheer-
fully, and so far as my ability will roach ;" —
and this was what Caius said to Agrijipa,
thinking he would ask for some large coun-
try, or the revenues of certain cities ; but, al-
though he had prepared beforehand what lie
would ask, yet had he not discovered liis in-
tentio.is, but made this answer to Caius im-
mediately, that it was not out of any expecta-
tion of gain that he formerly paid his respects
to him, contrary to the commands of Tibe-
rius, nor did he now do any thing relating
to him out of regard to his own advantage,
and in order to receive any thing from him :
that the gifts he had already bestowed ujion
him were great, and beyond the hopes of even
a craving man ; for, although they may be
beneath thy power [«ho art the donor] yet
are they greater than my inclination and dig-
nity, who am the receiver; — and, as Caius
was astonished at Agrippa's inclinations, and
still the more pressed him to make his request
for somewhat which he might gratify him
with, Agripjxi replied, " Since tiiou, O my
Lord, declarest such is thy readiness to grant,
that I am worthy of thy gifts, I will ask no-
t Tliis behaviour of Caius to Agrippa, is very like Uiat
of Herod Antipas, his uncle, to Heiadias, Agrij pa's si»
ter, about Joan the Baptist, Matt, xiv t>— U.
T
-^
604.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
thiiif relating to my own felicity ; for what
thou hast ah-eady bestowed on me has made
me excel therein ; but I desire somewhat
which may make thee glorious for piety, and
render the Divinity assistant to thy designs,
and may be for an honour to me among those
that inquire about it, as showing that I never
once fail of obtaining what I desire of thee ;
for my petition is this, that thou wilt no
onger think of the dedication of that sta-
tue which thou hast ordered to be set up in
the Jewish temple by Petronius."
8. And thus did Agrippa venture to cast
the die upon this occcasion, so great was the
affair in his opinion, and in reality, though he
knew how dangerous a thing it was so to
speak ; for, had not Caius approved it, it had
tended to no less than the loss of his life.
So Caius, who was mightily taken with
Agrippa's obliging behaviour, and on other
accounts thinking it a dishonourable thing to
be guilty of falsehood before so ma )y wit-
nesses, in points wherein he had with such
alacrity forced Agrippa to become a petitioner,
and that it would look as if he had already
repented of what he had said, and because he
greatly admired Agrippa's virtue, in not de-
siring him at all to augment his own domi-
nions, either with larger revenues, or other au-
thority, but took care of the public tranquillity,
of the laws, and of the Divinity itself, he grant-
ed him w hat he requested. He also wrote thus
to Petronius, commending him for his assem-
bling his army, and then consulting him a-
bout these affairs. " If, therefore," said he,
" thou hast already erected my statue, let it
stand ; but if thou hast not yet dedicated it, do
not trouble thyself farther about it, but dismiss
thy army, go back, and take care of those
affairs which I sent thee about at first, for I
have now no occasion for the erection of that
statue. This I have granted as a favour to
Agrippa, a man whom I honour so very great-
ly, that I am not able to contradict what he
would have, or what he desired me to do for
him." And this was what Caius wrote to
Petronius, which was before he received his
letter, informing him that tlie Jews were very
ready to revolt about this statue, and that
they seemed resolved to threaten war against
the Romans, and nothing else. When there-
fore Caius was much displeased that any at-
tempt should be made against his government,
as he was a slave to base and vicious actions
on all occasions, and had no regard to what
was virtuous and lionourable, and against
whomsoever he resolved to siiow his anger, I
and that for any cause whatsoever, he suffer-
ed not himself to be restrained by any admoni-
tion, but thought the indulging his anger to
be a real pleasure, he wrote thus to Petronius ;
>— ■' Seeing thou esteemest the presents made
thee by the Jews to be of greater value than
tny commands, and art grown insolent enough
to be subservient to their pleasure, I charge]
BOOK XVUl
thee to become thy own judge, and to consider
what thou art to do, now thou art under my
displeasure ; for I will make thee an example
to the present and to all future ages, that they
inay not dare to contradict the commands of
their emperor."
9. This was the epistle which Caius wrote
to Petronius ; but Petronius did not receive
it while Caius was alive, that ship which carri-
ed it sailed so slow, the otlier letters came to
Petronius before this, by which he understood
that Caius was dead ; for God would not
forget the dangers Petronius had undertaken
on account of the Jews, and of his own
honour. But when he had taken Caius away,
out of his indignation of what he had so in-
solently attempted, in assuming to himseli
divine worship, both Rome and all that do-
minion conspired with Petronius, especially
those that were of the senatorian order, to
give Caius his due reward, because he had
been unmercifully severe to them ; for he died
not long after he had written to Petronius
that epistle which threatened him with death.
But as for the occasion of his death, and the
nature of the plot against him, I shall relate
them in the progress of this narration. Now,
that epistle which informed Petronius of
Caius's death came first; and a little afterwaid
came that which commanded ln'm to kill him-
self with his own hands. Wliereupon he re-
joiced at this coincidence as to the death ot
Caius, and admired God's providence, who,
without the least delay, and immediatly, gave
him a reward for the regard he had to the
temple, and the assistance he afforded the Jews
for avoiding the dangers they were in. And
by this means Petronius escaped that danger
of death which he could not foresee.
CHAPTER IX.
WHAT BEFELL THE JEWS THAT WEllE IN BABY-
LON ON OCCASION OF ASINEU3 AND ANILLUS,
TWO EUETHREN.
§ 1. A VERY sad calamity now befell tlie
Jews that were in Mesopotamia, and especially
those that dwelt in Babylonia. Inferior it
was to none of the calamities which had gone
before, and came together with a great slaugh-
ter of them, and that greater than any upon
record before ; concerning all which I shall
speak more accurately, and shall explain the
occasions whence these miseries came upon
them. There was a city of Babylonia called
Neerda ; not only a very populous one, but
one that had a good and large territory about
it ; and, besides its other advantages, full of
men also. It was, besides, not easily to be
assaulted by enemies, from the river Euphrates
encompassing it all round, and from the walls
that were built about it. There was also tin.
■\.
_r
CHAP. IX.
city Nisil)is, situate on the same current of tlie
river. For wiiicli reason the Jews, depending
on the natural strength of tiiese places, de-
posited in them that half shekel whicli every
one, by the custom of our country, offers
unto God, as well as they did other things de-
voted to him J for they made use of these
cities as a treasury, whence, at a proper time,
they were transmitted to Jerusalem ; and
many ten thousand men undertook the carriage
of those donations, out of fear of the ravages
of the Parthians, to whom the Babylonians
were then subject. Now, there were two
men, Asineus and Anileus, of the city Neerda
by birth, and brethren to one another. Tiiey
were destitute of a father ; and their mother
put them to learn the art of weaving curtains,
it not being esteemed a disgrace among them
for men to be weavers of cloth. Now, he
that taught them that art, and was set over
them, complained tliat they came too late to
their work, and punished them with stripes j
but they took this just punishment as an
afi'ront, and carried off all the weapons which
were kept in tliat house, which were not a
few, and went into a certain place where was
a partition of tlie rivers, and was a place na-
turally very fit for the feeding of cattle, and
for preserving such fruits as were usually laid
up against winter. The poorest sort of the
young men also resorted to them, whom they
armed with the weapons they had gotten, and
became their captains ; and nothing hindred
them from being their leaders into mischief;
for, as soon as they were become invincible,
and had built them a citadel, they sent to
such as fed cattle, and ordered them to pay
them so much tribute out of them as might
be sufficient for tlieir maintenance, proposing
also that they vi ould be their friends, if they
would submit to them, and that tliey would de-
fend them from all their other enemies on
every side ; but that they would kill the cattle
of those that refused to obey them. So they
hearkened to their proposals (for they could
do nothing else), and sent them as many sheep
as were required of them ; wliereby their for-
ces grew greater, and they became lords over
all they pleased, because they marched sud-
denly, and did them a mischief, insomuch that
every body who liad to do with them chose
to pay them respect ; and they became formi-
dable to such as came to assault them, till the
report about them came to the ears of the
king of Parthia himself.
2. But when the governor of Babylonia
understood this, and had a mind to put a stop
to them before they grew greater, and bei'ore
greater mischiefs should arise from them, he
got together as great an army as he could,
both of Parthians and Babylonians, and march-
eti against them, thinking to attack them and
destroy them before any one should carry them
the news that he had got an army together.
He then encamped at a lake, and lay still ;
'V.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
V.^
505 i
but on the next day (it was the Snbbath, which
is among the Jews a day of rest from all sorts
of work) he supposed that the enemy would
not dare to figlit him thereon, but that he
would take them and carry them away prison-
ers, without fighting. He therefore proceed-
ed gradually, and thought to fall upon them
on the sudden. Now Asineus was sitting
with the rest, and their weapons lay by them ;
upon which he said, " Sirs, I hear a neighing
of horses ; not of such as are feeding, but
such as have men on their backs ; I also hear
such a noise of their bridles, that I am afraiit
that some enemies are coming upon us to en-
compass us round. However, let somebody
go to look about, and make • report of what
reality there is in the present state of things ;
and may what I have said prove a false a-
larm !" "And when he had said this, some of
thein went out to spy out what was the mat-
ter ; and they came again immediately, and
said to him, that " neither hast thou been
niistaken in telling us what our enemies were
doing, nor will those enemies permit us to
be injurious to people any longer. We are
caught by their intrigues like brute beasts,
and there is a large body of cavalry marching
upon us, while we are destitute of liands to
defend ourselves withal, because we are re-
strained from doing it by the prohibition of
our law, which obliges us to rest [on this
day]." But Asineus did not by any means
agree with the opinion of his spy as to what
was to be done, but thought it more agreeable
to the law to pluck up their spirits in this ne-
cessity they were fallen into, and break their
law by avenging themselves, althouKh tiiey
should die in the action, than by doing no-
thing to please their enemies in submitting to
be slain by them. Accordingly, he took up
his weapons, and infused courage into those
that were with him, to act as courageously as
himself. So they fell upon their enemies,
and slew a great many of them, because they
despised them, and came as to a certain vic-
tory, and put the rest to flight.
3. But when the news of this fight came
to the king of Parthia, he was surprised at
the boldness of these brethren, and was desir-
ous to sec them, and speak with them. He
therefore sent the most trusty of all his guards
to say thus to them : — " That king Artaba-
nus, although he had been unjustly treated
by you, who have made an attempt against
his government, yet hath he more regard
to your courageous behaviour than to the
anger he bears to you, and hatli sent me to
give you his right handf and security; and
* ''EvifrrixtTm is here, and in very many other places
of Joscptius, " immediately at hand," ana is to hi; so
cxpouiutcd, 2 Thess. ii, i.', when some falselv pretended
that St. Paul had said, cilher by word of niou'h or Ijv
an epistle, or by both, " that the day of Clinsi .xss \m-
mediately at hand ;" for still .St. Paul did then plainly
think that day not very many yeans future.
t The joining of the right hands was esteemed amor.,
the Persians [and Parthians] in partieiilar, a most invi"!'
2 U
506
ANTIQUITIE-S OF THE JEWS.
BOOK XVIII
he permits you to come to him safely, and
■without any violence upon the road, and he
wants to have you address yourselves to him
as friends, vvithout meaning any guile or de-
ceit to you. He also promises to make you
presents, and to pay you those respects which
will make an addition of his power to your
courage, and thereby be of advantage to you."
Yet did Asineus himself put off his journey
thither, but sent his brother Anileus with all
such presents as he could procure. So he
went, and was admitted to the king's pre-
sence ; and when Artabanus saw Anileus com-
ing alone, he inquired into the reason why
Asineus avoided to come along with him ;
and when he understood that he was afraid,
and staid by the lake, he took an oath, by the
gods of his country, that he would do them
no harm, if they came to him upon the assur-
ances he gave them, and gave him his right
hand.* This is of the greatest force there
with all these barbarians, and affords a firm
security to those who converse with them ; for
none of them will deceive you when once they
have given you their right hands, nor will any
one doubt their fidelity, when that is once
given, even though they were before suspect-
ed of injustice. When Artabanus had done
this, he sent away Anileus to persuade his
brother to come to him. Now this the king
did, because he wanted to curb his own go-
vernors of provinces by the courage of these
Jewish brethren, lest they should make a
league with them ; for they were ready for a
revolt, and were disposed to rebel, h^d they
been sent on an expedition against them. He
was also afraid, lest when he was engaged in
a war, in order to subdue those governors of
provinces that had revolted, the party of Asi-
neus and those in Babylonia should be aug-
mented, and either make war upon him when
they should hear of that revolt, or, if they
should be disappointed in that case, they
■would not fail of doing farther mischief to
him.
4. When the king had these intentions, he
sent away Anileus; and Anileus prevailed on
his brother [to come to the king], when he
had related to him the king's good-will, and
the oath that he had taken. Accordingly they
made haste to go to Artabanus, who received
them, when they were come, with pleasure,
and admired Asineus's courage in the actions
he had done, and this because he was a little
man to see to, and at first sight appeared con-
temptible also, and such as one might deem a
person of no value at all. He also said to
his friends, how, upon the comparison, he
showed his soul to be, in all respects, superior
to his body ; and when, as they were drinking
together, he once showed Asineus to Abdaga-
able obligation to fidelity, as Dr. Hudson here observes,
ajid refers to the commentary on Justin, b. xi, ch. xv,
f'jr its confirmation. We often meet with the like use
Of it in Josephus.
• See the above note.
ses, one of the generals of his army, and told
him his name, and described the great cour-
age he was of in war, and Abdagases had de-
sired leave to kill him, and thereby to inflict
upon him a punishment for those injuries he
had done to the Parthian government, the
king replied, " I will never give thee leave to
kill a man who hath depended on my faith,
especially not after I have sent him my right
hand, and endeavoured to gain his belief by
oaths made by the gods. But, if thou beest
a truly warlike man, thou standest not in need
of my perjury. Go thou then, and avenge
the Parthian government; attack this man,
when he is returned back, and conquer him
by the forces that are under thy command,
without my privity." Hereupon the king
called for Asineus, and said to him, " It is
time for thee, O thou young man ! to retiu-n
home, and not provoke the indignation of my
generals in this place any fartlier, lest they
attempt to murder thee, and that without my
approbation. I commit to thee the country
of Babylonia in trust, that it may, by thy
care, be preserved free from robbers, and from
other mischiefs. I have kept my faith inviol-
able to thee, and that not in trifling affairs,
but in those that concerned thy safety, and do
therefore deserve thou shouldst be kind to
me." W^hen he had said this, and given
Asineus some presents, he sent him away im-
mediately , who, when he was come home,
built fortresses, and became great in a little
time, and managed things with such courage
and success, as no other person, that had no
higher a beginning, ever did before him.
Those Parthian governors also, who were sent
that way, paid him great respect ; and the
honour that was paid him by the Babylonians
seemed to them too small, and beneath his
deserts, although he were 'u\ no small dignity
and power there : nay, indeed, all the affairs
of Mesopotamia depended upon him ; and he
more and more flourished in this happy con-
dition of his for fifteen years.
5. But as their affairs were in so flourish-
ing a state, there sprang up a calamity among
them on the following occasion. When once
they had deviated from that course of virtue
whereby they had gained so great power,
they affronted and transgressed the laws cf
their forefathers, and fell under the domi-
nion of their lusts and pleasures. A certain
Parthian, who came as general of an army
into those parts, had a wife following him,
who had a vast reputation for other accom-
plishments, and particularl)' was admired
above all other women for her beauty. Ani-
leus, the brother of Asineus, either heard of
that her beauty from others, or perhaps saw
her himself also, and so became at once her
lover and her enemy ; partly because he could
not hope to enjoy this woman but by obtain-
ing power over her as a captive, and partly
because he thought he could not conquer h'u
^
■V
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
507
inclinations for J.cr. As soon, therefore, as
her husband had been declared an enemy to
thetn, and was fallen in the battle, the widow
of the deceased was married to this her lover.
However, this woman did not come into
their house without producing great misfor-
tunes, both to Anileus himself, and to Asi-
neus also ; but brought great mischiefs upon
tliem on the occasion following. Since she
was led away captive, on the death of her
husband, she concealed the images of those
gods which were their country gods, common
to her husband and to herself: now it is the
custom * of that country for all to have the
idols they worship in their own houses, and
to carry them along with them when they go
into a foreign land ; agreeably to which cus-
tom of theirs she carried her idols with her.
Now, at first she performed her worship to
them privately, but when she was become
Anileus's married wife, she worshipped them
in her accustomed manner, and with the same
appointed ceremonies which she used in her
former husband's days ; upon which their
most esteemed friends blamed him at first,
tliat he did not act after the manner of the
Hebrews, nor perform what was agreeable to
their laws, in marrying a foreign wife, and
one that transgressed the accurate appoint-
ments of their sacrifices and religious cere-
monies ; that he ought to consider, lest by
allowing himself in many pleasures of the
body, he might lose his principality, on ac-
count of the beauty of a wife, and that high
authority which, by God's blessing, he had
arrived at. But when they prevailed not at
all upon him, he slew one of them for whom
ne had the greatest respect, because of the
liberty he took with him ; who, when he was
dying, out of regard to the laws, imprecated
a punishment upon his murderer Anileus,
and upon Asineus also, and that all their com-
panions might come to a like end from their
enemies ; upon the two first as the principal
actors of this wickedness, and upon the rest
as those that would not assist him when he
suflTered in the defence of their laws. Now
these latter were sorely grieved, yet did they
tolerate these doings, because they remem-
bered that they had arrived at their present
happy state by no other means than their
fortitude. But when they also heard of the
worship of those gods whom the Parthians
adore, they thought the injury that Anileus
offered to their laws was to be borne no long-
er ; and a greater number of them came to
Asineus, and loudly complained of Anileus,
and told him, that it had been well that he
had of himself seen what was advantageous
» This custom of the Mesopotamians to carry their
household-gods along with them wherever they'travel-
leii, is as old as the days of Jacob, when Rachel his wife
did the same (Gen. xxxi, 19, oo — 35) ; nor is it to pass
here uuobser\ed, what great miseries came on these
Jews, because they suffered one of tlieir leaders to mar-
ry ail idolatrous wife, contrary to the law of Moses. Of
which matter see the note on b. xix, ch. ^ sect. 3.
to them ; but that, however, it was now high
time to correct what had been done amiss,
before the crime that had been committed
proved the ruin of himself and all the rest of
them. They added, that the marriage of this
woman was made without their consent, and
without a regard to tlieir old laws ; and that
the worship which this woman paid [to her
gods] was a reproach to the God whom tliey
worshipped. Now Asineus was sensible of
his brother's offence, that it had been already
the cause of great mischiefs, and would be so
for the time to come ; yet did he tolerate the
same from the good-will he had to so near a
relation, and forgiving it to him, on account
that his brother was quite overborne by his
wicked inclinations. But as more and more
still came about him every day, and the cla-
mours about it became greater, he at length
spake to Anileus about these clamours, re
proving him for his former actions, and de-
siring him for the future to leave them off,
and send the woman back to her relations.
But nothing was gained by these reproofs ;
for, as the woman perceived what a tumuli
was made among the people on her account,
and was afraid for Anileus, lest he should
come to any harm for his love to her, she in-
fused poison into Asineus's food, and thereby
took him off, and was now secure of prevail-
ing, when her lover was to be judge of what
should be done about her.
6. So Anileus took the government upon
himself alone, and led his army against the
villages of Mithridates, who was a man of
principal authority in Parthia, and had mar-
ried king Artabanus's daughter ; he also plun-
dered them, and among that prey was found
much money, and many slaves, as also a great
number of sheep, and many other things,
which, when gained, make men's condition
happy. Now, when Mithridates, who was
there at this time, heard that his villages were
taken, he was very much displeased to find
that Anileus had first begun to injure him,
and to affront him in his present dignity,
when he had not offered any injury to him be-
forehand ; and he got together the greatest
body of horsemen he was able, and those out
of that number which were of an age fit for
war, and came to fight Anileus : and when
he was arrived at a certain village of his own,
he lay still there, as intending to fight him on
the day following, because it was the Sabbath,
the day on which the Jews rest. And when
Anileus was informed of tl)is by a Syrian
stranger of another village, who not only gave
him an exact account of other circumstances,
but told him where Mithridates would have a
feast, he took his supper at a proper time, and
marched by night, witli an intent of falling
upon the Parthians while they were unap.
prised what they should do ; so he fell upon
them about the fourth watch of the night;
and some of them he slew while they were
608
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
asleep, and others he put to flight, and took
Mithridates alive, and set him naked upon an
ass,* which, among the Partliians, is esteemed
the greatest reproach possible. And when
he had brought him into a wood with such a
resolution, and his friends desired him to kill
INIithridates, he soon told them his own mind
to the contrary, and said, that it was not right
to kill a man who was of one of the principal
families among the Parthians, and greatly
honoured with matching into the royal fami-
ly ; that so far as they had hitherto gone was
tolerable ; for although they had injured Mi-
thridates, yet if they preserved his life, this
benefit would be remembered by him to the
advantage of those that gave it him ; but that
if he were once put to death, the king would
not be at rest till he had made a great slaugh-
ter of the Jews that dwelt at Babylon ; " to
whose safety ve ought to have a regard, both
on account of our relation to them, and be-
cause, if any misfortune befall us, we have no
other place to retire to, since he hath gotten
the flower of their youth under him." By
this thought, and this speech of his made in
council, he persuaded them to act according-
ly ; so Mithridates was let go. But, when
he was got away, his wife reproached him,
that although he was son-in-law to the king,
he neglected to avenge himself on those that
had injured him, while he took no care about
it, but was contented to have been made a
captive by the Jews, and to have escaped
them ; and she bade him either to go back
like a man of courage, or else she sware by
tlie gods of their royal family, that she would
certainly dissolve her marriage with him.
Upon which, partly because he could not
bear the daily trouble of her taunts, and part-
ly because he was afraid of her insolence, lest
she should in earnest dissolve their marriage,
he unwillingly, and against his inclinations,
got together again as great an army as he
could, and marched along with them, as him-
self thinking it a thing not to be borne any
longer, tli^ he, a Parthian, should owe his
preservation to the Jews, when they had been
too hard for him in the war.
7. But as soon as Anileus understood that
Mithridates was marching with a great army
against him, he thought it too ignominious a
thing to tarry about the lakes, and not to take
the first opportunity of meeting his enemies,
and he hoped to have the same success, and
to beat their enemies as they did before ; as
also he ventured boldly upon the like attempts.
Accordingly he led out his army ; and a
great many more joined themselves to that
army, in order to bct.ike themselves to plun-
der the people, and in order to terrify the e-
• This custom in Syria and Mesopotamia, of setting
men upon an ass, by way of disgrace, is still kept up at
Damascus in Syria ; where, in order to show their de-
BPite against the Christians, the Turks will not suffer
them to hire horses, but asses only, when they go abroad
to see tlie country, as Mr. Maundrell assures us, P- l-'X
BOOK XVIII.
nemy again by their numbers. But when
they had marched ninety furlongs, while the
road had been through dry [and sandy] places,
and about the midst of the day, they were be-
come very thirsty : and Mithridates appeared,
and fell upon them, as they were in distress
for want of water, on which account, and on
account of the time of the day, they were not
able to bear their weapons. So Anileus and
his men were put to an ignominious rout,
while men in despair were to attack those that
were fresh, and in good plight ; so a great
slaughter was made, and many ten thousand
men fell. Now Anileus, and all that stood
firm about him, ran away, as fast as they were
able, into a wood, and afforded Mithridates
the pleasure of having gained a great victory
over them. But there now came in to Ani-
leus a conflux of bad men, who regarded their
own lives very little, if they might but gain
some present ease, insomuch that they, by
thus coming to him, compensated the multi-
tude of those that perished in the fight. Yet
were not these men like to those that fell, be-
cause they were rash, and unexercised in war :
however, with these he came upon the vil-
lages of the Babylonians, and a mighty de-
vastation of all things was made there by the
injuries that Anileus did them. So the Ba-
bylonians, and those that had already been in
the war, sent to Neerda to the Jews there,
and demanded Anileus. But, although they
did not agree to their demands (for if they
had been willing to deliver him up, it was
not in their power so to do) ; yet did they de-
sire to make peace with them. To which the
other replied, that they also wanted to settle
conditions of peace with them, and sent men
together with the Babylonians, who discours-
ed witli Anileus about them. But the Baby-
lonians, upon taking a view of his situation,
and having learned where Anileus and his
men lay, fell secretly upon them as they were
drunk and fallen asleep, and slew all that they
caught of them, without any fear, and killed
Anileus himself also.
S. The Babylonians were now freed from
Anileus's heavy incursions, which had been a
great restraint to the eflfects of that hatred
they bore to the Jews : for they were almost
always at variance, by reason of the contrarie-
ty of their laws ; and which party soever grew
boldest before the other, they assaulted the
other-, and at this time in particular it was,
that upon the ruin of Anileus's party, the
Babyh nians attacked the Jews, which made
those Jews so vehemently to resent the inju-
ries they received from the BabyJonians, that,
being neither able to fight them, nor bearing
to live with them, they went to Seleucia, the
principal city of those parts, which was built
by Stljucus Nicator. It was inhabited by
many of the Macedonians, but by more of the
Grecians ; not a few of the Syriaiis also
, dwelt there; and thither did the Jews fly, and
'V
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
609
lived there five years, without any misfortunes.
But, on the sixth year, a pestilence came
upon these at Babylon, which occasioned new
removals of men's habitations out of that city ;
and because they came to Seleucia, it happen-
ed that a still heavier calamity came upon
them on that account, — which 1 am going to
relate immediatel)'.
9. Now the way of living of the people of
Seleucia, who were Greeks and Syrians, was
commonly quarrelsome, and full of discords,
though the Greeks were too hard for the Sy-
rians. When, therefore, the Jews were come
thither, and dwelt among them, there arose a
sedition ; and the Syrians were too hard for
the other, by the assistance of the Jews, who
are men that despise dangers, and very ready
to fight upon any occasion. Now, when the
Greeks had the worst in this sedition, and
saw that they had but one way of recovering
their former authority, and that was, if they
could prevent the agreement between the
Jews and the Syrians, they every one discours-
ed with such of the Syrians as were formerly
their acquaintance, and promised they would be
at peace and friendship with them. According-
ly, they gladly agreed so to do ; and when
tliis was done by the principal men of both
nations, they soon agreed to a reconciliation ;
and when they were so agreed, they both
knew that the great design of such their
union, would be their common hatred to the
Jews. Accordingly they fell upon them, and
slew about fifty thousand of them ; nay, the
Jews were all destroyed, excepting a few
who escaped, either by the compassion wliich
their friends or neighbours afforded them in
order to let them fly away. These retired lo
Ctt'siphon, a Grecian city, and situated near
to Seleucia, where the king [of Parthia] lives
in winter every year, and where the greatest
part of his riches are deposited ; but the Jews
had here no certain settlement, those of Se-
leucia hiiving little concern for the king's ho-
nour. Now the whole nation of the Jews
were in fear both of the Babylonians and ot
the Seleucians, because all the Syrians that
live in those places agreea with the Seleucians
in the war against the Jews ; so the most of
them gathered themselves together, and went to
Neerda and Nisibis, and obtained security
tliere by the strength of tiiose cities; besides
which, their inhabitants, who were a great
many, were all warlike men. And this was
the state of the Jews at this time in Baby-
lonia.
BOOK XIX.
CONTAIN NG THE INTERVAL OF THREE YEARS AND A HALF.
FROM THE JEWS' DEPARTURE OUT OF BABYLON TO FADUS THE
ROMAN PROCURATOR.
CHAPTER I.
HOW CMOS • WAS SLAIN BY CHEfiEA.
§ 1. Now this Caius f did not demonstrate
his madness in offering injuries only to the
Jews at Jerusalem, or to those that dwelt in
the neighbourhood, but suffered it to extend
• In this and the next three chapters we have, I think,
a larger and more distinct account of the slaujTtiter ol'
€aius, and the succession of Claudius, than we liuvc of
any such ancient facts whatsoever elsewhere. Som« of
the occasions of which probably were, Josephiis's bitter
hatred against tyranny ; and the pleasure he took in
giving the history of the slaugliter of such a barbarous
tyrant as was this Caius Caligula, as also the deliverance
his own nation had by that slaughter, of which he
speaks, sect. 2, together with the great intim.icy he had
with Agrippa, junior, whose father was deeply concerned
in the advancement of Claudius, upon the death of
Caius ; from which Agrippa, junior, Jo^ephus niiglitbe
fully informed of this history.
1 Called Caligula by the Roman* -^
itself through all the earth and sea, so far as
was in subjection to the Romans, and filled it
with ten thousand mischiefs ; so many indeed
in number as no former history relates. But
Rome itself felt the most dismal effects of
what he did, whik> he deemed that not to be
any way more honourable than the rest of tlie
cities; but he pulled and liauled its other ci-
tizens, but especially the senate, and particu-
larly the nobility, and such as had been dig-
nified by illustrious ancestors ; he also had
ten tliousand devices against such of the
equestrian order, as it was styled, who were
esteemed by the citizens equal in digni-
ty and wealth with the senators, because
out of them the senators were themselves
chosen ; these he treated after an ignomini-
ous manner, and removed them out of liis
Way while they were at once slain, and their
610
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
wealth plundered; because he slew men ge-
nerally, in order to seize on their riches. He
also asserted his own divinity, and insisted on
greater honours to be paid liim by his sub-
jects than are due to mankind. He also fre-
quented that temple of Jupiter which they
style the Capitol, which is with them the most
holy of ail tiinples, and had boldness enough
to call himself the brother of Jupiter. And
other pranks he did like a madman ; as when
he laid a bridge from the city Dicearchia,
wliich belongs to Campania, to Misenum,
anotl)er city upon the sea-side, from one pro-
montory to another, of the length of thirty
furlongs, as measured over the sea. And
this was done, because he esteemed it to be a
most tedious thing to row over in a small
sl)ip, and thought withal that it became him
to make that bridge, as he was lord of the
sea, and might oblige it to give marks of obe-
dience as well as the earth ; so he enclosed
the whole bay within liis bridge, and drove his
chariot over it ; and thought, that as he was a
god, it was fit for him to travel over such
roads as this was. Nor did he abstain from
the plunder of any of the Grecian temples,
and gave order that all the engravings and
sculptures, and the rest of the ornaments of
the statues and donations therein dedicated,
sliould be brought to him, saying, that the
best things ought to be set nowhere but in
the best place, and that the city of Rome was
that best place. He also adorned his own
house and his gardens with the curiosities
brought from those temples, together with the
houses belay at when he travelled all over Italy ;
wlience he did not scruple to give a command,
that the statue of Jupiter Olympius, so called
because he was honoured at the Olympian
games by the Greeks, which was the work of
Phidias the Athenian, should be brought to
Rome. Yet did not he compass his end, be-
cause the architects told Memmius Regulus,
who was commanded to remove that statue of
Jupiter, that the workmanship was such as
would be spoiled, and would not bear the re-
moval. It was also reported that Memmius,
both on that account, and on account of some
such mighty prodigies as are of an incredible
nature, put oflf the taking it dowUj and wrote
to Cains those accounts, as his apology for
not having done what his epistle required of
him ; and that when he was thence in danger
of perishing, he was saved by Caius being
dead himself, before he had put him to death.
2. Nay, Caius's madness came to this
height, that when he had a daughter born, he
carried her into the capitol, and put her upon
the knees of the statue, and said that the cliiid
was common to him and to Jupiter, and de-
termined that she had two fathers, — but which
of these fathers were the greatest, he left un-
determine-' ; and yet mankind bore him in
such his pranks. He also gave leave to slaves
to accuse their masters of any crimes whatso-
BOOK XIX.
ever they pleased ; for all such accusations
were terrible, because they were in great part
made to please him, and at his suggestion,
insomuch that Pollux, Cladius's slave, had
the boldness to lay an accusation against
Cladius himself; and Caius was not ashamed
to be present at his trial of life and death, to
hear that trial of his own uncle, in hopes of
being able to take him off, although he did
not succeed to his mind : but when he had
filled the whole habitable world which he go-
verned, with false accusations and miseries,
and had occasioned the greatest insults of
slaves against their masters, who indeed, in a
great measure, ruled them, there were many
secret plots now laid against him ; some in
anger, and in order for men to revenge them-
selves, on account of the miseries they had al-
ready undergone from him ; and others made
attempts upon him, in order to take him off
before they should fall into such great miseries,
while his death came very fortunately for the
preservation of the laws of all men, and had
a great influence upon the public welfare •
and this happened most happily for our nation
in particular, which had almost utterly perish-
ed if he had not been suddenly slain ; and I
confess I have a mind to give a full account
of this matter particularly, because it will af-
ford great assurance of the power of God, and
great comfort to those that are under afflic-
tions, and wise caution to those who think
their happiness will never end, nor biing theiE
at length to the most lasting miseries, if they
do not conduct their lives by the principles
of virtue.
3. Now there were three several conspiracies
made, in order to take off Caius, and each of
these three were conducted by excellent per-
sons. Emilius Regulus, born at Corduba in
Spain, got some men together, and was de-
sirous to take Caius ofT, either by them or by
himself. Another conspiracy there was laid
by them, under the conduct of Cherea Cassius,
the tribune [of the pretorian band] ; Minuci.
anus Annius was also one of great conse-
quence among those that were prepared to
oppose his tyranny. Now the several occasions
of these men's several hatred and conspiracy
against Caius were these: — Regulus had in-
dignation and hatred against all injustice, for
he had a mind naturally angry, and bold,
and free, which made him not conceal his
counsels; so he communicated them to many
of his friends, and to others who seemed to
him persons of activity and vigour ; Munici--
anus entered into this conspiracy, because of
the injustice done to Lepidus his particular
friend, and one of the best character of all the
citizens, whom Caius had slain, as also be-
cause he was afraid of himself, since Caius's
wrath tended to the slaughter of all alike :
and for Cherea, be came in, beacuse he
thought it a deed worthy of a free ingenuous
man to kill Caius, and was ashamed of the r<t>
'\.
J~
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
511
proaches he lay under from Caius, as though
he were a coward ; as also because he was
himself in danger every day from his friend-
ship with him, and the observance he paid
him. These men proposed this attempt to all
the rest that were concerned, who saw the in-
juries that were offered them, and were de-
sirous that Caius's slaughter might succeed
by their mutual assistance of one another,
that they might themselves escape being killed
by the taking off Caius ; that perhaps they
should gain their point, and that it would be
a happy thing if they should gain it, to ap-
prove themselves to so many excellent per-
sons as earnestly wished to be partakers with
them in their design, for the delivery of the
city and of the government, even at the ha-
zard of their own lives*; but still Clierea was
the most zealous of them all, botli out of a
desire of getting himself the greatest name,
and also by reason of his access to Caius's
presence with less danger, because he was
tribune, and could therefore the more easily
kill him.
4. Now, at this time came on the horse-
races [Circensian games] ; the view of which
games was eagerly desired by the people of
Rome, for they come with great alacrity into
the hippodrome [circus] at such times, and
petition their emperors, in great multitudes,
for what they stand in need of j who usually
did not think fit to deny them their requests,
but readily and gratefully granted them. Ac-
cordingly tliey most importunately desired
that Caius would now ease them in their tri-
butes, and abate somewhat of the rigour of
the taxes imposed upon them; but he would
not hear their petition ; and, when their cla-
mours increased, he sent soldiers, some one
way and some another, and gave order that
they should lay hold on those that made the
clamours, and without any more ado, bring
them out and put them to death. These were
Caius's commands, and those who were com-
manded executed the same ; and the number
of those who were slain on this occasion was
very great. Now the people saw this, and
bore it so far, that they left off clamouring,
because they saw with their own eyes, that
this petition to be relieved, as to the payment
of therr money, brought immediate death up-
on them. These things made Cherea more
resolute to go on with his plot, in order to
put an end to this barbarity of Caius against
men. He then, at several times, thought to
fall upon Caius as he was feasting, yet did
he restrain himself by some considerations ;
not that he Imd any doubt on him about kill-
ing him, but as watching for a proper season,
that the attempt might not be frustrated, but
that he might give the blow so as might cer-
tainly gain his purpose.
5. Cherea had been in the army a long
time, yet was he not pleased with conversing
CO muph with Caius : but Caius Ijad set hitn i
to require the tributes, and other dues, which,
when not paid in due time, were forfeited to
Cassar's treasury ; and he had made some de-
lays in requiring them, because those burdens
had been doubled ; and had rather indulged his
own mild disposition than performed Caius's
command ; nay, indeed, he provoked Caius
to anger by his sparing men, and pitying the
hard fortunes of those from whom he de-
manded the taxes; and Caius upbraided him
with his sloth and effeminacy in being so long
about collecting the taxes ; and indeed he did
not only affront him in other respects, but when
he gave him the watch-word of the day, to
whom it was to be given by his place, he
gave him feminine words, and those of a na-
ture very reproachful ; and these watch-words
he gave out, as having been initiated in the
secrets of certain mysteries, which he had
been himself the author of. Now, although
he had sometimes put on women's clothes,
and had been wrapt in some embroidered
garments to them belonging, and done a great
many other things in order to make the com-
pany mistake him for a woman ; yet did he,
by way of reproach, object the like womanish
behaviour to Cherea. But when Cherea re-
ceived the watch-word from him, he had in-
dignation at it, but had greater indignation
at the delivery of it to others, as being laugh-
ed at by those that received it ; insomuch
that his fellow-tribunes made him the subject
of their drollery ; for they would foretel that
he would bring them some of his usual watch-
words when he was about to take the watch-
word from Casar, and would thereby make
him ridiculous ; on which account he took
the courage of assuming certain partners to
him, as having just reasons for his indigna-
tion against Caius. Now there was one Pom-
pedius, a senator, and one who had gone
through almost all posts in the government,
but otherwise an Epicurean, and for that rea-
son loved to lead an inactive life. Now Ti-
midius, an enemy of his, had informed Caius
that he had used indecent reproaches against
him, and he made use of Quintilia for a wit-
ness to them : a woman she was much be-
loved by many that frequented the theatre,
and particularly by Pompedius, on account
of her great beauty. Now this woman
thought it a horrible thing to attest to an
accusation that touched the life of her lover,
which was also a lie. Timidius, however,
wanted to have her brought to the torture.
Caius was irritated at this reproach upon
him, and commanded Cherea, without anj-
delay, to torture Quintilia, as he used to em
ploy Cherea in such bloody matters, and those
that required the torture, because he thought
he would do it the more barbarously, in order
to avoid that imputation of efleminacy which
he had laid upon him. But Quintilia, when
she was brought to the rack, trod upon the
foot of one of her associates, and let him
■\.
512
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK Xl.X
know that he might be of good courage, and do, till soiDcbody becomes Caius's instrumen!
not be afraid of the consecjuence of her tor- ! in bringing the like miseries upon ourselves.
tares, for that she would bear them with
magnanimity. Cherea tortured this woman
after a cruel manner ; unwillingly indeed,
but because he could not help it. He then
brought her, without being in the least moved
at what she had suffered, into the presence of
Caius, and that in such a state as was sad to
behold ; and Caius, being somewhat aflected
with the sight of Quintilia, who had her body
miserably disordered by the pains she had
undergone, freed both her and Pompedius of
the crime laid to their charge. He also gave
her money to make her an honourable amends,
and comfort her for that maiming of her body
which she had suffered, and for her glorious
patience under such unsiifferable torments.
6. This matter sorely grieved Cherea, as
having been the cause, as far as he could, or
the instrument, of those miseries to men,
which seemed wortl:y of consolation to Caius
himself; on which account he said to Clement
and to Papinius (of whom Clement was ge-
neral of the army, and Piipiniuswasatribune) :
" To be sure, O Clement, we Dave no w ay failed
in our guarding the emperor; for as to those
that have made conspiracies against his go-
vernment, some have been slain by our care
and pains, and some have been by us tortured,
and this to such a degree, that he hath him-
self pitied them. How great then is our vir-
tue in submitting to conduct his armies!"
Clement held his peace, but showed the shame
lie was under in obeying Caius's orders, both
bv his eves and his blubhing countenance, while
he thought it by no means right to accuse the
cmperoi in express words, lest their own safe-
y should be endangered thereby. Upon
which Cherea took courage, and spake to him
without fear of the dangers that were before
him, and discoursed largely of the sore ca-
lamities under which the city and the govern-
ment then laboured, and said, " We may in-
deed pretend in words, that Caius is the per-
son unto whom the cause of such miseries
ought to be imputed ; but, in the opinion of
such as are able to judge uprightly, it is I, O
Clement ! and this Papinius, and before us
thou thyself, who bring these tortures upon
the Romans, and upon all mankind. It is
not done by our being subservient to the com-
mands of Caius, but it is done by our own
consent; for whereas it is in our power to
put an end to the life of this man, who hath
so terribly injured the citizens and his sub-
iecfs, we are his guard in n^iischief and his
exttulioners, instead of his soldiers, and aie
the instruments of his cruelty. We bear
these weapons, not for our liberty, not for the
Roman government, but only for liis preser-
vation, who hath enslaved both their bodies
and their minds; and we are every day pol-
luted with the blood that we shed, and the
liiruierts we iiifli'-i upon otliers ; and this "e
Nor does he thus employ us, because he hatli
a kindness for us, but rather because he hath
a suspicion of us, as also because, when abun-
dance more have been killed (for Caius will
set no bounds to his wrath, since he aims to
do all, not out of regard to justice, but to his
own pleasure), we shall also ourselves be ex-
posed to his cruelty; whereas we ought to be
the means of confirming the security and li-
berty of all, and at the same time to resolve
to free ourselves from dangers.
7. Hereupon Clement openly commended
Cherea's intentions, but bade him hold his
tongue; for in that case his words should get
out among many, and such things should be
spread abroad as were fit to be concealed, the
plot would come to be discovered before it was
executed, and they should be brought to pu-
nishment ; but that they should leave all to fu-
turity, and the hope which thence arose, that
some fortunate event would come to their as-
sistance : that, as for himself, his age would
not permit him to make any attempt in that
case. " However, although perhaps I could
not suggest what may be safer than what thou,
Cherea, hast contrived and said, yet how is it
possible for any one to suggest what is more
for thy reputation ?" So Clement went his
way home, with deep reflections on what he
liad heard, and what he had himself said.
Cherea also was under a concern, and went
quickly to Cornelius Sabinus, who was him-
self one of the tribunes, and whom he other-
wise knew to be a worthy man, and a lover of
liberty, and on that account very uneasy at
the present management of public affairs, he
being desirous to come immediately to the ex-
ecution of what had been determined, and
thinking it right for him to projiose it to the
other, and afiaid lest Clement should discover
them, and besides looking upon delays and
puttings-oir to be the next to desisting from
the enterprize.
8. But as all was agreeable to Sabinus,
who had himself, equally with Cherea, the
same design, but had been silent for want of
a person to whom he could safely communi-
cate that design ; so having now met with onej
who not only promised to conceal what he
heard, but who had already opened his mind
to him, he was much more encouraged, and
desired of Cherea that no delay might be made
therein. Accordingly they went to Minucia-
nus, who was as virtuous a man, and as zeal-
ous to do glorious actions as themselves, and
suspected by Caius on occasion of the slaugh-
ter of I^epidus; for Minucianus and Lejjidus
were intiniate friends, and both in fear of the
dangers that they were under; for Caius was
terrible to all the great men, as appearing
ready to act a mad part towards each of them
ill particular, and towards all of them in ge-
neral ; ai'd these men were aJ'raid of om' m\o-
CIA I', 1.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
61&
■.her, while they were yet uneasy at the pos-
ture of aliairs, but avoide'l to declare their
mii'.d and their hatred against Cains to one
another, out of fear of the dangers they might
be in thereby, ahhougli they perceived by otiier
means their mutual hatred against Caius, and
on that account were not averse to a mutual
kindness one towards another.
9. When Minucianus and Cherea had met
together, and saluted one another (as they
had been used in former conversations to give
the upper hand to Minucianus, both on ac-
count of his eminent dignity, for he was the
noblest of all the citizens, and highly com-
mended by all men, especially when he made
speeches to them), Minucianus began first,
and asked Cherea, What was the watch-word
he had received that day from Caius ? for the
affront which was offered Cherea in giving
the watch-words, was famous over the city.
But Cherea made no delay so long as to reply
to that question, out of the joy he had that
Minucianus would have such confidence in
him as to discourse with him. " But do
tiiou," said he, " give me the watch-word of
liberty. And 1 return thee my thanks, that
thou hast so greatly encouraged me to exert
myself after an extraordinary manner ; nor
do I stand in need of many words to encou-
rage me, since both thou and I are of the
same mind, and partakers of the same resolu-
tions, and this before we have conferred to-
gether. I have indeed but one sword girt on,
but this one will serve us both. Come on,
therefore, let us set about tlie work. Do thou
go first, if thou hast a mind, and bid me fol-
low thee; or else I will go tirst, and thou
shall assist me, and we will assist one ano-
ther, and trust one another. Nor is there a
necessity for even one sword to such as have
a mind disposed to such works, by which
mind the sword uses to be successful. I am
zealous about this action, nor am I solicitous
what I may myself und<Tgo; for I am not
at leisure to consider the danger that may
come upon myself, so deeply am I troubled
at the slavery our once free country is now
under, and at the contempt cast upon our ex-
cellent laws, and at the destruction which
hangs over all men, by the means of Caius,
I wisli that I may be judged by thee, and that
thoii muyst esteem me worthy of credit in
these matters, seeing we are both of the same
opinion, and there is herein no difference be-
tween us."
10. When Minucianus saw the vehemency
with which Cherea deli\ered himself, he glad-
ly embraced him, and encouraged him in his
bold attempt, commending him, and embrac-
ing him ; so he let him go with his good
wishes ; and some affirm, that he thereby con-
firmed Minucianus in the prosecution of what
had been agreed among them ; for, as Ci)erea
entered into the court, tlie report runs, tliat a
♦voice came from amoiiir the multiiude to en-
courage him, which bade him finish what l»e
was about, and take the opportunity that
Providence offered ; and that Cherea at first
suspected th.it some one of the conspirators
had betrayed bin., and he was caught ; but at
length perceived that it was by way of exhor-
tation. Whether someljody,* that was con-
scious of what he was about, gave a signal
for his encouragement, or whether it was God
himself, wlio looks upon the actions of men,
that encouraged hiin to go on boldly in his
design, is uncertain. The plot was now com-
municated to a great many, and they were all
in their armour ; some of the conspirators be-
ing senators, and some of the equestrian or-
der, and as many of the soldiery as were made
acquainted with it; for there was not one of
them who would not reckon it a part of his
happiness to kill Caius ; and on that account
they were all very zealous in the affair, by
what means soever any one could come at it,
that he might not be behindhand in these vir-
tuous designs, but might be ready with all liis
alacrity or power, both by words and actions,
to complete this slaughter of a tyrant. And
besides these, Callistus also, who was a freed-
man of Caius, and was the only man that had
arrived at the greatest degree of power undtjr
him, — such a power, indeed, as was in a man-
ner equal to the power of the tyrant himself;
by the dread that all men had of him, and by
the great riches he had acquired; for he took
bribes most plenteously, and committed inju-
ries without bounds; and was more exlravju
gant in the use of his power in unjust pro-
ceedings than any other. He also knew the
disposition of Caius to be implacable, and
never to be turned from what he had resolved
on. He had withal many other reasons why
he thought himself in danger, and the vast-
ness of his wealth was not one of the least of
them : on which account he privately ingra-
tiated himself with Claudius, and transferred
his courtship to him, out of this hope, that in
case, upon the removal of Caius, the govern-
ment should come to him, his interest in such
changes should lay a foundation for his pre-
serving his dignity under him, since he laid
in beforehand a stock of merit, and did Clau-
dius good offices in liis promotion. He also
had the boldness to pretend, that he had been
persuaded to make away with Claudius, by poi-
soning him ; but had still invented ten thou-
sand excuses lor delaying to do it. But it
seems probable to me lh_iit Callistus only
counterfeited this, in order to ingratiate him-
self with Claudius; for if Caius had been in
earne.it resolved to take off Claudius, he
w«uld not have admitted of Callistus's ex-
cuses, nor would Callistus, if he had been en-
joined to do such an act as was desired by
• J ust such a voice as this is related to be, carae, and
from an unknown oiignial alsi.>, to the famous I'cly.
K-a: \t, as lie was sjoiii;; to niartyiitom, biitiliiig hun " pUy
vhc man ;" a.s iho curcU of bmyrna assures us in Itit-ir
a.L'ouii- of itiat hi.^ mariyidom, secu 9.
/^
J-
614.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
Caius, have put it off, nor, if he had disobey-
ed those injunctions of his master, had he
escaped immediate punishment ; while Clau-
dius was preserved from the madness of Caius
by a certain divine providence, and Callistus
pretended to such a piece of merit as he no
way deserved.
1 ] . However, the execution of Cherea's
designs was put off from day to day, by the
sloth of many therein concerned ; for as to
Cherea himself, he would not willingly make
any delay in that execution, thinking every
time a fit time for it, for frequent opportuni-
ties olfered themselves ; as when Caius went
up to the capitol to sacrifice for his daughter,
or when he stood upon his royal palace, and
threw gold and silver pieces of money among
the people, he might be pushed down head-
long, because the top of the palace, that looks
toward the market-place, was very high; and
also when he celebrated the mysteries, which
be had appointed at that time ; for he was
then no way secluded from the people, but
solicitous to do every thing carefully and de-
cently ; and was free from all suspicion that
he should be then assaulted by anybody; and
although the gods should afford him no di-
vine assistance to enable him to take away his
life, yet had he strength himself sufficient to
dispatch Caius, even without a sword. Thus
was Cherea angry at his fellow. conspirators,
for fear they siiould suffer a proper opportu-
nity to pass by ; and they were themselves
sensible that he had just cause to be angry at
ihem, and that his eagerness was for tlieir
advantage ; yet did they desire he would have
a little longer patience, lest, upon any disap-
pointment they might meet with, they should
put the city into disorder, and an inquisition
should be made after the conspiracy, and
should render the courage of those that were
to attack Caius without success, while he
would then secure himself more carefully
than ever against them ; that it would there-
fore be the best to set about the work when
the shows were exhibited in the palace. These
shows were acted in honour of that Caesar*
who first of all changed the popular govern-
ment, and transferred it to himself; galleries
being fixed before the palace, where the Ro-
mans that were patricians became specta-
tors, together with their children and their
wives, and Caesar himself was to be also a
spectator ; and they reckoned among those
many ten thousands who would there be
crowded into a narrow compass, they should
have a favourable opportunity to make their
attempt upon him as he came in ; because his
guards that should protect him, if any of
theui should have a mind to do it, would uot
here be able to give him any assistance.
• Here Josephus supposes that it was Augustus, and
not Julius Ctesar, who first changed the Roman com-
monwealth into a mcmarchv ; lor tliese shows were m
honour of A iigu^tus, as we shall Itaru in the next sec-
cion but ou'j
BOOK XIX.
1''. Cherea consented to this delay; and
when the shows were exhibited, it was resolv-
ed to do the work the first day. But for-
tune, which allowed a farther delay to his
slaughter, was too hard for their foregoing re-
solution: and, as three days of the regular
time for these shows were now over, they
had much ado to get the business done on
the last day. Then Cherea called the con-
spirators together, and spake thus to them : —
" So much time passed away without effect is
a reproach to us, as delaying to go through
such a virtuous design as vve are engaged in ;
but more fatal will this delay prove if we be
discovered, and the de->ign be frustrated ;—
for Caius will then become more cruel in his
unjust proceedings. Do not we see how
long we deprive all our friends of their liber-
ty, and give Caius leave still to tyrannize
over them ? while we ought to have procured
them security for the future, and, by laying a
foundation for the happiness of others, gain
to ourselves great admiration and honour for
all time to come." Now, while the conspira-
tors had nothing tolerable to say by way of
contradiction, and yet did not quite relish
what they were doing, but stood silent and
astonished, he said further, " O, my brave
comrades ! why do we make such delays ?
Do not you see that this is the last day of these
shows, and that Caius is about to go to sea?
for he is preparing to sail to Alexandria,
in order to see Egypt, It is therefore for
your honour to let a man go out of your
hands who is a reproach to mankind, and to
permit him to go after a pompous manner,
triumphing both at land and sea? shall not
we be justly ashamed of ourselves if we give
leave to some Egyptian or other, who shall
think his injuries insufferable to free-men, to
kill him ? As for myself, I will no longer
bear your slow proceedings, but will expose
myself to the dangers of the enterprise this
very day, and bear cheeri'ully whatsoever shall
be the consequence of the attempt ; nor, let
them be ever so great, will I put them off
any longer : for, to a wise and courageous
man, what can be more miserable than that,
while I am alive, any one else should kill
Caius, and deprive me of the honour of so
virtuous an action ?"
13. When Clierea had spoken thus, he
zealously set about the work, and inspired
courage into the rest to go on with it ; and they
were all eager to fall to it without farther de-
lay. So he was at the palace in the morning,
with his equestrian sword girt on liim ; for it
was the custom that the tribunes should ask
for the watch-word with their swords on, and
this was the day on which Cherea was by cus-
tom to receive the watch-w ord ; and the mul-
titude were already come to the palace, to be
soon enough for seeing the shows, and that in
great crowds, and one tumultuously crushing
another, while Caius was delighted with thie
'X
J'
"V,
CHAP. r.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
515
eagerness of the multitude ; for which reason
there was no order observed in the sealing men,
nor was any peculiar place appointed for the se-
nators, or for the equestrian order ; but they
sat at random, men and women together, and
iVeemen were mixed with the slaves. So
Caius came out in a solemn manner, and of-
fered sacrifice to Augustus Czesar, in whose
honour indeed these shows were celebrated.
Now it happened, upon the fall of a certain
priest, that the garment of Asprenas, a sena-
tor, was filled with blood, which made Caius
laugh, although this was an evident omen to
Asprenas, for he was slain at the same time
witli Caius. It is also related, that Caius was
that day, contrary to his usual custom, so very
affable and good-natured in his conversation,
that every one of those that were present were
astonished at it. After the sacrifice was
over, Caius betook himself to see the shows,
and sat down for that purpose, as did also the
principal of his friends sit near him. Now
the parts of the theatre were so fastened to-
gether, as it used to be every year, in the
manner following : — It had two doors ; the
one door led to the open air, the other was
for going into, or going out of, the cloisters,
that those within the theatre might not be
thereby disturbed ; but out of one gallery
there went an inward passage, parted into
partitions also, which led into another gallery,
to give room to the combatants, and to the
musicians, to go out as occasion served.
When the multitude were set down, and Che-
rea, with the other tribunes were set down
also, and the right corner of the theatre
was allotted to Cffisar, one Vatinius, a sena-
tor, commander of the Pretorian band, asked
of Cluviua, one that sat by him, and was of
consular dignity also, — Whether he had heard
any thing of the news or not ? — but took
care that nobody should hear what he said ;
and when Cluvius replied, that he had heard
no news, — " Know then (said Vatinius) that
the game of the slaughter of tyrants is to be
played this day." But Cluvius replied, " O
brave comrade ! hold thy oeace, lest some
other of the Achaians hear thy tale." And
as there was abundance of autumnal fruit
thrown among the spectators, and a great
number of birds, that were of great value
to such as possessed them, on account of their
rareness, Caius was pleased with the birds
fighting for the fruits, and with the violence
wherewith the spectators seized upon them :
and here he perceived two prodigies that hap-
pened there ; for an actor was introduced, by
whom a leader of robbers was crucified, and
the pantomime brougiit in a play called Ciny-
ras, wherein he liimself was to be slain, as well
as his daughter Myrrha, and wherein a great
deal of fictitious blood was shed, both about
him that was crucified, and also about Ciny-
ras. It is also confessed, that tliis was the
same day wherein Pauaanias, a friend of Phi-
lip, the son of Amyntas, who was sing of
Macedonia, slew him as he was entering into
tlie theatre. And now Caius was in doubt
whether he should tarr;,- to the end of the
shows, because it was the last day, or whether
he should not go first to the bath, and to din-
ner, and then return and sit down as before
Hereupon Minucianus, who sat over Caius,
and was afraid that the opportunity should
fail them, got up, because he saw Cherea was
already gone out, ar/d made haste out, to
confirm him in his resolution ; but Caius
took hold of his garment in an obliging way,
and said to him, — *' O brave man? whither
art thou going ?" Whereupon, out of reve-
rence to Csesar, as it seemed, he sat down
again; but his fear prevailed over him, and
in a little time he got up again, and then
Caius did noway oppose his going out, aa
thinking that he went out to perform some ne-
cessities of nature. And Asprenas, who was
one of the confederates, persuaded Caius to
go out to the bath, and to dinner, and tlien
to come in again ; as desirous that wiiat had
been resolved on might be brought to a con
elusion immediately.
1 4. So Cherea's associates placed them-
selves in order, as the time would permit
them, and they were obliged to labour hard,
that the place which was appointed them
should not be left by them ; but they had an
indignation at the tediousness '•f the delays,
and that what they were about should be put
off any longer, for it was already about the
ninth * hour of the day ; and Cherea, upon
Caius's tarrying so long, had a great mind to
go in, and fall upon him in his seat, although
he foresaw that this could not be done with-
out much bloodshed, both of the senators and
of those of the equestrian order that were
present ; and although he knew this must hap-
pen, yet had he a great mind to do so, aa
thinking it a right thing to procure security
and freedom to all, at the expense of such as
might perish at the same time. And as they
were just going back into the entrance to
the theatre, word was brought them tha
Caius was arisen, whereby a tumult was
made ; hereupon the conspirators thrust away
the crowd, under pretence as if Caius was
angry at them, but in reality as desirous to
have a quiet place, that should have none in
it to defend him, \\hile they set about Caius's
slaughter. Now Claudius, his uncle, was
gone out before, and Marcus Vinicius, his
sister's husband, as also Valerius of Asia ;
whom, though they had had such a mind to put
out of their places, the reverence to their dig-
nity hindered them so to do; then followed
j Caius, with Paulus Arruntius : and because
j Caius was now gotten witliin the palace, he
left the direct road, along which those his ser-
» Suetonius says Caius was slam about tlie sevcntk
liour of the day, Joseimus about the niniii. Tl>e seria
of the narration favours Josei'hui!
"X
J~
516
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
▼ants stood that were in waiting, and by
which road Claudius had gone out before,
Caius turned aside into a private narrow pas-
sage, in order to go to the place for bathing,
as also in order to take a view of tiie boys that
catne out of Asia, who were sent thence part-
ly to sing hymns in these mysteries which
were now celebrated, and partly to dance in
tfie Pyrrhic way of dancing upon tlie theatres.
So Cherea met him, and asked him for the
watch-word ; upon Caius's giving him one of
his ridiculous words, he immediately reproach-
ed him, and drew his sword and gave him a
terrible stroke with it, yet was not this stroke
mortal. And although there be those that say
it was so contrived on purpose by Cherea that
Caius should not be killed at one blow, but
should be punished more severely by a mul-
titude of wounds, yet does this story ajipear
to be incredible ; because the fear men are
under in such actions does not allow them to
use their reason. And if Cherea was of that
mind, I esteem him the greatest of all fools,
in pleasing himself in his spite against Caius,
ratiier than immediately procuring safety to
himself and to his confederates from the dan-
gers they were in ; because there might many
things still happen for help'ng Caius's escape,
if he liad not already given up the ghost; for
certainly Cherea would have regard, not so
much to the punishment of Caius, as to the
afiliction himself and his friends were in,
while it was in his power, after such success,
to keep silent, and to escape the wrath of
Caius's defenders, and not leave it to uncer-
tainty whether he should gain the end he aim-
•ed at or not; and after an unreasonable man-
ner to act as if he had a mind to ruin himself,
and lose the opjjortunity that lay before him.
But every body may guess as he pleases about
this matter. However, Caius was staggered
with the pain that the blow gave him ; for the
stroke of the sword falling in the middle, be-
tween ihe shoulder and the neck, was hinder-
C'.l by the first bone of the breast from pro-
ceeding any farther. Nor did he either cry
out (in such astonishment was he), nor did he
call out for any of his friends; whetlier it
were tliat he had no confidence in them, or
that his mind was otherwise disordered, but
lie groaned under the pain he endured, and
presently went forward and fli.d, — when Cor-
nelius Sabinus, who was already prepared in
mind so to do, thrust him down upon his
knee, where many of them stood round about
hiu), and struck him with their swords, and
they cried out, and encouraged one another
all at once to strike him again ; but all agree
that Aquila gave him the finishing stroke,
vNliicli directly killed him. Eut one may
justly ascribe this act to Cherea; for although
many concurred in the act itself, yet was he
the first contriver of it, and began long be-
fore all the rest to prepare for it; and was the
iitst man Itiat boldly bpake of it to the tq^I ;
BOOK XIX
and upon their admission of what he said
about It, he got the dispersed conspirators to-
gether ; he prepared every thing after a pru-
dent manner, and by suggesting good advice,
showed himself far superior to the rest, and
made obliging speeches to them, insomuch
tliat he even compelled them all to go on, who
otherwise had not couiage enough for that
purpose; and when opportunity served to use
his sword in hand, he appeared first of all
ready so to do, and gave the first blow in this
virtuous slaughter ; he also brought Caius
easily into the power of the rest, and almost
killed him himself, insomuch that it is but
just to ascribe all that the rest did to the ad
vice, and bravery, and labours of the hands
of Cherea.
15. Thus did Caius come to his end, and
lay dead, by the many wounds which had
been given him. Now Cherea and his asso-
ciates, upon Caius's slaughter, saw that it was
impossible for them to save themselves, if they
sh.ould all go the same way, partly on account
of the astonishment they were under ; for it
was no small danger they had incurred by
killing an emperor, who was honoured and
loved by the madness of the people, especial-
ly when the soldiers were likely to make a
bloody inquiry after his muiderers. Tlie
passages also were narrow wherein the work
was done, which were also crowded with a
great multitude of Caius's attendants, and of
such of the soldiers as were of the emperor'?
guard that day ; whence it was that they went
by other ways, and came to the house of Ger-
manicus, the father of Caius, whom they had
now killed (which house adjoined to the pa-
lace ; for while the edifice was one, it was
built in its several parts by those particular
persons who had been emperors, and those
parts bare the names of those that built them,
or the name of him who had begun to build
any of its parts). So they got away from the
insults of the multitude, and then were for
tlie present out of danger, that is, so long as
the misfortune which had overtaken the em-
peror was not known. The Germans were
the first who perceived that Caius was slain.
These Germans were Caius's guard, and car-
ried the name of the country whence they
were chosen, and composed the Celtic legion.
The men of that country are naturally pas-
sionate, which is commonly the temper of
some otiier of the barbarous nations also, as
being not used to consider much about what
they do ; they are of robust bodies, and fall
upon their enemies as soon as ever they are at-
tacked by them ; and which way soever they
go, they perform great exploits. When,
therefore, these German guards understood
that Caius was slain, they were very sorry for
it, because they did not use their reason in
judging about public affairs, but measured all
by the advantages themselves received, Caius
being beloved by them, because of the money
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
51'
he gave them, by which he had purchased
their kindness to him : so they drew their
swords, and Sabinus led them on. He was
one of the tribunes, not by the means of tlie
virtuous actions of iiis progenitors, for he had
been a gladiator, but he had obtained that
post in the army by liis having a robust body.
So these Germans marched along the houses
in quest of Cajsar's murderers, and cut Aspre-
nas to pieces, because he was the first man
they fell upon, and whose garment it was that
the blood of the sacrifices stained, as I liave
said already, and which foretold that this Iiis
meeting the soldiers would not be for his
good. Then did Norbanus meet them, who
was one of the principal nobility of the city,
and could show many generals of armies a-
mong his ancestors ; but they paid no regard
to his dignity : yet was he of such great
strength, that he wrested the sword of the
first of those that assaulted him out of his
hands, and appeared plainly not to be willing
to die without a struggle for his life, until he
was surrounded by a great number of assail-
ants, and died by the multitude of the wounds
which they gave him. The third man was
Anteius, a senator, and a few others with
him. He did not meet with these Germans
by chance, as the rest did before, but came to
show his hatred to Caius, and because lie loved
to see Caius lie dead with liis own eyes, and
took a pleasure in that sight; for Caius had
Vanished Anteius's father, who was of the
same name with himself, and, being not sa-
tisfied with that, he sent out his soldiers, and
slew him ; so he was come to rejoice at the
sight of him, now he was dead. But as the
house was now all in a tumult, when he was
aiming to hide himself, he could not escape
that accurate search whicli the Germans made,
while they barbarously slew those that were
guilty and those that were notguilly, and this
equally also. And thus were these [three]
persons slain.
16. But when the rumour that Caius was
slain reached the theatre, they were astonished
at it, and could not believe it : even some tiiat
entertained his destruction with great plea-
sure, and were more desirous of its happening
than almost any other satisfaction that could
come to them, were under such a fear, that
they could not believe it. There were also
those who greatly distrusted it, btcause they
were unwilling that any such thing should
come to Caius, nor could believe it, though it
were ever so true, because they thougiit no
man could possibly have so much power as
to kill Caius. These were the women, and
the children, and the slaves, and some of the
soldiery. This last sort had taken liis pay,
and in a manner tyrannized with liim, and
had abused the best of the citizens, in being
subservient to his unjust commands, in order
to gain honours and advantages to themselves;
but for the women and the youtli,, the • had
been inveigled with shows, and the figlitings
of the gladiators, and certain distributions ot
flesh-meat among them, which things in pre-
tence were designed for the pleasing of the
multitude, but in reality to satiate the barba-
rous cruelty and madness of Carus. Tlie
slaves also were sorry, because they were by
Caius allowed to accuse and to despise their
masters, and they could have recourse to his
assistance wlien they had unjustly affronted
them ; for he was very easy in believing them
against their masters, even when they accused
them falsely ; and, if they would discover what
money their masters had, they might soon ob-
tain botli riches and liberty, as the rewards of
their accusations, because the reward of these
informers was the eighth* part of the crimi-
nal's substance. As to the nobles, alfliough
the report appeared credible to some of them,
either because they knew of the plot before-
hand, or because they wished it might be
true; however, tliey concealed not only the
joy they had at the relation of it, but that they
had heard any thing at all about it. These
last acted so, out of the fear tliey had lliat if
the report proved false, they should be pu-
nished, tor having so soon let men know their
minds. But those that knew Caius vvas dead,
because they were partners with the conspira-
tors, they concealed all still more cautiously,
as not knowing one another's minds; and
fearing lest they should speak of it to some of
those to whom the continuance of tyranny
was advantageous ; and, if Caius should prove
to be alive, tliey might be informed against,
and punished. And another report went a-
bout, that although Caius had been wounded
indeed, yet was not he dead, but alive still,
and under the physician's hands. Nor was
any one looked upon by another as faithful
enough to be trusted, and to whom any one
would open his mind ; for he was either a
friend to Caius, and therefore suspected to
favour his tyranny, or lie was one tiiat hated
him, who therefore might be suspected to de-
serve the less credit, because of his ill will to
liim. Nay, it was said by some (and this in.
deed it vvas that deprived the nobility of their
hopes, and made them sad) that Caius was in
a condition to despise the dangers he had
been in, and took no care of healing his
wounds, but was gotten away into the mar-
ket-place, and, bloody as he was, was mak-
ing an Iiarangiie to tlie people. And these
were the conjectural reports of those that were
so unreasonable as to endeavour to raise tu-
mults, which they turned different ways, a»>
cording to the opinions of the hearers. Yet
did they not leave their seats, for fear of being
accused, if they should go out before the rest ;
for they should not be sentenced according
* This rnward i)rci})OSed liy t' e Romnn laws to in-
fonners, was siimetiimsan eighth part of thecimiinara
goods, ius here; and SDiuetinics a tourth part, as Span-
heiin assures us, from Suetonius and Tacitu«
-T
J-
618
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK XIX.
to the real intention with which tliey went
out, but according to the supposals of the ac-
cusers, and of the judges.
17. But now a multitude of Germans had
surrounded the theatre with their swords
drawn : all the spectators looked for nothing
but death ; and at every one's coming in, a
fear seized upon them, as if they were to be
cut in pitces immediately ; and in great dis-
tress they were, as neither having courage
enough to go out of the theatre, nor believing
themselves safe from dangers if they tarried
there. And when the Germans came upon
them, the cry was so great, that the theatre
rang again with the entreaties of the spectators
to the soldiers pleading that they were entire-
ly ignorant of every thing that related to such
seditious contrivances, and if tliere were any
sedition raised, they knew nothing of it ; they
therefore begged that they would spare them,
and not punish those that had not the least
hand in such bold crimes as belonged to other
persons, while they neglected to search after
such as had really done whatsoever it be that
hath been done. Tlius did these people ap-
peal to God, and deplore their infelicity with
shedding of tears and 1 eating their faces, and
said every thing that the most imminent
danger, and the utmost concern for their lives,
could dictate to them. This brake the fury
of the soldiers, and made them repent of what
they minded to do to the spectators, which
would have been the greatest instance of
cruelty. And so it appeared to even these
savages, when they had once fixed the heads
of those that were slain with Asprenas upon
the altar ; at which sight the spectators were
sorely afflicted, both upon the consideration
of the dignity of the persons, and out of a
commiseration of their sufferings; nay, indeed,
they were almost in as great disorder at the
prospect of the danger themselves were in,
seeing it was still uncertain whether they
should entirely escape the like calamity.
Whence it was that such as thoroughly and
justly hated Caius, could yet no way enjoy
the pleasure of his death, because they were
themselves in jeopardy of perishing together
with him ; nor had they hitherto any firm as-
surance of surviving.
18. There was at this time, one Euaristiis
Arruntius, a public crier in the market, and
therefore of a strong and audible voice, who
vied in wealth with the richest of the Romans,
and was able to do what he pleased in the
city, both then and afterward. Tliis man put
himself into the most mournful habit he could,
although he had a greater hatred against
Caius than any one else ; his fear and his wise
contrivance to gain his safety taught him so
to do, and prevailed over his present pleasure ;
so he put on such a mournful dress as he
would have done had he lost his dearest
friends in the world ; this man came into the
tlicatre, and informed them of the death of
Caius, and by this means put an end to that
state of ignorance the men had been in. Ar-
runtius also went round about tlie pillars, and
called out to the Germans, as did the tribunes
with him, bidding them put up their swords,
and telling them that Caius was dead ; and
tin's proclamation it was plainly which saved
tliose that were collected together in the
theatre, and all the rest who any way met the
Germans; for while they had hopes that Caius
had still any breath in him, they abstained
from no sort of mischief ; and such an abun-
dant kindness they still had for Caius, that
they would willingly have prevented the plot
against him, and procured his escape from so
sad a misfortune, at the expense of their own
lives ; but they now left off the warm zeal
they had to punish his enemies, now they
were fully satisfied that Caius was dead, be-
cause it was now in vain for them to show
their zeal and kindness to him, when he who
should reward them was perished. They
were also afraid that they should be punished
by the senate, if they should go on in doing
such injuries, that is, in case the authority
of the supreme governor should revert to
them ; and thus at length a stop was put,
though not without difficulty, to that rage
which possessed the Germans on account of
Caius's death.
19. But Cherea was so much afraid for
Minucianus, lest he should light upon the
Germans, now they were in their fury, that
he went and spake to every one of the sol-
diers, and prayed them to take care of his
preservation, and made himself great inquiry
about him, lest he should have been slain ;
and for Clement, he let Minucianus go when
he was brought to him, and, with many other
of the senators, affirmed the action was right,
and commended the virtue of those that con-
trived it, and had courage enough to execute
it; and said, that " tyrants do indeed please
themselves and look big for a while, upon
having the power to act unjustly; but do not,
however, go hajipily out of the world, because
they are hated by the virtuous ; and that
Caius, together with all his unhappiness, was
become a conspirator against himself, before
these other men who attacked him did so ;
and by becoming intolerable, in setting aside
the wise provision the laws had made, taught
his clearest friends to treat him as an enemy ;
insomuch, that although in common dis-
course these conspirators were those that
slew Caius, yet that, in reality, he lies now
dead as perishing by his own self."
20. Now by this time the people in the
theatre were arisen from their seats, and those
that were within made a very great disturb-
ance ; the cause of which was this, that the
spectators were too hasty in getting away.
There was also one Alcyon, a physician, who
hurried away, as if to cure those that wcra
woundtid and, under that pretence, be sent
J~
CHAP. II,
those that were with him to fetcli what things
were necessary for the healing of tliose wound-
ed persons, but in reality to get them clear of
the present dangers they were in. Now the
senate, during tliis interval, had met, and tlie
people also assembled together in the accus-
tomed form, and were both employed in
searching after the murderers of Caius. The
people did it very zealously, but the senate in
appearance only ; for there was present Va-
lerius of Asia, one that had been consul ; this
man went to the people, as they were in dis-
order, and very uneasy tliat they could not
yet discover who they were that had murdered
the emperor ; he was then earnestly asked by
them ail, who it was that had done it ? He
replied, " I wish I had been the man." The
consuls • also published an edict, wherein
they accused Caius, and gave order to the
people then got together, and to the soldiers,
to go home, and gave the people hopes of
the abatement of the oppressions they lay un-
der ; and promised the soldiers, if they lay
quiet as they used to do, and would not go
abroad to do mischief unjustly, that they
would bestow rewards upon them ; for there
was reason to fear lest the city might suffer
harm by their wild and ungovernable behavi-
our, if they should once betake themselves to
spoil the citizens, or plunder the temples.
And now the whole multitude of the senators
were assembled together, and especially those
that had conspired to take away the life of
Caius, who put on at this time an air of great
assurance, and appeared with great magnani-
mity, as if the administration of public afl'airs
were already devolved upon them.
CHAPTER II.
HOW THE SENATORS DETERMINED TO RESTORE
THE DEMOCRACY ; BUT THE SOLDIERS WERE
FOR PRESERVING THE MONARCHY. CON-
CERNING THE SLAUGHTER OF CAIUS's WIFE
AND DAUGHTER. A CHARACTER OF CAIUS's
MORALS,
§ 1. When the public affairs were in this
posture, Claudius was on the sudden hurried
away out of his house ; for the soldiers had
a meeting together ; and when they had de-
bated about what was to be done, they saw
that a democracy was incapable of managing
such a vast weight of public affairs; and that
if it should be set up, it would not be for
their advantage ; and in case any one of those
already in the government should obtain the
supreme power, it would in all respects be to
their grief, if they were not assisting to him
• These consuls are named in the War of the Jews
i\>. ii, ch. xi, sect. 1), Sentiiis Satuniinus ami Pompo-
nius Sef.-nc'.us, as SpaJiheim notes liere. The speecli
of the former of them is set dowii in tlie next chapter.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
519
in this advancement • that it would therefore
be right for them, while the public affairs
were unsettled, to choose Claudius emperor,
who was uncle to the deceased Caius, and of
a superior dignity and worth to every one of
those who were assembled together in the se-
nate, both on account of the virtues of his
ancestors, and of the learning he had acquir-
ed in his education ; and who, if once settled
in the empire, would reward them according
to their deserts, and bestow largesses upon
them. These were their consultations, and
they executed the same immediately. Clau-
dius was therefore seized upon suddenly by
the soldiery. But Cneus Sentius Saturni-
nu3, although he understood that Claudius
wae seized, and that he intended to claim the
government, unwillingly indeed in appear-
ance, but in reality by his own free consent,
stood up in the senate, and, without being
dismayed, made an exhortatory oration to
them, and such a one indeed as was fit for
men of freedom and generosity, and spake
thus : —
2. " Athough it be a thing incredible, O
Romans ! because of the great length of time,
that so unexpected an event hath happened,
yet are we now in possession of liberty. How
long indeed this will last is uncertain, and lies
at the disposal of the gods, whose grant it is;
yet such it is as is sufficient to make' us re-
joice, and be happy for the present, although
we may soon be deprived of it ; for one hour
is sufficient to those that are exercised in vir
tue, wherein we may live with a mind account-
able only to ourselves, in our own country, now
free, and governed by such laws as this coun-
try once flourished under. As for myself, I
cannot remember our former time of liberty,
as being borne after it was gone ; but I am
beyond measure filled with joy at the thoughts
of our present freedom. I also esteem those
that were born and brought up in that our
former liberty happy men, and that those men
are worthy of no less esteem than the gods
themselves, who have given us a taste of it
in this age; and I heartily wish that this quiet
enjoyment of it, which we have at present,
might continue to all ages. However, this
single day may suffice for our youth, as well
as for us that are in years. It will seem an
age to our old men, if they might die during
its happy duration : it may also be for tlie in-
struction of the younger sort, what kind of
virtue those men, from whose loins we are
derived, were exercised m. As for ourselves,
our business is, during the space of time, to
live virtuously, — than which nothing can be
more to our advantage ; which course of virtue
it is alone that can preserve our liberty ; for,
as to our ancient state, I have heard of it by
the relations of others; but as to our later
state, during my life-time, I have known it by
experience, and learned thereby what mischief
tyrannies have brought upon tliis couimou-
-T
J"
o20
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
rtooK XIX.
*eatlii, discouraging all virtue, and depriving them, who, without fear of punishment, could
persons of magnanimity of their liberty, and j do mischief to the city, and had an uncon-
provmg tlie teachers of flattery and slavish
fear, because it leaves the public administra-
tion not to be governed by \vise laws, but by
the humour of those that govern. For since
Julius Caesar took it into iiis Iioad to dissolve
our democracy, and, by overbearing tlie regu-
lar system of oui laws, to bring disorders in-
to our administration, and to get al)ove riglit
and justice, and to be a slave to his own in-
clinations, there is no kind of misery but what
hath tended to the subversion of tliis city ;
while all tiicse that have succeeded him have
striven one with another to overthrow the an-
cient laws of their country, and have left it
destitute of such citizens as were of generous
principles; because they thought it tended to
their safety to have vicious men to converse
withal, and not only to break tlie spirits of
those that were best esteemed for their virtue,
but to resolve upon their utter destruction.
Of all which emperors, who have been many
in number, and who laid upon us insufferable
hardships during the times of their govern-
ment, this Caius, who hath been slain to-day,
hath brought more terrible calamities upon us
than did all tlie rest, not only by exercising
his ungoverned rage upon his fellow. citizens,
but also upon his kindred and friends, and
alike upon all others, and by inflicting still
greater miseries upon them, as punishments,
which they never deserved, he being equally
furious against men and against the gods; for
tyrants are not content to gain their sweet
pleasure, and this by acting injiuiously, and
in the vexation they bring both upon men's
estates and their wives, — but they look upon
that to be their principal advantage, when they
can utterly overthrow the entire families of
their enemies ; while all lovers of liberty are
the enemies of tyranny. Nor can those that
patiently endure what miseries they bring on
them gain their friendship ; for as they are
conscious of the abundant niibcliiefs they have
brought on these men, and how magnanimous-
ly they have borne their hard f(;rtunes, they
cannot but be sensible what evils they have
done, and thence only depend on security
from what they are suspicious of, if it may be
in their power to take them quite out of tlie
world. Since, then, we are now gotten clear
of such great misfortunes, and are only ac-
countable to one another (which form of go-
vernment aflbrds us the best assurance of our
present concord, and promises us the best se-
curity from all evil designs, and will be most
for our own glory in settling the city in good
order), you ought, every one of you in parti-
cular, to make provision for his own, and in
general for the public utility • or, on the con-
trary, they may declare their dissent to such
tilings as have been proposed, and this with-
out any hazard of danger to come upon them,
— because they have now no lord set over
troUable power to lake off those that freely
declared their opinions. Nor has any thing
so much contributed to this increase of ty-
ranny of late as sloth, and a timorous forbear-
ance of contradicting the emperor's will ;
while men had an over-great inclination to
the sweetness of peace, and had learned to
live like slaves, and as many of us as eithei
heard of intolerable calamities that happened
at a distance from us, or saw the miseries that
were near us, out of the dread of dying vir
tuously, endured a death joined with the ut
most infamy. We ought, then, in the first
place, to decree the greatest honours we are
able to those that have taken off the tyrant,
especially to Cherea Cassius ; for this one
man, with the assistance of the gods, hath, by
his counsel and by his actions, been the pro-
curer of our liberty. Nor ought we to forget
him now we have recovered our liberty, «ho,
under the foregoing tyranny, took counsel
beforehand, and beforehand hazarded himseif
for our liberties; but ought to decree him
proper honours, and thereby freely declare,
that he from the beginning acted with our
approbation. And certainly it is a very ex-
cellent thing, and what becomes freemen, to
requite their benefactors, as this man liath
been a benefactor to us all, though not at all
like Cassius and Brutus, who slew Caius Ju-
lius [Cajsar]; for those men laid the founda-
tions of sedition and civil wars in our city;
— but this man, together with his slaughter
of the tyrant, hath set our city free from all
those sad miseries which arose from the ty
ranny." *
3. And this was the purport of Sentius's
oration, which was received with pleasure by
the senators, and by as many of the equestrian
order as were present. And now one Tre-
bellius IVIaximus rose up hastily, and took
from Sentius's finger a ring, which had a
stone, with the image of Caius engraven uj;on
it, and which, in his zeal in sjieaking, and his
earnestness in doing what he was aliout, as it
was sujiposed, he had forgotten to take oil
himself. This sculpture was broken imme-
diately. But as it was now far in the night,
Cherea demanded of the consuls the watch,
word, who gave hira this word, Liberty.
These facts were the subjects of admiration
to themselves, and almost incredible; for it
was a hundred years f since the democracy
* In this oration of Sentius Satiimimis, we may see
tlie g'cat value virtuous men put upon public liherry,
anil the sail misery tliey umierwent while they weie ty
rannized over by such emjierors as Caius. See Jose.
pluis's own sliort but pitliy retlection at tlie end of the
chapter: " So difficult," says he, " it is for those to ob-
tain tlie virtue that is necessary to a wise man, who
have the absolute powei to do what they please without
control."
t Hence we learn that, in the opinion of Saturnirus,
the so\'creign authority of the consuls anil senate had
been taken away just one hundred years before tlie death
of Caius. A. D. 41 ; or iu the 6uth year before Uie CUri*
■V
J"
"V
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
521
had been laid aside, when this giving the
watch- word returned to the consuls ; for, be-
fore the city was subject to tyrants, they were
the commanders of the soldiers. Bat when
Cherea had received that watch-word, he de-
livered it to those who were on the senate's
side, which were four regiments, who esteem-
ed the government without emperors to be
preferable to tyranny. So these went away
with their tribunes. The people also now
departed very joyful, full of hope and of cou-
rage, as having recovered their former de-
mociiicy, and no longer under an emperor ;
and Cherea was in very great esteem with
them,
4. And now Cherea was very uneasy that
Caius's daughter and wife were still alive,
and that all his family did not perish with
him, since whosoever was left of them must
be left for the ruin of the city and of the
laws. Moreover, in order to finish this mat-
ter with the utmost zeal, and in order to satis-
fy his hatred of Caius, he sent Julius Lupus,
one of the tribunes, to kill Caius's wife and
daughter. They proposed this office to Lu-
pus as to a kinsman of Clement, that he
might be so far a partaker of this murder of
the tyrant, and might rejoice in the virtue of
having assisted his fellow-citizens, and that
he might appear to have been a partaker with
those that were first in their designs against
him ; yet did this action appear to some of
the conspirators to be too cruel, as to this
using such severity to a woman, because
Caius did more indulge his own ill-nature
than use her advice in all that he did ; from
which ill-nature it was that the city was in
so desperate a condition with the miseries that
were brought on it, and the flower of the
city was destroyed; but others accused her of
giving her consent to these things ; nay, they
ascribed all that Caius had done to her as the
cause of it, and said she had given a potion to
Caius, which had made him obnoxious to
her, and had tied him down to love her by
such evil methods ; insomuch that she, hav-
ing rendered him distracted, was become the
author of all the mischiefs that had befallen
the Romans, and that habitable world which
was subject to them. So that at length it
was determined that she must die ; nor could
those of the contrary opinion at all prevail to
have her saved ; and Lupus was sent accord-
ingly. Nor was there any delay made in
executing what he went about, but he was
subservient to those that sent him on the first
opportunity, as desirous to be no way blame-
able in wliat might be done for the advantage
of the people. So, when he was come into
the palace, he found Cesonia, who was Caius's
wife, lying by her husband's dead body,
which also lay down on tlie ground, and de-
stitute of all such tilings as the law allows to
tiiin a?ra, wlien the first triumvirate began under Cjcsar,
] omuev. aiul CrasFUs.
-\,
the dead, and all over herself besmeared with
the blood of her husband's wounds, and be-
wailing the great affliction she was under,
her daughter lying by her also ; and nothing
else was heard in these her circumstances but
her complaint of Caius, as if he had not re-
garded what she had often told him of before-
hand ; which words of hers were taken in a
different sense even at that time, and are now
esteemed equally ambiguous by those that
hear of them, and are still interpreted accord-
ing to tlie different inclinations of people.
Now some said that the words denoted, that
she had advised him to leave off his mad be-
haviour and his barbarous cruelty to the ci-
tizens, and to govern the public with mode-
ration and virtue, lest he should perish by
the same way, upon their using him as he had
used them. But some said, that as certain
words had passed concerning the conspirators,
she desired Caius to make no delay, but im-
mediately to put them all to death ; and this
whether they were guilty or not, and that
thereby he would be out of the fear of any
danger ; and that this was what she reproach-
ed him for when she advised him so to do,
but he was too slow and tender in the matter.
And this was what Cesonia said ; and what
the opinions of men were about it. But
when she saw Lupus approach, she showed
him Caius's dead body, and persuaded him
to come nearer, with lamentation and tears ;
and as she perceived that Lupus was in dis-
order, and approached her in order to exe-
cute some design disagreeable to himself, she
was well aware for what purpose he came,
and stretched out her naked throat, and that
very cheerfully to him, bewailing her case,
like one utterly despairing of her life, and
bidding him not to boggle at finishing the
tragedy they had resolved upon relating to
her. So she boldly received her death s
wound at the hand of Lupus, as did the
daughter after her. So Lupus made haste to
inform Cherea of what he had done.
5. This was the end of Caius, after he had
reigned four years, within four months. He
was, even before he came to be emperor, ill-
natured, and one that had arrived at the ut-
most pitch of wickedness ; a slave to his plea-
sures, and a lover of calumny ; greatly affect-
ed by every terrible accident, and on that ac-
count of a very murderous disposition where
he durst show it. He enjoyed his exorbitant
power to this only purpose, to injure those
who least deserved it, with unreasonable inso-
lence, and got his wealth by murder and in-
justice. He laboured to appear above regard-
ing either what was divine or agreeable to the
laws, but was a slave to the commendations
of the populace ; and whatsoever the laws de-
termined to be shameful, and punished, that
he esteemed more honourable than what was
virtuous. He was unmindful of his friends,
how intimate soever, and though they were
2 X
522
ANTIQUITIES OF THC JEWS.
persons of the highest character; and, if he
was once angry at any of them, lie would in-
flict punishment upon them on the smallest
occasions ; and esteemed every man that en-
deavoured to lead a virtuous life his enemy !
And whatsoever he commmanded, he would
not admit of any contradiction to his inclina-
tions ; whence it was that he had criminal
conversation with his own sister ;* from which
occasion chiefly it was also that a bitter hatred
first sprang up against him among the citi-
zens, that sort of incest not having been known
of a long time ; and so this provoked men to
distrust liim, and to hate him that was guilty
of it. And for any great or royal work that
he ever did, which might ha for the present
and for future ages, nobody can name any
such, but only the haven that he made about
Ilhegium and Sicily, for the reception of the
ships that brought corn from Egypt ; which
was indeed a woik without dispute very great
hi itself, and of very great advantage to the
navigation. Yet was not this work brought
to perfection by him, but vvas the one half of
it left imperfect, by reason of his want of ap-
plication to it ; the cause of which was this,
that he employed his studies about useless
matleis, and tliat by spending his money upon
such pleasures as concerned no one's benefit
but his own, he could not exert his liberality
in things that were undeniably of great con-
sequence. Otherwise he was an excellent
orator, and thoroughly acquainted with tl;e
Greek tongue, as well as with his own country
or Roman language. He was also able, otl-
hand and readily, to give answers tocomposi-
-tions made by others, of considerable length
and accuracy. He was also more skilful in
persuading others to very great things than
any one else, and this from a natural atlability
of temper, wiiich had been in'proved by much
exercise and pains-taking ; for as he was the
grandson f of the brother of Tiberius, whose
successor he was, this was a strong inducement
to his acquiring of learning, because Tibeiius
aspired after the highest pitch of that sort of re-
putation : and Caiusaspired after the like glory
for eloquence, being induced thereto by the
letters of his kinsman and his emperor. He was
also among the first rank of his own citizens.
But the advantages he received from his learn-
ing did not countervail die mischief he brought
upon himself in the exercise of his authority ;
so difticult it is for tliose to obtain the virtue
that is necessary for a wise man, who have
the absolute power to do what they please
* Spaiiheim here notes from Suetonius, that the
nainp of Caiu^s sister, witii whom he was guilr>' of in-
cest, was DrusUla; and that Suetonius adds, he was
guilty of the same crime with .ill his sisters also. He
notes' farther that Suetonius omits the mention of the
h.iven for sliips, which our author esteem- theoniy pul>-
lie work for the good of the present and future ages
whicli Caiua left behind him, though in an impertect
condition.
+ This Caiui was the son of that excellent person
Germanicits, who was the son of Drusus Uie brother of
Tiberius Uie emperor.
BOOK XIX.
without control. At the first he got himself
such friends as were in all respects the most
worthy, and was greatly beloved by tiiein,
while lie imitated their zealous application to
the learning and to the glorious actions of tlie
best men ; but when he became insolent to-
wards them, they laid aside the kindness they
had for hiin, and began to hale him; from
which hatred came that plot which they raised
against him, and wherein he perished.
CHAPTER III.
UOWCLAUDIUSWAS SEIZED UPON, AND BROfGIlT
OUT OF HIS HOUSE, AND BROUGHT TO THE
CAMP; AND HOW THE SENATE SENT AN EM-
BASSAGE TO HIM.
§ i. Now Claudius, as I said before, went
out of that way along which Caius was gone ;
and as the family was in a mighty disoider
upon the sad accident of the murder of Caius,
he was in great distress how to save himself,
and was found to have hidden himself in a
certain narrow place, |: though he liad no
otlier occasion for suspicion of any dangers,
besides the dignity of his birth ; for while he
was a private man, he behaved himself with
moderation, and was contented with his pre-
sent fortune, apjilying himself to learning,
and especially to that of the Greeks, and
keeping himself entirely clear from every
thing that might bring on any disturbance.
But at this time the multitude were under a
consternation, and the whole palace was full
of t!ie soldiers' madness, and the very empe-
ror's guards seemed under the like fear and
disorder with private persons, the band called
jiretoriGH, which was the purest part of the
army, was in consultation what was to be
done at this juncture. Now all those that
were at thi.-> consultation, had little regard to
the punishment Caius had suftered, because
heju-stly deserved such his fortune; but they
were rather considering their own circum-
stances, how they might take the best caie of
themselves, especially while the Germans were
busy in punishing the murderers of Caius;
whicii yet was rather done to gratify their
own savage temper, than for the good of the
public; all which things disturbed Claudius,
who was afraid of his own safety, and this
particularly because he saw the heads of As-
prenas anil his partners carried about. His
station had been on a certain elevated place,
whither a (aw steps led him, and whither he
!iad retired in the dark by himself. But w hen
Gratus, who was one of the soldiers that be-
longed to the palace, saw him, but did not
well know by his countenance who he was,
X The first pl.ice Claudius came to was inhabiied,
and called Hermcum, as Spanlieim here informs U4
from Suetonius, in Claud, c x.
J'
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. III.
because it was dark, though he could well
judge that it was a man who was privately
tiie-e on some design, he came nearer to him ;
and when Claudius desired that he would re-
tire, he discovered who he was, and owned
him to be Claudius. So he said to his fol-
lowers, " This is a Germanicus ;* come on,
let us choose him for our emperor," But
when Claudius saw they were making prepa-
rations for taking him away by force, and was
afraid they would kill him, as they had killed
Caius, he besought them to spare him, put-
ting them in mind how quietly he had de-
meaned himself, and that he was unacquaint-
ed with what had been done. Hereupon
Gratus smiled upon him, and took him by
the right hand, and said, " Leave off, Sir,
these low thoughts of saving yourself, while
you ought to have greater tlwughts, even of
obtaining the empire, which the gods, out of
their concern for the habitable world, by tak-
ing Caius out of the way, commit to thy vir-
tuous conduct. Go to, therefore, and accept
of the throne of thy ancestors." So they
took him up and carried him, because he was
not then able to go on foot, such was his
dread and his joy at what was told him.
2. Now there was already gathered toge-
ther about Gratus, a great number of the
guards ; and when they saw Claudius carried
off, they looked with a sad countenance, as
supposing that he was carried to execution
for the mischiefs that had been lately done ;
while yet they thought him a man who never
meddled with public affairs all his life long,
and one that had met with no contemptible
dangers under the reign of Caius; and some
of them thought it reasonable that the consuls
should take cognizance of these matters ; and,
as slill more and more of the soldiery got to- 1
geiher, the crowd about him ran away, and
Claudius could hardly go on, his body was
then so weak ; and those who carried his se-
dan, upon an inquiry that was made about
liis being carried off, ran away and saved
themselves, as despairing of their lord's pre-
servation. But, when they were come into
the large court of the palace (which, as the
report goes about it, was inhabited first of all
the parts of the city of Rome), and had just
reached the public treasury, many more sol-
diers came about him, as glad to see Claudius's
face, and thought it exceeding right to make
him emperor on account of their kindness for
Germanicus, who was his brother, and had
left behind him a vast reputation among all
that were acquainted with him. They retlect-
ed also on the covetous temper of the leading
men of the senate, and what great errors they
had been guilty of when the senate had the
523
•f- How Claudius, another son of Drusus, which Dru-
sus was the father of Ciermanicus, could be liere him
self called Goi manicus, Suetonius iiiforms us, when he
assures us t!)at, by a decree of the seiiiite, the surname
of lieriiianiciis was txfstoweil upou Urusus, and h
uusteritv aUo. — CllauJ. c. i. ^
government formerly ; they also considered
the impossibility of such an undertaking, as
also what dangers they should be in, if the
government should come to a single person,
and that such a one should possess it as they
had no hand in advancing, and not to Clau-'
dius, who would take it as their grant, and as
gained by their good-will to him, and would
remember the favours they had done him, and
would make them a sufficient recompense for
the same.
3. These were the discourses the soldiers
had one with another by themselves, and they
communicated them to all such as caine in to
them. Now those that inquired about this
matter, willingly embraced the invitation that
was made them tc join with the rest: so they
carried Claudius into the camp, crowding a-
bout him as his guard, and encompassing him
about, one chairman still succeeding another,
that their vehement endeavours might not be
hindered. But as to the populace and sena-
tors, they disagreed in their opinions. The
latter were very desirous to rej-over their for-
mer dignity, and were zealous to get clear of
the slavery that had been brought on them
by the injurious treatment of the tyrants,
which the present opportunity afforded them ;
but for the people, who were envious against
them, and knew that the emperors were cap-
able of curbing their covetous temper, and
were a refuge from them, they were very glad
that Claudius had been seized upon, and
brought to them, and thought, that if Clau-
dius were made emperor, he would prevent a
civil war, such as tliere was in the days of
Pompey. But when the senate knew that
Claudius was brought into the camp by the
soldiers, they sent to him those of their body
which had the best cliaracter for their virtues,
that they might inform him that he ought to
do nothing by violence, in order to gain the
government ; that he who was a single person,
one either already, or hereafter to be a mem-
ber of their body, ought to yield to the senate,
which consisted of so great a number; that
he ought to let the law take place in the dis-
posal of all that related to the public order,
and to remember how greatly the former ty-
rants had afflicted their city, and what dangers
both he and they had escaped under Caius;
and that he ought not to hate the heavy bur-
den of tyranny, when the injury is done by
others, while he did himself wilfully treat his
country after a mad and insolent manner;
that if he would comply wiih them, and de-
monstrate that his firm resolution was to live
quietly and virtuously, he would liave the
greatest honours decreed to hiin that a fre«
people could bestow ; and by subjecting him-
self to the law, would obtain this branch of
commendation, that ha acted like a man of
virtue, both as a ruler and a subject ; but that
if he would act foolishly, and learn no » i*
dom bv C<i'us'ii death, they "ould not n.;iui
■^.
534
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
him to go on ; that a great part of the army
was got together for them, with plenty of
weapons, and a great number of slaves, which
they could make use of: that good hope was
a great matter in such cases, as was also good
fortune; and that the gods would never assist
any others but those that undertook to act
with virtue and goodness, who can he no o-
ther than such as 'Jght for the liberty of their
country. j
4. Now the ambassadors, Veranius and
Brocclius, who were both of them tribunes of!
the people, made this speech to Claudius;!
and falling down upon their knees, they I
begged of him that he would not throw the
city into wars and misfortunes ; but when
they saw what a multitude of soldiers encom-
passed an'l guarded Claudius, and that the
forces that were with the consuls were, in
comparison of them, perfectly inconsiderable,
they added, that if he did desire the govern-
ment, he should accept of it as given by the
senate ; that he would prosper better, and be
happier if he came to it, not by the injustice,
but by the good-will of those that would be-
stow it upon him.
CHAPTER IV.
WHAT THINGS KING AGRIPPA DID TOR CLAU-
DIUS ; AND HOW CLAUDIUS, WHEN HE HAD
TAKEN THE GOVERNMENT, COMMANDED THE
MURDERERS OF CAIUS TO BE SLAIN.
§ 1. Now Claudius, though he was sensible
after what an insolent manner the senate had
sent to him, yet did he, according to their ad-
vice, behave himself for the present with mo-
deration ; but not so far that he could not re-
cover himsejf out of his fright ; so he was
encouraged [to claim the government] partly
by the boldness of the soldiers, and partly by
the persuasion of king Agrippa, who exhorted
liim not to let such a dominion slip out of his
hands, when it came thus to him of its own
accord. Now this Agrippa, with relation to
Caius, did what became one that had been so
much honoured by him ; for he embraced
Caius's body after he was dead, and laid it
upon a bed, and covered it as well as he could,
and went out to the guards, and told them
that Caius was still alive ; but he said that
they should call for physicians, since he was
very ill of his wounds. But when he had
learned that Claudius was carried away vio-
lently by the soldiers, he rushed through the
crowd to him, and when he found that he was
in disorder, and ready to resign up the go-
vernnnent to the senate, he encouraged him,
aaid desired him to keep the government ;
j but when he had said this to Claudius, he re-
' tired home. And, upon the senate's s-ending
j fcr liim, he anointed his head with ointment,
1
■^ .
BOOK XIX.
as if he had lately accompanied with his wife,
and had dismissed her, and then came to
them : he also asked of the senators what
Claudius did ; wiio told him the present state
of affairs, and then asked his opinion about
the settlement of the public. He told them
in words, that he was ready to lose his life for
the honour of the senate, but desired them
to consider what was for their advantage,
without any regard to what was most agree-
able to them ; for that those who grasp at go-
vernment, will stand in need of weapons and
soldiers to guard them, unless they will set
up without any preparation for it, and so fall
into danger. And when the senate replied,
that they would bring in weapons in abun-
dance, and money, and that as to an army, a
part of it was already collected together for
them, and tliey would raise a larger one by
giving the slaves their liberty, — Agrippa
made answer, " O senators! may you be able
to compass what you have a mind to; yet will
I immediately tell you my thoughts, because
they tend to your preservation. Take notice,
then, that the army which will fight for Clau
dius hath been long exercised in warlike af-
fairs ; but our army will be no better than a
rude multitude of raw men, and those such
as have been unexpectedly made free from
slavery, and ungovernable ; we must then
tight against those that are skilful in war,
with men who know not so much as how to
draw their swords. So that my opinion is,
that we should send some persons to Claudi
us, to persuade him to lay down the govern-
ment ; and I am ready to be one of your am-
bassadors."
2. Upon this speech of Agrippa, the senate
complied with him, and he was sent among
others, and privately informed Claudius of the
disorder the senate was in, and gave him in-
structions to answer them in a somewhat com-
manding strain, and as one invested with dig-
nity and authority. Accordingly Claudius
said to the ambassadors, that he did not won-
der the senate had ho mind to have an em-
peror over them, because they had been harass-
ed by tiie barbarity of those that had formerly
been at the head of their affairs ; but that they
should taste of an equitable government under
him, and moderate times, while he should on-
ly be their ruler in name, but the authority
should be equally common to them all ; and
since he had passed through many and various
scenes of life before their eyes, it would be
good for them not to distrust him. So the
ambassadors, upon their hearing this his an-
swer, were dismissed. But Claudius dis-
coursed with the army which was there gath-
ered together, who took oaths that they would
persist in tlieir fidelity to him ; upon which
he gave the guards every man live thousand*
* Tills number of drachmae to be distributed to each
private soldier, five thousand drachmae, equal to twen-
ty thousaud sestercts, or one hundicd and sixty-oji-
CHAP. IV.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
drachmae a-piece, and a proportionable quan-
tity to tlieir captains, and promised to give
the same to the rest of the armies wheresoe-
ver tliey were.
3. And now the consuls called the senate
together, into the temple of Jupiter the Con-
queror, while it was still night ; but some of
those senators concealed themselves in the
city, bti:ig uncertain what to do, upon the
hearing of this summons ; and some of them
went out of the city to their own farms, as
foreseeing whither the public affairs were go-
ing, and despairing of liberty ; nay, these
supposed it much better for them to be slaves
without danger to themselves, and to live a
lazy and inactive life, than by claiming the
dignity of their forefathers, to run the hazard
of their own safety. However, a hundred,
and no more, were gotten together ; and as
they were in consultation about the present
posture of affairs, a sudden clamour was
made by the soldiers that were on their side,
desiring, that the senate would choose them
an emperor, and not bring the government
into ruin by setting up a multitude of
rulers. So they fully declared themselves to
be for the giving the government not to
all, but to one; but they gave the senate
leave to look out for a person worthy to be
set over them, insomuch, that now the affairs
of the senate were much worse than before ;
because they had not only failed in the reco-
very of their liberty, which they boasted them-
selves of, but were in dread of Claudius also.
Yet there were those that hankered after the
government, both on account of the dignity of
their families, and that accruing to them by
their marriages; for Marcus Minucianus was
illustrious, both by his own nobility and by
his having married Julia, the sister of Caius,
who accordingly was very ready to claim the
government, although the consuls discourag-
ed him, and made one delay after another in
proposing it : that Minucianus also, who was
one of Caius's murderers, restrained Valerius
of Asia from thinking of such things ; and a
prodigious slaughter there had been, if leave
had been given to these men to set up for
themselves, and oppose Claudius. There were
also a considerable number of gladiators be-
sides, and of those soldiers who kept watch
by night in the city, and rowers of ships, who
all ran into the camp ; insomuch, that of those
who put in for the government, some left off
their pretensions, in order to spare the city,
i and others out of fear for their own persons.
i 4. But as soon as ever it was day, Cherea,
and those that were with him, came into the
pounds sterling, seems rauch too large, and directly
contradicts Suetonius, ch. x, wlio makes them in all
but fifteen sesterces, or two shillings arid fourjience.
Vet might Josephus have this number from Agrippa,
junior, though 1 doubt tiie thousands, or at least the
hundreds, have been added by the transcribers: of
which we h.ive had several examples already iu Jose-
llhua.
525
senate, and attempted to make speeches to the
soldiers. However, the multitude of those
soldiers, when they saw that they were mak-
ing signals for silence with their hands, and
were ready to begin to speak to them, grew
tumultuous, and would not let them speak at
all, because they were all zealous to be under
a monarchy ; and they demanded of the se-
nate one for their ruler, as not enduring any
longer delays. But the senate hesitated about
either their own governing, or how they should
themselves be governed, while the soldiers
would not admit them to govern ; and the
murderers of Caius would not permit the sol-
diers to dictate to them. When they were in
these circumstances, Cherea was not able to
contain the anger he had, and promised, that
if they desired an emperor, he would give
them one, if any one would bring him the
watch- word from Eutychus. Now, this Eu-
tychus was charioteer of the green-band fac-
tion, styled Prasine, and a great friend of
Caius, who used to harass the soldiery with
building stables for the horses, and spent his
time in ignominious labours, which occasion-
ed Cherea to reproach them with him, and to
abuse them with much other scurrilous lau
guage ; and told them he would bring them
the head of Claudius ; and that it was an
amazing thing that, after their former mad
ness, they should commit their government to
a fool. Yet were not they moved with his
words, but drew their swords, and took up
their ensigns, and went to Claudius, to join
in taking the oath of fidelity to him. So the
senate were left without any body to defend
them ; and the very consuls differed nothing
from private persons. They were also under
consternation and sorrow, men not knowin"'
wl>at would become of theno, becaase Clau-
dius was very angry at them ; so they fell a
reproaching one another, and repented oi
what they had done. At which juncture Sa
binus, one of Caius's murderers, threatened
that he would sooner come into the midst oi
them and kill himself, than consent to make
Claudius emperor, and see slavery returning
upon them ; he also abused Cherea for loving
his life too well, while he who was the first
in his contempt of Caius, could think it a
good thing to live, when, even by all that
they had done for the recovery of their liber-
ty, they had found it impossible to do it. But
Cherea said he had no manner of doubt upon
him about killing himself; yet he would first
sound the intentions of Claudius before he
did it.
5. These were the debates [about the se-
nate] ; but in the camp every body was crow d-
ing on all sides to pay their court to Clau-
dius ; and the other consul, Quintiis Pompo-
nius, was reproached by the soldiery as hav-
ing rather exhorted the senate to recover their
liberty ; whereupon they drew their swords,
and were goinjf to assault him, and tbey Iwd
526
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
done it, if Claudius had not hindered them,
who snatclied the consul out of the danger he
was in, and set him by him. But he did not
receive that part of tiie senate wliieh was with j to. But for Sabinus. although Claudius not
BOOK xrx.
to be merciful to them, and not continue his
anger against them for their ingratitude. And
this was the end of the life that Cherea came
Quintus in the like honourable manne
some of them received blows, and were thrust
away as they came to salute Claudius ; nay,
Aponius went away wounded, and they were
all in danger. However, king Agrippa went
up to Claudius, and desired he\\ould treat
the senators more gently ; for if any miscl'.ief
should come to the senate, he would have no
others over whom to rule. Claudius com-
plied with him, and called the senate together
into the palacBj and was carried thither him-
self through tlie city, while the soldiery con •
ducted him, though this was to the great vex-
ation of the multitude ; for Cherea and Sabi-
nus, two of Caius's murderers, went in the
fore-front of them, in an open manner, while
Pollio, whoiii Claudius, a little before, had
made captain of his guards, had sent them an
epistolary edict, to forbid them to appear in
public. Then did Claudius, upon his com-
ing to the palace, get his friends together,
and desired their suffrages about Cherea.
They said that the work he had done was a
glorious one ; but they accused him that he
did it of perfidiousness, and thought it just
to inflict the punishment [of death] upon him,
to discountenance such actions for the time
to come. So Cherea was led to his execu-
tion, and Lupus and many other Romans
with him. Now it is reported that Cherea
bore his calamity courageously ; and this not
only by the firmness of his own behaviour
under it, but by the reproaches he laid upon
Lupus, who fell into tears; for when Lupus
had laid his garment aside and complained
of the cold,* he said, that cold was never
nurtfui to Lupus [t. e. a wolf]. And as a
great many men went along with them to see
the sight, when Cherea came to the place, he
asked the soldier who was to be their execu-
tioner, whether this office was what he was
used to, or whether this was the first time of
his using his sword in that manner; and de-
sired him to bring him that very sword with
which he himself slew Caius. So he was
happily killed at one stroke. But Lupus
did not meet with such good fortune in go-
ing out of the world, since he was timorous,
and had many blows levelled at his neck, be-
cause he did not stretch it out boldly [as he
ought to iiave done],
6. Now a few days after this, as the Pa-
rental Solemnities were-.just at hand, the Ilo-
man multitude made their usual oblations to
their several ghosts, and put portions into the
fire in honour of Cherea, and besought him
• This piercing cold here complaineil of by Lupus,
agrees well to the time of tlic year when Claiiiiius be-
can his reign ; it being for certain about the months of
November, December, or January, and most probalily
a few (lays after January tlie twenty-fourth and a few
vL>vs before the Honiaii ParentaJia.
only set him at liberty, but gave him leave to
retain his former command in the army, yet
did he think it would be unjust in him to fail
of performing his obligations to his fellow-
confederates ; so he fell upon his sword, and
killed himself, the wound reaching up to the
very hilt of the sword j-
CHAPTER V.
how claudius restored to aghifpa his
grandvather's kingdoms, augmented
his dominions ; and how he published
an edict in bfjialf of the jews.
§ 1. Now, when Clauditts had taken out of
the way all those soldiers whom he suspected,
which he did immediately, he published an
edict, and therein confirmed that kingdom to
Agrippa which Caius had given him, and
therein commended the king highly. He also
made an addition to it of all that country
over which Herod, who was his grandfathei.
had reigned, that is, Judea and Samaria ; and
this he restored to him as due to his family.
But for Abila | of Lysanias, and all that lay
at Mount Libanus, he bestowed them upon
him, as out of his own territories. He also
t It is both here and elsewhere very remarkable, that
the murders of the vilest tyrants who yet highly deserv-
ed to die, when the murderers were under oaths, or
other the like obligations of fidelity to them, were usu-
ally revenged, and the i^urderers were cut oif them-
selves, and that after a remarkable manner; and this
sometimes, as in the present case, by those \ ery [arsons
who were not sorry for such murders, but got kingdoms
by them. The examples are very numerous, l>oih in
sacred and profane histories, and seem generally indica-
tions of divine vengeance on such murderers. Nor is
it unworthy of remark, that such murderers of tyrants
do it usually on such ill principles, in such a cruel man-
ner, and as ready to involve theiimoceut with the guilty,
which was the case here (chap, i, sect. 4, and chap. li,
sect. 4), as justly deserved the divine vengeance upon
them. Which seems to have been the case of Jehu al-
so, when, besides the house of Ahab, for whose slaugh-
ter he had a commission from God, without any such
commission, any justice or commiseration, he killed
Ahab's great men, and acquaintance, and priests, and
forty-two of the kindred of Ahaziah, 2 Kings, x, II —
14. See Hos. i, 4. I do not mean here to condemn
Ehud or Judith, or the like executioners of God's ven-
geance on those wicked tyrants who had unjustly ojv
pressed God's own people under their theocracy; who
as they appear still to have had no selfish designs nor
intentions to slay the innocent, so had they still a di-
vine commission, or a divine impulse, which w:is tlieir
commission, for what they did. Judges iii, I.i, r9, id ;
Judith ix, 2; Test. Levi. sect. 5, in Authent. Kcc ji.
512. See also page 432.
X Here St. Luke is in some measure confirmed, »heu
he informs us, eh. iii, 1, that LysanLis was son^e lime
before telrarch of Abilene, whose capital was Abila ; as
he is farther confinr.cd by Ptolemy, the great geogra-
pher, which Spanheiin here observes, wlien lie calls
that city Abila of Lysanias. See the note on b xvii,
eh. xi, sect. 4 ; and Prid. at the years thirty-six and
twenty-two. I esteem tliis principality to have belonged
to the land of Canaan originally, to have been the bury-
iiig-placeof Abel, and rciene<i to as such, Wat', xn iii,
5 >': Luke xi, 51. si* Au;hciit. Rec. luirt. ii. p. SKo—
CHAP. VI.
made a league with this Agrippa, confirmed
by oaths, in the middle of tlie forum, in the
city of Rome ; he also took away from An-
tiochus that kingdoni which he was possessed
of, but gave him a certain part of Ciiicia and
Commagena : lie also set Alexander Lysima-
chus, tlio alabarch, at liberty, who had been
his old friend, and steward to his mother An-
tonia, l)Ut had been imprisoned by Caius,
whose son [Marcus] married Bernice, the
daughter of Agrippa. But when Marcus,
Alexander's son, was dead, who had married
her when she was a virgin, Agrippa gave her
in marriage to his brother Herod, and begged
for him of Claudius the kingdom of Clialcis.
2. Now, about this time there was a sedi-
tion between the Jews and the Greeks, at the
city of Alexandria ; for, when Caius was
dead, the nation of the Jews, which had been
very much mortified under the reign of Caius,
and reduced to very great distress by the peo-
ple of Alexandria recovered itself, and im-
mediately took up their arms to fight for
themselves. So Claudius sent an order to
tile president of Egypt, to quiet that tumult ;
he also sent an edict, at the request of king
Agrippa and king Herod, both to Alexandria
and to Syria, v/hose contents were as follows :
"Tiberius Claudius CcBsar Agustus Ger-
nianicus, high-priest, and tribune of the peo-
ple, ordains thus : — Since I am assured that
the Jews of Alexandria, called Alexandrians,
have been joint inhabitants in the earliest times
with the Alexandrians, and have obtained
from their kings equal privileges with them,
as is evident by the public records that are in
their possession, and the edicts themselves ;
and that after Alexandria had been subjected
to our empire by Augustus, their rights and
privileges have been preserved by those presi-
dents who have at divers times been sent
thither ; and that no disi)ute had been raised
about those rights and privileges, even when
Aquila was governor of Alexandria ; and
that when the Jewish ethnarch was dead, Au-
gustus did not prohibit the making such eth-
narchs, as willing that all men should be so
subject [to the Romans] as to continue in
the observation of their own customs, and
not be forced to ti-ansgross the ancient rules
of their own country religion ; but that, in
the time of Caius, the Alexandrians became
insolent toward tlio Jews that were among
them, which Caius, out of his great madness,
and want of understanding, reduced the na-
tion of the Jews very low, because they would
not transgress the religious worship of their
country, and call him a god : I will, therefore,
that the nation of the Jews be not deprived of
their rights and privileges, on account of the
madness of Caius ; but that those rights and
privileges, which they formerly enjoyed, be
preserved to them, and that they may continue
in their own customs. And I charge both
parties to take very great care tltat no troubles
ANTIQUITIES OF TIIK JEWS.
527
may arise after the promulgation of this o-
dict."
3. And such were the contents of this edict
on behalf of the Jews, that was sent to Alex-
aridria. But the edict that was sent into the
other parts of the habitable earth was this
which follosvs : — "Tiberius Claudius Caesar
Augustus Germanicus, high-priest, tribune
of the people, chosen consul the second time,
ordains thus: — Upon tlie petition of king
Agrippa and king Herod, who are personsvery
dear to me, that I would grant the same rights
and privileges should be preserved to the Jews
vi'hich are in all the Roman empire, which I
have granted to those of Alexandria, I very
willingly comply therewith ; and this grant I
make not only for the sake of the petitioners,
but as judging those Jews for whom I have
been petitioned worthy of such a favour, on
account of their fidelity and friendship to tlie
Romans. I think it also very just that no
Grecian city should be deprived of such rights
and privileges, since they were preserved to
them under the great Augustus. It will
therefore be fit to permit the Jews, who are
in all the world under us, to keep their an-
cient customs without being hindered so to
do. And I do charge them also to use this
my kindness to them with moderation, and
not to show a contempt of the superstitious
observances of other nations, but to keep their
own laws only. And I will that this decree
of mine be engraven on tables by the magis-
trates of the cities and colonies, and munici-
pal places, both those within Italy and those
without it,, both kings and governors, by the
means of the ambassadors, and to have them
exposed to the public for full thirty days, in
such a place, whence it may plainly be read
from the ground." *
CHAPTER VI.
WHAT THINGS WERE DONE BY AGRIPPA AT JE-
RUSALEM WHEN HE WAS RETURNED BACK
INTO JUDEA ; AND WHAT IT WAS THAT PE-
TRONIUS WROTE TO THE INHABITANTS OF
DORIS, IN BEHALF OF THE JEWS.
§ 1. Now Claudius Ca;sar, by these decrees
of his which were sent to Alexandria and to
all the habitable earth, made known what
opinion he had of the Jews. So he soon sent
Agri])pa away to take his kingdom, now he
was advanced to a more illustrious dignity
than before, and sent letters to the presidents
and procurators of the jnovinces. liiat they
should treat him very kindly. Accordingly
he returned in haste, as was likely he would,
' This, form was so known and frequent among the
Romans, as Dr. Hudson here tills us from tlie great
ScKien, that it useil to bs thus reiiresented at the bottom
of tlieir edicts by the initial letters only, U. D. P. R.
L. P., Unde De Piano Recte Lege Possit: " Wheuce it
may be jjlainly read from Uie ground."
"V
.r
628
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
now he returned in much greater prosperity
than he had before. He also came to Jeru-
salem and offered all the sacrifices that be-
longed to him, and omitted nothing \%hich
the iaw required ; • on which account he or-
dained that many of the Nazarites should
have their heads shorn. And for the golden
chain which had been given him by Caius, of
equal weight with that iron chain wherewith
his royal hands had been bound, he hung it
up within the limits of the temple, over the
treasury, f that it might be a memorial of the
severe fate he had lain under, and a testimony
of his change for the better; that it might "be
a demonstration how the greatest prosperity
may have a fall, and that God sometimes
raises what is fallen down : for this chain
thus dedicated, afTorded a document to all
men, that king Agrippa had been once bound
in a chain for a small cause, but recovered
his former dignity again ; and a little while
afterwards got out of his bonds, and was ad-
vanced to be a more illustrious king than he
was before. W'lience men may understand,
that all that partake of human nature, how
great soever they are, may fall ; and that those
tliat fall may gain their former illustrious
dignity again.
2. And when Agrippa had entirely finish-
ed all the duties of the divine worship, he
removed Theophilus, the son of Ananus,
from the high-priesthood, and bestowed that
honour of his on Simon the sou of Boethus,
whose name was also Cantheras, whose daugh-
ter king Herod had married, as I have re-
lated above. Simon, therefore, had the [high]
priesthood with his brethren, and with his fa-
ther, in like manner as the sons of Simon,
the son of Onias, who were three, had it for-
merly under the government of the Macedo-
nians, as we have related in a former book.
3. When the king had settled the high-
priesthood after this manner, he returned the
kindness which the inhabitants of Jerusalem
had shown him ; for lie released them from
the tax upon houses, every one of whom paid
it before, thinking it a good thing to requite
the tender affection of those that loved him.
He also made Silas the general of his forces,
as a man who had partaken with him in many
of his troubles. But after a very little wliile
the young men of Doris, preferring a rash at-
tempt before piety, and being naturally bold
* Josephus shows, both here and ch. vii, sect. 3, that
he had a much greater c()inion of king Agrippa I. than
Simon the learned rabbi, than the people of Cesarca
and Sebaste, ch. vii, sect. 4, and ch. ix, sect. 1 ; and
indeed than his double-dealing between the senate and
Claudius, chap, iv, sect. 2, than his slaughter of James,
the brother of John, and his imprisonment of Peter,
or his vain-glorious behaviour before he died, both in
Acts xii, 1, 2, .1 ; and here, eh. iv, sect. 1, will justify
or allow, Josephus's character was probably taken from
his son .^grippa, junior.
t This treasury-chamber seems to have been the very
same in which our Saviour taught, and where the peo-
ple offered their charity money, for the repairs or other
uses of the temple. IVlark xii, ■11, ic. ; Luke xxii, 1 ;
Jolm viii, '-'(».
BOOK XIX
and insolent, carried a statue of Ciesar into a
synagogue of the Jews, and erected it there.
This procedure of theirs greatly provoked
Agrippa ; for it plainly tended to the dissolu-
tion of the laws of his country. So he came
withou-t delay to Publius Petronius, who was
then president of Syria, and accused the peo-
ple of Doris. Nor did ht less resent what
was done than did Agrippa ; for he judged it
a piece of impiety to transgress the laws that
regulate the actions of men. So he wrote the
following letter to the people of Doris in an
angry strain : " Publius Petronius, the pre-
sident under Tiberius Claudius Casar Au-
gustus Germanicus, to the magistrates of Do-
ris, ordains as follows: Since some of you
have had the boldness, or madness ratlier,
after the edict of Claudius Ca;sar Augustus
Germanicus, was published, for permitting
the Jews to observe the laws of their country,
not to obey the same, but have acted in entire
opposition thereto, as forbidding the Jews to
assemble together in the synagogue, by re-
moving Caesar's statue, and setting it up
therein, and thereby have offended not only
the Jews, but the emperor himself, whose
statue is more commodiously placed in his
own temple than in a foreign one, where is
the place of assembling together ; while it is
but a part of natural justice, that every ont
should have the power over the place belong-
ing peculiarly to themselves, according to the
determination of Caesar, — to say nothing of
my own determination, which it would be
ridiculous to mention after the emperor's
edict, which gives the Jews leave to make
use of their own customs, as also gives order
that they enjoy equally the rights of citizens
with the Greeks themselves,— I therefore or-
dain, that Proculus Vitellius, the centurion,
bring those men to me, who, contrary to Au-
gustus's edict, liave been so insolent as to do
this thing, at which those very men who ap-
pear to be of principal reputation ainong
ihem, have an indignation also, and allege
for themselves, that it was not done witli
their consent, but by tlie violence of the mul-
titude, that they may give an account of what
hath been done. I also exhort the principal
magistrates among them, unless they have a
mind to have this action esteemed to be done
with their consent, to inform the centurion of
those that were guilty of it, and take care that
no handle be hence taken for raising a sedi-
tion or quarrel among them ; which those
seem to me to hunt after, who encourage
such doings; while both I myself, and king
Agrippa, for whom I have the highest ho-
nour, haT* nothing more under our care than
that the nation of the Jews may have no oc-
casion given them of getting together, under
the pretence of avenging themselves, and be-
come tumultuous. And that it may be more
publicly known what Augustus hath resolved
about this whole matter, I have subjoined
CHAP. VIK
those edicts whi ii he hath lately caused to be
published at Alexandria, and which, although
they may be well known to all, yet did king
Agrippa, for whom I have the highest ho-
nour, read them at that time before my tri-
bunal, and pleaded that the Jews ought not
to be deprived of those rights which Augus-
tus hath granted them. I therefore charge
you, that you do not, for the time to come,
seek for any occasion of sedition or disturb-
ance, but that every one be allowed to follow
their own religious customs."
4. Thus did Petronins take care of this
matter, that such a breach of the law might
be corrected, and that no such thing might
be attempted afterwards against the Jews.
And now king Agrippa took the [high]
priesthood away from Simon Cantheras, and
put Jonathan, the son of Ananus, into it
again, and owned that he was more worthy
of that dignity than the other. But this was
not a thing acceptable to him, to recover that
his former dignity. So he refused it, and
said, •' O king ! I rejoice in the honour that
thou hast for me, and take it kindly that thou
wouldst give me such a dignity of thy own
inclinations, although God hath judged that
I am not at all worthy of the high-priesthood.
I am satisfied with having once put or the
sacred garments ; for I then put them on
after a more holy manner than I should now
receive them again. But, if thou desirest
tliat a person more worthy than myself shoBid
have this honourable employment, give me
leave to name thee such a cwie. I have a
brother that is pure from all sin against Cod,
and of all offences against thyself; I recom-
mend him to thee, as one that is fit for this
dignity." So the king was pleased with these
werds of his, and passed by Jonathan, and,
according to his brother's desire, bestowed
the high-priesthood upon Matthias. Nor was
it long before Marcus succeeded Petronius,
as president of Syria.
CHAPTER VII.
tX)NCERNING SILAS, AND ON WH.\T ACCOUNT
IT WAS THAT KING AGRIPPA WAS ANGRY AT
HUI. HOW AGRIPPA BKGAN TO ENCOMPASS
JERUSALEM WITH A WALL ; AND WHAT BE-
NEFITS HE BESTOWED ON THE INHABITANTS
OF BERYTUS.
§ 1. Now Silas, the general of the king's
horse, because he had been faithful to him un-
der all his misfortunes, and liad never refused
to be a partaker with him in any of his dan-
gers, but had oftentimes undergone the most
hazardous dangers for him, was full of assur-
ance, and thought lie might expect a sort of
equality with the king, on account of the firm-
ness of the friendship he had shown to him.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
r.29
Accordingly, he would nowhere !et the king
sit as his superior, and took the like liberty
in speaking to him upon all occasions, till he
l)ecame troublesome to the king, when they
were merry together, extolling himself be-
yond measure, and oft putting the king
in mind of the severity of fortune he had
undergone, that he might, by way of os-
tentation, demonstrate what zeal he had
shown in his service ; and was conrinual-
ly harping upon this string, what pains he
had taken for him, and much enlarged still
upon that subject. The repetition of this so
frequently seemed to reproach the king, in-
somucli that he took this ungovernable liber-
ty of talking very ill at his hands. For the
commemoration of times, when men have
been under ignominy, is by no means agree-
able to them ; and he is a very silly man,
who is perpetually relating to a person what
kindness he had done him. At last, therefore,
Silas had so thoroughly provoked the king's
indignation, that he acted rather out of pas-
sion than good consideration, and did not on-
ly turn Silas out of his place, as general of his
horse, but sent him in bonds into his o%vn
country. But tne edge of his anger wore off
by length of time, and made room for more
just reasonings as to his judgment about this
man ; and he considered how many labours
he had undergone for his sake. So when
Agrippa was solemnizing his birth-day, and
he gave festival entertainments to all his sub-
jects, he seirt for Silas on the sudden V3 be
his guest. But, as he was a very fran's man,
he thought he had now a just handle given
him to be angry; which he could not concea'
from those that came for him, but said to
them, " What honour is this the king invites
me to, which I conclude will soon be over ?
For the king hath not let me keep tJiose ori
ginal marks of the good-will I bore him,
which I once had from him ; but he hath
plundered me, and that unjustly also. Does
he think that I can leave oif tliat liberty of
speech, which, upon the consciousnosss of my
deserts, I shall use more loudly Uian before,
and shall relate how many misfortunes f have
delivered him from ? lx)w many labours I
have undergone for him, whereby I procur-
ed him deliverance and respect ? as a reward
for which I have borne the hardships of bonds
and a dark prison ! I shall never forget this
usage. Nay, perhaps, my very soul, when it
is departed out of the body, will not forget
the glorious actions I did on his account."
This was the clamour he made; and he or-
dered the messengers to tell it to the king.
So he perceived that Silas was incurable in
his folly, and still suffered him to lie in
prison.
2. As for the walls of Jerusalem, that were
adjoining to the new city [Eezetha"|, he re-
paired them at the expense of the public, and
built them wider in breadth and higher in at
2 Y
s
530
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK XIX.
tilude ; and lie had made them too strong for
all human power to demolish, unless Marrus,
the then president of Syria, had by letter in-
formed Claudius Ccesar of what lie was do-
ing. And when Claudius had some suspi-
cion of attempts for innovation, he sent to
Agrippa to leave off the building of those
walls presently. So he obeyed, as not think-
ing it proper to contradict Claudius.
3. Now, this king was by nature very be-
neficent, and liberal in his gifts, and very am-
bitious to oblige people with such large dona-
tions; and he made himself very iiiustrious-
by the many chargeable presents he made
them. He took delight in giving, and re-
joiced in living with good reputation. He
was not at all like that Herod who reigned
before him ; for tliat Herod was ill-natured,
and severe in his punishments, and had no
mercy on thein that he hated ; and every
one perceived that he was more friendly to
the Greeks tlian to the Jews j for he adorned
foreign cities with large presents in money ;
with building them baths and theatres besides;
nay, in some of those places, he erected tem-
ples, and porticols*in others ; but he did not
vouchsafe to raise one of the least edifices in
any Jewish city, or make them any donation
that was worth mentioning. But Agrippa's
temper was mild, and equally liberal to all
men. He was humane to foreigners, and
made them sensible of his liberality. He was
in like manner rather of a gentle and compas-
sionate temper. Accordingly, he loved to
live continually at Jerusalem, and was exact-
ly careful in the observance of the laws of
nis country. He therefore kept himself en-
tirely pure : nor did any day pass over his
head without its appointed sacrifice.
4. However, there was a certain man of the
Jewisli nation at Jerusalem, who appeared to
be very accurate in the knowledge of the
law. His name was Simon. Tliis man got
together an assembly, while the king was ab-
sent at Cesarea, and had the insolence to ac-
cuse him as not living holily, and that he
might justly be excluded out of the temple,
since it belonged only to native Jews. But
the general of Agrippa's army informed him,
that Simon had made such a speech to the
people. So the king sent for him ; and, as he
was then sitting in the theatre, he bade him sit
down by him, and said to him with a low
and gentle voice, — " What is there done in
this place that is contrary to the law?" But
ne had nothing to say for himself, but begged
tiis pardon. So the king was more easily re-
conciled to him than one could have imagin-
ed, as esteeming mildness a better quality in
a king than anger; and knowing that mode-
ration is more becoming in great men than
passion. So he made Simon a small present,
and dismissed him.
5. Now, as Agrippa was a great builder in
many places, he paid a peculiar regard to tlie
people of Berytus ; for he erected a theatre
for them, superior to many others of that sort,
both in sumiJtuousness and elegance, as also
an amphitheatre, built at vast expenses; and
besides these, he built them baths and porti-
coes, and spared for no costs in any of his e-
difices, to render them both handsome and
large. He also spent a great deal upon their
dedication, and exhibited shows upon them,
and brought thither musicians of all sorts, and
such as made the most delightful music of
the greatest variety. He also showed his
magnificence upon the theatre, in his great
number of gladiators ; and there it was that
he exhibited the several antagonists, in order
to please the spectators; no fewer indeed than
seven hundred men to fight with seven hun-
dred other men ;* and allotted all the male-
factors he had for this exercise, that both the
malefactors might receive their punishment,
and that this operation of war might be a re-
creation in peace. And thus were these cri-
minals all destroyed at once.
CHAPTER VIII.
WHAT OTHER ACTS WERE DONE BY AGRIFPA
UNTIL HIS DEATH ; AND AFTER WHAT MAN-
NER HE DIED.
§ 1. When Agrippa had finished what I have
above related at Berytus, he removed to Ti-
berias, a city of Galilee. Now he was in great
esteem among other kings. Accordingly
there came to him Antiochus, king of Com-
magena, Sampsigeramus, king of Emesa, and
Cotys, who was king of the Lesser Armenia,
and Polemo, who was king of Pontus, as
also Herod his brother, who was king of
Chalcis. All these he treated with agreeable
entertainments, and after an obliging manner,
and so as to exhibit the greatness of his mind,
— and so as to appear worthy of those respects
which the kings paid to him, by coming thus
to see him. However, while these kings staid
with him, Marcus, the president of Syria,
came thither. So the king, in order to pre-
serve the respect that was due to the Romans,
went out of the city to meet him, as far as
seven furlongs. But this proved to be the
beginning of a difference between him and
Marcus ; for he took with him in his chariot
those other kings as his assessors. But Mar-
cus had a suspicion what the meaning could
be of so great a friendship of these kings one
with another, and did not think so close an
agreement of so many potentates to be for the
interest of the Romans. He therefore sent
some of his domestics to every one of them,
and enjoined them to go their ways home
• A strange number of condemned criminals to be
under sentence of death at once ; no fewerj it seems,
than MUu 1
~v
(^
CHAP. VIIT.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
531
without further delay. This was very ill
taken by Agrippa, who after tliat i)ecame his
enemy. And now he took the hi<;h-priest-
hood av/ay from Matthias, and made Eiion-
eus, the son of Caatheras, high-priest in his
stead.
2. Now, when Agrippa had reigned three
years over all Judea, he came to the city Ce-
sarea, which was formerly called Strato's
Tower ; and there he exhibited shows in ho-
nour of Ca;sar, upon his being informed that
there was a certain festival celebrated to make
vows for his safety. At which festival, a great
multitude was gotten together of the princi-
pal persons, and such as were of dignity
through his province. On the second day of
■which shows he put on a garment made ivhol-
ly of silver, and of a contexture truly won-
derful, and came into the theatre early in the
morning ; at which time the silver of his gar-
ment being illuminated by the fresh reflection
of the sun's rays upon it, shone out after a
surprising manner, and was so resplendent as
to spread a liorror over those that looked in-
tently upon him : and presently his flatterers
cried out, one from one place, and another
from another (though not for liis good), that
he was a god : and they added, " Be thou
merciful to us ; for althougli we have hitherto
reverenced thee only as a man, yet shall we
henceforth own thee as superior to mortal
nature." Upon this the king did neither re-
buke them, nor reject their impious flattery.
But, as he presently afterwards looked up, he
saw an owl • sitting on a certain rope over his
head, and immediately understood that this
• We have a mighty cry made here by some critics,
8S if the great Eusebius had on purpose falsified this
account of Josephus, so as to make it agree with the
parallel account in the Acts of the Apostles ; because
the present copies of his citation of it. Hist. Eccles. b.
ii, ch. X, omit the words (StuSUvx. — iti ff-vomm^rive;, i. e.
an owl — on a certain rope, which Josepffus's present co-
pies retain, and only have the explicatory word kj-^eAov,
or angel; as if he meant that ajigcl of the Lord which
St. Luke mentions as smiting Herod, Acts xii, "25, and
not that owl which Josephus called an angel or messen-
ger, formerly of good, but now of had news, to Agrippa.
j'his accusation is a somewhat strange one in the case of
the great Eusebius, who is known to have so accurately
and fav'hfully produced a vast number of other ancient
records, particularly not a few out of our Josephus al-
so, without suspicion of prevarication. Now, not to al-
lege how uncertain we are whether Josephus's and Euse-
bius's copies of the fourth century were just like the
present in this clause, which we have no distinct evi-
dence of, the following words, preserved still in Euse-
bius, will not admit of any such exposition: "Ihis
[bird] (says Eusebius) Agrippa presently perceived to be
the cause of ill fortune, as it was once of good fortune,
to him;" which can only belong to that bird, the owl,
which as it had formerly foreboded his happy deliver-
ance from imprisonment, Antiq. b. xviii, ch. v'i, sect. 7,
BO was it then foretold to prove afterward the unhappy
lorerunner of his death in five days' time. If the im-
proper words signifying cause, be changed for Jose-
phus's proper word acyyiXtv, angel or messenger, and
the foregoing words, fioui£,a.—i-n o-x.oi»'cv tivo;, lie in-
serted, Eusebius's text will truly represent that in Jose-
phus. Had this imperfection been in some heathen
author that was in go<id esteem with our modern critics,
they would have readily corrected these as barely errors
in thp copies ; but being in an ancient Christian writer,
not so well relished by manv of those critics, nothing
will serve but the ill-grounded supposal of wi(fui cor-
ruytion and prevarication. ^
bird was the messenger of ill tidings, as it
had once been the messenger of good tidings
to him ; and fell into the deepest sorrow. A
severe pain also arose in his belly, and began
in a most violent manner. He therefore look-
ed upon his friends, and said, " I, whom you
call a god, am commanded presently to de-
part this life ; while Providence thus reproves
the lying words j-ou just now said to me ; and
1, who was by you called immortal, am im-
mediately to be hurried away by death. But
1 am bound to accept of what Providence al-
lots, as it pleases God ; for we have by no
means lived ill, but in a splendid and happy
manner." When he said this, his pain was
become violent. Accordingly he was carried
into the palace ; and the rumour went abroad
everywhere, that he would certainly die in a
little time. But the multitude presently sat
in sackcloth, with their wives and children,
after the law of their country, and besought
God for the king's recovery. AH places were
also full of mourning and lamentation. Now
the king rested in a high chamber, and as he
saw them below lying prostrate on the ground,
he could not himself forbear weeping. And
when he had been quite worn out by the pain
in his belly for five days, he departed this life,
being in the fifty-fourth year of his age, and
in the seventh year of his reign ; for he reign-
ed four years under Caius Casar, three ot
them were over Philip's tetrarchy only, and
on the fourth he had that of Herod added to
it ; and he reigned besides those, three years
under the reign of Claudius Ciesar : in which
time he reigned over the fore-mentioned coun-
tries, and also had Judea added to them, as
also Samaria and Cesarea. The revenues that
he received out of them were very great, no
less than twelve millions of drachmje.f Yet
did he borrow great sums from others ; for he
was so very liberal, that his expenses exceed-
ed Ids incomes ; and his generosity was bound-
less. I
3. But before the multitude were inade ac-
quainted with Agrippa's being expired, He-
rod the king of Chalcis, and Helcias the mas-
ter of his horse, and the king's friend, sent
Aristo, one of the king's most faithful ser-
vants, and slew Silas, who had been their ene-
my, as if it had been done by the king's own
command.
t Tliis sum of twelve millions of draehmx, which is
equal to three millions of shekels, i. c. at 'is. l(Jd. a
shekel, equal to four hundred and twenty-five thousand
pounds sterling, was Agrippa the Great's yearly income,
or about three quarters of his grandfather Herod's in-
come, he having abated the tax upon houses at Jerusa-
lem, ch. vi, sect. 3 ; and was not so tyrannical as Herod
had been to the Jews. See the note on Antiq. b. xvii,
ch. xi, sect. •!. A large sum this ! but not, it seems, suf.
ficient for his extravagant expenses.
X Reland takes notice here, not improperly, that Jo-
sephus omits the reconciliation of this Herod Agrippa,
to the Tyrians and Sidonians, by the means of Blasliit
the king's chamberlain, mentioned Acts xii, 20. Nor
is there any history in the world so complete, as to omit
nothing that other historians take notice of, unless the
one bs taken out of the other, and accommodated toit>
532
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAPTER IX.
WHAT THINGS WERE DONE AFTER THE DEATH
or AGRIPPA ; AND HOW CLAUDIUS, ON AC-
COUNT OF THE YOUTH AND UNSKILFULNESS
OF AGRIPPA, JUNIOR, SENT CUSPIUS FADUS TO
BE PROCURATOR OF JUDEA, AND OF THE EN-
TIRE KINGDOM.
§ 1. And thus did king Agrippa depart this
life. But he left behind him a son, Agrippa
by name, a youth in the seventeenth year of
his age, and three daughters, one of whom,
Bernice, was married to Herod, his father's
brother, and was sixteen years old ; the other
two, Mariamne and Drusilla, were still vir-
gins ; the former was ten years old, and Dru-
silla six. Now these his daughters were thus
espoused by their father ; Mariamne to Ju-
lius Archelaus Epiphanes, the son of Antio-
chus, the son of Chelcias ; and Drusilla to
the king of Commagena. But when it was
known that Agrippa was departed this life,
the ii habitants of Cesarea and of Sebaste for-
got the kindnesses he had bestowed on them,
•md acted the part of the bitterest enemies j
for they cast such reproaches upon the de-
ceased as are not fit to be spoken of: and so
many of them as were then soldiers, which
were a great number, went to his house, and
hastily carried off" the statues • of this king's
daughters, and all at once carried them into
the brothel-houses, and when they had set
them on the tops of those houses, they abused
them to the utmost of their power, and did
such things to them as are too indecent to be
related. They also laid themselves down in
public places, and celebrated general feast-
ings, with garlands on their heads, and with
ointments and libations to Charon, and drink-
ing to one another for joy that the king was
expired. Nay, they were not only unmind-
ful of Agrippa, who had extended his liber,
ality to them in abundance, but of his grand-
father Herod also, who had himself rebuilt
their cities, and had raised them havens and
temples at vast expenses.
• Photius, who made an extract out of this section,
says, they were not the statues or images, but the ladies
themselves, wlio were thuj basely abused by the sol-
diets. Cud. ccxxxviij.
BOOK XIX
2. Now Agrippa, the son of the deceased,
was at Rome, and brought up with Claudius
Caesar. And when Caesar was informed that
Agrippa was dead, and that the inhabitants
of Sebaste and Cesarea had abused him, he
was sorry for the first news, and was dis-
pleased with the ingratitude of those cities.
He was tlierefore disposed to send Agrippa,
junior, away presently to succeed his father in
the kingdom, and was willing to confirm him
in it by his oath. But those freemen and
friends of his who had the greatest authority
with him, dissuaded him from it, and said
that it was a dangerous experiment to permit
so large a kingdom to come under the go-
vernment of so very young a man, and one
hardly yet arrived at the years of discretion,
who would not be able to take sufficient care
of its administration ; while the weight of a
kingdom is heavy enough to a grown man.
So Caesar thought what they said to be rea-
sonable. — Accordingly he sent Cuspius Fadus
to be procurator of Judea, and of the entire
kingdom, and paid that respect to the de-
ceased as not to introduce Marcus, who had
been at variance with him, into his kingdom.
But he determined, in the first place, to send
orders to Fadus, tliat he should chastise the
inhabitants of Cesarea and Sebaste for those
abuses they had ofll'ered to him that was de-
ceased, and their madness towards his daugh-
ters that were still alive ; and that he should
remove that body of soldiers that were at Ce-
sarea and Sebaste, with the five regiments,
into Pontus, that they might do their military
duty there, and that he should choose an equal
number of soldiers out of the Roman legions
that were in Syria, to supply their place.
Yet were not those that had such orders ac-
tually removed ; for by sending ambassadors
to Claudius, they mollified him, and got
leave to abide in Judea still ; and these were
the very men that became the source of very
great calamities to the Jews in after-times,
and sowed the seeds of that war which began
under Florus ; whence it was that, when Ves-
pasian had subdued the country, he removed
them out of his province, as we shall relate
hereafter, f
t This history is now wanting.
"V
BOOK XX.
CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF TWENTY-TWO YEARS.
FROM FADUS THE PROCURATOR TO FLORUS.
CHAPTER I.
A SEDITION OF THE PHILADELPHIANS AGAINST
THE JEWS ; AND ALSO CONCERNING THE
VESTMENTS OF THE HIGH-PRIEST.
§ 1. Upon the death of king Agrippa, which
we have related in the foregoing book, Clau-
dius Ca?sar sent Cassius Longinus as succes-
sor to Marcus, out of regard to the memory
of king Agrippa, who had often desired of
him by letters, while he was alive, that he
would not suffer Marcus to be any longer
president of Syria. But Fad us, as soon as
he was come procurator into Judea, found
quarrelsome doings between tlie Jews that
dwelt in Perea and the people of Philadel-
phia, about their borders, at a village called
Mia, that was filled with men of a warlike
temper ; for the Jews of Perea had taken up
arms without the consent of their principal
men, and had destroyed many of the Phila-
delphians. When Fadus was informed of
this procedure, it provoked him very much
that they had not left the determination of
the matter to him, if they thought that the
Philadelphians had done them any wrong,
but had raslily taken up arms against them.
So he seized upon three of their principal
men, who were also the causes of this sedi-
tion, and ordered them to be bound, and
afterward had one of them slain, whose name
was Hannibal ; and he banished the other
two, Amrara and Eleazar; Tholomy also, the
arch robber, was, after some time, brought to
him bound, and slain, but not till he had
done a world of mischief to Idumea and the
Arabians. And indeed, from that time, Ju-
dea was cleared of robberies by the care and
providence of Fadus. He also at this time
sent for the high-priests and the principal
citizens of Jerusalem, and this at the com-
mand of the emperor, and admonished them,
that they should lay up the long garment and
tlie sacred vestment, which it is customary
for nobody but the high-priest to wear, in the
tower of Antonia, that it might be under the
power of the Romans, as it had been former-
I ly. Now the Jews durst not coirtradict what
'\
be had said, but desired Fabius, however,
and Longinus (which last was come to Jeru-
salem, and had brought a great army with
him, out of a fear that the ['■'g'''] injunctions
of Fadus should force the Jews to rebel \
that they might, in the first place, have leave
to send ambassadors to Caesar, to petition
him that they might have the holy vestments
under their own power; and that, in the next
place, they would tarry till they knew what
answer Claudius would give to that their re-
quest. So they replied, that they would give
them leave to send their ambassadors, provid-
ed they would give them their sons as pledges
[for their peaceable behaviour]. And when
they had agreed so to do, and had given them
the pledges they desired, the ambassadors were
sent accordingly. But when, upon their com-
ing to Rome, Agrippa, junior, the son of the
deceased, understood the reason why they
came (for he dwelt with Claudius Ctesar, as
we said before), he besought Ceesar to granf
the Jews their request about the holy vestments,
and to send a message to Fadus accordingly.
2. Hereupon Claudius called for the am
bassadors, and told them that he granted theii
request ; and bade them to return their thanks
to Agrippa for this favour, which had been
bestowed on them upon his entreaty. And
besides these answers of his, he sent the fol-
lowing letter by them : " Claudius Casar,
Germanicus, tribune of the people the fifth
time, and designed consul the fourth time,
and imperator the tenth time, the father of
his country, to the magistrates, senate, and
people, and the whole nation of the Jews,
sendeth greeting. Upon the representation of
your ambassadors to me by Agrippa my friend,
whom I have brought up, and have now with
me, and who is a person of very great piety,
who are come to give me thanks for the care
I have taken of your nation, and to entreat
me, in an earnest and obliging manner, that
they may have the holy vestments, with the
crown belonging to them, under their power,
— I grant their request, as that excellent per-
son Vitellius, who is very dear to me, had
done before me. And I have complied with
your desire, in the first place, out of regard
531
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
to that piety wliicli I profess, and because I
would have every one worship God according
to the laws of their own country ; and this I do
al>A>, because I shall hereby highly gratify
king Herod and Agrippa, junior, whose sacred
regards to me, and earnest good-will to you,
I am well acquainted with, and with whom 1
have the greatest friendship, and whom I
highly esteem, and look on as persons of the
best character. Now I have written about
these affairs to Cuspius Fadus, my procura-
tor. The names of those that brought me
your letter are Cornelius, the son of Cero,
Trypho, the son of Tlieudio, Dorotheus, the
son of Natlianiel, and John, the son of John.
This is dated before the fourth of the calends
of July, when Rufus and Pompeius Sylvanus
are consuls."
3. Herod also, the brother of the deceased
Agrippa, who was then {Kjssessed of the royal
authority over Chalcis, petitioned Claudius
Caesar for the authority over the temple, and
the money of the sacred treasure, and the
choice of the high-priests, and obtained all
that he petitioned for. So that after that time
this authority continued among all liis de-
scendants till the end of the war.* Accord-
ingly Herod removed the last high-priest,
called Cantheras, and bestowed that dignity
on his successor Joseph, the son of Camus.
CHAPTER II,
HOW HELENA, THE QUEEN OF ADIABENE, AND
HEIl SON IZATES, EMBRACED THE JEWISH
RELIGION ; AND HOW HELENA SUPPLIED THE
POOR WITH CORN, WHEN THERE WAS A GREAT
FAMINE AT JERUSALEM.
§ 1. About this time it was that Helena,
queen of Adiabene. and her son Izates, chang-
ed their course of life, and embraced the Jew-
ish customs, and this on the occasion follow-
ing : — Monobazus, the king of Adiabene,
who had also the name of Baaeus, fell in love
with his sister Helena, and took her to be his
wife, and begat her with child. But as be
was in bed with her one night, be laid his
hands upon his wife's belly, and fell asleep,
and seemed to hear a voice, which bade him
take his hand off his wife's belly, and not to
hurt the infant that was therein, which, by
God's providence, would be safely born, and
have a happy end. Tliis voice put him into
disorder; so he awaked immediately, and told
the story to his wife ; and when his son was
born, he called him Izates. He had indeed
• Here Is some error in the copies, or mistakes in Jo-
Bepfius; for the power of appointing high-priests, after
Herod king of Chalcis was dead, and Agrippw junior was
made king of Chalcis in his room, belonged to luni ; and
he exercised the same all alonp till Jenis,ilem was de-
stroyed, as Josei)hus elsewhere informs us, ch. viii, sect.
8, 1 1 ; ch. ix, sccU 1, 4, 6, 7
Monobazus, liis elder brother, by Helena also,
as lie had otiier sons by other wives besides.
Yet did he opeidy place all his affections on
tliis his only begotten j- son Izates, whicli was
the origin of that envy whicli his otlier bre-
thren, by the same father, bore to him ; while
on this account they hated him more and
more, and were all under great affliction that
their father should prefer Izates before them
all. Now although their father was very sen-
sible of these their passions, yet did he forgive
them, as not indulging those passions out of
an ill disposition, but out of a desire eacli of
them had to be beloved by their father. How-
ever, he sent Izates, with many presents, to
Abennerig, the king of Charax-Spasini, and
that out of the great dread he was in about
him, lest he should come to some misfortune
by the hatred his brethren bore him ; and he
committed his son's preservation to him.
Upon which Abennerig gladly received the
young man, and had a great atfection for him,
and married him to his own daughter, whose
name was Samacha : he also bestowed a coun-
try upon him, from which he received large
revenues.
2. But when Monobazus was grown old,
and saw that lie Iiad but a little time to live,
he had a mind to come to the sight of his son
before he died. So he sent for him, and em-
braced him after the most affectionate man
ner, and bestowed on him the country called
Carrje; it was a soil that bare amomum in
great plenty : there are also in it the remains
of that ark, wherein it is related that Noalj
escaped the deluge, and where they are still
shown to such as are desirous to see them.|
Accordingly Izates abode in that country
until his father's death. But the very day
that Monobazus died, queen Helena sent for
all the grandees and governors of the king-
dom, and for those that had the armies com-
mitted to their command ; and when they were
come, she made the following speech to them :
— " I believe you are not unacquainted that
my husband was desirous Izates should sue
ceed him in the government, and thought him
worthy so to do. However, I wait your de-
termination ; for happy is he who receives a
kingdom, not from a single person only, bil*
from the willing suffrages of a great many.'
This she said, in order to try those that were
invited, and to di'^cover their sentiments.
Upon the hearing of which they tirst of all
paid their homage to the queen, as their cus-
tom was, and then they said that they confirm-
ed the king's determination, and would sub-
mit to it J and they rejoiced that Izates's fa.
t Josephus here uses tlie word //.otitymr,, an only-be-
golten son, for no other than one best-l)cloved, as does
bdth the Old and New Testament ; I mean where there
were one or more sons besides. Gen. xxd, 2; Heb. xi,
7- See the note on b. i, ch. xiii, sect. 1.
t It is here verj' remarkable, that the remains of
Noah's ark were believed to be still in being in the days
of Josephus. See the note on b. i, ch. 3, sect 6.
ANTmUITlES OF THE JEWS.
CMAP. II.
ther had preferred him before the rest of his
brethren, as being agreeable to all their wishes :
but that they were desirous first of all to slay
his brethren and kinsmen, that so the govern-
ment might come securely to Izates ; because
if they were once destroyed, all that fear
would be over which might arise from their
hatred and envy to him. Helena replied to
this, that she returned them her thanks for
their kindness to herself and to Izates ; but
desired that they would however defer the exe-
cution of this slaughter of Izates's brethren
till he should be there himself, and give his
approbation to it. So since these men had
not prevailed with her when they adviied her
to slay them, they exhorted her at least to
keep them in bonds till he should come, and
that for their own security; they also gave
her counsel to set up some one whom she
could put the greatest trust in, as governor
of the kingdom in the mean time. So queen
Helena complied with this counsel of theirs,
and set up Monobazus, the eldest son, to be
king, and put the diadem upon his head, and
gave him his father's ring, with its signet ; as
also the ornament which they called Sampser,
and exhorted him to administer the affairs of
the kingdom till his brother should come;
who came suddenly upon hearing that his fa-
ther was dead, and succeeded his brother
Monobazus, who resigned up the government
to him.
3. Now, during the time Izates abode at
Charax-Spasini, a certain Jewish merchant,
whose name was Ananias, got among the
women that belonged to the king, and taught
them to worship God according to the Jewish
religion. He, moreover, by their means be-
came known to Izates ; and persuaded him,
in like manner, to embrace that religion ; he
also, at the earnest entreaty of Izates, ac-
companied him when he was sent for by his
father to come to Adiabene; it also happened
that Helena, about the same time, was in-
structed by a certain other Jew, and went
over to them. But, when Izates had taken
the kingdom, and was come to Adiabene, and
there saw his brethren and other kinsmen in
bonds, he was displeased at it ; and as he
thought it an instance of impiety either to
slay or imprison them, but still thought it a
hazardous thing for to let them have their
liberty, with the remembrance of the injuries
that had been offered them, he sent some of
them and their children for hostages to Rome,
to Claudius Cassar, and sent the others to
Artabanus, the king of Parthia, with the like
intentions.
4. And when he perceived that his mother
was highly pleased with the Jewish customs,
he made haste to change, and to embrace them
entirely ; and as he supposed that he could
not be thoroughly a Jew unless he were cir-
cumcised, he %vas ready to have it done. But
when bis mother understood vyjiat he was
^^
535
about, she endeavoured to hinder him from
doing it, and said to him that this thing would
bring him into danger ; and that as he was a
king, he would thereby bring himself into
great odium among his subjects, when they
should understand that he was so fond of rites
that were to them strange and foreign ; and
that they would never bear to be ruled
over by a Jew. This it was that she said to
him, and for the present persuaded him. to
forbear. And when he had related what
she had said to Ananias, he confirmed what
his mother had said ; and when he had also
threatened to leave him, unless he complied
with him, he went away from him ; and said
that he was afraid lest such an action being
once become public to all, he should himself
be in danger of punishment for having been
the occasion of it, and having been the* king's
instructor in actions that were of ill reputation;
and he said, that he might worship God with-
out being circumcised, even though he did re-
solve to follow the Jewish law entirely ; which
worship of God was of a superior nature to
circumcision. He added, that God would
forgive him, though he did not perform the
operation, while it was omitted out of neces-
sity, and for fear of his subjects. So the king
at that time complied with these persuasions
of Ananias. But afterwards, as he had not
quite left off his desire of doing this thing, a
certain other Jew that came out of Galilee,
whose name was Eleazer, and who was es-
teemed very skilful in the learning of his
country, persuaded him to do the thing ; for
as he entered into his palace to salute him,
and found him reading the law of Moses, he
said to him, " Thou dost not consider, O king !
that thou unjustly breakest the principal of
those laws, and art injurious to God himself,
[by omitting to be circumcised] ; for thou
oughtest not only to read them, but chiefly to
practise what they enjoin thee. How long
wilt thou continue uncircumcised ? but, if
thou hast not yet read the law about circum-
cision, and dost not know how great impiety
thou art guilty of by neglecting it, read it
now." Wlien the king had heard what he
said, he delayed the thing no longer, but re-
tired to another room, and sent for a surgeon,
and did what he was commanded to do. He
then sent for his mother, and Ananias his
tutor, and informed them that he had done
the thing ; upon which they were presently
struck with astonishment and fear, and that
to a great degree, lest the thing should be
openly discovered and censured, and the king
should hazard the loss of his kingdom, while
his subjects would not bear to be governed by
a man who was so zealous in another religion ;
and lest they should themselves run some ha-
zard, because they would be supposed the oc-
casion of his so doing. But it was God
himself who hindered what they feared from
taking effect ; for he preserved both Izates
r
J~
—\
33G
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
himself and his sons when ihey fell into many
dangers, and procured their deliverance when
it seemed to be impossible, and demonstrated
thereby, that the fruit of piety does not perish
as to thckse that have regard to him, and fix
their faith upon him only : * — but these events
we sliall relate hereafter.
5. But as to Helena, the king's mother,
when she saw that the afl'airs of Izates's king-
dom were in peace, and that her son was a
happy man, and admired among all men, and
even among foreigners, by the means of God's
providence over him, she had a mind to go to
the city ef Jerusalem, in order to worship at
that temple of God which was so very fa-
mous among all men, and to offer her thank-
offerings there. So she desired her son to
give her leave to go thither : upon which he
gave his consent to what she desired very wil-
lingly, and made great preparations for her
dismission, and gave her a great deal of mo-
ney, and she went down to the city Jerusa-
lem, her son conducting her on her journey a
great way. Now her coming was of very
great advantage to the people of Jerusalem ;
for whereas a famine did oppress them at that
time, and many people died for want of what
was necessary to procure food withal, queen
Helena sent some of her servants to Alexan-
dria with money to buy a great quantity of
corn, and others of them to Cyprus, to bring
a cargo of dried figs ; and as soon as they
were come back, and had brought tliose pro-
visions, which was done very quickly, she dis-
tributed food to those that were in want of it,
and left a most excellent memorial behind her
of this l)eiiefaction, which she bestowed on
our whole nation ; and when her son Izates
was informed of this famine, he sent great
sums of money to the principal men in Jeru-
salem. However, what favours this queen
and king conferred upon our city Jerusalem,
shall be farther related hereafter.f
* Joseph us is very full and express iii these three
chapters (Hi. iv. and v.) in observing how carefully
Divine Providence preserved this Izates, king of Adia-
bene, and his sons, while he did what he thought was
his bounden duty, notwithstanding the strongest political
motives to the contrary.
•(•This farther account of the benefactions of Izates
and Helena to the Jerusalem Jews which Josephus here
promises, is I think, nowhere performed by him in his
present works; but of this terrible famine itself in Ju-
dea, take Dr. Hudson's note here: — " This ;says he) is
that famine foretold by Agabus, Acts xi. 28; which
happened when Claudius was consul the fourth time ;
and not that other which happened when Claudius was
cons.il the second time, and Casina was his colleague,
as Scaliger says upon Eusebius, p. 174." Now, when
Jo.icphus had said a little afterward (ch. v. sect. 2.) that
" Tiberius Alexander succeeded Cuspius Fadus as pro-
curator," he immediately subjoins, tnat " under these
procurators there happened a great famine in Judea."
vVhence it is plain that this famnie continued for many
years, on account of its duration under those two pro-
curators. Now Fadus was not sent into Judea till .ifter
the death of king Agrippa, i. e. towards the latter end
ofthe'lth year of ctauciius : so that this famine fore-
told by Aj^abus, happened upon the 5th, Cth, and 7th
years of Claudius, as says Valesius on Euseb. ii. 12. Of
this famine also, and queen Helena's supplies, and her
monument, see Moses Chorencnsis, p. HI, H5 ; where
it is observed in the notes, that Pausanias mentions that
her monument also
CHAPTER III.
HOW ARTABANUS, 'TOE KING OF PARTHIA, OtrT
OF FEAR OF THE SECRET CONTRIVANCES 01
HIS S0BJEC1'S AGAINST HIM, WENT TO IZA-
TES, AND WAS BY HIM REINSTATED IN HIS
GOVERNiMENT; AS ALSO HOW EARDANES,
HIS SON, DENOUNCED WAR AGAINST IZATES.
§ 1. But now Artabanus, king of the Par-
thians, perceiving that the governors of the
provinces had framed a plot against him, did
not think it safe for bim to continue among
them ; but resolved to go to Izates, ir> hopes
of finding some way for his preservation by
his means, and, if possible, for his return to
his own dominions. So be came to Izates,
and brought a thousand of his kindred and
servants with him, and met him upon the
road, while he well knew Izates, but Izates
did not know him. When Artabanus stood
near him, and in the first place, worshipped
him according to the custom, he then said to
liim, " O king ! do not thou overlook me thy
servant, nor do thou proudly reject the suit
I make thee ; for as I am reduced to a low
estate, by the change of fortune, and of a king
am become a private man, I stand in need of
thy assistance. Have regard, therefore, un-
to the uncertainty of fortune, and esteem the
care thou shall take of me to be taken of thy-
self also ; for if I be neglected, and my sub-
jects go off unpunished, many other subjects
will become the more insolent towards other
kings also." And this speech Artabanus made
with tears in his eyes,and with a dejected coun-
tenance. Now, as soon as Izates heard Artaba-
nus's name, and saw him stand as a supplicant
before him, ho leaped down from his horse
immediately, and said to him, " Take courage,
O king ! nor be disturbed at thy present ca-
lamity, as if it were incurable; for the change
of thy sad condition shall be sudden ; for thou
shall find me to be more thy friend and thy
assistant than thy hopes can promise thee ;
for I will either re-establish thee in the king-
dom of Parthia, or lose my own."
2. Wlien he had said this, he set Artaba-
nus upon his horse, and followed him on
foot, in honour of a king whom he owned as
greater than himself; — which when Artaba-
nus saw, he was very uneasy at it, and sware
by his present fortune and honour, that he
would get doivn from his horse, unless Izates
would get upon his horse again and go be-
fore him. So he complied with his desire,
and leaped upon his horse; and, when he had
brought him to his royal palace, he showed
him all sorts of respect when they sat toge-
ther, — and he gave him the upper place at
festivals also, as regarding not his present for-
tune, but his former dignity ; and that upon
this consideration also, that the changes «>f
.r
J-
CHAP. IV.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
537
fortune are common to all men. He also
wrote to the Parthians, to persuade them to
receive Artabanus again; and gave them his
right hand and his faith, that he should for-
get what was past and done, and that he
would undertake for this as a mediator be-
tween them. Now the Parthians did not
themselves refuse to receive him again, but
pleaded that it was not now in their power so
to do, because they had committed the go-
vernment to another person, who had accept-
ed of it, and whose name was Cinnamus j
and that they were afraid lest a civil war
should arise on this account. When Cinna-
mus understood their intentions, he wrote to
Artabanus himself, for he had been brouglit
up by him, and was of a nature good and
gentle also, and desired him to put confidence
in him, and to come and take his own domi-
nions again. Accordingly Artabanus trusted
him, and returned home ; when Cinnamus
met him, worshipped him, and saluted him as
a king, and took the diadem off his own head,
and put it on the head of Artabanus.
3. And thus was Artabanus restored to his
kingdom again by the means of Izates, when
he had lost it by the means of the grandees
of the kingdom. Nor was he unmindful of the
benefits he had conferred upon him, but re-
warded him with such honours as were of the
greatest esteem among them ; for he gave him
leave to wear his tiara upright,* and to sleep
upon a golden bed, which are privileges and
marks of honour peculiar to the kings of
Parthia. He also cut off a large and fruitful
country from the king of Armenia, and be-
stowed it upon him. The name of the
country is Nisibis, wherein the Macedonians
had formerly built that city which they called
Antioch of Mygodonia. And these were the
honours that were paid Izates by the king of
the Parthians.
4. But in no long time Artabanus died,
and left his kingdom to his son Bardanes.
Now this Bardanes came to Izates, and would
have persuaded him to join him with his army,
and to assist him in the war he was preparing
to make with the Romans ; but he could not
prevail with him. For Izates so well knew
the strength and good fortune of the Romans,
that he took Bardanes to attempt what was
impossible to be done ; and having besides
sent his sons, five in number, and they but
young also, to learn accurately the language
of our nation, together with our learning, as
well as he had sent his mother to worship at
our temple, as I have said already, was the
more backward to a compliance ; and restrain-
ed Bardanes, telling him perpetually of the
great armies and famous actions of the Ro-
mans, and thought thereby to terrify him, and
desired thereby to binder him from that expe--
• Thjj privilege of wearing the tiar» upriaht, or
with the tip of tlie cone erect, is known to have Deen of
old peculiar to great kings, from Xenophou and others,
as Ur. Hudson observes ll«. '^
dition. But the Parthian king was provok-
ed at this his behaviour, and denounced war
immediately against Izates. Yet did lie gain
no advantage by this war, because God cut
off all his hopes therein ; for the Parthians,
perceiving Bardanes's intention, and how he
had determined to make war with the Romans,
slew him, and gave his kingdom to his brother
Gofarzes. He also, in no long time, perished
by a plot made against him, and Vologases,
his brother, succeeded him, who committed
two of his provinces to two of his brothers
by the same father ; — that of the Medes to
the elder, Pacorus ; and Armenia to the
younger, Tiridates.
CHAPTER IV.
HOW IZATES WAS BETRAYED BY HIS OWN SUB-
JECTS, AND FOUGHT AGAINST BY THE ARA-
BIANS; AND HOW IZATES, BY THE PROVI-
DENCE or GOD, WAS DELIVERED OUT OF
THEIR HANDS.
§ 1. Now when the king's brother, Monoba-
zus, and his other kindred, saw how Izates,
by his piety to God, was become greatly
esteemed by all men, they also had a desire
to leave the religion of their country, and to
embrace the customs of the Jews ; but that
act of theirs was discovered by Izates's sub-
jects. Whereupon the grandees were much
displeased, and could not contain their anger
at them, but had an intention, when they
should find a proper opportunity, to inflict a
punishment upon them. Accordingly, they
wrote to Abia, king of the Arabians, and pro-
mised him great sums of money, if he would
make an expedition against their king : and
they farther promised liim, that, on the first
onset, they would desert their king, because
they were desirous to pimish him, by reason
of the hatred he had to their religious worship;
then they obliged themselves, by oaths, to be
faithful to each other, and desired that he
would make haste in this design. The king
of Arabia complied with their desires, and
brought a great army into the field, and march-
ed against Izates; and, in the beginning of
the first onset, and before they came to a close
fight, those grandees, as if they had a panic
terror upon them, all deserted Izates, as they
had agreed to do, and, turning their backs up-
on their enemies, ran away. Yet was not
Izates dismayed at this ; but when he under-
stood that the grandees had betrayed him, he
also retired into his camp, and made inquiry
into the matter ; and as soon as he knew who
they were that had made this conspiracy with
the king of Arabia, he cut off those that were
found guilty ; and renewing tlie fight on the
next day, he slew the greatest part of his ene-
mies, and forced all the rest to betake them
J'
338
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
selves to flight. He also pursued their king,
ami drove him into a fortress called Arsamus,
and, following on the siege vigorously, he
took that fortress. And, when he had plun-
dered it of all the prey that was in it, which
was not small, he returned to Adiabene ; yet
did not he take Abia alive ; because, when he
found himself encompassed upon every side,
he slew himself.
2. But although the grandees of Adiabene
had failed in their first attempt, as being de-
livered up by God into their king's hands,
yet would they not even then be quiet, but
wrote again to Vologases, who was then king
of Parthia, and desired that he would kill Iz-
ates, and set over them some other potentate,
who should be of a Parthian family; for they
said that they hated their own king for abro-
gating the laws of their forefathers, and em-
bracing foreign customs. When tlie king of
Parthia heard this, he boldly made war upon
Izates; and, as he liad no just pretence for
this war, he sent to him, and demanded back
those honourable privileges wliich had been
bestowed on him by his father, and threatened,
on his refusal, to make war upon him. Upon
hearing of this, Izates was under no small
trouble of mind, as thinking it would be a re-
proach upon him to appear to resign those
privileges that had been bestowed upon him
out of cowardice; yet, because he knew, that
though the king of Parthia should receive
back those honours, yet would he not be quiet,
he resolved to commit himself to God, his
protector, in the present danger he was in of
his life ; and as he esteemed him to be his
principal assistant, he intrusted his children
and his wives to a very strong fortress, and
laid up his corn in his citadels, and set the
hay and the grass on fire. And when he had
thus put things in order, as well as he could,
he awaited the coming of the enemy. And
when the king of Parthia was come, with a
great army of footmen and horsemen, wliich
he did sooner than was expected (for he
marched in great haste), and had cast up a
bank at the river that parted Adiabene from
Media, — Izates also pitched his camp not far
off, having with him six thousand horsemen.
But there came a messenger to Izates, sent
by the king of Parthia, who told him Iww
large his dominions were, as reaching from
the river Euphrates to Bactria, and enumer-
ated that king's subjects; he also threatened
him that he should be punished, as a person
ungrateful to his lords; and said that the
God whom he worshipped coukl not deliver
him out of the king's hands. When the
messenger had delivered this his message, Iz-
ates replied, that he knew the king of Par-
thia's power was much greater than his own ;
but that he knew also that God was much
more powerful than all men. And when he
had returned him this answer, he betook him-
self to make supplication to God, and threw
BOOK AX.
himself on the ground, and put ashes upon
his head, in testimony of his confusion, and
fasted, together with his wives and children,*
Then he called upon God, and said, " O
Lord and Governor, if I have not in vain
committed myself to thy goodness, but have
justly determined that thou only art the Loid
and principal of all beings, come now to my
assistance, and defend me from my enemies,
not only on my own account, but on account
of their insolent behaviour with regard to \X\j
power, while they have not feared to lift up
their proud and arrogant tongue against thee."
Thus did he lament and bemoan himself, with
tears in his eyes ; whereupon God heard his
prayer. And immediately that Tery night
Vologases received letters, the contents of
which were these, that a great band of Dahae
and Sac.B, despising him, now he was gone
so long a journey from home, had made an
expedition, and laid Parthia waste ; so that he
[was forced to] retire back, without doing
any thing. And thus it was that Izates es-
caped the threatenings of the Parthians, by
the providence of God.
3. It was not long ere Izates died, when
he had completed fifty-five years of his life,
and had ruled his kingdom twenty-four years.
He left behind him twenty-four sons and
twenty-four daughters. However, he gave
order that his brother Monobazus should suc-
ceed in the government, thereby requiting
him, because, while he was himself absent,
after their father's death, he had faithfully
preserved the government for him. But
when Helena, his mother, heard of her son's
death, she was in great heaviness, as was but
natural, upon her loss of such a most dutiful
son ; yet was it a comfort to her that she
heard the succession came to her eldest son.
Accordingly she went to him in haste ; and
when she was come into Adiabene, she did
not long outlive her son Izates. But Mono~
bazus sent her bones, as well as those of Iza-
tes, his brother, to Jerusalem, and gave order
that they should be buried at the pyramids f
which their mother had erected ; they were
three in number, and distant no more than
three furlongs from the city of Jerusalem. But
for the actions of Monobazus the king, which
he did during the rest of his life, we will re-
late them hereafter. I
* This mourning, and fasting, and praying, used by
Izates, with prostration of hio body, and ashes upon
his head, are plain signs that he was become either a
Jew, or an Ebionite Christian, who indeed differed not
much from proper Jews. See chap, vi, sect. 1. How-
ever, his supplications were heard, and he was provi-
dentially dehvered from that imminent danger he was
in.
t These pyramids or pillars, erected by Helena,
queen of Adiabene, near Jerusalem, three in number,
are mentioned by f^usebius, in his Eocl. His. b. "2. eh.
li. for which Dr. Hudson refers us to Valesius's notes
upon that place They are also mentioned by Pausani-
iis, as hath been already noted, chap, ii sect. 6. R^
land guesses that that now called Absalom's Pillar may
be one of them.
i This account is now wanting.
.r
CHAP. V.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
539
CHAPTER V.
CONCERNING THEUDA3, AND THE SONS OF JU-
DAS THE GALILEAN ; AS ALSO WHAT CALA-
MITY FELL UPON THE JEWS ON THE DAY OF
THE PASSOVER.
§ 1. Now it came to pass, while Fadus was
procurator of Judea, that a certain magician,
whose name was Theudas,* persuaded a great
part of the people to take their effects with
them, and follow him to the riter Jordan ;
for he told them he was a prophet, and that
he would, by iiis own command, divide the
river, and afford them an easy passage over
it ; and many were deluded by his words.
However, Fadus did not permit them to make
any advantage of his wild attempt, but sent a
troop of horsemen out against them; who,
falling upon them unexpectedly, slew many
of them and took many of them alive. They
also took Theudas alive, and cut off his head,
and carried it to Jerusalem. This was what
befell the Jews in the time of Cuspius Fa-
dus's government.
2. Then came Tiberius Alexander as suc-
cessor to Fadus ; he was the son of Alexan-
der the alabarch of Alexandria ; which Alex-
ander was a principal person among all his
-ontemporaries, both for his family and wealth :
he was also more eminent for his piety than
.his his son Alexander, for he did not conti-
nue in the religion of his country. Under
these procurators that great famine happened
in Judea, in which queen Helena bought corn
in Egypt at a great expense, and distributed
it to those that were in want, as I have relat-
ed already ; and besides this, the sons of Ju-
das of Galilee were now slain ; I mean of that
Judas who caused the people to revolt, when
Cyrenius came to take an account of the es-
tates of the Jews, as we have shown in a fore-
going book. The names of those sons were
James and Simon, whom Alexander com-
manded to be crucified ; but now Herod,
king of Chalcis, removed Joseph, the son of
Camydus, from the high-priesthood, and made
Ananias, the son of Nebedeus, his successor ;
and novf it was that Curaanus came as suc-
cessor to Tiberius Alexander ; as also that
Herod, brotlier of Agrippa the great king,
departed this life, in the eighth year of the
reign of Claudius Caesar. He left behind
him three sons, Aristobulus, whom he had by
his first wife, with Bernicianus and Hyrca-
nus, both whom he had by Bernice his bro-
ther's daughter ; but Claudius Casar bestow-
ed his dominions on Agrippa, junior.
3. Now, while the Jewish affairs were un-
* This Theudas, who arose under Fadus the procu-
rator, about A. D. 45 or 46, could not be that Theudas
who arose iu the days of the taxing, under CjTenius ;
or about A. d. 7, Acts v. 36. 57. Who-sthat earlier
Theudas was, see the note on b. xvii. eh. x. sect. 5
der the administration of Cumanus, there
happened a great tumult at the city of Jeru-
salem, and many of the Jews perished there-
in ; but I shall first explain the occasion
whence it was derived. When that feast
which is called the Passover was at hand, at
which time our custom is to use unleavened
bread, and a great multitude was gathered to-
gether from all parts to that feast, Cumanus
was afraid lest some attempt of innovation
should then be n)ade by them ; so he ordered
that one regiment of the army should take
their arms, and stand in the temple cloisters,
to repress any attempts of innovation, if per-
chance any such should begin ; and this was
no more than what the former procurators of
Judea did at such festivals ; but on the fourth
day of the feast, a certain soldier let down his
breeches, and exposed his privy members to
the multitude, which put those that saw him
into a furious rage, and made them cry out
that this impious action was not done to re-
proach them, but God himself; nay, some of
them reproached Curaanus, and pretended
that the soldier was set on by him ; which
when Cumanus heard, he was also himself not
a little provoked at such reproaches laid upon
him ; yet did he exhort them to leave off such
seditious attempts, and not to raise a tumult
at the festival ; but when he could not induce
them to be quiet, for they still went on in
their reproaches to him, he gave order that
the whole army should take their entire ar-
mour, and come to Antonia, which was a for-
tress, as we have said already, which over-
looked the temple; but when the multitude
saw the soldiers there, they were affrighted at
them, and ran away hastily ; but as the pas-
sages out were but narrew, and as they
thought their enemies followed them, they
were crowded together in their flight, and a
great number were pressed to death in those
narrow passages ; nor indeed was the number
fewer than twenty thousand that perished in
this tumult. So, instead of a festival they
had at last a mournful day of it ; and they all
of them forgot their prayers and sacrifices,
and betook themselves to lamentation and
weeping; so great an affliction did the impu-
dent obsceneness of a single soldier bring up-
on tJiem.f
4. Now before this their first mourning
was over, another mischief befell them also
for some of those that raised the foregoing
tumult, when they were travelling along the
public road, about a hundred furlongs from
the city, robbed Stephanus, a servant of Cae-
sar, as he was journeying, and plundered him
of all that he had with him ; which things
+This and many more tumults and seditions, which
arose at the Jewish festivals, in Josephus, illustrate the
cautious procedure of the Jewish governors, when thej
said. Matt xxvi, 5, " Let us not take Jesus on thf
feast-day, lest there be an " uproar among the people;"
as Reland well observes on this place. Josephus also
takes notice of the same thiug. Of the War, B. i. ch.
iv, secL 3.
"V.
_/~
540
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
when Cumanus heard of, he sent soldiers im-
mediately, and ordered them to plunder the
neighbouring villages, and to bring the most
eminent persons among them in bonds to
liini. Now, as this devastation was making,
one of the soldiers seized the Laws of Moses,
that lay in one of those villages, and brought
them out before the eyes of all present, and
tore them to pieces ; and this was done with
reproachful language, and much scurrility ;
which things when the Jews heard of, they
ran together, and that in great numbers, and
came down to Cesarea, where Cumanus then
was, and besought him that he would avenge,
not themselves, but God himself, whose laws
had been affronted ; for that they could not
bear to live any longer, if the laws of their
forefathers must be affronted after this manner.
Accordingly Cumanus, out of fear lest the
multitude should go into a sedition, and by
the advice of his friends also, took care that
the soldier who had offered the affront to the
laws should be beheaded ; and thereby put a
stop to the sedition which was ready to be
kindled a second time.
CHAPTER VI.
HOW THERE HAPPENED A QUARREL BETWEEN
THE JEWS AND THE SAMARITANS ; AND
HOW CLAUDIUS PUT AN END TO THEIR DIF-
FERENCES.
§ 1. Now there arose a quarrel between the
Samaritans and the Jews on the occasion fol-
lowing : — It was the custom of the Galileans,
when they came to the holy city at the festi-
vals, to take their journeys through the country
of the Samaritans ;* and at this time there lay,
n the road they took, a village that was called
Ginea, which was situated in the limits of Sa-
maria and the great plain, where certain per-
sons thereto belonging fought with the Gali-
leans, and killed a great many of them ; but,
when the principal of the Galileans were in-
formed of what had been done, they came to
Cumanus, and desired him to avenge the
murdtc of those that were killed j but he was
induced by the Samaritans, with money, to
do nothing in the matter j upon which the
Galileans were much displeased, and per-
suaded the multitude of the Jews to betake
themselves to arms, and to regain their liber-
ty, saying, that slavery was in itself a bitter
thing, but that, when it was joined with di-
rect injuries, it was perfectly intolerable.
And when their principal men endeavoured
• This constant passage of the Galileans through the
country of Samaria, as they went to Judea and Jerusa-
lem, illustrates several passages in the Gospels to the
same purpose, as Dr. Hudson rightly observes. See
Luke xvii ; 1 John iv, 4. See also Josephus in his own
Life (sect. 52), whcj that journey is determined to three
days.
BOOK XX.
to pacify them, and promised to endeavour
to persuade Cumanus to avenge those that
were killed, they would not hearken to them,
but took their weapons, and entreated the
assistance of Eleazar, the son of Dineus, a
robber, who had many years made his abode
in the mountains, with which assistance they
plundered many villages of the Samaritans.
When Cumanus heard of this action of theirs,
he took the band of Sebaste, with four regi-
ments of footmen, and armed the Samaritans,
and marched out against the Jews, and caught
them, and slew many of them, and took a
great number of them alive ; whereupon those
that were the most eminent persons at Jeru-
salem, and that both in regard to the respect
that was paid them, and the families they
were of, as soon as they saw to what a height
things were gone, put on sackcloth, and heap-
ed ashes upon their heads, and by all possible
means besought the seditious, and persuaded
them that they would set before their eyes
the utter subversion of their country, the con-
flagration of their temple, and the slavery of
themselves, their wives, and children,-}- which
would be the consequences of what they were
doing, and would alter their minds, would
cast away their weapons, and for the future
be quiet, and return to their own homes.
These persuasions of theirs prevailed upon
them. So the people dispersed themselves,
and the robbers went away again to their
places of strength ; and after this time all
Judea was overrun with robberies.
2. But the principal of the Samaritans
went to Ummidius Quadratus, the president
of Syria, who at that time was at Tyre, and
accused the Jews of setting their villages on
fire, and plundering them ; and said withal,
that they were not so much displeased at what
they had suffered, as they were at the con-
tempt thereby shown to the Romans; while,
if they had received any injury, they ought to
have made them the judges of what had been
done, and not presently to make such devasta-
tion, as if they had not the Romans for their
governors ; on which account they came to
him, in order to obtain that vengeance they
wanted. This was the accusation which the
Samaritans brought against the Jews. But
the Jews affirmed, that the Samaritans were
the authors of this tumult and fighting, and
that, in the first place, Cumanus had been
corrupted by their gif*£, and passed over the
murder of those that were slain in silence ;—
which allegations when Quadratus heard, he
put off the hearing of the cause, and promised
that he would give sentence when he should
come into Judea, and should have a more
f Our Saviour had foretold that the Jews' rejection
of his Gospel would bring upon them, among otiier mi-
seiaes, these three, which they themselves here show
they expected would be the consequences of their pre-
sent tumults and seditions; the utter subversion of their
country, the conflagration of their temple, and the sla-
very of themselves, their wives, and children. Se«
Luke xxi 6 — 25.
"V
-^
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. VII.
exact knowledge of the truth of that matter.
So these men went away without success.
Yet was it not long ere Quadratus came to
Samaria ; where, upon hearing the cause, he
supposed that the Samaritans were the authors
of that disturbance. But when he was in-
formed that certain of the Jews were making
innovations, he ordered those to be crucified
whom Curaanus had taken captives. From
whence he came to a certain village called
Lydda, which was not less than a city in
largeness, and there heard the Samaritan
cause a secord time before his tribunal, and
there learned from a certain Samaritan, that
one of the chief of the Jews, whose name was
Dortus, and some other innovaters with him,
four in number, persuaded the multitude to a
revolt from the Romans ; whom Quadratus
ordered to be put to death : but still he sent
away Ananias the high.priest, and Ananus
the commander [of the temple], in bonds to
Rome, to give an account of what they had
done to Claudius Cassar. He also ordered
the principal men, both of the Samaritans and
of the Jews, as also Cumanus the procurator,
and Celer the tribune, to go to Italy to the
emperor, that he might hear their cause, and
determine their differences one with another.
But he came again to the city of Jerusalem,
out of his fear that the multitude of the Jews
should attempt some innovations; but he
found the city in a peaceable state, and cele-
brating one of the usual festivals of their
country to God. So he believed that tliey
would not attenipt any innovations, and left
them at the celebration of the festival, and re-
turned to Antioch.
8. Now Cumanus and the principal of
the Samaritans, who were sent to Rome,
had a day appointed them by the emperor,
whereon they were to have pleaded their cause
about the quarrels they had one with another.
But now Ceasar's freed-men and his friends
were very zealous on the behalf of Cumanus
and the Samaritans ; and they had prevailed
over the Jews, unless Agrippa, junior, who
was then at Rome, had seen the principal of
the Jews hard set, and had earnestly entreated
Agrippina, the emperor's wife, to persuade
her husband to hear the cause, so as was a-
greeable to his justice, and to condemn those
to be punished who were really the authors
of this revolt from the Roman government :
— whereupon Claudius was so well disposed
beforehand, that when he had heard the cause,
and found that the Samaritans had been the
ringleaders in those mischievous doings, he
gave order that those who came vp to him
should be slain, and that Cumanus should be
banished. He also gave order that Celer the
tribune should be carried back to Jerusalem,
and should be drawn through the city in the
sight of all the people, and then should be
slain.
bU
CHAPTER VII.
FELIX IS MADE PROCURATOR OF JUDEA ; AS
ALSO CONCERNING AGRIPPA, JUNIOR, AND
HIS SISTERS.
§ 1. So Claudius sent Felix, the brother of
Pallans, to take care of the affairs of Judea ;
and, when he had already completed the
twelfth year of his reign, he bestowed upon
Agrippa the tetrarchy of Philip, and Batanea,
and added thereto Trachonitis, with Abila;
which last had been the tetrarchy of Lysa-
nius ; but he took from him Chalcis, when he
had been governor thereof four years. And
when Agrippa had received these countries as
the gift of Caesar, he gave his sister Drusilla
in marriage to Azizus, king of Emesa, upon
his consent to be circumcised ; for Epiphanes,
the son of king Antiochus, had refused to
marry her, because, after he had promised her
father formerly to come over to the Jewish
religion, he would not now perform that pro-
mise. He also gave Mariamne in marriage
to Archelaus, the son of Helcias, to whom
she had formerly been betrothed by Agrippa
her father ; from which marriage was derived
a daughter, whose name was Bernice.
2. But for the marriage of Drusilla with
Azizus, it was in no long time afterward dis-
solved, upon the following occasion : — While
Ft'lix was procurator of Judea, he saw this
Drusilla, and fell in love with her ; for she
did indeed exceed all other women in beauty ;
and he sent to her a person whose name was
Simon, • one of his friends ; a Jew he was,
* This Simon, a friend of Felix, a Jew, bom in Cy
pnis, though he pretended to be a magician, and seems
to have been wicked enough, could hardly be that fa-
mous Simon the magician, in the Acts of the Apostles
(viii, 9, &c.), as some are ready to suppose. The Si-
mon mentioned in the Acts was hot proi)erly a Jew, but
a Samaritan, of the town of Gittje, in the country of
Samaria, as the Apostolical Constitutions, vi, 7, the
Recognitions of Clement, ii, 6, and Justin MartjT,
himself bom in the country of Samaria, Apology, i,
34, inform us. He was also the author, not of any an-
cient Jewish, but of the first Gentile heresies, as the
forementioned authors assure us. So I suppose him a
different person from the other. I mean this only upon
the hypothesis that Josephus was not misinformeo as to
his being a Cyyriot Jew ; for othersvise the time, the
name, the profession, and the wickedness of them both,
would strongly incline one to l)elieve them the very
same. As to that Drusilla, the sister of Agrippa, ju-
nior, as Josephus informs us here, and a Jewess, as St.
Luke informs us, .^cts xxiv, 24, whom this Simon men-
tioned by Josephus persuaded to leave her former hus-
band, Azizus, king of Emesa, a proselyte of justice,
and to marry Felix, the heathen procurator of Judia,
Tacitus (Hist, v, 9) supposes her to l)e a heathen, and
the grand-daughter of Antonius and Cleopatra, contrary
both to St. Luke and Josephus. Now Tacitus lived
somewhat too remote, lx)th as to time and place, to be
compared with either of those Jewish writers, in a mat-
ter concerning the Jews in Judea in their own days, and
concerningasisterof Agrippa, junior, with which Agrip-
pa Josephus was himself so well acquainted. It is pro-
bable that Taeitns may say true, when he informs us
that this Felix (who had in all three wives, or queens,
as Suetonius in Claudius, sect. i.'8, assures us) did once
marry such a grandchild of Antonius and Cleopatra ;
and, finding the name of one of them to have been
DrusUla, he mistook her for that other wife, whose
name he did not know.
J-
~v
542
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
and by birth a Cypriot, and one who pretend-
ed to be a magician ; and endeavoured to
persuade her to forsake her present husband,
and marry him ; and promised, that if she
would not refuse him, he would make her a
happy woman. Accordingly she acted ill,
and because she was desirous to avoid her
sister Bernice's envy, for she was very ill
treated by her on account of her beauty, was
prevailed upon to transgress the laws of her
forefathers, and to marry Felix ; and when
he had had a son by her, he named him Agrip-
pa. But after what manner tliat young man,
with his wife, perished at the conflagration
of the mountain Vesuvius,* in the days of
Titus Caesar, shall be related hereafter, f
3. But as for Bernice, she lived a widow a
long while after the death of Herod [king of
Chalcis], who was both her husband and her
uncle. But, when the report went that she
had criminal convereation with her brother
[Agrippa, junior] she persuaded Polemo, who
was king of Cilicia, to be circumcised, and to
marry her, as supposing, that by this means
she should prove those calumnies upon her to
be false ; and Polemo was prevailed upon,
and that chiefly on account of her riches.
Yet did not this matrimony endure long; but
Bernice left Polemo, and, as was said, with
impure intentions. So he forsook at once this
matrimony, and the Jewish religion : and, at
the same time, Mariamne put away Arche-
laus, and was married to Demetrius, the prin-
cipal man among the Alexandrian Jews, botli
for his family and his wealth ; and indeed he
was tlien their alabarch. So siie named her
son whom she had by him Agrippinus. But
of all these particulars we shall hereafter treat
more exactly. \
CHAPTER VIII.
AFTER WHAT MANNER, UPON THE DEATH OF
CLAUDIUS, NERO SUCCEEDED IN THE GO-
VERNMENT; AS ALSO WHAT BARBAROUS
THINGS HE DID. CONCERNING THE ROB-
BERS, MURDERERS, AND IMPOSTORS, THAT
AROSE WHILE FELIX AND FESTUS WEBE PRO-
CURATORS OF JUDEA.
§ 1. Now Claudius Casar died when he had
reigned thirteen years, eight months, and
• Tliis eruption of Vesuvius was one of the greatest
we have in history. See Uyanchini's curious and im-
portant observations on this Vesuvius, and its seven se-
veral great eruptions, with their remains vitrified, and
still existing, in so many diflerent strata under ground,
till tlie diggers eamo to the antediluvian waters, with
tlieir proportionalile interstiees, iiruilying the Deluge
to have been above two thousand Ave hundred ycais
before the Christian a;ra, according to our exactest cliro
nology.
f This Is now wanting.
This also is now wanting.
twenty days ; § and a report went about that
he was poisoned by his wife Agrippina. Her
father was Germanicus, the brotiier of Caesar.
Her husband was Domitius iEnobarbus, one
of the most illustrious persons that was in the
city of Rome ; aftei whose death, and her
long continuance in widowhood, Claudius
took her to wife. She brought along with
her a son, Domitius, of the same name with
liis father. He had before this slain his wife
Messalina, out of jealousy, by whom he had
his children Britannicns and Octavia ; their
eldest sister was Antonia, whtim he had by
Pelina his first wife. He also married Oc-
tavia to Nero ; for tliat was the name that
Casar gave him afterward, upon his adopting
him for his son.
iJ. But now Agrippina was afraid, lest,
when Britannicus should come to man's estate,
he should succeed his father in the govern-
ment, and desired to seize upon the principa-
lity beforehand for her own son [Nero]; upon
which the report went, that she thence com-
passed the death of Claudius. Accordingly
she sent Burrhus, the general of the army,
immediately, and with him the tribunes, and
such also of the freed-men as were of the
greatest authority, to bring Nero away into
the camp, and to salute him emperor. And
when Nero had thus obtained the government,
he got Britannicus to be so poisoned, that the
multitude should not perceive it; although
he publicly put his own mother to death not
long afterward, making her this requital, not
only for being born of her, but for bringing
it so about by her contrivances, that he ob-
tained the Roman empire. He also slew
Octavia his ov/n wife, and manj' other illus-
trious persons, under this pretence, that they
plotted against him.
3. But I omit any farther discourse about
these affairs ; for there have been a great
many who have composed the history of Nero;
some of whom have departed from the truth
of facts, out of favour, as having received be-
nefits from him ; while others, out of hatred
to him, and the great ill-will which they bare
him, have so impudently raved against him
with their lies, that they justly deserved to be
condemned. Nor do I wonder at such as
have told lies of Nero, since they have not in
their writings preserved the truth of history
as to those facts that were earlier than his
time, even when the actors could have no way
incurred their hatred, since those writers liv-
ed a long time after them; but as to those
that have no regard to truth, they may write
as they please, — for in that they take delight
but as to ourselves, who have made truth our
direct aim, we shall briefly touch upon what
only belongs remotely to this undertaking,
§ This duration of the reign of Claudius agrees with
Dio, as Dr. Hudson here remarks; as he also remarks
that .\ero's name, whieli was at first L. Domitms ifino
barbus, afterClaudius had adopted him was Nero Clau-
dius Ca-'sar Drusus Germanicus.
X
-J-
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. viir.
but shall relate what hath happened to us
Jews with great accuracy, and shall not grudge
our pains in giving an account both of the
calamities we have suffered and of the crimes
we have been guilty of. — I will now there-
fore return to the relation of our own affairs,
4. For in the first year of the reign of
Nero, upon the death of Azizus, king of
Emesa, Soemus,* his brother, succeeded in
his kingdom, and Aristobulus, the son of
Herod, king of Chalcis, was intrusted by
Nero with the government of the Lesser Arme-
nia. Caesar also bestowed on Agrippa a cer-
tain part of Galilee, Tiberias and TaricheK,f
and ordered them to submit to his jurisdic-
tion. He gave him also Julias, a city of Pe-
rea, with fourteen villages that lay about it.
5. Now, as for the affairs of the Jews, they
grew worse and worse continually ; for the
country was again filled with robbers and im-
postors, who deluded the multitude. Yet did
Felix catch and put to death many of those
impostors every day, together with the rob-
bers. He also caught Eleazar, the son of
Dineus, who had gotten together a company
of robbers ; and this he did by treachery ;
for he gave him assurance that he should suf-
fer no harm, and thereby persuaded him to
come to him ; but wlien he came, he bound
him and sent him to Rome. Felix also bore
an ill-will to Jonathan, the high-priest, be-
cause he frequently gave him admonitions
about governing the Jewish affairs better than
he did, lest he should himself have complaints
made of him by the multitude, since he it
was who had desired Cassar to send him as
procurator of Judea. So Felix contrived a
method whereby he might get rid of him,
now he was become so continually trouble-
some to him ; for such continual admonitions
are grievous to those who are disposed to act
unjustly. Wherefore Felix persuaded one of
Jonathan's most faithful friends, a citizen of
Jerusalem, whose name was Doras, to bring
the robbers upon Jonathan, in order to kill
him ; and this he did by promising to give
him a great deal of money for so doing.
Doras complied with the proposal, and con-
trived matters so, that the robbers might
murder him after the following manner: —
Cert«in of those robbers went up to the city,
as if they were going to worship God, while
they had daggers under their garments; and,
by thus mingling themselves among the mul-
titude, they slew Jonathan ;:f and as this mur-
♦ This Soemus is elsewhere mentioned [by Josephus,
in his own Life, sect. 11, as also] by Dio Cassius and
Tacitus, as Dr. Hudson informs us.
1 This afjrees with Josephus's frequent accounts else-
where in his awn Life, that Tibenas, and Tarichea;,
and Gamala, were under this Agrippa, junior, till Jus-
tus, the son of Pistus, seized upon thera for the Jews,
upon the breaking out of the war.
t This treacherous and barbarous murder of the good
high-priest Jonathan, by the contrivance of tins wicked
procurator Felix, was the immediate oec^ision of the en-
suing murders by the sicarii or rutiians, and one great
cause of the following horrid cruelties an4, miseries of
I the Jewish nation, as Josephus here supposes : whose
513
der was never avenged, the robbers went up
with the greatest security at the festivals after
this time ; and having weapons concealed in
like manner as before, and mingling them-
selves among the multitude, they slew certain
of their own enemies, and were subservient
to other men for money ; and slew others not
only in remote parts of the city, but in the
temple itself also ; for they had the boldness
to murder men there, without thinking of the
impiety of which they were guilty. And this
seems to me to have been the reason why God,
out of his hatred to these men's wickedness,
rejected our city ; and as for the temple, he
no longer esteemed it sufficiently pure for
him to inhabit therein, but bfought the Ro-
mans upon us, and threw a fire upon the city
to purge it; and brought upon us, our wives,
and children, slavery, — as desirous to make
us wiser by our calamities.
6. These works, that were done by the
robbers, filled the city with all sorts of im-
piety. And now these impostors and deceiv-
ers II persuaded the multitude to follow them
into the wilderness, and pretended that they
would exhibit manifest wonders and signs,
that should be performed by the providence
of God. And many that were prevailed on
by them suflTered the punishments of their
folly ; for Felix brought them back, and then
punished them. Moreover, there came out
excellent redection on the gross wickedness of that na-
tion, as the direct cause of their terrible destruction, is
well worthy the attention of every Jewish and Christian
reader. And, since we are soon coniing to the cata-
logue of Jewish high-priests, it may not be amiss, with
Reland, to insert this Jonathan amon^ thera ; and to
transcribe his particular catalogue of the last twenty-
eight high-priests, taken out of Josephus, and begin
with Ananelus, who was made by Herod the Great.
See Anti j. b. xv, ch. ii, sect. 4, and the note there.
1. Ananelus.
2. Aristobulus.
5. Jesus, the son of Fabus.
4. Simon, the son of Boethus.
5. Matthias, the son of Theophilus.
6. Joazar, the son of Boethus.
7. Eleazar, the son of Koethus.
8. Jesus, the son of Sic
9- [Annas, or] Ananus, the son of Setb'
10. l<mael, the son of Fabus.
1 1. Eleazar, the son of Ananus.
12. Simon, the son of Cam i thus.
13. Josephus Caiaphas, the son-in-law to Ananus.
1 1. Jonathan, the son of Ananus.
15- Theophilus, his brother, and son of Ananus.
16. Simon, the son of Uocthus.
17. Matthias, the brother of Jonathan, and son of Ana-
nus.
H. Aljoneus.
19. Josephus, the son of Camydus.
20- .'Vnanias, the son of Nebedeus.
21. Jonathas.
22. Ismael, the son of Fabi.
23. Joseph Cabi, the son of Simon.
24. Ananus, the son of Anaiius-
25. Jesus, the son of Damncus.
26. Jesus, the son of Gamaliel.
27. Matthris the son of I heophiius.
28. Phannias, the son of .'>amuel.
As for Ananus and Joseph Caiaphas, here mentioned
about the middle of this catalogue, they are no other
than those Annas and Caiaphas so often mentioned in
the Four Gospels; and that .Xnaniiis, the son of Nebe-
deus, was that high-priest Ijefore whom St. Paul pleaded
his own cause. Acts xxiv.
ij Of tliese .lewish impostors and false prophets, with
many other circumstances and miseries of the Jews, UU
their utier destruction, foretold by our Saviour, sc«
Litt. Accouivl. of Proph. p. 58 — ^5
J-
544
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
of Egypt • about this time to Jerusalem, one
that said he was a prophet, and advised the
multitude of the common people to go along
with him to the Mount of Olives, as it was
called, which lay over agamst the city, and at
the distance of five furlongs. He said far-
ther, that he would show tliem from hence,
how, at his command, the walls of Jerusalem
would fall down ; and he promised them that
he would procure them an entrance into the
city through those walls, when they were
fallen down. Now when Felix was informed
of these things, he ordered his soldiers to take
their weapons, and came against them with a
great number of horsemen and footmen, from
Jerusalem, and attacked the Egyptian and
the people that were with him. He also slew
four hundred of them, and took two hundred
alive. But the Egyptian himself escaped out
of the fight, but did not appear any more.
And again the robbers stirred up the people
to make war with the Romans, and said they
ought not to obey them at all ; and when
any persons would not comply with them,
they set fire to their villages, and plundered
them.
7. And now it was that a great sedition
arose between the Jews that inhabited Cesarea,
and the Syrians who dwelt tiiere also, con-
cerning their equal right to the privileges be-
longing to citizens ; for the Jews claimed the
pre-eminence, because Herod their king was
the builder of Cesarea, and because he was
by birth a Jew. Now the Syrians did not
deny what was alleged about Herod ; but
they said that Cesarea was formerly called
Strato's Tower, and that then there was not
one Jewish inhabitant. When the presidents
of that country heard of these disorders, they
caught the authors of them on both sides, and
tormented them with stripes, and by that means
put a stop to the disturbance for a time. But
the Jewish citizens depending on their wealth,
and on that account despising the Syrians, re-
proached them again, and hoped to provoke
them by such reproaches. However, the Syri-
ans, though they were inferior in wealth, yet
valuing themselves highly on this account, that
the greatest part of the Roman soldiers that
were there, were either of Cesarea or Sebaste,
they also for some time used reproachful lan-
guage to the Jews also ; and thus it was, till
at length they came to throwing stones at
one another ; and several were wounded, and
fell on both sides, though still the Jews were
the conquerors. But when Felix saw that this
quarrel was become a kind of war, he came
upon them on the sudden, and desired the
Jews to desist ; and when they refused so to
do, he armed his soldiers, and sent them out
upon tJiem, and slew many of them, and took
more of them alive, and permitted his soldiers
to plunder some of the houses of the citizens,
* Of this Egyptian impostor, and the number of his
CoUowers, ai Josephus, see Acts xxi 38.
BOOK XX.
which were full of riches. Now those Jews
that were more moderate, and of principal
dignity among them, were afraid of them-
selves, and desired of Fvlix that he would
sound a retreat to his soldiers, and spare them
for the future, and afford them room for re-
pentance for what they had done ; and Felix
was prevailed upon to do so.
8. About this time king Agrippa gave the
high -priesthood to Ismael, who was the son
of Fabi. And now arose a sedition between
the high-priests and the principal men of the
multitude of Jerusalem ; each of whom got
them a company of the boldest sort of men,
and of those that loved innovations, about
them, and became leaders to them ; and when
they struggled together, they did it by casting
reproachful words against one another, and
by throwing stones also. And there was no-
body to reprove them ; but these disorders
were done after a licentious manner in the
city, as if it had no government over it. And
such was the impudence \ and boldness that
had seized on the high-priests, that tiiey had
the hardness to send their servants into the
thrashing-floors, to take away those tithes that
were due to the priests, insomuch that it so fell
out that the poorer sort of the priests died for
want. To this degree did the violence of the
seditious prevail over all right and justice.
9. Now, when Porcius Festus was sent as
successor to Felix by Nero, the principal of
the Jewish inhabitants of Cesarea went up to
Rome to accuse Felix ; and he had certainly
been brought to punishment, unless Nero had
yielded to the importunate solicitations of his
brother Pallas, who was at that time had in
the greatest honour by him. Two of the
principal Syrians in Cesarea persuaded Burr-
hus, who was Nero's tutor, and secretary for
his Greek epistles, by giving him a great sum
of money, to disannul that equality of the
Jewish privileges of citizens which they hither-
to enjoyed. So Burrhus, by his solicitations,
obtained leave of the emperor, that an epistle
should be written to that purpose. This epis-
tle became the occasion of the following mi-
series that befell our nation ; for, when the
Jews of Cesarea were informed of the contents
of this epistle to tlie Syrians, they were more
disorderly than before, till a war was kindled.
10. Upon Festus's coming into Judea, it
happened that Judea was afflicted by the rob-
bers, while all the villages were set on fire,
and plundered by them. And then it was
(hat the sicarii, as tliey were called, who were
robbers, grew numerous. They made use of
small swords, not much diHerent in length
from the Persian acmaca; but somewhat
crooked, and Hke the Roman sicte [or sickles],
f The wirfcedncss here was very peculiar and extra-
ordinary, that the high-priests should so oppress their
bretliren the priests, as to starve the poorest of them to
death. See the like presently, ch. ix, sect. 2. Such
fatal crimes are covetousness and tyranny in the clc-fy,
as well as in the laity, in all ages.
^
J-
CHAP. IX.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
543
as they were called ; and from these weapons
these robbers got their denomination ; and
with these weapons they slew a great many ;
for they mingled themselves among the multi-
tude at their festivals, when they were come up
in crowds from all parts to the city to worship
God, as we said before, and easily slew those
that they had a mind to slay. They also came
frequently upon the villages belonging to their
enemies, with their weapons, and plundered
them, and set tliem on fire. So Fesius sent
forces, both horsemen and footmen, to fall
upon those that had been seduced by a certain
impostor, who promised them deliverance and
freedom from the miseries they were under,
if they would but follow him as far as the
wilderness. Accordingly those forces that
were sent destroyed both him that had deluded
them, and those that were his followers also.
11. About the same time king Agrippa
built himself a very large dining-room in the
royal palace at Jerusalem, near to the portico.
Now this palace had been erected of old by
the children of Asamoneus, and was situate
upon an elevation, and afforded a most de-
lightful prospect to those that had a mind to
take a view of the city, which prospect was
desired by the king ; and there he could lie
down, and eat, and thence observed what was
done in the temple : which thing, when the
chief men of Jerusalem saw, they were very
much displeased at it ; for it was not agree-
able to the institutions of our country or law
that what was done in the temple should be
viewed by others, especially what belonged to
the sacrifices. They therefore erected a wall
upon the uppermost building which belonged
to the inner court of the temple towards the
west ; which wall, when it was built, did not
only intercept the prospect of the dining-room
in the palace, but also of the western cloisters
that belonged to the outer court of the tem-
ple also, where it was that the Romans kept
guards for the temple at the festivals. At
these doings both king Agrippa, and princi-
pally Festus the procurator, were much dis-
pleased ; and Festus ordered them to pull the
wall down again : but the Jews petitioned
him to give them leave to send an embassage
about this mater to Nero ; for they said they
could not endure to live if any part of the
temple should be demolished ; and when Fes-
tus liad given them leave so to do, they sent
itn of their principal men to Nero, as also
Isniael the high-priest, and Helcias, the keeper
of the sacred treasure. And when Nero had
heard what they had to say, he not only for-
gave* them what they had already done, but
* We have here one eminen* example of Nero's
mildness and eoodness in his government towards tlie
Jews, durnig the first five years of his reign, so famous
in antiquity ; we have perhaps another in Joscphus's
own Life, sect. 3 ; and a tliird, though of a very difler-
ent nature, here in sect. 9, just before. However, both
the generous acts of kindness were obtained of Nero by
bis queen Poppea, who was a religious lady, and per-
also gave them leave to let the wall they had
built stand. This was granted them in order
to gratify Poppea, Nero's wife, who was a
religious woman, and had requested these fa-
vours of Nero, and who gave order to the ten
ambassadors to go their way home ; but re-
tained Helcias and Ismael as hostages with
herself. As soon as tiie king heard this news,
he gave the high. priesthood to Joseph, who
was called Cabi, the son of Simon, formerly
high-priest.
CHAPTER IX.
CONCERNING ALBINUS, UNDER WHOSE PROCU-
RATORSHIF JAMES WAS SLAIN ; AS ALSO WHAT
EDIFICES WERE BUILT BY AGRIPPA.
§ 1. And now Ctesar, upon hearing the death
of Festus, sent Albinus into Judea, as procu-
rator ; but the king deprived Joseph of the
higli-priesthood, and bestowed the succession
to that dignity on the son of Ananus, who
was also himself called Ananus. Now the
report goes, that this elder Ananus proved a
most fortunate man ; for he had five sons, who
had all performed the office of a high-priest
to God, and he had himself enjoyed that dig-
nity a long time formerly, which had never
happened to any other of our high-priests ;
but this younger Ananus, who, as we have
told jftu already, took the high-priesthood,
was a bold man i-n his temper, and very inso-
lent ; he was also of the sect of the Saddu-
cees,f who are very rigid in judging offen-
ders, above all the rest of the Jews, as we
have already observed ; when, therefore. A-
nanus was of this disposition, he thought he
had now a proper opportunity [to exercise
his authority]. Festus was now dead, and
Albinus was but upon the road; so heasseni.
bled the sanhedrim of judges, and brough
before them the brother of Jesus, who was
called Christ, whose name was James, and
some others, [or, some of his compam'ons] ;
and when he had formed an accusation against
them as breakers of the law, he delivered
them to be stoned : but as for those who
seemed the most equitable of the citizens, and
such as were the most uneasy at the breach of
the laws, they disliked what was done ; they
also sent to the king [Agrippa], desiring him
to send to Ananus that he should act so no
more, for that what he had already done was
not to be justified : nay, some of them went
haps privately a Jewish proselyte, and so were not ow-
ing entirely to Nero's own goodness.
t It hence evidently appears tliat Sadducees might be
high-priests in the days of Josephus, and that these Sad-
ducees were usually very severe and inexorable judges,
while the Pharisees were much milder, and more mer-
ciful, as appears by Reland's instances in his note on
this place, and on Josephus's Life, sect. 54, and those
taken from the New Testament, from Josephus him-
self, and from the rabbins ; nor do we meet -ivith any
Sadducees later than this high-priest in all Josephui-
2 Z
5i{j
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
also to meet Albinus, as he was upon his
journey from Alexandria, and informed him
that it was not lawful for Ananusto assemble
a sanhedrim without his consent:* — where-
upon Albinus complied with what they said,
and wrote in anger to Ananus, and threaten-
ed that he would bring him to punishment
for what he had done ; on which king Agrip-
pa took the high-priesthood from him, when
lie had ruled but three months, and made Je-
sus, the son of Damneus, high-priest.
2. Now, as soon as Albinus was come to
the city of Jerusalem, he used all his endea-
vours and care that the country might be
kept in peace, and this by destroying many
of the sicarii; but as for the high-priest Ana-
nias,f he increased in glory every day, and
this to a great degree, and had obtained the
favour and esteeni of the citizens in a signal
manner ; for he was a great border up of mo-
ney : he therefore cultivated the friendship
of Albinus, and of the high-priest [Jesus], by
making them presents ; he also had servants
who were very wicked, who joined themselves
to the boldest sort of the people, and went to
the thrashing-floors, and took away the tithes
that belonged to the priests by violence, and
did not refrain from beating such as would
not give theSe thhes to them. So the other
high-priests acted in the like manner, as did
tliose his servants, without anyone being able
to prohibit them ; so that [some of the] priests,
that of old were wont to be supported with
tliose tithes, died for want of food.
3. But now the sicarii went into the city by
night, just before the festival, which was now
at hand, and took the scribe belonging to the
governor of the temple, whose name was Elea-
zar, who was the son of Ananus (Ananias)
the high-priest, and bound him, and carried
him away with them ; after which they sent
to Ananias, and said that they would send the
scribe to him, if he would persuade Albinus
to release ten of those prisoners which he had
taught of their party j so Ananias was plain-
* Of this condemnation of James the Just, and its
causes, as also tliat he did not die till long afterwanls,
see Prim. Christ. Revived, vol. iii, eh. 43 — \G. The
sanhedrim condemned our .Saviour, but could not put
him to death without the approbation of the Roman
procurator: nor could therefore Ananias and his sanhe-
drim do more here, since they never had Albinus's ajv
probation for the putting this James to death.
f This Ananias was not the son of Ncbetieus, as I
take it, but he who was called Annas or Annanus the
Elder, the 9th in the cat.i!ogu£, and who had been es-
teemed high-priest for a long time; and besides, Csia-
phas his son-in-law had five of his own sons high-priests
after him, who were those of numbers 1 1, 14, 15, 17,
2 1, in the foregoing catalogue. Nor ought we to pass
siighlly.over what Jospphus here says of this Annas or
Ananiasi that he was high-priest a long time before his
children were so; he was the son of Seth, and is set
clown first for high-priest in the foregoing catalogue,
under immber 9. He was made by Quirinus, and con-
tinued till Ismael, the 10th in number, for about twen-
t)--three years ; which long duration of his high-priest-
hood, joined to the successions of his son-in-law, and
five children of his own, made him a sort of perpetual
nigh-priest, and was perhaps the occasion that former
high-priests kept their titles ever aferwaids; for I be-
lieve it is hardly met with before him.
ly forced to persuade Albinus, and gained his
request of him. Tliis was the beginning of
greater calamities; for the robbers perpetual-
ly contrived to catch some of Ananias's ser-
vants ; and when they had taken them alive,
they would not let them go till they thereby
recovered some of their own sicarii : and as
they were again become no small number,
they grew bold, and were a great affliction to
the whole country.
4. About this time it was that Agrippa
built Cesarea Philippi larger than it was be-
fore, and, in honour of Nero, named it Nero-
nias; and when he had built a theatre at Be-
rytus, with vast expenses, he bestowed on
them shows, to be exhibited every year, and
spent therein many ten thousand [drachmae] ;
he also gave the people a largess of corn, and
distributed oil among them, and adorned the
entire city with statues of his own donation,
and with original images made by ancient
hands ; nay, he almost transferred all that
was most ornamental in his own kingdom
thither. This made him more than ordinari-
ly hated by his subjects ; because he took
those things away that belonged to them, to
adorn a foreign city ; and now Jesus, the son
of Gamaliel, became the successor of Jesus,
the son of Damneus, in the high-priesthood,
which the king had taken from the other;
on which account a sedition arose between
the high-priesto, with regard to one another ;
for they got together bodies of the boldest sort
of the people, and frequently came, from re-
proaches, to throwing of stones at each other;
but Ananias was too hard for the rest, by his
riches, — which enabled him to gain those that
were most ready to receive. Costobarus also,
and Saulus, did themselves get together a
multitude of wicked wretches, and this be-
cause they were of the royal family ; and so
they obtained favour among them, because of
their kindred to Agrippa : but still they used
violence with the people, and were very ready
to plunder those that were weaker than them-
selves. And from that time it principally came
to pass, that our city was greatly disordered,
and that all things grew worse and worse among
us.
5. But when Albinus heard that Gessius
Florus was coming to succeed liim, he was
desirous to appear to do somewhat that might
be grateful to the people of Jerusalem ; so he
brought out all those prisoners who seemed
to him to be the most plainly worthy of death,
and ordered them to be put to death accord-
ingly. But as to those who had been put
into prison on some trifling occasion, he took
money of them, and dismissed them ; by which
means the prisons were indeed emptied, but the
country was filled with robbers.
6. Now, as many of the Levites,* which is
a tribe of ours, as were singers of hymns,
* This insolent petition of some of the Levites, to
wear the sacerdotal garments when ihey sung hymns tu
CHAP. X.
persuaded the king to assemble a sanhedrim,
and to give them leave to wear linen garments,
as well as the priests ; for they said that this
would be a work worthy the times of his go-
vernment, that he might have a memorial of
such a novelty, as being his doing. Nor did
they fail of obtaining their desire ; for the
king, with the suffrages of those that came
into the sanhedrim, granted the singers of
hymns this privilege, that they might lay
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
547
aside their former garments, and wear such a -many of them there had been at the end of
linen one as they desired ; and as a part of
this tribe ministered in the temple, he also
permitted them to learn those hymns as thev
had besought him for. Now all this was
contrary to tlie laws of our country, which
whenever t';ey have been transgressed, we
have never been able to avoid the punishment
of such transgressions.
7. And now it was that the temple was
finished.* So, when the people saw that the
workmen were unemployed, who were above
eighteen thousand, and that they, receiving
no wages, were in want, because they had
earned their bread by their labours about the
temple; and while they were unwilling to
keep them by their treasuries that were there
deposited, out of fear of [their being carried
away by] the Romans ; and while they had
a regard to the making provision for the
workmen, they had a mind to expend those
treasures upon them ; for if any one of them
did but labour for a single hour, he received
his pay immediately ; so they persuaded him
to rebuild the eastern cloisters. These clois-
ters belonged to the outer court, and were
situated in a deep valley, and had walls that
reached four hundred cubits [in length], and
were built of square and very white stones,
the length of each of which stones was twenty
cubits, and their height six cubits. I'his was
the work of king Solomon, f who first of all
built the entire temple. But king Agrippa,
who had the care of the temple committed to
him by Claudius Caesar, considering that it
is easy to demolish any building, but hard to
build it up again, and that it was particularly
hard to do it to those cloisters, which would
require a considerable time, and great sums
of money, he denied the petitioners their re-
quest about that matter ; but he did not ob-
struct them when they desired the city might
be paved with white stone. He also deprived
Jesus, the son of Gamaliel, of the high-priest-
hood, and gave it to Matthias, the son of
Theophilus, under %vliom the Jews' war with
the Romans took its beginning.
God in the temple, was rerv probably owinp; to the
ereat depression and contempt the haughty high-priests
had now Drought their bietliren the priests into ; of
which sue ch. viii, sect. 8; and ch. ix, sect. 'J.
* Of this finishing, not of the N«o,- or /lo!^ house,
but of the ijjov, or courts about it, called in general the
temple, see tlsc note on b, xvii, ch. x, sect 2.
t Of these cloisters of Solomon, see the description
of the temple, ch. xii.— They seem, by Jo^phus's words,
to have been built from the bottom of the valley
CHAPTER X.
AN ENUMERATION OF THE HIGH-PRIESTS.
§ 1. And now I think it proper, and agree-
able to this historj', to give an account of our
high-priests ; how they began, who those are
which are capable of that dignity, and how
the war. In the first place, therefore, history
informs us that Aaron, the brother of Moses,
officiated to God as a high-priest ; and that,
after his death, his sons succeeded him imme-
diately ; and that this dignity hath been con-
tinued down from them all to their posterity.
Whence it is a custom of our country, that
no one should take the high-priesthood of
God, but he who is of the blood of Aaron,
while every one that is of another stock,
though he were a king, can never obtain that
high-priesthood. Accordingly, the number of
all the high-priests from Aaron, of whom we
have spoken already as of the first of them,
until Phanas, who was made high-priest dur-
ing the war by the seditious, was eighty-three;
of whom thirteen ofi[iciated as high-priests in
the wilderness, from the days of Moses, while
the tabernacle was standing, until the people
came into Judca, when king Solomon erect-
ed the temple to God ; for at first they held
the high-priesthood till the end of their life,
although afterward they had successors while
they were alive. Now these thirteen, who
were the descendants of two of the sons of
Aaron, received this dignity by succession,
one after another ; for their form of govern-
ment was an aristocracy, and after that a mo-
narchy, and in the third place the government
was regal. Now, the number of years dur-
ing the rule of these thirteen, from the day
when our fathers departed out of Egypt, un-
der Moses their leader, until the building of
that temple which king Solomon erected at
Jerusalem, were six hundred and twelve.
After those thirteen high-priests, eighteen
took the high-priesthood at Jerusalem, «ne in
succession to another, fiom the days of king
Solomon until Nebuchadnezzar, king of Ba-
bylon, made an expedition against that city,
and burnt the temple, and removed our nation
into Babylon, and then took Josadek, the
high-priest, captive ; the times of these high-
priests were four hundred and sixty-six years,
six months, and ten days, while the Jews were
still under the regal government. But after
the term of seventy years' captivity under tlie
Babylonians, Cyrus, king of Persia, sent the
Jews from Babylon to their own land again,
and gave them leave to rebuild their temple;
at which time Jesus, the son of Josadek, took
the higli-priestliood over the captives when
they were returned home. Now he snd his
posterity, who were in all fifteen, unto kin<r
■\_
548
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
BOOK XX
Antiochus Eupator, were under a democratical
government for four hundred and fourteen
years ; and then the forementioned Antiochus
and Lysias the general of his army, deprived
Onias, who was also called Menelaus, of the
high-priesthood, and slew him at Berea ; and,
driving away the son [of Onias the third], put
Jacimus into the high-priest's place, one that
was indeed of the stock of Aaron, but not of the
family of Onias. On which account Onias,
who was the nephew of Onias that was dead,
and bore the same name with his father, came
into Egypt, and got into the friendship of
Ptolemy I'hilometor, and Cleopatra his wife,
and persuaded them io make him the high-
priest of that temple which he built to God
in the prefecture of Heliopolis, and this in
imitation of that at Jerusalem ; but as for
that temple which was built in Egypt, we
have spoken of it frequency already. Now,
when Jacimus had retained the priesthood
three years, he died, and there was no one
that succeeded him, but the city continued
seven years without a higb-priest. But then
the posterity of the sons of Asamoneus, who
had the government of the nation conferred
upon them, when they had beaten the Mace-
donians in war, appointed Jonathan to be
their high-priest, who ruled over them seven
years. And when he had been slain by the
treacherous contrivance of Trypho, as we
have related somewhere, Simon his brother
took the high-priesthood ; and when he was
destroyed at a feast by the treachery of his
son-in-law, his own son, whose name was Hyr-
canus, succeeded him, after he had held the
high-priesthood one year longer than his bro-
ther. This Hyrcanus enjoyed that dignity
thirty years, and died an old man, leaving the
succession to Judas, who was also called Aris-
tobulus, whose brother Alexander was his
heir ; which Judas died of a sore distemper,
after he had kept the priesthood, together
with the royal authority ; for this Judas was
the first that put on his head a diadem, for
one year. And when Alexander had been
both king and high-priest twenty-seven years,
he departed this life, and permitted his wife
Alexandra to appoint him that should be
high-priest ; so she gave the high-priesthood
to Hyrcanus, but retained t!ie kingdom her-
self nine years, and then departed this life.
The like duration [and no longer] did her
8on Hyrcanus enjoy the higii-priestliood ; for
after her death his brother Aristobulus fought
ao-ainst him, and beat him, and deprived him
of his principality; and he did himself both
reign and perform the office of high-priest to
God. But when he had reigned three years,
and as many months, Pompey came upon
him, and not only took the city of Jerusalem
by force, but put him and his children in
bonds, and sent them to Rome. He also re-
stored the high-priesthood to Hyrcanus, and
made him governor of the nation, but for-
bade him to wear a diadem. This Hyrcanu*
ruled, besides his first nine years, twenty-four
years more, when Barzapharnes and Pacorus,
the generals of the Parthians, passed over Eu-
phrates, and fought with Hyrcanus, and took
him alive, and made Antigonus, the son of
Aristobulus, king; and when he had reigned
three years and three months, Sosiusand He-
rod besieged him, and took him, when An-
tony had him brought to Antioch, and slain
there. Herod was then made king by the
Romans, but did no longer appoint high
priests out of the family of Asamoneus; but
made certain men to be so that were of no
eminent families, but barely of those that
were priests, excepting that he gave that dig-
nity to Aristobulus ; for when lie had made this
Aristobulus, the grandson of that Hyrcanus
who was then taken by tl>e Parthians, and had
taken his sister Mariamne to wife, he thereby
aimed to win the good-will of the people, who
had a kind remembrance of Hyrcanus [his
grandfather]. Yet did he afterward, out of
his fear lest they should all bend their inclin-
ations to Aristobulus, put him to death, and
that by contriving how to have him suffocated,
as he was swimming at Jericho, as we have
already related that matter; but after tliis
man, he never intrusted the higii-priesthood.
to the posterity of the sons of Asamoneus.
Archelaus also, Herod's son, did like his fa-
ther in the appointment of the high-priests,
as did the Romans also, who took the govern-
ment over the Jews into their hands after-
ward. Accordingly the number of the high-
priests, from the days of Herod until the day
when Titus took the temple and the city, and
burnt them, were in all twenty-eight ; the
time also that belonged to them was a hun-
dred and seven years. Some of these were
the political goverrwrs of the people under
the reign of Herod, and under the reign of
Archelaus his son, although, after their death,
the government became an aristocracy, and
the high-priests were intrusted with a domi-
nion over the nation. And thus much may
suffice to be said concerning our high-priests.
CHAPTER XI.
CONCERNING FI.OUUS THE PROCURATOR, WHO
NECESSITATED THE JEWS TO TAKE UP ARMS
AGAINST THE ROMANS. THE CONCLUSION.
§ 1. Now Gessius Florus, who was sent as
successor to AU)inus by Nero, filled Judea
with abundance of miseries. He was by birth
of the city of Clazomena;, and brought along
with him his wife Cleopatra (by whose friend-
ship with Poppea, Nero's wife, he obtained
this government), who was no way different
from him in wickedness. This Florus waa
so wicked, and so violent in the use of his au-
"V.
CHAP. XI.
ANTIQUITIES OF THE JEWS.
549
thority, that the Jews took Albinus to have
been [comparatively] their benefactor ; so ex-
cessive were the mischiefs that he brought up-
on them. For Albinus concealed his wick-
edness, and was careful that it might not be
discovered to all men ; but Gessius Florus,
as though he had been sent on purpose to
show his crimes to every body, made a pom-
pous ostentation of them to our nation, as ne-
ver omitting any sort of violence, nor any
unjust sort of punishment ; for he was not to
be moved by pity, and never was satisfied
with any degree of gain that came in his way;
nor had he any more regard to great than to
small acquisitions, but became a partner with
the robbers themselves ; for a great many fell
then into that practice without fear, as having
him for their security, and depending on
him, that he would save them harmless in
their particular robberies ; so that there were
no bounds set to the nation's miseries ; but
the unhappy Jews, when they were not able
to bear the devastations which the robbers
made among them, were all under a necessi-
ty of leaving their own habitations, and of fly-
ing away, as hoping to dwell more easily any-
where else in the world among foreigners
[than in their own country]. And what need
I say any more upon this head ? since it was
this Florus who necessitated us to take up
arms against the Romans, while we thought
it better to be destroyed at once, than by little
and little. Now this war began in the se-
cond year of the government of Florus, and
the twelfth year of the reign of Nero. But
then what actions we were forced to do, or
what miseries we were enabled to suffer, may
be accurately known by such as will peruse
those books which I have written about the
Jewisii war.
2. I shall now, therefore, make an end here
of my Antiquities; after the conclusion of
■which events, I began to write that account
of the war ; and these Antiquities contain
what hath been delivered down to us from
the original creation of man, until the twelfth
year of the reign of Nero, as to what hath
befallen the Jews, as well in Egypt as in Sy-
ria, and in Palestine, and what we have suf-
fered from the Assyrians and Babylonians,
and what afflictions the Persians and Mace-
donians, and after them the Romans, have
brought upon us ; for I think I may say that
I have composed this history with sufficient
accuracy in all things. I have attempted to
enumerate those high-priests that we have had
during th« interval of two thousand years;
I have also carried down the succession of
our kings, and related their actions, and po-
litical administration, without [considerable]
errors, as also the power of our monarchs ;
and all according to what is written in our
sacred books ; for tiiis it was that I promised
to do in the beginning of this histo^-. And
I am so bold as to say, now I have so com-
pletely perfected the work I proposed to my-
self to do, that no other person, whether he
were a Jew or a foreigner, had he ever so
great an inclination to it, could so accurately
deliver these accounts to the Greeks as is
done in these books. For those of my own
nation freely acknowledge that I far exceed
them in the learning belonging to the Jews ;
I have also taken a great deal of pains to ob-
tain the learning of the Greeks, and under-
stand the elements of the Greek language,
although I have so long accustomed myself
to speak our own tongue, that I cannot pro-
nounce Greek with sufficient exactness : for
our nation does not encourage those that
learn the languages of many nations, and so
adorn their discourses with the smoothness of
their periods ; because they look upon this
sort of accomplishment as common, not only
to all sorts of freemen, but to as many of the
servants as please to learn them. But they
give liim tiie testimony of being a wise man
who is fully acquainted with our laws, and is
able to interpret their meaning ; on which
account, as there have been many who have
done their endeavours with great patience to
obtain this learning, there l>ave yet hardly
been so many as two or three that have suc-
ceeded therein, who were immediately well
rewarded for ttieir pains.
3. And now it will not be perhaps an in-
vidious thing, if I treat briefly of my own
family, and of the actions of my own life,*
while there are still living such as can eithei
prove what I say to be false, or can attest
that it is true; with which accounts I shall
put an end to these Antiquities, wliich are
contained in twenty books, and sixty thousand
verses. And if Godf permit me, I will
* The Life here referred to, will be found at the be-
ginning of the volume.
t What Josephus here declares his intention to do,
if God permitted, to give the public again an abridg-
ment of the Jeu'ish ffar, and to add what bejel them
farther to that very day, the 15th of Domitian, or a. d.
95, is not, that I have observed, taken distinct notice of
by any one ; nor do we ever hear of it elsewhere, who-
tlier he performed what he now intended or not. Some
of the reasons of this design of his might possibly be,
his observation of the many errors he had been guiltv of
in the two first books of those seven books of the VVar,
which were written when he was comparatively young,
and less acquainted with the Jewish antiquities than he
now was, and in which abridgment we might have
hoped to find those many passages which himself, as
well as those several passages which others refer to, as
written by him, but which are not extant in his present
works. However, since maiiv of his own references to
what he had written ekewhere, as well as most of his
own errors, belong to such early times as could not well
come into this abridgment of the Jewish VVar; and since
none of those that quote things not now extant in his
work, including himself as well as others, ever cite any
such abridgment, 1 am forced rather to suppose that
he never did publish any such work at all ; I mean, as
dUtinct from his own Life, written bv himself, for an
appendix to these Antiquities, and this at least se\en
years after these Antiquities were finished. Nor indeed
does it appear to me that Josephus ever published that
other work here mentioned, as intended by him for the
public also. I mean the three or four books concerning
God and his Essence, and concerning the Jeuish Lawa i
why, according to them, some things were permitted the
Jews, and others prohibited ; which last seems to be the
same work which Josephus had also promised, if Qnd
jicrmiitedt at the conclusion of his Preface to thesr An
.r
550
ANTIQUITIES OP THE JEWS.
briefly run «ver this war again, with what be-
fi'l us therein to this very day, which is the
thirteenth year of the reign of Cassar Donii-
tian, and tJie fifty-sixth of my own life. I
have also an intention to write three books
tiquitjes ; nor do I suppose that he ever published any
of them. The death of all his friends at court, Vespa-
sian, Titus, and Domitian, and the coming of those he
BOOK XX.
concerning our Jewish opinions about God
and his essence, and about our laws ; why,
according to them, some things are permitted
us to do, and others are prohibited.
had no acquaintance with to the crovm, I mean Nerva
and Trajan, together with his removal from Home to
Judea, with what followed it, might easily interrupt
such his intentions, and prevent his publication of those
work£.
"V
J-
-V-
THE
WARS OF THE JEWS;
OR
THE HISTORY
OF THE
DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM,
PREFACE.
5 1. * Whereas the war which the Jews
made with the Romans hath been the great-
3st of all those, not only that haTe been in
our times, but, in a manner, of those that
ever were heard of; both of those wherein
cities have fought against cities, or nations
against nations ; while some men who were
not concerned in the affairs themselves, have
gotten together vain and contradictory stories
by hearsay, and have written them down af-
ter a sophistical manner ; and while those
that were there present have given false ac-
counts of things, and this either out of a hu-
mour of flattery to the Romans, or of hatred
towards the Jews ; and while their writings
contain sometimes accusations, and sometimes
encomiums, but nowhere the accurate truth
of the facts, I have proposed to myself, for
the sake of such as live under the government
of the Romans, to translate those books into
the Greek tongue, which I formerly composed
• I have already observed more than once, that this
history of the Jewish War was Josephus's first work, and
published about a. d. 75, when he was but 38 years of
age ; and that when he wrote it, he was not thoroughly
acquainteil with several circuinstauces of history from
the days of Antiochus Epiphanes, with which it begins,
till near his own times, contained in the first and for-
mer part of the second Iwok, and so committed many
involuntary errors therein. That he published his An-
tiquities eighteen years afterward, in the 15th year of
Domitian, a. d. 95, when he was much more complete-
ly acquainted with those ancient times, and after he
had perused those most authentic histories, the first
book of Maccabees, and the Chronicles of the Priest-
hood of John Hyrcanus, &c. — That accordingly he
then reviewed those parts of this work, and gave the
public a more faithful, complete, and accurate account
of the facts therein related ; and honestly corrected the
errors he had before run into.
in the language of our country, and sent to
the Upper Barbarians ;f I Joseph, the son of
Matthias, by birth an Hebrew, a priest also,
and one who at first fought against the Ro-
mans myself, and was forced to be present at
what was done afterwards, [am the author of
this work.]
2. Now at the time when this great concus-
sion of affairs happened, tlie alfairs of the Ro-
mans themselves were in great disorder.
Those Jews also, who were lor innovations,
then arose when the times were disturbed;
they were also in a flourishing condition for
strength and riches, insomuch that the affairs
of the east were then exceeding tumultuous,
while some hoped for gain, and others were
afraid of loss in such troubles ; for the Jews
hoped that all of their nation which were be-
yond Euphrates would have raised an insur
rection together with them. The Gauls al-
so, in the neighbourhood of the Romans, were
in motion, and the Celtae were not quiet ; but
all was in disorder after the death of Nero.
And the opportunity now offered induced
many to aim at the royal power : and the
soldiery affected change, out of the hopes of
getting money. I thought it therefore an
+ Who these Upper Barbarians, remote from the sea,
were, Josephus himself will inform us, sect. 2. mz. the
Parthians and Babylonians, and remotest Arabians [or
the Jews among them]; besides the Jews beyond Eu-
phrates, and the Adiabeni, or Assyrians. Whence wa
also learn, that these Parthians, Babylonians, the re-
motest Arabians [or at least the Jews among them], as
also the Jews beyond Euphrates, and Adiabeni, or As-
syrians, understood Josephus's Hebrew, or rather Chal
daic, books of the Jewish War, before they were put in-
to the Greek language.
"^_
"S
552
PREFACE.
absurd thing to see the truth falsified in af-
fairs of such great consequence, and to lake
no notice of it ; but to suffer those Greeks
and Romans that were not i-n the wars to be
ignorant of these things, and to read either
flatteries or fictions, while the Parthians, and
the Babylonians, and tlie remotest Arabians,
and those of our nation beyond Euphrates,
with the Adiabeni, by my means, knew accu-
rately both whence the war begun, what mi-
series it brought upon us, and after what man-
ner it ended,
3. It is true, these writers have the confi-
dence to call their accounts histories; where-
in yet they seem to me to fail of their own
purpose, as well as to relate nothing that is
sound ; for they have a mind to demonstrate
the greatness of the Romans, while they still
diminish and lessen the actions of the Jews,
as not discerning how it cannot be that those
must appear to be great who have only con.
are not so considerable as they were ; whiU
the authors of them were not foreigners nei-
ther. This makes it impossible for me to con-
tain my lamentations. But, if any one be
inflexible in his censures of me, let him attri-
bute the facts themselves to the historical
part, and the lamentations to the writer him-
self only.
5. However, I may justly blame the learned
men among the Greeks, who, when such great
actions have been done in their own times,
which, upon the comparison, quite eclipse
the old wars, do yet sit as judges of those af-
fairs, and pass bitter censures upon the labours
of the best writers of antiquity ) which mo-
derns, although they may be superior to the
old writers in eloquence, yet are they inferior
to them in the execution of wlrat they intend-
ed to do. While these also write new histo-
ries about the Assyrians and Medes, as if the
ancient writers had not described their affairs
quered those that were little ; nor are they as they ought to have done ; although these
ashamed to overlook the length of the war,
the multitude of the Roman forces who so
greatly suffered in it, or the might of the
commanders, — whose great labours about Je-
rusalem will be deemed inglorious, if what
they achieved be reckoned but a small matter.
4. However, I will not go to the other ex-
treme, out of opposition to those men who
extol the Romans, nor will I determine to
raise the actions of my countrymen too high ;
but I will prosecute the actions of both par-
ties with accuracy. Yet shall I suit my lan-
guage to the passions I am under, as to the
affairs I describe, and must be allowed to in-
dulge some lamentations upon the miseries
undergone by my own country ; for that it
was a seditious temper of our own that de-
stroyed it ; and that they were the tyrants
among the Jews who brought the Roman
power upon us, who unwillingly attacked us,
and occasioned the burning of our holy tem-
ple ; Titus Caesar, who destroyed it, is himself
a witness, who, during the entire war, pitied
the people who were kept under by the sedi-
tious, and did often voluntarily delay the tak-
ing of the city, and allowed time to the siege,
in order to let the authors have opportunity
for repentance. But if any one makes an
unjust accusation against us, when we speak
so passionately about the tyrants, or the rob-
bers, or sorely bewail the misfortunes of our
country, let him indulge my affections herein,
though it be contrary to the rules for writing
history ; because it had so come to pass, that
our city Jerusalem had arrived at a higher
degree of felicity than any other city under
the Roman government, and yet at last fell
into the sorest of calamities again. Accord-
ingly it appears to me, that the misfortunes
of all men, from the beginning of tiie world,
if they be compared to these of the Jews, •
• That these calamities of the Jews, who were our
Saviour's luurdeiers, were to be the greatest tliat had
be as far inferior to them in abilities as they
are different in their notions from them ; for
of old, every one took upon them to write
what happened in his own time ; where their
immediate concern in the actions made their
promises of value; and where it must be re-
proachful to write lies, when they must be
known by the readers to be such. But then,
an undertaking to preserve the memory ot
what hath not been before recorded, and to
represent the affairs of one's own time to those
that come afterwards, is really worthy of praise
and commendation. Now, he is to be es-
teemed to have taken good pains in earnest,
not who does no more than change the dis-
position and order of other men's works, but
he who not only relates what had not been
rehtted before, but composes an entire body
of history of his own : accordingly, I have
been at great charges, and have taken very
great pains [about this history], though I be
a foreigner; and do dedicate this work, as a
memorial of great actions, botli to the Greeks
and to the Barbarians. But, for some of out
own principal men, their mouths are wide
open, and their tongues loosed presently, for
gain and law-suits, but quite muzzled up
when they are to write history, wliere they
must speak truth and gather facts together
with a great deal of pains ; and so they leave
the writing such histories to weaker people,
and to such as are not acquainted ivith the
actions of princes. Yet shall the real truth
of historical facts be preferred by us, how
much soever it be neglected among the Greek
liistorians.
6. To write concerning the Antiquities of
the Jews, who they were [originally], and
how they revolted from the Egyptians, and
ever tieen since the beginning of the world, our Saviour
had directly foretold. Matt, xxiv, 21; Mark xiii. J9
Luke xxi, y.), 21 ; and Uiat they proved to be such ao
cordingly, Josephus is here a most authentic witness.
"V
.r
'V
PREFACE.
5b6
what country they travelled over, and what Jews" affairs were become very bad, Mero
countries t!)ey seized upon afterward, and how dii'd ; and Vespasian, when he was going to
they were reinovod out of them, I think this attack Jerusalem, was called back to take tlie
not to be a fit opportunity, and, on other ac- government upon him ; what signs happened
counts, also superfluous; and this because to liim relating to his gaining that government,
many Jews before me have composed the his- ' and what mutations of government then h.ip-
tories of our ancestors very exactly; as have ' pened at Rome, and how he was unwillingly
some of the Greeks done it also, and have made emperor by his soldiers ; and how, u; on
translated our histories into their own tongue, his departure to Egypt, to take upon t.im
and have not much mistaken the truth in their the guvernment of the empire, the affair of
histories. But then, wliere the writers of the Jews became very tumultuous ; as also
these affairs and our propliets leave off, thence how the tyrants rose up against them, and lell
shall I take my rise, and begin my history, into dissensions amongst themselves.
Now, as to what concerns that war %vhich I 10. ]\Ioreover, [I shall relate] how Titus
happened in my own time, 1 will go over it marched out of Egypt into Judea the secnnd
very largely, and with all the diligence I am time ; as also how and where, and how many
able ; but, for what preceded mine own age, ; forces he got together ; and in what state the
that I shall run over briefly. I city was, by means of the seditious, at his
7. [For example, I shall relate] bow Anti- ' coming ; what attacks he made, and how many
ochus, who was named Epiphanes, took Je- j ramparts he cast up; of the three walls that
rusalem by force, and held it three years and encompassed the city, and of their measures ;
three montlis, and was then ejected out of the' of the strength of the city, and the structure
country by the sons of Asamoneus : after that, of the temple and holy house; and besides,
how their posterity quarrelled about the go- ' the measures of those edifices, and of the altar,
verninent, and brought upon their settlement and all accurately determined. A description
the Romans and Pompey ; how Herod also, also of certain of their festivals, and seven pu-
the son of Antipater, dissolved their govern- rifications or days of purity,* and the sacred
ment, and brought Socius upon them; as ministrations of the priests, with the garments
also how our people made a sedition upon , of the priests, and of the high-priests ; and of
Herod's death, while Augustus was the Ro- ' the nature of the most holy place of the tern.
man emperor, and Quintiiius Varus was in pie; without concealing any thing, or adding
that country; and how the war broke out in ' any thing to the known truth of things.
the twelfth year of Nero, with what happened I 1 1. After this, I shall relate the barbarity
to Cestius ; aiid what places the Jews as- ; of the tyrants towards the people of their own
saulted in an hostile manner in the first sallies I nation, as well as the indulgence of the Ro-
of the war. mans in sparing foreigners ; and how often
8. As also, [I shall relate] how they built j Titus, out of his desire to preserve the city
Malls about the neighbouring cities ; and j and the temple, invited the seditious to come
how Nero, upon Cestius's defeat, was in fear i to terms of accommodation. I shall also dis-
of the entire event of the war, and thereupon i tinguish the sufFerings of the people, and their
made Vespasian general in this war, and j calamities ; how far they were afflicted by the
how this Vespasian, with the elder of his sedition, and how far by the famine, and at
sons,* made an expedition into the country ; length were taken. Nor shall I omit to
of Judea; what was the number of the Ro- mention the misfortunes of the deserters, nor
man army that he made use of; and how the punishments inflicted on the captives ; as
many of his auxiliaries were cut off' in all also, how the temple was burnt, against the
Galilee; and how he took some of its cities consent of Casar , and how many sacred
entirely, and by force, and others of them by ; things that had been laid up in the temple,
treaty, and on terms. Now, when I am come so were snatched out of the fire ; the destruc-
far, I shall describe tlie good order of the i tion also of the entire city, with the signs
Romans in war, and the discipline of their 'and wonders that went before it; and the
legions: the amplitude of both the Gali- taking the tyran;s capiive, and the multitude
lees, with its nature, and the limits of Judea. of those that were made slaves, and into what
And, besides this, I shall particularly go over different misfortunes they were every one dis-
what is peculiar to the country, the lakes and tributed. Moreover, what the Romans did
fountains that are in them, and what miseries to the remains of the wall; and how they
happened to every city as they were taken ;
and all this with accuracy, as 1 saw the things
done, or suffered in them; for I shall not
demolished the strong-holds that were in the
country ; and how Titus went over the whole
country, and settled its affairs; together with
conceal any of'the calamities I myself endured, 1 his return into Italy, and liis triumph,
since I shall relate them to such as know the | 12. 1 have comprehended all these things
ti'uth of them. |
9. After this [I shall relate] how, when the
• These seven, or rather fi\-e, degrees of purity, ct
riiriticatioii, arc enumfratetl hereafter, b. v. ih. v, mi'i,
t. The r. bl)ii:!- ruake ten degrees of them, ao HeLaui]
t-i re informs us.
3 A
.554
WARS OF THE JEWS.
in seven books; and have left no occasion for
complaint or accusation to such as have been
acquainted vvilh this war; and I liave written
it down for the sake of those that love truth,
but not for those that please themselves [with
fictitious relations]. And I will begin my
account of these things, with wliat I call my
First Chapter.
BOOK I.
CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTY-SEVEN YEARS.
FROM ANTIOCHUS EPIPHANES TAKING JERUSALEM TO THE DEATH
OF HEROD THE GREAT,
CHAPTER I.
HOW THE CITY OF JERUSALEM WAS TAKEN,
AND THE TEMPLE PILLAGED [bY ANTIOCHUS
EPIPHANEs]. AS ALSO CONCERNING THE
ACTIONS OF THE MACCABEES, MATTHIAS
AND JUDAS ; AND CONCERNING THE DEATH
OF JUDAS.
§ 1. At the same time that Antiochus, who
was called Epiphanes, had a quarrel with the
sixth Ptolemy about his right to the whole
country of Syria, a great sedition fell among
tlie men of power in Judea, and they had a
contention about obtaining the government ;
while each of those that were of dignity could
not endure to be subject to tlieir equals.
However, Onias, one of the high .priests, got
the better, and cast the sons of Tobias out of
the city ; who fled to Antiochus, and be-
sought him to make use of them for his lead-
ers, and to make an expedition into Judea.
The king being thereto disposed beforehand,
complied with them, and came upon the Jews
with a great army, and took their city by
force, and slew a great multitude of those
tliat favoured Ptolemy, and sent out his sol-
diers to plunder them, without mercy, i-le
also spoiled tiie temple, and put a stop to the
constant practice of oflering a daily sacrifice
of expiation for three years and six months.
But Onias, the higli-priest, fled to Ptolemy,
and received a place from him in tlie Nomus
of Heliopolis, where he built a city resemb-
ling Jerusalem, and a temple that was like its
temple ;* concerning which we shall speak
more in its proper place hereafter.
» I see little difference in the several accounts in Jo-
sephus about the PIgyptian temple Onion, of which
large complaints aie made by liis commentators. Onias,
it seems, hoped to have made it very like that at Jeru-
salem, and of the same dimensions ; and so he appears
to have really done, as far as he was able, and thought
proper. Uf this temple, see Antiq b. xiii, eh. iii, seeL
I, 2, 3 ; and Of the War, b. vii, ch. x. sect 3
2. Now Antiochus was not satisfied either
with his unexpected taking the city, or with
its pillage, or with the great slaughter he had
made there ; but being overcome with his
violent passions, and remeinbering what he
had sufl'ered during the siege, he compelled
the Jews to dissolve the laws of their coun-
try, and to keep their infiints uncircumcised,
and to sacrifice swine's flesh upon the altar ;
against which they all opposed themselves,
and the most approved among them were put
to death. Bacchides also, who was sent to
keep the fortresses, having these wicked com-
mands, joined to his own natural barbarity,
indulged all sorts of the extremest wicked-
ness, and tormented the worthiest of the in-
habitants, man by man, and threatened their
city every day with open destruction ; till at
length he provoked the poor sufferers, by the
extremity of his wicked doings, to avenge
themselves.
3. Accordingly Matthias, the son of Asa-
moneus, one of the priests who lived in a
village called Modin, armed himself, together
with his own family, which had five sons of
his in it, and slew Bacchides with daggers ;
and thereupon, out of the fear of the many
garrisons [of the enemy], he fled to the moun-
tains ; and so many of the people followed
hiin, that he was encouraged to come down
from the mountains, and to give battle to
Antiochus's generals, vi'hen he beat them,
and drove them out of Judea. So he came
to the government by this his success, and
became the prince of his own people by their
own free consent, and then died, leaving the
government to Judas, his eldest son.
4. Now Judas, supposing that Antiochus
would not lie still, gathered an army out of
his own countrymen, and was the first that
made a league of friendship with the Romans,
and drove Epiphanes out of the country when
he had made a second expeiiition into it, and
r
WARS OF THE JEWS.
535
this by giving, him a great defeat there ; and
•when he was warmed by this great success,
he made an assault upon the garrison that
xvas in the city, for it had not been cut off
hitherto ; so he ejected them out of tlie upper
city, and drove the soldiers into the lower,
which part of the city was called the Citadel.
He then got the temple under his power, and
cleansed the whole place, and walled it round
about, and made new vessels fur sacred mi-
nistrations, fyid brought them into the temple,
because the former vessels had Ijcen profaned.
He also built another altar, and began to
offer the sacrifices ; and when the city had
already received its sacred constitution again,
Antiochus died; whose son Antiochus suc-
ceeded him in the kingdom, and in his hatred
to the Jews also.
5. So this Antiochus got together fifty
thousand footmen, and five thousand horse-
men, and fourscore elephants, and marched
through Judea into the mountainous parts.
He then took Bethsura, which was a small
city ; but at a place called Bethzacharias,
where the passage was narrow, Judas met
him with his army. However, before the
forces joined battle, Judas's brother, Eleazar,
seeing the very higliest of the elephants
adorned with a large tower, and with mili-
tary trappings of gold to guard him, and sup-
posing that Antiochus himself was upon him,
he ran a great way before his own army, and
cutting his way through tlw; enemies' troops,
he got up to the elejAant ; yet could not
reach him who seemed to be the king, by
reason of his being so high ; but still fie ran
his weapon into the belly of the beast, and
brought him down upon himself, and was
crushed to death, having done no more than
attempted great things, and showed that he
preferred glory before life. Now he that
governed the elephant was but a private man ;
but had he proved to be Antiochus, P'.leazar
had performed nothing more by this bold
stroke than that it might appear he chose to
die, when he had the bare hope of thereby
doing a glorious action ; nay, this disappoint-
ment proved an omen to his brother [Judas]
how the entire battle would end. It is true
that the Jews fought it out bravely for a long
time; but the king's forces, being superior
in number, and having fortune on their side,
obtained the victory; and when a great manv
of his men were slain, Judas took the rest
with him, and fled to the toparchy of Goph -
na. So Antiochus went to Jerusalem, and
staid there but a few days, for he wanted pro-
visions, and so he went his way. He left
indeed a garrison behind him, such as he
thought sufficient to keep the place ; but
drew the rest of his army off, to take their
winter-quarters in Syria.
6. Now, after the king was departed, Ju-
das was not idle ; for as many of bis own na-
tion came to hiu), so did he gather those that
had escaped out of the battle together, and
gave battle again to Antioclius's generals at
a village called Adasa ; and being too hard
for his enemies in the battle, and killing a
great number of them, he was at last himself
slain also. Nor was it many days afterward
that his brother John had a plot laid against
him by Antiochus's party, and was ilain by
them.
CHAPTER II.
CONCERNING THE SUCCESSORS OF JUDAS, WHO
WERE JONATHAN, SI.MEON, AND JOHN H\R-
CANUS.
§ 1. When Jonathan, who was Judas's bro-
ther, succeeded him, he behaved himself with
great circumspection in other respects, with
relation to his own people ; and he corrobo'
rated his authority by preserving his friend-
ship with the Romans. He also made a league
with Antiochus the son. Yet was not all this
sufficient for his security ; for the tyrant Try-
pho, who was guardian to Antiochus's son,
laid a plot against him ; and, besides that, en-
deavoured to take off his friends, and caught
Jonathan by a wile, as he was going to Pto-
lemais to Antiochus, with a few persons in
his company, and put them in bonds, and then
made an expedition against the Jews; but
when he was afterward driven away by Simeon,
who was Jonathan's brother, and was enraged
at his defeat, he put Jonathan to death.
2. However, Simeon inanaged the public
aflairs after a courageous manner, and took
Gazara, and Joppa, and Jamnia, which were
cities in the neighbourhood. He also got the
garrison under, and demolished the citadel.
He was afterwards an auxiliary to Antioclius,
against Trypho, \\hom he besieged in Dora,
before be went on his expedition against the
Wedes ; yet could not he make the king a-
shamed of his ambition, though he had as-
sisted him in killing Trypho ; for it was not
long ere Antioclius sent Cendebeus his gene-
ral with an army to lay waste Judea, and to
subdue Simeon ; yet he, though he was now in
years, conducted the war as if he were a much
younger tnan. He also sent his sons witli a
band of strong men against Antiochus, while
he took part of the army himself with him,
and fell upon him from another quarter : he
also laid a great many men in ambush in
many places of the mountains, and was supe-
rior in all his attacks upon them. And when
he had been conqueror after so glorious a
manner, he was made high-priest, and also
freed the Jews from the dominion of the Ma-
cedonians, after a hundred and seventy years
of the empire [of Seleucus].
3. This Simeon had also a plot laid against
him, and was slain at a feast by his son-iti-
6bG
WARS OF THE JEWS.
law Ptolemy, "ho put his wife and two sons
into prison, and sent some persons to kill
John, who was also called Hyrcanus.* But
when the young man was informed of their
coming beforehand, he made much haste to
get to the city, as having a very great confi-
dence in the people there, both on account of
the memory of the glorious actions of his fa-
ther, and of the hatred they could not but
bear to the injustice of Ptolemy. Ptolemy
also made an attempt to get into the city by
another gate, but was repelled by the people,
who had just then admitted Hyrcanus; so he
retired presently to one of the fortresses that
were above Jericho, which was called Dagon.
Now, when Hyrcanus had recei\ed the high-
priesthood, which his father had held before,
and had ofiercd sacrifice to God, he made
great haste to attack Ptolemy, that he might
afford relief to his mother and brethren.
4. So he laid siege to the fortress, and was
superior to Ptolemy in other respects, but was
overcome by him as to the just affection [he
had for his relations] ; for when Ptolemy was
distressed, he brought forth his mother and
his brethren, and set tliem upon the wall, and
beat them with rods in every body's sight,
and threatened, that, unless he would go away
immediately, he would throw them down
headlong; at which sight Hyrcanus's com-
miseration and concern were too hard for his
anger. But his mother was not dismayed,
neither at the stripes she received, nor at the
death with which she was threatened, but
stretched out her hands, and prayed her son
not to be moved with the injuries that she
suffered, to spare the wretch ; since it was to
her better to die by the means of Ptolemy
than to live ever so long, provided );e might
be punished for the injuries he had done to
their family. Now John's case was this: —
When he considered the courage of his mo-
ther, and heard her entreaty, he set about his
attacks ; but when he saw her beaten, and
torn to pieces with the stripes, he grew feeble,
and was entirely overcome by his affections.
And as the siege was delayed by this means,
the year of rest came on, upon which the
Jews rest every seventh year as they do on
every seventh day. On this year, therefore,
Ptolemy was freed from being besieged, and
slew the brethren of John, with their mother,
and fled to Zeiio, who was also called Coty-
las, who was the tyrant of Philadelphia.
5. And now Antiochus was so angry at
what he had suffered from Simeon, that he
• Why this John the son of Simeon, the high-priest
anil governor of the Jews, was called Hyrcanus, Jose-
phus nowhere informs us; nor is he called other than
John at the end of the firit l)ook of the Maccabi-es.
Howev*?r, SJxtus Sencr.si?, when he gives us an enitonie
of the Ortek version of the book here aliridgcd by Jo-
sephus, or of the Chronicles of this John Hyrcanus,
tlien extant, assures us Uiat he was called Hyrcanus,
from his conquest of one of that name. See Authent.
l\ee. part i, p. 27. But of this younger Antiochus, see
Dean Aidridi"s nolo licro
made an expedition info Jiidea, and sat down
before Jerusalem, and besieged Hyrcanus ;
but Hyrcanus opened the sepulchre of David,
who was the richest of all kings, and took
thence about three thousand talents in money,
and induced Antiochus, by the promise of
three thousand talents, to raise the siege.
Moreover, he was the first of the Jews that
had money enough, and began to hire foreign
auxiliaries also.
6. However, at another time, when Anti-
ochus was gone upon an expedition against
the Medes, and so gave Hyrcanus an oppor
tunity of being avenged upon him, he imme»-
d lately made an attack upon the cities of Sy-
ria, as thinking, what proved to be the case
with them, that he should find them empty
of good troops. So he took Medaba and Sa-
mea, with the towns in their neighbourhood,
as also Shechem and Gerizzim ; and besides
these, [he subdued] the nation of the Cutheans,
who dwelt round about that temple which
was built in imitation of the temple at Jeru-
salem : he also took a great many other cities
of Idimiea, with Adoreon and Marissa.
7. He also proceeded as far as Samaria,
where is now the city Sebaste, which was
built by Herod the king, and encompassed
it all round with a wall, and set his sous, A-
ristobulus and Antigonus, over the siege;
who pushed it on so hard, that a famine so far
prevailed within the city, that they were forc-
ed to eat what never was esteemed food.
They also invited Antiochus, who was called
Cyzicenus, to come to their assistance ; where-
upon he got ready, and complied with their
invitation, but was beaten by Aristobulus and
Antigonus ; and indeed he was pursued as far
as Scythopolis by these brethren, and fled
away froin them. So they returned back to
Samaria, and shut the multitude again within
the wall ; and when they had taken the city
they demolished it, and made slaves of its in-
habitants. And, as they had still great suc-
cess in their undertakings, they did not sufler
their zeal to cool, but marched witli an army
as far as Scythopolis, and made an incursion
upon it, and laid waste all the country that
lay within mount Carmel..
8. But then, these successes of John and
of his sons made them be envied, and occa-
sioned a sedition in the country ; and many
there were who got together, and would not
be at rest till they brake out into open war,
in which war they were beaten. So John
lived the rest of his life very happily, and ad-
ministered the government after a most extra-
ordinary manner, and this for thirty-three en-
tire years together. He died, leaving five
sons behind him. He was certainly a very
happy man, and afforded no occasion to have
any eom})laint made of fortune on his account.
He it was who alone had three of the most
desirable things in the world, — the govern-
ment of his nation, and the high-priesthood.
CHAP, in.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
557
and the gift of prophecy ; for the Deity con-
versed with him, — and he was not ignorant
of any thing that was to come afterwards ;
insomuch that he foresaw and foretold that
his two eldest sons would not continue mas-
ters of the government: and it will highly
deserve our narration to describe their catas-
trophe, and how far inferior these men were
to their father in felicity.
CHAPTER III.
HOW ARISTOBULUS WAS THE FIRST THAT TUT
A DIAUEM ABOUT HIS HEAD ; AND, AFTEB
HE HAD PUT HIS MOTHER AND BKOTHEB
TO DEATH, DIED HIMSELF, WHEN HE HAD
KEIGNED NO MORE THAN A YEAR.
§ 1. For after the death of their father, the
elder of them, Aristobulus, changed the go-
vernment into a kingdom, and was the first
that put a diadem upon his head, four hun-
dred and seventy-one years and three months
after our people came down into this country,
when they were set free from the Babylonian
slavery. Now, of his brethren, he appeared
to have an affection for Antigonus, who was
next to nim, and made him his equal ; but,
for the rest, he bound Ihem, and put them in
prison. He also put his mother in bonds, for
her contesting the government with him ; for
John had left her to be the governess of pub-
lic aff'airs. He also proceeded to that degree
of barbarity as to cause her to be pined to
death in prison.
2. But vengeance circumvented him in the
affair of his brother Antigonus, whom he
loved, and whom he made his partner in the
kingdom j for he slew him by the means of
the calumnies which ill men about the palace
contrived against him. At first indeed, Aris-
tobulus would not believe their reports, partly
out of the affection he had for his brother,
and partly because he thought that a great
part of these talcs were owing to the envy of
their relaters : however, as Antigonus came
once in a splendid manner from the army to
that festival, wherein our ancient custom is to
make tabernacles for God, it happened in
those days that Aristobulus was sick, and
that, at the conclusion of the feast, Antigo-
nus came up to it, with his armed men about
him, and this v hen he was adorned in the
finest manner possible ; and that, in a great
measure, to pray to God on the behalf of liis
brother. Now, at this very time it was that
these ill men came to the king, and told him
in what a pompous manner the armed men
came, and with what insolence Antigonus
marched, and that such his insolence was too
great for a private person, and that accord-
ingly he was come with a great band of men
to kill him ; for that he could not endure this
bare enjoyment of royal honour, when it was
in his power to take the kingdom himself.
3. Now Aristobulus, by degrees, and un,
willingly, gave credit to these accusations ;
and accordingly he took care not to discovei
his suspicion openly, though he provided to
be secure against any accidents ; so he placed
the guards of his body in a certain dark sub-
terraneous passage ; for be lay sick in a cer-
tain place called formerly the Citadel, though
afterwards its name was changed to Antonia ;
and he gave orders, that if Antigonus came
unarmed, they should let him alone ; but if
he came to him in his armour, they should
kill him. He also sent some to let him know
beforehand, that he should come unarmed.
But, upon this occasion, the queen very cun-
ningly contrived the matter with those that
plotted his ruin, for she persuaded those that
were sent, to conceal the king's message; but
to tell Antigonus how his brotiier had heard
he had got a very fine suit of armour, made
with fine martial ornaments, in Galilee ; and
because his present sickness hindered him
from coming and seeing all that finery, he
very mucli desired to see him now in his ar-
mour, because, said he, in a little time thou
art going away from me.
■i. As soon as Antigonus heard this, the
good temper of his brother not allowing him
to suspect any harm from him, he came along
with his armour on, to show it. to his brother;
but when be was going along that dark pas-
sage, which was called Strato's Tov/er, he was
slain by the body guards, and became an emi-
nent instance how calumny destroys all good-
viill and natural affection, and how none of
our good aftections are strong enough to re-
sist envy perpetually.
5. And truly any one would be surprised
at Judas upon this occasion. Ho was of the
sect of the Essens, and had never failed or de-
ceived men in his predictions before. Now,
this man saw Antigonus as he was passing
along by the temple, and cried out to his ac-
quaintance (they were not a few who attended
upon him as his scholars), " O strange !" said
he, "it is good for me to die now, since truth
is dead before me, and somewhat that I have
foretold hath proved false ; for this Antigonus
is this day alive, v/ho ought to have died this
day ; and the place where he ought to be slain,
according to that fatal decree, was Strato's
Tower, which is at the distance of six hundred
furlongs from this place, and yet four hours
of this day are over already ; which point of
time renders the prediction impossible to ba
fulfilled." And when the old man had said
this, he was dejected in his mind, and so con-
tinued. But, in a little time, news came that
Antigonus was slain in a subterraneous place,
which was itself also called Strato's Tower,
by the same name with that Cesarea which
lay by the sea-side ; and this am'oiguity it was
which caused the prophet's disorder.
£58
WARS OF THE JEWS.
6. Hereupon Aristobiilus repented of the ' ander besieged Gadara, and took it ; as alsc
great crime he had been guilty of, and this 'he did Amathus, which was the strongest ot
gave occasion to the increase of his disteni]>er. all the fortresses that were about Jordan, and
He also grew worse and worse, and his soul therein were the most precious of all the pos-
was constantlv disturbed at the thought of I sessions of Tlieodorus, tlie son of Zeno.
what he had done, till his very bowels being} Whereupon Tlieodorus marched against him,
torn to pieces by the intolerable grief he was | and took what belonged to himself, as well as
under, he threw up a great quantity of blood, j the king's baggage, and slew ten thousand of
And, as one of those servants that attended
him carried out that blood, he, by some super-
natural providence, slipped and fell down in
the very place where Antigonus had been
slain ; and so he spilt some of the murderer's
blood upon the spots of the blood of him that
had been murdered, which still appeared.
Hereupon a lamentable cry arose among the
spectators, as if the servant had spilled the
blood on purpose in that place ; and, as the
king heard that cry, he inquired what was
the Jews. However, Alexander recovered
this blow, and turned his force towards the
maritime parts, and took Raphia, and Gaza,
with Anthedon also, which was afterwards
called Agiippias by king Herod.
3. But when he had made slaves of the ci-
tizens of all these cities, the nation of the Jews
iTiade an insurrection against him at a festi-
val ; for at those feasts seditions are general-
ly begun : and it looked as if he should not
be able to escape tlie plot they had laid for
the cause of it ; and while nobody durst tell I him, had not his foreign auxiliaries, the Pisi-
him, he pressed them so much the more to dians and Cilicians, assisted him ; for, as to
let him know what was the matter ; so, at the Syrians, he never admitted them ainong
length, when he had threatened them, and his mercenary troops, on account of their in •
forced them to speak out, they told; where- nate enmity against the Jewish nation. And
upon he burst intc tears, and groaned, and
said, " So I perceive I am not like to escape
the all-seeing eye of God, as to the great crimes
I have coinmitted ; but the vengeance of the
blootl of my kinsman pursues me hastily. O
thou most iinpudent body ! how long wilt
thou retain a soul that ought to die, on ac-
count of that piMiishment it ought lo suffer
for a mother and a brother slain ! how long
shall I myself spend my blood drop by drop I
let them take it all at once; and let their
ghosts no longer be disappointed by a few
parcels of my bowels ofi'ercd to them." As
soon as he had said these words, he presently
died, when he had reigned no longer than a
year.
CHAPTER IV.
WHAT ACTIONS WEKE DONE BY ALEXANDER
JANNEUS, WHO UEIGNED TWENTY-SEVEN
YKAUS.
§ 1. And now the kin^^'s wife loosed the
king's brethren, and made Alexander king,
who appeared both elder in age and more mo-
derate in his temper than tlie rest ; who,
when he caine to the government, slew one of
his brethren, as afTecling to govern himself;
but had the other of them in great esteem, as
loving a quiet life, without meddling with pu-
blic attairs.
2. Now it happened tliat there was a battle
between him and Ptolemy, who was called La-
thyrus, who had taken the city Asochis. He
indeed slew a great many of his eneinies ; but
the victory rather inclined to Ptolemy. But,
when this Ptolemy was pursued by his mo-
Iher Cleopatra, and retired into Egypt, Alex-
when he had slain more than six thousand of
the rebels, he made an incursion into Arabia,
and when he had taken that country, together
with the Gileadites and IMoabites, he enjoined
them to pay him tribute, and returned to A-
mathus; and as Tlieodorus was surprised at
his great success, he took the fortress, and de •
molislied it.
4. However, when ho. fought with Obodts,
king of the Arabians, who had laid an ambush
for him near Golan, ant' a plot against him,
he lost his entire army, which was crowded
together in a deep valley, and broken to pieces
by the multitude of camels; and when he
had made his escape to Jerusalem, he pro-
voked the multitude, who hated him before,
to make an insurrection against him, and this
on account of the greatness of the calamity
that he was under. However, he was then
too hard for them ; and, in the several battles
that were fought on both sides, he slew not
fewer than fifty thousand of the Jews, in the
interval of six years. Yet had he no reason
to rejoice in these victories, since he did but
consume his own kingdom ; till at length he
left off fighting, and endeavoured to come to
a composition with them, by talking with his
subjects ; but this mutability and irregula-
rity of his conduct made them hate him still
more ; and when he asked them why they so
hated him, and what he should do, in order to
appease them, they said, by killing himself;
for that it would be then all they could do,
to be reconciled to him who had done such
tragical things to them, even when he was
dead. At the same time they invited Deme-
trius, who was called Eucerus, to assist them ;
and as he readily coinplied with their request,
in hopes of great advantages, and came with
his army, the Jews joined with those their
auxiliaries about Shecheni
r^'
CHAP. IV.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
559
5. Yet did Alexander meet both these forces
with one thousand horsemen, and eight thou-
sand mercenaries that were on foot. He had
also with him that part of the Jews which fa-
voured him, to the number of fen thousand ;
while the adverse party had tiiree thousand
horsemen, and fourteen thousand footmen.
Now, before they joined battle, the kings
made proclamation, and endeavoured to draw
off each otiier's soldiers, and make them re-
volt ; while Demetrius lioped to induce Alex-
ander's mercenaries to leave him, — and Alex-
ander hoped to induce the Jews that were
with Demetrius to leave him ; but, since
neither the Jews would leave off their rage,
nor the Greeks prove unfaithful, they came
to an engagement, and to a close fight with
their weapons. In which battle Demetrius
was the conqueror, although Alexander's
mercenaries showed the greatest exploits,
both in soul and body. Yet did the upshot
of this battle prove different from what was
expected, as to both of them ; for neither did
those that invited Demetrius to come to them
continue firm to him, though he was con-
queror ; and six thousand Jews, out of pity
to the change of Alexander's condition, when
he was fled to the mountains, came over to
him. Yet could not Demetrius bear this
turn of affairs ; but, supposing that Alexan-
der was already l)ecome a match for him
again, and that all the nation would [at length]
run to him, he left the country, and went his
way.
6. However, the rest of the [Jewish] mul-
titude did not lay aside their quarrels with
him, when the [foreign] auxiliaries were gone;
but they had a perpetual war with Alexander,
until he had slain the greatest part of tliem,
and driven the rest into the city Bemeselis ;
and when he had demolished that city, he car-
ried the captives to Jerusalem, Nay, his
rage was grown so extravagant, that his bar-
barity proceeded to a degree of impiety ; for
when he had ordered eight hundred to be
hung upon crosses in tlie midst of the city,
he had the throats of their wives and children
cut before their eyes ; and these executions
he saw as he was drinking and lying down
with his concubines. Upon which, so deep a
surprise seized on the people, that eight thou-
sand of his opposers fled away the very next
night, out of all Judea, whose flight was on-
ly terminated by Alexander's death ; so at
last, though not till late, and with great diffi-
culty, he, by such actions, procured quiet to
his kingdom, and left off fighting any more.
7. Yet did that Antiochus, who was also
called Dionysius, become an origin of trou-
bles again. This man was the brother of
Demetrius, and the last of the race of the Se-
leucid.'fi. • Alexander was afraid of him,
• Josephus here calls this Antiochus the last of the
Seleucidas althoiif>h there remained still' a shadow of
another kinj; of tJiat family, Antiochus Asiaticus, oc
when he was marching against the Arabians ;
so he cut a deep trench between Antipatris,
which was near the mountains, and the shores
of Joppa ; he also erected a high wall before
the trench, and built wooden towers in order
to hinder any sudden approaches; but still
he was not able to exclude Antiochus, for he
burnt the towers, and filled up the trenches,
and marched on with his army ; and as he
looked upon taking his revenge on Alexander
for endeavouring to stop him, as a thing of
less consequence, he marched directly against
the Arabians, whose king retired into such
parts of the country as were fittest for engag-
ing the enemy, and then on the sudden made
his horse turn back, who were in number ten
thousand, and fell upon Antiochus's army
while they were in disorder, and a terrible
battle ensued. Antiochus's troops, so long
as he was alive, fought it out, although a
mighty slaughter was made among them by
the Arabians ; but when he fell, for he was
in the fore-front, in the utmost danger, in
rallying his troops, they all gave ground, and
the greatest part of his army were destroyed,
either in the action or the flight ; and for the
rest, who fled to the village of Cana, it hap-
pened that they were all consumed by want
of necessaries, a few only excepted
8. About this time it was that the people
of Damascus, out of their hatred to Ptolemy,
the son of Menneus, invited Aretas [to take
the government], and made him king of Ce~
lesyria. This man also made an expedition
against Judea, and beat Alexander in battle;
but afterwards retired by mutual agreement.
But Alexander, when he had taken Pella,
marched to Gerasa again, out of the cove-
tous desire he had of Theodorus's possessions;
and when he had built a triple wall about the
garrison, he took the place by force. He
also demolished Golan, and Seleucla, and
what was called the Valley of Antiochus ;
besides which, he look the strong fortress ot
Gamala, and stripped Demetrius, who was
governor therein, of what he had, on account
of the many crimes laid to his charge, and
then returned into Judea, after he had been
tliree whole years in this expedition ; and now
he was kindly received of the nation, because
of the good success he had. So, when he
was at rest from war, he fell into a distemper ;
for he was afflicted with a quartan ague, and
supposed that, by exercising himself again in
martial affairs, he should get rid of this dis-
temper; but, by making such expeditions at
unseasonable times, and forcing his body to
undergo greater hardships than it was able to
bear, he brought himself to his end. He
died, therefore, in the midst of his troubles,
after he had reigned seven- and-twenty years,
Commagenus, who reigned, or rather lay hid, till Pom-
pey quite turned him out, as Dean Aldrich here notes,
from Appian and Justin.
I
5(30
WARS OF THE JEWS.
, anara to put to death the rest of those who
had irritated him against them. Now, she
was so superstitious as to comply with their
I desires, and accordingly they slew whom they
ALEXANDRA IIEIGNS NINE YEARS; DURING pleased themselves. But the principal of those
WHICH TiiME THE PHARISEES WERE THE that were in danger fled to Aristobulus, who
persuaded his mother to spare the men on ac-
count of their dignity, but to expel them out
of the city, unless she took them to be inno-
CH AFTER V.
REAL RULERS OF THE NATION.
^ 1. Now Alexander left tlie kingdom to
Alexandra his wife, and depended upon it ! cent ; so they were suffered to go unpunished
that the Jews would now very readily submit
to her ; because she had been very averse to
such cruelty as he had treated them with, and
had opposed his violation of their laws, and
had thereby got the good-will of the people.
Nor was he mistaken as to his expectations ;
for this woman kept the dominion, by the
opinion that the people had of her piety ; for
she chiefly studied the ancient customs of her
country, and cast those men out of the go-
vernment that offended against their holy
laws. And as she had two sons by Alexan-
der, she made Hyrcanus, the elder, high-
priest, on account of his age ; as also, besides
that, on account of his inactive temper noway
disposing him to disturb the public. But she
retained the younger, Aristobulus, with her
as a private person, by reason of the warmth
of his temper.
2. And now the Pharisees joined themselves
to her, to assist her in the government. These
are a certain sect of the Jews that appear
more religious than others, and seem to inter-
pret the laws more accurately. Now, Alex-
andia hearkened to them to an extraordinary
degree, as being herself a woman of great
piety towards God. But these Pharisees art-
fully insinuated themselves into her favour by
little and little, and became themselves the
real administrators of the public affairs : they
banished and reduced whom they jileased ;
they bound and loosed [men] at their plea-
sure ; * f and, to say all at once, they had the
enjoyment of the royal authority, whilst the
expenses and the difficulties of it belonged to
Alexandra. She was a sagacious woman in
the management of great affairs, and intent
always upon gathering soldiers together ; so
that she increased the army the one half, and
procured a great body of foreign troops, till
her own nation became not only very power-
ful at home, but terrible also to foreign po-
tentates, while she governed other people, and
the Pharisees governed her.
3. Accordingly they themselves slew Dio-
genes, a person of figure, and one that had
been a friend to Alexander ; and accused him
as having assisted the king with his advice,
for crucifying the eight liundred men [before
mentioned]. They also prevailed with Alex-
* Matt, xvi, 19; xviii, 18.
t Here v.e have the oUest and most authentic Jewish
exijosition of binding and loosing, for punishing or at>
Bdlviug men ; not for declaring actions lawful or unlaw-
fij, as" some more modern Jews and Christians vainly
L>n.i(;nd
and were dispersed all over the country. But,
when Alexandra sent out her army to Damas-
cus, under pretence that Ptolemy was always
oppressing that city, she got possession of it ;
nor did it make any considerable resistance.
She also prevailed with Tigranes, king of Ar-
menia, who lay with his troops about Ptole
mais, and besieged Cleopatra, | by agreements
and presents, to go away. Accordingly Ti-
granes soon arose from the siege, by reason ol
those domestic tumults which happened up-
on Lucullus's expedition into Armenia.
4. In the mean time, Alexandra fell sick,
and Aristobulus, her younger son, took hold
of this opportunity, with his domestics, of
which he had a great many, who were all ol
them his friends, on account of the warmth
of their youth, and got possession of all the
fortresses. He also used the sums of money
he found in tliem, to get together a number
of mercenary soldiers, and made himself
king; and besides this, upon Hyrcanus's com-
plaint to his mother, she compassionated his
case, and put Aribtobulus's wife and sons un-
der restraint in Antonia, which was a fortress
that joined to the north part of the temple.
It was, as I have already said, of old called
the Citadel, but afterwards got the name of
Antonia, when Antony was lord [of the east],
just as the other cities, Sebaste and Agrip-
pias, had their names changed, and these
given them from Sebastus and Agrippa. But
Alexandra died before she could puni!.h Aris-
tobulus for his disinheriting his biotlK'r, ai'ter
she had reigned nine years.
CPIAPTER VI.
WHEN HYRCANUS, WHO WAS ALEXANDER'S
HEIR, RECEDED FROM HIS CLAIM TO THE
CROWN, ARISTOBULUS IS JIADE KING ; AND
AFTERWARD THE SAME HYRCANUS, RY THE
MEANS OF ANTH'ATER, IS BROUGHT BACK
BY ARETAS. AT LAST POMI'EY IS MADE
THE ARBITRATOR OF THE DISPUTE BETWEEN
THE BROTHERS.
§ 1-
dom
Now Hyrcanus was heir to the king-
and to him did his mother commit it
t Straho, h. xvi, p. 740, relates, that this Selene
Cleopiitra was besieged by Tigranes, not in I'lolemais.
as here, but after she had left Syria, in Scleueia, a ciUi
del m Mfiopolaraia; and adds, that when hu had kei>
WARS OF THE JEWS.
f)Cl
before she died : but Aristobulus was supe-
rior to him in power and magnanimity ; and
when there was a battle between them, to de-
cide tlie dispute about the kingdom, near Je-
richo, the greatest part deserted Hyrcanus,
and went over to Aristobulus; but Hyrca-
nus, with those of his parly who staid with
him, fled to Antonia, and got into liis power
the hostages that might be for his preserva-
tion (which were Anstobulus's wife, with her
children) ; but they came to an agreement
before things should come to extremities, that
Aristobulus should be king, and Hyrcanus
should resign that up, but retain all the rest
of his dignities, as being the king's brother.
Hereupon they were reconciled to each other
in the temple, and embraced one another in
a very kind manner, while the people stood
round about them : they also changed tlieir
houses; while Aristobulus went to the royal
palace, and Hyrcanus retired to the house of
Aristobulus.
2. Now, those other people who were at
variance with Aristobulus were afraid, upon
his unexpectedly obtaining the government ;
and especially this concerned Antipater, •
whom Aristobulus hated of old. He was
by birth an Idumean, and one of the princi-
pal of that nation, on account of his ances-
tors and riches, and other authority to him
belonging : he also persuaded Hyrcanus to
fly to Aretas, the king of Arabia, and to lay
claim to the kingdom ; as also he persuaded
Aretas to receive Hyrcanus, and to bring
him back to his kingdom : he also cast re-
proaches upon Aristobulus, as to his morals,
and gave great commendations to Hyrcanus,
and exhorted Aretas to receive him, and told
liim how becoming a thing it would be for
him, who ruled so great a kingdom, to afford
his assistance to such as are injured ; alleg-
ing that Hyrcanus was treated unjustly, by
being deprived of that dominion which be-
longed to him by the prerogative of his birth.
And when he had predisposed them both to
do what he would have them, he took Hyr-
canus by night, and ran away from the city ;
and, continuing his flight with great swift-
ness, he escaped to the place called Petra,
which is the royal seat of the king of Arabia,
where he put Hyrcanus into Aretas's hands ;
and by discoursing much with him, and gain-
ing upon him witli many presents, he pre-
vailed with him to give him an army that
might restore him to his kingdom. This
army consisted of fifty thousand footmen and
her a while in prison, he put h'?r to death. Dean AM-
rioh supposes here tliat htrabo contradicts Josephus,
which does not appear to mc;for akhoiigh Josephus
says both here and in the Antiq. b. xiii, ch. xvi, sect, 4,
that Tigranes besieged her now in Ptolemais, and tliat
he took the city, as the Antiquities inform us, yet does
he nowliere intimate that he now took the queen her-
self; so that both the narrations of Strabo and Josephus
may still be true notwithstanding.
» Tliat this Antipater, the father of Herod the Great,
was an Idumean, a-. Josephus afiirms here, see the note
on Antiq. b. xiv, eh. xv, sect. a.
horsemen, against which Aristobulus was not
able to make resistance, but was deserted in
his first onset, and was driven to Jerusalem :
he also had been taken at first by force, if
Scaurus, the Roman general, liad not come
and seasonably interposed himself, and raised
the siege. This Scaurus was sent into Syria
from Armenia by Pompey the Great, when
he fought against Tigranes; so Scaurus came
to Damascus, which had been lately taken
by Metellus and Lollius, and caused them
to leave the place ; and, upon his hearing
how the affairs of Judea stood, he made baste
thither as to a certain booty.
3. As soon, therefore, as he was come in-
to the country, there came ambassadors from
both the brothers, each of them desiring his
assistance ; but Aristobulus's three hundred
talents had more weight with him than the
justice of the cause ; which sum, when Scau*
I us had received, he sent a herald to Hyrca-
nus and the Arabians, and threatened tliem
with the resentment of the Romans and of
Pompey, unless they would raise the siege.
So Aretas was terrified, and retired out of
Judea to Philadelphia, as did Scaurus return
to Damascus again : nor was Aristobulus sa-
tisfied with escaping [out of his brother's
hands], but gathered all his forces together
and pursued his enemies, and fought them at
a place called Papyron, and slew above sis
thousand of them, and, together with them,
Antijiater's brother Phalion.
4. When Hyrcanus and Antipater were
thus deprived of their hopes from the Arabi-
ans, they transferred the same to their adver-
saries ; and because Pompey had passed
through Syria, and was come to Damascus,
they fled to him for assistance ; and, uithout
any bribes, | they made the same equitable
pleas that they had used to Aretas, and be-
sought him to hate the violent behaviour oi
Aristobulus, and to bestow the kingdom up-
on him to whom it justly belonged, both on
account of his good character, and on account
of his superiority in age. However, neitlier
was Aristobulus wanting to himself in tliis
case, as relying on the bribes that Scaurus
had received : he was also there himself, and
adorned liimself af.cr a manner the most
agreeable to royalty that he was able. But
he soon thought it beneath him to come in
such a servile manner, and could not endure
to serve his own ends in a way so much more
abject than he was used to ; so he departed
irom Diospolis.
5. At this his behaviour Pompey had great
t It is somewhat probable, as Havcicamii supposes,
and partly Spanhcim also, that the Latin copy is licit
the truest ; that Pompey did take the many presents
ojlered him by Hyicaiuis, as he would have done the
others from .Vi'istobulus (sect. 6) ; although his remark-
able abstinence from the 2i)()0 talents that were in the
Jewish temple, when he took it a little aflciwaid -ch.
vii, sect 6, and Antiii b. xiv, ch. iv, sect 4 , will hard-
ly permit us to desert the Greek copies; all which a^jree
that he did not take them.
66-2
AVARS OF THE JEWS.
indignation ; Hyrcanu* also and his friends
made great intercession to Pompey ; so he
took not only his Ilonian forces, hut many of
his Syrian auxiliaries, and marched against
Aristobukis. But when he had passed by
Pella and Scytliopolis, and was come to Corea,
where you enter into the country of Judea,
when you go up to it through the Mediter-
ranean parts, he heard that Aristohulua was
fled to Alexandrium, which is a strong-hold,
fortified with the utmost magnificence, and
situated upon a high mountain, and he sent
to him, and commanded liim to come down.
Now his inclination was to try liis fortune in
a battle, since he was called in such an impe-
rious manner, rather than to comply with that
call. However, he saw the multitude were
in great fear, and his friends exliorted him to
consider what the power of the Romans was,
and how it 'vas irresistible ; so he complied
with their advice, and came down to Pompey ;
and when he had made a long apology fry
himself, and for the justness of his cause in
taking the government, he returned to the
fortress. And when his brotlier invited him
again [to plead his cause], he came down and
spake about the justice of it, and then went
away without any hindrance from Pompey :
so he was between hope and fear. And « hen
he came down, it was to prevail with Pompey
to allow him the government entirely j and
when he went up to tlie citadel, it was that
he might not appear to debase himself too
low. However, Pompey commanded him to
give up his fortified jilaces, and forced him to
write to every one of their governors to yield
them up ; they having had this charge given
them, to obey no letters but what were of his
own hand-writing. Accordingly he did what
he was ordered to do ; but had still an indig-
nation at what was done, and retired to Jeru-
salem, and prepared to fight with Pompey.
6. But Pompey did not give him time
to make any preparations [for a siege'', but
followed him at his heels ; he was also
obliged to make haste in his attempt, by the
death of Mithridates, of which he was inform-
ed about Jericho. Now here is the most
fruitful country of Judea, which bears a vast
number of palm-trees, besides the balsam-
tree,* whose sprouts they cut with sharp
stones, and at the incisions they gather the
juice, which drops down like tears. So Pom-
pey pitched his camp in that place one night,
and then hasted away the next morning to
Jerusalem ; but Aristobulus was so affViglited
at his aj)proach, that he came and met him by
way of supplication. He also promised him
money, and that he would deliver up both
himself and the city into his disposal ;— and
thereby he mitigated the anger of Pompey,
» Of the famous palm-trees and balsam alxiut Jericho
and Eugaddi, see th^notesin tlavercainp'sedition, both
Ucre and b. ii, ch. ix, sect. 1. They are somewhat too
long to be transcribed in this place.
Yet did not he perform any of the conditions
he had agreed to; for Aristobulus's party
would not so much as admit Gabinius into
the city, who was sent to receive the money
that he had promised.
CHAPTER VII.
HOW FOMPEY HAD THE CITY OF JERUSALEM
UELIVEUED UP TO HlJl, BUT TOOK THE TEM-
PLE [by FOKCE]. HOW HE WENT INTO THE
HOLY OF HOLIES ; AS ALSO WHAT WEKE HIS
OTHER EXPLOITS IN JUDEA.
§ 1. At this treatment Pompey was very an-
gry, and took Aristobulus into custody; and
when he was come to the city he looked a-
bout wliere he might make his attack ; for
he s.iw the walls were so firm that it would
be hard to overcome them, and that the val-
ley before the walls was terrible ; and that
the temple, wliich was within that valley, was
itself encompassed with a very strong wall,
insomuch that if the city were taken, the tem-
ple would be a second place of refuge for the
enemy to retire to.
2. Now, as he was long in deliberating a-
bout this matter, a sedition arose among the
people within the city ; Aristobulus's party
being willing to fight, and to set their king at
liberty, while the jiarty of Hyrcanus were for
opening the gates to Poinpey ; and the dread
people were in, occasioned these last to be a
very numerous party, when they looked upon
the excellent order the Roman soldiers were
in. So Aristobulus's party was worsted, and
retired into the temple, and cut off the com-
munication between the temple and the city,
by breaking down the bridge that joined them
together, and prepared to make an opposition
to the utmost ; but as the others had received
the Romans into the city, and had delivered
up the palace to him, Pompey sent Piso, one
of his great officers, into that palace with an
army, who distributed a garrison about the
city, because he could not persuade any one
of those that had fl'ed to the temple to come to
terms of accommodation ; he then disposed all
things that were round about them so as might
favour their attacks, as having Hyrcanus's
party very ready to afford them both counsel
and assistance.
3. But Pompey hiinself filled up the ditch
that was on the north side of the temple, and
the entire valley also, the army itself being
obliged to carry the materials for that pur-
pose. And indeed i' was a hard thing to fill
up that valley, by reason of its immense depth,
especially as the Jews used all the means pos-
sible to repel them from their superior station;
nor had the Romans succeeded in their en-
deavours, had not Pompey taken notice of
the seventh days, on whifh the Jews abstain
'^-
J^
CKAP. VII.
WARS OK THE JEWS.
563
from all sorts of work on a religious account,
and raised his bank, but restrained his soldiers
from fighting on those days; for the Jews
only acted defensively on Sabl)atii-days, But
as soon as Pompey had filled up the valley,
he erected high towers upon the bank, and
brought those engines which they had fetched
from Tyre near to the wall, and tried to bat-
ter it down ; and the slingers of stones beat
off tliose that stood above them, and drove
tliem away : but the towers on this side of
the city made very great resistance, and were
indeed extraordinary both for largeness and
magnificenc-e.
4. Now, here it was that, upon the many
hardships wiiicli the Romans underwent,
Pompey could not but admire not only at the
other instances of the Jews' fortitude, but es-
pecially that they did not at all intermit their
religious services, even when they were en-
compassed with darts on all sides ; for, as if
the city were in full peace, their daily sacri-
fices and purifications, and every branc';i of
their religious worship, were still performed
to God with the utmost exactness. Nor in-
deed, when the temple was actually taken,
and they were every day slain about the altar,
did they leave off the instances of their divine
worship that were appointed by their law; for
it was in the third month of the siege before
the Romans could even with great difficulty
overthrow one of the towers, and get into the
temple. Now he that first of all ventured to
get over the wall, was Faustus Cornelius, the
son of Sylla ; and next after him were two
centurions, Furius and Fabius; and every
one of these was followed by a cohort of his
own, who encompassed the Jews on all sides,
and slew them ; some of them as they were
running for shelter to the temple, and others
as they, for a while, fought in their own de-
fence.
5. And now did many of the priests, even
when they saw their enemies assailing them
\vith swords in their hands, without any dis-
turbance, go on with their divine worship, and
were slain while they were offering their drink-
offerings and burning their incense, as pre-
ferring the duties about their worship to God
before their own preservation. The greatest
part of them were slain by tlieir own country-
men of the adverse faction, and an innumer-
able multitude threw themselves down preci-
pieces ; nay some there were who were so dis-
tracted among the insuperable difficulties they
were under, that they set fire to the buildings
that were near to the wall, and were burnt to-
gether with them. Now of the Jews were
slain twelve thousand ; but of the Romans
very few were slain, but a greater number
was wounded.
6. But there was nothing that affected the
nation so much, in the calamities they were
then under, as that their holy place, which had
been hitherto seen by none, should be laid
open to strangers ; for Pompey, and those
that were about him, went into the temple
itself,* whether it was not lawful for any to
enter but tlie liigli-priest, and saw what was
rcposited therein, the candlestick with its
lamps, and the table, and the pouring vessels,
and the censers, all made entirely of gold, as
also a great quantity of spices heaped together,
with two tliousand talents of sacred money.
Yet did not he touch the money, nor an>
thing else that was there rtposited ; but he
commanded the ministers about the temple,
the very nest day after he had taken it, to
cleanse it, and to perform tlieir accustomed sa-
crifices. Moreover, he made Hyrcanus high-
priest, as one that not only in other respects
had shown great alacrity, on his side, during
the siege, but as he had been the means of
hindering the multitude that was in the country
from fighting for Aristobulus, which they were
otherwise very ready to have done ; by wliich
means he acted the part of a good general,
and reconciled the people to him more by
benevolence than by terror. Now among
the captives, Aristobulus's father-in-law was
taken, who was also his uncle, so those that
were the mo>t guilty he punished with de-
collation ; but rewarded Faustus, and those
with him that had fouglit so bravely, with
glorious presents ; and laid a tribute upon the
country, and upon Jerusalem itself.
7. He also took away from the nation all
those cities they had formerly taken, and that
belonged to Celesyria, and made them subject
to him that was at that time appointed to be
the Roman president there, and reduced Ju-
deu within its proper bounds. He also re-
built f Gadara, that had been demolished by
the Jews, in order to gratify one Demetrius,
who was of Gadara, and was one of his own
freed-men. He also made other cities free
from their dominion, that lay in the midst of
the country, — such, I mean, as they had not
demolished before that time ; Hippos, and
Seythopolis, as also Pella, and Samaria, and
Marissa ; and besides these, Ashdod, and Jara-
nia, and Arethusa; and in like manner dealt
he with the maritime cities, Gaza, and Joppa,
and Dora, and that wliich was anciently called
Strato's Tower, but was afterward rebuilt
with the most magnificent edifices, and had
its name changed to Cesarea, by king Herod
All which he restored to their own citizens,
and put them under the province of Syria;
which province, together with Judea, and the
countries as far as Egypt and Euphrates, he
committed to Scaurus as their governor, and
gave him two legions to support him ; while
• Thus says Tacitus ; — Cii. Pompeius first of all S'j|>
dued the Jews, and went into their temple, by right of
concjuest. Hist. b. v, ch. ix Nor did ne touch any of
its riches, as has been ol>aer\'ed on the parallel place of
the Antiquities, b. aav, ch. it, sect. 4, out of Cicero
himself.
t The coin of this Gadara, still extant, with its date
from this sera, is a certain evidence of this its rebuilding
by Poinpev. as Sjwnheim here assures us.
6(ii
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK I.
ne made all tlie l;aste he could himself to go
ihroiigli Cilicia, in his way to Home, having
Aristobulus and his children along with him,
as his captives. They were two daughters
and two sons ; the one of which sons, Alex-
ander, ran away as he was going ; but the
younger, Antigonus, with his sisters, were
carried to Rome.
CHAPTER VI If.
ALEXANDEU, THE SON OF ARISTOEULUS, WHO
KAN AWAV JKOM POJIPEV, MAKES AN EXPE-
DITION AGAINST HYllCANL'S; BUT BEING
OVEUCOJIE BY GABINIUS, HE DELIVERS UP
THE EOUTRES3ES TO HLM. AFTER THIS,
ARISTOBULUS ESCAPES FROM ROME, AND
GATHERS .\N ARMY TOGETHER ; BUT BEING
BEATEN BY THE ROMANS, HE IS BROUGHT
BACK TO ROME ; WITH OTHER THINGS RE-
LATING TO GABINIUS, CRASSUS, AND CAS-
SlUS.
§ 1. In the mean time Scaurus made an ex-
jiedition into Arabia, but was stopped by the
difficulty of the places about Petra. How-
ever, ho laid waste the country about Pella,
though even there he was under great hard-
ship, for his army was afflicted witli famine.
In order to supply wliicli want, Hyrcanus af-
forded him some assistance, and sent liim pro-
visions by the means of Antipater ; whom al-
so Scaurus sent to Aretas, as one well ac-
quainted with him, to induce him to pay him
money to buy his peace. The king of Ara-
bia complied w ith the proposal, and gave liim
three hundred talents; upon which Scaurus
drew his army out of Arabia. •
2. But as for Alexander, that son of Aris-
tobulus who ran away from Pompey, in some
time he got a considerable band of men to-
gether, and lay heavy upon Hyrcanus, and
over-ran Judea, and was liiiely to overturn
him quickly ; and indeed he had come to
Jerusalem, and had ventured to rebuild its
wall that was thrown down by Pompey, bad
not Gabinius, who was sent as successor to
Scaurus into Syria, shown his bravery, as in
many other points, so in making an expedi-
tion against Alexander who, as he was
afraid that lie would attack him, so he got
together a large army, composed of ten thou:
sand armed footmen, and fifteen hundred
Jiorsemen. He also built walls about proper
places; Alexandrium, and Hyrcanium, and
» Take the like attestation to the truth of tliis sul)-
mission of Aretas king of Arabia to Seaurus the Roman
general, in the words of Dean Aldrich. " Hence (says
he is derived that old and famous denarius belonging
to the Kinilian family [reprebeiitea in Havcrcamir»_edi-
tion^, wl
tion,' and taking
Macherus, that lay upon the mountains of
Arabia.
3. However, Gabinius sent before hitn
Marcus Antonius, and followed himself with
his whole army ; but for the select body of
soldiers that were about Antipater, and ano-
ther body of Jews under the command cf
Malichus and Pitliolaus, these joined them-
selves to those captains that were about Mar-
cus Antonius, and met Alexander ; to which
body came Gabinius with his main army soon
afterward ; and as Alexander was not able to
sustain the charge of the enemies' forces,
now they were joined, he retired. But when
he was come near to Jerusalem, he was forced
to fight, and lost six thousand men in the
battle ; three thousand of whom fell down
dead, and three thousand were taken alive;
so he fltd with the remainder to Alexandrium.
4. Now, when Gabinius was come to Alex-
andrium, because he found a great many there
encamped, he tried, by promising them par-
don for their former ofTences, to induce them
to come over to him before it came to a fight;
but when they would hearken to no terms of
accommodation, he slew a great number of
them, and shut up a great number of them
in the citadel. Now INIarcus Antonius, their
leader, signalized himself in this battle, who,
as he always showed great courage, so did he
never show it so much as now ; but Gabi-
nius, leaving forces to take the citadel, went
away himself, and settled the cities that had
not been demolished, and rebuilt those that
had been destroyed. Accordingly, upon his
injunction, the following cities were restored:
— Scyihopolis, Samaria, Anthedon, Apollo-
nia, Jamnia, Raphia, Marissa, Adoreus, Ga-
mala, Ashdod, and many others ; while a
great number of men readily ran to each of
them, and became their inhabitants.
5. When Gabinius had taken care of these
cities, he returned to Alexandrium, and press-
ed on the siege. So when Alexander de-
spaired of ever obtaining the government, he
sent ambassadors to him, and prayed him to
forgive what he had offended him in, and
gave up to him the remaining fortresses, Hyr-
canium and Macherus, as he put Alexandri-
um into his hands afterwards : all which Ga-
binius demolished, at the persuasion of Alex-
ander's mother, that they might not be recep-
tacles of men in a second war. She was now
there, in order to mollify Gabinius, out of her
concern for her relations that were captives
at Rome, which were her husband and her
other children. After this, Gabinius brought
Hyrcanus to Jerusalem, and committed the
care of the temple to liim ; but ordained the
political government to be by an aristocracy.
He also parted the whole nation into five
conventions, assigning one portion to Jerusa-
Aretas appears in a posture of supplica- ' 5 ,° ., „. „„„,i,„_ ,j,„,,M
^ „ g hold of a camel's bridle with his left ' 1 em, another to Gadara, that another should
nand,"and with his right band presentitig a branch of [^^.l^,,^ to Amathus, a fourth to Jericho, and
the frankincense-tree, with thio inscription iM.htAU- ,„"«,•,. j;,.- :„„ „„, cU^tt^A Spnnhoris. a
RL'S K* S. C; and beneath, HEX .■VRETAS."
to the fifth division was allotted Sepphoris, a
CHAP. VIII.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
6')6
city of Galilee. So the people were glad to
1)6 thus freed from monarchical government,
and were governed for the future by an aris-
tocracy.
6. Yet did Aiistobulns afford a new foun-
dation for other disturbances. He fled away
from Rome, and got together again many of
the Jews that were desirous of a change, such
as liad borne an affection lo him of old ; and
when be had taken Alexandriuni in the first
place, he attempted to build a wall about it;
but as soon as Gabinius had sent an army
against him under Sisenna, Antonius, and
Servilius, he was aware of it, and retreated
to Macherus. And as for the unprofitable
multitude, he dismissed ihem, and only march-
ed on with those that were armed, being to
the number of eight thousand, among whom
vras Pitholaus, who had been the lieutenant
at Jerusalem, but deserted to Aristobulus
with a thousand of his men : so the Romans
followed him, and when it came to a battle,
Aristobulus's party for a long time fought
courageously ; but at length they were over-
borne by the Romans, and of them five thou ■
sand fell dead, and about two thousand fled
to a certain little hill, but the thousand that
remained with Aristobulus brake through the
Roman army, and marched together to Ma-
cherus ; and, when the king had lodged the
first night on its ruins, he was in hopes of
raising another army, if the war would but
cease a while; accordingly he fortified that
strong-hold, though it was done after a poor
manner. But the Romans falling upon him,
he resisted, even beyond his abilities, for two
days, and then was taken, and brought a pri-
soner to Gabinius, with Antigonus his son,
who had fled away together with him from
Rome; and from Gabinius he was carried to
Rome again. Wherefore the senate put him
under confinement, but returned his children
back to Judea, because Gabinius informed
tliem by letters, that he had promised Aristo-
bulus's mother to do so, for her delivering
the fortresses up to him.
7. But now as Gabinius was marching to
the war against the Partiiiaiis, he was hinder-
ed by Ptolemy, whom, upon his return from
Euphrates, he brought back into Egypt, mak-
ing use of Hyrcanus and Antipater to pro-
vide every thing that was necessary for this
expedition ; for Antipater furnished him with
money, and weapons, and corn, and auxiliar-
ies ; he also prevailed with the Jews that were
there, and guarded the avenues at Pelusium,
to let them pass. But now, upon Gabinius's
absence, the otlier part of Syria was in mo-
tion, and Alexander, the son of Aristobulus,
wrought the Jews to revolt again. Accord-
ingly, he got together a very great army, and
set about killing all the Romans that were in
the country; hereupon Gabinius was afraid
(for he was come back already out oC^Egvpt,
ai)d obliged to come back quickly by these
tumults), and sent Antipitcr, who prevailed
with some of the revolters to be quiet. How-
ever, thirty thousand still continued with
Alexander, who was himself eager to fio-ht
also; accordingly, Gabinius went out to fight
when the Jews met him ; and, as the battle
was fought near Mount Tabor, ten thousand
of them were slain, and the rest of the mul-
titude dispersed themselves, and fled away.
So Gabinius came to Jerusalem, and settled
the government as Antipater would liave it ; i
(hence he marched, and fought and beat the |
Nabateans: as for Mithrinarcs and Orsanes, f
who fled out of Parthia, he sent them away 1
privately, but gave it out among the soldiers !
that they had run away.
8. In the mean time, Crassus came as sue
cessor to Gabinius in Syria. He took away
all the rest of the gold belonging to the tem-
ple of Jerusalem, in order to furnish himself
for his expedition against the Parthians. He
also took away the two thousand talents which
Pompey had not touched ; but when he had
passed over Euphrates, he perished himself,
and his army with him ; concerning which
affairs this is not a proper time to speak [more
largely],
9. But now Cassius, after Crassus, put a
stop to the Parthians, who were marchin", in
order to enter Syria. Cassius had fled into
that province, and when he had taken posses-
sion of the same, he made a hasty march into
Judea ; and, upon his taking Taricheae, he
carried thirty thousand Jews into slavery. He
also slew Pitholaus, who had supported the
seditious followers of Aristobulus ; and it
was Antipater who advised him so to do.
Now this Antipater married a wife of an emi-
nent family among the Arabians, whose name
was Cypres, and had four sons born to him
by her, Pijasaelus and Herod, who was after-
wards king, and besides, Joseph and Pheroras ;
and he had a daughter, whose name was Sa-
lome, Now, as he made himself friends
among the men of power everywhere, by tlie
kind oflices he did them, and the hospitable
manner that he treated them ; so did he con-
tract the greatest friendship with the king of
Arabia, by marrying his relation ; insomuch
that when he made war with Aristobulus, he
sent and intrusted his children with him. So,
when Cassiua had forced Alexander to come
to terms and to be qtu'et, he returned to Eu-
phrates, in order to prevent the Parthians
from repassing it ; concerning wliich matter
we shall speak elsewhere.*
• This citation is now wanting
606
WARS OF THE JEWS.
the city ; in the attack of which place, Anti-
pater principally signalized himself, for he
brought down that part of the wall which was
over-against him^ and leaped first of all into
the city, with the men that were about him,
4. Thus was Pelusium taken. But still,
as they were marching on, those Egyptian
Jews that inhabited the country, called the
HE ALSO PERI-OKMS GUKAT ACTIONS IN THAT country of Onias, Stopped them. Tiien did
CHAPTER IX.
ARISTOBULUS IS TAKEN OFF BY POiMPEYS
FRIENDS, AS IS HIS SON ALEXANDER BY
SCIPIO. ANTIPATER CULTIVATES A FRIEND-
SHIP WITH C^SAR, AFTER POMPEY's DEATH;
WAR, WHEREIN HE ASSISTED WIXHRIDATES.
§ 1. Now, upon the flight of Pompey and
of the senate beyond the Ionian Sea, Ca;sar
got Rome and the empire under his power,
and released AristobuUis from !iis bonds. He
also committed two legions to him, and sent
him in haste into Syria, as hoping that by his
means he should easily conquer that country,
and the parts adjoining to Judea. But envy
prevented any effect of Aristobulus's alacrity
and the hopes of Ctesar ; for he was taken off
by poison given him by those of Pompey's
party ; and, for a long while, he had not so
much as a burial vouchsafed him in his own
country ; but his dead body lay [above ground],
preserved in honey, until it was sent to the
Jews by Antony, in order to be buried in the
royal sepulchres,
2. His son Alexander also was beheaded
by Scipio at Antioch, and that by the com-
mand of Pompey, and upon an accusation
laid against him before his tribunal, for the
mischiefs ho had done to the Romans. But
Ptolemy, the soa of Menneus, who was then
ruler of Chalcis, under Libanus, took his
brethren to him, by sending his son Philippic
for them to Ascalon ; who took Antigonus,
as well as his sisters, away from Aristobulus's
"vife, and brought them to his faiher ; and
falling in love with the younger daughter, he
married her, and was afterward siain by his
father on her account ; for Ptolemy himself,
after he had slain his son, married her, whose
name was Alexandra; on account of which
marriage, he took the greater care of her
brother and sister.
3. Now, after Pompey was dead, Antipa-
ter changed sides, and cultivated a friendship
with Caesar. And, since Mithridates of Per-
gamus, with the forces he led against Egypt,
was excluded from the avenues about Pelusi-
um, and was forced to stay at Ascalon, he
persuaded the Arabians among whom he had c^SAR MAKES ANTIPATER PROCURATOR OF
lived, to assist him, and came liiniself to him,
at the head of tliree thousand men. He al-
so encouraged the men of power in Syria to
come to his assistance ; as also of the inhabi-
tants of Libanus, Ptolemy, and Jamblicus,
and another Ptolemy ; by which means the
cities of that country came readily into this
war; insomuch that Mithridates ventured
now, in dependence upon the additional
. strength that he had gotten by Antipater, to
march forward to Pelusium ; and when thev
Antipater not only persuade them not to stop
them, but to aflbrd provisions for their army;
on which account even the people about
Memphis would not fight against them, but,,
of their own accord, joined Mithridates.
Whereupon he went round about Delta, and
fought the rest of the Egyptians at a place
called the Jews' Camp : nay, when he was in
danger in the battle with all his right wing,
Antipater wheeled about, and came along the
bank of the river to him ; for he had beaten
those that opposed him as he led the left wing.
After which success he fell upon those that
pursued Mithridates, and slew a great many
of them, and pursued the remainder so far,
that he took their camp, while he lost no more
than fourscore of his own men ; as Mithrida-
tes lost, during the pursuit that was made af-
ter him, about eight hundred. He was also
himself saved unexpectedly, and became
unreproachable witness to Caesar of the grea
actions of Antipater.
5. W'hereupon Caesar encouraged Antipa-
ter to undertake other hazardous enterprizes
for him, and that by giving him great com-
mendations and hopes of reward. In all
which enterprizes he readily exposed himself
to many dangers, and became a most coura-
geous warrior ; and had many wounds all
over his body, as demonstrations of his valour.
And when Csesar had settled the afTiiirs of
Egypt, and was returning into Syria again,
he gave him the privilege of a Roman citizen,
and freedom from taxes, and rendered liira
an object of admiration by the honours and
marks of friendship he bestowed upon him.
On this account it was that he also confirmed
Hyrcanus iu the high -priesthood.
CHAPTER X.
JUDEA ; AS DOES ANTIPATER APPOINT PHA-
SAEI.US TO BE GOVERNOR OF JERUSALEM,
AND HEUOD GOVERNOR OF GALILEE ; WHO,
IN SOAIE TIME, WAS CALLED TO ANSWER FOR
HIMSELF [before THE SANHEDRLM], WHF.RK
HE IS ACQUITTED. SEXTUS dSAR IS TREA-
CHEROUSLY KILLED BY BASSUS, AND IS SUC-
CEEDLD BY MARCUS.
§ 1. About this time it was that Antigonus,
the son of Aristobulus, came to Caesar, and
refused him a passage tiirough it, he besieged ! became, in a surprising manner, the occasion
OH A p. X.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
561
of A nti pater's farther advancement ; for,
whereas he ought to have lamented that his
father appeared to have been poisoned on ac-
count of his quarrels with Pompey, and to
have complained of Scipio's barbarity towards
his brother, and not to mix any invidious pas-
sion when suing for mercy; instead of those
things, he came before Caesar, and accused
Hyrcanus and Antipater, how they had driven
him and his brethren entirely out of their na-
tive country, and liad acted in a great many
instances unjustly and extravagantly with re-
gard to their nation ; and that as to the assist-
ance they bad sent him into Egypt, it was not
done out of good-will to him, but out of the
fear they were in from former quarrels, and
in order to gain pardon for their friendship to
[his enemy | Pompey,
2. Hereupon Antipater threw away his gar-
ments, and showed the multitude of the
wounds he had, and said, that as to his good-
will to Caesar, lie had no occasion to say a
word, because his body cried aloud, tliougli
he said nothing himself: that he wondered at
Antigonus's boldness, while he was himself
no otlier than the son of an enemy to the Ro-
mans, and of a fugitive, and had it by inhe-
ritance from his father to be fond of innova-
tions and seditions, that he should undertake
to accuse other men before the Roman gover-
nor, and endeavour to gain some advantages
to himself, when he ought to be contented that
he was suffered to live ; for that the reason of
his desii'e of governing public affairs, was not
so much because he was in want of it, but
because, if he could once obtain the same, he
might stir up a sedition among the Jews, and
use what he should gain from the Romans,
to the disservice of those that gave it him.
3. When Ca;sar heard this, he declared
Hyrcanus to be the most worthy of the high-
priesthood, and gave leave to Antipater to
choose what authority he pleased; but he left
the determination of such dignity to him tliat
bestowed the dignity upon iiim ; so l)e was
constituted procurator of all Judea, and ob-
tained leave, moreover, to rebuild * those
walls of his country that had been thrown
down. These honorary grants Caesar sent
orders to have engraved in the Capitol, tliat
tliey might stand there as indications of his
own justice, and of the virtue of Antipater.
4. But as soon as Antipater had conducted
Caesar out of Syria he returned to Judea, and
the first thing he did, was to rebuild that wall
of his own country [Jerusalem], which Pom-
pey had overthrown, and then to go over tlie
country, and to quiet the tumults that were
'^ What k lierc noted by Huc^son and Spanheim, that
this grant of leave to rebuild the walls of the cities of
Judea was made by Julius Ca;sar, uotas here to Antipa-
ter, bat to Hyrcanus (Antiq. b. xiv. uh. viii. sect. 5), has
hardly an appearance of a contradiction ; Antipater being
now pel Ivaps considered only as Hyrcanus's deputy and
miDister, although he afterwards made a cypher of Hyr-
canus, and, under great decency of behaviour to him,
look the real authority to himself.
therein ; where he partly threatened, and partly
advised, every one, and told them that, in case
they would submit to Hyrcanus, they would
live happily and peaceably, and enjoy what
they possessed, and that with universal peace
and quietness ; but that, in case they hearken-
ed to such as had some frigid hopes by rais-
ing new troubles, to get themselves some gain,
they should then find him to be their lord,
instead of their procurator, and find Hyrcanus
to be a tyrant, instead of a king, — and both
the Romans and Cassar to be their enemies,
instead of rulers ; for that they would not suffer
him to be removed from the government,
whom they had made their governor ; and, at
the same time that he said this, he settled the
affairs of the country by himself, because he
saw that Hyrcanus was inactive, and not fit
to manage the affairs of the kingdom. So he
constituted his eldest son, Phasaelus, governor
of Jerusalem, and of the parts about it ; he
also sent his next son, Herod, who was very
young,* with equal authority into Galilee.
5. Now Herod was an active man, and
soon found proper materials for his active
spirit to work upon. As therefore he found
that Hezekias, the head of the robbers, ran
over the neighbouring parts of Syria with a
great band of men, he caught him and slew
him, and many more of the robbers with him ;
which exploit was chiefly grateful to the Sy
rians, insomuch that hymns were sung in He-
rod's commendation, both in the villages and
in the cities, as having procured their quiet-
ness, and having preserved what they possess.
ed to them ; on which occasion he became
acquainted with Sextus Ca?sar, a kinsman of
the great Caesar, and president of Syria. A
just emulation of his glorious actions excited
Phasaelus also to imitate him. Accordingly
he procured the good-will of the inhabitants of
Jerusalem, by his own management of the
city affairs, and did not abuse his power in
any disagreeable manner ; whence it came to
pass that the nation paid Antipater the re-
spects that were due only to a king, and the
honours they all yielded him were equal to
the honours due to an absolute lord ; yet did
he not abate any part of that good-will or fide
lily which he owed to Hyrcanus.
6. However, he found it impossible to es-
cape envy in such his prosperity : for the
glory of these young men affected even Hyr-
canus himself already privately, though he
said nothing of it to any body; but what he
principally was grieved at was the great actions
of Herod, and that so many messengers came
one before another, and informed him of the
great reputation he got in all his undertak
ings. There were also many people in th^
royal palace itself who inflamed his envy at
him; those, I mean, who were obstructed in
t Or 25 years of age. See note on Antiq. b. 1, eh. icii,
sect. 5 ; and on b xiv, ch. ix, sect. 2 ; and Of the War
b ii ch. xi, sect. 6 ; and Polyb. b. xvii, p. 725
568
WARS OF TflH JEWS.
tlieir (Icsfgns by the prudence either of the
young inen, or of Antipater, These men
said, that by committing the public adairs to
the management of Antipater and of his sons,
he sat down with nothing but the bare name
of a ting, without any of its authority ; and
they asked him how long he would so far mis-
take himself as to breed up king3 against his
own interest ; for that they did not now conceal
tlieir government of affairs any longer, but
were plainly lords of the nation, and had thrust
him out of his authority ; that this was the
case when Herod slew so many men witliout
his giving him any command to do it, either
by word of mouth or by his letter, and this in
contradiction to the law of the Jews ; who
therefore, in case he be not a king, but a pri-
vate man, still ought to come to his trial, and
answer it to him, and to the laws of his coun-
try, which d J not permit any one to be killed
till he had been condemned in judgment.
7. Now Hyrcanus was by degrees inflamed
with these discourses, and at length could
bear no longer, but summoned Herod to take
his trial. Accordingly, by his father's advice,
and as soon as the affairs of Galilee would
give him leave, he came uj) [to Jerusalem],
when he had ♦irst placed garrisons in Galilee:
however, he came with a sufficient body of
soldiers, so many indeed that he niiglit not
appear to have with him an army able to over-
throw Hyrcanus's government, nor yet so few
as to expose him to the insults of those that
envied him. However, Seztus Caesar was in
fear for the young man, lest he should be
taken by his enemies, and brought to punish-
ment ; so he sent some to denounce expressly
to Hyrcanus, that he should acquit Herod of
the capital charge against him ; who acquitted
him accordingly, as being otherwise inclined
also so to do, for he loved Herod.
8. But Herod, supposing that he had es-
caped punishment without the consent of the
king, retired to Sextus, to Damascus, and
got every thing ready, in order not to obey
iiim if he should summon him again ; where-
upon those tliat were evil disposed irritated
Hyrcanus, and told him that Herod was gone
away in anger, and was prepared to make
war upon him; and as the king believed what
they said, he knew not what to do, since he
saw his antagonist was stronger than he was
himself; and now, since Herod was made ge-
neral of Celesyria and Samaria by Sextus
Ca-sar, he was formidable, not only from the
good -will which the nation bore him, but by
the power he himself had ; insomuch that
Hyrcanus fell into the utmost degree of ter-
or, and expected he would presently march
against him with his army.
9. Nor was he mistaken in the conjecture
he made; for Herod got his army together,
out of the anger he bare him for his threaten-
ing him witli the accusation in a public court,
and led it to Jerusalem, in order to throw
Hyrcanus down from his kingilom ; and this
he had soon done, unless his father and bro.
ther had gone out together and broken the
force of his fury, and this by exhorting hhn
to carry his revenge no farther than to threat-
ening and affrighting, but to spare the king,
under whom he had been advanced to such a
degree of power ; and that he ought not to
be so much provoked at his being tried, as to
forget to be thankful that he was acquitted;
nor so long to tliink upon what was of a me-
lancholy nature, as to be ungrateful for his
deliverance ; and if we ought to reckon that
God is the arbitrator of success in war, an
unjust cause is of more disadvantage than an
army can be of advantage ; and that there-
fore he ought not to be entirely confident of
success in a case where he is to fight against
his king, his supporter, and one that had often
been his benefactor, and that had never been
severe to him any otherwise than as he had
hearkened to evil counsellors, and this no far-
ther than by bringing a shadow of injustice
upon him. So Herod was prevailed upon
by these arguments, and supposed that what
he had already done was sufficient for his fu-
ture hopes, and that he had enough shown liis
power to the nation.
10. In the mean time, there was a distur-
bance among the Romans about Apamia, and
a civil war occasioned by tlie treacherous
slaughter of Sextus Cfesar,* by Cecilius Bas-
sus, which he perpetrated out of his good-will
to Pompey ; he also took the authority over
his forces ; but, as the rest of Caesar's com-
manders attacked Bassus with their whole
army, in order to punish him for the murder
of Caesar, Antipater also sent them assistance
by his sons, both on account of him that was
murdered, and on account of that Caesar who
was still alive, both of whom were their
friends; and as this war grew to be of a con-
Riderable length, Marcus came out of Italy as
successor to Sextus.
CHAPTER XI.
HI:R0D is made procurator of all SYRIA ;
MALTCHUS IS AFRAID OF HIM, AND TAKES
ANTIPATER OFF BY POISON : WHEREUPON
THE TRIBUNES OF THE SOLDIERS ARE PRE-
VAILED WITH TO KILL HI.%L
§ 1. There was at this time a mighty war
raised among the Romans, upon the sudden
and treacherous slaughter of Casar by Cassius
and Brutus, after he had held the govern-
ment for three years and seven months, -f-
• Many writers of the Roman history give an ac-
count of this niiinier of Sextus Cjesar, and of the war of
Ap.iMiia upon that occasion. 1 hey are citfd in Uean
AJilrich's note.
t In the Antiquities, b. xiv, oh. xi, sect. 1, the dura-
tion of tlie r«ga of Julius (.'a^sar is tlire« yaar* sue
CHAl'. XI.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
569
Upon this murde*- there were very great agi-
tations, and the great men were mightily
at difference one with another, and every one
betook himself to that party where they had
the greatest hopes (>*" advancing themselves.
Accordingly, Cassius came into Syria, in or-
der to receive the forces that were at Apamia,
where he procured a reconciliation between
Bassus and Marcus, and the legions whicli
were at difference with him : so he raised the
siege of Apamia, and took upon him the
command of the army, and went about ex-
acting tribute of the cities, and demanding
their money to such a degree as they were
not able to bear.
2. So he gave command that the Jews
should bring in seven hundred talents : where-
upon Antipater, out of his dread of Cassius's
threats, parted the raising of this sum among
his sons, and among others of his acquaint-
ance, and to be done immediately ; and a-
mong them he required one Malichus, who
svas at enmity with him, to do his part also,
which necessity forced him to do. Now He-
rod, in the first place, mitigated the passion
of Cassius, by bringing his sliare out of Ga-
lilee, which was a hundred talents, on which
account he was in the highest favour with
him; and when he reproached tlie rest for
being tardy, he was angry st the cities them-
selves ; so he made slaves of Gophna and
Emmaus, and two others of less note : nay,
ne proceeded as if he would kill Malichus,
because he had not made greater haste in ex-
acting his tribute ; but Antipater prevented
the ruin of this man, and of the other cities,
and got into Cassius's favour by bringing in a
hundred talents immediately.*
3. However, when Cassius was gone, Ma-
lichus forgot the kindness that Antipater had
done him, and laid frequent plots against him
that had saved him, as making haste to get
him out of the way, who was an obstacle to
bis wicked practices; but Antipater was so
much afraid of the power and cunning of the
man, that lie went beyond Jordan, in order to
get an army to guard himself against his
treacherous designs; but when Malichus was
caught in his plot, he put upon Antipater's
sons by his impudence, for he thoroughly de-
luded Phasaclus, who was the guardian of
Jerusalem, and Herod who was entrusted
with the weapons of war, and this by a great
many excuses and oaths, and persuaded them
months; but here three years seven months, beginning
rightly, says Dean AWrich, from his second diclator-
ship. It is probable the rual duration might be three
years, aud between six and seven months.
» It ajipears evidently bv Josephus's accounts, both
here and in his Antiquities,' (b. xiv, cli. xi, sect. 2), that
this Cassius, one of Caesar's murderers, was a bitter op-
pressor, and exacter of tribute in Judea. These seven
hundred talents .imount to about three hundred thou-
sand pounds sterling, and are about half the yearly re-
venues of king Hesod afterwards. See the note on \n-
tiq. b. xvii, ch. xi, sect. 4. It also appears that Galilee
then paid no mote than one hundred talent^ or the se-
»et>th part of tlie sum to be levied in all the countrj
to procure his reconciliation to his father
Thus was he preserved again by Antipater,
who dissuaded Marcus, the then president of
Syria, from his resolution of killing Malichus,
on account of his attempts for innovation.
4. Upon the war between Cassius and Bru-
tus on one side, against the younger Caesar
[.Augustus] and Antony on the other, Cassius
and Marcus got together an army out of Sy-
ria ; and because Herod was likely to have a
great share in providing necessaries, they then
made him procurator of all Syria, and gave
him an army of foot and horse. Cassius pro-
mised him also, that after the war was over,
he would make him king of Judea ; but it
so happened, that the power and hojjes of his
son became the cause of his perdition ; for,
as Malichus was afraid of this, he corrupted
one of the king's cup-bearers with money, to
give a poisoned potion to Antipater; so he
became a sacrifice to Malichus's wickedness,
and died at a feast. He vi'as a man, in other
respects, aciive in the management of affairs,
and one that recovered the government to
Hyrcanus, and preserved it in his hands.
5. However, Malichus, when he was sus-
pected of poisoning Antipater, and when the
multitude was angry with him for it, denied
it, and made the people believe he was not
guilty. He also prepared to make a greater
figure, and raised soldiers; for he did not
suppose tiiat Herod would be quiet, who in-
deed came, upon him with an army presently,
in order to revenge his father's death ; but,
upon hearing the advice of his brother Pha-
saelus, not to punish him in an open man-
ner, lest the multitude should fall into a se-
dition, he admitted of Malichus's apology,
and professed that he cleared him of the sus-
picion ; he also made a pompous funeral for
his father.
6. So Herod went to Samaria, which v,-as
then in a tumult, and settled the city in
peace ; after which, at the [ Pentecost] festi-
val, he returned to Jerusalem, having hig
armed men with him ; hereupon Hyrcanus,
at the request of Malichus, who feared his
approach, forbade them to introduce foreign-
ers to mix themselves with the people of the
country, while they were purifying them-
selves ; but Herod despised the pretence,
and him that gave that command, and came
in by night. Upon which Malichus came to
him, and bewailed Antipater; Herod also
made him believe [he admitted of his lamen-
tation as real], although he liad much ado to
restrain his passion at him ; however, he did
himself bewail the murder of his father in his
letters to Cassius, who, on other accounts,
also hated Malichus. Cassius sent him word
back that he should avenge his father's death
upon him, and privately gave order to the
tribunes that were under him, that they should
assist Herod in a righteous action he was
about.
3 B
670
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK I
7. And because, upon ths taking of Lao-
tlicta by Cassius, the men of power were got-
ten together from all quarters, with presents
and crowns in their hands, Herod allotted
this time for the punisliment of Malichus.
When Malichus suspected that, and was at
Tvre, he resolved to withdraw his son pri-
vately from among the Tyrians, who was an
hostage there, while he got ready to fly away
into Jiidea; the despair he was in of escap-
ing, excited him to think of greater things ;
for he hoped that he should raise the nation
to a revolt from the Romans, while Cassius
was busy about the war against Antony, and
that he should easily depose Hyrcanus, and
get the crown for himself.
8. But fate laughed at the hopes he had,
for Ilerod foresaw what he was so zealous
about, and invited both Hyrcanus and him
to supper ; but calling one of the principal
servants that stood by him, to him, he sent
him out, as though it were to get tilings ready
for supper, but in reality to give notice be-
forehand about the plot that was laid against
him ; accordingly they called to mind what
or(Jers Cassius had given them, and went out
of the city with their swords in their hands
upon the sea-shore, where they encompassed
Malichus round about, and killed him with
many wounds. Upon which Hyrcanus was
immediately afiVighted, till he swooned away,
and fell down at the surprise he was in ; and
it was with difficulty that he was recovered,
when he asked who it was that had killed
by himself too hard for Felix, and reproached
Hyrcanus on account of his ingratitude, botli
for what assistance he had afibrded Malichus,
and for overlooking Malichus's brother, when
he possessed himseif of the fortresses ; for he
had gotten a great many of them already, and
among them the strongest of them all. Ma-
sad a.
2. However, nothing could be sufficient
for him against the force of Herod, who, as
soon as he was recovered, took the other for-
tresses again, and drove him out of Masada
in the posture of a supplicant ; he also drove
away Marion, the tyrant of the Tyrians, oul
of Galilee, when he had already })Ossessed
himself of three fortified places; but as to
those Tyrians whom he had caught, he [ire-
served them all alive ; nay, some of them he
gave presents to, and so sent them away, and
thereby procured good-will to him.self from the
city, and hatred to the tyrant. Marion had in-
deed obtained that tyrannical power of Cassius,
who set tyrants over all Syria;* and out of
hatred to Her.-^d it was that he assisted Anii-
gonus, the son of Aristobulus, and princi-
pally on Fabius's account, whom Antigonus
liad made his assistant by money, and Iiad
hira accordingly on his side when he made
his descent ; but it was Ptolemy, the kins-
man of Antigonus, that supplied all that he
wanted.
3. When Herod had fought against these
in the avenues of Judea, he was conqueror in
the battle, and drove away Antigonus, and
Malichus. And when one of the tribunes returned to Jerusalem, beloved by every body
replied that it was done by the command of
Cassius, " Then," said he, " Cassius hath
saved both me and my country, by cutting
off one that was laying plots against them
both." Whether he spake according to his
own sentiments, or whether his fear was such,
tbyt he was obliged to commend the action
by saying so, is uncertain; hc^-ever, by this
method Herod inflicted punishment upon
Muli'-hus.
CHAPTER XII.
I'llASAtl.US IS TOO HAllD lOR FEUX ; HEROD
ALSO OVEUCOMES ANTIGONUS IN BATTLE :
ANU THE JEWS ACCUSE BOTH HEROD AND
IHASAEI.US ; EUT ANTONIUS At:QUlTS THEM,
AND MAICES THEiM TETRARCHS.
^f 1. WtlEN Cassius was gone out of Syria,
anotiier sedition arose at Jerusalem, wherein
Felix assaulted Phasaelus with an army, that
he might revenge the death of Malichus up-
on lleiod, by falling upon his brother. Now
ilerod happened then to be witli Fabius, the
governor of Damascus, and as he was going
to his brother's assistance, he was detained
by sickness ; in the mean time, Phasaelus was
for the glorious action he had done ; for
those who did not before favour him, did
join themselves to him now, because of his
marriage into the family of Hyrcanus ; for
as he had formerly married a wife out of his
own country of no ignoble blood, who was
called Doris, of whom lie begat Antipater, sc
did he now marry Mariamne, the daughter of
Alexander, the son of Aristobuius, and the
grand-daughter of Hyrcanus, and was be-
come thereby a relation of the king.
4. Rut when Ca;sar and Antony had slain
Cassius near Philippi, and Ca;sar was gone
to Italy, and Antony to Asia, amongst the
rest of the cities which sent ambassadors to
Antony unto Bithynia, the great men of the
Jews came also, and accused Phasaelus and
Herod, that they kept the government by
force, and that Hyrcanus had no more than
an honourable name. Herod appeared ready
to answer this accusation ; and, having made
Antony his friend by the large sums of mo-
ney he gave hmi, he brought him to such a
temper as not to hear the others speak against
him ; and thus did they jiart at this time.
5. However, after this there came a iiun-
« t'ere we sec that Cassiuij^set tyrants over all Syria;
so that his assisting to destroy Ca;sar does not seciii to
have proceeded from l\is true zeal for public liberly
but from a desire to boa tyrant J"irase!/.
CHAP. xm.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
67)
(Ired of the principal men among the Jews to
Daphne by Antioch, to Antony, who was al-
ready in love with Cleopatra to the degree of
slavery ; these Jews put those men that were
the most potent, both in dignity and elo-
quence, foremost, and accused the brethren.*
But Messala opposed them, and defended the
brethren, and that while Hyrcanus stood by
him, on account of his relation to them.
When Antony had heard both sides, he asked
Hyrcanus which party was the fittest to go-
vern; who replied, that Herod and his party
were the fittest, Antony was glad of that
answer, for he had been formerly treated in
an hospitable and obliging manner by his fa-
ther Antipater, when he marched into Judea
with Gabinius ; so he constituted the breth-
ren tetrarchs, and committed to them the go-
vernment of Judea.
6. But vi'hen the ambassadors had indig-
nation at this procedure, Antony tisok fifteen
of them and put them into custody, whom he
was also going to kill presently, and the rest
he drove away with disgrace ; on which occa-
sion a still greater tumult arose at Jerusa-
lem ; so they sent again a thousand ambassa-
dors to Tyre, where Antony now abode, as
he was marching to Jerusalem ; upon these
men who made a clamour, he sent out the
governor of Tyre, and ordered him to punish
all that he could catch of them, and to settle
those in the administration whom he had
made tetrarchs.
7. But before this, Herod and Hyrcanus
went out upon the sea-shore, and earnestly
desired of these ambas'-;adors that they would
neither bring ruin upon themselves, nor war
upon their native country, by their rash con-
tentions ; and when they grew still more out-
rageous, Antony sent out armed men, and
slew a great many, and wounded more of
them : of whom those that were slain were
buried by Hyrcanus, as were the wounded
put under the care of physicians by him; yet
would not those that had escaped be quiet
still, but put the affairs of the city into such
disorder, and so provoked Antony, that lie
slew those whom lie had put in bonds also.
cnAPTE.li xnr.
THE PARTIIIANS BRING ANTIGONUS BACK INTO
JUDEA, AND CAST HYRCiVNUS AND PHASAE-
LUS INTO PRISON. THE FLIGHT OF HEROD,
AND THE TAKING OF JERUSALEM, AND V/HAT
HYRCANUS AND PHASAELUS SUFFERED.
§ 1. Now two years afterward, when Barza-
pharnes, a governor among the Parthians,
and Pacorus, the king's son, had possessed
themselves of Syria, and when Lysanias had
• riiaiieliii aiid Herod. ^
already succeeded, upon the death of his father
Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, in the govern-
ment [of Chalcis], he prevailed with the go-
vernor, by a promise of a thousand talents,
and five hundred women, to bring back An-
tigonus to his kingdom, and to turn Hyrca-
nus out of it. Pacorus was by these means
induced so to do, and marched along the
sea-coast, while he ordered Barzapharnes to
fall upon the Jews as he went along the Me-
diterranean part of the coimtry ; but of the
maritime people, the Tyrians would not re-
ceive Pacorus, although those of Ptolemais
and Sidon had received him ; so he commit-
ted a troop of his horse to a certain cup-
bearer belonging to the royal family, of hi*
own name [Pacorus], and gave him orders to
march into Judea, in order to learn the state
of affairs among their enemies, and to help
Antigonus when he should want his assist-
I ance.
I 2. Now, as these men were ravaging C<)r-
mel, many of the Jews ran together to Anti-
gonus, and showed themselves ready to make
an incursion into the country ; so he sent
them before into that place called Drymus
[the woodland], f to seize upon the place;
whereupon a battle was fought between them;
and they drove the enemy away, and pur-
sued them, and ran after them as far as Je-
rusalem, and as tlieir numbers increased, they
proceeded as f;ir as the king's palace; but as
Hyrcanus and Phasaelus received them with
a strong body of men, there happened a bat-
tle in the market-place, in which Herod's
party beat the enemy, and shut them up in
the temple, and set sixty men in the houses
adjoining as a guard on them. But the peo-
ple that were tumultuous against the breth-
ren came in and burnt those men ; while He-
rod, in his rage for killing them, attacked
and slew many of the people, till one party
made incursions on the other by turns, day
by d:iy, in the way of ambushes ; and slaugh-
ters were made continually among them.
3 Now, when that festival which we call
Pentecost was at hand, all the places about
the temple, and the whole city was full of a
multitude of people that were come out of the
country, and who were the greatest part of
them armed also, at which time Phasaelus
guarded the wall, and Herod, with a few,
guarded the royal palace ; and when he made
an assault upon his enemies, as they were out
j of their ranks, on the north quarter of tlie
j city, he slew a very great number of them,
and put them all to flight; and some of them
I he shut up within the city, and otlsers within
I the outward rampart. In the mean time An-
* tigonus desired that Pacorus might be admit-
j t Tills large and noted wood, or woodland, bclongrng
I to Carmel, called A^uus; by the Septiiagint, ii mention-
led in the Old Testament, t' Kings xix, 23; and Isa
xxxvii, '.'4; and StralK), b. xvi, p. "58; as both AlJrich
I and Spanheim here remark very jMirtineutly.
hl'i
WARS OF THK JEWS.
BOOK X
ted to l)e a reconciler between them ; and
Phasaelus was prevailed upon to admit the
Parthian into the city with tive hundred horse,
and to treat him in an hospitable manner,
wlio pretended that he came to quell the tu-
mult, but in reality he came to assist Anti-
gonus ; however, he laid a plot for Phasae-
lus, and persuaded him to go as an ambassa-
dor to Barzapharnes, in order to put an end
to the war, although Herod was very earnest
with him to the contrary, and exhorted him
to kill the plotter, but not expose himself to
the snares he had laid for him, because the
barbarians are naturally perfidious. How-
ever, Pacorus went out and took Hyrcanus
with him, that he might be the less suspected ;
be also * left some of the horsemen, called the
Freemen, with Herod, and conducted Phasa-
elus with the rest.
4, But now, when they were come to Ga-
lilee, they found that the people of that coun-
try had revolted, and were in arms, who came
very cunningly to their leader, and besought
him to conceal his treacherous intentions by
an obliging behaviour to thetn ; accordingly,
he at first made thein presents, and afterward,
as they went away, laid ambushes for them ;
and, when they were come to one of the mari-
time cities called Ecdippon, they perceived
that a plot was laid for them ; for they were
there informed of the promise of a thousand
talents, and how Antigonus had devoted the
greatest number of the women that were there
with them, among the five hundred, to the
Parthians ; they also perceived that an am-
bush was always laid for them by the barba-
rians in the night-time ; they had also been
seized on before this, unless they had waited
for the seizure of Herod first at Jerusalem,
because, if he were once informed of this
treachery of theirs, he would take care of
liimEelf J nor was this a mere report, for
they saw the guards already not far ofi' them.
5. Nor would Phasaelus think of forsaking
Hyrcanus and fiying away, although Ophel-
lius earnestly persuaded him to it; for this
man had learned the whole scheme of the plot
from Saramalla, the richest of all the Syrians.
15ut Phasaelus went up to the Parthian go-
vernor, and reproached Iiim to his face for
laying this treacherous plot against them, and
chieHy because he had done it for money ;
and he promised him, that he would give him
more money for their preservation, than An-
tigonus had promised to give for the king-
dom. But the sly Parthian endeavoured to
remove all his suspicion by apologies and by
oaths, and then went to [the other] Pacorus ;
immediately after which those Parthians who
were left, and had it in charge, seized upon
• These accounts, both here and Antiq. b. xiv. ch.
xiii, sect fj, that the Parthians fought chiefly on horse-
Vjack, and that only some few of their soldiers were free-
men, perfectlv agree with Trogus Pompeius, in Jus-
tin, b. xli, -J, '5, as Dean Aldrieh well observes this
pbce.
Pliasaelus and Hyrcanus, who could do no
more than curse their perfidiousness and their
perjury.
6. In the mean titne the cup-bearer was
sent [back], and laid a plot how to seize upon
Herod, by deluding him, and getting him out
of the city, as he vvas commanded to do.
But Herod suspected the barbarians from the
beginning; and having then received intelli.
gence tliat a messenger, who was to bring
Jiim the letters that informed him of the
treachery intended, had fallen among the ene-
my, he would not go out of the city ; though
Pacorus said, very positively, that he ought
to go out, and meet the messengers tiiat
brought the letters, for that the enemy had not
taken them, and that the contents of them were
not accounts oi' any plots upon them, but of
what Phasaelus had done; yet had he heard
from others that his brother was seized ; and
Alexandra,-)- the shrewdest woman in the
world, Hyrcanus's daughter, begged of him
that he would not go out, nor trust himself
to those barbarians, who now were come to
make an attempt upon him openly.
7. Now, as Pacorus and his friends were
considering how they might bring their plot
to bear privately, because it was not possible
to circumvent a man of so great prudence by
openly attacking him, Herod prevented them,
and went off with the persons that were the
most nearly related to him by night, and this
without their enemies being apprised of it.
But, as soon as the Parthians perceived it,
they pursued after them ; and, as he gave or-
ders for his mother, and sister, and the young
woman who was betrothed to him, with her
mother, and his youngest brother, to make
the best of their vvay, he himself, vvith liis
servants, took all the care they could to keep
off the barbarians ; and when, at every assault,
he had slain a great many of them, he came
to the strong-hold of Masada.
8. Nay, he found by experience that the
Jews fell more heavily upon him than did
the Parthians, and created him troubles per-
petually, and this ever since he was gotten
sixty furlongs from the city ; these sometimes
brought it to a sort of a regular battle. Now,
in the place where Herod beat them, and kill-
ed a great number of them, there he afterward
built a citadel, in memory of the great actions
he did there, and adorned it with the most
costly palaces, and erected very strong forti-
fications, and called it, from his own name,
Herodium. Now, as they were in their flight,
many joined themselves to him every day ;
and at a place called Thressa of Idumea, his
brother Joseph met him, and advised him to
ease himself of a great number of his follow-
ers ; because Masada would not contain so
great a multitude, which were above nine
thousand. Herod complied with this advice,
T Mariamne here, in the coi^icr.
CHAP. XIV.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
573
and sent away the most cumbersome part of
his retinue, that they might go into Itlumea,
and gave them provisions for tlieir journey ;
but he got safe to the fortress with his nearest
relations, and retained with him only the
stoutest of his followers; and there it was
that he left eight hundred of his men as a
guard for the women, and provisions suOicient
for a siege ; but he made haste himself to
Petra of Arabia.
9. As for the Parthians in Jerusalem, they
betook themselves to plundering, and fell upon
tlie houses of those that were fled, and upon
the king's palace, and spared nothing but
Hyrcanus's money, which was not above three
hundred talents. They lighted on other men's
money also, but not so much as they hoped
for; for Herod, having a long while Tiad a
suspicion of the perfidiousness of the barbari-
ans, liad taken care to have what was most
splendid among his treasures conveyed into
Iduniea, as every one belonging to him had
in like manner done also. But the Parthians
proceeded to that degree of injustice, as to
fill all the country with war without denounc-
ing it, and to demolish the city ]Marissa, and
not only to set up Antigonus for king, but to
\Jeliver Phasaelus and Hyrcanus bound into
his hands, in order to their being tormented
by him. Antigonus himself also bit off Hyr-
canus's ears with his own teeth, as he fell
down upon his knees to hiin, that so he might
never be able, upon any mutation of affairs,
to take the high-priesthood again ; for the
high-priests that officiated were to be complete,
and without blemisli.
10. However, he failed in liis purpose of
abusing Phasaelus, Ijy reason of his courage,
for though he neither had the command of his
sword nor of his hands, he prevented all abuses
by dashing his head against a stone ; so he de-
monstrated himself to be Herod's owiibrother,
and Hyrcanus a most degenerate relation, and
died with great bravery, and made the end of
his life agreeable to the actions of it. There
is also another report about his end, viz. that
he recovered of that stroke, and that a sur-
geon, who was sent by Antigonus to heal
him, filled the wound with poisonous ingre-
dients, and so killed him. Whichsoever of
these deaths he came to, the beginning of it
was glorious. It is also reported, that before
he expired, he was informed by a certain poor
v\ Oman how Herod had escaped out of their
hands, and that he said thereupon, " I now
die with comfort, since I leave behind me one
alive that will avenge me of mine enemies."
11. Tills was the death of Pliasaelus ; but
die Parthians, although they had failed of the
women they cliiefly desired, yet did they put
Uie government of Jerusalem into the hands
of Antigonus, and took away Hyrcanus, and
bound him, and carried liim to Partbia.
CHAPTER XIV.
WHEN HEROD IS REJECTED IN ARABIA, HE
MAKES HASTE TO ROME, WHERE ANTONY
AND C'.liSAR JOIN THEIR INTEREST TO MAKE
HIM KING OF THE JEWS.
§ 1. Now Herod did the more zealouslv pur-
sue his journey into Arabia, as making haste
to get money of the king, while his brother
was yet alive ; by which money alone it was
that lie hoped to prevail upon the covetous
temper of the barbarians, to spare Phasaelus ;
for he reasoned thus with himself: — That if
the Arabian king was too forgetful of his
father's friendship with him, and was too
covetous to make him a free gift, he would
however borrow of him as much as might re-
deem his brother, and put into his hands, as a
pledge, the son of him that was to be redeem-
ed. Accordingly he led his brother's son
along with him, wiio was of the age of seven
years. Now lie was ready to give three hun-
dred talents for his brother, and intended to
desire the intercession of the Tyrians, to get
them accepted ; however, fate had been too
quick for his diligence; and since Pliasaelus
was dead, Herod's brotherly love was now in
vain. Moreover, he was notable to find any
lasting friendship among the Arabians ; for
their king, Malichus sent to him immediately,
and commanded him to return back out of
his country, and used the name of the Par-
thians as a pretence for so doing, as though
thtse had denounced to hiin by their ambas-
sadors to cast Herod out of Arabia ; while in
reality they had a mind to keep back what
they owed to Antipater, and not be obliged
to make requital to his sons for the free gifts
the father had made them. He also took the
imprudent advice of those who, equally with
himself, were v.illing to deprive Herod of
what Aniipater had deposited among them ;
and these men were the most potent of all
whom he had in his kingdom.
2. So when Herod had found that the Ara-
bians were his enemies, and tliis for those very
reasons whence he hoped they would have
been the most friendly, and had given them
such an answer as his passion suggested, he
returned back ?.nd went for Egj pt. Now he
lodged the first evening at one of the temples
of that country, in order to nieet with those
whom he left behind ; but on the next day word
was brought him, as he was going to llhino-
curura, that his brothc«r was dead, and how he
came by his death ; and when he had lament-
ed him as much as his present ciicumstances
could bear, he soon laid aside such cares, and
proceeded on his journey. But now, after
some time, the king of Arabia repented of
what he had done, and sent presently away
i messengers to call him back : Herod had pre*
574
WARS OF THE JEWS.
vented them, and was come to Pulusium, I
where he could not obtain a passage from
those that lay witli the fleet, so he besought
their captains to let him go by them ; accord-
ingly, out of tlie reverence they bore to the
fame and dignity of the man, they conducted
him to A lexandria ; and %vhen lie came into
the city, he was received by Cleopatra with
great splendour, — who hoped he might bv
persuaded to be commander of her forces in
the expedition she was now about. But he
rejected the queen's solicitations, and being
neither affrighted at the height of that storm
which then happened, nor at the tumults that
were now in Italy, he sailed for Rome.
3. But as he was in peril about Pamphy-
lia, and obliged to cast out the greatest part
of the ship's lading, he, with difficulty, got
safe to Rhodes, a place which had been griev-
ously harassed in the war with Cassius. He
was there received by his friends, Ptolemy
and Sappinius; and, although he was then in
want of money, he fitted up a three-decked
ship of very great magnitude, wherein he and
his friends sailed to Brundusium,* and went
to I'ome with all speed; where he first of all
went to Antony, on account of the friendship
his father had vNith l-im, and laid before him
the calamities of huiiself and his family;
and that he had left his nearest relations be-
sieged in a fortress, and had sailed to him
through a storm, to make supplication to him
for assistance.
4. Hereupon Antony was moved to com-
passion at the change that had been made in
Herod's affairs, and this both upon his calling
to mind how hospitably he had been treated
by Antipater, but more especially on account
of Herod's own virtue ; so he then resolved
to get him made king of the Jews, whom he
had himself formerly made tetrarch. The
contest also that he had with Antigonus was
another inducement, and that of no less weight
than the great regard he had for Herod; for
he looked upon Antigonus as a seditious per-
son, and an enemy of the Romans : and as
for Caesar, Herod found him better prepared
than Antony, as remembering very fresh the
wars he had gone through together with his
father, the hospitable treatment he had met
with from him, and the entire good-will he
liad shown to him ; besides the activity which
he saw in Herod himself. So he called the
senate together, wherein Messalas, and after
him Atratinus, produced Herod before them,
and gave a full account of the merits of liis
father; and his own good will to the Romans.
At the same time they demonstrated that An-
tigonus was their enemy, not only because he
soon (juarrelled with them, but because he
now overlooked the Romans, and took the
government by the means of the Parthians.
» This Breiitfsium or nrundiisium has coins still
preserved, on which is written BPENAH210IiN, as
Spaiineim infurms lis-
These reasons greatly moved the senate ; at
which juncture Antony came in, and told
them that it was for their advantage in the
Parthian war that Herod should be king; so
they all gave their votes for it. And when
the senate was separated, Antony and Csesar
went out, with Herod between them; while
the consul and the rest of the magistrates
went before them, in order to offer sacrifices,
and to lay the decree in the Capitol. Antony
Iso made a feast for Herod on the first day
of his reiiin.
CHAPTER XV.
ANTIGONUS BESIEGES THOSE THAT WERE IN
JIASADA, WHOM HEKOD FREES FROM CON-
FINEMENT WHEN HE CAME LACK FROM
ROME, AND PRESENTLY MARCHES TO JERU-
SAEKM, WHERE HE FINDS SILO CORRLITED
BY BUIEES.
§ 1. Now during this time, Antigonus be-
sieged those that were in Masada, who had all
other necessaries in sufficient rjiiantity, but
were in want of water ; on which account
Joseph, Herod's brother, was disposed to run
away to the Arabians, «ith two hundred of
his own friends, because he had heard that
Malichus repented of his offences with regard
to Herod ; and he had been so quick as to
have been gone out of the fortress already,
unless, on that very night when he was going
away, there had fallen a great deal of rain,
insomuch that his reservoirs were full of wa-
ter, and so he was under no necessity of run-
ning away. After which, therefore, they
made an irruption upon Antigonus's party,
and slew a great many of them, some in open
battles, and soine in private ambush ; nor had
they always success in their attempts, for
sometimes they were beaten, and ran away.
2. In the mean time Ventidius, the Roman
general, was sent out of Syria, to restrain the
incursions of the Parthians ; and after he had
done that, he came into Judea, in pretence
indeed to assist Joseph and his party, but in
reality to get money of Antigonus; and when
he had pitched his camp very near to Jerusa-
lem, as soon as he had got money enough, he
went away with the greatest ))art of his forces;
yet still did he leave Silo with some part of
them, lest if he had taken them all away, his
taking of bribes might have been too openly
discovered. Now Antigonus hoped that the
Parthians would come again to Iris assistance,
and therefore cultivated a good understanding
with Silo in the mean time, lest any interrup-
tion should be given to his hopes.
3. Now by this time Herod liad sailed out
of Italy, and was come to Ptolemais : and as
soon as be had gotten together no small army
1 of foreigners, and of his own countrymen, he
"V
_r
"V
WARS OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. XV.
marched through Galilee against Antigonus,
wherein he was assisted by Ventidius and Si-
lo, both whom Dellius,* a person sent by
Antony, persuaded to bring Herod j^into his
kingdom]. Now Ventidius was at this time
among the cities, and composing the distur-
bances which had happened by means of the
Partliians, as was Silo in Judea corrupted by
the bribes that Antigonus had given him ; yet
was not Herod himself destitute of power,
but the number of his forces increased every
day as he went along, and all Galilee, with
few exceptions, joined themselves to him.
So he proposed to himself to set about his
most necessary enterprise, and that was Mas-
ada, in order to deliver his relations from the
siege they endured. But still Joppa stood in
his way, and hindered his going thither • for
it was necessary to take that city first, which
was in the enemies' hands, that when he
should go to Jerusalem, no fortress might be
left in the enemies' power behind liim. Silo
also willingly joined him, as having now a
plausible occasion of drawing off liis forces
[from Jerusalem] ; and when the Jews pur-
sued him, and pressed upon him [in his re-
treat], Herod made an excursion upon them
with a small body of liis men, and soon put
them to flight, and saved Silo when he was in
distress.
4. After this, Herod took Joppa, and then
made haste to Masada to free his relations.
Now, as he was marching, many came in to
him ; some induced by their friendship to his
father, some by the reputation he iiad already ,
gained himself, and some, in order to repay
the benefits they had received from them both ; '
but still what engaged the greatest number'
on his side, was tiie hopi's from him, when he '
should be established in his kingdom ; so that
he had gotten together already an army h;ird \
to be conquered. But Antigonus laid an
ambush for him as lie marched out, in which :
lie did little or no harm to his enemies. How- '
ever, he easily recoverea his relations again ,
that were in Masada, as well as the fortress
liessa, and then marched to Jerusalem, '
where the soldiers that were with Silo joined
themselves to his own, as did many out of
tlie city, from a dread of his power.
5. Now, when he had pitched his camp on
the west side of the city, the guards who
were there shot their arrows and threw their i
darts at them, while others ran out in com-
panics, and attacked those in the fore-front ; '
but Herod commanded proclamation to be '
made at the wall, that he was come for the |
good of the people and the preservation of:
the city, without any design tc be revenged I
on his open enemies, but to grant oblivion to
them, though they had been the most obsti-
nate against him. Now the soldiers that
» This Delliiis is famous, or rather infamous, in the I
History of Mark Antony, asSpanlieiin and Aliiriuh here
uote, from tlu' conis from Plutarcli and Uio. '
bit
were for Antigonus made a contrary clamour,
and did neither permit any body to hear that
proclamation, nor to change their party ; so
Antigonus gave order to his forces to beat
the enemy from the walls : accordingly, they
soon threw their darts at them from the towers,
and put them to flight.
6. And here it was that Silo discovered he
had taken bribes ; for he set many of the sol-
diers to clamour about tlieir want of necessa-
ries, and to require their pay, in order to buy
themselves food, and to demand that he would
lead them into places convenient for their
winter quarters ; because all tlie parts about
the city were laid waste by the means of An-
tigonus's army, which had taken all things
away. By this he moved the army, and at-
tempted to get them ofl' the siege ; but He-
rod went to the captains that were under Si-
lo, and to a great many of the soldiers, and
begged of them not to leave him, who was
sent thither by Caesar and Antony, and the
senate ; for that he would take care to have
their wants supplied that very day. After
the making of which entreaty, he went hastily
into the country, and brought thither so great
an abundance of necessaries, that he cut oft'
all Silo's pretences ; and, in order to provide
that for the following days they should not
want supplies, he sent to the people that were
about Samaria ^which city had joined itself
to him) to bring corn, wine, and oil, and
cattle to Jericho. When Antigonus heard of
this, he sent some of his party with orders to
hinder, and lay ambushes for these collectors
of corn. This command was obeyed, and a
great inultitude of armed men were gathered
together about Jericho, and lay upon the
mountains, to watch those that brought the
provisions. Yet was Herod not idle, but took
with liim ten cohorts, five of them were Ro-
mans, and five were Jewish cohorts, together
with some mercenary troops intermixed a-
mong them, and besides those a few horse-
men, and came to Jericho; and when became
he found the city deserted, but that there
were five hundred men, with tlieir wives and
children, who had taken possession of the
tops of the mountains; these he took, and
dismissed them, wliile the Romans fell upon
the rest of the city, and plundered it, having
found the houses full of all sorts of good
things. So the king left a garrison at Je-
richo, and came back, and sent the Roman
army into those cities which were come over
to him, to lake their winter quarters there,
viz. into Judea [or Idumea], and Galilee, and
Samaria. Antigonus also, by bribes, obtain-
ed of Silo to let a part of his army be received
at Lydda, as a compliment to Antonius.
576
WARS OF THE JEWS.
CHAPTER XVI.
HEROD TAKES SEPPHOUIS, AND SUBDUES THE
UOBBERS THAT WERE IN THE CAVES ; HE
AFTER THAT AVENGES HIMSELF UPON MA-
CHERAS, AS UPON AN ENEMY OF HIS, AND
GOES TO ANTONY, AS HE WAS BESIEGING SA-
MOSATA.
§ 1. So the Romans lived in plenty of all
things, and rested from war. However, He-
rod did not lie at rest, but seized upon Idu-
mea, and kept it, with two thousand foot-
men, and four hundred horsemen ; and this
he did by sending his brother Joseph thither,
that no innovation might be made by Antigo-
nus. He also removed his mother, and all his
relations, who had been in IMasada, to Sama-
ria ; and wlien he had settled them securely,
he marched to take the remaining parts of
Galilee, and to drive away the garrisons placed
there by Antigonus.
2. But when Herod had reached Seppho-
ris,* in a very great snow, he took tlie city
without any difficulty, the guards that should
have kept it flying away before it was assault-
ed ; where he gave an opportunity to his fol-
lowers that had been in distress to refresh
themselves, there being in that city a great a-
bundance of necessaries. After which he
hasted away to the robbers that were in the
caves, who overran a great part of the coun-
try, and did as great mischief to its inhabitants
as a war itself could have done. Accordingly,
he sent beforehand three cohorts of footmen,
and one troop of horsemen, to the village Ar-
bela, and came himself forty days afterwardsf
with the rest of his forces. Yet were not the
enemy affrighted at his assault, but met him
in arms; for their skill was that of warriors,
but their boldness was the boldness of robbers :
when, therefore, it came to a pitched battle,
they put to flight Herod's left wing with their
right one: hut Herod, wheeling about on the
sudden from his own right wing, came to their
assistance, and both made his own left wing
return back from its flight, and fell upon tlie
pursuers, and cooled their courage, till they
could not bear the attempts that were made
directly upon them, and so turned back and
ran away.
3. But Herod followed them, and slew
• This Sepphori.-;, the metropolis of Galilee, so often
mejitionedby.losephiis, has coins still remaining, 2E11-
*i2PHNUN, as Spanheim here informs us.
t This way of speaking, " after forty days," is inter
preted by Josephus himself, " on the fourtieth day ;"
Antiq. b. xiv, eh. xv, sect. 4. In litLe manner, when
Josephus savs, ch. xxxiii, sect. 8, that Herod lived
•' after" he 'had ordered Antip.ater to be slam " five
davs ;" this is by himself interpreted, Antiq. b. xvii, ch.
vii'i, sect. I, that he died " on the fifth day afterward."
So also what is iu this book, chan. xiii, sect. 1, " af-
ter two years," is, Antiq. b. xiv, ch. xiii, sect, .i, " on
the second year ;" and I)ean Aldrieh here notes, that
this way of speaking is familiar to Josephus.
them as he followed them, and destroyed a
great part of them, till those that remained
were scattered beyond the river [Jordan] ; and
Galilee was freed from the terrors they had
been under, excepting from those that remain-
ed, and lay concealed in caves, which requir-
ed longer time ere they could be conquered.
In order to which, Herod, in the first place,
distributed the fruits of their former labours
to the soldiers, and gave every one of them a
hundred and fifty drachmae of silver, and a
great deal more to their commanders, and
sent them into their winter quarters. He
also sent to his youngest brother Pheroras, to
take care of a good market for them, where
they might buy themselves provisions, and to
build a wall about Alexandriura; who took
care of both those injunctions accordingly.
4. In the mean time Antony abode at A-
thens, while Ventidius called for Silo and
Herod to come to the war against the Par-
thians, but ordered them first to settle the af-
fairs of Judea : so Herod willingly dismissed
Silo to go to Ventidius; but he made an ex-
pedition himself against those that lay in tlie
caves. Now these caves were in the preci-
pices of craggy mountains, and could not be
come at from any side, since they had only
some winding path-ways, very narrow, by
which they got up to them ; but the rock that
lay on their front had beneath it valleys of a
vast depth, and of an almost perpendicular
declivity ; insomuch that the king was doubt-
ful for a long time what to do, by reason of
a kind of impossibility there was of attacking
the place. Yet did he at length make use of
a contrivance that was subject to the utmost
hazard ; for he let down the most hardy of
his men in chests, and set them at the mouths
of the dens. Now these men slew the rob-
bers and their families, and when they made
resistance, they sent in fire upon them, [and
burnt them] ; and as Herod was desirous of
saving some of them, he had proclamation
made, that they should come and deliver
themselves up to liim ; but not one of them
came willingly to him; and of those that
were coinpelled to come, many preferred
death to captivity. And here a certain old
man, the father of seven children, whose chil-
dren, together with their mother, desired him
to give them leave to go out, upon the assur-
ance and -right hand that was offered them,
slew them after the following manner : — He
ordered every one of them to go out, while
he stood himself at the cave's mouth, and
slew that son of his perpetually who went
out. Herod was near enough to see this
sight, and his bowels of compassion were
moved at it, and he stretched out his right
hand to the old man, and besought him to
spare his children ; yet did not he relent at
all upon what he said, but over and above re-
proached Herod on the lowncss of his descent,
and slew his wife as well as his children ; and
"V
CHAP. XVII.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
577
when he had thrown their dead bodies down
the precipice, he at last tlirew himself down
ai'tef tlieni.
5. By this means Herod subdued these
caves, and the robbers that were in them. He
then left there a part of liis army, as many as
he thought sufficient to prevent any sedition,
and made Ptolemy their general, and return-
ed to Samaria : he led also with him three
thousand armed footmen, and six hundred
horsemen, against Antigonus. Now here
those that used to raise tumults in Galilee,
having liberty so to do upon his departure,
fell unexpectedly upon Ptolemy, the general
of his forces, and slew him : they also laid the
country waste, and then retired to the bogs,
and to places not easily to be found ; but
when Herod was informed of thisinsurrection,
he came to tlie assistance of the country im-
mediately, and destroyed a great number of
the seditious, and raised the sieges of all those
fortresses they had besieged : he also exacted
the tribute of a hundred talents of his enemies,
as a penalty for the mutations they had made
in the country.
6. By this time (the Parthians being already
driven out of the country, and Pacorus slainj
Ventidius, by Antony's command, sent a
thousand horsemen, and two legions, as auxi-
liaries to Herod, against Antigonus. Now
Antigonus besought Maclieras, who was their
general, by letter, to come to his assistance,
and made a great many mournful complaints
about Herod's violence, and about the injuries
he did to the kingdom ; and promised to give
him money for such his assistance : but he
complied not with his invitation to betray his
trust, for he did not contemn him that sent
him, especially while Herod gave him more
money [than the other offered]. So he pre-
tended friendship to Antigonus, but came as
a spy to discover his affairs, although he did
not herein comply with Herod, who dissuaded
bim from so doing; but Antigonus perceived
what his intentions were beforehand, and ex-
cluded him out of the city, and defended him-
self against him as against an enemy, from
the walls ; till Macberas was ashamed of what
he had done, and retired to Einmaus to He-
rod ; and, as he was in a rage at his disap-
pointment, he slew all the Jews whom he met
with, without sparing tl)ose that were for He-
rod, but using them all as if they were for
Antigonus.
7. Hereupon Herod was very angry at him,
and was going to figlit against INIacheras as
his enemy; but he restrained his indignation,
and marched to Antony to accuse Macherasof
mal-adniinistration; but Macheras was made
sensil)le of his offences, and followed after the
king immediately, and earnestly begged and
obtained that he would be reconciled to him.
However, Herod did not desist from his reso-
lution of going to Antony; but when he
A.
heard that he was besieging Samosata * with
a great army, which is a strong city near to
Euphrates, he made the greater haste; as ob-
serving that this was a proper opportunity for
showing at once his courage, and for doing
what would greatly oblige Antony. Indeed,
when he came, he soon made an end of that
siege, and slew a great number of the bar-
barians, and took from them a large prey ;
insomuch tliat Antony, who admired his cou-
rage formerly, did now admire it still more.
Accordingly he heaped many more honours
upon him, and gave him more assured hopes
that he should gain his kingdom : and now
king Antiochus was forced to deliver up
Samosata.
CHAPTER XVri.
THE DEATH OF JOSEPH [HFROD'S BROTHER],
WHICH HAD BEEK SIGNIFIED TO HEROD IN
DREAJIS. HOW HEROD WAS PRESERVED
TWICE, AFTER A WONDERFUL MANNER.
HE COTS OFF THE HEAD OF PAPPUS, WHO
WAS THE JIURDERER OF HIS BROTHER, AND
SENDS THAT HEAD TO [HIS OTHER BRO-
THER] PHERORAS. AND IN NO LONG TIME
HE BESIEGES JERUSALEM, AND MARRIES
MARIAJINE.
§ I. Ik the mean time Herod's affairs in
Judea were in an ill state. He had left his
brother Joseph with full power, but had
charged him to make no attempts against
Antigouus till his return; for that Macheras
would rot be such an assistant as he could
depend on, as it appeared by what he had done
already; but as soon. as Joseph heard that his
brother was at a very great distance, he ne-
glected the charge he had received, and march-
ed towards Jericho with five cohorts, which
Macheras sent with him. This movement
was intended for seizing on the corn, as it was
now in the midst of summer ; but when his
enemies attacked him in the mountains, and
in places which were difficult to pass, he was
both killed himself, as he was very bravely
fighting in the battle, and the entire Roman
cohorts were destroyed ; for these cohorts
were new-raised men, gathered out of Syria,
and there was no mixture of those called ve-
teran soldiers among them, who might have
supported those that were unskilful in war.
2. This victory was not sufficient for An-
tigonus ; but he proceeded to that degree of
rage, as to treat the dead body of Joseph bar-
barously ; for when he had gotten possession
of the bodies of those that were slain, he cut
* This Samosata, the metropolis of Commagena, ii
weH known) from its coins, as Ppanlicim here assure? us.
Dean Aldrich also confirms what Josephuf hpre riolts,
that Herod wAti a great intans of taking *Jiv- eily bv Ai»
tony, and that from PluUrctj aud Dio.
3 C
578
WARS OF THE JEWS.
off his head, although his brother Pheroras
would liave given fifty talents as a price of
redemption for it. And now the affairs of
Galilee were put into such disorder after this
victory of Antigonus, that those of Antigo-
nus's party brought the principal men tliat
■were on Herod's side to the lake, and there
drowned them. There was a great change
made also in Idumea, where Macheras was
building a wall about one of the fortresses,
that was called Gittha. But Herod had not
yet been informed of these things; for after
the taking of Samosata, and when Antony
had set Sosius over the affairs of Syria, and
given him orders to assist Herod against An-
tigonus, he departed into Egypt. But Sosius
sent two legions before him into Judea, to
assist Herod, and followed himself soon after
with the rest of his army.
3. Now when Herod was at Daphne, by
Antioch, he had some dreams which clearly
foreboded his brother's death ; and as he leap-
ed out of his bed in a disturbed manner, there
came messengers that acquainted him with that
calamity. So when he had lamented this mis-
fortune for a while, he put off" tlie main part
of his mourning, and made haste to marcli
against his enemies ; and when he had per-
forir\ed a march that was above his strength,
and was gone as far as Libanus, he got eight
nundred men of those that lived near to that
mountain, as his assistants, and joined with
them one Roman legion, with which, before
it was day, he made an irruption into Gali-
lee, and met his enemies, and drove them
back to the place which tiiey had left. He
also made an immediate and continued attack
upon the fortress. Yet was he forced, by a
most terrible storm, to pitch his camp in the
neighbouring village before he could take it.
But when, after a few days' time the second
legion, that came from Antony, joined them-
selves to him, the enemy were affrighted at
his power, and left their fortifications in the
night-time.
4. After this he marched through Jericho,
as making what haste he could to be avenged
on his brother's murderers: where happened
to him a providential sign, out of whicli when
he had unexpectedly escaped, he had the re-
putation of being very dear to God ; for that
evening there feasted with him many of the
principal men : and after that feast was over,
and all the guests were gone out, the house fell
down immediately. And as he judged this
to be a common signal of what dangers he
should undergo, and how he should escape
them in the war that he was going about, he
in the morning set forward with his army,
when about six thousand of his enemies come
running down from the mountains, and be-
gan to fight with those in his fore-front ; yet
durst they not be so very bold as to engage
the Romans hand to hand, but threw sljones
and darts at thero at a distance, by which
means they wounded a considerable number'
in which action Herod's own side was wound-
ed with a dart.
5. Now as Antigonus had a mind to ap-
pear to exceed Herod not only in the courage,
but in the number of his men, he sent Pappus,
one of his companions, with an army against
Samaria, whose fortune it was to oppose Ma-
cheras. But Herod overran the enemies'
country, and demolished five little cities, and
destroyed two thousand men that were in
them, and burned their houses, and then re-
turned to his catup ; but liis head-quarters
were at the village called Cana.
G. Now a great multitude of Jews resorted
to him every day, both out of Jericho and the
other parts of tlie country. Some were mov-
ed so to do out of their hatred to Antigonus,
and some out of regard to the glorious actions
Herod had done ; but others were led on by
an unreasonable desire of change ; so he fell
upon them immediately. As for Pappus and
his party, they were not terrified either at their
number or at their zeal, but marched out with
great alacrity to fight thein ; and it came to a
close fight. Now other parts of their army
made resistance for a while: but Herod, run-
ning the utmost hasard, out of the rage he
was in at the murder of his brother, that he
might be avenged on those that had been the
authors of it, soon beat those that opposed
him ; and, after he had beaten them, he al-
ways turned his force against those that stood
to it still, and pursued them all ; so tliat a
great slaughter was made, while some were
forced back into that village whence they
came out; he also pressed hard upon the hin-
dermost, and slew a vast number of them ;
he also fell into the village with the enemy,
where every house was filled with armed men,
and the upper rooms were crowded above with
soldiers for their defence ; and when he had
beaten those that were on the outside, he
pulled the houses to pieces, and plucked out
those that were within ; upon many he had
the roofs shaken down, whereby they perished
by heaps ; and as for those that fled out of
the ruins, the soldiers received them with
their swords in their hands ; and the multi-
tude of those slain and lying in heaps was so
great, that the conquerors could not pass along
the roads. Now the enemy could not bear
this blow, so that when the multitude of them
which was gathered together, saw that those
in the village were slain, they dispersed them-
selves and fled away ; upon the confidence of
which victory, Herod had marched immedi-
ately to Jerusalem, unless he had been hin-
dered by the depth of winter's [coming on].
This was the impediment that lay in the way
of this his entire glorious progress, and was
what hindered Antigonus from being now
conquered, who was already disposed to for-
sake the city.
7. Now when at the evening Herod had
'-Y.
CHAP. XVIII.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
579
already dismissed liis friends to refresh them-
selves after their fatijfue, and when he was
gone himself, while he was still liot in his
armour, like a common soldier, to bathe him-
self, and had but one servant that attended
him, and before he was gotten into the bath,
one of the enemies met him in the face with
a sword in his hand, and then a second, and
tlien a third, and after that more of them ;
these were men wiio Lad riui away out of the
battle into the bath in their armour, and tliey
had lain there for some time in great terror,
and in privacy ; and when they saw the Icing,
they trembled for fear, and ran by him in a
fright, although he was naked, and endea-
voured to get off into the public road. Now
there was by chance nobody else at hand that
might seize upon these men ; and for Herod,
he was contented to have come to no harm
himself, so tliat they all got away in safety.
8. But on the next day Herod had Pap-
pus's head cut oil', who was the general for
Antigonus, and was siuin in the battle, and
sent it to his brullicr Plieroras, by way of
punishment for their slain breither ; for he
was the man that slew Joseph. Now as win-
ter was going olf, Herod marched to Jerusa-
lem, and brought his army to the wall of it ;
this was tlie tliird year since he had been
made king at Rome ; so he pitched his camp
before the temple, fur on that side it might
be besieged ; and there it was that Pompey
took the city. So he parted the work among
the army, and demolished the suburbs, and
raised three banks, and gave orders to have
towers built upon those banks, and left the
most laborious of his acquaintance at the
works. But he went himself to Samaria, to
take the daughter of Alexander, the son of
Aristobulus, to wife, who had been betrothed
to him before, as we have already said ; and
thus he accomplished this by the bye, during
the siege of the city, for he had his enemies in
great contempt already,
9, When he had tlius married Mariatnne,
he came back to Jerusalem with a greater
army. Sosius also joined him with a large
army, both of horsemen and footmen, which
he sent before him through the midland parts,
while he marched himself along Phoenicia ;
and when the whole army was gotten toge-
ther, which were eleven regiments of foot-
men, and six thousand horsemen, besides the
Syrian auxiliaries, which were no small part
of tlie army, they pitched their camp near to
the north wall. Herod's dependence was
upon the decree of the senaie, by whicli he
was made king ; and Sosius relied upon An-
tony, who sent the army that was under him
to Herod's assistance.
CHAPTER XVIII.
HOW HEROD AND SOSIUS TOOK JERUSALEM BY
FORCE ; AND WHAT DEATH ANTIGONUS CAME
TO. ALSO, CONCERNING CLEOPATRa's AVA-
KICIOUS TEMPER.
§ 1. Now the multitude of the Jews that were
in the city were divideil into several factions,
for the people that crowded about the temple,
being the weaker part of them, gave it out
th.at, as the times were, he was the happiest
and most religious man who should die first.
But as to the more bold and hardy men, they
got together in bodies, and fell a robbing
others after various manners, and these par-
ticularly plundered the places that were about
the city, and this because there was no food
left either for the horses or the men ; yet
some of the warlike men, who were used to
fight regularly, were appointed to defend the
«ity during the siege, and these drove those
that raised the banks away from the wall ;
and these were always inventing one engine
or another to be a hindrance to the engines
of the enemy; nor had they so much success
any way as in the mines under ground.
2. Now. as for tlie robberies which were
committed, the king contrived that ambushes
should be so laid, that they might restrain
their excursions ; and as for the want of
provisions, he provided tiiat they should be
brought to them from great distances. He
was also too hard for the Jews, by the Ro-
mans' skill in the art of war; although they
were bold to the utmost degree, now they
durst not come to a plain battle with the Ro-
mans, which was certain deatli ; but through
their mines undv.r ground they would appear
in the midst of them on the sudden, and be-
fore they could batter down one wall, they
built them another in its stead ; and to sum
up all at once, they did not show any want
either of painstaking or of contrivances, as
having resolved to hold out to the very last.
Indeed, though they had so great an army
lying round about tliem, they bore a siege of
five months, till some of Herod's chosen men
ventured to get upon the wall, and fell into
the city, as did Sosius's centurions after them ;
and now the first of all seized upon what was
about the temple ; and upon the pouring in
of the army, there was slaughter of vast mul-
titudes everywhere, by reason of the rage the
Romans were in at the length of the siege,
and by reason that the Jews that nure about
i Herod earnestly cndea*'oured that none of
their adversaries might remain ; so they were
cut to pieces by great multitudes, and as
they were crowded together in narrov/ streets,
and in houses, or were running away to the
temple ; nor was there any mercy shown either
to infants, or to the aged, or to the wejkr
580
WARS OF THE JEWS.
sex; insomuch, that although the king sent
about and desired them to spare the people,
nobody could be persuaded to withhold their
right hand from slaughter, but they slew
people of all ages, like madmen, Tlien it
was that Antigonus, without any regard to
his former or to his present fortune, came
down from the citadel and fell down at So-
sius's feet, who, without pitying him at all,
upon the change of his condition, laughed at
him beyond measure, and called him Anti-
gona. * Yet did he not treat him like a wo-
man, or let him go free, but put him into
bonds, and kept him in custody.
3. But Herod's concern at present, now he
had gotten his enemies under his power, was
to restrain the zeal of his foreign auxiliaries ;
for the multitude of the strange people were
very eager to see the temple, and what was
sacred in the holy house itself; but the king
endeavoured to restrain them, partly by his
exhortations, partly by his threatenings, nay,
partly by force, as thinking the victory worse
than a defeat to him, if any thing that ought
not to be seen were seen by them. He also
forbade, at the same time, the spoiling of the
city, asking Sosius in the most earnest man-
ner, whether the Romans, by thus emptying
the city of money and men, had a mind to
leave him king of a desert, — and told him, that
he judged the dominion of the habitable earth
too small a compensation for the slaughter of so
many citizens. And when Sosius said, that it
was but just to allow the soldiers this plun
der, as a reward for what they suffered during
the siege, Herod made answer, that he would
give every one of the soldiers a reward out of his
own money. So he purchased the deliverance
of his country, and performed his promises to
them, and made presents after a magnificent
manner to each soldier, and proportionably to
their commanders, and with a most royal
bounty to Sossius himself, whereby nobody
went away but in a wealthy condition. Here-
upon Sosbius dedicated a crown of gold to
God, and then went away from Jerusalem,
leading Antigonus away in bonds to Antony ;
then did the axe bring him to his end,! who
still had a fond desire of life, and some frigid
hopes of it to the last; but by his cowardly
behaviour well deserved to die by it.
4. Hereupon king Herod distinguished the
multitude that was in the city ; and for those
that were of his side, he made them still more
his friends by the honours he conferred on
them ; but for those of Antigonus's party, he
slew them : and as his money ran low, he
turned all the ornaments he had into money,
and sent it to Antony, and to those about
him. Yet could he not hereby purchase an
• This is a woman, not a man.
t This death of Antigonus is confirmed by Plutarch
and Strabo ; the latter of whom is cited for it by Jose-
phus himself, Antiq. b. xv, ch. i, sect. 2. as Dean Aid-
rich here obstrv«s.
exemption from all sufferings; for Antony
was now bewitched by his love to Cleopatra,
and was entirely conquered by her charms.
Now Cleopatra had put to death all her kin-
dred, till no one near her in blood remained
alive, and after that she fell a slaying those
no way related to her. So she calumniated
the principal men among the Syrians to An-
tony, and persuaded him to have ihem slain,
that so she might easily gain to be mistress or
what they h-id ; nay, she extended her avari-
cious humour to the Jews and Arabians, and
secretly laboured to have Herod and Malichus,
the kings of both those nations, slain by his
order.
5. Now as to these her injunctions to An~
tony, he complied in part ; for though he es-
teemed it too abominable a thing to kill such
good and great kings, yet was he thereby
alienated from the friendship he had for them.
He also took away a great deal of their
country ; nay even the plantation of palm-
trees at Jericho, where also grows the balsam-
tree, and bestowed them upon her ; as also
all the cities on this side the river Eleutherus,
Tyre and Sidon | excepted. And when she
was become mistress of these, and had con-
ducted Antony in his expedition against the
Parthians, as far as Euphrates, she came by
Apamia and Damascus into Judea: and there
did Herod pacify her indignation at him by
large presents. He also hired of her those
places that had been torn away from his
kingdom, at the yearly rent of two hundred
talents. He conducted her also as far as Pe-
lusium, and paid her all the respects possible.
Now it was not long after this that Antony
was come back from Parthia, and led with
him Artabazes, Tigranes's son, captive, as a
present for Cleopatra; for this Parthian was
presently given her, with his money, and all
the prey that v/as taken with him.
CHAPTER XIX.
HOW ANTONY, AT THE PERSUASION OF CLEO-
PATRA, SENT HEROD TO FIGHT AGAINST
THE ARABIANS ; AND HOW, AFTER SEVERAL
BATTLES, HE AT LENGTH GOl THE VICTO-
RY. AS ALSO CONCERNING A GREAT EARTH
QUAKE.
§ 1. Now when the war about Actium waj
begun, Herod prepared to come to tiie assist-
ance of Antony, as being already freed from
his troubles in Judea, and having gained Hyr-
cania, which was a place that was held by
X This ancient name of Tyre and Sidon under the
Romans, taken notice of by'Josephus, botli hire and
Antiq. b. xv, ch. iv, sect. 1. is confirmed by the testi-
mony of Strabo, b. xvi, p. 75", as Dean Aldrich re-
marks ; although, as he justly adds, this liberty lasted
a little while longer, when Augustus took it away from
tlieiu
'^-
"V
CHAP. XIX.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
581
Antigonus's sister. However, he was cun-
ningly hindered from partaking of the ha-
zards tlmt Antony went tlirough by Cleopa-
tra ; for since, as we have already noted, she
had laid a plot against the kings [of Jiidea
and Arabia], she prevailed with Antony to
commit the war against the Arabians to He-
rod ; that so, if he got the better, she might
become mistress of Arabia, or, if he were
worsted, of Judea; and that she might de-
stroy one of those kings by the other.
2. However, this contrivance tended to the
advantage of Herod ; for at the very first he
took hostages from the enemy, and got toge-
ther a great body of horse, and ordered them
to march against them about Diospolis ; and
he conquered that army although it fought
resolutely against him. After which defeat,
the Arabians were in great motion, and as-
sembled themselves together at Kanatha, a
city of Celesyria, in vast multitudes, and
waited for the Jews. And when Herod was
come thither, he tried to manage this war
with particular prudence, and gave orders
that they should build a wall about their
camp ; yet did not the multitude comply with
those orders, but were so emboldened by their
foregoing victory, that they presently attacked
the Arabians, and beat them at the first onset,
and then pursued them ; yet were there snares
laid for Herod in that pursuit ; while Athe-
nio, who was one of Cleopatra's generals,
and always an antagonist to Herod, sent out
of Kanatha the men of that country against
him ; for, upon this fresh onset, the Arabians
took courage, and returned back, and both
joined their numerous forces about stony
places, that were hard to be gone over, and
there put Herod's mer. to the rout, and made
a great slaughter of them; but those that es.
caped out of the battle fled to Ormiza, where
the Arabians surrounded their camp, and took
it, with all the men in it.
3. In a little time after this calamity, He-
rod came to bring them succours ; but he
came too late. Now the occasion of that blow
was this, that the officers would not obey
orders; forbad not the fight begun so sud-
denly, Athenio had not found a proper sea-
son for the snares he laid for Herod ; however,
lie was even with the Arabians afterward, and
over-ran their country, and did them more
harm than their single victory could compen-
sate. But as he was avenging himself on his
enemies, there fell upon him another pro-
vidential calamity ; for in the seventh • year
of his reign, when the war about Actium was
* This seventh year of the reign of Herod [from the
conquest or dtalh of Aiitigonuj], with the great earth-
quake in the beginning of the same spnng, which are
here fuUy implied to be not mueh liclore the fight at
Actium, between Octavius. and Antony, and which is
known from the Roman historians to have been in t)ie
beginning of yeptember, in the 31st year before the
Lhristiaji aera, determines the chronology of Josephusas
to the reign ..f Herod, \\z. that he began in the year.>7,
beyond rational contradiction. Nor is it quite unworthy
vCoui notioe, that this seventh year of the reigivof Herod, j
at the height, at the beginning of the spring,
the earth was shaken, and destroyed an im-
mense number of cattle, with thirty thousand
men ; but the army received no harm, because
it lay in the open air. In the mean time,
the fame of this earthquake elevated the Ara-
bians to greater courage, and this by augment-
ing it to a fabulous height, as is constantly
the case in melancholy accidents, and pretend-
ing that all Judea was overthrown. Upon
tliis supposal, therefore, that they should easily
get a land that was destitute of inhabitants
into their power, they first sacrificed those
ambassadors who were come to them from the
Jews, and then marched into Judea immedi-
ately. Now the Jewish nation were affright-
ed at this invasion, and quite dispirited at the
greatness of their calamities one after another ;
whom yet Herod got together, and endeavour-
ed to encourage to defend themselves by the
following speech which he made to thera : —
4. " The present dread you are under,
seems to me to have seized upon you very
unseasonably. It is true, you might justly
be dismayed at the providential chastisement
which hath befallen you ; but to suffer your-
selves to be equally terrified at the invasion
of men, is unmanly. As for myself, I am so
far from being affrighted at our enemies after
this earthquake, that I imagine that God
hath thereby laid a bait for the Arabians, that
we may be avenged on them ; for their pre-
sent invasion proceeds more from our acci-
dental misfortunes, than that they have any
great dependence on their weapons, or their
own fitness foraction. Now that hope which de-
pends not on men's own power, but on others'
ill success, is a very ticklish thing ; for there
is no certainty among men, either in their
bad or good fortunes ; but we may easily ob-
serve, that fortune is mutable, and goes from
one side to another ; and this you may readi-
ly learn from examples among yourselves; for
when you were once victors in the formei
fight, your enemies overcame you at last;
and very likely it will now happen so, that
these who think themselves sure of beating
you, will themselves be beaten ; for when
men are very confident, they are not upon
their guard, while fear teaches men to act
with caution ; insomuch, that I venture to
prove from your very timorousness, that you
ought to take courage ; for when you were
more bold than you ought to have been, and
than I would have had you, and marched
on, Athenio's treachery took place ; but your
present slowness and seeming dejection of
mind, is to me a pledge and assurance of vic-
tory ; and indeed it is proper beforehand to
be thus provident : but when we come to ac-
tion, we ought to erect our minds, and to
make our enemies, be they ever so wicked,
or the 31st before the Christian aera, contained the lattct
part of a Sabbatic year ; on which Sabbatic year, there-
fore, it is plain this great earthquake happend in Judub
582
WARS OF THE JEWS.
believe, that neither any human, no, nor any tie-array every day, and invited the Arabiani
providential misfortune, can ever depress the to fight; but as none of them came out ot
courage of Jews while they are alive; nor their camp, for they were in a terrible fright,
will any of them ever overlook an Arabian, and their general, Elihemus, was not able to
or suffer such a one to become lord of his say a word for fear, — so Herod came upon
good things, whom he has in a manner taken them, and pulled their fortification to pieces,
captive, and that many times also : — and do by which means they were compelled to come
not you disturb yourselves at the quaking of out to fight, wliich they did in disorder, and
inanimate creatures, nor do you imagine that so that the horsemen and footmen were
this earthquake is a sign of another calamity; ' mixed together. They were indeed superior
for such aflections of the elements are accord- to the Jews in number, but inferior in their
to the course of nature ; nor does it im - 1 alacrity, although they were obliged to expose
port any thing farther to men, than what
mischief it does immediately of itself. Per-
haps, there may come some short sign before-
hand in the case of pestilences, and famines,
and earthquakes ; but these calamities tliem-.
selves have their force limited by themselves,
[without foreboding any other calamity] ; and
indeed what greater mischief can the war,
though it should be a violent one, do to us,
than the earthquake hath done ? Nay, there
is a signal of our enemies' destruction visi-
ble, and that a very great one also ; and this
is not a natural one, nor derived from the
hand of foreigners neither, but it is this, that
they have barbarously murdered our ambas-
sadors, contrary to the common law of man-
kind ; and they have destroyed so many, as
if they esteemed them sacrifices for God, in
relation to this war ; but they will not avoid
his great eye, nor his invincible right hand ;
c»nd we shall be revenged of them presently,
in case we still retain any of the courage of
our forefathers, and rise up boldly to punish
these covenant-breakers. Let every one there-
thems;elves to danger by their very despair oi
victory.
6. Now while they made opposition, they
had not a great number slain ; but as soon as
they turned their backs, a great many were
trodden to pieces by the Jews, and a great
many by themselves, and so perished, till five
thousand were fallen down dead in their
flight, while the rest of the multitude pre-
vented their immediate death, by crowding
into the fortification. Herod encompassed
these around, and besieged them ; and while
they were ready to be taken by their enemies
in arms, they had another additional distress
upon them, which was thirst and want of wa-
ter ; for the king was above hearkening to
their ambassadors ; and when they offered five
hundred talents, as the price of their redemp-
tion, he pressed still harder upon them ; and
as they were burnt up by their thirst, they came
out and voluntarily delivered themselves up
by multitudes to the Jews, till in five days'
time four thousand of them were put into
bonds ; and on the sixth day the multitude
fore go on and fight, not so much for his w ife j that were left despaired of saving themselves,
or his children, or for the danger his country j atid came out to fight : with these Herod
fought, and slew again about seven thousand,
insomuch that he punished Arabia so severe-
ly, and so far extinguished the spirits of the
men, that he was chosen by the nation for
their ruler.
IS in, as for these ambassadors of ours ; those
dead ambassadors will conduct this war of
ours better than we ourselves who are alive ;
and if you will be ruled by me, I will myself
go before you into danger ; for you know this
well enough, that your courage is irresistible,
unless you hurt yourselves by acting rash-
ly." *
5. When Herod had encouraged them by
this speech, and he saw with what alacrity j
they went, he offered sacrifice to God; and i HEROD is
after that sacrifice, he passed over the river | C^sar,
Jordan with his army, and pitched his camp
about Philadelphia, near the enemy, and
about a fortification that lay between them.
He then shot at them at a distance, and was
desirous to come to an engagement presently ;
for some of them had been sent beforehand
to seize upon that fortification : but the king
sent some who immediately beat them out ofj§ 1. But now Herod was under immediate
the fortification, while he himself went in the I concern about a most important aflfair, on ac-
CHAPTER XX.
CONFIRMED IN HIS KINGDOM BY
AND CULTIVATES A FRIENDSHIP
WITH THE EMPEROR BY JIAGNIFICENT PRE-
SENTS ; WHILE C^SAR RETURNS HIS KIND-
NESS BY BESTOWING ON HIM THAT PART OF
HIS KINGDOM WHICH HAD BEEN TAKEN
AWAY FROM IT BY CLEOPATRA, WITH THB
ADDITION OF ZENODORUS's COUNTRY ALSO,
fore-front of the army, which he put in bat-
» This speecli of Herod is set dovm twice by Jose-
phus, here and Aiitiq. b. xv, cli. v, seit. 5, to the very
same purpose, but by no means in the same words ;
whence it appears tliat tlie sense was Herod's, but the
composition Josephus's.
count of his friendship with Antony, who was
already overcome at Aetiuin by Caesar, yet he
was more afraid than hurt ; for Ciesar did
not think he had quite undone Antony, while
Herod continued his assistance to him. How-
ever, the king resolved to expose himself to
CHAP. XX.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
583
dangers : accordingly he sailed fo Rhodes, I
where Caesar then abode, and came to him
without bis diadem, and in the habit and
appearance of a private person, but in his
behaviour as a king. So he concealed nothing
of the truth, but spake thus before his face :
— " O Caesar, as I was made king of the Jews,
by Antony, so do I profess that I have used
my royal authority in the best manner, and
entirely for his advantage ; nor will I conceal
this farther, that thou hadst certainly found
me in arms, and an inseparable companion of
his, had not the Arabians hindered me. How-
ever, I sent him as many auxiliaries as I was
able, and many ten thousand [cori] of corn.
Nay, indeed, I did not desert my benefactor
after the blow that was given him at Actium;
but I gave him the best advice I was able,
when I was no longer able fo assist him in
the war ; and I told him that there was but
one way of recovering his affairs, and that
was to kill Cleopatra ; and I promised him,
that if she were once dead, I would afford
him money and walls for his security, with
an army and myself to assist him in his war
against thee : but his affections for Cleopatra
stopped his ears, as did God himself also,
who hath bestowed the government on thee.
I own myself also to be overcome together
with him ; and with his last fortune I have
laid aside my diadem, and am come hither to
thee, having my hopes of safety in thy virtue;
and I desire that thou wilt first consider how
faithful a friend, and not whose friend, I have
been."
2. Caesar replied to him thus: — "Nay,
thou shalt not only be in safety, but shalt be
a king, and that more firmly than thou wast
before ; for thou art worthy to reign over a
great many subjects, by reason of the fastness
of thy friendship ; and do thou endeavour to
be equally constant in thy friendship to me
upon my good success, which is what I de-
pend upon from the generosity of thy dispo-
sition. However, Antony hath done well in
preferring Cleopatra to tiiee; for by this
means we have gained thee by her madness,
and thus thou hast begun to be my friend be-
fore I began to be thine; on which account
Quintus Didius hath written to me that thou
sentest him assistance against the gladiators.
I do therefore assure thee tiiat I will confirm
the kingdom to thee by decree; I shall also
endeavour to do thee some farther kindness
hereafter, that thou mayest find no loss in the
want of Antony."
f). When Casar had spoken such obliging
tilings to the king, and had put the diadem
again about his head, he proclaimed what he
had bestowed on him by a decree, in which
he enlarged in the commendation of the man
after a magnificent manner. Whereupon
Herod obliged him to be kind to liim by the
presents he gave him, and he desired him to
forgive Alexander^ one of Antonj's friends.
who was become a supplicant to him. But
Caesar's anger against him prevailed, and he
complained of the many and very great of-
fences the man whom he petitioned for had
been guilty of; and by that means he reject-
ed his petition. After this, Caesar went for
Egypt through Syria, when Herod received
him with royal and rich entertainments; and
then did he first of all ride along with Caesar,
as he was reviewing his army about Ptole-
mais, and feasted him with all his friends, and
then distributed among the rest of the army
what was necessary to feast them withal. He
also made a plentiful provision of water for
them, when they were to march as far as
Pelusium, through a dry country, w) ich he
did also in like manner on their return thence •
nor were there any necessaries wanting to that
army. It was therefore the opinion, both of
Ca>sar and of his soldiers, that Herod's king-
dom was too small for those generous presents
he made them ; for which reason, when Cas-
sar was come into Egypt, and Cleopatra and
Antony were dead, he did not only bestow o-
ther .Tnarks of honour upon him, but made an
addition to his kingdom, by giving him not
only the country which had been taken from
him by Cleopatra, but, besides that, Gadara,
and Hippos, and Samaria ; and moreover, of
the maritime cities, Gaza, • and AnthedoD,
and Joppa, and Strato's Tower. He alsc
made him a present of four hundred Galls
[ Galatians] as a guard for his body, which
they had been to Cleopatra before. Nor did I
any thing so strongly induce Caesar to make
these presents as the generosity of him that
received them. i
4. Moreover, after the first games at Ac-
tium, he added to his kingdom both the re-
gion called Trachonitis, and what lay in its
neighbourhood, Batanea, and the country of
Auranitis ; and that on the following occa- i
sion :— Zenodorus, who had hired the house of I
Lysanias, had all along sent robbers out of I
Trachonitis among the Damascens; who there-
upon had recourse to Varro, the president of
Syria, and desired of him that he would re-
present the calamity they were in to Ca>sar,
When Cassar was acquainted with it, he sent
back orders that this nest of robbers should
be destroyed. Varro therefore made an ex-
pedition against them, and cleared the land
of those men, and took it away from Zenodo-
rus. Cwsar did also afterward bestow it on
Herod, that it might not again become a re-
ceptacle for those robbers that had come a.
» Since Josehpus, both here and in his Antiq. b. xv,
ch. vii, set't. 5, reckons Gaza, which had been a free
city, among ti e cities given Herod by Augustus, and
yet implies that Herod had made Costobarus a governor
of it before, Anti(i. b. xv, ch. vii, sect. 9, Harduin hai
some pretence for saying tliat Josephus here con tra-
dictcd himself. But perhaps Hero<l thouglit he had
sufficient authority to put a governor into Gaza, after
he was made tctn-.rch or king, in times of war, l>efore
the city was deliverer aitirely into his hands by Augu>
tus.
"\.
584
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK 1
gainst Damascus™ He also made him a pro-
curator of all Syria, and this on the tenth
year afterwai-d, when he came again into that
province ; and this was so established, that
the other procurators could not do any thing
in the administration witiiout his advice: but
wiien Zenodorus was dead, Ca'sar bestowed
on him all tliat land which lay between Tra-
chonitis and Galilee. Yet, what was still of
more consequence to Herod, he was beloved
by Casar next after Agrippa, and by Agrip-
pa next after Ctesar; whence he arrived at a
very great degree of felicity ; yet did the
greatness of his soul exceed it; and the mani
part of his magnanimity was extended to the
promotion of piety.
CHAPTER XXr.
or THE [temple and] cities that were
BUILT BY HEROB, AND ERECTED FROM THE
VERY FOUNDATIONS ; AS ALSO OF THOSE
OTHER EDIFICES THAT WERE ERECTED BY
HIM ; AND WHAT MAGNIFICENCE HE SHOW-
ED TO FOREIGNERS ; AND HOW FORTUNS
WAS IN ALL THINGS FAVOURABLE TO HIM.
5 1. Accordingly, in the fifteenth year oi"
his reign, Herod rebuilt tlie temple, and en-
corrvpassed a piece of land about it with a
wall ; which land was twice as large as that
before enclosed. The expenses lie laid out
upon it were vastly large also, and the riches
aljout it were unspeakable. A sign of which
you have in the great cloisters that were erect-
ed about the temple, and tlie citadel * which
was on its north side. The cloisters he built
from the foundation, but the citadel he repair-
ed at a vast expense ; nor was it other than a
royal palace, wliich he called Antonia, in ho .
nour of Antony. He also built himself a pa-
lace in the upper city, containing two very
large and most beautiful apartments ; to whicli
the holy house itself could not be compared
I in largeness]. Tlie one apartment he named
Cassareum, and the other Agrippium, from
liis [two great] friends.
2. Yet did he not preserve their memory
by particular buildings onlv, with their names
given them, but his generosity went as far as
entire cities; for when he had built a most
beautiful wall round a country in Samaria,
twenty furlongs long, and had brought six
thousand inhabitants into it, and had allotted
to it a most fruitful piece of land, and in the
• This fort was first built, as is supposed, by JoJin
Hyrcanus. see Prirt. at they-car 107, and called " 'Baris,"
the Tower or Citadel. It was afterwards rebuilt, wilh
great improvements, by Herod, under the government
of Antonius, and was named from him " the Tower of
Antonia;" aid about the time when Herod reiiuilt Ihc
temple, he seems to have put his last hand to it. See
Antiq. b. xviii, eh. v, sect. 4. Of the War, b. i, ch. iii,
sect. 3, and eh. v, sect 4. It lay on the north-west
side of the temple, and was a tjuarter as l.irge.
midst of this city, thus buili, had erected a
very large temple to Caesar, and had laid
round about it a portion of saored land of
three furlongs and a half, he called the city
Sfbaste, from Sebastus, or Augustus, and set-
tled tlie affairs of the city after a most regular
manner.
3. And when Csesar had farther bestowed
upon him another additional country, he built
there also a temple of white marble, hard by
the fountains of Jordan : the place is called
Paniuin, where is a top of a mountain that is
raised to an immense height, and at its side,
beneath, or at its bottom, a dark cave opens
itself; within v.hich there is a horrible pre-
cipice, that descends abruptly to a vast depth :
it contains a mighty quantity of water, which
is immoveable; and when any body lets down
any thing to measure the depth of tlie earth
beneath the water, no length of cord is suffi-
cient to reach it. Now the fountains of Jor-
dan rise at the roots of this cavity outwardly ;
and, as some think, this is the utmost origin
of Jordan : but we shall speak of that matter
more accurately in our following history.
4. But the king erected other places at
Jericho also, between the citadel Cypros and
the former palace, such as were better and
more useful than the former for travellers,
and named tliem from the same friends of his.
To say all at once, there was not any plact of
his kingdom fit for the purpose, that was pei
mitted to be without somewhat that was foi
Ctesar's honour ; and when he had filled hi&
own country with temples, he poured out the
like plentiful marks of his esteem into his pro-
vince, and built many cities which he called
Cesareas.
5. And when he observed that there was a
city by the sea-side that was much decayed (its
name was Strato's Tower) but that the place,,
by the happiness of its situation, was capable
of great improvements from his liberality, he
rebuilt it all with white stone, and adorned it
with several most splendid palaces, wherein
he especially demonstrated his magnanimity;
for the case was this, that all the sea-shore be-
tween Dora and Joppa, in the middle, between
which this city is situated, had no good haven,
insomuch that every one that sailed from Phoe-
nicia for Egypt was obliged to lie iri the
stormy sea, by reason of the south winds that
threatened them ; which wind, if it blew but
a little fresh, such vast waves are raised, and
dash upon the rocks, that upon their retreat
the sea is in a great ferment for a long way.
But the king, by the expenses he was at, and
the liberal disposal of them, overcame nature,
and built a haven larger than was the Pyre-
cum * [at Athens] ; and in the inner retire-
• That Josephus speaks truth, when he assures us
that the haven of this Cesarea was made by Herocl not
let.;, nay raihei larger, than that famous haven at Athens
called the Fyrecum, will ai)pear, s-ays Dean Aldricit, to
hiin who coniirares the description of that at '\thfr.sin
rh'icyciides and Pausanias, with this of Cesarea in J*
WARS OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. XXI
ments of the water he built other deep sta-
tions [for the ships also].
6. Now, although the place where he built
was greatly opposite to his purposes, yet did
he so fully struggle with that difficulty, that
the firmness of his building could not easily
be conquered by the sea; and the beauty and
ornament of the works were such, as though
be bad not had any difficulty in the operation;
for when he had measured out as large a
space as we have before mentioned, he let
down stones into twenty-fathom water, the
greatest part of which were fifty feet iu length,
and nine in depth, and ten in breadth, and
some still larger. But when the haven was
filled up to that depth, he eidarged that wall
which was thus already extant above the sea,
till it was two hundred feet wide ; one hun-
dred of which had buildings before it, in or-
der to break the force of the waves, whence it
was called Procumatia, or the first breaker of
the waves; but the rest of the space was un-
der a stone-wall that ran round it. On this
wall were very large towers, the principal
and most beautiful of which was called Dru-
sium, from Drusus, who was son-in-law to
Ca'sar.
7. There were also a great number of
arches, where the mariners dwelt ; and all the
places before them round about was a large
valley, or walk, for a quay [or landing-place]
to those that came on shore ; but the entrance
was on the north, because the north wind was
there the most gentle of all the winds. At
the mouth of the haven were on each side
three great Colossi, supported by pillars,
where those Colossi that are on your lel't hand
as you sail into the port, are supported by a
solid tower ; but those on the right band are
supported by two upright stones joined toge-
ther, which stones were larger than that tower
which was on the other side of the entrance.
Now there were continual edifices joined to
the haven, which were also themselves of
white stone; and to this haven did the narrow
streets of the city lead, and were built at
equal distances one from another. And over-
against the mouth of the haven, upon an ele-
vation, there was a temple for Caesar, which
was excellent botli in beauty and largeness;
and therein was a Colossus of Ca sar, not
less than that of Jupiter Olyinpius, which it
was made to resemble. The other Colossus
of Rome was equal to that of Juno at Argos.
So he dedicated the city to the province,
and the liaven to the sailors there ; but the
honour of the building he ascribed to Cxsar,'
and named it Cesarea accordingly.
8. He also built the other edifices, the am-
sephus here, and in the Antiq. b. xv, ch. ix, sect. 6, and
b. xvii, ch. iX, sect, 1.
» These buildings of cities by the name of Carear,
and institution of solemn games m honour of Augustus
(C«sar, as here and in the Antiquities, related of HeruU
by Josophus, the Roman historians attest to as tnings
then frequent in the province of that empirt, as Deaii,
Aldrich obseixes on lhi» chapter ^
585
phitheatre, and theatre, and market-place, in
a manner agreeable to that denomination ;
and appointed games every fifth year, and
called them, in like manner, Ciesar's Games;
and he first himself proposed the largest prizes
upon the hundred ninety-second Olympiad ;
in which not oidy the victors themselves, but
those that came next to them, and even those
that came in the third place, were partakers
of his royal bounty. He also rebuilt Anthe-
don, a city that lay on the coast, and had been
demolished in the wars, and named it Agrip-
peum. Moreover, he had so very great a
kindness for his friend Agrippa, that he had
his name engraved upon that gate which he
had himself erected in the temple.
9. Herod was also a lover of his father, if
any other person ever was so; for he made a
monument for his father, even tiiat city which
he built in the finest plain that was in his
kingdom, and which had rivers and trees in
abundance, and named it Antipatris. He
also built a wall about a citadel that lay above
Jericho, and was a very strong and very fine
building, and dedicated it to his mother, and
called it Cypros, Moreover, he dedicated a
tower that was at Jerusalem, and called it by
the name of his brother Phasaelus, whose
structure, largeness, and magnificence, we
shall describe hereafter. He also built ano-
ther city in the valley that leads northward
from Jericho, and named it Phasaelus.
10. And as he transmitted to eternity his
family and friends, so did he not neglect a
memorial for himself, but built a fortress upon
a mountain towards Arabia, and named it from
himself Herodium ;f and he called tbat hill
that was of the shape of a woman's breast, and
was sixty furlongs distant from Jerusalem, by
the same name. He also bestowed much
curious art upon it with great ambition, and
built round towers all about the top of it, ana
filled up the remaining space with the most
costly palaces round about, insomuch that not
only the sight of the inner apartments was
splendid, but great wealth was laid out on the
outward walls, and partitions, and roofs also.
Besides this, he brought a mighty quantity of
water from a great distance, and at vast charges,
and raised an ascent to it of two hundred steps
of the whitest marble, for the hill was itself
moderately high, and entirely factitious. He
also built other palaces about the roots of the
hill, sufficient to receive the furniture that
was put into them, with his friends also, inso--
much that on account of its containing all ne-
cessaries, the fortress might seem to be a city,
but, by the bounds it had, a palace only.
+ There were two cities, or citadels, called Herodium,
in Judea, and both mentioned bv Josephus, not oidy here,
but Antiq. b. xiv, ch. xiii, sect. 9 ; b. xv, ch. ix, »ect. o.
Cf the War, b. i, chap xiii, stct. S; b. ni. ch.iii.seot, A.
One of them was 200, and the other 61) furlongs instant
from Jerusalem. One of them is mentioned by Hliny,
Hist. Nat. b. V, chap, xiv, as Dean Aldrich oti»ci-v<fi
here.
J'
586
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK I.
11. And when he bad built so much, he
showed the greatness of his soul to no small
number of foreign cities. He built palaces
for exercise at Tripoli, and Damascus, and
Ptolemais; he built a wall about Byblus, as
also large rooms, and cloisters, and temples,
and maiket-places at Berytus and Tyre, with
theatres at Sidon and Damascus. He also
built acqueducts for those Laodiceans wlio
lived by the sea-side ; and for those of Ascalon
he buih baths and costly fountains, as also
cloisters round a court, that were admirable
both for their workmanship and largeness.
Moreover, he dedicated groves and meadows
to some people : nay, not a few cities there
were who had lands of his donation, as if they
were parts of his own kingdom. He also be-
stowed annual levenues, and those for ever
also, on the settlements for exercises, and ap-
pointed for them, as well as for the people of
Cos, that such rewards should never be want-
ing. He also gave corn to all such as want-
ed it, and conferred upon Rhodes large sums
of money for building ships; and this he did
in many places, and frequently also. And
when Apollo's temple had been burnt down,
he rebuilt it at his own charges, after a better
manner than it was before. What need I
speak of the presents he made to the Lycians
and Samnians ! or of his great liberality
tlirough all Ionia ! and that according to
ever)' body's wants of them. And are not
the Athenians, and Lacedemonians, and Nico-
poHtans, and that Pergamus which is in My-
^ia, full of donations tliat Herod presented
them withal ! And as for that large open
place belonging to Antioch in Syria, did not
lie pave it with polished marble, though it
were twenty furlongs long ! and this when it
was shunned by all men before, because it was
full of dirt and filthiness; when he besides
adorned the same place with a cloister of the
same length.
1 2. It is true, a man may say, these were
favours peculiar to those particular places on
which he bestowed his benefits ; but then what
favours he bestowed on the Eleans, was a do-
nation not only in common to all Greece, but
to all the habitable earth, as far as the glory
of the Olympic games reached; for when he
perceived that they were come to nothing, for
want of money, and that the only remains of
ancient Greece were in a manner gone, he not
only became one of the combatants in that re-
turn of the fifth year games, which in his sail-
ing to Rome he liappened to be present at,
but he settled upon tliem revenues of money
for perpetuity, insomuch that his memorial
as a combatant there can never fail. It would
be an inlinite task if I should go over his pay-
ments of people's debts, or tributes, for them,
as he eased the people of Phasaelus, of Batanea,
and of the small cities about Cilicia, of those
annual pensions they before paid. However,
ibe fear iie was in much disturbed the great-
ness of his soul, lest he should be exposed to
envy, or saem to hunt after greater things than
he ought, while he bestowed more liberal gifts
upon these cities than did their owners them-
selves.
13. Now Herod had a body suited to his
soul, and was ever a most excellent hunter,
where he generally had good success, by
means of his great skill in riding horses; for
in one day he caught forty wild beasts : * that
country breeds also bears; and the greatest
part of it is replenished with stags and wild
asses. He was also such a warrior as could
not be withstood : many men therefore there
are who have stood amazed at his readiness
in his exercises, when they saw him throw the
javelin directly forward, and shoot the arrow
upon the mark ; and then, besides these per-
formances of his depending on his own strengUi
of mind and body, fortune was also very fa-
vourable to him, for he seldom failed of suc-
cess in his wars; and when he failed, he was
not himself the occasion of such failings,
but he either was betrayed by some, or the
rashness of his own soldiers procured his de-
feat.
CHAPTER XXII.
THE MURDEa OF ARISTOBULUS AND HYRCANUS,
THE HIGH PRIESTS; AS ALSO OF MARIAMNK
THE QUEEN.
§ 1. However, fortune was avenged on He-
rod in his exernal great successes, by raising
him up domestic troubles ; and he began to
have wild disorders in his family, on account
of his wife, of whom he was so very fond ;
for when he came to the government, he sent
away her whom he had before married when
he was a private person, and who was born
at Jerusalem, whose name was Doris, and
married Mariamne, the daughter of Alexan-
der, the son of Aristobulus ; on whose ac-
count disturbances arose in his family, and
that in part very soon, but chiefly after his
return from Rome ; for, first of all, he expell-
ed Antipater the son of Doris, for the sake of
his sons by Mariamne, out of the city, and
jiermitted him to come thither at no other
times than at the festivals. After this he slew
his wife's grandfather, Hyrcanus, when he
was returned out of Partliia to him, under
this pretence, that he suspected him of plot-
ting against him. Now this Hyrcanus had
been carried captive to Barzapliarnes, when
he overran Syria; but those of his own coun-
try beyond Euphrates were desirous he would
stay with them, and this out of the commise-
* Here seems to be a small defect in the copies
which describe the wild beasts which were hunted in a
certain country by Herod, without naming any su<*
country at ali.
-^V.
CIIAF XXIII.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
587
'1
ration they had for his condition ; and Iiad he
complied with their desires, when they exhort-
ed him not to go over tlie river to Herod, he
had not perished: but the marriage of his
grand-daughter [to Herod] was his tempta-
tion ; for as he relied upon him, and was
over fond of his own country, he came back
to it. Herod's provocation was this: — not
that Hyrcanus made any attempt to gain the
kingdom, but that it was fitter for him to be
their king than for Herod,
2. Now of the five children which Herod
had by Mariamne, two of them were daugh-
ters, and three were sons ; and the youngest
of tliese sons was educated at Rome, and there
died ; but the two eldest he treated as those
of royal blood, on account of the nobility of
their mother, and because they were not born
till he was king; but then what was stronger
than all this, was the love that he bare to Mari-
amne, and which inflamed him every day to a
great degree, and so far conspired with the
other motives, that he felt no other troubles,
on account of her he loved so entirely ; but
Mariamne's hatred to him was not inferior to
his love to her. Slie had indeed but too just
a cause of indignation, from what he had done,
while her boldness proceeded from his affection
to her ; so she openly reproached him with
what he had done to her grandfather Hyr-
canus, and to her brother Aristobulus, for
he had not spared this Aristobulus, though he
were but a child ; for when he had given him
the high-priesthood at the age of seventeen,
he slew him quickly after he had conferred
that dignity upon him ; but when Aristobulus
!iad put on the holy vestments, and had ap-
proached to the altar at a festival, the multi-
tude, in great crowds, fell into tears ; where-
upon the child was sent by night to Jericho,
and was there dipped by the Galls, at Herod's
command, in a pool till he was drowned.
3. For these reasons Mariamne reproached
Herod, and his sister and mother, after a most
contumelious manner, while he was dumb on
account of his aff'ection for lier ; yet had the
women great indignation at her, and raised a
calumny against her, that she was false to his
bed : which thing they thought most likely to
move Herod to anger. Tliey also contrived to
have many other circumstances believed, in or-
der to make the thingmore credible, and accus-
ed her of having sent her picture into Egypt to
Antony, and that her lust was so extravagant,
as to have thus shown herself, though she was
absent to a man that ran mad after women,
and to a man that had it in his power to use
violence to her. This charge fell like a thun-
derbolt upon Herod, and put him into dis-
order ; and that especially, because his love to
her occasioned him to be jealous, and because
he considered with himself that Cleopatra was
a shrewd woman, and that on her account
Lysanias the king was taken off as well as
Malichus the Arabian ; for his fear ^id not
only extend to the dissolving of bis marriagei
but to the danger of his life.
4. When therefore he was about to take a
journey abroad, he committed his wife to Jo-
seph, his sister Salome's husband, as to one
v/ho would be faithful to him, and bare hinc
good-will on account of their kindred : ho also
gave him a secret injunction, that if Antony
slew him, he should slay her; but Joseph,
without any ill design, and only in order to
demonstrate the king's love to his wife, bow
he could not bear to think of being separated
from her, even by death itself, discovered this
grand secret to her ; upon which, when Herod
was come back, and as tliey talked together,
and he confirmed his love to her by many
oaths, and assured her that he had never such
an affection for any other woman as he had for
her, — " Yes," says she, " thou didst, to be
sure, demonstrate thy love to me by the injunc-
tions tliou gavest Joseph, when thou com-
mandedst him to kill me."*
5. When he heard that this grand secret
was discovered, he was like a distracted man,
and said, that Joseph would never have dis-
closed that injunction of his, unless he had
debauched her. His passion also made him
stark mad, and leaping out of his bed, he rao
about the palace after a wild manner ; at
which time his sister Salome took the opportu-
nity also to blast her reputation, and confirm-
ed his suspicion about Joseph ; whereupon,
out of his ungovernable jealousy and rage, ha
commanded both of them to be slain immedi-
ately ; but as soon as ever his passion was
over, he repented of what he had done, and as
soon as his anger was worn oft', his affections
were kindled again ; and indeed the flame of
his desires for her was so ardent, that he could
not think she was dead, but would appear,
under his disorders, to speak to her as if she
were still alive, till he were better instructed
by time, when his grief and trouble, now s!ie
was dead, appeared as great as his affection
had been for her while she was living.
CHAPTER XXIII.
CALUStNIES AGAIN'ST THE SONS OF MARIAMNE.
ANTIFATER IS PIIEFERRF.D BEFORE THEM
THEY ARE ACCUSED BEFORE CiESAR, ANP US-
ROD IS RECONCILED TO THEM.
§ 1 . Now Mariamne's sons were heirs to thai
hatred wliich had Dcen borne their mother ;
and when tliey considered the greatness of
Herod's crime towards her, they were suspi-
* Here is either a defect or a great mistake, in Joso-
phiis's present copies or memory ; for Mariamne did not
now leprodcli Herod witli this his first iniunetion to
Joseph to kill her, it' he liimself were >Iain 'by Antony,
but that lie had given tlie like command a second time
to Siiei'.ius also, when he v.i-; afraid of beiiig slain ^>y
Auaiiitus. Antiq. b. xv, eh. iii, sp<-t. S.
-\.
J-
588
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK I.
cious of him as of an enemy of tlieirs ; and this
first while they were educated at Home, hut
Btill more when they were returned to Judca.
Tliis temper of theirs increased upon them as
they grew up to be men ; and when they were
come to an age fit for marrriage, the one of
them married their aunt Salome's daughter,
which Salome had been the accuser of their
mother ; the other married the daughter of
Archelaus, king of Cappadocia. And now
they used boldness in speaking, as well as
bore hatred in their minds. Now those that
calumniated them took a handle from such
their boldness, and certain of them spake now
more plainly to the king, that there wtre
treacherous designs laid against him by both
his sons ; and he that was son-in-law to Arche-
laus, relying upon his father-in-law, was pre-
paring to fly away, in order to accuse Herod
before Caesar ; and when Herod's head had
been long enough filled with these calumnies,
he brought Aniipater, whom he had by Doris,
into favour again, as a defence to him against
his other sons, and began all the ways he pos-
sibly could to prefer him before them.
2. But these sons were not able to bear
this change in their affairs; for when they
saw him that was born of a mother of no fa-
mily, the nobility of their birth made them
unable to contain their indignation ; but
whensoever they were uneasy, they showed
tiie ariger they had at it ; and as these sons
did day after day improve in that their anger,
Antipater already exercised all his own abili-
ties, which were very great, in flattering his
father, and in contriving many sorts of calum-
nies against his brethren, while he told some
stones of them himself, and put it upon other
proper persons to raise other stories against
them ; till at length he entirely cut his bre-
thren oft' from all hopes of succeeding to the
kingdom; for he was already publicly put
into his father's will as his successor. Ac-
cordingly he was sent with royal ornaments,
and other marks of royalty, to Casar, except-
ing the diadem. He was also able in time to
introduce his mother again into Mariamne's
bed. The two sorts of weapons he made use
of against his brethren, were flattery and ca-
lumny, whereby he brought matters privately
to such a pass, that the king had thoughts of
putting his sons to death.
3. So the father drew Alexander as far as
Rome, and charged liim with an attempt of
poisoning him, before Casar. Alexander
could hardly speak for lamentation ; but
having a judge that was more skilful than
Antipater, and more wise than Herod, he
modestly avoided laying any imputation upon
liis father, but with great strength of reason
confuted the calumnies laid against him ; and
when he had demonstrated the innocency of
his brother, who was in the like danger h itli
himstif, he at last bewailed the craftiness of
Antipater, and the disgrace they were under.
He was enabled also to justify himself, not
only by a clear conscience, which he carried
within him, but by his eloquence ; for he was
a shrewd man in making speeches. And
upon his saying at last, that if his father ob-
jected this crime to them, it was in his power
to put them to death, he made all the audi-
ence weep ; and he brought Caesar to that
pass, as to reject the accusations, and to recon-
cile their father to them immediately. But
the conditions of this reconciliation were
these, that they should in all things be obedi-
ent to their father, and that he should have
power to leave the kingdom to which of them
he pleased.
4. After this the king came back from
Rome, and seemed to have forgiven his sons
upon, these accusations; but still so, that he
was not without his suspicions of them. They
were followed by Antipater, who was the
fountain-head of those accusations; yet did
not he openly discover his hatred to them, as
revering him that had reconciled them. But
as Herod sailed by Cilicia, he touched at E-
leusa,* where Archelaus treated them in the
most obliging manner, and gave him thanks
for the deliverance of his son-in-law, and was
rriuch pleased at their reconciliation; and tliis
the more, because he had formerly written to
his friends at Rome that they should be as-
sisting to Alexander at his trial. So he con
ducted Herod as far as Zephyrium, and made
him presents to the value of thirty talents.
5. Now when Herod was come to Jerusa-
lem, he gathered the people together, and
presented to them his three sons, and gave
them an apologetic accoimt of his absence,
and thanked God greatly, and thanked Caesar
greatly also, for settling his house when it was
under disturbances, and had procured con-
cord among his sons, which was of greater
consequence than the kingdom itself, — " and
which I will render still more firm; for Cu;-
sar hath put into my power to dispose of the
government, and to appoint my successor
Accordingly, in way of requital for his kind
ness, and in order to provide for mine own
advantage, I do declare that these three sons
of mine shall be kings. And, in the first
place, I pray for the approbation of God to
what I am about; and, in the next place, I
desire your approbation also. The age of
one of them, and the nobility of the other two
shall procure them the succession. Nay, in-
deed, my kingdom is so large, that it may be
sufficient for more kings. Now do you keep
those in their places whom Casar hath joined
and their father hath appointed ; and do not
you pay undue or unequal respects to them,
• That this island Eleusa, afterward called Sebaste,
near Cilicia, had in it the royal paiace of this Archelaus,
liing of Cappadocia, Strabo testifies b xv, p. %'i\. Ste
phallus of tiyziintiiim also calls it " an island of Cilicia,
which is now Sebaste ;" both whose testimonies are per-
tinently cited here by Dr. Hu<lson. See the 3:in>e his-
tory. Antiii. b. XVI, ill. X, SLCt. 7.
~V
J-
CHAP. XXIV.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
589
but to every one according to the prerogative
of their births ; for he that pays such respects
unduly, will thereby not make him that is
honoured beyond what his age requires, so
joyful as he will make him that is dishonoured
sorrowful. As for the kindred and friends
that are to converse with them, I will appoint
them to each of them, and «ill so constitute
them, that they may be securities for their
concord; as well knowing that the ill tempers
of those with whom they converse, will pro-
duce quarrels and contentions among them ;
but that, if these with whom they converse be
of good tempers, they will preserve their na-
tural afiections for one another. But still I
desire, that not these only, but all the captains
of my army have for the present their hopes
placed on me alone ; for I do not give away
my kingdom to these my sons, but give them
royal honours only; whereby it will come to
pass that they will enjoy the sweet parts of
government as rulers themselves, but that the
burden of administration will rest upon my-
self whether 1 will or not. And let every
one consider what age I am of; how I have
conducted my life, and what piety I have ex-
ercised ; for my age is not so great, that men
may soon expect the end of my life ; nor have
I indulged such a luxurious way of living as
cuts men off when they are young; and we
have been so religious towards God, that we
[have reason to hope we] may arrive at a
very great age. But for such as cultivate a
friendship with my sons, so as to aim at my
destruction, they shall be punished by me on
their account. I am not one who envy my
own children, and therefore forbid men to pay
them great respect ; but I know that such
[extravagant] respects are the way to make
them insolent. And if every one that comes
near them does but revolve this in his mind,
that if he proves a good man, he shall receive a
reward from me, but that if he prove seditious,
his ill-intended complaisance shall get him
nothing from him to whom it is shown, I
suppose they will all be of ray side, that is,
of my sons' side ; for it will be for their ad-
vantage that I reign, and that I be at concord
with them. But do you, O my good chil-
dren, reflect upon the holiness of nature it-
self, by whose means natural affection is pre-
served, even among wild beasts ; in the next
place, reflect upon Caesar, who hath made
this reconciliation among us ; and, in the third
place, reflect upon me, who entreat you to do
what I have power to command you, — con-
tinue brethren. I give you royal garments,
and royal honours ; and I pray to God to
preserve what I have determined, in case you
be at concord one with another." When the
king had thus spoken, and had saluted every
one of his sons after an obliging manner, he
dismissed the multitude ; some of whom gave
their assent to what he said, and wished it
might take effect accordingly ; but for those
j who wished for a change of affairs, they pre-
tended they did not so much as hear wliat he
said.
CHAPTER XXIV.
THE MALICE OF ANTIPATER AND DORIS. ALEX-
ANDER IS VERY UNEASY ON GLAPHYRA's AC-
COUNT. HEROD PARDONS PHERORAS, WHOM
HE SUSPECTED, AND SALOME, WHOM HE
KNEW TO MAKE MISCHIEF AMONG THEM.
HEROD'S EUNUCHS ARE TORTURED, AND
ALEXANDER IS BOUND.
§ 1. But now the quarrel that was between
them still accompanied these brethren when
they parted, and the suspicions they had one
of the other grew worse. Alexander and
Aristobulus were much grieved that the pri
vilege of the first-born was confirmed to An-
tipater ; as was Antipater very angry at his
brethren, that they were to succeed him. But
then the last being of a disposition that was
mutable and politic, he knew how to hold
his tongue, and used a great deal of cun-
ning, and thereby concealed the hatred he
bore to them ; while the former, depending
on the nobility of their births, had every thing
upon their tongues which was in their minds.
Many also there were who provoked them
farther, and many of their [seeming] friends
insinuated themselves into their acquaintance,
to spy out what they did. Now every thing
that was said by Alexander was presently
brought to Antipater, and from Antipater it
was brought to Herod with additions. Nor
could the young man say any thing in the
simplicity of his heart, without giving offence,
but what he said was still turned to calumny
against him. And if he had been at any tim€
a little free in his conversation, great impu-
tations were forged from the smallest occasions,
Antipater also was perpetually setting some
to provoke him to speak, that the lies he
raised of him might seem to have some foun-
dation of truth ; and if, among the many
stories that were given out, but one of them
could be proved true, that was supposed to
imply the rest to be true also. And as to
Antipater's friends, they were all either na-
turally so cautious in speaking, or had been
so far bribed to conceal their thoughts, that
nothing of these grand secrets got abroad by
their means. Nor should one be mistaken ir
he called the life of Antipater a mystery of
wickedness; for he either corrupted Alexan-
der's acquaintance with money, or got into
their favour by flatteries ; by which two means
he gained all his designs, and brought them
to betray their master, and to steal away, and
reveal what he either did or said. Thus did
he act a part very cunningly in all points, and
wrought himself a passage by his calumnies
with the greatest shrewdness ; while he put on
6yo
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK I
a face as if he were a kind brother to Alexan-
der and Aiistobiilus, but suborned other
njen to inform of what they did to Herod.
And when any thing was told against Alex-
ander, he would come in and pretend [to be
of his side], and would begin to contradict
what was said ; but would afterward contrive
matters so privately, that the king should
have an indignation at him. His gene-
ral aim was this: — To lay a plot, and to make
it be believed that Alexander lay in wait to
kill his father ; for nothing afforded so great
a confirmation to these calumnies as did An-
tipater's apologies for him.
2. By these methods Herod was inflamed,
and, as much as his natural affection to the
young men did every day diminish, so much
did it increase towards Antipater. The cour-
tiers also inclined to the same conduct; some
of their own accord, and others by the king's
injunction, as particularly Ptolemy, the king's
dearest friend, as also the king's brethren,
and all his children ; for Antipater was all
they were every one chosen by him for their
beauty, but not for their family. Now those
wives of his were not a few ; it being of old
permitted to the Jews to marry many wives,*
— and this king delighting in many ; all whom
hated Alexander, on account of Glaphyra's
boasting and reproaches.
3. Nay, Aristobulus liad raised a quarrel
between himself and Salome, who was his
mother-in-law, besides the anger he had con-
ceived at Glapiiyra's reproaches ; for he per-
petually upbraided his wife with the mean-
ness of her family, and complained, that as
he had married a woman of a low family, so
had his brother Alexander married one of
royal blood. At this Salome's daughter wept,
and told it her with this addition, that Alex-
ander threatened the mothers of In's other
brethren, that wlien he should come to the
crown, he would make them weave with their
maidens, and would make those brothers of
his country schoolmasters ; and brake this jest
upon them, that they had been very carefully
in all : and what was the bitterest part of all | instructed, to fittheni for such an employment.
to Alexander, Antipater's mother was also all j Hereupon Salome could not contain her an-
in all : she was one that gave counsel against | ger, but told all to Herod ; nor could her tes-
them, and was more harsh than a step-mo- I timony be suspected, since it was against her
ther, and one that hated the queen's sons own son-in-law. Tliere was also another ca-
more than is usual to hate sons-in-law. All
men did therefore already pay their respects
to Antipater, in hopes of advantage ; and it
was the king's command which alienated every
body [from the brethren], he having given this
charge to his most intimate friends, that they
should not come near, nor pay any regard, to
Alexander, or to his friends. Herod was also
become terrible, not only to his domestics about
the court, but to his friends abroad ; for Cae-
sar had given such a privilege to no other
king as he had given to him, which was this :
—that he might fetch back any one that fled
from him, even out of a city that was not un-
der his own jurisdiction. Now the young
men were not acquainted with the calum-
ries raised ag linet them ; for which reason
they could not guard themselves again t them.
lumny that ran abroad, and inflamed tht
king's mind ; for he heard that these sons oi
his were perpetually speaking of their mo-
ther, and, among their lamentations for her,
did not abstain from cursing him ; and thai
when he made presents of any of Mariamne's
garments to his later wives, these threatened,
that in a little time, instead of royal garments
they would clothe them in no better than hair-
cloth.
4. Now upon these accounts, though He-
rod was somewhat afraid of the young men's
high spirit, yet did he not despair of reducing
them to a better mind ; but before he went to
Rome, whither he was now going by sea, he
called thein to him, and partly threatened
them a little, as a king ; but for the main, he
admonished them as a father, and exhorted
but fell under them ; for their father did not I them to love their brethren ; and told them
make any public complaints against either of that he would i)ardon their former offences,
them ; though in a little time they perceived ; if they would amend for the time to come,
how things were, by in's coldness to them, and j But they refuted the calumnies that had been
by the great uneasiness he showed upon any raised of them, and said they were false, and
thing that troubled him. Antipater had also ! alleged that their actions were sufficient for
made their uncle Piieroras to be their enemy,
as well as their aunt Salome, while he was al-
ways talking with her as with a wile, and irritat-
ing her against them. Moreover, Alexander's
wife, Glaphyra, augmented this hatred against
them, by deriving lier nobility and geiiealogy
[from great persons], and pretending that she
was a lady superior to all others in that king-
dom, as being derived by her father's side
from Temenus, and by her mother's side from
Darius, tlie son of Hystaspes. She also fre-
quently reproached Herod's sister and wives
With the ignoblhty of their descent ; and that thu be«inuins it was not so." Matt, xix, 8; Mark x, o.
their vindication ; and said withal, that he
himself ought to shut his ears against such
* That it was an immemorial custom among the
Jews, and Iheir forefathers, the patriarchs, to have
sometimes more wives, or wi\cs and co]icubini's, tlian
one at the same time, and that this polygamy was not
directly forbidden in the law of Moses, is evident ; but
that polygainy was ever properly and distinctly permit-
ted in that law of Moses, m the places here cited by
Dean .Mdrioh, Deut. xvii, 16, 17; or xxi, 15, or indeed
any where eUe, does not appear to me. .'\nd what our
.Saviour says about the common Jewish divorces, which
may lay much greater claim to such a permission than
polygamy, seems to me t.ue in this case abo; that Mo-
ses, " foi' the hardness of their hearts," sufleicd them
to have several wivesatthe same time ; but that " from
J-
CHAP. XXIV.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
591
tales, and not to be too easy in believing them,
for that there would never be wanting those
that would tell lies to their disadvantage, as
long as any would give ear to them.
5. When they had thns soon pacified him,
as being their father, they got clear of tlie pre-
sent fear thej- were in. Yet did they see oc-
casion for sorrow in some time afterwards ;
for they knew that Salome, as well as their
uncle Pheroras, were their enemies ; who were
both of them lieavy and severe persons, and
especially Pheroras, who was a partner with
Herod in all the affairs of the kingdom, ex-
cepting his diadem. He liad also a hundred
talents of his own revenues, and enjoyed the
advantage of all the land beyond Jordan,
which he had received as a gift from his bro-
ther, who had asked of Cajsar to make liim a
tetrarch, as he was made accordingly. Herod
had also given him a wife out of the royal
family, who was no other than his own wife's
sister ; and after her death, had solemnly es-
poused to him liis own eldest daughter, with
a dowry of three hundred talents; but Phero-
ras refused to consummate this royal marriage,
out of his affection to a maid-servant of his.
Upon which account Herod was very angry,
and gave that daughter in marriage to a bro-
ther's son of his [Joseph], who was siain after-
ward by the Parthiaiis ; but in some time he
lad aside his anger against Pheroras, and par-
doned him, as one not able to overcome his
foolish passion for the maid-servant.
6. Nay, Pheroras had been accused long
before, while the queen [Mariamnc] was alive,
as if he were in a plot to poison Herod ; and
there came so great a number of informers,
that Herod himself, though he was an exceed-
ing lover of his brethren, was brought to be-
lieve what was said, and to be afraid of it also ;
and when he had b»'ought many of those that
were under suspicion to the torture, he came
at last to Pberoras's own friends ; none of
whom did openly confess the crime, but they
owned that he had made preparation to take
her whom he loved, and run away to the Par-
ihians. Costobarus also, the husband of Sa-
lome, to whom the king had given her in mar-
riage, after her former husband had been put
to death for adultery, was instrumental in
bringing about this contrivance and flight of
his. Nor did Salome escape all calumny upon
herself ; for her brother Pheroras accused her,
that she had made an agreement to marry Sil-
ieus, the procurator of Obodas, king of Arabia,
who was at bitter enmity with Herod ; but
when she was convicted of this, and of all that
Pheroras had accused her of, she obtained her
pardon. The king also pardoned Pheroras
himself the crimes he had been accused of.
7. But the storm of the whole family was
removed to Alexander; and all of it rested
upon his head. There were three eunuchs
who were in the highest esteem with the king,
ns was plain by the offices they wereTn about
him ; for one of them was appointed to be his
butler, another of them got his supper ready
for him, and the third put him into bed, and
lay down by him. Now Alexander had pre-
vailed with these men, by large gifts, to let
him use them after an obscene manner; which,
when it was told to the king, they were tor-
tured, and found guilty, and presently con-
fessed the criminal conversation he had with
them. They also oiscoveied the promises by
which tliey were induced so to do, and how
they were deluded by Alexander, who had told
tiiem that they ought not to fix their hopes
upon Herod, an old man, and one so shame-
less as to colour his hair, unless they thought
that would make him young again ; but thai
they ought to fix their attention to him who
was to be his successor in the kingdom, whe-
ther he would or not; and who in no long
time would avenge himself on his enemies,
and make his friends happy and blessed, and
themselves in the first place ; that the men of
power did already pay respects to Alexander
privately, and that the captains of the soldiery,
and the officers, did secretly come to him.
8. These confessions did so terrify Herod,
that he durst not immediately publisli them ;
but he sent spies abroad privately, by night and
by day, who should make a close inquiry after
all that was done and said ; and when any
were but suspected [of treason] he put them to
death, insomuch that the palace was full of hor-
ribly unjust proceedings; for every body for-
ged calumnies, as they were themselves in a
state of enmity or hatred against others ; and
many there were who abused the king's bloody
passion to the disadvantage of tliose with
whom they had quarrels, and lies were easily
believed, and punishments were inflicted soon-
er than the calumnies were forged. He who
had just then been accusing another, was ac-
cused himself, and was led away to execution
together with him whom he had convicted ; for
the danger the king was in of his life made
examinations be very short. He also proceed-
ed to such a degree of bitterness, that he
could not look on any of those that were not
accused with a pleasant countenance, but was
in the most barbarous disposition towards his
own friends. Accordingly, he forbade a great
many of them to come to court, and to those
whom he had not power to punish actually,
he spake harshly ; but for Antipater, he in-
sulted Alexander, now he was under his mis-
fortunes, and got a stout company of his kin-
dred together, and raised all sorts of calumny
against him : and for the king, he was brought
to such a degree of terror by those prodigious
slanders and contrivances, that he fancied he
saw Alexander coming to him with a drawn
sword in his hand. So he caused him to be
seized upon immediately and bound, and fell
to examining his friends by torture, many of
whom died [under the torture], but would
discover nothing, nor say any thing against
S'
jr
592
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK I,
their consciences ; but some of them, being
forced to speak falsely by the pains they en-
dured, aaid that Alexander, and his brother
Arislobulus, plotted against him, and waited
for an opportunity to kill him as he was hunt-
ing, and then fly away to Rome. These ac-
cusations, though they were of an incredible
nature, and only framed upon the great dis-
tress they were in, were readily believed by
the king, who thought it some comfort to
him, after he had bound his son, tliat it might
appear he had not done it unjustly.
CHAPTER XXV.
ARCHELAUS PROCURES A RECONCIHATION BE-
TWEEN ALEXANDER, PHERORAS, AND HE-
ROD.
§ 1. Now as to Alexander, since he perceived
it impossible to persuade his father [that he
was innocent], he resolved to meet his calami-
ties, how severe soever they were ; so he com-
posed four books against his enemies, and
confessed that he had been in a plot ; but de-
clared withal that the greatest part [of the
courtiers] were in a plot with him, and chiefly
Pheroras and Salome ; nay, that Salome once
came and forced him to lie with her in the
night-time, whether he would or no. These
books were put into Herod's hands, and made
a great clamour against the men in power.
And now it was that Archelaus came hastily
into Judea, as being affrighted for his son-in-
law and his daughter ; and he came as a pro-
per assistant, and in a very pfadent manner,
and by a stratagem he obliged the king not to
execute what he had threatened ; for when he
was come to him, he cried out, " Where in
the world is this wretched son-in-law of mine ?
Where shall I see the head of him who had
contrived to murder his father, which I will
tear to pieces with my own hands ? I will do
the same also to my daughter, who hath such
a fine husband ; for although she be not a part-
ner in the plot, yet, by being the wife of such
a creature, she is polluted. And I cannot
but admire at thy patience, against whom this
plot is laid, if Alexander be still alive; for as
I came with what haste I could from Cappa-
docia, I expected to find him put to death for
his crimes long ago ; but still, in order to
ma'ke an examination with thee about my
daughter, whom, out of regard to thee, and
thy dignity, I had espoused to him in mar-
riage, but now we must take counsel about
them both ; and if thy paternal aliection be so
great, that thou canst not punish thy son, who
hath plotted against thee, let us change our
right hands, and let us succeed one to the
other in expressing our rage upon this occa-
sion."
2. When he had made this pompous decla-
j ration, he got Herod to remit of his anger,
though he was in disorder, who tliereupon
I gave him the books which Alexander had
I composed to be read by him ; and as he came
to every head, he considered of it, together
I with Herod. So Archelaus took hence ti)e
' occasion for that stratagem which he made
use of, and by degrees he laid the blame on
these men whose names were in these books,
land especially upon Pheroras; and when he
; saw that the king believed him [to be earnest]
he said, " We must consider whether the
young man be not himself plotted agjunst by
such a number of wicked wretches, and not
thou plotted against by the young man ; /jor
I cannot see any occasion for his falling into
so horrid a crime, since he enjoys the advan-
tages of royalty already, and has the expecta-
tion of being one of thy successors ; I mean
this, unless there were some persons that
persuade him to it, and such persons as make
an ill use of the facility they know there is to
persuade young men; for by such persons,
not only young men are sometimes imposed
upon, but old men also ; and by them some-
times are the most illustrious families and
kingdoms overturned."
3. Herod assented to what he had said, and,
by degrees, abated of his anger against Alex-
ander ; but was more angry at Pheroras, who
perceiving that the king's inclinations changed
on a sudden, and that Archelaus's friendship
could do every thing with him, and that he
had no honourable method of preserving him-
self, he procured his safety by his impudence.
So he left Alexander, and hr.d recourse to
Archelaus; who told him that he did not see
how he could get him excused, now he was
directly caught in so many crimes, whereby
it was evidently deinonstrated that he had
plotted against the king, and had been the
cause of those misfortunes which the young
man was now under, unless he would more-
over leave off his cunning knavery and his
denials of what he was charged withal, and
confess the charge, and implore pardon of his
brother, who still had a kindness for him ; but
that if he would do so, he would atl'ord him
all the assistance he was able.
4. With this advice Pheroras complied,
and, putting himself into such a habit as
might most move coinpassion, he came with
black cloth upon his body, and tears in his
eyes, and threw himself down at Herod's feet,
and begged his pardon for what he had done,
and confessed that he had acted very wicked-
ly, and was guilty of every thing that he had
been accused oi, and lamented that disorder
of his mind and distraction which his love tc
a woman, he said, had brought him to. Sf.
when Archelaus had brought Pheroras to ac-
cuse and bear witness against himself, he ther
made an excuse for him, and mitigated He-
rod's anger towards him, and this by using
certain domestic examples ; for that when he
"V
"V
CHAP. XXVt.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
593
had sufTered much greater mischiefs from a
brother of his own, lie preferred the obliga-
tions of nature before the passion of revenge ;
because it is in kingdoms as it is in gross
bodies, where some member or other is ever
swelled by the body's weight; in wiiich case
it is not proper to cut off such member, but
to heal it by a gentle method of cure.
5. Upon Archelaus's saying this, and much
more to the same purpose, Herod's displea-
sure against Pheroras was molified ; yet did
he persevere in his own indignation against
Alexander, and said he would have his daugh-
ter divorced and taken away from him, and
this till lie had brought Herod to that pass,
that, contrary to his former behaviour to him,
lie petitioned Archelaus for the young man,
and that he wouH let his daughter continue
espoused to him : but Archelaus made him
strongly believe that he would permit her to
be married to any one else, but not to Alex-
ander ; because he looked upon it as a very
valuable advantage, that the relation they had
contracted by that affinity, and the privileges
that went along with it, might be preserved :
and when the king said that his son would take
it for a great favour done to him if he would
not dissolve the marriage, especially since they
had already children between the young man
and her, and since that wife of his was so well
beloved by him, and that as while she remains
his wife she would be a great preservative to
him, and keep him from offending, as he had
formerly done ; so if she should be torn away
from him, she would be the cause of his fall-
ing into despair ; because such young men's
attempts are best mollified when they are di-
verted from them by settling their affections at
home. So Archelaus complied with what
Herod desired, but not without difficulty, and
was both himself reconciled to the young man
and reconciled his father to him also. How-
ever, he said he must, by all means, be sent
to Rome to discourse with Caesar, because he
liad already written a full account to him of
tJ)is whole matter.
6 Thus a period was put to Archelaus's
rtratagem, whereby he delivered his son-in-
iaw out of the dangers he was in : but when
these reconciliations were over, they spent
their time in feastings and agreeable enter-
tainments; and when .'\rchelaus was going
away, Herod made him a present of seventy
talents, with a golden throne set with precious
stones, and some eunuchs, and a concubine
who was called Pannychis. He also paid
due honours to every one of Lis friends ac-
cording to their dignity. In like manner did
all the king's kindred, by bis command, mako
glorious presents to Archelaus ; and so he
was conducted on his way by Herod and his
uobiluy as far as Antioch.
CHAPTER XXVI.
HOW EURYCLES * CALUMNIATED THE SONS OP
MAKIAMNE; AND HOW EUARATUS'S APOLOCy
HAD NO EFFECT.
§ 1. Now a little afterward there came into
Judea a man that was much superior to Ar-
chelaus's stratagems, who did not only over-
turn that reconciliation that had been so wisely
made with Alexander, but proved the occa-
sion of his ruin. He was a Lacedemonian,
and his name was Eurycles. He was so cor-
rupt a man, that out of the desire of getting
money, he chose to live under a king, for
Greece could not suffice his luxury. He
presented Herod with splendid gifts as a bait
which he laid, in order to compass his ends,
and quickly received them back again mani-
fold ; yet did he esteem bare gifts as nothing, ,
unless he imbrued the kingdom in blood by
his purchases. Accordingly, he imposed up-
on the king by flattering him, and by talking
subtilely to him, as also by the lying encomi-
ums which he made upon him : for as he soon -
perceived Herod's blind side, so he said and
did every thing that might please him, and
thereby became one of his most intimate
friends ; for both the king and all that were
about him, had a great regard for this Spartan^
on account of his country.f '
2. Now as soon as this fellow perceived
the rotten parts of the family, and what quarrels
the brothers had one with another, and in what
disposition the father was towards each of therr^.
he chose to take his lodging at the first in the.
house of Antipater, but deluded Alexander
witii a pretence of friendship to him, and
falsely claimed to be an old acquaintance of
Archelaus ; for which reason he was presently
admitted into Alexander's familiarity as a
faithful friend. He also soon recommended
himself to his brother Aristobulus; and wheitr
he had thus made trial of these several persons,
he imposed upon one of them by one method,
and upon another by another ; but he was
principally hired by Antipater, and so betray-,
ed Alexander, and this by reproaching Anti-
pater, because, while he was tlie eldest son,
he overlooked the intrigues of those who
stood in the way of his expectations ; and bv
reproaching Alexander, because he who was
* Tiiis vile fellow, Eurycles the Lacedemonian, seems,
to have been the same who is mentioneil by Plutarch^
as (t\vc:ity-five years before) a eomnaiiion to Mark .^ii-
txjny, and as livin" with Herod ; wnence h^ might easi
ly in.iinuate himself into the acquaintanre of HeriMl'i
sons, Antipater and Alexander, as Usher, Hudson, aint
Spanheim, justly suppose. The reason why his betug
a Spartan rendered him acceptable to tlie Jews, as we
here see he was, is visible from the public records of th&
Jews and Spartans, owning tliose Spartans to be of kia
to the Jews, and derived from their common anccsto;
.Abraham, the first patriarch of the Jewish nation. ,\n
tiq. b. xii, chap, iv, sect. 10 ; b. xiii, ch.ip. v, sect ti
and 1 Mace. chap, xii, ver. 7.
t See the preceding note.
3 D
J-
594
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK 1.
born of a queen, and was married to a king's
daughter, permitted one that was horn of a
mean woman to lay claim to the succession, and
this when he had Archelaus to support him
in the most complete manner. Nor was his
advice thought to be otlierthan faitliful by the
young man, because of his protended friend-
ship with Archelaus: on which account it was
that Alexander lamented to him Antipater's
behaviour with regard to himself, and this
without concealing any tiling from hiui ; and
now it was no wonder if Ilerod, after he had
killed their mother, should deprive them of
her kingdom. Upon this Eurycks pretended
to commiserate his condition, and to grieve
with him. He also, by a bait tliat he laid for
him, procured Aristobulus to say the same
things. Tlius did he inveigle both the bro-
thers to make complaints of their father, and
then went to Antipater, and carried these
grand secrets to him. He also added a fiction
of his own, as if his brothers had laid a plot
against him, and were almost ready to come
upon him with their drawn swords. For this
intelligence he received a great sum of money,
and on that account he commended Antipater
before his father, and at length undertook tlie
work of bringing Alexander and Aristobulus
to their graves, and accused them before their
father. So he came to Herod and told him
that he would save his life, as a requital for
the favours he had received from him, and
would preserve his light [of life] by way of
retribution for his kind entertainment; for that
a sword had been long whetted, and Alex-
ander's right hand had been long stretciied out
against him : but that he had laid imjiediments
in his way, prevented his speed, and that by
pretending to assist him in his design : how
Alexander said, that Herod was not contented
to reign in a kingdom that belonged toothers,
and to make dilapidations in their nioiher's
government after he had killed her ; but be-
sides all this, that he introduced a spurious
successor, and proposed to give the ki:igdom
of their ancestors to that pestilent ft ilow Anti-
pater : — that he would now ajipease the ghosts
•of Hyrcanus and Mariamne, by taking ven-
geance on him ; for that it was not fit for him
to take the succession to the government from
such a father without bloodshed : that many
things happen every day to provoke him so to
do, insomuch that he can say nothing at all, but
it affords occasion for calumny against him ;
for that, if any mention be made of nobility
or birth, even in other cases, he is abused un-
justly, while his father would say that nobody,
to be sure, is of noble birth but Alexander,
accounts, if this plot floes not take he is very
wiliinglo diej but that in case he kill his father
he hath sufficient opportunity for saving him-
self. In the first place, he hath Archelaus
his father-in-law,, to whom he can easily fly;
and in tl.e next place, he hath Caesar, who
iiad never known Herod's character to this
day ; for that he shall not appear then before
him with that dread he used to do when his
father was thci'e to terrify him ; and that he
will not then produce the accusations that
concerned himself alone, but would, in the
first place, openly insist on the calamities of
their nation, and how they are taxed to death,
and in what ways of luxury and wicked prac-
tices that wealth is spent which was gotten by
bloodshed ; what sort of persons they are that
get our riches, and to whom those cities be-
long, upon whom he bestows his favours ;
that he would have inquiry made what be-
came of his grandfather [Hyrcanus], and his
mother [Mariamne], and would openly pro-
claim the gross ^vickedness that was in the
kingdom ; on which accounts he should not
be deemed a parricide.
3. When Eurycles had made this porten-
tous speech, he greatly commended Antipa-
ter, as the only child that had an affection foi
his father, and on that account was an impe-
diment to the otlier's plot against him. Here
upon the king, who had hardly repressed his
anger upon the former accusations, was exas.
perated to an incurable degree. At which
time Antipater look another occasion to send
in other persons to his father to accuse his
brethren, and to tell him that they had pri-
vately discoursed with Jncundus and Tyran-
nu3, who had once been masters of the horse
to the king, but for some offences had been
put out of that honourable employment,
Herod was in a very great rage at these in-
formations, and presently ordered those men
to be tortured : yet did not they confess any
thing of what the king had been informed ;
hut a certain letter was produced, as written
by Alexander to the governor of a castle, to
desire him to receive him and Aristobulus
into the castle when he had kilted liis father,
and to give them weapons, and what other
assistance he could, upon that occasion. Al-
exander said that this letter was a forgery of
Diophantus. This Diojihantus was tlie king's
secretaty, a bold man, cunning in counter
feiting any one's hand ; and after he had
counterfeited a great number, he was at last
put to death for it. Herod did also order tlie
governor of the castle to be tortured ; but got
nothing out of him of what the accusations
and that his father was inglorious for want of suggested.
such nobility. If they be at any time Iiunt- j 4. However, although Herod found the
ing, and he says nothing, he gives offence; proofs too weak, he gave order to have his
and if he commends any body, they take it in sons kept in custody; for till now they had
way of jest: that they always find tlicir father been at liberty. He also called that pest of
unmercifully severe, and have no natnral affcc- his family, and forger of all this vile accusa-
tion foranyofthembut for Antipater; on which tion, Eurycles, his saN-iour and benefactor.
■V
CHAP. XXVII.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
595
and gave him a reward of fifty talents. Up-
on whicli he prevented any accurate accounts
that could come of what he had done, by go-
ing immediately into Cappadocia, and there
he got money of Archelaus, having the im-
pudence to pretend that he had reconciled
Herod to Alexander. He thence passed over
into Greece, and used what he had thus wick-
edly gotten to the like wicked purposes. Ac-
cordingly, he was twice accused before Caesar,
that he had filled Achaia with sedition, and
had plundered its cities ; so he was sent into
banishment. And thus was he punished for
what wicked actions he had been guilty of
about Aristobulus and Alexander.
5. But it will be now worth while to put
Euaratus of Cos in opposition to this Spar-
tan ; for as he was one of Alexander's most
intimate friends, and came to him in his tra-
vels at the same lime that Eurycles came ; so
the king put the question to him, whether
those things of which Alexander was accused
were true? He assured him upon oath that
he had never heard any such things from tlie
young men ; yet did this testimony avail no-
thing for the clearing those miserable crea-
tures ; for Herod was only disposed the most
readily to hearken to what was made against
them, and every one was most agreeable to
him that would believe they were guilty, and
showed their indignation at them.
CHAPTER XXVII.
HEROD, BY Cesar's direction, accuses his
SONS AT BERYTUS. THtY ARE NOT PRO-
DUCED BEFORE THE COURT, BUT YET ARE
CONDEMNED ; AND IN A LITTLE TIME ARE
SENT TO SEBASTE, AND STRANGLED THERE.
§ 1. Moreover, Salome exasperated Herod's
cruelty against his sons; for Aristobulus was
desirous to bring her, who was his mother-in-
law and his aunt, into the like dangers with
themselves : so he sent to her to take care of
her own safety, and told her that the king was
preparing to put her to death, on account of
the accusation that was laid agamst her, as if
when she formerly endeavoured to marry her-
self to Sylleus the Arabian, she had disco-
vered the king's grand secrets to him, who
was the king's enemy ; and this it was tliat
came as the last storm, and entirely sunk tlie
young men who were in great danger before ;
for Salome came running to the king, and in.
formed him of what admonition had been
given her ; whereupon he could bear no
longer, l)ut commanded both the young men
to be bound, and kept the one asunder from
the other. He also sent Volumnius, the ge-
neral of his army, to Ciesar immediately, as
also his friend Olympus with him, wlio car
ried the informations in writing aloV)-; witl-
them. Now, as soon as they had sailed to
Rome and delivered the king's letters to Ca;-
sar, Csesar was mightily troubled at the case
of the young men ; yet did not he think be
ought to take the power from the father of
condemning his sons ; so he wrote back to
him, and appointed him to have tlie power
over his sons; but said wittjal, that he would
do well to make an examination into tliis mat-
ter of the plot against him in a public court,
and to take for his assessors his own kindred,
and the governors of the province ; — and if
those sons be found guilty, to put them to
death ; but if they appear to have thought of
no more than only flying away from him,
that he should, in that case, moderate their
punishment.
2. With these directions Herod complied,
and came to Berytus, where Caesar had or-
dered the court to be assembled, and got the
judicature together. The presidents sat first,
as Caesar's letters had appointed, who were
Saturninus and Pedanius, and their lieutenants
that were with them, with whom was the pro-
curator Volumnius also; next to them sat the
king's kinsmen and friends, with Salome also,
and Pheroras ; after whom sat the principal
men of all Syria, excepting Archelaus ; for
Herod had a suspicion of him, because he
was Alexander's father-in-law. Yet did not
he produce his sons in open court ; and this
was done very cunningly, for he knew well
enough that, had they but appeared only, they
would certainly have been pitied ; and if
withal they had been suffered to speak, Alex-
ander would easily have answered what they
were accused of; but they were in custody at
Platane, a village of the Sidonians.
3. So the king got up, and inveighed against
his sons as if they were present ; and as for
tliat part of the accusation that they had plot-
ted against him, he urged it but faintly, be-
cause he was destitute of proofs ; but he in-
sisted before the assessors on the reproaches,,
and jests, and injurious carriage, and ten tliou-
sand the like offences against them, wliicfa
were heavier than death itself; and when no-
body contradicted him, he moved them to
pity his case, as thougli tie had been con-
demned himself, now he had gained a bitter
victory against his sons. So he asked every
one's sentence; which sentence was first of
all given by Siiturninus, and was this : — That
he condemned the young men, but not to
death ; for that it was not fit for him, who
had three sous of his own now present, to give
his vote for the destruction of the sons of ano-
ther. The two lieutenants also gave the like
vote ; some others there were also who fol-
lowed their example ; but Volumnius began
to vote on the more melancholy side, and all
those that came after him condemned the
young men to die; some out of flaliery, and
some out of hatred to Herod ; but none out
of indi^i:natio» at their crimes. And now al
"^^
596
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK. I.
Syria and Judca was in great expectation, and
waited for the last act of this tragedy ; yet did
nobody suppose that Herod would be so bar-
barous as to murder his children : however,
he carried them away to Tyre, and thence
sailed to Cesarea, and then he deliberated
with himself what sort of death the young
men should suffer.
4. Now there was a certain old soldier of
the king's, whose name was Tero, who had
a son that was very familiar with, and a
friend to Alexander, and who himself parti-
cularly loved the young men. Tais soldier
was in a manner distracted, out of the excess
of the indignation he had at what was doing;
and at first he cried out aloud, as he went
about, that justice was trampled under foot;
that truth was perished, and nature confound-
ed ; and that the life of man was full of ini-
quity, and every thing else that passion could
suggest to a man who spared not his own life ;
and at last he ventured to go to the king, and
said, " Truly, I think, thou art a most miser-
able man, wlien thou hearkenest to most wick-
ed wretclics, against those that ought to be
dearest to thee ; since thou hast frequently re-
solved that Pheroras and Salome should be
put to death, and yet believest them against
thy sons ; while these, by cutting off the suc-
cession of thine own sons, leave all wholly to
Antipater, and thereby choose to have thee
such a king as may be thoroughly in their
ewn power. However, consider whether this
death of Antipater's brethren will not make
him hated by the soldiers ; for there is nobody
but commiserates the young men ; and of the
captains, a great many show their indignation
at it openly." Upon his saying this, he named
those that had such indignation ; but the king
ordered those men, witii Tevo himself, and his
son, to be seized upon immediately.
5. At which time there was a certain bar-
ber, whose name was Trypho. This man
leaped out from among the people in a kind
of madness, and accused himself, and said,
" this Tero endeavoured to persuade me also
to cut tiiy throat with my razor when I trim-
med thee ; and promised that Alexander
should give me large presents for so dning."
When Herod heard this, he examined Tero,
with his son and the barber, by the torture;
but as the others denied the accusation, and
be said notiiing farther, Herod gave or-
der that Tero sliouid be racked more severe-
ly : but his son, out of pity to his father, pro-
mised to discover the whole to tlie king, if he
would grant [that his father should be no
longer Tortured]. When he had agreed to
this" he said, that his father, at the persuasion
of Alexander, had an intention to kill him.
Now some st'id tliis was forged, in order to
free his father from his torments ; and some
said it was true.
«. And now Herod accused the captains
and Tero in an assembly of the people, and
brought the people t(^ether in a body against
them ; and accordingly there were they put
to death, together with [Trypho] the barber ;
they were killed by the pieces of wood and
the stones that were thrown at them. He al-
so sent his sons to Sebaste, a city not far from
Cesarea, and ordered them to be there stran-
gled ; and as what he had ordered was exe-
cuted immediately, so he commanded that
their dead bodies should be brought to the
fortress Alexandrium, to be buried with Alex-
ander, their grandfather by the mother's side.
And this was the end of Alexander and Aris-
tobulus.
CHAPTER XXVIIJ.
HOW ANTIPATEIl IS HATKD OF ALL JIEN ; AND
HOW THE KING ESPOUSES THE SONS OP
THOSE THAT HAD BEEN SLAIN TO HIS KIN-
DRED ; BUT THAT ANTIPATER MADE HIM
CHANGE THEJI FOR OTHER WOJIEN. OF
HEROD'S MARRIAGES AND CHILDREN.
§ 1. But an intolerable hatred fell upon An
tipater from the nation, though he had now
an indisputable title to the succession ; be-
cause they all knew tliat he was the person
who contrived all the calumnies against his
brethren. However, he began to be in a ter-
rible fear, as he saw the posterity of those
that had been slain growing up ; for Alex-
ander had two sons by Glaphyra, Tygranes
and Alexander; and Aristobulus had Herod,
and Agrippa, and Aristobulus, his sons, with
Herodias and Mariamne, his daughters ; and
all by Bernice, Salome's daughter. As for
Glaphyra, Herod, as soon as he had killed
Alexander, sent her back, together with hei
portion, to Capadocia. He married Bernice.
Aristobulus's daughter, to Antipater's uncle
by his mother, and it was Antipater who, in
order to reconcile her to him, when she had
been at variance with him, contrived this
match ; he also got into Pheroras's favour,
and into the favour of Caesar's friends, by
presents, and other ways of obsequiousness,
and sent no small sums of money to Rome ;
Saturniuus also, and his friends in Syria,
were all well replenislied with the presents lie
made them ; yet, the more he gave the more
he was hated, as not making these presents
out of generosity, but spending his money out
of fear. Accordingly it so fell out, that the
receivers bore him no more good-will than be-
fore, but that those to whom he gave nothing
were his more bitter enemies. However, he
iestowed his money every day more and more
profusely, on observing that, contrary to his
expectations, the king was taking care about
the orphans, and discovering at the same time
his repentance for killing their fiilhers, by hia
commistration of those that sprang from them.
2 Accordingly, Herod got together hi«
CHAP. XXIX.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
697
kindred and friends, and set before them tlie
children, and with his eyes full of tears, said
thus to them : " It was an unlucky fate that
took away from me these children's fathers,
which children are recommended to me by
that natural commiseration which their or-
phan condition requires ; however, I will en-
deavour, though I have been a most unfortu-
nate father, to appear a better grandfather,
and to leave these children such curators af-
ter myself as are dearest to me. I therefore
betroth thy daughter, Pheroras, to the elder of
these brethren, the children of Alexander, that
thou mayest be obliged to take care of them,
lalso betroth to thy son, Antipater, the daugh-
ter of Aristobulus ; be thou therefore a father
to that orphan ; and my son Herod [Philip]
shall have her sister, whose grandfather, by
the mother's side, was high-priest. And let
every one that loves me be of my sentiments
in tliese dispositions, whom none that hath
an affection for me will abrogate. And I
pray God that he will join these children
together in marriage, to the advantage
of my kingdom, and of my posterity ; and
may he look down with eyes more serene
upon them than he looked upon their fa-
tliers !"
3. While he spake these words, he wept,
and joined the children's right hands toge-
ther : after which he embraced them every one
after an affectionate manner, and dismissed
the assembly. Upon this Antipater was in
great disorder immediately, and lamented
publicly at what was done ; for he supposed
tliat this dignity, which was conferred on these
orphans, was for his own destruction, even in
liis father's life-time, and that he should run
another risk of losing the government if
Alexander's sons should have both Archelaus
[a king", and Pheroras a tetrarch, to support
them. He also considered how he was him
self hated by the nation, and how they pitied
these orphans : how great affection the Jews
bare to those brethren of his when they were
alive, and how gladly they remembered them,
now they had perished by his means. So he
resolved by all the ways possible to get these
espousals dissolved.
4. Now he was afraid of going subtilely
about this matter with his father, who was
hard to be pleased, and was presently moved
upon the least suspicion : so he ventured to go
to him directly, and to beg of him before his
face, not to deprive him of that dignity which
he had been pleased to bestow upon him ;
and that he might not have the bare name of
a king, while the power was in other persons;
for that he should never be able to keep the
government, if Alexander's son was to have
both his grandfather Archelaus and Pheroras
for his curators ; and he besought him ear-
nestly, since there were so many of the royal
family alive, that he would change those [in-
tended] marriages. New the king had nine
wives,* and children by seven of them ; An-
tipater was himself born of Doris, and He-
rod [Philip] of Mariamne, the high- priest's
daughter; Antipas also and Archelaus were
by IMalthace, the Samaritan, as was his daugh-
ter Olympias, which his brother Joseph's j- son
had married. By Cleopatra of Jerusalem he
had Herod and Philip ; and by Pallas, Pha-
saelus : he had also two daughters, Rosana
and Salome, the one by Phedra, and the other
by Elpis : he had also two wives who had no
children, the one his first cousin, and the othei
his niece ; and besides these he had two daugh-
ters, the sisters of Alexander and Aristobulus,
by Mariamne. Since, therefore, the royal
family was so numerous, Antipater prayed
him to change these intended marriages.
5. When the king perceived what disposi-
tion he was in towards these orphans, he was
angry at it, and a suspicion came into his
mind as to those sons whom he had put to
death, whether that had not been brought
about by the false tales of Antipater; so at
that time he raatle Antipater a long and a
peevish answer, and bade him begone. Yet
was he afterwards prevailed upon cunningly
by his flatteries, and changed the marriages ;
he mairied Aristobulus's daughter to him,
and his son to Pheroras's daughter.
6. Now one may learn, in this instance,
how very much this flattering Antipater could
do, — even what Salome in the like circum-
stances could not do ; for when she, who was
his sister, had by the means of Julia, Ca-sar's
wife, earnestly desired leave to be married to
Sylleus tiie Arabian, Herod swore he would
esteem her his bitter enemy, unless she would
leave off that project ; he also caused her,
against her own consent, to be married to
Alexas, a friend of his, and that one of her
daughters should be married to Alesas's son,
and the other to Antipater's uncle by the
mother's side. And for the daughters that
the king had by IMariamne, the one was mar-
ried to Antipater, his sister's son, and the
other to his brother's son, Phasaelus.
CHAPTER XXIX.
ANTIPATER BECOMES INTOLERABLE. HE IS
SEXT TO ROJIE, AND CARRIES HEKGD's
TESTAMENT WITH HIM. PHERORAS LEAVES
HIS EHOTIIER, THAT HE MAY KEEP HIS WIFE.
HE DIES AT HOME.
§ 1. Now when Antipater had cut oflF tha
* Dean Aldrich takes notice here, that these nine
wives of Herod were a'ive at the same time, and tliat
if the cclibrated Mariumne, who was now dead, be
reckoned, those wives were in all tan. \ct it is remark-
able that he had no more than fifteen children by them
al!.
t To prevent confusion. It may not be amiss,, with
Dean Aldrich, to distinguish between four Joseph? i;i
Uie history of Herod. I. Joseph, Herod's unele. aiiJ
598
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK I.
hopes of the orphans, and had contracted such
affinities as would be most for his own advan-
tage, he proceeded brisiily, as having a certain
expectation of the kingdom ; and as he had
now assurances added to his wickedness, he
became intolerable ; for not being able to avoid
the hatred of all people, he built his security
upon the terror he struck into them. Phe-
roras also assisted him in his designs, looking
upon him as already fixed in the kingdom.
There was also a company of women in the
court, who excited new disturbances ; for
Pheroras's wife, together with her motlier
and sister, as also Antipater's mother, grew
very impudent in the palace. She also was
so insolent as toaHVont the king's two daugh-
ters,* on which account the king hated her to
a great degree ; yet although these women
were hated by him, they domineered over
others : there was only Salome who opposed
their good agreement, and informed the king
of their meetings, as not being for the advan-
tage of his aflairs ; and when those women
knew what calumnies she had raised against
them, and how much Herod was displeased,
they left off their public meetings and friend-
ly entertainments of one another ; nay, on
the contrary, they pretended to quarrel one
with another when the king was within hear-
ing. The like dissimulation did Antipater
make use of; and when matters were public,
he opposed Pheroras : but still they had pri-
vate cabals, and merry meetings in the night-
time ; nor did the observation of others do any
more than confirm their mutual agreement.
However, Saloine knew every thing they did, i
and told every thing to Herod. |
2. But he was inflamed with anger at them, ]
and chiefly at Pheroras's wife ; for Salome j
had principally accused her. So he got an ,
assembly of his friends and kindred together,
and there accused this woman of many things,
and particularly of the affronts she had offer-
ed his daughters ; and that she had supplied
the Pharisees with money, by way of rewards
for what they had done against him, and had
procured his brother to become his enemy,
by giving him love-potions. At length he
turned his speech to Pheroras, and told him
that he would give him his choice of these
two things : — Whether he would keep in with
iiis brother, or witii his wife ? And when
Pheroras said that he certainly would die ra-
her than forsake his wife,f — Herod, not
the [second] husband of his sister Salome, slain by
Herod oa account of Mariamne. 2. Joseph, Herod's
quaestor, or treasurer, slain on tlie same acco'.nit. 3.
Joseph, Herod's brother, slain in battle agaii>-:t Antigo-
nus. 4. Joseph, Herod's nephew, the husband of Olym-
pian, nitntioned in this place.
» These daughters of Herod, whom Pheroras's wife
afl'ronted, were Salome and Iloxana, two virgins, who
were born to him of his two wives, Klpide and Phedra,
See Heiod's genealogy, Antiq. b. xvii, ch. i, sect. 3.
t Xliis strange obstinacy of Pheroras in retaining his
wife, who was one of a low family, and refusing to mar-
ry one nearly related to Herod, though he so earnestly
licsiied it, as also that wife's admission to the councils
knowing what to do farther in that matter
turned his speech to Antipater, and charged
him to have no intercourse either with Phe-
roras's wife, or with Pheroras himself, or with
any one belonging to her. Now, though
Antipater did not transgress that his injunc-
tion publicly, yet did he in secret come to
their night-meetings : and because he yvas a-
fraid that Salome observed what he did, he
procured, by the means of his Italian friends,
that he might go and live at Rome; for when
they wrote that it was proper for Antipater
to be sent to Caesar for some time, Herod
made no delay, but sent him, and that with a
splendid attendance, and a great deal of mo-
ney, and gave him his testament to carry with
him, — wherein Antipater had the kingdom
bequeathed to him, and wherein • Herod was
named for Antipater's successor ; that Herod,
I mean, who was the son of Mariamne, the
high-priest's daughter.
3. Sylleus also, the Arabian, sailed to
Rome, without any regard to Csesar's injunc-
tions, and this in order to oppose .\ntipater
with all his might, as to that law-suit which
Nicolaus had with him before. This Sylleus
had also a great contest with Aretas his own
king ; for he had slain many otliers of Aretas's
friends, and particularly Sohemus, the most
potent man in the city Petra. Moreover, he had
prevailed with Phabatus, who yvas Herod's
steward, by giving him a great sum of money,
to assist him against Herod ; but yvhen Herod
gave him more, he induced him to leave Syl-
leus, and by his means he demanded of liim
all that Ca'sar had reqtiired of him to pay ;
but when Sylleus paid nothing of what he yvas
to pay, and did also accuse Phabatus to Cae-
sar, and said that he yvas not a steyvard for
Cssar's advantage, but for Herod's, Phabatus
yvas angry at him on tliat account, but yvas
still in very great esteem yvith Herod, and
discovered Sylleus's grand secrets, and told
the king that Sylleus had corrupted Corin-
thus, one of the guards of his body, by brib.
ing him, and of yvhom he must therefore have
a care. Accordingly the king complied ; for
this Corinthus, though he yvas brought up in
Herod's kingdoin, yet yvas by birth an Arabi-
an ; so the king ordered him to be taken up
immediately, and not only him, but two other
Arabians, who yvere caught yvith him ; the one
of them was Sylleus's friend, the other the
head of a tribe. These last, being put to the
torture, confessed that they had prevailed yvith
Corinthus, for a large sum of money, to kill
of the other great court-ladies, together with Her. d's
own importunity as to Pheroras's divorce and other
marriage, all >o remarkable here, or in the Antiq. b.
xvii, ch. ii, sect 4; and ch. iii, sect 3. cannot be well
accounted for, but on the supposal that Ptieroras be-
lieved, and Herod suspected, that the Pharisees' jire-
diction, as if the crown of Judea should be translated
from Herod to Pheroras's ])Osterity, and that most pro-
bably lo Pheroras's posterity by this his wife, also would
prove true. See AntiQ. b. kvii, ch. ii, sect. 4; and ch
1 III MUt i
CHAP. XXX.
Herod ; and when they had been farther ex-
amined before Saturninus, the president of
Syria, they were sent to Rome.
4. However, Herod did not leave ofTimpor-
tuning Pheroras, but proceeded to force him to
put away his wife; yet could he not devise
any way by which he could bring the woman
herself to punishment, although he had many
causes of hatred to her; till at length he was
ill such great uneasiness at her, tiiat he cast
both her and his brother out of his kingdom.
Pheroras took this injury very patiently, and
went away into his own tetrarchy [Perea, be-
yond Jordan], and sware that there should be
but one end put to his flight, and that should
be Herod's death ; and that he would never
return while he was alive. Nor indeed would
he return when his brother was sick, although
he earnestly sent for him to come to him, be-
cause he had a mind to leave some injunc-
tions with him before he died : but Herod
unexpectedly recovered. A little afterward
Pheroras himself fell sick, when Herod
shewed great moderation ; for he came to him
and pitied his case, and took care of him : but
his aH'ection for him did him no good, for Phe-
roras dipd a little afterward. Now, though
Herod had so great an atfection for him to the
last day of his life, yet was a report spread
abroad that he had killed him by poison.
However, he took care to have his dead body
carried to Jerusalem, and appointed a very
great mourning to t!)e whole nation for him,
and bestowed a most pompous funeral upon
him ; and this was the end that one of Al-
exander's and Aristobulus's murderers came
to.
CHAPTER XXX.
WHEN HEHOD MADE IXQUIRY ABOUT PHERO-
KAS S DEATH, A DISCOVERY WAS MADE THAT
ANTIPATER HAD PHEPAUED A POISONOUS
DRAUGHT FOR HIM. HEROD CASTS DORIS
AND HER ACCOMPLICES, AS ALSO MARIAMNE,
OUT OF THE PALACE, AND BLOTS HER SON
HEROD OUT OF HIS TESTAMENT.
§ 1. But now the punishment was transfer-
red unto the original autho'', Antipater, and
took its rise from tiie death of Pheroras ; for
certain of his freed -men came with a sad
countenance to the king, and told him that
his brother had been destroyed by poison, and
that his wife had brought him somewhat that
was prepared after an unusual manner, and
that upon his eating it, he presently fell into
his distemper ; that Antipater's mother and
.■^ister, two days before, brought a woman out
of Arabia that was skilful in mixing such
drugs, that she might prepare a love-potion
for Pheroras; and that, instead of a iQve-po-
tion, she had given him deadly poison ; and that
WARS OF THE JEWS.
599
this was done by the management of Sylleus,
who was acfjuninted with tiiat woman.
2. The king was deeply affected with so
many suspicions, and had the maid-servants
and some of the free women also tortured ;
one of whom cried out in her agonies, " May
that God that governs the earth and the lieavcn,
punish the author of all these our miseries,
Antipater's mother !" The king took a handle
from this confession, and proceeded to inquire
farther into the trutii of this matter. So this
woman discovered the fiiendship of Antipa-
ter's mother to Pheroras and Antipater's wo-
men, as also their secret meetings, and that
Plieroras and Antipater had drank with them
for a whole night together as they returned
from the king, and would not suffer any body,
either man-servant or maid-servant, to be
there ; while one of the free women discover-
ed the whole of the matter.
3. Upon this, Herod tortured the maid-
servants, every one by themselves separately ;
who all unanimously agreed in tlie foregoing
discoveries, and that accordingly by agree-
ment they went away, Antipater to Rome,
and Pheroras to Perea ; for that they often-
times talked to one another thus : — That after
Herod had slain Alexander and Aristobulus,
he would fall upon them, and upon their
wives, because, after he had not spared Mari-
amne and her children, he would spare nobo-
dy ; and that for this reason it was best to gel
as far off the wild beast as they were able : —
and that Antipater oftentimes lamented his
own case before his mother ; and said to her,
that he had already grey hairs upon his head,
and that his father grew younger again every
day, and that perhaps death would overtake
him before he should begin to be a king in
earnest ; and that in case Herod should die,
which yet nobody knew when it would be, the
enjoyment of the succession could certainly be
but for a little time ; for that these heads of
Hydra, the sons of Alexander and Aristobu-
lus, were growing up : that he was deprived
by his father of the hopes of being succeeded
by his children, for that his successor after his
death was not to be any one of his own sons,
but Herod the son of Mariamne : — that in
this point Herod was plainly distracted, to
think that his testament should therein take
place ; for he would take care that not one of
his posterity should remain, because he was,
of all fathers, the greatest hater of his chil-
dren. Yet does he hate his brother still worse ;
whence it was that he a while ago gave him-
self a hundred talents, that he should not
have any intercourse with Pheroras. And
when Pheroras said, wlierein have we done
him any harm? Antipater replied, "I wish
he would but deprive us of all we have, and
leave us naked and alive only ; but it is in-
deed impossible to escape this wild beast, who
is thus given to murder; who will not permit
us to love any person openly, although we he
600
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK 1.
liave liated him that is so affectionate to me,
and have contrived to kill him who is in such
disorder for mc before I am dead. As for
myself, 1 receive the recompense of my im-
piety ; but do thou bring what poison was left
with us by Antipater, and which thou keepest,
in order to destroy him, and consume it im-
mediately in the fire in my siglit, that I may not
be liable to the avenger in the invisible world.*
This I brought as he bade me, and emptied
the greatest part of it into the fire, but re
served a little of it for my own use against un
certain futurity, and out of my fear of thee."
7. When she had said this, she brought
the box, which had a small quantity of this
potion in it : but the king let her alone, and
transferred the tortures to Antiphilus's mo
ther and brother; who both confessed that
Antiphilus brought the box out of Egypt,
and that they had received the potion from a
brother of his, who was a physician at Aies--
andria. Then did the ghosts of Alexander
and Aristobulus go round all the palace, and
became the inquisitors and discoverers of what
could not otherwise have been found out, and
brought such as were the freest from suspi-
cion to be examined ; whereby it was disco-
covered that Mariamne, the high-priest's
daughter, was conscious of this plot ; and her
very brothers, when they were tortured, de-
lared it so to be. Whereupon tlie king
avenged this insolent attempt of the mother
upon her son, and blotted Herod, whom ha
had by her, out of his testament, who haa
been before named therein as successor to
Antipater.
together privately ; yet may we be so openly
too, if we are but endowed with the courage
and the hands of men."
4. These things were said by die women
upon the torture : as also that Pheroras re-
solved to fly with them to Perea. Now He-
rod g^ve ciedit to all they said, on account of
the affair of the hundred talents ; for he had
had no discourse with any body about them, but
only with Antipater. So he vented his anger
first of all against Antipater's mother, and
took away from her all the ornaments which
he had given her, which cost a great many
talents, and cast her out of the palace a second
time. He also took care of Pheroras's wo-
men after their tortures, as being now lecon-
ciled to them ; but he was in great consterna-
tion himself, and inflamed upon every sus-
picion, and had many innocent persons led to
tlie torture, ojt of his fear, lest he should per-
haps leave any guilty person untortured.
5. And now it was that he betook himself
to examine Antipater of Samaria, who was
the steward of [his son] Antipater ; and upon
torturing him, he learned that Antipater had
sent for a potion of deadly poison for him out
of Egypt, by Antiphilus, a companion of his ;
that Theudio, the uncle of Antipater, had it
from him, and delivered it to Fheroras ; for
that Antipater had charged him to take his
father off while he was at Rome, and so free
him from the suspicion of doing it himself:
that Pheroras also committed this potion to
his wife. Then did the king send for her,
and bade her bring to him what she had re-
ceived immediately. So she came out of her
house as if she would bring it with her, but
threw herself down from the top of the house,
in order to prevent any examination and tor-
ture from the king. However, it came to
pass, as it seems by the providence of God,
when lie intended to bring Antipater to pu-
nishment, that she fell not upon her head but
upon other parts of her body, and escaped.
The king, when she was brought to him, took
care of her (for she was at first quite senseless
upon her fall), and asked her why she had
thrown herself down ; and gave her his oath,
that if she would speak the real truth, he
would excuse her from punishment; but that
if she concealed any thing, he would have her
body torn to pieces by torments, and leave no
part of it to be buried.
6. Upon this the woman paused a little,
and then said, " why do I spare to speak of
these grand secrets, now Pheroras is dead !
that would only tend to save Antipater, who
is all our destruction. Hear then, O kin
and be thou, and God himself, who cannot be I the letters which he wrote against his breth-
deceived, witnesses to the truth of what I am ren, Archelaus and Philip, who were the
going to say. When thou didst sit weeping ' king's sons, and educated at Rome, being
by Plieroras as he was dying, then it was that yet youths, but of generous dispositions.
he called me to him, and said, — ' My dear Antipater set himself to get nd of these as
wife, I have been greatly mistaken as to the j soon as he could, that they might not be
disposition of iny brother towards me, and | iirejudicial to his hopes ; and to tliat evd he
CHAPTER XXXI.
ANTIPATER IS CONVICTED BY BATHYLLUS ; BlTi'
HE STILL RETURNS FROM ROME, WITHOUT
KNOWING IT. HEROD BRINGS HIM TO HiS
TRIAL.
§ 1. After these things were over, BathyJ-
lus came under examination, in order to con-
vict Antipater, who proved the concluding
attestation to Antipater's designs ; for indeed
he was no other than his fieed-man. This
man came, and brought another deadly po-
tion, the poison of asps and the juices of
other serpents, that if the first potion did not
do the business, Pheroras and his wife might
be armed with this also to destroy the king.
He brought also an addition to Antipater's
insolent attempts against his father, which was
cfiAP. xxxr.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
601
forged letters against tliem, in the name of
his friends at Rome. Some of these he cor-
rupted by bribes, to write how they grossly
reproached their father, and did openly bo-
wail Alexander and Aristobulus, and wore
Hfieasy at their being recalled ; for their fa-
ther had already sent for tiicm, vvhich was
the very thing Uiat troubled Antipater.
2. Nay indeed, while Antipater was in
Jiidea, and before he was upon his journey
to Rome, he gave money to have the like
letters against them sent from Rome, and then
came to his father, who as yet had no suspicion
of him, apologized for his brethren, and alleged
on their behalf, that some of the things con-
tained in those letters were false, and others
of them were only youthful errors. Yet at
the same time that he expended a great deal
of his money, by making presents to such as
wrote against his breiliren, did he aim to
bring his accounts into confusion, by birjing
costly garments, and carpets of various con-
textures, wth silver and gold cups, and a
great many more curious things, that so,
among the very great expenses laid out upon
such furniture, he might conceal the money
he had used in hiring men [to write the let-
ters] ; for lie brough.t in an account of his ex-
penses, amounting to two hundred talents, his
main pretence for which, was the law-suit
that he had been in with Sylleus. So wliile
all his rogueries, even those of a lesser sort,
were covered by his great villany, while all
the examinations by torture proclaimed his
attempt to murder his father, and the letters
proclaimed his second attempt to murder his
brethren,— yet did no one of those tliat came
to Rome inform him of his misfortunes in
Judea, although seven months had intervened
between his conviction and his return, — so
great was the iiatred which they all bore to
him. And perhaps they were the ghosts of
those bretliren of his that had been murdered,
that stopped the montlisof those that intended
to have told him. He then wrote from Rome,
and informed his [friends] that he would soon
come to them, and how he was dismissed with
honour by Casar.
3. Now the king being desirous to get
this plotter against him into his hands, and
being also afraid lest lie should some way
come to tiie knowledge how his afTairs stood,
and be upon his guard, he dissembled his
«nger in his epistle to him, as in other points
he wrote kindly to him, and desired him to
make haste, because, if he came quickly, he
would then lay aside the complaints he had
against his motiicr ; for Antipater was not ig-
norant that ills mother had been expelled out
of the palace. However, he had before receiv-
ed a letter, which contained an account of the
d*atb of Piieroras, at Tarentum,* — and made
* This Tarentum has coins still extant, as KeUnd in-
•ocnis us here in his note.
great lamentations at it; for which some com-
mended him, as being for his own uncle;
though probably this confusion arose on ac-
count of Ids having thereby failed in his plot
[on his father's life] ; and his tears were more
for the loss of him that was to have been sub-
servient therein, than for [an uncle] Piieroras :
moreover, a sort of fear came upon him as to
his designs, lest the poison should have been
discovered. However, when he was in Cili-
cia he received the forementioned epistle from
his father, and made great haste accordingly.
But when he had sailed to Celenderis, a sus-
picion came into his mind relating to his mo-
ther's misfortunes ; as if his soul foreboded
some mischief to itself. Those therefore of
his friends who were the most considerate,
advised him not rashly to go to his father, till
he had learned what were the occasions wliy
his mother had been ejected, because they
were afraid that he might be involved in the
calumnies that had been cast upon his mother;
but those that were less considerate, and had
more regard to their own desires of seeing
their native country than to Antipater's safe-
ty, persuaded him to make haste home, and
not, by delaying his journey, afTord his father
ground for an ill suspicion, and give a handle
to those that raised stories against him; for
that in case any thing had betn moved to his
disadvantage, it was owing to his absence,
which dur;st not have been done had he been
present ; — and they said it was absurd to de-
prive himself of certain happiness, for the sake
of an uncertain suspicion, and not rather to
return to his father, and take the royal autho-
rity upon iiim, which was in a state of fluctu-
ation on his account only. Antijiater com-
plied with this last advice; for Providence
hurried him on [to his destruction!. So he
passed over the sea, and landed at Sebastus,
the haven of Cesarea.
4. And here he found a perfect and unex-
pected solitude, while every body avoided
him, and nobody durst come at him; for he
was equally hated by all men; and now
that hatred had liberty to show itself, and the
dread men wore in of the king's anger made
men keep from him ; for the whole city [of
Jerusalem] was filled with the rumours about
Antipater, and Antipater himself was the only
person who was ignorant of them ; for as no
man was dismissed more magnificently when
he began liis voyage to Rome, so was no man
now received back with greater ignominy.
And indeed he began already to suspect what
misfortunes there were in Herod's family;
yet did he cunningly conceal his suspicion;
and while he was inwardly ready to die for
fear, he put on a forced boldness of counte-
nance. Nor could he now fly any whither,
nor had he any way of emerging out of the
difficulties which encompassed him; nor in-
deed had he even there any certain intelligence
of the affairs of the royal family, by reasoij
3 £
602
WARS OF THE JEWS.
of the tlireats the king had given out ; yet
had he some small hopes of better tidings,
for perhaps nothing had been discovered ; or,
if any discovery had been made, perhaps he
should be able to clear himself by impudence
and artful tricks, vvhirh were the only things
he relied upon for his deliverance.
5. And with these hopes did he screen
himself, till he came to the palace, without
any friends with him ; for these were affront-
ed, and shut out at the first gate. Now Va-
rus, the president of Syria, happened to be
in the palace [at this juncture] ; so Antipater
went in to his father, and, putting on a bold
face, he came near to salute iiim. But He-
rod stretched out his hands, and turned his
head away from him, and cried out, " Even
this is an indication of a parricide, to be de-
sirous to get me into his arms, when he is
under such heinous accusations. God con-
found thee, thou vile wretch ; do not thou
touch me till thou hast cleared thyself of
these crimes that are charged upon thee. I
appoint thee a court where thou art to be
judged ; and this Varus, who is very seasona-
bly here, to be thy judge ; and get thou thy
defence ready against to-morrow, for I give
thee so much time to prepare suitable excuses
for thyself." And as Antipater was so con-
founded, that he was able to make no answer
to this charge, he went away ; but his mother
and wife came to him, and told him of all the
evidence they had gotten against him. Here-
upon he recollected himself, and considered
what defence he should make against the ac-
cusations.
CHAPTER XXXII.
ANTIPATER IS ACCUSED BEFORE VARUS, AND
IS CONVICTED OF LAYING A PLOT [aGAINST
HIS FATHER BY THE STRONGEST EVIDENCE.
HEROD PUTS OFF HIS PUNISHMENT TILL HE
SHOULD BE RECOVERED, AND IN THE MEAN
TLME ALTERS HIS TESTAMENT.
§ 1. Now the day following, the king assem-
bled a court of his kinsmen and friends, and
called in Antipater's friends also. Herod
himself, with Varus, were the presidents ; and
Herod called for all the witnesses, and order-
ed them to be brought in ; among whom some
of the domestic servants of Antipater's mo-
ther were brought in also, who had but a little
while before been caught, as they were carry-
ing tho following letter from her to her son :
— " Since all those things have been already
discovered to thy father, do not thou come to
him, unless thou canst procure some assistance
from Caesar." Wlien this and the other wit-
nesses were introduced, Antipater came in,
and falling on his face before his father's feet,
he said, " Father, I beseech thee, do not thou
condemn me beforehand, but let thy ears be
unbiassed, and attend to my defence ; for if
thou wilt give me leave, I will demonstrate
that I am innocent.
2. Hereupon Herod cried out to him to
hold his peace, and spake thus to Varus : —
' I cannot but think that thou. Varus, and
every other upright judge, will determine that
A ntipater is a vile wretch. I am also afraid
that thou wilt abhor my ill fortune, and judge
me also myself worthy of all sorts of cala-
mity for begetting such children ; while yet I
ought rather to be pitied, who iiave been so
affectionate a father to such wretched sons ;
for when I had settled the kingdom on my
former sons, even when they were young, and
when, besides the charges of their education
at Rome, I had made them the friends of
C;Esar, and made them envied by other kings,
I found them plotting against me. These
have been put to death, and that, in a great
measure, for the sake of Antipater; for as he
was then young, and appointed to be my suc-
cessor, I took care chiefly to secure him from
danger : but this profligate wild beast, when
he had been over and above satiated with that
patience which I showed him, he made use of
that abundance I had given him against my-
self; for I seemed to him to live too long,
and he was very uneasy at the old age I had
arrived at ; nor could he stay any longer, but
would be a king by parricide. And justly I
am served by him for bringing him back out
of the country to court, when he was of nc
esteem before, and for thrusting out those
sons of mine that were born of the queen,
and for making him a successor to my domi>
nions, I confess to thee, O Varus, the great
folly I was guilty of; for I provoked those
sons of mine to act against me, and cut off
their just expectations for the sake of Anti-
pater ; and indeed what kindness did I do to
them, that could equal what I have done to
Antipater ! to whom I have, in a manner,
yielded up my royal authority while I am
alive, and whom I have openly named for
the successor to my dominions in my testa-
ment, and given him a yearly revenue of his
own of fifty talents, and supplied him with
money to an extravagant degree out of my
own revenue; and when he was about to sail
to Rome, I gave him three hundred talents,
ahd recommended him, and him alone of all
my cnildren, to Cassar, as his father's deli-
verer. Now what crimes were these other
sons of mine guilty of like those of Antipa-
ter ! and what evidence was there brought
against tliem so strong as there is to deiuon-
strals this son to have plotted against me !
Yet does this parricide presume to speak for
himself, and hopes to obscure the truth by
liis cunning tricks. Thou, O Varus, must
guard thyself against him; for I know the
wild beast, and I foresee how plausibly he
will talk, and his counterfeit lamentatioa
"X
CHAP. XXXII.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
60:i
This was lie who exhorted me to have a care
of Alexander, when he was alive, and not to
intrust my body with all men ! This was he
who came to my very bed, and looked about,
lest any one should lay snares for me ! This
was he who took care of my sleep, and se-
cured me from any fear of danger, who com-
forted me under the trouble I was in upon
the slaugliter of my sons, and looked to see
what afl'ection my surviving brethren bore
me ! This was my protector, and the guar-
dian of my body ! And when I call to mind,
Varus, his craftiness upon every occasion,
and his art of dissembling, I can hardly be-
lieve that I am still alive, and I wonder how
1 have escaped such a deep plotter of mis-
chief ! However, since some fate or other
makes my house desolate, and perpetually
raises up those that are dearest to me against
me, I will, with tears, lament my iiard for-
tune, and privately groan under my lonesome
condition 5 yet am I resolved that no one who
thirsts after my blood shall escape punish-
ment, although the evidence should extend
itself to all my sons.
3. Upon Herod's saying this, he was
'nterrupted by the confusion he was in ; but
ordered Nicolaus, one of his friends, to ])ro-
duce the evidence against Antipater. But in
the mean time Antipater lifted up his head
(for he lay on the ground before his father's
feet) and cried out aloud, " Thou, O father,
hast made my apology for me ; for how can
I be a parricide, whom thou thyself confessest
to have always had for thy guardian ? Thou
callest my filial affection prodigious lies and
hypocrisy ! how then could it be that I, who
was so subtle in other matters, should here be
so mad as not to understand that it was not
easy that he who committed so horrid a crime
should be concealed from men, but impossible
that he should be concealed from the Judge
of Heaven, who sees all things, and is present
everywhere ? or did not I know what end
my brethren came to, on wiioni God inflicted
60 great a punishment for their evil designs
against thee ? And indeed what was there
that could possibly provoke me against thee ?
Could the hope of being a king do it ? I was
a king already. Could I suspect hatred from
thee? No: was I not beloved by thee? and what
other fear could I have ? Nay, by preserving
thee safe, I was a terror to others. Did I
want money ? No : for who was able to ex-
pend so much as myself ? Indeed, father, had
I been the most execrable of all mankind, and
had I had the soul of the most execrable wild
beast, must I not have been overcome with
the benefits thou hadst bestowed upon me?
whom, as thou thyself sayest, thou broughtest
[into the palace] ; whom thou didst prefer be-
fore so many of thy sons; whom thou madest
a king in tliine own life-time, and, by the vast
magnitude of the otliei advantages thou be-
stowedst on me, thou madest me an object of
envy. O miserable man ! that thou shouldst
undergo this bitter absence, and thereby afford
a great opportunity for envy to arise against
thee, and a long space for such as were laying
designs against thee ! Yet was I absent, father,
on thy affairs, that Sylleiis might not treat thee
with contempt in thine old age. Rome is a
witness to my filial affection, and so is Caesar
the ruler of the habitable earth, who often-
times called me Philopater.* Take here the
letters he hath sent thee, they are more to be
believed than the calumnies raised here ; these
letters are my only apology ; these I use as
tlie demonstration of that natural affection I
have to thee. Remember, that it was against
my own choice that I sailed [to Rome], as
knowing the latent hatred that was in the
kingdom against me. It was thou, O father,
however unwillingly, who hast been my ruin,
by forcing me to allow time for the calumnies
against me, and envy at me. However, I am
come hither, and am ready to hear the evid-
ence there is against me. If I be a parricide, I
have passed by land and by sea, without suffer-
ing any misfortune on either of them : but this
method of trial is no advantage to me ; for it
seems, O father, that I am already condemned,
both before God and before thee; and as I am
already condemned, 1 beg that thou wilt not be-
lieve the others that bave been tortured, but let
fire be brought to torment me; let the racks
march tiirough my bowels ; have no regard
to any lamentations that this polluted body
can make ; for if I be a parricide, I ought not
to die without torture." Tlius did Antipater
cry out with lamentation and weeping, and
moved all the rest, and Varus in particular, to
commiserate his case. Herod was the only
person whose passion was too strong to per-
mit him to weep, as knowing that the testi-
monies against him were true.
4. And now it was that, at the king's com-
mand, Nicolaus, when he had premised a
great deal about the craftines of Antipater,
and had prevented the effects of their com-
miseration to him, afterwards brought in a
bitter and large accusation against him, ascrib-
ing all the wickedness that had been in the
kingdom to him, and especially the murder
of his brethren, and demonstrated that they
had perishjed by the calumnies he had raised
against them. He also said that he had laid
designs against them that were still alive, as
if they were laying jilots for the succession ;
and (^said he) how can it be supposed that he
who prepared poison for his father, sliould ab-
stain from mischief as to his brethren ? He
then proceeded to convict him of the attempt
to poison Herod, and gave an account, in or-
der, of the several discoveries that had been
made ; and had great indignation as to the
affair of Pheroras, because Antipater had been
for making him murder his brother, and had
» A lover of his father
604
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK t
corrupted tliose tliat were dearest to the king,
and filled the whole palace with wickedness ;
and when he had insisted on many other ac-
cusations, and the proofs of them, he left off".
5. Then Varus bade Antipater make his
defence ; but he lay long in silence, and
said no more but this : — " God is my witness
that I am entirely innocent." So Varus
asked for the potion, and gave it to be drank
by a condemned malefactor, who was then in
prison, who died upon the spot. So Varus,
when he had had a very private discourse with
Herod, and had written an account of this as-
sembly to Caesar, went away, after a day's
stay. The king also bound Antipater, and
sent away to inform Caesar of his misfortunes.
6. Now after this, it was discovered that
Antipater had laid a plot against Salome also ;
for one of Antiphilus's domestic servants
came, and brought letters from Rome, from
a maid-servant of Julia, [Caesar's wife], whose
name was Acme. By her a message was sent
to the king, that she bad found a letter written
by Salome, among Julia's papers, and had
sent it to him privately, out of her good-will
to him. This letter of Salome contained the
most bitter reproaches of the king, and the
highest accusation against him. Antipater
had forged this letter, and had corrupted
Acme, and persuaded htr to send it to Herod.
This was proved by her letter to Antipater,
for thus did this woman write to him : — "As
thou desirest, I have written a letter to thy
father, and have sent that letter ; and am per-
suaded that the king will not spare his sister
when he reads it. Thou wilt do well to re-
member what thou hast promised, when all
is accomplished.''
7. When this epistle was discovered, and
what the epistle forged against Salome con-
tained, a suspicion came into the king's mind,
that perhaps the letters against Alexander
were also forged : he was moreover greatly
disturbed, and in a passion, because he had
almost slain his sister on Antipater's account.
He did no longer delay therefore to bring him
to punishment for all ijis crimes ; yet when he
was eagerly pursuing Antipater, he was re-
strained by a severe distemper he fell into.
However, he sent an account to Caesar about
Acme, and the contrivances against Salome :
he sent also for his testament,, and altered it,
and therein made Antipas king, as taking no
care of Archelaus and Philip, because Anti-
pater had blasted their reputations with him ;
but he bequeathed to Caesar, besides other
presents tliat he gave him, a thousand talents j
as also to hij wife, and children, and friends,
and freed-men about five hundered : he also
bequeathed to all others a great quantity of
lanti, and of money, and showed his respects
to Salome his sister, by giving her most splen-
did gifts. And this was what was contained
in his testament, as it was now altered.
CHAPTER XXXIII.
THE GOLDEX EAGI.E IS CUT TO PIECES. HEROU'i
BARBARITY WHEN HE WAS READY TO DIE.
HE ATTEMPTS TO KILL HIAiSELF. HE COM-
MANDS ANTIPATER TO BE SLAIN. HE SUR-
VIVES HIM FIVE DAYS, AND THEN DIES.
§ 1. Now Herod's distemper became more and
more severe to him, and this becaiise these his
disorders fell upon him in his old age, and
when he was in a melancholy condition ; for
he was already almost seventy years of age,
and had been brought low by the caiouiities
that happened to him about his children,
whereby he had no pleasure in life, even r hen
he was in health ; the grief also thai Antipa-
ter was still alive aggravated his disease, whom
he resolved to put to death now, not at ran-
dom, but as soon as he should be well again ,
and resolved to have him slain [in a public
manner].
2. There also now happened to him among
his other calamities, a certain popular sedition.
There were two men of learning in the city
[Jerusalem], who were thought the most
skilful in the laws of their country, and were on
that account had in very great esteem all over
the nation ; they were, the one Judas, the son
of Sepphoris, and the other Matthias, the
son of Margalus. There was a great concourse
of the young men to these men when they
expounded the laws, and there got 'ogether
every day a kind of an army of such as were
growing up to be men. Now when these
men were informed that the king was wear*
ing away with melancholy, and with a dis-
temper, they dropped words to their acquaint-
ance, how it was now a very proper time to
defend the cause of God, and to pull down
what had been erected contrary to the laws of
their country ; for it was unlawful there
should be any such thing in the temple as
images, or faces, or the like representation of
any animal whatsoever. Now the king had
put up a golden eagle over the gieat gate of
the temple, which these learned men exhorted
them to cut down : and told them, that if
there should any danger arise, it was a glorious
thing to die for the laws of their country ; be-
cause that the soul was immortal, and that an
eternal enjoyment of happiness did await such
as died on that account ; while the mean-spL
rited, and those that were not wise enough to
show a right love of their souls, preferred
death by a disease, before that which is the
result of a virtuous behaviour.
3. At the same time that these men made
this speech to their disciples, a rumour was
spread abroad that the king was dying, which
made the young men set about the work with
greater boldness ; they therefore let them-
selves down from the top of the temple with
~\_
r''
CHAP. XXXIII.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
605
thick cords, and this at mid-day, and while
a great number of people were in the temple,
and cut down that -golden eagle with axes.
This was presently told to the king's captain
of the temple, who came running with a great
body of soldiers, and caught about forty of
the young men, and brought them to the king.
And when he asked them, first of all, whither
they had been so hardy as to cut down the gold-
en ea^le, tliey confessed they had done so ; and
when he asked tliem by whose command they
had done it, they replied, at the command of
the law of tiieir country ; and when he farther
asked them how they could be so joyful when
they were to be put to death, they replied,
because they sliould enjoy greater happiness
after they were dead.*
4. At this the king was in such an extra-
vagant passion, tliat he overcame his disease
[for the timel, and went out, and spake to
the people; wherein he made a teriible accu-
sation against those men, as being guilty of
sacrilege, and as making greater attempts un-
der pretence of their law ; and he thought
they deserved to be punished as impious per-
sons. Whereupon the people were afraid
lest a great number should be found guilty,
and desired that when he had first pu:.ished
those that put them upon this work, and then
those that were cauglit in it, he would leave
off his anger as to the rest. With this the
king complied, though not without difficulty ;
and ordered those that had let themselves
down, together with their rabbins, to be burnt
alive ; but delivered the rest that were caught
to the proper officers, to be put to death by
them.
5. After this, the distemper seized upon his
whole body, and greatly disordered all its
parts with various symptoms ; for there was
a gentle fever upon him, and an intolerable
itching over all the surface of his body, and
continual pains in bis colon, and dropsical
* Since in these two sections we have an evident ac-
count of the Jewish opinions in the days of Josephus,
about a future happy state, and the resurrection of the
dead, as in the New i estament (John xi, iN ), 1 shall here
refer to the other places in Josephus, before he became a
Catholic Christian, which concern the same matters. Of
the War, b. ii, ch. viii, sect. 10, 1 1 ; b. iii, eh. viii. sect.
4; b. vii, ch. vi, sect. 7; Contr. Apion, b. ii, sect, 30;
where we may obsene, that none of these passages are
in his Books of Antiquities, written peculiarly for the
use of the Gentiles, to wliom lie thought it not proper
to insist on topics so much out of their way as these
were. Nor is this olwervation to be omitted litre, espe-
cially on account of the sensible difference we have now
before us in Josephus's representation of the arguments
useQ by the rabbins to persuade their scholars to hazard
their lives for the vindication of God's law against ima-
ges, by Moses, as well as of the answers those scholars
made to Herod, when they were caught, and ready to
die tor the same; 1 mean as compaicS with the parallel
arguments and answers represented in the Antiquities,
b. xvii, ch. vi, sect. 2, 3. A like difference between Jew-
ish and Gentile notions, the reader will find in my notes
ou Antiquities, b. iii, ch. vii, sect. 7 ; b. xv, ch. ix, sect.
1. See the like also iu the case of the three Jewish sects
in the Antiquities, b. xiii, ch. v, sect. 9, and ch. x, sect.
4 and 5 ; b. xviii, ch. i, sect. 5 ; and compared with this
in his Wars of the Jews, b. ii, ch. viii, sect 2, 11. Nor
does St. Paul himself reason to Gentiles at Atneos, Acts
Kvii, 10, 51, a£ he dne^ to Jews in tm £vii>tles
tumours about his feet, and an inflammation of
the abdomen,— and a putrefaction of his privy
member, that produced worms. Besides which
he had adifBculty of breathing upon him, and
could not breathe but when he sat upright,
and had a convulsion of all his members;
insomuch that the diviners said those diseases
were a punishment upon him for what he had
done to the rabbins. Yet did he struggle
with his numerous disorders, and still had a
desire to live, and hoped for recovery, and con-
sidered of several methods of cure. Accord-
ingly, he went over Jordan, and made use of
those hot baths at Callirrhoe, which run into
the lake Asphaltitis, but are themselves sweet
enough to be drank. And here the physicians
thought proper to bathe his whole body in
warm oil, by letting it down into a large
vessel full of oil ; whereupon his eyes failed
him, and he came and went as if he were dy-
ing ; and as a tumult was then made by his
servants, at their voice he revived again.
Yet did he after this despair of recovery, and
gave orders that each soldier should have fifty
drachmae a-piece, and that his commanders
and friends should have great sums of mouey
given them,
6. He then returned back and came tc
Jericho, in such a melancholy state of body as
almost threatened him with present death,
when he proceeded to attempt a horrid wicked-
ness ; for he got together the most illustrious
men of the whole Jewish nation, out of everv
village, into a place called the Hippodrome,
and there shut them in. He then called for
his sister Salome, and her husband Alexas,
and made this speech to them; — "I know
well enough that the Jews will keep a festival
upon my death ; however, it is in my power
to be mourned for on other accounts, and to
have a splendid funeral, if you will but be
subservient to my commands. Do you but
take care to send soldiers to encompass these
men that are now in custody, and slay them
immediately upon my death, and then all
Judea, and every family of them, will weep at
it whether they will or no."
7. These were the commands he gave them :
when there came letters from his ambassadors
at Rome, whereby information was given that
Acme was put to death at Caesar's command,
and tliat Antipater was condemned to die;
however, they wrote witlxal, that if Herod
had a mind rather to banish him, Caesar
permitted him so to do. So he for a little
while revived, and had a desire to live ; but
presently after he was overborne by his pains,
and was disordered by want of food, and by
a convulsive cough, and endeavoured to pre«
vent a natural death ; so he took an apple,
and asked for a knife, for he used to pare
apples and eat them ; he then looked round
about to see that there was nobody to hinder
him, and lifted up his right hand as if he would
stab himself; but Achiabus, his first cousin,
J'
606
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK I
came running to him, and held his hand, and
hindered him from so doing; on which occa-
sion a very great lamentation was made in the
palace as if the king were expiring. As soon
as ever Antipater heard tnat, he took courage,
and with joy in his looks, besought his keep-
ers, for a sum of money, to loose him and let
him go ; but the principal keeper of the prison
did not only obstruct him in that his intention,
but ran and told the king what his designs
was; hereupon the king cried out louder than
his distemper would well bear, and immedi-
ately sent some of his guards and slew Anti-
pater; he also gave order to have him buried
at Hyrcanium, and altered his testament
again, — and therein made Archelaus, his eld-
est son, and the brother of Antipas, his suc-
cessor ; and made Antipas tetrarch.
8. So Herod, having survived the slaughter
of his son five days, died, having reigned
thirty-four years, since he had caused Antigo-
nus to be slain, and obtained his kingdom ;
but thirty-seven years since he had been made
king by the Romans. Now, as for his for-
tune, it was prosperous in all other respects,
if ever any other man could be so ; since,
from a private man, he obtained the kingdom,
and kept it so long, and left it to his own
sons ; but still in bis domestic affairs, he was
a most unfortunate man. Now before the
soldiers knew of his death, Salome and her
husband came out and dismissed those that
were in bonds, whom tlie king had command-
ed to be slain, and told them that he had al-
tered his mind, and would have every one of
them sent to their own homes. Wlien these
men were gone, Salome told the soldiers [the
king was dead], and got them and the rest of
the multitude together to an assembly, in the
amphitheatre at Jericho, where Ptolemy, who
was intrusted by the king with his signet-
ring came before them, and spake of the hap-
piness the king had attained, and comforted
the multitude, and read tlie epistle which had
been left for the soldiers^ wbereiu be earues.t-
ly exhorted them to bear good-will to his suc-
cessor ; and after he had read the epistle, he
opened and read his testament, wherein Phi-
lip was to inherit Tracbonitis, and the neiglj-
bouring countries, and Antipas was to be te-
trarch, as we said before, and Archelaus was
made king. Hfe had also been commanded
to carry Herod's ring to C«sar, and the settle-
ments he had made, sealed up, because Ca&-
sar was to be lord of all the settlements he
had made, and was to confirm his testament ;
and he ordered that the dispositions he had
made were to be kept as they were in his for-
mer testament.
9. So there was an acclamation made to
Archelaus, to congratulate him upon his ad-
vancement; and tlie soldiers, with the multi-
tude, went round about in troops, and pro-
mised hira their good-will, and besides, prayed
God to bless his government. After this,
they betook themselves to prepare for the
king's funeral ; and Archelaus omitted no-
thing of magnificence therein, but brought out
all the royal ornaments to augment the pomp
of >he deceased. There was a bier all of gold,
embroidered with precious stones, and a pur-
ple bed of various contexture, with the dead
body upon it, covered with purple; and a dia-
dem %vas put upon his head, and a crown of
gold above it, and a sceptre in his right hand ;
and near to the bier were Herod's sons, and
a multitude of his kindred ; nest to whom
cnme his guards, and the regiment of Thra-
cians, tlie Germans also and Gauls, all ac-
coutred as if tliey were going to war ; but the
rest of the army went foremost, armed, and
following their captains and officers in a re-
gular manner; after whom, five hundred of
his domestic servants and freed-men followed,
with sweet spices in their bands ; and the
body was carried two hundred furlongs, to
Herodium, where he had given order to be
buried. And this shall suffice for the con-
clusion of the life of Herod»
"^.
BOOK II.
CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF SIXTY-NINE YEARS.
FROM THE DEATH OF HEROD TILL VESPASIAN WAS SENT TO
SUBDUE THE JEWS BY NERO.
CHAPTER L
ARCHELAUS MAKES A FONERAL FEAST FOR THE
PEOPLE, ON THE ACCOUNT OF HEROD. AF-
TER WHICH A GREAT TUMULT IS RAISED BY
THE MULTITUDE, AND HE SENDS THE SOL-
DIERS OUT UPON THEM, WHO DESTROY ABOUT
THREE THOUSAND OF THEM.
§ 1. Now the necessity which Archelaus was
under of taking a journey to Rome was the
occasion of new disturbances ; for when he
had mourned for his father seven days,* and
had given a very expensive funeral feast to
the multitude (which custom is the occasion
of poverty to many of the Jews, because they
are forced to feast the multitude ; for if any
one omits it, he is not esteemed a holy per-
son), he put on a white garment, and went up
to the temple, where the people accosted him
with various acclamations. He also spake
kindly to the multitude, from an elevated
seat and a throne of gold, and returned them
thanks for the zeal they had shown about his
father's funeral, and the submission they had
made to him, as if he were already settled in
the kingdom ; but he told them withal, that
he would not at present take upon him either
the authority of a king, or the names thereto
belonging, until Caesar, who is made lord of
this whole affair by the testament, confirms
the succession ; for that when the soldiers
would have set the diadem on his bead at Je-
richo, he would not accept of it ; but that he
would make abundant requitals, not to the
soldiers only, but to the people, for their ala-
• Hear Dean Aldrich's note on this place : " The law
or custom of the Jews (says he) requires seven days
mourning for the dead (Antiq. b. xvii, ch. viii, sect,
iv.); whence the author of the book of Ecclesiasticus
(eh. xxii, 12) assigns seven days as the proper time of
mourning for the dead, and (ch. xxxviii, 17) enjoins
men to mourn for the dead, that they may not be evil
spoken of ; for, as Josephus says presently, if any one
omits this mourning [funeral feast], he is not esteemed
a holy person. Now it is certain that such a seven
days mourning has been customary from times of the
greatest antiquity. Gen. i, l(i. Funeral feasts are also
mentioned as of considerable antiquity, Ezek. xxiv,
17; Jer. xvi, 7; Prov. xxxi, 6; Deut. xxx4, 14; Jose-
phus, (Of the War, b. iii, ch. ix, sect. 5,)
^i
crity and good-will to him, when the superior
lords [the Romans] should have given him a
complete title to the kingdom ; for that it
should be his study to appear in all things
better than his father.
2. Upon this the multitude were pleased,
and presently made a trial of what he intend-
ed, by asking great things of him ; for some
made a clamour that he would ease them in
their taxes ; others, that he would take off the
duties upon commodities ; and some, that he
would loose those that were in prison : in all
which cases he answered readily to their satis-
faction, in order to get the good-will of the
multitude ; after which he offered [the proper]
sacrifices, and feasted with his friends. And
here it was that a great many of those that
desired innovations came in crowds towards
the evening, and began then to mourn on
their own account, when the public mourning
for the king was over. These lamented those
that were put to death by Herod, because tliey
had cut down the golden eagle that had been
over the gate of the temple. Nor was this
mourning of a private nature, but the lamen-
tations were very great, the mourning solemn
and the weeping such as was loudly heard al,
over the city, as being for those men who had
perished for the laws of their country, and
for the temple. They cried out, that a pu-
nishment ought to be inflicted for these men
upon those that were honoured by Herod ;
and that, in the first place, the man whom he
had made high-priest should be deprived ; and
that it was fit to choose a person of greater
piety and purity than he was.
3. At these clamours Archelaus was pro-
voked ; but restrained himself from taking
vengeance on the authors, on account of the
haste he was in of going to Rome, as fearing
lest, upon his making war on the multitude,
such an action might detain him at home.
Accordingly, he made trial to quiet the inno-
vators by persuasion rather than by force, and
sent his general in a private way to them, and
by him exhorted them to be quiet. But the
seditious threw stones at him, and drove him
308
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK 11.
away, as he came into the temple, and before
he coiiid say any thing to tliem. The like
treatment tlw-'y showed to others, who came to
them after him, many of wliom were sent hy
Arclielaus, in order to reduce them to sobrie-
ty, and these answered still on all occasions
after a passionate manner; and it openly ap-
peared that they would not be quiet, if their
numbers were but considerable. And indeed,
at the feast of unleavened bread, which was
now at hand, and is by the Jews called the
passover, and used to be celebrated with a
great number of sacrifices, an innumerable
multitude of the people came out of the coun-
try to worship: some of these stood in the
temple bewailing the rabbins [that had been
put to death], and procured their sustenance
by begging, in order to support their sedition.
At this Archelaus was affrighted, and private-
ty sent a tribune, with his cohoit of soldiers,
upon them, before the disease should spread
over the whole multitude, and gave orders
that they should constrain those that began
the tumult, by force, to be quiet. At these
the whole multitude were irritated, and threw
stones at many of the soldiers, and killed
them ; but the tribune fled away wounded,
and had much ado to escape so. After which
they betook themselves to their sacrifices, as
if they had done no mischief; nor did it ap-
pear to Archelaus that the multitude could be
restrained without bloodshed ; so he sent his
whole army upon them, the footmen in great
multitudes, by the way of the city, and the
horsemen by the way of the plain, who, fall-
ing upon them on the sudden, as they were
cli'ering their sacrifices, destroyed about three
thousand of them; but the rest of the multi-
tude were dispersed upon the adjoining moun-
tains : these were followed by Archelaus's
heralds, who commanded every one to retire
to their own homes ; whither they all went,
and left the festival.
CHAPTER II.
ARCHELAUS GOES TO ROME WITH A GREAT
NUMBER OF HIS KINDRED : HE IS THERE
ACCUSED BEFOllE CiESAR BY ANTIPATEK ;
BUT IS SUPERIOR TO HIS ACCUSERS IN JUDG-
MENT, BY THE MEANS OF THAT DEFENCE
WHICH NICOLAUS MADE FOR HIM.
§ 1. Archelaus went down now to the
sea-side, with his mother and his friends,
Poplas, and I'tolemy, and Nicolaus, and left
buhind him Pliilip, to be his steward in the
palace, and to take care of his domestic af-
fairs. Salome went also along with him with
lier sons, as did also tlie king's brethren and
sans-in-law. Tliese, in appearance, went to
give him all the assistance they were able, in
order to secure his succession, but in reality
to accuse him for his breach of the laws bj
what he had done at the temple.
2. But as tlicy were come to Cesarea, Sa-
binus, the procurator of Syria, met them ; he
was going up to Judea, to secure Herod's
effects ; but Varus, [president of Syria], who
was come thither, restrained him from going
any farther. This Varus, Archelaus had sent
for, by the earnest entreaty of Ptolemj'. At
this time, indeed, Sabinus, to gratify Varus,
neither went to the citadels, nor did he shut
up the treasuries where his father's money
was laid up, but promised that he would lie
still, until e.Tsar should have taken cogniz-
ance of the affair. So he abode at Cesarea ;
but as soon as those that were his hinderance
were gone, when Varus was gone to Antioch,
and Archelaus was sailed to Rome, he imme-
diately went on to Jerusalem, and seized up-
on the palace ; and when he had called for the
governors of the citadels, and the stewards
[of the king's private affairs], he tried to sift
out the accounts of the money, and to take
possession of the citadels. But the governors
of those citadels were not unmindful of the
commands laid upon them by Archelaus, and
continued to guard them, and said, the cus-
tody of them rather belonged to Casar tlian
to Archelaus.
3. In the mean time Antipas went also to
Rome, to strive for the kingdom, and to insist
that the former testament, wherein he was
named to be king, was valid before the latter
testament. Salome had also promised to as.
sist him, as had many of Archelaus's kindred,
who sailed along with Archelaus himself also.
He also carried along with him his motlier,
and Ptolemy, the brother of Nicolaus, wIjo
seemed one of great weight, on account of
the great trust Herod put in him, he having
been one of his most honoured friends. How-
ever, Antipas depended chiefly upon Ireneus,
the orator; upon whose authority he had re-
jected such as advised him to yield to Arche-
laus, because he was his elder brother, and
because the second testament gave the king-
dom to him. The inclinations also of all
Archelaus's kindred, who hated him, were re-
moved to Antipas, when they came to Rome;
although, in the first place, every one rather
desired to live under their own laws [without
a kingl, and to be under a Roman governor;
but if they should fail in that point, these
desired that Antipas might be their king.
4. Sabinus did also afford these his assist-
ance to the same purpose by the letters he sent,
wherein he accused Archelaus before Caesar,
and highly commended Antipas, Salome abo,
and those %viih her, put the crimes which they
accused Archelaus of in cw'der, and put them
into Casar's hands ; and after they had done
that, Arclielaus wrote down the reasons of
his claim, and, by Ptolemy, sent in his father s
ring, and his father's accounts; flnd when
,Cu;sar had maturely weighed by himself what
CHAP. III.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
609
both had to allege for themselves, as also had
considered of the great burden of the king-
dom, and largeness of the revenues, and witli-
al the number of the children Herod had left
behind him, and had moreover read the letters
he had received from Varus and Sabinus on
this occasion, he assembled the principal per-
sons among the Romans together (in wliicli
assembly Caius, the son of Agrippa and his
daughter Julias, but by himself adopted for
his own son, sat in the first seal) and gave the
pleaders leave to speak,
5. Then stood up Salome's son, Antipater
(who of all Archelaus's antagonists was the
shrewdest pleader), and accused him in the
following speech : — That Archelaus did in
words contend for the kingdom, but that in
deeds he had long exercised royal authority,
and so did insult C.fsar in desiring to be now
heard on that account, since he had not
staid for his determination about the succes-
sion, and since he had suborned certain per-
sons, after Herod's death, to move for putting
the diadem upon his head ; since he liad set
himself down in the throne, and given answers
as a king, and altered the disposition of the
army, and granted to some higher dignities :
that he had also complied in all things with
the people in the requests they had made to
him as to their king, and had also dismissed
those that had been put into bonds by his fa-
ther, for most important reasons. Now, af-
ter all this, he desires the shadow of that royal
authority, whose substance he had already
seized to himself, and so hath made Caesar
lord, not of things, but of words. He also
reproached him farther, that his mourning for
his father was only pretended, while he put
on a sad countenance in the day-time, but
drank to great excess in the night; from
which behaviour, he said, the late disturbances
among the multitude came, while they had
an indignation thereat; and indeed the pur-
port of his whole discourse was to aggravate
Archelaus's crime in slaying such a multitude
about the temple, which multitude came to
the festival, but were barbarously slain in the
midst of their own sacrifices; and he said
there was such a vast number of dead bodies
heaped together in the temple, as even a fo-
reign war, should that come upon them [sud-
denly], before it was denounced, could not
have heaped together ; and he added, that it
was the foresight his father had of that his
barbarity, which made him never give him
any hopes of th^ kingdom ; but when his
mind was more infirm than his body, and he
was not able to reason soundly, and did not
well know what was the character of that son,
whom in his second testament he made his
successor ; and this was done by him at a
time when he had no complaints to make of
him uhom he had named before, when he was
sound in body, and when his mind was free
from all passion. That, however, if ahy one
should siii)pose Herod's judgment, when he
was sick, was superior to that at another time,
yet had Arclidaus forefeited his kingdom by
his own behaviour, and tliose his actions,
which were cc.itrary to the law, and to its
disadvantage. Or what sort of a kmg will
this man be, when he hath obtained the go-
vernment from C i^sar, who hath slain so many
before he iiath obtained it!
6. When Antipater had spoken largely to
this purpose, and ha! produced a great num-
ber of Archelaus's kindred as witnesses, to
prove every part of the accusation, lie ended
his discourse. Then stood up Nicolaus to
plead for Archelaus. He alleged that the
slaughter in the temple could not be avoided ;
that those that were slain were become ene-
mies not to Archelaus's kingdom only, but to
Caesar, who was to determine about him.
He also demonstrated, that Archelaus's ac-
cusers had advised him to perpetrate other
things of which he might have been accused ;
but he insisted that the latter testament should,
for this reason, above all others, be estemed
valid, because Herod had therein appointed
Caesar to be the person who should confirno
the succession ; for he who showed such pru-
dence as to recede from his own power, and
yield it up to the lord of the world, cannot
be supposed mistaken in his judgment a-
bout him that was to be his heir ; and he
that so well knew whom to choose for arbi-
trator of the succession, could not be unac-
quainted with him whom he chose for his suc-
cessor.
7. When Nicolaus had gone through all
he liad to say, Archelaus came, and fell
down before Crcsar's knees, without any noise;
— upon which he raised him up, after a very
obliging manner, and declared, that truly
lie was worthy to succeed his father. How.
ever, he still made no firm determination in
his case; but when he had dismissed tliose
assessors that had been with him that day,
he deliberated by himself about the allega-
tions which he had heard, whether it were fit
to constitute any of those named in the testa-
ments for Herod's successor, or whether the
government should be parted among all his
posterity ; and this because of the number of
those that seemed to stand in need of support
therefrom.
CHAPTER III.
THE JEWS FIGHT A GREAT BATTLE WITH SA-
BINUS'S SOLDIERS, AND A GREAT DESTRUC-
TION IS MADE AT JERUSALEM.
§ 1. Now before Casar had determined any
thing about these afiairs, Malthace, Arche-
laus's mother, fell sick and died. Letters also
were brought out of Syria from Varus, about a
revolt of the Jews. This was foreseen b^ Varus
V.
-T
610
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK II
who accordingly, after Archelaus was sailed,
went up to Jerusalem to restrain tlie promo-
ters of the sedition, since it was manifest that
the nation would not be at rest ; so he left
one of those legions \vhich he brought with
him out of Syria in the city, and went him-
self to Antioch. But Sabinus came, after he
was gone, and gave them an occasion of mak-
ing innovations ; for he compelled the keep-
ers of the citadels to deliver them up to him,
and made a bitter search after the king's mo-
ney, as depending not only on the soldiers
who were left by Varus, but on the multitude
of his own servants, all whom he armed and
used as the instruments of his covetousness.
Now when that feast, which was observed af-
ter seven weeks, and which the Jews called
Pentecost (t. e. the 50th day) was at hand, its
name being taken from the number of the
days [after the Passover], the people got to-
gether, but not on account of the accustomed
divine worship, but of the indignation they
had [at the present state of affairs]. Where-
fore an immense multitude ran together, out
of Galilee, and Idumea, and Jericho, and
Perea that was beyond Jordan ; but the peo-
ple that naturally belonged to Judea itself
were above the rest both in number and in the
alacrity of the men. So they distributed them-
selves into three parts, and pitched their camps
in three places ; one at the north side of the
temple, another at the south side, by the Hip-
podrome, and the third part were at the pa-
lace on the west. So they lay round about
the Romans on every side, and beseiged
them.
2. Now Sabinus was affrighted, both at
their multitude and at their courage, and sent
messengers to Varus continually, and be-
sought him to come to his succour quickly, for
that, if he delayed, his legion would be cut to
pieces. As for Sabinus himself, he got up to
the highest tower of tlie fortress, which was
called Phasaelus j it is of the same name with
Herod's brother, who was destroyed by the
Parthians ; and then he made signs to the sol
diers of that legion to attack the enemy ; for
his astonishment was so great, that he durst
not go down to his own men. Hereupon the
soldiers were prevailed upon, and leaped out
into the temple, and fought a terrible battle
with the Jews; in which, while there were
none over their heads to distress them, they
were too hard for them, by their skill, and
the others, want of skill in war ; but when
once many of the Jews had gotten up to the
top of the cloisters, and threw their darts down-
wards upon the heads of the Romans, there
were a great many of them destroyed. Nor was
it easy to avenge themselves upon those that
threw their weapons from on high, nor was
it more easy for them to sustain those who
came to light them liand to hand.
3. Since therefore the Romans were sorely
afflicted by both these circumstances, they set
fire to the cloisters, which were works to be
admired, both on account of their magnitude
and costliness. Whereupon those that were
above them were presently encompassed with
the flame, and many of them perished there-
in ; as many of them also were destroyed by
the enemy, who came suddenly upon them ;
some of them also threw themselves down
from the walls backward, and some there were,
who, from the desperate condition they were
in, prevented the fire, by killing themselves
with their own swords ; but so many of them
as crept out from the walls, and came upon
the Romans, were easily mastered by them,
by reason of the astonishment they were un-
der; until at last some of the Jews being de-
stroyed, and others dispersed by the terror
tliey were in, the soldiers fell upon the trea-
sure of God, which was now deserted, and
plundered about four hundred talents, of
which sum Sabinus got together all that was
not carried away by the soldiers.
4. However, this destruction of the works
[about the temple], and of the men, occasion-
ed a much greater number, and those of a
more warlike sort, to get together, to oppose
the Romans. These encompassed the palace
round, and threatened to destroy all that were
in it, unless they went their ways quickly ; for
they promised that Sabinus should come to no
harm, if he should go out with his legion.
There were also a great many of the king's
party who deserted the Romans, and assisted
the Jews; yet did the most warlike body of
them all, who were three thousand of the men
of Sebaste, go over to the Romans. Rufus
also, and Gratus, their captains, did the same
(Gratus having the foot of the king's party
under him, and Rufus the horse) ; each of
whom, even without the forces under them,
were of great weight, on account of their
strength and wisdom, which turn the scales
in war. Now the Jews persevered in the
siege, and tried to break down the %valls of
the fortress, and cried out to Sabinus and his
party, that they should go their ways, and not
prove a hinderance to them, now they hoped,
after a long time, to recover that ancient liber-
ty which their forefathers had enjoyed. Sa-
bmus indeed was well contented to get out of
the danger he was in; but he distrusted the
assurances the Jews gave him, and suspected
such gentle treatment was but a bait laid as a
snare for them : this consideration, together
with the hopes he had of succour from Varus
made him bear the siege still longer
A-
CHAP. IV. V
WARS OF THE JEWS.
611
CHAPTER IV.
herod's veteran soldiers become tumul-
tuous. THE robberies OF JUDAS. SIMON
AND ATHBONGEUS TAKE THE NAME OF KING
UPON THEM.
§ 1. At this time there were great disturb-
ances in the country, and that in many places ;
and the opportunity that now offered itself in-
duced a great many to set up for kings ; and
indeed in Idumea two thousand of Herod's
veteran soldiers got together, and armed them-
selves, and fought against those of the king's
party; against whom Achiabus, the king's
first cousin, fought, and that out of some of
the places that were the most strongly forti-
fied ; but so as to avoid a direct conflict with
them in the plains. In Sepphoris also, a city
of Galilee, there was one Judas (the son of
that arch robber Hezekias, who formerly over-
ran the country, and had been subdued by
king Herod) ; this man got no small multi-
tude together, and broke open the place where
tlie royal armour was laid up, and armed
those about him, and attacked those that were
so earnest to gain the dominion.
2. In Perea also, Simon, one of the ser-
vants to the king, relying upon the handsome
appearance, and tallness of his body, put a
diadem upon his own head also ; he also went
about with a company of robbers that he had
gotten together, and burnt down the royal
palace that was at Jericho, and many other
costly edifices besides, and procured himself
very easily spoils by rapine, as snatching them
out of the fire ; and he had soon burnt down
all the fine edifices, if Gratus, the captain of
the foot of the king's party, had not taken the
Trachonite archers, and the most warlike of
Sebaste, and met the man. His footmen
were slain in the battle in abundance ; Gratus
also cut to pieces Simon himself, as he was
flying along a strait valley, when he gave him
an oblique stroke upon his neck, as he ran
away, and broke it. The royal palaces that
were near Jordan, at Betharamptha, were also
burnt down by some other of the seditious
that came out of Perea.
3. At this time it was that a certain shep-
herd ventured to set himself up for a king :
he was called Athrongeus. It was his strength
of body that made him expect such a dignity,
as well as his soul, which despised death ; and
besides these qualifications, he had four breth-
ren like himself. He put a troop of armed
men under each of these his brethren, and
made use of them as his generals and com-
manders, when he made his incursions, while
he did himself act like a king, and meddled
only with the more important affairs; and at
this time he put a diadem about his head, and
continued after that to over-run the^country
for no little time with his brethren, and be-
came their leader in killing both the Romans
and those of the king's party ; nor did any
Jew escape him, if any gain could accrue to
him thereby. He once ventured to encom-
pass a whole troop of Romans at Emmaus,
who were carrying corn and weapons to their
legion : his men shot their arrows and darts,
and thereby slew their centurion Arius, and
forty of the stoutest of his men, while the
rest of them, who were in danger of the same
fate, upon the coming of Gratus, with those
of Sebaste, to their assistance, escaped; and
when these men had thus served both their
own countrymen and foreigners, and that
through this whole war, three of them were
after some time subdued ; the eldest by Ar-
chelaus, the two next by falling into the hands
of Gratus and Ptolemeus; but the fourth de-
livered himself up to Archelaus, upon his giv-
ing him his right band for his security. How-
ever, this their end was not till afterward,
while at present they tilled all Judea with a
piratic war.
CHAPTER V.
varus COMPOSES THE TUMULTS IN JUDEA, AND
CRUCIFIES ABOUT TWO THOUSAND OF THE
SEDITIOUS.
§ 1. Upon Varus's reception of the letters
that were written by Sabinus and tlie captains,
he could not avoid being afraid for the whole
legion [he had left there]. So he made haste
to their relief, and took with him the other
two legions, with the four troops of horsemen
to them belonging, and marched to Ptolemais,
— having given orders for the auxiliaries that
were sent by the kings and governors of cities
to meet him there. Moreover, he received
from the people of Berytus, as he passed
through their city, fifteen hundred armed
men. Now as soon as the other body of aux-
iliaries were come to Ptolemais, as well as
Aretas the Arabian (who, out of the hatred
he bore to Herod, brought a great army of
horse and foot). Varus sent a part of his army
presently to Galilee, which lay near to Ptole-
mais, and Caius, one of his friends, for their
captain. This Caius put those that met hin-
to flight, and took the city Sepphoris, and
burnt it, and made slaves of its inhabitants.
But as for Varus himself, he marched to Sa-
maria with his whole army, where he did not
meddle with the city itself, because he found
that it had made no commotion during these
troubles, but pitched his camp about a certain
village which was called Arus. It belonged
to Ptolemy, and on that account was plun-
dered by the Arabians, who were very angry
even at Herod's friends also. He tlience
marched on to the village Sampho, another
"V
jT
-^
619
WARS OF THE JEWS
fortified place, which they plundered, as tliey
liaJ done the other. As they carried off al\ the
money they lighted upon belonging to the pub-
lic revenues, all was now full of fire and
bloodshed, and nothing could resist the plun-
ders of the Arabians. Emmaus was also
burnt, upon the flight of its iniiabitants, and
this at the command of Varus, out of his rage
at the slaughter of those that were about
Alius.
2. Thence he marched on to Jerusalem,
and as soon as he was but seen by the Jews,
he made tiieir camps disperse themselves : tliey
also went away, and fled up and down the
country. But the citizens received him, and
cleared themselves of having any hand in this
revolt, and said that they had raised no com-
motions, but had only been forced to admit
the multitude, because of the festival, and
that they were rather besieged together with
the Romans, than assisted those that had re-
volted. There had before tliis met him Jo-
seph, the first cousin of Archelaus, and Gra-
tus, together with Rufus, who led those of
Sebaste, as well as the king's army : there
also met him those of the Roman legion,
armed after their accustomed manner ; for as
to Sabinus, he durst not come into Varus's
sight, but was gone out of the city before
this, to the sea-side. But Varus sent a part
of his army into the country, against th.ose
that had been the authors of this commotion,
and as they caught great numbers of them,
those tiiat appeared to have been the least
concerned in these tumults he put into cus-
tody, but such as were the most guilty he
crucified ; these were in number about two
thousand.
3, He was also informed that there conti-
nued in Idumca ten thousand men still in
arms ; but when he found that the Arabians
did not act like auxiliaries, but managed thu
war according to their own passions, and did
mischief to the country otherwise than he in-
tended, and this out of their hatred to Herod,
he sent them away, but made haste, with his
own legions, to march against those that had
revolted ; but these, by the advice of Achia-
bus, delivered themselves up to him before it
came to a battle. Ttien did Varus forgive
the multitude their oflf'ences, but sent their
captains to Csesar to be examined by him.
Now Casar forgave the rest, but gave orders
tliat certain of the king's relations (for some
of those that were among them were Herod's
kinsmen) should be put to death, because they
had engaged in a war against a king of their
own family. When, tlierefore. Varus had
settled matters at Jerusalem after this man-
ner, and had left the former legion there as a
garrison, he returned to Antioch.
CHAPTER VI.
THE JEWS GREATLY COMPLAIN OF ARCHELAUS,
AND DESIRE THAT THEY MAY BE MADE SUB-
JECT TO ROMAN GOVERNORS. BUT WHEN
C^SAR HAD HEARD WHAT THEY HAD TO
SAY, HE DISTRIBUTED HEROD's DOMINIONS
AMONG HIS SONS, ACCORDING TO HIS OWN
PLEASURE.
§ 1. But now came another accusation from
the Jews against Archelaus at Rome, which
he was to answer to. It was made by those
ambassadors who, before the revolt, had come,
by Varus's permission, to plead for the liberty
of their country ; those that came were fifty
in number, but there were more than eight
thousand of the Jews at Rome who support-
ed them ; and when Ca'sar had assembled a
council of the principal Romans in Apollo's •
temple, that was in the palace (this was what
he had himself built and adorned, at a vast
expense), the multitude of the Jews stood
with the ambassadors, and on the other side
stood Archelaus, with his friends : but as for
the kindred of Archelaus, they stood on nei-
ther side; for to stand on Archelaus's side,
their hatred to him, and envy at him, would
not give them leave ; while yet they were afraid
to be seen by Caesar with his accusers. Be-
sides these, there was present Archelaus's
brother, Philip, being sent thither before-
hand, out of kindness, by Varus, for two rea-
sons : the one was this, that he might be as-
sisting to Archelaus ; and the other was this,
that in case Caesar should make a distribution
of what Herod possessed among his posterity,
he might obtain some share of it.
2. And now, upon the permission that was
given the accusers to speak, tliey, in the first
place, went over Herod's breaclies of their
law, and said that he was not a king, but the
most barbarous of all tyrants, and that they
had found him to be such by the suflerings
they imderv/ent from him : that when a very
great number had been slain by him, those
that were left had endured such miseries, that
they called those that were dead happy men ;
that he had not only tortured the bodies of his
subjects, but entire cities, and had done much
harm to the cities of his own country, while
he adorned those that belonged to foreigners ;
and he shed the blood of Jews, in order to do
kindness to those people who were out of their
bounds : that he had filled the nation full of
poverty, and of the greatest iniquitj', instead
of that happiness and those laws which they
had anciently enjoyed ; that, in short, the
* This holiling of a council in the temple of Apollo,
in the emperor's palace at Home, bv Augustus, and even
the building of this temple magnificently by himself in
that paliicc, are exactly agreeable to Augustus, iu his
elder years, as Aklrich and Spaiiheim observe and prove
front buetonius and Properuus.
-r
WARS OF THE JEWS,
CHAP. VII.
Jews had borne more calamities from Herod,
in a few years, than had their forefathers dur--
>ng all that interval of time that had passed
since tliey had come out of Babylon, and re-
turned home, in the reign of Xerxes ; * that,
however, the nation was come to so low a con-
dition, by being inured to hardships, that
they submitted to his successor of their own
accord, though he brought them into bitter
slavery ; that accordingly they readily called
Archelaus, though he was the son of so great
a tyrant, king, after the decease of his father,
and joined with him in mourning for the death
of Herod, and in wishing him good success
in that his succession ; while yet this Arche-
laus, lest he should be in danger of not being
thought the genuine son of Herod, began his
reign with the murder of three thousand ci-
tizens; as if he had a mind to offer so many
bloody sacrifices to God for his government,
and to fill the temple with the like number of
dead bodies at that festival : that, however,
those that were left after so many miseries,
had just reason to consider now at last the ca-
lamities they had undergone, and to oppose
themselves, like soldiers in war, to receive those
stripes upon their faces, [but not upon their
backs as hitherto]. Whereupon they prayed
that the Romans would have compassion up-
on the [poor] remains of Judea, and not ex-
pose what was left of them to such as barba-
rously tore them to pieces, and that they
would join their country to Syria, and admi-
nister the government by their own comman-
ders, whereby it would [soon] be demonstrated
that those who are now under the calumny of
seditious persons, and lovers of war, know
now to bear governors that are set over them,
if they be but tolerable ones. So the Jews
concluded their accusations with this request.
Then rose up Nicolaus, and confuted the ac-
cusations that were brought against the kings,
and himself accused the Jewish nation, as
hard to be ruled, and as naturally disobedient
to kings. He also reproaclied all those kins-
men of Arciielaus who had left him, and were
gone over to his accusers.
3. So Caesar, after he had heard both sides,
dissolved the assembly for that time ; but a
few days afterward, he gave the one half of
Herod's kingdom to Archelaus, by the name
of Ethnarch, and promised to make him king
also afterward, if he rendered himself worthy
of that dignity ; but as to the other half, he
divided it into two tetrarchies, and gave them
to two other sons of Herod, the one of them
to Philip, and the other to that Antipas who
contested the kingdom with A'chelaus. Un-
der this last was Perea and Galilee, with are-
venue of two hundred talents: but Batanea,
and Trachonitis, and Auranitis, and certain
* Here we have a strong confirmation that it was
Xerxes, and not Arfaxerxes, iiniter wliom the main part
of the Jews returnea out of the Babylonian captivity;
i. e. in tlie days of Ezra and Nehemiah. T^ie same
thing is m the Antiq. b. xi, cliap. v, sect. 1.
613
parts of Zeno's house about Jarmila, with a
revenue of a hundred talents, were made sub-
ject to Piiilip ; while Idumca, and all Judea,
and Samaria, were parts of the ethnarchy of
Archelaus, although Samaria was eased of one
quarter of its taxes, out of regard to their not
having revolted with the rest of the nation.
He also made subject to him the following ci-
ties, viz. Strato's Tower, and Sehaste, and
Joppa, and Jerusalem ; but as to the Grecian
cities Gaza, and Gadara, and Hippos, he cut
them off from the kingdom, and added tliem
to Syria. Now the revenue of the country
that was given to Archelaus, was four hun-
dred talents. Salome also, besides what the
king had left her in his testaments, was now
made mistress of Jamnia, and Ashdod, and
Phasaelis. Cajsar did moreover bestow upon
her the royal palace of Ascalon ; by all which
she got together a revenue of sixty talents;
but he put her house under the ethnarchy of
Archelaus ; and for the rest of Herod's off-
spring, they received what was bequeathed to
them in his testaments ; but, besides that, Cse~
sar granted to Herod's two virgin daughters
five hundred thousand [drachmae] of silver, and
gave them in marriage to the sons of Pheroras:
but after this fatnily distribution, he gave be-
tween them what had been bequeathed to him
by Herod, which was a thousand talents, re-
serving to himself only some inconsiderable
presents, in honour of the deceased.
CHAPTER Vir.
THE HISTORY OF THE SPURIOUS ALEXANDER.
ARCHELAUS IS BANISHED, AND GI.APUYRA
DIES, AFIER WHAT WAS TO HAPPEN TO
BOTH OF THEM HAD BEEN SHOWN THEJI IN
DREAMS.
§ 1. In the mean time there was a man, who
was by birth a Jew, but brought up at Sidon
with one of the Roman freed-men, who falsely
pretended, on account of the resemblance
of their countenances, that he was tliat Alex-
ander who was slain by Herod. This man
came to Rome, in tiopes of not being detect-
ed. He had one who was his assistant, of
his own nation, and who knew all the affairs
of the kingdom, and instructed him to say how
those that were sent to kill him and Aristo-
bulus had pity upon them, and stole them
away, by putting bodies that were like theirs
in their places. This man deceived the Jews
that were at Crete, and got a great deal of
money of them, for travelling in splendour ;
and thence sailed to ]Melos, where he was
thought so certainly genuine, that he got a
great deal more money, and prevailed with
those who nad treated him to sail along with
him to Rome. So he landed at Dicearc'iia
1 Puteoli], and got vffy large presents hmn
J'
614
WARS OF THE JEWS.
the Jews who dwelt there, and was conduct-
ed by liis father's friends as if he were a king ;
nay, tlie resemhlance in his countenance pro-
cured him so much credit, that those who had
seen Alexander, and had known him very
well, would take their oaths that he was the
very same person. Accordingly, the whole
body of the Jews that were at Rome ran out
in crowds to see him, and an innimierable
multitude there was who stood in the narrow
places through which he was carried ; for
those of Melos were so far distracted, that
they carried him in a sedan, and maintained
a royal attendance for him at their own "pro-
per charges.
2. But Cassar, who knew perfectly well
the lineaments of Alexander's face, because
he had been accused by Herod before him,
discerned the fallacy in his countenance, even
before he saw the man. However, lie sufier-
ed the agreeable fame that went of him to
have some weight with him, and sent Cela-
dus, one who well knew Alexander, and or-
dered him to bring the young man to him.
But when Cffsar saw him, he immediately
discerned a difference in his countenance ; and
when he had discovered that his whole body
was of a more robust texture, and like that of
a slave, he understood the whole was a con-
trivance. But the impudence of what he
said greatly provoked him to be angry at him ;
for when he was asked about Aristobulus, he
said that he was also preserved alive, and was
left on purpose in Cyprus, for fear of trea-
chery, because it would be harder for plotters
to get them both into their power while they
were separate. Then did Caesar take him by
himself privately, and said to him, — " I will
give thee thy life, if thou wilt discover who
it was that persuaded thee to forge such sto-
ries." So he said that he would discover
him, and followed C;csar, and poirted to that
Jew who abused the resemblance of his face
to get money ; for that he had received more
presents in every city than ever Alexander
did when he was alive. Casar laughed at
the contrivance, and put this spurious Alex-
ander among his rowers, on account of the
strength of his body ; but ordered him that
persuaded him to be put to death. But for
the people of Melos, they had been sufficient-
ly punished for their folly, by the expenses
they had been at on his account.
3. And now Archelaus took possession of
his ethnarchy, and used not the Jews only,
but the Samaritans also, barbarously ; and this
out of his resentment of their old quarrels
with him. Whereupon tliey both of them
ient ambassadors against him to Causar ; and
in the ninth year of his government he was
banished to Vienna, a city of Gaul, and his
effects were put into Casar's trtasury. But
the report goes, that before he was sent (or
by Caesar, he seemed to see nine ears of corn,
full and large, but devoured by oxen. When,
therefore, he had sent for the diviners, and
some of the Chaldeans, and inquired of them
what they thouglit it portended ; and when
one of them had one interiiretation, and ano-
ther liad another, Simon, one of the sect ot
the Essens, said that he thought the ears of
corn denoted years ; and the oxen denoted a
mutation of things, because by their plough
ing they made an alteration of the country.
That therefore he should reign as many years
as there were ears of corn ; and after he had
passed through various alterations of fortune,
should die. Now five days after Archelaus
had heard this interpretation, he was called to
his trial.
4. I cannot but think it worthy to be re-
corded what dream Glaphyra, the daughter of
Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, had, who had
at first been wife to Alexander, who was the
brother of Archelaus, concerning whom we
have been discoursing. This Alexander was
the son of Herod the king, by whom he was
put to death, as we have already related.
This Glaphyra was married, after his death,
to Juba, king of Libya ; and, after his death,
was returned home, and lived a widow with
her father. Then it was that Archelaus, the
ethnarch, saw her, and fell so deeply in love
with her, that he divorced Mariamne, who
was then his wife, and married her. When,
therefore, she was come into Judea, and had
been there for a little while, she thought she
saw Alexander stand by her, and that he said
to her, — " Thy marriage with the king of
Libya might have been sufficient for thee ;
but thou wast not contented with him, but
art returned again to my family, to a third
husband ; and him, thou impudent woman,
hast thou chosen for thine husband, who is
my brother. However, I shall not overlook
the injury thou hast offered me ; I shall
[soon] have thee again, whether thou wilt or
no." Now Glaphyra hardly survived the
narration of this dream of hers two days.
CHAPTER VIII.
ARCHELAUS'S ETHNARCHY IS REDUCED INTO A
[ROM an] province. THE SEDITION OF JU-
DAS OF GALILEE. THE THREE SECTS OF THE
JEWS.
§ 1. And now Archelaus's part of Judea
was reduced into a province, and Coponius,
one of the equestrian order among the Ro-
mans, was sent as a procurator, having the
power of [life and] death put into his hands
by Cajsar. Under liis administration it was
that a certain Galilean, whose name was Judas,
prevailed with his countrymen to revolt ; and
said tiiey were cowards if they wowld endure
to pay a tax to the Romans, and would, after
Got!, submit to mortal men as tlieir lords.
■Y
CHAP. VIII.
This man was a teacher of a peculiar sect of
his own, and was not at all like the rest of
those their leaders.
2. For there are three philosophical sects
among the Jews. The followers of the first
of whom are the Pharisees ; of the second the
Sadducees ; and the third sect, who pretends
to a severer discipline, are called Essens.
These last are Jews by birth, and seem to
have a greater affection for one another than
the other sects have. These Essens reject
pleasures as an evil, but esteem continence,
and the conquest over our passions, to be vir-
tue. They neglect wedlock, but choose out
other persons' children, while they are pliable,
and fit for learning ; and esteem them to be of
their kindred, and form them according to their
own manners. They do not absolutely deny
the fitness of marriage, and the succession of
mankind thereby continued ; but they guard
against the lascivious behaviour of women, and
are persuaded that none of them preserve their
fidelity to one man.
S. These men are despisers of riches, and
so very communicative as raises our admir-
ation. Nor is there any one to be found
among them who hath more than another ;
for it is a law among them, that those who
come to them must let what they have be
common to the whole order,— insomuch, that
among them all there is no appearance of
poverty or excess of riches, but every one's
possessions are intermingled with every other's
possessions ; and so there is, as it were, one
patrimony among all the brethren. They
think that oil is a defilement ; and if any one
of them be anointed without his own approba-
tion, it is wiped off his body ; for they think
to be sweaty is a good thing, as they do also
to be clothed in white garments. They also
have stewards appointed to take care of their
common affairs, wiio every one of them have
no separate business for any, but what is for
the use of them all.
4. They have no certain city, but many of
them dwell in every city ; and if any of their
sect come from other places, what they have
lies open for them, just as if it were their own;
and they go into such as they never knew be-
fore, as if they had been ever so long acquaint-
ed with them. For which reason they carry
nothing with them when they travel into re-
mote parts, though still they take their wea-
pons with them, for fear of thieves. Accord-
ingly there is, in every city where they live,
one appointed particularly to take care of
strangers, and to provide garments and other
necessaries for them. But the habit and
management of their bodies is such as chil-
dren use who are in fear of their masters.
Nor do they allow of the change of garments,
or of shoes, till they be first entirely torn to
pieces, or worn out by time. Nor do they
either buy or sell any thing to one another ;
WARS OF THE JEWS.
615
but every one of them gives what he hath to
him that wanteth it, and receives from him
again in lieu of it what may be convenient for
himself; and although there be no requital
made, they are fully allowed to take what they
want of whomsoever they ple.ise.
5. And as for their piety towards God, it
is very extraordinary; for before sun-rising
they speak not a word about profane matters,
but put up certain prayers which they have
received frotn their forefathers, as if they
made a supplication for its rising. After this
every one of them are sent away by their cu-
rators, to exercise some of those arts wherein
they are skilled, in wiiich they labour with
great diligence till the fifth hour. After
which they assemble themselves together a-
gain into one place ; and when they have
clothed themselves in white veils, they then
bathe their bodies in cold water. And after
this purification is over, they every one meet
together in an apartment of their own, into
which it is not permitted to any of another
sect to enter ; while they go, after a pure
manner, into the dining-room, as into a cer-
tain holy temple, and quietly set themselves
down ; upon which the baker lays them loaves
in order ; the cook also brings a single plate
of one sort of food, and sets it before every
one of them ; but a priest says grace before
meat ; and it is unlawful for any one to taste
of the food before grace be said. The same
priest, when he hath dined, says grace again af-
ter meat ; and when they begin, and when they
end, they praise God, as he that bestows their
food upon them ; after which they lay aside
their [white] garments, and betake themselves
to their labours again till the evening ; then
they return home to supper, after the same
manner; and if there be any strangers there,
they sit down with them. Nor is there ever
any clamour or disturbance to pollute their
house, but they give every one leave to speak
in their turn ; which silence thus kept in their
house, appears to foreigners like some tre-
mendous mystery ; the cause of which is
that perpetual sobriety they exercise, and the
same settled measure of meat and drink that
is allotted to them, and that such as is abund-
antly sufficient for them.
6. And truly, as for other things, they
do nothing but according to the injunctions
of their curators ; only these two things are
done among them at every one's own free
will, which are, to assist those that want it,
and to shew mercy ; for they are permitted of
their own accord to afford succour to such as
deserve it, when they stand in need of it, and
to bestow food on those that are in distress;
but they cannot give any thing to their kin-
dred without the curators. They dispense
their anger after a just manner, and re-
strain their passion. They are eminent for
fidelity, and are the ministers of peace ; what-
J-
616
WARS OF THE JEWS,
600K 11.
soever they say also is firmer than an oatli ; but
swearing is avoided by them, and they cstem
it worse tlian perjury;* for they say, that he
who cannot be believed witiiout | swearing by]
God, is aheady condemned. Tliey also take
great pains in studying the writings of the an-
cients, and choose out of them w hat is most
for the advantage of their soul and body ; and
they inquire after such roots and medicinal
stones as may cure their distempers.
6. But now, if any one liath a mind to
come over to their sect, he is not immediately
admitted, but he is prescribed the same me-
thod of living which they use, for a year,
w hile he continues excluded ; and they give
him a small hatchet, and the fore-mentioned
girdle, and the white garment. And when
he hath given evidence, during tliat time, that
ho can observe their continence, he approaches
nearer to their way of living, and is made a
partaker of the waters of purification ; yet is
he not even now admitted to live with them ;
for after this demonstration of his fortitude,
his temper is tried two more years, and if he
appear to be worthy, they then admit him in-
to their society. And before he is allowed
to touch their common food, he is obliged to
take tremendous oaths ; that, in the first place,
he will exercise piety towards God ; and tlien,
that he will observe justice towards men ; and
that he will do no harm to any one, either of
his own accord, or by the command of othert;
that he will always liate the wicked, and be
assistant to the righteous ; that he will ever
show fidelity to all men, and especially to
those in authority, because no one obtains the
government without God's assistance; and
that if he be in authority, he will at no time
whatever abuse his authority, nor endeavour
to outshine his subjects, either in his garments,
or any other finery ; that he will be perpetu-
ally a lover of truth, and propose to himself
to reprove those that tell lies; that he will
keep liis hands clear from theft, and his soul
from unlawful gains ; and that he will neither
conceal any thing from thosi of his own sect,
nor discover any of their doctrines to others,
no, not though any one should compel him
so to do at the hazard of his life. Moreover,
• This practice of the Essens, in refusing to swear,
and esteeming swearing, on ordinary uccasions, worse
than perjury, isdehvered here in general words, as are
the parallel injunctions of our Saviour, Matth. vi, 34;
xxiii. 16; and'of Sit. James v, 12 ; but all admit of par-
ticular exceptions for .solemn causes, and on great and
necessary occasions. Thus these very Essens, who here
do so zealously avoid swearing, are relaled in the very
next section, to admit none till they take tremendous
oaths to perform their se\eral duties to God, and to their
neighbour, without supposing they ihrtby hieak this
rule. Not to swear at all. The case is the same in t'hiis-
tianity, as we learn IVom the Apostolical Constitutions,
which, although they aj^ree with Christ and St. James,
in forbidding to swear in general, ch. v, Xt, vi, to ; yet
do they explain it el.sewhere, by a\oiding to swear false-
ly, and to swear often and in vain, ch. ii, .3t. ; and again
by "not swearing at all" but withal adding, that " if that
cannot be avoided, to sv/ear truly," ch. vii, 3 ; which
abundantly explain to us the nature of the measure of
tius general injunction.
he swears to communicacc their doctrines to
no one any otherwise than as he received thetn
himself; that he will abstain from robbery,
and will equally preserve the books belonging
to their sect, and the names of the angels f
[or messengers]. These are the oaths by
which they secure their proselytes to them-
selves.
8. But for those that are caught in any
heinous sins, they cast them out of their so-
ciety ; and he who is thus separated from
them, does often die after a miserable man-
ner ; for as he is bound by the oath he hath
taken, and by the customs he hath been en-
gaged in, he is not at liberty to partake ot
that food that he meets with elsewhere, but is
forced to eat grass, and to famish his body
with hunger till he perish ; for which reascji
they receive many of them again when they
are at their last gasp, out of compassion to
them, as thinking the miseries they have en-
dured till they came to the very brink of
death, to be a sufficient punishment for the
sins they had been guilty of.
9. But in the judgments they exercise they
are most accurate and just; nor do they pass
sentence by the votes of a court that is fewer
than a hundred. And as to what is once de-
termined by that number, it is unalterable.
Wiiat they most of all honour, after God him-
self, is the name of their legislator [Moses];
whom, if any one blaspheme, he is punished
capitally. They also think it a good thing
to obey their elders, and the major part. Ac-
cordingly, if ten of them be sitting together,
no one ot them will speak while the other
nine are against it. They also avoid spitting
in the midst of them, or on the right side.
Moreover, they are stricter than any other of
the Jews in resting from their labours on the
seventh day ; for they not only got tiieir food
ready the day before, that they may not be
obliged to kindle a tire on that day, but they
will not remove any vessel out of its place,
nor go to stool thereon. Nay, on the other
days they dig a small pit, a foot deep, with a
paddle (which kind of hatchet is given them
when they are first admitted among them) ;
and covering themselves round with their gar-
ment, that they may not affront the divine
rays of light, they ease themselves into that
pit, after which they put the earth that was
t This mention of the " names of angels," so parti
euiarly preserved by the Essens (if it means more than
those " messengers" who were employed to bring them
the peculiar books of their sect), looks like a prelude to
that " worshipping of angels," blamed by St. Paul, as
superstitious and unlawful, in some such sort of people
as these Essens were, Coloss. ii, 8. As is the prayer to
or towards the Sun, for his rising every morning, men-
tioned before, sect. ,5, very like those not much later
observances made mention of in t!ie preaching of Peter,
Authent. Rec. part ii, page (69, ana regarding a kind
of worship of angels, of the month, and of the moon,
and not celebrating the new moons, or other festivals,
unless the moon appeared. Which, indeed, seems to
me the earliest mention of any regard to the moon's
phases in fixing the Jewish calendar, of which the Tal-
mud and later rabbins talk so much, and upon so very
liiile aiieient foundation.
_/■
CHAP. VIII.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
617
dug out again into the pit ; and even this they
do only in the more lonely places, which they
choose out for this purpose ; and although
this easement of the body be natural, yet it is
a rule with them to wash themselves after it,
as if it were a defilement to them.
10. Now after the time of their preparato-
ry trial is over, they are parted into four
classes; and so far are the juniors inferior to
the seniors, that if the seniors should be
touched by the juniors, they must wash them-
selves, as if they had intermixed themselves
with the company of a foreigner. They are
long-lived also ; insomuch that many of them
live above a hundred years, by means of the
simplicity of their diet ; nay, as I think, by
means of the regular course of life they ob-
serve also. They contemn the miseries of
life, and are above pain, by the generosity of
their mind. And as for death, if it will be
for their glory, they esteem it better than liv-
ing always ; and indeed our war with the
Romans gave abundant evidence what great
souls they had in their trials, wherein, al-
though they were tortured and distorted,
burnt and torn to pieces, and went through
all kinds of instruments of torment, that they
might be forced either to blaspheme their le-
gislator, or to eat what was forbidden them,
yet could they not be made to do either of
them, no, nor once to flatter their tormentors,
or to shed a tear ; but they smiled in their
veiy pains, and laughed those to scorn who
inflicted the torments upon them, and resigned
up their souls with great alacrity, as expect-
ing to receive them again.
1 1, For their doctrine is this : — That bodies
are corruptible, and that the matter they are
made of is not permanent ; but that the souls
are immortal, and continue for ever ; and
that they come out of the most subtile air,
and are united to their bodies as in prisons,
into which they are drawn by a certain natu-
ral enticement; but that when they are set
free from the bonds of the flesh, they then, as
released from a long bondage, rejoice and
mount upward. And this is like the opinion
of the Greeks, that good souls have their ha-
bitations beyond the ocean, in a region that is
neither oppressed with storms of rain, or snow,
or with intense heat, but that this place is such
as is refreshed by the gentle breathing of a
west wind, that is perpetually blowing from
the ocean ; while they allot to bad souls a dark
and tempestuous den, full of never-ceasing
punishments. And indeed the Greeks seem
to me to have followed the same notion, when
they allot the islands of the blessed to their
brave men, whom they call heroes and demi-
gods ; and to the souls of the wicked, the re-
gion of the ungodly, in Hades, where their
fables relate that certain persons, such as Sisy-
phus, and Tantalus, and Ixion, and Tityus,
are punished ; which is built on this first sup-
position, that souls are immortal ; and^thence
■"-^
are those exhortations to virtue, and dehorta.
tions from wickedness collected ; whereby
good men are bettered in the conduct of their
life, by the hope they have of reward after their
death, and whereby the vehement inclinations
of bad men to vice are restrained, by the feat
and expectation they are in, that although they
should lie concealed in this life, they should
suffer immortal punishment after their death.
These are the divine doctrines of the Essens*
about the soul, which lay an unavoidable bait
for such as have once had a taste of their phi-
losophy.
12. There are also those among them who
undertake to foretel things to come, f by
reading the holy books, and using several
sorts of purifications, and being perpetually
conversant in the discourses of the prophets ;
and it is but seldom that they miss in their
predictions.
13. Moreover, there is another order of
Essens, who agree with the rest as to their
way of living, and customs, and laws, but
differ from them in the point of marriage, as
thinking that by not marrying they cut off
the principal part of human life, which is the
prospect of succession ; nay rather, that if all
men should be of the same opinion, the whole
race of mankind would fail. However, they
try their spouses for three years ; and if they
find that they have their natural purgations
thrice, as trials that they are likely to be fruit-
ful, they then actually marry them. But they
do not use to accompany with their wives
when they are with child, as a demonstration
that they do not marry out of regard to plea-
sure, but for the sake of posterity. Now the
women go Into the baths with some Of their
garments on, as the men do with somewhat
girded about them. And these are the cus-
toms of this order of Essens,
14. But then as to the two other orders at
first mentioned ; the Pharisees are those who
are esteemed most skilful in the exact expli-
cation of their laws, and introduce the first
sect. These ascribe all to fate [or provi-
dence], and to God, and yet allow, that to
act what is right, or the contrary, is princi-
pally in the power of men, although fate does
co-operate in every action. They say that all
souls are incorruptible ; but that the souls ^ of
* Of these Jewish or Essene (and indeed Christian)
doctrines concerning souls, both good and bad, in Hades,
see that excellent discourse or homily of our Josephus
concerning Hades, at the end of the volume.
t Dean Aicbich reckons up three examples of this
gift of prophecy, in several of these Essens out of Jose-
phus himself, viz. in the History of the War, b. i, ch.
lii, sect. 5. Judas foretold the death of Antigonus at
Strato's Tower; b. ii, ch. vii, sect. 3. Simon foretold
that Archelaus should reign but nine or ten years ; and
Antiq. b. XV, ch. x, sect. 4, 5. Mcnahem foretold that
Herod should be king, and should reign tyrannically,
and that for more than twenty or even thirty years. All
which came to pass accordingly.
X There is so much more here about the lessens than
is cited from Josephus in Porphyry and Eusebius, and
vet so much less about the Pharisees and Sadducees,
the two other Jewish sects, than would naturally be e*
pectctl in proportion to the Essens or third sect, nay
618
WARS OF THE JEAVS.
good men are only removed into other bodies,
— but that the souls of bad men are subject
to eternal punisliment. But the Sadducees
are those that compose the second order, and
take away fate entirely, and suppose that God
is not concerned in our doing or not doing
what is evil ; and they say, that to act what is
good, or what is evil, is at men's own choice,
and that the one or the other belongs so to
every one, that they may act as they please.
They also take away the belief of the immor-
tal duration of the soul, and tlie punishments
and rewards in Hades. Moreover, tlie Pha-
lisees are friendly to one another, and are for
the exercise of concord and regard for the
public. But the behaviour of the Sadducees
one towards another is in some degree wild ;
and their conversation with those that are of
their own party is as barbarous as if they
were strangers to them. And this is what I
had to say concerning the philosophic sects
among the Jews.
CHAPTER IX.
THE DFATH OF SALOME. THE CITIES WHICH
HEROD AND PHILIP BUILT. PILATE OCCA-
SIONS aiSTURBAXCES. TIBEUIUS PUTS AGRir-
FA INTO BONDS, BUT CAIUS FIIEES HIM FROM
THEM, AND MAKES HIM KING. U£a01> AN-
TIPAS IS BANISHED,
§ 1. And now, as the ethnarchy of Arche-
laus was fallen into a Roman province, the
other sons of Herod, Philip, and that Herod
who was called Antipas, each of them took
upon tliem the administration of their own te-
trarchies ; for wiien Salome died, she bequeath-
ed to Julia, the wife of Augustus, both her
toparchy, and Jamnia, as also her plantation
of palm-trees that were in Phasaelis *. But
tlian seems to be referred to by himself elsewhere, that
one is tempted to suppose Joseplius liad at first written
less of the one, and move of the two others, than his
{iresent copies afford us; as also, that, by some un-
mown accident, our i)re3ent cojiies are liere made up of
the larger edition in the first case, and of the smaller
in the second. See the note in Havercamp's edition.
However, what Josephus says in llic name of tlic
Pharisees, that only the souls of goorl men go out of
one body into another, although all souls be immor-
tal, and still the souls of the bad are liable to eternal
punishment; as also what he says afterwards, Antiq. b.
xviii, chap, i, sect. .", that the soul's vigour is immortal,
aiid that under the earth they receive rewards or pun-
ishments according .is their lives liave been virtuous or
vicious in the present world; that to the bad is allotted
an eternal prison, but tl!,'it the good are permitted to
live again in this v/orld, are nearly .igreeableto the doc-
trines of Christianity. Only Joscphus's rejection of the
return of the wicked into other bodies, or into this
wprld, wliich he grants to the good, looks somewhat
like a contradiction to St. Paul's account of the doc
trine of the Jews, that " themselves allowed that there
should be a resurrection of the dead, both of the just
and unjust," Acts, ch. xxiv, 15 ; yet, because Joscphus's
account is that of the Pharisees, and St. Paul's tliat of
the Jews in general, and of himself, the contradiction
is not very certain.
« We have here, in that Greek MS. ivhich was once
Alexander Petavius's, but it is now in the library .it
Lcyden, two most remarkable additions totheconunou
when the Roman einpire was translated to
Tiberius, the son of Julia, upon the death of
Augustus, who had reigned fifty-seven years,
six months, and two days, both Herod and
Philip continued in their tetrarchies ; and the
latter of them built the city Cesarea, at the
fountains of Jordan, and in the region of Pa- '
neas ; as also the city Julias, in the Lower
Gaulonitis. Herod also built the city Tiberi-
as in Galilee, and in Perea [beyond Jordan]
another that was also called, Julias.
2. Now Pilate, who was sent as procura-
tor into Judea by Tiberius, sent by night
those images of Ca'sar that are called Ensigns,
into Jerusalem. This excited a very great
tumult ainong the Jews when it was day : for
those that were near them were astonished at
the sight of them, as indications that their
laws were trodden under foot : for those laws
do not permit any sort of image to be brought
into the city. Nay, besides tlie indignation
which the citizens themselves had at this pro-
cedure, a vast number of people came running
out of the country. These came zealously to
Pilate to Cesarea, and besought iiim to carry
those ensigns out of Jerusalem, and to pre-
serve them their ancient laws inviolable ; but
upon Pilate's denial of their request, they fell
down prostrate upcn the ground, and con-
tinued immoveable in that posture for five
days and as many nights.
3. On the nest day Pilate sat upon his
tribunal, in the open marketplace, and call-
ed to liiin the multitude, as desirous to give
them an answer ; and then gave a signal to
tile soldiers that they should all by agreement
at once encoi^pass the Jews witii their wea-
pons ; so the band of soldiers stood round a-
bout the Jews in three ranks. The Jews
were under the utmost consternation at that
unexpected sight. Pilate also said to them,
that they should be cut in pieces, unless they
would admit of C:esar"s images ; and gave
intimation to the soldiers to draw their na-
ked swords. Hereupon tlie Jews, as it were
at one signal, fell down in vast numbers to-
gether, and exposed their necks liare, and
cried out that they were sooner ready to be
slain, than that their law should be transgress-
ed. Hereupon Pilate was greatly surprised
at their prodigious superstition, and gave or-
der that the ensigns should be presently car-
ried out of Jei iisalem,
4. After this he raised another disturbance,
by expending that sacred treasure which is
copies, thougli deemed worth little remark by the edi-
tor; which, upon the mention of Tilierius's coining
to the empire, insirts first the famous testimony of
Josephus concerning Jesus Christ, as it stands ver-
batim in the Antiq. b. xviii, chap, iii, sect. 3. with
some parts of that excellent discourse or homily of
Josephus concerning Hades, annexed to the work. But
what is here principally to be noted is this, that in this
homily, Josephus, having just mentioned Christ, as
" God the Word, and the Judge of the world, appoint-
ed by the Father," &c. Jidds, that " he had himself else-
where spoken about him more nicely or particularly "
WARS OF THE JEWS.
GIO
called Corbau * upon aqueducts, whereby he
brought water from the distance of four hun-
dred furlongs. At this the multitude had
great indignation ; and when Pilate was come
to Jerusalem, they came abouthis tribunal, and
made a clamour at it. Now when he was
apprised aforehand of this disturbance, he
mixed his own soldiers in their armour with
the multitude, and ordered them to conceal
themselves under the habits of private men,
and not indeed to use their swords, but with
their staves to beat those that made the cla-
mour. He then gave the signal from his tri-
bunal [to do as he had bidden them]. Now
the Jews were so sadly beaten, that many of
them perished by the stripes they received, and
many of them perished as trodden to death, by
which means the multitude was astonished at
the calamity of those that were slain, and held
their peace.
5. In the mean time Agrippa, the son of
that Aristobulus who had been slain by his fa-
ther Herod, came to Tiberius to accuse He-
rod the tetrarch ; who not admitting of his ac-
cusation, he staid at Rome, and cultivated a
friendship with others of the men of note, but
principally with Caius the son of Germanicus,
who was then but a private person. Now
this Agrippa, at a certain time, feasted Caius j
and as he was very complaisant to him on
several other accounts, he at length stretched
out his hands, and openly wished that Tiberius
might die, and that he might quickly see him
emperor of the world. This was told to Ti-
berius by one of Agrippa's domestics; who
thereupon was very angry, and ordered A-
grippa to be bound, and had him very ill treat-
ed in the prison for six months, until Ti-
berius died, after he had reigned twenty-two
vears, and six months,, and three days.
6. But when Caius was made Cssar, he re-
leased Agrippa from his bonds, and made him
king of Philip's tetrarchy, who was now dead ;
but when Agrippa had arrived at that degree
of dignity, he inflamed the ambitious desires of
Herod the tetrarch, who was chiefly induced
to hope for the royal authority by his wife
Herodias, who reproached him for his sloth,
and told him that it was only because he
would not sail to Caesar that he was destitute
of that great dignity ; for since Casar had
made Agrippa a king, from a private person,
much more would he advance him from a te-
trarch to that dignity. These arguments pre-
vailed with Herod, so that he came to Cuius,
by whom he was punished for his ambition,
by being banished into Spain ; for Agrippa
followed liim, in order to accuse him ; to
whom also Cuius gave his tetrarchy, by way of
addition. So Herod died in Spain, whether
his wife had followed him.
• his u.ie of cor'ban or oblation, as here applied
to tlie sacred iriJiiey dedicated to God in the treasury of '
the temulc, iUusudtes owr Sa^^o^lr's words, Mark vii
11, 12. ^ I
CHAPTER X.
CAR'S COMM.VNDS THAT HIS STATUE SHOULD
EE SET UP IN THE TEMPLE ITSELF; AND
WHAT PETHONIUS DID THEREUPON.
§ 1. Now Caius CiBsar did so grossly abuse
the fortune he had arrived at, as to take him-
self to be a god, and to desire to be so called
also, and to cut off those of the greatest no-
bility out of his country. He also extended
his impiety as far as the Jews. Accordingly,
he sent Petronius with an army to Jerusalem,
to place his statues in the tern pie, -j- and com-
manded him that, in case the Jews would not
admit of them, he should slay those that op-
posed it, and carry all the rest of the nation
into captivity: but God concerned himself
with these his commands. However, Petro-
nius marched out of Antioch into Judea,
with three legions, and many Syrian auxilia-
ries. Now as to the Jews, some of them
could not believe the stories that spake of a
war ; but those that did believe them were
in the utmost distress how to defend them-
selves, and the terror diffused itself presently
through them all; for the army was already
come to Ptolemais.
2. Tliis Ptolemais is a maritime city of
Galilee, built in the great plain. It is en-
compassed with mountains: that on the easl
side, sixty furlongs oif, belongs to Galilee;
but that on the south belongs to Carmel,
which is distant from it a hundred and twen-
ty furlongs ; and that on the north is the high-
est of them all, and is called by the people of
the country. The Ladder of the 'J'yrians,
which is at the distance of a hundred furlongs.
The very small river Belusf runs by.it, at
the distance of two furlongs; near which
there is Memnon's monument, § and hath
near it a place no larger than a hundred cu-
bits, which deserves admiration ; for the place
is round and hollow, and affords such sand
as glass is made of; which place when it hath
been emptied by the many ships there loaded,
it is filled again by tlie winds, which bring
into it, as it were on purpose, that sand which
lay remote, and was no more than bare com-
mon sand, while this mine presently turns it
into glassy sand ; and what is to me still more
wonderful, that glassy sand which is super-
fluous, and is once removed out of the
t TaciSiis owns that Caius commanded the Jews to
place his effigies in liieir tejnple though he t)e mistaken
when he adds tiiat tlie Jews thi reui)on took arn.s.
t Tliis account of a place near the mouth of the river
Belus m Phoenicia, whence came tliat sand out of which
the antients made their glass, is a known thing in his-
tory ; particularly iu Tacitusand Strabo, and more large-
ly in Pliny.
§ This Meranon had several monuments ; and one
of them appears, both by Strabo and Diodorus, to
have been in Syria, ai'.d not imiitoljably in this ver*
lilare. ' '
~v
620
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK II.
place, becomes bare common sand again ; and
this is the nature of the place we are speak-
ing of.
3. But now the Jews got together in great
numbers, with their wives and children, into
that plain that was by Ptolemais, and made
supplication to Petronius, first for their laws,
and, in the next place, for themselves. So
he was prevailed upon by the multitude of
the supplicants, and by their supplications,
and left his army and statues at Ptolemais,
and then went forward into Galilee, and call-
ed together the multitude and all the men of
note to Tiberias, and showed them the power
of the Romans, and the threatenings of Cse-
sar ; and, besides this, proved that their peti-
tion was unreasonable, because, while all the
nations in subjection to them had placed the
images of Casar in their several cities, among
the rest of their gods, — for them alone to op-
pose it, was almost like the behaviour of re-
volters, and was injurious to Caesar.
4. And when they insisted on their law,
and the custom of their country, and how it
was not only not permitted them to make ei-
ther an image of God, or indeed of a man,
and to put it in any despicable part of their
country, much less in the temple itself, Petro-
nius replied, " And am not I also," said he,
*' bound to keep the laws of my own lord ?
For if I transgress it, and spare you, it is but
just that I perish ; while he that sent me,
and not I, will commence a war against you ;
for 1 am under command as well as you."
Hereupon the whole multitude cried out, that
they were ready to suflfer for their law. Pe-
tronius then quieted them, and said to them,
" Will you then make war against Casar ?"
The Jews said, ' We offer sacrifices twice
every day for Ca?sar, and for the Roman peo-
ple ;' but that if he would place the images a-
mong them, he must first sacrifice the whole
Jewish nation ; and that they were ready to
expose themselves, together with their children
and wives, to be slain. At this Petronius
was astonished and pitied them on account of
the inexpressible sense of religion the men
were under, and that courage of theirs
which made them ready to die for it; so they
were dismissed without success.
5. But on the following days, he got toge-
ther the men of power privately, and the mul-
titude publicly, and sometimes he used per-
suasions to them, and sometimes he gave the.Ti
his advice ; but he chiefly made use of threat-
enings to them, and insisted upon the power
of the Romans, and the anger of Caius ; and
besides, upon the necessity he was himself
under [to do as he was enjoined]. But as
they could no way be prevailed upon, and he
saw that the country was in danger of lying
without tillage (for it was about seed-time
that the multitude continued for fifty days to-
gether idle), so he at last got them together,
and told them, that it was best for him to run
some hazard himself; " for either, by the di-
vine assistance, I shall prevail witli Caesar ;
and shall myself escape the danger as well 33
you, which will be matter of joy to us both ;
or, in case Caesar continue in his rage, I will
be ready to expose my own life for such a
great number as you are." Whereupon he
dismissed the multitude, who prayed greatly
for his prosperity ; and he took tlie army out
of Ptolemais, and returned to Antioch; from
wliiMce he presently sent an epistle to Csesar,
and informed him of the irruption he had
made into Judea, and of the supplications of
the nation ; and that unless he had a mind to
lose both the country and the men in it, he
must permit them to keep their law, and must
countermand his former injunction. Caius
answered that epistle in a violent way, and
threatened to have Petronius put to death
for his being so tardy in the execution of
what he had commanded. But it happened
that those who brought Caius's epistle were
tossed by a storm, and were detained on the
sea for three months, while others that brought
the news of Caius's death had a good voyage.
Accordingly, Petronius received the epistle
concerning Caius, seven-and-twenty days be-
fore he received that which was against him-
self.
CHAPTER XI.
CONCERNING THE GOVERNMENT OF CLAUDIUS,
AND THE REIGN Of AGKIPPA. CONCERNING
THE DEATH OF AGKIPPA AND OF HEROD,
AND WHAT CHILDREN THEY BOTH LEFT BE-
HIND TIlEiM.
§ 1. Now when Caius had reigned three years
and eight months, and had been slain by trea-
chery, Claudius was hurried away by the ar-
mies that were at Rome to take the govern-
ment upon him ; but the senate, upon the re-
ference of the consuls, Sentius Saturninus,
and Pomponius Secundus, gave orders to the
three regiments of soldiers that staid with
them, to keep the city quiet, and went up in-
to the Capitol in great numbers, and resolved
to oppose Claudius by force, on account of
the barbarous treatment they had met with
from Caius ; and they determined either to
settle the nation under an aristocracy, as they
had of old been governed, or at least to choose
by vote such a one for emperor as might be
worthy of it.
2. Now it happened, that at this time
Agrippa sojourned at Rome, and that both
the senate called him to consult with them,
and at the same time Claudius sent for him
out of the camp, that he miglit be serviceable
to him, as he should have occasion for his
service. So lie, perceiving that Claudius was
in effect made Cicsar already, went to him,
"V_
CHAP. XI.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
621
who sent liim, as an ambassador to the senate,
to let them know what his intentions were :
that, in the first place, it was without his seek-
ing, that he was hurried away by the soldiers;
moreover, that he thought it was not just to
desert those soldiers in such their zeal for
him, and that if he should do so, his own for-
tune would be in uncertainty ; for that it was
a dangerous case to have been once called to
the empire. He added farther, that he would
administer the government as a good prince,
and not like a tyrant ; for that he would be
satisfied with the honour of being called Em-
peror, bilt would, in every one of his actions,
permit them all to give him their advice j for
that although he had not been by nature for
moderation, yet would the death of Caius af-
ford him a sufficient demonstration how so-
berly he ought to act in that station.
3. This message was delivered by Agrippa;
to which the senate replied, that since they
had an army, and the wisest counsels on their
side, they would not endure a voluntary sla-
very, W^heu Claudius heard what answer
the senate had made, he sent Agrippa to them
again, with the following message : — That he
could not bear the thoughts of betraying them
that had given their oaths to be true to him ;
and that he saw he must fight, though un-
willingly, against such as he had no mind to
fight ; that however, [if it must come to that],
it was proper to choose a place without the
city for the war ; because it was not agreeable
to piety to pollute the temples of their own
city with the blood of their own countrymen,
and this only on occasion of their imprudent
conduct. And when Agrippa had heard this
message, he delivered it to the senators.
4. In the mean time, one of the soldiers
belonging to the senate drew his sword, and
cried out, "O my fellow-soldiers, what is the
meaning of this choice of ours, to kill our
brethren, and to use violence to our kindred
that are with Claudius ! while we may have
him for our emperor whom no one can blame,
and who hath so many just reasons [to lay
claim to the government] ! and this with re-
gard to those against whom we are going to
fight!" When he had said this, he marched
through the whole senate, and carried all the
soldiers along with him. Upon which all the
patricians were immediately in a great fright
at their being thus deserted. But still, be-
cause there appeared no other way whither
they could turn themselves for deliverance,
they made haste the same way with the sol-
diers, and went to Claudius. But those that
had the greatest luck in flattering the good
fortune of Claudius betimes, met them be-
fore the walls with their naked swords, and
there was reason to fear that those that came
first might have been in danger, before Clau-
dius could know what violence the soldiers
were going to offer tliem, had not Agrippa
run before, and told him what a dangerous
thing they were going about, and that unless
he restrained the violence of these men, who
were in a fit of madness against the patricians,
he would lose those on whose account it was
most desirable to rule, and would be emperor
over a desert.
5. When Claudius heard this he restrained
the violence of the soldiery, and received the
senate into the camp, and treated them after
an obliging manner, and went out with them
presently, to offer their thank-offerings to God,
which were proper upon his first coming to
the empire. Moreover, he bestowed on A-
grippa his whole paternal kingdom immedi ■
ately, and added to it, besides those countries
that had been given by Augustus to Herod,
Trachonitis, and Auranitis, and still besides
these, that kingdom which was called the
kingdom of Lysanias. This gift he declared
to the people by a decree, but ordered the
magistrates to have the donation engraved on the
tables of brass, and to be set up in the Capi-
tol. He bestowed on his brother Herod, who
was also his son-in-law, by marrying [his
daughter] Bernice, the kingdom of Chalcis.
6. So now riches flowed in to Agrippa by
his enjoyment of so large a dominion ; nor
did he abuse the money he had on small mat-
ters, but he began to encompass Jerusalem
with such a wall, which, had it been brought
to perfection, had made it impracticable for the
Romans to take it by siege; but his death,
which happened at Cesarea, before he had
raised the walls to their due height, prevented
him. He had then reigned three years, as he
had governed his tetrarchies three other years.
He left behind him three daughters, born to
him by Cypros ; Bernice, Mariarane, and
Drusilla ; and a son born of the same mother,
whose name was Agrippa : he was left a very
young child, so that Claudius made the coun-
try a Roman province, and sent Cuspius
Fadus to be its procurator, and after him Ti-
berius Alexander, who, making no alterations
of the ancient laws, kept the nation in tran-
quillity. Now after this, Herod the king of
Chalcis died, and left behind him two sons,
born to him of his brother's daughter Bernice ;
their names were Bernicianus, and Hyrcanus
[He also left behind him] Aristobulus, whom
he had by his former wife Mariamne, There
was besides, another brother of his that died a
private person, his name was also Aristobulus,
who left behind him a daughter, whose name
was Jotape : and these, as I have formerly
said, were the children of Aristobulus, the son
of Herod ; which Aristobulus and Alexander
were born to Herod by Mariamne, and were
slain by him. But as for Alexander's poste*
rity, they reigned in Armenia.
.r
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK II,
CHAPTER XII.
MANY TUMULTS UNDER CUMANUS, U'HICH WERE
COMPOSED BY QUADRATUS. FKLIX IS PRO-
CURATOR OF JUUEA. AGRIPPA IS ADVANCED
FROM CHALCIS TO A GREATER KINGDOM.
§ 1. Now after the death of Ilerod, king of
Chalcis, Claudius set Agrippa, the son of A-
grippa, over his uncle's kingdom, while Cu-
manus took upon him the office of procurator
of the rest, which was a Roman province, "and
therein he succeeded Alexander ; under wiiich
Cumanus began the troubles, and the Jews'
ruin came on ; for when the multitude were
come together to Jerusalem, to the feast of un-
leavened bread, and a Roman cohort stood
over the cloisters of the temple (for they al-
ways were armed and kept guard at the fes-
tivals, to prevent any innovation which the
multitude thus gatliered together might make),
one of the soldiers pulled back his garment,
and cowering down after an indecent manner,
turned his breech to the Jews, and spake such
words as you might expect upon such a pos-
ture. At this the whole multitude had indig-
nation, and made a clamour to Cumanus, that
he would punish the soldier; while the rasher
part of the youth, and such as were naturally
the most tumultuous, fell to fighting, and
caught up stones, and threw them at the sol-
diers. Upon which Cumanus was afraid lest
all the people should make an assault upon
him, and sent to call for more armed men,
who, when they came in great numbers into the
cloisters, the Jews were in a very great conster-
nation ; and being beaten out of the temple,
they ran into the city ; and the violence with
which they crowded to get out was so great,
that they trod upon each other, and squeezed
one another, till ten thousand of them were
killed, insomuch that this feast became the
cause of mourning to the whole nation, and
every family lamented [their own relations].
2. Now there followed after this anothor
calamity, which arose from a tumult made by
robbers ; for at the public road of Betli-horen,
one Stephen, a seivantof Ccesar, carried some
furniture, which the robbers fell upon and
seized. Upon this Cumanus sent men to go
round about to the neighbouring villaj^es, and
to bring their inhabitants to him bound, as
laying it to their chaige that they liad not pur-
sued after the thieves, and caught them. Now
here it was that a certain soldier finding the
sacred book of the law, tore it to pieces, and
threw it into the fire.* Hereupon tlie Jews
were in great disorder, as if their whole coun-
try were in a flame, and assembled themselves
» Relanrt notes here, that the Talmud, in rccouiitini;
ten sad aeciiieiits for which the Jews ought to rend tlieir
garments, reckons this for one ; — " When they licar that
the law of ood is burnt."
so many of them by their leal for their religion,
as by an engine ; and ran together with united
clamour to Cesarea, to Cumanus, and made
supplication to him that he would not over-
look this man, who had offered such an affront
to God, and to his law ; but ])unish him for
what he had done. Accordingly, he perceiv-
ing that the multitude would not be quiet
unless they had a comfortable answer from
him, ga\e order that the soldier should be
brought, and drawn through those that re-
quired to have him punished, to execution ;
which being done, the Jews went their ways.
3. After this there happened a fight be-
tween the Galileans and the Samaritans; it
happened at a village called Geman, which is
situate in the great plain of Samaria ; where,
as a great number of Jews were going up to
Jerusalem to the feast [of tabernacles], a cer-
tain Galilean was slain ; and besides, a vast
number of people ran together out of Galilee,
in order to fight with the Samaritans. But
the principal men among them came to Cu-
manus, and besought him that, before the evil
became incurable, he would come into Gali-
lee, and bring the authors of this murder to
punishment ; for that there was no other way
to make the multitude separate, without com-
ing to blows. However, Cumanus postponed
their supplications to the other affairs he was
then about, and sent the petitioners away
without success.
4. But when the affair of this murder
came to be told at Jerusalem, it put the mul-
titude into disorder, and they left the feast ;
and without any generals to conduct them,
they marched with great violence to Samaria;
nor would they be ruled by any of the ma-
gistrates that were set over them ; but they
were managed by one Eleazar, the son of
Dineus, and by Alexander, in these their
thievish and seditious attempts. These men
fell upon those that were in the neighbourhood
of the Acrabatene toparchy, and slew them,
without sparing any age, and set the villages
on fire.
5. But Cumanus took one troop of horse-
men, called the Troop of Sebaste, out of Ce-
sarea, and came to the assistance of those that
were spoiled ; he also seized upon a great num-
ber of those that followed Eleazar, and slew
more of them. And as for the rest of the
multitude of those that went so zealously to
fight with the Samaritans, the rulers of Jeru-
salem ran out, clothed witli sackcloth, and
having ashes on their heads, and begged of
them to go their ways, lest by their attempt
to revenge themselves upon the Samaritans,
ihey should provoke the Romans to come
against Jerusalem ; to have compassion upon
their country and temple, their children and
their wives, and not bring the utmost dangers
of destruction upon them, in order to avenge
themselves upon one Galilean only. The
Jews complied with tlic«e persuasions ot
■v
r"
A_
CHAP, xm
WARS OF THE JEWS.
623
theirs, and dispersed themselves; but still
there were a great number who betook them-
selves to robbing, in hopes of impunity ; and
rapines and insurrections of the bolder sort
happened over the whole country. And the
men of power among the Samaritans came to
Tyre, to Ummidius Quadratus,* the presi-
dent of Syria, and desired that they that had
laid waste the country might be punished:
the great men also of the Jews, and Jonathan
the son of Ananus, the high-priest, came
thither, and said tliat the Samaritans were the
beginners of the disturbance, on account of
that murder they had committed ; and that
Cumanus had given occasion to what had hap-
pened, by his unwillingness to punish the
original authors of that murder.
6. But Quadratus put both parties off for
that time, and told them, that when he should
come to those places he would make a dili-
gent inquiry after every circumstance. After
which he went to Cesarea, and crucified all
those whom Cumanus had taken alive; and
when from thence he was come to the city
Lydda, he heard the affair of the Samaritans,
and sent for eighteen of the Jews, whom he
had learned to have been concerned in that
fight, and beheaded them ; bat lie sent two
others of those that were of the greatest
power among them, and both Jonathan and
Ananias, the high-priests, as also Ananus the
son of this Ananias, and certain others that
were eminent among the Jews, to Caesar ; as
be did in like manner by the most illustrious
of the Samaritans. He also ordered that Cu-
manus [the procurator] and Celer the tribune
should sail to Rome, in order to give an ac-
count of what had been done to Ca;sar. When
he had finished these matters, he went up from
Lydda to Jerusalem, and finding the multi-
tude celebrating their feast of unleavened
bread without any tumult, he returned to An-
tioch.
7. Now when Casar at Rome had heard
what Cumanus and the Samaritans bad to
say (where it was done in the hearing of
Agrippa, who zealously espauscd the cause of
tlie Jews, as in like manner many of the great
men stood by Cumanus), he condemned the
Samaritans, and commanded that three of the
most powerful men among them should be
put to death : he banished Cumanus, and sent
Celer bound to Jerusalem, to be delivered
over to the Jews to be tormented ; that he
should be drawn round the city, and then be-
lieaded.
8. After this, Caesar sent Felix, f the bro-
• This Ummidius, or Numidius, or, as Tacitus calls
him, Vinid.ius Quadratus, is mentioned in an ancient in-
scription, still preservert, as Simnheini here informs us,
which calls liim Ummidius Quadratus.
+ Take the character of this Felix (who Is well kno\vii
from the Acts of the Apostles, particularly from his
trembling when St. Paul discoursed of " righteousness,
chastity, and judgment to come" (Acts xxiv, 25 ; and
no wonder, when we liave elsewhere seen that he lived
in adultery with Drusilla, imother man's wife (~Antiq. b.
ther of Pallas, to be procurator of Galilee,
and Samaria, and Perea, and removed Agrip.
pa from Chalcis unto a greater kingdom; for
he gave him the tetrarchy which had belonged
to Philip, which contained Batanea, Tracho-
nitis, and Gaulonitis : he added to it the king-
dom of Lysanias. and that province [Abilene]
which Varus had governed. But Claudius
himself, when he had administered the govern-
ment thirteen years, eight months, and twenty
days, died, and left Nero to be his successor
in the empire, whom he had adopted by his
wife Agrippina's delusions, in order to be his
successor, although he had a son of his own
whose name was Biitannicus, by Messalina
his former wife, and a daughter whose name
was Octavia, whom he had married to Nero
he had also another daughter by Petina, whose
name was Antonia.
CHAPTER Xlir.
NERO ADDS FOUR CITIES TO AGRIPPA's KIXG-
DOM ; BUT THE OTHER PARTS OF JUDEA
WERE UNDER FELIX. THE DISTURBANCES
WHICH WERE RAISED BY THE SICARII, THE
MAGICIANS, AND AN EGYPTIAN FALSE PRO-
PHET. THE JEWS AND SYRIANS HAVE A
CONTEST AT CESAREA.
§ 1. Now as to the many things in which
Nero acted like a madman, out of the extra-
vagant degree of the felicity and riches whidi
he enjoyed, and by that means used his good
fortune to the injury of otliers; and after
what manner he slew his brother, and wife,
and motlier ; from whom his barbarity spread
itself to others that were most nearly related
to him ; and how, at last, he was so distracted
that he became an actor in the scenes, and
XX, ch. vii, sect 1), in the words of Tacitus, produced
here by Dean AUhich: " Felix exercised (says Tacitus)
the authority of a king, with the disposition of a slave,
and relying upon the great power of his brother Pallas
at court, thought he might safely be guilty of all kinds
of wicked practices." Observe also the time when he
was made procurator, A. D. 52 ; that when St. Paul
pleaded his cause before him, A. d. 58, he might have
been " many years a judge unto that nation," as St. I'aul
says he had then been (Acts xxiv, Ic) ; but as to what
Tacitus here says, that before the death of Cumanus,
Felix was procurator over Samaria only, it does n:i(
well agree with St. Paul's words, who would hardly
have called Samaria a Jewish nation. In short, since
what Tacitus here says is about countries very remote
from Rome, where he lived; since what he says of two
Roman procurators, the one over Galilee, the other
over Samaria at the same time, is without all example
elsewhere; and since Josephus, who lived at that very
time in Judea, appears to have known nothmg of this
procuratorship of Felix, before the death of Cumanus,
— I much suspect the story itself as nothing better than
a mistake of Tacitus, especially when it seems not only
omitted, but contradicted by Josephus, as any one may
find that compares their histories together. Possibly
Felix might have been a subordinate judge among the
Jews sometime before, under Cumanus ; biit that he was
in earnest a procurator of Samaria before, I do not be-
lieve, bishop Pearson, as well as Bishop Lloyd, quote
this account, but with a doubtful clause ; Sic'jhles To-
cito, " If we may l)elievc Tacitus." Pears. Annal. Pau
lin. page 8 ; Marshall's Tables, at a. ». ii
^^
624
AVARS OF THE JEWS.
upon the theatre, — I omit to say any more so he sent some horsemen, and footmen both
about them, because there are writers enougli
upon those subjects everywhere ; but I shall
turn myself to those actions of his time in
which the Jews were concerned.
2. Nero therefore bestowed the kingdom
of the Lesser Armenia upon Aristobulus,
Herod's* son, and he added to Aggrippa's
kingdom four cities, with the toparchies to
them belonging : I mean Abila, and that Ju-
lias which is in Perea, Tarichea also, and Ti-
berias of Galilee ; but over the rest of Judea
he made Felix procurator. This Felix took
Eleazar the arch robber, and many that were
with liim, alive, when they had ravaged the
country for twenty years together, and sent
them to Rome; but as to the number of the
robbers whom he caused to be crucified, and of'
whom who were caught among them, and
those he brought to punishment, they were a
multitude not to be enumerated.
3. When the country was purged of these,
there sprang up another sort of robbers in
Jerusalem, which were called Sicarii, who
slew men in the day-time, and in the midst of
the city ; this they did chiefly at the festivals,
when they mingled themselves among the
multitude, and concealed daggers under their
garments, with which they stabbed those that
were their enemies ; and when any fell down
dead, the murderers became a part of those
that had indignation against them ; by which
means they appeared persons of such reputa-
tion, that they could by no means be discover-
ed. The first man who was slain by them
was Jonathan the high-priest, after whose
death many were slain every day, while the
fear men wore in of being so served, was more
afflicting than the calamity itself; and while
every body expected death every hour, as men
do in war, so men were obliged to look be-
fore them, and to take notice of their enemies
at a great distance ; nor, if their friends were
coming to them, durst they trust them any
longer ; but, in the midst of their suspicions
and guarding of themselves, they were slain.
Such was the celerity of the plotters against
them, and so cunning was their contriv-
ance.
4. There was also another body of wicked
men gotten together, not so impure in their
actions, but more wicked in their intentions,
who laid waste the happy state of the city no
less than did these murderers. These were
such men as deceived and deluded the people
under pretence of divine inspiration, but
were for procuring innovations and changes
of tlie government ; and these prevailed with
the multitude to act like madmen, and went
before them into the wilderness, as pretend-
ing that God would there shew them the sig-
nals of liberty ; but Felix thought this pro-
ledure was to be the beginning of a revolt ;
, e. Herod, kiiif; o*' Chalcis.
armed, who destroyed a great number of
them.
5. But there was an Egyptian false pro-
phet that did the Jews more mischief than
the former ; for he was a cheat, and pretend-
ed to be a prophet also, and got together thir-
ty thousand men that were deluded by him ;
these he led round about from the wilderness
to the mount which was called the Mount of
Olives, and was ready to break into Jerusa-
lem by force from that place ; and if he could
but once conquer the Roman garrison and
the people, he intended to domineer over
them by the assistance of those guards of his
that were to break into the city with him ,"
but Felix prevented his attempt, and met him
with his Roman soldiers, while all the people
assisted him in his attack upon them, insomuch
that, when it came to a battle, the Egyptian
ran away, with a few others, while the great,
est part of those that were with him were ei-
ther destroyed or taken alive ; but the rest of
the multitude were dispersed every one to
their own homes and there concealed them-
selves.
6. Now, when these were quieted, it happen-
ed, as it does in a diseased body, that another
part was subject to an inflammation ; for a
company of deceivers and robbers got togeth-
er, and persuaded the Jews to revolt, and ex-
horted them to assert their liberty, inflicting
death on those that continued in obedience to
the Roman government, and saying, that
such as willingly chose slavery ought to be
forced from such their desired inclinations; for
they parted themselves into different bodies,
and lay in wait up and down the country, and
plundered the houses of the great men, and
slew the men themselves, and set the villages
on fire; and this till all Judea was filled with
the effects of their madness. And thus the
flame was every day more and more blown
up, till it came to a direct war.
7. There was also another disturbance at
Cesarea : — those Jews who were mixed with
the Syrians that lived there, raising a tumult
against them. The Jews pretended that the
city was (heirs, and said that he who built it
was a Jew ; meaning king Herod. The Sy-
rians confessed also that its builder was a
Jew; but they still said, however, that the
city was a Grecian city ; for that he wiio set
up statues and temples in it could not design
it for Jews. On which account both parties
had a contest with one another ; and this con-
test increased so much, that it came at last to
arms, and the bolder sort of them marched
out to fight ; for the elders of the Jews were
not able to put a stop to their own people
that were disposed to be tumultuous, and the
Greeks thought it a shame for them to be o-
vercome by the Jews. Now these Jews ex-
ceeded the others in riches and strength of
"V
J'
CHAP. XIV.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
62 o
body ; but the Grecian part had the advantage
of assistance from the soldiery ; for the great-
est part of the Roman garrison was raised
out of Syria; and being thus related to the
Syrian part, they were ready to assist it.
However, the governors of the city were con-
cerned to keep all quiet, and whenever they
caught those that were most for fighting on
either side, they punished them with stripes
and bonds. Yet did not the sufferings of
those that were caught affright the remainder,
or make them desist ; but they were still
more and more exasperated, and deeper en-
gaged in the sedition. And as Felix came once
into the market-place, and commanded the
Jews, when they had beaten the Syrians, to
go their ways, and threatened them if they
would not, and they would not obey him, he
sent his soldiers out upon them, and slew a
great many of them, upon which it fell out
that what they had was plundered. And as
the sedition still continued, he chose out the
most eminent men on both sides as ambassa-
dors to Nero, to argue about their several pri-
vileges.
CHAPTER XIV.
»ESTUS SUCCEEDS FELIX, WHO IS SUCCEEDED BY
ALBINUS, AS HE IS BY FLORUS ; WHO, BY
THE BARBARITY OF HIS GOVERNMENT, FOR-
CES THE JEWS INTO THE WAR.
§ 1. Now It was that Festus succeeded Fe-
lix as procurator, and made it his business to
correct those that made disturbances in the
country. So he caught the greatest part of
the robbers, and destroyed a great many of
them. But then Albinus, who succeeded
Festus, did not execute his office as the other
had done ; nor was there any sort of wicked-
ness that could be named but he had a hand
in it. Accordingly, he did not only, in his
political capacity, steal and plunder every
one's substance, nor did he only burden the
whole nation with taxes, but he permitted the
relations of such as were in prison for rob-
bery, and had been laid there, either by the
senate of every city, or by the former procu-
rators, to redeem them for money ; and no-
body remained in the prisons as a malefactor
but he who gave him nothing. At this time
it was that the enterprises of the seditious at
Jerusalem were very formidable ; the princi-
pal men among them purchasing leave of Al-
binus to go on with their seditious practices j
while that part of the people who delighted
in disturbances joined themselves to such as
had fellowship with Albinus; and every one
of these wicked wretches were encompassed
with his own band of robbers, while he him-
self, like an arch robber, or a tyrant,-^made a
figure among his company, and abused his
authority over those about him, in order to
plunder those that lived quietly. The effect
of which was this, that those who lost their
goods were forced to hold their peace, when
they had reason to show great indignation at
what they had sufTered ; but those who had
escaped, were forced to flatter him that de
served to be punished, out of the fear they
were in of suffering equally with the others.
Upon the whole, nobody durst speak their
minds, for tyranny was generally tolerated ;
and at this time were those seeds sown which
brought the city to destruction.
2. And although such was the character of
Albinus, yet did Gessius Florus, * who suc-
ceeded him, demonstrate him to have been a
most excellent person, upon the comparison :
for the former did the greatest part of his ro-
gueries in private, and with a sort of dissimu-
lation ; but Gessius did his unjust actions to
the harm of the nation after a pompous man-
ner ; and as though he had been sent as an
executioner to punish condemned malefactors,
he omitted no sort of rapine, or of vexation ;
where the case was really pitiable, he was
most barbarous ; and in things of the greatest
turpitude, he was most impudent ; nor could
any one outdo him in disguising the truth ;
nor could any one contrive more subtle ways
of deceit than he did. He indeed thought it
but a petty ofl'ence to get money out of single
persons; so he spoiled wholecities, and ruined
entire bodies of men at once, and did almost
publicly proclaim it all the country over, that
they had liberty given them to turn robbers,
upon this condition, that he might go shares
with them in the spoils. Accordingly, this
his greediness of gain was the occasion that
entire toparchies were brought to desolation ;
and a great many of the people left their own
country, and fled into foreign provinces.
3. And truly, while Cestius Gallus was pre-
sident of the province of Syria, nobody durst do
so much as send an embassage to him against
Florus ; but when he was come to Jerusalem,
upon the approach of the feast of unleavened
bread, the people came about him not fewer
in number than three millions f; these be-
sought him to commiserate the calamities of
their nation, and cried out upon Florus as the
bane of their country. But as he was pre-
* Not long after this beginning of Florus, the wicked
est of all the Roman procurators of Judea, and the im-
mediate occasion of the Jewish war, at the twelfth jeat
of Nero, and the seventeenth of Agrippa, or a n. 66,
the history in the twenty books of Joseph us's Antiquities
ends ; although Josephus did not finish these books till
the thirteenth of Domitian, or a. d 9'5 ; twenty-sc-. en
years afterward ; as he did not finish their Aj)peudix,
containing an account of his own Ife, till Agrippa was
dead, which happened in the third year of Trajan, or
A. D. 100 ; as I have several times observed before.
+ Here we may note, that three millions of tlie Jews
were present at the passover, a. d. 65 ; which confiims
what Josephus elsewhere informs us of, that at a passover
a little later, they counted two hundred and fifty-six
thousand five hundred paschal lambs; which, at twelve
to each lamb, which is no immoderate calculation, come
to three millions seventy eight thousand. See b. vi, chap.
ix, sect. 3.
3 Q
d26
WARS OF THE JEWS.
sent, and stood by Cestiiis^ he laughed at thuir
words. However, Cestius, wlien he had
quieted the iniiltiludc, and had assured them
that he would take care that Florus should
hereafter treat them in a more gentle manner,
returned to Antioch ; Florus also conducted
him as far as Cesarea, and deluded him,
though he had at that very time the purpose of
showing his anger at the nation, and procur-
ing a war upon them, by which means alone
it was that he supposed he might conceal his
enormities ; for he expected that, if the peace
continued, he should have the Jews for -his
accusers before Ca;sar ; but that if he could
procure them to make a revolt, he should
divert their laying lesser crimes to his charge,
by a misery that was so much greater ; he
therefore did every day augment their cala-
mities, in order to induce them to a rebellion.
4. Now at this time it happened that the
Grecians at Cesarea had been too hard for
the Jews, and had obtained of Nero the go-
vernment of the city, and had brought the
judicial determination : at the same time be-
gan the war, in the twelfth year of the reign of
Nero, and the seventeenth of the reigu of Agri p-
pa, in the month of Artemissus [Jyar. ] Now
the occasion of this war was by no means pro-
portionable to those heavy calamities which it
brought upon us ; for the Jews that dwelt at
Cesarea had a synagogue near the place, whose
owner was a certain Cesarean Greek : the
Jews had endeavoured frequently to have
purchased the possession of the place, and
had offered many times its value for its price ;
but as the owner overlooked their offers, so
did he raise other buildings upon the place,
in way of affront to them, and made working-
shops of them, and left them but a narrow
passage, and such as was very troublesome for
tliem to go along to their synagogue ; where-
upon the waimer part of the Jewish youth
went hastily to the workmen, and forbade
them to build there ; but as Florus would not
permit them to use force, the great men of
the Jews, with John the publican, being in
the utmost distress what to do, persuaded
Florus, with the offer of eight talents, to
hinder the work. He then, being intent up-
on nothing but getting money, promised he
would do for them all they desired of him,
I and then went away from Cesarea to Sebaste,
[ and left the sedition to take its full course, as
; if he had sold a license to the Jews to fight it
1 out.
j 5. Now on the nest day, which was the se-
' venth day of the week, when the Jews were
crowding apace to their synagogue, a certain
man of Cesarea, of a seditious temper, got an
earthen vessel, and set it, with the bottom up-
ward, at the entrance of that synagogue, and
sacrificed birds.* This thing provoked the
* TaJte here Dr. Hudson's very pertinent note. " By
this action," says he, " th; kiUing of a bird over an
eartlicn vessel, the Jews were exposed as a leprous peo-
I Die- for that was to be done by the law in tlie cleansing
I
Jews to an incurable degree, because their
laws were affronted, and the place was pollu-
ted ; whereupon the sober and moderate part
of the Jews thought it proper to have recourse
to their governors again, while the seditious
part, and such as were in the fervour of their
youth, were vehemently inflamed to fight.
The seditious also among [the Gentiles of]
Cesarea stood ready for the same purpose ;
for they had, by agreement, sent the man to
sacrifice beforehand [as ready to support him] ;
so that it soon came to blows. Hereupon
Jucundus, the master of the horse, who was
ordered to prevent the fight, came thither,
and took away the earthen vessel, and endea-
voured to put a stop to the sedition ; but
when he was overcome by the violence of the
people of Cesarea, the Jews caught up their
books of the law, and retired to Narbata,
which was a place to them belonging, dis-
tant from Cesarea sixty furlongs. But John,
and twelve of the principal men with him,
went to Florus, to Sebaste, and made a la-
mentable complaint of their case, and be-
sought him to help them ; and with all pos-
sible decency, put him in mind of the eight
talents tiiey had given him ; but he had the
men seized upon, and put in prison, and ac-
cused them for carrying the books of the law
out of Cesarea.
6. Moreover, as to the citizens of Jerusa-
lem, although they took this matter very ill,
yet did they restrain their passion ; but Flo-
rus acted herein as if he had been hired, and
blew up the war into a flame, and sent some
to take seventeen talents out of the sacred
treasure, and pretended that Cssar wanted
them. At this the people were in confusion
iminediately, and ran together to the temple,
with prodigious clamours, and called upon
Cajsar by name, and besought him lo free
them from the tyranny of Florus. Some al-
so of the seditious cried out upon Florus, and
cast the greatest reproaches upon him, and
carried a basket about, and begged some spells
of money for him, as for one that was desti-
tute of possessions, and in a miserable condi-
tion. Yet was not he made ashamed hereby
of his love of money, but was more enraged,
and provoked to get still more ; and instead
of coming to Cesarea, as he ought to have
done, and quenching the flame of war, which
was beginning thence, and so taking away
the occasion of any disturbances, on which
account it was that he had received a re-
ward [of eight talents!, he marched hastily
with an army of horsemen and footmen
against Jerusalem, that he might gain his
will by the arms of the Romans, and might,
by his terror, and by his threatenings, bring
the city into subjection.
of a leper (Levit. ch. xlv). It is also known that the
G«ntiles reproached the Jews as subject to the leprosy,
and believed that they were driven out of Egypt on thai
account This that eminent person Mt. Reiand sug
gested to me."
CHAP. XV
WARS OF THE JEWS.
627
7. But the people were desirous of making
Florus ashamed of his attempt, and met his
soldiers with acclamations, and put them-
selves in order to receive him very submis-
sively ; but he sent Capito, a centurion, be-
forehand, with fifty soldiers, to bid them go
back, and not now make a show of lecciving
him in an obliging manner, whom they had
so foully reproached before ; and said that it
was incumbent on them, in case they had ge-
nerous souls, and were free speakers, to jest
upon him to his face, and appear to be lo-
vers of liberty, not only in words but with
their weapons also. With this message was
the multitude amazed ; and upon the coming
of Capito's horsemen into the midst of them,
they were dispersed before they could salute
Florus, or manifest their submissive beha-
viour to him. Accordingly they retired to
their own houses, and spent that night in fear
and confusion of face.
8. Now at this time Florus took up his
quarters at the palace ; and on the next day
he had his tribunal set before it, and sat up-
on it, when the high-priests, and the men of
power, and those of the greatest eminence in
the city, came all before that tribunal ; upon
which Florus commanded them to deliver up
to him those that had reproached him, and
told them that they should themselves partake
of the vengeance to them belonging, if they
did not produce the criminals ; but these de-
monstrated that the people were peaceably dis-
posed, and they begged forgiveness for those
that had spoken amiss; for that it was no
wonder at all that in so great a multitude
there should be some more daring than they
ought to be, and by reason of their younger
age, foolish also ; and that it was impossible
to distinguish those tiiat offended from the
rest, while every one was sorry for what he
had done, and denied it out of fear of what
would follow ; that he ought, however, to
provide for the peace of the nation, and to
take sucli counsels as might preserve the city
for the Romans, and rather, for the sake of a
great number of innocent people, to forgive a
few that were guilty, than for the sake of a
few of the wicked, to put so large and good a
body of men into disorder.
9. Florus was more provoked at this, and
called out aloud to the soldiers to plunder
that which was called the Upper Market
Place, and to slay such as they met with. So
the soldiers, taking this exhortation of their
commander in a sense agreeable to their de-
sire of gain, did not only plunder the place
they were sent to, but forcing themselves into
every house, they slew its inhabitants; so the
citizens fled along the narrow lanes, and the
soldiers slew those that they caught, and no
method of plunder was omitted ; they also
caught many of the quiet people, and brought
them before Florus, %vhom he first chastised
with stripes, and then crucified. According-
ly, the whole number of those that were de-
stroyed that daj', with tueir wives and chil-
dren (for they did not spare even the infants
themselves), was about three thousand and six
hundred ; and what made this calamity the
heavier, was this new inetliod of Roman bar-
barity ; for Florus ventured then to do what
no one had done before, that is, to have men
of the equestrian order whipped,* and nailed
to the cross before his tribunal ; who, although
they were by birth Jews, yet were they of
Roman dignity notwithstanding.
CHAPTER XV.
COKCEROTNG EEIINICE's PETITION TO FLORUS,
TO SPARE THE JEWS, BUT IN VAIN ; AS ALSO
HOW, AFTER THE SEDITIOUS FLAME WAS
QUENCHED, IT WAS KINDLED AGAIN BV^ FLO-
RINS.
§ 1. Aeodt this very time king Agrippa was
going to Alexandria, to congratulate Alexan-
der upon his having obtained the government
of Egypt from Nero ; but as his sister Ber-
nice was come to Jerusalem, and saw the
wicked practices of the soldiers, she was sore-
ly affected at it, and frequently sent the mas-
ters of her horse and her guards to Florus,
and begged of him to leave off these slaugh-
ters ; but he would not comply with her re-
quest, nor have any regard either to the mul-
titude of those already slain, or to the nobi-
lity of her that interceded, but only to the
advantage lie should make by his plundering;
nay, this violence of the soldiers broke out to
such a degree of madness, that it spent itself
on the queen herself; for they did not only
torment and destroy those whom they had
caught under her very eyes, but indeed had
killed herself also, unless she had prevented
them by flying to the palace, and had staid
there all night with her guards, which she had
about her for fear of an insult from the sol-
diers. Now she dwelt then at Jerusalem, in
order to perform a vow f which she had made
* Here we have examples of native Jews who were
of tlie equestrian order among the Romans, and so
ought never to have been whipped or crucified, accord-
ing to ttie Roman laws. See almost tlie like case in St.
Paul himself, Acts xxii, 25—29.
t This ^-ow which Bemice (here and elsewhere called
Queen, not only as a daughter and sister to two kings,
Agrippa the Great, and Agrippa junior, but the widow
of Herod, king of Chalcis) came now to accomplish at
Jerusalem, was not that of a Nazarite, but such a one
as religious Jews used to make, in hopes of any deliver-
ance from a disease, or other danger, as Josephus here
intimates. However, these thirty days abode at Jeru-
salem, for fasting and preparation against the oblation
of a proper sacrifice, seems to be too long, unless it
were wholly voluntary in this great lady. It is not re-
quired in the law of Moses relating to Nazarites, Numb,
vi ; and is very dilferent from St. Paul's time for such
preparation, which was but one day. Acts xxi, 26. So
we want already the continuation of the Antiquities to
afford us light here, as they have hitherto done, on so
many occasions elsewhere. Perhaps in this age the tra-
ditions of the Pharisees had obliged the Jews to thic
degree of rigour, not only as to these thirty days' pre-
628
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK ri
to God ; for it is usual with those that had
been either afflicted with a distemper, or with
any other distresses, to make vows ; and for
thirty days before they are to offer their sacri-
fices, to abstain from wine, and to shave the
hair of their head. Which things Bernice
was now performing, and stood barefoot be-
fore Florus's tribunal, and besought Lim [to
spare the Jews]. Yet could she neither have
reverence paid to her, nor could she escape
without some danger of being slain herself.
2. This happened upon the sixteenth day
of the month Artemissus [Jyar], Now on
the next dav, tlie multitude, who were in a
great agony, ran together to the upper mar-
ket-place, and made the loudest lamentations
for those that had perished ; and the greatest
part of the cries were such as refiected on
Flonis; at which the men of power were af-
frighted, toge'hcr with the high-priests, and
rent their garments, and fell down before each
of tliem, and besought them to leave off, and
not to provoke Florus to some incurable pro-
cedure, besides what they had already suffer,
ed. Accordingly, the multitude complied im-
mediately, out of reverence to those that had
desired it of them, and out of the hope they
had that Florus would do them no more in-
juries.
3. So Florus was troubled that the distur-
bances were over, and endeavoured to kindle
that flame again, and sent for the high-priests,
with the other eminent persons, and said, the
only demonstration that the people would not
make any other innovations should be this, —
that they must go out and meet the soldiers
that were ascending from Cesarea, whence
two cohorts were coming ; and while these
men were exhorting the multitude so to do,
he sent beforehand, and gave directions to the
centurions of the cohorts, that they should
give notice to those that were under them, not
to return the Jews' salutations; and that if
they made any reply to liis disadvantage, they
should make use of their weapons. Now the
high-priests assembled the multitude in the
temple, and desired them to go and meet the
Romans, and to salute the cohorts very civilly,
before their miserable case should become in-
curable. Now the seditious part would not
comply with these persuasions ; but the con-
sideration of those that had been destroyed
made them incline to tliose that were the bold-
est for action.
paration, but as to the going barefoot all that time, —
which liere Bernice submitted to also. For we know
that as (;o(J's and our Saviour's yoke is usually easy,
and his burden comparatively light, in such positive
injunctions, Mat. xi, 3U, so did tlie Scrilx;s and Phari-
sees sometimes " bind upon men heavy burdens, and
grievous to be borne," even when they themselves
" would not touch them with one of their fingers,"
Mat. xxiii, 4; Luke xi, 46. However, Noldiu= well
observes, De Herod. No. 404, 414, that Juvenal, in his
sixth satire, alludes to this remarkable penance oi sub-
mission of this Bernice to Jewish discipline, and jests
upon her for it; as do Tacitus, Dio, Suetonius, and
Sextus Aureliui, mention her as one well known at
Kom". — Ibid.
4. At this time if was that every priest,
and every servant of God, brought out the
holy vessels, and the ornamental garments
wherein they used to minister in sacred things.
—The liarpers also, and the singers of hymns,
came out with their instruments of music,
and fell down before the multitude, and beg-
ged of them that they would preserve those
holy ornaments to them, and not to provoke
the Romans to carry off those sacred treasures.
You might also see tiien the high-priests them-
selves, with dust sprinkle-d in great plenty
upon their heads, with besoms deprived of
any covering but what was rent ; these be-
sought every one of the eminent men by
name, and the multitude in common, that
they would not for a small offence betray their
country to those that \\i;re desirous to have it
laid waste ; saying, " What benefit will it
bring to the soldiers to have a salutation from
the Jews ? or what amendment of your affairs
will it bring you, if you do not now go out
to meet thein ? and that if they saluted them
civilly, all liandle would be cut off from Flo-
rus to begin a war ; that they should thereby
gain their country, and freedom from all far-
ther sufferings ; and that, besides, it would
be a sign of great want of command of them-
selves, if they should yield to a few seditious
persons, while it was fitter for them who were
so great a people, to force the others to act
soberly."
5. By these persuasions, which they used
to the multitude and to the seditious, they re-
strained some by threatenings, and others by
the reverence that was paid them. After this
they led them out, and they met the soldiers
quietly, and after a composed manner, and
when they were come up with them, they sa-
luted them ; but when they made no answer,
the seditious exclaimed against Florus, which
was the signal given for falling upon them.
The soldiers therefore encompassed them
presently, and struck them with their clubs,
and as they fled away, the horsemen trampled
them down ; so that a great many fell down
dead by the strokes of the Romans, and more
by their own violence in crushing one ano-
ther. Now there was a terrible crowding a-
bout the gates, and while every body was
making haste to get before another, the flight
of them all was retarded, and a terrible de-
struction there was among those that fell
down, for they were suffocated, and broken
to pieces by the multitude of those that were
upperinost; nor could any of them be distin-
guished by his relations, in order to the care
of his funeral ; the soldiers also who beat
them, fell upon those whom they overtook,
without showing them any mercy, and thrust
the multitude through the place called Beze-
tha,* as they forced their way, in order to get
» I take this Bezetha to be that small hill adjoining
to the north side of the temple, whereon was the hos-
CHAP. XVI
WARS OK THE JEWSj
629
in and seize upon the temple, and the tower
Antonia. Florus also, being desirous to get
those places into his possession, brouglit such
as were with him out of the king's palace, and
would have compelled them to get as far as
tlie citadel [Antonia] ; but his attempt failed,
for the people immediately turned back upon
him, and stopped tiie violence of his attempt;
and as they stood upon the tops of their
houses they threw their darts at the Romans,
who, as they were sorely galled tliereby, be-
cause those weapons came from above, and
they were not able to make a passage through
the multitude, which stopped up the narrow
passages, they retired to the camp which was
at the palace.
6, But for the seditious, they were afraid
lest Florus should come again, and get pos-
session of the temple, through Antonia ; so
they got immediately upon those cloisters of
the temple that joined to Antonia, and cut
them down. This cooled the avarice of Flo-
rus ; for whereas he was eager to obtain the
treasures of God [in the temple^, and on that
account was desirous of getting into Antonia,
as soon as the cloisters were broken down he
left off his attempt ; he then sent for the high-
priests and the sanhedrim, and told them that
he was indeed himself going out of tlie city,
but that he would leave them as large a gar-
rison as they should desire. Hereupon they
promised that they would make no innova-
tions, in case he would leave them one band;
but not that which had fought with the Jews,
because the multitude bore ill-will against
that band on account of what they had sufTer-
' ed from it ; so he changed the band as they
desired, and with the rest of his forces return-
ed to Cesarea,
CHAPTER XVI.
CESTIUS SEN'DS NEOPOLITANL'S THE TRIBUNE TO
SEE IN WHAT CONDITION THE ATFAIRS OF
THE JEWS WERE. AGRIPPA MAKES A SPEECH
TO THE PEOPLE OF THE JEWS, THAT HE MAf
DIVERT THEM FROM THEIR INTENTIONS OF
MAKING WAR WITH THE ROMANS.
§ 1. HowEVFR, Florus contrived another way
to oblige the Jews to begin the war, and sent
to Cestius and accused the Jews falsely of re-
volting [from the Roman government], and
imputed tlie beginning of the former fight to
pital with five porticos or cloisters, and beneath which
was the sheep-pool of Bethesda ; into which an aiigel
or messenger, at a certain season, descended ; and where
he or they, who were the " first put into the pool,"
were cured, John v. 1 , &;c. This situation of Bezetha,
in Josephus, on tlie north side of the temple, and not
far off the tower Antonia, exactly agrees to the place of
the same pool at this day ; only the remaining cloisters
are but three. See Maundrel, page 1(6. 'flie entire
buildings seem to have been called the New Citv; and
this part, where was the hospital, peculiarlv Bezetha or
Bethesda. See eh. six, sect. 4.
them, and pretended they had been the authors
of that disturbance, wherein they were only
the sufferers. Yet were not the governors of
Jerusalem silent upon this occasion, but did
themselves write to Cestius, as did Bernice
also, about the illegal practices of which Florus
had been guilty against the city ; who, upon
reading both accounts, consulted with his cap-
tains [what he should do]. Now some of
them thought it best for Cestius to go up with
his army, either to punish the revolt, if it was
real, or to settle the Roman affairs on a surer
foundation, if the Jews continued quiet under
them ; but he thought it best himself to send
one of his intimate friends beforehand, to see
the state of affairs, and to give him a faithful
account of the intentions of the Jews. Accord-
ingly he sent one of his tribunes, whose name
was Neopolitanus, who met with king Agrippa
as he was returning from Alexandria, at Jain-
nia, and told him who it was that sent him, and
on what errands he was sent.
2. And here it was that the high-priests,
and men of power among the Jews, as well
as the sanhedrim, came to congratulate the
king [upon his safe return] ; and after thejr
had paid him their respects, they lament-
ed their own calamities, and related to him
what barbarous treatment they had met with
from Florus. At which barbarity Agrippa
had great indignation, but transferred, after a
subtle manner, his anger towards those Jews
whom he really pitied, that he might beat
down their high thoughts of themselves, and
would have them believe that they had not
been so unjustly treated, in order to dissuade
them from avenging themselves. So these
great tnen, as of better understanding than the
rest, and desirous of peace, because of the pos-
sessions they had, understood that this rebuke
which the king gave them was intended for
their good; but as to the people, they came
sixty furlongs out of Jerusalem, and congra-
tulated both Agrippa and Neoplitanus ; but
the wives of those that iiad been slain came
running first of all and lamenting. The peo.
pie also, when they heard their mourning, fell
into lamentations also, and besought Agrippa
to assist them : they also cried out to Neopoli-
tanus, and complained of the many miseries
they had endured under Florus ; and they
showed them, wlien they were come into the
city, how the market-place was made desolate,
and the houses plundered. They then per-
suaded Neopolitanus, by the means of Agrippa,
that he would walk round the city, vvith only
one servant, as far as Siloam, that he might
inforin himself that the Jews submitted to all
the rest of the Romans, and were only dis-
pleased at Florus, by reason of his exceeding
barbarity to them. So he walked round, and
hdd sufficient experience of the good temper
the people were in, and then went up to the
temple, where he called the multitude together
in i highly commended them for their fidelity
r
630
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK II
to the Romans, and earnestly exhorted them to
keep the peace ; and having performed such
parts of divine worship at the temple as he was
allowed to do, he returned to Cestius.
3. But as for the multitude of the Jews,
tliey addressed themselves to the king, and to
the high-priests, and desired they might have
leave to send ambassadors to Nero against
Florus, and not by their silence afford a sus-
picion tliat they had been the occasion of such
great slaughters as had been made, and were
disposed to revolt, alleging that they should
seem to have been the first beginners of the
war, if they did not prevent the report by
showing who it was that began it; and it ap-
peared openly that they would not be quiet, if
any body should hinder them from sending such
an embassage. But Agrippa, although he
thought it too dangerous a thing for them to
appoint men to go as the accusers of Florus,
yet did he not think it fit for him to overlook
them, as they were in a disposition for war.
He therefore called the multitude together into
a large gallery, and placed his sister Bernice in
the house of the Asamoneans, that she might be
seen by them (which house was over the gal-
lery, at the passage to the upper city, where
the bridge joined the temple to the gallery),
and spake to them as follows : —
4. • " Had I perceived that you were all
zealously disposed to go to war with the Ro-
mans, and that the purer and more sincere
part of the people did not propose to live in
peace, I had not come out to you, nor been
so bold as to give you counsel ; for all dis-
courses that tend to persuade men to do what
they ought to do is superfluous, when the
hearers are agreed to do the contrary. But
because some are earnest to go to war because
they are young, and without experience of
the miseries it brings ; and because some are
« In this speech of king Agrippa we have an autlien-
tic account of tlie extent and strength of the Roman
empire when the Jevvisli war began. And this speech,
with other circumstances in Joseplius, demonstrates how
wise and how great a person Agrippa was, and wliy Jo-
sephus elscwliere calls him iixuucuriarrxro; , a most won.
derful, or admirable man, Centr. Ap. i, 9. He is the
same Agrippa who said to Paul, " Almost thou persuad
est me to be a Christian," Acts xxvi, 28 ; and of whom
St. Paul s;iid, " He was expert in all the customs and
questions of the Jews," v. 3. See another imitation of
the hmits of the same Roman empire. Of the War, b.
iii, ch. v, sect. 7. Hut what seems to me very remark-
able here is this, that when Josephus, in imitation of
the Greeks and Romans, for w hose use he wrote his An-
tiquities, did himself frequently compose the speeches
which he put into their mouths, they appear, by the
politeness of their composition, and their flights of
oratory, to be not the real speeches of the persons con-
cerned, who usually were no orators, but of his own
elegant composition. The speech before us is of ano-
ther nature, full of undeniable facts, and composed in
a plain and unartful, but moving way ; so it appe.-u-s to
be king Agrippa's own speech, and to liave been given
Josephus by .\grippa liimself, with whom Josephus had
the greatest friendship. Nor may we omit Agrippa's
constant doctrine here, that this Roman empire was
raised and supported by Divine Providence; and that
therefore it was in vain for the Jews, or any others, to
think of destroying it. Nor may we neglect to take
notice of Agrippa's solemn appeal to the angels, here
used; the like appeals to which we have in St. Paul, 1
Tim. v, 22, and by the apostles in general, in the form
of tlie ordination of bishops, Constitut. Apost. viii, 4.
for it, out of an unreasonable expectation of
regaining their liberty, and because others
hope to get by it, and are therefore earnestly
bent upon it ; that in the confusion of your
affairs they may gain what belongs to those
that are too weak to resist thein, I have
thought proper to get you all together, and
to say to you what I think to be for your ad-
vantage ; that so the former may grow wiser,
and change their minds, and that the best men
may come to no harm by the ill conduct of
iome others. And let not any one be tumult-
uous against me, in case what they hear me
say do not please them ; for as to those that
admit of no cure, but are resolved upon a
revolt, it will still be in their power to retain
the same sentiments after my exhortation is
over ; but still my discourse will fall to the
ground, even with relation to those that have
a mind to hear me, unless you will all keep
silence. I am well aware that many make a
tragical exclamation concerning the injuries
that have been offered you by your procura-
tors, and concerning the glorious advantages
of liberty ; but before I begin the inquiry,
who you are that must go to war, and who
they are against whom you must fight, — 1
shall first separate those pretences that are by
some connected together ; for if you aim at
avenging yourselves on those that have done
you injury, why do you pretend this to be a
war for recovering your liberty ? but if you
think all servitude intolerable, to what pur-
pose serve your complaints against your par-
ticular governors ? for if they treated you
with moderation, it would still be equally an
unworthy thing to be in servitude. Consider
now the several cases that may be supposed,
how little occasion there is for your going to
war. Your first occasion is, the accusations
you have to make against your procurators ;
now here you ought to be subiiiissive to
those in authority, and not give them any
provocation : but when you reproach men
greatly for small offences, you excite those
whom you reproach to be your adversaries;
for this will only make thein leave off hurt-
ing you privately, and with some degree ol
modesty, and to lay what you have waste
openly. Now nothing so much damps the
force of strokes as bearing them with pa-
tience ; and the quietness of tliose who are
injured, diverts the injurious persons from
attlicting. But let us take it for granted, that
the Roman ministers are injurious to you,
and are incurably severe ; yet are they not all
the Romans who thus injure you ; nor hath
CiBsar, against whoin you are going to make
war, injured you : it is not by their command
that any wicked governor is sent to you ; for
they who are in the west cannot see those that
are in the east ; nor indeed is it easy for them
there, even to hoar what is done in these parts.
Now it is absurd to make war witti a great
many for the sake of one ; to do so with such
CHAP. XVI.
mighty people, for a small cause; and this
when these people are not able to know of
what you complain ; nay, such crimes as we
complain of may soon be corrected, for the
same procurator will not continue for ever ;
and probable it is that the successors will
come with more moderate inclinations. But
as for war, if it be once begun, it is not easi-
ly laid down again, nor borne without calami-
ties coming therewith. However, as to the
desire of recovering your liberty, it is unsea-
sonable to indulge it so late; whereas you
ought to have laboured earnestly in old time
that you might never have lost it : for the
fiist experience of slavery was hard to be en-
dured, and the struggle that you might never
have been subject to it would have been just ;
but that slave who hath been once brought
into subjection, and then runs away, is rather
a refractory slave than a lover of liberty ; for
it was then the proper time for doing all that
was possible, that you might never have ad-
mitted the Romans [into your city] when
Pompey came first into the country. But so
it was, that our ancestors and their kings,
who were in much better circumstances than
we are, both as to money and [strong] bodies,
and [valiant] souls, did not bear the onset of
a small body of the Roman army. And yet
you who have not accustomed yourselves to
obedience from one generation to another,
and who are so much inferior to those who
first submitted in your circumstances, will
venture to oppose the entire empire of the
Romans ; while those Athenians, who, in or-
der to preserve the liberty of Greece, did once
set fire to their own city ; who pursued Xerxes,
that proud prince, when he sailed upon the
sea; and could not be contained by the seas,
but conducted such an army as was too broad
for Europe; and made him run away like a
fugitive in a single ship, and brake so gieat a
part of Asia at the Lesser Salamis, are yet at
this time servants to the Romans ; and those
injunctions which are sent from Italy, become
laws to the principal governing city of Greece.
—Those Lacedemonians also, who got the
great victories at Thermopylae and Platea,
and had Agesilaus [for their king], and
searched every corner of Asia, are contented
to admit the same lords. These Macedoni-
ans also, who still fancy what great men their
Philip and Alexander were, and see that the
latter had promised them the empire over the
world, these bear so great a change, and pay
their obedience to those whom fortune hath
advanced in their stead. — Moreover, ten thou-
sand other nations there are, who had greater
reason than we to claim their entire liberty, and
yet do submit. You are the only people who
think it a disgrace to be servants to tliose to
whom all the world hath submitted. What sort
of an army do you rely on ? Wliat are the arms
you depend on ? Where is your fleet that
may seize upon the Roman seas .' ^and wliere
WARS OF THE JEWS.
631
are those treasures which may be suflicient for
your undertakings ? Do you suppose, I pray
you, that you are to make war with the Egyp-
tians, and with the Arabians ? Will you not
carefully reflect upon the Roman empire ?
Will you not estimate your own weakness ?
Hath not your army been often beaten even
by your neighbouring nations, while the power
of the Romans is invincible in all parts of the
habitable earth ? nay, rather, they seek for
somewhat still beyond that ; for all Euphra-
tes is not a sufficient boundary for them on
the east side, nor the Danube on the north ;
and for their southern limit, Libya hath been
searched over by them, as far as countries un-
inhabited, as is Cadiz their limit on the west;
nay, indeed, they have sought for another ha-
bitable earth beyond the ocean, and have
carried their arms as far as such British
islands as were never known before. What
therefore do you pretend to ? Are you richer
than the Gauls, stronger than the Germans,
wiser than the Greeks, more numerous than
all men upon the habitable earth ? — What
confidence is it that elevates you to oppose
the Romans ? Perhaps it will be said, It is
hard to endure slavery. Yes ; but how much
harder is it to the Greeks, who were es-
teemed the noblest of all people under the
sun ! These, though they inhabit in a large
country, are in subjection to six bundles of
Roman rods. It is the same case with the
Macedonians, who have juster reason to claim
their liberty than you have. What is the case
of five hundred cities of Asia ? do they not
submit to a single governor, and to the con-
sular bundle of rods ? What need I speak ol
the Heniochi, and Colchi, and the nation oi
Tauri, those that inhabit the Bcsphorus, and
the nations about Pontus, and Meotis, who
formerly knew not so much as a lord of their
own, but are now subject to three thousand
armed men, and where forty long ships keep
the sea in peace, which before was not navi-
gable, and very tempestuous ? How strong a
plea may Bithynia, and Cappadocia, and the
people of Pamphylia, the Lycians, and Cili--
cians, put in for liberty ! but they are made
tributary without an army. What are the
circumstances of the Thracians, wliose coun-
try extends in breadth five days' journey, and
in length seven, and is of a much more harsh
constitution, and much more defensible than
yours, and, by the rigour of its cold, suffi-
cient to keep otr armies from attacking them ?
do not they submit to two thousand men of
the Roman garrisons? Are not the lilyrians,
who inhabit the country adjoining, as far as
Dalmatia and the Danube, governed by bare-
ly two legions ? by which also they put a
stop to the incursions of the Dacians; and for
tlie Dalmatians, who have made such fre-
quent insurrections, in order to regain their
liberty, and who could never before be so
thoroughly subdued, but that they aJwaysga-
b32
WARS OF THE JEWS.
tliered their forces together again, and re-
volted, yet are they now very quiet under one
Roman legion. Moreover, if great advan-
tages might provoke any people to revolt, the
Gauls might do it best of all, as being so
thororighly walled round by nature ; on the
east side by the Alps, on the north by the
river Rhine, on the south by the Pyrenean
"T.ountains, and on the west by the ocean. —
Now, although these Gauls have such ob-
stacles before them to prevent any attack up-
on them, and have no fe\ver than three hun-
dred and five nations among them, nay have,
as one may say, the fountains of domestic
happiness within themselves, and send out
plentiful streams of happiness over almost the
whole world, these bear to be tributary to
the Romans, and derive their prosperous con-
dition from them ; and they undergo this, not
because they are of effeminate minds, or be-
cause they arecf an ignoble stock, as having
borne a war of eighty years, in order to pre-
serve their liberty ; but by reason of the great
regard they have to the power of the Romans,
and their good fortune, which is of greater
efficacy than their arms. These Gauls, there-
fore, are kept in servitude by twelve hundred
soldiers, who are hardly so many as are their
cities ; nor hath the gold dug out of the mines
of Spain been sufficient for the support of a
war to preserve their liberty, nor could tlieir
vast distance from the Romans by land and
by sea do it; nor could the martial tribes of
the Lusitanians and Spaniards escape ; no
more could the ocean, with its tide, which
yet was terrible to the ancient inhabitants.
Nay, the Romans l^ave extended their arms
beyond the pillars of Hercules, and have
walked among the clouds, upon the Pyrenean
mountains, and have subdued these nations ;
and one legion is a sufficient guard for these
people, although they were so hard to be
conquered, and at a distance so remote from
Rome. Who is there among you that hath
not heard of the great number of the Ger-
mans ? You have, to be sure, yourselves seen
them to be strong and tall, and that frequent-
ly, since the Romans have them among their
captives everywhere ; yet these Germans,
who dwell in an immense c-ountrj', who have
minds greater than their bodies, and a soul
that despises death, and who are in rage
more fierce tlian wild beasts, have the Rhine
for the boundary of their enterprises, and are
tamed by eight Roman legions. Such of
them as were taken captives became their ser-
vants ; and the rest of the entire nation were
obliged to save themselves by flight. Do you
also, who depend on the walls of Jerusalem,
consider what a wall the Britons had : for the
Romans sailed away to them, and subdued
them while they were encompassed by the
ocean, and inhabited an island that is not less
than [the continent of] this habitable earth,
and four legions are a sufficient guard to so
large an island : and why should I speak
much more about this matter, while the Par-
thians, that most warlike body of men, and
lords of so many nations, and encompassed
with such mighty forces, send hostages to the
Romans ; whereby you may see, if you please,
even in Italy, the noblest nation of the east,
under the notion of peace, submitting to serve
them. Now, when almost all people under
the sun submit to the Roman arms, will you
be the only people that make war against
them ? and this without regarding the fate
of the Carthaginians, who, in the midst of
their brags of the great Hannibal, and the
nobility of their Phenician original, fell by
the hand of Scipio. Nor indeed have the Cy-
renians, derived from the Lacedemonians, nor
the Marmaridae, a nation extended as far as
the regions uninhabitable for want of water,
nor have the Syrtes, a place terrible to such as
barely hear it described, the Nasamons and
Moors, and the immense multitude of the
Numidians, been able to put a stop to the
Roman valour ; and as for the third part of
the habitable earth [Africa^, whose nations
are so many, that it is not easy to number
them, and which is bounded by the Atlantic
sea, and the Pillars of Hercules, and feeds an
innumerable multitude of Ethiopians, as far
as the Red sea, these have the Romans sub-
dued entirely. And besides the annual fruits
of the earth, which maintain the multitude of
the Romans for eight months in the year, this,
over and above, pays all sorts of tribute, and
affords revenues suitable to the necessities of
the government. Nor do they, like you, es-
teem such injunctions a disgrace to them, al-
though tliey have but one Roman legion that
abides among them ; and indeed what occa-
sion is there for showing you the power of the
Romans over remote countries, when it is so
easy to learn it from Egyp*^, in your neigh-
bourhood ? This country is extended as far as
the Ethiopians, and Arabia the Happy, and
borders upon India ; it hath seven millions
five hundred thousand men, besides the inha-
bitants of Alexandria, as may be learned from
the revenue of the poll-tax ; yet it is not
ashamed to submit to the Roman government,
although it hath Alexandria as a grand temp-
tation to a revolt, by reason it is so full et
people and of riches, and is besides exceeding
large, its length being thirty furlongs, and its
breadth no less than ten ; and it pays more
trihi'.te to the Romans in one month than you
do in a year: nay, besides what it pays in
money, it sends corn to Rome that supports
it for four months [in the year] : it is
also walled round on all sides, either by al-
most impassable deserts, or seas that have
no havens, or by rivers, or by lakes ; yet have
none of these things been found too strong
for the Roman good fortune ; however, two
legions that lie in that ciiy are a bridle both
for the remoter parts of Egypt, and for the
CHAP. XVI.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
633
parts inhabited by the more noble Macedo-
nians. Where then are those people whom
you are to have for your auxiliaries ? Must
they come from the parts of the world that are
uninhabited ? for all that are in the habitable
earth are [under the] Romans. — Unless any
of you extend his hopes as far as beyond the
Eup.irates, and suppose that those of your
ow.i nation that dwell in Adiabene will come
t' your assistance (but certainly these will
.lot embarras themselves with an unjustifiable
war, nor, if they should follow such ill ad-
vice, will the Parthians permit them so to
do) ; for it is their concern to maintain the
truce that is between them and the Romans,
and they will be supposed to break the cove--
nants between them, if any under their go-
vernment march against the Romans. What
remains, therefore, is this, that you have re-
course to divine assistance ; but this is already
on the side of the Romans ; for it is impos-
sible that so vast an empire should be settled
without God's providence. Reflect upon it,
hov/ impossible it is your zealous observation
of your religious customs to be here preserv-
ed, wliich are hard to be observed, even when
you fight with those ■vi^hom you are able to
conquer ; and how can you then most of all
hope for God's assistance, when, by being
forced to transgress his law, you will make
him turn his face from you ? and if you do
observe the custom of the Sabbath-days, and
will not be prevailed on to do any thing there-
on, you will easily be taken, as were your
forefathers by Pompey, who was the busiest
in his siege on those days on which the be-
sieged rested ; but if in time of war you
transgress the law of your country, I cannot
tell on whose account you will afterward go
to war ; for your concern is but one, that
you do nothing against any of your forefa-
thers; and how will you call upon God to
assist you, when you are voluntarily trans-
gressing against his religion ? Now, all men
that go to war, do it either as depending on di-
vine or on human assistance; but since your
going to war will cut off both ihose assist-
ances, those that are for going to war choose
evident destruction. What hinders you from
slaying your children and wives with your
own hands, and burning this most excellent
native city of yours ? for by this mad prank
you will, however, escape the reproach of
being beaten ; but it were best, O my friends,
it were best, while the vessel is still in the ha-
ven, to foresee the impending storm, and not to
set sail out of the port into the middle of the
hurricanes; for we justly pity those who fall
into great misfortunes without foreseeing them ;
but for him who rushes into manifest ruin, he
gains reproaches [instead of commiseration].
But certainly no one can imagine that you i
can enter into a war as by an agreement, or
tliat when the Romans have got you undei
their power, they will use you with modera-
tion, or will not rather, for an example to other
nations, burn your holy city, and utterly des-
troy your whole nation ; for those of you who
shall survive the war will not be able to find
a place whither to flee, since all men have the
Romans for their lords already, or are afraid
they shall have hereafter. Nay, indeed, the
danger concerns not those Jews that dwell
here only, but those of them who dwell in
other cities also ; for there is no people upon
the habitable earth which have not some por-
tion of you among them, whom your enemies
will slay, in case you go to war, and on that
account also ; and so every city which hath
Jews in it will be filled with slaughter for the
sake only of a few men, and they who slay
them will be pardoned ; but if that slaughter
be not made by them, consider how wicked a
thing it is to take arms against those that are
so kind to you. Have pity, therefore, if not
on your children and wives, yet upon this
your metropolis, and its sacred walxs ; spare
the temple, and preserve the holy house, with
its holy furniture, for yourselves ; for if the
Romans get you under their power, they will
no longer abstain from them, when their for
mer abstinence shall have been so ungratefully
requited. I call to witness your sanctuary,
and the holy angels of God, and tliis country
common to us all, that I have not kept back
any thing that is for your preservation ; and
if you will follow that advice which you ou^ht
to do, you will have that peace which will be
common to you and to me ; but if you indulge
your passions, you will run those hazards
which I shall be free from."
5. When Agrippa had spoken thus, both he
and his sister wept, and by their tears repress-
ed a great deal of the violence of the people ;
but still tliey cried out, that they would not
fight against the Romans but against Floras,
on account of what they had suflTered by his
means. To which Agrippa replied, that what
they had already done was like such as make
war against tlie Romans ; " for you have not
paid the tribute which is due to Caesar;* and
you have cut oflT the cloisters [of the temple]
from joining to the tower Antonia. You will
therefore prevent any occasion of revolt, if you
will but join these together again, and if you
will but pay your tribute; for the citadel does
not now belong to Florus, nor are you to pay
the tribute-money to Florus,"
* Julius Csesar had ilecreed, that tlie Jews of Jerusa-
lem should pay an annual tribute to the Romiuis, exceirt-
ing the city of Joppa, and tor the Sabbatical year; aa
Siianheim obserTt'S from the Antiq. b. xiv, chap, x,
sect. 6.
6U
WARS OF THE JEWS.
CHAPTER XVII.
HOW THE WAR OF THE JEWS WITH THE ROMANS
BEGAN ; AND CONCERNING AIANAHEM.
§ 1. This advice the people hearkened to, and
went up into the temple with the king and
Bernice, and began to rebuild the cloisters :
the rulers also and senators divided themsolves
into the villages, and collected the tributes,
and soon got together forty talents, which was
the sum that was deficient. And thus diil A-
grippa then put a stop to that war which was
threatened. Moreover, he attempted to per-
suade the multitude to obey Florus, until Ca'sar
should send one to succeed him ; but they
were hereby more provoked, and cast reproaches
upon the king, and got him excluded out of
the city ; nay, some of the seditious had the
impudence to throw stones at him. So when
the king saw that the violence of those that
■were for innovations was not to be restrained,
and being very angry at the contumelies he
had received, he sent their rulers, togutlier
with their men of power, to Florus, to Cesarea,
that he might appoint whom he thought fit to
collect the tribute in the country, while he re-
tired into his own kingdom.
2. And at this time it was that some of
those that principally excited the people to go
to war, made an assault upon a certain for-
tress called Masada. They took it by treach-
ery, and slew the Romans that were there, and
put others of their own party to keep it. At
the same time Eleazar, the son of Ananias the
high-priest, a very bold youth, who was at
that time governor of the temple, persuaded
those that" officiated in the divine service to
eceive no gift or sacrifice for any foreigner.
And this was the true beginning of our war
with the Romans ; for they rejected the sacri-
fice of Ca;sar on this account : and when
many of the high-priests and principal men
besought them not to omit the sacrifice, which
it was customary for them to oflTer for their
princes, they would not be prevailed upon.
These relied much upon their multitude, for
the most flourishing part of the innovators
assisted them ; but they had the chief regard
to Eleazar, the governor of the temple.
3. Hereupon the men of power got toge-
ther, and conferred with the high-priests, as
did also the principal of the Pliarisees ; and
thinking all was at stake, and that their cala-
mities were becoming incurable, took counsel
what was to be done. Accordingly they de-
termined to try what they could do with the
seditious by words, and assembled tlie people
before the brazen gate, which was liiat gate
of the inner temple (court of the priests]
which looked towards the sun-rising. And,
in the first place, they showed the great in-
dignation they had at this attempt for a re-
volt, and for their bringing so great a war
upon their country : after which they confuted
their pretence as unjustifiable, and told them,
that their forefathers had adorned their tem-
ple in great part with donations bestowed on
them by foreigners, and had always received
what had been presented to them from foreign
nations ; and that they had been so far from
rejecting any person's sacrifice (which would
be the highest instance of impiety), that they
had themselves placed those donations about
the temple which were still visible, and had
remained there so long a time ; that they did
now irritate the Romans to take arms against
them, and invited them to make war upon
them, and brought up novel rules of strange
divine worship, and determined to run the
hazard of having their city condemned for
impiety, while they would not allow any fo-
reigner but Jews only, either to sacrifice or to
worship tlierein. And if such a law should
ever be introduced in the case of a single per-
son only, he would have indignation at it,
as an instance of inhumainty determined a-
gainst him ; while they have no regard to the
Romans or to Casar, and forbade even their
oblations to be received also : that however
they cannot but fear, lest, by thus rejecting
their sacrifices, they shall not be allowed to
ofler their own ; and that this city will lose
its principality, unless they grow wiser quick-
ly, and restore the sacrifices as formerly; and
indeed amend the injury [they have offered
to foreigners] before the report of it comes
to the ears of those that have been injured.
4. And as they said these things, they pro-
duced those priests that were skilful in the
customs of their country, who made the re-
port, that all their forefathers had received the
sacrifices from foreign nations. — But still not
one of the innovators would hearken to what
was said ; nay, those that ministered about
the temple would not attend their divine ser-
vice, but were preparing matters for beginning
the war. So the men of power, perceiving
that the sedition was too liard for them to
subdue, and that the danger which would
arise from the Romans would come upon
them first of all, endeavoured to save them-
selves, and sent ambassadors ; some to Flo-
rus, the chief of whom was Simon the son of
Ananias J and others to Agrippa, among whom
the most eminent were Saul, and Antipas,
and Costobarus, who were of the king's kin-
dred ; and they desired of them both that
tlicy would come with an army to the city,
and cut off the sedition before it should be
too hard to be subdued. Now this terrible
message was good news to Florus ; and be-
cause his design was to have a war kindled,
he gave the ambassadors no answer at all.
But Agrippa was equally solicitous for those
that were revolting, and for those against
whom the war was to be made, and was de-
sirous to preserve the Jews for the Romans
CHAP. XVlf.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
635
and the temple and metropolis for the Jews ;
he was also sensible that it was not for his
own advantage that the disturbanc<.'s should
proceed ; so he sent three thousand horsemen
to the assistance of the people out of Aurani-
tis, and Batanea, and Trachonitis, and these
under Darius, the master of his horse ; and
Philip the son of Jacimus, the general of his
army.
5. Upon this the men of power, with the
high-priests, as also all the part of the mul-
titude that were desirous of peace, took cou-
rage, and seized upon the upper city [Mount
Sion] ; for the seditious part had the lower
city and the temple in their power : so they
made use of stones and slings perpetually
against one another, and threw darts conti-
nually on both sides ; and sometimes it hap-
pened that they made excursions by troops,
and fought it out hand to hand, while the se-
ditious were superior in boldness, but the
king's soldiers in skill. Tliese last strove
chiefly to gain the temple, and to drive those
out of it who profaned it ; as did the sediti--
ous, with Eleazar (besides what they had al-
ready) labour to gain the upper city. Thus
were there perpetual slaughters on both sides
for seven days' time ; but neither side would
yield up the parts they had seized upon.
6. Now the next day was the festival of
Xylophory ; irpon which the custom was for
every one to bring wood for the altar (that
there might never be a want of fuel for that
Are which was unquenchable and always burn-
ing). Upon that day tliey excluded the op-
posite party from the observation of this part
of religion. And when they had joined to
themselves many of the Sicarii, who crowded
in among the weaker people (that was the
name for such robbers as had under their bo-
soms s^vords called Sicse), they grew bolder,
and carried their undertakings farther; inso-
much that the king's soldiers were overpow-
ered by their multitude and boldness; and so
they gave way, and were driven out of the up.
per city by force. The others then set fire
to the house of Ananias the high-priest, and
to the palaces of Agrippa and Bernice ; after
which they carried the fire to the place where
the archives were reposited, and made haste
to burn the contracts belonging to their cre-
ditors, and thereby dissolve their obligations
for paying their debts ; and this was done, in
order to gain the multitude of those who had
been debtors, and that they might persuade
the poorer sort to join in their insurrection
with safety against tlie more wealthy ; so the
keepers of the records fled away, and the rest
set lire to them. And when they had thus
burnt down tlie nerves of the city, they fell
upon their enemies ; at which time some of
the men of power, and of the high -priests,
went into the vaults under ground, and con-
cealed themselves, while others fled with the
king's soldiers to >he upper palace, and shut
the gates immediately : among whom were
Ananias the high-priest, and the ambassadors
that had been sent to Agrippa. And now
the seditious were contented with the victory
they had got'en, and the buildings they had
burnt down, and proceeded no farther.
7. But on the next day, which was the
fifteenth of the month Lous [Abl, they made
an assault upon Antonia, and besieged the
garrison which was in it two days, and then
took the garrison, and slew tiiem, and set the
citadel on fire; after which they marched to
the palace, whither the king's soldiers were
fled, and parted themselves into four bodies,
and made an attack upon the walls. As for
those that were within it, no one had the
courage to sally out, because those that as-
saulted them were so numerous ; but they dis-
tributed themselves into the breast-works and
turrets, and shot at the besiegers, whereby
many of the robbers fell under the walls ; nor
did they cease to fight one with another either
by night or by day ; while the seditious sup-
posed that those within would grow weary for
want of food ; and those without, supposed the
others would do the like by the tediousness of
the siege.
8. In the mean time one Manahem, the
son of Judas, that was called the Galilean
(who was a very cunning sophister, and had
formerly reproached the Jews under Cyrenius,
that after God tliey were subject to the Ro-
mans) took some of the men of note with him,
and retired to Masada, where he broke open
king Herod's armoury, and gave arms not
only to his own people, but to other robbers
also. These he made use of for a guard, and
returned in the state of a king to Jerusalem ;
he became the leader of the sedition, and gave
orders for continuing the siege; but they
wanted proper instruments, and it was not
practicable to undermine the wall, because the
darts came down upon them from above. But
still they dug a mine, from a great distance,
under one of the towers, and made it totter ;
and Laving done that, they set on fire what
was combustible, and left it ; and when the
foundations were burnt below, the tower fell
down suddenly. Yet did they then meet with
another wall that had been built within, for
the besieged were sensible beforehand of what
they w^ere doing, and probably the tower
shook as it was undermining ; so they provid-
ed themselves of ano'.i)er fortification ; which
when the besiegers unexpectedly saw, wliile
they thouglit they had already gained the
place, they were under some consternation.
However, those that were within sent to Ma-
nahem, and to the other leaders of the sedition,
and desired they might go out upon a capi-
tulation ; this was granted to the king's sol-
diers and their own countrymen only, who
went out accordingly ; but the Romans that
were left alone were greatly dejected, for they
were not able to force their way through such
636
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK u.
a multitude ; and to desire them to give tliem
their right hand for their security, they tliought
would be a reproach to them ; and besides, if
they should give it them, they durst not de-
pend upon it ; so they deserted their camp,
as easily taken, and ran away to the royal
towers, — that called Hippicus, that called Pha-
saelus, and that called Mariamne. But Ma- I
nahem and his party fell upon the place whence
the soldiers were fled, and slew as many of them
as they could catch, before they got up to the I
towers, and plundered what they left behind |
them, and set fire to their camp. This was
executed on the sixtli day of the month Gor-
pieus [Elul],
9. I3ut on the next day the high-priest was
caught where he had concealed himself in an
aqueduct ; he was slain, together with Heze-
kiah his brother, by the robbers : hereupon
the seditious besieged the towers, and kept
them guarded, lest any one of the soldiers
should escape. Now the overthrow of the
places of strength, and the death of the high-
priest Ananias, so puffed up Manahem, that
he became barbarously cruel ; and, as he
thought he had no antagonist to dispute the
management of afiairs with him, he was no
better than an insupportable tyrant : but Elea-
zar and his party, when words had passed be-
tween them, how it was not proper when they
revolted from the Romans, out of the desire
of liberty, to betray that liberty to any of their
own people, and to bear a lord, who, though
he should be guilty of no violence, was yet
meaner than themselves ; as also, that, in case
they were obliged to set some one over their
public affairs, it was fitter they should give
that privilege to any one rather than to him,
they made an assault upon him in the temple ;
for he went up thither to worship in a pompous
manner, and adorned with royal garments,
and had his followers with him in their ar-
mour. But Eleazar and his party fell vio-
lently upon him, as did also the rest of the
people, and taking up stones to attack him
withal, they threw them at the sophistcr, and
thought that if he were once ruined, the en-
tire sedition would fall to the ground. Now
Manahem and his party made resistance for a
while ; but when they perceived that the whole
multitude were failing upon them, they fled
which way every one was able ; those that
were cauglrt were slain, and those that hid
themselves were searciied for. A few there
were of them who privately escaped to Masada,
among whom was Eleazar, the son of Jarius,
who was of kin to Manahem, and acted the
part of a tyrant at Masada afterward. As for
jManahem himself, he ran away to the place
called Ophla, and there lay skulking in pri-
vate ; but they took him alive, and tlrew him
out before them all ; they then tortured him
with many sorts of torments, and after all
slew him, as they did by those that were cap-
tains under him also, and particularly by the
principal instrument of his tyranny, whose
name was Apsalom.
10. And, as I said, so far truly the people
assisted them, while they hoped this might af.
ford some amendment to the seditious prac-
tices ; but the others were not in haste to put
an end to the war, but hoped to prosecute it
with less danger, now they had slain Manahem.
It is true, that when the people earnestly de-
sired that they would leave off besieging the
soldiers, they were the more earnest in pres^
ing it forward, and this till Metilius, who was
the Roman general, sent to Eleazar, and de-
sired that they would give them security to
spare their lives only ; but agreed to deliver
up their arms, and what else they had with
them. The others readily complied with
their petition, sent to them Gorion, the son
of Nicodemus, and Ananias, the son of Sad-
duk, and Judas, the son of Jonathan, that
they might give them the security of their
right hands, and of their oaths : af^ter which
Metilius brought down his soldiers ; which
soldiers, while they were in arms, were not
meddled with by any of the seditious, nor was
there any appearance of treachery : but as
soon as, according to the articles of capitula-
tion, they had all laid down their shields and
their swords, and were under no farther suspi-
cion of any harm, but were going away, Elc-
azar's men attacked them after a violent man-
ner, and encompassed them round, and slew
them, while they neither defended themselves
nor entreated for mercy, but only cried out
upon the breach of their articles of capitula-
tion and their oaths. And thus were all these
men barbarously murdered, excepting Meti-
lius ; for when he entreated for mercy, and
promised that he would turn Jew, and be cir-
cumcised, they saved him alive, but none else.
This loss to the Romans was but light, there
being no more than a few slain out of an im-
m.ense army ; but still it appeared to be a
prelude to the Jews' own destruction, while
men made public lamentation when they saw
that such occasions were afi'orded for a nar as
were incurable ; that the city was all over
polluted with such abominations, from which
it was but reasonable to expect some ven-
geance, even though they should escape re-
venge from the Romans ; so that the city was
filled with sadness, and every one of the mo-
derate men in it were under great disturbance,
as likely themselves to undergo punishment
for the wickedness of the seditious; for in.
deed it so happened that this murder was per-
petrated on the Sabbath day, on which day
the Jews have a respite from their works on
account of divine worship.
V
cnAi'. xvm.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
G37
CHAPTER XVIIT.
THE CALAMITIES AND SLAUGHTERS THAT CAME
UPON THE JEWS.
§ 1. Now the people of Cesarea had slain
the Jews that were among them on the very
same day and hour [when the soldiers were
slain], which one would think must have
come to pass by the direction of Providence ;
insomuch that in one hour's time above twenty
Uiousand Jews were killed, and all Cesarea
was emptied of its Jewish inhabitants ; for
Floras caught such as ran away, and sent
them in bonds to the galleys. Upon which
stroke that the Jews received at Cesarea, the
whole nation was greatly enraged ; so they
divided themselves into several parties, and
laid waste the villages of the Syrians, and
their neighbouring cities, Philadelphia, and
Sebonitis, and Gerasa, and Pella, and Scytlio-
polls, and after them Gadara, and Hippos ;
and falling upon Gaulonitis, some cities they
destroyed there, and some they set on fire,
and then they went to Kedasa, belonging to the
Tyrians, and to Ptolemais, and to Gaba, and
to Cesarea; nor was either Sebaste (Samaria)
or Askelon, able to oppase the violence with
which they were attacked ; and when they
had burned these to the ground, they entirely
demolished Anthedon and Gazaj many also
of the villages that were about every one of
those cities were plundered, and an immense
slaughter was made of the men who were
caught in them.
2. However, the Syrians were even with
the Jews in the multitude of the men whom
they slew ; for th^y killed tliose whom they
caught in their cities, and that not only out
of the hatred they bare them, as formerly, but
to prevent the danger under which they were
from them ; so that ihe disorders in all Syria
were terrible, and every city was divided into
two armies encamped one against another,
and the preservation of the one party was in
the destruction of* the other ; so the day-time
was spent in shedding of blood, and the night
in fear, — which was of tlie two the more ter-
rible ; for when the Syrians thought they had
ruined tbe Jews, they had the Judaizers in
suspicion also ; and as each side did not care
to slay those whom they only suspected on
the other, so did they greatly fear them when
tliey were mingled with the other, as if they
were certainly foreigners. Moreover, greedi-
ness of gain was a provocation to kill the op-
posite party, even to such as had of old ap-
peared very mild and gentle towards them ;
for they witliout fear plundered the effects of
the slain, and carried ofl" the spoils of those
whom they slew to their own houses, as if
they had been gained in a set battle; and he
was esteemed a man of honour who gdl the
greatest share, as having prevailed over the
greatest number of his enemies. It was
then common to see cities filled with dead
bodies, still lying unburied, and those of old
men, mixed with infants, all dead, and scat-
tered about together ; women also lay amongst
tliem, without any covering for their naked-
ness : you might then see the whole province
full of inexpressible calamities, while the
dread of still more barbarous practices which
were threatened, was everywhere greater than
what had been already perpetrated.
3. And thus far the conflict had been be-
tween Jews and foreigners ; but when they
made excursions to Scythopolis, they found
Jews that acted as enemies ; for as they stood
in battle array with those of Scythopolis, and
preferred their own safety before their relation
to us, tliey fought against their own country-
men ; nay, their alacrity was so very great,
that those of Scythopolis suspected them.
These were afraid, therefore, lest they should
make an assault upon the city in the night-
titne, and to their great misfortune, should
thereby make an apology for themselves to
their own people for their revolt from them.
So they commanded them, that in case they
would confirm their aijreement and demon-
strate their fidelity to them, who were of a
different nation, they should go out of the
city, with their families, to a neighbouring
grove : and when they had done as they were
commanded, without suspecting any thing,
the people of Scythopolis lay still for the in-
terval of two days, to tempt them to be se-
cure ; but on the third night they watched
their opportunity, and cut all their throats,
some of them as they lay unguarded, and some
as they lay asleep. The number that was slain
was above thirteen thousand, and then they
plundered them of all that they had.
4. It will deserve our relation what befell
Simon : he was the son of one Saul, a man
of reputation among the Jews. This man
was distinguished from the rest by the strength
of his body, and the boldness of his conduct,
although he abused them both to the mis-
chieving of his countrymen ; for he came
every day and slew a great many of the Jews
of Scythopolis, and he frequently put them
to flight, and became himself alone the cause
of his army's conquering. But a just pu-
nishment overtook him for the murders he
had committed upon those of the same nation
with him ; for when the people of Scythopo-
lis threw their darts at them in the grove, he
drew his sword, but did not attack any of the
enemy; for he saw that he could do nothing
against such a multitude; but he cried out,
after a very moving manner, and said, — " O
you people of Scythopolis, I deservedly sutTet
for what I have done with relation to you,
wlien I gave you such security of my fidelity
to you, by slaying so many of those that were
related to me. Wherefore we very justly
V
J-
_/"■
638
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK II.
experience the perfidiousness of foreigners,
while we acted after a most wicked manner
against our own nation. I will therefore
die, polluted wretch as I am, by mine own
hands ; for it is not fit I should die by the
hand of our enemies ; and let the same action
be to me both a punishment for my great
crimes, and a testimony of my courage to my
commendation, that so no one of our enemies
may have it to brag of, that he it was that
slew me ; and no one may insult upon me
as I fall." Now when he had said this, he
looked round about him upon his family
with eyes of commiseration and of rage (that
family consisted of a wife and children,
and his aged parents) ; so, in the first place,
he caught his father by his grey liairs, and
ran his sword through him, — and after him
he did the same to his mother, who willingly
received it; and after them he did the like to
his wife and children, every one almost offer-
ing themselves to his sword, as desirous to
prevent being slain by their enemies ; so when
he had gone over all his family, he stood upon
their bodies to be seen by all, and stretching
out his right hand, that his action might be
observed by all, he sheathed his entire sword
into his own bowels. This young man was
to be pitied, on account of the strength of his
body and the courage of his soul ; but since
he had assured foreigners of his fidelity [a-
gainst his own countrymen] he suffered de-
servedly.
5. Besides this murder at Scythopolis, the
other cities rose up against the Jews that were
among them : those of Askelon slew two thou-
sand five hundred, and those of Ptolemais two
thousand, and put not a few into bonds ; those
of Tyre also put a great number to death, but
kept a greater number in prison ; moreover,
those of Hippos and those of Gadara did the
like, while they put to death the boldest of the
Jews, but kept those of whom they were most
afraid in custody ; as did the rest of the cities
of Syria, according as they every one either
hated them or were afraid of thera ; only the
Antiochians, the Sidonians, and Apamians,
spared those that dwelt with them, and they
would not endure either to kill any of the
Jews, or to put them in bonds. And perhaps
they spared thera, because their own number
was so great that they despised their attempts.
But I think that the greatest part of this fa-
vour was owing to their commiseration of
those whom they saw to make no iunovatione.
As for the Gerasens, they did no harm to
tliosc that abode with tiiem ; and for those
who had a mind to go away, they conducted
them as far as their borders reached.
6. There was also a plot laid against the
Jews in Agrippa's kingdom ; for he was him-
self gone to Cestius Gallus, to Antioch, but
had left one of his companions, whose name i
was Noarus, to take care of the public af-
fairs ; w hich Noarus was of kin to king So- 1
hemus.* Now there came certain men, se-
venty in number, out of Batanea, who were
the most considerable for their families and
prudence of the rest of the people; these
desired to have an army put into their hands,
that if any tumult should liappen, they might
have about tliem a guard sufficient to restrain
such as might rise up against them. This
Noarus sent out some of the king's armed
men by night, and slew all those [seventy]
men ; which bold action he ventured upon
without the consent of Agrippa, and was such
a lover of money, that he chose to be so wick-
ed to his own countrymen, although he brought
ruin on the kingdom thereby ; and thus cru-
elly did he treat that nation, and this contrary
to the laws also, until Agrippa was informed
of it, who did not indeed dare to put him to
death, out of regard to Sohemus; but still he
put an end to his procuratorship immediately.
But as to the seditious, they took the citadel
which was called Cypros, and was above Je-
richo, and cut the throats of the garrison, and
utterly demolished the fortifications. This
was about the same time that the multitude
of the Jews that were at Macherus persuaded
the Remans who were in garrison to leave the
place, and deliver it up to them. These Ro-
mans being in great fear, lest the place should
be taken by force, made an agreement with
them to depart upon certain conditions ; and
when they had obtained the security they de-
sired, they delivered up the citadel, into which
the people of Macherus put a garrison foi
their own security, and held it in their own
power.
7. But for Alexandria, the sedition of the
people of the place against the Jews was per-
petual, and this from that very time when
Alexander [the Great], upon finding the rea-
diness of the Jews in assisting him against the
Egyptians, and as a reward for such their as-
sistance, gave them equal privileges in this
ci'ty with the Grecians themselves ; — which
honorary reward continued among them un-
der his successors, who also set apart for them
a particular place, that they might live with-
out being polluted [l)y the Gentiles], and were
thereby not so much intermixed with foreign-
ers as before : they also gave them this far-
ther privilege, that they should be called Ma-
cedonians. Nay, when the Romans got pos-
session of Egypt, neither the first Csesar, nor
any one that came after him, thought of di-
minishing the honours which Alexander had
bestowed on the Jews. But still conflicts
perpetually arose with the Grecians ; and al-
though the governors did every day punish
many of them, yet did the sedition grow
worse ; but at this time especially, when there
were tumults in other places also, the disor-
* Of this Sohemus we have mention made by Taci-
tus. We also learn from Dio, that his father was king
of tlie Arabians of Iturea, [which Iturea is mentioned
by St. Luke, iii, I,] both whose testimonies are quoted
here by Dr. Hudson. See Noldius, No. 371.
_r
CHAP. XVIII.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
639
ders among them were put into a greater
flame ; for when the Alexandrians had once a
public assembly, to deliberate about an em-
bassage they were sending to Nero, a great
number of Jews came flocking to the theatre ;
but when their adversaries saw them, they im-
mediately cried out, and called them their
enemies, and said they came as spies upon
them ; upon which they rushed out and laid
violent hands upon them ; and as for the rest,
they were slain as they ran away ; but there
were three men whom they caught, and haul-
ed Uiem along, in order to have them burnt
alive ; but all the Jews came in a body to de-
fend them, who at first threw stones at the
Grecians ; but after tiiat they took lamps,
and rushed with violence into the theatre,
and threatened that they would burn the peo-
ple to a man ; and this they had soon done,
unless Tiberius Alexander, the governor of
the city, had restrained their passions. How-
ever, this man did not begin to teach them
wisdom by arms, but sent among them pri-
vately some of the principal men, and there-
by entreated them to be quiet, and not pro-
voke the Roman army against them ; but the
seditious made a jest of the entreaties of Ti-
berius, and reproached him for so doing.
8. Now when he perceived that those who
were for innovations would not be pacified
till some great calamity should overtake them,
he sent out upon them those two Roman le-
gions that were in the city, and together with
them five thousand other soldiers, who, by
chance, were come together out of Libya, to
the ruin of the Jews. They were also per-
mitted not only to kill them, but to plunder
them of what they had, and set fire to their
houses. These soldiers rushed violently into
that part of the city which was called Delta,
where the Jewish people lived together, and
did as they were bidden, though not without
bloodshed on their own side also ; for the
Jews got together, and set those that were tlie
best armed among them in the fore-front,
and made resistance for a great while ; but
when once they gave back, they were de-
stroyed unmercifully ; and this their destruc-
tion was complete, some being caught in the
open field, and others forced into their houses,
which houses were first plundered of what
was in tliem, and then set on fire by the Ro-
mans ; wherein no mercy was shown to the
infants, and no regard had to the aged ; but
they went on in the slaughter of persons of
every age, till all the place was overflowed
with blood, and fifty thousand of them lay
dead upon heaps ; nor had the remainder
been preserved, had they not betaken them-
selves to supplication. So Alexander com-
miserated their condition, and gave orders to
the Romans to retire : accordingly, these,
being accustomed to obey orders, left off kil-
ling at the first intimation ; but the populace
of Alexandria bare so very great hatred to
the Jews, that it was difficult to recal them >
and it was a hard thing to make them leave
their dead bodies.
9. And this was the miserable calamity which
at this time befell the Jews at Alexandria.
Hereupon Cestius thought fit no longer to lie
still, while the Jews were everywiiere up in
arms ; so he took out of Antioch the twelfth
legion entire, and out of each of the rest he
selected two thousand, with six cohorts of foot-
men, and four troops of horsemen, besides
those auxiliaries which were sent by the kings ;
of which Antiochus * sent two thousand
horsemen, and three thousand footmen, with
as many archers ; and Agrippa sent the same
number of footmen, and one thousand horse-
men ; Sohemus also followed with four thou-
sand, a third part whereof were horsemen,
but most part were archers, and thus did he
march to Ptolemais. There were also great
numbers of auxiliaries gathered together from
the [free] cities, who indeed had not the same
skill in martial affairs, but made up in their
alacrity and in their hatred to the Jews what
they wanted in skill. There came also along
witli Cestius, Agrippa himself, both as a guide
in his march over the country, and a director
of what was fit to be done ; so Cestius took part
of his forces, and marched hastily to Zabulon,
a strong city of Galilee, which was called the
City of At en, and divides the country of Ptole-
mais from our nation ; this he found deserted
by its men, the multitude having fled to the
mountains, but full of all sorts of good things ;
those he gave leave to the soldiers to plunder,
and set fire to the city, although it was of ad-
mirable beauty, and had its houses built like
those in Tyre, and Sidon, and Berytus. Af-
ter this he overran all the country, and seized
upon whatsoever came in his way, and set
fire to the villages that were round about
them, and then returned to Ptolemais. But
when the Syrians, and especially those of
Berytus, were busy in plundering, the Jews
plucked up their courage again, for they
knew that Cestius was retired, and fell upon
those that were left behind unexpectedly, and
destroyed about two thousand of them.
10. And now Cestius himself marched from
Ptolemais, and came to Cesarea ; but he sent
part of his army before him to Joppa, and
gave orders, that if they could take that city
[by surprise] they should keep it ; but that in
case the citizens should perceive they were
coming to attack them, they then should stay
for him, and for the rest of the army. So
some of them made a brisk marcii by the sea-
side, and some by land, and so coming upon
them on both sides, they took the city with
ease ; and as the inhabitants had made no pro-
vision aforehand for a flight, nor had gotten
* Spanheim notes on the place, that tliis latter Antio-
chus, who was called Epiphanes, is mentioned by Dio,
lix, p. 6^5 ; and that he is mentioned by Josephus else-
where twice also, b. v, chap, xi, sect. 3 ; »o(i Antiq. b.
xix, chap, viii, sect. 1.
^
J'
^
640
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK U
any thing ready for fighting, the soldiers fell
upon thetu, and ilew them all, with their fa-
milies, and then plundered and burnt the
city. The number of the slain was eight thou-
sand four hundred. In like manner Cestius
sent also a considerable body of horsemen to
the topaixhy of Narbatene, that adjoined to
Cesarea, who destroyed the country, and slew
a great multitude of its people ; they also
plundered what they had, and burnt their vil-
lages.
11. But Cestius sent Gallus, the command-
er of the twelfth legion, into Galilee, and de-
livered to him as many of his forces as he
supposed sufficient to subdue that nation.
He was received by the strongest city of Ga-
lilee, which was Sepphoris, with acclamations
of joy; which wise conduct of that city oc-
casioned the rest of the cities to be in quiet;
while the s?ditious part ami the robbers ran
away to that mountain which lies in the very
middle of Galilee, and is situated over against
Sepphoris ; it is called Asamon. So Gallus
brought his forces against them ; but while
those men were in the superior parts above
the Romans they easily threw their darts up-
on the Romans, as they made their approach-
es, and slew about two hundred of tliem ; but
when the Romans had gone round the moim.
tains, and were gotten into the parts above
their enemies, the others were soon beaten ;
nor could they who had only light armour on
sustain the force of them that fought them
armed all over ; nor when they were beaten
could they escape the enemy's horsemen ; in-
somuch that only some few concealed them-
selves in certain places hard to be come at,
among the mountains, while the rest, above
two thousand in number, were slain.
CHAPTER XIX.
WHAT CESTIUS DID AGAINST THE JEWS ; AND
HOW, UPON HIS BESIEGING JERUSALEM, HE
UETREATED FROM THE CITY, WITHOUT ANY
JUST OCCASION IN THE WORLD. AS ALSO
WHAT SEVERE CALAMITIES HE UNDERWENT
IROM THE JEWS IN HIS RETREAT.
§ 1. And now Gallus, seeing nothing more
that looked towards an innovation in Galilee,
returned with his army to Cesarea : but Ces-
tius removed with his whole army, and march-
ed to Antipatris ; and when he was informed
that there was a great body of Jewish forces
gotten togetlier in a certain tower called
Aphek, he sent a party before to tight them ;
but this party dispersed the Jews bj affright-
ing them before it came to a battle : so they
came, a.id finding their camp deserted, they
burnt it, as well as the villages that layabout
it. But when Cestius had marched from
Antipatris to Lydda, he found the city empty
of its men, for the whole multitude • were
gone up to Jerusalem to the feiast of taberna-
cles ; yet did he destroy fifty of those that
showed themselves, and burnt the city, and
so marched forw-ards ; and ascending by Beth*
oron, he pitched his camp at a certain place
called Gabao, fifty furlongs distant frsm Je-
rusalem.
2. But as for the Jews, when they saw the
war approaching to their metropolis, they left
the feast, and betook themselves to their arms ;
and taking courage greatly from their multi-
tude, went in a sudden and disorderly man-
ner to the fight, with a great noise, and with-
out any consideration had of the rest of the
seventh day, although the Sabbath was the
day to which they had the greatest regard ;
but that rage which made them forget the re-
ligious observation [of the Sabbath], made
them too hard for their enemies in the fight :
with such violence, therefore, did they fall
upon the Romans, as to break into their ranks,
and to march through the midst of them,
making a great slaughter as they went, inso-
much that unless the horsemen, and such part
of the footmen as were not yet tired in the
action, had wheeled round, and succoured
that part of the army which was not yet bro^
ken, Cestius, with his whole army, had been
in danger: however, five hundred and fifteen
of the Romans were slain, of which number
four hundred w ere footmen, and the rest horse-
men, while the Jews lost only twenty-two, of
whom the most valiant were the kinsmen of
Monobazus, kingof Adiabene, and their names
were Monobazus and Kenedeus ; and next to
them were Niger of Perea, and Silas of Ba-
bylon, who had deserted from king Agrippa
to the Jews ; for he had formerly served in
his army. When the front of the Jewish army
had been cut off, the Jews retired into the
city; but still Simon, the son of Giora, fell
upon the backs of the Romans as they were
ascending up Bethoron, and put the hindmost
of the army into disorder, and carried off
* Here we have an eminent example of tliat Jewish
language, which Dr. Wall truly obseries, we several
times find used in the sacred writings; I mean where
the words " all," or " whole multitude," &c. are used
for much tlie greatest part only ; but not so as to include
every person, without exception; for when Josephus
had said, that " the whole multitude" [all the males] of
Lydda were gone to the feast of tabernacles, he imme-
diately ailds, that, however, no fewer than tifty of them
appeared, and were slain by the lionians. Other exam-
ples semewhat like this I have observed elsewhere in
Josephus; but, as I think, none so remarkable as this.
See Wall's Critical Observations on the Old Testament,
p. 49, 50.
\<*e have also in this and the next section, two emi-
nent facts to be observed, viz the first examjile, that I
remember tn Josephus, of the onset of the Jews' ene-
mies upon their country when their males were gone up
to Jerusalem to one of their three sacred festivals;
which, durmg the theocracy, God had promised to pre
serve them from, Exod. xxxiv, 24. The second fact in
tliis, the breach of the Sabbath by the seditious Jews in
an offensive fight, contrary to the universal doctrine
and practice of their nation in these ages, and sven con-
trary to what they themseh es afterward practised in the
rest of this war. bee the note on Antiq. b. xvi, ch. ^.
sect. 4.
J~
CHAP. XIX.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
641
many of the beasts that carried the weapons
of war, and led them into the city ; but as
Cestius tarried there three days, the Jews
seized upon the elevated parts of the city, and
set watches at the entrances into the city, and
appeared openly resolved not to rest wlien once
the Romans should begin to march.
3. And now when Agrippa observed that
even the affairs of the Romans were likely to
be in danger, while such an immense multi-
tude of their enemies had seized upon the
mountains round about, he determined to try
what the Jews would agree to by words, as
thinking that he should either persuade them
all to desist from fighting, or, however, that
he should cause the sober part of them to
separate themselves from the opposite party.
So he sent Bo'^eus and Phebus, the per-
sons of his party that were the best known
to them, and promised them that Cestius
should give them his right hand, to secure
them of the Romans' entire forgiveness of
what they had done amiss, if they would throw
away their arms, and come over to them : but
the seditious, fearing lest the whole multitude,
in hopes of security to themselves, should go
over to Agrippa, resolved immediately to fall
upon and kill the ambassadors : accordingly
they slew Phebus before he said a word, but
Borceus was only wounded, and so prevented
his fate by flying away. And when the peo-
ple were very angry at this, they had the se-
ditious beaten with stones and clubs, and
drove them before them into the city.
4. But now Cestius, obstrviiig that the dis-
turbances that were begun among the Jews
afforded him a proper opportunity to attack
them, took his whole army along with him,
and put the Jews to flight, and pursued them
to Jerusalem, He then pitched his camp up-
on the elevation called Scopus [or watch-
tower , which was distant seven furlongs from
the city ; yet did he not assault them in three
days' time, out of expectation that those with-
in might perhaps yield a little ; and in the
mean time he sent out a great many of his
soldiers into neighbouring villages, to seize
upon their corn ; and on the fourth day,
which was the thirtieth of the month Hyper-
bereteus [Tisri], when he put his army in
array, he brought it into the city. Now for
the people, they were kept under by the sedi-
tious ; but the seditious themselves were great-
ly affrighted at the good order of the Romans,
and retired from the suburbs, and retreated
into the inner part of the city, and into the
temple. But when Cestius was come into
the city, he ser the part called Bezetha, which
is also called Cenopolis, [or the new city], on
fire ; as he did also to the timber market ; af-
ter which he came into the upper <?tv, and
pitched his camp over-against the royal pa
lace ; and had he l)ut at this very time at-
tempted to get within the walls by force, he
had won the city presently, and the war had
been put an end to at once ; but Tyrannius
Priscus, the muster-master of the army, and
a great number of the officers of the horse,
had been corrupted by Florus, and divertea
him from that his attempt ; and that was the
occasion that this war lasted so very long, and
thereby the Jews were involved in such iucur-
able calamities.
5. In the mean time, many of the princi-
pal men of the city were persuaded by Ana-
nus, the son of Jonathan, and invited Cestius
into the city, and were about to open the
gales for him ; but he overlooked this off'er,
partly out of his anger at the Jews, and part-
ly because he did not thoroughly believe they
were in earnest ; whence it was that he delay-
ed the matter so long, that the seditious per
ceived the treachery, and threw Ananus and
those of bis party down from the wall, and,
pelting them with stones, drove them into
their houses; but they stood themselves at
proper distances in the towers, and threw their
darts at those that were getting over the wall.
Thus did the Romans make their attack a-
gainst the wall for five days, but to no pur
pose. But on the next day, Cestius took a
great many of his choicest men, and with
them the archers, and attempted to break in-
to the temple at the northern quarter of it:
but the Jews beat them oft' from the cloisters,
and repulsed them several times when they
were gotten near to the wall, till at length the
multitude of the darts cut them oflf, and made
them retire : but the first rank of tlie Ro-
mans rested their shields upon the wall, and
so did those that were behind them, and tlie
like did those that were still more backward,
and guarded themselves with what they call
Testudo, [the back of] a tortoise, upon which
the darts that were thrown fell, and slided off^
without doing them any harm ; so the soldiers
undermined the wall, without being them
selves hurt, and got all tilings ready for set-
ting fire to the gate of the temple.
3. And now it was that a horrible fear seiz-
ed upon the seditious, insomuch that many Oi
them ran out of the city, as though it were to
betaken immediately; but the people upon
this took courage, and where the wicked part
of the city gave ground, thither did they
come, in order to set open the gates, and to
admit Cestius as their benefactor, who, bad
he but continued the siege a little longer, had
certainly taken the city ; but it M-as, I sup-
pose, owing to the aversion God had already
at the city and the sanctuary, that he was bin-
dered from putting an end to the war that
very day.*
* There may another very important, and very pro-
vidential, reason be here assigned for this strange and
foolish retreat of Cestius ; which, if Josephus had been
now a Christian, he might probably have taken notice
of also ; and that is, the affording the Jewish Christians
In the city an opportunity of calling to mind the pre-
diction and caution given them by ( hrist about thirty-
three years and a half before, that " when they shoultt
see tht a boininatioii of desolation " [the idolatrous I{(^
3 H
642
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK II.
7. It then happened that Cestius was not
conscious either how the besieged despaired of
success, nor how courageous the people were
for him ; and so he recalled his soldiers from
the place, and bydespairing of any expectation 1
of taking it, without having received any dis-
grace, he retired from the city, without any
reason in the world. That when the robbers
perceived this unexpected retreat of his, they
resumed their courage, and ran after the hinder
parts of his army, and destroyed a considerable
number of both their horsemen and footmen ;
and now Cestius lay all night at the camp,
which was at Scopus ; and as be went off far-
ther next day, he thereby invited the enemy
to follow him, who still fell upon the hind-
most, and destroyed them ; they also fell upon
the flank on each side of the army, and threw
darts upon them obliquely, nor durst those that
were hindmost turn back upon those who
wounded th.?m behind, as imagining that t!ie
multitude of those that pursued them was
immense; nor did they venture to drive away
those that pressed upon ti^em on each side,
because they were heavy with their arms, and
were afraid of breaking their ranks to pieces,
and because they saw the Jews were light and
ready for making incursions upon them. And
this was the reason why the Romans suffered
greatly, without being able to revenge them-
selves upon their enemies ; so they were galled
all the way, and their ranks were put into dis-
order, and tho':e that were thus put out of their
ranks were slain ; among whom were Priscus
the commander of the sixth legion, and Lon-
ginus the tribuni", and Emilius Secundus. the
commander of a troop of horsemen. So it
was not without difficulty that they got to
Gabao, their former camp, and that not with-
out the loss of a great part of their baggage.
There it was that Cestius staid two days ; and
was in great distress to know what he should
do in these circumstances ; but when, on the
third day, he saw a still grc ;ter number of
enemies, and all the parts round about him
full of Jews, he understood that his delay was
to his own detriment, and that if he staid any
longer there, he should have still more ene-
mies upon him.
8. That therefore he might fly the faster,
ho gave orders to castaway wliat might hinder
his army's march ; so they killed the mules
and other creatures, excepting those that
carried their darts and machines, which they
man armies, with the images of their idols in their en-
signs, ready to lay Jerusalem desolate,] " stand where
it ought not ;" or, •• in the holy place ;" or, ' ' when they
siiouM see Jerusalem encompassed with armies," they
should then " tlec to the mountains." By complying
with whicii those Jewish Christians fled to the moun-
tains of Perea, and escaped this destruction. See Lit.
Accompl. of Proph. page 69, 70. Nor was there, per-
haps, any one instance of a more unpolitic, but more
Erovidential conduct than this retreat of Cestius, visi-
le during this whole siege of Jerusalem ; whicli yet
was proviiientiallv such a " great tribulation, as Had
not liccn from the' beginning of the world to that time ;
ni>, nor eyr should be.' — Ibid, pages 7i!. 71.
retained for their own use, and this principally
because they were afraid lest the Jews should
seize upon them. He then made his army
march on as far as Bethoron, Now the Jews
did not so much preis upon them when they
were in large open places ; but when they
were penned up in their descent through nar-
row passages, then did some of them get be-
fore, and hindered them from getting out ot
them ; and others of them thrust the hinder-
most down into the lower places ; and the
whole multitude extended themselves over-
against the neck of the passage, and covered
the Roman army with their darts. In vvhich
circumstances, as the footmen knew not how
to defend themselves, so the danger pressed
the horseinen still more, for they were so pelt-
ed, that they could not march along the road
in their ranks, and the ascents were so high,
that the cavalry were not able to march against
the enemy ; the precipices also, and val-
leys into which they frequently fell, and tum-
bled down, were such on each side of them,
that there was neither place for their flight,
nor any contrivance could be thought of
for their defence ; till the distress they were
at last in was so great, that they betook them-
selves to lamentations, and to such mournful
cries as men use in the utmost despair : the
joyful acclamations of the Jews also, as they
encouraged one another, echoed the sounds
back again, these last composing a noise of those
that at once rejoiced and were in a rage. In-
deed these things were come to such a pass,
that the Jews had almost taken Cestius's en-
tire army prisoners, had not the night come
on, when the Romans fled to Bethoron, and
the Jews seized upon all the places rour»d
about them, and watched for their coming out
[in the morning].
9. And then it was that Cestius, despairing
of obtaining room for a public march, contriv-
ed how he might best run away; and when
he had selected four hundred of the most
courageous of his soldiers, he placed them at
the strongest of their fortifications ; and gave
order, that when they went up to the morn-
ing guard, tliey should erect their ensigns, that
the Jews might be marie to believe that the
entire army was there still, while he himself
took the rest of his forces with him, and
marched, without any nol^>e, thirty furlongs.
But when the Jews perceived, in the morning,
that the camp was empty, they ran upon
those four hundred who iiad deluded them,
and immediately threw their darts at them,
and slew them ; and then pursued after Ces-
tius. But he had already made use of a great
part of the night in his flight, and still march-
ed quicker when it was day ; insomuch, that
the soldiers, through the astonishment and
fear they were in, left behind them their en-
gines for sieges, and for throwing of stones,
and a great part of the instruments of war.
So the Jews went on pursuing the Romansa
WARS OF THE JEWS.
645
far as Antipalris ; after which, seeing they
could not overtake tliem, they came bade and
took the engines, and spoiled the dead liodies ;
and gatliered the prey together wliich the Ro-
mans had left behind them, and came back
running and singing to their metropolis ;
while they had themselves lost a few only,
but had slain of the Romans tive thousand and
three hundred footmen, and three hundred
and eighty horsemen. This defeat happened
on the eighth day of the month Dins I Mar-
hesvan], ia the twelfth year of the reign of
Nero.
CHAPTER XX.
CESTIUS SENDS AMBASSADORS TO NEKO. THE
PKOPI.E OF DAMASCUS SLAY THOSE JEWS
THAT LIVED WITH THEM. THE PEOPLE OF
JERUSALEM, AFTER [THEY HAD LEFT OFF]
PURSUING CESTIUS, RETURN TO THE CITY,
AND GET THINGS READY FOR ITS DEFENCE,
AND MAKE A GREAT MANY GENERALS FOft
THEIR ARMIES, AND PARTICULARLY JOSE-
PHUS, THE WRITER OF THESE BOOKS. SOME
ACCOUNT OF HIS ADMINISTRATION.
§ 1. After this calamity had befallen Cesti.
us, many of the most eminent of the Jews
swam away from the city, as from a ship when
it was going to sink ; Costobarus, therefore,
and Saul, who were brethren, together with
Pliilip, the son of Jacimus, who was the com-
mander of king Agrippa's forces, ran away
from the city, and went to Coslius. But then
how Antipas, who had been besieged with
them in the king's palace, but would not fly
away with them, was after^^■ard slain by the
seditious, we shall relate hereafter. However
Cestius sent Saul and liis fricnas, at their own
desire, to Achia, to Nero, to inform him of
the great distress they were in ; and to lay the
blame of their kindling the war upon Florus,
as hoping to alleviate liis own danger, by pro-
voking his indignation against Florus.
2. In the mean time, the people of Da-
mascus, when they were informed of the de-
struction of the Romans, set about the slaugh-
ter of those Jews that were among them ; and
as they had tiiem already cooped up together
in tlie place of public exercises, which they had
done, out of the suspicion they had of them, they
thought they should meet with no difficulty in
the attempt; yet did they distrust their own
wives, which were almost all of them addict-
ed to the Jewish religion; on which account
it was that their greatest concern was, iiow
they might conceal these things from them ;
80 they came upon the Jews, and cut their
throats, as being in a narrow place, in num-
ber ten thousand, and all of them unarmed,
anil this in one hour's time, without anybody
to disturb them.
3. But as to those who had pursue4 after
Cestius, when they were returned back to Je-
rusalem, they overbore some of those that fa-
voured the Romans by violence, and some
they persuaded [by entreaties] to join with
them, and got together in great numbers in
the temple, and appointed a great many gene-
rals for the war, Joseph also, the son of
Gorion,* and Ananus the high-priest, were
chosen as governors of all affairs within the
city, and with a particular charge to repair
the walls of the city ; for they did not ordain
Eleazar the son of Simon to that office, al-
though he had gotten into his possession the
prey they had taken from the Romans, and
the money they had taken from Cestius, to-
gether with a great part of the public treasures,
because they saw he was of a tyrannical tem-
per ; and that his followers were, in their be-
haviour, like guards about him. However,
the want they were in of Eleazar's money,
and the subtile tricks used by him, brought
all so about, that tiie people were circumvent-
ed, and submitted themselves to his authority
in all public aflairs.
4. They also chose other generals for Idu-
mea ; Jesus the son of Sapphias, one of the
high-priests ; and Eleazar the son of Ananias,
the high-priest; they also enjoined Niger, the
then governor of Idumea,f who was of a fa-
mily that belonged to Perea, beyond Jordan,
and was thence called the Peraitc, that Ive
should be obedient to those forenamed com-
manders. Nor did they neglect the care of
other parts ot the country ; but Josepli the son
of Simon was sent as general to Jericho, as
was Manasseh to Perea, and John, the Essene,
to the toparchy of Thamma ; Lydda was also
added to his portion, and Joppa and Emmaus
But John, the son of Matthias, was made
the governor of tlie toparchies of Gophnitica
and Acrabastene ; as was Josephus, the son
of ISIatthias, of both the Galilees. Gamala
also, which was the strongest city in those
parts, was put under his command.
5. So every one of the other commanders
administered the affairs of his portion with
that alacrity and prudence they were masters
of; but as to Josephus, when he came into
Galilee, his first care was to gain the good-
will of the people of that country, as sensible
that he should thereby have in general good
success, although he should fail in other
points. And being conscious to himself that
if he communicated part of his power to the
• From this name of Joseph the scm of Gorion, or
Gorion the son of Joseph, as (b. iv, chap, iii, sect. 9.)
one of the governors of Jerusaleai, who was slain at the
boginnina of the tumults by the zealots (b. iv, chap, vi,
sect. 1), tile much later Jewish author of an history of
that nation takes his title, and yet personates our true
Josephus, the son of Matthias : but the cheat is too gross
to be put upon the learned world.
f We may observe here, that the Idumeans, as hav-
ing been proselytes of justice since the clays of John
Hvrcanus, durnig about 195 years, were now esteemed
as part of the JeWish nation, and here provided with a
Jewish commander accordingly. See the note i'po»
Antiq. b. xiii. chap, ix, sect. I.
644
WAns OF THE JEWS.
great men, lie should make them his fast
friends ; and that he should gain the same
favour from the multitude, if he executed his
commands by persons of tlieir own country,
and with whom they were well acquainted ;
he chose out seventy* of the most prudent
men, and those elders in age, and appointed
them to be rulers of all Galilee, as he chose
seven judges in every city to hear the lesser
quarrels ; for as to the greater causes, and
those wherein life and death were concerned,
he enjoined they should be brought to him
and the seventy elders.
6. Josephus also, when he had settled these
rules for determining causes by the law, with
regard to the people's dealings one with ano-
ther, betook himself to make provisions for
tlieir safety against external violence ; and as
hj knew the Romans would fall upon Gali-
lee, he built walls in proper pl.ices about Jota-
pata, and Bersabee, and Salaniis ; and besides
these about Caphareccho, and Japha, and Sigo,
and what they call Mount Tabor, and Tari-
chece, and Tiberias. Moreover, he built walls
about the caves near the lake of Gennessar,
which places lay in the Lower Galilee; the
same as he did to the places of Upper Galilee,
as well as to the rock called the Rock of the
Achabari, and to Seph, and Jamnith, and
Meroth ; and in Gaulanitis he fortified Seleu-
cia, ?.nd Sogane, and Gainala; but as to those
of S,?pphoris, they were the only people to
whom he gave leave to build their own walls,
and this, because he perceived they were rich
and wealthy, and ready to go to war, without
standing in need of any injunctions for that
purpose. The case was the same with Gisch-
ala, which had a wall built about it by John
the son cf Levi himself, but with the consent
of JosepliUi- ; but for the building of the rest
of the fortresses, he laboured together with
all the other builders, and was present to
give all the necessary orders for that purpose.
* We see here, and in Josephus's account of his own
hfe, sect. 14, how exactly he imitated his legislator
Moses, or perhaps only obeyed what he took to be his
perpetual law, in appointing seven lesser judges, for
smaller causes, in particular cities, and perhaps for fhe
first hearing of Greater causes, with the liberty of an ap-
peal to seventy-one supreme fudges, especially in those
causes where life and death is concerned ; as Antiq. b.
IV, ch. viii, sect. 14; and of his Life, sect. l-i. See also
Of the War, b. iv, cb. v, sect. 4. Moreover, we find
(sect. 7) that he imitated Moses, as well as the Romans,
in the number and distribution of the subaltern officers
of his army, as Exod. xviii, 25 ; Deut. ii, 15 ; and in his
charge against the offences cummcn among soldiers, as
Deut. xxiii, 9 ; in all which he showed his great wis-
dom and piety, and skilful conduct in martial affairs.
Vet may we oiscern in his very high character of Ana-
tius the high-priest, b. iv, ch. v, sect. '2, who seems to
have been the same that condemned St. James, bishop
of Jerusalem to be stoned, under Albinus the procura-
tor, that when he wrote these booksof the War, he was
not so much as an Ebiouite Christian ; otiierwise he
would not have failed, according to his usua! custom, to
have reckoned this his barbarous murder as a just pu-
nishment upon him for that his cruelty to the chief, or
rather only Christian bishop of the circuKicision. Nor,
had he been then a Christian, could he immediately
have spoken so movii.'gly of the causes of the destruc-
tion of Jerusalem, without one word of either tlie ccm-
demnntion of James, or crucifixion of Christ, as he did
when he was become a Christian aftcrwaid.
BOOK II
He also got together an army out of Galilee,
of more than a hundred thousand young men,
all of whom he armed with the old weapons
which he had collected together and prepared
for them.
7. And when he had considered that the
Roman power became invincible, chiefly by
their readiness in obeying orders, and the
constant exercise of their arms, he despaired
of teaching these his men the use of their
arms, which was to be obtained by experience;
but observing that their readiness in obeying
orders was owing to the multitude of theii
officers, he made his partitions in his army
more after the Roman manner, and appointed
a great many subalterns. He also distributed
the soldiers into various classes, whom he put
under captains of tens, and captains of hun-
dreds, and then under captains of thousands;
and besides these he had commanders of
larger bodies of men. He also taught them
to give the signals one to another, and to call
and recall the soldiers by the trumpets, how-
to expand the wings of an army, and make
them wheel about ; and when one wing hath
had success, to turn again and assist those
that were hard set, and to join in the defence
of what had most suffered. He also conti-
nually instructed them in what concerned the
courage of the soul and the hardiness of the
bocCy ; and, above all, he exercised them for
war, by declaring to them distinctly the good
order of the Romans, and that they were to
fight with men who, both by the strength of
their bodies and courage of their souls, had
conquered in a manner the whole habitable
earth. He told them that he should make
trial of the good order they would observe in
war, even before it came to any battle, in ca&e
they would abstain from the crimes they used
to indulge tliemselves in, such as theft, and
robbery, and rapine, and from defrauding
their own countrymen, and never to esteem
the harm done to those that were so near of
kin to them to be any advantage to them-
selves ; for that wars are then managed the
best when the warriors preserve a good con-
science ; but that such as are ill men in pri-
vate life, will not only have those for enemies
which attack them, but God himself also for
their antagonist.
8. And thus did be continue to admonish
them. Now he chose for the war such an
army as was sufficient, L e. sixty thousand
footmen, and two hundred and fifty horse-
men ; f and besides these, on which he put
the greatest truf.t, there were about four thou
sand five hundred mercenaries: he had also
six htindred men as guards of his body. Now
the cities easily maintained the rest of his
t I should think tliat an army of sixty thousand foot-
men should require many more than two hundred and
fifty horsemen ; and we find Josephus had more horse- ,
men under his command than two hundred and fifty in
his future history. I suppose the iiumoer of the thoi
sands is dropped in our present copies.
CHAP. XXI.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
643
army, excepting the mercenaries ; for every
one of the cities enumerated before sent out
half their men to their army, and retained the
other half at home, in order to get provisions
for them; insomuch that the one part went to
the war, and the other part to their work :
and so those that sent out their corn were
paid for it by those that were in arms, by that
security which ihey enjoyed from them.
CHAPTER XXI.
CONCERNING JOHN OF GISCHALA. JOSEPHUS
USES STRATAGEMS AGAINST THE PLOTS JOHN
LAID AGAINST HIM, AND RECOVERS CERTAIN
CITIES WHICH HAD REVOLTED FROM HIM.
§ 1, Now, as Josephus was thus engaged in
the administration of the affairs of Galilee,
there arose a treacherous person, a man of
Gischala, the son of Levi, whose name was
John. His character was that of a very cun-
ning, and very knavish person, beyond the
ordinary rate of the other men of eminence
there ; and for wicked practices he had not
his fellow anywhere. Poor he was at first,
and for a long time his wants were a hin-
derance to him in his wicked designs. He
was a ready liar, and yet very sharp in gain-
ing credit to his fictions: he thought it a
point of virtue to delude people, and would
delude even such as were the dearest to him.
He was a hypocritical pretender to humani-
ty, but, where he had hopes of gain, he spar-
ed not the shedding of blood : his desires
were ever carried to great things, and he en-
couraged his liopes from those mean wicked
tricks which he was the author of. He had
a peculiar knack at thieving ; but in some
time he got certain companions in his impu-
dent practices : at first they were but few,
but as he proceeded on in his evil course, they
became still more and more numerous. He
took care that none of his partners should be
easily caught in their rogueries, but chose
such out of the rest as had the strongest con-
stitutions of body, and the greatest courage
of soul, together with great skill in martial
aflfairs ; so he got together a band of four
hundred men, who came principally out of
the country of Tyre, and were vagabonds that
had run away from its villages ; and by the
means of these he laid waste all Galilee, and
irritated a considerable number, who were in
great expectation of a war then suddenly to
arise among tiiem.
2. However, John's want of money had
hitherto restrained him in his ambition after
command, and in his attempts to advance
himself; but when be saw that Josephus was
highly pleased with the activity of his temper,
he persuaded him, in the first place, to intrust
him with the repairing of the walls of hi^ na-
tive city [Gischala] ; in which work he got a
great deal of money from the rich citizens.
He after that contrived a very shrewd trick,
and pretending that the Jews who dwelt in
Syria were obliged to make use of oil that
was made by others than those of their own
nation, he desired leave of Josephus to send
oil to their borders; so he bought four am-
phorae with such Tyrian money as was of the
value of four Attic drachma?, and sold every
half-amphora at the same price ; and as Ga-
lilee was very fruitful in oil, and was pecu-
liarly so at that time, by sending away great
quantities, and having tlie sole privilege so to
do, he gathered an immense sum of monev
together, vhich money he immediately used
to the disadvantage of him who gave him that
privilege ; and, as he supposed, that if he
could once overthrow Josephus, he should
himself obtain the government of Galilee ; so
he gave order to the robbers that were under
his command, to be more zealous in their
thievish expeditions, that by the rise of many
that desired innovations in the country, he
might either catch their general in his snares,
as he came to the country's assistance, and
then kill him ; or if he should overlook the
robbers, he might accuse him for his negli-
gence to the people of the country. He also
spread abroad a report far and near, that
Josephus was delivering up the adminis-
tration of affairs to the Romans ; — and many
such plots did he lay, in order to ruin him.
3. Now at the same time that certain young
men of the village Dabaritta, who kept guard
in the Great Plain, laid snares for Ptolemy,
who was Agrippa's and Bernice's steward,
and took from him all that he had with him ;
among which things there were a great many
costly garments, and no small number of sil-
ver cups, and six hundred pieces of gold ; yet
were they not able to conceal what they had
stolen, but brought it all to Josephus, to Ta-
richese. Hereupon he blamed them for the
violence they had offered to the king and
queen, and deposited what they brought to
him with Eneas, the most potent n;,in of Ta-
richea^, with an intention of sending the things
back to the owners at a proper time ; which
act of Josephus brought him into the greatest
danger ; for those that had stolen the things,
had an indignation at him, both because they
gained no share of it for themselves, and be-
cause they perceived beforehand what was Jo-
sephus's intention, and that he would freely
deliver up what had cost them so much
pains to the king and queen. These ran
away by night to their several villages, and
declared to all men that Josephus was going
to betray them ; they also raised great disor-
ders in all the neighbouring cities, insomuch
that in the morning a hundred thousand arm-
ed men came running togetiier; which mul-
titude was crowded together in the hippo-
drome at Taricliew, and made a vcy peevis-h
646
WARS OF THE JEWS.
""\
BOOK It
clamour against him ; while some cried out,
that they should depose the traitor ; and o-
thers, that they should burn him. Now John
irritated a great many, as did also one Jesus,
the son of Sapphias, who was then governor
of Tiberias. Then it was that Josephus's
friends, and the guards of his body, were so
affrighted at this violent assault of the mul-
titude, that they all fled away but four; and
as he was asleep, they awaked him, as the
people were going to set fire to the house;
and although those four that remained with
him persuaded him to run away, he was nei-
ther surprised at his being himself deserted,
nor at the great multitude that came against 1
him, but leaped out to them with his clothes
rent, and ashes sprinkled on his head, with [
his hands behind him, and his sword hanging
at bis neck. At this sight his friends, espe- t
cially those of Taricheae, commiserated his
condition ; but those that came out of the
country, and those in their neighbourhood, i
to whom his government seemed burdensome, ,
reproached him, and bade him produce the
money which belonged to them all immedi-
ately, and to confess the agreement he had
made to betray them ; for they imagined, from
the habit in which he appeared, that he could
deny nothing of what they suspected concern-
ing him, and that it was in order to obtain
pardon, that he had put himself entirely into
so pitiable a posture ; but this humble appear-
ance was only designed as preparatory to a
stratagem of his, who thereby contrived to
set those that were so angry at him at vari-
ance one with another about the things they
were angry at. However, he promised he
would confess all : hereupon he was permit-
ted to speak, when he said, " I did neither
intend to send this money back to Agrippa,
nor to gain it myself; for I did never esteem
one that was your enemy to be my friend, nor
did I look upon what would tend to your
disadvantage, to be my advantage. But, O
you people of Tarichea", 1 saw that your city
stood in more need than others of fortification
for your security, and that it wanted money,
in order for the building it a wall. I was
also afraid lest the people of Tiberias and o-
ther cities should lay a plot to seize upon
these spoils, and therefore it was that I in-
tended to retain this money privately, that
I might encompass you with a wall. But if
this does not please you, I will produce what
was brought me, and leave it to you to plun-
der it I but if 1 have conducted myself so
well as to jilease you, you may, if you please,
punisn your benefactor."
4. Hereupon the people of Tarichea loudly
commended him ; but tliose of Tiberias, with
the rest of the company, gave him hard names,
and threatened what they would do to him ;
so both iides left off quarrelling with Josephus,
and fell to quarrelling with one another. So
he grew bold upon tlie dependence he had on
his friends, which were the people of Tarichea*,
and about forty thousand in number, and
spake more freely to the whole multitude, and
reproached them greatly for their rashness ;
and told them, that with this money he would
build walls about Tarichea?, and would put
the other cities in a state of security also ; foi
that they should not want money, if they would
but agree for whose benefit it was to be pro-
cured, and would not suffer themselves to be
irritated against him who had procured it for
them.
5. Hereupon the rest of the multitude that
had been deluded retired ; but yet so that they
went away angry, and two thousand of tlicm
made an assault upon him in tiieir armour
and as he was already gone to his own house,
they stood without and threatened him. On
which occasion Josephus again used a second
stratagem to escape them ; for he got upon
the top of the house, and with his right hand
desired them to be silent, and said to tiiem,
" I cannot tell what you would have, nor can
hear what you say, for the confused noise you
make :" but he said he would comply with nil
their demands, in case they would but send
some of their number in to him that might
talk with him about it. And when the prin-
cipal of them, with their leaders, heard this,
they came into the house. He then drew
them to the most retired part of the house, and
shut the door of that hall where lie put them,
and then had them whipped till every one of
their inward parts appeared naked. In the
mean time the multitude stood round the
house, and supposed that he had a long dis-
course with those that were gone in, abou*
M-hat they claimed of him. He had then the
doors set open immediately, and sent the men
out all bloody, which so terribly affrighted
those that had before threatened him, that they
threw away their arms and ran away.
6. But as for John, his envy grew greater
[upon this escape of Josephus], and he framed
a new plot against him ; he pretended to be
sick, and by a letter desired that Josephus
would give him leave to use the hot baths
that were at Tiberias, for the recovery of his
health. Hereupon Josephus, who hitherto
suspected nothing of John's plots against him,
wrote to the governors of the city, that they
would provide a lodging and necessaries for
John ; which favours, when he had made use
of, in two days' time he did what he came
about; some he corrupted with delusive frauds,
and others with money, and so persuaded them
to revolt from Josephus. Tliis Silas, who was
appointed guardian of the city by Josephus,
wrote to him immediately, and informed him
of the plot against him ; which epistle, when
Josephus had received, he marched with great
diligence all night, and came early in the morn-
I ing to Tiberias ; at whicii time the rest of the
I multitude met him. But John, who suspected
1 that his coming w;is not for his advantage, sent
CHAP. XXI.
however one of his friends, and pretended that
he was sick, and that being confined to his bed
he could not come to pay him his respects. But
as soon as Joseph us had got the people of Ti-
berias together in the stadium, and tried to dis-
course with them al)outthe letters that he had
received, John privately sent some armed men,
and gave them orders to slay him. But when
the people sawthatthearmedmen wereaboutto
draw their swords, they cried out ; — at which
cry Josephus turned himself about, and when
he saw that the swords were just at his throat,
he marched away in great haste to the sea-
shore, and left off that speech whicli he was go-
ing to make to the people, upon an elevation of
six cubits high. He then seized on a ship
which lay in the haven, and leaped into it, with
two of his guards, and fled away into the
midst of the lake.
7. But now the soldiers he had with him
took up their arms immediately, and marched
against tlie plotters , but Josephus was afraid
lest a civil war should be raised by the envy
of a few men, and bring the city to ruin ; so
he sent some of his party to tell tliem tliat they
should do no more than provide for their own
safety ; that they should not kill any body,
nor accuse any for the occasion they had af-
forded [of a disorder]. Accordingly these
men obeyed his orders, and were quiet ; but
the people of the neighbouring country, when
they were informed of this plot, and of the
plotter, got together in great multitudes to
oppose John. But he prevented their at-
tempt, and fled away to Gischala, his native
city, while the Galileans came running out of
their several cities to Josephus ; and as tliey
were now become many ten thousands of
armed men, they cried out, that they were
come against John the common plotter against
their interest, and would at the same time
burn him, and that city which had received
him. Hereupon Josephus told them that he
took their good-will to him kindly, but still
he restrained tlieir fury, and intended to sub-
due his enemies by prudent conduct, rather
than by slaying tliem ; so he excepted those
of every city which had joined in this revolt
with John, by name, who had readily been
shown him by those that came from every
city, and caused public proclamation to be
■jiade, that he would seize upon the effects of
those that did not forsake John within five
days' time, and would burn both their houses
and their families with fire. Whereupon three
thousand of John's party left him immediate-
ly, who came to Josephus, and threw their
arms down at his feet. John then betook
himself, together with his two tliousand Sy-
rian runagates, from open attempts, to more
secret ways of treachery. Accordingly he
privately sent messengers to Jerusalem, to
accuse Josephus, as having too gre:U power,
and to let them know that he would soon
come as a tyrant to their metropolis^ un-
WARS OF THE JEWS.
647
less they prevented him. This accusation the
people were aware of beforehand, but had no
regard to it. However, some of the gran-
dees, out of envy, and some of the rulers al-
so, sent money to John privately, that he
might be able to get together mercenary
soldiers, in order to fight Josephus ; they al-
so made a decree of themselves, and this for
recalling him from his government, yet did
they not think that decree sufficient ; so they
sent withal two thousand five hundred armed
men, and four persons of the highest rank
amongst them ; Joazar the son of Noinicus,
and Ananias the son of Saduuk; as also
Simon and Judas, the sons of Jonathan (all
very able men in speaking), that these persons
might withdraw the good-will of the people
from Josephus. Thesehaditin charge, that if
he would voluntarily come away, they should
permit him to[comeand] give an account of his
conduct ; but if he obstinately insisted upon
continuing in his government, they should treat
him as an enemy. Now, Josephus's friends
had sent liim word that an army was coming
against him, but they gave him no notice be-
forehand what the reason of their coming was,
that being only known among some secret
councils of his enemies ; and by this means
it was that four cities revolted from him im-
mediately, Sepphoris, and Gamala, and Gis-
chala, and Tiberias. Yet did he recover these
cities without war ; and when he had routed
those four commanders by stratagems, and
had taken the most potent of their warriors,
he sent them to Jerusalem ; and the people (
[of Galilee] had great indignation at them,
and were in a zealous disposition to slay, not
only these forces, but those that sent them
also, had not these forces prevented it by run-
ning away.
8. Now John was detained afterward within
the walls of Gischala, by the fear he was in
of Josephus; but within a few days Tiberias
revolted again, the people within it inviting
king Agrippa [to return to the exercise or
his authority there] ; and when he did not
come at the time appointed, and when a few
Roman horsemen appeared that day, they ex-
pelled Josephus out of the city. Now, this
revolt of theirs was presently known at Tari-
chece ; and as Josephus had sent out all the
soldiers that were with him to gather corn, he
knew not how either to march out alone against
the revolters, or to stay where he was, because
he was afraid the king's soldiers might prevent
him if he tarried, and might get into the city ;
for he did not intend to do any thing on the
next day, because it was the Sai>bath-day, and
would hinder his proceeding. So he con-
trived to circumvent the revoltors by a strata-
gem ; and in the first place, he ordered the
gates of Tarichea? to be shut, that nobody
might go out and inform [those of Tiberiasl,
for whom it was intended, what stratagem be
was about -. he then got together all the ships
648
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK II
that were upon the lake, which were found
to be two hundred and thirty, and in each of
them he put no more than four mariners. So
he sailed to Tiberias with haste, and kept at
such a distance from the city, that it was
not easy for the people to see the vessels, and
ordered that the empty vessels should float up
and down there, while himself, who had but
seven of his guards with him, and those un-
armed also, went so near as to be seen ; but
when his adversaries, who were still reproach-
ing him, saw him from the walls, they were
so astonished that they supposed all the ships
were full of armed men, and threw down their
arms, and by signals of intercession they be-
sought him to spare the city.
9. Upon this, Josephus threatened them
terribly, and reproached them, that when they
were the first that took up arms against the
Romans, they should spend their force be-
forehand in civil dissensions, and do what
their enemies desired above all things ; and
that besides, they should endeavour so hastily
to seize upon him, who took care of their
safety, and had not been ashamed to shut the
gates of their city against him that built their
walls ; that, however, he would admit of any
intercessors from them that might make some
excuse for them, and with whom he would
make such agreements as might be for tlie
city's security. Hereupon ten of the most
potent men of Tiberias came down to him pre
that he would himself cut off the other hand ;
accordingly he drew his sword, and with his
right hand cut off his left, — so great was the
fear he was in of Josephus himself. And
thus he took the people of Tiberias prisoners,
and recovered the city again with empty
ships • and seven of his guard. Moreover,
a few days afterward he retook Gischala,
which had revolted with the people of Sep
phoris, and gave his soldiers leave to plunder
it ; yet did he get all the plunder together
and restored it to the inhabitants; and the
like he did to the inhabitants of Sepphoris and
Tiberias : for when he had subdued those
cities, he had a mind, by letting them be
plundered, to give them some good instruc-
tion, while at the same time be regained their
good-will by restoring them their money
ascain.
CHAPTER XXII.
THE JEWS MAKE ALL READY FOR THE WAR
AND SIiMON, THE SON OF GIORAS, FALLS TC
PLUNDERING.
§ 1. And thus were the disturbances of Ga-
lilee quieted, when, upon their ceasing to pro-
secute their civil dissensions, they betook
themselves to make preparations for the war
sently, and when he had taken them into one ^ with the Romans. Now in Jerusalem the
of his vessels, he ordered them to be carried
a great way off" from the city. He then com-
manded that fifty others of their senate, such
as were men of the greatest eminence, should
come to him, that they also might give him
some security on their behalf. After which,
under one new pretence or another, he called
forth others, one after another, to make the
leagues between them. He then gave order
to the masters of those vessels which he had
thus filled, to sail away immediately for Ta-
richece, and to confine those men in the prison
there ; till at length he took all their senate,
consisting of six hundred persons, and about
two thousand of the populace, and carried
them away to Taricheae.
10. And when the rest of the people cried
out, that it was one Clitus that was the chief
author of this revolt, they desired him to
spend his anger upon him [only] ; but Jo-
sephus, whose intention it was to slay nobody,
commanded one Levi us, belonging to his
guards, to go out of l"he vessel, in order to
cut off both Clitus's hands ; yet was Levins
afraid to go out by himself alone, to such a
large body of enemies, and refused to go.
Now Clitus saw that Josephus was in a great
passion in the ship, and ready to leap out of
it, in order to execute the punishment him-
self; he begged tlierefore from the shore,
that he would leave him one of his hands,
which Josephus agreed to, upon condition
high-priest Ananus, and as many of the men
of power as were not in the interest of the
Romans, both repaired the walls, and made a
great many warlike instruments, insomuch
that, in all parts of the city, darts and all sorts
of armour were upon the anvil. Although
the multitude of the young men were engaged
in exercises, without any regularity, and all
places were full of tumultuous doings; yet
the moderate sort were exceedingly sad; and
a great many there were who, out of the pros-
pect they had of the calamities that were
coming upon them, made great lamentations.
There were also such omens observed as were
understood to be forerunners of evils, by such
as loved peace, but were by those that kin-
dled the war interpreted so as to suit tlieir
own inclinations ; and the very state of the
city, even before the Romans came against it,
was that of a place doomed to destruction.
However, Ananus's concern was this, to lay
aside, for a while, the preparations for the
war, and to persuade the seditious to consult
their own interest, and to restrain the madness
of those that had the name of zealots : but
their violence was too hard for him ; and what
end he came to we shall relate hereafter.
2. But as for the Acrabbene toparrhy, Si-
* I cannot but think this stratagem of Josephus,
which is related botli here and in his Life, sect. 5'.', 33,
to he one of the finest that ever was invented and execut-
ed by any warrior wliatsoever.
"V
WARS OF THE JEWS.
649
mon, the son of Gioras, got a great number of
those that were fond of innovations together,
and betook liinnself to ravage the country ;
nor did he only harass the rich men's houses,
but tormented their bodies, and appeared
openly and beforehand to affect tyranny in
his go'/ernment. And when an army was
sent against him by Ananus, and the other
rulers, he and his band retired to the robbers
that were at Masada, and staid there, and
plundered the country of Idumea with them,
till both Ananus and his otber adversaries
were slain ; and until tlie rulers of that coun-
try were so alBicled with the multitude of
those that were slain, and with the continual
ravage of what tliey had, that they raised an
army, and put garrisons into the villages, to
secure them from those insults. And in this
state were the aflairs of Judea at that time.
BOOK III.
CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF ABOUT ONE YEAR.
FROM VESPASIAN'S COMING TO SUBDUE THE JEWS TO THE
TAKING OF GAMALA.
CHAPTER I.
VESPASIAN rs SENT INTO SYaiA BY NERO, TO
MAKE WAR WITH THE JEWS.
§ 1. When Nero was informed of the Ro
mans' ill success in Judea, a concealed con-
sternation and terror, as is usual in s«ich
cases, fell upon him ; although he openly
looked very big, and was very angry, and
said, that what had happened was rather ow-
ing to the negligence of the commander than
to any valour of the enemy : and as he thought
it fit for him who bare the burden of the
wliole empire, to despise such misfortunes, he
now pretended so to do, and to have a soul
superior to all such sad accidents whatsoever.
Yet did the disturbance that was in his soul
plainly appear by the solicitude he was in
[how to recover his affairs again].
2. And as he was deliberating lo whom he
should commit the care of the east, now it
was in so great a commotion, and who might
be best able to punish the Jews for their re-
bellion, and might prevent the same distem-
per from seizing upon the neighbouring na-
tions also, — he found no one but Vespasian
equal to the task, and able to undergo the
great burden of so mighty a war, seeing he
.^as growing an old man already in the camp,
and from his youth had been exercised in
warlike exploits : he was also a man that had
long ago pacified the west, and made it sub-
ject to the Romans, when it had been put in-
to disorder by the Germans : he had alsS^ re-
covered to them Britain by his arms, which
had been little known before;* whereby he
procured to his father Claudius to have a
triumph bestowed on him without any sweat
or labour of his own.
3. So Nero esteemed these circumstances
as favourable omens, and saw that Vespasian's
age gave him sure experience, and great skill,
and that he had his sons as hostages for his
fidelity to himself, and that the flourishing
age they were in would make them fit instru-
ments under their father's prudence. Per-
haps also there was some interposition of Pro.
vidence, which was paving the way for Ves-
pasian's being himself emperor afterwards.
Upon the whole, he sent this man to take up-
on him the command of the armies that were
in Syria ; but this not without great encomi-
ums and flattering compellations, such as ne-
cessity required, and such as might mollify
him into complaisance. So Vespasian sent
his son Titus from Achaia, where he had been
with Nero, to Alexandria, to bring back with
him from thence the fifth and tenth legions,
while he himself, when he had passed over
the Hellespont, came by land into Syria,
• Take the confirmation of this in tlie words of Sue-
tonius, here produced by Dr. Hudson :— " In the reign
of Claudius," says he, " Vespasian, for the sal<eof Nar-
cissus, was sent as a lieutenant of a legion into Ger-
many. Thence he removed into Hritam, and fou<»ht
thirty battles witli the enemy." In Vesp. sect. 4. ?Ve
may also here note from Josephus, that Claudius the
emperor, who triumphed for tne conquest of Britain,
was enabled so to do by Vespasian's conduct and bra\'-
ery, and that he is here styled " the Father of Ve.ua
siaii."
3 I
650
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK III.
where he gathered together the Roman forces,
with a considerable number of auxiliaries
from the kings in that neighbourhood.
CHAPTER II,
A GREAT SLAUGHTER OF THE JEWS ABOUT
ASCAI.ON. VESPASIAN COMES TO PTOLE-
MAIS.
§ 1. Now the Jews, after they had beaten
Cestius, were so much elevated with their un-
expected success, that they could not govern
their zeal, but, like people blown up into a
flame by their good fortune, carried the war
to remoter places. Accordingly, they pre-
sently got together a great multitude of all
their most hardy soldiers, and marched away
for Ascalon. This is an ancient city that is
distant from Jerusalem five hundred and
twenty furlongs, and was always an enemy
to the Jews ; on which account they deter-
mined to make their first eflTort against it, and
to make their approaches to it as near as pos-
sible. This excursion was led on by three
men, who were the chief of them all, both for
strength and sagacity : Niger, called the Pe-
raite, Silas of Babylon, and besides them,
John the Essene. Now Ascalon was strong-
ly walled about, but had almost no assistance
to be relied on [near them], for the garrison
consisted of one cohort of footmen, and one
troop of horsemen, whose captain was Anto-
nius.
2. These Jevi's, therefore, out of their an-
ger, marched faster than ordinary, and, as if
they had come but a little way, approached
very near the city, and were come even to
it; but Antonius, who was not unapprised of
the attack they were going to make upon the
city, drew out his horsemen beforehand, and
being neither daunted at the multitude nor
at the courage of the enemy, received their
first attacks with great bravery ; and when
they crowded to the very walls, he beat them
off. Now the Jews were unskilful in war,
but were to fight with those who were skilful
therein ; they were footmen to fight with
horsemen ; they were in disorder, to fight
those that were united together ;' they were
poorly armedj to fight those that were com~
pletely so ; they were to fight more by their
rage than by sober counsel, and were expos-
ed to soldiers that were exactly obedient, and
did every thing they were bidden upon the
least intimation. So they were easily beaten ;
for as soon as ever their first ranks were once
in disorder, they were put to flight by the e-
nemy's cavalry, and those of them that came
behind such as crowded to the wall, fell upon
their own party's weapons, and became one
another's enemies ; and this so long till they
were all forced to gire way to the attacks of
the horsemen, and were dispersed all tlie plain
over, which plain was wide, and all fit for the
horsemen ; which circumstance was very com-
modious for the Romans, and occasioned the
slaughter of the greatest number of the Jews ;
for such as ran away, they could overrun
them, and make them turn back ; and when
they had brought them back after their flight,
and driven them together, they ran them
through, and slew a vast number of them, in-
somuch that others encompassed others of
them, and drove them before them whitherso-
ever (hey turned themselves, and slew them
easily with their arrows; and the great num-
ber there were of the Jews seemed a solitude
to themselves, by reason of the distress they
were in, while the Romans had such good
success with their small number, that they
seemed to themselves to be the greater multi-
tude ; and as the former strove zealously un-
der their misfortunes, out of the shame of a
sudden flight, and hopes of the change in
their success, so did the latter feel no weari-
ness by reason of their good fortune ; inso-
much that the fight lasted till the evening, till
ten thousand men of the Jews' side lay dead,
with two of their generals, John and Silas;
and the greater part of the remainder were
wounded, with Niger, their remaining gene-
ral, who fled away together to a small city of
Idumea, called Sallis. Some few also of the
Romans were wounded in this battle.
3. Yet were not the spirits of the Jews
broken by so great a calamity, but the losses
they had sustained rather quickened their re-
solution for other attempts ; for, overlooking
the dead bodies which lay under their feet,
they were enticed by their former glorious ac-
tions to venture on a second destruction ; so
when they had lain still so little a while that
their wounds were not yet thoroughly cured,
they got together all their forces, and came
with greater fury, and in much greater num
bers, to Ascalon ; but their former ill fortune
followed them, as the consequence of their
unskilfulnoss, and other deficiencies in war;
for Antonius laid ambushes for them in the
passages they were to go through, where they
fell into snares unexpectedly, and where they
were encompassed about with horsemen before
they could form themselves into a regular
body for fighting, and were above eight thou-
sand of them slain : so all the rest of them
ran away, and with them Niger, who still did
a great many bold exploits in his flight. How-
ever, they were driven along together by the
enemy, who pressed hard upon them, into a
certain strong tower belonging to a village
called Bezedel. However, Antonius and his
party, that they might neither spend any con-
siderable time about this tower, which was
hard to be taken, nor suffer their commander,
and the most courageous man of them all, to
escape from them, they set the wall on fire ;
and as the tower was burning, the Romans
~\.
■^
CHAP. HI.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
651
went away rejoicing, as taking it for granted
that Niger was destroyed ; but he leaped out
of the tower into a subterraneous cave, in the
innermost part of it, and was preserved ; and
on the third day afterward he spake out of the
ground to those that with great lamentations
were searching for him, in order to give him
a decent funeral ; and when he was come
out, he filled all the Jews with an unexpected
joy, as though he were preserved by God's
providence to be their commander for the
time to come.
4. And now Vespasian took along with him
his army from Antioch (which is the metro-
polis of Syria, and, without dispute, deserves
the place of the third city in the habitable
earth that was under the Roman empire,*
both in magnitude and other marks of pros-
perity) where he found king Agrippa, with
all his forces, waiting for his coming, and
marched to Ptolemais. At this city also the
inhabitants of Sepphoris of Galilee met him,
who were for peace with the Romans. These
citizens had beforehand taken care of their
own safety, and being sensible of tlie power of
tlie Romans, they had been with Cestius Gal-
lus before Vespasian came, and had given
their faith to him, and received the security
of his right hand ; and had received a Roman
garrison ; and at this time withal they receiv-
ed Vespasian, the Roman general, very kindly,
and readily promised that they would assist
him against their own countrymen. Now
the general delivered them, at their desire, as
many horsemen and footmen as he thought
sufficient to oppose the incursions of the Jews,
if they should happen to come against them;
— and indeed the danger of losing Sepphoris
would be no small one, in this war that was
now beginning, seeing it was the largest city
of Galilee, and built in a place by nature
very strong, and might be a security of the
whole nation's [fidelity to the Romans].
CHAPTER III.
A DESCRIPTIO.V OF GALILEE, SAMAUIA AND
JUDEA.
§ 1. Now Phoenicia and Syria encompass
about the Galilees, which are two, and called
the Upper Galilee and the Lower. They are
bounded towards the sun-setting, with the
borders of the territory belonging to Ptolemais,
and by Carmel ; which mountain had former,
ly belonged to the Galileans, but now belong-
ed to the Tyrians; to which mountain adjoins
Gaba, which is called the City of Horsemen, be-
cause those horsemen that were dismissed by
• Spanheim and Re'nnd both agree, that the two
cities here esteemed gnater than Antioch, the metro-
pohs of Syria, were Itonie aiid Alexandria ^jior is there
»ny occasion for doubt in so plain a case '
Herod the king dwelt therein ; they are bound-
ed on the south with Samaria and Scylhopolis,
as far as the river Jordan ; on the east with
Hippene and Gadaris, and also with Gaula-
nitis, and the borders of the kingdom of A-
grippa ; its northern parts are bounded by Tyre,
and the country of the Tyrians. As for that
Galilee which is called the Lower, it extends
in length from Tiberias to Zabulon, and or
the maritime places, Ptolemais is its neigh-
bour; its breadth is from the village called
Xaloth, which lies in the great plain, as far as
Bersabe, from which beginning also is taken
the breadth of the Upper Galilee, as far as the
village Baca, whi«;h divides the land of the
Tyrians from it; its length is also from Me-
loth to Tliella, a village near to Jordan.
2. These two Galilees, of so great largeness,
and encompassed with so many nations of
foreigners, have always been able to make a
strong resistance on all occasions of war ; for
the Galileans are inured to war from their in-
fancy, and have been always very numerous;
nor hath the country been ever destitute of
men of courage, or wanted a numerous set of
them ; for their soil is universally rich and
fruitful, and full of the plantations of trees of
all sorts, insomuch that it invites the most
slothful to take pains in its cultivation, by its
fruitfulness: accordingly, it is all cultivated by
its inhabitants, and no part of it lies idle.
Moreover, the cities lie here very thick ; and
the very many villages there are here, are
everywhere so full of people, by the riclinesa
of their soil, that the very least of them con-
tain above fifteen thousand inhabitants,
S. In short, if any one will suppose that
Galilee is inferior to Perea in magnitude, he
will be obliged to prefer it before it in its
strength : for this is all capable of cultivation,
and is everywhere fruitful ; but for Perea,
which is indeed much larger in extent, the
greater part of it is desert, and rough, and
much less disposed for the production of the
milder kinds of fruits; yet hath it a moist soil
[in other parts], and produces all kinds ol
fruits, and its plains are planted with trees ol
all sorts, while yet the olive-tree, the vine, and
the palm-tree, are chiefly cultivated there. It is
also sufficiently watered with torrents, which
issue out of the mountains, and with sprino-s
that never fail to run, even when the torrents
fail them, as they do in the dog-days. Noiv
the length of Perea is from Macherus to Pella,
and its breadth from Philadelphia to Jordan ;
its northern parts are bounded by Pella, as we
have already said, as well as its wostern with
Jordan ; the land of Moab is its southern
border, and its eastern limits reach to Arabia,
and Silbonitis, and besides to Philadelphene
and Gerasa.
4. Now, as to the country of Samaria, it
lies between Judea and Galilee; it ben-ins at
a village tiiat is in the great plain called Gi-
nea, and ends at the Acrabbene foparchy
•>_
^
652
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK III.
and is entirely of the same nature with Judea ;
for both countries are made up of hills and
valleys, and are moist enough for agriculture,
and are very fruitful. They have abundance
of trees, and are full of autumnal fruit, both
that which grows wild, and that which is the
effect of cultivation. They are not naturally
watered with many rivers, but derive their
chief moisture from rain-water, of which they
have no want ; and for those rivers which
they have, all their waters are exceeding sweet:
by reason also of the excellent grass they have,
their cattle yield more milk than do those iii
other places ; and, wliat is the greatest sign
of excellency and of abundance, they each of
them are very full of people.
5. In the limits of Samaria and Judea lies
the village Anuath, which is also named Bor-
cuos. This is the northern boundary of Ju-
dea. The southern parts of Judea, if they be
measured lengthways, are bounded by a vil-
lage adjoining to the confines of Arabia; the
Jews that dwell there call it Jordan, How-
ever, its breadth is extended from the river
Jordan to Joppa. The city Jerusalem is si-
tuated in the very middle; on which account
some have, with sagacity enough, called that
city the Navel of the country. Nor indeed is
Judea destitute of such delights as come from
the sea, since its maritime places extend as far
as Ptolemais : it was parted into eleven por-
tions, of which the royal city Jerusalem was
the supreme, and presided over all the neigh-
bouring country, as the head does over the
body. As to the other cities that were infe-
rior to it, they presided over their several to-
parchies ; Gophna was the second of those
cities, and next to that Acrabatta, after them
Thamna, and Lydda, and Emmaus, and
Pella, and Idumea, and Engaddi, and Hero-
dium, and Jericho ; and after them came Jam-
nia and Joppa, as presiding over the neigh-
bouring people ; and besides these there was
the region of Ganiala, and Gaulanitis, and
Batanea, and Trachonitis, which are also
parts of the kingdom of Agrippa. This [last]
country begins at Mount Libanus, and the
fountains of Jordan, and reaches breadthways
to the lake of Tiberias ; and in length is ex-
tended from a village called Arpha, as far as
Julias. Its inhabitants are a mixture of Jews
and Syrians.' — And thus have I, with all pos-
sible brevity, described the country of Judea,
and those that lie round about it.
CHAPTER IV.
JOSEPHUS MAKES AN ATTEMPT UPON SEPPHO-
RIS, BUT IS REPELLED. TITUS COMES WITH
A GREAT ARMY TO PTOLEMAIS.
§ 1. Now the auxiliaries who were sent to as-
sist the people of Sepphoris, being a thousand
horsemen, and six thousand footmen, under
Placidus the tribune, pitched their camp in
two bodies in the great plain. The foot were
put into tiie city to be a guard to it ; but the
horse lodged abroad in the camp. These
last, by marching continually one way or
other, and over-running the parts of the ad-
joining country, were very troublesome to
Josephus and his men; they also plundered
all the places that were out of the city's liber-
ty, and intercepted such as durst go abroad.
On this account it was that Josephus marched
against the city, as hoping to take what ho
had lately encompassed with so strong a wall,
before they revolted from the rest of the Ga-
lileans, that the Romans would have much
ado to take it ; by wln'ch means he proved too
weak, and failed of his hopes, both as to forc-
ing the place, and to his prevailing with the
people of Sepphoris to deliver it up to him.
By this means he provoked the Romans to
treat the country according to the law of war;
nor did the Romans, out of the anger they
bore at this attempt, leave off either by night
or by day, burning the places in tlie plain,
or stealing away the cattle that were in the
country, and killing whatsoever appeared ca-
pable of fighting perpetually, and leading the
weaker people as slaves into captivity ; so that
Galilee was all over filled with fire and blood
nor was it exempted from any kind of misery
or calamity ; for the only refuge they had
was this, that when they were pursued, they
could retire to the cities which had walls
built them by Josephus.
2. But as to Titus, he sailed over from
Achaia to Alexandria, and that sooner than
the winter season did usually permit; so he
took with him those forces he was sent for,
and marching with great expedition, he came
suddenly to Ptolemais, and there finding his
father, together with the two legions, the fifth
and tenth, which were the most eminent legions
of all, he joined them to that fifteenth legion
which was with his father : eighteen cohorts
followed these legions ; there came also five
cohorts from Cesarea, with one troop of horse-
men, and five other troops of horsemen from
Syria. Now these ten cohorts had severally
a thousand footmen, but the other thirteen
cohorts had no more than six hundred foot-
men a-piece, with a hundred and twenty horse-
men. There were also a considerable num-
ber of auxiliaries got togetlier, that came from
the kings Antiochus, and Agrippa, and Sohe-
mus, each of them contributing one thousand
footmen that were archers, and a thousand
horsemen. Malclius also, the king of Ara-
bia, sent a thousand horsemen, besides five
thousand footmen, the greatest part of whom
were archers ; so that the whole army, includ-
ing the auxiliaries sent by the kings, as well
iiorsemen as footmen, when all were united
together, amounted to sixty thousand, besides
the servants, who, as they followed in vast
X
CHAP. V.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
653
numbers, so because they had been trained up
in war with the rest, ought not to be dis-
tinguished from the fighting men ; for as they
were in their masters' service in times of
peace, so did they undergo the like dangers
with them in times of war, insomuch that
thev were inferior to none, either in skill or
in strength, only they were subject to their
masters.
CHAPTER V.
A DESCRIPTION OF THE ROMAN ARMIES AND
ROMAN CAMPS ; AND WHAT THE ROMANS ARE
COMMENDED FOR,
§ 1. Now here one cannot but admire at the
precaution of the Romans, in providing them-
selves of such household servants, as might
not only serve at other times for the common
offices of life, but might also be of advantage
to them in their wars ; and indeed, if any one
does but attend to the other parts of their mi-
litary discipline, he will be forced to confess
that their obtaining so large a dominion, hath
been the acquisition of their valour, and not
the bare gift of fortune ; for they do not be-
gin to use their weapons first in time of war,
nor do they then put their hands first into
motion, while they avoided so to do in times
of peace; but, as if their weapons did always
cling to them, they have never any truce from
warlike exercises ; nor do they stay till times
of war admonish them to use them ; for their
military exercises differ not at all from the
real use of their arms, but every soldier is
every day exercised, and that with great dili-
gence, as if it were in time of war, which is
the reason why they bear the fatigue of bat-
tles so easily ; for neither can any disorder
remove them from their usual regularity, nor
can fear affright them out of it, nor can labour
tire them ; which firmness of conduct makes
them always to overcome those that have not
the same firmness ; nor would he be mistaken
that should call those their exercises unbloody
battles, and their battles bloody exercises.
Nor can their enemies easily surprise them
with the suddenness of their incursions ; for
as soon as they have marched into an enemy's
land, they do not begin to fight till they have
walled their camp about; nor is the fence
they raise rashly made, or uneven ; nor do
they all abide in it, nor do those that are in
it take their places at random ; but if it hap-
pens that the ground is uneven, it is first le-
velled : their camp is also four-square by
measure, and carpenters are ready, in great
numbers, with their tools, to erect their build-
ings for tliera. •
» This description of the exact symmetry and regu-
larity of the Roman army, and of the Roman encamp-
ments, with the soundinj; their trumpets, dtc and ox-
2. As for what is within the camp, it is set
apart for tents, but the outward circumference
hath the resemblance of a wall, amd is adorned
with towers at equal distances, where between
the towers stand the engines for throwing
arrows and darts, and for slinging stones, and
where they lay all other engines that can an-
noy the enemy, all ready for their several
operations. They also erect four gates, one
at every side of the circumference, and those
large enough for the entrance of the beasts,
and wide enough for making excursions, if
occasion should require. They divide the
camp within into streets, very conveniently,
and place the tents of the commanders !n the
middle ; but in the very midst of all is the
general's own tent, in the nature of a temple,
insomuch that it appears to be a city built on
the sudden, with its rnarket-place, and place
for handicraft trades, and with seats for the
officers, superior and inferio-'; where, if any
differences arise, their causes •»re heard and
determined. The camp, and all ihat is in it,
is encompassed with a wall round about, and
that sooner than one would imagine, and tliis
by the multitude and the skill of the labour-
ers ; and, if occasion require, a trench is drawn
round the whole, whose depth is four cubits
and its breadth equal.
3. When they have thus secured themselves,
they live together by companies, with quiet-
ness and decency, as are all their other affairs
managed with good order and security. Each
company hath also their wood, and their corn,
and their water brought them, when they
stand in need of them ; for they neither sup
nor dine as they please themselves singly, bu
all together. Their times also for sleeping,
and watching, and rising, are notified before-
hand by the sound of trumpets, nor is any
thing done without such a signal ; and in the
morning the soldiery go every one to their
centurions, and these centurions to their tri-
bunes, to salute them ; with whom all the
superior officers go to the general of the whole
army, who then gives them of course the watch-
word and other orders, to be by them carried
to all that are under their command ; which
is also observed when they go to fight, and
thereby they turn themselves about on the sud-
den, when there is occasion for making sallies,
as they come back when they are recalled, in
crowds also.
4. When they are to go out of their camp,
the trumpet gives a sound, at which time no-
body lies still, but at the first intimation they
der of war, described in this and the next chanter, is so
very like to the symmetry and regularity of the people
of Israel in the wilderness (see Description of the Tem-
ples, eh. ix,) that one camiot well avoid the supposal,
that the one was the ultimate pattern of the other, and
that the tactics of the ancients were taken from the
rules given by God to Moses. And it is thouglit by
some skilful in these matters, that these accounts of Jo-
sephus, IS to the Roman camp and armour, and con-
duct m war, are preferable to tliose in the Komau au
i thors themselves.
654
WARS OF THE JEWS.
take clown their tents, and all is made ready
for tlieir going out; then do the trumpets
sound again, to order them to get ready for
the march ; then do tliey lay their baggage
suddenly upon their mules and other beasts of
burden, and stand, at the place for start-
ing, ready to march ; when also they set fire
to their camp, and this they do because it will
be easy for them to erect another camp, and
that it may not ever be of use to their ene-
mies. Then do the trumpets give a sound
the third time, tliat they are to go out in order
to excite those that on any account are a little
tardy, that so no one may be out of his rank
when the army marches. Then does the crier
stand at the general's right hand, and asks
them thrice, in their own tongue, whether they
be now ready to go out to war or not. To
which they reply as often, with a loud and
cheerful voice, saying, " We are ready."
And this they do almost before the question is
asked them ; they do this as filled with a kind
of martial fury, and at the time that they so
cry out, they lift up their right hands also.
5. When, after this, they are gone out of
their camp, they all march without noise, and
in a decent manner, and every one keeps his
own rank, as if they were going to war. The
footmen are armed with breast-plates and head-
pieces, and have swords on each side ; but the
sword which is upon their left side is much
longer than the other; for thaton the right side
is not longer than a span. Those footmen also
tha*. are chosen out from amongst the rest to be
about the general himself, have a lance and a
buckler; but the rest of the foot-soldiers have a
spear and a long buckler, besides a saw and a
basket, a pick-axe and an axe, a thong of
leather, and a hook, with provisions for three
days ; so that a footman hath no great need of
a mule to carry his burdens. The horsemen
have a long sword on their right sides, and a
long pole in their hand : a shield also lies by
them obliquely on one side of their horses,
with three or more darts that are borne in their
quiver, having broad points, and no smaller
than spears. They have also head-pieces and
breast-plates, in like manner as have all the
footmen. And for those that are chosen to
be about the general, their armour no way
differs from that of the horsemen belonging
to other troops; and he always leads the
legions forth, to whom the lot assigns that em-
ployment.
6. This is the manner of the marching and
resting of the Romans, as also these are the
several sorts of weapons they use. But when
they are to fight, they leave nothing without
forecast, nor to be done ofi'-hand, but counsel
is ever first taken before any work is begun,
and what hath been there resolved upon is
put in execution presently ; for which reason
they seldom commit any errors ; and if they
have been mistaken at any time, they easily
correct those mistakes. They also esteem any
errors they commit upon taking counsel be-
forehand, to be better than such rash success
as is owing to fortune only ; because such a
fortuitous advantage tempts them to be in-
considerate, while consultation, though it may
sometimes fail of success, hath this good in
it, that it makes men more careful hereafter;
but for the advantages that arise from chance,
they are not owing to him that gains them ;
and as to what melancholy accidents happen
unexpectedl)', there is this comfort in them_|
that they had however taken the best consul-
tations they could to prevent them.
7. Now they so manage their preparatory
exercises of their weapons, that not the bodies
of the soldiers only, but their souls, may also
become stronger : they are moreover hardened
for war by fear ; for their laws inflict capital
punishments, not only for soldiers running
away from their ranks, but for slothfulness
and inactivity, though it be but in a lesser
degree ; as are their generals more severe than
their laws, for they prevent any imputation of
cruelty towards those under condemnation,
by the great rewards they bestow on the va-
liant soldiers ; and the readiness of obeying
their commanders is so great, that it is very
ornamental in peace; but when they come to
a battle, the whole army is but one body, so
well coupled together are their ranks, so sud-
den are their turnings about, so sharp their
hearing as to what orders are given them, so
quick their sight of the ensigns, and so nim-
ble are their hands when they set to work ;
whereby it comes to pass, that what they do
is done quickly, and what they suffer they
bear with the greatest patience. Nor can we
find any examples where they have been con-
quered in battle, when they came to a close
fight, either by the multitude of the enemies,
or by their stratagems, or by the difficulties
in the places they were in ; no, nor by fortune
neither, for their victories have been surer to
them than fortune could have granted them.
In a case, therefore, where counsel still goes
before action, and where, after taking the best
advice, that advice is followed by so active an
army, what wonder is it that Euphrates on
the east, the ocean on the west, the most fer-
tile regions of Libya on the south, and the
Danube and the Rhine on the north, are the
limits of this empire. One might well say,
that the Roman possessions are not inferior to
the Romans themselves.
8. This account I have given the reader,
not so much with the intention of commend-
ing the Romans, as of comforting those that
have been conquered by them, and for deter-
ring others from attempting innovations un-
der their government. This discourse of the
Roman military conduct may also perhaps be
of use to such of the curious as are ignorant
of it, and yet have a mind to know it. I
return now from this digression.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
655
CHAPTER VI.
PLACIDUS ATTEMPTS TO TAKE JOTAPATA, AND
IS BEATEN' OFF. VESPASIAN MAHCHES INTO
GALILEE.
§ 1, And now Vespasian, with his son Titus,
had tarried some time at Ptolemais, and had
put bis army in order. But when Placid us,
who had overrun Galilee, and had besides
slain a number of those whom he had caught
(which were only the weaker part of the Ga-
armed, and the archers, to march first,
that they might prevent any sudden insults
from the enemy, and might search out the
woods that looked suspiciously, and were
capable of ambuscades. Next to tliese fol-
lowed that part of the Romans who were
most completely armed, both footmen and
horsemen. Next to these followed ten out
of every hundred, carrying along with them
their arms, and what was necessary to mea-
sure cut a camp withal ; and after thera,
such as were to make the road even and
straight, and if it were anywhere rough and
lileans, and such as were of timorous souls), ' hard to be passed over, to plane it, and to
saw that the warriors ran always to those ci-
ties whose walls had been built by Josephus,
he marclied furiously against Jotapata, which
was of them all the strongest, as supposing
he should easily take it by a sudden surprise,
and that he should thereby obtain great ho-
nour to himself among the commanders, and
bring a great advantage to them, in their fu-
ture campaign ; because, if this strongest
place of them all were once taken, the rest
would be so affrighted as to surrender them-
selves. But he was mightily mistaken in his
undertaking ; for the men of Jotapata were
apprized of his coming to attack them, and
came out of the city, and expected him there.
So they fought the Romans briskly when they
least expected it, being both many in num-
ber, and prepared for fighting, and of great
alacrity, as esteeming their country, their
wives, and their children, to be in danger,
and easily put the Romans to flight, and
wounded many of them, and slew seven of
them ; * because their retreat was not made in
a disorderly manner, because the strokes only
touched the surface of their bodies, which
were covered with their armour in all parts,
and because the Jews did rather throw their
weapons upon them from a great distance,
than venture to come hand to hand with them,
and had only light armour on, while the others
wore completely armed. However, three men
of the Jews' side were slain, and a few wound-
ed ; so Placidus, finding himself unable to as-
sault the city, ran away.
2. But as Vespasian had a great mind to
fall upon Galilee, he marched out from Ptole-
mais, having put his army into that order
wherein the Romans used to march. He
ordered those auxiliaries which were lightly
* I cannot but here observe an eastern way of speak-
ing, frequent among them, but not usual among us, where
the word " onlj-" or "alone" is not set down, but perhaps
some way supplied in the pronunciation. Thus Jose-
phus here says, that those of Jotapata slew seven of the
Romans as they were marching off, lx;cause the Romans'
retreat was regular, their bodies were co\ ered over with
their armour, and the Jews fought at some distance ;
his meaning is clear, that these were the reasons whv
they slew only, or no more than seven. I liave me't
with many the like examples in the Scriptures, in Jose-
phus, &e. ; but did not note down the particular places.
This observation ought to be borne ill miud upon many
oucasiong. .^^
cut down the woods that hindered their march,
that the army might not be in distress, or
tired with their march. Behind these he set
such carriages of the army as belonged both
to himself and to the other commanders, with
a considerable number of their horsemen for
their security. Ai'ter these he marched him-
self, having with him a select body of foot-
men, and horsemen, and pikemen. After
these came the peculiar cavalry of his own
legion, for there were an hundred and twenty
horsepian tliat peculiarly belonged to every
legion. Next to these came the mules tiiat
carried the engines for sieges, and the other
warlike machines of that nature. After these
came the commanders of the cohorts, and tri-
bunes, having about them soldiers chosen out
of the rest. Then came the ensigns encompas-
sing the eagle, which is at the head of every
Roman legion, the king, and the strongest of all
birds, which seems to them a signal of domi-
nion, and an omen that they shall conquer all
against whom they march ; these sacred en-
signs are followed by the trumpeters. Then
came the main army in their squadrons and
battalions, with six men in depth, which were
followed at last by a centurion, who, according
to custom, observed the rest. As for the ser-
vants of every legion, they all followed the
footmen, and led the baggage of the soldiers
which was borne by the m-ules and other beasts
of burden. But behind all the legioiK came
the whole multitude of the mercenaries ; and
those that brought up the rear came last of all
for the security of the whole army, being both
footmen, and those in their armour also, with
a great number of horsemen.
3. And thus did Vespasian march with his
army, and came to the bounds of Galilee,
where he pitched his camp and restrained his
soldiers, who were eager for warj he also
shewed his army to the enemy, in order to
affright them, and to afford them a season for
repentance, to see whether they would cliange
their minds before it came to a battle, and at
the same time he got things ready for besieg-
ing their strong-holds. And indeed this sight
of the general brought many to repent of tlieir
revolt, and put them all into a consternation;
for those tJiat were in Josephus's camp, whiclj
J
"\,
656
"WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK 111.
nas at the city called Garis, not far from
Scpplioris, when they heard that the war was
come near them, and that the Romans would
suddenly fight them hand to hand, dispersed
tnemselves and fled, not only before they
came to a battle, but before the enemy ever
came in sight, while Josephus and a few others
were left behind ; and as he saw that he had not
an army sufficient to engage the enemy, that
the spirits of the Jews were sunk, and that the
greater part would willingly come to terms,
if they might be credited, he already despair-
ed of the success of the whole war, and de-
termined to get as far as he possibly could,
out of danger; so he took those that staid
.along with him, and fled to Tiberias.
CHAPTER VII.
VESPASIAN, WHEN HE HAD TAKEN THE CITY
GADARA, MARCHES TO JOTAPATA. AFTER
A LONG SIEGE, THE CITY IS BETRAYED BY A
DESERTER, AND TAKEN BY VESPASIAN.
§ 1. So Vespasian marched to the city Cadara,
and took it upon the first onset, because he
found it destitute of any considerable number
of men grown up and fit for war. He came
then into it, and slew all the youth, the Ro-
mans having no mercy on any age whatso-
ever ; and this was done out of the hatred
they bore the nation, and because of the ini-
quity they had been guilty of in the affair of
Cestius. He also set fire, not only to the
city itself, but to all the villas and small cities
that were round about it ; some of them were
quite destitute of inhabitants; and out of
some of them he carried the inhabitants as
slaves into captivity.
2. As to Josephus, his retiring into that city
which he chose as the most fit for his security,
put it into great fear ; for the people of Ti-
berias did not imagine that he would have
run away, unless he had entirely despaired of
the success of the war ; and indeed, as to
that point, they were not mistaken about his
opinion ; for he saw whither the affairs of the
Jews would end at last, and was sensible
that they hai but one way of escaping, and
tliat was by repentance. However, although
he expected that the Romans would forgive
him, yet did he choose to die many times over
rather than to betray his country, and to dis-
honour tnat supreme command of the army
which had been entrusted with him, or to
live happily under those against wliom he was
sent to fight. He determined, therefore, to
give an exact account of affairs to the princi-
pal men at Jerusalem by a letter, that he
might not, by too much aggrandizing the
power of the enemy, make them too timorous ;
nor, by relating that their power beneath the
truth, might enccurage thera to stand out
when they ^vere perhaps disposed to repent-
ance. He also sent them word, that if they
thought of coming to terms, they must sud-
denly write him an answer ; or if they re-
solve upon war, they must send him an army
sufficient to fight the Romans. Accordingly
he wrote these things, and sent messengers
immediately to carry his letter to Jerusalem.
3. Now Vespasian was very desirous of de-
molishing Jotapata, for he had gotten intelli-
gence that the greatest part of the enemy had
retired thither; and that it was, on other ac-
counts, a place of great security to them. Ac--
cordingly he sent both footmen and horsemen
to level the road, which was mountainous and
rocky, not without difficulty to be travelled
over by footmen, but absolutely impracticable
for horsemen. Now these workmen accom-
plished what they were about in four days'
time, and opened a broad way for the army.
On tiie fifth day, which was the twenty-first of
the month Artemisius (Jyar) Josephus pre-
vented him, and came from Tiberias, and
went into Jotapata, and raised the drooping
spirits of the Jews. And a certain deserter
told this good news to Vespasian, that Jose-
phus had removed himself thither, which
made him make haste to the city, as suppos-
ing, that with taking that he should take all
Judea, in case he could but withal get Jose-
phus under his power. So he took this news
to be of the vastest advantage to him, and be-
lieved it to be brought about by the provi-
dence of God, that he who appeared to be the
most prudent man of all their enemies, had of
his own accord, shut himself up in a place of
sure custody. Accordingly he sent Placidus
with a thousand horsemen, and Ebutius a de-
curion, a person that was of eminency both in
council and in action, to encompass the city
round, that Josephus might not escape away
privately.
4. Vespasian also, the very next day, took
his whole army and followed them, and by
marching till late in the evening, arrived then
at Jotapata ; and bringing his army to the
northern side of the city, he pitched his camp
on a certain small hill which was seven fur-
longs from the city, and still greatly endea-
voured to be well seen by the enemy, to put
them into a consternation, which was indeed
so terrible to the Jews immediately, that no
one of them durst go out beyond the wall.
Yet did tlie Romans put off" the attack at that
time, because they had marched all the day,
although they placed a double row of batta-
lions round the city, with a third row beyond
them round the whole, which consisted of ca-
valry, in order to stop up every way for an
exit ; wliicli thing making the Jews de-
spair of escaping, excited them to act more
boldly ; for nothing makes men fight so de-
sperately in war as necessity.
5. Now when an assault was made tlie nex
day bv the Romans, the Jews at first staid
CHAP, VII.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
657
out of the walls, and opposed them ; and met
them, as having formed themselves a camp
before the city walls. But when Vespasian
had set against them the archers and slingers,
and the whole multitude that could throw to
a great distance, he permitted them to go to
with vigour. To that end he called the com-
manders that were under liim to a council of
war, and consulted with them which way the
assault might be managed to the best advan-
tage ; and when the resolution was there ta-
ken to raise a bank against that part of the
work, while he himself, with the footmen, | wall which was practicable, he sent his whole
got upon an acclivity, whence the city might
easily be taken. Josephus was then in fear
for the city, and leaped out, and all the Jew-
ish multitude with him ; these fell together
army abroad to get the materials together.
So when they had cut down all the trees on
the mountains that adjoined to the city, and
had gotten together a vast heap of stones, be-
upon the Romans in great numbers, and drove j sides the wood they had cut down, some or
them away from the wall, and performed a them brought hurdles, in order to avoid the
great many glorious and bold actions. Yet
did they sufltr as much as they made the
enemy suffer ; for as despair of deliverance
encouraged the Jews, so did a sense of shame
equally encourage the Romans. These last
had skill as well as strength ; the other had
only courage, which armed them, and made
them fight furiously. And when the fight
had lasted all day, it was put an end to by the
coming on of the night. They had wounded
a great many of the Romans, and killed of
them thirteen men ; of the Jews' side seven-
teen were slain, and six hundred wounded.
6. On the next day the Jews made another
attack upon the Romans, and went out of
the walls, and fought a much more desperate
battle with them than before ; for they were
now become more courageous than formerly,
and that on account of the unexpected good
opposition they had made the day before, as
they found the Romans also to fight more de-
sperately ; for a sense of shame inflamed these
into a passion, as esteeming their failure of a
sudden victory to be a kind of defeat. Thus
did the Romans try to make an impression
upon the Jews till the fifth day continually,
while the people of Jotapata made sallies out,
and fought at the walls most desperately ;
nor were the Jews affrighted at the strength
of the enemy, nor were the Romans discou-
raged at the difficulties they met with in tak-
ing the city.
7. Now Jotapata is almost all of it built
upon a precipice, having on all the other sides
of it every way valleys immensely deep and
steep, insomuch that those who would look
down would have their sight fail them before
it reaches to the bottom. It is only to be
come at on the north side, where the utmost
part of the city is built on the mountain, as
it ends obliquely at a plain. This mountain
Josephus had encompassed with a wall when
he fortified the city, that its top might not be
capable of being seized upon by the enemies.
The city is covered all round with other
mountains, and can no way be seen till a man
comes just upon it. And this was the strong
situation of Jotapata,
8. Vespasian, therefore, in order to try how
effects of the darts that were shot from above
thein. These hurdles they spread over their
banks, under cover whereof they formed their
bank, and so were little or nothing hurt by
the darts that were thrown upon them from
the wall, while others pulled the neighbour-
ing hillocks to pieces, and perpetually brought
earth to them ; so that while they were busy
three sorts of ways, nobody was idle. How-
ever, the Jews cast great stones from the walls
upon the hurdles which protected the men,
with all sorts of darts also ; and the noise
of what could not reach them was yet so ter-
rible, that it was some impediment to the
workmen.
9, Vespasian then set the engines for throw-
ing stones and darts round about the city ;
tlie number of the engines was in all a hun-
dred and sixty; and bade them fall to work
and dislodge those that were upon the walL
At the same time such engines as were intend-
ed for that purpose, threw at once lances upon
them with great noise, and stones of the weight
of a talent were thrown by the engines that
were prepared for that purpose, together with
fire, and a vast multitude of arrows, which
made the wall so dangerous, that the Jews
durst not only not to come upon it, but durst
not come to those parts within the walls which
were reached by the engines; for the multi-
tude of the Arabian archers, as well also as
all those that threw darts and slung stones,
fell to work at the same time with the engines.
Yet did not the others lie still when they
could not throw at the Romans from a high-
er place ; for they then made sallies out of
the city like private robbers, by parties, and
pulled away the hurdles that covered the
workmen, and killed them when they were
thus naked ; and when those workmen gave
way, these cast away the earth that composed
the bank, and burnt the wooden parts of it,
together with the hurdles, till at length Ves-
pasian perceived that the intervals there were
between the werks were of disadvantage to
him ; for those spaces of ground afforded the
Jews a place for assaulting the Romans. So
he united the hurdles, and at the same time
joined one part of the army to the other.
he might overcome the natural strength of i which prevented the private excursions of the
tlie place, as well as the bold defence of the Jews.
Jews, made a resolution to prosecute tlSie siege [ 10. And when the bank was now raised.
658
WARS OF THE JEWS.
and brought nearer than ever to the battle-
ments that belonged to the walls, Josephus
thought it would be entirely wrong in him
if he could not make no contrivances in oppo-
sition to theirs, and that might be for the city's
preservation ; so he got together his work-
men, and ordered them to build the wall
higher ; and when they said that this was im-
possible to be done while so many darts were
thrown at them, he invented this sort of cover
for them : — He bade them fix piles, and ex-
pand before them raw hides of oxen newly
killed, that these hides by yielding and hol-
lowing themselves when the stones were
thrown at them might receive them, for that
toe ot'ner darts would slide off them, and the
fire that was thrown would be quenched by
the moisture that was in them ; and these he
set before the workmen ; and under them
these workmen went on with their works in
safety, and raised the wall higher, and that
both by day and by night, till it was tv/enty
cubits high. He also built a good number
of towers upon the wall, and fitted it to strong
battlements. This greatly discouraged the
Romans, who in their own opinions were al-
ready gotten within the walls, while they were
now at once astonished at Josephus's contri-
vance, and at the fortitude of the citizens that
were in the city.
11. And now Vespasian was plainly irri-
tated at the great subtilty of this stratagem,
and at the boldness of the citizens of Jotapa-
ta ; for taking heart again upon the building
of this wall, they made fresh sallies upon the
Romans, and had every day conflicts with
them by parties, together with all such con-
trivances as robbers make use of, and with the
plundering of all that came to hand, as also
with the setting fire to all the other works ;
and this till Vespasian made his army leave
off fighting them, and resolved to lie round
the city, and to starve them into a surrender,
as supposing that either they would be forced
to petition him for mercy by want of provi-
sions, or if they should have the courage to
hold out till the last they should perish by fa-
mine : and he concluded he should conquer
them the more easily in fighting, if he gave
them an interval, and then fell upon them
when they were weakened by famine ; but
still he gave orders that they should guard
against their coming out of the city.
12. Now the besieged had plenty of corn
within the city, and indeed of all other neces-
saries, but they wanted water, because there
was no fountain in the city, the people being
there usually satisfied with rain-water ; yet it
is a rare thing in that country to have rain in
summer, and at this season, during the siege,
they were in great distress for some contri-
vance to satisfy their thirst ; and they were
very sad at this time particularly, as if they
were already in want of water entirely, for
Josephus seeing that the city abounded with
othei necessaries, and that the men were of
good courage, and being desirous to protect
the siege to the Romans longer than they ex-
pected, ordered their drink to be given them
by measure ; but this scanty distribution of
water by measure was deemed by them as a
thing more hard upon them than the want of
it ; and their not being able to drink as much
as they would, made them more desirous of
drinking than they otherwise had been ; nay,
they were so much disheartened hereby as if
they were come to the last degree; of thirst.
Nor were the Romans unacquainted with the
state they were in, for when they stood over-
against them, beyond the wall, they could see
them running together, and taking their water
by measure, which made them throw their
javelins thither, the place being within their
reach, and kill a great many of them.
13. Hereupon Vespasian hoped that their
receptacles of water would in no long time be
emptied, and that they would be forced to de-
liver up the city to him ; but Josephus being
minded to break such his hope, gave command
that they should wet a great many of their
clothes, and hang them out about the battle-
ments, till the entire walls was of a sudden all
wet with the running down of the water. At
this sight the Romans were discouraged, and
under consternation, when they saw them able
to throw away in sport so much water, when
they supposed them not to have enough to
drink themselves. This made the Roman
general despair of taking the city by their
want of necessaries, and to betake himself a-
gain to arms, and to try to force them to sur-
render, which was what the Jews greatly de-
sired ; for as they despaired of either them-
selves or their city being able to escape, they
preferred a death in battle before one by
hunger and thirst.
14. However, Josephus contrived another
stratagem besides the foregoing, to get plenty
of what they wanted. — There was a certain
rough and uneven place that could hardly be
ascended, and on that account was not guard-
ed by the soldiers ; so Josephus sent out cer^
tain persons along the western parts of the
valley, and by them sent letters to whom he
pleased of the Jews that were out of the city,
and procured from them what necessaries so-
ever they wanted in the city in abundance;
he enjoined them also to creep generally along
by the watch as they came into the city, and
to cover their backs with such sheep-skins as
had their wool upon them, that if any one
should spy them in the night-time, they might
be believed to be dogs. This was done till
the watcli perceived their contrivance, and en-
compassed that rough place about themselves.
15. And now it was that Josephus perceiv-
ed that the city could not hold out long, and
that his own life would be in doubt if he con-
tinued in it ; so he consulted how he and the
most potent men of the city might fly out cj
"A.
J~
CHAP. VH.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
659
it. When tlie multitude understood this, they
came all round about him, and begged of him
not to overlook them while they entirely de-
pended on him, and him alone ; for that there
was still hope of the city's deliverance if he
would stay with them, because every body
would undertake any pains with great cheer-
fulness on his account, and in that case there
would be some comfort for them also, though
they should be taken : that it became him nei
ther to fly from his enemies, nor to desert his
friends, nor to leap out of that city, as out of
a ship that was sinking in a storm, into which
he came when it was quiet and in a calm ; for
that by going away he would be the cause of
drowning the city, because nobody would then
venture to oppose the enemy when he was
once gone, upon whom they wholly confided.
16. Hereupon Josephus avoided letting
them know that he was to go away to provide
for his own safety, but told them that he would
go out of the city for their sakes ; for that if
he staid with them, he should be able to do
them little good while they were in a safe
condition ; and that if they were once taken,
he should only perish with them to no pur-
pose ; but that if he were once gotten free
from this siege, he should be able to bring
them very great relief; for that he would then
immediately get the Galileans together, out
of the country, in great multitudes, and draw
the Romans off tlieir city by another war.
Tliat he did not see what advantage he could
bring to them now, by staying among them,
but only provoke the Romans to besiege them
more closely, as esteeming it a most valuable
thing to take him ; but that if they were once
informed that he was fled out of the city, they
would greatly remit of their eagerness against
it. Yet did not this plea move the people,
but inflamed them the more to hang about
him. Accordingly, both the children and the
old men, and the women with their infants,
came mourning to him, and fell down before
him, and all of them caught hold of his feet,
and held him fast, and besought him, with
great lamentations, that he would take his
share with them in their fortune ; — and I
think they did tliis, not that they envied his
deliverance, but that they hoped for their
own ; for they could not think they should
suffer any great misfortune, provided Jose-
phus would but stay with them.
17. Now, Josephus thought, that if he re-
solved to stay, it would be ascribed to their
entreaties ; and if he resolved to go away by
force, he should be put into custody. His
commiseration also of the people under their
lamentations, had much broken that of his ea-
gerness to leave them ; so he resolved to stay,
and arming himself with the common despair
of the citizens, he said to them, " Now is the
time to begin to fight in earnest, when there
is no hope of deliverance left. It is^ brave
thing to prefer glory before life, and to set
about some such noble undertaking as may
be remembered by late posterity." Having
said this, he fell to work immediately, and
made a sally, and dispersed the enemies' out-
guards, and ran as far as the Roman camp it
self, and pulled the coverings of their tents
to pieces, that were upon their banks, and set
fire to their works. And this was the man-
ner in which he never left off fighting, nei-
ther the next day nor the day after it, but
went on with it for a considerable number of
both days and nights.
18. Upon this, Vespasian, when he saw
the Romans distressed by these sallies (al-
though they were ashamed to be made to run
away by the Jews ; and when at any time they
made the Jews run away, their heavy armour
would not let them pursue them far; while
the Jews, when they had performed any ac-
tion, and before they could be hurt themselves,
still retired into the city), ordered his armed
men to avoid their onset, and not to fight it
out with men under desperation, while no-
thing is more courageous than despair; but
that their violence would be quenched when
they saw they failed of their purposes, as fire
is quenched when it wants fuel ; and that it
was most proper for the Romans to gain their
victories as cheap as they could, since they
are not forced to fight, but only to enlarge
their own dominions. So he repelled the
Jews in great measure by the Arabian arch-
ers, and the Syrian slingers, and by those that
threw stones at them, nor was there any in-
termission of the great number of their of-
fensive engines. Now, the Jews suffered
greatly by these engines, without being able
to escape from them ; and when these engines
threw their stones or javelins a great way, and
the Jews were within their reach, they pressed
hard upon the Romans, and fougiit desperate-
ly, without sparing either soul or body, one
part succouring another by turns, when it was
tired down.
1 9. When, therefore, Vespasian looked ujj-
on himself as in a manner besieged by these
sallies of the Jews, and when his banks were
now not far from the walls, he determined to
make use of his battering ram. This batter-
ing ram is a vast beam of wood like the mast
of a ship; its fore-part is armed with a thick
piece of iron at the head of it^ which is so
carved as to be like the head of a ram, whence
its name is taken. This ram is slung in the
air by ropes passing over its middle, and is
hung like the balance in a pair of scales from
another beam, and braced by strong beams
that pass on both sides of it in the nature of
a cross. When this ram is pulled backward
by a great number of men with united force,
and then thrust forward by the same men,
with a mighty noise, it batters the walls with
that iron part which is prominent ; nor is
there any tower so strong, or walls so broad,
that can resist any more than its tirst battC'
^V_
660
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK III.
ries, but all are forced to yield to it at last.
Tliis was the experiment which the Roman
general betook himself to when he was eager-
ly bent upon taking the city, and found lying
in the field so long to be to his disadvantage,
because the Jews would never let him be
quiet. So these Romans brought the several en-
gines for galling an enemy nearer to the walls,
that they might reach such as were upon the
wall, and endeavoured to frustrate their at-
tempts ; these threw stones and javelins at
them ; in the like manner did the archers and
slingers come both together closer to the-wall.
This brought matters to such a pass that none
of the Jews durst mount the walls, and then
it was that the other Romans brought the
battering ram that was cased with hurdles
all over, and in the upper part was secured
with skins that covered it, and this both for
the security of themselves and of the engine.
Now, at the very first stroke of this engine,
the wall was shaken, and a lerrible clamour
was raised by the people within the city, as if
they were already taken.
20. And now, when Josephus saw this ram
still battering the same place, and that the
wall would quickly be thrown down by it, he
resolved to elude for a while the force of the
engine. With this design he gave orders to
fill sacks with chaif, and to hang them down
before that place where they saw the ram al-
ways battering, that the stroke might be turn-
ed aside, or that the place might feel less of
the strokes by the yielding nature of the
chaff. This contrivance very much delayed
the attempts of the Romans, because let
them remove their engine to what part they
pleased, those that were above it removed their
sacks, and placed them over-against the strokes
it made, insomuch that the wall was no way
hurt, and this by diversion of the strokes, till the
Romans made an opposite contrivance of long
poles, and by tying hooks at their ends, cut
off the sacks. Now, when the battering ram,
thus recovered its force, and the wall having
been but newly built, was giving way, Jose-
phus and those about him, had afterward im-
mediate recourse to fire, to defend themselves
withal ; whereupon they took what materials
soever they had that were but dry, and made
a sally three ways, and set fire to the machines,
and the hurdles, and the banks of the Ro-
mans themselves ; nor did the Romans well
know how to come to their assistance, being
at once under a consternation at the Jews'
boldness, and being prevented by the flames
from coming to their assistance ; for the ma-
terials being dry with the bitumen and pitch
lliat were among them, as was brimstone also,
the fire caught hold of every thing immediate-
ly ; and what cost the Romans a great deal
of pains, was in one hour consumed.
21. And here a certain Jew appeared wor-
thy of our relation and commendation ; he
nas the son of Sameas, and was called £lea'
zar, and was born at Saab, In Galilee. This
man took up a stone of vast bigness, and
threw it down from the wall upon the ram,
and this with so great a force that it broke off
the head of the engine. He also leaped dow-n
and took up the head of the ram from the
midst of them, and without any concern, car
ried it to the top of the wall, and this, while
he stood as a fit mark to be pelted by all his
enemies. Accordingly, he received the strokes
upon his naked body, and was wounded with
five darts ; nor did he mind any of them while
he went up to the top of the wall, where he
stood in sight of them all, as an instance of
the greatest boldness : after which he threw
himself on a heap with his wounds upon him,
and fell down, together with the head of the
ram. Next to him, two brothers showed their
courage ; their names were Netir and Philip,
both of them of the village Ruma, and both
of them Galileans also ; these men leaped up-
on the soldiers of the tenth legion, and fell
upon the Romans with such a noise and force
as to disorder their ranks, and put to flight
all upon whomsoever they made their as-
saults.
22. After these men's performances, Jose-
phus, and the rest of the multitude with him,
took a great deal of fire, and burnt both the
machines, and their coverings, with the works
belonging to the fifth, and to the tenth legion,
which they put to flight ; when others fol-
lowed them immediately, and buried those in-
struments and all their materials under ground.
However, about the evening the Romans
erected the battering ram again, against that
part of the wall which had suffered before ;
where a certain Jew that defended the city
from the Romans, hit Vespasian with a dart
in his foot, and wounded him a little, the dis-
tance beingso great, that no mighty impression
could be made by the dart thrown so far off.
However, this caused the greatest, disorder
among the Romans ; for when those who
stood near him saw his blood, they were dis-
turbed at it, and a report went abroad, througli
the whole array, thnt the general was wound-
ed, while the greatest part left the siege, and
came running together with surprise and fear
to the general ; and before them all came Ti-
tus, out of the concern he had for his father,
insomuch that the multitude were in great
confusion, and this out of the regard they had
for their general, and by reason of the agony
that the son was in. Yet did the father soon
put an end to the son's fear, and to the dis-
order the army was under, for being superior
to his pains, and endeavouring soon to be
seen by all that had been in a fright about
him, he excited them to fight the Jews more
briskly ; for now every body was willing to
expose himself to danger immediately, in or-
der to avenge their general ; and then they
encouraged one another with loud voices, and
ran hastily to the walls.
CHAP. VII.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
661
23. But still Josephus and those with him,
although they fell down dead one upon anoth-
er by the darts and stones which the engines
threw upon them, yet did not they desert the
wall, but fell upon those who managed the
ram, under the protection of the hurdles,
with fire, and iron weapons, and stones ; and
these could do little or nothing, but fell
themselves perpetually, while they were seen
by those whom they could not see, for the
light of their own flame shone about them,
and made them a most visible mark to the
enemy, as they were in the day-time, while
the engines could not be seen at a great dis-
tance, and so what was thrown at them was
hard to be avoided ; for the force with which
these engines threw stones and darts made
them hurt several at a time, and the violent
noise of the stones that were cast by the en-
gines was so great, that they carried away the
pinnacles of the wall, and broke off the cor-
ners of the towers ; for no body of men could
^e so strong as not to be overthrown to the last
rank by the largeness of the stones ; and any
one may learn the force of the engines by
what happened thi-s very night ; for as one of
those that stood round about Josephus was
near the wall, his head was carried away by
such a stone, and his skull was flung as far
as three furlongs. In the day-time also, a
woman with child had her belly so violently
struck, as she was just come out of her house,
that the infant was carried to the distance of
half a furlong; so great was the force of that
engine. The noise of the instruments them-
selves was very terrible, the sound of the darts
and stones that were thrown by them, was so
also ; of the same sort was that noise the dead
bodies made, when they were dashed against
the wall ; and indeed dreadful was the cla-
mour which these things raised in the women
within the city, which was echoed back at the
same time by the cries of such as were slain ;
wiiile the whole space of ground whereon
they fought ran with blood, and the wall might
have been ascended over by the bodies of
the dead carcasses ; the mountains also con-
tributed to increase the noise by their echoes ;
nor was there on that night any thing of ter-
ror wanting that could either affect the Hear-
ing or the sight : yet did a great part of th.ose
that fought so hard for Jotapata fall manfully,
as were a great part of them wounded. How-
ever, the morning watch was come ere the
wall yielded to the machines employed against
it, though it had been battered without inter-
mission. However, those within covered their
bodies with their armour, and raised works
over-agamst that part which was thrown
down, before tliose machines were laid by
which the Romans were to ascend into the
city.
24. In the mornmg Vespasian got his army
together, in order to take the city [by storm I,
after a little recreation upon tiii.> liurd pains
they had been at the night before; and as he
was desirous to draw off those that opposed
him from the places where the wall had been
thrown down, he made the most courageous
of the horsemen get off their horses, and
placed them in three ranks over -against those
ruins of the walls, but covered with their ar-
mour on every side, and with poles in their
hands, that so these might begin their ascent
as soon as the instruments for such ascent were
laid ; behind them he placed the flower of the
footmen ; but for the rest of the horse, he
ordered them to extend themselves over-
against the wall, wpon the whole hilly coun-
try, in order to prevent any from escaping out
of the city when it should be taken ; and be-
hind these he placed the archers round about,
and commanded them to have all their darts
ready to shoot. The same command he gave
to the slingers, and to those that managed the
engines, and bade them to take up other lad-
ders and have them ready to lay upon those
parts of the wall which were yet untouched,
that the besieged migiit be engaged in trying
to hinder their ascent by them, and leave the
guard of the parts that were thrown down
while the rest of them should be overborne by
the darts cast at them, and might afford his
men an entrance into the city.
25. But Josephus, understanding the mean-
ing of Vespasian's contrivance, set the old
men, together with those that were tired out,
at the sound parts of the wall, as expecting
no harm from those quarters, but set the
strongest of his men at the place where the
wall was broken down, and before them all,
six men by themselves, among whom he took
his share of the first and greatest danger.
He also gave orders, that when the legions
made a shout they should stop their ears, that
they might not be affrighted at it, and that,
to avoid the multitude of the enemies' darts,
they should bend down on their knees, and
cover themselves with their shields, and that
they should retreat a little backward for a
while, till the archers should have emptied
their quivers; but that, when the Roman?
should lay their instruments for ascending the
walls, they should leap out on the sudden,
and with their own instruments should meet
the enemy, and that every one should strive
to do his best, in order not to defend his own
city, as if it were possible to be preserved,
but in order to revenge it, when it was alrea-
dy destroyed ; and that they should set before
their eyes how their old men were to be slain,
and their children and' their wives to be killed
immediately by the enemy ; and that they
would beforehand spend all their fury, on ac-
count of the calamities just coming upon them,
and pour it out on the aetois.
26. And thus did Josephus dispose of both
Ills bodies of men ; but then for the useless part
of the citizens, the women and children, when
thev saw their city encompassed by a three-
s
662
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK III
fold army (for none of the usual guards that
had been fighting before were removed), when
they also saw not only the walls thrown down,
but their enemies with swords in their hands,
as also the hilly country above tlieni shining
with their weapons, and the darts in the hands
of the Arabian archers, they made a final and
lamentable outcry of the destruction, as if the
misery were not only threatened, but actual-
ly come upon them already. But Josephus
ordered the women to be shut up in their
houses, lost they should render the warlike
actions of the men too effeminate, by making
them commiserate tlieir condition, and com-
manded them to hold their peace, and threat-
ened them if they did not, while he came him-
self before the breach, where his allotment
was ; for all those who brought ladders to
the other places, lie took no notice of them,
but earnestly waited for the shower of arrows
that was coming.
27. And now the trumpeters of the several
Roman legions sounded together, and the ar-
my made a terrible shout; and the darts, as
by order, flew so fast that tl>ey intercepted the
light. However, Josephus's men remember-
ed the charges he had given them, they stop-
ped their ears at the sounds, and covered their
bodies against the darts ; and as to the en-
gines that were set ready to go to work, the
Jews ran out upon them, before those that
should have used them were gotten upon
them. And now, on the ascending of the
soldiers, there was a great conflict, and many
actions of the hands and of the soul were ex-
liibited, while the Jews did earnestly endea-
vour, in the extreme danger they were in,
not to show less courage than those who,
without being in danger, fought so stoutly
against them ; nor did they leave struggling
with the Romans till they either fell down
dead themselves, or killed their antagonists.
But the Jews grew weary with defending
themselves continually, and had not enow
to come in their places to succour them, —
while, on the side of the Romans, fresh men
still succeeded those that were tired ; and
still new men soon got upon the machines
for ascent, in the room of those that were
thrust down ; those encouraging one another,
and joining side to side with their shields,
tvhich were a protection to them, they became
a body of men not to be broken ; and as this
band thrust away the Jews, as though they
were themselves but one body, they began al-
ready to get upon the wall.
28. Then did Josephus take necessity for
his counsellor in this utmost distress (which
necessity is very sagacious in invention, when
it is irritated by despair), and gave orders to
pour scalding oil upon those whose srhields
protected them. Wliereupon they soon got
it ready, being many that brought it, and
what they brought being a great quantity al-
to, and poured it on all sides upon the Ro-
mans, and threw down upon them their ves-
sels as they were still hissing from the heat
of the fire : this so burnt the Romans, that
it dispersed that united band, who now tum-
bled down from the wall with horrid pains,
for the oil did easily run down the whole
body from head to foot, under their entire
armour, and fed upon their flesh like flame it-
self, its fat and unctuous nature rendering it
soon heated and slowly cooled ; and as the
men were cooped up in their head-pieces and
breast-plates, they could no way get free
from this burning oil ; they could only leap
and roll about in their pains, as they fell down
from the bridges they had laid. And as they
were thus beaten back, and retired to their
own party, who still pressed them forward,
they were easily wounded by those that were
behind them.
29. However, in this ill success of the Ro-
mans, their courage did not fail them, nor
did the Jews want prudence to oppose them ;
for the Romans, although they saw their
own men thrown down, and in a miserable
condition, yet were they vehemently bent
against those that poured the oil upon them,
while every one reproached the man before
him as a coward, and one that hindered him
from exerting himself; and while the Jews
made use of anothei stratagem to prevent their
ascent, and poured boiling fenugreek upon
the boards, in order to make them slip and
fall down ; by which means neither could
those that were coming up, nor those that
were going down, stand on their feet ; but
some of them fell backward upon the ma-
chines on which they ascended, and were
trodden upon ; many of them fell down on
the bank they had raised, and when they
were fallen upon it were slain by the Jews ;
for when the Romans could not keep their
feet, the Jews being freed from fighting hand
to hand, had leisure to throw their darts at
them. So the general called oft' those sol-
diers in the evening that had suffered so
sorely, of whom the number of the slain was
not a few, while that of the wounded was
still greater ; but of the people of Jotapata no
more than six men were killed, although
more than three hundred were carried off
wounded. This fight happened on the twen-
tieth day of the month Desius [Sivan],
30. Hereupon Vespasian comforted his
army on occasion of what had happened, and as
he found them angry indeed, but rather want-
ing somewhat to do than any farther exhorta-
tions, he gave orders to raise the banks still
higher, and to erect three towers, each fifty
feet high, and that they should cover them
with plates of iron on every side, tliat they
might be both firm by their weiglit, and not
easily liable to be set on fire. These towers
he set upon the banks, and placed upon them
such as could shoot darts and arrows, with the
lighter engines for throwing stones and darta
_y
CHAP. VII.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
663
also ; and besides these, he set upon them the
stoutest men among the slingers, who not be-
ing to be seen by reason of the height they
stood upon, and the battlements that jirotect-
ed them, might throw their weapons at those
that were upon the wall, and were easily seen
by them. Hereupon the Jews, not being
easily able to escape those darts that were
thrown down upon their heads, nor to avenge
themselves on those whom they could not see,
and perceiving that the height of the towers
was so great, that a dart which they threw
with their hand could hardly reach it, and that
the iron plates about them made it very hard
to come at them by fire, they ran away from
the walls, and fled hastily out of the city, and
fell upon those that shot at them. And thus
did the people of Jotapata resist the Romans,
while a great uumber of tliem were every day
killed, without their being able to retort the
evil upon their enemies ; nor could they
keep them out of the city without danger to
themselves.
31. About this time it was that Vespasian
sent out Trajan against a city called Japha,
that lay near to Jotapata, and that desired in-
novations, and was puffed up with the unex-
pected length of the opposition of Jotapata.
Tliis Trajan was tlie commander of the tenth
legion, and to him Vespasian committed one
thousand horsemen, and two thousand foot-
men. When Trajan came to the city, he
found it hard to be taken, for besides the na-
tural strength of its situation, it was also se-
cured by a double wall ; but when he saw
the people of this city coming out of it, and
ready to fight him, he joined battle with
them, and after a short resistance which they
made, he pursued after them ; and as they
fled to their first wall, the Romans followed
them so closely, that they fell in together
with them : but when the Jews were endea-
vouring to get again within their second wall,
their fellow-citizens shut them out, as being
afraid that the Romans would force them-
selves in with them. It was certainly God,
therefore, who brought the Romans to punish
the Galileans, and did then expose the people
of the city every one of them manifestly to be
destroyed by their blood}' enemies ; for they
fell upon the gates in great crowds, and ear-
nestly calling to those that kept them, and
that by their names also, yet had they their
throats cut in the very midst of their suppli-
cations ; for the enemy shut tiie gates of the
first wall, and their own citizens shut the gates
of the second, so they were enclosed between
two walls, and were slain in great numbers
together ; many of them were run through
by swords of their own men, and many by
their own swords, besides an immense num-
ber tliat were slain by the Romans ; — nor had
they any courage to revenge themselves; for
there was added to the consternation they
were in from iha enemy, tlicir being betrayed
by their own friends, vchich quite broke their
spirits: and at last they died, cursing not the
Romans, but their own citizens, till they were
all destroyed, being in number twelve thou-
sand. So Trajan gathered that the city was
empty of people that could fight, and although
there should a few of them be therein, he
supposed that they would be too timorous
to venture upon any opposition ; so he reserv-
ed the taking of the city to the general. Ac-
cordingly he sent messengers to Vespasian,
and desired him to send his son Titus to fin-
ish the victory he had gained. Vespasian
hereupon imagining there might be some
pains still necessary, sent his son with an
army of five himdred horsemen, and one thou-
sand footmen. So he came quickly to the
city, and put his army in order, and set Tra-
jan over the left wing, while he had the right
himself, and led them to the siege : and when
the soldiers brought ladders to be laid against
the wall on every side, the Galileans opposed
them from above for a while ; but soon after-
ward they left the walls. Then did Titus's
men leap into the city, and seized upon it
presently ; but when those that were in it
were gotten together, there was a fierce bat-
tle between them ; for the men of power fell
upon the Romans in the narrow streets, and
the women threw whatsoever came next to
hand at them, and sustained a fight with them
for six hours' time; but when the fighting
men were spent, the rest of the multitude had
their throats cut, partly in the open air and
partly in their own houses, both young and
old together. So there were no males now
remaining, besides infants, who with the wo-
men, were carried as slaves into captivity ; so
that the number of the slain, both now in the
city and at the former fight, was fifteen thou-
sand, and the captives were two thousand
one hundred and thirty. This calamity be-
fel the Galileans on the twenty-fifth day of
the month Desius [Sivan].
39, Nor did the Samaritans escape their
share of misfortunes at this time ; for they as-
sembled themselves together upon the moun-
tain called Gcrizzim, which is with them a
holy mountain, and there they remained ;
which collection of theirs, as well as the cour-
ageous minds they showed, could not but
threaten somewhat of war ; nor were they ren-
dered wiser by the miseries that had come up-
on their neighbouring cities. They also, not-
withstanding the great success the Romans
had, marched on in an unreasonable manner,
depending on their own weakness, and were
disposed for any tumult upon its first appear-
ance, Vespasian therefore thought it best to
prevent their motions, and to cut olfthe foun-
dation of their attempts ; for altliough all Sa-
maria had ever garrisons settled among them,
yet did the number of tliose that were come to
mount Gerizzim, and their conspiracy to-
I getlier, give ground to fear what they would
J-
664
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK III
be at ; lie therefore sent thither Cerealis, the
commander of the fifth legion, with six hun-
dred horsemen and three thousand footmen,
who did not think it safe to go up to the
mountain and give them battle, because many
of the enemy were on the higher part of the
ground ; so he encompassed all the lower
part of the mountain with his army, and
watched them all that day. Now it happened
that the Samaritans, who were now destitute
of water, were inflamed with a violent heat
(for it was summer-time, and the multitude had
not provided themselves with necessaries) in-
somuch that some of them died that very day
with heat, while others of them preferred sla-
very before such a death as that was, and fled
to the Romans ; by whom Cerealis understood
that those who still stayed there were very
much broken by their misfortunes. So he
went up to tlie mountain, and having placed
his forces round about the enemy, he, in the
first place, exhorted them to take the security
of his right hand, and come to terms with him,
and thereby save themselves; and assured
them, that if they would lay down their arms,
he would secure them from any harm ; but
when he could not prevail with them, he fell
upon them and slew them all, being in number
eleven thousand and six hundred. This was
done on the twenty-seventh day of the month
Desius [Sivan]. And these were the calami-
ties that befel the Samaritans at this time.
33. But as the people of Jotapata still held
out manfully, and bore up under their miseries
beyond all that could be hoped for, on the forty-
seventh day [of the siege] the banks cast up
by the Romans were become higher than the
wall ; on which day a certain deserter went
to Vespasian, and told him, how few were left
in the city, and how weak they were, and that
they had been so worn out with perpetual
watching, and also perpetual fighting, that they
could not now oppose any force that came a-
gainst them, and that they might be taken by
stratagem, if any one would attack them ; for
that about the last watch of the night, when
, they thought they might have some rest from
the hardships they were imder, and when a
morning sleep used to come upon them, as
they were thoroughly weary, he said the watch
used to fall asleep : accordingly his advice
was, that they should make their attack at
that hour. But Vespasian had a suspicion
about this deserter, as knowing how faithful
the Jews were to one another, and how much
they despised any punishments that could be
inflicted on them ; this last, because one of
tlie people of Jotapata had undergone all sorts
of torments, and though they made him pass
through a fiery trial of his enemies in his ex-
amination, yet would he inform them nothing
of the affairs within the city, and as he was
crucified, smiled at them ! However, the pro-
bability there was in the relation itself did
partly confirm tlie truth of what the deserter
told them, and they thought he might pro-
bably speak the truth. However, Vespasian
thought they should be no great sufl^erers if
the report was a sham ; so he commanded
them to keep the man in custody, and pre-
pared the army for taking the city.
34. According to which resolution they
marched without noise, at the hour that had
been told them, to the wall ; and it was Titus
himself that first got upon it, with one of his
tribunes, Domitius Sabinus, and had a few of
the fifteenth legion along with him. So they
cut the throats of the watch, and entered the
city very quietly. After these came Cerealis
the tribune, and Placidus, and led on those
that were under them. Now when the cita-
del was taken, and the enemy were in the
very midst of the city, and when it was already
day, yet was not the taking of the city known
by those that held it ; for a great many of
them were fast asleep, and a great mist, which
then by chance fell upon tlie city, hindered
those that got up from distinctly seeing the
case tliey were in, till the whole Roman army
was gotten in, and they were raised up only
to find the miseries they were under; and as
tliey were slaying, they perceived the city was
taken. And for tlie Romans, they so well re-
membered what they had suffered during the
siege, that they spared none, nor pitied any,
but drove the people down the precijiice
from the citadel, and slew them as they drove
them down; at which time the difl^culties of
the place hindered those that were still able
to fight from defending themselves ; for as
they were distressed in the narrow streets, and
could not keep their feet sure along the pre-
cipice, they were overpowered with the crowd
of those that came fighting them down from
the citadel. This provoked a great many,
even of those chosen men that were about
Josephus, to kill themselves with their own
hands ; for when they saw that they could kill
none of the Romans, they resolved to prevent
being killed by the Romans, and got together
in great numbers, in the utmost parts of the
city, and killed themselves.
35. However, such of the watch as at the
first perceived they were taken, and ran away
as fast as they could, went up into one of the
towers on the north side of the city, and for
a while defended themselves there ; but as
they were encompassed with a multitude of
enemies, they tried to use their right hands
when it was too late, and at length they cheer,
fully offered their necks to be cut off by those
that stood over them. And the Romans might
have boasted that the conclusion of that siegff
was without blood [on their side], if there had
not been a centurion, Antonius, who was slain
at the taking of the city. His death was oc-
casioned by the following treachery : for there
was one of those that were fled into the ca-
verns, which were a great number, who de-
sired that this Antonius would reach him his
CHAP. viir.
ri'Tht hand for liis security, and would assure
liim that he would preserve him, and give him
his assistance in getting up out of the cavern ;
accordingly, he incautiously reached him his
rio^ht hand, when the other man prevented
him, and stabbed him under his loins with a
spear, and killed him immediately.
36. And on this day the Romans slew all
the multitude that appeared openly ; but on
the following days they searched the hiding-
places, and fell upon those that were under
ground, and in the caverns, and went thus
through every age, excepting the infants and
the women, and of these there were gathered
together as captives twelve hundred ; and as
for those that were slain at the taking of the
city, and in the former fights, they were num-
bered to be forty thousand. So Vespasian
gave order that the city should be entirely de-
molished, and all the fortifications burnt down.
And thus was Jotapata taken, in the thir-
teenth year of the reign of Nero, on the first
day of the month Panemus [Tamuz].
WARS OF THE JEWS.
660
CHAPTER VIII.
HOW JOSEPHUS WAS DISCOVERED BY A WOMAxV,
4ND WAS WILLING TO DELIVER HIMSELF UP
TO THE ROMANS ; AND WHAT DISCOURSE HE
HAD WITH HIS OWN MEN, WHEN THEY EN-
DEAVOURED TO HINDER HIM ; AND WHAT
HE SAID TO VESPASIAN, WHEN HE WAS
BROUGHT TO HIM ; AND AFTER WHAT MAN-
NER VESPASIAN USED HIM AFTERWARDS.
§ 1. And now the Romans searched for Jo-
sephus, both out of the hatred they bore him,
and because their general was very desirous
to have him taken ; for he reckoned that if he
were once taken, the greatest part of the war
would be over. Tliey then searched among
the dead, and looked into the most concealed
recesses of the city ; but as the city was first
taken, he was assisted by a certain superna-
tural providence ; for he withdrew himself
from the enemy when he was in the midst of
them, and leaped into a certain deep pit,
whereto there adjoined a large den at one side
of it, which den could not be seen by those
that were above ground j and here he met
with forty persons of eminence that liad con-
cealed themselves, and with provisions enough
to satisfy them for not a few days. So in the
day-time he hid himself from the enemy, who
had seized upon all places ; and in the night-
time he got up out of the den, and looked
about for some way of escaping, and took ex-
act notice of the watch : but as all places were
guarded everywhere on his account, that tliere
was no way of getting off unseen, he went
down again into the den. Thus he concealed
himself two days ; but on the third day, when
tliey Lad taken a woman who had been with
^
tliem, he was discovered. Whereupon Vespa-
sian sent immediately and zealously two tri-
bunes, Paulinus and Gallicanus, and ordered
them to give Josephus their right hands as a
security for his life, and to exhort him ta
come up.
2, So they came and invited the man to
come up, and gave him assurances that his life
should be preserved ; but tliey did not prevail
with him; for he gathered suspicions from the
probability there was that one who had done
so many things against the Romans must suf-
fer for it, though not from the mild temper
of those that invited him. However, he was
afraid that he was invited to come up, in order
to be punished, until Vespasian sent besides
these a third tribune, Nicanor, to him ; he
was one that was well known to Josephus, and
had been his familiar acquaintance in old
time. When he was come, he enlarged upon
the natural mildness of the Romans towards
those they have once conquered ; and told
him, that he had behaved himself so valiantly,
that the commanders rather admired than hat-
ed him ; that the general was very desirous to
have him brought to him, not in order to pu-
nish him, for that he could do though he
should not come voluntarily, but that he was
determined to preserve a man of his courage.
He moreover added this, that Vespasian, had
he been resolved to impose upon him, would
not have sent to him a friend of his own, nor
put the fairest colour upon the vilest action,
by pretending friendship and meaning perfi-
diousness ; nor would he have himself acqui-
esced, or come to him, had it been to deceive
him.
3. Now, as Josephus began to hesitate with
himself about Nicanor's proposal, the soldiery
were so angry, that they ran hastily to set fire
to the den; but the tribune would not permit
them so to do, as being very desirous ta take
the man alive. And now, as Nicanor lay hard
at Josephus to comply, and he understood
how the multitude of the enemy threatened
him, he called to mind the dreams which he
had dreamed in the night-time, whereby God
had signified to him beforehand both the fu-
ture calamities of the Jews, and the events
that concerned the Roman emperors. Now
Josephus was able to give shrewd conjectures
about the Interpretation of such dreams as
have been ambiguously delivered by God.
Moreover, he was not unacquainted with the
prophecies contained in the sacred books, as
being a priest himself, and of the posterity of
priests : and just then was he in an ecstacy ;
and setting before him the tremendous images
of the dreams he had lately had, he put up a
secret prayer to God, and said, — " Since it
pleaseth thee, who hast created the Jewish
nation, to depress the same, and since all their
good fortune is gone over to the Romans;
and since thou hast made choice of this soul
of mine to foretel what is to come to pas
3 K
6f>6
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK III.
hereafter, I willingly give them my hands,
and am content to live. And I protest open-
ly, that I do not go over to the Romans as a
deserter of the Jews, but as a minister from
thee."
4. When he had said this, he complied with
Nicaiior's invitation. But when those Jews
who had fled with him, understood that he
yielded to those that invited him to come up,
they came about him in a body, and cried out,
" Nay, indeed, now may the laws of our fore-
fathers, which God ordained himself, well
groan to purpose; that God we inean who
hath created the souls of the Jews of such a
temper, that they despise death. O Josephus !
art thou still fond of life; and canst thou
bear to see the light in a state of slavery ? How
soon hast thou forgotten thyself ! How many
hast thou persuaded to lose their lives for
liberty ! Thoa hast therefore had a false re-
putation for manhood, and a like false repu-
tation for wisdom, if thou canst hope for pre-
servation from those against whom thou hast
fought so zealously, and art however willing
to be preserved by them, if they be in earnest.
But although the good fortune of the Ro-
mans hath made thee forget thyself, we ought
to take care that the glory of our forefathers
inay not be tarnished. We will lend thee
our right hand and a sword ; and if thou wilt
die willingly, thou wilt die as general of the
Jews ; but if unwillingly, thou wilt die as a
traitor to them." As soon as they said this,
they began to thrust their swords at him, and
threatened they would kill him, if he thought
of yielding himself to the Romans.
5. Upon this, Josephus was afraid of their
attacking him, and yet thought he should
be a betrayer of the commands of God if he
died before they were delivered. So he be-
gan to talk like a philosopher to them in the
distress he was then in, when he said thus to
them: — " O my friends, why are we so ear-
nest to kill ourselves? and why do we set our
soul and body, which are such dear compan-
ions, at sucli variance ? Can any one pretend
that I am not the man I was formerly ? Nay,
the Romans are sensible how that matter
stands well enough. It is a brave thing to
die in war; but so that it be according to the
law of war, by tiie hand of conquerors. If,
therefore, I avoid death from the sword of
the Romans, I am truly worthy to be killed
by my own sword, and my own hand ; but if
they admit of mercy, and would spare their
enemy, how much more ougiit we to have
mercy upon ourselves, and to spare ourselves !
for it is certainly a foolish thing to do that to
ourselves which we quarrel with them for do-
ing to us. I confess freely, that it is a brave
thing to die for liberty ; but still so that it be
in war, and done by those who take that li-
berty from us ; but at present our enemies do
neither meet us in battle, nor do they kill us.
Now, he is equally a coward who will not die
when he is obliged to die, and he who will
die when he is not obliged so to do. What
are vve afraid of, when we will not go up to !
the Romans ? Is it death ? If so, what we are
afraid of, when we but suspect our enemies
will inflict it on us, shall we inflict it on our-
selves for certain ? But it may be said, we
must be slaves. And are we then in a clear
state of liberty at present ? It may also be
said, that it is a manly act for one to kill him-
self. No, certainly, but a most unmanly one;
as I should esteem that pilot to be an arrant
coward who, out of fear of a storm, should
sink his ship of his own accord. Now, self-
murder is a crime most remote from the com-
mon nature of all animals, and an instance
of impiety against God our Creator : nor in-
deed is there any animal that dies by its
own contrivance, or by its own means ; for
the desire of life is a law engiaven in them
all ; on which account we deem those that
openly take it away from us to be our ene-
mies, ind those that do it by treachery, are
punished for so doing. And do not you
think tiiat God is very angry when a man
does injury to what he hc>th bestowed on him?
for from him it is that we have received our
being; and we ought to leave it to his dis-
posal to take that being away from us. The
bodies of all men are indeed mortal, and are
created out of corruptible matter ; but the
soul is ever immortal, and is a portion of the
Divinty that inhabits our bodies. Besides,
if any one destroys or abuses a depoutum he
hath received from a mere man, he is esteem,
ed a wicked and perfidious person ; but then
if any one cast out of his body this divine
depoiiiusi, can we imagine that he who is
there affronted does not know of it. More-
over, our law justly ordains, that slaves who
run away from their master shall be punished,
though tRe masters they ran away from may
have been wicked masters to them. And
shall we endeavour to run away from God,
who is the best of all masters, and not think
ourselves highly guilty of impiety ? Do not
you know that those who depart out of
this life, according to the law of nature, and
pay that debt which was received from God,
when he that lent it us is pleased to require
it back, enjoy eternal fame ? that their houses
and their posterity are sure, that their souls
are pure and obedient, and obtain a most ho-
ly place in heaven, from whence, in the re-
volution of ages, they are again sent into pure
bodies ; while the souls of those whose hands
have acted madly against themselves, are re-
ceived by the darkest place in Hades, and
while God, who is their father, punishes
those that oflfend against either of them in
their posterity ? for which reason God hates
such doings, and the crime is punished by
our most wise legislator. Accordingly our
laws determine, that the bodies of such as
kill themselves should be exposed till th«i
■^.
k;HAP. VIIl.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
667
sun be set, without burial, although at the
same time it be allowed by them to be lawful
to bury our enemies [sooner]. The laws of
other nations also enjoin such men's hands
to be cut off when they are dead, which had
been made use of in destroying them-
selves when alive, while they reckoned that
as the body is alien from the soul, so is the
hand alien from the body. It is therefore,
my friends, a right thing to reason justly, and
not add to the calamities which men bring
upon us, impiety towards our Creator. If
we have a mind to preserve ourselves, let us
do it ; for to be preserved by those our ene-
mies, to whom we have given so many de-
monstrations of our courage, is no way in-
glorious ; but if we have a mind to die, it is
good to die by the hand of those that have
conquered us. For my part, I will not run
over to our enemies' quarters, in order to be
a traitor to myself; for certainly I should
then be much more foolish than those that
deserted to the enemy, since they did it, in
order to save themselves, and I should do it
for my own destruction. However, I hearti-
ly wish the Romans may prove treacherous
in this matter : for if, after their offer of their
right hand for security, I be slain by them, I
shall die cheerfully, and carry away with me
the sense of their perfidiousness, as a conso-
lation greater than victory itself."
6. Now these and many the like motives
did Josephus use to these men, to prevent
their murdering themselves ; but desperation
had shut their ears, as having long ago devot-
ed themselves to die, and they were irritated at
Josephus. They then ran upon him with their
swords in their hands, one from one quarter,
and another from another, and calledhim acow-
ard, and every one of them appeared openly
as if he were ready to smite him ; but, he call-
ing to one of them by name, and looking
like a general to another, and taking a third
by the hand, and making a fourth ashamed of
himself, by praying him to forbear, and being
in this condition distracted with various pas-
sions (as he well might in the great distress
he was then in), he kept off every one of their
swords from killing hira, and was forced to
do like such wild beasts as are encompassed
about on every side, who always turn them-
selves against those that last touched them.
Nay, some of their right hands were debili-
tated by the reverence they bare to their ge-
neral in these his fatal calamities, and their
swords dropped out of their hands ; and not
a few of them there were, who, when they
aimed to smite him with their swords, were not
thoroughly either willing or able to do it.
7. However, in this extreme distress, he
was not destitute of his usual sagacity ; but
trusting himself to the providence of God, he
put his life into hazard [in the manner fol-
lowing] : — " And now," said he, ^' since it
16 resolved among you that you will die.
come on, let us commit our mutual deaths to
determination by lot. He whom the lot falls
to first, let him be killed by him that hath the
second lot, and thus fortune shall make its
progress through us all; nor shall any of us
perish by his own right hand, for it would be
unfair if, when the rest arc gone, somebody
should repent and save himself." This pro-
posal appeared to them to be very just ; and
when he had prevailed with them to determine
this matter by lots, he drew one of the lots for
himself also. He who had the first lot laid
his neck bare to him that had the next, as
supposing that the general would die among
them immediately; for they thought death,
if Josephus might but die with them, was
sweeter than life : yet was he with another
left to the last, whether we must say it hap-
pened so by chance, or whether by the provi-
dence of God : and as he was very desirous
neither to be condemned by the lot, nor, if he
had been left to the last, to imbrue his right
hand in the blood of his countryman, he per-
suaded him to trust his fidelity to hira, and to
live as well as himself.
8. Thus Josephus escaped in the war with
the Romans, and in this his own war with
his friends, and v/as led by Nicanor to Vespa-
sian ; but now all the Romans ran together
to see him, and as the multitude pressed one
upon another about their general, there was
a tumult of a various kind ; while some re-
joiced that Josephus was taken, and some
threatened him, and some crowded to see him
very near ; but those that vrere more remote
cried out to have this their enemy put to
death, while those that were near called to
mind the actions he had done, and a deep
concern appeared at the change of his fortune.
Nor were there any of the Roman command-
ers, how much soever they had been enrag-
ed at him before, but relented when they
came to the sight of him. Above all the rest,
Titus's own valour, and Josephus's own pa-
tience under his afflictions, made him pity
him, as did also the commiseration of his age,
when he recalled to mind that but a little
while ago he was fighting, but lay now in the
hands of his enemies, which made him con-
sider the power of fortune, and how quick is
the turn ©f affairs in war, and how no state
of men is sure; for which reason he then
made a great many more to be of tiie same
pitiful temper with himself, and induced tiiem
to commiserate Josephus. He was also of
great weight in persuading his father to pre-
serve him. However, Vespasian gave strict
orders that he should be kept with great cau-
tion, as though he would, in a very little time,
send him to Nero.
9. When Josephus heard him give those
orders, he said that he had somewhat in Iiis
mind that he would willingly say to himself
alone. When therefore they were all ordered
to withdraw, excepting Titus and two of their
668
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK III
friends, be said, '* Tlioii, O Vespasian, think-
est no more than that thou hast taken Jose-
phus himself captive ; but I come to thee as
a messenger of greater tidings ; for had not
I been sent by God to tliee, 1 knew what was
the law of the Jews in this case,* and how it
becomes generals to die. Dost thou send me
to Nero ? For why ? Are Nero's successors
till they come to thee still alive ? Thou, O
Vespasian, art Caesar and emperor, thou, and
this thy son. Bind me now still faster, and
keep me for thyself, for thou, O Ctesar, art
not only lord over me, but over the land and
the sea, and all mankind; and certainly I de-
serve to be kept in closer custody than I am
now in, in order to be punished, if I rashly
affirm any thing of God." When he had said
this, Vespasian at present did not believe him,
but supposed that Josephus said this as a cun-
ning trick, in order to his own preservation ;
but in a little time he was convinced, and be-
lieved what he said to be true, God himself
erecting his expectations, so as to think of
obtaining the empire, and by other signs fore-
showing his advancement. He .ilso found
Josephus to have spoken truth on other occa-
sions ; for one of those friends that were pre-
sent at that secret conference, said to Jose-
phus, " I cannot but wonder how thou could-
est not foretel to the people of Jotapata that
they should be taken, nor couldest foretel this
captivity which hath happened to thyself, un-
less what thou now sayest be a vain thing, in
order to avoid the rage that is risen against
thyself." To which Josephus replied, " I
did foretel to the people of Jotapata that they
would be taken on the forty-seventli day, and
that 1 should be caught alive by the Romans."
Now when Vespasian had inquired of the cap-
tives privately about these predictions, he
found them to be true, and then he began to
believe those that concerned himself. Yet
did he not set Josephus at liberty from his
bands, but bestowed on him suits of clothes,
and other precious gifts ; he treated him also
in a very obliging manner, and continued so
to do, Titus still joining his interest in the
honours tliat were done him.
CHAPTER IX.
HOW JOPPA WAS TAKEN, 4ND TIBERIAS DELI-
VERED UP.
§ ]. Now Vespasian returned to Ptolemais
on the fourth day of the month Panemus
[Tamuz], and from thence he came to Cesa-
* I do not know where to find the law of Moses liere
mentioned by Josephus, and afterwards by Eleazar, b.
vii, ch, vili, sect. 7, and almost implied in b. i, ch. xiii,
sect. 10, by Josephus's commendation of Phasaelus for
doing so ; I mean whereby Jewish generals and people
were obliged to kill themselves, rather than go into sla-
very under heathens. I doubt this woukl have been no
rea, which lay by the sea-side. This was a
very gi-eat city of Jiidca, and for the greatest
part inhabited by Greeks : the citizens here
received both the Roman army and its gene-
ral with all sorts of acclamations and rejoic-
ings, and this jiartly out of tlie good -will they
bore to the Romans, but principally out of the
hatred they bore to those that were conquered
by them ; on which account they came cla-
mouring against Josephus in crowds, and de-
sired he might be put to death ; but Vespasian
passed over this petition concerning him, as
offered by the injudicious multitude, with a
bare silence. Two of the legions also he
placed at Cesarea, that they might there take
their winter-quarters, as perceiving the city
very fit for such a purpose ; but he placed the
tenth and the fifth at Scytbopolis, that he
might not distress Cesarea with the entire
army. This place was warm, even in winter,
as it was suffocating hot in the summer-time,
by reason of its situation in a plain, and near
to the sea [of Galileel.
2. In the mean time there were gathered
together, as well such as had seditiously got
out from among their enemies as those that
had escaped out of the demolished cities,
which were in all a great number, and repair
ed Joppa, which had been left desolate by
Cestius, that it might serve them for a place
of refuge ; and because the adjoining region
had been laid waste in the war, and was not
capable of supporting t'hem, they determined
to go ofi' to sea. They ako built themselves
a great many piratical ships, and turned pi
rates upon tlie seas near to Syria, and Phoeni
cia, and Egypt, and made those seas unnavi-
gable to all men. Now as soon as Vespasian
knew of their conspiracy, he sent both foot-
men and horsemen to Joppa, which was un-
guarded in the night-time ; however, those
that were in it perceived tliat they should be
attacked, and were afraid of it ; yet did they
not endeavour to keep the Romans out, but
fled to tlieir ships, and lay at sea all night,
out of the reach of their darts.
3. Now Joppa is not naturally a haven,
for it ends in a rough shore, where all the
rest of it is straight, but the two ends bend
towards each other, where there are deep
precipices, and great stones that jet out into
the sea, and where the chains wherewith An-
dromeda was bound have left their footsteps,
which attest to the antiquity of that fable-
but the north wind opposes and beats upon
the shore, and dashes mighty waves against
the rocks whicli receive them, and renders
the haven more dangerous than the country
they had deserted. Now as those people of
Joppa were floating about in this sea, in tlie
morning there fell a violent wind upon them ;
better than " self-murder;" and I believe it was rather
some vain doctrine, or interpretation, of the rigid Pha-
risees, or Essenes, or Hcrodians, thana just consequence
from an;^ law of Goil delivered by Moses.
J'
WARS OF THE JEWS.
669
it is called by those that sail there " the black
north wind," and there dashed their ships one
against another, and dashed some of them
against tlie rocks, and carried many of them
by force, while they strove against the oppo-
site waves, into the main sea ; for the shore
was so rocky, and had so many of the enemy
upon it, that they were afraid to come to
land ; nay, the waves rose so very high, that
they drowned them ; nor was there anyplace
whither they could fly, nor any way to save
themselves : while they were thrust out of the
sea, by the violence of the wind, if they staid
where they were, and out of the city by the vio-
lence of the Romans; and much lamentation
there was when the ships were dashed against
one another, and a terrible noise when they
were broken to pieces ; and some of the mul-
titude that were in them were covered with
the waves, and so perished, and a great many
were embarrassed with shipwrecks ; but some
of them thought, that to die by their own
swords was lighter than by the sea, and so
they killed thera-selves before they were
drowned ; although the greatest part of them
were carried by the waves, and dashed to
pieces against the abrupt parts of the rocks,
insomuch that the sea was bloody a long way,
and the maritime parts were full of dead bo-
dies; for the Romans came upon those that
were carried to the shore, and destroyed them ;
and the number of the bodies that were thus
thrown out of the sea was four thousand and
two hundred. The Romans also took the
city without opposition, and utterly destroyed
it.
4. And thus was Joppa taken twice by the
Romans in a little time ; but Vespasian, in
order to prevent these pirates from coming
thither any more, erected a camp there, where
the citadel of Joppa had been, and left a body
of horse in it, with a few footmen ; that these
last might stay there and guard the camp,
and the horsemen might spoil the country
that lay round it, and miglit destroy the neigh-
bouring villages and smaller cities. So these
troops overran the country, as they were or-
dered to do, and every day cut to pieces and
laid desolate the whole region.
5. But now, when the fate of Jofapata was
related at Jerusalem, a great many at the first
disbelieved it, on account of the vastness of
the calamity, and because they had no eye-
witness to attest the truth of what was related
about it ; for not one person was saved to be
a messenger of that news, but a fame was
spread abroad at random that the city was
taken, as such fame usually spreads bad news
about. However, the truth was known by
decrees, from the places near Jotapata, and
appeared to all to be too true. Yet were
there fictitious stories added to what was
leally done ; for it was reported that Josephus
was slain at the taking of the city ; which
piece of news filled Jerusalem full of sorrow.
In every house also, and among all to whom
any of the slain were allied, there was a la-
mentation for them ; but the mourning foi
the commander was a public one; and some
mourned for those that had lived with them,
others for their kindred, others for their
friends, and others for their brethren, but all
mourned for Josephus; insomuch that the
lamentation did not cease in the city before
the thirtieth day ; and a great many hired
mourners,* with their pipes, who should be-
gin the melancholy ditties for them.
6. But as the truth came out in time, it
appeared how the affairs of Jotapata really
stood ; yet it was found that the death of Jo-
seplius was a fiction ; and when tliey under-
stood that he was alive, and was among the
Romans, and that the commanders treated
him at another rate than tliey treated cap-
tives, they were as vehemently angry at him
now as they had shown their good-will be-
fore, when he appeared to have been dead.
He was also abused by some as having been
a coward, and by others as a deserter ; and
the city was full of indignation at him, and of
reproaches cast upon him ; their rage was al-
so aggravated by their afflictions, and more
inflamed by their ill success ; and what usual-
ly becomes an occasion of caution to wise
men, I mean affliction, became a spur to tliem
to venture on farther calamities, and the end
of one misery became still the beginning of
another; they therefore resolved to fall on
the Romans the more vehemently, as resolv-
ing to be revenged on him in revenging them-
selves on the Romans. And this was the
state of Jerusalem as to the troubles which
now came upon it.
7. But Vespasian, in order to see the king,
dom of Agrippa, while the king persuaded
himself so to do (partly, in order to liis treat-
ing the general and his army in the best and
most splendid manner his private affairs would
enable him to do, and partly that he might,
by their means, correct such things as were
amiss in his govermnent), he removed from
tliat Cesarea which was by the sea-side, and
went to that which is called Cesarea Phi-
lippi ;j- and there he refreshed his army for
twenty days, and was himself feasted by king
Agrippa, where he also returned public thanka
to God for tlie good success he had had in his
undertakings. But as soon as he was in-
formed that Tiberias was fond of innovations,
and that Taricheas had revolted, both which
cities were parts of the kingdom of Agrippa,
and was satisfied within himself that the Jews
were everywhere perverted [from their obe-
* These public mourners, hired upon the supposed
deatli of Josephus, and the real death of many more,
•Jluslrate some passages in the Bible, which suppose
the same custom, as Mat. xii, 17 ; where the reader
may consult the notes of Grotius.
t Of this Cesarea Philippi, twice mentioned incur
New Testament (Mat. xvi, 15; Mark vin, t'7), there
are coins still extant, as Spanlieim here informs us.
^
670
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK in
dience to their governors], he thought it sea-
sonable to make an expedition against those
cities, and that for the sake of Agrippa, and
in order to bring his cities to reason. So he
sent away his son Titus to [the other] Cesarea,
that he might bring the army that lay there to
Scythopolis, which is the largest city of Deca-
polis, and in the neighbourhood of Tiberias,
whither he came, and where he w aited for Iiis
son. He then came with three legions, and
pitched liis camp thirty furlongs oft" Tiberias,
at a certain station easily seen by the innova-
tors ; it is named Sennabris. He also sent
V'alerian, a decurion, witli fifty l)orsemen, to
speak peaceably to those that were in the city,
and to exhort them to give him assurances of
their fidelity ; for he had heard that the peo-
ple were desirous of peace, but were obliged
by some of the seditious part to join with
them, and 30 were forced to fight for them.
When Valerian had marched up to the place,
and was near the wall, he allighted off his
horse, and made those that were with him do
the same, that they might not be thought to
come to skirmish with them ; but before they
could come to a discourse one with another,
the most potent men among the seditious
made a sally upon them armed ; their leader
was one whose name was Jesus, the son of
Sliaphat, the principal head of a band of rob-
bers. Now Valerian, neither thinking it safe
to fight contrary to the commands of the ge-
neral, though he were secure of a victory, and
knowing that it was a very hazardous under-
taking for a few to fight with many, for those
that were unprovided to fight those that were
ready, and being on other accounts surprised
at this unexpected onset of the Jews, he ran
away on foot, as did five of the rest in like
manner, and left their horses behind them ;
which horses Jesus led away into the city, and
rejoiced as if they had taken them in battle,
and not by treachery.
8. Now the seniors of the people, and such
as were of principal authority among them,
fearing what would be the issue of this matter,
fled to the camp of the Romans ; they then
took their king along with them, and fell
down before Vespasian, to supplicate his fav-
our, and besought him not to overlook them,
nor to impute the madness of a few to the whole
city, to spare a people that had been ever civil
and obliging to the Romans ; but to bring the
authors of this revolt to due punishment, who
had hitherto so watched them, that though
they were zealous to give them the security of
their right hands of a long time, yet could they
not accomplish tlie same. With those suppli-
cations the general complied, although he
were very angry at the whole city about tl)e
carrying off liis horses, and this because he
saw that Agrippa was under a great concern
for them. So when Vespasian and Agrippa had
accepted of their right hands by way of securi-
ty. Jesus and his party thought it not safe for
them to cotlnue at Tiberias, so they ran away
to Taricheae. The next day Vespasian sent
Trajan before, with some horsemen to the
citadel, to make trial of the multitude, whe
therthey were all disposed for peace; and as
soon as he knew that the people were of the
same mind with the petitioner, he took his
army, and went to the city ; upon which the
citizens opened to him their gates, and met
him with acclamations of joy, and called him
tlieir saviour and benefactor. But as the army
was a great while in getting in at the gates,
they were so narrow, Vespasian commanded
the south wall to be broken down, and so
made a broad passage for their entrance.
However, he charged them to abstain from
rapine and injustice, in order to gratify the
king ; and on his account spared the rest of
the wall, while the king undertook for them
that they should continue [faithful to the Ro-
mans] for the time to come. And thus did
he restore this city to a quiet state, after it
had been grievously aflBicted by the sedition.
CHAPTER X.
HOW TARICHE^ WAS TAKEN. A DESCRIPTION
OF THE RIVER JORDAN, AND OF THE COUN
TRY OF GENNESARETH.
§ 1. And now Vespasian pitched his camp
between this city and Taricheae, but fortified
his camp more strongly, as suspecting that hn
should be forced to stay there, and have a
long war; for all the innovators had gotten
together at Taricheae, as relying upon the
strength of the city, and on the lake that lay
by it. This lake is called by the people of
the country the Lake of Gennesaretk. The
city itself is situated like Tiberias, at the bot-
tom of a mountain ; and on those sides which
are not washed by the sea, had been strongly
fortified by Josephus, though not so strongly
as Tiberias ; for the wall of Tiberias had been
built at the beginning of the Jews' revolt,
when he had great plenty of money, and great
power, but Tarichea? partook only the remains
of that liberality. Yet had they a great num-
ber of ships gotten ready upon the lake, that
in case they were beaten at land, they might
retire to them ; and they were so fitted up,
that they might undertake a sea-fight also.
But as the Romans were building a wall a-
bout their camp, Jesus and his party were
neither affrighted at their number nor at the
good order they were in, but made a sally
upon them; and at the very first onset the
builders of the wall were dispersed ; and these
pulled what little they had before built to
pieces ; but as soon as they saw the armed
men getting together, and before they had
suffered any thing themselves, tliey retired to
their own men. But then the Romans pur»
A-
CHAP. X.
W'AKS OF THE JEWS.
671
sued them, and drove them into their ships,
where they launched out as far as might give
them an opportunity of reaching the Romans
with what they threw at them, and then cast
anclior, and brought their ships close, as in a
line of battle, and thence fought the enemy
from the sea, who were themselves at land.
But Vespasian hearing that a groat multitude j
of them were gotten together in the plain that
was before the city, he thereupon sent his
son, with six hundred chosen horsemen to
disperse them.
2. But when Titus perceived that the ene-
my was very numerous, he sent to his father,
and informed him that he should want more
forces. But as he saw a great many of the
horsemen eager to fight, and that before any
succours could come to them, and that yet
some of them were privately under a sort of
consternation at the multitude of the Jews,
he stood in a place whence he might be heard,
and said to them, " My brave Romans ! for
it is right for me to put you in mind of what
nation you are, in the beginning of my speech,
that so you may not be ignorant who you are,
and who tliey are against whom we are going
to fight. For as to us, Romans, no part of
the liabi table earth hath been able to escape
our Iiands hitherto ; but as for the Jews, that
I may speak of them too, though they have
been already beaten, yet do they not give up
the cause ; and a sad thing it would be for us
to grow weary under good success, when they
bear up under their misfortunes. As to the
alacrity which you show publicly, I see it,
and rejoice at it ; yet am I afraid lest the
multitude of the enemy should bring a con-
cealed fright upon some of you ; let such a
one consider again, who we are that are to
fight ; and who those are against whom we are
to fight. Now these Jews, though they be very
bold and great despisers of death, are but a dis-
orderly body, and unskilful in war, and may
rather be called a rout than an army; while I
need say nothing of our skill and our good or-
der; for this is the reason why we Romans alone
are exercised for war in time of peace, that we
may not think of number for number when we
come to fight with our enemies ; for what ad-
vantage should we reap by our continual sort
of warfare, if we must still be equal in num-
ber to such as have not been used to war !
Consider farther, that you are to have a con-
flict with men in effect unarmed, while you
are well armed ; with footmen, while you are
horsemen; with those that have no good gene-
ral, while you have one, and as these advan-
tages make you in effect manifold more than
you are, so do their disadvantages mightily
diminish their number. Now it is not the
multitude of men, though they be soldiers,
that manages wars with success, but it is their
bravery that does it, though they be but a few ;
for a few are easily set in battle array, and
can easily assist one another, while over-nu-
merous armies are more hurt by themselves
than by their enemies. It is boldness and
rashness, the effects of madness, that conduct
of the Jews. Those passions indeed make a
great figure when they succeed, but are quite
extinguished upon the least ill success ; but we
are led on by courage, and obedience, and
fortitude, which shows itself indeed in our
good fortune, but still does not for ever de-
sert us in our ill fortune. Nay, indeed, your
fighting is to be on greater motives than those
of the Jews ; for although they run the ha-
zard of war for liberty, and for their country,
yet what can be a greater motive to us than
glory ? and that it may never be said, that af-
ter we have got dominion of the habitable
earth, the Jews are able to confront us. We
must also reflect upon this, that there is no
fear of our suffering any incurable disaster in
the present case ; for those that are ready to
assist us are many, and at hand also ; yet it is
in our power to seize upon this victory our-
selves; and I think we ought to prevent the
coming of those my father is sending to us
for our assistance, that our success may be pe-
culiar to ourselves, and of greater reputation
to us ; and I cannot but think this an oppor-
tunity wherein my father, and I, and you,
shall be all put to the trial, whether he be
worthy of his former glorious performances,
whether I be his son in reality, and whether
you be really my soldiers : for it is usual for
my father to conquer ; and for myself, I
should not bear the thoughts of returning to
him if I were once taken by the enemy ; and
how will you be able to avoid being ashamed,
if you do not shew equal courage with your
commander, when he goes before you into
danger ? For you know very well that I shall
go into the danger first, and make the first
attack upon tlie enemy. Do not you there-
fore desert me, but persuade yourselves that
God will be assisting to my onset. Know
this also before we begin, that we shall now
have better success than we should have, if
we were to fight at a distance."
3. As Titus was saying this, an extraordi-
nary fury fell upon the men : and as Trajan
was already come before the figlit began, vrith
four hundred horsemen, they were uneasy at
it, because the reputation of the victory would
be diminished by being common to so many.
Vespasian had also sent both Antonius and
Silo, with two thousand archers, and had given
it them in charge to seize upon the mountain
tliat was over-against the city, and repel those
that were upon the wall ; which archers did
as they were commanded, and prevented those
that attempted to assist them that way ; and
now Titus made his own horse march first
against the enemy, as did the others with a
great noise after him, and extended themselves
upon the plain as wide as the enemy who con-
fronted them ; by which means they appeared
jmuch more numerous than they really wers-
-\_
"«._
672
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK iir.
Now the Jews, although they were surpris-
ed at their onset, and at their good order,
made resistance against their attacks for a
little while ; but when they were pricked with
their long poles, and overborne by the violent
noise of the horsemen, they came to be tram-
pled under their feet ; many also of them
were slain on every side, which made tliem
disperse themselves and run to the city, as
fast as every one of them was able. So Titus
pre5sed upon the hindaiost, and slew them ;
and of tlie rest, some he fell upon as they
stood on heaps, and some he prevented, -and
met them in the mouth, and run them through ;
many also he leaped upon as they fell one
upon another, and trod them down, and cut
off all the retreat they had to the wall, and
turned them back into the plain, till at last
they forced a passage by their multitude, and
got away, and ran into the city.
4. But now there fell out a terrible sedi-
tion among them within the city ; for the in-
habitants themselves, who had possessions
there, and to whom the city belonged, were
not disposed to fight from the very beginning;
and now the less so, because they had been
beaten : but the foreigners, who were very
numerous, would force them to fight £0 much
the more, insomuch that there was a clamour
and a tumult among them, as all mutually
an" ry one at another ; and when Titus heard
this tumult, for he was not far from the wall,
he cried out, " Fellow soldiers, now is the
time ; and why do we make any delay, when
God is giving up the Jews to us? Take the
victory which is given you : do not you liear
what a noise they make? Those that have
escaped our hands are in an uproar against
one another. We have the city if we make
haste ; but besides haste, we must undergo
some labour, and use some courage ; for no
great thing uses to be accomjjlished without
danger; accordingly we must not only pre-
vent their uniting again, which necessity will
soon compel them to do, but we must also
prevent the coming of our own men to our
assistance, that as few as we are we may con-
quer so great a multitude, and may ourselves
alone take the city.
5. As soon as ever Titus had said this, he
leaped upon his horse, and rode apace down
to the lake ; by which lake he marched, and
entered into the city the first of them all, as
did the others soon after him. Hereupon
those that were upon the walls were seized
with a terror at the boldness of the attempt,
nor durst any one venture to fight with him,
or to hinder him ; so they left guarding the
city, and some of those that were about Jesus
fled over the country, while others of them
ran down to the lake, and met the enemy in
the teeth, and some were slain as they were
getting up into ships, but others of them,
as Ihey attempted to overtake those that were
already gone aboard. There was also a great
■"\_
slaughter made in the city, while those fo-
reigners that had not fled away already, made
opposition ; but the natural inhabitants were
killed without fighting : for in hopes of Ti-
tus's giving them his right hand for their se-
curity, and out of the consciousness that they
had not given any consent to the war, they
avoided fighting, till Titus had slain the au-
thors of this revolt, and then put a stop to
any further slaughters, out of commiseration
of these inhabitants of the place; but for
those that had fled to the lake, upon seeing
the city taken, they sailed as far as they pos-
sibly could from the enemy.
6. Hereupon Titus sent one of his horse-
men to his father, and let him know the good
news of what he had done ; at which, as was
natural, he was very joyful, both on account
of the courage and glorious actions of his
son ; for he thought that now the greatest part
of the war was over. He then came thither
himself, and set men to guard the city, and
gave them command to take care that nobody
got privately out of it, but to kill such as at-
tempted so to do; and on the next day he
went down to the lake, and commanded that
vessels shoidd be fitted up, in order to
pursue those that had escaped in the ships.
These vessels were quickly gotten ready ac-
cordingly, because there was great plenty of
materials, and a great number of artificers
also.
7. Now this lake of Gennesareth is so call-
ed from the country adjoining to it. Its
breadth is forty furlongs, and its length one
hundred and forty ; its waters are sweet, and
very agreeable for drinking, for they are finer
than the thick waters of other fens ; the lake
is also pure, and on every side ends directly
at the shores and at the sand ; it is also of a
temperate nature when you draw it up, and of
a more gentle nature than river or fountain
water, and yet always cooler than one could
expect in so diffuse a place as this is. Now
when this water is kept in the open air, it is
as cold as that snow which the country peo-
ple are accustomed to make by night in sum-
mer. There are several kinds of fish in it,
different both to the taste and the sight from
those elsewhere : it is divided into two parts
by the river Jordan. Now Panium is thought
to be the fountain of Jordan, but in reality it
is carried thitlier after an occult manner from
the place called Phiala : this place lies as you
go up to Trachonitis, and is a hundred and
twenty furlongs from Cesarea, and is not far
out of the road on the riglit hand ; and indeed
it hath its name of Phiala [vial or bowl] very
justly, from the roundness of its circumfer-
ence, as being round like a wheel ; its water
continues always up to its edges, without ei-
ther sinking or running over; and as this ori-
gin of Jordan was formerly not known, it
was discovered so to be when Philip was te-
trarch of Trachonitis ; for he had chuff throwa
CIlAl". X.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
673
into Phiala, and it was found at Painum,
uhyre the ancients thought the fountain-nead
of tlie river was, wliither it had been there-
fore carried by the waters'!. As for Paiiium
itself, its natural beauty had been improved
by the royal liberality of Agrippa, and adorn-
ed at his expenses^ Now Jordan's visible
stream arises from this cavern, and divides
the marshes and fens of the lake Semechoni-
tis : when it hath run another hundred and
twenty furlongs, it first passes by the city Ju-
lias, and then passes through tlie middle of
the lake Geniiesaretli ; after which it runs a
long way over a desert, and then makes its
exit into the lake Asphaltitis.
8, The country also that lies over-against
this lake hath the same name of Gennesareth ;
its nature is wonderful as well as its beauty;
its soil is so fruitful that all sorts of trees can
grow upon it, and tlie inhabitants accordingly
plant all sorts of trees there; for the temper
of the air is so well mixed, that it agrees very
well with those several sorts, particularly wal-
nuts, which require the coldest air, flourish
there in vast plenty ; there are palm-trees also,
whicli grow best in hot air ; fig-trees also and
olives grow near them, which yet require an
air that is more temperate. One may call this
place the ambition of nature, where it forces
those plants that are naturally enemies to one
another to agree together : it is a happy con-
tention of the seasons, as if every o:ie of them
laid claim to this country ; for it not only nou-
rishes different sorts of autumnal fruit beyond
men's expectation, but preserves them a great
while; it supplies men with the princip:ii fruits,
v^ith grapes and figs continually, during ten
months of the year,* and the rest of the fruits
as they become ripe together, through the
whole year; for besides the good temperature
of the air, it is also watered from a most fer-
tile fountain. The people of the country call
it Capharnaum. Some have thouglit it to be
a vein of the Nil?, because it produces the
Coracin fish as well as that lake does which
is near to Alexandria. The length of this
country extends itself along the banks of this
lake that bears the same name, for thirty fur-
longs, and is in breadth twenty; and this is
the nature of that place.
9. But now, when the vessels were gotten
ready, Vespasian put upon ship-board as
many of his forces as he thought sufficient to
be too hard for those that were upon the
* It may be worth our wliile to observe here, that
near this lake of Gemiesareth grapes and figs Iiaiig on
the trees ten months of the year. We may observe ai- j
so, th.it in Cyril of Jerusalem, Cateches. xviii, sect. 3,
wiik'h was delivered not long before Easter, there were
no frc-h leaves of fig-trees, nor bunches of fresh grapes '
in .ludea; so that when St. Mark says, ch. xi, ver. 15, j
.nat our Saviour, soon after the same time of the year, I
carae and " foimd leaves" on a fig-tree near Jerusalem,
but " no figs, because the time of " new " figs" ripening
*' was not yet," he says very true; nor were they there-
fore othar than old leaves which our Saviour «9W, and
old figs which he expected, and which even with us I
commonly hang on the trees all winter long. 1
lake, and set sail after them. Now these
which were driven into the lake could neither
fly to the land, where all was in their ene-
mies' hand, and in war against them, nor
cou.ld they fight tipon tiie level by sea, for
their ships were small and fitted only for pi-
racy ; they were too weak to fight with Ves-
pasian's vessels, and the mariners that were
in them were so few, that they were afraid to
come near the Romans, who attacked ther? in
great numbers. However, as tliey sailed
round about the vessels, and sometimes as
they caine near them, they threw stones at
the Romans when they were a good way off,
or came closer and fouglit them ; yet did
they receive the greatest harm themselves in
both cases. As for the stones they threw at
the Romans, tliey only made a sound one af.
ter another, for they threw them against such
as were in their armour, while the Roman
darts could reach the Jews themselves ; and
when they ventured to come near the Ro-
mans, they became sufferers themselves be-
fore they could do any harm to the other,
and were drowned, they and their sliips toge-
ther. As for il'.ose that endeavoured to come
to an actual fight, the Ramans ran many of
them through with their long poles. Some-
times tlie Romans leaped into their ships,
with swords in their hands, and slew them ;
but when some of them met the vessels, the
Romans caught them by the middle, and de-
stroyed at once tlieir ships and themselves
who were taken in them. And for such as
were drowning in the sea, if they lifted their
heads up above the wafer they were either
killed by darts, or caught by tlie vessels;
but if, in the desperate case tiiey wore in,
they attempted to swim to their enemies, the
Romans cut off either their heads or their
hands ; and indeed they were destroyed after
various manners everywhere, till the rest, be-
ing put to flight, were forced to get upon the
land, while the vessels encompassed them
about [on the sea] : but as many of these
were repulsed when they wen; getting ashore,
they were killed by the darts upon the lake;
and the Romans leaped out of their vessels,
and destroyed a great many more upon the
land : one might then see the lake all bloody,
and full of dead bodies, for not one of them
escaped. And a terrible stink, and a very
sad sight there was on the following days
over that country ; for as for the sliores, they
were full of shipwrecks, and of dead bodies
all swelled ; and as the I'ead bodies were in-
flamed by the sun, and putrified, they cor-
rupted the air, insomuch that the misery was
not only the object of commiseration to tho
Jews, but to those that .';ateJ them, and had
been the authors of that misery. This was
the ups'iot of the sea-fight. Tlie number of
tile slain, including tho-.e that were killed in
the city before, was six thousand and five
hundred,
3 L
674
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK IV.
10. After this figlit was over, Vespasian
sat upon his tribunal at Tarichcie, in order
to distinguish tlie foreigners from the old in-
habitants; for those foreigners appear to have
begun the war. So he deliberated with the
other commanders, wliether he ouglit to save
those old inhabitants or not, And when
those commanders alleged tiial the dismission
of them would be to his own disadvantage,
because, when they were once set at liberty,
they would not be at rest, since they would
be people destitute of proper liabitations, and
would be able to compel such as they fled to,
to fight against us, Vespasian acknowledged
that they did not deserve to be saved, and
that if they had leave given them to fly away,
they would make use of it against tliose that
gave them that leave. 13ut still he considered
with himself after what manner they sliould
be slain ;* for if lie had them slain tliere, he
suspected the people of the country would
thereby become his enemies ; for that to be
sure they would never bear it, that so many
that had been supplicants to him should be
killed ; and to oH'er violence to them, after
he had given them assurances of their lives,
he could not himself bear to do it. How-
ever, his friends were too hard for him, and
pretended that nothing against Jews could be
any imi)iety, and that he ought to prefer w hat
was profitable before what was fit to be done,
where both could not be made consistent.
So he gave lliem an ambiguous liberty to do
as they advised, and permitted the prisoners
to go along no other road than that which
led to Tiberias only. So they readily be-
lieved what they desired to be true, and went
along securely, with their eflects, the way
which was allowed them, while the Romans
seized upon all the road that led to Tiberias,
that none of them might go out of it, and
shut them up in the city. Then came Ves-
pasian, and ordered them all to stand in the
stadium, and commanded them to kill the
old men, together with the others that were
useless, who were in number a thousand and
two hundred. Out of the young men he
chose six thousand of the strongest, and sent
them to Nero, to dig through the Isthmus,
and sold the remainder for slaves, being thirty
thousand and four hundred, besides such as
he made a present of to -Agrippa ; for as to
those that belonged to his kingdom, lie gave
him leave to do what he pleased with them;
however, the king sold these also for slaves ;
but for the rest of the multitude, who were
Traclionites, and Gaulanites, and of Hippos,
and some of Gadara, the greatest part of
them were seditious persons and fugitives,
who wvTe of such shameful characters that
tliey preferred war before peace. These pri-
soners were taken on the eighth day of tlie
month Gorpiaeus ^ElulJ.
BOOK IV.
CONTAINING THE INTERVAL Of ABOUT ONE YEAR.
FROM THE SIEGE OF GAMALA TO THE COMING OF TITUS TO
BESIEGE JERUSALEM.
CHAPTER I.
THE SIEGE AND TAKING OF GAJIALA.
§ I. Now all those Galileans who, after the tak-
ing of Jotapata, had revolted from the Ro-
mans, did, upon the conquest of Tariche*,
» This is the most cruel and barbarous action that
Vespasian ever did in t)Js whole war, as lie did it with
great reluctance also. It was done both after public
assurance given of sparing the piisoners' lives, and
when all knew and confessed that these prisoners were
no way guiltv of any sedition against the Romans. Nor
Indeed did Titus now give his consent, so lai as appears.
deliver themselves up to them again. And the
Romans received all the fortresses and the
cities, excepting Gischala and those that had
seized upon mount Tabor ; Gamala also,
nor ever act of himself so barbarously ; nay, soon after
this, Titus grew quite weary of shedciing blood and of
punishing the innocent with the guilty, and gave the
people of t.ischala leave to keep the Jewish Sabbath,
b. iv, ch. ii, sect. 3, 5, in the midst of their siege Nor
was \ espasiaii disposed to do what he did, lill his offi-
cers persuadMl him, and that from two principal topics,
viz. that nothing could be unjust that was done against
Jews ; and that w hen both cannot he consistent, advan-
tage must prevail over justice.— Admirable court doc-
trines these I
CHAP. r.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
67j
which is a city over against Taricheae, but on
the other side of the hike, conspired with
them. This city lay upon the borders of A-
grippa's kingdom, as also did Sogana and Se-
leucia. And tiiese were both parts of Gau-
lanitis; for Sogana was a part of that called
the Upper Gaulanitis, as was Ganiala of the
Lower ; while Selcucia was situated at the
lake Semechonitis, which lake is thirty furlongs
in breadth, and sixty in length ; its marshes
reach as far as the place Daphne, which in oth-
er respects, is a delicious place, and hath such
fountains as supply water to what is called
Little Jordan, under the temple of the gold-
en calf,* where it is sent into Great Jordan.
Now Agrippa had united Sogana and Seleu-
cia by leagues to himself, at the very begin-
aing of the revolt from the Romans ; yet did
not Gamala accede to them, but relied upon
the difficulty of the place, which was greater
than that of Jotapata, for it was situated upon
a rough ridge of a high mountain, with a
kind of neck in the middle : where it begins
to ascend, it lengthens itself, and declines as
much downward before as behind, insomuch
that it is like a camel in figure, from whence it
is so named, although the people of the country
do not pronounce it accurately. Both on the
side and the face there are abrupt parts di-
vided from the rest, and ending iu vast deep
valleys ; yet are the parts behind, where they
are joined to the mountain, somewhat easier
of ascent than the other ; but then the peo-
ple belonging to the place have cut an oblique
ditch there, and made that hard to be ascended
also. On its acclivity, which is straight,
bouses are built, and those very thick and
close to one another. The city also hangs so
strangely, that it looks as if it would fall
down upon itself, so sharp is it at the top. It
is exposed to the south ; and its soutliern
mount, which reaches to an immense height,
was in the nature of a citadel to the city ;
and above that was a precipice, not walled
about, but extending itself to an immense
depth. There was also a spring of water
within the wall, at the utmost limits of the
city.
2. As this city was naturally hard to be
taken, so had Josephus, by building a wall
about It, made it still stronger, as also by
ditches and mines under ground. The peo-
ple tliat were in it were made more bold by
the nature of the place than the people of Jo-
tapata had been, but it had much fewer fight-
ing men in it ; and they bad such a confidence
in the situation of the place, that they thought
the enemy could not be too many for them ;
for the city bad been filled with tliose that had
• Here we have the exact situation of one of Jerobo-
am's " golden calves," at the exit of Little Jordan, into
Great Jordan, near a place called Daphne, but of old
Dan. See the note on Antiq. b. viii, ch. viii, sect. 4.
But Keland suspec.s that even here weshoxijd read Dan
instead uf D;\phiie, there being nowliere else any men-
tion ot a place called Daphne hereaboucs.
fled to it for safety, or. account of its strength ;
on which account they had been able to resist
those whom Agrippa sent to besiege it foi
seven months together.
3. But Vespasian removed from Emmaus,
where he had last pitched his camp before the
city Tiberias (now Emmaus, if it be interpret-
ed, may be rendred "a warm bath," for there-
in is a spring of warm water, useful for heal-
ings and came to Gamala ; yet was its situa-
tion such that he was not able to encompass it
all round with soldiers to watch it ; but where
the places were practicable, he set men to
watch it, and seized upon the mountain which
was over it. And as the legions, according
to their usual custom, were fortifying theii
camp upon that inountain, he began to cast
up banks at the bottom, at the part towards
the east, where the higi est tower of the whole
city was, and where the fifteenth legion pitch-
ed their camp ; while the fifth legion did duty
over-against the midst of the city, and whilst
the tenth legion filled up the ditches aud
valleys. Now at this time it ivas that as king
Agrippa was come nigh the walls, and was en-
deavouring to speak to those that were on
tlie walls about a surrender, he was hit with
a stone on his right elbow by one of the sling-
ers ; he was then immediately surrounded
with his own men. But the Romans were
excited to set about the siege, by their indig-
nation on the king's account, and by their fear
on theirown account, as concluding that those
men would omit no kinds of barbarity against
foreigners and enemies, who were so enraged
against one of their own nation, and one that
advised them to nothing but what was for their
own advantage.
4. Now when the banks were finished,
which was done on the sudden, both by the
multitude of hands, and by their being ac-
customed to such work, they brought the
machines ; but Chares and Joseph, who were
the most potent men of the city, set their arm-
ed men in order, though already in a fright,
because they did not suppose that the ci:y
could hold oat long, since they had not a
sufficient quantity either of water, or of other
necessaries. However, these their leaders en-
couraged them, and brought them out upon
the wall, and for a while indeed they drove a-
way those that were bringing the machines ;
but when those machines threw darts and
stones at them, they retired into the city ;
then did the Romans bring battering rams to
three several places, and made the wall shake
[and fall]. They then poured in over the
parts of the wall that were thrown down, with
a mighty sound of trumpets and noise of ar
raour, and with a shout of the soldiers, and
brake in by force upon those that were in the
city ; but these men fell upon the Romans for
some time, at tlieir first entrance, and prevent-
ed their going any farther, and with great
courage beat them back ; and the Romans
676
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK IV
were so overpowered by the greater multi-
tude of tlie people, who beat them on every
side, that they were obliged to run into the
upper parts of the city. Whereupon the peo-
ple turned about, and fell upon their enemies,
who had attacked them and thrust them down
to the lower parts, and as they were distressed
by the narrowness and difBculty of the place,
slew them; and as these Romans could neither
beat those back that were above them, nor es-
cape the force of their own men that were
forcing their way forward, they were compel-
led to fly into theirenemies' houses, which were
low ; but these houses being thus full of sol-
diers, whose weight they could not bear, fell
down suddenly ; and when one house fell, it
shook down a great many of those that were
from his youth, and recollecting his courage,
as if he had been excited by a divine fury, he
covca-ed himself and those that were witli him
with tlieir shields, and formed a testudo ovef
both their bodies and their armour, and bore
up against the enemy's attacks, who caine run-
ning down from the top of the city , and
without showing any dread at the multitude
of the men or of their darts, he endured all,
until the enemy took notice of that divme
courage that was within him, and remitted of
their attacks ; and when they pressed less
zealously upon him, he retired, thougli with-
out showing his back to them, till he was
gotten out of the walls of the city. Now a
great number of the Romans fell in this bat-
tle, among whom was Ebutius, the decurion,
under it, as did tiiose do to such as were un- a man who appeared not only in this engage-
der them. By this means a vast number of
the Romans perished ; for they were so ter-
ribly distressed, that although they saw the
houses subsiding, they were compelled to leap
upon the tops of them ; so that a great many
were ground to powder by these ruins, and a
great many of those that got from under them
lost some of their limbs, but still a greater
number were suffocated by the dust that arose
from those ruins. The people of Gamala sup-
posed this to be an assistance afforded them
by God, and without regarding what damage
they suffered themselves, they pressed forward,
and thrust the enemy upon the tops of their
houses ; and when they stumbled in the sharp
and narrow streets, and were perpetually
tumbling down, they threw their stones or
darts at them, and slew them. Now the very
ruins afforded them stones enow ; and for iron
weapons, the dead mea of the enemy's side
aflbrded them what they wanted ; for drawing
the swords of those that were dead, they made
use of them to dispatch such as were only half
dead ; nay, there were a great number who,
upon tlieir falling down from the tops of the
houses, stabbed themselves, and died after
that manner : nor indeed was it easy for those
that were beaten back to fly away ; for they
were so unacquainted with the ways, and the
dust was so thick, that they wandered about
without knowing one another, and fell dovvn
dead among the crowd.
5. Those therefore that were able to find
the ways out of the city retired. But now Ves-
pasian always staid among those that were
bard set ; for he was deeply affected with
seeing the ruins of the city falling upon his
army, and forgot to take care of his own pre-
servation. He went up gradually towards
the highest parts of the city before he was a-
ware, and was left in the midst of dangers,
having only a very few with him ; for even
his son Titus was not with him at that time, for what had now happened,
having been then sent into Syria to Mucianus.
However, he thought it not safe to fly, nor
did he esteem it a fit thing for him to do ;
but calling to mind the actions he had done) of our disappointment. Upon reflectinjj
ment, wherein he fell, but everywhere, and
in former engagements, to be of the truest
courage, and one that had done very great
miscliief to the Jews. But there was a cen-
turion, whose name was Gall us, who, during
this disorder, being encompassed about, he
and ten other soldiers privately crept into the
house of a certain person, where he heard
them talking at supper what the people in-
tended to do against the Romans, or about
themselves (for both the man himself and
those with him were Syrians). So he got up
in the night-time, and cut all their throats,
and escaped, together with his soldiers, to the
Romans.
6. And now Vespasian comforted his
army, which was much dejected, by reflecting
on their ill success, and because they had
never before fallen into such a calamity, and
besides this, because they were greatly asham-
ed that they had left their general alone ia
great dangers. As to what concerned him-
self, he avoided to say any thing, that he might
by no means seem to complain of it ; but he
said that " we ought to bear manfully what
usually falls out in war, and this, by consi-
dering what the nature of war is, and how it
can never be that we must conquer vvithout
bloodshed on our own side ; for there stands
about us that fortune which is of its own na-
ture mutable ; that while they had killed so
many ten thousands of the Jeus, they had
now paid their small share of the reckoning
to fate ; and as it is the part of weak people
to be too much puffed up with good success,
so is it the part of cowards to be too much
affrighted at that which is ill ; for the change
from the one to the other is sudden on both
sides ; and he is the best warrior who is of
a sober mind under misfortunes, that he may
continue in that temper, and cheerfully re-
cover what hath been lo-^t formerly ; and as
t was neither
owing to their own effeminacy nor to the va-
lour of the Jews, but the difficulty of the
place was the occasion of their advantage, and
CHAP. I.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
677
which matter one might blame your zeal as
perfectly ungovernable ; for when the enemy
had retired to their highest fastnesses, you
ought to have restrained yourselves, and not,
by presenting yourselves at the top of the
city, to be exposed to dangers; but upon
your having obtained the lower parts of the
city, you ought to have provoked those that
had retired thither to a safe and settled bat-
tle ; whereas, in rushing so hastily upon vic-
tory, you took no care of your own safety.
But this incautiousness in war, and this mad-
ness of zeal, is not a Roman maxim. While
we perform all that we attempt by skill and
good order, that procedure is only the part of
barbarians, and is what the Jews cliiefly sup-
port themselves by. We ought therefore to
return to our own virtue, and to be rather
angry than any longer dejected at this unlucky
misfortune ; and let every one seek for his
own consolation from his own hand ; for by
this means he will avenge those that have
been destroyed, and punish those that have
killed them. For myself, I will endeavour,
as I have now done, to go first before you a-
gainst your enemies in every engagement,
and to be the last that retires from it."
7. So Vespasian encouraged his army by
this speech ; but for the people of Gamala, it
happened that they took courage for a little
while, upon such great and unaccountable
success as they had had. But when they con-
sidered with themselves that they had now no
hopes of any terms of accommodation, and
reflecting upon it that they could not get
away, and that their provisions began already
to be short, they were exceedingly cast down,
and their courage failed them ; yet did they
not neglect what might be for their preserva-
tion, so far as they were able, but the most
courageous among them guarded those parts
of the wall that were beaten down, while the
more infirm did the same to the rest of the
wall that still remained round the city. And
as the Romans raised their banks, and at-
tempted to get into the city a second time, a
great many of them fled out of the cit)'
through impracticable valleys, where no guards
were placed, as also through subterraneous
caverns ; while those that were afraid of being
caught, and for that reason staid in the city,
perished for want of food ; for what food they
had was brought together from all quarters,
and reserved for the fighting men.
8. And these were tlie hard circumstances
the people of Gaiaala were in. But now
Vespasian went about other work by the by,
during this siege, and that was to subdue
those that had seized upon IMount Tabor, a
place that lies in the middle between the great
plain and Scythopolis, whose top is elevated
as high as thirty furlongs,* and is iiardly to
• These numbers in Josephus of thVtty furlongs'
ascent to the top of Mount Tal)or, whether we estimate
it bv wiuding and gradual, or by perpeudirular altitudcj
be ascended on its north side ; its top is a plain
of twenty-six furlongs, and all encompassed
with a wall. Now, Josephus erected tliis so
long a wall in forty days' time, and furnished
it with otlier materials, and with water from
below, for the inhabitants only made use of
rain water; as therefore there was a jrreat
multitude of people gotten together ujjon this
mountain, Vespasian sent Placidus, with sis
hundred horsemen, thither. Now, as it was
impossible for him to ascend the mountain,
he invited many of them to peace, by the
offer of his right hand for their security, and
of his intercession for them. Accordingly
they came down, but with a treacherous de-
sign, as well as he had the like treacherous
design upon them on the other side ; for Pla-
cidus spoke mildly to them, as aiming to take
them when he got them into the plain ; they
also came down, as complying with his pro-
posals, but it was in order to fall upon iiim
when he was not aware of it : however, Pla-
cidus's stratagem was too hard for theirs ; for
when the Jews began to fight, he pretended
to run away, and when they were in pursuit
of the Romans, he enticed them a great way
along the plain, and then made his iiorsemen
turn back ; whereupon he beat them, and slew
a great number of them, and cut off the re-
treat of the rest of the multitude, and hin-
dered their return. So they left Tabor, and
fled to Jerusalem, while the people of the
country came to terms with him, for their
water failed them, and so they delivered up
the mountain and themselves to Placidus.
9. But of the people of Gamala, those that
were of the bolder sort fled away and hid
themselves, while the more infirm perished by
famine; but the men of war sustained the
siege till the two-and-twentieth daj of the
month Hyperberetaeus [Tisri], when three sol-
diers of the fifteenth legion, about the morn-
ing-watch, got under a high tower that was
near, and undermined it without making any
noise ; nor when they either came to it, which
was in the night-time, nor when they were un-
der it, did those that guarded it perceive them.
These soldiers then, upon their coming, avoid-
ed making a noise, and when they had rolled
away five of its strongest stones, they went
and of twenty-six furlongs' circumference upon the top,
as also fifteen furlongs for this ascent in Polybius, with
Gemmus's perpendicular altitude of almost fourtfcn
furlongs here noted by Dr. Hudson, do none of them
agree with the authentic testimony of Mr. Maundrel,
»n eye-witness ipage 112), who says he was not an hour
in getting up to the top of this Mount Tabor, and lliat
the area of the top is an oval of about two furlongs in
length, and one in breadth. So I rather suppose Jose-
phus wrote three furlongs for the ascent, or altitude,
instead of thirty ; and six furlongs for the circumfer-
ence at the top, instead of twenty-six, — since a moun-
tain of only three furlongs' perpendicular altitude may
easily require near an hour's ascent; and the circumfer-
ence of an oval of the foregoing quantity, is near six
furlongs. Nor certainly could such a vast circumfer-
ence as twenty-six furlongs, or tluee mile- and a quarter,
at that height be encompassed with a wall, including a
trench and other fortifications (perhaps those still re-
maining, ibui.) in the small interval of forty days, as
Josephus heie says they were by himself
678
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK IV
away hastily ; whereupon the tower fell down
on a sudden, with a great noiie, and its guard
fell headlong »itii it; so that those that kept
guard at other places, were under such dis-
turbance, that they ran away ; the Romans
also slew many of those that ventured to op-
pose them, among whom was Joseph, who was
slain by a dart, as he was running away over
that part of the wall that was broken down :
but as those that were in the city were greatly af-
frighted at the noise, they ran hitlierand thither,
and a great consternation fell upon them, as
though all the enemy had fallen in at once upon
them. Then it was that Chares, who was ill, and
under the physicians' hands, gave up the ghost,
the fear he was in greatly contributing to make
his distemper fatal to him. Bui the Romans
so well remembered their former ill success,
that they did i ot enter the city till the three-
and-tw-entieth day of the forementioned month.
10, At which time Titus, who was now re-
turned, out of the indignation he had at the
destruction t!ie Romans had undergone while
he was absent, took tw o hundred ciiosen horse-
men, and some footmen with hi;n, and enter-
ed without noise into the city. Now, as the
watch perceived tliat he was coming, they
made a noise, and betook themselves to their
arms ; and as this his entrance was presently
know n to those that were in the city, some of
them caught hold of their children and their
wives, and drew them after them, and fled a-
way to the citadel, w ith lameniaiions and cries,
wliile others of them went to meet Titus, and
were killed perpetuallj' ; but soir.any of them
as were hindered from running up to the cita-
del, not knowing what in the world to do, fell
among the Roman guards, while the groans
of those that were killed were prodigious-
ly great everj'where, and blood ran down
over all the lower parts of the city, from the
upper. But then Vespasian himself came to
his assistance against those that had fled to the
citadel, and brought his whole army with
him ; now this upper part of the city was every
way rocky, and difficult of ascent, and elevat-
ed to a vast altitude, and very full of people
on all sides, and encompassed with precipices,
whereby tlie Jews cut off those that came up
to them, and did much mischief to others by
their darts and the large stones which they
rolled down u|)on them, while they were them-
selves so high that the enemy's darts could
hardly reach thein. However, there arose
such a divine storm against them as was instru-
mental to their destruction ; this carried the
Roman darts upon them, and made those
which they threw return back, and drove them
obliquely away from them : nor could the
Jews indeed stand upon their [jrecipices, by
reason of the violence of the wind, having no-
thing that was stable to stand upon, nor coilid
they see those that were ascending up to them ;
so the Romans got up and surrounded them,
and some they slew before they could defend
themselves, and others as they were delivering
up themselves ; and the remembrance of those
that were slain at their former entrance into
thecity increased their rage against th.em now;
a great number also of those that were sur-
rounded on every side, and despaired of es-
caping, threw their children and their wives,
and themselves also, down the precipices, in-
to the valley beneath, which, near the citadel,
had been dug hollow to a vast depth ; but so it
happened, that the anger of the Romans ap-
peared not to be so extravagant as w.ns the
madness of those that were now taken, while
the Romans slew but four thousand, v\hereas
the number of those that had thrown them-
selves down was found to be five thousand :
nor did any one escape except two women,
who were the daughters of Philip, and Philip
himself was tiie son of a certain eminent man
called Jacinuis, v\ho h;id been general of king
Agiippa's army ; and these did therefore es-
cape, because they lay concealed from the right
of the Romans when the city was taken ; for
otherwise they spared not so much as the in-
fants, of whom many were flung down by
ihem from the citadel. And thus was Ga-
tnala taken on the tliree-and-twentieth day of
the month Hyperbereiaeus [Tisri , whereas the
city had first revolted on the four-and-twen-
tieth day of the month Gori;iaus [Elul],
CHAPTER II.
THE SURRENDEH OF THE SMALL CITY OF GIS-
CHALA ; JOHN" FLIES FROM IT TO JERUSA-
LEM.
§ 1. Now, no place of Galilee remained to
be taken but the small city of Gischala, whose
inhabitants yet were desirous of peace ; for
they were generally husbandmen, and always
applied themselves to cultivatv the fruits of
the earth. However, there were a great
number that belonged to a band of robbers,
that were already corrupted, and had crept in
among them, and some of the governing part
of the citizens were sick of the same distem-
per. Il was John, the son of a certain man
whose name was Levi, that drew them into
this rebellion, and encouraged them in it.
He was a cunning knave, and of a temper
that could put on various shapes ; very rash
m expecting great things, and very sagai;ious
in bringing about what he hoped for. It was
known to every body that he was fond of war,
in order to thrust himself into authority ; and
the seiiitious part of the people of Gischala
were under his management, by whose means
the populace, who seemed ready to send am-
bassadors in order to a surrender, waited for
the coming of the Romans in battle array.
Vespasian sent against them Titus, with a
thousand horsemen, but withdrew the tenth
WARS OF THE JEWS.
679
tegion to Sc5'thopolis, while lie returned to
Cesarea, with the two other legions, that he
might allow them to refresh themselves after
their long anc! iiard campaign, thinking with-
al that the plenty which was in those cities
would improve their bodies and their spirits,
against the difficulties they were to go through
afterwards ; for he saw there would be occa-
sion for great pains about Jerusalem, wliich
was not yet taken, because it was the royal
city, and the principal city of the whole na-
tion ; and because those tliat had run away
from the war in otlier places got all together
thillier. It was also naturally strong, and
the walls that were built round it made him
not a little concerned about it. Moreover,
he esteemed the men that were in it to be so
courageous and bold, that even without the
consideration of the walls, it would be hard
to subdue them ; for which reason he took
care of and exercised his soldiers beforehand
for the work, as they do wrestlers before they
begin their undertaking.
2. Now Titus, as he rode up to Gischala,
found it would be easy for him to take the
city upon the first onset; but knew withal,
that if he took it by force, the multitude
would be destroyed by the soldiers without
mercy. (Now he was already satiated with
the shedding of blood, and pitied the major
part, who would then perish, without distinc-
tion, together with the guilty.) So he was
rather desirous the city might be surrendered
up to him on terms. Accordingly, when he
saw the wall full of those men that were of
the corrupted party, he said to them,-^That
he could not but wonder what it was they de-
pended on, when they alone staid to fight the
Romans, after every other city was taken by
them ; especially when they have seen cities
much better fortified than theirs is, overthrown
by a single attack upon them ; while as
many as have entrusted themselves to the se-
curity of the Romans' right hands, which he
now oH'ers to them, without regarding their
former insolence, do enjoy their own posses-
sions in safety ; for that while they had hopes
of recovering their liberty, tliey might be par-
doned ; but that their continuance still in
tlieir opposition, when they saw thai to be im-
possible, was inexcusable; for that, if they
will not comply with such humane offers, and
right hands for security, they should liave ex.
perience of such a war as would spare nobody,
and should soon be made sensible that their
wall would be but a trifle, when battered by
the Roman machines; iu depending on which,
they demonstrate themselves to be the only
Galileans that Mere no better than arrogant
slaves and captives.
3. Now none of the populace durst not
only make a reply, but durst not so much as
get upon the «all, for it was all taken up by
the robbers, who were also the gu^d at the
gates, in order to prevent any of the rest from |
going out, in order to propose terms of sub-
mission, and from receiving any of the liorsc-
men into the city. But John returned Titus
lliis answer, — That for himself he was content
to hearken to his projjosals, and that he would
either persuade or force those that refused
them. Yet he said, tliat Titus ought to have
such regard to the Jewish law, as to grant
them leave to celebrate that day, which was
the seventh day of the week, on which it was
unlawful not only to remove their arms, but
even to treat of peace also ; and that even the
Romans were not ignorant how the period of
the seventh day was among them a cessation
from all labours ; and that he who should
compel them to transgress the law about that
day, would hi equally guilty with those that
were compelled to transgress it : and that
this delay could be of no advantage to him ;
for why should any body think of doing any
thing in the night, unless it was to fly away ?
which he might prevent by placing his camp
round about them : and that they should
think it a great point gained, if they might
not be obliged to transgress the laws of their
country ; and that it would be a right thing
for him, who designed to grant them peace,
without their expectation of such a favour, to
preserve the laws of those they saved inviol-
able. Thus did this man put a trick upon
Titus, not so much out of regard to the se-
venth day as to his own preservation, for he
was afraid lest he should be quite deserted if
the city should be taken, and had his hopes
of life in that night, and in his flight therein.
Now this was ihe work of God, who there-
fore preserved this John, that he might bring
on the destruction of Jerusalem ; as also it
was his work that Titus was prevailed with
by this pretence for a delay, and that he pitch-
ed his camp farther off the city at Cydessa.
This Cydessa was a strong mediterranean
village of the Tyrians, which always hated
and made war against the Jews ; it had also
a great number of inhabitants, and was
well fortified; which made it a proper place
for such as were enemies to the Jewish na-
tion.
4. Now, in the night time, when John saw
that there was no Roman guard about the
city, he seized the opportunity directly, and,
taking with him not only the armed men that
were about him, but a considerable number
of those that had little to do, together with
their families, he fled to Jerusalem. And
indeed, though the man was making haste to
get away, and was tormented with fears ot
being a captive, or of losing his life, yet did
he prevail with himself to take out of the
city along with him a multitude of women and
children, as far as twenty furlongs; but there
he left them as he proceeded farther on his
journey, where those that were left behind
made sad lamentations ; for the farther every
one was come from his own people, the nearer
G80
WARS OF THE JEAVS.
BOOK IV
they thought theinsclves to be to their ene-
iriics. Ti:ey also afl'righted themselves with
this thought, lliat those vvli would carry them
into captivity were just at hand, and still turn-
ed themselves back at the mere noise they
made themselves in this their hasty flight, as
if those from whom they fled were just upon
them. Many also of them missed their ways;
and the earnestness of such as aimed to outgo
the rest, threw down many of them. And
indeed tliere was a miserable destruction made
of the women and children ; while some of
them took courage to call their husbands and
kinsmen back, and to beseech them, with the
bitterest lamentations, to stay for them ; but
John's exhortation, who cried out to thtm to
save themselves, and fly away, prevailed. He
•jaid also, that if the Romans should seize
jpon those whom they left behind, they would
Be revenged en them for it. So this multi
tude that run thus away was dispersed abroad,
according as each of them was able to run,
one faster or slower than another.
5. ^iow on the next day Titus came to the
wall, to make the agreement ; whereupon the
people opened their gates to him, and came
out to him, with their children and wives, and
made acclamations of joy to him, as to one
tliat had been their benefactor, and had deli,
vered the city out of custody ; they also in-
formed him of John's flight, and bebought
him to spare t!iem, and to come in and bring
the rest of those that were for innovations to
punishment ; but Titus, not so much regard-
ing the supplications of the people, sent part
of his horsemen to pursue after John, but
they could not overtake him, for he was got-
ten to Jerusalem before ; they also slew six
thousand of the women and children who
went otit with liim, but returned back and
brought with theni almost three thousand.
However, Titus was greatly displeased that
he had not been able to bring this John, who
had deluded him, to punishmeiit ; yet he had
captives enough, as well as the corrupted part
of the city, to satisfy his anger, when it miss-
ed of Jolm. So he entered the city in the
niidst of acclamations of joy ; and when he
liad given orde4-s to the soldiers to pull down
a small part of the wall, as of a city taken in
war, he repressed those that had disturbed the
city rather by threatenings than by executions;
for he thought that many would accuse inno-
cent persons, out of their own animosities and
quarrels, if he should attempt to distinguish
those that were worthy of punishment from
the rest; and that it was better to let a guilty
person alone in his fears, than to destroy with
him any one that did not deserve it ; for that
probably such a one might be taught pru-
dence, by the fear of the punishment he had
deserved, and have a shame upon him for his
former offences, when he had been forgiven ;
but tliat the punishment of such as have been
once put to death could never be retrieved.
However, he placed a garrison in the city for
its security, by w hich means lie should restrain
those that were for innovations, and should
leave those that were ptaceably (li>po>ed in
greater security. And thus « as all Galilee
taken ; but this not till after it had cost the
Romans much pains before it could be taken
by tliem.
CHAPTER III.
CONCERNING JOHN OF GISCHALA. CONCERN
ING THE ZEALOTS, AND THE HIGH PHI EST
ANANl'S ; AS ALSO HOW THE JEWS RAISED
SEDITIONS ONE AGAINST ANOTHER [iN JE-
RUSALEM].
§ 1. Now, upon John's entry into Jerusa-
lem, the whole body of the people were in an
uproar, and ten thousand of them crowded
about every one of the fugitives that were
come to them, and inquired of them what
miseries had happened abroad, when their
breath was so short, and hot. and quick, that
of itself it declared the great distress they
were in ; yet did they talk big under their
misfortunes, and pretended to say that they
had not fled away from the Romans, but
came thither in order to fight them with less
hazard ; for that it would be an unreasonable
and a fruitless thing for them to expose them-
selves to desperate hazards about Gischala,
and such weak cities, whereas they ought to
lay up their weapons and their zeal, and j-e
serve it for their metropolis. But when thej
related to them the taking of Gischala, and
their decent departure, as they pretended,
from tliat place, many of the people under-
stood it to be no better than a flight ; and
especially when the people were told of those
that were made captives, they were in great
confusion, and guessed those things to be
plain indications that they should be taken
also ; but for John, he was very little concern-
ed for those «homhehad left behind him,
but went about among all the people, and
persuaded them to go to war, by the hopes
he gave them. He affirmed that the affairs
of the Romans were in a weak condition, and
extolled his own power. He also jested up-
on the ignorance of the unskilful, as if those
Romans, although they should take to them-
selves wings, could never fly over the wall of
Jerusalem, who found such great difficulties
in taking the villages of Galilee, and had
broken their engines of war against their
walls.
2. These harangues of John's corrui)ted 3
great part of the young men, and pufl'ed them !
up for the war ; but as to the most prudent
part, and those in years, there was not a man !
of them but foresaw what was coming, and
made lamentation on that account, as if tlw
, - r
J'
CHAP. III.
city was already undone, and in this confu-
sion were the people; but then it must be
observed, that the multitude that came out of
the country were at discord before the Jeru-
salem sedition began ; for Titus went from
Gischala to Cesarea ; and Vespasian from
Cesarea to Jamniaand Azotus, and took them
both ; and when he had put garrisons into
them he came back with a great number of
the people, wlio were come over to dim, upon
his giving tliem his right hand for their pre-
servation. There were besides disorders and
civil wars in every city ; and all those that
were at quiet from the Romans turned their
hands one against another. There was also
a bitter contest between those that were
fond of war, and those that were desirous of
peace. At the first this quarrelsome temper
cauglithold of private families, who could not
agree among tiiemselves ; after which those
people that were the dearest to one another,
brake through all restraints with regard to
each other, and every one associated with
those of his own opinion, and began already
to stand in opposition one to another ; so that
seditions arose everywhere, while those that
were for innovations, and were desirous of
war, by their youth and boldness, were too
hard for the aged and the prudent men ; and,
in the first place, all the people of every
place betook themselves to rapine ; after
which tiiey got together in bodies, in order to
rob the peoi)le of the country, insomuch that
for barbarity and iniquity those of the same
natiiin did no way differ from the Romans ;
nay, it seemed to be a much lighter thing to
be ruined by the Romans than by themselves.
3. Now the Roman garrisons, which guard-
ed the cities, partly out of their uneasiness to
take such trouble upon them, and partly out
of the hatred lliey bare to tiie Jewish nation,
did little or nothing towards relieving t!ie
miserable, till the captains of these troops of
robbers, being satiated with rapines in the
country, got all together from all parts, and
became a band of wickedness, and all toge-
ther crept into Jerusalem, which was now be-
come a city without a governor, and, as the
ancient custom was, received without distinc-
tion all that belonged to their nation ; and
these they then received, because all men
supposed that those who came so fast into the
city, came out of kindness, and for their as-
sistance, although these very men, besides the
leditions they raised, were otherwise the di
rect cause of the city's destruction also \ for
as they were an unprofitable and a useless
multitude, they spent those provisions be-
forehand, which might otherwise have been
sufficient for the fighting men. Mori.>over,
besiiies the bringing on of th.e war, they were
the occasion of sedition and famine therein.
4. There were, besides these, other robbers
that came out of the country, and came into
the city, and joining to them those that were
'"\__ . .
WARS OF TIIE JEWS.
6b 1
worse than themselves, omitted no kind of
barbarity ; for they did not measure their
courage by their rapines and plunderings on
ly, but proceeded as far as murdering men,
and this not in the niglit-time or privately, or
with regard to ordinary men, but did it open-
ly in the day-time, and began witli the most
eminent persons in the city ; for the first man
they meddled with was Aniipas, one of the
royal lineage, and the most potent man in the
whole city, insomuch that the public trea-
sures were committed to his care; him they
took and confined, as they did in the next
place to Levias, a person of great note, with
Sophas, the son of Ilaguol ; both of whom
were of royal lineage also. And besides these,
they did the same to the principal men of the
country. This caused a terrible consterna-
tion among the people ; and every one con-
tented himself with taking care of his own
safety, as they would do if the city had been
taken in war.
5. But these were not satisfied with the
bonds into which they had put the men fore-
mentioned ; nor did they think it safe for
them to keep them thus in custody long, since
they were men very powerful, and had nume-
rous families of their own that were able to
avenge them. Nay, they thought the very
people would perhaps be so moved at these
unjust proceedings, as to rise in a body against
them : it was therefore resolved to have them
slain. Accordingly, they sent one John, who
was the most bloody-minded of tliem all, to
do that execution : this man was also called
" the son of Doroas,*" in the language of
our country. Ten more men went along
with him into the prison, with their swords
drawn, and so they cut the throats of those
that were in custody there. The grand lying
pretence these men made for so flagrant an
enormity was this, that these men liad liad
conferences with the Romans for a surrender
of Jerusalem to them ; and so they said they
had slain only such as were traitors to their
common liberty. Upon the whole, they grew
the more insolent upon this bold prank of
theirs, as though they had been the benefac-
tors and saviours of the city.
6. Now, the people were come to that degree
of meanness and fear, and tliese robbers to that
degree of madness, that these last took upon
them to appoint high priests. -j- So wlien they
» This name Dorcas in Greek, was Tabitha in He-
brew or Syriac, as Acts ix, .36. Accordingly, some of
the manuscripts set it down here Tabetha or Tabeta.
Nor can tlie context in Josepiius be made out but by
supposing the reading to have been this : *' i he son of
Tabitha ; which, in tlie language of our country, de-
notes Dorcas," [or a doe].
\ Here we may discover the utter disgrace and rum
of the high-priesthood among the Jews, when unile-
serving, ignoble, and vile persons were advanced to that
office Tiy the seditious ; which sort of high-priests, as
Josephus well remarks here, were thereupon obliged to
comply with and assist those that advanced them in
their impious practices. The names of these high-
priests, or rather ridiculous and profane persons, wcra
Jesus the son ol Damneus, Jesus the son of Gtmailiol,
Y~
6b-2
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK IV
had disannulled the succession, according to
those families out of whom the high-pr'Vsts
used to be made, they ordained certain un-
known and ignoble persons for that office,
that they might have tlieir assistance in their
wicked undertakings; for sucii as obtained this
highest of all honours, without any desert,
were forced to comply with those tJiat bestow-
ed it on them. They also set the principal
men at variance one with another, by several
sorts of contrivances and tricks, and gained
the opportunity of doing what tliey pleased,
by the mutual quarrels of those who might
have obstructed their measures ; till at length,
when they were satiated with the unjust ac-
tions they had done towards men, they trans-
ferred their contumelious behaviour to God
himself, and came into the sanctuary with
polluted feet.
7. And now the multitude were going to
rise against them already; for Ananus, the
ancientcst of ttie high -priests, persuaded them
to it. He was a very prudent man, and had
perhaps saved the city if he could but have es-
caped the hands of those that plotted against
him. Those men made the temple of God
a strong hold for them, and a place whither
they might resort, in order to avoid the trou-
bles they feared from the people; the sanctu-
ary was now become a refuge, and a shop of
tyranny. Tliey also mixed jesting among the
miseries they introduced, which was more in-
tolerable than what they did; for, in order to
try what surjjrise the people would be under,
and iiow far their own power extended, they
undertook to dispose of the high priesthood
by casting lots for it, whereas, as we have said
already, it was to descend by succession in a
family. The pretence they made for this
strange attempt was an ancient practice, while
they said that of old it was determined by lot ;
but in truth, it was no better than a dissolu-
tion of an undeniable law, and a cunning con-
trivance to seize upon the government, derived
from tliose that presumed to appoint gover-
nors as they themselves pleased.
8. Hereupon they sent for one of the pon-
tifical tribes, which is called Eniachim,* and
cast lots which of it should be the high-priest.
By fortune, the lot so fell as to demonstrate
their iniquity after the plainest maimer, for it
fell upon one whose name was Phannias, the
Bon of Samuel, of the village Aphtha. He
w as a man not only unworthy of the high-
priesthood, but that did not well know what
the high-priesthood was; such a mere rustic
Matthias the son of Theophilus, and that prodigious
ignoraimis Pliannias, tlie son of L-amuel ; all whoin we
slidll meet with in Josephus's future history of this war ;
nor do we meet with any other so much as pretended
high-priests after Phaimias, tUlJerusalem was taken and
destroyed.
* this tribe or course of the high-priests, or priests
here called Eniachim, seems to the learned Mr. Lowth,
one well versed in Josephus, to be that m 1 Chron. xxiv,
12, " the course of Jakim," where some copies have
" the course of Eliakim ;" and I think tlii; to be by no
means an improbable coniecttuc.
I was he ! yet did they hale this man, without
his own consent, out of the country, as if they
were acting a play upon the stige, and
adorned him witli a counterfeit face ; tliey al-
so put upon liim the sacred garments, and
upon every occasion instructed him what he
was to do. This horrid piece of wickedness
was sport and pastime with them, but occa-
sioned the other priests, who at a distance
saw their law made a jest of, to shed tears,
and sorely lament the dissolution of such a
sacred dignity.
9. And now the people could no longer
bear the insolence of this procedure, but did
altogether run zealously, in order to over-
throw that tyranny ; and indeed they were
Gorian the son of Josephus, and Symcon the
son of Gamaliel,! who encouraged them, by
going up and down when they .vere assem-
bled together in crowds, and as they saw them
alone, to bear no longer, but to inflict punish-
ment upon these pests and plagues of their
fieedom, and to purge the temple of these
bloody polluters of it. The best esteemed
also of the high-priests, Jesus the son of Ga-
mala, and Ananus the son of Ananus, when
they were at their assemblies, bitterly reproach-
ed the people for their sloth, and excited them
against the zealots ; for that was the name
they went by, as if they were zealous in good
undertakings, and were not rather zealous in
the worst actions, and extravagant in them
beyond the example of others.
10. And now, when the multitude were
gotten together to an assembly, and every one
was in indignation at these men's seizing up-
on the sanctuary, at their rapine and murders,
but had not yet begun their attacks upon them
(the reason of which was this, that they ima-
gined it to be a difficult thing to suppress
these zealots, as indeed the case was), Ananus
stood in the midst of them, and casting his
eyes frequently at the temple, and having a
flood of tears in his eyes, he said, — " Cer-
tainly, it had been good for me to die before
I had seen the house of God full of so many
abominations, or these sacred places that ought
not to be trodden upon at random, filled with
the feet of these blood-shedding villains; yet
do I, who am clothed with the vestments of
the high-priesthood, and am called by that
most venerable name [of high -priest], still
live, and ain but too fond of living, and can-
not enduie to undergo a death which would
be the glory of my old age; and if I were the
only person concerned, and, as it were, in a
desert, I would give up my life, and that alone
t This Symeon, the son of Gamaliel, is mentioned
as the president of the Jewish sanliedrim, and one that
perished in the destruction of Jerusalem, by the Jewish
rabbins, as Keland observes on this place. He also tells
us that those rabbins mention one Jesus the sou of tja-
mala, as once a high-priest, — but this long before the
destruction of Jerusalem ; so that if he were tlie same
person with this Jesus the son of Gamala, in Josephus,
he must have lived to l)e very old, or they have been
verv bad chronolo^ers.
"V
y
J'^
CHAP. III.
WARS OF THE JEV/S.
683
for God's sake ; for to what purpose is it to
live among a people insensible of their cala-
mities, and where there is no notion remaining
of any remedy for the miseries that are upon
tbem ? for when you are seized upon, you
bear it ! and when you are beaten, you are
silent ! and when the people are murdered,
nobody dare so much as send out a groan
openly ! O bitter tyranny that we are under !
But why do I complain of tlie tyrants ? Wus
it not you, an-d your sufferance of them, that
have nourished them ? Was it not you that
overlooked those tliat first of all got together,
for they were then but a few, and by your
silence made them grow to be n)any ; and by
conniving at them when they took arms, in
effect armed them against yourselves ? You
ought to have then prevented their first at-
tempts, when they fell a reproaching your re-
lations; but by neglecting that care in time,
you have encouraged these wretches to plun-
der men. When houses were pillaged, no-
body said a word, which was the occasion why
they carried off the owners of those houses ;
and when they were drawn through the midst
of tlie city, nobody came to their assistance.
They then proceeded to put those whom you
bad betrayed into their hands, into bonds. I
do not say how many, and of what characters
those men were whom they thus served, but
certainly they were such as were accused by
none, and condemned by none ; and since no-
bodj succoured them when they were in bonds,
tlie consequence was, that you saw the same
persons slain. We have seen this also j so
that still the best of the herd of brute ani-
mals, as it w^ere, have been still led to be sa-
crificed, when yet nobody said one word, or
moved his right hand for their preservation.
Will you bear, therefore, — will you bear to
see your sanctuary trampled on ? and will
vou lay steps for these profane wretciies, up-
on which they may mount to higher degrees
of insolence? Will not you pluck them down
from their exaltation ? for even by this time,
they had proceeded to higher enormities, if
they had been able to overthrow any thing
greater than the sanctuary. They have seized
upon the strongest place of the whole city ;
you may call it the temple, if you please,
thougli it be like a citadel or fortress. Now,
while you have tyranny in so great a degree
walled in, and see your enemies over your
heads, to what purpose is it to take counsel ?
and what have you to support your minds
withal ? Perhaps you wait for the Romans,
that they may protect our holy places : are
our matters then brought to that pass ? and
are we come to that degree of misery, that our
enemies themselves are expected to pity us ?
O wretched creatures ! will not you rise up,
and turn upon those that strike you ? which
you may observe in wild beasts themselves,
that they will avenge themselves on tht>se that
strike them. Will not you call to mind< every
one of you, the calamities you yourselves
have suffered ? nor lay before your eyes what
afflictions you yourselves have undergone?
and will not such things sharpen your souls
to revenge ? Is therefore that most honoura-
ble and most natural of our passions utterly
lost, I mean the desire of liberty ? 'J'ruly,
we are in love wiih slavery, and in love with
those that lord it over us, as if we had receiv-
ed that principle of subjection from our an-
cestors ! yet did they undergo many and
great wars for the sake of liberty, nor were
they so far overcome by the power of the
Egyptians, or the iMedes, but that they still did
what they thought fit, notwithstanding their
commands to the contrary. And what occa-
sion is there now for a war with the Romans?
(I meddle not with determining whether it be
an advantageous and profitable war or not.)
What pretence is there for it ? Is it not that
we may enjoy our liberty ? Besides, shall we
not bear the lords of the habitable earth to be
lords over us, and yet bear tyrants of our
own country? Although I must say that sub-
mission to foreigners may be borne, because
fortune hath already doomed us to it, while
submission to wicked people of our own na-
tion is too unmanly, and brought upon us by
our own consent. However, since I have
had occasion to mention the Romans, I will
not conceal a thing that, as I am speaking,
comes into my mind, and affects me consider-
ably ; — it is this, that though we should be
taken by them (God forbid the event should
be so !) yet can we undergo nothing that will
be harder to be borne than what these men
have already brought upon us. How then
can we avoid shedding of tears, when we see
the Roman donations in our temples, while
we withal see those of our own nation taking
our spoils, and plundering our glorious me-
tropolis, and slaughtering our men, from
which enormities those Romans themselves
would have abstained ? to see those Romans
never going beyond the bounds allotted to pro-
fane persons, nor venturing to break in upon
any of our sacred customs ; nay, having hor-
ror on their minds when they view at a dis-
tance those sacred walls, while some that have
been born in this very country, and brought
up in our customs, and called Jews, do walk
about in the midst of the holy places, at the
very time when their hands are still warm with
the slaughter of their own countrymen. Be-
sides, can any one be afraid of a war abroad,
and that with such as will have comparatively
much greater moderation than our own people
have ? For truly, if we may suit our words to
the things they represent, it is probable one may
hereafter find the Romans to be the supporters
of our laws, and those within ourselves the
subverters of them. And now I am persuad-
ed that every one of you here comes satisfied
before I speak, that these overthrowers of oui
liberties deserve to be destroved' and that no
"V
684,
WARS OF THE JEWS.
body can so much as devise a punishment that
tliey have not deserved by what llity have
done, and that you are all provoked ajjainst
them by those tlieir v\icked actions, whence
you have suffered so greatly. But perhaps
many of you are afT'righted at the riiultiiude
of those zealots, and at their audaciousness,
as well as at the advantage they have over us
in their being higher in place than we are;
for these circumstances, as they have hern
occasioned by your negligence, so will they be-
come still greater by being still loner ne-
glected; for iheirniullitude is every day aug-
mented, by every ill man's running away to
those that are like to themselves, anl tiicir
audaciousness is therefore inHamed, because
they meet with no obstruction to their designs.
And for their higher place, they will make
use of it for engines also, if we give them time
to do so; but be assured of this, that if we
go up to fight them, they will be made tamer by
their own consciences, and what advantages
they have in the lieight of their situation, they
will lose by the opposition of their reason;
perhaps also God himself, who hath been
affronted by them, will make what they throw
at us return against themselves, and these im-
pious wretches will be killed by their own
darts : let us but make our appearance be-
fore them, and they will come to nothing.
However, it is a rigiit thing, if there sh.ould he
any danger in the attempt, to die before these
holy gates, and to spend our very lives, if not
for the sake of our children and wives, yet for
God's sake, and for the sake of his sanctuary.
I will assist you, both with my counsel and
with my hand ; nor shall any sagacity of ours
be wanting for your support ; nor shall you
see that I will be sparing of my body neither."
1!. By these motives Ananus encouraged
the multitude to go against the zealots, ak
though he knew how difficult it would be to
disperse them, because of their multitude, and
their youth, and the courage of their souls ;
but chiefly because of their consciousness of
what they had done, since they would not
yield, as not so much as hoping for pardon
at the last for those their enormities. How-
ever, Ananus resolved to undergo whatever
sufferings might come upon him, rather than
overlook things, now they were in such great
confusion. So the multitude cried out to
him to lead them on against those whom he
had described in his exhortation to them ;
and every one of them was most readily dis-
posed to run any hazard whatsoever on that
account.
12. Now while Ananus was choosing out
his men, and putting those that were proper
for his purpose in array for fighting, the zea-
lots got information of his undertaking (for
there were some who went to them, and told
them all that the people were doing) and were
irritated at it ; and leaping out of the temple
in crowds, and by parties, spared none whom
they met with. Upon this, Ananus got the
populace together on the sudden, who v.-ere
more numerous indeed than the zealots, but
inferior to them in arms, because they had
not been regularly put into array for fighting :
but the alacrity that every body sho«ed, sup-
plied all their defects on both sides, the citi-
zens taking up so great a passion as was
stronger than arms, and deriving a degree of
courage from the temple, more forcible than
any n)ultitnde whatsoever; and indeed these
citizens thought it was not possible for them
to dwell in tl'.e city, unless they could cut off
the robbfrs that were in it. The zealots also
thought that unless they prevailed, there
would be no punishment so bad, but it would
be inflicted on them. So their conflicts were
conducted by their passions; and at the first
they only cast stones at each other in the city,
and before the teinple, and threw their jave-
lins at a distance ; but when either of them
were too hard for the other, they made use of
their swords ; and great slaughter was made
on both sides, and a great number were
wounded. As for the dead bodies of the
people, their relations carried them out to
their own houses ; but when any of the zeal-
ots were wounded, he went up into the tem-
ple, and defiled that sacred floor with his
blood, insomuch that one may say it was their
blood alone that polluted our sanctuary. Now
in these conflicts the robbers always sallied
out of the temple, and were too hara for their
enemies; but the populace grew very angry,
and became more and more numerous, and
reproached those that gave back, and those
behind would not afford room to those that
were going olT', but forced them on again, till
at length they made their whole body to turn
against their adversaries, and the robbers
could no longer oppose them, but were forced
gradually to retire into the temple; when
Ananus and his party fell into it at the same
time together with them.* This horribly af-
frighted the robbers, because it deprived them
of the first court ; so they fled into the inner
court immediately, and shut the gates. Now,
Ananus did not think tit to make any attack
against the holy gates, although the other
threw their stones and darts at them from
above. He also deemed it unlawful to intro-
duce the multitude into that court before they
were purified ; he therefore chose out of them
all by lot, six thousand armed men, and plac-
ed them as guards in the cloisters; so there
was a succession of such guards one after ano-
* It is wortfi noting here, that this Ananus, the best
of the Jews at tliis tnne, and the high-priest, who was
so very uneasy at the profanation of the Jewish courts
of the temple by the zealots, dkl not however scruple
the profanation of the •' court of the Centiles;" as in
our Saviour's days it was very muih profaned by the
Jews, and madea markel-place, jiay, a " den of thieves."
without scruple, Mat. xxi, 12, 1.) ; Mark xi, I."), 16, 1 /
Accoidingly Jiisephus himself, when he speaks of the
two inner courts, calls them both iiyix, or holy plaas i
but, so far as I remenil)er, never gives that character of
the court of the Gentiles. See b. v, ch. ix, icct. 2.
CHAP. IV.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
685
ther, and every one was forced to attend in
liis course; although many of the chief of the
city were dismissed by those that then took on
them the government, upon tht'ir hiring some
of the poorer sort, and sending them to keep
the guard in their stead.
13. Now it was John who, as we told you,
ran away from Gischaa, and was the occa-
sion of all these being destroyed. He was a
man of great craft, and bore about him in his
soul a strong passion after tyranny, and at a
distance was the adviser in these actions; and
indeed at this time he pretended to be of the
people's opinion, and went all about with
Ananus when he consulted the gieat men
every day, and in the night-time also when he
went round the watch ; but he divulged their
secrets to tlie zealots ; and every thing that the
people deliberated about was by his means
known to their enemies, even before it had been
well ngreed upon by themselves; and by way of
contrivance how he might not be brought
into suspicion, he cultivated the greatest
friendship possible with Ananus, and with the
chief of the people ; yet did this overdoing
of his turn against him, for he flattered
them so extravagantly, that he was but :fcc
more suspected ; and his constant attendance
everywhere, even when he was not invited to
oe present, made him strongly suspected of
betraying their secrets to the enemy ; for they
plainly perceived that they understood all the
resolutions taken against them at their con-
sultations. Nor was there any one whom
they had so much reason to suspect of that
discovery as this John ; yet was it not easy
.o get quit of him, so potent was he grown
by his wicked practices. He was also sup-
ported by many of those eminent men, who
were to be consulted upon all considerable
affairs; it w'as therefore thought reasonable
to oblige him to give them assurance of his
good-will upon oath ; accordingly John took
such an oath readily, that he would be on the
people's side, and would not betray any of
their counsels or practices to their enemies,
and would assist them in overthrowing those
that attacked tliem, and that both by his hand
and his advice. So Ananus and his party
believed his oath, and did now receive him to
their consultations without farther suspicion ;
nay, so far did they believe him, that they
sent him as their ambassador into the temple
to the zealots, with proposals of accommoda-
tion ; for they v/ere very desirous to avoid the
pollution of the temple as much as they pos-
sibly could, and that no one of their nation
jhould be slain therein.
14. But now this John, as if his oath had
been made to the zealots, and for confirmation
of his good-will to them, and not against
them, went into the temple, and stood in the
midst of them, and spake as follows : that he
had run many hazards on their account,
and in order to let them know of every-
thing that was secretly contrived against them
by Ananus and his party ; but tliat both he
and they siiould be cast into tlie most immi-
nent danger, unless some providential assist-
ance were afforded them ; for that Ananus
made no longer delay, but had prevailed with
the people to send ambassadors to Vespasian
to invite him to come presently and take the
city ; and that he had appointed a fast for the
next day against them, that they might obtain
admission into the temple on a religious ac-
count, or gain it by force, and fight with them
there; that he did not see how long they
could either endure a siege, or how they could
figlit against so many enemies. He added
farther, that it was by the providence of God
he was himself sent as an ambassador to them
for an accommodation ; for that Ananus did
therefore offer them such proposals, that
he might come upon them when they were
unarmed : that they ought to choose one of
these two methods ; either to intercede with
those that guarded them, to save their lives,
or to provide some foreign assistance for them-
selves ; that if they fostered themselves with
the hopes of pardon, in case they were sub-
dued, they had forgotten what desperate things
they had done, or could suppose, that as soon
as the actors repented, those that had suffered
by them must be presently reconciled to them ;
while those that have done injuries, though
they pretend to repent of them, are frequent-
ly hated by the others for that sort of repent-
ance ; and that the sufferers, when tliey get
the power into their hands, are usually still
more severe u43on the actors ; that the friends
and kindred of those that had been destroyed
would ahvay be laying plots against them, and
that a large body of people were very angry
on account of their gross breaches of their
laws and [illegal] judicatures, insomuch that
although some part might commiserate tliem
those would be quite overborne by the ma-
jority.
CHAPTER IV.
THE IDUJIEANS BEING SENT FOR BY THE ZEA-
LOTS, CAME IMJIEUIATELY TO JERUSALEM;
AND WHEN THEY WERE EXCLUDED OUT OF
THE CITY, THEY LAY ALL NIGHT THERE. JE-
SUS, ONE OF THE HIGH-PRIESTS, MAKES A
SPEECH TO THEM ; AND SIMON THE IDUMEAN
MAKES A REPLY TO IT.
§ 1. Now, by this crafty speech, John made
the zealots afraid ; yet durst he not directly
name what foreign assistance he meant, but
in a covert way only intimated at the Tilu-
means ; but now that he might particular-
ly irritate the leaders of the zealots, he ca-
lumniated Ananus, that he was about a
J'
686
WARS OF THE JEWS.
piece of barbarity, and did in a special man-
ner tiireaten tliem. These leaders were Elea-
zar, the son of Simon, who seemed the most
plausible man of them all, both in consider-
ing what was fit to be done, and in the ex-
ecution of what he had determined upon,
and Zacharias, the son of Plialek ; both
of whom derived their families from the
priests. Now, when these two men had heard,
not only the common threatenings which be-
longed to them all, but those peculiarly le-
velled against themselves ; and besides, how
Ananus and his party, in order to secure their
own dominion, had invited the Romans to
come to them, for that also was part of Jolin's
lie, they hesitated a great while what tiiey
should do, considering the shortness of the
time by which tiiey were straitened ; because
the people were prepared to attack them very
soon, and because the suddenness of the plot
laid against tlieni had almost cut ott' their hopes
of gettingany foreign assistance; fortheymight
be under the height of their atHiclions be-
fore any of their confederates could be in-
formed of it. However, it was resolved to
call in the Idumeans ; so tliey wrote a short
letter to this effect : — That Ananus had im-
posed on the people, and was betraying their
metropolis to the Romans ; that they them-
selves had revolted from the rest, and were in
custody in the temple, on account of the pre-
servation of their liberty ; tiiat there was but
a sinall time left, wlierein they might hope
for their deliverance ; and tliat unless they
would come immediately to their assistance,
they should themselves be soon in the power
of Ananus, and the city would be in the
power of the Romans. They also charged
the messengers to tell many more circum-
stances to the rulers of the Idumeans. Now,
there were two active men proposed for the
carrj ing of this message, and such as were well
able to speak, and to persuade them that
things were in this posture, and, what was a
qualilication still more necessary than the for-
mer, they were very swift of loot; for they
knew well enough that these would imme-
diately comply with their desires, as being
ever a tumultuous and disorderly nation, al-
ways on the watch upon every motion, de-
.ighting in mutations; and upon your flaiter-
in'f them ever so little, and petitioning them,
'.■hey soon take their arms, and put themselves
into motion, and make haste to a battle, as if
it were to a feast. Tliere was indeed occa-
sion for quick dispatch in the carrying of this
message; in whicii point the messengers were
no way defective. Both their names were
Ananias ; and they soon came to the rulers of
the Idumeans.
2. Now, these rulers were greatly surprised
at the contents of the letter, and at what those
that came with it further told them ; where-
upon they ran about the nation like madmen,
and made proclamation that the people should
coine to war; so a multitude was suddenly
got together, sooner indeed than the time
appointed in the proclamation, and every
body caught up their arms, in order to main-
tain the liberty of tlieir metropolis ; and twen-
ty thousand of them were put into battle-
array, and came to Jerusalein, under four
commanders, John, and Jacob the son ot
Sosas ; and besides these were Simon, the
son of Cathlas, and Phineas, the son of Clus-
othus.
3. Now this exit of the messengers was
not known either to Ananus, or to the guards;
but the approach of the Idumeans was known
to him ; for as he knew of it before they
came, he ordered the gales to be shut against
them, and that the walls should be guarded.
Yet did not he by any means think of fight-
ing against them, but, before they came to
blows, to try what persuasions would do.
Accordingly, Jesus, the eldest of the high-
priests next to Ananus, stood upon the tower
that was over-against them, and said thus : —
" Many troubles indeed, and those of various
kinds, have fallen upon this city, yet in none
of them have I so much wondered at her for-
tune as now, when you are come to assist
wicked men, and this after a manner very
extraordinary ; for I see that you are come
to support the vilest of men against us, and
this with so great alacrity, as you could hard-
ly put on the like, in case our metropolis had
called you to her assistance against barbari-
ans ; and if I had perceived that your army
was cotnposed of men like unto those who
invited them, I had not deemed your attempt
so absurd ; for nothing does so much cement
the mine's of inen together as the alliance
there is between their manners ; but now for
ihese men who have invited you, if you were
to examine them one by one, every one ot
them would be found to have deserved ten
thousand deaths ; for the very rascality and
ofFscouring of the whole country, who have
spent in debauchery their own substance, and,
by way of trial beforehand, have madly plun-
dered the neighbouring villages and cities, in
the upshot of all, have privately run together
into this holy city. They arc robbers, who
by their prodigious wickedness have profaned
this most sacred floor, and who are to be now
seen drinking tiiemselves drunk in the sanctu.
ary, and expending the spoils of those whom
they have slaughtered upon their unsatiable
belh'es. As for the muliitude that is with
you, one may see thein so decently adorned
in their armour, as it would become them to
be, had their metropolis called them to her
assistance against foreigners. W'hat can a
man call this procedure of yours but the sport
of fortune, when he sees a whole nation com-
ing to protect a sink of wicked wretches? I
have for a good while been in doubt what it
could possibly be that should move you to do
this so suddenly ; because certaiidj' you would
CHAP IV.
WAllS OF THE JEWS.
687
not take on your armour on the behalf of
robbers, and against a people of kin to you,
without some very great cause for your so do-
ing ; but we have an item that the Romans
are pretended, and that we are supposed to
be going to betray this city to them ; for
some of your men have lately made a clamour
about those matters, and have said they are
come to set their metropolis free. Now, we
cannot but admire at these wretches in their
devising such a lie as this against us ; for they
knew there was no other way to irritate against
us men that were naturally desirous of liber.
ty, and on that account the best disposed to
fight against foreign enemies, but by framing
a tale as if we were going to betray that most
desirable thing, liberty. But you ought to
consider what sort of people they are that
raise this calumny, and against what sort of
people that calumny is raised, and to gather
the truth of things, not by fictitious speeches,
but out of the actions of both parties ;— for
what occasion is there for us to sell ourselves
to the Romans, while it was in our power not
to have revolted from them at the first, or,
when we had once revolted, to have returned
under their dominion again, and this while
the neighbouring countries were not yet laid
waste? whereas it is not an easy thing to be
reconciled to the Remans, if we were desir-
ous of it, now they have subdued Galilee, and
are thereby become proud and insolent ; and
to endeavour to please them at the time when
lliey are so near us, would bring such a reproach
upon us as were worse than death. As for
myself indeed, I should have preferred peace
with them before death ; but now we have
once made war upon them, and fought with
them, I prefer death with reputation, before
living in captivity under them. But farther,
whether do they pretend that we, who are the
rulers of the people, have sent thus privately
to the Romans, or hath it been done by the
common suffrages of the people ? If it be
ourselves only that have done it, let them
name those iriends of ours that have been
sent, as our servants to manage this treachery.
Hath any one been caught as he went out on
this errand, or seized upon as he came back ?
Are they in possession of our letters ? How
must have dissented from the rest of the as
sembly : in which case the pubJic fame of this
matter would have come to you sooner than
any particular indication. But how could
that be ! Must there not then have been am-
bassadors sent to confirm the agreements'
And let them tell us who this ambassador was,
that was ordained for that purpose. But this
is no other than a pretence of sucli men as are
loath to die, and are labouring to escape those
punishments that hang over them ; for if fate
had determined that this city was to be betray-
ed into its enemies' hands, no other than these
men that accuse us falsely could have the im-
pudence to do it, there being no wickedness
wanting to complete their impudent practices
but this only that they become traitors. And
now you Idumeans are come hither already
with your arms ; it is your duty, in the first
place, to be assisting to your metropolis, and
to join with us in cutting off those tyrants
that have infringed the rules of our regular
tribunals, that have trampled upon our laws,
and made their swords the arbitrators of
right and wrong ; for they have seized up-
on men of great eminence, and under no
accusation, as they stood in the midst of the
market-place, and tortured them with putting
them into bonds, and, without bearing to hear
what they had to say, or what supplications
they made, they destroyed them. You may,
if you please, come into this city, though not
in tlie way of war, and take a view of the
marks still remaining of what I now say, and
may see the houses that have been depopulated
by their rapacious hands, with those wives and
families that are in black, mourning for their
slaughtered relations ; as also you may hear
their groans and lamentations all tlie city over ;
for there is nobody but liath tasted of the in-
cursions of these profane wretches, who have
proceeded to that degree of madness, as not
only to have tansferred their impudent rob-
beries out of the country, and the remote
cities, into this city, the very face and head ot
the whole nation, but out of the city into the
temple also ; for that is now made their re-
ceptacle and refuge, and the fountain-head
whence their preparations are made against
us. And this place, which is adored by the
could we be concealed from such a vast num- ! habitable world, and honoured by such as on-
ber of our fellow citizens, among whom we \ ly know it by report, as far as the ends of the
are conversant every hour, while what is done ! earth, is trampled upon by these vvild beast?
privately in the country is, it seems, known j born among ourselves. They now triumph
by the zealots, who are but few in number, and in the desjierate condition they are already in,
under confinement also, and are not able to when they hear that one people is going to
fight against another people, and one city
against another city, and that your nation
hath gotten an army togetiier against its own
bowels. Instead of which procedure, it were
highly fit and reasonable, as I said before, for
you to join with us in cutting off' these
traitors. But if they lay this charge against I wretches, and in particular to be revenged on
the people, this must have been dsne at a I them for putting this very cheat upon you;
public consultation, and not one of the people j I mean, for having the impudence to invite
come out of the temple into the city ! Is this
the first time that they are become sensible
how they ought to be punished for their in-
solent actions ! For while these men were
free from the fear they are now under, there
was no suspicion raised that any of us were
()88
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK IV
you to assist them, of whom they ought to
have stood in fear, as ready to punish them.
But if you have some regard to these men's
invitation of you, yet may you lay aside your
arms, and come into the city under the notion
of our kindred, and take upon you a middle
name between that of auxiliaries and of ene-
mies, and so become judges in this case. How-
ever, consider what these men will gain by
being called into judgment before you, for
such undeniable and such flagrant crimes, who
would not vouchsafe to hear such as had no
accusations laid against them to si)eak a word
for themselves. However, let them gain this
advantage by your coming. But still, if you
will neither take our part in that indignation
we have at these men, nor judge between us,
the third thing I have to propose is this, that
vou let us both alone, and neither insult up-
on our calaiTiities, nor abide with these plot-
ters against their metropolis ; for though you
sliould have ever so great a suspicion that
some of us have discoursed with the Romans,
it is in your power to watch the passages into
the city ; and in case any thing that we have
been accused of is brought to light, tlien to
come and defend your metropolis, and to in-
flict punishment on those that are found guil-
ty ; for the enemy cannot prevent you who
are so near to the city. But if, after all, none
of these proposals seem acceptable and mo-
derate, do not you wonder that the gates are
sluit against you, while you bear your arms
about you."
4. Thus spake Jesus ; yet did not the mul-
titude of the Idumeans give any attention to
what he said, but were in a rage, because they
did not meet with a ready entrance into the
city. The generals also had indignation at
tlie offer of laying down their arms, and look-
ed upon it as equal to a captivity to throw
tliem aw'ay at any man's injunction whomso-
ever. But Simon, the son of Cathlas, one of
tJieir commanders, with much ado quieted the
tumult of his own men, and stood so tliat the
high-priests might hear him, and said as fol-
lows : — '•' I can no longer wonder that the pa-
trons of liberty are under custody in the tem-
ple, since there are those that shut the gates
of our commo-n city * to their own nation,
and at the same time are prepared to admit
die Romans into it ; nay, ptrhnps, are dispos-
ed to crown the gates with garlands at their
coming, while they speak to tlie Iduineans
from their own towers, and enjoin them to
throw down their arms whicli they have taken
up for the preservation of its liberty ; and
while they v,'ill not intrust the guard of our
« This appellation of Jerusalem given it here by Si-
mon, the general of tht- Idumeans, " tlio common city"
of tlie Idumeans, who were proselytes of justice, a^ well
as of the original naive Jew=, gicatly co firms that
maxim of the rabbins, here set down by Iceland, that
" Jerusalem was not ass gned, or appropriated, to the
tribe of Benjamin or Jiidah, but every tribe had equal
right to it [at their coming to worship there at the se-
veral festivals]." bee a little before, cii. iii, sect ^
metropolis to their kinJrecf, profess to make
them judges of the difierences that are among
them ; nay, while they accuse some men of
having slain others without a legal trial, they
do themselves condemn a wliole nation, after
an ignominious manner, and have now walled
up that city from their own nation, which used
to be open even to all foreigners that came to
worship there. We have indeed come in great
haste to you, and to a war against our own
countrymen ; and the reason why we have made
such haste is this, that we may preserve that
freedom which you are so unhappy as to be-
tray. You have probably been guilty of the
like crimes against those whom you keep in
custody, and have, I suppose, collected toge-
ther the like plausible pretences against them
also that you make use of against us ; after
which you have gotten the mastery of those
within the teinple, and keep theiu in custody,
while they are only taking care of the public
affairs. You have also shut tlie gates of the
city in general against nations that are the
most nearly related to you ; and while you
give such injurious commands to otliers, you
complain that you have been tyrannized over
by them, and fix the name of unjust gover-
nors upon such as are tyrannized over by
yourselves. Who can bear this, your abuse
of words, while they have a regard to the
contrariety of your actions, unless you mean
this, that those Idumeans do now exclude you
out of our metropolis, whom you exclude from
the sacred offices of your own country ! One
may indeed justly complain of those that are
besieged in the temple, that when they had
courage enough to punish those tyrants, whom
you call eminent men, and free from any ac-
cusations, because of their being your com-
panions in wickedness, they did not begin
with you, and thereby cut off beforehand the
most dangerous parts of this treason. But
if these men have been more merciful than
the public necessity required, we that are Idu-
means will preserve this house of God, and
will fight for our common country, and will
oppose by war as well those that attack them
from abroad, as those that betray theiu from
within. Here will we abide before the walls
in our armour, until either the Romans grow
weary in wailing for you, or you become
friends to liberty, and repent of what you
have done against it."
5. And now did the Idumeans make an
acclamation to what Simon had said ; but
Jesus went away sorrowful, as seeing that
the Idumeans were against all moderate
counsels, and that the city was besieged on
both sides ; nor indeed were the minds of the
Idumeans at rest: for they were in a rage at
the injury that had been offered them by their
exclusion out of the city ; and when they
thought the zealots had been strong, but saw
nothing of tiieirs to sujjport them, they were
in doubt about the matter, and many of them
WARS OF THE JEWS.
CHAP. V.
repented that tliey had come thither. But the
shame that would attend them in case tliey
returned without doing any thing at all, so
far overcame that their repentance, that they
lay all night before the wall, though in a very
bad encampment; for there broke out a pro-
digious storm in the night, with the utmost
violence, and very strong winds, with the
largest showers of rain, with continual light-
nings, terrible thunderings, and amazing con-
cussions and bellowings of the earth, that was
in an earthquake. These things were a ma-
nifest indication that some destruction was
coming upon men, when the system of the
world was put into this disorder ; and any one
would guess that these wonders foreshowed
some grand calamities that were coming.
6. Now the opinion of the Idumeans and
of the citizens was one and the same. The
Idumeans thought that God was angry at their
taking arms, and that they would not escape
punishment for their making war upon their
metropolis. Ananus and his party thought
that they had conquered without fighting,
and that God acted as a general for them ;
but truly they proved both ill conjectures at
what was to come, and made those events to
be ominous to their enemies, while they were
themselves to undergo the ill effects of them ;
for the Idumeans fenced one another by unit-
ing their bodies into one band, and thereby
kept themselves warm, and connecting their
shields over their heads, were not so much
hurt by the rain. But the zealots were more
deeply concerned for the danger these men
were in than they were for themselves, and
got together, and looked about them, to see
whether they could devise any means of as-
sisting them. The hotter sort of them thought
it best to force their guards with their arms,
and after that to fall into the midst of the ci-
ty^ and publicly open the gates to those that
came to their assistance; as supposing the
guards would be in disorder, and give way at
such an unexpected attempt of theirs, espe-
cially as the greater part of them were un-
armed and unskilled in the affairs of war ; and
that besides, the multitude of the citizens
would not be easily gathered together, but
confined to their houses by the storm ; and
that if there were any hazard in their under-
taking, it became them to suffer any thing
whatsoever themselves, rather than to over-
look so great a multitude as were miserably
perishing on their account. But the more
prudent part of them disapproved of this for-
cible method, because they saw not only the
gijards about them very numerous, but the
vails of the city itself carefully watched, by
reason of the Idumeans. They also supposed
that Ananus would be everywhere, and visit
the guards every hour ; which indeed was
done upon other niglits, but was omitted that
night, not by reason of any slothfuhiess of j
Ananus, but by the overbearing appointment]
689
of fate, that so both he himself might perish,
and the multitude of the guards might perish
with him ; for truly, as the night was far
gone, and the storm very terrible, Ananus
gave the guards in cloisters leave to go to
sleep ; while it came into the heads of the
zealots to make use of the saws belonging to
the temple, and to cut the bars of the gates
to pieces. The noise of the wind, and that
not inferior sound of the thunder, did here al-
so conspire with their designs, that the noise
of the saws was not heard by the others.
7. So they secretly went out of the temple
to the wall of the city, and made use of their
saws, and opened that gate which was over-
against the Idumeans. Now at first there
came a fear upon the Idumeans themselves,
which disturbed them, as imagining that A-
nanus and his party were coming to attack
them, so that every one of them had his right
hand upon his sword, in order to defend him-
self; but they soon came to know who they
were that came to them, and were entered the
city. And had the Idumeans then fallen up-
on the city, nothing could have hindered them
from destroying the people, every man of
them, such was the rage they were in at that
time; but they first of all made haste to get
the aealots out of custody, which those that
brought them in earnestly desired them to do,
and not overlook those for whose sake they
were come, in the midst of their distresses,
nor to bring them into a still greater danger;
for that when they had once seized upon the
guards, it would be easy for them to fall upon
the city ; but that if the city were once alarmed,
they would not then be able to overcome those
guards, because as soon as they should per-
ceive they were there, they would put them-
selves in order to fight them, and would hin-
der their coming into the temple.
CHAPTER V.
THE CRUELTY OF THE IDUMEANS, WHEN THEY
WERE GOTTEN INTO THE TEMPLE, DURING
THE STORM ; AND Of THE ZEALOTS. CON-
CERNING THE SLAUGHTER OF ANANUS, AND
JESUS, AND ZACHARIAS ; AND HOW THE
IDUMEANS RETIRED HOME.
§ 1. This advice pleased the Idumeans, and
they ascended through the city to the temple.
The zealots were also in great expectation of
their coming, and earnestly waited for them.
When therefore these were entering, they al-
so came boldly out of the inner temple, and
mixing themselves with the Idumeans, they
attacked the guards ; and some of those that
were upon the watch, but were fallen asleep,
they killed as they were asleep ; but as those
that were now awakened made a cry, the whole
multitude arose, and in the amazement they
were in caught hold of their arms inuuediate*
3 M
690
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK IV
ly, and betook themselves to their own de-
fence ; and so loiig as they thought tliey were
only the zealots who attacked them, they
went on boldly, as hoping to overpower them
by their numbers; but when they saw others
pressing in upon them also, they perceived
the Idumeans were got in ; and the greatest
part of them laid aside their arms, together
with their courage, and betook themselves to
lamentations. But some few of the younger
sort covered themselves with their armour,
and valiantly received the Idumeans, and for
a while protected the multitude of old men.
Others, indeed, gave a signal to those that
were in the city of the calamities they were
in ; but when these were also made sensible
that the Idumeans were come in, none of them
durst come to their assistance ; only they re-
turned the terrible echo of wailing, and la-
mented their misfortunes. A great howling
of the women was excited also, and every one
of the guards were in danger of being killed.
The zealots also joined in the shouts raised
by tlie Idumeans ; and the storm itself ren-
dered the cry more terrible; nor did the Idu-
means spare any body ; for as they are natu-
rally a most barbarous and bloody nation,
and had been distressed by the tempest, they
made use of their weapons against those that
had shut the gates against them, and acted in
the same manner as to those that supplicated
for their lives, and to those that fought them,
insomuch tliat they ran through those with
their swords who desired them to remember
the relation there was between them, and beg-
ged of them to have regard to their common
temple. Now there was at present neither
any place for flight nor any hope for preser-
vation ; but as they were driven one upon
another in heaps, so were they slain. Thus
the greater part were driven together by force,
as there was now no place of retirement, and
the murderers were upon them ; and, having
no other way, threw themselves down head-
long into the city; whereby, in my opinion,
they underwent a more miserable destruction
than that which they avoided, because that
was a voluntary one. And now the outer
temple was all of it overflowed with blood ;
and that day, as it came on, saw eight thou-
sand five hundred dead bodies there.
2. But the rage of the Idumeans was not
satiated by these slaughters ; but they now
betook themselves to the city, and plundered
every house, and slew everyone they met; and
for the othei multitude, they esteemed it
needless to go on with killing them, but they
sought for the high-priests, and the generality
went with the greatest zeal against them ; and
as soon as they caught them they slew them,
and then standing upon their dead bodies, in
way of jest, upbraided Ananus with his kind-
ness to the people, and Jesus with his speech
made to tliem from the wall. Nay, they pro-
ceeded to that degree of impiety, as to cast
away their dead bodies without burial, al-
though the Jews used to take so much care
of the burial of men, that they took down
those that w^ere condemned and crucified, and
buried them before the going down of the sun.
I should not mistake if I said that the death of
Ananus was the beginning of the destruction
of the city, and that from this very day may
be dated the overthrow of her wall, and the
ruin of her affairs, wliereon they saw their
high-priest, and the procurer of their preser-
vation, slain in the midst of their city. He
was on other accounts also a venerable, and a
very just man ; and besides the grandeur of
that nobility, and dignity, and honour, of
which he was possessed, he had been a lover
of a kind of parity, even with regard to the
meanest of the people ; he was a prodigious
lover of liberty, and an admirer of a demo-
cracy in government ; and did ever prefer the
public welfare before his own advantage, and
preferred peace above all things ; for he was
thoroughly sensible that the Romans were
not to be conquered. He also foresaw that
of necessity a war would follow, and that un.
less the Jews made up matters with them very
dexterously, (hey would be destroyed : to say
all in a word, if ifVnanus had survived they
had certainly comjjounded matters; for he
was a shrewd man in speaking and persuad-
ing the people, and had already gotten the
mastery of those that opposed his designs, or
were for the war. And the Jews had then
put abundance of delays in the way of the
Romans, if they had had such a general as
he was. Jesus was also joined with him ;
and although he was inferior to him upon the
comparison, he was superior to the rest ; and
I cannot but think that it was because God
had doomed this city to destruction, as a pol-
luted city, and w'as resolved to purge his
sanctuary by fire, that he cut off these their
great defenders and weilwishers, while those
that a little before had worn the sacred gar-
ments, and had presided over the public wor-
ship,* and had been esteemed venerable by
those that dwelt on the whole habitable earth
when they came into our city, were cast out
naked, and seen to be the food of dogs and
wild beasts. And I cannot but imagine that
virtue itself groaned at these men's case,
and lamented that she was here so terribly
conquered by wickedness. And this at last
was the end of Ananus and Jesus.
3. Now after these were slain, the zealots
and the multitude of the Idumeans fell upon
tlie people as upon a flock of profane animals,
and cut their throats; and, for the ordinary
sort, they were destroyed in what place soever
they caught them. But for the noblemen
and the youth, they first caught them and
bound them, and shut them up in prison, and
* Kciriuuzr, 9-(r,irxiia, or " v.-orldly worship," as the
author to tJie Hebrews calls the sanctuary ^yiov .^sr*"*
1 t, " B wordly sanctuary."
CHAP. V.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
691
put off ilieir slaughter, in hopes that some of
them would turn over to their party ; but not
one of them would comply witli their desires,
but all of them preferred death before being
inrolled among such wicked wretches as acted
against their own country. But this refusal
of theirs brought upon them terrible tor-
ments ; for they were so scourged and tortur-
ed, that their bodies were not able to sustain
their torments, till at length, and with diffi-
culty, they had the favour to be slain. These
whom they caught in the day-time, were slain
in the night, and then their bodies were carri-
ed out and thrown away, that there might be
room for other prisoners ; and the terror that
was upon the people was so great, that no one
had courage enough either to weep openly for
the dead man that was related to him, or bury
him ; but those that were shut up in their
own houses, oould only shed tears in secret,
and durst not even groan without great cau-
tion, lest any of their enemies should hear
them ; for if they did, tliose that mourn-
ed for others soon underwent the same death
rt'ith those whom they mourned for. Only
in the night-time they would take up a little
dust and throw it upon their bodies ; and even
some that were the most ready to expose them-
selves to danger, would do it in the day-time:
and there were twelve thousand of the better
sort who perished in this manner.
4. And now these zealots and Idumeans
were quite weary of barely killing men, so
they had the impudence of setting up ficti-
tious tribunals and judicatures for that pur-
pose ; and as they intended to have Zacharias,*
the son of Baruch, one of the most eminent
of the citizens, slain, — so what provoked them
against him was, that hatred of wickedness
and love of liberty which were so eminent in
him : he was also a rich man, so that by tak-
ing him oif, they did not only liope to seize
his effects, but also to get rid of a man that
had great power to destroy them. So they
* Some commentators are ready to suppose that this
" Zacharias, the son of Baruch," here most unjustly
sJain by the Jews in tlie temple, was the very same per-
son with " Zacharias, the son of Barachias," whom our
Saviour says the Jews " slew between the temjile aiid the
altar," Mat. xxiii, 35. This is a somewhat strange ex-
position ; since Zechariah the prophet was really " the
son of Barachiah," and " grandson of Iddo" (Zcch. i,
1 ) ; and how he died, we have no otlier account, than
that before us in St. Matthew : while this " Zacharias"
was " the son of Baru'h." Since the slaughter was jiast
wlien our Saviour spake those words, the Jews then had
already slain him, whereas this slaughter of " Zacharias,
the son of Baruch," in Josephus, was then about thirty-
four years future. And since th;it slaughter was " be-
tween the temple and the altar," in the court of the
priests, one of the most sacred and remote parts of tlie
whole temp'e-i while this was, in Joseplius's own words,
in the middle of the temple, and much the most prcv
bable in the court of Israel only (for we have no inti-
mation that the zealots had at this time profaned the
court of the priests. See b. v, ch. i, sect. 2). Nor do
I believe that our Josephus, wlio always insists on the
peculiar sacredness of the inmost court, and of the holy
house that was in it, wculd have omitted so material an
called together, by a public proclamation, se-
venty of the principal men of the populace,
for a show, as if they were real judges, wiiile
they had no proper authority. Before these
was Zacharias accused of a design to betray
their polity to the Romans, and having trai-
torously sent to Vespasian for that purpose.
Now there appeared no proof or sign of what
he was accused ; but they affirmed them-
selves that they were well persuaded that so
it was, and desired that such their affirmation
might be taken for sufficient evidence. Now
when Zacharias clearly saw that there was no
way remaining for his escape from them, as
having been treacherously called before them,
and then put in prison, but not with any in-
tention of a legal trial, he took great liberty
of speech in that despair of life he was under.
Accordingly he stood up, and laughed at their
pretended accusation, and in a few words
confuted the crimes laid to his charge ; after
which he turned his speech to his accusers,
and went over distinctly all their transgressions
of the law, and made heavy lamentations
upon the confusion they had brought publir
affairs to : in the mean time the zealots grev
tuTnultuous, and had much ado to abstain
from drawing their swords, although tlicy de
signed to preserve the appearance and show
of judicature to the end. They were also
desirous, on other accounts, to try the judges
whether they would be mindful of what
was just at their own peril. Now tlie seven-
ty judges brought in their verdict, that the
person accused was not guilty, — as choos'n"-
rather to die themselves with him, than to
have his death laid at their doors; hereupon
there arose a great clamour of the zealots
upon his acquittal, and they all had indigna-
tion at the judges, for not understanding that
the authority that was given them was but in
jest. So two of the boldest of thein fell upon
Zacharias in the middle of the temple, and
slew him ; and as he fell down dead they
bantered him, and said, " Thou hast also
our verdict, and this will prove a more sure
acquittal to thee than the other." They also
threw him down out of the temple immedi-
ately into the valley beneath it. Moreover,
they struck the judges with t-he backs of their
swords, by way of abuse, and thrust them
out of the court of the temple, and spared
tlieir lives with no other design than that,
when they were dispersed among the people
in the city, they might become their messen-
gers, to let them know they were no better
than slaves.
5. But by this time the Idumeans repent-
ed of their coming, and were displeased at
what had !)een done ; and when they were as-
sembled together by one of the zealots, who
had come privately to them, he declared to
aggravation of tl-.is barbarous murder, as perpetrated in I them what a number of wicked pranks tliev
ft place so verv holy, had that been the true place of it. 1 1.„ j .i i j • • • • i .
sJe Antiq. b.xi, eft. vii, iect. 1, and the n^ here on ^'^'^ themselves done in conjunction with those
*" " " that invit>>d them, and gave a particular ac-
k v, ch. I, sect. 2.
t)92
WARS OF THE JEWS.
count of wliat miscbiof's iiad been done against
their metropolis. — He said, that tliey liad ta-
ken arms, as tliough the liigh-piiests were be-
traying their metropolis to the Romans, but
had found no indication of any such trea-
chery ; but that they had succoured those
that had pretended to believe such a thing,
while they did themselves the works of war
and tyranny, after an insolent manner. It
had been indeed their business to have hin-
dered them from such their proceedings at
the first, but seeing they had once been part-
ners with them in sliedding the blood of their
own countrymen, it was high time to put a
stop to such crimes, and not continue to af-
ford any more assistance to such as are sub-
verting the laws of their forefptl.ers ; for that
if any had taken it ill that the gates had been
shut against "hem, and they had not been
permitted to come into the city, yet that those
who had excluded them have been punished,
and Ananus is dead, and that almost all those
people had been destroyed in one night's
time. That one may perceive many of them-
selves now repenting for what they had done,
and might see the horrid barbarity of those
that had invited them, and that they had no
regard to such as had saved them ; that they
were so impudent as to perpetrate the vilest
things, under the eyes of those who had sup-
ported them, and that their wicked actions
would be laid to tlie charge of the Idumeans,
and would be so laid to their charge, till
somebody obstructs their proceedings, or sepa-
rates himself from the same wicked action j
that they therefore ought to retire home, since
the imputation of treason appears to be a ca
lumny, and that there was no expectation
of the coming of the Romans at tliis time,
and tliat the governinent of the city was se-
cured by such walls as cannot easily be thrown
down ; and, by avoiding any farther fellow-
ship with these bad men, to make some ex-
cuse for themselves, as to what they had been
so far deluded, as to have been partners v,ith
them hitherto.
CHAPTER VI.
HOW THr. ZEALOTS, WHEN THEY WERE FREED
FROM THE IDUJIEANS, SLEW A GREAT MANY
MORE OF THE CITIZENS; AND HOW VESPA-
SIAN DISSUADED THE ROMANS, WHEN THEY
WERE VERY EARNEST TO MARtll AGAINST
THE JEWS, FROM PROCEEDING IN THE WAR
AT THAT TIME.
§ 1. The Idumeans complied with these
persuasions ; and in the first place, they set
those that were in the prisons at libLrty, being
about two thousand of the populace, wlio
tliereupon fled away immediately to Simon,
wie vvliom we shall speak of presently. After
BOOK IV
wliich these Idumeans retired from Jerusalem,
and went home; which departure of theirs was
a great surprise to both parties ; for the peo-
ple, not knowing of their repentance, pulled
up their courage for a while, as eased of so
many of their enemies, while the zealots grew
more insolent, not as deserted by tlieir confe-
derates, but as freed from such men as might
hinder their designs, and put some stop to
tlieir wickedness. Accordingly they made no
longer any delay, nor took any deliberation
in tlieir enormous practices, but made use of
the shortest methods for all their executions ;
and what they had once resolved upon, they
put in practice sooner than any one could
imagine ; but their thirst was chiefly after the
blood of valiant men, and men of good fami-
lies; the one sort of whom they destroyed out
of envy, tlie other out of fear ; for they thought
their whole security lay in leaving no potent
men alive; on which account they slew Go-
rion, a person eminent in dignity, and on ac-
count of his family also ; he was also for de-
mocracy, and of as great boldness and free-
dom of spirit as were any of tlie Jews who-
soever ; the principal thing that ruined him,
added to his other advantages, was his free-
speaking. Nor did Niger of Perea escape their
hands ; he had been a man of great valour in
their war with the Romans, but was now
drawn through the middle of the city, and,
as he went, he frequently cried out, and sliow
ed the scars of his wounds; and when he was
drawn out of the gates, and despaired of his
preservation, lie besought them to grant him
a burial ; but as they had threatened him be-
forehand not to grant him any spot of earth
for a grave, which he chiefly desired of them,
so did they slay him [without permitting him
to be buried]. Now when they were slaying
him, he made this iitiprecation upon them,
that they might undergo both famine and
pestilence in this war, and besides all that,
they might come to the mutual slaughter of
one another ; all which imprecations God con-
firmed against these impious men, and was
what came most justly upon them, when not
long afterward they tasted of their own irad
ness in their mutual seditions one against ano-
ther. So when this Niger was killed, the^r
fears of being overturned were diminished,
and indeed there was no part of the people
but they found out some pretence to destiroy
them ; for some were therefore slain, because
they had had differences with some of them ;
and as to those that had not opposed them in
limes of peace, they watched seasonable op-
portunities to gain some accusation against
them; and if any one did not come near them
at all, he was under their suspicion as a proud
man ; if any one came with boldness, he was
esteemed a conteinner of them ; and if any
one came as aiming to oblige them, he was
supposed to have some treacherous plot a-
gainst them j while the only punishment ol
r
CHAP. VI.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
69S
crimes, whether they were of the greatest or
smallest sort was death. Nor could any one
escape, unless he were very inconsiderable,
either on account of the meanness of his
birth, or on account of his fortune.
'i. And now all the rest of the commanders
of the Romans deemed this sedition among
their enemies to be of great advagtage to them,
anr. were very earnest to march to the city ;
and they urged Vespasian as their lord and
gen ral in all cases, to make haste, and said
to him, That "the providence of God is on our
side, by setting our enemies at variance against
one another ; that still the change in such cases
may be sudden, and the Jews may quickly
be at one again, either because they may be
tired out with their civil miseries, or repent
them of such doings." But Vepasian replied,
that they were greatly mistaken in what they
thought fit to be done, as those that, upon the
theatre love to make a show of their hands,
and of their weapons, but do it at their own
hazard, without considering what was for their
advantage, and for their security ; for that if
they now go and attack the city immediately,
they shall but occasion their enemies to unite
fogether, and shall convert their force, now it
is in its height, against themselves ; but if they
stay a while they shall have fewer enemies,
because they will be consumed in this sedi-
tion : that God acts as a general of the Ro-
mans better than he can do, and is giving the
Jews up to them without any pains of their
own, and granting their army a victory with-
out any danger; that therefore it is their best
way, while their enemies are destroying each
other with their own hands, and falling into
the greatest of misfortunes, which is that of
sedition, to sit still as spectators of the dangers
they run Wo, rather than to fight hand to
hand with men that love murdering, and are
mad one against another. " But if any one
imagines that the glory of victory, when it is
gotten without fighting, will be more insipid,
let him know this much, that a glorious suc-
cess, quietly obtained, is more profitable than
the dangers of a battle ; for we ought to es-
teem those that do what is agreeable to tem-
perance and prudence, no less glorious than
those that have gained great reputation by
their actions in war : that he shall lead on
his army with greater force when their ene-
mies are diminished, and his own arir.y refresh-
ed after the continual labours they had under-
gone. However, that this is not a proper
time to propose to ourselves the glory of vic-
tory ; for that the Jews are not now employ-
ed in making of armour or building of walls,
nor indeed in getting together auxiliaries,
while the advantage will be on their side who
give ihem such opportunity of delay ; but
that the Jews are vexed to pieces every day by
their civil wars and dissensions, and are under
greater misfortunes than, if they wer> once
taken, could be inflicted on them by us.
Whether, therefore, any one hath regard to
wiiat is for our safety, he ought to suffer these
Jews to destroy one another ; or whether he
hath regard to the greater glory of the action,
we ought by no means to meddle with these
men, now they are afflicted with a distemper
at home ; for should we now conquer them, it
would be said the conquest was not owing to
our bravery, but to their sedition."
3. And now the commanders joined in
their approbation of what Vespasian had said,
and it was soon discovered how wise an opi-
nion he had given ; and indeed many there
were of the Jews that deserted every day, and
fled avvay from the zealots, although their
flight was very difficult, since they had guard-
ed every passage out of the ciiy, and slew
every one that was caught at them, as taking
it for granted they were going over to the
Romans ; yet did he who gave them money
get clear off", while lie only that gave them
none was voted a traitor. So the upshot was
this, that the rich purchased their flight by
money, while none but the poor were slain.
Along all the roads also vast numbers of dead
bodies lay in heaps, and even many of those
that were so zealous in deserting, at length
chose rather to perish within the city ; for the
hopes of burial made death in their own city
appear of the two less terrible to them. But
these zealots came at last to that degree of
barbarity, as not to bestow a burial either on
tliose slain in the city, or on those that lay
along the roads; but as if they had made an
agreement to cancel both the laws of their
country and the laws of nature, and, at the
same time that they defiled men with thei?
wicked actions, they would pollute the Divi-
nity itself also, they left the dead bodies to
putrify under the sun : and the same punish,
ment was allotted to such as buried any, as
to those that deserted, which was no other
than death ; while he that granted the favour
of a grave to another, would presently stand
in need of a grave himself. To say all in a
word, no other gentle passion was so entirely
lost among them as mercy ; for what were the
greatest objects of pity did most of all irritate
these wretches, and they transferred their
rage from the living to those that had been
slain, and from the dead to the living. Nay,
the terror was so very great, that he who sur-
vived called them that were first dead happy,
as being at rest already ; as did those that
were under torture in tlie prisons, declare,
that, upon this comparison, those that lay un-
buried were the happiest. These men, there-
fore, trampled upon all the laws of man, and
laughed at the laws of God ; and for the ora-
cles of the prophets, they ridiculed them as
the tricks of jugglers ; yet did these prophets
foretell many things concerning [the rewards
of] virtue, and [punishments of] vice, which
when these zealots violated, they occasioned
the fulfilling of those very prophecies belong
J'
694
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK IV
ing to their own country : for there was a
certain ancient oracle of those men, that the
city should then be taken and the sanctuary
burnt, by right of war, when a sedition should
invade tlie Jews, and their own hand should
pollute the temple of God.* Now, while
these zealots did not [quite] disbelieve these
predictions, they made themselves the instru-
ments of their accomplishment.
CHAPTER VII.
HOW JOHN TYRANNIZED OVER THE REST ; AND
WHAT MISCHIEFS THE ZEALOTS DID AT MA-
SADA. HOW ALSO VESPASIAN TOOK GADARA;
AND WHAT ACTIONS WERE PERFORMED BY
PLACIDUS.
§ 1. By this time John was beginning to
tyrannize, and thought it beneath him to ac-
cept of barely the same honours that others
liad ; and joining to himself by degrees a
party of the most wicked of them all, he
broke off from the rest of the faction. Tin's
was brought about by his still disagreeing
with the opinions of others, and giving out
injunctions of his own, in a very imperious
manner ; so that it was evident he was setting
up a monarchical power. Now some sub-
mitted to him out of their fear of him, and
others out of their good-will to him ; for he
was a shrewd man to entice men to him. Loth
Dy deluding them and putting cheats upon
tl.em. Nay, many there were that thought
they should be safer themselves, if the causes
of their past insolent actions should now be
reduced to one head, and not to a great many.
His activity was so great, and that both in
action and counsel, tiiat he had not a few
guards about him ; yet was there a great party
of his antagonists that left him ; among whom
envy at him weighed a great deal, while they
thought it a very heavy thing to be in sub-
jection to one that was formerly th.eir equal.
But the main reason that moved men against
him was the dread of monarchy, for they
could not hope easily to put an end to his
power, if he had once obtained it; and yet
they knew that he would have this pretence
• This prediction, that the city (Jerusalem) should
then " bet.iken, and the sanctuary burnt by right of war,
when a sedition should invade the Jews, and their own
hands should pollute that temple ;" or, as it is, b. vi, ch.
ii, sect. 1, " when any one should begin to slay his
countrymen in the city," is wanting in our present co-
pics of the Old Testament. See Essay on the Old Tes-
tament, p. 101 — \Vi. Hut this prediction, as Josephus
well remarks here, though, with other predictions of
the prophets, it was now laughed at by the seditious,
was by their very means soon exactly fulfilled. How-
ever. 1 cannot but here take notice oi Grotius's positive
assertion upon Mat. xxvi, 9, here quoted by Dr. Hud-
son, that " it ought to be taken for granted, as a certain
truth, that many predictions of the Jewish prophets
were preserved, not m writing, but by memory." Where-
as, it seems to me so far from certain, that I think it has
no evidence not probability at alL
"V
always against them, that they had opposed
liim when he was first advanced; while every
one chose rather to suffer any thing whatso-
ever in war, than that, wlien they had been
in a voluntary slavery for some time, they
should afterward perish. So the sedition was
divided into two parts, and John reigned
in opposition to his adversaries over one of
them : but for their leaders, they watched one
another, nor did they at all, or at least very lit-
tle, meddle with armsin theirquarrels; butthej '
fougiit earnestly against the people, and con-
tended one with another which of them should
bring home the greatest prey. But because
the city had to struggle with three of the
greatest misfortunes, war, and tyrani y, and
sedition, it appeared, upon the comparison,
that the war was the least troublesome to the
populace of them all. Accordingly they ran
away from their own houses to foreigners, and
obtained that preservation from the Romans,
which they despaired to obtain among their
own people.
2. And now a fourth misfortune arose, in
order to bring our nation to destruction.
There was a fortress of very great strength
not far from Jerusalem, which had been built
by our ancient kings, both as a repository for
their effects in the hazards of war, and for the
preservation of their bodies at the same time.
It is called Masada. Those that were called
Sicarii had taken possession of it formerly ;
but at this time they over-ran the neighbour
ing countries, aiming only to procure to them-
selves necessaries ; for the fear they were then
in prevented their further ravages ; but when
once they were informed that the Roman army
lay still, and that the Jews were divided between
sedition and tyranny, tliey boldly undertook
greater matters ; and at the feast of unleaven-
ed bread, which the Jews celebrate in memory
of their deliverance from the Egyptian bond-
age, when they were sent jjack into the coun-
try of their forefathers, they camo down by
night, without being discovered by those that
could have prevented them, and over-ran a
certain small city called Engaddi : — in which
expedition they prevented those citizens that
could have stopped them, before they could
arm themselves and fight them. They also
dispersed them, and cast them out of the city.
As for such as could not run away, being
women and children, they slew of them above
seven hundred. Afterward, when they had
carried every thing out of their houses, and
had seized upon all the fruits that were in a
flourishing condition, they brought them into
Masada. And indeed these men laid all the
villages that were about the fortress waste, and
made the whole country desolate ; while there
came to them every day from all parts, not a
few men as corrupt as themselves. At this
time all the other regions of Judea that had
hitherto been at rest were in motion, by means
of the robbers. Now as it is in a human body,
r
J'
:hap. vn.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
695
if the principal part he inflamed, all the mem-
bers are sul)ject to the same distemper, so by
means of the sedition and disorder that was in
the metropolis had the wicked men that were
in the country opportunity to ravage the same.
Accordingly, when every one of them had
plundered their own villages, they then retired
into the desert ; yet were these men that now
got together and joined in the conspiracy by
parties, too small for an army, and too many
for a gang of thieves : and thus did they fall
upon the holy places * and the cities ; yet did
it now so happen that they were sometimes
very ill treated by those upon whom they fell
with such violence, and were taken by tliem
as men are taken in war : but still they pre-
vented any farther punishment as do robbers,
who as soon as their ravages [are discovered],
run tlieir way. Nor was there now any part
of Judea that was not in a miserable condi-.
tion, as well as its most eminent city also.
3. These things were told Vespasian by
deserters ; for although the seditious watched
all the passages out of the city, and destroyed
all, whosoever they were, that came tliitl)er,
yet were there some that had concealed them-
selves, and, when they had fled to the Romans,
persuaded iheir general to come to their city's
assistance, and save the remainder of the peo-
ple ; informing him withal, that it was upon
account of the people's good-will to the Ro-
mans that many of them were already slain,
and the survivors in danger of the same treat-
ment. Vespasian did indeed already pity the
calamities these men were in, and arose, in I
appearance, as though he was going to be-
siege Jerusalem, — but in realily to deliver >
them from a [worse] siege they were already
under. However he was obliged at first to
overthrow what remained elsewhere, and to
leave nothing out of Jerusalem behind him '
that miglit interrupt him in that siege. Ac-
cordingly he marched against Gadara, the
metropolis of Perea, which was a place of!
strength, and entered that city on the fourth
day of the month Dystrus [Adar] ; for the
men of power had sent an embassage to him,
without the knowledge of the seditious, to
treat about a surrender ; which they did out
of the desire they had of peace, and for saving '
their efl'ects, because many of the citizens of
Gadara were rich men, Tiiis embassy the ■
opposite party knew nothing of, but discover-
ed it as Vespasian was approaching near the
city. However, they despaired of keeping
possession of the city, as being inferior in '
• By these Uik, or " hoty places," as distinct from
cities, must be meant '* proseuehrc," or " houses of
prayer" out of cities; of which we find mention made
in the New Testament and other authors. See Luke I
vi, Vi ; Acts xvi, 15, 16; Antiq b. xiv, eh. x, sect. 23 ; |
Josephus's l.ife, sect. 54. " In qua te quasro proseu- |
cha; Juvenal Sat. lil, ver. 29fi. They were situated
Boinctimes by the sides of rivers, Acts xvi, 13, or by j
the seii-side, Anriq. b. xiv, eh. x. sect. 25. So did the
seventy-two interpreters go to pray every mornnig by
the sea-side, before they went to tlieir work, B; xii, cli. i
U sect. 12. i
number to their enemies who were within the
city, and seeing the Romans very near to the
city; so they resolved to fly, but thought it
dishonourable to do it without shedding some
blood, and revenging themselves on the au-
thors of this surrender ; so they seized upon
Dolesus (a person not only the first in rank
and family in that city, but one that seemed
the occasion of sending such an embassy) and
slew him, and treated his dead body after a
barbarous manner, so very violent was their
anger at him, and then ran out of the city.
And as now the Roman army was just upon
them, the people of Gadara admitted Vespa-
sian with joyful acclamations, and received
from him the security of his riglit hand, as
also a garrison of horsemen and footmen, to
guard them against the excursions of the
runagates ; for as to their wall, they h£,d pull-
ed it down before the Romans desired them
so to do, that they might thereby give them
assurance that they were lovers of peace, and
that, if they had a mind, they could not now
make war against them.
4. And now Vespasian sent Placidus against
those that had fled from Gadara, with five
hundred horsemen, and three thousand foot-
men, while he returned himself to Cesarea,
with the rest of the army. But as soon as
these fugitives saw the horsemen that pursued
them just upon their backs, and before they
came to a close fight, they ran together to a
certain village, which was called Bethenna-
bris, where finding a great multitude of young
men, and arming them, partly by their own
consent and partly by force, they rashly and
suddenly assaulted Placidus and the troops
that were with him. These horsemen at the
first onset gave way a little, as contriving to
entice them farther off the wall ; and when
they had drawn them into a place fit for theii
purpose, they made their horse encompass
them round, and threw tlieir darts at them.
So the horsemen cut ofl!" the fliglit of the fu-
gitives, while the foot terribly destroyed those
that fought against them ; for those Jews did
no more than show their courage, and then
were destroyed ; for as they fell upon the
Romans when they were joined close together,
and, as it were, walled about with their en-
tire armour, they were not able to find any
place where the darts could enter, nor ivere
tliey any way able to break their ranks, while
they were themselves run through by the Ro-
man darts, and, like the wildest of wild beasts,
ru&hed upon the points of the others' swords ;
so some of them were destroyed, as cut with
their enemies' swords upon tlieir faces, and
others were dispersed by the horsemen.
5. Now Placidus's concern was to exclude
them in their flight from getting into the vil-
lage ; and causing his horse to march conti-
nually on that side of tliein, he then turned
short upon them, and at the same time his
men made use of their darts, and easily took
696
WARS OF THE JEWJS.
plialtitis was also full of dead bodies, that were
carried down into it by the river. And now
Placidus, after this good success that he had,
fell violently upon the neighbouring smaller
cities and villages; when he took Abila, and
Julias, and Bezemoth, and all those that lay
as far as the lake Asphaltitis, and jnit such
of the deserters into each of them as he
he thought proper. He then put his soldiers
on board the ships, and slew such as had fled
to the lake, insomuch that all Perca had ei-
ther surrendered themselves, or were taken by
the Romans, as far as Macherus.
their aim at those that were the nearest to them,
as they made those that were farther off turn
back by the terror they were in, till at last
the most courageous of them brake through
those horsemen and fled to the wall of the
village. And now those that guarded the
vcall were in great doubt what to do ; for
they could not bear the thoughts of excluding
tlisse that came from Gadara, because of their
own people that were among them ; and yet,
if they should admit them, they expected to
perish with them, which came to pass accord-
ingly ; for as they were crowding together at
the wall, the Roman horsemen were just ready
to fall in with them. However, the guards
prevented them, and shut the gates, when
Placidus made an assault upon them, and,
fighting courageously till it was dark, he
got possession of the wall, and of the peo-
ple that were in the city, when the useless
multitude were destroyed ; but those that
were more potent ran away ; and the soldiers
plundered the houses, and set the village on
fire. As for those that ran out of the village,
they stirred up such as were in the country,
and exaggerating their own calamities, and
telling them that the whole army of the Ro-
mans were upon them, they put them into
great fear on every side ; so they got in great
numbers together, and fled to Jericho, for
they knew no other place that could afford
them any hope of escaping, it being a city
that had a strong wall, and a great m.ultitude
of inhabitants. But Placidus, relying much
upon his horsemen and Lis former good suc-
cess, followed them, and slew all that he over-
took, as far as Jordan ; and when he had
driven the wliole multitude to the river-side,
where they were stopped by the current (for
it had been augmented lately by rains, and
was not fordable) he put his soldiers in array
over-against them ; so the necessity the others
were in, provoked tliera to hazard a battle,
because there was no place whither tliey
could flee. They then extended themselves
a very great way along the banks of the
river, and sustained the darts that were thrown
at them as well as the attacks of the horse-
men who beat many of them, and pushed
them into tlie current. At which fight, hand
to hand, fifteen thousand of them were slain,
while the number of those that were unwil-
lingly forced to leap into Jordan was prodi-
gious. There were besides, two thousand
and two hundred taken prisoners. A mighty
prey was taken also, consisting of asses, and
sheep, and camels, and oxen.
6. Now this destruction that fell upon the
Jews, as it was not inferior to any of the rest
in itself, so did it still appear greater than it I i^^ came to the toparchy of Bethletephon
really was; and this, because not only the jjg (hen destroyed that place, and the neigh,
whok of the country through which they fled | bouring places, by fire, and fortified, at proper
was filled with slaughter, and Jordan could j pi^cj^g^ ll,e strong holds all about Idumea;
not be passed over, by reason of the dead I
bodies that were in it, but because the lake As- 1 ♦ Gr. Galatia, aiid so everywhew
CHAPTER VIII.
HOW VESPASIAN, UPON HEARING OF SOME COM-
SIOTIONS IN GALL,* MADE HASTE TO FINISH
THE JEWISH WAR. A DESCRIPTION OF JE-
RICHO, AND OF THE GREAT PLAIN ; WITH
AN ACCOUNT BESIDES OF THE LAKE ASHPHaL-
TITIS.
§ 1. In the mean time, an account came that
there were commotions in Gall, and that Vin-
dcx, together with the men of power in that
country, had revolted from Nero; which affair
is more accurately described elsewhere. This
report thus related to Vespasian, excited him
logo on briskly with the war; for he foresaw
already the civil wars which were com-ng upon
them, nay, that the very government was in
danger; and he thought, if he could first re-
duce the eastern parts of the empire to peace,
he should make the fears for Italy the lighter;
while therefore the winter was his hindrance
[from going into the field], he put garrisons
into the villages and smaller cities for their
security; he put decurions also into the villa-
ges, and centurions into the cities; he I)esides
this rebuilt many of the cities that had been
laid waste ; but at the beginning of the spring
he took the greatest part of his army, and led
it from Cesarea to Antipatris, where he spent
two days in cettling the affairs of that city,
and then, on the third day, he marched on,
laying waste and burning all the neighbour-
ino- villages. And when he had laid waste
all the places about the toparchy of Thamnas.
he passed on to Lydda and Jarania ; and
when both tho-e cities had come over to him,
he placed a great many of those that had
come over to him [from other places] as in-
habitants therein, and then came to Emmaus,
where he seized upon the passages which
led thence to their metropolis, and fortified
his camp, and leaving the fifth legion therein,
CHAP. VIII.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
697
and when he had seized upon two villages,
which were in the very midst of Idumea, Be-
taris, and Caphartobas, he slew above ten
tliousand of the people, and carried into cap-
tivity above a thousand, and drove away the
rest of the multitude, and placed no small
part of his own forces in them, who over-ran
and laid waste the whole mountainous coun-
try ; while he, with the rest of his forces, re-
turned to Emmaus, whence he came down
through the country of Samaria, and hard by
the city, by others called Neapolis (or Sichem)
but by tiie people of tliat country Mabortha,
to Corea, where he pitched his camp, on the
second day of the month Daesius [Sivan] ; and
on the day following he came to Jericho ; on
which day Trajan, one of his commanders,
joined him with the forces he brouglit out of
Perea, all the places beyond Jordan being
subdued already.
2. Hereupon a great multitude prevented
their approach, and came out of Jericho, and
fled to those mountainous parts that lay over-
against Jerusalem, while that part which was
left behind was in a great measure destroyed ;
they also found the city desolate. It is situ-
ated in a plain ; but a naked and barren
mountain, of a great length, hangs over it,
which extends itself to the land about Scytho-
polis northward, but as far as the country of
Sodom, and the utmost limits of the Like As.
phaltitis southward. This mountain is all of
it very uneven and uninhabited, by reason of
its barrenness : there is an opposite mountain
that is situated over-against it, on the other
sjde of Jordan ; this last begins at Julias and
the northern quarters, and extends itself
southward as far as Somorrhon,* which is the
bounds of Petra, in Arabia. In this ridge of
mountains there is one called the Iron Moun-
tain, that runs in length as far as Moab. Now
the region that lies in the middle between these
ridges of mountains, is called the Great Plain ;
it readies from the village Ginnabris, as far
as the lake Asphaltitis; its length is two hun-
dred and thirty furlongs, and its breadth a
hundred and twenty, and it is divided in the
midst by Jordan. It hath two lakes in it;
that of Asphaltitis, and ihat of Tiberias, whose
natures are opposite to each other ; for the
former is salt and unfruitful ; but that of Tibe-
as is sweet and fruitful. Tliis plain is much
burnt up in summer-time, and, by reason of
the extraordinary heat, contains a very un-
wholesome air ; it is all destitute of water ex
cepting the river Jordan, which water of
Jordan is the occasion wliy tiiose plantations
of palm-trees that are near its banks, are more
flourishing, and much more fruitful, as those
» Whether this Somorrhon, or Somorrha, ought not
to be here written Gomorrha, as some MsiS. in a man-
ner have it (for tlie place meant by Josephus seems to
Ik near Scgor, or Zoar, at the very south of tlie Dead
Sea, liaril by which stood Sodom and CiomonJial, can-
not now tK,' certainly determined ; but seems by no means
improbable.
that are remote from it not so flourishing, or
fruitful.
3. Notwithstanding which, there is a foun-
tain by Jericho, that runs plentifully, and is
very fit for watering tlie ground : it arises
near the old city, which Joshua, the son of
Nun, the general of the Hebrews, took the
first of all tlie cities of the land of Canaan,
by right of war. The report is, that this
fountain, at the beginning, caused not only
the blasting of the earth and the trees, but of
the children born of women ; and that it was
entirely of a sickly asd corruptive nature to
all things whatsoever, but that it was made
gentle, and very wholesome and fruitful, by
the prophet Elisha. This prophet was fami-
liar with Elijah, and was his successor, who
when he once was the guest of the people of
Jericho, and the men of the place had treated
him very kindly, he both made them amends
as well as the country, by a lasting favour ;
for he went out of the city to this fountain,
and threw into the current an earthen vessel
full of salt; after which he stretched out his
righteous hand unto heaven, and, pouring
out a mild drink-offering, he made this sup-
plication, — That the current might be molli-
fied, and that the veins of fresh water might
be opened : that God also would bring into
the place a more temperate and fertile air for
the current, and would bestow upon the peo-
ple of that country plenty of the fruits of the
earth, and a succession of cliiidren ; aud that
this prolific water might never fail them,
while they continued to be righteous.* To
these prayers Elisha joined proper operations
of his hands, after a skilful manner, and
changed the fountain ; and that water, which
had been the occasion of barrenness and fa-
mine before, from that time did supply a nu-
merous posterity, and afforded great abun-
dance to the country. Accordingly, the
power of it is so great in watering the ground,
that if it do but once touch a country, it af-
fords a sweeter nourishment than other waters
do, when tlrey lie so long upon them, till they
are satiated with them. For which reason, the
advantage gained from other waters, when
they flow in great plenty, is but small, while
that of this water is great when it flows even
in little quantities. Accordingly it uatcrs
a larger space of ground than any other wa-
ters do, and passes along a plain of seventy
furlongs long, and twenty broad ; wherein it
affords nourishment to those most excellent
gardens that are thick set with trees. There
are in it many sorts of palm-trees that are
watered by it, different from each other in
taste and name ; the better sort of tlicm, when
they are pressed, yield an excellent kind of
honey, not much inferior in sweetness to other
» 1 his excellent prayer of Elisha is wanting in our
copies, 2 Kings ii. '.'I, i2, though it be referioil to also
in tlie Apostolical Constitutions, b. vii, ch. 57 ; and the
success of it is mentioned in them aU. o m
698
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK r
honey This country withal produces honey
from bees : it also bears that balsam which is
the most precious of all the fruits in that
place, cypress-trees also, and those that bear
myrobalanum ; so that he who should pro-
nounce this place to be divine would not be
mistaken, wherein is such plenty of trees pro-
duced as are very rare, and of the most excel-
lent sort. And indeed, if we speak of those
other fruits, it will not be easy to light on any
climate in the habitable earth that can well be
compared to it,— what is here sown comes up
in such clusters: the cause of which seems
to me to be the warmth of the air and the fer-
tility of the waters; the warmth calling forth
the sprouts, and making them spread, and the
moisture making every one of them take root
firmly, and supplying that virtue which it
stands in need of in summer-time. Now this
country is then so sadly burnt up, that no-
body cares to come at it; and if the water be
drawn up before sun-rising, and after that ex-
posed to the air, it becomes exceeding cold,
and becomes of a nature quite contrary to the
ambient air : as in winter again it becomes
warm ; and if you go into it, it appears very
gentle. The ambient air is here also of so
good a temperature, that the people of the
country are clothed in linen only, even when
snow covers the rest of Judea. This place is
one hundred and fifty furlongs fruai Jerusa-
lem, and sixty from Jordan. The country,
as far as Jerusalem, is desert and stony ; but
that as far as Jordan and the lake AsphaU
titis lies lower indeed, though it be equally
desert and barren. But so much shall suf-
fice to luive been said about Jericho, and of
the great happiness of its situation.
4. The nature of the lake Asphaltitis is
also worth describing. It is, as I have said
already, bitter and unfruitful. It is so light
[or thick] that it bears up the heaviest things
that are thrown into it ; nor is it easy for any
one to make things sink therein to the bottom,
if he had a mind so to do. Accordingly,
when Vespasian went to see it, he commanded
that some who could not swim, should have
their hands tied behind them, and be thrown
into the deep, when it so happened tliat they
all swam as if a wind had forced them up-
wards. Moreover, the change of the colour
of this lake is wonderful, for it changes its
appearance thrice every day ; and as the rays
of the sun fall differently upon it, the light is
variously reflected. However, it casts up
black clods of bitumen in many parts of it;
these swim at the top of the water, and re-
semble both in shape and bigness headless
bulls : and when the labourers that belong to
the lake come to it, and catch hold of it as it
hangs together, they draw it into their ships ;
but when the ship is full, it is not easy to cut
off the rest, for it is so tenacious as to make
tlie ship hang upon its clods till they set it
loose with tlie menstrual blood of women, and
with urine, to which alone it yields. This
bitumen is not only useful for the caulking of
ships, but for the cure of men's bodies : ac-
cordingly it is mixed in a great many medi-
cines. The length of this lake is five hun-
dred and eighty furlongs, where it is extend-
ed as far as Zoar, in Arabia ; and its breadth
is a hundred and fifty. The country of So-
dom borders upon it.* It was of old a most
happy land, both for the fruits it bore and the
riches of its cities, although it be now all
burnt up. It is related how, for the impiety
of its inhabitants, it was burnt by lightning ;
in consequence of which there are still the
remainders of that divine fire; and the traces
[or shadows] of the five cities are still to be
seen, as well as the ashes growing in their
fruits, which fruits have a colour as if they
were fit to be eaten ; but if you pluck them
with your hands, they dissolve into smoke and
ashes. And thus what is related of tliis land
of Sodom hath these marks of credibility
which our very sight affords us.
CHAPTER IX
THAT VESPASIAN, AFTER HE HAD TAKEN GA-
DARA, MADE TREPARATION FOR THE SIEGE
OF JEBUSALEJI ; BUT THAT, UPON HIS HEAR-
ING OF THE DEATH OF NERO, HE CHANGED
HIS INTENTIONS : AS ALSO, CONCERNING
8IS10N OF GERASA.
§ 1. And now Vespasian had fortified all the
places round about Jerusalem, and erected
citadels at Jericho and Adida, and placed gar-
risons in tliem both, partly out of his own
Romans, and partly out of the body of his
auxiliaries. He also sent Lucius Annius to
Gerasa, and delivered to him a body of horse-
men, and a consiilerable number of footmen.
So when he had taken the city, which he did
at the first onset, he slew a thousand of those
young men who had not prevented him by
flying away; but he took their families cap-
tive, and permitted his soldiers to plunder
them of their effects ; after which he set fire
to their houses, and went away to the adjoin-
ing villages, while the men of power fled
away, and the weaker part were destroyed,
and what was remaining was all burnt down.
And now the war having gone through all
the mountainous country, and all the plain
country also, those that were at Jerusalem
were deprived of the liberty of going out of
the city ; for as to such as had a mind to de-
sert, they were watched by the zealots ; and
as to such as were not yet on the side of the
Romans, their army kept them in, by encom-
passing the city round about on all sides.
2. Now as Vespasian was returned to Ce-
» See the note on b. v cli. xiii, scu*
■\.
CHAT. IX.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
699
sarea, and was getting ready with all liis army
to march directly to Jerusalem, he was in-
formed that Nero was dead, after he had reign-
ed thirteen years and eight days. But as to
any narration after what manner he abused
his power in the government, and commit-
ted the management of affairs to those vile
wretches, Nymphidius and Tigellinus, his
unworthy freed-men ; and how he had a plot
laid against him by them, and was deserted
by all his guards, and ran away with four of
his most trusty freed men, and slew himself
in the suburbs of Rome ; and how those that
occasioned his death were, in no long time,
brought themselves to punishment : how also
the war in Gall ended ; and how Galba was
made emperor,* and returned out of Spain to
Rome ; and how he was accused by the sol-
diers as a pusillanimous person, and slain by
treacliery in the middle of the market-place
at Rome, and Otho was made emperor ; with
his expedition against the commanders of Vi-
tellius, and his destruction thereupon ; and
besides what troubles there were under Vi-
tellius, and the fight that was about the Ca-
pitol ; as also how Antonius Primus and Mu-
cianus slew Vitellius, and his German le-
gions, and thereby put an end to that civil
war,— I have omitted to give an exact ac-
count of them, because they are well known
by all, and they are described by a great num-
ber of Greek and Roman authors ; yet for
the sake of the connection of matters, and
that my history may not be incolierent, I have
just touched upon every thing briefly. Where-
fore Vespasian put oft' at first his expedition
against Jerusalem, and stood waiting whither
the empire would be transferred after the
death of Nero. Moreover, when he heard
that Galba was made emperor, he attempted
nothing till he also should send hiin some di-
rections about the war : however, he sent his
son Titus to him, to salute him, and to re-
ceive his commands about the Jews. Upon
the very same errand did king Agrippa sail
along with Titus to Galba ; but as they were
sailing in their long sliips by the coasts of
Achaia, for it was winter-time, they heard
that Galba was slain, before they could get to
him, after he had reigned seven months and
as many days. After whom Otho took the
government, and undertook the management
of public atTairs. So Agrippa resolved to go
on to Rome without any terror on account of
the change in the government ; but Titus, by
a divine impulse, sailed back from Greece to
Syria, and came in great haste to Cesarea, to
his father. And now they were both in sus-
pense about the public ati'airs, the Roman
« Of these Roman affairs and tumults under Galba,
Otho, and Vitellius, here only touched upon by Jose-
flius, see Tacitus, Suetonius, and Dio, more largely,
lowever, we may observe with Ottius, that .losephus
writes the i.amc ol" the second oi them notjOtto, with
many others, but Otho, with the coins. See also the
note on ch . xi, sect. 4.
empire being then in a fluctuating condition,
and did not goon with tiieir expedition against
tiie Jews, but thought that to make any attack
upon foreigners was now unseasonal)le, on
account of the solicitude they were in for their
own country.
3. And now there arose another war at Je-
rusalem. There was a son of Giora, one Si-
mon, by birth of Gerasa, a young man, not
so cunning indeed as John [of G'ischala], who
had already seized upon the city, but superior
in strength of body and courage; on which
account, when he had been driven away from
that Acrahattene toparchy, which he once had,
by Ananus the higli-jjriest, he came to those
robbers who had seized upon Masada. At
first they suspected him, and only permitted
him to come with the women he brought with
him into the lower part of the fortress, while
they dwelt in the upper part of it themselves.
However, his manner so well agreed with
theirs, and he seemed so trusty a man, that he
went out with them, and ravaged and destroy-
ed the country with them about Masada ; yet
when he persuaded them to undertake greater
things, he could net prevail with theni so to
do ; for as they were accustomed to dwell in
that citadel, they were afraid of going far from
that which was their hiding-place; but he
affecting to tyrannize, and being fond of great-
ness, when he had heard of the death of An-
anus, left them, and went into the moun-
tainous pad of the country. So he proclaim-
ed liberty to those in slavery, and a reward to
those already free, and got together a set of
wicked men from all quarters.
4. And as he had now a strong body of
men about him, he over-ran the villages that
lay in the moimtainous country, and when
there were still more and more that came to
him, he ventured to go down into the lower
parts of the country, and since he was now
become formidable to the cities, many of the
men of power were corrupted by him ; so that
his army was no longer composed of slaves
and robbers, but a great many of the populace
were obedient to him as to their king. He
then over-ran the Acrabattene toparchy, and
the places that reached as far as the Great
Idumea ; for hebuilta wall at a certain village
called Nain, and made use of that as a fortress
for his own party':-, security ; and at the val-
ley called Paran, he enlarged many of the
coves, and many others he found reaily for his
purpose ; these he made use of as reposito-
ries for his treasures, and receptacles for bis
prey, and therein he laid up the fruits that he
had got by rapine ; and many of his partisans
had their dwelling in them; and he made no
secret of it that he was exercising his men be-
forehand, and making preparations for the
assault of Jerusalem.
5. Whereupon the zealots, out of the dread
they were in of his attacking them, and being
I willing to prevent one that was growing up to
700
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK IV.
oppose them, went out against him with their
weapons. Simon met them, and joining bat-
tle with them, slew a considerable number of
tliem, and drove the rest before him into the
city : but durst not trust so much upon his
forces as to make an assault upon the walls ;
but he resolved first to subdue Idumea, and
as he had now twenty thousand armed men,
he marched to the borders of their country.
Hereupon the rulers of the Idumeans got to-
gether on the sudden the most warlike part of
their people, about twenty-five thousand in
number, and permitted the rest to be a guard
to their own country, by reason of the in-
cursions that were made by the iS/cfirrjithat were
at Masada. Thus they received Simon at their
Dorders, where they fought him, and conti-
nued the battle all that day ; and the dispute
lay whether they had conquered him or been
conquered by him. So he went back to Nain,
as did the Idumeans return home. Nor was it
long ere Simon came violently again upon their
country; when he pitched his camp at a cer-
tain village called Thecoe, and sent Eleazar,
one of his companions, to those that kept gar-
rison at Herodium, and in order to persuade
them to surrender that fortress to him. The
garrison received this man readily, while they
knew nothing of what lie came about ; but as
soon as he talked of the surrender of the place,
they fell upon him with their drawn swords,
till he found he had no place for fligiit, wl)en
he threw himself down from the wall into the
valley beneath ; so he died immediately : but
the Idumeans, who were already mucii afraid
of Simon's power, thought fit to take a view
of the enemy's army before they hazarded a
battle with him.
6. Now, there was one of their comman-
ders, named Jacob, who offered to serve them
readily upon that occasion, hut had it in his
mind to betray them. He went therefore
from the village Alurus, wherein the army of
the Idumeans were gotten together, and came
to Simon, and at the very first he agreed to
betray his country to him, and took assuran-
ces upon oath from him that he should al-
ways have him in esteem, and then promised
him that he would assist him in subduing all
Idumea under him ; upon which account lie
was feasted after an obh'ging manner by Si-
mon, and elevated by his mighty promises ;
and when he was returned to his own men,
he at first belied the army of Simon, and said
it was manifold more in number than what
it was ; after which, he dexterously persuaded
the commanders, and by degrees the whole
multitude, to receive Simon, and to surrenuer
the whole government up to him without
fighting ; and as he was doing this, he invited
Simon by his messengers, and promised him
to disperse the Idumeans, which he performed
also ; for as soon as their army was nigh them,
he first of all got upon his horse, and fled,
together with those whom he had corrupted ;
hereupon a terror fell upon the whole multi-
tude ; and before it came to a close fight,
they broke their ranks, and every one retired
to liis own iiome.
7. Tlius did Simon unexpectedly march
into Idumea, without bloodshed, and made a
sudden attack upon the city Hebron, and
took it ; wherein he got possession of a great
deal of prey, and plundered it of a vast quan-
tity of fruit. Now, the people of the coun-
try say, that it is an ancienter city, not only
than any in that country, but than Mempliis
ill Egypt, and accordingly its age is reckoned
at two thousand and tliree hundred years.
They also relate that it had been the habita-
tion of Abram, the progenitor of the Jews,
after he had removed out of Mesopotamia ;
and they say that his posterity descended from
thence into Egypt, whose monuments are to
this very time shown in that small city ; the
fabric of which monuments are of the most
excellent marble, and wrought after the most
elegant manner. There is also there shown,
at the distance of six furlongs from the city,
a very large turpentine-tree; • and the report
goes, that this tree has continued ever since
the creation of the world. Thence did Simon
make his progress over all Idumea, and did
not only ravage the cities and villages, but
laid waste tlie whole country ; for, besides
those that were completely armed, he had
forty thousand men that followed him, inso-
much that he had not provisions enough to
suffice such a multitude. Now, besides this
want of provisions that he was in, he was of
a barbarous disposition, and bore great anger
at this nation, by which means it came to pass
that Idumea was greatly depopulated ; and
as one may see all the woods behind despoiled
of their leaves by locusts, after they have been
there, so was there nothing left behind Si-
mon's army but a desert. Some places they
burnt down, some they utterly demolished^
and whatsoever grew in the country, they
either trod it down or fed upon it, and by
their marches they made the ground that was
cultivated, harder and more untractable than
that \^ hich was barren. In short, there was
no sign remaining of those places that had
been laid waste, that ever they had had a be-
ing-
8. This success of Simon excited the zea-
lots afresh ; and though they were afraid to
figiit him openly in a fair battle, yet did they
lay ambushes in tiie passes, and seized upon
his wife, with a considerable number of her
attendants ; whereupon they came back to
the city rejoicing, as if they had taken Simon
himself captive, and were in present expecta-
tion that he would lay down his arms, and
* Some of the ancients call this famous tree, or grove,
ail oak ; otliers, a turpentine tree, or grove. It has been
very famous in all the past ages, and is so, I sujipose, at
tins day, and that parucularly for an eminent mart, or
meeting of merchants there every year, as the traveller*
inform us.
CHAP. IX.
make supplication to them for liis wife ; but
instead of indulging any merciful affection,
he grew very angry at them for seizing iiis
beloved wife ; so he came to the wall of Jeru-
salem, and, like wild beasts when they are
wounded, and cannot overtake those that
wounded them, he vented his spleen upon all
persons that he met with. Accordingly, he
caught all those that were come out of the
city-gates, either to gather herbs or sticks,
who were unarmed and in years; he then
tormented them and destroyed them, out of
the immense rage he was in, and was almost
ready to taste the very flesh of their dead bo-
dies. He also cut off the hands of a great
many, and sent them into the city to astonish
his enemies, and in order to make the people
fall into a sedition, and desert those that had
been the aulliors of his wife's seizure. He
also enjoined them to tell the people that Si-
mon swore by the God of the universe, who
sees all things, that unless they will restore
him his wife, he will break down their wall,
and inflict the like punishment upon all the
citizens, without sparing any age, and with-
out making any distinction between the guilty
and the innocent. These threatenings so
greatly affrighted, not the people only, but
tlie zealots themselves also, that they sent his
wife back to him, — when he became a little
milder, and left off his perpetual blood-shed-
ding.
9. But now sedition and civil war prevail-
ed, not only over Judea, but in Italy also;
for now Galba was slain in the midst of the
Roman market-place ; then was Otlio made
emperor, and fought against Vitellius, who
set up for emperor also ; for the legions in
Germany had chosen him : but when he gave
battle to Valens and Cccinna, who were Vi-
tellius's generals, at Belriacum, in Gall,
Otho gamed the advantage on the first day ;
but oji the second day Vitellius's soldiers had
the victory; and after much slaughter, Otho
slew himself, when he had hoard of this
defeat at Brixia, and after he had managed
the public affairs three months and two
days. * Otho's army aKo came over to Vi-
tellius's generals, and he came liimself down
to Rome with his army ; but in the mean
time Vespasian removed from Cesarea, on
the fifth day of the month Dxsius [Sivan\
and marched against those places of Judea
which were not yet overthrown. So he went
up to the mountainous country, and took
those two toparcliies that were called the
Gophnitick and Acrabattene toparchies. After
which he took Bethel and Ephraim, two small
cities ; and when he had put garrisons into
them, he rode as far as Jerusalem, in which
march he took many prisoners, and many
captivesi But Cerealis, one of his comman-
* Suetonius differs hardly three days from Josephus,
and says Otho perished on the ninety-fifth day of his
rcigii. In O thou. See the iif^'e cli. xi. sect. 1.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
VOJ
ders, took a body of horsemen and footmen,
and laid waste that part of Idumea which
was called the Upper Idumea, and attacked
Caphethra, which pretended to be a small city
and took it at the first onset, and burnt it
down. He also attacked Capharabim, and
laid siege to it, for it had a very strong wall ;
and when he expected to spend a long time
in that siege, those that were within opened
their gates on the sudden, and came to beg
pardon, and surrendered themselves up to
liim. When Cerealis had conquered them he
went to Hebron, another very ancient city. I
have told you already, that this city is situated
in a mountainous country not far off Jerusa-
lem ; and when he had broken into the city
by force, what multitude and young men were
left therein he slew, and burnt down the city;
so that as now all the places were taken, ex-
cepting Herodium, and Masada, and Mache-
rus, which were in the possession of the rob-
bers, so Jerusalem was what the Romans at
present aimed at.
10. And now, as soon as Simon had set
his wife free, and recovered her from the zea-
lots, he returned back to the remainders of
Idumea, and driving tlie nation all before
him from all quarters, he compelled a great
number of them to retire to Jerusalem; he
followed them himself also to the city, and
encompassed the wall all round again ; and
when he lighted upon any labourers that were
coming thither out of the country, he slew
thein. Now this Simon, who was without the
wall, was a greater terror to the people than
the Romans themselves, as were the zealots
who were within it more heavy upon them
than both of the other ; and during this time
did the mischievous contrivances and courage
[of .Tohn] corrupt the body of the Galileans ;
for these Galileans had advanced this John,
and made him very potent, who made them a
suitable requital from the authority he had
obtained by their means ; for he permitted
them to do all things that any of them desired
to do, while their inclination to plunder was
insatiable, as was their zeal in searching the
houses of the rich ; and for the murdering of
the men, and abusing of the women, it was
sport to them. They also devoured what
spoils they h.;d taken, together with their
blood, and indulged themselves in feminine
wantonness, without any disturbance, till they
were satiated therewith : while they decked
their hair, and put on women's garments, and
were besmeared over with ointments ; and
that they might appear very comely, they had
paints under their eyes, and imitated, not on-
ly the ornaments, but also the lusts of wo-
men, and were guilty of such intolerable un~
cleanness, that they invented unlawful plea-
sures of that sort. And thus did they roll
themselves up and down the city, as in a bro-
thel-house, and defiled it entirely with their
impure actions : nay, while their faces looked
702
WARS OF Till': JEWS.
like file faces of women, they killed with their
right hands ; and when their gait was effe-
minate, they presently attacked men, and he-
came warriors, and drew their swords from
his enemies than those against whom the invita-
tion was intended.
12. And thus did Simon get possession of
Jerusalem, in the third year of the war, in the
under their finely dyed cloaks, and ran every month Xanlhicus [Nisan] ; wliereupon John,
body through whom tliey alighted upon. I with his multitude of zealots, as bein^ both
However, Simon waited for such as ran | prohibited from coming out of the temple,
away from John, and was the more bloody
of the two : and he who had escaped the
tyrant within the wall, was destroyed by the
other that lay before the gates. So that all
attempts of Hying and deserting to the Ro-
mans were cut off", if any bad a mind so _to
do.
11. Yet did the' army that was under
John raise a sedition against him ; and all the
Idumeans separated themselves from the ty-
rant, and attempted to destroy him, and this
out of their envy at his power and hatred of
his cruelty ; so they got together, and slew
many of the zealots, and drove the rest before
them into that royal 'palace that was built by
Grapte, who was a relation of Izates, the king
of Adiabene ; the Idumeans fell in with them
and drove the zealots out thence into the tem-
ple, and betook themselves to plunder John's
and having lost their power in the city (foi
Simon and his party had plundered them of
what they had) « ere in despair of deliverance.
Simon also made an assault upon the temple,
with the assistance of the people, while the
others stood upon the cloisters and the battle-
ments, and defended themselves from their
assaults. However, a considerable number
of Simon's party fell, and many were carried
off wounded ; for the zealots threw their darts
easily from a superior place, and seldom failed
of hitting their enemies ; but having the ad-
vantage of situation, and having withal erect-
ed four very large towers aforehand, that their
darts might come from higher places, one at the
north-east corner of the court, one above the
Xystus, the third at another corner over-against
the lower city, and the last was erected above
the top of the Pastophoria, where one of the
effects; for both he himself was in that pa- [ priests stood of course, and gave a signal be
lace, and therein had he laid up the spoils he
had acquired by his tyranny. In the mean
time the multitude of those zealots that were
dispersed over the city ran together to the
temple unto those that had fled thither, and
John prepared to bring them down against
the people and the Idumeans, who were not
so much afraid of being attacked by them,
(because they were themselves better soldiers
than they); as at their madness, lest they should
privately saliy out of the temple and get a-
mong them, and not only destroy them, but
set the city on fire also. So they assembled
themselves together, and the high-piiests with
them, and took counsel after what manner
they should avoid their assault. Now it was
God who turned their opinions to the worst
advice, and thence they devised such a reme-
dy to get themselves free, as was worse than
the disease itself. Accordingly, in order to
overthrow John, they determined to admit
Simon, and earnestly to desire the introduction
of a second tyrant into the city ; which reso-
lution they brought to perfection, and sent
Matthias, tlie high-priest, to beseech this Si
mon to come in to them, of whom they hud
so often been afraid. Those also that had
fled from the zealots in Jerusalem joined in
this request to him, out of the desire they had
of preserving their houses and their effects.
Accordingly l-.e, in an arrogant manner, grant-
ed them ids lordly protection, and came into
the city, in order to deliver it from the zealots.
The people also made joyful acclamations to
him, as their saviour and their preserver; hut
wiien he was come in, with his army, he took
care to secure his own authority, and looked
upon those that had invited him to be no less aiug ami ending of every Jewish Sabbath.
forehand, with a trumpet,* at the beginning of
every seventh day, in the evening twilight, as
also at the evening when the day was finished,
as giving notice to the people when they
were to leave oflT work, and when they were
to go to work again. These men also set
their engines to cast darts and stones withal,
upon those towers, with their archers and
slingers. And now Simon made his assault
upon the temple more faintly, by reason that
the greatest part of his men grew weary of
that work ; yet did he not leave off his oppo-
sition, because his army was superior to the
others, although the darts which were thrown
by the engines were carried a great vvay, and
slew many of those that fought for him.
CHAPTER X.
HOW THE SOLDIERS, EOTH IN JUDEA AND
EGYPT, PKOCLAIXIED VESPASIAN ElIPEROR ;
AND HOW VESPASIAN RELEASED JOSEPHLS
FROM HIS BONDS.
§ 1. Now, about this very time it was that
heavy calamities came about Rome on all
sides ; for Vitellius was come from Germany
with his soldiery, and drew along with him a
» This beginning and ending the observation of the
Jewish Seventli Day, or Sabbath, with a priest's blowing
of a trumpet, is rcmarliable, and nowhere else men-
tioned, that I know of. Nor is Reland's conjecture here
improbable, that this was the very place that has puz-
zled our commentitors so long, called " Musach Sab-
bati," the " Covert of the Sabbath," if that be the true
reading, 2 Kings xvi, 18 ; because here the proper priest
stood dry, under a " covering" to proclaim the begin-
CHAP. X.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
703
great multitude of otlier men besides. And
when the spaces allotted for soldiers could not
contain them, he made all Rome itself his
camp, and filled all the houses with armed
men ; which men, when they saw the riches
of Rome with those eyes which had never
seen such riches before, and found themselves
shone round about on all sides with silver
and gold, they had much ado to contain their
covetous desires, and were ready to betake
themselves to plunder, and to the slaughter
of such as ^ould stand in their way. And
this was the state of affairs in Italy at that
time.
2. But when Vespasian had overthrown
all the places that were near to Jerusalem, he
returned to Cesarea, and hard of the troubles
that were at Rome, and that Vitellius was
emperor. This produced indignation in him,
although he well knew how to be governed,
as well as to govern, and could not with any
satisfaction own him for his lord who acted
so madly, and seized upon the government
as if it were absolutely destitute of a gover-
nor. And as this sorrow of his was violent,
he was not able to support the torments he
was under, nor to appi'y himself farther in o-
ther wars when his native country was laid
waste; but then, as much as his passion ex-
cited him to avenge his country, so much was
he restrained by the consideration of his dis-
tance therefrom ; because fortune might pre-
vent him, and do a world of mischief before
he could himself sail over the sea to Italy,
especially as it was still the winter season ;
so he restrained his anger, how vehement so-
ever it was, at this time.
3. But now his commanders and soldiers
met in several companies, and consulted o-
pcnly about changing the public affairs;—
and, out of their indignation, cried out, how
" at Rome there are soldiers that live deli-
cately, and when they have not ventured so
much as to hear the fame of war, they ordain
whom they please for our governors, and in
hopes of gain make them emperors; while you,
who have gone through so many labours, and
are grown into years under your helmets,
give leave to others to use such a power,
when yet you have among yourselves one
more worthy to rule than any whom they
have set up. Now what juster opportunity
shall they ever have of requiting their gene-
rals, if they do not make use of this that is
now before them ? while there is so much
juster reason for Vespasian's being emperor
than for Vitellius ; as they are themselves
more deserving than those that made the o-
tlier emperors ; for that they have undergone
as great wars as have the troops that come
from Germany ; nor are they inferior in war
to those that have brought that tyrant to
Rome, nor have they undergone smaller la-
bours tlian tliey ; for that neither will the
Roman senate, nor people, bear siH^h a lasci-
vious emperor as Vitellius, if he be com-
pared with their chaste Vespasian ; nor will
they endure a most barbarous tyrant, instead
of a good governor, nor choose one that hath
no child,* to preside over them, instead of
him that is a father; because the advance-
ment of men's own children to dignities is
certainly tlie greatest security kings can have
for themselves. Whether, therefore, we esti.
mate the capacity of governing from the skill
of a person in years, we ought to have Ves-
pasian, — or whether from the strength of a
young man, we ought to have Titus; for by
this means we shall have the advantage of both
their ages, for that they will afford strength
to those that shall be made emperors, they
having already three legions, besides other
auxiliaries from the neighbouring kings, and
will have farther all the armies in the east to
support them, as also those in Europe, so far
as they are out of the distance and dread of
Vitellius, besides such auxiliaries as they may
have in Italy itself; that is, Vespasian's bro-
ther,j- and his other son [Domitian] ; the one
of whom will bring in a great many of those
young men that are of dignity, while the o-
ther is intrusted with the government of the
city, which office of his will be no small
means of Vespasian's obtaining the govern-
ment. Upon the whole, the case may be
such, that if we ourselves make farther delays,
the senate may choose an emperor, whom the
soldiers, who are the saviours of the empire,
will have in contempt."
4. These were the discourses the soldiers
had in their several companies ; after which
they got together in a great body, and, en-
couraging one another, they declared Vespa-
sian emperor,^ and exhorted him to save the
government which was now in danger. Now
Vespasian's concern had been for a consider-
able time about the public, yet did not he in-
tend to set up for governor himself, though
his actions showed him to deserve it, while
he preferred that safety which is in a private
life before the dangers in a state of such dig-
nity; but when he refused the empire, the
* The Roman authors thai now remain, say Vi-
tellius had children ; whereas Josephus introdueesliere
the Homan soldiers in Judea saying he had none.
Which of these assertions was the truth I know not.
Spanheim thinks he has given a peculiar reason for cal
ling Vitellius " childless," though he really had child-
ren. Diss, de Num. p. 649, 650 ; to which it appears
very difficult to give our assent.
t This brother of Vespasian was Flavius Sabinus, as
Suetonius informs us, in Vitcll. sect. 15 ; and in Vespas.
sect. 2. He is also named by Josephus presently, ch
xi. sect. 4.
t It is plain by the nature of the thing, as well as by
Josephus and Eutropius, that Vespasian was first of al!
saluted emperor in Judea, and not till some time after-
ward in Egyj.-t. Whence Tacitus's and Suetonius's pre-
sent copies must be corrected, when they both say that
he was first proclaimed in Kgypt, and that on the kal-
ends of July, while they still say it was the fifth of tlie
Nones or Ides of the same July before he was proclaim-
ed in Juilea. 1 suppose the month they there intended
was June, and not July, as the copies now have it; nor
doe< 'I'acitus's coherence nnply les§. See Essay on tha
Revelation, page loti
V
704.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
commnnders insisted the more earnestly upon ( island are built very great piers, the handy-
his acceptance ; and the soldiers came about
liim, with their drawn swords in their hands,
and threatened to kill him, unless he would
now live according to his dignity. And when
he had shown his reluctance a great while,
and had endeavoured to thrust away this do-
minion from him, he at length, being not
able to persuade them, yielded to their solici-
tations that would salute him emperor.
5. So upon the exhortations of Mucianus
and the other commanders, that he would ac-
cept of the empire, and upon that of tlie rjest
of the army, who cried out that they were
vi-illing to be led against all his opposers, he
was in the first place intent upon gaining the
dominion over Alexandria, as knowing that
Eo-ypt was of the greatest consequence, in or-
der to obtain the entire government, because
of its supplying corn [to Rome] ; which corn,
if he could be master of, he hoped to dethrone
Vitellius, supposing he should aim to keep
the empire by force (for he would not be able
to support himself, if the multitude at Rome
should once be in want of food) ; and because
he was desirous to join the two legions that
were at Alexandria to the other legions that
were with him. He also considered with
himself, that he should then have that coun-
try for a defence to himself against the un-
certainty of fortune; for Egypt* is hard to
be entered by land, and hath no good havens
by sea. It hath on the west the dry deserts
of Libya ; and on the south Syene, that di-
vides it from Ethiopia, as well as the cataracts
of the Nile, that cannot be sailed over; and
on the east the Red Sea, extending as far
as Coptus ; and it is fortified on the north by
the land that reaches to Syria, together with
that called the Egyptian Sea, having no ha-
vens in it for ships. And thus is Egypt wall-
ed about on every side. Its length between
Pelusium and Syene is two thousand furlongs,
and the passage by sea from Plinthine to Pe-
lusium, is three thousand six hundred fur-
longs. Its river Nile is navigable as far as
the city called Elephantine, the forenamed ca-
taracts hindering ships from going any farther.
The haven also of Alexandria is not entered
by the mariners without difficulty, even in
times of peace ; for the passage inward is
narrow, and full of rocks, that He under the
water, which oblige the mariners to turn from
a straight cHrection : its left side is blocked up
by works made by men's hands on both sides ;
on its right side lies the island called Pharus,
which is situated just before the entrance, and
supports a very great tower, that afiordo the
si^ht of a fire to such as sail within three hun-
dred furlongs of it, that ships may cast anchor
a (Treat way off in the night-time, by reason
of the difficulty of sailing nearer. About this
• Here we have an authentic description of the
bounds and circuinstances of Egypt in the days of Ves-
pasian and Titus."
work of men, against which when the sea
dashes itself, and its waves are broken against
those boundaries, the navigation becomes very
troublesome, and the entrance through so nar-
row a passage is rendered dangerous : yet is
the haven itself, when you are got into it, a
very safe one, and of thirty furlongs in large-
ness ; into which is brought what the country
wants, in order to its happiness; as also what
abundance the country affords more than it
wants itself, is hence distributed into all the
habitable earth.
6. Justly, therefore, did Vespasian desire
to obtain that government, in order to corro-
borate his attempts upon the whole of the
empire ; so he immediately sent to Tiberius
Alexander, who was then governor of Egypt
and of Alexandria, and informed him what
the army had put him upon, and how he, be-
ing forced to accept of the burden of tlie
government, was desirous to have him for his
confederate and supporter. Now as soon as
ever Alexander had read this letter, he readily
obliged the legions and the multitude to take
the oath of fidelity to Vespasian, both whom
willingly complied with him, as already ac-
quainted with the courage of the man, from
that his conduct in their neighbourhood. Ac-
cordingly Vespasian, looking upon Iiimself as
already intrusted with the government, got
all things ready for his journey [to Rome].
Now fame carried this news abroad more sud-
denly than one could have thought, that he
was emperor over the east, upon which every
city kept festivals, and celebrated sacrifices
and oblations for such good news ; the legions
also that were in Mysia and Pannonia, who
had been in commotion a little before, on ac-
count of this insolent attempt of Vitellius,
were very glad to take the oath of fidelity to
Vespasian, upon his coming to the empire.
Vespasian then removed from Cesarea to
Berytuf, where many embassages came to
him from Syria, and many from other pro-
vinces, bringing with them from every city
crowns, and the congratulations of the peo-
ple. IMucianus came also, who was the pre-
sident of the province, and told him with
what alacrity the people [received the news
of his advancement!, and how the people of
every city had taken the oath of fidelity to
him.
7. So Vespasian's good fortune succeeded
to his wishes everywhere, and the public af-
fairs were, for the greatest part, already in his
hands ; upon which he considered that he had
not arrived at the government without Divine
Providence, but that a righteous kind of fate
had brought the empire under his power; for
as he called to mind the other signals, which
had been a great many everywhere, that fore-
told he should obtain the government, so did
he remember what Josephus had said to him
1 when he ventured to foretel his commg to the
WARS OF THE JEWS.
705
empire while Nero was alive ; so he was much
concerned that this man was still in bonds
with him. He then called for INIucianus, to-
gether with his other commanders and friends,
and, in the first place, he informed them what
a valiant man Josephus had been, and what
great hardships lie had made him undergo in
the siege of Jotapata. After that he related
those predictions of his • which he had tlien
suspected as fictions, suggested out of the
fear he was in, but which had by time been
demonstrated to be divine. " It is a shame-
ful thing (said he) that this man who hath
foretold my coming to the empire beforehand,
and been the minister of a divine message
to me, should still be retained in the condition
of a captive or prisoner." So he called for
Josephus, and commanded that he should be
set at liberty ; whereupon the commanders
promised themselves glorious things, from this
requital Vespasian made to a stranger. Titus
was then present with his father, and said,
" O father, it is but just that the scandal [of
a prisoner] should be taken off Josephus, to-
gether witli his iron chain ; for if we do not
barely loose his bonds, but cut them to pieces,
he will be like a man that hath never been
bound at all." For that is the usual method
as to such as have been bound without a cause.
This advice was agreed to by Vespasian also;
so there came a man in, and cut the chain to
pieces; while Josephus received this testimony
of his integrity for a reward, and was more-
over esteemed a person of credit as to futuri-
ties also.
CHAPTER XI.
THAT UPON THE CONQUEST AND SLAUGHTER
OF VITELLIUS, VESPASIAN HASTENED HIS
JOURNEY TO ROME ; BUT TITUS HIS SON
RETURNED TO JERUSALEM.
§ 1. And now, when Vespasian had given
answers to the embassages, and had disposed
of the places of power justly,f and according
* As Daniel was preferred bv Darius and Cjtus, on
acfount of his having foretold the destruction of the Ba-
bylonian monarchy by their means, and the consequent
exaltation of the ^lerl'S aiid Persians, Dan. v, \'i ; or
rather, as Jeremiah, when he was a prisoner, was set at
liberty, and honourably treated by Nebuzaradan, at the
command of Nebuchachiezzar, on account of his having
foretold the destruction of Jerusalen\ by the Babyloni-
ans, Jer. xl, 1—7 ; so was our Josephus set at libettv and
honourably treated, on account of his having foretold
the advancement of Vespasian and Titus to the Roman
empire. All these are most eminent instances of the
interposition of Divine Providence, and of the certainty
of divine predictions in the great revolutions of the four
monarchies. Several such-lilie examples there are, both
in the sacred and other histories ; as in the case of Jo-
seph in Kgypt, and of Jaddua the high-priest, in the
days of Alexander the Great, Ac.
t This is well observed by Josephus, that Vespasian,
in ordei to secure his success, and establish his govern-
ment at first, distributed his otiices and places upon the
foot of justice, and bestowed them on such as best de-
served them, and were best fit for them. VWiich wise
to every one's deserts, he came to Antioch,
and consulting which way he had best take,
he preferred to go to Rome, rather than to
march to Alexandria, because he saw that
Alexandria was sure to him already, but that
the affairs at Rome were put into disorder by
Vitellius; so he sent Mucianus to Italy, and
committed a considerable army both of horse-
men and footmen to him ; yet was INIucianus
afraid of going by sea, because it was the
middle of winter; so he led his anny on foot
through Cappadocia and Phrygia.
2. In the mean time Antonius Primus took
the third of the legions that ^^ere in Mysia,
for he was president of that province, and
made haste, in order to fight Vitellius ; where-
upon Vitellius sent away Cecinna, with a great
anny, having a mighty confidence in him, be-
cause of his having beaten Otho. U'liis Ce-
cinna marched out of Rome in great haste,
and found Antonius about Cremona in Gall,
which city is in the borders of Italy ; but
when he saw there that the enemy were nu-
merous and in good order, he durst not fight
them ; and as he thought a retreat dangerous,
so he began to think of betraying his army to
Antonius. Accordingly, he assembled the
centurions and tribunes that were under his
command, and persuaded them to go over to
Antonius, and this by diininishing the repu-
tation of Vitellius, and by exaggerating the
power of Vespasian. He also told them, that
with the one there was no more than the bare
name of dominion ; but with the other was
the power of it; and that it was better for
them to prevent necessity, and gain favour,
and, while they were likely to be overcome in
battle, to avoid the danger beforehand, and go
over to Antonius willingly; that Vespasian
was able of himself to subdue what had not
yet submitted, without their assistance, while
Vitellius could not preserve what he had al-
ready with it.
3. Cecinna said this, and much more to the
same purpose, and persuaded them to com-
ply with him ; and both he and his army de-
serted ; but still the very same night the sol-
diers repented of what they had done, and a
fear seized on them, lest perhaps Vitellius who
sent them should get the better ; and drawing
their swords, they assaulted Cecinna, in or-
der to kill him ; and the thing had been done
by them, if the tribunes had not fallen upon
their knees, and besought them not to do it:
so tlie soldiers did not kill him, but put him
in bonds, as a traitor, and were about to send
him to Vitellius. When [Antonius] Primus
heard of this, he raised up his men immedi-
ately, and made them put on their armour,
and led them against those that had revolted ;
hereupon they put themselves in order of bat-
conduct in a mere heathen, ought to put those rulers
and ministers of statt to shame, who. professing Chris-
tianity, act otherwise, and thereby expose tlien^elves
and their kingdoms to \ ice and destruction.
^-v.
70G
WARS OF THE JEWS.
tie, and made resistance for a while, but were
soon beaten, and fled to Cremona ; then did
Primus take bis horsemen, and cut ofT their
entrance into tlie city, and encompassed and
destroyed a great multitude of them before
the city, and fell into the city together with the
rest, and gave leave to his soldiers to plunder
it. And here it was that many strangers,
who were merchants, as well as many of the peo-
ple of tdat country, perislied, and among them
Vitellius's whole army, being thirty thousand
and two hundred, while Antonius lost no more
of those that came with him from Mysia than
four thousand and five hundred ; he then
loosed Cecinna, and sent hira to Vespasian,
to tell him the good news. So he came, and
was received by him ; and covered the scan-
dal of his treachery by the unexpected ho-
nours he received from Vespasian.
4. And now, upon the news that Antoni-
us was approaching, Sabinus took courage at
Rome, and assembled those cohorts of soldiers
that kept watch by night, and in the night-
tixTie seized upon the capitol ; and, as the day
came on, many men of character came over
to him, with Domitian, his brother's son,
whose encouragement was of very great
weio-ht for the compassing the government.
Now, Vitellius was not much concerned at
this Primus, but was very angry with those
that had revolted with Sabinus j and thirsting,
out of his natural barbarity, after noble blood,
he sent out that part of the army which came
along with him to fight against the capitol ;
and many bold actions were done on this side
and on the side of those that held the temple.
But at last, the soldiers that came from Ger-
many, being too numerous for the others, got
the hill into their possession, where Domitian,
with many other of the principal Romans,
providentially escaped, while the rest of the
multitude were entirely cut to pieces, and Sa-
binus himself was brought to Vitellius and
then slain : the soldiers also plundered the
temple of its ornaments, and set it on fire.
But now within a day's time came Antonius,
with his army, and were met by Vitellius
and his army ; and having had a battle in
three several places, the last were all destroy-
ed. Then did Vitellius come out of the pa-
lace, in his cups, and satiated with an extra-
vagant and luxurious meal, as in the last ex-
vremity, and being drawn along through the
multitude, and abused with all sorts of tor-
ments, had his head cut oft' in the midst of
Rome, having retained the government eight
months and five days ;• and had he lived much
longer, I cannot but think the empire would
not have been suflficlent for his lust. Of the
others that were slain, were numbered above
fifty thousand. This battle was fought on the
tliird day of the month Apelleus [Casleu] ;
on the next Mucianus came into the city
with his army, and ordered Antonius and his
men to leave oflT killing; for they were still
searching the houses, and killed many of Vi-
tellius's soldiers and many of the populace, as
supposing them to be of his party, preventing
by their rage any accurate distinction between
them and others. He then produced Domi-
tian, and recommended him to the multitude,
until his father should come himself: so the
people being now freed from their fears, made
acclamations of joy for Vespasian, as for
their emperor, and kept festival-days for his
confirmation, and for the destruction of Vi.
tellius.
5. And now, as Vespasian was come to
Alexandria, this good news came from Rome,
and at the same time came embassies from all
his own habitable earth, to congratulate him
upon his advancement ; and though this Alex-
andria was the greatest of all cities next to
Rome, it proved too narrow to contain the
multitude that then came to it. So upon this
confirmation of Vespasian's entire govern,
ment, which was now settled, and upon the
unexpected deliverance of the public affairs
of the Romans from ruin, Vespasian turned
his thoughts to wliat remained unsubdued in
Judea. However, he himself made haste to
go to Rome, as the winter was now almost
over, and soon set the affairs of Alexandria in
order, but sent his son Titus, with a select
part of his army, to destroy Jerusalem. So
Titus marched on foot as far as Nicopolis,
which is distant twenty furlongs from Alex-
andria ; there he put his army on board some
long ships, and sailed upon the river along
the Mende.^ian Nomus, as far as the city
Thmuis ; there he got out of the ships, and
walked on foot, and lodged all night at a small
city called Tanis. His second station was He-
racleopolis, and his third Pelusium ; he then
refreshed his army at that place for two days;
and on the third passed over the mouths of
the Nile at Pelusium ; he then proceeded one
station over the desert, and pitched his camp
at the temple of the Casian Jupiter,f and on
the next day at Ostracine. This station had
no water; but the people of the country
make use of water brought from other places.
After this he rested at Rhinocolura, and from
thence he went to Raphia, which was his
fourth station. This city is the beginning of
* The numbers in Josephus, ch. ix, sect. 2, 9, for
Galba 7 months 7 days, for Otho 3 months 2 days, and
here for Vitellius 8 months 5 days, do not agree with any
Roman historians; who also disagree am.ong thenjselves.
And, indeed, Sealiger justly complains, as Dr. lUidson
observes on chap, ix, sect i!, that this jieriod is very
confused and uncertiiin in the ancient authors. They
were probably some of them contemporary together for
some time ; one of the best evidences we have, I mean
Ptolemy's Cajion, omits them all, as if they did not all
together reign one whole year, nor had a smgle Thoth,
or New Year's Day (which then fell upon Aug. 6) in
their entire reigns. Dio, also, who says that Vrtelliiis
reigned a year within ten days, does yet estimate all their
reigns together at no more "than one year, one month,
and two days.
1 There are coins of this Casian Jupiter still extant,
as Spanheim here informs u&
CHAP. I.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
707
Syria. For his fifth station lie pitched his 1 to Joppa, and from Joppa to Cesarea, having
camp at Gaza; after which he came to As- taken a resolution to gather all his other
calon, and thence to Jamnia, and after that j forces together at that place.
BOOK V.
CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF NEAR SIX MONTHS.
FROM THE COMING OF TITUS TO BESIEGE JERUSALEM, TO THE
GREAT EXTREMITY TO WHICH THE JEWS WERE REDUCED.
CHAPTER I.
CONCERNIXG THE SEDITIONS AT JERUSALEM,
AND WHAT TERRIBLE MISERIES AFELICTED
THE CITY BY THEIR MEANS.
§ 1. When therefore Titus had marchjed over
that desert which lies between Egypt and
Syria, in the manner forementioned, he came
to Cesarea, having resolved to set his forces
in order at that place, before he began the
war. Nay, indeed, while he was assisting his
father at Alexandria, in settling that govern-
inent which had been newly conferred upon
them by God, it so happened that the sedition
at Jerusalem was revived, and parted into
three factions, and that one faction fought
against the otlier : which partition in such
evil cases may be said to be a good thing, and
the effect of divine justice. Now as to the
attack the zealots made upon the people, and
which I esteem the beginning of the city's
destruction, it hath been already explained
after an accurate manner; as also whence it
arose, and to how great a mischief it was in-
creased ; but for the present sedition, one
should not mistake if he called it a sedition
begotten by another sedition, and to be like a
wild beast grown mad, which, for want of food
from abroad, fell now upon eating its own flesh.
2. For Eleazar, the son of Simon, who
made the first separation of the zealots from
the people, and made them retire into the
temple, appeared very angry at John's inso-
lent attempts, which he made every day upon
the people; for this man never left off" mur-
dering: but tlie truth was, that he could not
bear to submit to a tyrant who set up after
him. So he being desirous of gaining the
entire power and dominion to himself, revolt-
ed from John, and took to his assistance Ju-
das the son of Chelcias, and Simon the-£on of
Ezron, wno were among the men of greatest
power. There was also with him Hezekiali
ti;e son of Chobar, a person of eminence.
Each of these were followed by a great many
of the zealots ; these seized upon the inner
court of the temple,* and laid their arms up-
on the holy gates, and over the holy fronts of
that court; and because they had plenty of
provisions, they were of good courage, for
there was a great abundance of what was con-
secrated to sacred uses, and they scrupled not
the making use of them ; yet were they afraid,
on account of their small number; and when
they had laid up their arms there, they did
not stir from the place they were in. Now
as to John, what advantage he had above
Eleazar in the mtiltitude of his followers, the
like disadvantage he had in the situation he
was in, since he had bis enemies over bis
head; and as he could not make any assault
upon them without some terror, so was bis
anger too great to let them be at rest; nay,
although he suffered more mischief from Elea-
zar and his party than he could inflict upon
them, yet would he not leave off' assaulting
them, insomuch that there were continual sal-
Ues made one against another, as well as darts
thrown at one another, and the temple was de-
filed everywhere with murders.
3. But now the tyrant Simon, the son of
Gioras, whom the people had invited in, out of
the hopes they had of his assistance in tlie great
distresses they were in, having in his power the
upper city, and a great part of the lower, did
now make more vehement assaults upon John
» This appears to be the first time (hat the zealots
ventured to pollute this most sacred court of the temple,
which was the court oi" the prie^ti, wherein the temple
itself ani the altar stood. So that the conjecture of
those that would interpret that Zacharias, who was
slain " between the temple and the altar" several mouths
before, b. iv, ch. v. sect. 4. as if he were slain there by
these zealots, is groundless, as I have noted on that
place already.
jT
708
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK V.
and his party, because tliey were fouglit against
from above also ; yet was he beneath their
situation, when lie attacked them, as they were
beneath the attacks of the others above them.
Whereby it came to pass, that John did both
receive and inflict great damage, and that
easily, as he was fought against on both sides ;
and the same advantage tiiat Eleazar and his
party had over him, since lie was beneath them,
the same advantage had he, by his higher
situation, over Simon. On which account he
easily repelled the attacks that were made from
beneath, by the weapons throvvn fronj their
hands only ; but was obliged to repel those
that threw darts from the temple above him,
by his engines of war ; for he had such en-
gines as threw darts, and javelins, and stones,
and that in no small number, by which he did
not only defend himself from such as fought
against him, but slew moreover many of the
priests, as they were about their sacred minis-
trations; for notwithstanding these men were
mad with all sorts of impiety, yet did they stiil
admit those that desired to offer their sacri-
fices, although they took care to search the
people of their own country beforehand, and
both suspected and watched them ; while they
were not so much afraid of strangers, who,
although they had gotten leave of them, how
cruel soever they were, to come into that
court, were yet often destroyed by this sedi-
tion : for those darts that were thrown by the
engines came with that force, that they went
all over the buildings, and reached as far as
the altar, and the temple itself, and fell upon
the priests, and those * that were about the
sacred offices ; insomuch that many persons
who came thither with great zeal from the ends
of the earth, to offer sacrifices at this celebrat-
ed place, which was esteemed holy by all
mankind, felt down before their own sacrifices
themselves, and sprinkled that altar which was
venerable among all men, both Greeks and
Barbarians, with their own blood ; till the
dead bodies of strangers were mingled to-
gether with those of their own country, and
those of profane persons with those of the
priests, and tlie blood of all sorts of dead car-
cases stood in lakes in the holy courts them-
selves. And now, " O most wretched city,
what misery so great as this didst thou suffer
from the Romans, when they came to purify
thee from thy intestine hatred ! For thou
couldst be no longer a place fit for God, nor
couldst thou longer continue in being, after
thou hadst been a sepulchre for the bodies of
thine own people, and hadst made the holy house
itself a burying-place in this civi'l war of thine !
Yet mayst thou again grow better, if perchance
thou wilt hereafter appease the anger of that
God who is the author of thy destrrction.f "
* The Levites.
f This is an excellent reflection of Josephus, includ-
ing his hopes of llie restoration of the Jews upon their
repentance. See Antiq. b iv, ch. viii spct 46 whicl\
But I must restrain myself from these pas-
sions by the rules of history, since this is not
a proper time for domestic lamentations, but
for historical narrations ; I therefore return
to the operations that follow in this sedition.
4. And now there were three treacherous
factions in the city, the one parted from the
other. Eleazar and his party, that kept the
sacred first-fruits, came against John in their
cups. Those that were with John plundered
the populace, and went out with zeal against
Simon. Tliis Simon had his supply of pro-
visions from the city, in opposition to the se-
ditious. When, therefore, John was assault-
ed on both sides, he made his men turn about,
throwing his darts upon those citizens that
came up against him, from the cloisters he
had in his possession, while he opposed those
that attacked him from the temple by his en-
gines of war ; and if at any time he was freed
from those that were above him, which hap-
pened frequently, from their being drunk
and tired, he sallied out with a great number
upon Simon and his party; and this he did
aljvays in such parts of the city as he could
come at, till he set on fire tliose houses that
were full of corn, and of all other provisions, t
The same thing was done by Simon, when,
upon the other's retreat, he attacked the city
also ; as if they had, on purpose, done it to
serve the Romans, by destroying what the
city had laid up against the siege, and by thus
cutting off the nerves of their own power.
Accordingly, it so came to pass, that ail the
places that were about the temple were burnt
down, and were become an intermediate de-
sert space, ready for fighting on both sides ;
and that almost all the corn was burnt, which
would have been sufficient for a siege of many
years. So they were taken by the means of
the famine, which it was impossible they
should have been, unless they had thus pre-
pared the way for it by this procedure.
5. And now, as the city was engaged in a
war on all sides, from these treacherous crowds
of wicked men, the people of the city, be-
tween them, were like a great body torn in
pieces. The aged men and the women were
in sueh distress by their internal calamities,
that they wished for the Romans, and earnest-
ly hoped for an external war, in order to their
delivery from their domestic miseries. The
citizens themselves were under a terrible con-
sternation and fear ; nor had they any oppor-
is the grand " Hope of Israel," as Manasseh-benlsrael,
the famous Jewish rabbi, styles it, in his small but re-
markable treatise on that subject, of which the Jewish
prophets are everywhere full. See the principal of those
prophecies collected together at the end of the Essay on
the Revelation, page 5'-'-', &c.
■^ This destruction of such a vast quantity of com
and other provisions, as was sufficient for many years,
was the direct occasion of that teiTible famine, which
eonsimie<l incredible numbers of Jews in Jerusalem dur-
ing its siege. Nor probably could the Romans have
taken this city, after all, had not these seditious Jews
been so infatuated as thus madlv to destroy, what Jo-
sephus here justly styles " The nerves of tHeir power '
'^^
CHAP. II.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
709
tunity of taking counsel, and of changing their | ters, where alone he cocld erect them ;f where-
conduct ; nor were there any hopes of com- [ as, tlie other sides of that court had so many
ing to an agreement with their enemies ; nor j steps as would not let them come nigh enough
tould such as had a mind flee away ; for ' the cloisters.
guards were set at all places, and the heads
of the robbers, although they were seditious
one against another in other respects, yet did
they agree in killing those that were for peace
with the Romans, or were suspected of an in-
clination to desert to them, as their common
enemies. They agreed in nothing but this,
to kill tliose that were innocent. The noise
also of those that were fighting was incessant,
both by day and by night ; but the lamenta-
tions of those that mourned exceeded the
other ; nor was there ever any occasion for
them to leave off their lamentations, because
their calamities came perpetually one upon
another, although the deep consternation they
were in prevented their outward wailing ; but
being constrained by their fear to conceal
their inward passions, they were inwardly tor-
mented, without daring to open their lips in
groans. Nor was any regard paid to those
that were still alive, by their relations ; nor
was there any care taken of burial for those
that were dead ; the occasion of both which
was this, that every one despaired of himself;
for those that were not among the seditious
had no great desires of any thing, as expect-
ing for certain that they should very soon be
destroyed ; but for the seditious themselves,
they fought against each other, while they
trod upon the dead bodies as they lay heaped
one upon another, and taking up a mad rage
from those dead bodies that were under their
feet, became the fiercer thereupon. They,
moreover, were still inventing somewhat or
other that was pernicious against themselves ;
and when they had resolved upon any thing,
they executed it without mercy, and omitted
no method of torment or of barbarity. Nay,
John abused the sacred materials,* and em-
ployed them in the construction of his en-
gines of war ; for the people and the priests
had formerly determined to support the tem-
ple, and raise the holy house twenty cubits
higher ; for king Agrippa had at a very great
expense, and with very great pains, brought
thither such materials as were proper for that
purpose, being pieces of timber very well
worth seeing, both for their straightness and
their largeness : but the war coming on, and
interrupting tlie work, John had them cut,
and prepared for the building him towers, he
finding them long enough to oppose from
them tliose his adversaries that fought him from
the temple that was above him. He also had
them brought and erected behind the inner
court over-against the west end of the clois-
6. Thus did John hope to be too hard for
his enemies by these engines constructed by
his impiety; but God himself demonstrated
that his pains would prove of no use to him,
by bringing the Romans upon him before he
had reared any of his towers ; for Titus,
when he had gotten together part of his forces
about him, and had ordered the rest to meet
him at Jerusalem, marched out of Cesarea.
He had with him those three legions that had
accompanied his fatlier when he laid Judea
waste, together witli that twelfth U^gion which
had been formerly beaten with Cestius ; which
legion, as it was otherwise remarkable for its
valour, so did it march on now with greater
alacrity to avenge themselves on the Jews, as
remembering what they had formerly suffered
from them. Of these legions he ordered the
fifth to meet him, by going through Emmaus,
and the tenth to go up by Jericho ; he also
moved himself, together with the rest ; besides
whom marched those auxiliaries that came from
the kings, being now more in number than be-
fore, together with a considerable number that
came to his assistance from Syria. Tliose al-
so that had been selected out of these four
legions, and sent with Mucianus to Italy
had their places filled up out of these soldiers
that came out of Egypt with Titus, who were
two thousand men, chosen out of the armies
at Alexandria, There followed him also three
thousand drawn from those that guarded the
river Euphrates ; as also, there came Tiberius
Alexander, who was a friend of his, most
valuable, both for his good-will to him and
for his prudence. He had formerly been go-
vernor of Alexandria, but was now thought
worthy to be general of the army [under Ti-
tus]. The reason of this was, that he had
been the first who encouraged Vespasian very
lately to accept this his new dominion, and
joined himself to him with great fidelity, when
things were uncertain, and fortune had not
yet declared for him. He also followed Ti-
tus as a counsellor, very useful to liim in this
war, both by his age and skill in such ailairs.
* This timber, we see, was designed for the rebuild-
ing those twenty additional cubits of the holy house
aliove the hundred, which had fallen dowt\ soqje years
before. Sec the note un Antiti. b- xv ch. 1" sect. ~
CHATTER II.
HOW TITUS MARCHED TO JERUSALEM, AND
HOW HE WAS IN DANGER AS HE WAS TAK-
ING A VIEW OF THE CITY. OF THE PLACE
.^LSO WHERE HE PITCHED HIS CAM?.
§ I. Now, as Titus was upon his march in-
to the enemy's country, tlie auxiliaries that
t There being no gate on the west, and only on the
west siile of the court of the priests, and so no steps
there, this was the only side tliat the seditious, under
i tliis John of Gischala, could bring their engines clos*
J'
710
WARS OF THE JEWS.
were sent by the kings marclied first, having
all the other auxiliaries with tliem; after wliom
followed those that were to prepare the roads
and measure out the camp ; then came the
commander's baggage, and after that the other
soldiers, who were completely armed to sup-
port them ; then came Titus himself, having
with him another select body ; and then came
the pikemen ; after whom came the horse be-
longing to that legion. All these came before
the engines; and after these engines, followed
the tribunes and the leaders of the cohorts,
with their select bodies; after these came the
ensigns, with the eagle ; and before those en-
signs came the trumpeters belonging to thein ;
next these came the main body of the anny in
their ranks, every rank being six deep ; the
servants belonging to every legion came after
these ; and before these last their baggage; the
mercenaries came last, and those that guarded
them brought up the rear. Now Titus, ac-
cording to the Roman usage, went in the front
of the army after a decent manner, and march-
ed through Samaria to Gophna, a city that
had been formerly taken by his father, and
was then garrisoned by Roman soldiers : and
when he had lodged there one night, he march-
ed on in the morning ; and when he liad gone
as far as a day's march, he pitched his camp
at that valley which the Jews, in their own
tongue, call " the Valley of Thorns," near a
certain village called Gabaothsaul, which sig-
nifies " the Hill of Saul," being distant from
Jerusaletn about thirty furlongs, Tliere it
was that he chose out six hundred select horse-
men, and went to take a view of the city, to
observe what strength it was of, and how
courageous the Jews were ; whether, when
they saw him, and before they came to a di-
rect battle, they would be affrighted and sub-
mit ; for he had been informed, what was
really true, that the people who were fallen
under the power of the seditious and the rob-
bers, were greatly desirous of peace ; but be-
ing too weak ;o rise up against the rest, they
lay still.
2, Now, so long as he rode along the
straight road which led to the wall of the
city, nobody appeared out of the gates ; but
when he went out of that road, and declined
towards the tower Psephinus, and led the
band of horsemen obliquely, an immense
nuinber of the Jews leaped out suddenly at
the towers called the " Women's Towers,"
through that gate which was over-against the
monuments of queen Helena, and intercepted
his horse ; and standing directly opposite to
those that still ran along the road, hindered
tl.em from joining those that had declined
out oil it. They intercepted Titus also, with
a few others. Now it was here impossible for
to the cloisters of that court end-ways, though upon the
tl<K)r of the court of Israel, bee the scheme of that
temple, hi the description of the temples hereto belong-
hiiTi to go forward, because all the places had
trenches dug in them from the wall, to pre-
serve the gardens round about, and were full
of gardens obliquely situated, and of many
hedges ; and to return back to his own men,
he sa-w it was also impossible, by reason of
the multitude of the enemies that lay between
them ; many of whom did not so much a'j
know that the king * was in any danger, but
supposed him still among them. So he per-
ceived, that his preservation must be wholly
owing to his own courage, and turned his
horse about, and cried out aloud to those that
were about him to follow him, and ran with
violence into the midst of his enemies, in or-
der to force his way through them to his own
men. And hence wc may principally learn,
that both the success of wars, and the dangers
that kings f are in, are under the providence
of God ; for while such a number of darts
were thrown at Titus, wlien he had neither
his head-piece on, noi his breast-plate (for, as
I told you, he went out not to fight, but to
view the city), none of them touched his body,
but went aside without hurting him ; as if all
of them missed him on purpose, and only
made a noise as they passed by him. So he
diverted those perpetually with his sword that
came on his side, and overturned many of
those that directly met him, and made his
horse ride over those that were overthrown.
The enemy indeed made a great shout at the
boldness of Csesar, f and exhorted one ano-
ther to rush upon him. Yet did ih.ese against
whom he marched fly away, and go off from
him in great numbers; while those that were
in the same danger with him kept up close to
him, though they were wounded both on their
backs and on their sides ; for they had each
of them but this one hope of escajiing, if they
could assist Titus in opening himself a way,
that he might not be encompassed round by
his enemies before he got away from them.
Now, there were two of those that \\f:XQ with
him, but at some distance ; the one of whom
the enemy encompassed round, and slen- him
with their darts, and his horse also ; but the
other they slew as he leaped down from his
horse, and carried off his horse with them.
But Titus escaped with the rest, and came
» We may here note, that Titus is here called " a
king," and " Cassar," by Josephus, even while he was
no more than the emperor's son, and general of the
Roman army, and his father Vespasian was still alive;
just as the New Testament says " Archelaus reigned,"
or " was king," (Mat. ii, 1i) though he was properly no
more than ethnaich, as Josephus assures us, Antiq. b.
xviii, eh. xi, sect. 4. Of the War, b. ii, ch. vi, sect. .'5.
Thus also the Jews called the Roman emperors " Kin:.'S,"
though they never took that title to themselves : " We
have no king but Ca;sar," John xix, 15. " Subir.it to
the king as supreme," I Pet. ii, 15. 17 ; which is also the
language of the Apostohcal Constitutions, ii, 11,54;
iv, 15; V. 19; vi, i.', 25; vii, 16; viii, 2, 15; and else-
where in the New Testament, Mat x, 13; xvii, 25; 1
Tim. ii, 2 ; and in Josephus also ; though I suspect
Josephus particularly esteemed Titus as joint-king with
his father ever since his divine dreams that declared
them both such, b. iii. ch. viii, sect. 9.
f See the above nota.
■^^
CHAP. II.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
711
safe to the camp. So this success of the
Jews' first attack raised their minds, and gave
them an ill-grounded hope ; and this short in-
clination of fortune, on tlieir side, made them
very courageous for the future.
3. But now, as soon as that legion that had
been at Emmaus was joined to Cassar at night,
he removed thence, when it was day, and came
to a place called Scopus ; from wlience the
city began already to be seen, and a plain
view might he taken of the great temple.
Accordingly, this place, on the north quarter
of the city and adjoining thereto, was a plain,
and very properly named Scopus [the pros-
pect] ; and was no more than seven furlongs
distant from it. And here it was that Titus
ordered a camp to be fortified for two legions
that were to be together; but ordered another
camp to be fortified, at three furlongs farther
distance behind them, for the fifth legion ; for
he thought that, by marching in the night,
they might be tired, and might deserve to be
covered from the enemy, and with less fear
might fortify themselves : and, as these were
now beginning to build, the tenth legion, who
came through Jericho, was already come to
the place, where a certain part of armed men
had formerly lain, to guard that pass into the
city, and had been taken before by Vespasian.
These legions had orders to encamp at the
distance of six furlongs from Jerusalem, at
the mount called the mount of Olives,* which
lies over-against the city on the east-side, and
is parted from it by a deep valley, interposed
between them, which is named Cedron.
4. Now, when hitherto the several parties
in the city had been dashing one against an-
other perpetually, this foreign war, now sud-
denly come upon them after a violent man-
ner, put the first stop to their contentions one
against another; and, as the seditious now
saw with astonishment the Romans pitching
three several camps, they began to think of
an awkward sort of concord, and said one to
another, — " What do we here, and what do
we mean, when we suffer three fortified walls
to be built to coop us in, that we shall not be
able to breatiie freely ? while the enemy is
securely building a kind of city in opposition
to us, and while we sit still within our own
walls, and become spectators only of what
they are doing, with our hands idle, and our
armour laid by, as if they were about some-
what that was for our good and advantage.
W^e arc, it seems," sodidthey cry out, "only
courageous against ourselves, while the Ro-
mans are likely to gain the city without blood-
shed by our sedition." Thus did tliey en-
courage one another when they were gotten
together, and took their armour Immediately,
* This situation of tlie Mount of Oiives, on the east
of Jerusalem, at about tlie distance of five or six fur-
longs, with the valley of Cedron interposed between
that mountain and the city, are things well known both
in the Old and \ew Testament, in Josephus «lsewhere,
aod in all the descriptions of Palestine.
and ran out upon the tenth legion, and fell
upon the Romans with great eagerness, and
with a prodigious shout, as they were fortify-
ing their camp. These Romans were caught
in different parties, and this in order to per-
form their several works, and on that account
had in great measure laid aside their arms ;
for they thought the Jews would not have ven-
tured to make a sally upon them ; and had
they been disposed so to do they supposed their
sedition would have distracted them. So they
were put into disorder unexpectedly ; when
some of them left their works they were about,
and immediately marched off, while many ran
to their arms, but were smitten and slain be-
fore they could turn back upon the enemy.
The Jews became still more and :nore in num-
ber, as encouraged by the good success ot
those that first made the attack ; and, while
they had such good fortune, they seemed,
both to themselves and to fhe enemy, to be
many more than they really were. Tlie dis
orderly way of their fighting at first put the
Romans also to a stand, who had been con
stantly used to fight skilfully in good order,
and with keeping their ranks, and obeying
the orders that were given them ; for which
reason the Romans were caught unexpected-
ly, and were obliged to give way to the as-
saults that were made upon them. Now when
these Romans were overtaken, and turned
back upon the Jews, they put a stop to their
career ; yet, when they did not take care
enough of themselves through the vehemency
of their pursuit, they were wounded by them ;
but, as still more and more Jews sallied out
of the city, the Romans were at length brought
into confusion, and put to flight, and ran a-
way from their camp. Nay, things looked as
though the entire legion would have been in
danger, unless Titus had been informed of the
case they were in, and had sent them succours
immediately. So he reproached them for their
cowardice, and brought those back that were
running away, and fell himself upon the Jews
on their flank, with those select troops that
were with him, and slew a considerable num.
ber, and wounded more of them, and put
them all to flight, and made them run away
hastily down the valley. Now as these Jews
suffered greatly in the declivity of the valley,
so, when they were gotten over it, they turn-
ed about, and stood over-against the Romans,
having the valley between them, and there
fought with them. Thus did they continue
the fight till noon ; but, when it was alrea-
dy a little after noon, Titus set those that
came to the assistance of the Romans with
him, and those that belonged to the cohorts,
to prevent the Jews from making any more
sallies, and then sent the rest of the legion
to the upper part of the mountain, to fortify
their camp.
5. This march of the Romans seemed to
the Jews to be a flight; and as the watch-
J~
712
WARS OP THE JEWS.
man, who was placed upon the wall, gave a
signal by shaking his garment, there came
out a fresii multitude of Jews, and that witli
such mighty violence, that one might compare
it to the running of the most terrible wild
beasts. To say the truth, none of those that
opposed them could sustain the fury with
which they made their attacks; but, as if
they had been C£.st out of an engine, they
brake the enemies' ranks to pieces, who were
put to flight, and ran away to the mountain ;
none but Titus himself, and a few others
with him, being left in the midst of the nccli-
vitv. Now these others, who were his friends,
despised the danger they were in, and were
ashamed to leave their general, earnestly ex-
horting him to give way to these Jews tiiat
are fond of dying, and not to run into such
dangers before those that ought to stay before
him J to consider what his fortune was, and
not, by supplying the place of a common
soldier, to venture to turn back upon the ene-
my so suddenly ; and this because he was
general in the war, and lord of the habitable
parth, on whose preservation the public affairs
do all depend. These persuasions Titus
seemed not so much as to hear, but opposed
those that ran upon him, and smote them on
the face; and, when lie had forced them to
go back, he slew them : he also fell upon
great numbers as they marched down the
liill, and thrust them forward ; while those
men were so amazed at his courage and his
strength, tliat they could not fly directly to
tlie city, but declined from him on both sides,
and pressed after those that fled up the hill ;
yet did he still fall upon their flank, and put
a stop to their fury. In the mean time, a
disorder and a terror fell again upon those
tliat were fortifying their camp at the top of
tlie hill, upon their seeing those beneath them
running away, insomuch that the vvhole legion
was dispersed, while they thought that the
sallies of the Jews upon them were plainly
insupportable, and that Titus was himself put
to flight ; because they took it for granted
that, if he had staid, the rest would never
have fled for it. Thus were they encompass-
ed on every side by a kind of panic fear, and
some dispersed theinselves one way, and some
another, till certain of them saw their general
in the very midst of an action, and, being un-
der great concern for him, they loudly pro-
claimed the danger he was in to the entire
legion ; and now shame made them turn
back, and they reproached one another, that
they did worse than run away, by deserting
Cajsar. So they used their utmost force a-
gainst the Jews, and declining from the
straight declivity, tliey drove them in heaps
into the bottom of the valley. Then did the
Jews turn about and fight them ; but as they
were themselves retiring, and now, because
the Romans had the advantage of the ground,
and were above the Jews, they drove them
all into the valley. Titus also pressed upon
those that were near liim, and sent the legion
again to fortify their camp ; while he, and
those that were with him before, ojjposed the
enemy, and kept them from doing fartlier
mischief; insomuch that, if I may be allow-
ed neither to add any thing out of flattery,
nor to diminish any thing out of envy, but
to speak the plain truth, Caesar did twice de-
liver that entire legion when it was in jeopar-
dy, and gave them a quiet opportunity of for-
tifying their camp.
CHAPTER III.
HOW THE SEllITION WAS AGAIN REVIVED
WITHIN JERUSALEM, AND YET THE JEWS
CONTRIVED SNARES FOR THE ROMANS. HOW
TITL'S ALSO THREATENED HIS SOLDIERS FOR
THEIR UNGOVERNABLE RASHNESS.
§ 1. As now the war abroad ceased for a
while, the sedition within was revived ; and
on the feast of unleavened bread, which was
now come, it being the fourteenth day of the
month Xanthicus [Nisan], when it is believ-
ed the Jews were tirst freed from the Egyp-
tians, Eleazar and his party opened the gates
of this [inmost court of the] temple, and ad-
mitted such of the people as were desirous to
worship God into it.* liut John made use
of this festival as a cloak for his treacherous
designs, and armed the most inconsiderable
of his own party, the greater part of whom
were not purified, with weapons concealed
under their garments, and sent them with
great zeal into the temple, in order to seize
ujion it; which armed men, when they were
gotten in, threw their garments away, and
presently appeared in their armour. Upon
which there was a very great disorder and
disturbance about the holy house ; while the
people who had no concern in the sedition,
supposed that this assault was made against
all without distinction, as the zealots thought
• Here we see the true occasion of those vast num-
bers of Jews that were in Jerusalem during this siege
by Titus, and perished tlierein ; that the siege began at
W\c feast of the passover, when such prodigious multi-
tudes of Jews and jiroselytes of the gale were come
from all parts of Juilca, and from other countries, in
order to celebrate that great festival. See the note, b.
vi, eh. ix, sect. 3. Tacitus himself informs us, that the
number of men, women, and children, in Jerusalem,
when it was besieged by the Romans, as he liad been
informed, was 611(1,0(10. Tliis information must have
been laken from the Romans ; for Josephus never men-
tions the numbers of those that were besieged, only he
lets us know, that of the vulgar, carried dead out ot the
gates, and buried at the public charges, was the like
number of 600,00(i, eh. viii, sect. 7- However, when
Cestius Gallus came first to the siege, that sum in Ta-
citus is no way disagreeable to Josephus's history , though
they were become much more numerous when Titus
encompassed the city at the passover. As to the num-
ber that perished during the siege, Josephus assures us,
as we shall see hereafter, they were 1,100,000, besides
97,000 captives. But Tacitus's history of the last part
of this siege is not now extant; so we cannot compare
his parallel nui bers with those of Josephus.
CUAP. III.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
713
it was made against themselves only. So
these left off guarding tlie gates any longer,
and leaped down from their battlements be-
fore they came to an engagement, and fled
away into the subterranean caverns of the
temple ; while the people that stood trem-
bling at the altar, and about the holy house,
were rolled on heaps together, and trampled
upon, and were beaten both with wooden and
with iron weapons without mercj-. Such
also, as had differences with others, slew
many persons that were quiet, out of their
own private enmity and hatred, as if they
were opposite to the seditious; and all those
that had formerly offended any of these plot-
ters, were now known, and were now led away
to the slaughter; and, when they had done
abundance of horrid mischief to the guiltless,
they granted a truce to the guilty, and let
those go off that came out of the caverns.
These followers of John also did now seize
upon this inner temple, and upon all the war-
like engines therein, and then ventured to op-
pose Simon. And thus that sedition, which
had been divided into three factions, was
now reduced to two,
2. But Titus, intending to pitch his camp
nearer to the city than Scopus, placed as many
of his choice horsemen and footmen as he
thought sufficient, opposite to the Jews, to
prevent their sallying out upon them, while he
£;ave orders for the whole army to level the
distance, as far as the wall of the city. So
they threw down all the hedges and walls
which the inhabitants had made about their
gardens and groves of trees, and cut down all
the fruit-trees that lay between them and the
wall of the city, and filled up all the liollow
places and the chasms, and demolished the
rocky precipices with iron instruments ; and
thereby made all the place level from Scopus
to Herod's monuments, which adjoined to
tlie pool called the Serpent's Pool.
3. Now at this very time, the Jews contriv-
ed the following stratagem against the Ro-
mans. The bolder sort of the seditious went
out at the towers, called the Women's Towers,
as if they had been ejected out of the city by
those who were for peace, and rambled about
as if they were afraid of being assaulted by
the Romans, and were in fear of one another ;
while those that stood upon the wall, and
seemed to be of the people's side, cried out
aloud for peace, and entreated they might
have security for their lives given them, and
called for the Romans, promising to open the
gates to them ; and as they cried out after
that manner, they threw stones at their own
people, as though they would drive them
away from the gates. These also pretended
that they were excluded by force, and that
they petitioned those that were within to let
them in ; and rushing upon the Romans per-
petually, with violence, they then came back,
and seemed to be in great disord^. Now
the Roman soldiers thought this cunning
stratagem of theirs was to be believed real,
and thinking they had the one party under
their power, and could punish them as they
pleased, and hoping that the other party would
open their gates to them, set to the execution
of their designs accordingly. But for Titus
himself, he had this surprising conduct of the
Jews in suspicion ; for whereas he had invited
them to come to terms of accommodation, by
Josephus, but one day before, he could then
receive no civil answer from them ; so he or-
dered the soldiers to stay where they were.
However, some of them that were set in the
front of the works prevented him, and catch-
ing up their arms ran to the gates ; whereup
on those that seemed to have been ejected at
the first retired ; but as soon as the soldiers
were gotten between the towers on each side
of the gate, the Jews ran out and encompass-
ed them round, and fell upon them behind,
while that multitude which stood upon the
wall, threw a heap of stones and darts of all
kinds at them, insomuch that they slew a con-
siderable number, and wounded many more ;
for it was rot easy for the Romans to escape,
by reason those behind them pressed them
forward ; besides which, the shame they were
under for being mistaken, a«d the fear they
were in of their commanders, engaged them
to persevere in their mistake ; wherefore they
fought with their spears a great while, and re-
ceived many blows from the Jews, though in-
deed they gave them as many blows again,
and at last repelled those that had encompass-
ed them ;ibout, while the Jews pursued them
as they retired, and followed them, and threw
darts at them as far as the monuments of
queen Helena.
4. After this these Jews, without keeping
any decorum, grew insolent upon tlieir good
fortune, and jested upon the Remans, for be-
ing deluded by the trick they had put upon
them, and making a noise with beating their
shields, leaped for gladness, and made joyful
exclamations ; while these soldiers were re-
ceived with threatenings by their officers, and
with indignation by Caesar himself ^who spake
to them thus] : These Jews, who are only
conducted by their madness, do every thing
with care and circumspection ; they contrive
stratagems, and lay ambushes, and fortune
gives success to their stratagems, because they
are obedient, and preserve their good-will and
fidelity to one another; while the Romans, to
whom fortune uses to be ever subservient, by
reason of their good order, and ready sub-
mission to their commanders, have now had
ill' success by their contrary behaviour, and
by not being able to restrain their hands from
action, they have been caught ; and that which
is the most to their reproach, they have gone
on without their commanders, in the very pre-
sence of Casar, " Truly," says Titus, " the
laws of war cannot but groan iieavilv, as will
3 O
■\.
■V
714.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK V
my father also himself, when he shall be in-
formed of this wound that hatli been given us,
since he, who is grown old in wars, did never
make so great a mistake. Our laws of war
do also ever inflict capital punishment on
tliose that in the least break into good order,
while at this time they have seen an entire
army run into disorder. However, those that
have been so insolent shall be made immedi-
ately sensible, that even they who conquer
among the Romans without orders for fight-
ing, are to be under disgrace." When Titus
had enlarged upon this matter before the
commanders, it appeared evident that he
would execute the law against all tliose that
were concerned ; so these soldiers' minds sunk
down in despair, as expecting to be put to
death, and that justly and quickly. However,
the other legions came round about Titus,
and entreated his favour to these tlieir fellow-
soldiers, and made supplication to him, that
he would pardon the rashness of a few, on
account of the better obedience of all the
rest ; and promised for them that they should
make amends for their present fault, by their
move virtuous behaviour for the time to come.
5. So C»sar complied with their desires,
and with what prudence dictated to him also ;
for he esteemed it fit to punish single persons
by real executions, but that the punishment
of great multitudes should proceed no farther
than reproofs ; so he was reconciled to the
soldiers, but gave them a special charge to
act more wisely for the future ; and he con-
sidered with himself how he might be even
with the Jews for their stratagein. And now
■when the space between the Romans and the
wall had been levelled, which was done in
four days ; and as he was desirous to bring
the baggage of the army, with the rest of the
multitude that followed him, safely to the
camp, he set the strongest part of liis army
over-against that wall wliich lay on the north
quarter of the city, and over-against the wes-
tern part of it, and made his army seven deep,
with the footmen placed before them, and the
horsemen behind them, each of the last in
three ranks, whilst the archers stood in the
midst in seven ranks. And now as the Jews
were prohibited, by so great a body of men,
from making sallies upon the Romans, both
the beasts that bare the burdens, and belong-
ed to the three legions, and the rest of the
multitude, marched on without any fear.
But as for Titus himself, he was but about two
furlongs distant from the wall, at that part of
it where was the corner,* and over against
that tower which was called Psephinus, at
which tower the compass of the wall belonging
to the north bended, and extended itself over-
against the west ; but the other part of the
army fortified themselves at the tower called
* Perhajis, says Dr. Hudson, here was that gate, call-
oil the " Gate of the Corner," ia 2 Chr. xxvi, 9. See
irh, iv. sect. ".
Hippicus, and was distant, in like manner,
but two furlongs from the city. However,
the tentli legion continued in its own place,
upon the Mount of Olives.
CHAPTER IV.
THE DESCRIPTION OF JERUSALEM.
§ 1. The city of Jerusalem was fortified with
three walls, on such parts as were not encom-
passed with unpassable valleys ; for in such
places it had but one wall. The city was
built upon two hills which are opposite to one
anotlier, and have a valley to divide them
assunder: at which valley the corresponding
rows of houses on both hills end. Of these
hills, that which contains the upper city is
much higher, and in length more direct. Ac-
cordingly, it was called the " Citadel," by
king David ; he was the father of that Solo-
mon who built this temple at the first ; but it
is by us called the " Upper Market-place."
But the other hill, which was called " Acra,"
and sustains the lower city, is of the shape
of a moon when she is horned ; over-against
this was a third hill, but naturally lower than
Acra, and parted formerly from the other by
a broad valley. However in those times when
tlio Asamoneans reigned, they filled up that
valley with earth, and had a mind to join the
city to the temple. They then took off part
of the height of Acra, and reduced it to be of
less elevation than it was before, that the tem-
ple might be superior to it. Now tiie Valley
of the Cheese-mongers, as it was called, and
was that which we told you before distinguish-
ed the hill of the upper city from that of the
lov\ er, extended as far as Siloam ; for that
is the name of a fountain which hath sweet
water in it, and this in great plenty also. But
on the outsides, these hills are surround-
ed by deep valleys, and by reason of the pre-
cipices to them belonging on both sides, they
are everywhere unpassable.
2. Now, of these three walls, the old one
was hard to be taken, both by reason of the
valleys, and of that hill on which it was built,
and which was above them. But besides that
great advantage, as to the place where they
were situated, it was also built very strong ;
because David and Solomon, and the follow-
ing kings, were very zealous about this work.
Now that wall began on the north, at the
tower called " Hippicus," and extended as
far as the " Xistus," a place so called, and
then, joining to the council-house, ended at
the west cloister of the temple. But if we
go the other way westward, it began at the
same place, and extended througli a place
called " Bethso," to the gate of the Ebsens ;
and after that it went southward, having its
bending above the fountain Siloam, where it
CHAP. IV
WARS OF THE JEWS.
715
also bends again towards the east at Solomon's
pool, and reaches as far as a certain place
which they called " Ophlas," where it was
joined to the eastern cloister of the temple.
Tlie second wall took its beginning from that
gate which they called " Gennath," which be-
longed to the first wall ; it only encompassed
the northern quarter of the city, and reached as
far as the tower Antonia. The beginning of
the third wall was at tlie tower Hippicus,
whence it reached as far as the north quar-
ter of the city, and the tower Psephinus,
and then was so far extended till it came
over-against the monuments of Helena, which
Helena was queen of Adiabene, the daughter
of Izates : it then extended farther to a great
length, and passed by the sepulchral caverns
of the kings, and bent again at the tower of
the corner, at the monument which is called
the " Monument of the Fuller," and joined
to the old wall at the valley called the " Val-
ley of Cedron." It was Agrippa who en-
compassed the parts added to the old city with
tliis wall, which had been all naked before ;
for as the city grew more populous, it gradu-
ally crept beyond its old limits, and those
parts of it that stood northward of the temple,
and joined that hill to the city, made it con-
siderably larger, and occasioned that hill,
which is in number the fourth, and is called
" Bezetha," to be inhabited also. It lies over-
against the tower Antonia, but is divided from
it by a deep valley, which was dug on pur-
pose, and that in order to hinder the founda-
tions of the tower of Antonia from joining to
this hill, and thereby affording an opportuni-
ty for getting to it with ease, and hindering
the security that arose from its superior eleva-
tion ; for which reason also that depth of the
ditch made the elevation of the towers more
remarkable. This new-built part of the city
was called "Bezetha," in our language, which,
if interpreted in the Grecian language, may
be called " the New City." Since, therefore,
its inhabitants stood in need of a covering, the
father of the present king, and of the same
name with him, Agrippa, began that wall we
spoke of ; but he left off building it when he
had only laid the foundation, out of the fear
he was in of Claudius Ctesai', lest he should
suspect that so strong a wall was built, in or-
der to make some innovation in public affairs ;
for the city could no way have been taken if
that wall had been finished in the manner it was
begun ; as its parts were connected together
by stones twenty cubits long, and ten cubits
broad, which could never have either been easi-
ly undermined by any iron tools, or shaken by
any engines. The wall was, however, ten
cubits wide, and it would probably have had a
height greater than that, had not his zeal who
'began it been hindered from exerting itself.
After this it was erected with great diligence
by the Jews, as high as twenty culjits, above
which it had battlements of two cubits, and
turrets of three cubits altitude, insomuch that
the entire altitude extended as far as twenty-
five cubits.
3. Now the towers that were upon it were
twenty cubits in breadth and twenty cubits
in height ; they were square and solid, as
was the wall itself, wherein the niceness of
the joints and the beauty of the stones were
no way inferior to those of the holy house it-
self. Above this solid altitude of the towers,
which was twenty cubits, there were rooms
of great magnificence, and over them upper
rooms, and cisterns to receive rain-water
They were many in number, and the steps
by which you ascended up to them were every
one broad ; of these towers then the third
wall had ninety, and the spaces between them
were each two himdred cubits; but in the
middle wall were forty towers, and the old
wall was parted into sixty, while the whole
compass of the city was thirty-three furlongs.
Now the third wall was all of it wonderful ;
yet was the tower Psephinus elevated above
it at the north-west corner, and there Titus
pitched his own tent ; for being seventy cu-
bits high, it both afforded a prospect of Ara-
bia at sun-rising, as well as it did of the ut-
most limits of the Hebrew possessions at the
sea westward. Moreover, it was an octagon,
and over-against it was the tower Hippicus ;
and hard by two others were erected by king
Herod, in the old wall. These were for
largeness, beauty, and strength, beyond all
that were in the habitable eaith; for besides
the magnanimity of his nature, and his mag-
nificence towards the city on other occasions,
he built these after such an extraordinary
manner, to gratify his own private affections,
and dedicated these towers to the memory of
those three persons who had been the deares'
to him, and from whom he named them.
They were his brother, his friend, and his
wife. This wife he liad slain, out of his
love [and jealousy], as we have already relat-
ed ; the other two he lost in war, as they were
courageously fighting. Hippicus, so named
from his friend, was square ; its length and
breadth were each twenty-five cubits, and its
height thirty, and it had no vacuity in it.
Over this solid building, which was composed
of great stones united together, there was a
reservoir twenty cubits deep, over which there
was a house of two stories, whose height was
twenty-five cubits, and divided into several
parts ; over which were battlements of two
cubits, and turrets all round of three cubits
high, insomuch that the entire height added
together amounted to fourscore cubits. The
second tower, which he named from his bro-
ther Phasaelus, had its breadth and its height
equal, each of them forty cubits ; over which
was its solid height of forty cubits ; over
which a cloister went round about, whose
lieight was ten cubits, and it was covered
from enemies by breast-works and bulwarks.
-\_
716
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK V.
There was also built over tliat cloister another
tower, parted into magnificent rooms and a
place for bathing; so that this tower wanted
nothing that niiglit make it appear to be a
royal palace. It was also adorned with bat-
tlements and turrets, more than was the fore-
going, and the entire altitude was about nine-
ty cubits; the appearance of it resembled the
tower of Pharus, which exhibited a fire to
sucli as sailed to Alexandria, but was much
larger than it in compass. This was now
converted to a house,, wherein Simon exercis-
ed his tyrannical authority. The third tower
was Mariamne, for that was his queen's
name; it was solid as high as twenty cubits;
its breadth and its length were twenty cubits,
and were equal to each other ; its upper
buildings were more magnificent, and had
greater varie'y than the other towers had ;
for the king thought it most proper for him
to adorn that which was denominated from liLs
wife, better than those denominated from
men, as those were built stronger than this
that bore his wife's name. The entire height
of this tower was fifty cubits.
4. Now as these towers were so very tall,
they appeared much taller by the place on
which they stood; for tliat very o7d wall
wherein they were, was built on a high hill,
5ind was itself a kind of elevation that was still
thirty cubits taller ; over which were the towers
situated, and thereby were made mucli higher
to appearance. The largeness also of the
stones was v.onJerful, for they were not made
of common small stones, nor of such large
ones only as men could carry, but they were
of white marble, cut out of the rock ; each
stone was twenty cubits in length, and ten in
breadth, and five in depth. They were so ex-
actly united to one another, that each tower
looked like one entire rock of stone, so grow-
ing naturally, and afterwards cut by the hands
of the artificers into their present shape and
corners ; so little or not at all, did their
joints or connection appear. Now as these
towers were themselves on the north side of
the wall, the king had a palace inwardly there-
to adjoined, which exceeds all my ability to
describe it; for it was so very curious as to
want no cost or skill in its construction, but
was entirely walled about to the height of
thirty cubits, and was adorned with towers at
equal distances, and with large bed-chambers,
that would contain beds for a hundred guests
a-piece, in which the variety of the stones is
not to be expressed ; for a large quantity of
tho-e tiiat were rare of that kir d was collected
together. Their roofs were also wonderful,
both for the length of the beams and the splen-
dour of their ornaments. The number of the
rooms was also very great, and the variety of
the figures that were about them was prodi-
gious ; their furniture was complete, and the
greatest part of the vessels that were put in
them was of siber and gold. There were
besides many porticoes, one beyond another,
round about, and in each of those porticoes
curious pillars ; yet were all the courts that
were exposed to the air everywhere green.
There were moreover several groves of trees,
and long walks through them, with deep
canals, and cisterns, that in several parts were
filled with brazen statues, through which the
water ran out. There were withal many
dove-courts * of tame pigeons about the ca-
nals ; but, indeed, it is not possible to give a
complete description of these palaces j and the
very remembrance of them is a torment to one,
as putting one in mind what vastly rich build-
ings that fire which was kindled by the rob-
bers hath consumed ; for these were not burnt
by the Romans, but by these internal plotters,
as we have already related, in the beginning
of their rebellion. That fire began at the
tower of Antonia, and went on to the palaces,
and consumed the upper parts of the three
towers themselves.
CHAPTER V.
A DESCRIPTION OF THE TEMPLE.
§ 1. Now this temple, as I have already said,
was built upon a strong hill. At first the
plain at the top was hardly sufficient for the
holy house and the altar, for the ground about
it was very uneven, and like a precipice ; but
when king Solomon, who was the person that
built the temple, had built a wall to it on its
east side, there was then added one cloister
founded on a bank cast up for it, and on the
other parts the holy house stood naked ; but
in future ages the people added new banks,f
and the hill became a larger ))lain. They
then broke down the wall on the north side,
and took in as much as sufficed afterward for
the compass of the entire temple ; and when
they had built walls on three sides of the tem-
ple round about, from the bottom of the hill,
and had performed a work that was greater
than could be hoped for (in which work long
* These dove-cou-ts in Josephus, built by Herod the
Great, are, in the opinion cif Reland, the very same tliat
are mer;tioned by the Talmudists, and named by thera
" Herod's dove-courts." Nor is there any reason to
suppose otherwise, since in both accounts tliey were ex-
pressly tame pigeons which were kept in them.
t See tlie description of the temjilcs hereto belong-
ing, ch. XV. But note, that what Josephus here says
of the original scantiness of this Mount Moriah, that it
was quite too little for the temple, and tliat at first it
held only one cloister, or court of Solomon's building,
and that the foundations were forced to be added long
afterwards by degrees, to render it capable of the clois-
ters for the other courts, &c. is without all foundation in
the Scriptures, and not at all confirmed by his exactei
account in the Antiquities. All that is, or can be true
is this: — That when the court of the Gentiles was long
afterward to be encompassed with cloisters, the south
eni foundation for these cloisters was found not to be
lar(;e or firm enough, and was raised, and that addition-
al foundation sujiiuirted by great pillars and arches un-
der ground, which Josephus speaks of elsewheie, .An-
tiq. b. XV ch. xi, sect. 3, and which Mr. Maundrel saw,
UJOj as extant under ground at this day.
*\-
CHAP. V.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
717
ages were spent by them, as well as all their
sacred treasures were exhausted, which were
still replenished by those tributes which were
sent to God from the whole habitable earth),
they then encompassed their upper courts with
cloisters, as well as they [afterward] did the
lowest [court of the] temple. The lowest
part of this was erected to the height of three
hundred cubits, and in some places more ; yet
did not the entire depth of the foundations
appear, for they brouglit earth, and filled up
the valleys, as being desirous to make them
on a level with the narrow streets of the city ;
wherein they made use of stones of forty cu-
bits in magnitude ; for the great plenty of
money they then had, and the liberality of
the people, made this attempt of theirs to
succeed to an incredible degree ; and what
could not be so much as hoped for as ever to
be accomplished, was, by perseverance and
length of time, brought to perfection.
2. Now, for the works that were above
these foundations, these were not unworthy
of such foundations ; for all the cloisters were
double, and the pillars to them belonging were
twenty-five cubits in height, and supported
the cloisters. These pillars were of one en-
tire stoue each of them, and that stone was
white marble ; and the roofs were adorned
with cedar, curiously graven. The natural
magnificence, and excellent polish, and the
liarm.ony of the joints in these cloisters, af-
forded a prospect that was very remarkable ;
nor was it on the outside adorned with any
work of the painter or engraver. The clois-
ters [of the outmost court] were in breadth
thirty cubits, while the entire compass of it
was, by measure, six furlongs, including the
tower of Anlonia ; those entire courts that
were exposed to the air were laid with stones
of all sorts. When you go through these
[first] cloisters, unto the second [court of the]
temple, there was a partition made of stone
all round, whose height was three cubits: its
construction was very elegant ; upon it stood
pillars, at equal distances from one another,
declaring the law of purity, some in Greek,
and some in Roman letters, that " no fo-
reigner should go within that sanctuary;"
for that second [court of the] temple was
called " the Sanctuary," and was ascended to
by fourteen steps from the first court. This
court was four-square, and had a wall about
it peculiar to itself ; the height of its buildings,
although it was on the outside forty cubits, •
• What Josephus seems here to mean is this : — That
these pillars, supporting the cloisters in the second court,
had their foundations or lowest parts as deep as the floor
of the first or lowest court ; but that so far of those low-
est parts as were equal to the elevation of the upper
floor above the lowest, were, and must be, hidilen on
the inside by the ground or rock itself, on which that
upper court v/as built: so that forty cubits visible below,
were reduced to twenty-five visible above, and imjilies
the difll'rence of their heiehts to be fifteen cubits. I'he
main difhculty lies here, now fourteen or fifteeH. steps
should give an asifnt of fifteen cubits, half a cubit
seeming sufficient for a single step. Possiblj there were
was hidden by the steps, and on the inside
that height was but twenty-five cubits; for it
being built over-against a higher part of the
hill with steps, it was no farther to be entire-
ly discerned within, being covered by the hill
itself. Beyond these fourteen steps there was
the distance of ten cubits: this was all plain,
whence there were other steps, each of five
cubits a-piece, that led to the gates, which
gates on the north and south sides were eight,
on each of those sides four, and of necessity
two on the east ; for since there was a parti-
tion built for the women on that side, as the
proper place wherein they were to worship,
there was a necessity of a second gate for
them : this gate was cut out of its wall, over-
against the first gate. There was also on the
other sides one southern and one northern
gate, through which was a passage into the
court o^ the women ; for as to the other gates,
the women were not allowed to pass through
them ; nor when they went through their own
gate could they go beyond their own wall.
This place was allotted to the women of our
own country, and of other countries, provid-
ed they were of the same nation, and that
equally ; the western part of this court had
no gate at all, but the wall was built entire
on that side ; but then the cloisters which
were betwixt the gates, extended from the
wall inward, before the chambers ; for they
were supported by very fine and large pillars.
These cloisters were single, and, excepting
their magnitude, were no way inferior to those
of the lower court.
3. Now nine of these gates were on every
side covered over with gold and silver, as were
the jambs of their doors and their lintels;
but there was one gate that was without [the
inward court of] the holy house, which was
of Corinthian brass, and greatly excelled those
that were only covered over with silver and
gold. Each gate had tv/o doors, whose height
was severally thirty cubits, and their breadth
fifteen. However, they had large spaces with-
in of thirty cubits, and had on each side
rooms, and those, both in breadth and in
length, built like towers, and their height was
above forty cubits. Two pillars did also sup-
port these rooms, and were in circumference
twelve cubits. Now the magnitudes of the
other gates were equal one to another; but
that over the Corinthian gate, which opened
on the east over-against the gate of the holy
house itself, was much larger ; for its height
was fifty cubits ; and its doors were forty cu-
bits ; and it was adorned after a most costly
miinner, as having much richer and thicker
plates of silver and gold upon them than the
other. These nine gates had that silver and
gold poured upon them by Alexander, the
fourteen or fifteen steps at the partition-wall, and four-
teen or fifteen more thence into the court itself, which
would bring the wholc'near to the just proportion. See
spct 3, infra. But 1 determine nothiiifr
718
WARS OF THE JEWS.
father of Tiberius, Now there were fifteen
steps, which led away from the wall of the
court of the women to this greater gate ;
whereas those that led thither from the other
gates were five steps shorter.
4. As to the holy house itself, which was
placed in the midst [of tlie inmost court],
that most sacred part of the temple, it was
ascended to by twelve steps; and in front its
height and its breadth were equal, and each a
hundred cubits, though it was behind forty
cubits narrower ; for on its front it had wliat
may be styled shoulders on eacli side, that
passed twenty cubits farther. Its first gate
was seventy cubits high, and twenty-five cu-
bits broad ; but this gate had no doors ; for it
represented the universal visibility of heaven,
and that it cannot be excluded from any place.
Its front vas covered with gold all over, and
through it the first part of the house, that was
more inward did all of it appear ; which, as it
was very large, so did all the parts about the
more inward gate appear to shine to those that
saw them; but ihen, as the entire house was
divided into two parts within, it was only the
first part of it that was open to our view. Its
height extended all along to ninety cubits in
height, and its length was fifty cubits, and
its breadth twenty ; but that gate which was
at this end of the first part of the house was,
as we have already observed, all over covered
with gold, as was its whole wall about it : it
had also golden vines above it, from which
clusters of grapes hung as tall as a man's
height ; but then this house, as it was divided
into two parts, the inner part was lower than
the appearance of the outer, and had golden
doors of fifty-five cubits altitude, and sixteen
in breadth ; but before these doors there was
a veil of equal largeness with the doors. It
was a Babylonian curtain, embroidered with
blue, and fine linen, and scarlet, and purple,
and of a contexture that was truly wonderful.
Nor was this mixture of colours without its
inystical interpretation, but was a kind of
i[nage of the universe; for by the scarlet there
seemed to be enigmatically signified fire, by the
fine flax the earth, by the blue the air, and by
the purple the sea ; two of them having their
colours the foundation of this resemblance ;
but the fine flax and the purple have their own
origin for that foundation, the earth producing
the one, and the sea the other. This cur-
tain had also embroidered upon it all that was
mystical in the heavens, excepting that of the
[twelve] signs, representing living creatures.
5. When any person entered into the tem-
ple, its floor received them. This part of the
temple therefore was in height sixty cubits,
and its length the same; whereas its breadth
was but twenty cubits : but still that sixty
cubits in length was divided again, and the
first part of it cut off at forty cubits, and had
in it three things that were very wonderful
and famous among all mankind ; the candle-
stick, the table [of shew-bread,] and the altar
of incense. Now, the seven lamps signified
the seven planets ; for so inany there were
springing out of the candlestick. Now, the
twelve loaves that were upon the table signi.
fied the circle of the zodiac and the year ; but
the altar of incense, by its thirteen kinds of
sweet-smelling spices with which tlie sea re-
plenished it, signified that God is the possessor
of all things that are both in the uninhabitable
and habitable parts of the earth, and that they
are all to be dedicated to his use. But the
inmost part of the temple of all was of twenty
cubits. This was also separated frotn the
outer part by a veil. In this there was no-
thing at all. It was inaccessible and invio-
lable, and not to be seen by any ; and was
called the Holy of Holies. Now, about the
sides of the lower part of the temple there were
little houses, with passages out of one into
another ; there were a great many of them,
and they were of three stories high ; there
were also entrances on each side into them
from the gate of the temple. But the supe-
rior part of the temple had no such littlt
houses any farther, because the temple was
there narrower, and forty cubits higher, and oi
a smaller body than the lower parts of it.
Thus we collect that the whole height, in-
cluding the sixty cubits from the floor,
amounted to a Iiundred cubits.
6. Now the outward face of the temple in
its front wanted nothing that was likely to
surprise either men's minds or their eyes : for
it was covered all over with plates of gold of
great vveight, and, at the first rising of the sun,
reflected back a very fiery splendour, and
made those who forced themselves to look
upon it to turn their eyes away, just as they
would have done at the sun's own rays. But
this temple appeared to strangers, when they
were at a distance, like a mountain covered
with snow ; for, as to those parts of it that
were not gilt, they were exceeding white. On
its top it had spikes with sharp points, to pre-
vent any pollution of it by birds sitting upon
it. Of its stones, some of them were forty-
five cubits in length, five in height, and six in
breadth. Before this temple stood the altar,
fifteen cubits high, and equal both in length
and breadth ; each of which dimensions was
fifty cubits. The figure it was built in was
a square, and it had corners like horns; and
the passage up to it was by an insensible ac-
clivity. It was formed without any iron tool,
nor did any such iron tool so much as
touch it at any time. There was a wall of
partition, about a cubit in height, made of
fine stones, and so as to be grateful to the
sight ; this encompassed the holy house and
the altar, and kept the people that were on
the out'side off from the priests. Moreover
those that had the gonorrhoea and the leprosy
were excluded out of the city entirely ; wo-
men also, when their courses were upon them.
•^
'■V-
CHAP. V.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
719
were shut out of the temple : nor when they
were free from that impurity, were they al-
lowed to go beyond the limit before-mention-
ed ; men also, that were not thoroughly pure,
were prohibited to come into the inner [court
of the] temple ; nay, the priests themselves
that were not pure, were prohibited to come
into it also.
7, Now all those of the stock of the priests
that could not minister by reason of some de-
fect in their bodies, came within the partition
together with those that had no such imperfec-
tion, and had their share with them by reason
of their stock, but still made use of none ex-
cept their own private garments; for nobody
but lie that officii'ted had on his sacred gar-
ments; but then these priests that were with-
out any blemish upon them, went up to the
altar clothed in fine linen. They abstained
chiefly from wine, out of this fear, lest other-
wise they should transgress some rules of their
ministration. The high-priest did also go
up \7i1h them ; not always indeed, but on
the seventh days and new moons, and if
any festivals belonging to our nation, which
we celebrate every year, happened. When
ne officiated, he had on a pair of breeches that
reached beneath his privy parts to his thighs,
and had on an inner garment of linen, togeth-
er with a blue garment, round, without seam,
with fringe-work, and reaching to tiie feet.
There were also golden bells that hung upon
the fringes, and pomegranates intermixed a-
mong them. The bells signified thunder,
and the pomegranates lightning. But that
girdle that tied the garment to the breast,
was embroidered with five rows of various co-
lours of gold, and purple, and scarlet, as also
of fine linen and blue ; with which colours,
we told you before, the veils of the temple were
embroidered also. The like embroidery was
upon the ephod ; but the quantity of gold
therein was greater. Its figure was that of a
stomacher for the breast. There were upon it
two golden buttons like small shields, whicl
buttoned the ephod to the garment : in these
buttons were enclosed two very large and
very excellent sardonyxes, having the names
of the tribes of that nation engraved upon
.hem : on the other part were hung twelve
stones, three in a row one way, and four
in the other; a sardius, a topaz, and an
emerald : a carbuncle, a jasper, and a sap-
phire ; an agate, an amethyst, and a ligure ;
an onyx, a beryl, and a chrysolite ; upon
every one of which was again engraved one
of the forementioned names of the tribes. A
mitre also of fine linen encompassed his
head, which was tied by a blue riband, about
which tljere was another golden crown, in
which was engraven the sacred name [of God]:
it consists of four vowels. However, the
high- priest did not wear tiiese garments at
other times, but a more plain habit ; li^ only
did it when he went into the most sacred part
of the temple, which he did but once a-year,
on tiiat day when our custom is for all of us
to keep a fast to God. And thus much con-
cerning the city and the temple; but for the
customs and laws hereto relating, we shall
speak more accurately another time ; for
there remain a great many things thereto re-
lating, which have not been here touched up-
on.
8. Now, as to the tower of Antonia, it was
situated at the corner of two cloisters of the
court of the temple; of that on the west, and
that on the north ; it was erected upon a rock
of fifty cubits in height, and was on a great
precipice ; it was the work of king Herod,
wherein he demonstrated his natural magna-
nimity. In the first place, the rock itself was
covered over with smooth pieces of stone, from
its foundation, botii for ornament, and that
any one vrho would either try to get up or to
go down it, might not be able to iiold his feet
upon it. Next to this, and before you come
to the edifice of the tower itself, there was a
wall three cubits high ; but within that wall
all the space of tlie tower of Antonia itself
was built upon, to the height of forty cubits.
The inward parts had the largeness and form
of a palace, it being parted into all kinds of
rooms and other conveniences, such as courts,
and places for bathing, and broad spaces for
camps ; insomuch that, by having all conve-
niences that cities wanted, it might seem to
be composed of several cities, but by its mag-
nificence, it seemed a palace ; and as the en-
tire structure resembled that of a tower, it
contained also four other distinct towers at its
four corners; whereof the others were but
fii'ty cubits high ; wliereas that which lay upon
tha south-east corner was seventy cubits high,
that from thence the whole temple might be
viewed ; but on the corner where it joined to
the two cloisters of the temple, it had passages
down to them both, through which the guard
(for there always lay in this tower a Roman
legion) went several ways among the cloisters,
with their arms, on the Jewish festivals, in
order to watch the people, that they might not
there attempt to make any innovations ; for
the temple was a fortress that guarded the
city, as was the tower of Antonia a guard to
the temple ; and in that tower were the guards
of those three.* There was also a peculiar
fortress belonging to the upper city, which was
Herod's palace; but for the hill Bezetha, it
was divided from the tower of Antonia, as we
have already told you ; and as that hill on
which the tower of Antonia stood, was the
highest of these three, so did it adjoin to the
new city, and was the only place that hinder-
ed the sight of the temple on the north. And
this shall suffice at present to have spoken
about the city and the walls about it, because
* Tliese tliree guards that lay in the tower of Anto-
nia must bo thobe that guarded the city, tlie temple,
and the tower of Antoiiia.
"X_
7kO
WARS OF thp: jews.
BOOK V.
I have proposed to myself to make a more
accurate description of it elsewhere.
CHAPTER VI.
nOKCERNING THE TYRANTS SIMON AND JOHN.
HOW ALSO, AS TITUS WAS GOING ROUND THE
WALL OF THE CITY, NICANOR WAS WOUNDED
BY A DART ; WHICH ACCIDENT PROVOKED
TITUS TO PRESS ON THE SIEGE.
§ 1. Now the warlike men that were in the
city, and the multitude of the seditious that
were with Simon, were ten thousand, besides
the Idumeans. Those ten thousand had tifiy
commanders, over whom this Simon was su--
preme. Tne Idumeans that paid him homage
were five thousand, and had eight command-
ers, among whom those of greatest fame were
Jacob, the son of Sosas, and Simon, the son
of Cathlas. John, who had seized upon the
temple, had six thousand armed men, under
twenty commanders ; the zealots also that had
come over to him, and left off their opposition,
were two tliousand four hundred, and had the
same commander that they had formerly,
Eleazar, together with Simon, the son of Ari-
nus. Now, while these factions fought one
against another, the people were their prey on
both sides, as we have said already; and that
part of the people who would not join with
them in their wicked practices, were plunder-
ed by both factions. Simon held the upper
city, and the great wall as far as Cedron, and
as much of tiie old wall as bent from Siloam
to the east, and which went down to the pa-
lace of Monobazus, who was king of tl)e
Adiabeni, beyond Euphrates; he also held
that fountain, and the Acra, which was no
other than the lower city ; he also held all that
reached to the palace of queen Helena, the
mother of Monobazus : but John held the
temple, and the parts thereto adjoining, for a
great way, as also Ophla, and the valley call-
ed " the Valley of Cedron ;" and when the
parts that were interposed between their pos-
sessions were burnt by them, they left a space
wherein they might fight with each other ; for
this internal sedition did not cease even when
the Romans were encamped near their very
walls. But although they had grown wiser
at the first onset the Romans made upon
them, this lasted but a while ; for they return-
ed to their former madness, and separated one
from another, and fought it out, and did every
thing that the besiegers could desire them to
do; for they never suffered any tiling that
was worse from the Romans than they made
each other suffer , nor was there any misery
endured by the city after these men's actions
that could be esteemed new. But it was most
of all unhappy before it was overthrown,
while those that took it did it a greater kind-
ness; for I venture to affirm, that the sedition
destroyed tlie city, and tlie Romans destroyed
the sedition, which it was a much harder thing
to do tlian to destroy the walls ; so that we
may justly ascribe our misfortunes to our own
people, and the just vengeance taken on them
to the Romans : as to which matter let every
one determine by the actions on both sides.
2. Now, when affairs within the city were
in this posture, Titus went round the city on
the outside witli some chosen horsemen, and
looked about for a proper place where he
might make an impression upon the walls ;
but as he was in doubt where he could pos-
sibly make an attack on any side (for the
place was no way accessible where the valleys
were, and on the other side the first w-all ap-
peared too strong to be shaken by the engines^,
he thereu))on thought it best to make his as-
sault upon the monument of John the high-
priest ; for there it was that the first fortifi-
cation was lower, and the second was not
joined to it, the builders neglecting to build
the wall strong where the new city was not
much inhabited ; here also was an easy pas-
sage to the third wall, through which he
thought to take the upper city, and, through
the tower of Antonia, the temple itself. But
at this time, as lie was going round about the
city, one of his friends, whose name was Ni-
canor, was wounded with a dart on his left
slioulder, as he approached, together with Jo-
seplius, too near the wall, and attempted to
discourse to those that were upon the wall,
about terms of peace; for he was a person
known by them. On this account it was
that Ca;sar, as soon as lie knew their vehe«
mence, that they would not bear even such
as approached them to persuade them to what
tended to their own preservation, was provok-
ed to press on the siege. He also at the
same lime gave his soldiers leave to set the
suburbs on fire, and ordered that they should
bring timber together, and raise banks a-
gainst the city; and when he had parted his
army into three parts, in order to set about
those works, he placed those that shot darts
and the archers in the midst of the banks
that were then raising; before whom he plac-
ed tliose engines that threw javelins, and
darts, and stones, that he might prevent the
enemy from sallying out upon their works,
and might hinder those that were upon the
wall from being able to obstruct them. So
the trees were now cut down immediately,
and the suburbs left naked. But now while
the timber was carrying to raise the banks,
and the whole army was earnestly engaged in
their works, the Jews were not, however,
quiet; and it happened that the people of
Jerusalem, who had been hitherto plundered
and murdered, were now of good courage,
and supposed they should have a breathing-
time, while the others were very busy in op-
posing their enemies without the city, and
CHAP VI
WARS OF THE JEWS.
721
that they should now be avenged on those
that had been the authors of tlieir miseries,
in case the Romans did but get the victory.
3. However, John staid behind, out of his
fear oi" Simon, even while his own men were
earnest in making a sally upon their enemies
without. Yet did not Simon lie still, for he
lay near the place of the siege ; he brought
his engines of war, and disposed of them at
due distances upon the wall, both those
which they took from Cestius formerly, and
those which they got when they seized the gar-
rison that lay in the tower of Antonia. But
though tliey had these engines in their pos-
session, they had so little skill in using them,
that they were in a great measure useless to
them ; but a few tliere were who had been
taught by deserters how to use them, whicli
they did iise, though after an awkward man-
ner. So they cast stones and arrows at those
that were making tl/o ba'iks; they also ran
out upon them by companies, and fought
with them. Now those that were at work
covered themselves with hurdles spread over
their banks, and their engines were opposed to
them when they made their excursions. The
engines, that all the legions had ready pre-
pared for them, were admirably contrived ;
but still more extraordinary ones belonged to
the tenth legion : those that threw darts and
tliose that threw stones, were more forcible and
larger than the rest, by wiiich they not only
repelled the excursions of the Jews, but drove
those away that were upon the walls also.
Now, the stjnes that were cast were of the
weight of a talent, and were carried two fur-
longs and farther. The blow they gave was
no way to be sustained, not only by those that
stood first in the way, but by those that were
beyond them for a great space. As for the
Jews, they at first watched the coming of the
stone, for it was of a white colour, and could
therefore not only be perceived by the great
noise it made, but could be seen also before
it came by its brighuiess ; accordingly the
watchmen that sat upon the towers gave them
notice when the engine was let go, and the
stone came fiom it, and cried out aloud, in
their own country language, '' THE SON
COMETH ;"• so those that were in its way
stood off, and threw themselves down Upon
« What slioukl be the meaning of this signal or watch-
wofil, when the watchmen saw a stone coming from the
enyiue, " the son < omi;th," or wliat mistake there is
in tlie reading, I cannot tell. The MSS. botli Greek
and Latin, all agree in this reading : and 1 cannot ap-
prove of any groundless conjectural alt ration of the
text from vioi to loi, that not the sou or a .itane. but
that the artow or aart cometli ; as hath been made by
Dr. Hudson, and not corrected by Havercamp. Had
Josephus written even his first edition of ;hesc Ixioks of
the war in pure Hebrew, or had the Jews then used the
pure Hebrew at Jerusalem, the Hebrew wor<t for a son
Is so like that for a stone, Lcn and then, that such a cor.
reetion might have been more easily admitted. But
Josephus wrote his former edition for the use of the Jews
beyond Euphrates, and so in the Chaldeo language, as
he did this second edition in the Greek languafje; and
bar was the Chaldee word for son, instead of the He-
brew ben, and was used, not only in C'haldea, &c. but in
Judea also, as the New Testament informs lu. Dio al-
the ground ; by which means, and by their
thus guarding themselves, the stone fell down
and did them no harm. But the Romans
contrived how to prevent that by blacking the
stone, who then could aim at them with suc-
cess, when the stone was not discerned before-
hand, as it had been till then ; and so they
destroyed many of them at one blow. Yet
did not the Jews, under all tin's distress, per-
mit the Romans to raise their banks in quiet;
but they shrewdly tind boldly exerted them-
selves, and repelled them both by night and
by day.
4. And now, upon the finishing the Roman
works, the workmen measured the distance
there was from the wall, and this by lead and
a line, which they threw to it from their
banks ; for they could not measure it any
otherwise, because the Jews would shoot at
them, if they came to measure it themselves ;
and when they found that the engines could
reach the wall, they brought them thither.
Then did Titus set his engines at proper dis-
tances, so much nearer to the wall, that the
Jews might not be able to repel them, and
gave orders that they should go to work ; and
when thereupon a prodigious noise echoed
round about from three places, and that on
the sudden tliere was a great noise made by
the citizens that were within the city, and no
less a terror fell upon the seditious themselves;
whereupon both sorts, seeing the common
danger they v.ere in, contrived to make a like
defence. So those of different factions cried
out one to another, that they acted entirely as
in concert with their enemies ; whereas they
ought however, notwithstanding God did not
grant them a lasting concord, in their present
circumstances, to lay aside their enmities one
against another, and to unite together against
the Romans. Accordingly, Simon gave those
that came from the temple leave, by procla-
mation, to go upon the wall ; John also him-
self, though he could not believe S.'mon was
in earnest, gave them the same leave. So on
both sides they laid aside their hatred and
tlieir peculiar quarrels, and formed them-
selves into one body ; they then ran round
the walls, and having a vast number of torches
with them, they threw them at the machines,
so lets us know, that the very Romans at Rome pro-
nouncc-d the name of Simon the son of Gioras, Bar Po-
ras lor Bur Oioras, as we learn from Xipbilme, page
217. Roland takes notice, " that many will here look
for a mystery, as though the meaning were, that the
Son of Go.l came now to take vengeance on the sins of
the Jewish nation;" whicli is indeed the truth of the
fact, but hardly what the Jews could now mean : un-
less possibly by way of derision of Christ's threaten,
ing so often that he would come at the head of the Ro-
man army for their destruction. But even this inter,
pretation'has but a very small degree of probability. If
1 were to make an emendation by mere conjecture, I
would read t.=t{o; instead of uU;, though ihe likeness
be not so great as in ,'jf ; because that is the word usc<i
by Josephus just before, as has been already noted o:i
this very occasion, while lot, an arrow or dart, is only a
poetical word, and never used by Josephus elsewhere,
and is indeed no way fuitable to the occasion, this en-
gine not ttirowing arrows or darts, but great stones, at
this tune. 3 p
722
WARS OF THE JEWS.
and shot darts perpetually upon those that
impelled those engines which battered the
wall ; nay, tlie bolder sort leaped out by troops
upon the hurdles that covered the machines,
and pulled them to pieces, and fell upon those
that belonged to them, and beat them, not so
much by any skill they had, as principally by
the boldness of their attacks. However, Ti-
tus himself sent assistance to those that were
the hardest set, and placed both horsemen and
archers on the several sides of the engines, and
thereby beat off" those that brought the fire to
them ; he also thereby repelled those that shot
stones or darts from the towers, and then set
the engines to work in good earnest ; yet did
not the wall yield to these blows, excepting
where the battering-ram of the fifteenth le-
gion moved the corner of a tower, while the
wall itself continued unliurt ; for the wall
was not presently in the same danger with
the tower, which was extant far above it ; nor
could the fall of that part of the tower easily
break down any part of the wall itself toge-
ther with it.
5. And now the Jews intermitted their sal-
lies for a while ; but when they observed the
Romans dispersed all abroad at their works,
and in their several camps (for they thought
the Jews had retired out of weariness and
fear) they all at once made a sally at the tower
Hippicus, through an obscure gate, and at the
same time brought fire to burn the works, and
went boldly up to the Romans, and to their
very fortifications themselves, where, at the
cry they made, those that were near them came
presently to their assistance, and those farther
off came running after them : and here the
boldness of the Jews was too hard for the
good order of the Romans ; and as they beat
those whom they first fell upon, so they press-
ed upon those that were now gotten together.
So this fight about the machines was very hot,
while the one side tried hard to set them on
fire, and the other side to prevent it ; on both
sides there was a confused cry made, and many
of those in the fore-front of the battle were
slain. However, the Jews were now too hard
foi the Romans, by the furious assaults they
made like madmen; and the fire caught hold
of the works, and both all those works and
the engines themselves, had been in danger
of being burnt, had not many of these select
soldiers that came from Alexandria opposed
themselves to prevent it, and had they not
behaved themselves with greater courage than
they themselves supposed they could have
done; for they outdid those in this fight that
had greater reputation than themselves before.
This was the state of things till Cassar took
the stoutest of his horsemen and attacked the
enemy, while he himself slew twelve of those
that were in the fore-front of the Jews; wliich
death o( these men, when the rest of the mul-
titude saw, they gave way, and he pursued
tii^m, and drove them all into the city, and
saved the works from the fire. Now it hap-
pened at this fight, that a certain Jew was
taken alive, who, by Titus's orders, was cru-
cified before the wall, to see whether the rest
of them would be affrighted, and abate of
their obstinacy. But after the Jews were re-
tired, John, who was commander of the Idu-
means, and was talking to a certain soldier of
his acquaintance before the wall, was wound-
ed by a dart shot at him by an Arabian, and
died immediately, leaving the greatest lamen-
tation to the Jews, and sorrow to the sedi-
tious ; for he was a man of great eminence,
both for his actions and his conduct also.
CHAPTER VII.
HOW ONE OF THE TOWERS ERECTED BY THE
ROMANS FELL DOWN OF ITS OWN ACCORD ;
AND HOW THE ROMANS, AFTER GREAT
SLAUGHTER HAD BEEN MADE, GOT POSSES-
SION OF THE FIRST WALL. HOW ALSO TITUS
MADE HIS ASSAULTS UPON THE SECOND
WALL; AS ALSO, CONCERNING LONGINUS
THE ROMAN, AND CASTOR THE JEW.
§ 1. Now, on the next night, a most sur-
prising disturbance fell upon tiie Romans;
foi whereas Titus had given orders for the
erection of three towers of fifty cubits high, .
that by setting men upon them at every bank,
he migl'.t from thence drive those away who
were upon the wail, it so happened tliat one
of these towers fell down about midnight ;
and as its fall made a very great noise, fear
fell upon the army, and they, supposing that
the enemy was coming to attack them, ran
all to their arms. Whereupon a disturbance
and a tumult arose among the legions, and as
nobody could tell what had happened, they
went on after a disconsolate manner; and see-
ing no enemy appear, they were afraid one
of another, and every one demanded of his
neighbour the watch-word with great earnest-
ness, as though the Jews had invaded their
camp. And now they were like people under
a panic fear, till Titus was informed of what
had happened, and gave orders that all should
be acquainted with it ; and then, though with
«ome difficulty, they got clear of the disturb-
ance they had been under.
2. Now, tliese towers were very trouble-
soine to the Jews, who otherwise opposed the
Romans very courageously ; for they shot at
them out of their lighter engines from those
towers, as they did also by those that threw
darts, and the archers, and those that slung
stones. For neither could the Jews reach tiiose
that were over them, by reason of their height;
and it was not practicable to take them, nor
to overturn them, they were so heavy, nor to
set them on fire, because they were covered
with plates of iron. So they retired out of
CHAP. VII.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
723
the reach of the darts, and did no longer en-
deavour to hinder the impression of their rams,
which, by continually beating upon the wall,
did gradually prevail against it ; so that the
wall already gave way to the Nico, for by that
name did the Jews themselves call the great-
est of their engines, because it conquered all
things. And now, they were for a long while
grown weary of fighting, and of keeping
guards, and were retired to lodge in the night-
time at a distance from the wall. It was on
other accounts also thought by them to be
superfluous to guard the wall, there being,
besides that, two other fortifications still re-
maining, and they being slothful, and their
counsels having been ill-concerted on all oc-
casions ; so a great many grew lazy and re-
tired. Then the Romans mounted the breach,
where Nico had made one, and all the Jews
left the guarding that wall, and retreated to
the second wall ; so those that had gotten over
that wall opened the gates, and received all
the army within it. And thus did the Romans
get possession of this first wall, on the fif-
teenth day of the siege, which was the seventh
day of the month Artemisius [Jyar], when
they demolished a great part of it, as well as
they did of the northern parts of the city,
which had been demolished also by Ccstius
formerly.
2. And now Titus pitched his camp within
the city, at that place which was called " the
Camp of the Assyrians," having seized upon
all that lay as far as Ccdron, but took care
to be out of the reach of the Jews' darts.
He tlien presently began his attacks, upon
which the Jews divided themselves into seve-
ral bodies, and courageously defended that
wall ; w hile John and his faction did it from
the tower of Antonia, and from the northern
cloister of the temple, and fought the Romans
before the monutnent of king Alexander; and
Simon's army also took for their share the
spot of ground that was near Jolm's monu-
ment, and fortified it as far as to that gate
where water was brought in to the tower
Hippicus. However, the Jews made violent
sallies, and that frequently also, and in bo-
dies together out of the gates, and there
fought the Romans; and when they were
pursued altogether to the wall, they were
beaten in tho^e fights, as wanting the skill of
t-he Romans. But when they fought them
from the walls, they were too hard for them,
the Romans being encouraged by their power, I
joined to their skill, as were tho Jews by their
boldness, which was nourished by the fear i
they were in, and that hartliness which is na- ■
tural to our nation under calamities; they
were also encouraged still by the hope of,
deliverance, as were the Romans by the hopes |
of subduing them in a little time. Nor did j
either side grow weary ; but attacks and ]
fightings upon the wall, and perpetTlal sallies
out in bodies were practised all the day long;'
nor were there any sort of warlike engage-
ments that were not then put in use. And
the night itself had much ado to part them,
when they began to fight in the morning;
nay, the night itself was passed without sleep
on both sides, and was more uneasy than the
day to them, while the one was afraid lest the
wall should be taken, and the other lest the
Jews should make sallies upon their camps ;
both sides also lay in their armour during the
night-time, and thereby were ready at the
first appearance of light to go to the battle.
Now, among the Jews the ambition was who
should uudergo the first dangers, and thereby
gratify their commanders. Above all, they
had a great veneration and dread of Simon ;
and to that degree was he regarded by every
one of those that were under him, that at his
command they were very ready to kill them-
selves with their own hands. What made the
Romans so courageous, was their usual cus-
tom of conquering and disuse of being de-
feated, their constant wars, and perpetual
warlike exercises, and the grandeur of their
doininion ; and what was now their chief en-
couragement, — Titus, who was present eveiy-
where wit!) them all ; for it appeared a terri-
ble thing to grow weary while Caesar was
there, and fought bravely as well as they did,
and was himself at once an eye-witness of
such as behaved themselves valiantly, and he
who was to reward them also. It was, be-
sides, esteemed an advantage at present to
have any one's valour known by Cwsar ; on
which account many of them appeared to
have more alacrity than strength to answer it.
And now, as the Jews were about this time
standing in array before the wall, and that in
a strong body, and while both parties were
throwing their darts at each other, Longinus,
one of the equestrian order, leaped out of
the army of the Romans, and leaped into the
very midst of the army of the Jews; and as
they dispersed themselves upon this attack,
he slew two of their rnen of the greatest cou-
rage ; one of them he struck in his mouth, as
he was coming to meet him ; the other was
slain by him with that very dart that he drew
out of the body of the other, with which he
ran this man through his side as he was run-
ning away from him ; and when he had done
this, he first of all ran out of the midst of his
enemies to his own side. So this man signa-
lized himself for his valour, and many there
were who were ambitious of gaining the like
reputation. And now the Jews were uncon-
cerned at what they sufl^ered themselves from
the Romans, and were only solicitous about
what mischief they could do them ; and death
itself seemed a small matter to them, if at
the same time they could but kill auy one
of their enemies. But Titus took care to se-
cure his own soldiers from harm, as well as
to Iiave them overcome their enemies. He
also said that inconsiderate violence was
724
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK V.
madness ; and that this alone was the true
courage that was joined witli good conduct.
He therefore commanded his men to take
rare, when they fouglit their enemies, that
they received no harm from them at tlie same
time ; and thereby show themselves to be
truly valiant men.
4. And now Titus brought one of his en-
gines to the middle tower of the north part
of the wall, in which a certain crafty Jew,
whose name was Castor, lay in ambush, with
ten others like himself, the rest being fled
away by reason of the archers. These men
lay still for a while, as in great fear, under
their breast-plates ; but when tlie tower was
shaken, they arose ; and Castor did then stretch
out his hand, as a petitioner, and called for
Ca?sar, and by his voice moved his compas-
sion, and begged of him to have mercy' upon
them ; and Titus, in tlie innocency of his
heart, believing him to be in earnest, and hop-
ing that the Jews did now repent, stopped
the working of the battering-ram, and for-
bade them to shoot at the petitioners, and
bade Castor say what he had a mind to say to
him. He said that he would come down, if he
would give him his right hand for his securi-
ty. To which Titus replied, that he was
well pleased witli such his agreeable conduct,
and would be well pleased if all the Jews
would be of his mind ; and that he was ready
to give the like security to the city. Now
five of the ten dissembled with him, and pre-
tended to beg for mercy; while the rest
cried out aloud, that they would never be
slaves to the Romans, while it was in their
power to die in a state of freedom. Now
while these men were quarrelling for a long
while, the attack was delayed ; Castor also
«ent to Simon, and told him that they might
take some time for consultation about what
was to be done, because he would elude the
power of the Romans for a considerable time.
And at the same time that he sent thus to
him, he appeared openly to exhort those that
were obstinate to accept of Titus's hand for
their security ; but they seemed very angry
at it, and brandished their naked swords upon
tlie breast-works, and struck themselves upon
their breast, and fell down as if they had
been slain. Hereupon Titus, and those with
him, were amazed a-t the courage of the men ;
and as they were not able to see exactly what
was done, they admired at their great fortitude,
and pitied their calamity. During this inter-
val, a certain person shot a dart at Castor, and
wounded him in his nose; whereupon he pre-
sently pulled out the dart, and shewed it to Ti-
tus, and complained that this was unfair treat-
ment : so Caesar reproved him that shot the dart,
and sent Josephus, who then stood by him, to
give his right hand to Castor, Uut Josephus
said that he would not go to him, because
tliese pretended petitioners meant nothing
tliat was good ; he also restrained those friends
of his who were zealous to go to him. But
still there was one ^neas, a deserter, who
said he would go to him. Castor also called
to them, that somebody should come and re-
ceive the money which he had with him; this
made iEneas the more earnestly to run to him
with his bosom open. Then did Castor take
up a great stone, and threw it at him, which
missed him, because he guarded himself a-
gainst it ; but still it wounded another soldier
that was coming to him. When Ceesar un-
derstood tliat this was a delusion, he perceiv-
ed that mercy in war is a pernicious thing,
because such cunning tricks have less place
under the exercise of greater severity. So
he caused the engine to work more strongly
than before, on account of his anger at the de-
ceit put upon him. But Castor and his com-
panions set tiie tower on fire when it began
to give way, and leaped through the flame into
a hidden vault that was under it ; which made
the Romans farther suppose that they were
men of great courage, as having cast them-
selves into the fire.
CHAPTER VIII.
HOW THE ROMANS TOOK THE SECOND WALL
TWICE, AND GOT ALL READY FOP. TAKING
THE THIRD WALL.
§ 1. Now Caesar took this wall there on the
fifth day after he had taken the first; and
when the Jews had fled from him, he entered
into it with a thousand armed men, and those
of his choice troops, and this at a place where
were the merchants of wool, the braziers, and
the market for cloth, and where the narrow
streets led obliquely to the wall. Wherefore,
if Titus had either demolished a larger part of
the wall immediately, or had come in, and ac-
cording to the law of war, had laid waste what
was left, his victory would not, I suppose, have
been mixed with any loss to himself; but
now, out of the hope he had that he should
make the Jews ashamed of their obstinacy, by
not being willing, when he was able to aftlict
them more than he needed to do, he did not
widen the bread) of the wall in order to make
a safer retreat upon occasion ; for he did not
think they would lay snares for him that did
them such a kindness. When therefore he
came in, he did not permit his soldiers to kill
any of those they caught, nor to set tire to
their houses neither; nay, he gave leave co
the seditious, if they had a mind, to fight
without any harm to tlie people, and promised
to restore the peojile's efl'ects to them ; for he
was very desirous to preserve the city for his
own sake, and the temple for the sake of the
city. As to the people, he had them of a
long time ready to comply with his proposals ;
but as to the fighting men, this humanity of
bis seemed a mark of his weakness ; and they
"X
J'
CHAP. IX.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
72:
imagined that he made these proposals because I
he was not able to take the rest of the city.
They also threatened death to tiie people, if j
they should any one of them say a word about
a surrender. They moreovt-r cut the throats
of such as talked of a peace, and then attack-
ed those Itouians tliat were come within the
wall. Some of them tliey met in the nar-
row streets, and some they fought against from
their houses, while they made a sudden sally
out at the upper gates, and assaulted such
Romans as were beyond the wall, till those
that guarded the wall were so afTriglited, that
they leaped down from their towers, and re-
tired to their several camps : upon which a
great noise was made by the Romans that
were within, because they were encompassed
round on every side by their enemies ; as also
by them that were without, because they
were in fear for those that were left in the city.
Thus did the Jews grow more numerous per-
petually, and had great advantages over the
Romans, by their full knowledge of those
narrow lanes ; and they wounded a great
many of them, and fell upon them, and drove
them out of the city. Now these Romans
were at present forced to make the best resis-
tance they could ; for they were not able, in
great numbers, to get out at the breach in the
wall, it was so narrow. It is also probable
that all those that were gotten within had
been cut to pieces, if Titus had not sent them
succours ; for he ordered the archers to stand
at the upper ends of these narrow lanes, and
he stood himself where was the greatest mul-
titude of his enemies, and with his darts he
put a stop to them ; as with him did Dorai-
tius Sabinus also, a valiant man, and one
that in this battle appeared so to be. Thus
did CiEsar continue to shoot darts at the Jews
continually, and to hinder them from coming
upon his men, and this untill all his soldiers
had retreated out of the city.
2. And thus were the Romans driven out,
after they had possessed themselves of the
second wall. Whereupon the fighting men
that were in the city were lifted up in their
minds, and were elevated upon this their good
success, and began to think that the Romans
would never venture to come into the city any
more ; and that, if they kept within it them-
selves, they should not be any more conquer-
ed ; for God had blinded their minds for
the transgressions they had been guilty of,
nor cpuld they see how much greater forces
the Romans had than those that were now
expelled, no more than they could discern
how a famine was creeping upon them ; for
hitherto they had fed themselves out of the
public miseries, and drank the blood of the
city. But now poverty had for a long time
seized upon the better part, and a great many
had died already for want of necessaries; al-
though the seditious indeed supposed the de-
^^ruption of the people to be an easemont to
themselves ; for they desired that none others
might be preserved but such as were against
a peace with the Romans, and were resolved
to live in opposition to them, and they were
pleased when the multitude of those of a con-
trary opinion were consumed, as being then
freed fi;om a heavy burden : and this was their
disposition of mind with regard to those that
were within the city, while they covered them-
selves with their armour, and prevented the
Romans, when they were trying to get into
the city again, and made a wall of their own
bodies over-against that part of the wall that
was cast down. Thus did they valiantly de-
fend themselves for three days ; but on the
fourth day they could not support themselves
against the vehement assaults of Titus, but
were compelled by force to fly whither they
had fled before ; so he quietly possessed him-
self again of that wall, and demolished it en-
tirely ; and when he had put a garrison into
the towers that were on the south parts of the
city, he contrived how he might assault the
third wall.
CHAPTER IX.
TITtJS, WHEN THE JEWS WERE NOT A7 ALL
MOLLIFIED BY HIS LEAVING OFF THE SIEGE
FOR A WHILE, SET HIMSELF AGAIN TO PRO-
SECUTE THE SAME ; BUT SOON SENT JOSE-
PHUS TO DISCOURSE WITH HIS OWN COUN-
TRYMEN ABOUT PEACE.
§ 1. A RESOEUTION was now taken by Titus
to relax the siege for a little while, and to af-
ford the seditious an interval for considera-
tion, and to see whether the demolishing of
their second wall would not make them a lit-
tle more compliant, or whether they were not
somewhat afraid of a famine, because the
spoils they had gotten by rapine would not be
suflicient for them long ; so he made use of
this relaxation, in order to compass his own
designs. Accordingly, as the usual appointed
time when he must distribute subsistence-mo-
n(!y to the soldiers was now come, he gave
orders that the commanders should put the
army into battle array, in the face of the ene-
my, and then give every one of the soldiers
their pay. So the soldiers, according to cus-
tom, opened the cases wherein their arms be-
fore lay covered, and marched with their
breast-plates on ; as did the horsemen lead
their horses in their fine trappings. Then
did the places that were before the city shine
very splendidly for a great way ; nor was there
any thing so grateful to Titus's own men, or
so terrible to the enemy as that sight ; for the
whole old wall and the north side of the tem-
ple were full of spectators, and one might see
the houses full of such as looked at them ; nor
was thero Rny part of the city which was not
}2Q
WARS OF THE JEWS.
covered over with their multitudes; nay, a i pie, and not to be more obdurate in these cases
very great consternation seized upon the har
diest of the Jews themselves, when they saw
all the army in the same place, together witii
the fineness of their arms, and the good or-
der of their men; and I cannot but think
that the seditious would have changed their
minds at that sight, unless the crimes they
had committed against the people had been
so horrid, that they despaired of forgiveness
from the Romans ; but as they believed death
with torments must be their punishment,_if
they did not go on in the defence of the city,
thev thought it much better to die in war.
Fate also prevailed so far over them, that the
innocent were to perish with the guilty, and
the city was to be destroyed with the seditious
that were in it.
2. Thus did the Romans spend four days
in bringing this subsistence-money to the
several legions ; but on the fifth day, when
no signs of peace appeared to come from the
Jews, Titus divided his legions, and began to
raise banks, both at the tower of Antonia and
at John's monument. Now his designs were
to take the upper city at that monument, and
the temple at the tower of Antonia ; for if
the temple were not taken it would be dan-
gerous to keep the city itself ; so at each of
these parts he raised him banks, each legion
raising one. As for those that wrought at
John's monument, the Idumeans, and those
that were in arms with Simon, made sallies
upon them, and put some stop to them ; while
John's party and the multitude of zealots with
them did the like to those that were before
the tower of Antonia. These Jews were now
too hard for the Romans, not only in direct
fighting, because they stood upon the higher
ground, but because they had now learned to
use their own engines ; for their continual use
of them, one day after another, did by degrees
improve their skill about them; for of one
sort of engines for darts they had three hun-
dred, and forty for stones; by the means of
which they made it more tedious for the Ro-
mans to raise their banks ; but then Titus,
knowing that the city would be either saved
or destroyed for himself, did not only proceed
earnestly in the siege, but did not omit to have
the Jews exhorted to repentance; so he mixed
good counsel with his works for the siege ;
and being sensible that exhortations are fre-
quently more effectual than arms, he persuad-
ed them to surrender the city, now in a man-
ner already taken, and thereby to save them-
selves, and sent Josephus to speak to them in
their own language ; for he imagined they
might yield to the persuasion of a countryman
of their own.
;5. So Josephus went round about the wall,
and tried to find a place that was out of the
reach of their darts, and yet within their hear-
ing, and besought them, in many words, to spare
themselves, to spare their country and tlieir tem-
than foreigners themselves ; for that the Ro-
mans, who had no relation to (hose things, had
a reverence for their sacred rites and places,
although they belonged to their enemies, and
had till now kept tlieir hands off from meddl-
ing with them; while such as were brought
up under them, and, if they be preserved,
will be the only people that will reap the bene
fit of them, hurry on to have them destroyed.
That certainly they have seen their strongest
walls demolished, and that the wall still re-
maining was weaker than those that were al-
ready taken. That they must know the Ro-
man power was invincible, and that they had
been used to serve them ; for, that in case it
be allowed a right thing to fight for liberty,
that ought to have been done at first ; but for
them that have once fallen under the power of
the Romans, and have now submitted to them
for so many long years, to pretend to shake off
that yoke afterward, was the work of such as
had a mind to die miserably, not of such as were
lovers of liberty. Besides, men tnay well
enough grudge at the dishonour of owning ig-
noble masters over them, but ought not to do
so to those who have all things under their com-
mand : for what part of the world is there that
hath escaped the Romans, unless it be such as
are of no use, for violent heat or violent cold ?
And evident it is, that fortune is on all hands
gene over to them ; and that God, when he
had gone roimd the nations with this domin-
I ion, is now settled in Italy. That, moreover,
it is a strong and fixed law, even among brute
beasts, as well as among men, to yield to those
that are too strong for them ; and to suffer
those to have dominion who are too hard for
the rest in war ; for which reason it was that
their forefathers, who were far superior to
them both in their souls and bodies, and other
advantages, did yet submit to the Romans;
which they would not have suffered, had they
not known that God was with them. As for
themselves, what can they depend on in this
their opposition, when the greatest part of
their city is already taken t and when those
that are within it are under greater miseries
than if they were taken, although their walls
be still standing ? For that the Romans
are not unacquainted with that famine which
is in the city, whereby the people are already
consumed, and the fighting men will in a
little time be so too ; for although the Ro-
mans should leave off the siege, and not
fall upon the city with their swords in their
hands, yet was there an insuperable war that
beset them within, and was augmented every
hour, unless they were able to wage war with
famine, and fight against it, or could alone
conquer their natural appetites. He added
this farther. How right a thing it was to
change their conduct before their calamities
were become incurable, and to have recourse
to such advice as might preserve themi viKile
CHAP. IX.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
727
opportunity was offered tlieni for so doing ;
for that the Ronoans would not be mindful of
their past actions to their disadvantage, unless
they persevered in their insolent behaviour to
the end ; because they were naturally mild in
their conquests, and preferred what was pro-
fitable, before what their passions dictated to
them ; which profit of theirs lay not in leaving
the city empty of inhabitants, nor the coun-
try a desert ; on which account Caesar did now
ofler them his right hand for their security.
Whereas, if he took the city by force, he
would not save any one of them, and this es-
pecially, if they rejected his offers in these
their utmost distresses ; for the walls that
were already taken, could not but assure them
that the third wall would quickly be taken
also ; and though their fortifications should
prove too strong for the Romans to break
through them, yet would the famine fight for
the Romans against them.
4. While Josephus was making this ex-
hortation to the Jews, many of them jested
upon him from the wall, and many reproach-
ed him ; nay, some threw their darts at him ;
but when he could not himself persuade them
by such open good advice, he betook himself
to the histories belonging to their own nation;
and cried out aloud, " O miserable creatures!
Are you so unmindful of those that used to
assist you, that you will fight by your wea-
pons and by your hands against the Romans ?
When did we ever conquer any other nation
by such means ? and when was it that God,
who is the Creator of the Jewish people, did
not avenge them when they had been injured ?
Will not you turn again, and look back, and
consider whence it is that you fight with such
violence, and how great a Supporter you have
profanely abused ? Will not you recall to
mind the prodigious things done for your
forefathers and this holy place, and how great
enemies of yours were by him subdued un-
der you ? I even tremble myself in declaring
the works of God before your ears, that are
imworthy to hear them : however, hearken
to me, that you may be informed how you
fight, not only against the Romans but a-
gainst God himself. In old times there was
one Necao, king of Egypt, who was also call-
ed l*l)araoh : he came with a prodigious army
of soldiers, and seized queen Sarah, the mo-
ther of our nation. What did Abraham our
progenitor then do ? Did he defend himself
from this injurious person by war, althoug!)
he had three hundred and eighteen captains
under him, and an immense army under each
of them ? Indeed, he deemed them to be no
number at all without God's assistance, and
only spread out his hands towards this holy
place,* which you have now polluted, and
• Josephus supposes, in this his admirable speech to
the Jews, that not Abraham only, but I'haraoh king of
Eg^pt, prayed towards a temple at Jerusaltm>^r towards
JeruaaJem itselt", iu '^hich were Mouut Siun ard Mount
reckoned upon tiim as upon his invincible sup-
porter, instead of his own army. Was not
our queen ser.-t back, without any defilement,
to her husband, the very next evening? —
while the king of Egypt fled away, adoring
this place whicli you have defiled by shedding
thereon the blood of your countrymen ; and
he also trembled at those visions which he
saw in the night-season, and bestowed both
silver and gold on the Hebrews, as on a peo
pie beloved of God. Shall I say nothing, oi
shall I mention the removal of our fathers
into Egypt, who, when they were used tyran-
nically, and were fallen under the po«er of
foreign kings for four hundred years toge-
ther, and might have defended themselves by
war and by fighting, did yet do nothing but
commit themselves to God ? Who is there
that does not know that Egypt was over-run
with all sorts of wild beasts, and consumed
by all sorts of distempers ? how their land
did not bring forth its fruit ? how the Nile
failed of water ; how the ten plagues of E-
gypt followed one upon another ? and how,
by those means, our fathers were sent away,
under a guard, without any bloodshed, and
without running any dangers, because God
conducted them as his peculiar servants ?
Moreover, did not Palestine groan under the
ravage the Assyrians^ made, when they car-
ried away our sacred ark ? as did their idol
Dagon, and as also did that entire nation of
those that carried it away, how they were
smitten with a loathsome distemper in the se-
cret parts of their bodies, when their very
bowels came doven together with what they
had eaten, till those hands that stole it away
were obliged to bring it back again, and that
with the sound of cymbals and timbrels, and
other oblations, in order to appease the anger
of God for their violation of his holy ark.
It was God who then became our general,
and accomplished these great things for our
fathers, and this because they did not meddle
with war and fighting, but committed it to
him to judge about their affairs. Wlien Sen-
nacherib, king of Assyria, brought along with
him all Asia, and encompassed this city
roimd with his army, did he fall by the hands
of men ? were not those hands lifted up
to God in prayers, without meddling with
Moriah, on which the tabernacle and temple did after-
wards stand ; and this long before either the Jewish t;i-
bernacle or temple were built ; nor is the famous com-
mand given by God to Abraham, to go two or tluee
days' journey, on purpose to ofier up his son Isaac there,
unfavourable to such a notion.
t Note here, that Josephus, in this his same admira-
ble speech, calls the Syrians, nay, even the Philistines,
on the most south part of Syria, Assyrians ; which Re-
land observes as what was common among the ancient
writers. Note also, that Josephus might we:l put the
Jews in mind, as he does here more than once, of their
wonderful and truly miraculous deliverance from Sen-
nacherib, king of Assyria, while the Roman army, and
himself with them, were now encamped upon and be-
yond that very spot of ground w^hcre the Assyrian army
lay 78u years btore, and which retained the very name
of' the Camp of the Assyrians to that very day. S«ss
chap, vii, sect. 5 ; and chap, xii, sect. 2.
728
WARS OF THE JEWS.
their arms, when an angel of God destroy- ] selves, although they had been guilty of such
ed that prodigious army in one night ? j ofl'ences with regard to our sanctuary and
when the Assyrian king, as he rose next day, | our laws, as you have ; and this while they
found a hundred fourscore and five thousand i liad much greater advantages to go to war
dead bodies, and when he, with the remain- [than you have. Do not we know wliat
der of his army, fled away from the Hebrews, | end Antigonus, the son of A ristobulus, came
though they were unarmed, and did not pur-
sue them ! You are also acquainted with the
slavery we were under at Babylon, where the
people u ere captives for seventy years ; yet
were they not delivered into freedom again
before God made Cyrus his gracious instru-
ment in bringing it about ; accordingly they
were set free by him, and did again restore
the worship of their Deliverer at his temple.
And, to speak in general, we can produce no
example wherein our fathers got any success
by war, or failed of success, when without
war they committed themselves to God. When
they staid at home they conquered, as pleased
their Judge ; but when they went out to fight
they were always dissappointed : for example,
when the king of Babylon beseiged this very
city, and our king Zedekiah fought against
him, contrary to what predictions were made
to him by Jeremiah the prophet, he was at
once taken prisoner, and saw the city and the
temple demolished. Yet how much greater
was the moderation of that king, than is that
of your present governors, and that of the
people then under him, than is that of you at
this time! for when Jeremiah cried out aloud,
how very angry God was at them, because of
their transgressions, and told them that they
should be taken prisoners, unless they would
surrender up their city, neither did the king
nor the people put him to death ; but for you
(to pass over what you have done within the
city, which I am not able to describe, as your
wickedness deserves) you abuse me, and
throw darts at me, who only exhort you to
save yourselves, as being provoked when you
are put in mind of your sins, and caimot bear
the very mention of tkose crimes which you
every day perpetrate. For another example,
when Antioclius, wlio was called Epiphanes,
lay before this city, and had been guilty of
many indignities against God, and our fore-
fathers met him in arms, they then were slain
in the battle, this city was plundered by our
enemies, and our sanctuary made desolate for
three years and six months. And what need
1 bring any more examples ! Indeed, what
can it be that hath stirred up an army of the
Romans against our nation ? Is it not the
impiety of the inhabitants? Whence did our
servitude commence ? Was it not derived
from the seditions that were among our fore-
fathers, when the madness of Aristobulus and
Ilyrcanus, and our mutual quarrels, brought
Pompey upon this city, and when God re-
duced those under subjection to the Romans,
who were unworthy of the liberty they had
enjoyed? After a siege, therefore, of three
jaontlis, they were forced to surrender them-
to, under whose reign God provided that
this city should be taken again upon account
of the people's ofl'ences ? When Herod, the
son of Antipater, brought upon us Sosius, and
Sosius brouyht upon us the Roman army,
they were then encompassed and besieged for
six months, till, as a punishment for their sins,
they were taken, and the city was plundered
by the enemy. Thus it appears, that arms
were never given to our nation ; but that we
are always given up to be fought against, and
to be taken ; for I suppose, that such as in-
habit this holy place ought to commit the
disposal of all things to God, and then only
to disregard the assistance of men when they
resign themselves up to their arbitrator, who
is above. As for you, what have you done of
those things tliat are recommended by our le-
gislator ! and what have you not done of
those things that he hath condemned f How
much more impious are you than those who
were so quickly taken ! You have not avoided
so much as those sins which are usually done
in secret ; I mean thefts, and treacherous plots
against men, and adulteries. You are quar-
relling about rapines and mnjrders, and invent
strange ways of iv.ickedness. Nay, the tem-
ple itself is become the receptacle of all, and
this divine place is polluted by the hands of
those of our own coimtry ; which place hatb
yet been reverenced by the Romans when it was
at a distance from them, when they have suf-
fered many of their own customs to give
place to our law. And, after all this, do you
expect Him whom you have so impiously
abused to be your supporter ? To be sure
then you have a right to be petitioners, and
to call upon Him to assist you, so pure are
your hands ! Did your king [Hezekiah]
lift up such hands in prayer to God against
the king of Assyria, when h« destroyed that
great army in one night ? And do the Ro-
mans commit such wickedness as did the king
of Assyria, that you may hare reason to hope
for the like vengeance upon them ? Did not
that king accept of money from our king up-
on this condition, that he should not destroy
the city, and yet, contrary to the oath he had
taken, he came down to burn the temple ?
while the Romans do demand no more than
that accustomed tribute which our fathers
paid to their fathers; and if they may but
once obtain that, they neither aim to destroy
this city, nor to touch this sanctuary ; nay,
they will grant you besides, that your poste-
rity shall be free, and your possessions secured
to you, and will preserve your holy laws in-
violate to you. And it is plain madness to
expect that God should appear as woU dis-
WARS OF THE JEWS.
729
posed towards the wicked as towards the
righteous, since he knows when it is proper
to punish men for their sins immediately ,
accordingly he brake the power of the Assy-
rians the very first night that they pitched
their camp. Wiierefore, had he judged that
our nation was worthy of freedom, or the
Romans of punishment, he had immediately
inflicted puiiisliment upon those Romans, as
le did upon the Assyrians, when Pompey be-
gan to meddle with our nation, or when after
him Sosius came up against us, or when Ves-
pasian laid waste Galilee, or, lastly, when
Titus came first of all near to this city; al-
though Magnus and Sosius did not only suf-
fer nothing, but took the city by force; as
did Vespasian go from the war he made a-
gainst you to receive tlie empire ; and as for
Titus, those springs that were formerly al-
most dried up when they were under your
power,* since he is come, run more plentiful-
ly than they did before ; accordingly, you
know that Siloam, as well as all the other
springs that were without the city, did so far
fail, that water was sold by distinct measures ;
whereas they now have such a great quantity
of water for your enemies, as is sufficient not
only for drink both for themselves and their
cattle, but for watering their gardens also.
The same wonderful sign you had also ex-
periw nee of formerly, when the fore-mention-
ed king of Babylon made war against us,
and when he took the city and burnt the
temple ; while yet I believe the Jews of that
age were not so impious as you are. Where-
fore I cannot but suppose that God is fled out
of his sanctuary, and stands on the side of
those against whom you fight. Now, even a
man, if he be but a good man, will fly from
an impure house, and will iiate those that are
in it ; and do you persuade yourselves tiiat
God will abide with you in your iniquities,
who sees all secret things, and hears what
is kept most private ! Now, what crime is
there, I pray you, that is so much as kept
secret among you, or is concealed by you !
nay, what is there that is not open to your
very enemies ! for you show your transgres-
sions after a pompous manner, and contend
one with another which of you shall be more
wicked than another ; and you make a pu-
blic demonstration of your injustice, as if it
were virtue i However, there is a place left
for your preservation, if you be willing to
accept of it ; and God is easily reconciled to
those that confess their faults, and repent of
Uiem. O hard-hearted wretches as you are !
* This drying up of the .Terusalem fountain of Silo-
am, when the Jews wanted it, and its (lowing abundant-
ly when the enemies of the Jews wanted it, and these
l)oth in the days of Zedekiah and of Titus (and this
last as a certaui'event weil known by the Jews at that
time, as Josephus here tells them openly to their faces)
are very remarkable instances of a Divine Providence
for the punishment of the Jewish nation, wlien they
were grown very wicked, at both those timei oi the de-
struction uf Jerusalem
cast away all your arms, and take pity of
your country already going to ruin ; re-
turn from your wicked ways, and have re-
gard to the excellency of that city which you
are going to betray, to tliat excellent temple
with the donations of so many countries in
it. Who could bear to be the first to set that
temple on fire! who could be willing that
these tilings should be no inore ! and what is
there that can better deserve to be preserved !
insensible creatures, and more stupid than
are the stones themselves ! And if you can-
not look at these things with discerning eyes,
yet, however, have pity upon your families,
and set before every one of your eyes your
children, and wives, and parents, who will be
gradually consumed either by famine or by
war. I am sensible that this danger will ex-
tend to my mother, and wife, and to that fa-
mily of mine who have been by no means ig-
noble, and indeed to one that hath been very
eminent in old time ; and perhaps you may
imagine that it is on their account only that
1 give you this advice : if that be all, kill
them ; nay, take my own blood as a reward,
if it may but procure your preservation ; for
I am ready to die in case you will but return
to a sound mind after my death,"
CHAPTER X.
HOW A GREAT MANY OF THE PEOPLE EAR-
NESTLY ENDEAVOURED TO DESERT TO THE
ROMANS; AS ALSO WHAT INTOLERABLE
THINGS THOSE THAT STAID BliHIND SUF-
FERED BY FAMINE, AND THE SAD CONSE-
QUENCES THEREOF.
§ 1. As Josephus was speaking thus with a
loud voice, the seditious would neither yield
to what he said, nor did they deem it safe for
them to alter their conduct ; but as for the
people, they had a great inclination to desert
to the Romans; accordingly, some of them
sold what they had, and even the most pre-
cious things that had been laid up as treasures
by them, for a very small matter, and swal-
lowed down pieces of gold, that they might
not be found out by the robbers ; and when
they had escaped to the Romans, went to stool,
and had wherewithal to provide plentifully
for themselves ; for Titus let a great number
of them go away into the country, whither
they pleased ; and the main reasons why they
were so ready to desert were these : That now
they should be freed from those miseries
which they had endured in that city, and yet
should not be in slavery to the Romans :
however, John and Simon, with their factions,
did more carefully watch these men's going
out than they did the coming in of the Ro-
mans ; and, if any one did but afi'ord the least
J'
730
WARS OF THE JEWS.
shadow of suspicion of such an intention, his
throat was cut immediately.
2. But as for the richer sort, it proved all
one to them whether they staid in the city or
attempted to get out of it, for they were
equally destroyed in both cases ; for every
such person was put to death under this pre-
tence, that they were going to desert, — but in
reality that the robbers might get what they
had. The madness of the seditious did also
increase together with their famine, and both
those miseries were every day inflamed inore
and more ; for there was no corn which -any-
whea-e appeared publicly, but the robbers came
running into, and searched men's private
houses ; and then, if they found any, they
tormented them, because they had denied they
had any ; and if they found none, they tor-
mented them worse, because they supposed
they had more carefully concealed it. The
indication they made use of whetiur they had
any or not, was taken from the bodies of these
miserable wretches; which, if they were in
good case, they supposed they were in no want
at all of food ; but if they were wasted away,
they walked off without searching any far-
ther : nor did they think it proper to kill such
as these, because they saw they would very
soon die of themselves for want of food.
Many there were indeed who sold what they
had for one measure ; it was of wheat, if they
were of the richer sort; but of barley, if they
were poorer. When these had so done, they
shut themselves up in the inmost rooms of
their houses, and ate the corn they had gotten;
some did it without grinding it, by reason of
the extremity of the want they were in, and
others baked bread of it, according as neces-
sity and fear dictated to them ; a table was
nowhere laid for a distinct meal, but they
siiatched the bread out of the fire, half-baked,
and ate it very hastily.
3. It was now a miserable case, and a
sight that would justly bring tears into our
eyes, how men stood as to their food, while
the more powerful had more than enough,
and the weaker were lamenting [for want of
it]. But the famine was too hard for all other
passions, and it is destructive to nothing so
much as to modesty ; for what was otherwise
worthy of reverence was in this case despised;
insomuch that children pulled the very mor-
sels that their fathers were eating out of their
very mouths, and what was still more to be
pitied, so did the mothers do as to their in-
fants ; and when those that were most dear
were perishing under their hands, they were
not ashamed to take from them the very last
drops that might preserve their lives ; and
wliile they ate after this manner, yet were they
not concealed in so doing ; but the seditious
every wheie came upon them immediateliy. and
snatched away from them what they had got-
ten from others ; for when they saw any liouse
'.hut up, this was to them a signal that the
people within had gotten some food ; where-
upon they broke open the doors, and ran in,
and took pieces of what tliey were eating,
almost up out of their very throats, and this
by force : the old men, who held their
food fast, were beaten ; and if the women
hid what they had v/ithin their hands, their
hair was torn for so doing ; nor was there
any commiseration shown either to the aged
or to infants, but they lifted up children from
the ground as they hung upon the morsels
they had gotten, and shook them down upon
the floor ; but still were they more barbarous-
ly cruel to those that had prevented their
coming in, and had actually swallowed down
what they were going to seize upon, as if they
had been unjustly defrauded of their right.
They also invented terrible methods of tor-
ment to discover where any food was, and
they were these : to stop up the passages of
the privy parts of the miserable wretches, and
to drive sharp stakes up their fundaments !
and a man was forced to bear what it is terri-
ble even to hear, in order to make him con-
fess that he had but one loaf of bread, or that
he might discover a handful of barley-meal
that was concealed ; and this was done when
these tormentors were not themselves hungry;
for the thing had been less barbarous had ne-
cessity forced them to it ; but this was done
to keep their madness in exercise, and as mak-
ing preparation of provisions for themselves
for the following days. These men went also
to meet those that had crept out of the city
by night, as far as the Roman guards, to ga-
ther some plants and herbs that grew wild ;
and when those people thought they had got
clear of the enemy, these snatched from them
what they had brought with them, even while
they had frequently entreated them, and that
by calling upon the tremendous name of God,
to give them back some part of what they had
brought ; though these would not give them
the least crumb; and they were to be well
contented that they were only spoiled, and
not slain at the same time.
4. These were the afflictions which the
lower sort of people suffered from these ty-
rants' guards ; but for the men that were in
dignity, and withal were rich, they were car-
ried before the tyrants themselves ; some of
whom were falsely accused of laying treacbe-
rous plots, and so were destroyed ; others of
them were charged with designs of betraying
the city to the Romans : but the readiest way
of all was this, to suborn somebody to affirm
that they were resolved to desert to the ene-
my ; and he who was utterly despoiled of
what he had by Simon, was sent back again
to John, as of those who had been already
plundered by John, Simon got what remain-
ed ; insomuch that they drank the blood of
the populace to one another, and divided the
dead bodies of the poor creatures between
them ; so that although, on account of theii
-/•
CHAP. XI.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
731
ambition aftpr dominion, they contended with
each other, yet did they very well agree in
their wicked practices ; for he that did not
communicate what he had got by the miseries
of others to the other tyrant, seemed to be too
little guilty, and in one respect only ; and he
that did not partake of wliat was so communi-
cated to him, grieved at this, as at the loss of
what was a valuable thing, that he had no
sliare in such barbarity.
5. It is therefore impossible to go distinct-
ly over every instance of these men's iniquity.
I shall therefore speak my mind here at once
brielly : — That neither did any other city ever
suffer such miseries, nor did any age ever
breed a generation more fruitful in wicked-
ness than this was, from the beginning of the
world. Finally, they brought the Hebrew
nation into contempt, that they miglit them-
selves appear comparatively less impious with
regard to strangers. They confessed what
was true, that they were the slaves, the scum,
and the spurious and abortive offspring of our
nation, while they overthrew the city them-
selves, and forced the Romans, whether they
would or no, to gain a melancholy reputation,
by acting gloriously against them, and did
almost draw that fire upon the temple, which
they seemed to think came too slowly ; and,
indeed, whtn they saw that temple burning
from the upper city, they were neither trou-
bled at it, nor did they shed any tears on
that account, while yet these passions were
discovered among the Romans themselves :
which ciicumstances we shall speak of here-
after in their proper place, when we come to
treat of such matters.
CHAPTER XI.
HOW THE JEWS WERE CRLtcUIED BEFORE THE
WALLS OF THE CITY. CONCERNING ANTI-
OCHUS EPIFHANES ; AND HOW THE JEWS
OVERTHREW THE BANKS THAT HAD BEEN
RAISED BY THE ROMANS.
§ 1. So now Titus's banks were advanced
a great way, notwithstanding his soldiers had
been very much distressed from the wall. He
then sent a party of horsemen, and ordered
they should lay ambushes for those that went
out into the valleys to gather food. Some of
these were indeed fighting men, who were not
contented with what they got by rapine ; but
the greater part of them were poor people,
who Were deterred from deserting by the con-
cern they were under for their own relations :
for they could not hope to escape away, to-
gether with their wives and children, without
the knowledge of the seditious; nor could
they think of leaving these relations to be
slain by the robbers on their accounl-j nay,
tlie severity of the famine made them bold in
thus going out : so nothing remained but
that, when they were concealed from the rob-
bers, they should be taken by the enemy ; and
when they were going to be taken, they were
forced to defend themselves, for fear of being
punished : as after they had fought, they
thought it too late to make any supplications
for mercy : so they were first whipped, and
then tormented with all sorts of tortures be-
fore they died, and were then crucified be-
fore the wall of the city. Tiiis miserable
procedure made Titus greatly to pity them,
while they caught every day five hundred
Jews ; nay, some days they caught more ; yet
did it not appear to be safe for him to let those
that were taken by force go their way ; and
to set a guard over so many, he saw would
be to make such as guarded them useless to
him. The main reason why he did not forbid
that cruelty was this, tl)at he lioped the Jews
might perhaps yield at that sight, out of fear'
lest they might themselves afterwards be liable
to the same cruel treatment. So the soldiers
out of the wrath and hatred they bore t!ie
Jews, nailed those they cauglit, one after one
way, and another after anotiier, to the crosses,
by way of jest ; when their multitude was so
great, that room was wanting for the crosses,
and crosses wanting for the bodies,*
2. But so far were the seditious from re-
penting at this sad sight, that, on the contrary
they made the rest of the multitude believe
otherwise; for they brought the relations of
those that had deserted upon the wall, with
such of the populace as were very eager to
go over upon the security offered them, and
showed them what miseries those underwent
who fled to the Romans ; and told them that
those who were caught were supplicants to
them, and not such as were taken prisoners.
This sight kept many of those within ttiecity
who were so eager to desert, till the truth was
known ; yet did some of them run away im-
mediately as unto certain punishment, esteem-
ing death from their enemies to be a quiet de-
parture, if compared with that by famine. So
Titus commai^ded that tlic hands of many of
those that were caught should be cut off, that
they might not be thought deserters, and
might be credited on account of the calamity
they were under, and sent them in to John
and Siinon, with this exhortation, that they
would now at length leave off [their madness"],
and not force him to destroy the city, wiiere-
by they would have those advantages of re-
pentance, even in their utmost distress, that
they would preserve their own lives, and so
fine a city of their own, and that temple which
was their peculiar. He then went round a-
bout the banks that were cast up, and hasten-
• Rcland very properly takes notice here, how justly
this jurtgment came upon the Jews, when tlicy were
crucified in such multitudes together, that the Romans
wanted room for the crosses, and crosses for the bodies
of these Jews, since they had brought this judgmejit
on themselves bv the crucifixion of their Messiah.
-^
732
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK V
ed tlicm, in order to show that his words
should in no long tinne be followed by his deeds.
In answer to wiiich, the seditous cast re-
proaches upon Caesar himself, and upon his
father also, and cried out with a loud voice,
that tlipy contemned death, and did well in
preferring it before slavery ; that they would
do all the mischief to the Romans they could
wliile they had breath in them ; and that for
their own city, since they were, as he said, to
be destroyed, they had no concern about it,
and that the world itself was a better temple to
God than this. That yet this temple "would
be preserved by him that inhabited therein,
whom they still had for their assistant in this
war, and did therefore laugh at all his threat-
enings, which would come to nothing; because
the conclusion of the whole depended upon
God only. These words were mixed with
reproaches, and with them they made a mighty
lamour.
. 3. In the mean time Antiochus Epiphanes
came to the city, having with him a conside-
rable number of other armed men, and a band
called the Macedonian Band about him, all
of the same age, tall, and just past their child-
hood, armed, and instructed after the Mace-
donian manner, whence it was that they took
that name. Yet were many of them unwor-
thy of so famous a nation ; for it had so hap-
pened, that the king of Commagene had flou-
riblied more than other kings that were un-
der the power of the Romans, till a change
happened in his condition ; and when he was
become an old man, he declared plainly that
we ought net to call any man happy before
he is dead. But this son of his, who was
then come thither before his father was de-
caying, said that he could not but wonder
what made the Romans so tardy in making
their attacks upon the wall. Now he was a
warlike man, »nd naturally bold in exposing
himself to dangers ; he was also so strong a
man, that his boldness seldom failed of hav-
ing success. Upon this, Titus smiled, and
said he would share the pains of an attack
with him. However, Antiochus went as he
then was, and with bis Macedonians made a
sudden assault upon the wall ; and, indeed,
for his own part, his strength and skill were
so great, tlfat he guarded himself from the
Jewish darts, and yet shot his darts at them,
while yet the young men with him were al-
most all sorely galled ; for they had so great
a regard to the promises that had been made
of their courage, that they would needs per-
severe in their fighting, and at length many
of them retired, but not till they were wound-
ed ; and then they perceived that true Mace-
donians, if they were to be conquerors, must
have Alexander's good fortune also.
4. Now, as the Romans began to raise their
banks on the twelfth day of the month Arte-
misius [Jyar], so had they mich ado totinish
them by the twenty-ninth day of the same
tnoiifh, after they had laboured hard for se-
venteen days continually; for there were now
four great banks raised, one of which was at
the tower of Antonia ; this was raised by the
fifth legion, over-against the middle of that
pool which was called Struthius. Another
was cast up by the twelfth legion, at the dis-
tance of about twenty cubits from the other.
But the labours of the tenth legion, which lay
a great way off these, were on the north quar-
ter, and at the pool called Amygdalon ; as
was that of the fifteenth legion about thirty
cubits from if, and at the high priest's monu-
ment. And now, when the engines were
brought, John had from within undermined
the space that was over-against the tower of
Antonia, as far as the banks themselves, and
had supported the ground over the mine with
beams laid across one another, whereby the
Roman works stood upon an uncertain foun-
dation. Then did he order such materials to
be brought in as were daubed over with pitch
and bitumen, and set them on fire ; and as
the cross beams that sui)ported the banks were
burning, the ditch yielded on the sudden,
and the banks were shaken down, and fell in-
to the ditch with a prodigious noise. Now
at the first there arose a very thick smoke and
dust, as the fire was choked with the fall of
tiie bank ; but as the suffocated materials were
now gradually consumed, a plain flame brake
out ; on which sudden appearance of the
flame a consternation ftll upon the Romans,
and the shrewdness of the contrivance dis-
couraged them ; and indeed, this accident com-
ing upon them at a time when they thought
they had already gained their point, cool-
ed their hopes for the time to come. Thejr
also thought it would be to no purpose to
take the pains to extinguish the fire, since,
if it were extinguished, the banks were swal-
lowed up already [and become useless] to
them.
5. Two days after this, Simon and his party
made an attempt to destroy the other banks ;
for the Romans had brought their engines to
bear there, and began already to make the
wall shake. And here one Tephtheus, of
Garsis, a city of Galilee, and Megassarus,
one who was derived from some of queen Ma-
riamne's servants, and with them one from
Adiabene, he was the son of Nabateus, and
called by the name of Chagiras, from the ill
fortune he had, the word signifying " a lame
man," snatched some torches and ran sudden-
ly upon the engines. Nor were there, dur-
ing this war, any men that ever sallied out of
the city who were their superiors, either in
their own boldness, or in the terror tliey struck
into their enemies; for they ran out upon the
Romans, not as if they were enemies, but
friends, without fear or delay ; nor did they
leave their enemies till they had rushed vio-
lently through the midst of them, and set their
machines on fire ; and though they had darts
"V
CHAP. xn.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
733
L
thrown at them on every side, and were on
every side assaulted with their enemies'
rwords, yet did they not withdraw them-
selves out of the dangers they were in, till the
fire iiad caught iiold of the instruments ; but
when the flame went up, the Romans came
running from their camp to save their en-
gines. Then did the Jews hinder their suc-
cours from the wall, and fought with those
that endeavoured to quench tlie fire, with-
out any regard to the danger their bodies
were in. So the Romans pulled the engines
out of the fire, while the hurdles that covered
them were on fire ; but the Jews caught hold
of the battering-rams through the flame it-
self, and held them fast, although the iron
upon them was become red hot; and now the
fire spread itself from the engines to the
banks, and prevented those that came to de-
fend them ; and all this while the Romans
were encompassed round about with the
flame ; and, despairing of saving their works
from it, they retired to their camp. Then
did the Jews become still more and more in
number by the coming of those that were
within the city to their assistance ; and as they
were very bold upon the good success they
had had, their violent assaults were almost ir-
resistible ; nay, they proceeded as far as the
fortifications of the enemy's camp, and fought
•vith their guards. Now there stood a body
of soldiers in array before that camp, which
succeeded one another by turns in their ar-
mour ; and as to those, the law of the Ro-
mans was terrible, that he who left his post
there, let the occasion be whatsoever it might,
he was to die for it ; so that body of soldiers,
preferring rather to die in fighting courage-
ously, than as a punishment for their cowar-
dice, stood firm j and at the necessity these
men were in of standing to it, many of the
others that had run away, out of shame,
turned back again ; and when they had set
their engines against the wail, they kept the
multitude from coming more of them out of
the city ; [which they could the more easily
do] because they had made no provision for
preserving or guarding their bodies at tliis
time ; for the Jews fought now hand to hand
with all that came in their way, and, without
any caution, fell against the points of their
enemy's spears, and attacked them bodies
against bodies ; for they were now too hard
for the Romans, not so much by their other
warlike actions, as by these courageous as-
saults they made upon them ; and the Ro-
mans gave way more to their boldness than
they did to the sense of the harm they had re-
ceived from them.
6. And now Titus was come from the
tower of Antonia, wh ther he was gone to
look out for a place for raising other banks,
and reproached the soldiers greatly for per-
mitting their own walls to be in danger, when
they had taken the walls of their enemies and
sustained the fortune of men besieged, while
the Jews were allowed to sally out against
them, though they were already in a sort of
prison. He then went round about the ene-
my with some chosen troops, and fell upon
their flank liimself; so the Jews, wlio had
been before assaulted in their faces, wheeled
about to Titus, and continued the fight.
The armies also were now mixed one among
another, and the dust that was raised so far
hindered them from seeing one another, and
the noise that was made so far hindered them
from hearing one another, that neither side
could discern an enemy from a friend. How-
ever, the Jews did not flinch, thaugh not so
much from their real strength, as from their
despair of deliverance. The Romans also
would not yield, by reason of the regard they
had to glory, and to their reputation in war,
and because Ctesar himself went into the dan-
ger before them ; insomuch that I cannot but
think the Romans would in the conclusion
have now taken even the whole multitude of
the Jews, so very angry were they at them,
had these not prevented the upshot of the
battle, and retired into the city. However,
seeing the banks of the Romans were de-
molished, these Romans were very much cast
down upon the loss of what had cost them so
long pains, and this in one hour's time ; and
many in.leed despaired of taking the city
with their usual engines of war only.
CHAPTER XII.
TITUS THOUGHT FIT TO ENCOMPASS THE CITY
ROUND WITH A WALL ; AFTER WHICH THE
FAMINE CONSUMED THE PEOPLE BY WHOLE
HOUSES AND FAMILIES TOGETHER.
§ 1. And now did Titus consult with his
commanders what was to be done. Those
that were of the warmest tempers, thought
he should bring ti.e whole army against the
city and storm the wall ; for that hitherto no
more than a part of their army had fought
with the Jews ; but that in case the entire
army was to come at once, they would not be
able to sustain their attacks, but would be
overwhelmed by their darts : but of those that
were for a more cautious management, some
were for raising their banks again ; and others
advised to let the banks alone, but to lie still
before the city, to guard against the coming
out of the Jews, and against their carrying pro-
visions into the city, and so to leave the enemy
to the famine, and this without direct fight-
ing with them ; for that despair was not to be
conquered, especially as to those who are de-
sirous to die by the sword, while a more ter-
rible misery than that is reserved for them.
However, Titus did not think it fit for ua
J'
"V
734
WARS OF THE JEWS.
great an army to lie entirely idle, and that yet
it was in vain to fight with those that would
be destroyed one by another ; he also showed
them how impracticable it was to cast up any
more banks, for want of materials, and to
guard against the Jews' coming out, still more
impracticable ; as also, that to encompass the
whole city round with his army, was not very
easy, by reason of its magnitude and tlie dif-
ficulty of the situation; and on other accounts
dangerous, upon the sallies the Jews might
make out of the city ; for although they, might
guard the known passages out of the place,
yet would they, wlien they found themselves
under the greatest distress, contrive secret
passages out, as being well acquainted with
all such places ; and if any provisions were
carried in by stealth, the siege would thereby
be longer delayed. He also owned, that he
was afraid that the length of time thus to be
spent, would diminish the glory of his suc-
cess ; for tliough it be true, that length of
time will perfect every tiling, yet, that to do
what we do in a little time, is still necessary
to the gaining reputation : that therefore his
opinion was, that if they aimed at quickness
joined with security, they must build a wall
round about the whole city ; which was, he
thought, tlie only way to prevent the Jews
from coming out any way, and that then they
would either entirely despair of saving the
city, and so would surrender it up to him, or
De still the more easily conquered when the
famine had farther weakened them ; for that
besides this wall, he would not lie entirely at
rest afterward, but would take care then to
have banks raised again, when those that
would oppose them were become weaker : but
that if any one should think such a work to
be too great, and not to be finished without
much difficulty, he ought to consider that it
is not fit for Romans to undertake any small
work, and that none but God himself could
tvith ease accomplish any great thing whatso-
ever.
2. These arguments prevailed with the
commanders. So Titus gave orders that the
army should be distributed to their several
shares of this work ; and indeed there now
came upon the soldiers a certain divine fury,
so that they did not only part the whole wall
that was to be built ainong them, nor did on-
ly one legion strive with another, but the les-
ser divisiorK of the army did the same ; inso-
much that each soldier was ambitious to please
his decurion, each decurion his centurion,
each centurion his tribune, and the ambition
of the tribunes was to please their superior
commanders, while Caesar himself took notice
of and rewarded the like contention in those
commanders; for he went round about the
works many times every d.ay, and took a view
of what was done. Titus began the wall from
tlie Camp of the Assyrians, where his own
camp was pitched, and drew it «'"wn to the
^_
lower parts of Cenopolis ; thence it went a-
long the valley of Cedron to the Mount of
Olives ; it then bent towards the south, and
encompassed the mountain as far as the rock
called Peristereon, and that other hill which
lies next it, and is over the valley which reaches
to Siloam; whence it bended again to the west,
and went down to the valley of the Fountain,
beyond which it went up again at the monu-
ment of Ananus the high-priest, and encom-
passing that mountain where Pompey had for-
merly pitched his camp, it returned back to
the north side of the city, and was carried on
as far as a certain village called " The House
of the Erebinthi ;" after which it eix;ompass-
ed Herod's monurnent, and there, on the east,
was joined to Titus's own camp, where it be-
gan. Now the length of this wall was forty
furlongs, one only abated. Now at this wall
without were erected thirteen places to keep
garrisons in, the circumference of which, put
together, amounted to teo furlongs ; the whole
was completed in three days : so tliat what would
naturally have required some months, was
done in so short an interval as is incredible.
When Titus had therefore encompassed the
city with this wall, and put garrisons into pro-
per places, he went round the wall, at the tirst
watch of the night, and observed how the guard
was kept ; the second watch he allotted to
Alexander ; the commanders of legions took
the third watch. They also cast lots among
themselves who should be upon the watch in
the night-time, and who should go all night
long round the spaces that were interposed
between the garrisons.
4. So all hope of escaping was now cut off
from the Jews, together with their liberty of
going out of the city. Then did the famine
widen its progress, and devoured the people
by whole houses and families ; the upper
rooms were full of women and children that
were dying by famine ; and the lanes of the
city were full of the dead bodies of the aged ;
the children also and the young men wander-
ed about the market-places like shadows, all
swelled with the famine, and fell down dead
wheresoever their misery seized tliem. As
for burying them, those that were sick them-
selves were not able to do it ; and those that
were hearty and well, were deterred from do-
ing it by the great multitude of those dead
bodies, and by the uncertainty there was how
soon they should die themselves ; for many
died as they were burying others, and many
went to their coffins before that fatal hour
was come ! Nor was there any lamentation
made under these calamities, nor were heard
any mournful complaints ; but the famine
confounded all natural passions ; for those
who were just going to die, looked upon those
that were gone to their rest before them with
dry eyes and open mouths. A deep silence
also, and a kind of deadly night, had seized
upon tlie city ; w bile yet the robbers were
r
CUAP XIII.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
735
still more terrible than these miseries were
themselves ; for they brake open those houses
which were no other than graves of dead bo-
dies, and plundered them of what they had ;
and carrying off the coverings of their bodies,
went out laugliing, and tried the points of
their swords on their dead bodies; and, in
order to prove what mettle they were made
of, they thrust some of those through that
still lay alive upon the ground ; but for those
tliat entreated them to lend them their right
hand, and tlieir sword to dispatch them, they
were too proud to grant their requests, and
left them to be consumed by the famine.
Now every one of these died with their eyes
fixed upon the temple, and left the seditious
alive behind them. Now the seditious at
first gave orders that the dead should be buri-
ed out of the public treasury, as not enduring
the stench of their dead bodies. But after-
wards, when they could not do thai, they had
them cast down from the walls into the valleys
beneath.
4. However, when Titus, in going his
rounds along those valleys, saw them full
of dead bodies, and the thick, putrefaction
running about them, he gave a groan ; and,
spreading out his hands to heaven, called
God to witness that this was not his doing:
and such was the sad case of tlie city itself.
But the Romans were very joyful, since none
of the seditious could now make sallies out
of the city, because they were themselves dis-
consolate ; and the famine already touched
them also. These Romans besides, had great
plenty of corn and other necessaries out of
Syria, and out of the neighbouring provinces;
many of whom would stand near to the wall
of the city, and show the people what great
quantities of provisions they had, and so make
the enemy more sensible of their famine, by
the great plenty, even to satiety, which they
had themselves. However, when the sedi-
tious still showed no inclination of yielding,
Titus, out of his commiseration of tlie people
that remained, and out of his earnest desire
of rescuing what was still left out of these
miseries, began to raise his banks again, al-
though materials for them were hard to be
come at; for all the trees that were about the
city had been already cut down for the mak-
ing of the former banks. Yet did the soldiers
bring with the-m other materials from the dis-
tance of ninety furlongs, and thereby raised
banks in four parts, much greater than the
former, thougli this was done only at the
tower of Antonia. So Caesar went his
rounds through the legions, and hastened on
the works, and showed the robbers that they
were now in his hands. But these men, and
these only, were incapable of repenting of
the wickedness they had been guilty of; and
separating their souls from their bodies,
they used them both as if they belonged to
other folks and not to themselves. For no
gentle affection could touch their souls, noi
could any pain alFect their bodies, since they
could still tear the dead bodies of the people
as dogs do, and fill the prisons with those
that were sick.
CHAPTER XIII
THE GREAT SLAUGIITEUS AND SACRILEGE
THAT V,'£RE IN JERUSALEM.
§ 1. Accordingly Simon would not suffer
Matthias, by whose means he got possession
of the city, to go off without torment. This
Matthias was the son of Boethus, and was
one of the high-priests, one that had been
very faithful to the people, and in great es-
teem with them : he, when the multitude
were distressed by the zealots among whom
John was numbered, persuaded the people to
admit this Simon to come in to assist them,
while he had made no terms with him, nor
expected any thing that was evil from him.
But when Simon was come in, and had got-
ten tiie city under his power, he esteemed
him that had advised them to admit him as
his enemy equally with the rest, as looking
upon that advice as a piece of his simplicity
only : so he had him then brought before
him, and condemned to die for being on the
side of the Romans, without giving him leave
to make his defence. He condemned also
his three sons to die with him : for as to the
fourth, he prevented him, by running away
to Titus before. And when he begged for
this, that he might be slain before his sons,
and that as a favour, on account that he had
procured the gates of the city to be opened
to him, he gave order that he should be slain
the last of them all; so he was not slain till
he had seen his sons slain before his eyes, and
that by being produced over-against the Ro-
mans ; for such a charge had Simon given to
Ananus, the son of Bamadus, who was the
most barbarous of all his guards. He also
jested upon him, and told him that he might
now see whether those to whom he intended
to go over, would send him any succours or
not; but still he forbade their dead bodies
should be buried. After the slaughter of
these, a certain priest, Ananias, the son of
Masambulus, a person of eminency, as also
Aristeus, the scribe of the sanhedrim, and born
at Emmaus, and with them fifteen men of
figure among the people, were slain. They
also kept Josephus's father in prison, and
made public proclamation, that no citizen
whosoever should either speak to him him-
self, or go into his company among others,
for fear he should betray them. Tiicy also
slew such as joined in lamenting these men,
without any farther examinatioa.
736
WARS OF THE JEWS.
2. Now when Judas, the son of Judas, who
was one of Siir.on's under officers, and a per-
son intrusted t>y hiin to keep one of tlie towers,
saw this procedure of Simon, he called to-
gether ten of those under him, that were most
faithful to him (perhaps, this was done partly
out of pity to those that had so barbarously
been put to death ; but, principally, in order
to provide for his own safety) and spoke thus
to them :— " How long shall we bear these
miseries ; or, what hopes have we of delivtr-
«nc« by thus continuing faithful to -such
wicked w/etches ? Is not the famine already
come against us ? Are not the Romans in a
manner gotten within the city ? Is not Simon
become unfaitiiful to his benefactors ? and,
is there not reason to fear he will very soon
bring us to the like punishment, while the
security the Romans offer us is sure? Come
on, let us surrender up this wall, and save
ourselves and the city. Nor will Simon be
very much hurt, if, now he despairs of deliver-
aTice, he be brought to justice a little sooner
than he thinks on." Now these ten were
prevailed upon by those arguments j so he
sent the rest of those that were under him,
some one way and some another, that no dis-
covery might be made of what they had re-
solved upon. Accordingly lie callfd to the
Romans from the tower, about the third hour ;
but they, some of them out of pride, despised
what he said, and others of them did not be-
lieve him to be in earnest, though the greatest
nuiTiber delayed the matter, as believing they
sliould get possession of the city in a little
time, without any hazard : but when Titus
was just coming thither with his armed men,
Simon was acquainted with the matter before
he came, and presently took the tower into his
own custody, before it was suirenderd, and
seized upon these men, and put them to
death in the sight of the Romans them-
selves ; and when he had mangled their dead
bodies, he threw them down before the wall
of the city.
3. In the mean time, Josephus, as he was
going round the city, had his head wounded
by a stone that was thrown at him ; upon
which he fell down as giddy. Upon which
fall of his the Jews made a sally, and he had
been hurried away into the city, if Cajsar had
not sent men to protect him immediately;
and, as these men were fighting, Josephus was
taken up, though he heard little of what was
done. So the seditious supposed they had
now slain that man whom they were the most
desirous of killing, and made thereupon a
great noise, in way of rejoicing. 'I'liis ac-
cident was told in the city ; and the multi-
tude that remained became very disconsolate
at the news, as being persuaded that he was
really dead, on whose account alone they could
venture to desert to the Romans ; but when
Josephus's mother heard in prison that her
son was dead, she said to those that watclied
about her, That she had always been of opin
ion, since the siege of Jotapata, [that he would
be slain], and she should never enjoy him
alive any more. She also made great lamen-
tation privately to the maid-servants that were
about her, and said, That this was all the ad-
vantage she had of bringing so extraordinary
a person as this son into the world ; that she
should not be able even to bury that son of
hers, by whom she expected to have been
buried herself. However, this false report did
not put bis mother to pain, nor afford merri-
ment to the robbers long ; for Josephus soon
recovered of his wound, and came out, and
cried out aloud. That it would not be long ere
they should Le punished for this wound they
had given him. He also made a fresh exhor-
tation to the people to come out, upon the
security that would be given them. This
sight of Josephus encouraged the people great-
ly, and brought a great consternation upon
the seditious.
4. Hereupon some of the deserters, having
no other way, leaped down from the wall im-
mediately, while others of them went out of
the city with stones, as if V-:y would fight
them ; but thereupon, they fled away to the
Romans : — but here a worse fate accompanied
these than what they liad found within the
city ; and they met with a quicker dispatch
from the too great abundance they had among
the Romans, than they could have done from
the famine among the Jews; for when thej
came first to the Romans, they were puffed up
by the famine, and swelled like men in a
dropsy ; after which they all on the sudden
over-filled those bodies that were before empty,
and so burst asunder, excepting such only as
were skilful enough to restrain their appetites,
and, by degrees, took in their food into bodies
unaccustomed thereto. Yet did another plague
seize upon those that were thus preserved ; for
there was found among the Syrian deserters
a certain person who was caught gathering
pieces of gold out of the excrements of the
Jews' bellies ; for the deserters used to swal-
low such pieces of gold, as vi e told you before,
when they came out; and for these did the
seditious search them all; for there was a
great quantity of gold in the city, insomuch
that as tnuch was now sold [in the Roman
camp] for twelve Attic [drams^, as was sold
before for twenty-five ; but when this con-
trivance was discovered in one instance, the
fame of it filled their several camps, that the
deserters came to them full of gold. So the
multitude of the Arabians, with llie Syrians,
cut up those that came as supplicants, and
searched their bellies. Nor does it seem to
me that any misery befel the Jews that was
more terrible than this, since in one night's
time about two thousand of these deserters
were thus dissected.
5. When Titus came to the knowledge of
this wicked practice, he had like to have sur
■V
./"
CHAP. xrii.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
737
rounded those that had been guilty of it with
his horse, and have shot them dead ; and he
had done it, had not their number been so
very great, and those that were liable to this
punishment vpould have been manifold, more
than tiiose whom they had slain. Hov^ ever,
he called together the commanders of tlie auxi-
liary troops he had with him, as well as the
commanders of the Roman legions (for some
of his own soldiers had been also guilty here-
in, as he had been informed) and had great
indignation against both sorts of them, and
spoke to them as follows : — " What ! have
any of my own soldiers done such things as
this out of the uncertain hope of gain, with-
out regarding their own weapons, which are
made of silver and gold ? Moreover, do the
Arabians and Syrians now first of all begin to
govern themselves as they please, and to in-
dulge their appetites in a foreign war, and
then, out of their barbarity in murdering men,
and out of their hatred to the Jews, get it
ascribed to the Romans?" — for this infamous
practice was said to be spread among some of
his own soldiers also. Titus then threatened
that he would put such men to death, if any
of them were discovered to be so insolent as
to do so again : moreover, he gave it in charge
to the legions, that they sliould make a search
after such as were suspected, and should bring
them to him ; but it appeared that the love of
money was too hard for all their dread of
punishment, and a vehement desire of gain is
natural to men, and no passion is so venture-
some as covetousness , otherwise such pas-
sions have certain bounds, and are subordi-
nate to fear ; but in reality it was God who
condemned the whole nation, and turned
every course tliat was taken for their preser-
vation to their destruction. This, therefore,
which was forbidden by Cwsai- under such a
threatening, was ventured upon privately a-
gainst the deserters, and these barbarians would
go out still, and meet those that ran away be-
fore any saw them, and looking about them to
see that no Romans spied them, they dissected
them, and pulled this polluted money out of
their bowels; which money was still found in
a few of them, while yet a great many were
destroyed by the bare hope there was of thus
getting by them, which miserable treatment
made many that were deserting to return back
again into the city.
6. But as for Joim, when he could no
longer plunder the people, he betook himself
to sacrilege, and melted down many of the
eacred utensils, which had been given to tlie
temple ; as also many of those vessels which
were necessary for such as ministered about
holy things, the caldrons, the dishes, and the
tables; nay he did not abstain from those
pouring-vessels that were sent them by Au-
gustus and his wife ; for tlie Roman^emper-
ors did ever both honour and adorn this tem-
ple : whereas this man, who was a Jew,
■\.
seized upon what were Jie donations of fo-
reigners ; and said to those that were witli
him, that it was proper for them to use divine
things while they were fighting for the Divi-
nity, without fear, and that such whose war-
fare is for the temple, should live of the temple ;
on which account he emptied the vessels of that
sacred wine and oil, which the priests kept to
be poured on the burnt-offerings, and which
lay in the inner court of the temple, and dis-
tributed it among the multitude, who, in their
anointing themselves and drinking, used [each
of them] above an hin of them : and here I
cannot but speak my mind, and what the con-
cern I am under dictates to me, and it is this :
I suppose, that had the Romans made any
longer delay in coming against these villains,
the city would either have been swallowed up
by the ground opening upon them, or been
overflowed by water, or else been destroyed
by such thunder as the country of Sodom •
perished by, for it had brought forth a gene-
ration of men much more atheistical than
were those that suffered such punishments ;
for by their madness it was that all the people
came to be destroyed.
7. And indeed, why do I relate these par-
ticular calamities ? — while Manneus, the son
of I^azarus, came running to Titus at this
very time, and told him that there had beeii
carried out through that one gate, which was
entrusted to his care, no fewer than a hun .
dred and fifteen thousand eight hundred and
eighty dead bodies, in the interval between
the fourteenth day of the month Xanthicus
[Nisan], when the Romans pitched their camp
by the city, and the first day of the month
Panemus [Tamuz]. This was itself a pro-
digious multitude; and though this man was
not himself set as a governor at that gate, vet
was he appointed to pay the public stipend
for carrying these bodies out, and so was
obliged of necessity to number them, while
the rest were buried by their relations, though
all their burial was but this, to brino- them
away, and cast them out of the city. After
this man there ran away to Titus many of the
eminent citizens, and told him the entire num.
ber of the poor that were dead ; and that no
fewer than six hundred thousand were thrown
out at the gates, though still the number of
the rest could not be discovered ; and they
told him farther, that when they v.ere no
longer able to carry out the dead bodies of
the poor, they laid their corpses on heaps in
very lari;e houses, and shut them up therein;
as also that a medimnus of wheat was sold
for a talent ; and that when, a while after-
* Josephus, both here and before (b. iv, ch. viii, sect.
i) esteems Ihu land of iSodum, not as part of the lake
Aspbaltitis, or under its waters; but near it only, as
Tacitus also took the same notion from him (Hist, v, 6,
7)i which the great Relaiid takes to be the verj- tru'thl
both in his note on this place and in his Talestina (torn*,
i. p. e.rl— 258) ; though I rather suppose part of that re-
gion of Pentapolisto L>e now under the waters of thesoutb
part of that soa ; but perhaps not the whole country.
3 Q
A,
738
WARS OF THE JEWS.
ward, it was not possil)le to gather herbs, by I food. When the Romans barely heard all
reason the city was all walled about, some
persons were driven to that terrible distress as
to search the common sewers and old dung,
hills of cattle, and to eat the dung which they
got there ; and what they of old could not
endure so much a.i to see, they now used for
this, they commiserated their case ; while the
seditious, who saw it also, did not repent, but
suffered the same distress to come upon thenw
selves ; for they were blinded by that fate
which was alreaiiy coming upon the city, and
upon themselves also.
BOOK VI.
CONTAINING THE INTERVAL OF ABOUT ONE MONTH.
FROM THE GREAT EXTREMITY TO WHICH THE JEWS WERE
REDUCED, TO THE TAKING OF JERUSALEM BY TITUS.
CHAPTER I.
THAT THK MISERIES OF THE JEWS STIl.L GREW
WORSE; AND HOW THE ROMANS MADE AN
ASSAULT UPON THE TOWER OF ANTONIA.
<; 1. Thus did the miseries of Jerusalem
grow worse and worse every day, and the se--
tiitious were still more irritated by the cala-
mities they were under, even while the famine
])reyed upon themselves, after it had preyed
upon the people. And indeed the multitude
of carcases that lay in heaps one upon ano-
ther, was a horrible sight, and produced a
pestilential stench, which was a hindcrance to
those that would make sallies out of the city
and fight the enemy : but as tliose wore to go
in battle-array, who had been already used to
ten thousand murders, and must tread upon
those dead bodies as they marched along, so
were not they terrified, nor did they pity men
as they marched over them ; nor did they
deem this affront offered to the deceased to
be any ill omen to themselves; but as they
had their right liands already polluted with
the murders of their own countrymen, and in
that condition ran out to fight with foreign-
eis, they seem to me to have cast a reproach
upon God himself, as if he were too slow in
punishing them ; for the war was not now
gone on with as if they had any hoi)e of vic-
tory ; for they gloried after a brutish manner
in tliat despair of deliverance they were al-
ready in. And now the Iiomans,although they
wure greatly distressed in getting togetlier thtir
miiterials, raised tlieir banks in one-and-twen-
ty days, after they had cut down all the trees
liiat were in the country that adjoined to the
city, and that for ninety furlongs round about,
as 1 have already related. And truly, the very
view itself of the country was a melancholy
tiling; for those places which were before
adorned vvitli trees and pleasant gardens, were
now become a desolate country every way,
and its trees were all cut down : nor could
any foreigner that had formerly seen Judea
and the most beautiful suburbs of the city,
and now saw it as a desert, but lament and
mourn csadly at so great a change; for the
war had laid all signs of beauty quite waste :
nor, if any one that had known the place
before, had come on a sudden to it now,
would he have known it again ; but though
he were at the city itself, yet would he hav
inquired for it notwithstanding.
2. And now the banks were finished, they
afforded a foundation for fear both to the
Romans and to the Jews ; for the Jews ex-
pected that the city would be taken, unless
tliey could burn those banks, as did the Ro-
mans expect that, if these were once burnt
down, they should never be able to take it ;
for there was a mighty scarcity of materials,
and the bodies of the soldiers began to fail
with such hard labours, as did their souls
faint with so many instances of ill success ,
nay, the very calamities themselves that were
in the city proved a greater discouragement to
the Romans than to those within the city; for
they found the fighting men of the Jews to
be not at all mollified among such their sore
afflictions, while they had themselves perpetu-
ally less and less hopes of success, and their
banks were forced to yield to the stratagems
of the enemy, their engines to the firmness ot
their wall, and their closest fights to the bold-
WARS OF THE JEWS.
739
ness of their attack ; and, what was theJr
greatest discouragement of all, they found
the Jews' courageous souls to be superior to
the multitude of the miseries they were un-
der by their sedition, their famine, and the
war itself; insomuch that they were ready to
imagine that the violence of their attacks was
invincible, and that the alacrity they shewed
would not be discouraged by their calamities ;
for what would not those be able to bear if
they should be fortunate, who turned their
very misfortunes to the improvement of their
valour ! These considerations made the Ro-
mans keep a stronger guard about their banks
than they formerly had done.
3. But now John and his party took care
for securing themselves afterward, even in
case this wall should be thrown down, and
fell to their work before the battering-rams
were brought against them. Yet did they
not compass what they endeavoured to do,
but as they were gone out with their torches,
they came back under great discouragement,
before they came near to the banks ; and the
reasons were these : that in the first place,
their conduct did not seem to be unanimous,
but they went out in distinct parties, and at
distinct intervals, and after a slow manner,
and timorously, and, to say all in a word,
without a Jewish courage ; for they were now
defective in what is peculiar to our nation,
that is, in boldness, in violence of assault, and
in running upon the enemy all together, and
in persevering in what they go about, though
they do not at first succeed in it ; but they
now went out in a more languid manner than
usual, and at the same time found the Ro-
mans set in array, and more courageous than
ordinary, and that they guarded their banks
both with their bodies and their entire armour,
and this to such a degree on all sides, that
they left no room for the fire to get among
them, and that every one of their souls was
in such good courage, that they would soon-
er die than desert tneir ranks ; for besides
their notion that all their hopes were cut off,
in case their works wJVe once burnt, the sol-
diers were greatly ashamed that subtilty should
be quite too hard for courage, madness for
armour, multitude for skill, and Jews for Ro-
mans. The Romans had now also another
advantage, in that their engines for sieges co-
operated with them in throwing darts and
stones as far as the Jews, when they were
coming out of the city ; whereby the man
that fell became an impediment to him that
was next to him, as did the danger of going
farther make them less zealous in their at-
tempts ; and for those that had run under the
darts, some of them were terrified by the good
order and closeness of the enemies' ranks be-
fore they came to a close fight, and others
were pricked with tlieir spears, and, turned
back again ; at length they reproached one
another for their cowardice, and retired with-
out doing any thing. This attack was made
upon the first day of the month Panemus
[Tamuz]. So, when the Jews were retreated,
the Romans brought their engines, although
they had a41 the while stones thrown at them
from the tower of Antonia, and were assault-
ed by fire and sword, and by all sorts of darts,
which necessity afforded the Jews to make
use of; for although these had great depend-
ence on their own wall, and a contempt of the
Roman engines, yet did they endeavour to
hinder the Romans from bringing them. Now
these Romans struggled hard, on the contra-
ry, to bring them, as deeming that this zeal of
the Jews was in order to avoid any impres-
sion to be made on the tower of Antonia, be-
cause its wall was but weak, and its founda-
tions rotten. However, that tewer did not
yield to the blows given it from the engines ;
yet did the Romans bear the impressions made
by the enemies' darts which were perpetual,
ly cast at them, and did not give way to any
of those dangers that came upon them from
above, and so they brought their engines to
bear ; but then, as they were beneath the other,
and were sadly wounded by the stones thrown
down upon them, some of them threw their
shields over their bodies, and partly with their
hands, and partly with their bodies, and
partly with crows, they undermined its foun-
dations, and with great pains they removed
four of its stones. Then night came upon
both sides, and put an end to this struggle
for the present; however, that night the wall
was so shaken by the battering-rams in that
place where John had used his stratagem be-
fore, and had undermined their banks^ that
the ground then gave way, and the wall fell
down suddenly,
4. When this accident had unexpectedly
happened, the minds of both parties were va-
riously affected : for though one would ex-
pect that the Jews would be discouraged, be-
cause this fall of their wall was unexpected
by them, and they had made no provision in
that case, yet did they pull up their courage,
because the tower of Antonia itself was still
standing ; as was the unexpected joy of the
Romans at this fall of the wall soon quenched
by the sight they had of another wall, which
John and his party liad built within it. How-
ever, the attack of this second wall appeared
to be easier than that of the former, because
it seemed a thing of greater facility to get up
to it through the parts of the former wall that
were now thrown down. This new wall ap-
peared also to be much weaker than the tower
of Antonia, and accordingly the Romans
imagined that it had been erected so much
on the sudden, that they should soon over-
throw it : yet did not any body venture now
to go up to this wall : for that such as first
ventured so to do must certainly be killed.
5. And now Titus, upon consideration that
the alacrity of soldiers iu war is chiefly ex
^_
740
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK Vi.
cited by hopes and by good words, and that
exhortations and promises do frequently make
men to forget the hazards they run, nay, and
sometimes to despise death itself, got together
the most courageous part of his army, and
tried what he could do with his men by these
methods : — " O fellow-soldiers," said he, " to
make an exhortation to men to do what hath
no peril in it, is on that very account inglorious
to such to whom that exhortation is made ; and
indeed so it is in him that makes the exhorta-
tion, an argument of his own cowardice also.
I therefore think, that such exhortations ought
then only to be made use of when affairs are
in a dangerous condition, and yet are worthy
of being attempted by every one themselves ;
accordingly, I am fully of the same opinion
with you, that it is a difficult task to go up
this wall ; but that it is proper for those that
desire reputation for their valour to struggle
with difficulties in such cases, will then ap-
pear, when I have particularly shown that it
is a brave thing to die with glory, and that
the courage here necessary shall not go un-
rewarded in those that first begin the attempt;
and let my first argument to move you to it
be taken from what probably some would
think reasonable to dissuade you, I mean the
constancy and patience of these Jews, even
under their ill successes ; for it is unbecom-
ing you, who are Romans and my soldiers,
who have in peace been taught how to make
wars, and who have also been used to con-
quer in those wars, to be inferior to Jews,
either in action of the hand or in courage of
the soul, and this especially when you are at
the conclusion of your victory, and are as-
sisted by God himself J for as to our misfor-
tunes, they have been owing to the madness
of the Jewsj while their suti'erings have been
owing to your valour, and to the assistance
God hath afforded you ; for as to the sedi-
tions they have been in, and the famine they
are under, and the siege- they now endure,
and the fall of their walls without our engines,
what can they all be but demonstraticHis of
God's anger against them, and of liis assis-
tance afforded us ? It will not therefore be
proper for you, either to show yourselves in-
ferior to those to whom you are really superi-
or, or to betray that divine assistance which
is afforded you ; and indeed, how can it be
esteemed otherwise than a base and unworthy
thing, that while the Jews, wlio need not be
much ashamed if they be deserted, because
they have long learned to be slaves to others,
do yet despise death, that they may be so
no longer, — and do make sallies into the
very midst of us frequently, not in hopes of
conquering us, but merely for a demonstra-
. tion of their courage ; we, who have gotten
possession of almost all the world that belongs
to either land or sea, to whom it will be a
great shame if we do not conquer them, do
not once undertake any attempt against our
enemies wherein there is much danger, but
sit still idle, with such brave arms as we have,
and only wait till the famine and fortune do
our business themselves, and this when we
have it in our power, with some small hazard,
to gain all that we desire ! For if we go up
to this tower of Antonia, we gain the city;
for if there should be any more occasion for
fighting against those within the city, which
I do not suppose there will, since we shall
then be upon the top of the hill,* and be up-
on our enemies before they can have taken
breath, these advantages promise us no less
than a certain and sudden victory. As for
myself, 1 shall at present ware any commen-
dations of those who die in war,-j- and omit to
speak of the immortality of those men who
are slain in the midst of their martial bra-
very ; yet cannot I forbear to imprecate up-
on those who are of Zi contrary disposition,
that they may die in time of peace, by some
distemper or other, since their souls are al-
ready condemned to the grave, together with
their bodies ; for what man of virtue is there
who does not know that those souls which are
severed from their fleshly bodies in battles by
the sword, are received by the ether, that
purest of elements, and joined to that com-
pany which are placed among the stars ; that
they become good demons, and propitious
heroes, and show themselves as such to their
posterity afterwards ? while upon those souls
that wear away in and with their distempered
bodies, comes a subterranean night to dissolve
them to nothing, and a deep oblivion to take
away all the remembrance of them, and this,
notwithstanding they be clean from all spots
and defilements of this world ; so that, in this
case, the soul at the same time comes to the
utmost bounds of its life, and of its body, and
of its memorial also; but since fate hath de-
termined that death is to come of necessity
upon all men, a sword is a better instrument
for that purpose than any disease whatsoever.
Why, is it not then a very mean thing for us
not to yield up that to the public benefit,
whicli we must yield up to fate? And this
discourse have 1 made, upon the supposition
that those who at first attempt to go upon
this wall must needs be killed in the attempt,
though still men of true courage have a
chance to escape even in the most hazardous
undertakings ; for, in the first place, that part
» Rcland note? here, very pertinently, that the towet
of Antonia stood higher than the floor of ihe temjile or
court adjoining to it; and that accordingly they le-
scended thence into the temple, as Joscphus elsewhere
speaks also. See b. vi, ch. ii, sect. 5.
t In this speech of Titus we may clearly see the no-
tions which the Romans then Iiad of death, and of Ihe
happy state of those who died bravely in war, and the
contrary estate of those who died ignobly in their beds
by sickness. Reland here also produces two parallel
passages, the one out of Ammianus Marcellinus, con-
cerning the Alani, lib. .31, that " they judged that man
happy who laid down his life in battle ;" the other ol
Valerius Maximus, lib. xi, c. 6, who says, "that the
Cimbri and Ctltibcri exulted for joy in the array, as be-
ing to go out of the world gloriously and happilv."
J~
"V_
CHAP. I.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
741
of the former wall that is thrown down, is
easily to be ascended ; and for the new-built
wall, it is easily destroyed. Do you, there-
fore, many of you, pull up your courage, and
set about this work, and do you mutually en-
courage and assist one another; and this your
bravery will soon break the liearts of your e-
nemies ; and perhaps such a glorious under-
taking as yours is may be accomplished with-
out bloodshed j for although it be justly to be
supposed that the Jews will try to hinder you
at your first beginning to go up to them, yet
when you have once concealed yourselves
from them, and driven them away by force,
they will not be able to sustain your efforts
against them any longer, though but a few
of you prevent them, and get over the wall.
As for that person who first mounts the wall,
I should blush for shame if I did not make
him to be envied of others, by those rewards
I would bestov,- upon him. If such a one
escape with his life, he shall have the com-
mand of others that are now but his equals ;
although it be true also, that the greatest re-
wards will accrue to such as die in the at-
tempt."*
6. Upon this speech of Titus, the rest of
the multitude were affrighted at so great a
danger. But there was one whose name was
Sabinus, a soldier that served among the co--
borts, ai>d a Syrian by birth, who appeared to
be of very great fortitude, both in the actions
he had done and the courage of his soul he
had shown ; although any body would have
thought, before he came to his work, that he
was of such a weak constitution of body, that
he was not fit to be a soldier ; for his colour
was black, his flesh was lean and thin, and lay
close together ; but there was a certain heroic
Boul that dwelt in this small body, which body
was indeed much too narrow for that peculiar
courage which was in him. Accordingly he
was the first that rose up ; when he thus
spake : — " I readily surrender myself to thee,
O Caesar: I first ascend the wall, and I
heartily wish that my fortune may follow my
courage and my resolution. And if some ill-
fortune grudge me the success of my under-
taking, take notice that my ill-success will not
be unexpected, but that I choose death volun-
tarily for thy sake." When he had said this,
and had spread out his shield over his head
with his left hand, and had, with his right
hand, drawn hi« sword, he marched up to the
wall just about the sixth hour of the day.
There followed him eleven others, and no
more, that resolved to imitate his bravery ;
but still this was the principal person of them
all, and went first as excited by a divine fury.
Now those that guarded the wall shot at them
from thence, and cast innumerable darts upon
them from every side; they also rolled very
large stones upon them, which overthrew some
» See the note f on page 740-
of those eleven that were with him. But as
for Sabinus himself he met the darts that were
cast at him, and though he was overwhelmed
with them, yet did he not leave o3' the vio-
lence of his attack before he had gotten up on
the top of the wall, and had put the enemy to
flight. For as the Jews were astonished at
his great strength, and the bravery of his soul ;
and as, withal, they imagined more of them
had got upon the wall than really had, they
were put to flight. And now one cannot
but complain here of fortune, as still envious
of virtue, and always hindering the perform-
ance of glorious achievements : this was the
case of the man before us, when he had just
obtained his purpose; for he then stumbled
at a certain large stone, and fell down upon
it headlong, with a very great noise. Upon
which the Jews turned back, and when they
saw him to be alone, and fallen down also,
they threw darts at him from every side.
However, he got upon his knee, and covered
himself with his shield, and at the first de-
fended himself against tFiem, and wounded
many o^ those that came near him ; but he
%vas soon forced to relax his right hand, by
the multitude of the wounds that had been
given him, till at length he was quite covered
over witli darts before he gave up the ghost.
He was one who deserved a better fate, by
reason of his bravery ; but, as might be ex-
pected, he fell under so vast an attempt. As
for the rest of his partners, the Jews dashed
three of them to pieces with stones, and slew
them as they were gotten up to the top of the
wall ; the other eight being wounded, were
pulled down and carried back to the camp.
These things were done upon the third daj
of the month Panemus [Tamuz].
7. Now two days afterward, twelve of these
men that were on the fore-front, and kept
watch upon the banks, got together, and call-
ed to them the standard-bearer of the fifth le-
gion, and two others of a troop of iiorsemen,
and one trumpeter ; these went without noise
about the ninth hour of the night, through the
ruins, to the tower of Antonia ; and when they
had cut the throats of the first guards of the
place, as they were asleep, they got possession
of the wall, and ordered the trumpeter to
sound his trumpet. Upon which the rest of
the guard got up on the sudden, and ran away
before any body could see how many they were
that were gotten up ; for partly from the fear
they were in, and partly from the sound of
the trumpet which they heard, they imagined
a great number of the enemy were gotten up.
But as soon as Cssar heard the signal, he
ordered the army to put o\\ their armour im-
mediately, and came thither with his com-
manders, and first of all ascended, as did the
chosen men that were with him. And as the
Jews were flying away to the temple, they fell
into that mine which John had dug under Uie
Roman banks. Then did the seditious of
"^
T!2
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK VI
both tlie bodies of the Jewish army, as well
tliat belonging to John, as that belonging to
Simon, drive them away; and indeed were no
way wanting as to the liighest degree of force
and alacrity ; for they esteemed themselves
entirely ruined if once the Romans got into
the temple, as did the Romans look upon the
same thing as the beginning of their entire
conquest. So a terrible battle was fought at
the entrance of the temple, while the Romans
were forcing their way, in order to get pos-
session of that temple, and the Jews were
driving them back to the tower of Aritonia;
in which battle the darts were on both sides
useless, as well as the spears, and both sides
drew their swords, and fought it out hand to
band. Now during this struggle, the posi-
tions of the men were undistinguished on both
sides, and they fought at random, the men
being intermixed one with another, and con-
founded, by reason of the narrowness of the
place ; while the noise that was made fell on
the ear after an indistinct manner, because it
was so very loud. Great slaughter was now
made on both sides, and the combatants trod
upon the bodies and the armour of those that
wepe dead, and dashed them to pieces. Ac-
cordingly, to which side soever the battle in-
clined, those that had the advantage exhorted
one another to go on, as did those that were
beaten make great lamentation. But still
there was no room for flight, nor for pursuit,
but disorderly revolutions and retreats, while
the armies were intermixed one with another ;
but those that were in the first ranks were
under the necessity of killing or being killed,
without any way for escaping; for those on
both sides that came behind, forced those be-
fore them to go on, without leaving any space
between the armies. At length the Jews"
violent zeal was too hard for the Romans'
skill, and the battle already inclined entirely
that way ; for the fight had lasted from the
nintli hour of the night till the seventh hour
of the day, while the Jews came on in crowds
and had the danger the temple was in for their
motive ; the Romans having no more here
than a part of their army ; for those legions,
on which the soldiers on that side depended,
were not come up to them. So it was at pre-
sent Uiought sufficient by the Romans to take
possession of the tower of Antonia.
8. But there was one Julian, a centurion,
that came from Bithynia; a man he was of
great reputation, whom I had formerly seen
in that war, and one of the highest fame,
both for his skill in war, his strength of body,
and the courage of his soul. This man, see-
ing the Romans giving ground, and in a sad
condition (for he stood by Titus at the tower'
of Antonia), leaped out, and of himself alone
put the Jews to flight when they were already \
conquerors, and made th«ii retire as far as j
the corner of the inner court of the temple : |
from him the multitude fled away in crowds.)
as supposing that neither his strength nor his
violent attacks could be those of a mere man.
Accordingly he rushed through the midst of
the Jews, as they were dispersed all abroad,
and killed those that he caught. Nor, in
deed, was there any sight that appeared more
wonderful in the eyes of Caesar, or more ter-
rible to others, than this. However, he was
himself pursued by fate, which it was not
possible that he who was but a mortal man
should escape ; for as be had shoes all full ot
thick and sharp nails,* as had every one of
the other soldiers, so when he ran on the
pavement of the temple, he slipped, and fell
down upon his back with a very great noise,
which was made by his armour. This made
those that were running away to turn back ;
whereupon those Romans that were in the
tower of Antonia set up a great shout, as
they were in feai for the man. But the Jews
got about him in crowds, and struck at him
with their spear?, and with their swords on
all sides. Now he received a great many ot
the strokes of these iron weapons upon his
shield, and often attempted to get up again,
but was thrown down by those that struck at
him ; yet did ho, as he lay along, stab many
of them with his sword. Nor was he soon
killed, as being covered with his helmet
and his breast-plate in all those parts of his
body where he might be mortally wounded ;
he also pulled his neck close to his body, till
all his other limbs were shattered, and nobody
durst come to defend him, and then he yield-
ed to his fate. Now Caesar %vas deeply af-
fected on account of this man of so great
fortitude, and especially as he was killed in
the sight of so many people ; he was desir-
ous himself to come to his assistance, but the
place would not give him leave, while such
as could have done it were too much terrified
to attempt it. Thus when Julian liad strug-
gled with death a great while, and had let
but few of those that had given him his mor-
tal wound go oflf unhurt, he had at last his
throat cut, though not without some difficul-
ty ; and left behind him a very great fame,
not only among the Romans and with Caesar
himself, but among his enemies also ; then
did the Jews catch up his dead body, and put
the Romans to flight again, and shut them
up in the tower of Antonia. Now those that
most signalized themselves, and fought most
zealously in this battle of the Jewish side,
were one Alexas and Gyphtheus, of John's
party; and of Simon's party were Malachias,
and Judas the son of Merto, and James the
son of Sosas, the commander of the Idume-
ans ; and of the zealots, two brethren, Simon
and Judas, the sons of Jairus.
» No wonder that this Julian, who had so many
nails in his shoes, slipped upon the pavement of th«
temple, whieh was smooth, and Laid with maibie oi
diSirent colours.
■\.
"V.
CH\P. II.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
743
CHAPTER 11.
HOW TITUS GAVE ORDERS TO DEMOLISH THE
TOWER OF ANTONIA, AND THEN PERSUADED
JOSEPHUS TO EXHORT THE JEWS AGAIN [TO
A surrender].
§ 1. And now Titus gave orders to his sol-
diers that were with him to dig up the foun-
dations of the tower of Antonia, and make
liim a ready passage for his army to come up ;
while he himself had Josephus brought to him
(for he had been informed that on that very
day, which was the seventeenth day* of Pane-
mus [Tamuz], the sacrifice called " the Daily
Sacrifice" had failed, and had not been of-
fered to God for want of men to offer it, and
that the people were grievously troubled at
it) and commanded him to say the same things
to Jolin that he had s.ud before, that if he had
any malicious inclination for fighting, he
might come out with as many of his men as
he pleased, in order to fight, without the
danger of destroying either his city or temple ;
but that he desired he would not defile the
temple, nor thereby offend against God. That
lie might, if he pleased, offer the sacrifices
which were now discontinued, by any of the
Jews whom he should pilch upon. Upon
this, Josephus stood in such a place where he
might be heard, not by John only, but by
-many more, and then declared to them what
Cffisar had given him in charge, and this in the
Hebrew language.f So he earnestly prayed
them to spare their own city, and to prevent that
fire which was just ready to seize upon the tem-
ple, and to offer their usual sacrifices to God
therein. At these words of his a great sadness
and silence were observed among the people.
But the tyrant himself cast many reproaches
upon Josephus, with imprecations besides j and
at last added this withal, that he did never fear
the taking of the city, because it was God's
own city. In answer to which, Josephus
said thus, with a loud voice : — " To be sure,
thou hast kept this city wonderfully pure for
God's sake! the temple also continues entire-
ly unpolluted ! Nor hast thou been guilty of
any impiety against him, for whose assistance
thou hopest ! He still receives his accustom-
ed sacrifices! Vile wretch that thou art!
if any one should deprive thee of thy daily
food, thou wouldst esteem him to be an ene-
* This was a very remarkable day indeed, the seven-
teenth of Panemus [Tamuz], A. D. 10, when, according to
Daniel's prediction, 6' 6 years before, the Romans " in
half a week caused the sacrifice and oblation to cease,"
Dan. ix. 27; for from the month of February, a. d.
66, about which time Vespasian entered on this war, to
this very time, was just three years and a lialf. ^ee
Bishop Lloyd's Tables of Chronology, published by Mr.
Marshall, on this year. Nor is it to be omittetl, what
very nearly confirms this duration of the war, that four
years before the war began, was somewhat above seven
years five months before the destruction of Jerusalem,
chap. V, sect, S.
i t he same that in the New Testament is ^Iways so
called, and was then the common language of the Jews
in Judea, which was the Syriac dialect.
my to thee; but thou hopest to have that
God for thy supporter in this war whom thou
hast deprived of his everlasting worship ! and
thou imputcst those sins to the Romans, who
to this very time take care to have our laws
observed, and alinost compel these sacrifices to
be still offered to God, which have by thy
means been intermitted ! Who is there that
can avoid groans and lamentations at the a-
mazing change that is made in this city ! since
very foreigners and enemies do now correct
that impiety which thou hast occasioiied :
while thou, who art a Jew, and wast educat-
ed in our laws, art become a greater enemy
to them than the others ! But still, John, it
is never dishonourable to repent, and amend
what hath been done amiss, even at the last
extremity. Thou hast an instance before thee
in Jechoniah,^ the king of the Jews, if thou
hast a mind to save the city, who, when the
king of Babylon made war against him, did,
of his own accord, go out of this city before i»
was taken, and did undergo a voluntary cap.
tivity with his family, that the sanctuary
might not be delivered up to the enemy, and
that he might not see the house of God set
on fire : on which account he is celebrated
among all the Jews, in their sacred memori-
als, and his memory is become immortal, and
will be conveyed fresh down to our posterity
through all ages. This, John, is an excellent
example in such a time of danger ; and I
dare venture to promise that the Romans
shall still forgive thee. And take notice, that
I, who make this exhortation to thee, am one
of thine own nation ; I, who am a Jew, do
make this promise to thee. And it will be-
come thee to consider who I am that give thee
this counsel, and whence I am derived ; for
while I am alive I shall never be in such sla-
very as to forego my own kindred, or forget
the laws of our forefathers. Thou hast in-
dignation at me again, and makest a clamour
at me, and reproachest me ; indeed, I cannot
deny but I am worthy of worse treatment
than all this amounts to, because, in opposi-
tion to fate, I make this kind invitation to
thee, and endeavour to force deliverance upon
those whom God hath condemned. And who
is there that does not know what the writings
of the ancient prophets contain in them, — and
particularly that oracle § which is just now-
going to be fulfilled upon this miserable city
— for they foretold that this city should be
then taken when somebody shall begin the
slaughter of his own countrymen ! and are
not ioth the city and the entire temple now
full of the dead bodies of your countrymen ?
It is God therefore, it is God himself who is
bringing on this fire, to purge that city and
t Our present copies of the Old Testament want this
encomium upon king Jechoniah or Jehoiachim, which
it «eems was in Josephus's copy.
§ Of this oracle, see the note on book iv, chap, vi
sect. 3.
744
WARS OF THE JEWS.
tciTiple by means of the Romans,* and is go-
ing to pluck up tliis city, which is full of your
pollutions."
2. As Joseplius spoke these words with
groans, and tears in his eyes, his voice was
intercepted by sobs. However, the Romans
could not but pity the affliction he was under,
and wonder at his conduct. But for John,
and those that were with him, they were but
the more exasperated against the Romans on
this account, and were desirous to get Jose-
plius also into their power : yet did that dis-
course influence a great many of the better
sort; and truly some of them were so afraid
of the guards set by the seditious, that they
tarried where they were, but still were satis-
fied that both they and the city were doomed
to destruction. Some also there were who,
watching for a proper opportunity when they
might quietly get away, fled to the Romans,
of whom were the high-priests Joseph and
Jesus, and of the sons of high-priests three,
whose father was Ishmael, who was beheaded
in Cyrene, and four sons of Matthias, as also
one son of the other Matthias, wlio ran away
after his father's death,f and whose father was
slain by Simon, the son of Gioras, with three
of his sons, as I have already related : many
also of the other nobility went over to the
Romans, together with the high-priests. Now
Cassar not only received these men very kind-
ly in other respects, but, knowing tliey would
not willingly live after the customs of other
nations, he sent them to Gophna, and desired
tliem to remain there for the present, and told
them, that when he was gotten clear of this
war, he would restore each of them to their
possessions again : so they cheerfully retired
to that small city which was allotted them,
without fear of any danger. But as they did
not appear, the seditious gave out again, that
lliese deserters were slain by the Romans, —
which was done, in order to deter the rest
from running away by fear of the like treat-
ment. This trick of theirs succeeded now for
a while, as did the like trick before ; for the
rest were hereby deterred from deserting, by
fear of the like treatment.
3. However, when Titus had recalled those
men from Gophna, he gave orders that they
should go round the wall, together with Jo-
sephus, and show themselves to the people ;
* Josephus, both here and in many places elsewhere,
speaks so, that it is most evident he was fully satisfied
that God was on the Romans' side, and made use of
them now for the destruction of that wicked nation of
the Jews, which was for certain the true state of this
matter, as the prophet Daniel first, and our Saviour
himself afterwards, had clearly foretold. See Lit. Ac-
compl. of Proph. p. 61, &e.
f Josephus had before told us, book v, ch. xiii, sect.
], that this fourth son of Matthias ran away to the Ro-
mans " before" his father's and brethren's slaughter,
and not " after" it, as here. The former account is, in
all probability, the truest; for had not that fourth son
escaped before the otliers were cauglit and put to death,
he had been caught and put to death with them. This
last account, therefore, looks like an instance of a small
Hisdvertence of Josephus in the place before us.
upon which a great many fled to the Romans.
Tliese men also got in a great number together,
and stood before the Romans, and besought
the seditious, with groans, and tears in their
eyes, in the first place to receive tlie Romans
entirely into the city, and save that their own
place of residence again ; but that, if they
would not agree to such a proposal, they
would at least depart out of the temple, and
save the holy house for their own use; for
that the Romans would not venture to set the
sanctuary on fire, but under the most pressing
necessity. Yet did the seditious still more
and more contradict them ; and while they
cast loud and bitter reproaches upon these
deserters, they also set their engines for
throwing of daris, and javelins, and stones,
upon the sacred gates of the temple, at due
distances from one anot;.s/, insomuch that all
the space round about within the temple
might be compared to .i burying-ground, so
great was the number of the dead bodies
therein ; as might the holy house itself be
compared to a citadel. Accordingly, these
men rushed upon these holy places in their
armour, that were otherwise unapproachable,
and that vhile their hands were yet warm
with the blood of their own people which
they had shed ; nay, they proceeded to such
great transgressions, that the very same indig-
nation which Jews would naturally have a-
gainst Romans, had they been guilty of such
abuses against them, the Romans now had
against Jews, for their impiety in regard to
their own religious customs. Nay, indeed,
there were none of the Roman soldiers who
did not look with a sacred horror upon the
holy house, and adored it, and wished that
the robbers would repent before their miseries
became incurable.
4. Now Titus was deeply afiected with this
state of things, and reproached John and liis
party, and said to them, " Plave not you, vile
wretches that you are, by our permission, put
up this partition-wall \ before your sanctuary?
Have not you been allowed to put up the
pillars thereto belonging, at due distances,
and on it to engrave in Greek, and in your
own letters, this prohibition, that no foreigner,
should go beyond that wall ? Have not we
given you leave to kill such as go beyond it,
though he were a Roman? And what do you
do now, you pernicious villains ? Why do you
trample upon dead bodies in this temple?
and why do you pollute this holy house with
the blood both of foreigners and Jews them-
selves ? I appeal to the gods of my own coun-
try, and to every god that ever had any re-
gard to this place (for I do not suppose it to
be now regarded by any of them) ; I also ap-
peal to my own army, and to those Jews that
are now with me, and even to you yourselves,
t Of this partition-wall separating Jews and Gentiles,
with its pillars and insciiption, see the description of tlie
temples, chap. xv.
CHAP. II.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
745
t!;at I do not force you to defile this your 1 set of those that came first upon thorn; but
sanctuary; and if you will but change the those that followed them fell upon Iheii own
place whereon you will fight, no Roman shall troops, and many of them treated their own
eitlier come near your sanctuary, or offer any soldiers as if they had been enemies ; for the
affront to it; nay, I will endeavour to pre- 1 great confused noise that was made on both
serve you your holy house, whether you will
or not." *
5. As Josephus explained these things
from the mouth of Caesar, both the robbers
and the tyrant thought that these exhortations
proceeded from Titus's fear, and not from his
good-will to them, and grew insolent upon it ;
but when Titus saw th;it these men were nei-
ther to be moved by commiseration towards
themselves, iK)r had any concern upon them
to have the holy house spared, he proceeded,
unwillingly, to go on again with the war a-
gainst them. He could not indeed bring all
iiis army against tl>em, the place was so nar-
row ; but choosing thirty soldiers of the most
valiant out of every hundred, and committing
a thousand to each tribune, and making Ce-
realis their commander-in-chief, he gave or-
ders that they should attack the guards of the
temple about the ninth hour of that night ;
but as he was now in his armour, and pre-
paring to go down with them, his friends
would not let him go, by reason of the great-
ness of the danger, and what the command-
«,'rs suggested to them ; for they said, that he
would do more by sitting above in the tower
of AiUonia, as a dispenser of rewards to those
soldiers that signalized themselves in the fight,
than by coming down and hazarding his own
person in the fore-front of them ; for that
they would all fight stoutly while Cassar
looked upon them. With this advice Caesar
complied, and said, that the only reason he
had for such compliance with the soldiers was
sides, hindered them from distinguishing one
another's voices, as did the darkness of the
night hinder them from the like distinction
by the sight, besides that blindness which arose
otherwise also from the passion and the fear
they were in at the same time ; for which rea-
son, it was all one to the soldiers who it was
they struck at. However, this ignorance did
less harm to the Romans than to the Jews,
because they were joined together under their
shields, and made their sallies more regularly
than the others did, and each of them remem-
bered their watch-word ; while the Jews were
perpetually dispersed abroad, and made their
attacks and retreats at random, and so did fre-
quently seem to one another to be enemies ; for
every one of them received those of their own
men that came back in the dark as Romans and
made an assault upon them ; so that more of
them were wounded by their own men than by
the enemy, till, upon th.e coming on of the day,
the nature of the fight was discerned by the
eye afterward. Then did they stand in battle-
array in distinct bodies, and cast their darts
regularly, and regularly defended themselves ,
nor did either side yield or grow weary. The
Romans contended with each other who should
fight the most strenuously, botii single men
and entire regiments, as being under tiie eye
of Titus; and every one concluded that tiiis
day would begin his promotion if he fought
bravely. The great encouragements vvhici.
tile Jews had in view to act vigourously were
their fear for themselves and for the temple,
this, that he might be able to judge of their j and the presence of their tyrant, who exhorted
courageous actions, and tliat no valiant soldier I some, and beat and threatened others to act
might lie concealed, and miss of lu's reward ;
and no cowardly soldier might go unpunished;
but that he might himself be an eye-witness,
and able to give evidence of all that was done,
who was to be the disposer of punishments
and rewards to them. So he sent tlie soldiers
about their work at the hour foremontioned,
while he went out himself to a higher place
courageously. Now, it so happened, that
this fight was for the most part a stationary
one, wherein the soldiers went on and came
back in a short time, and suddenly ; for there
was no long space of ground for either of
their flights or pursuits , but still there was a
tumultuous noise among the Romans from
the tower of Antonia, who loudly cried out
n the tower of Antonia, wlience he might seel upon all occasions for their own men to press
what was done, and there waited with impa-
tience to see the event,
6. Ho%vever, the soldiers that were sent did
not find the guards of the temple asleep, as they
hoped to have done ; but were obliged to fight
with them immediately hand to hand, as they
rushed witli violence upon them with a great
shout. Now, as soon as the rest within the
temple heard that shout of those that were
upon the vvatcli, they ran out in troops upon
them. Then did the Romans receive the on-
' That these seditious Jews were the direct occasions
of their own ilestruclioii, and of the conlla^ation of
their city and tcmjile ; and that Titus eariieStiy and
coniiaiitly laboured to save botli, is here and every-
where miist evident in Josephus.
on courageously, when they were too hard for
the Jews, and to stay when they were retire-
ing backward ; so that here was a kind of
theatre of war ; for what was done in this
fight could not be concealed cither from Ti-
tus or from those that were about him. At
length, it appeared that this fight, which be-
gan at the ninth hour of the night, was not
over till past the fifth hour of the day; and
that, in the same place wl-.ere the battle be-
gan, neither party could say they had made
the other to retire; but both the armies left
the victory almost in uncertainty between
them ; wlicrein those that signalized them-
selves on the Roman side were a great many
3 R
746
WARS OF THE JEWS.
but on the Jewish side, and of tliose that
were with Simon, Judas tlie son of Merto,
and Simon the son of Josias; of the Idume-
ans, James and Simon^ the latter of whom
was the son of Catlilas, and James was the
son of Sosas ; of those that were with John,
Gyphtheus and Alexas ; and, of the zealots,
Simon, the son of Jairus.
7. In the mean time, the rest of the Ro-
man army had, in seven days' time, over-
thrown [some] foundations of the tower of
Antonia, and had made a ready and broad
way to the temple. Then did the legions
come near the first court,* and began to raise
their banks. The one bank was over-against
the north-west corner of the inner temple ;f
another was at that northern edifice which was
between the two gates; and of the other two, one
was at the western cloister of the outer court*
of the temple; the other against its northern
cloister. However, these works were thus
far advanced by the Romans, not without
great pains and difliculty, and particularly
by being obliged to bring tiieir materials from
the distance of a hundred furlongs. They
had farther difficulties also upon them : some-
times, by the over-great security they were in
that they should overcome the Jewish snares
laid for tliem, and by that boldness of the Jews
j which their despair of escaping had inspired
them withal ; for some of their horsemen,
when tliey went out to gather wood or hay,
let their horses feed, without having their bri-
dles on during the time of foraging; upon
which horses the Jews sallied out in whole
bodies, and seized them ; and when this was
continualJy done, and Cassar believed, what
the truth was, that tlie horses were stolen
more by the negligence of his own men than
by the valour of the Jews, he determined to
use greater severity to oblige the rest to take
care of their horses ; so he commanded that
one of those soldiers who had lost their horses
should be capitally punished; whereby he so
terrified the rest, that they preserved their
horses for the time to come ; for they did not
any longer let them go from them to feed
by themselves, but, as if they had grown to
them, they went always along with them
when they wanted necessaries. Thus did
the Romans still continue to make war a-
gainst the temple, and to raise their banks a-
gainst it.
8. Now, after one day had been interpos-
ed since the Romans ascended the breach,
many of the seditious were so pressed by the
famine, upon the present failure of tiieir rav-
ages, that they got together, and made an at-
tack on those Roman guards that were upon
the Mount of Olives, and this about the ele-
venth hour of the day, as supposing first, that
they would not expect such an onset, and, in
the next place, that they were then taking
The Court of the Gentiles. + Tlie Court of Israel.
care of iheir bodies, and that therefore they
should very easily beat them ; — but the Ro-
mans were apprised of their coming to attack
them beforehand, and running together from
the neighbouring camps on the sudden, pre-
vented them from getting over their fortifica-
tion, or forcing the wall that was built about
them. Upon this came on a sharp fight,
and here many great actions were performed
on both sides ; while the Romans showed
both their courage and their skill in war, as
did the Jews come on them with immoderate
violence and intolerable passion. The on? par-
ty were urged on by shame, and the other by
necessity ; for it seemed a very shameful
thing to the Romans to let the Jews go, now
they were taken in a kind of net; while the
Jews had but one hope of saving themselves,
and that was, in case they could by violence
break through the Roman wall : — and one,
whose name was Pedanius, belonging to a
party of horsemen, when ihe Jews were al-
ready beaten and forcetl down into the valley
together, spurred his horse on their flank
with great vehemence, and caught up a cer-
tain young man belonging to the enemy by
his ancle, as he was running away. The
man was, however, of a robust body, and in
his armour; so low did Pedanius bend him-
self downward from his horse, even as he was
galloping away, and so great was the strength
of his right hand, and of the rest of his body,
as also such skill had he in horsemanship.
So this man seized upon that his prey, as
upon a precious treasure, and carried him as
his captive to Casar : whereupon Titus ad-
mired the man that had seized the other
for his great strength, and ordered the man
that was caught to be punished [with death]
for his attempt against the Roman wall,
but betook himself to the siege of the tem-
ple, and to pressing on the raising of the
banks.
9. In the mean time, the Jews were so dis-
tressed by the fights they had been in, as the
war advanced higher and higher, and creep-
ing up to the holy house itself, that they, as
it were, cut off those limbs of their body
which were infected, in order to prevent the
distemper's spreading farther; for they set
the north-west cloister, which was joined to
the tower of Antonia, on fire, and after that
brake off about twenty cubits of that cloister,
and thereby made a beginning in burning the
sanctuary : two days after which, or on the
twenty-fourth day of the forenamed month
[Panemus or Tamuz], the Romans set fire to
the cloister that joined to the other, when the
fire went fifteen cubits farther. The Jews,
in like manner, cut off its roof; nor did they
entirely leave off what they were about till
the tower of Antonia was parted from the
temple, even when it was in their power to
have stopped the fire ; nay, they lay still
while the temple was first set on fire, and
^
CHAP III.
WARS OF THE JEWSv
74-7
deemed tliis spraading of the fire to be for
their own advantage. However, the armies
were still fighting one against another about
the temple ; and the war was managed by
continual sallies of particular parties against
one another.
10. Now there was at this time a man
among the Jews ; low of stature he was, and
of a despicable appearance ; of no character
either as to his family, or in other respects:
his name was Jonathan. He went out at the
high-priest John's monument, and uttered
many other insolent things to the Romans,
and challenged the best of them all to a sin-
gle combat ; but many of those that stood
there in the army liufiFed him, and many of
them (as they might well be) were afraid of
him. Some of them also reasoned thus, and
that justly enough ; that it was not fit to fight
with a man that desired to die, because those
that utterly despaired of deliverance had, be-
sides other passions, a violence in attacking
men that could not be opposed, and had no
regard to God himself; and that to hazard
one's self with a person, whom if you over-
come, you do no great matter, and by whom
it is hazardous that you may be taken pri-
soner, would be an instance, not of manly
courage, but of unmanly rashness. So there
being nobody that came out to accept the
man's challenge, and the Jew cutting them
nith a great number of reproaches, as cow-
ards (for he was a very haughty man in him-
self, and a great despiser of the Romans), one
whose name was Pudens, of the body of horse-
men, out of his abomination of the other's
words, and of his impudence withal, and per-
haps out of an inconsiderate arrogance, on
account of the other's lowness of stature, ran
out to him, and was too hard for him in other
respects, but was betrayed by his ill-fortune ;
for he fell down, and as he was down, Jona-
tlian came running to him, and cut his tiiroat,
and then standing upon his dead body, he
brandished his sword, bloody as it was, and
shook his shield with his left hand, and made
many acclamations to the Roman army, and
exulted over the dead man, and jested upon
the Romans ; till at length one Priscus, a cen-
turion, shot a dart at him as he was leaping
and playing the fool with himself, and there-
by pierced liim through : upon which a shout
was set up both by the Jews and the Romans,
though on different accounts. So Jonathan
grew giddy by the pain of his wounds, and
fell down vipon the body of his adversary — a
plain instance how suddenly vengeance may
come upon men that have success in war,
without any just deserving of the same.
CHAPTER III.
CONCERNING A STRATAGEM THAT WAS DEVISED
BY THE JEWS, BY WHICH THEY BURNT MANY
OF THE ROMANS; WITH ANOTHER DESCRIP-
TION OF THE TERRIBLE FAMINE THAT WAS
IN THE CITY.
§ 1. But now the seditious tliat were in the
temple did every day openly endeavour tc
beat off the soldiers that were upon the banks,
and on the twenty-seventli day of the fore-
named month [Panemus, or Tamuz], contriv-
ed sucli a stratagem as this : — They filled that
part of the western cloister * which was be-
tween the beams, and the roof under them,
with dry materials, as also with bitumen and
pitch, and then retired from that place as
though they were tired with the pains they
had taken; at which procedure of theirs, many
of the most inconsiderate among the Romans,
who were carried away with violent passions,
followed hard after them as they were retiring,
and applied ladders to the cloister, and got
up to it suddenly ; but the prudent part of
them, when they understood this unaccounta-
ble retreat of the Jews, stood still where they
were before. However, the cloister was full
of those that were gone up the ladders ; at
which time the Jews set it all on fire ; and as
the flames burst out everywhere on the sud-
den, the Romans that were out of the danger
were seized with a very great consternation,
as were those that were in the midst of the
danger in the utmost distress. So when they
perceived themselves surrounded with the
flames, some of them threw themselves down
backwards into the city, and some among their
enemies [in the temple] ; as did many leap
down to their own men, and broke their limbs
to pieces : but a great number of those that
were going to take these violent methods, were
prevented by the fire ; though some prevented
the fire by their own swords. However, the
fire was on the sudden carried so far as to
surround those who would have otherwise
perished. As for Ctesar himself, he could
not, however, but commiserate those that thus
perished, although they got up thither with-
out any order for so doing, since there was no
way of giving them any relief. Yet was this
some comfort to those that were destroyed,
that every body might see that person grieve,
for whose sake they came to their end ; for
he cried out openly to them, and leaped up,
and exhorted those that were about him to
do their utmost to relieve them. So every
one of them died cheerfully, as carrying
along with him these words and this intention
of Caesar as a sepulcliral monument. Some
there were, indeed, who retired into the wall
* Of the Court of the Gentiks.
./-
r48
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK VI
of the cloister, wliich was broad, and were
preserved out of the fire, but were then sur-
rounded by the Jews; and although they
made resistance against the Jews for a long
time, yet were they wounded by them, and at
length they all fell down dead.
2. At the last, a young man among them,
whose name was Longus, became a decora-
tion to this sad affair, and while every one of
them that perished were wor'.Iiy of a memorial,
this man appeared to deserve it beyond all the
rest. Now the Jews admired this man for his
courage, and were farther desirous c.!' having
him slain ; so they persuaded him to come
down to them, upon security given him for
his life. But Cornelius, iiis brother, persuad-
ed him, on the contrary, not to tarnish his
own glory nor that of the Roman army. He
complied with this last advice, and lifting up
his sword before both armies, he slew himself.
Yet was there one Artorius among those sur-
nay, these robbers gaped for want, and ran
about stumbling and staggering along like mad
dogs, and reeling against the doors of the
houses like drunken men ; they would also, in
the great distress they were in, rush into the
very same houses two or three times in one
and the same day. Moreover, their hunger
was so intolerable, that it obliged them to
chew every thing, while they gathered such
things as the most sordid animals would not
touch, and endured to eat them ; nor did they
at length abstain from girdles and shoes; and
the very leather which belonged to their shields
they pulled off and gnawed : the very wisps of
old hay became food to some; and some
gathered up fibres, and sold a very small
weight of them for four Attic [drachmae].
But why do I describe the shameless impu-
dence that the famine brought on men in their
eating inanimate things, while I am going
to relate a matter of fact, the like to which no
rounded with the fire, ^^ho escaped by his history relates, * either among the Greeks or
subtilty ; for when he had with a loud voice
called to him Lucius, one of his fellow sol-
diers that lay with him in the same tent, and
said to him, " I do leave thee lieir of all I have,
if thou wilt come and receive me." Upon this
he came running to receive him readily ; Ar-
torius then threw himself down upon him, and
saved his own life, while he that received him
was dashed so vehemently against the stone-
pavement by the other's weight, that he died
immediately. Tliis melancholy accident made
the Romans sad for a while, but still it made
them more upon their guard for the future,
and was of advantage to them against the de-
lusions of the Jews, by which they were great-
ly damaged through their unacquaintedness
with the places, and with the nature of the in-
habitants. Now this cloister was burnt down
as far as John's tower, which he built in the
war he made against Simon over the gates that
led to the Xystus. The Jews also cut off the
rest of that cloister from the temple, after they
had destroyed those that got up to it. But
the next day the Romans burnt down the
northern cloister entirely, as far as the east
cloister, wliosc common angle joined to the
valley that was called Cedron, and was built
over it; on which account the depth was fright-
ful. And this was the state of the temple at
that time.
3. Now of those that perished by famine
in the city, the number was prodigious, and
the miseries they imderwent were unspeak-
able ; for if so much as the shadow of any
kind of food did anywhere appear, a war was
commenced presently ; and the dearest friends
fell a fighting one with another about it,
snatching from each other the most miserable
supports of life. Nor would men believe that
those who were dying had no food ; but the
robbers would search them when they were
expiring, lest any one should have concealed
food in their bosoms, and counterfeited dying :
Barbarians ! It is horrible to speak of it, and
incredible when heard. I had indeed willing-
ly omitted this calamity of ours, that I might
not seem to deliver what is so portentous to
posterity, but that I have innumerable wit-
nesses to it in my own age ; and besides, my
country would have had little reason to thank
me for suppressing the miseries that she under-
went at this time.
4. There was a certain woman that dwelt
beyond Jordan, her name was Mary ; her
father was Eieazar, of the village Bethezub,
which signifies tlie House of Hyssojy. She
was eminent for her family and lier wealth,
and had fled away to Jerusalem with the rest
of the multitude, and was with them besieg-
ed therein at this time. The other effects of
this woman had been already seized upon ;
such I mean as she had brought with her out
of Perea, and removed to the city. What ^he
had treasured up besides, as also what food
she had contrived to save, had been also carri-
ed off by the rapacious guards, who came every
day running into her house for that purpose.
1 his put the poor woman into a very great
passion, and by the frequent reproaches and
• What Josephus observes here, that no parallel ex-
amples had been recorded before his time of such sieges,
wherein mothers were forced by extremity of famine to
cat their own children, as had been threatened to the
Jews in the law of Moses, upon obstinate disobedience,
and more than once fulfilled (see niv Boyle's Lectures,
p. 210— 211), is bv Dr. Hudson supposed to have had
two or three parallel examples in later ages. He might
have had more examples, I suppose, of persons on .ship-
board, or in a desert island, easting lots for each other's
bodies ; but all this was only in cases where they knew
of no possible way to a\ old death themseh es, but by
killing and eating others. Whetlier such examples come
up to me present ca-e, may be doubted. The Romans
were not only willing, but'vcrv desirous, to grant those
Jews in Jerusalem both Iheir lives and their liberties,
and to save both their city and their temple. But the
realots, the robbers, ajid the seditious, would hearken
to no terms o£ submission. They voluntarily chose to
reduce the eaizcns to that extremity, as to force mo
thers to this unnatural barbarity, which, in all its cir-
cumstances, has not, 1 still suppose, been lutherto pa-
■ ralleled ainong the rest of mankind.
"X
CHAP. IV.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
749
imprecations she cast at these rapacious vil-
lains, she had provoked them to anger against
her ; but none of them, either out of the in-
dignation she had raised against lierself, or out
of the commiseration of her case, would take a-
way lier life ; and if she found any food, she per-
ceived her labours were for others, and not for
herself; and it was now become impossible for
her any way to find any more food, while the
famine pierced through her very bowels and
marrow, when also her passion was fired to a de-
gree beyond the famine itself : nor did she con-
sult with any thing but with her passion and the
necessity she was in. She then attempted a
most unnatural thing ; and snatching up her
son, who was a child sucking at her breast,
she said, " O thou miserable infant ! for whom
shall I preserve thee in this war, this famine,
and this sedition ? As to the war with the
Romans, if they preserve our lives, we must
be slaves ! This famine also will destroy us,
even before that slavery comes upon us ; — yet
are these seditious rogues more terrible than
both the otlier. Come on ; be thou my food,
and be thou a fury to these seditious varlets
and a by-word to tlie world, which is all that
is now wanting to complete the calamities of
us Jews." As soon as she had said this she
slew her son ; and then roasted him, and ate
tlie one half of him, and kept the other half
by her concealed. Upon this the seditious
came in presently, and smelling the horrid
scent of this food, they threatened her, that
they would cut her throat immediately if she
did not show them what food she had gotten
ready. She replied, that she had saved a very
fine portion of it for them ; and withal un-
covered what was left of her son. Hereupon
they were seized with a horror and amaze-
ment of mind, and stood astonished at the
sight ; when she said to them, " This is mine
own son ; and what hath been done was mine
own doing ! Come, eat of this food ; for I
have eaten of it myself ! Do not you pretend
to be either more tender than a woman, or
more compassionate than a mother ; but if you
be so scrupulous, and do abominate this my
sacrifice, as I have eaten the one half, let the
rest be reserved for me also." After which,
those men went out trembling, being never so
much affrighted at any thing as they were at
tins, and with some difficulty they left the rest
of that meat to the mother. Upon which the
whole city was fuH of this horrid action im-
mediately ; and while every body laid this
miserable case before their own eyes, they
trembled, as if this unheard-of action had
been done by themselves. So those that were
thus distressed by the famine were very de-
sirous to die ; and those already dead were
esteemed happy, because they had not lived
long enough either to hear or to see such mi-
series. ^
5. This sad instance was quickly told to
the Romans, some of whom could not be-
lieve it, and others pitied the distress which
the Jews -w ere under ; but there were many
of them w ho were hereby induced to a more
bitter hatred than ordinary against our na-
tion ; — but for CsEsar, he excused himself
before God as to this matter, and said, that he
had proposed peace and liberty to the Jews,
as well as an oblivion of all their former in-
solent practices; but that they, instead of con.
cord, had chosen sedition ; instead of peace,
war ; and before satiety and abundance, a fa-
mine. That they had begun with their own
hands to burn down that temple, which we
have preserved hitherto ; and that therefore
they deserved to eat such food as this was.
That, however, this horrid action of eating
one's own child, ought to be covered with the
overthrow of their very country itself; and
men ought not to leave such a city upon tlie
habitable earth to be seen by the sun, wherein
mothers are thus fed, although such food be
fitter for the fathers than for the mothers to
eat of, since it is they that continue still in a
state of war against us, after they have un^
dergone such miseries as these. And at the
same time that he said this, he reflected on tlie
desperate condition these men must be in ;
nor could he expect that such men could be
recovered to sobriety of mind, after they iiad
endured those very suflTerings, for the avoid-
ing whereof it only was probable they might
have repented.
CHAPTER IV.
WHEN THE BANKS WERE COMPLETED, AND THE
BATTERING-RAMS BROUGHT, AND COULD DO
NOTHING, TITUS GAVE ORDERS TO SET FIRE
TO THE GATES OF THE TEMPLE ; IN NO LONG
TIME AFTER WHICH, THE HOLY HOUSE ITSELF
WAS BURNT DOWN, EVEN AGAINST lUS CON-
SENT.
§ 1. And now two of the legions had com-
pleted their banks on the eighth day of the
month Lous [ Ab]. Whereupon Titus gave or-
ders that the battering-rams should be brought
and set over-against the western edifice of the
inner temple ; for before these were brought,
the firmest of all the other engines had bat-
tered the wall for six days together without
ceasing, without making any impression up-
on it ; but the vast largeness and strong con-
nexion of the stones were superior to that en-
gine, and to the other battering-rams also.
Other Romans did indeed undermine the
foundations of the nortliern gate, and, after a
world of pains, removed the outermost stones,
yet was the gate still upheld by the inner
stones, and stood still unhurt; till the work-
men, despairing of all such attempts by en-
gines and crows, brought their ladders to the
cloisters. Now the Jews did not interrupt
750
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK VI.
them in so doing; but when they were gotten
up, they fell upon them and fought with them ;
some of them they thrust down, and threw
them backwards headlong; others of them they
met and slew ; they also beat many of those
that went down the ladders again, and slew
them with their swords before they could
bring their sliields to protect them ; nay, some
of the ladders they threw down from above
when they were full of armed men ; a great
slaughter was made of the Jews also at the
same time, while those that bare the ensigns
fought hard for them, as deeming it a terrible
thing, and what would tend to their great
shame, if they permitted them, to be stolen
away. Yet did the Jews at length get pos-
session of these engines, and destroyed those
tliat had gone up the ladders, while the rest
were so intin.iUatcd by what those suffered
who were slain, that they retired; although
rone of the Romans died without having done
good service before his death. Of the sedi-
tious, those that had fought bravely in the
former battles, did the like now; as besides
them did Eleazar, the brother's son of Simon
the tyrant. But when Titus perceived that
his endeavours to spare a foreign temple turn-
ed to the damage of his soldiers and made
them be killed, he gave order to set the gates
on fire.
2. In the mean time there deserted to him
Ananus, viho came from Emmaus, the most
Dloody of all Simon's guards, and Archelaus,
the son of Magadatus, they hoping to be still
forgiven, because they left the Jews at a time
when they were the conquerors. Titus ob-
jected this to these men, as a cunning trick
of theirs ; and as he had been informed of
their other barbarities toward the Jews, he
was going in all haste to have them both
slain. He told them that they were only
driven to this desertion because of the utmost
distress they were in, and did not come away
of their own good disposition ; and that those
did not deserve to be preserved, by whom
their own city was already set on fire, out of
which fire they now hurried themselves away.
However, the security he had promised de-
serters overcame his resentments, and he dis-
missed them accordingly, though he did not
give them the same privileges that he had af-
forded to others; and now the soldiers had
already put fire to the gates, and the silver
that was over them quickly carried the flames
to the wood that was within it, whence it
spread itself all on the sudden, and caught
hold of the cloisters. Upon the Jews' seeing
this fire all about them, their spirits sunk,
together with their bodies, and they were un-
der such astonishment, that not one of them
made any haste, either to defend himself or
to quench the fire, but they stood as mute
spectators of it only. However, they did not
so grieve at the loss of what was now burn-
ing as to grow wiser thereby for the time to
come; but as though the holy house itself
had l)een on fire already, they whetted their
passions against the Romans. This fire pre-
vailed during that day and the next also; for
the soldiers were not able to burn all the
cloisters that were round about together at
one time, but only by pieces.
S. But then, on the next day, Titus com-
manded part of his army to quench the fire,
and to make a road for the more easy march-
ing up of the legions, while he himself ga-
thered the commanders together. Of those
there were assembled the six principal per-
sons : Tiberius Alexander, the commander
[under the general] of the whole army; with
Sextus Cerealis, the commander of the fifth
legion; and Larcius Lepidus, the command-
er of the tenth legion ; and Titus Frigius,
the commander of the fifteenth legion : there
was also with them Eternius, the leader of
the two legions that came from Alexandria •
and Marcus Antonius Julianus, procuratoi
ofjudea; after these came together all the
rest of the procurators and tribunes. I'itus
proposed to these that they should give him
their advice what should be done about the
holy house. Now, some of these thought it
would be the best way to act according to the
rules of war [and demolish it] ; because the
Jews would never leave off rebelling while
that house was standing ; at whicli house it
was that they used to get all together. Others
of them were of opinion, that in case tha
Jews would leave it, and none of them would
lay their arms up in it, he might save it; but
that in case they got upon it, and fought any
more, he might burn it; because it must then
be looked upon not as a holy house, but as a
citadel ; and that the impiety of burning it
would then belong to those that forced this
to be done, and not to them. But Titus
said, that " although the Jews should get
upon that holy house, and fight us thence,
yet ought we not to revenge ourselves on
things that are inanimate, instead of the men
themselves ;" and that he was not in any case
for burning down so vast a work as that was,
because this would be a mischief to the Ro-
mans themselves, as it would be an ornament
to their government while it continued. So
Fronto, and Alexander, and Cerealis, grew
bold upon that declaration, and agreed to the
opinion of Titus. Then was this assembly
dissolved, when Titus had given orders to
the commanders that the rest of their forces
should lie still ; but that they should make
use of such as were most courageous in this
attack. So he commanded that the chosen
men that were taken out of the cohorts shotild
make their way through the ruins, and quench
the fire.
4. Now it is true, that on this day the
Jews were so weary, and under such conster-
nation, that they refrained from any attacks ;
but on the next day they gathered their whole
CHAP. IV
WARS OF THE JEWS.
751
force together, and ran upon those that
guarded the outward court of the temple,
verj' boldly, through the east gate, and this
about the second hour of the day. These
guards received that their attack with great
bravery, and by covering themselves with
their shields before, as if it were with a wall,
they drew their squadrons close together ; yet
was it evident that they could not abide there
very long, but would be overborne by the
multitude of those that sallied out upon them,
and by the heat of their passion. However,
Caesar seeing, from the tower of Antonia, that
this squadron was likely to give way, he sent
some chosen horsemen to support them.
Hereupon the Jews found themselves not
able to sustain their onset, and upon the
slaughter of those in the fore -front, many of
the rest were put to flight ; but as the Ro-
mans were going off, the Jews turned upon
them and fought them ; and as those Romans
came back upon them, they retreated again, un-
til about the fifth hour of the day they were
overborne, and shut themselves up in the
inner [court of the] temple.
5. So Titus retired into the tower of
Antonia, and resolved to storm the temple
the next day, early in the morning, witli
his whole army, and to encamp round
about the holy house ; but, as for that house,
God had for certain long ago doomed it to
the fire ; and now that fatal day was come,
according to the revolution of ages : it was
the tenth day of the month Lous [Ab], upon
which it was formerly burnt by the king of
Babylon ; although these flames took their
rise from the Jews themselves, and were oc-
casioned by them ; for upon Titus's retiring,
the seditious lay still for a little while, and
then attacked the Romans again, when those
that guarded the holy house fought with those
that quenched the fire that was burning in the
inner [court of the] temple; but these Ro-
mans put the Jews to flight, and proceeded as
far as the holy house itself. At which time
one of the soldiers, without staying for any
orders, and without any concern or dread up-
on him at so great an undertaking, and being
hurried on by a certain divine fury, snatch-
ed somewhat out of the materials that were
on fire, and being lifted up by another soldier,
he set fire to a golden window, through which
there was a passage to the rooms that were
round about the holy house, on the north side
of it. As the flames went upward the Jews
made a great clamour, such as so mighty an
affliction required, and ran together to pre-
vent it; and now they spared not their lives
any longer, nor suffered any thing to restrain
their force, since that holy house was perisii-
ing, for whose sake it was that they kept such
a guard about it.
6. And now a certain person came running
to Titus, and told him of this tire, as he was
resting himself in his tent after the last bat-
tie ; whereupon he rose up in great haste,
and, as he was, ran to the holy house^ in or-
der to have a stop put to the fire ; after him
followed all his commanders, and after them
followed the several legions, in great astonish-
ment ; so there was a great clamour and tu-
mult raised, as was natural upon the disor-
derly motion of so great an army. Then did
Caesar, both by calling to the soldiers that
were fighting, with a loud voice, and by giv-
ing a signal to them with his right hand, or-
der them to quench the fire; but they did not
hear what he said, though he spake so loud,
having their ears already dinned by a greater
noise another way ; nor did they attend to the
signal he made with his hand neither, as still
some of them were distracted with fighting,
and others with passion ; but as for the le-
gions that came running thither, neither any
persuasions nor any threatenings could re-
strain their violence, but each one's own pas-
sion was his commander at this time ; and as
they were crowding into the temple together,
many of them were trampled on by one ano-
ther, while a great number fell among the
ruins of the cloisters, which were still hot and
smoking, and were destroyed in the same mi-
serable way with those whom they had con-
quered : and when they were come near the
holy house, they made as if they did not so
much as hear Ctesar's orders to the contrary;
but they encouraged those that were before
them to set it on fire. As for the seditious,
they were in too great distress already to af-
ford their assistance [towards quenching the
fire] ; they were everywhere slain, and every-
where beaten ; and jis for a great part of the
people, they were weak and without arms,
and had their throats cut wherever they were
caught. Now, round about the altar lay dead
bodies heaped one upon another; as at the
steps* going up to it ran a great quantity of
their blood, whither also the dead bodies that
were slain above [on the altar] fell down.
7. And now, since Ctesar was no way able
to restrain the enthusiastic fury of the soldiers,
and the fire proceeded on more and more, he
went into the holy place of the temple, with
his commanders, and saw it, with what was in
it, which he found to be far superior to what
the relations of foreigners contained, and not
inferior to what we ourselves boasted of and
believed about it; but as the flame had not
as yet reached to its inward parts, but was still
consuming the rooms that were about the holy
house, and Titus supposing what the fact was,
that the house itself might yet be saved, he
came in haste and endeavoured to persuade
* These steps to the alt.ir of burnt-offbring seem here
eitlier an improper and inat-cuiate expression of Jose-
phus, since it was unlawful to make ladder-steps (see
Description of the Temples, chap, xiii, and note on An-
tiq. b. iv, chap, viii, sect. H); or else those steps or stairs
we now use were invente<l before the days of Herod the
Great, and had been here built by him ; though the la-
ter Jews always deny it, and say that even Herod's altar
was ascended to by an acclivity only.
752
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK VI.
the soldiers toquencli the tire, an-cl gave order
to Lil)eralius the centurion, and one of those
spearmen that were about him, to beat tiie ,
soldiers that were refractory with their slaves, -
and to restrain them ; yet were their passions
too hard for the regards they had for Caesar,
and the dread they liad of him who forbade
them, as was their liatred of the Jews, and a
certain vehement inclination to fight them,
too liard for them also. Moreover, the hope
of plunder induced many to go on, as having
this opinion, that all the places wilhin were
full of inoney, and as seeing that all round
about it was made of gold j and besides, one
of those that went into the place prevented
Caesar, when he ran so hastily out to restrain
the soldiers, and threw the fire upon the hinges
of the gate, in the dark ; whereby the flame
burst out from within the holy house itself
immediately, when the commanders retired,
and Ca;sar with them, and when nobody any
longer forbade those that were without to set
fire to it ; and thus was the holy house burnt
down, v/ithout Caesar's apj'robation,
8. Now, although any one would justly
lament the destruction of such a work as this
was, since it was the most admirable of all the
works that we have seen or heard of, both for
its curious structure and its magnitude, and
also for the vast wealth bestowed upon it, as
well as for the glorious reputation it had for
its holiness ; yet might such a one comfort
hiinself with this thought, that it was fate that
decreed it so to be, which is inevitable, both
as to living creatures and as to works and
places also. However, one cannot but wonder
at the accuracy of this period thereto relating ;
for the same month and day were now observ-
ed, as I said before, wherein the holy house
was burnt formerly by the Babylonians. Now
the number.of years tliat passed from its first
foundation, which was laid by king Solomon,
till this its destruction, which happened in the
second year of the reign of Vespasian, are col-
lected to be one thousand one hundred and
thirty, besides seven months and fifteen days ;
and from the second building of it, which was
done by Haggai, in the second year of Cyrus
the king, till its destruction under Vespasian,
there were six hundred and thirty-nine years
and forty-five days.
CHAPTER V.
I THE GREAT DISTRESS THE JEWS WERE IN UPON
I THE CONFLAGRATION OF THE HOLY HOUSE.
I CONCERNING A FALSE PROPHET, AND THE
1 6IGNS THAT PRECEDED THIS DESTRUCTION.
§ 1. While the holy house was on fire, every
thing was plundered that came to hand, and
ten thousand of those that were caught were
alain; nor was there a commiseration of any
age, or any reverence of gravity ; but children,
and old men, and profane persons, and priests,
were all slain in the same manner ; so that
this war went round all sorts of men, and
brought them to destruction, and as well those
that made supplication for their lives, as those
that defended themselves by fighting. The
flame was also carried along way, and made an
echo, together with the groans of those that
were slain ; and because this hill was high,
and the works at the temple were very great,
one would have thought the whole city had
been on fire. Nor can one imagine any thing
either greater or more terrible than this noise j
for there was at once a shout of the Roman
legions, who were marching all together, and
a sad clamour of the seditious, who were now
surrounded with fire and sword. The people
also tlwt were left above were beaten back upon
the enemy, and under a great consternation,
and made sad moans at the calamity they wxre
under ; the multitude also that was in the city
joined in this outcry with those that were upon
the hill ; and besides, many of those that were
worn away by the famine, and their moutlis
almost closed, when they saw the fire of the
holy house, they exerted their utmost strength,
and brake out into groans and outcries again :
Perea* did also return the echo, as well as
the mountains round about [the city], and
augiTiented the force of the entire noise. Yet
was the misery itself more terrible than this
disorder ; for one would have thought that
the hill itself, on which the temple stood,
was seething-hot, as full of fire on every part
of it, that the blood was larger in quantity
than the fire, and those that were slain more
in number than those that slew them ; for the
ground did nowhere appear visible, for the
dead bodies that lay on it ; but the soldiers
went over heaps of these bodies, as they ran
upon such as fled from them. And now it
was that the multitude of the robbers were
thrust out [of tiie inner court of the temple]
by the Romans, and had much ado to get into
the outer court, and from thence into the city,
while the remainder of the populace fled info
the cloister of that outer court. As for the
priests, some of them plucked up from the
holy house the spikes f that were upon it,
with their bases, which were made of lead,
and shot them at the Romans instead of darts.
But then as they gained nothing by so doing,
* Tliis I'erea, if the word be not mistaken in the
copies, cannot well be that Pcrea which was beyond Jor-
daii, tlie mountains of which were at a considerable
distance from Jordan, and much too remote from Jeru-
salem to join in this echo at the conflagration of the
temple; but Perea must be rather some mountains be-
yond the lirook Cedron, as was the Mount of Olives,
'or some others about such a distance fiom Jerusalem ;
which observation is so obvious, that it is a wonder our
commentators here take no notice of it.
t Kcland, 1 think, here judges well, when he inter
prets these spikes (of those that stood on the top ot the
holy house) with sharp points: they were fixed into
lead, to prevent the birds from sitting there, and defil-
ing the holy house ; for su( h spikes there were now up-
on it, as Josephus himself Uath already assured us, o.
V, ch. V, sect. 6.
—.('
CHAP. V.
and as tlie fire burst out upon them, tliey re-
tired to the wall that was eight cubits broad,
and there they tarried ; yet did two of these
of eminence among them, who might have
saved themselves by going over to the Romans,
or have borne up with courage, and taken their
fortune with the others, throw themselves into
the fire, and were burnt together with the holy
house ; their names were Meirus the son of
Belgas, and Joseph the son of Da)eus.
2. And now the Romans, judging that it
was in vain to spare what was round about the
holy house, burnt all those places, as also the
remains of the cloisters and the gates, two ex-
cepted ; the one on the east side, and the other
on the south ; both which, however, they burnt
afterward. They also burnt down the treasury-
chambers, in which was an imm.ense quantity
of money, and an immense nunaber of gar-
ments, and other precious goods, there repo-
sited ; and, to speak all in a few words, there
it was that the entire riches of the Jews were
heaped up together, while the rich people had
there built themselves chambers [to contain
such furniture]. The soldiers also came to
the rest of the cloisters that were in the outer
[court of the] temple, vvhither the women and
children, and a great mixed multitude of the
people fled, in number about six thousand.
But before Ca?sar had determined any thing
about these people, or given the commanders
any orders relating to them, the soldiers were
in such a rage, that they set the cloister on
fire ; by which means it came to pass that
some of these were destroyed by throwing
themselves down headlong, and some were
burnt in the cloisters themselves. Nor did
any one of them escape with his life. A false
prophet * was the occasion of these people's
destruction, who had made a public procla-
mation in the city that very day, that God
commanded them to get up upon the temple,
and that there they should receive miracu-
lous signs of their deliverance. Now, there
was then a great number of false 4)rophets sub-
orned by the tyrants to impose upon the peo-
ple, who denounced this to them, that they
should wait for deliverance from God ; and this
was in order to keep them from deserting, and
that they might be buoyed up above fear and
care by such hopes. Now, a man that is in
adversity does easily comply with such pro-
mises ; for when such a seducer makes him
believe that he shall be delivered from those
miseries which oppress him, then it is that the
patient is full of hopes of such deliverance.
3. Thus were the miserable people persuaded
by these deceivers, and such as belied God
himself; while they did not attend, nor give
credit, to the signs that were so evident, and
did so plainly foretell their future desolation ;
but, like men infatuated, without either eyes
• Reland here justly takes notice that these Jews
who had despised the true Prophet, were deservedly a-
bused and deluded by these false ones.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
753
to see, or minds to consider, did not regard
the denunciations that God made to them.
Thus there was a star resembling a sword,
which stood over the city, and a comet, tiiat
continued a whole year.f Thus also, before
the Jews' rebellion, and before those commo-
tions which preceded the war, when the peo-
ple were come in great crowds to the feast of
unleavened bread, on the eighth day of the
month Xanthicus | [Nisan], and at the ninth
hour of the night, so great a light siione round
the altar and the holy house, that it appeared
to be bright day-time ; which light lasted for
half an hour. Tliis light seemed to be a good
sign to the unskilful, but was so interpreted
by the sacred scribes, as to portend those
events that followed immediately upon it. At
the same festival also, a heifer, as she was led
by the high-priest to be sacrificed, brought
forth a lamb in the midst of the temple.
Moreover, the eastern gate of the inner [court
of the] temple, which was of brass, and vast-
ly heavy, and had been with difficulty shut
by twenty men, and rested upon a basis ann-
ed with iron, and had bolts fastened very deep
into the firm floor, which was there made of
one entire stone, was seen to be opened of its
own accord about the sixth hour of the night.
Now, those that kept watch in the temple
came hereupon running to the captain of the
temple, and told him of it ; who then came
up thither, and not without great difficulty,
was able to shut the gate again. Tliis also
appeared to the vulgar to be a very happy
prodigy, as if God did thereby open them the
gate of happiness. But the ujen of learning
understood it, that the security of their holy
house was dissolved of its own accord, and
that the gate was opened for the advantage of
their enemies. So these publicly declared,
that this signal foreshowed the desolation that
was coming upon them. Besides these, a few
days after that feast, on the one-and-twenti-
etli day of the month Artemisius [Jyar], a
certain prodigious and incredible phenome-
non appeared j I suppose the account of it
would seem to be a fable, were it not related
by those that saw it, and were not the events
that followed it of so considerable a nature as
to deserve such signals ; for, before sun-set
ting, chariots and troops of soldiers in their
armour were seen running about among the
clouds, and surrounding of cities. Moreover,
at that feast which we call Pentecost, as the
t Whether Josephus means that this star was differ-
ent from the comet which lasted a whole year, 1 caunot
certainly determine. His words most favour their be-
ing difierent one from another.
t Since Josephus still uses the Syro-Maecdonian
month Xanthicus for the Jewish month Nisan, this
eighth, or, as Nicephorus reads it, this ninth of Xanthi-
cus, or Nisan, was almost a week before the Passover,
on the fourteenth : about which time we kani from SU
John that many used to go " out of the country to Je-
rusalem, to purify themselves," John xi, 55, with xii,
I ; in agreement with Josephus also, book v, ch. iii, sect.
1. And it might well be, iliat in the sight of these this
extraordinary light might appear.
-T
754.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK vr.
priests wt-re going by niglit into the inner •
[court of the] temple, as their custom was, to
perform their sacred ministrations^ they said
that, in the first place, they felt a quaking,
and heard a great noise, and after that they
heard a sound as of a great multitude, say-
ing, " Let us remove hence." But, what is
still more terrible, there was one Jesus, the
son of Ananus, a plebeian and a husbandman,
who, four years before the war began, and at
a time when the city was in very great peace
and prosperity, came to that feast whereon
it is our custom for every one to make taber-
nacles to God in the temple, f began on a
sudden to cry aloud, " A voice from tlie
east, a voice from tlse west, a voice from the
four winds, a voice against Jerusalem and the
holy house, a voice against the bridegrooms
and the brides, and a voice against this
whole people !" This was his cry, as he
went about by day and by night, in all tlie
lanes of the city. However, certain of tlie
most eminent among the populace had great
indignation at this dire cry of his, and took up
the man, and gave him a great number of se-
vere stripes ; yet did not he either say any
thing for himself, or any thing peculiar to
those that chastised him, but still he went on
with the same words which lie cried before.
Hereupon our rulers supposing, as the case
proved to be, that this was a sort of divine fury
in the man, brought him to the Roman pro-
curator ; where he was whipped till his bones
were laid bare; yet did he not make any sup-
plication for himself, nor shed any tears, but
turning his voice to the most lamentable tone
possible, at every stroke of the whip his an-
swer was, " Wo, wo to Jerusalem !" And
rt'hen Albinus (for he was then our procura-
tor) asked him, Who he was ? and whence he
came ? and wh}' he uttered such words ? he
made no manner of reply to wliat he said, but
still did not leave off his melancholy ditty, till
Ali)inus took him to be a madman, and dis-
missed him. Now, during all the time that
passed before the war begatfi, this man did
not go near any of the citizens, nor was seen
by them while he said so j but he every day
uttered these lamentable words, as if it were
his premeditated vow, " Wo, wo to Jeru-
salem!" Nor did he give ill words to any
of those that beat him every day, nor good
words to those that gave him food ; but tliis
was his reply to all men, and indeed no other
than a melancholy presage of what was to
» This here seems to be the court of the priests.
f Both Iteland and Haveicamp in this place alter the
natural punctuation and sense of Josepnus, and this
eontrnry to the opinion of Valesius and Dr. Hudson, lest
Josephus should say that ilie Jews built booths or tents
within the temple at the feast of tabernacles: which the
later rabbins will not allow to have been the ancient
practice: but then, since it is expressly told us in Nehe-
miah, ch. viii, IC, that in still elder times " the Jews
made booths in the courts of the house of God" at that
festival, Josephus may well be permitted to say the
same. And indeed, the modern rabbins are of very
small authority in all such matters of remote antiquity
come. This cry of his was the loudest at the
festivals ; and he continued this ditty foi se-
ven years and five months, without growing
hoarse, or being tired therewith, until the
very time that he saw his presage in earnest
fulfilled in our siege, when it ceased; for as
he was going round upon the wall, he cried
out with his utmost force, " Wo, wo to the city
again, and to the people, and to the holy
house !" And just as he added at the last, —
" Wo, wo to myself also !" there came a stone
out of one of the engines, and smote him,
and killed him immediately ; and as he was
uttering the very same presages, he gave up
the ghost.
4. Now, if any one consider these things,
he will find that God takes care of mankind,
and by all ways possible foreshows to our
race what is for their preservation ; but tljat
men perish by those miseries which they mad-
ly and voluntarily bring upon themselves ;
for the Jews, by demolishing the tower of
Antonia, had made their temple four, square,
while at the same time they had it written in
their sacred oracles, — " That then should
their city be taken, as well as their holy house,
when once their temple should become four
square." But now, what did most elevate
them in undertaking this war, was an ambi-
guous oracle that was also found in their sa-
cred writings, how, "about that time, one from
their country should become governor of the
habitable earth." The Jews took this pre-
diction to belong to themselves in particular;
and many of the wise men were thereby de-
ceived in their determination. Now, this
oracle certainly denoted the government of
Vespasian, who was appointed emperor in
Judea. However, it is not possible for men
to avoid fate, although they see it beforehand.
But these men interpreted some of these sig-
nals according to their own pleasure : and
some of them they utterly despised, until their
madness was demonstrated, both by the tak-
ing of their city and their own destruction.
CHAPTER VI.
HOW THE ROJIANS CARRIED THEIR ENSIGNS TO
THE TEMPLE, AND MADE JOYFUL ACCLAMA-
TIONS TO TITUS. THE SPEECH THAT TITUS
MADE TO THE JEWS WHEN THEY MADE
SUPPLICATION FOR MERCY. V/HAT REPLY
THEY MADE THERETO; AND HOW THAT RE-
PLY MOVED TlTUs's INDIGNATION AGAINST
THEM.
§ 1. And now the Roinans, upon the flight of
the seditious into the city, and upon the burn-
ing of the holy house itself, and of all the
buildings round about it, brought their en-
signs to the temple,* and set them over-against
• Take Havercamp's note here. " This (says he) is a
remarkable Place ; and TertuIIian truly says in ids Ape-
"V
CHAP. vr.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
755
its eastern gate ; and there did they offer sa-
crifices to thsm, and tliere did they make Ti-
tus imperator,* A'ith the greatest acclamations
Df joy. And now all the soldiers had such
vast quantities of the spoils which they had
gotten by plunder, that in Syria a pound
weight of gold was sold for half its former
value. But as for those priests that kept
themselves still upon the wall of the holy
liouse,f there was a boy that, out of the thirst
he was in, desired some of the Roman guards
to give him their right hands as a security for
his life, and confessed he was very thirsty.
These guards commiserated his age, and the
distress he was in, and gave him their right
hands accordingly. So he came down him.
self, and drank some water, and filled the ves-
sel he had with him when he came to them
with water, afld then went off, and fled away
to his own friends ; nor could any of those
guards overtake him; but still they reproach,
ed him for his perfidiousness. To which he
made this answer : — " I have not broken the
agreement ; for the security I had given me
was not in order to my staying with you, but
only in order to my coming down safely, and
taking up some water ; both which things I
have performed, and thereupon think myself
to have been faithful to my engagement."
Hereupon those whom the child had imposed
upon admired at his cunning, and that on ac-
count of his age. On the fifth day after-
ward, the priests that were pined with the fa-
mine came down, and when they were brought
to Titus by the guards, they begged for their
lives : but he replied, that the time of pardon
was over as to them ; and that this very holy
house, on whose account only they could
justly hope to be preserved, was destroyed ;
and that it was agreeable to their office that
priests should perish with the house itself to
which they belonged. So he ordered them to
be put to death.
2. But as for the tyrants themselves, and
those that were with them, when they found
that they were encompassed on every side,
and, as it were, walled round, without any
method of escaping, they desired to treat with
Titus by word of mouth. Accordingly, such
was the kindness of his nature, and his desire
of preserving the city from destruction, join-
ed to the advice of his friends, who now
thought the robbers were come to a temper,
tliat he placed himself on the western side of
logetic, ch. XVI, p. 162, that the entire religion of the
Roman cam)i almost consisted in worshippini; the en-
signs, in swearing by the ensigns, and in preferring the
ensigns before all the [otherT gods." See what llaver-
camp says upon that place of* TertuUian.
* This declaring Titus imperator by the soldiers, up-
on such signal success, and the slaughter of such a vast
number ot enemies, was according to tlie usual practice
of the Romans in like cases, as Ilcland assures us on
this place.
t The Jews of later times agree with Josephus, that
there were hiding-places or secret chambers about the
holy house, as Rdand here informs us, where he thinks
he has foimd these 'cry walls (jpscribed by them.
"\
tlie outer [court of the] temple ; for there
were gates on that side above the Xystus, and
a bridge that connected the upper city to the
temple. Tliis bridge it was that lay between
the tyrants and Csesar, and i)arted them ;
while the multitude stood on each side; those
of the Jewish nation about Simon and John,
with great hope of pardon ; and the Romans
about Caesar, in great expectation how Titus
would receive their supplication. So Titus
charged his soldiers to restrain their rage,
and to let their darts alone, and appointed an
interpreter between them, which was a sign
that he was tiie conqueror, and first began
the discourse, and said, " I hope you, sirs,
are now satiated with the miseries of your
country, who have not had any just notions^
either of our great power, or of your own
great weakness ; but have, like madmen, af-
ter a violent and inconsiderate manner, made
such attempts, as have brought your people,
your city, and your holy house, to destruc-
tion. You have been the men that have
never left off rebelling since i'omuey first
conquered you ; and have, since that time,
made open war with the Romans. Have
you depended on your multitude, while a
very small part of the Roman soldiery have
been strong enough for you ? Have you re-
lied on the fidelity of your confederates ?
and what nations are there, out of tiie limits
of our dominion, that would choose to assist
the Jews before the Romans? Arc your bo-
dies stronger than ours ? nay, you know that
the [strong] Gertnans themselves are our
servants. Have you stronger walls than we
have ? Pray, what greater obstacle is there
than the wall of the ocean, with which the
Britons are encompassed, and yet do adore
the arms of the Romans ? Do you exceed
us in courage of soul, and in the sagacity of
your commanders ? Nay, indeed, you can-
not but know that the very Carthaginians
have been conquered by us. It can therefore
be nothing certainly but the kindness of us
Romans which hath excited you against us ;
wlio, in the first place, have given you this
land to possess ; and, in the next place, have
set over you kings of your own nation ; and,
in the third place, have preserved the laws of
your forefathers to you, and have withal per-
mitted you to live, either by yourselves or a-
mong others, as it should please you ? and>
what is our chief favour of all, we have given
you leave to gather up that tribute which is
paid to God, \ with such other gifts that are
dedicated to him; nor ha -e we called those
that carried these donations to account, nor
prohibited them ; till at length you became
richer than we ourselves, even when you were
our enemies ; and you made preparations for
* Spanhcim notes here, that the Romans used to
permit the Jews to collect their s.icred tribute, and
send it to Jerusalem ; of which we have had abundant
evidence in Josephus already on other occasioiLS.
75G
WARS OF niE JEWS.
BOOK VI.
war against us with our own money : nay, | my soldiers, when they were set upon your
after all, when you were in the enjoyment of i slaughter, from their severity against you.
all these advantages, you turned your too | After every victory I persuaded you to peace,
great plenty against those that gave it you, and I as though 1 had been myself conquered,
like merciless serpents, have thrown out your [ When I came near your temple I again de-
poison against those that treated you kindly, i parted from the laws of war, and exhorted you
I suppose, therefore, that you might despise | to spare your own sanctuary, and to preserve
the slothfulness of Ntro, and. like limbs of : your holy house to yourselves. I allowed you
Ihe body that are broken or dislocated, you j a quiet exit out of it, and security for your
did then lie quiet, waiting .for some other preservation : nay, if you had a mind, I gave
time, though still with a malicious intention, j you leave to fight in another place. Yet have
and have now shown your distemper to be you still dpspised every one of my proposals,
greater than ever, and have extended your and have set fire to your holy house with youi
desires as far as your impudent and immense j own hands. And now, vile wretches, do you
hopes would enable you to do it. At tliis I desire to treat with me by w'ord of mouth ? To
time my father came into this country, not
with a design to punish you for what you
had done under Cestius, but to admonish
you ; for, had he come to overthrow your na-
tion, he had run direjtly to your fountain-
head, and had itriraediately laid this city
waste ; whereas he went and burnt Galilee
and the neighbouring parts, and thereby gave
what purpose is it that you would save such
a holy house as tliis was, which is now destroy-
ed ? What preservation can you now desire
after the destruction of your temple ? Yet
do you stand still at this very time in your
armour ; nor can you bring yourselves so
much as to pretend to be supplicants even in
this your utmost extremity ! O miserable crea-
you time for repentance; which instance of tures ! what is it you depend on ? Are not
your people dead ? is not your holy house
gone ? is not your city in my power ? and
are not your own very lives in my hands ?
And do you still deem it a part of valour to
die ? However, I will not imitate your mad-
ness. If you throw down your arms, and de-
liver up your bodies to me, I grant you your
lives ; and I will act like a mild master of a
family ; what cannot be healed shall be pun-
ished, and the rest I will preserve for my own
use."
3. To the offer of Titus they made this
reply : — Thut they could not accept of it, be-
cause they had sworn never to do so; but
they desired they might have leave to go
through the wall that had been made about
them, with their wives and children ; for that
they would go into the desert, and leave the
city to him. At this Titus had great indig-
nation ; that, when they were in the case of
men already taken captives, they should pre-
tend to make their own terms with him as if
they had been conquerors ! So he ordered this
proclamation to be made to them. That they
should no more come out to lu'm as deserters,
nor hope for any farther security ; for that he
would henceforth spare nobody, but fight them
sent by my father, and received melancholy { with his whole army ; and that they must save
themselves as well as they could ; for that he
would from henceforth treat them according
to the laws of w.ir. So he gave orders to the
soldiers both to burn and to plunder the city;
who did nothing indeed that day ; but on the
next day they set fire to the repository of the
archives, to Acra, to the council-house, and to
humanity you took for an argument df his
weakness, and nourished up your impudence
by our mildness. When Nero was gone out
of the world, you did as the wickedest
wretches would have done, and encouraged
yourselves to act against us by our civil dis-
sensions, I J abused that time, wlien both I
and my father were gone away to Egypt,
to make preparations for this war. Nor
were you ashamed to raise disturbances a-
gainst us when we were made emperors, and
this while you had experienced how mild we
had been, when w e wer* no more than gene-
rals of the army ; but when the governmen
was devolved upon us, and all otiier people
did thereupon lie quiet, and even foreign na-
tions sent embassies, and congratulated our
access to the government, then did you Jews
show yourselves to be our enemies. You
sent embassies to those of your nation that are
beyond Euphrates, to assist you in your rais-
ing disturbance new walls were built by
j'ou round you. city, seditions arose, and one
tyrant contended against another, and a civil
war broke out among you ; such, indeed, as
became none but so wicked a people as you
are. I then came to this city, as unwillingly
injunctions from him. When I heard that
the people were disposed to peace, I rejoiced
at it : I exhorted you to leave off these pro-
ceedings before I began this war I spared
you even when you had fought against me a
great while ; I gave my right hand as security
to the deserters; I observed what I had pro-
mised faithfully. Wlien they fled to me, I i the place called Ophlas ; at which time the
had compassion of many of those that I had fire proceeded as far as the palace of queen
taken captive; I tortured those that were [Helena, which was in the middle of Acra:
eager for war, in order to restrain them. It | the lanes also were burnt down, as were also
was unwillingly that I brought my engines of • those houses that were full of the dead bodies
war against your walls ; X always prohibited , of such as were destroyed by famine
~V
CHAP. VII.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
757
4. On the same day it was that the sons
and brethren of Izates the king, togetlier with
many others of the eminent men of the popu-
lace, got together there, and besought Caesar
to give them his right hand for their security.
Upon wliich, though he was very angry at all
that wore now remaining, yet did he not lay
aside his old moderation, but received these
men. At that time, indeed, he kept them all
in custody, but still bound the king's sons and
kinsman, and led them witii him to Rome, in
order to make them hostages for their coun-
try's fidelity '.o the Romans.
CHAPTER VIT.
WHAT AFTERWARDS BEFEL THE SEDITIOUS,
WHEN THEY HAD DONE A GREAT DEAL OF
JIISCHIEF, AND SUFFERED MANY MISFOR-
TUNES : AS ALSO HOW CliSAR BECAME MAS-
TER OF THE UPPER CITY.
§ I. And now the seditious rushed into the
royal palace, into which many had put their
effects, because it was so strong, and drove
»he Romans away from it. Tliey also slew
all the people tb.at had crowded into it, who
were in number al)out eight thousand four
hundred, and plundered them of what they
had. They also took two of the Romans
alive; the one was a horseman, and the other
a footman. They then cut the throat of the
footman, and immediately had him drawn
through the whole city, as revenging them-
selves upon the whole body of the Romans
by this one instance. But the horseman said
he had somewhat to suggest to them, in or-
der to their preservation ; whereupon he was
brought before Simon ; but he having nothing
to say when he was there, he was delivered to
Ardalas, one of his commanders, to be pun-
ished, who bound his hands behind him, and
put a riband over his eyes, and then brought
him out over-against the Romans, as intend-
ing to cut off" his head. But the man pre-
vented that execution, and ran away to the
Romans, and this while the Jewish executioner
was drawing out his sword. Now when he
was gotten away from the enemy, Titus could
not think of putting him to death ; but be-
cause he deemed him unworthy of being a
Roman soldier any longer, on account that
he had been taken alive by the enemy, he took
away his arms, and ejected him out of the
legion whereto he had belonged; which, to one
that had a sense of shame, was a penalty se-
verer than death itself.
2. On the next day the Romans drove the
robbers out of the lower city, and set all on
fire as far as Siloam. These soldiers were
indeed glad to see the city destroyed. But
they missed the plunder, because the seditious
bad carried oH' all their effects, and were re-
tired into the upper city ; for they did not yet
at all repent of the mischiefs they had done,
but were insolent, as if they had done well ;
for, as they saw the city on fire, they appeared
cheerful, and put on joyful countenances, in
expectation, as they said, of death to end their
miseries. Accordingly, as ttie people were
now slain, the holy house was burnt down,
and the city was on fire, tliere was nothing
farther left for the enemy to do. Yet did not
Josephus grow weary, even in this utmost ex-
tremity, to beg of them to spare what was left
of the city ; he spake largely to them about
their barbarity and impiety, and gave them his
advice, in order to their escape, though he
gained nothing thereby more than to be laugh-
ed at by them ; and as they could not think
of surrendering themselves up, because of the
oath they had taken, nor were strong enougl
to fight with the Romans any longer upon the
square, as being surrounded on all sides, and
a kind of prisoners already, yet were they so
accustomed to kill people, that they could not
restrain their right hands from acting accord-
ingly. So they dispersed themselves before
the city, and laid themselves in ambush a-
mong its ruins, to catch those that at:empted
to desert to the Romans ; accordingly manj
such deserters were caught by them, and were
all slain ; for these were too weak, by reason
of their want of food, to fly away from them
so their dead bodies were thrown to the dogs.
Now every sort of death was tliought more to-
lerable than the famine, insomuch that, though
the Jews despaired now of mercy, yet would
they fly to the Romans, and would themselves,
even of their own accord, fall among the mur-
derous rebels also. Nor was there any place
in the city that had no dead bodies in it, but
what was entirely covered with those that were
killed either by the famine or the rebellion;
and all was full of the dead bodies of such
as had perished, either by that sedition or by
that famine.
3. So now the last hope which supported
the tyrants and that crew of robbers who were
with them, was in the caves and caverns under
ground ; whither, if they could once fly, they
did not expect to be searched for; but endea-
voured, that after the whole city should be
destroyed, and the Romans gone away, they
might come out again, and escape from them.
This was no better than a dream of theirs; for
they were not able to lie liid either from God
or from the Romans. However, they depend-
ed on these under-ground subterfuges, and
set more places on fire than did the Romans
themselves ; and those that fled out of their
houses thus set on fire, into ditches, they
killed without mercy, and pillaged them also;
and if they discovered food belonging to any
one, they seized upon it and swallowed it
down, together with their blood also ; nay,
they were now come to fight one with another
I about their plunder ; and I cannot but think
J'
758
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK VI
^
that, had not their destruction prevented it,
their barbarity would have made them taste
of even the dead bodies themselves.
CHAPTER VIII.
HOW C.T.SAR RAISED KANKS ROUND ABOUT THE
UlTER CITY,* AND WHEN THEY WERE COM-
PLETED, GAVE ORDERS FOR THE MACHINES
TO BE BROUGHT. HE THEN POSSESSED HIM-
SELF OF THE WHOLE CITY.
§ 1. Now, when Cresar perceived that t'le
upper city was so steep, that it could not pos-
sibly be taken without raising banks against
it, he distributed the several parts of that work
among his army, and this on the twentieth
day of the month Lous [Ab;. Now, the car-
riage of the materials was a difficult task,
since ail the trees, as I have already told you,
that were about the city, within the distance
of a hundred furlongs, had their branches cut
off already, in order to make the former banks.
The works that belonged to the four legions
were erected on the west side of the city,
over-arjainst the royal palace ; but the whole
body of the auxiliary troops, with the rest of
the multitude that were with them, [erected
their banks] at.the Xystus, whence they reach-
ed to the bridge, and that tower of Simon,
which he had built as a citadel for himself
against John, when they were at war one with
another.
2. It was at this time that the commanders
of the Idumeans got together privately, and
took counsel about surrendering up them-
selves to the Romans, Accordingly, they
sent five men to Titus, and entreated him to
give them his right hand for their security.
So Titus thinking that the tyrants would
yield, if the Idumeans, upon whom a great
part of the war depended, were once with-
drawn from them, after some reluctance and
delav, complied with them, and gave them se-
curity for their lives, and sent the five men
back ; but as these Idumeans were preparing
to inarch out, Simon perceived it, and imme-
diately slew the five men that had gone to
Titus, and took their commanders, and put
them iti prison, of whom tlie most eminent
was Jacob, the son of Sosas ; but as for the
multitude of the Idumeans, who did not at all
know what to do, now their commanders
were taken from them, lie had them watched,
and secured the walls by a more numerous
garrison. Yet could not that garrison resist
those that were deserting ; for although a great
number of them were slain, yet were the de-
serters many more in number. These were
all received by the Romans, because Titus
himself grew negligent as to his former orders
• That IS, Mount Sion.
for killing them, and because the very soldiers
grew weary of killing them, and because they
hoped to get some money by sparing them ;
for tliey left only the populace, and sold the rest
of the muhitude,f with their wives and chil-
dren, and every one of ihem at a very low price,
and that because such as were sold were very
many, and the buyers very few ; and although
Titus had made proclamation beforehand,
that no deserter should come alone by him-
self, that so they might bring out their fami-
lies with them, yet did he receive such as these
also. However, he set over them such as
were to distinguish some from others, in or-
der to see if any of them deserved to be pun-
ished ; and indeed the number of those that
were sold was immense ; but of the populace
above forty thousand were saved, whom C«-
sar let go whither every one of them pleased.
3. But now at this time it was that one of
the priests, the son of Thebuthus, whose name
was Jesus, upon his having security given
him, by the oath of Cffisar, that he should be
preserved, upon condition that he should de-
liver to him certain of the precious things that
had been reposited in the temple, | came out
of it, and delivered him from the wall of the
holy house two candlesticks like to those that
lay in the holy house, with tables, and cis-
terns, and vials, all made of solid gold, and
very heavy. He also delivered to him the
veils and the garments, with the precious
stones, and a great number of other precious
vessels that belonged to their sacred worship.
The treasurer of the temple also, whose name
was Phineas, was seized on, and showed Ti-
tus the coats and girdles of the priests, with a
great quantity of purple and scarlet, which
were there reposited for the uses of the veil,
as also a great deal of cinnamon and cassia,
with a large quantify of other sweet sp;ces,§
which used to be mixed together, and offered as
incense to God every day. A great many other
treasures were also delivered to him, with sa-
cred ornaments of the temple not a i&w ;
which things thus delivered to Titus, obtain-
ed of him for this man the same pardon that
f Tliis innumerable multitude of Jews that were
" sold" by the Romans, were an eminent completion ot
God's ancient threatening by Moses, that if they aposta-
tized from the obedience to his laws, they should be
" sold unto their enemies for bondmen and bondwo-
men," Deut. xxviii, 68. See more especially the note
on ch. ix, sect. t. But one thing here is peculiarly re-
markable, that Moses adds,— Though they should bo
" sold" for slaves, yet " no man should buy them ;" »• '•
either they should have none to redeem them from this
sale into slavery ; or rather that the slaves to be soiu
should be more than were the purchasers for them, and
so they should be sold for little or nothing ; which is
what Josephus here aiErras to have been the case at this
time.
X What became of these spoils of the temple that es-
caped the fire, see Josephus himself hereafter, b. vij, ch.
V, sect. 3, and Rcland de Spoliis Templi, p. 11'9— 1.38.
^ These various sorts of spicus, even more than those
four which Moses prescribed (Exod. xxxi, 54), we see
were used in their public worship under Herod's tem-
ple, particularly cinnamon and cassia; which Reland
takes particular notice of, as agreeing with the latter
testimony of the Talmudists.
CflAP. VIII.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
759
he had allowed to such as deserted of their
own accord.
4. And now were the banks finished on the
seventh day of the month Gorpieus Elul],in
eighteen days' time, when the Romans brought
their machines against the wall ; but for the
seditious, some of tnem, as despairing of sav-
ing the city, retired from the wall to the cita-
del ; others of them went down into the sub-
tcTranean vaults, though still a great many of
them defended themselves against those that
brought the engines for the battery ; yet did
the Romans overcome them by their number
and by their strength ; and, what was the
principal thing of all, by going cheerfully
about their work, while the Jews were quite
dejected and become weak. Now, as soon as
a part of the wall was battered down, and cer-
tain of the towers yielded to the impression
of the battering-rams, those that opposed
tliemselves fled away, and such a terror fell
upon the tyrants, as was much greater than
the occasion required ; for before the en-
emy got over the breach they were quite
stunned, and were immediately for flying
away ; and now one might see these men,
who had hitherto been so insolent and arro-
gant in their wicked practices, to be cast
down and to tremble, insomuch that it would
pity one's heart to observe the change that
was made in those vile persons. Accordingly
they ran with great violence upon the Ro-
man wall that encompassed them, in order to
force away those that guarded it, and to break
through it, and get away; but when they saw
that those who had formerly been faithful to
them, had gone away (as indeed they were
fled whithersoever the great distress they were
in persuaded them to flee) as also when those
that came running before the rest told them
tliat the western wall was entirely overthrown,
while others said the Romans were gotten in,
and others that they were near, and looking
out for them, which were only the dictates of
their fear which imposed upon their sight,
they fell upon their faces, and greatly lament-
ed their own mad conduct ; and their nerve?
were so terribly loosed, that they could not flee
away ; and here one may chiefly reflect on the
power of God exercised upon these wicked
wretches, and on the good fortune of the Ro-
mans ; for these tyrants did now wholly de-
prive themselves of the security they had in
their own power, and came down from those
very towers of their own accord, wherein they
could have never been taken by force, nor in-
deed by any other way than by famine. And
tlius did the Romans, when they had taken
such great pains about weaker walls, get by
good fortune what they could never have got-
ten by their engines ; for three of these tow-
ers were too strong for all mechanical engines
whatsoever ; concerning which we have treat-
ed of before. ^
6. So they now left these towers of them-
selves, or rather they were ejected out of
them by God himself, and fled immediately
to that valley which was under Siloam, where
they again recovered themselves out of the
dread they were in for a while, and ran vio-
lently against that part of the Roman wall
which lay on that side ; but as thefr courage
was too much depressed to make their attacks
with sufficient force, and their power was now
broken with fear and affliction, they were re-
pulsed by the guards, and dispersing them-
selves at distances from each other, went down
into the subterranean caverns. So the Ro-
mans being now become masters of the walls,
they both placed their ensigns upon the tow-
ers, and made joyful acclamations for the vic-
tory they had gained, as having found the end
of this war much lighter than its beginning;
for when they had gotten upon the last wall,
without any bloodshed, they could hardly be-
lieve what they found to be true ; but seeing
nobody to oppose them, they stood in doubt
what such an unusual solitude could mean.
But when they went in numbers into the lanes
of the city, with their swords drawn, they slew
those whom they overtook, without mercy,
and set fire to the houses whither the Jewf
were fled, and burnt every soul in them, anr
laid waste a great many of the rest ; and when
they were come to the houses to plunder
them, they found in them entire families of
dead men, and the upper rooms full of dead
corpses, that is of such as died by the famine ;
they then stood in a horror at this sight, and
went out without touching any lli-ing. But
although they had this commiseration for
such as were destroyed in that manner, yet
had they not the same for those that were still
alive, but they ran every one through wiiona
they met with, and obstructed the very lanes
with their dead bodies, and made the whole
city run down with blood, to such a degree
indeed that the fire of many of the houses was
quenched with these men's blood. And truly
so it happened, that though the slayers left off
at the evening, yet did the fire greatly pre-
vail in the night ; and as all was burning,
came that eighth day of the month Gorpieus
[Elul] upon Jerusalem ; a city that had been
liable to so many miseries during this siege,
that, had it always enjoyed as much happiness
from its first foundation, it would certainly
have been the envy of the world. Nor did
it on any other account so much deserve these
sore misfortunes, as by producing such a
generation of men as were the occasions of
this its overthrow.
1G0
WARS OF THE JEWS.
500K VI
CHAPTER IX.
WHAT INJUNCTIONS CAESAR GAVE WHEN HE
WAS COME WITHIN THE CITY. THE NUM-
BER OF THE CAPTIVES, AND OF THOSE THAT
PERISHED IN THE SIEGE; AS ALSO CONCERN-
ING THOSE THAT ESCAPED INTO THE SUB-
TERRANEAN CAVERNS, AMONG WHOM WERE
THE TYRANTS SIMON AND JOHN THEMSELVES.
§ 1. Now, when Titus was come into this
[upper] city, he admired not only some other
places of strength in it, but particularly'tliose
strong towers which the tyrants, in their mad
conduct, had relinquished ; for when he saw
their solid altitude, and the largeness of their
several stones, and the exactness of their joints,
as also how great was their breadth, and how
extensive their length, he expressed himself
after the manner following : — " We have cer-
tainly had God for our assistant in this war,
and it was no other than God who ejected the
Jews out of these fortifications ; for what
could the hands of men, or any machines, do
towards overthrowing these towers !" At which
tinae he had many such discourses to his
friends ; he also let such go free as had been
bound by tlie tyrants, and were left in the
prisons. To conclude, vvhen he entirely demo-
lished the rest of the city, and overthrew its
walls, he left these towers as a monument of
nis good fortune, whicli had proved his auxi-
liaries, and enabled him to take what could
not otherwise have been taken by him.
2. And now, since his soldiers were already
quite tired with killing men, and yet there
appeared to be a vast multitude still remain-
ing alive, CiEsar gave orders that they should
kill none but those that were in arms, and
opposed them, but sliould take the rest alive.
But, together with those whom they had
orders to slay, they slew the aged and the in-
firm ; but for those that were in their flourish-
ing age, and who might be useful to them,
they drove them together into the temple, and
shut them up within the walls of the court of
the women ; over which Caesar set one of his
freed men, as also Fronto, one of his own
friends ; which last was to determine every
one's fate, according to his merits. So
this Fronto slew all those that had been sedi-
tious and robbers, who were impeached on
by another ; but of the young men he chose
out the tallest and most beautiful, and re-
served them for the triumph ; and as for the
rest of the murltitude that were above seven-
teen years old, he put them into bonds, and
sent them to the Egyptian mines.* Titus also
sent a great number into the provinces, as a
present to them, that they might be destro_yed
• Pee the several predictions that the Jews, if they
became ob«tinate in their idolatry and wickedness, shoulii
be sent again, or sold into Egypt, for their punishment,
Deut. xxviii, 68 ; Jer. xliv, 7 : Hos. viii, 13 ; ix, 3 ; xi,
5i; 2 E^A. XV, iO— 1 1, with Authentic Records, part i,
>. 19, 121, and Reland Pala^tina, torn. n,i>. 715
^ —
upon their theatres, by the sword and by the
wild beasts; but those that were under seven-
teen years of age were sold for slaves. Now
during the days wherein Fronto was distin-
guishing these men, there perished, for want
of food, eleven thousand ; some of whom did
not taste any food, tlirough the hatred their
guards bore to them ; and others would not
take in any vvhen it was given them. Tiie
multitude also was so very great, that they
were in want even of corn for their sustenance.
S. Now the number f of those that were
carried captive during this whole war was
collected to be ninety -seven thousand ; as was
the number of those that perished during t*he
whole siege eleven hundred thousand, the great-
er part of whom were indeed of the same na-
tion [with the citizens of Jerusalem], but not
belonging to the city itself; for they were
come up from all the country to the feast of
unleavened bread, and were on a sudden shut
up by an army, which, at the very first, occa-
sioned so great a straitness among them that
there came a pestilential destruction upon
them, and soon afterward such a famine, as
destroyed them more suddenly. And that
this city could contain so many people in it,
is manifest by that number of them which was
taken under Cestius, who being desirous of
informing Nero of the power of the city, who
otherwise was disposed to contemn that na-
tion, entreated the high-priests, if the thing
were possible, to take the number of their
whole multitude. So these high-priests, u])on
the coming of their feast which ir> called the
Passover, when they slay their sacrifices, from
the nintli hour till the eleventh, but so that
a company not less than ten \ belong to every
sacrifice (for it is not lawful for them to feast
singly by themselves), and many of us are
twenty in a company, found the number of
t The whole multitude of the Jews that were de-
stroyed during the entire seven years before this time,
in all the countries of and borderinL; on Judea, is sum-
med up by ArehbishopUsher, from Lipsius, outof Jose-
plius, at the year of Christ 70, and amounts to l,337,t90.
NorcovUd there have been that number of Jews in Je-
rusalem to be destroyed in this siege, as will be present-
ly set down by Josephus, but that both Jews and prose-
lytes of justice were just then come up out of the other
countries of Galilee, Samaria, Judea, and Perea, and
other remoter regions, to the Passover, in vast uuiW\;rs,
and therein cooped up, as in a prison, by the Roman
army, as Josephus himself well observes, in this and the
next section, and as is exactly related elsewhere, b. v,
. iii, sect. I ; and eh. xiii, sect. 7-
t This number of a coispany for one paschal lamb,
between ten and twenty, agrees exactly with the number
thirteen, at our Saviour's last passover. As to the whole
number of the .lews that used to come up to the Pass-
over, and cat of it at Jerusalem, see the note on b. ii,
ch. xiv, sect. 3. This number ought to be here indeed
just ten times the number of the lambs, or just 2,565,0(10,
by Josephus's own reasoning ; whereas it is, in his pre-
sent copies, no less than 2,7uO,(Hll), which last number
is, however, nearest the other number in the place now
cited, which is 3,ii(l0,0()0. Uut what is here chiefly re-
markable is this, that no foreign nation ever came thuj
to destroy the Jews at anv of their solemn festivals, from
the days of Moses till this lime, but came now upon
their apostacy from God, and from obedience to him.
Nor is it possible, in the nature of things, that in any
other nation such vast numbers should be gotten toge-
ther, and perish in the siege of any one city whatsoever
as now happened in Jerusalem.
WARS OF THE JEVVS.
7G1
sacrifices was two hundred and fifty-six thou-
sand five hundred ; which, upon the allow-
ance of no more than ten that feast together,
amounts to two millions seven hundred thou--
sand and two hundred persons that were pure
and holy ; for as to those that have the lepro-
sy, or the gonorrhoea, or women that have their
monthly courses, or such as are otherwise pol-
luted, it is not lawful for them to be partakers
of this sacrifice; nor indeed for any foreign-
ers neither, who come hither to worship.
4. Now this vast multitude is indeed col-
lected out of remote places, but the entire na-
tion vi-as now shut up by fate as in a prison, and
the Roman army encompassed the city when
it -was crowded with inhabitants. According-
ly the multitude of those that therein perish-
ed, exceeded all the destructions that either
men or God ever brought upon the world ;
for, to speak only of what was publicly known,
the Romans slew some of them, some they
carried captives, and others they made search
for under ground, and when they found where
they were, they broke up the ground and
slew all they met with. There nere also
found slain there above two thousand persons,
partly by their own hands, and partly by one
another, but chiefly destroyed by the famine ;
but then, the ill savour of the dead bodies
was most offensive to those that lighted upon
them, insomuch that some were obliged to
get away immediately, while others were so
greedy of gain, that they would go in among
the dead bodies that lay in heaps, and tread
upon them ; for a great deal of treasure was
found in these caverns, and the hope of gain
made every way of getting it to be esteemed
lawful. Many also of those that had been
put in prison by tlie tyrants were now brought
out ; for they did not leave off their barbarous
cruelty at the very last : yet did God avenge
himself upon them both, in a manner agree-
able to justice. As for John, he wanted
food, together with his brethren, in these ca-
verns, and begged that the Romans would
now give him their right hand for his securi-
ty, which he had often proudly rejected be-
fore ; but for Simon, he struggled liard with
the distress he was in, till he was forced to
surrender himself, as we shall relate hereaf-
ter; so he was reserved for the triumph, and
to be then slain : as was John condemned to
perpetual imprisonment : and now the Ro-
mans set fire to the extreme parts of the city,
and burnt them down, and entirely demolish-
ed its walls.
CHAPTER X.
THAT WHEREAS THE CITY OF JERUSALEM HAD
BEEN FIVE TIMES TAKEN FORMERLY, THIS
WAS THE SECOND TIME OF ITS DESOLATION.
A BRIEF ACCOUNT OF ITS HISTORY.
< 1. And thus was Jerusalem taken, in the
second year of the reign of Vespasian, on the
eighth day of the month Gorpieus [Elul]. It
had been taken five * times before, though
this was the second time of its desolation ; for
Shishak, the king of Egypt, and after him
Antiochus, and after him Pompey, and af-
ter them Sosius and Herod took the city, but
still preserved it ; but before all these, the
king of Babylon conquered it, and made it
desolate, one thousand four hundred and sixty-
eight years and six months after it was built.
But he who first built it f was a potent man
among the Canaanites, and is in our tongue
called [Melchisedek], the Righteous King, for
such he really was ; on which account he was
[there] the first priest of God, and first built
a temple [there], and called the city Jerusalem,
which was formerly called Salem. However,
David, the king of the Jews, ejected the Ca-
naanites, and settled his own people therein.
It was demolished entirely by the Babyloni-
ans, four hundred and seventy-seven years
and six months after him. And from king
David, who was the firstof the Jews who reign-
ed therein, to this destruction under Titus,
were one thousand one hundred and seventy-
nine years ; but from its first building, till this
last destruction, were two thousand one hun-
dred and seventy-seven years ; yet hath not its
great antiquity, nor its vast riches, nor the dif-
fusion of its nation over all the habitable earth,
nor the greatness of the veneration paid to it on
a religious account, been sufficient to preserve
it from being destroyed. And thus ended the
siege of Jerusalem.
• Besides these five here enumerated, who had taken
Jerusalem of old, Josephus, upon farther recollection,
reckons a sixtli, Antiq. b. xii, ch. i, sect 1, who should
have been here inserted in the second place ; I mean
Ptolemy, the son of Lagus.
t Why the great Bocliart should say (De Plioenic.
Colon, b. ii, ch, iv,), that " Theie are in this clause of
Josephus as many mistakes as words," I do by no means
understand. Josephus thought Melchisedek first built,
or rather rebuilt and adorned this city, and that it was
then called Salem, as Psal. Ixxvi, 2 ; that it afterwards
came to be called Jerusalem ; and that Melchisedek, be-
ing a priest as well as a king, built to the true God
tlieiein a temjile, or place for public divine worshij) and
sacrifice ; all which things may be very true for aught
we know to the contrary : and for the word /ejov, or
Temple, as if it must needs belong to the great tcmpia
built by Solomon long afterward, Josephus himself uses
vaos, for the small tabernacle of Moses, Antiq. b. iii, eh.
vi, sect. 4. See also Antiq. b. iii, ch. vi, sect 1, as he
here presently uses U^ov for a large and splendid syna-
gogue of the Jews at Antioch only, b. vii, ch. iii, sect. J.
»*» This is the proper place for such as have closely
attended to these latter books of the War, to peruse, and
that with equal attention, those distinct and plain pre-
dictions of Jesus of Nazareth, in the Gospels thereto
relating, as compared with their exact completions in
Josephus's history; upon which completions, as Dr.
Whitby well observes, Aunot. on Matt, xxiv, 2, no smnll
part of the evidence for the truth of the Christian reli-
gion does depend ; and as I have, step by step, compar-
ed them together in my Literal Accomplishment oj
Scripture Prophecies. The reader is to observe farther,
that the true reason why I have so seldom taken notice
of those completions in the course of these notes, not-
withstanding their being so vory remarkable, and fre-
quently so very obvious, is this, that I had entirely
prevented myself in that treatise beforehand; to which,
therefore, I must here, once for all, seriously refer every
inquisitive reader".
3 S
76:^
BOOK VII.
CONTAINING THE INTERVAL Of ABOUT THREE YEARS.
FROM THE TAKING OF JERUSALEM BY TITUS, TO THE SEDITION
OF THE JEWS AT CYRENE.
CHAPTER I.
HOW THE ENTIRE CITY OF JERUSALEM WAS
DEMOLISHED, EXCEPTING THREE TOWERS ;
AND HOW TITUS COMMENDED HIS SOLDIERS,
IN A SPEECH MADE TO THEJI, AND DISTRI-
BUTED REWARDS TO THEM, AND THEN DIS-
MISSED MANY OF THEM.
§ 1. Now, as soon as the army had no more
people to slay or to plunder, because there re-
mained none to be the objects of their fury
(for they would not have spared any, had there
remained any other such work to be done) Cjc-
sar gave orders that they should now demolish
the entire city and temple, but should leave
as many of the towers standing as were of the
greatest eminency ; that is, Pliasaelus, and
Hippicus, and JIariamne, and so much of the
wall as enclosed the city on the west side.
This wall was spared, in order to afford a
camp for such as were to lie in garrison ; as
were the towers also spared, in order to de-
monstrate to posterity what kind of city it
was, and how well fortified, which the Roman
valour had subdued ; but for all the rest of
the wall, it was so thoroughly laid even with
the ground by those that dug it up to the foun-
dation, that there was left nothing to make
those that came thither believe it had ever
been inhabited. This was the end whicii Je-
rusalem came to by the madness of those that
were for innovations ; a city otherwise of great
magnificence, and of mighty fame among all
mankind.
2. But Caesar resolved to leave there as a
guard the tenth legion, with certain troops of
horsemen, and companies of footmen. So,
having entirely completed this war, he was
desirous to commend his whole army, on ac-
count of the great exploits they had perform,
ed, and to bestow proper rewards on such as
had signalized themselves therein. He had
therefore a groat tribunal made for him in the
midst of tlie place where he had formerly en-
j camped, and stood upon it with his principa.
commanders about him, and spake so as to be
heard by the v.'hole army in the manner fol-
lowing : — That he returned them abundance
of thanks for their good-will which they had
shown to him ; he commended them for that
ready obedience they had exhibited in this
whole war; — which obedience had appeared in
the many and great dangers they had coura-
geously undergone ; as also, for that courage
they had shown, and had thereby augmented
of themselves their country's power, and had
made it evident to all men, that neither the
multitude of their enemies, nor the strength of
their places, nor the largeness of their cities,
nor the rash boldness and brutish rage of their
antagonists, were sufficient at any time to get
clear of the Roman valour, although some of
them may have fortune in many respects on
their side. He said farther, that it was but
reasonable for them to put an end to this
war, nov/ it had lasted so lor;g, for they had
nothing better to wish for when they en-
tered into it; and that tliis happened more
favourably for them and more for their glory,
that all the Romans had willingly accepted
of those for their governors, and the curators
of their dominions, whom they had chosen for
them, and had sent in'o their own country
for that purpose, which still continued under
the management of those whom they had
pitched on, and were thankful to them for
pitcliing upon them. That according!)', al-
though he did both admire and tenderly re-
gard them all, because he knew that every
one of them had gone as cheerfully about
their work as their abilities and opportunities
would give tliem leave, yet, he said, that he
would immediately bestow rewards and dig-
nities on those that had fought tlie most brave-
ly, and with greater force, and had signalized
their conduct in the most glorious manner,
and had made his army more famous by their
noble exploits : and thai no one who had been
willing to take more pains than another
r
CHAP. 11.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
763
should miss of a just retribution for tlie same ;
for tliat he had been exceedingly careful about
this matter, and that the more, because he
had much rather reward the virtues of his fel-
low-soldiers than punish such as had oflended.
S. Hereupon Titus ordered those whose
business it was, to read the list of all that had
performed great exploits in this war, whom
he called to him by their names, and com-
mended them before the company, and re-
joiced in Ihem in the same manner as a man
would have rejoiced in his own exploits. He
also put on their heads crowns of gold, and
golden ornaments about their necks, and gave
them long spears of gold, and ensigns that
were made of silver, and removed every one
of them to a higher rank : and besides this,
he plentifully distributed among them, out of
the spoils and the other prey they had taken,
silver, and gold, and garments. So wlien
they had all these honours bestowed on them,
according to his own appointment made to
every one, and he had wished all sorts of hap-
piness to the whole army, he came down,
among the great acclamations which were
made to iiim, and then betook himself to of-
fer thank-offerings [to the gods], and at once
sacrificed a vast number of oxen, that stood
readyat the altars, and distributed them among
the army to feast on ; and wlien he had staid
three days among the principal commanders,
and so long feasted with them, he sent away
the rest of his army to the several places where
they would be every one best situated ; but
permitted the tenth legion to stay, as a guard
at Jerusalem, and did not send them away
beyond Euphrates, where they had been be-
fore ; and as he remembered tiiat the twelfth
legiou had given way to the Jews, under Ces-
tius their general, he expelled them out of all
Syria, for they had lain formerly at Raphanea,
and sent them away to a place called Mele-
tine, near Euphrates, wliich is in the limits of
Armenia and Cappadocia ; he also thought
fit that two of the legions should stay with
him till he should go to Egypt. He then
went down witii his army to tliat Cesarea
which lay by the sea-side, and there laid up
the rest of liis spoils in great quantities, and
gave order that the captives should be kept
there ; for the winter-season hindered him then
from sailing into Italy,
CHAPTER II.
HOW TITUS EXHIBITED ALL SORTS OF SHOWS AT
CESAREA PHILIPPI. CONCERNING SIJION THE
TYRANT, HOW HE WAS TAKEN, AND RESERV-
ED FOR TUE TRIUMPH.
§ 1. Now, at the same time that Titus Caesar
lay at the siege of Jerusalem, did Vespasian
go on board a merchant-ship, and sailed from
Alexandria to Rhodes; whence he sailed away
in ships with three rows of oars; and as he
touched at several cities that lay in his road,
he was joyfully received by them all, and so
passed over from Ionia into Greece ; whence
he set sail from Corcyra to the promontory of
lapyx, whence he took his journey by land.
But as for Titus, he marched from that Cesa-
rea which lay by the sea-side, and came to that
which is named Cesarea Philippi. and staid
there a considerable time, and exhibited all sorts
of shows there; and here a great number of
the captives were destroyed, some being thrown
to wild beasts, and others in multitudes forced
to kill one another, as if they were enemies.
And here it was that Titus was informed of
the seizure of Simon, the son of Gioras, which
was made after the manner following: — This
Simon, during the siege of Jerusalem, was
in the upper city ; but when the Roman army
were gotten within the walls, and were laying
the city waste, he then took the m.ost faithful
of his friends with him, ajid among them soine
that were stone-cutters, with those iron tools
which belonged to their occupation, and as
great a quantity of provisions as would suf-
fice them for a long time, and let liimself
and them all down into a certain subterrane-
ous cavern that was not visible above ground.
Now, so far as had been digged of old, they
went onward along it without disturbance ;
but where they met with solid earth, they dug
a mine under ground, and this in hopes that
they should be able to proceed so far as to
rise from under ground, in a safe place, and
by that means escape; but when they came to
make the experiment, they were disappointed
of their hope ; for the miners could make but
small progress, and that witli difficulty also •
insomuch that their provisions, though they
distributed them by measure, began to fail
them. And now Simon, thinking he might
be able to astonish and delude the Romans,
put on a white frock, and buttoned upon liim
a purple cloke, and appeared out of the ground
in the place where the temple had i'ormer-
ly been. At the first, indeed, those that
saw him were greatly astonished, and stood
still where they were ; but afterward they
came nearer to him, and asked him who he
was. Now Simon would not tell them, but
bade them call for tiieir captain ; and when
they ran to call him, Tsrentius Rufus,* who
was left to command the army there, came to
Simon, and learned of him the whole truth,
and kept him in bonds, and let Caesar know
that he was taken. Thus did God bring this
man to be punished for what bitter and sa-
vage tyranny he had exercised against his
• This Terentius Rufus, as Rclsnd in part observes
here, is the same person wiiom the Talmudists call Tur-
nus Rufus; of whom they relate, that " he plouyhtd
up Sioh as a field, and made Jerusalem beeoinc as
heaps, and the mountain of the house as the high places
of a forest;" which was long before foretold oy the i)ro-
phet Micah (iii, 12), and quoted from him iii the jiro-
phecits of Jeicmiah (sxvi, 18,'.
764)
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK VII.
countrymen, by those who were his worst ene-
mies ; and this while he was not subdued by
violence, but voluntarily delivered himself tip
to them to be punished, and that on the very
same account that he had laid false accusa-
tions against many Jews, as if they were fall-
inT away to the Romans, and had barbarous-
ly slain them ; for wicked actions do not
escape the divine anger, nor is justice too weak
to punish offenders, but in time overtakes
those that transgress its laws, and inflicts its
punishments upon the wicked in a manner so
much more severe, as they expected to escape
it on account of their not being punished im-
mediately. * Simon was made sensible of
this, by falling under the indignation of the
Rom.ans. This rise of his out of the ground
did also occasion the discovery of a great
number of others of the seditious at that time,
v^ho had hidden themselves under ground;
but for Simon, he was brought to Cassar in
bonds, when he was come back to that Cesa-
rea which was on the sea-side ; who gave or-
ders that he should be kept against that tri-
umph which he was to celebrate at Rome up-
on this occasion.
CHAPTER in,
HOW TITUS, I'FON THE CELEBRATION OF HIS
brother's and father's BIRTH-DAYS, HAD
MANY OF THE JEWS SLAIN. CONCERNING
THE DANGER THE JEWS WERE IN AT ANTI-
OCH, BY MEANS OF THE TRANSGRESSION AND
IMFIETY OF ONE ANTIOCHUS, A JEW.
§ 1. While Titus was at Cesarea, he so-
lemiiized the birth-day of his brother [Domi-
tian] after a splendid manner, and inflicted a
great deal of the punishment intended for the
Jews in honour of him: for tlie nutnber of
those that were now slain in fighting with the
beasts, and were burnt, and fought with one
another, exceeded two thousand five hundred.
Yet did all this seem to the Romans, when
they were thus destroying ten thousand seve-
ral ways, to be a punishment beneath their
deserts. After this, Cajsar came to Berytus,f
which is a city of Phoenicia, and a Roman co-
lony, and staid there a longer time, and exhibit-
ed a still more pompous solemnity about his fa-
ther's birth-day, both in the magnificence of
tlie shows, and in the other vast expenses he
was at in his devices thereto belonging; so
that a great multitude of tlie captives were
here destroyed after the same manner as be-
fore.
2. It happened also about this time, that
* See Ecflcti. viii, 11.
t This Lierytus was certainly a Roman colony, and
has coins extan' that witness the same, as Hudson and
Sjxinheim infoim us. See the note, Antiq. b. xvi, ch
m, 5fl<!t. 1.
the Jews who remained at Antioch were un-
der accusations, and in danj^r of perishing,
from the disturbances that were raised against
thcni by the Antiochians, and this both on ac-
count of the slanders spread abroad at this
time against them, and on account of what
pranks they had played not long before; which
I atu obliged to describe without fail, though
briefly, that I may the better connect my nar-
ration of future actions with those that went
before.
3. For as the Jewish nation is widely dis-
persed over all the habitable earth among its
inhabitants, so it is very much intermingled
with Syria by reason of its neighbourhood,
and had the greatest multitudes in Antioch
by reason of the largeness of the city, where-
in the kings, after Antiochus, had afforded
them a habitation with the most undisturbed
tranquillity; for though Antiochus, who was
called Epiphanes, laid Jerusalem waste, and
sjjoiltd the temple, yet did those that succeed
ed him in the kingdom restore all the dona-
tions that were made of brass to the Jews of
Antioch, and dedicated them to their syna-
gogue ; and granted them the enjoyment of
equal privileges of citizens with the Greeks
themselves; and as the succeeding kings
treated them after the same manner, they both
multiplied to a great number, and adorned
their temple^ gloriously by fine ornaments,
and with great magnificence, in the use ot
what had been given thein. They also made
proselytes of a great many of the Greeks per.
petually, and thereby, after a sort, brought
them to be a portion of their own body. But
about this time when the present war began,
and Vespasian was newly sailed to Syria, and
all men had taken up a great hatred against
the Jews, then it was that a certain person
whose name was Antiochus, being one of the
Jev\isli nation, and greatly respected on ac-
count of his father, who was governor of the
Jews at Antioch, § came upon the theatre at
a time when the people of Antioch vvere as-
sembled together, and became an informer
against his father; and accused both him and
others, thnt they had resolved to burn the
whole city in one night; he also delivered
up to them some Jews that were foreigners,
as partners in their resolutions. When the
people heard this, they could not refrain their
passion, but commanded that tiiose who were
delivered up to them should have fire brought
to burn them ; who were accordingly all
t i. e. Their synagogue. See tlie note on b. vi, ch.
' ^ The Jews at Antioch and Alexandria, the two prin-
cipal cities in all the east, had allowed them, both by
the Macedonians, and afterwards by the Romans, a go-
vernor of their own, who was exempt from the jurisdic-
tion of the otlier civil governors. He was called some-
times barely •' governor," sometimes " ethnarcli," and
fat Alexandria] •' alabarch,"as Dr. Hudson takes notice
on this place, out of Fuller's Miscellanies. 'J'hey had
the like governor or governors allowed them at Babylon
under their captivity there as the Histoiv of Susaniw
implies.
■V.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
765
burnt upon the theatre immediately. They
did also fall violently upon the multitude of
the Jews, as supposing, that by punishing
them suddenly they sliould save their own
city. As for Antioclius, he aggravated the
rage they were in, and thought to give them
a demonstration of his own conversion, and
of his hatred of the Jewish customs, by sacri-
ficing after the manner of the Greeks : he
persuaded the rest also to compel them to do
the same, because they would by that means
discover who they were that had plotted a-
gainst them, since they would not do so ;
and when the people of Antioch tried the ex-
periment, some few complied ; but those that
would not do so were slain. As for Antio-
clius Inmself, he obtained soldiers from the
Roman commander, and became a severe
master over his own citizens, not permitting
them to rest on the seventh day, but forcing
them to do all that they usually did on other
days ; and to that degree of distress did he
reduce them in this matter, that the rest of
the seventh day was dissolved not only at
Antiocii, but the same thing which took
thence its rise, was done in other cities also,
in like manner, for some small time.
4. Now, after these misfortunes had hap-
pened to the Jews at Antioch, a second cala-
mity befel them, the description of which
when we were going about, we premised the
account foregoing : for upon this accident,
whereby the four-square market-place was
burnt down, as well as the archives, and the
place where the public records were preserv-
ed, and the royal palaces (and it was not
without difficulty that the fire was then put a
stop to, which was likely, by the fury where-
with it was carried along, to have gone over
the whole city), Antiochus accused the Jews
as the occasion of all the mischiff that was
done. Now this induced the people of An-
tioch, who were now under the immediate
persuasion, by reason of the disorder they
were in, that this calumny was true ; and
would have been under the same persuasion,
even though they had not borne an ill-will at
the Jews before, to believe this man's accu-
sation, especially when they considered what
had been done before ; and this to such a de-
gree, that they all fell violently upon those
that were accused ; and this, like madmen,
in a very furious rage also, even as if they
had seen the Jews in a manner setting fire
themselves to the city ; nor was it witliout
difficulty that one Cneius Collegas, the le-
gate, could prevail with them to permit the
affairs to be laid before Caesar ; for as to Ce-
senniusPetus, the president of Syria, Vespasian
had already sent him away ; and so it hap-
pened, that he was not yet come back thither.
But when Collegas had made a careful in-
quiry into the matter, he found out tflie truth,
and that not one of those Jews that \T«re ac-
cused by Antiochus had any hand in it; but
that all was done by some vile persons greatly
in debt, who supposed, that if they could once
set fire to the market-place, and burn the
public records, they should have no further
demands made upon them. So the Jews
were under great disorder and terror, in the
uncertain expectations of what would be
the upshot of those accusations against them.
CHAPTER IV.
HOW VESPASIAN WAS RECEIVED AT ROME ; AS
ALSO HOW THE GERMANS REVOLTED FROM
THE ROMANS, BUT WERE SUBDUED. THAT
THE SARMATIANS OVER-RAN MYSIA, BUT
WERE COMPELLED TO RETURN TO THEIR
OWN COUNTRY AGAIN.
§ 1. And now Titus Ca?sar, upon the news
that was brought him concerning his father,
that his coming was much desired by all tlie
Italian cities, and that Rome especially re-
ceived him with great alacrity and splendor,
betook himself to rejoicing and pleasures to a
great degree, as now freed from the solicitude
he had been under, after the most agreeable
manner. For all men that were in Italy show-
ed their respects to him in their minds, be-
fore he came thither, as if he were already
come, as esteeming the very expectation they
had of him to be his real presence on account
of the great desires they had to see him, and
because the good-will they bore him was en-
tirely free and unconstrained ; for it was a
desirable thing to the senate, who well re-
membered the calamities they had undergone
in the late changes of their governors, to re-
ceive a governor who was adorned with the
gravity of old age, and with the highest skill
in the actions of war, whose advancement
would be, as they knew, for nothing else bu»
for the preservation of those that were to be
governed. Moreover, the people had beer
so harrassed by their civil miseries, that
they were still more earnest for his coming
immediately, as su])posing they should then
be firmly delivered from their calamities,
and believed they should then recover their
secure tranquillity and prosperity : and for
the soldiery, they had the principal regard
to him, for they were chiefly apprised of
his great exploits in war ; and since they
had experienced the want of skill and want
of courage in other commanders, they were
very desirous to be freed from that great
shame they had undergone by their means
and heartily wished to receive such a prince
as might be a security and an ornament to
them ; and as this good-will to Vespasian
was universal, those that enjoyed any remark-
able dignities could not have patience enough
to stay in Rome, but made liaste to meet hiui
7G6
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK VII
at a very great distance from it ; nay, indeed,
none of the rest could endure the delay of
seeing him, but did all pour out of the city in
6uch crowds, and were so universally possess-
ed with the opinion that it was easier and
better for them to go out than to stay there,
that this was the very first time that the city
joyfully perceived itself almost empty of its
citizens ; for those that staid within were fewer
than those that went out; but as soon as the
news was come that he was hard by, and those
that had met him at first related with what
good humour he received every one that came
to him, tiien it was that the whole multitude
that had remained in the city, with their wives
and children, came into the road, and waited for
liim there; and for those whom he passed by,
they made all sorts of acclamations on account
of tlie joy they had to see him, and the plea-
santness of his countenance, and styled him
their Benefactor and Saviour, and the only
person who was worthy to be ruler of the city
of Rome ; and now the city was like a temple,
full of garlands and sweet odours ; nor was
it easy for him to come to the royal palace for
the multitude of people that stood about him,
where yet at last he performed his sacrifices
of thanksgivings to his household gods, for
his safe return to the city. The multitude
did also betake themselves to feasting ; which
feasts and drink-offerings they celebrated by
their tribes, and their families, and their neigh-
bourhoods, and still prayed God to grant tliat
Vespasian, his sons, and all their posterity,
might continue in the Roman government for
a very long time, and that his dominion might
be preserved from all opposition. And this
was the manner in which Rome so joyfully
received Vespasian, and thence grew im-
mediately into a stale of great prosperity.
2, But before this time, and while Vespa-
sian was about Alexandria, and Titus was
lying at the siege of Jerusalem, a great multi-
tude of the Germans were in commotion, and
tended to rebellion ; and as the Gauls in their
neighbourhood joined with them, they con-
spired togetlier, and had thereby great hopes
of success, and that they should free them-
selves from the dominion of the Romans.
The motives that induced the Germans to this
attempt for a revolt, and for beginning the
war, were these : — In the first place, tlie nature
[of the people], which was destitute of just
reasonings, and ready to tlirow themselves
rashly into danger upon small hopes; in the
next place, the hatred they bore to those that
were their governors, while their nation had
never been conscious of subjection to any but
to the Romans, and that by compulsion only.
Besides these motives, it was the opportunity
that now oITered itself, wliich above all the
rest prevailed with them so to do ; for when
they saw the Roman government in a great
internal disorder, by the continual changes of
its rulers, and understood that every part of
the habitable earth under them was in an un-
settled and tottering condition, they tliougbt
this was the best opportunity that could afford
itself for themselves to make a sedition, when
the state of the Romans was so ill. Classicus *
also, and Vitellius,f two of their commanders,
puffed them up with such hopes. These had
for a long time been openly desirous of such
an innovation, and were induced by the pre-
sent opportunity to venture upon the declara-
tion of their sentiments ; the multitude was
also ready ; and when these men told them of
what they intended to attempt, that news was
gladly received by tliem. So when a great
part of the Germans had agreed to rebel, and
the rest were no better disposed, Vespasian,
as guided by divine Providence, sent letters
to Petilius Cerealis, who had formerly had
the command of Germany, whereby he de-
clared him to have tlie dignity of consul, and
commanded him to take upon liim the govern-
ment of Britain ; so he went whither he was
ordered to go, and wlien he was informed of
the revolt of the Germans, he fell upon them
as soon as they were gotten together, and put
his army in battle-array, and slew a great
multitude of them in the fight, and forced
them to leave off their madness, and to grow
wiser; nay, had he not fallen thus suddenly
upon them on the place, it had not been long
ere they would however have been brought to
punishment ; for as soon as ever the news of
their revolt was come to Rome, and Ca;sar
Domitian was made acquainted witli it, he
made no delay even at that his age, when he
was exceeding young, but undertook this
weighty affair. He had a courageous mind,
from his father, and had made greater improve-
ments than belonged to such an age : accord-
ingly he marched against the barbarians im-
mediately ; whereupon their hearts failed
them at the rumour of his approach, and they
submitted themselves to him with fear, and
thought it a fiappy thing that they were brought
under their old yoke again witliout sufTcring
any farther mischiefs. When therefore Do-
mitian had settled all the afl^airs of Gaul in
such good order, that it would not bo easily
put into disorder any more, he returned to
Rome with honour and glory, as having per-
* This Classieus, and Civilis, and Cerealis, are names
well known in Tacitus: the two former as moving sedi-
tion against the Romans, and the last as sent to repress
them by Vespasian, just as they are here described by
Josephus; which is the case also of Fonteius Agnppa
and Rubrius Gallus, in sect. 3 ; but as to the very fa-
vourable account presently given of Domitian, parti-
cularly as to his designs in this his (iallic and Germanic
expedition, it is nota little contrary to that in Suetonius,
Vesp. sect. 7. Nor are the reasons unobvious that might
occasion this great diversity : Domitian was one of Jo-
sephuss patrons, and when he published these books of
the Jewish war, was very young, and had hardly begun
those wicked practices which rendered him so infamous
afterward; while Suetonius seems to have been too
vouug and too low in life to receive any remarkable
favours from liim ; as Domitian was certainly very lewd
and cruel, and generally hated, when Suetonius wrote
alMut him.
t Civilis.— racy.
A.
'V_
WARS OF THE JEWS.
767
formed such exploits as were above his own
age, and worthy of such a father.
3. At the verj' same time with the fore-
mentioned re^'olt of the Germans, did the
bold attempt of the Scythians against the
Romans occur ; for those Scythians who
are called Sarmatians, being a very nu-
merous people, transported themselves over
the Danube into Mysia, without being per-
ceived ; after which, by their violence, and
entirely unexpected assault, they slew a great
many of the Romans that guarded the fron-
tiers ; and as the consular legate Fonteius
Agrippa came to meet them, and fought cou-
rageously against them, he was slaiu by them.
They then over-ran all the region that had
been subject to him, tearing and rending
every thing that fell in their way ; but when
Vespasian was informed of what had happen-
ed, and how Mysia was laid waste, he sent
away Rubrius Gallus to punish these Sarma-
tians ; by whose means many of them perish-
ed in the battles he fought against them, and
that part which escaped fled with fear to their
own country. So when this general had put
an end to the war, he provided for the future
security of the country also ; for he placed
more and more numerous garrisons in the
place, till he made it altogether impossible for
the barbarians to pass over the river any
more ; and thus had this war in Mysia a sud-
den conclusion.
CHAPTER V
concerning the sabbatic river which ti-
tus saw as he was journeying through
syria ; and how the people of anti-
och came with a petition to titus
against the jews, but were rejected
by him; as also concerning titus's and
Vespasian's triumph.
§ 1. Now Titus Csesar tarried some time at
Berytus, as we told you before. He thence
removed, and exhibited magnificent shows in
ail those cities of SyrJa through which he
went, and made use of the captive Jews as
public instances of the destruction of that na-
tion. He then saw a river as he went along,
of such a nature as deserves to be recorded in
liistory ; it runs in the middle between Ar-
cea, belonging to Agrippa's kingdom, and
Raphanea. It hath somewhat vei'y peculiar
in it ; for when it runs, its current is strong,
and has plenty of water ; after which its
springs fail for six days together, and leave
its channel dry, as any one may see ; after
which days it runs on the seventh day as it
did before, and as though it had undergone
no change at all : it hath also been observed
to keep this order perpetually and exactly;
whence it is that thev call it the Sabbatic
River,* — that name being taken from the sa-
cred seventh day among the Jews.
2. But when the people of Antioch were
informed that Titus was approaching, they
were so glad at it, that they could not keep
within their walls, but hasted away to give
him the meeting ; nay, they proceeded as far
as thirty furlongs, and more, with that inten-
tion. These were not tlie men only, but a
multitude of women also witli their children
did the same ; and when they saw him com-
ing up to them, they stood on both sides of
the way, and stretched out their right hands,
saluting him, and making all sorts of accla-
mations to him, and turned back together
with him. They also, among all the accla-
mations they made to him, besought him all
the way they went, to eject the Jews out of
their city ; yet did not Titus at all yield to
this their petition, but gave them the bare
hearing of it quietly. However, the Jews
were in a great deal of terrible fear, under
the uncertainty they were in what his opinion
was, and what he would do to them ; for Ti-
tus did not stay at Antioch, but continued his
progress immediately to Zeugma, whicli lies
upon the Euphrates, whither came to him
messengers from Vologeses, king of Parthia,
and brought him a crown of gold upon the
victory he had gained over the Jews ; which he
accepted of, and feasted the king's messen-
gers, and then came back to Antioch. And
when the senate and people of Antioch ear-
nestly entreated him to come upon their tlie-
atre, where their whole multitude was assem-
bled, and expected him, he complied with
great humanity ; but when they pressed him
with much earnestness, and continually beg-
ged of him, that he would eject the Jews out
of their city, he gave them this very pertinent
answer : — " How can this be done, bince that
country of theirs, whither the Jews must be
ol)liged then to retire, is destroyed, and no
place will receive them besides ?" Wlicre-
upon the people of Antioch, when they had
failed of success in this their first request,
made him a second ; for they desired that he
would order those tables of brass to be re-
moved, on which the Jews' privileges were
engraven. However, Titus would not grant
that neither, but permitted the Jews of Vn-
tioch to continue to enjoy the very same pri-
vileges in that city which they had before,
and then departed i'or Egypt; and as became
to Jerusalem in his progress, and compared
the melancholy condition he saw it then in,
* Since in these later ages this Sabbatic River, once
so famous, which, by Josephus's account here, ran every
seventh clay, and rested on six, but according to Plinv,
Nat. Hist, xxxi, 11, ran perpetually on six days, and
rested on the seventh (though it no way appears bv ei-
ther of tlieir accounts thai the sevf nth day of this rivet
was the Jewish seventh day or Sabbath), is quite v.inish-
ed, I shall add no more about it: onlvsee Dr. Hudson's
note. In Varenius's Geography, i, 17, the reader will
find several instances of such periodical fountains and
rivers, though none of their periods were that of ajuat
vfeek, as of old this appears to have been.
768
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK VII.
with the ancient glory of the city, and called
to mind the greatness of its present ruins, as
well as its ancient splendor, he could not but
pity the destruction of the city, — so far was
lie from boasting that so great and goodly a
city as that was, had been by him taken by
force ; nay, he frequently cursed those that
had been tlie authors of their revolt, and had
brought such a punishment upon the city; in-
somuch that it only appeared that he did not
desire that such a calamity as this punishment
of theirs amounted to, should be a demonstra-
tion of his courage. Yet was there no small
quantity of the riches that had been in that
city still found among its ruins, a great deal
of which the Romans dug up ; but the greatest
part was discovered by those who were cap-
tives, and so they carried it away, I mean the
gold and the silver, and the rest of that most
precious furniture which the Jews had, and
which the owners had treasured up under
ground, against the uncertain fortunes of war.
3. So Titus took the journey he intended
into Egypt, and passed over the desert very
suddenly, and came to Alexandria, and took
up a resolution to go to Rome by sea. And
as he was accompanied l)y two legions, he
sent each of them again to the places whence
they had befo'° come; tlie lifth he sent to
Mysia ; and the fifteenth to Pannonia ; as
for the leaders of the captives, Simon and
John, with the other seven hundred men,
w hom he had selected out of the rest as be-
ing eminently tall and handsome of body, he
gave order that they should be soon carried
to Italy, as resolving to produce them in his
triumph. So when he had had a prosperous
voyage to his mind, the city of Rome behav-
ed itself in his reception, and their meeting
him at a distance, as it did in the case of his
father. But what made the most splendid
appearance in Titus's opinion was, when his
father met him, and received him; but still
the multitude of the citizens conceived the
greatest joy when they saw them all three to-
gether, * as tliey did at this time : nor were
many days overpast when they determined to
have but one triumph, that should be common
to both of tiiem, on account of the glorious
exploits they had performed, although the se-
nate had decreed each of them a separate tri-
umph by himself. So when notice had been
given beforehand of the day appointed for
this pompous solemnity to be made, on ac-
count of their victories, not one of the im-
mense multitude was left in the city, but eve-
ry body went out so far as to gain only a
station where they might stand, and left only
night-time, and were about the gates, not of
the upper palaces, but those near the temple
of Isis; for tliere it was that the emperors
had rested the foregoing night. And as soon
as ever it was day, Vespasian and Titus came
out crowned with laurel, and clothed in those
ancient purple habits which were proper to
their family, and then went as far as Octa-
vian's Walks ; for there it was that the se-
nate, and the principal rulers, and those that
had been recorded as of the equestrian order,
waited for them. Now a tribunal had been
erected before the cloisters, and ivory chairs
had been set upon it, when they came and
sat down upon them. Whereupon the sol-
diery made an acclanwtion of joy to them im-
mediately, and all gave them attestations of
their valour; while they were themselves
without their arms, and only in their silken
garments, and crowned with laurel : then
Vespasian accepted of these shouts of theirs ;
but while they were still disposed to go on in
such acclamations, he gave them a signal of si-
lence. And wlien every body entirely held theii
peace, he stood up, and covering the greatest
part of his head with his cloak, lie put up the
accustomed solemn prayers ; the like prayers
did Titus put up also; after which pravers
Vespasian made a short speech to all the peo-
ple, and then sent away the soldiers to a din-
ner prepared for them by the emperors.
Then did he retire to that gate which was
called the Gate of the Pomp, because pom-
pous shows do always go tlirough that gate,
there it was that they tasted some food, and
when they had put on their triumphal gar
ments, and had offered sacrifices to the gods
that were placed at the gate, they sent the
triumph forward, and marched through the
theatres, that they might be the more easily
seen by the multitude.
5. Now it is impossible to describe the
multitude of the shows as tliey deserve, and
the magnificence of them all ; such indeed as
a man could not easily tliiiik of as performed
either by the labour of workmen, or the va-
riety of riches, or the rarities of nature ; for
almost all such curiosities as the most happy
men ever get by piece-meal were here heaped
one upon another, and those both admirable
and costly in their nature ; and all brouglit
together on thatday, demonstrated the vastness
of the dominions of the Romans; for there was
here to be seen a mighty quantity of silver,
and gold and ivory, contrived into all sorts of
things, and did not appear as carried along
in pompous show only, but, as a man may say,
running along like a river. Sonie parts were
such a passage as was necessary for those that , composed of the rarest purple hangings, and
were to be seen to go along it. so carried along; and others accurately re
4. Now all the soldiery marched out be- j presented to the life what was embroidered by
forehand by companies, and in their several j *''^ ^■"'^ "^ ''^^ Babylonians. Tiiere were also
ranks, under their several com.manders, in the Precious stones that were transparent, some
j set in crowns of gold, and some in other ouches,
Vesiiasian and his two sons, Titus aiid Domitian. 1 as the workmen pleased ; and of tliese such
~V
_r
CHAP. V.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
7G9
a vast number were brought, that we could
not but thence learn how vainly we imagined
any of them to be rarities. The images of
the gods were also carried, being as well
wonderful for their largeness, as made very
artificially, and with great skill of the work-
men ; nor were any of these images of any
other than very costly materials j and many
species of animals were brought, everyone in
their own natural ornaments. The men also
who brought every one of these shows were
great multitudes, and adorned with purple
garments, all over interwoven with gold ; those
that were chosen for carrying these pompous
shows, having also about them such magnifi-
cent orsiameiits as were both extraordinary
and surprising. Besides these, one might see
that even the great number of the captives was
not unadorned, while the variety that was in
their garments, and their fine texture, con-
cealed from the sight the deformity of their
bodies. But what afforded the greatest sur-
prise of all, was the structure of the pageants
that were borne along ; for indeed he that
met them could not but be afraid that the bear-
ers would not be able firmly enough to support
them, such was their magnitude ; (or many of
them were so made, that they were on three
or even four stories, one above another. The
magnificence also of their structure afforded
one both pleasure and surprise ; for upon many
of them were laid carpets of gold. There was
also wrought gold and ivory fastened about
them all ; and many resemblances of the war,
and tliose in several v/ays, and variety of con-
trivances, aflbrding a most lively portraiture
of itself ; for there was to be seen a happy
country laid waste, and entire squadrons of
enemies slain ; while some of them ran away,
and some were carried into captivity ; with
walls of great altitude and magnitude over-
thrown, and ruined by machines; with the
strongest fortifications taken, and the walls of
most populous cities upon the tops of hills
seized on, and an army pouring itself within
the walls ; as also every place full of slaughter,
and supplications of the enemies, when they
were no longer able to lift up their hands in
nay of opposition. Fire also sent upon temples
das here represented, and houses overthrown
and falling upon their owners : rivers also,
after they came out of a large and melancholy
desert, ran down, not into a land cultivat-
ed, nor as drink for men, or for cattle, but
through a land still on fire upon every side ;
for the Jews related that such a thing they
had undergone during this war. Now the
workmanship of these representations was so
magnificent and lively in the construction of
tiie things, that it exhibited what had been
done to such as did not see it, as if they had
been there really present. On the top of
every one of these pageants was placed the
commander of tlie city that was tajjen, and
tlie manner wherein he «as taken More-
over, there followed those pageants a great
number of ships ; and for the other spoils,
they were carried in great plenty. But for
those that were taken in the temple of Jeru-
salem,* they made the greatest figure of them
all; that is tlie golden talile, of the weight of
many talents ; the candlestick also, that was
made of gold, though its construction were
now changed from that which we made use
of: for its middle shaft was fixed upon a ba-
sis, and the small branches were produced out
of it to a great length, having the likeness of
a trident in their position, and had every one
a socket made of brass for a lamp at the tops
of them. These lamps were in number seven,
and represented the dignity of the number se-
ven among the Jews ; and the last of all the
spoils, was carried the Law of the Jews. After
these spoils passed by a great many men, car-
rying the images of Victory, whose structure
was entirely either of ivory, or of gold. Af-
ter which Vespasian marcf-ied in the first place,
and Titus followed him ; Domitian also rode
along with them, and made a glorious appear-
ance, and rode on a horse that was worthy of
admiration.
6. Now the last part of this pompous show
was at the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus,
whither when they were come, they stood
still ; for it was the Romans' ancient custom
to stay till somebody brought the news that
the general of the enemy was slain. Tliis
general was Simon, the son of Gioras, who
had then been led in this triumph among
the captives ; a rope had also been put upon
his head, and he had been drawn into a pro-
per place in the forum, and had withal been
tormented by those that drew him along ; and
the law of the Romans required, that male-
factors condemned to die should be slain there.
Accordingly, when it was related that there
was an end of him, and all the people had set
up a shout for joy, they then began to offer
those sacrifices which they had consecrated,
in the prayers used in such solemnities; which
when they had finished, they went away to
the palace. And as for some of the specta-
tors, the emperors entertained them at their
own feast ; and for all the rest there were no-
ble preparations made for their feasting at
home ; for this was a festival-day to the
city of Rome, as celebrated for the victory
obtained by their army over their enemies,
* See the representations of these Jewish vessels as
thev still stand on Titus's triumpnal arch at Rome, in
Ruland's very curious book de SpoHis TemjJi, through-
out. But what things are chiefly to be noted a. c these :
(I.) That Josephus says, the candlc>tick here earned m
this triumph was not thoroughly like tliat which w^
used in the temple, which appears in the number of the
little knobs and flowers in that on the triumphal areh,
not well agreeinr; with Moses's description, Exod. xxv
51 36. ("J.) The smallness of the branches in Jos&
phus, compared with the thickness of those on that
arch. (5.) That the Law or Pentateuch does not a[i-
pear on that arch at all, though Josephus, an eye-wit-
ness, assuies us that it was carried in this procession
All whith things deserve Iheeonsider.ition of the inqui
sitive reader
~v
770
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK VII
for the end that was now put to their civil
miseries, and for the commencement of
their hopes of future prosperity and happiness.
7. After these triumphs were over, and
after the affairs of the Romans were settled
on the surest foundations, Vespasian resolved
to build a temple to Peace, which he finished
in so short a time, and in so glorious a man-
ner, as was beyond all liuman expectation and
opinion : for he having now by Providence a
vast quantity of wealth, besides what he had
formerly gained in his other exploits, he had
this temple adorned with pictures and statijes;
for in this temple were collected and deposit-
ed all such rarities as men aforetime used to
wander all over the habitable world to see,
when they had a desire to see them one after
another : he also laid up therein, as ensigns
of his glory, those golden vessels and instru-
ments that were taken out of the Jewish tem-
ple. But still he gave order that they should
lay up their law, and the purple veils of the
holy place, in the royal palace itself, and keep
them there.
CHAPTER VI.
CONCERNING THE CITY CALLED MACHERU8 ;
AND HOW LUCILIUS BASSUS TOOK THE CITA-
DEL, AND OTHER PLACES.
§ 1. Now Lucilius Bassus was sent as legate
into Judea, and there he received the army
from Cerealis Vitellius, and took that cita-
del which was in Herodium, together with
the garrison that was in it ; after which he got
together all the soldiery that was there (which
was a large body, but dispersed into several
parties), with the tenth legion, and resolved
to make war upon Macherns ; for it was high-
ly necessary that this citadel should be demo-
lished, lest it might be a means of drawing
away many into a rebellion, by reason of its
strength ; for the nature of the place was very
capable of affording the surest hopes of safety
to those that possessed it, as well as delay and
fear to those that should attack it ; for what
was walled in was itself a very rocky hill,
elevated to a very great height ; which cir-
cumstance alone made it very hard to be sub-
dued. It was also so contrived by nature,
that it could not be easily ascended ; for it is,
as it were, ditched about with such valleys on
all sides, and to such a depth, that the eye
cannot reach their bottoms, and such as are
not easily to be passed over, and even such as
it is impossible to fill up with earth ; for that
valley which cuts it on the west, extends to
threescore furlongs, and did not end till it
came to the lake Asphaltitis; on the same
side it was also that Macherus had the tallest
top of its hill elevated above the rest. But
then for the valleys that lay ou the north and
«outh sides, although they are not so large as
that already described, yet is it in like man.
ner an impracticable thing to think of getting
over them ; and for the valley that lies on the
east side, its depth is found to be no less than
a hundred cubits. It extends as far as a moun-
tain that lies over-against Macherus, with
which it is bounded.
2. Now when Alexander [Janneus], the
king of the Jews, observed the nature of this
place, he was the first who built a citadel
here, which afterwards was demolished by
Gabinius, when he made war against Aristo-
bulus ; but when Herod came to be king, he
thought the place to be worthy of the utmost
regard, and of being built upon in the firmest
manner, and this especially because it lay so
near to Arabia; for it is seated in a conve-
nient place on that account, and hath a pro-
spect toward that country; he therefore sur-
rounded a large space of ground with walls
and towers, and built a city there, out of
which city there was a way that led up to the
very citadel itbclf on the top of the mountain ;
nay, more than this, he built a wall round
that top of the hill, and erected towers at the
corners, of a hundred and sixty cubits high ;
in the middle of which place he built a pa-
lace, after a magnificent manner, wherein
were large and beautiful edifices. He
also made a great many reservoirs for the
reception of water, that there might be plenty
of it ready for all uses, and those in the pro-
perest places that were afforded him there.
Thus did he, as it were, contend with the na-
ture of the place, that he might exceed its na-
tural strength and security (which yet itself
rendered it hard to be taken) by those forti-
fications which were made by the hands of
men. Moreover, he put a large quantity
of darts and other machines of war into it,
and contrived to get every thing thither that
might any way contribute to its inhabi-
tants' security, under the longest siege pos-
sible.
3. Now within this place there grew a sort
of rue,* that deserves our wonder on account
of its largeness, for it was no way inferior to
any fig-tree whatsoever, either in height or
in thickness ; and the report is, that it had
lasted ever since the times of Herod, and
would probably have lasted much longer, had
it not been cut down by those Jews who
took possession of the place afterward : but
still in that valley which encompasses the
city on the north side, there is a certain place
called Baaras, which produces a root of the
same name with itself ;f its colour is like to that
• Spanheim observes here, that in GrsKiia Major and
Sicily they had rue prodigiously great and durable, like
this rue at Macherus.
f This strange account of the place and root Baaras,
seems to have l)een taken from the magicians, and the
root to have been made use of in the days of Josephus,
in that superstitious way of casting out demons, sup-
posed by him to have been derived from king Solo-
mon ; of which we have already seen he had a great
opinion, Antiq. b. vUi, ch. ii, sect. 5. We also ma*
"V
"V
CHAP. VI.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
771
of flame, and towards the evening it sends
out a certain ray like lightning : it is not easi-
ly taken by such as would do it, but recedes
from their hands, nor will yield itself to be
taken quietly, until either the urine of a wo-
man, or her menstrual blood, l)e poured upon
it; nay, even then it is certain death to those
that touch it, unless any one take and hang
the root itself down from his hand, and so
carry it away. It may also be taken another
way, without danger, which is this : they dig a
trench quite round about it, till the hidden
part of the root be very small, they then tie a
dog to it, and when the dog tries hard to fol-
low him that tied him, this root is easily
plucked up, but the dog dies immediately, as
if it were instead of the man that would take
the plant away ; nor after this need any one
be afraid of taking it into their hands.
Yet, after all this pains in getting, it is only
valuable on account of one virtue it hath,
that if it be o-nly brought to sick persons, it
quickly drives away those called Demons,
which are no other than the spirits of the
wicked, that enter into men that are alive and
kill them, unless they can obfciin some help
against them. Here are also fountains of
hot water, that flow out of this place, which
have a very diil'erent taste one from the other;
for some of them are bitter, and others of
them are plainly sweet. Here are also many
eruptions of cold waters, and this not only in
the places that lie lower, and have their foun-
tains near one another, but, what is still more
wonderful, here is to be seen a certain cave
hard by, whose cavity is not deep, but it is
covered over by a rock that is prominent : a-
bove this rock there stand up two [hills or]
breasts, as it were, but a little distant one
from another, the one of which sends out a
fountain that is very cold, and the other sends
out one that is very hot ; which waters, when
they are mingled together, compose a most
pleasant batli ; they are medicinal indeed for
otlier maladies, but especially good for
strengthening the nerves. Tliis place has in
it also mines of sulphur and alum.
4. Now when Bassus had taken a full view
of this place, he resolved to besiege it by fill-
ing up the valley that lay on the east side; so
he fell hard to work, and took great pains to
raise his banks as soon as possible, and by that
means to render the siege easy. As for the
Jews that were caught in this place, they
separated themselves from the strangers that
were with them, and they forced those stran-
gers, as an otherwise useless multitude, to
stay in the lower part of the city, and undergo
the principal dangers, while they themselves
seized on the upper citadel, and held it, and
learn the true notion Joseph iis hart ot demons and
demoniaes, exactly hkc tliat <it' tlieJews and Oiristi-
ans in the New Tcsiaiuent, and the lirst four centuries.
See Antiq. b. vi, ch. viii, sect. 2; b. xi,>h. ij, scet.
this both on account of its strength, and to
provide for their own safety. They also sup-
posed they might obtain their pardon, in case
they should at last surrender the citadel.
However, they were willing to make trial, in
the first place, whether the hopes they had of
avoiding a siege would come to any thing ;
with which intention they made sallies every
day, and fought with those that met them ;
in which conflicts they were many of them
slain, as they therein slew many of the Ro-
mans ; but still it was the opportunities that
presented themselves which chiefly gained both
sides their victories ; these were gained by the
Jews, when they fell upon the Romans as they
were oflT their guard ; but by the Romans,
when, upon the others' sallies against their
banks, they foresaw their coming, and were
upon their guard when they received them ;
but the conclusion of this siege did not de-
pend upon these bickerings, but a cert.'.in sur-
prising accident, relating to what was done in
this siege, forced the Jews to surrender the
citadel. There was a certain young man
among the besieged, of great boldnes.-s, and
very active of his hand, his name was Eleazar ;
he greatly signalized himself in those sallies,
and encouraged the Jews to go out in great
numbers, in order to hinder the raising of the
banks, and did the Romans a vast deal of mis-
chief when they came to fighting : he so man-
aged matters, that those who sallied out, made
their attacks easily, and returned back without
danger, and this by still bringing up the rear
himself. Now it happened, that on a cer-
tain time when the fight was over, and both
sides were parted, and retired home, he, in
way of contempt of the enemy, and tliinking
that none of them would begin the fight again
at that time, staid without the gates, and talked
with those that were upon the wall, and his
mind was wholly intent upon what they said.
Now a certain person belonging to the Roman
camp, whose name was Rufus, by birth an
Egyptian, ran upon him suddenly, when no-
body expected such a thing, and carried him
off, with his armour itself; while, in the
mean time, those that saw it froin the wail
were under such an amazement, that Rufus
prevented their assistance, and carried Eleazar
to the Roman camp. So the general of the
Romans ordered that he should be taken up
naked, set before the city to be seen, and sore-
ly whij)ped before their eyes. Upon this sad
accident that befel the young man, the Jews
were terribly confounded, and the city, with
one voice, sorely lamented him, and the
mourning proved greater than could well be
supposed upon the calamity of a single person.
When Bassus perceived that, he began to
think of using a stratagem against the enemy,
and was desirous to aggravate their grief, in
order to prevail with them to surrender the
city for the preservation of that man. Nor
did he fail of his hope ; for he commanded
772
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK VII.
them to set up a cross, as if he were just go-
ing to hang Eleazar upon it immediately :
the sight of tliis occasioned a sore grief among
those that were in the citadel, and they groan-
ed vehement!)', and cried out that thay could
not bear to see liim thus destroyed. Where-
upon Eleazar besought them not to disregard
him, now he was going to suffer a most miser-
able death, and exhorted them to save them-
selves, by yielding to the Roman power and
good fortune, since all other people were
now conquered by them. These men were
greatly moved with what he said, there being
also many within the city that interceded for
him, because he was of an eminent and very
numerous family ; so they now yielded to their
passion of commiseration, contrary to their
usual custom. Accordingly they sent out
immediately certain messengers, and treated
with the Romans, in order to a surrender of
the citadel to them, and desired that they
might be permitted to go away, and take
Eleazar along with them. Then did the Ro-
mans and their general accept of these terms ;
while the multitude of strangers that were in
the lower part of the city, hearing of the a-
greement that was made by the Jews for them-
selves alone, were resolved to fly away pri-
vately, in the night time ; but as soon as they
had opened their gates, those that had come
to terms with Bassus told him of it ; whether
it were that they envied the others' deliverance,
or whether it were done out of fear, lest an
occasion should be taken against them upon
their escape, is uncertain. The most cour-
ageous, therefore, of those men that went out
prevented the enemy, and got away, and fled
for it ; but for those men that were caught
within, they were slain, to the number of one
thousand seven hundred, as were the woincn
and the children made slaves ; but as Bassus
thought he must perform the covenant he had
made with those that had surrendered the cita-
del, he let them go, and restored Eleazar to
them.
5. When Bassus had settled these aflPairs,
he marched hastily to the forest of Jarden, as
it is called ; for he had heard that a great
many of those that had fled from Jerusalem
and Macherui formerly, were there gotten
together. When he was therefore come to
the place, and understood that the former
news was no mistake, he, in the first place,
surrounded the whole place with his horse-
men, that such of the Jews as had boldness
enough to try to break through, might have
no way possible for escaping, by reason of
the situation of these horsemen j and for the
footmen, he ordered them to cut down the
trees that were in the wood whither they were
fled. So the Jews were under a necessity of
performing some glorious exploit, and of
greatly exposing themselves in a battle, since
they might perhaps lliereby escape. So they
nude a general attack, and with a great shout
fell upon those that surrounded them, who
received them with great courage; and so
while the one side fought desperately, and
the others would not yield, the fight was pro-
longed on that account. But the event of
tile battle did not answer the expectation of
the assailants ; for so it happened, that no
more than twelve fell on the Roman side,
with a few that were wounded ; but not one
of the Jews escaped out of this battle, for
they were all killed, being in the whole not
fewer in number than three thousand, toge-
ther with Judas, the son of Jairus, their gene-
ral ; concerning whom we have before spoken,
that he had been captain of a certain band at
the siege of Jerusalem, and by going down
into a certain vault under ground, had pri»
vately made his escape.
6. About the same time it was that Caesar
sent a letter to Bassus, and to Liberius Max-
imus, who was the procurator [of Judea],
and gave order that all Judea should be ex
posed to sale ; * for he did not found any
city there, but reserved the country for him-
self. However, he assigned a place for eight
hundred men only, whom he had dismissed
from his army, which he gave them for their
habitation ; it is called Emmaus, -f and is dis
tant from Jerusalem threescore furlongs. He
also laid a tribute upon the Jews wheresoever
they were, and enjoined ever^ one of them to
bring two drachmae every year into the Capi-.
to!, as they used to pay the same to the tem-
ple at Jerusalem. And this was the state of
the Jewish afl'airs at this time.
CHAPTER VII.
CONCERNING THE CALAMITY THAT BEFEL AN-
TIOCHUS, KING OF COMWAGENE. AS ALSO
CONCERNING THE ALANS, AND WHAT GREAT
MISCHIEFS THEY DID TO THE MEDES AND
ARMENIANS.
§ 1. And now, in the fourth year of the
reign of Vespasian, it came to pass that An-
tiochus, the king of Commagene, vrith all his
• It 19 very remarkable that Titus did not people this
now desolate country of Judea, but ordered it to be all
sold ; nor indeed is it properly peopled at this day, but
lies ready for its old inhabitants the Jews, at their future
restoration. See Literal Accomplishment of Prophe-
cies, page 77-
1 That the city Emmaus, or Ammaus, in Josephus
and others, which was the place of tlie government ot
Julius Afrieanus, in the beginning of the third century,
and which he then procured to be rebuilt, and after which
rebuilding it was called Nicopolis, is entirely different
from that Emmaus which is mentioned by St. Luke
(xxiv, 17) see Ueland's Pala?stina, lib. ii, page 429, and
under the name Ammaus also. But he justly thinks
that that in St. Luke may well be the same with this
Ammaus before us, especially since the Greek copies
here usually make it sixty furlongs distant from Jerusa-
lem, as does St. Luke, though the Latin copies say only
thirty. Tlic place also allotted for these SOO soldiers,
as for a Roman garrison, in this place, woi\.d most na
turally not be so remote from Jerusalem as was the
other Emmaus, or Nicopolis.
'V
""V.
HAP. VII.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
773
family, fell into very great calamities. The
occasion was this : — Cesennius Fetus, who
was president of Syria at this time, whether
it were done out of regard to truth, or whe-
ther out of hatred to Antiochus (for which
was the real motive was never thoroughly
discovered), sent an epistle to Ccesar, and
therein told him that Antiochus, with his son
Kpiphanes, had resolved to rebel against the
Romans, and had made a league with the king
of Parthia to that purpose : that it was there-
fore fit to prevent them, lest they prevent us,
and begin such a war as may cause a general
disturbance in the Roman empire. Now
Casar was disposed to take some care about
the matter, since this discovery was made ;
for the neighbourhood of the kingdoms made
this affair worthy of greater regard ; for Sa-
mosata, the capital of Commagene, lies up--
on Euphrates, and, upon any such design,
could afford an easy passage over it to the
Parthians, and could also afford them a se-
cure reception. Petus was accordingly be
lieved, and had authority given him of doing
what he should think proper in tiie case; so
he set about it without delay, and fell upon
Commagene before Antiochus and his people
had the least expectatioii of his coming : he
had with him the tenth legion, as also some
cohorts a!id troops of horsemen. These kings
also came to his assistance : — Aristobulus,
king of the country called Chalcidene, and
Soliemus, who was called king of Emesa : nor
was there any opposition made to his forces
when they entered the kingdom ; for no one
of that country would so much as lift up his
liand against them. Wiien Antiochus heard
tnis unexpected news, he could not think in
tlie least of making war with the Romans,
but determined to leave his whole kingdom
in the state wherein it now was, and to retire
privately, with his wife and children, as think-
ing thereby to demonstrate himself to ihe
Romans to be innocent as to the accusation
laid against him. So he went away from that
city as far as a hundred and twenty furlongs,
mto a plain, and there pitched his tents.
2. Petus then sent some of his men to
seize upon Samosata, and by their means took
possession of that city, while he went himself
to attack Antiochus with the rest of his army.
However, the king was not prevailed upon by
the distress he was in to do any thing in the
way of war against the Romans, but bemoaned
his own hard fate, and endured with patience
what he was not able to prevei:t. But his
sons, who were young and unexperienced in
war, but of strong bodies, were not easily in-
duced to bear this calamity without fighting.
Epiphancs, therefore, and Callinicus betook
themselves to military force ; and as the bat-
tle was a sore one, and lasted all the day long,
tliey showed their own valour in a remarkable
manner; and nothing but the apijj;oacn of
nisjht put a period thereto, and that without
any diminution of their forces ; yet would
not Antiochus, upon this conclusion of the
fight, continue there by any means, but took
his wife and his daughters, and fled away with
them to Cilicia ; and, by so doing, quite dis-
couraged the minds of his own soldiers. Ac~
cordingly, they revolted, and went over to the
Romans, out of the despair they were in of
his keeping the kingdom ; and his case was
looked upon by all as quit« desperate. It was
tlierefore necessary that Epiphanes and his
soldiers should get clear of their enemies be-
fore they became entirely destitute of any con-
federates; nor were there any more than ten
horsemen with him, who passed with him over
Euphrates, whence they went undisturbed to
Vologeses, the king of Parthia, where they
were not disregarded as fugitives ; but had
the same respect paid them as if they had re-
tained their ancient prosperity.
3. Now when Antiochus was come to Tar-
sus in Cilicia, Petus ordered a centurion to
go to him, and send him in bonds to Rome.
However, Vespasian could not endure to have
a king brought to him in that manner, but
thought it fit rather to have a regard to the
ancient friendship that had been between them,
than to preserve an inexorable anger upon
pretence of this war. Accordingly, he gave
orders that they should take off his bonds,
while he was still upon the road, and that he
should not come to Rome, but should now go
and live at Lacedemon ; he also gave him
large revenues, that he might not only live in
plenty, but like a king also. When Epiphanes,
who before was in great fear for his father,
was informed of this, their minds were freed
from that great and almost incurable concern
they had been under. He also hoped that
Caesar would be reconciled to them, upon the
intercession of Vologeses ; for although he
lived in plenty, he knew not how to bear liv-
ing out of the Roman empire. So Csesar
gave him leave, after an obliging manner, and
he came to Rome ; and as his father came
quickly to him from Lacedemon, he had all
sorts of respect paid him there, and there he
remained.
4. Now there was a nation of the Alans,
which we have formerly mentioned somewhere
as being Scythians,* and inhabiting at the
Lake Meotis. This nation about this time
laid a design of falling upon Media and the
parts beyond it, in order to plunder them ;
witli which intention they treated with the
king of Hyrcania; for he was master of that
passage whicti king Alexander [the Great]
shut up with iron gates. Tliis king gave
them leave to come tlirough them ; so they
came in great multitudes, and fell upon the
Medes unexpectedly, ami plundered their
country, whicli they found full of people, and
replenished with abundance of cattle, while no-
• '. his is now waiuinn.
774
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK VII.
body durst make any resistance against them ;
for Pacorus, the king of the country, had flud
away for fear, into places where they could
not easily come at him, and had yielded up
every thing he had to tiiem, and had only
saved his wife and his concubines from them,
and that with difficulty also, after tliey had
been made captives, by giving them a hun-
dred talents for their ransom. Tliese Alans
therefore plundered the country without op-
position, and with great ease, and then pro-
ceeded as far as Armenia, laying all waste be-
fore them. Now Tiridates was king of that
country, who met tiiem, and fought them, but
had like to have been tak,.'n alive in the bat-
tle ; for a certain man threw a net over him
from a great distance, and had soon drawn
him to him, unless lie had immediately cut
tlie cord with his sword, and ran away, and
prevented it. So the Alans, being still more
provoked by this sight, laid waste the coun-
try, and drove a great multitude of the men,
and a great quantity of the other prey they had
gotten out of both kingdoms, along witli ihein,
and then retreated back to their own country.
CHAPTER VIII.
CONCERNING MASADA AND THOSE SICABII W'UO
KEPT IT ; AND HOW SI LVA BETOOK HiilSEI.t'
TO FORM THE SIEGE OF THAT ClTAOtf..
ELEAZiVR's SPEECHES TO THE BESIEGED.
§ 1. When Bassus was dead iu Judea, Fla-
vius Silva succeeded him as procurator there ;
who, when he saw that all the rest of the
country was subdued in this war, and that
there was but one only strong hold that was
still in rebellion, he got all his army together
that lay in difierent places, and made an ex-
pedition against it. This fortress was called
Masada. It was one Eieazar, a potent man,
and the commander of these Sicarii, that had
seized upon it. He was a descendant from that
Judas who had persuaded abundance of the
Jews, as we have formerly related, not to sub-
mit to the taxation when Cyrenius was sent in-
to Judea to make one; for then it was that the
Sicarii got together against those that were
willing to submit to the Romans, and treated
them in all respects as if tlay had been their
enemies, both by plundering them of what
they had, by driving away their cattle, and by
setting fire to their houses : for they said that
they differed not at all from foreigners, by
betraying, in so cowardly a manner, that
freedom which Jews thouglit worthy to be
contended for to the utmost, and by own-
ing that they preferred slavery under the
Romans before such a contention. Now this
was in reality no better than a pretence, and
a cloak for the barbarity whi:h was made use
avarice, which they afterwards made evident
by their own actions ; for those that were
partners with them in their rebellion, joined
also with them in the war against the Ro-
mans, and went farther lengths with them in
their impudent undertakings against them ;
and when they were again convicted of dis-
seml)ling in such their pretences, they still
more abused those that justly reproached them
for their wickedness ; and indeed that was a
time most fertile in all manner of wicked
practices, insomuch that no kind of evil deeds
were then left undone ; nor could any one so
much as devise any bad thing that was new,
so deeply were they all infected, and strove
with one another in their single capacitj, and
in their communities, who should run the
greatest lengths in impiety towards God, and
in unjust actions towards their neighbours;
the men of power oppressing the multitude,
and the multitude earnestly labouring to de-
stroy the men of power. The one part were
desirous of tyrannizing over others ; and the
rest of offering violence to others, and of plun-
dering such as were richer than themselves.
They were the Sicarii who first began these
transgressions, and first became barbarous to-
wards those allied to them, and left no words
of reproach unsaid, and no works of perdition
untried, in order to destroy those whom their
contrivances affected. Yet did John demon,
strate by his actions, that these Sicarii were
more moderate than he was himself, for he
not only slew such as gave him good counsel
to do what was right, but treated them worst
of all, as the most bitter enemies that he had
among all the citizens ; nay, he filled his en-
tire country with ten thousand instances of
wickedness, such as a man who was already
hardened sufficiently in his impiety towards
God, would naturally do; for the food was
unlawful that was set upon his table, and he
rejected those purifications that the law of his
country had ordained ; so that it was no lon-
ger a wonder if he, who was so mad in his
impiety towards God, did not observe any
rules of gentleness and common affection to-
wards men. Again, therefore, what mischiet
was there whicii Simon the son of Gioras did
not do ? or what kind of abuses did he ab-
stain from as to those very free men who had
set him up for a tyrant? What friendship or
kindred were there that did not make him
more bold in his daily murders ? for they
looked upon the doing of mischief to stran-
gers only, as a work beneath their courage,
but thought their barbarity towards their near-
est relations would be a glorious demonstra-
tion thereof. The Idumeans also strove with
these men who should be guilty of the great-
est madness! for they [allj, vile wretches as
they were, cut the throats of the high-priests,
that so no part of a religious regard to God
might be preserved ; they thence proceeded to
of by ihem, and to colour over their own I destroy utterly the least remains of a political
^
-^
CHAP. VIII.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
775
government, and introduced the most com-
plete scene of iniquity in all instances that
were practicable ; under which scene, that
sort of people that were called Zealots grew
up, and who indeed corresponded to the name ;
for they imitated every wicked work ; nor, if
their memory suggested any evil thing that
nad formerly been done, did they avoid zea-
lously to pursue the same ; and although they
gave themselves that name from their zeal for
what was good, yet did it agree to them only
by way of irony, on account of those they had
unjustly treatt'd by their wild and brutish dis-
position, or as thinking the greatest mischiefs
to be the greatest good. Accordingly, they
all met with such ends as God deservedly
brought upon them in way of punishment ;
for all such miseries have been sent upon
them as man's nature is capable of undergo-
ing, till the utmost period of their lives, and
till death came upon them in various ways of
torment : yet might one say justly that they
suffered less than they had done, because it
was impossible they could be punished accord-
ing to their deserving : but to make a lamen-
tation according to the deserts of those who
fell under these men's barbarity, this is not a
proper place for it : — I therefore now return
again to the remaining part of the present nar-
ration.
2. For now it was that (he Roman gene-
ral came, and led his army against Eleazar
and those Sicarii who held the fortress Masa-
da together with him ; and for the whole
country adjoining, he presently gained it, and
put garrisons into the most proper places of
it : he also built a wall quite round the entire
fortress, that none of the besieged might easi-
ly escape : he also set his men to guard the
several parts of it ; he also pitched his camp
in such an agreeable place as he had chosen
for the siege, and at which place the rock be-
longing to the fortress did make the nearest
approach to the neighbouring mountain,
which yet was a place of difficulty for getting
plenty of provisions ; for it was not only food
that was to be brought from a great distance
[to the army], and this with a great deal of
pain to tliose Jews who were appointed for
that purpose, but water was also to be brought
to the camp, because the place afforded no
fountain that was near it. When therefore
Silva had ordered these affairs beforehand, he
fell to besieging the place ; which siege was
likely to stand in need of a great deal of skill
and pains, by reason of the strength of the
fortress, the nature of which I will now de-
scribe.
3, There was a rock not small in circum-
ference, and very high. It was encompassed
with valleys of such vast depth downward,
that the eye could not reach their bottoms ;
fliey were abrupt, and such as no animal
could walk upon, excepting at two tjlaces of
the rock, where it subsides, in order to afford
a passage for ascent, though not without dif-
ficulty. Now, of the ways that lead to it,
one is that from the lake Asphaltitis, towards
the sun-rising, and another on the west, where
the ascent is easier : the one of these ways is
called the Serpent, as resembling that animal
in its narrowness, and its perpetual windings;
for it is broken off at the prominent precipices
of the rock, and returns frequently into it-
self, and lengthening again by little and little,
hath much ado to proceed forward ; and he
that would walk along it must first go on one
leg, and then on the other ; there is also no-
thing but destruction, in case your feet slip ;
for on each side there is a vastly deep chasm
and precipice, sufficient to quell the courage
of every body by the terror it infuses into
the mind. When, therefore, a man hath
gone along this way for thirty furlongs, the
rest is the top of the hill, — not ending at a
small point, but is no other than a plain upon
the highest part of the mountain. Upon this
top of the hill, Jonathan the high-priest first
of all built a fortress, and called it Masada ;
after which the rebuilding of this place em-
ployed the care of king Herod to a great de-
gree ; he also built a wall round about the
entire top of the hill, seven furlongs long;
it was composed of white stone ; its heiglit
was twelve, and its breadth eight cubits ;
there were also erected upon that wall thirty-
eight towers, each of them fifty cubits high ;
out of which you might pass into lesser edi-
fices, which were built on the inside, round
the entire wall ; for the king reserved the
top of the hill, which was of a fat soil and
better mould than any valley for agriculture,
that such as committed themselves to this
fortress for their preservation, might not even
there be quite destitute of food, in ^se they
should ever be in want of it from abroad.
Moreover, he built a palace therein at the
western ascent: it was witJiin and beneath
the walls of the citadel, but inclined to its
north side. Now the wall of this palace was
very high and strong, and had at its four cor-
ners towers sixty cubits high. The furniture
also of the edifices, and of the cloisters, and of
the baths, was of great variety, and very
costly ; and these buildings were supported
by pillars of single stones on every side : the
walls also and the floors of tlie edifices were
paved with stones of several colours. He also
had cut many and great pits, as reservoirs for
water, out of the rocks, at every one of the
places that were inhabited, both above and
round about the palace, and before the wall ;
and by this contrivance he endeavoured to
have water for several uses, as if there had
been fountains there. Here was also a road
digged from the palace, and leading to the very
top of the mountain, which yet could not be
seen by such as were without [the walls] ; nor
indeed could enemies easily make use of the
plain roads ; for the road on the east side, as
776
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK VII,
we have already taken notice, could not be
walked upon, by reason of its nature ; and for
tlie western road, he built a large tower at its
narrowest place, at no less a distance from the
top of the hill than a thou«;and cubits ; which
tower could not possibly be passed by, nor
could it be easily taken ; nor indeed could
those that walked along it without any fear
(such was its contrivance) easily get to the
end of it; and after such a manner was this
citadel fortified, both by nature and by the
hands of men, in order to frustrate the attacks
of enemies.
4. As for the furniture that was within this
fortress, it was still more wonderful on account
of its splendor and long continuance ; for
here was laid up corn in large quantities, and
such as would subsist men for a long time ;
here was also wine and oil in abundance, with
all kinds of pulse and dates heaped up to-
gether ; all which Eleazar found there, when
be and his Sicarii got possession of the fortress
by treachery. These fruits were also fresh
and full ripe, and no way inferior to such
fruits newly laid in, although they were little
short of a hundred years * from the laying in
these provisions [by Herod], till the place was
taken by the Romans ; nay, indeed, when the
Romans got possession of those fruits that
were left, they found them not corrupted all
that while : nor should we be mistaken, if we
supposed that the air was here the cause of
their enduring so long, this fortress being so
high, and so free from the mixture of all
terrene and muddy particles of matter. There
was also found here a large quantity of all
sorts of weapons of war, which had been trea-
sured up by that king, and were sufficient for
ten thousand men : there was cast iron, and
brass, and tin, which show that he had taken
much pains to have all things here ready for
the greatest occasions ; for the report goes
how Herod thus prepared this fortress on
his own account, as a refuge against two
Kinds of danger; the one for fear of the mul-
titude of the Jews, lest they should ilL';Ai:.e
him and restore their former kings to tin. go-
vernment ; the other danger was greater and
more terrible, which arose from Cleopatra,
queen of Egypt, who did not conceal her in-
tentions, but spoke often to Antony, and de-
sired him to cut off Herod, and entreated
him to bestow tlie kingdom of Judea upos
her. And certainly it is a great wonder
that Antony did never comply with her com-
mands in tins point, as he was so miserably
ensla.'ed to his passion for her; nor should
any one liave been surprised if she had been
gratified in such her request. So the fear of
these dangers made Herod rebuild Masada,
and thereby leave it for the finishing-stroke
of the Romans in this Jewish war.
* Pliny and others confirm this strange paradox, that
provisions laid up against sieges will continue good for
> hundred years as Spanhcini notes upon this place.
5. Since therefore the Roman commander
Silva had now built a wall on the outside,
round about this whole place, as we have said
already, and had thereby made a most accu-
rate provision to prevent any one of the be-
sieged running away, he undertook the siege
itself, though he found but one single place
that would admit of the banks he was to raise ;
for behind that tower which secured the road
that led to the palace, and to the top of the
hill from the west, there was a certain emin-
ency of the rock, very broad and very pro-
minent, but three hundred cubits beneath the
Iiighest part of Masada ; it was called the
White Promontory. Accordingly he got up-
on that part of the rock, and ordered the army
to bring earth ; and when they fell to that
«ork with alacrity, and abundance of them
together, the bank was raised, and became
solid for two hundred cubits in height. Yet
was not this bank thought sufficiently high for
the use of the engines that were to be set upon
it ; but still another elevated work of great
stones compacted together was raised upon
that bank : this was fifty cubits, both in
breadth and height. The other machines
that were now got ready were like to those
that had been first devised by Vespasian, and
afterwards by Titus, for sieges. There was
also a tower made of the height of sixty
cubits, and all over plated with iron, out
of whicli the Romans threw darts and stones
from the engines, and soon made those that
fought from the walls of the place to retire,
and would not let them lift up their heads
above the works. At the same time Silva
ordered tliat great battering-ram which he
had made, to be brought thither, and to be
set against the wall, and to make frequent
batteries against it, which with some diffi-
culty, broke down a part of the wall, and
quite overthrew it. However the Sicarie
made haste, and presently built another wall
within that, which should not be liable to the
same misfortune from the machines with the
other : it was made soft and yielding, and
so was capable of avoiding the terrible blows
that affected the other. It was framed after
the following manner: — They laid together
great beams of wood lengthways, one close to
the end of another, and the same way in
which they were cut : there were two of these
rows parallel to one another, and laid at such
a distance from each other as the breadth of
the wall required, and earth was put into the
space between those rows. Now, that the
earth might not fall away upon the elevation
of this bank to a greater height, they farther
laid other beams over across them, atid
thereby bound those beams together that
lay lengthways. This work of theirs was like
a real edifice; and when the machines were
applied, tlie blows were weakened by its yield
ing ; and as the materials by such concussion
were shaken closer together, the pile by that
V
CHAP. VIII.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
771
means became firmer than before. When
Silva saw this, he thought it best to endeavour
the taking of this wall by setting fire to it;
so he gave order that the soldiers should throw
a great number of burning torches upon it:
accordingly, as it was chiefly made of wood,
it soon took fire ; and when it was once set
on fire, its hollowiiess made that fire spread
to a mighty flame. Now, at the very begin-
ning of this fire, a north wind that then blew
proved terrible to the Romans ; for by bring-
ing the flame downward,^ it drove it upon
them, and they were almost in despair of suc-
cess, as fearing thi'ir machines would be
ournt : but after this, on a sudden the wind
changed into the south, as if it were done by
divine providence; and blew strongly the
contrary way, and carried the flame, and
drove it against the wall, which was now on
fire through its entire thickness. So the Ro-
mans, having now assistance from God re-
turned to their camp with joy, and resolved
to attack their enemies the very next day ; on
which occasion they set their watch more care-
fully that night, lest any of the Jews should
run away from them without being disco-
vered.
6. However, neither did Eleazar once think
of flying away, nor would he permit any one
else to do so; but when he saw their wall
burnt down by the fire, and could devise no
otlier way of escaping, or room for their far-
ther courage, and setting before tlieir eyes
■what the Romans would do to them, their
children, and their wives, if they got them
into their power, he consulted about having
them all slain. Now, as he judged this to be
the best thing they could do in their present
circumstances, he gathered the most courage-
ous of his companions together, and encou-
raged them to take that course by a speech*
which he made to them in the manner fol-
lowing : — " Since we, long ago, my generous
friends, resolved never to be servants to tlie
Romans, nor to any other than to God him-
self, who alone is the true and just Lord of
mankind, the time is now come that obliges
us to make that resolution true in practice.
And let us not at this time bring a reproach
upon ourselves for self-contradiction, wliile we
formerly would not undergo slavery, though
it were then without danger, but must now,
together with slavery, clioose such punish-
ments also as are intolerable; I mean this,
upon the supposition that the Romans once
The speeches in th's and the next section, as iiitrotluc-
f
ed under ihe i)ersQn of tlii^ Eleazar, are exceeding re
marl^able, and on the noblest subjects, tlie contempt
death, and the dignity and immortality of the soul ;
and that not only among the Jews, hut among the In-
dians themselves also ; and are highly worthy ihejXTU-
sal of all the curious. It seems as if that philosophic
Uidy who survived, ch. ix, sect, 1, 'J, remembered the
substance' of these discourses, as sjioken by Eleazar, and
so Joseiihus clothed lliem in his own words : at the low-
est they contain the Jewish notions on these htj^s, as
understood then by our Jossphus, and cannot but de-
sbvve a suitable regard froui us.
reduce us under their power while we are
alive. W'e were the very first that revolted
from them, and we are the last that fight
against them ; and I cannot but esteem it as
a favour that God hath granted us, that it is
still in our power to die bravely, and in a state
of freedom, which hath not been the case of
others, who were conquered unexpectedly. It
is very plain that we shall be taken within a
day's time ; but it is still an eligible thing to
die after a glorious manner, together with our
dearest friends. This is what our cneriit»
themselves cannot by any means hinder, al-
though they be very desirous to take us alive.
Nor can we propose to ourselves any more to
fight ihcm and beat them. It had been pro-
per indeed for us to have conjectured at the
purpose of God much sooner, and at the very
first, when we were so desirous of defending
our liberty, and when we received such sore
treatment from one another, and worse treat-
ment from our enemies, and to have been sen-
sible that the same God, who liad of old taken
the Jewish nation into his favour, had now con-
demned them to destruction ; forbad he either
continued favourable, or been but in a lesser
degree displeased with us, he had not overlook-
ed the destruction of so many men, or delivered
his most holy city to be burnt and demolished
by our enemies. To be sure, we weakly hoped
to have preserved ourselves, and ourselves
alone, still in a state of freedom, as if we had
been guilty of no sins ourselves against God,
nor been partners with those of others ; we also
taught other men to preserve their li-berty.
Wherefore, consider how God hath convinced
us that our hopes were in vain, by bringing
such distress upon us in the desperate state
we are now in, and which is beyond all our
expectations ; for the nature of this fortress,
which was in itself unconquerable, hath not
proved a means of our deliverance ; and even
while we have still great abundance of food,
and a great quantity of arms, aiid other ne-
cessaries more than we want, we are openly-
deprived by God himself of all hope of deli-
verance ; for that fire which was driven uporj
our enemies did not, of its own accord, tuiT>
back upon the wall which we had built : this
was the eftt'ct of God's anger against us for
our manifold sins, which we have been guilty
of in a most insolent and extravagant manner
with regard to our own countrymen ; the pu-
nishments of which let us not receive from
tlie Romans, but from God himself, as exe-
cuted by our own hands, for these will be
more moderate than the other. Let our wives
die before they are abused, and our children
before they have tasted of slavery ; and after
we have dain them, let us bestow that glori-
ous benefit upon one another mutually, and
preserve ouiselves in freedom, as an excellent
funeral monument for us. But first let us de-
stroy our money and the fortress by fire ; for
1 I am well assured that this will be a great grief
\-
J-
778
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK VII
to llie Romans, that they shall not be able to freed from that weight which draws it down to
seize upon our bodies, and shall fail of our j the earth and is connected with it, it obtains
wealth also : and let us spare nothing but our its own proper place, and does then become a
provisions ; for they will be a testimonial partaker of that blessed power, and those a-
when we are dead that we were not subdued
for want of necessaries; but that, according
to our original resolution, we have preferred
death before slavery."
7. This was Eleazar's speech to them. Yet
did not the opinions of all the a^uditors acqui-
esce therein ; but although some of them were
very zealous to put his advice in practice, and
were in a manner filled with pleasure at it,
and thought death to be a good thing, yet had
those that were most efleminate a commisera-
tion for their wives and families ; and when
these men were especially moved by the pros-
pect of their own certain death, they looked
wistfully at one another, and by the tears that
were in their eyes, declared their dissent from
his opinion. When Eleazar saw these peo-
ple in such fear, and that their souls were de-
jected at so prodigious a proposal, he was afraid
lest perhaps these efleminate persons should,
by their lamentations and tears, enfeeble lliose
that heard what he had said courageously ;
so he did not leave off exhorting them, but
stirred up himself, and recollecting proper
arguments for raising their courage, he un-
dertook to speak more briskly and fully to
them, and that concerning the immortality of
the soul. So he made a lamentable groan,
and fixing his eyes intently on those that wept,
he spake thus : — " Truly, I was greatly mis-
taken when I thought to be assisting to brave
men v\ho struggled hard for their liberty, and
to such as were resolved either to live with
honour, or else to die; but I find that you
are such people as are no better than others,
either in virtue or in courage, and are afraid
of dying, though you be delivered thereby
from the greatest miseries, while you ought to
make no delay in this matter, nor to await
any one to give you good advice ; for the laws
of our country, and of God liimself, have,
from ancient times, and as soon as ever we
could use our reason, continually taught us,
and our forefathers have corroborated the
same doctrine by their actions and by their
bravery of mind, that it is life that is a cala-
mity to men, and not death ; for this last af-
fords our souls their liberty, and sends them
by a removal into their own place of purity,
where tiiey are to be insensible of all sorts
of misery ; for while souls are tied down to a
mortal body, they are partakers of its mise-
ries ; and really, to speak the truth, they are
themselves dead ; for the union of wiiat is di-
vine to what is mortal, is disagreeable. It is
true, the power of the soul is great, even wlien
it is imprisoned in a mortal body ; for by
moving it after a way that is invisible, it makes
the l)ody a sensible instrument, and causes it
to aiivance farther in its actions than mortal na-
ture could otherwise do. However, when it is
bilities, which are then every way incapable
of being hindered in their operations. It con-
tinues invisible, indeed, to the eyes of men, as
does God himself; for certainly it is not it-
self seen, while it is in the body ; for it is
there after an invisible manner, and when it
is freed from it, it is still not seen. It is this
soul which hath one nature, and that an in-
corruptible one also ; but yet is it the cause
of the change that is made in the body ; for
whatsoever it be which the soul touches, that
lives and flourishes ; and from whatsoever it
is removed, that withers away and dies : such
a degree is there in it of immortality. Let
me produce the state of sleep as a most evi-
dent demonstration of the truth of what I say ;
wherein souls, when the body does not dis-
tract them, have the sweetest rest depending
on themselves, and conversing with God, by
their alliance to him ; they then go every-
where, and foretell many futurities before-
hand ; and why are we afraid of death, while
we are pleased with the rest that we have in
sleep? and how absurd a thing is it to pur-
sue after liberty while we are alive, and yet
to envy it to ourselves where it will be eter-
nal ! We, therefore, who have been brought
up in a discipline of our own, ought to become
an example to others of our readiness to die ;
yet if we do not stand in need of foreigners
to support us in this matter, let us regard
those Indians who profess the exercise of phi-
losophy ; for these good men do but unwilling-
ly undergo the time of life, and look upcm it
as a necessary servitude, and make haste to let
their souls loose from their bodies ; nay,
when no misfortune presses them to it, nor
drives them upon it, these have such a desire
of a life of immortality, that they tell other
men beforehand that they are about to de-
part; and nobody hinders them, but every
one tliinks them l)appy men, and gives them
letters to be carried to their familiar friends
[th.t are dead] ; so firmly and certainly do
they believe that souls converse with one a-
nother [in the other world]. So when these
men have heard all such commands that were
to be given them, they deliver their body to
the fire ; and, in order to their getting their
soul a separation from the body, in the great-
est purity, they die in the midst of hymns of
commendations made to them ; for their
dearest friends conduct them to their death
more readily than do any of the rest of man-
kind conduct their fellow-citizens when they
are going a very long journey, who, at the
same tune, weep on their own account, but
look upon the others as happy persons, as so
soon to be made partakers of the immortal
order of beings. Are not we, therefore, a-
shamed to have lower notions than the Indi-
CHAP. VIII.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
r79 I
ans ? and by our own cowardice to lay a base
reproach upon the laws of our country, which
are so much desired and imitated by all man-
kind ? But put the case that we had been
brought up under another persuasion, and
taught that life is the greatest good which
men are capable of, and that death is a calami,
ty ; however, the circumstances we are now
in ought to be an inducement to us to bear
such calamity courageously, since it is by the
will of God, and by necessity, that we are to
die ; for it now appears that God hath made
such a decree against the whole Jewish na-
tion, that we are to be deprived of this life
which [he knew] we would not make a due
use of; for do not you ascribe the occasion
of your present condition to yourselves, nor
think the Romans are the true occasion that
this war we have had with them is become so
destructive to us all : these things have not
come to pass by their power, but a more
powerful cause hath intervened, and made us
aflbrd them an occasion of their appearing to
be conquerors over us. What Roman wea-
pons, I pray you, were those, by which the
Jews of Cesarea were slain ? On the contra-
y, when they were no way disposed to re-
bel, but were all the while keeping their se-
venth day festival, and did not so much as
lift up their hands against the citizens of Ce-
sarea, yet did those citizens run upon them in
great crowds, and cut their throats, and the
tiiroats of their wives and children, and this
without any regard to the Romans themselves,
wlio never took us for their enemies till we re-
volted from them. But some may be ready to
say, that truly the people of Cesarea had always
a quarrel against those that lived among them,
and that when an opportunity offered itself,
they only satisfied the old rancour they had
against them. What then shall we say to those
of Scythopolis, who ventured to wage war with
us on account of the Greeks? Nor did they
•io it by way of revenge upon the Romans,
when they acted in concert with our country-
men. Wherefore you see how little our
good-will and fidelity to them profited us,
while they were slain, they and their whole
families after the most inhuman manner,
which was all the requital that was made
them for the assistance they had afforded the
others ; for that very same destruction which
they had prevented from falling upon the o-
tliers, did they suffer themselves from them,
as if they had been ready to be the actors a-
gainst them. It would be too long for me
to speak at this time of every destruction
brought upon us : for you cannot but know,
that there was not any one Syrian city which
did not slay their Jewish inhabitants, and
were not more bitter enemies to us than were
the Romans themselves: nay, even those of
Damascus,* when they were able to allege
• See b. ii, eh. xx, sect. ?, where the number of the
%l4iii is but 10,000.
no tolerable pretence against lis, filled their
city with the most barbarous slaughter of our
people, and cut the throats of eighteen thou-
sand Jews, with their wives and children.
And as to the multitude of those that were
slain in Ei^ypt, and that with torments also,
we have been informed they were more than
sixty thousand ; those indeed being in a fo-
reign country, and so naturally meeting with
nothing to oppose against their enemies, were
killed in the manner forementioned. As for
all those of us who have waged war against
the Romans in our own country, had we not
sufficient reason to have sure hopes of victory ?
For we had arms, and walls, and fortresses
so prepared as not to be easily taken, and
courage not to be moved by any dangers in
the cause of liberty, which encouraged us all
to revolt from the Romans. But then, these
advantages sufficed us but for a short time,
and only raised our hopes, while they really
appeared to be the origin of our miseries;
for all we had hath been taken from us, and
all hath fallen under our enemies, as if these
advantages were only to render their victory
over us the more glorious, and were not
disposed for the preservation of those by
whom these preparations were made. And
as for those that are already dead in the war,
it is reasonable we should esteem them
blessed, for they are dead in defending, and
not in betraying their liberty; but as to the
multitude of those that are now under the Ro-
mans, who would not pity their condition ? and
who would not make haste to die, before he
would suffer the same miseries with them ?
Some of them have been put upon the rack,
and tortured with fire and whippings, and so
died. Some have been half-devoured by
wild beasts, and yet have been reserved alive
to be devoured by them a second tiine, in or-
der to affc)rd laughter and sport to our ene-
mies ; and such of those as are alive still, are
to be looked on as the most miserable, who
being so desirous of death, could not come
at it. And where is now that great city, the
metropolis of the Jewish nation, which was
fortified by so many walls round about, which
had so many fortresses and large towers to
defend it, which could hardly contain the in-
struments prepared for the war, and wliich
had so many ten thousands of men to fight
for it ? Where is this city that was believed
to have God himself inhabiting therein ? It
is now demolisiied to the very foiuulations ;
and hath nothing but that monument of it pre-
served, I mean the camp of those that have de-
stro)^d it, which still dwells upon its ruins;
some unfortunate old men also lie upon t!»e
ashes of the temple, and a few women are
there preserved alive by the enemy, for our
bitter shame and reprojuh. Now, who is
there that revolves these things in his mind,
and yet is able to bear the sight of the sun,
though he might live out of danger ? WIm:
J-
rso
WARS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK VIL.
is there so much his country's enemy, or so
unmanly, and so desirous of living, as not to
repent that he is still alive ? And I cannot
but wisli that we had all died before we had
seen that holy city demolished by the hands
of our enemies, or the foundations of our
holy temple dug up after so profane a man-
ner. But since we liad a generous hope that
deluded us, as if we might perhaps have been
able to avenge ourselves on our enemies on
that account, though it be now become
vanity, and hath left us alone in this distress,
let us make haste to die bravely. Let us
pity ourselves, our children, and our wives,
while it is in our power to show pity to tliem ;
for we are born to die,* as well as those were
whom we have begotten ; nor is it in the
power of the most happy of our race to avoid
it. But for abuses and slavery, and the
sight of our wives led away after an ignomi-
nious manner, with their children, these are
not such evils as are natural and necessary a-
mong men ; although such as do not pre-
fer death before those tniseries, when it is in
their power so to do, must undergo even them,
on account of their own cowardice. \W' re-
volted from the Romans with great preten-
sions to courage ; and when, at tlie very last,
they invited us to preserve ourselves, we
would not comply with them. Wlio will
not, tlierefore, believe that they will certain-
ly be in a rage at us, in case they can take us
alive ? Miserable will then be the young
men, who will be strong enough in their bo-
dies to sustain many torments ! miserable
also w-ill be those of elder years, who will not
be able to bear those calamities which young
men might sustain ! One man will be oblig-
ed to hear the voice of liis son imploring help
of his father, when his hands are bound !
But certainly our hands are still at liberty,
and have a sword in them : let them then be
subservient to us in our glorious design ; let
us die before we become slaves under our e-
nemies, and let us go out of the world, toge-
ther with our children and our wives, in a
state of freedom. This it is that our laws
command us to do; this it is that our wives
and children crave at our hands; nay, God
himself hath brought this necessity upon us ;
while the Romans desire tlie contrary, and
are afraid lest any of us should die before we
are taken. Let us therefore make haste, and
instead of affording them so much pleasure,
as they hope for in getting us under their
power, let us leave them an example which
shiU at once cause their astonishment at our
deatli, and their admiration of our hardiness
tiierein."
* Rclaiid here sets Aavm a parallel aphorism of one
of th.c Jeuisli rabbins. " We aie bom tJiat we may die,
uiJ (lie that we may live."
CHAPTER IX.
HOW THE PEOPLE THAT M'ERE IN THE FORTRESS
WERE PREVAILED ON BY THE WORDS OF ELE-
AZAR, TWO WOMEN AND FIVE CHILDREN ON-
LY EXCEPTED, AND ALL SUBMITTED TO BE
KILLED BY ONE ANOTHER.
§ 1 . Now as Eleazar was proceeding on in
this exhortation, they all cut him off short, and
made haste to do tiie work, as full of an un-
conquerable ardour of mind, and moved with
a demoniacal fury. So they went their ways,
as one still endeavouring to be before another,
and as thinking that this eagerness would be
a demonstration of their courage and good
conduct, if they could avoid appearing in the
last class : so great was the zeal they were in
to slay tlicir wives and children, and them-
selves also ! Nor indeed, vvhen they came to
the work itself, did their courage fail tliem,
as one might imagine it would have done;
but they then held fast the same resolution,
without wavering, which they had upon the
hearing of Eleazar's speech, while yet every
one of them still retained the natural passion
of love to themselves and their families, be-
cause the reasoning they vvent upon appeared
to them to be very just, even with regard to
those that were dearest to them ; for the hus-
bands tenderly embraced their wives, and
took their children into their arms, and gave
the longest parting kisses to them, with tears
in tlieir eyes. Yet at the same time did they
complete what they had resolved on, as if they
had been executed by the hands of strangers,
and they had nothing else for their comfort
but the necessity they were in of doing this
execution, to avoid that prospect they had of
the miseries they were to suffer from their
enemies. Nor was there at length any one
of these men found that scrupled to act their
part in this terrible execution, but every one of
them dispatched his dearest relations. IMiser-
able men indeed were they! whose distress
forced them to slay their own wives and chil-
dren with their own hands, as the lightest of
those evils that were before them. So tliey
being not able to bear the grief they were
under for what they had done any longer, and
esteeming it an injury to those they had slain,
to live even the shortest space of time after
them, — they j)resently laid all they had in a
heap, and set fire to it. They then chose ten
men by lot out of them, to slay all the rest ;
every one of whom laid himself down by iiis
wife and children on the ground, and threw
his arms about them, and they offered their
necks to the stroke of those who by lot exe-
cuted that melancholy office: and when these
ten liad, without fear, slain them all, they
made the same rule for casting lots for them-
selves, that he whose lot it was should first
•^
WARS OF THE JEWS.
781
kill the other nine, and after all, should kill
himself. Accordingly, all these had courage
sufficient to be no way behind one another in
doing or suffering ; so, for a conclusion, the
nine offered their necks to the executioner,
and he who was tlie last of all took a view of all
the other bodies, lest perchance some or other
among so many that were slain should wan:
his assistance to be quite dispatched ; and
when he perceived that they were all slain, he
set fire to the palace, and with the great force
of his hand ran his sword entirely through
himself, and fell down dead near to his own
relations. So these people died with this in-
tention, that they would leave not so much
as one soul among them all alive to be sub-
ject to the Romans. Yet was there an an-
cient woman, and another who was of kin to
Eleazar, and superior to most women in pru-
dence and learning, with five ciiildren, who
had concealed themselves in caverns under
ground, and had carried water thither for
their drink, and were hidden there when the
rest were intent upon the slaughter of one
another. Those others were nine hundred
and sixty in number, the women and children
being withal included in that computation.
This calamitous slaughter was made on the
fifteenth day of the month Xanthicus [Nisan].
2. Now for the Romans, they expected
that they should be fought in the morning,
when accordingly they put on their armour,
and laid bridges of planks upon their ladders
from their banks, to make an assault upon
the fortress, which they did ; but saw nobody
as an enemy, but a terrible solitude on every
side, with a fire within the place, as well as a
perfect silence. So they were at a loss to
guess at what had happened. At length they
made a shout, as if it had been at a blow
given by the battering-ram, to try whether
they could bring any one out that was within;
tlie women heard this noise, and came out of
their underground cavern, and informed the
Romans what had been done, as it was done;
and the second of them clearly described all
both what was said and what was done, and
the manner of it ; yet did they not easily give
their attention to such a desperate undertak-
ing, and did not believe it could be as they
said ; they also attempted to put the fire out,
and quickly cutting themselves a way through
it, they came within the palace, and so met
with the multitude of the slain, but could
take no pleasure in the fact, though it were
done to their enemies. Nor could tliey do
other than wonder at the courage of their re-
solution, and the immovable contempt of
death which so great a number of them had
shown, when they went through with such an
action as that was.
CHAPTER X.
THAT MANY OF THE SICARII FLED TO ALEX-
ANDRIA ALSO, AND WHAT DANGERS THEY
WERE IN THERE ; ON WHICH ACCOUNT THAT
TEMPLE WHICH HAD FORMERLY BEEN BUILT
BY ONIAS, THE HIGH-PRIEST, WAS DESTROY-
ED.
§ 1. When Masada was thus taken, the ge-
neral left a garrison in the fortress to keep
it, and he himself went away to Cesarea ; for
there were now no enemies left in the country,
it being all overthrown by so long a war. Yet
did this war afford disturbances and danger-
ous disorders even in places very far remote
from Judea ; for still it came to pass that
many Jevvs were slain at Alexandria in Egypt;
for as many of the Sicarii as were able to fly
thither, out of the seditious wars in Judea,
were not content to have saved themselves,
but must needs be undertaking to make new
disturbances, and persuaded many of those
that entertained them to assert their liberty,
to esteem the Romans to be no better than
themselves, and to look upon God as their
only Lord and Master. But when part of
the Jews of reputation opposed them, they
slew some of them, and with the others they
were very pressing in their exhortations ta
revolt from the Romans ; but when the prin-
cipal men of the senate saw what madness
they were come to, they thought it no longer
safe for themselves to overlook them. So they
got all the Jews together to an assembly, and
accused the madness of the Sicarii, and de-
monstrated that they had been the authors of
all the evils that had come upon them. They
said also, that " these men, now they were
run away from Judea, having no sure hope
of escaping, because as soon as ever they shall
be known, they will be soon destroyed by the
Romans, they come hither and fill us full of
those calamities which belong to them, while
we have not been partakers with them in any
of their sins." Accordingly they exhorted
the multitude to have a care, lest they should
be brought to destruction by their means, and
to make their apology to the Romans for vvhat
had been done, by delivering these men up to
them ; who being thus apprized of the great-
ness of the danger they were in, complied with
what was projioscd, and ran with great vio-
lence upon the Sica7-ii, and seized upon them;
and, indeed, six hundred of them were cauglit
immediately : but as to all tJiose that fled in-
to Egypt,* and to the Egyptian Thebes, it
* Since Josephus here informs us that some of these
Sicarii, or ruffians, went from Alexandria (whicli was
itstlf in Egypt, in a large sense) into K'gypt, and TlielKS
there situated, Rcland well <)lj-cr\es, fiom Vossius, that
Egypt somt times denotes Proper or Upper Egypt, as
distiuet from the Uelta, and the lower parts near Pa-
lestine. Aceordiugly, as he adds, those that say it never
V
-T
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782
WAliS OF THE JEWS.
BOOK Vll
was not long ere they were caught also, and
brought back, — whose courage, or whether
we ought to call it madness, or hardiness in
tlieir opinions, everj' body was amazed at ; for
wlien all sorts of torments and vexations ot
their bodies that could be devised were made
use of to them, they could not get any one
of them to comply so far as to confers, or
seem to confess, that Cssar was their lord ;
but they preserved their own opinion, in spite
of all the distress they were brougiit to, as if
they received these torments and tliefire itself
with bodies insensible of pain, and with a
soul that in a matmer rejoiced under them.
But what was most of all astonishing to the
beholders, was the courage of the children ;
for not one of these children was so far over-
come by these torments, as to name Cse^ar for
their lord. So far does the strength of the
courage [of the soul] prevail over the weak-
ness of the body.
2. Now Lupus did then govern Alexan-
dria, who presently sent Caesar word of this
commotion ; who having in suspicion the rest-
less temper of the Jews for innovation, and
being afraid lest they should get together again
and persuade some others to join with tliem,
gave orders to Lupus to demolish that Jewish
temple which was in the region called Onion,*
and was in Egypt, which was built and had
its denomination from the occasion follow-
in<T: — Onias, the son of Simon, one of the
Jewish high-priests, fled from Antiochus the
king of Syria, when lie made war with the
Jews, and came to Alexandria ; and as Pto-
lemy received him very kindly on account of
his hatred to Antiochus, he assured him, that
if he would comply with his proposal, he
would bring all the Jews to his assistance ;
and when the king agreed to do it so far as
he was able, he desired him to give him leave
to build a temple somewhere in Egypt, and
to worship God according to the customs of
bis own country ; for that the Jews would
then be so much readier to fight against An-
tiochus, who had laid waste the temple at Je-
rusalem, and that they would then come to
him with greater good-will ; and that, by
granting them liberty of conscience, very
many of them would come over to him.
3. So Ptolemy complied with his proposals,
and gave him a place one hundred and eighty
furlongs distant from Memphis.f That No-
mos was called the Nomos of Heliopolis,
where Onias built a fortress and a temple,
not like to that at Jerusalem, but such as
resembled a tower. He built it of large
stones to the height of sixty cubits ; he made
the structure of the altar in imitation of that
in our own country, and in like manner
adorned with gifts, excepting the make of the
candlestick, for he did not make a candle-
stick, but had a [single; lamp hammered out
of a piece of gold, which illuminated the place
with its rays, and which he hung by a chain
of gold ; but the entire temple was encom-
passed with a wall of burnt brick, though it
had gates of stone. The king also gave him
a large country for a revenue in money, that
both the priests migiit have a plentiful pro-
vision made for them, and that God might
have great abundance of what things were ne-
I cessary for his worship. Yet did not Onias
do this out of a sober disposition, but he had
a mind to contend with the Jews at Jerusalem,
and could not forget the indignation he had
for being banished thence. Accordingly, he
thought that by building this temple he should
draw away a great number from them to him-
self. There had been also a certain ancient
prediction made by a [prophet] whose name
was Isaiah, about six hundred years before,
that this temple should be built by a man that
was a Jew in Egypt.| And this is the liistory
of the building of that temple.
4. And now Lupus, the governor of Alex-
andria, upon the receipt of Csesar's letter,
came to the temple and carried out of it some
of the donations dedicated thereto, and shut
up the temple itself; and as Lupus died a
little afterward, Paulinus succeeded him.
This man left none of these donations there,
and threatened the priests severely if they did
not bring them all out; nor did he permit
any who were desirous of worshipping God
there, so much as to come near the whole
sacred place ; but when he had shut up the
gates, he made it entirely inaccessible, inso-
much that there remained no longer the least
footsteps of any divine worship that had been
in that place. Now the duration of the time
from the building of this temple till it was
shut up' again, was three hundred and forty-
three years.
rains in Eg>pt, must mean the Proper or Upper Egypt,
because it does soiuetimes rain in tlie other parts, bee
the note on Anliq. b. ii, ch. vii, sect. 7 ; and b. iii, ch.
i, sect. 6.
• Of this temple of Onias"s building in Egypt, see
the notes on Anii(i. b. xiii, ch. iii, sect. 1 ; but whereas
it lb elsewhere, both of the War, b. i, ch. i, sect. I, and
in the Auti(i. as now quoted, said that this temple was
like to that at Jerusalem, and here that it was not like
it, but like a tower, sect 5, there is some reason to sus-
pect the reading here, and that either the negative par-
ticle is here to be blotted out, or the word entirely ad-
i We must obsen-e, that Josci)hus here speaks of
Antiochus, who profaned the ti-mple, as now alive,
when Onias had leave given him by Philometor to build
his temnle ; whereas it seems not to have been actually
built till about fifteen years afterwards. Vet, because
it is said in the Anti^. that Onias went to Philometor,
b. xii, ch. ix, sect. 7, during the life-time of that .Anti-
ochus, it is probable he petitioued, and perhaps obtain-
ed his leave then, though it were not actually built oi
finished till fifteen years afterward.
X Isa. xix, 18—23.
WARS OF THE JEWS.
7S3
CHAPTER XI.
CONCERNING JONATHAN, ONE OF THE SICARII,
THAT STIRRED UP A SEDITION IN CYRENE,
AND WAS A FALSE ACCUSER [OF THE INNO-
CENT].
§ 1. And now did the madness of the Sicarii,
like a disease, reacli as far as the cities of Gy-
rene ; for one Jonathan, a vile person, and by
trade a weaver, came thither and prevailed
with no small number of the poorer sort to
give ear to him ; he also led them into the
desert, upon promising them that he would
show them signs and apparitions ; and as for
the other Jews of Cyrene, he concealed his
knavery from them, and put tricks upon them ;
but those of the greatest dignity among them
informed Catullus, the governor of the Libyan
Pentapolis, of his march into the desert, and
of the preparations he had made for it. So
he sent out after him both horsemen and foot-
men, and easily overcame them, because they
were unarmed men : of these, many were
slain in the fight, but some were taken alive,
and brought to Catullus. As for Jonathan,
the head of this plot, he fled away at that
time; but upon a great and very diligent
search which was made all the country over for
him, he was at last taken ; and when he was
brought to Catullus, he devised a way where-
by he both escaped punishment himself, and
afforded an occasion to Catulius of doing
much mischief; for he falsely accused the
richest men among the Jews, and said that
tliey had put him upon what he did.
2. Now Catullus easily admitted of these
his calumnies, and aggravated matters greatly,
and made tragical exclamations that he might
also be supposed to have had a hand in tiie
finishing of the Jewish war ; but what was
still harder, he did not only give a too easy
belief to his stories, but he taught the Sicarii
to accuse men falsely. He bade this Jo-
nathan, therefore, name one Alexander, a
Jew (with whom he had formerly had a quar-
rel, and openly professed that he hated him) ;
he also got him to name his wife Bernice, as
concerned with him. These two, Catullus
ordered to be slain 'n the first place ; nay,
after them he caused all the rich and wealthy
Jews to be sladn, being no fewer in all than
three thousand. This, he thought, he might
do safely, because he confiscated their effects,
and added them to Cassar's revenues.
3. Nay, indeed, lest any Jews that lived
elsewhere should convict him of his villany,
he extended his false accusations farther, and
persuaded Jonathan, and certain otliers that
were caught with him, to bring an accusation
of attempts for innovation against the Jews
that were of the best character both at Alex-
andria and at Rome. One of these, ajrainst
whom this treacherous accusation was laid,
was Josephiis, the writer of these books.
However, this plot, thus contrived by Catul-
lus, did not succeed according to his hopes ;
for though he came himself to Rome, and
brought Jonathan and his companions along
with him in bonds, and thought he should
have had no farther inquisition made as to
those lies that were forged under his govern-
ment, or by his means, yet did Vespasian sus-
pect the matter, and make an inquiry how
far it was true ; and when he understood that
the accusation laid against the Jews was an
unjust one, he cleared them of the crimes
charged upon them; and this, on account of
Titus's concern about the matter, and brought
a deserved punishment upon Jonathan ; for
he was first tormented, and then burnt alive.
4. But as to Catullus, the emperors were
so gentle to him, that he underwent no severe
condemnation at this time : yet was it not
long before he fell into a complicated and al
most incurable distemper, and died miserably
He was not only afflicted in body, but the
distemper in his mind was more heavy upon
him than the other; for he was terribly dis-
turbed, and continually cried out, that he saw
the ghosts of those whom he had slain stand-
ing before him. Whereupon he was notable
to contain himself, but leaped out of his bed,
as if both torments and fire were brought to
him. This his distemper grew still a great
deal worse and worse continually, and his
very entrails were so corroded, that they fell
out of his body, and in that condition he
died. Thus he became as great an instance
of divine providence as ever was, and demon-
strated that God punishes wicked men.
5. And here we shall put an end to this
our history ; wherein we formerly promised
to deliver the same with all accuracy, to such
as should be desirous of understanding after
what manner this war of the Romans with
the Jews was managed. Of which history,
how good the style is, must be left to the de-
termination of the readers ; but for the agree-
ment with the facts, I shall not scruple to
say, and that boldly, that truth hath been
what 1 have alone aimed at through its entire
composition.
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-/"
ANTIQUITY OF THE JEWS.
FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS
APION.*
BOOK I.
§1.1 SUPPOSE that, by my books of the An-
tiquities of the Jews, most escoellent Epaphro-
ditus, f I have made it evident to tliose who
peruse them, that our Jewish nation is of very
great antiquity, and had a distinct subsistence
of its own originally ; as also, I have therein
* This first book has a wrong title. It is not written
against Apion, as is the first part of the second book,
but against those Greeks in general who would not be-
lieve Josephus's former accounts of the very ancient
state of the Jewish nation, in his xx books of Antiqui-
ties ; and parlieularly against Agatharchides, Manetlio,
Clieremon, and Lysimachus. It is one of the most
learned, exoelient, and useful books of all antiquity;
and upon Jerome's perusal of ihis, and the following
books, he declares, that it seems to him a mu-aeulous
thin:; " how one that was a Hebrew, who had been
from his infancy instructed in sacred learning, should
be able to produce such a number of testimonies out of
profane authors, as if lie had read over all the Grecian
libraries." Epist. 84. ad Magnum ; and the learned Jew,
Mauasseh-Ben-Israel, esteemed these Iwo books so ex-
cellent, as to translate them into the Hebrew; this we
leam from his own catalogue of his woiks, whii'h 1 have
seen. As to the time and place, when and where these
two books were written, the learned have not hitherto
been able to determine them any farther than that they
were written some time afler his Antiquities, or some
timeafter a. d. 93 ; which indeed is too obvious at tlicir
entrance to be overlooked by e\'en a careless peruser,
they being directly intended against those that would
not believe what he had advanced in those books con-
cerning the great anliquity of the .Jewish nation. As
to the place, tliey all im;igini.' that these two books were
written where the former were, 1 mean at Home; and
I confess, that 1 myself believed both those determina-
tions, till 1 came to tinish my notes upon these books,
when 1 met with plain indicitions that they v.ere writ-
ten not at Rome, but in Judea, and this alter the third
year of Trajan, or A. n. 1 00.
t Take iJr. Hudson's note here, which, as it justly
contradicts the common opinions that Joscphus either
died under Doniilian, or at least wrote nothing later
than his days, so does it perfectly agree to my own de-
termination, from Justus of Tibt'rii, that he wrote or
finished his own Life after the third of Trajan, or a. d.
100. To which Noldius also agrees, de Herod. No. 3'65.
declared how we came to inhabit this co'.intry
wherein we now five. Tliose Antiquities
contain the history of five thousand years,
and are taken out of our sacred books ; but
are translated by me into the Greek tongue.
However, since I observe a considerable num-
ber of people giving ear to the reproaches that
are laid against us by those v^'ho bear ill-will
to us, and will not believe what I have written
concerning the antiquity of our nation, while
they take it for a plain sign that our nation
is of a late date, because they are not so much
as vouchsafed a bare mention by the most fa-
mous historiographers among the Grecians, I
therefore have thought myself under an obliga-
tion to write somewhat briefly about these sub-
jects in order to convict those that reproach us
of spite and voluntary falsehood, and to correct
the ignorance of others, and withal to instruct
all those who are desirous of knowing the
truth of what great antiquity we really are.
As for the v^itnesses whom I shall produce for
the proof of what I say, they shall be such as
are esteemed to be of the greatest reputation
for trutii, and the most skilfid in the know.
ledge of all antiquity, by the Greeks them-
[Epaphroditus.'] " .Sines Flavius Joscphus {says Dr
Hudson) wrote [or finished] his books of .Antiquities
on the thirteenth of Domitian [a. d. 93], and after that
wrote the Memoirs of his own Life, as an appendix to
the books of Antiquities, and at last his two books
against Apion, and yet dedicated all those writings to
Lpaphrodilus, he can liardly be that Epaphroditus who
was formerly secretary to Nero, and was slain on the
fourteenth [or fifteenth] of Domitian, after he had been
for a good while in banishment; but another Epaphro-
ditus, a freed-man, and procurator of Trajan, as say*
Groiius on Luke i, 3."
■\-
BOOK I.
FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.
7«0
selves. I will also show, that those who
linvc written so reproacli fully ami falsely about
us, are to be convicted by what they have
written themselves to the contrary. I shall also
endeavour to give an account of the reasons
•.vhy it hath so happened, that there hath not
been a great number of Greeks wlio have made
mention of our nation in their histories. I will
liowever, bring those Grecians to light who
have not omitted such our history, for the sake
of those that either do not kn.ow them, or pre-
tend not to know them already.
2. And now, in the first place, I cannot
but greatly wonder at those men, who sup-
pose that we must attend to none but Gre-
cians, when we are inquiring about the most
ancient facts, and must inform ourselves of
their truth from them only, while we must
not believe ourselves nor other men ; for I
am convinced that the very reverse is the
truth of the case. I mean this, — if we will
not be led by vain opinions, but will make in-
quiry after truth from facts themselves; for
they will find, that almost all which concerns
the Greeks happened not long ago ; nay, one
may say, is of yesterday only. I speak of
the building of their cities, the invention of
their arts, and the description of their laws ;
and as for their care about the writing down
of their histories, it is very near the last thing
they set about. However, they acknowledge
themselves so far, that they were the Egyp-
tians, the Chaldeans, and the Phoenicians (for
I will not now reckon ourselves among them)
that have preserved the memorials of the most
ancient and most lasting traditions of man-
kind ; for almost all these nations inhabit
such countries as are least subject to destruc-
tion from the world about them ; and these
also have taken especial care to have nothing
omitted of what %vas [remarkably] done a-
mong them ; but their history wa^ esteemed
sacred, and put into public tables, as written
by men of the greatest wisdom they had a-
mong them ; but as for the place where the
Grecians inhabit, ten thousand destructions
have overtaken it, and blotted out the memo-
ry of former actions ; so that they were ever
beginning a new way of living, and supposed
that every one of them was the origin of their
new state. It was also late, and with diffi-
culty, that they came to know the letters
they now use ; for those who would advance
their use of these letters to tire greatest anti-
quity, pretend that they learned them from
the Phoenicians and i'rom Cadmus ; yet is
nobody able to demonstrate that they have
any writing preserved from tliat time, neither
in their temples, nor in any other public mo-
numents. This appears, because the time
when those lived who went to the Trojan war,
so many years afterward, is in great doubt,
and great inquiry is made whether the Greeks
used their letters at that time ; and the most
prevailing opinion, and that nearest the truth,
^_
is, that their present way of using those letters
was unknown at that time. However, there
is not any writing which the Greeks agree to
be genuine among them ancienter than Ho-
mer's Poems, who must plainly be confessed
later than the Siege of Troy • nay, the report
goes, that even he did not leave his poems in
writing, but that their memory was preserved
in songs, and they were put together after-
ward ; and this is the reason of such a num-
ber of variations as are found in them.* As for
those who set themselves about writing their
histories, I mean such as Cadmus of Miletus,
a:id Acusilaus of Argos, and any others that
may be mentioned as succeeding Acusilaus,
they lived but a little while before the Per-
sian expedition into Greece. But then for
those thatfiist introduced philosophy, and the
consideration of things celestial and divine
among them, such as Pherecydes the Syrian,
and Pythagoras, and Tliales, all with one con-
sent agree, that they learned what they knew
of the Egyptians and Chaldeans, and wrote
but little. And these are the things which are
supposed to be the oldest of all among the
Greeks; and they have much ado to believe
that the writings ascribed to those men are
genuine.
3. How can it then be other tlian an ab-
surd thing for the Greeks to be so proud, ana
to vaunt themselves to be the only people that
are acquainted with antiquity, and that have
delivered the true accounts of those early
times after an accurate manner . Nay, who
is there that cannot easily gather from the
Greek writers themselves, that they knew bat
little on any good foundation when tliey set
to write, but rather wrote their histories from
their own conjectures . Accordingly, they
confute one another in their own books to
purpose, and are not ashamed to give us the
most contradictory accounts of the same
things: and I siiould spend my time to little
purpose, if I should j)retend to teach the
Greeks that which they know bettur than I
already, what a great disagreement tlvere is
between Hellanicus and Acusilaus about their
genealogies ; in how many cases Acusilaus
corrects Hesiod : or after what manner Epho-
rus demonstrates Hellanicus to have told lies
in the greatest part of his history ; as does
Timeus in like manner as to Ephorus, and
the succeeding writers do to Timeus, and all
the later writers do to Herodotus ; f nor could
• This preservation of Homer's Poems by memory,
anil iiot by his own writing them clown, and that thcnee
they were styled Rhapsodies, as sung by him, like bal-
lads, by parts, and not composed and connected together
in oonipiete works-, are ojunions well known from the
ancient commentators ; tliough such s'lpposal seems to
myself, as well as to Fabricius, Biblioth. Groec. i, p. SJfiS,
and to others, highly improbable. Nor does Josephus
say there were no ancienter writings anio'.ig the Greeks
than Homer's Poems, but that they did not fully own
any anciencer writings pretending to such antiquity,
wiiich is true.
-(■ 1 1 well deserves to be considered, that Joscphns here
says, how all the following Greek historians looked ou
Herodotus as a faljulous author, and fre-scntly, sect. H,
;j u
786
FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.
k
Timeus agree with Antiochus and Philisiius,
or with Callias, about the Sicilian History, no
more than do the several writers of the Atthi-
da; follow one another about the Athenian
afl'airs ; nor do the historians the like, that
wrote the Argolics, about the afl'airs of the
Argivus. And now what need I say any more
about particular cities and smaller places,
'vhile in tlie most approved writers of the ex-
pedition of the Persians, and of the actions
which were therein performed, there are so
great differences ! Nay, Thucydides himself
is accused by some as writing what is lalse,
altiiough he seems to have given us the ex-
actest history of the affairs of his own time.
4. As for the occasions of this so great dis-
agreement of theirs, there may be assigned
many tliat are very probable, if any have a
mind to mako an inquiry about them ; but f
ascribe these contradictions chiefly to two
causes, which I will no%v mention, and still
think what I shall mention in the first place,
to be the principal of all ; for if %ve remem-
ber, that in the beginning the Greeks had
taken no care to have public records of their
several transactions preserved, this must for
certain have afforded tliose that would after-
ward write about those ancient transactions,
the opportunity of making mistakes, and the
power of making lies also ; for this original
recording of such ancient tranfactions hath
not only been neglected by the other states of
Greece, but even among the Athenians them-
selves also, who pretend to be Aborigines,
and to have applied themselves to learning,
there are no such records extant; nay, they
say themselves, that the laws of Draco con-
cerning murders, which are now extant in
writing, are tlie most ancient of their public
records ; wliicii Draco yet lived but a little
time before the tyrant Pisistratus.* For as
to the Arcadians, who make such boasts of
llieir antiquity, what need I speak of them in
particular, since it was still later before they
got their letters, and learned them, and that
with difficulty also,
5. Tlicre must therefore naturally arise
great dillerences among writers, wlien they
how Manetho, the most authentic writer of the Egyyi-
tiau History, greatly complains of his mistaki-s in tht
Egyptian affairs ; as also that btrabo, b. xi, p. 5ii7, t!ie
most accurate geographer and historian, esteemed liim
such; that Xcnoplioii, the much more accurate histo-
rian in the afl'iirs of Cvrus, implies, that Herodotus's
account of Uiat great riian is almost entirely romantic.
See the notes on Antiq. b. xi, eh. ii, sect. 1, and Hutch-
inson's Prolegomena to his edition of Xcnophon's Kve"
Ilcuinct, that we have already seen in the note on An-
tiq. b. viii, ch. x, sect. 3, how very little Herodotus knew
about the Jewish aftairs and country, and th.it he greatly
aU'ected wh.it we call the Marvellirus, as Monsieur Uol-
lin h,!S lately and justly determined ; whence we are not
always to depend on the authority of Herodotus, where
it is unsupported by other evidence, but ovight to com-
pare the other evidence with his, and, if it prejionder-
ate, to prefer it iK-fore his. I do not me.-m by tWs, that
Herodotus wilfully related what he believed to be false
(as CtLsias seems to have done), but that he often want-
ed evidence, and sometimes preferred what was marvel-
lous to what was best attested as really true.
About tlie days of Cyrus and Daniel.
had no original records to lay for their foun.
dation, which might at once inform those who
had an inclination to learn, and contradict
those that would tell lies. However, we are
to suppose a second occasion besides the for-
mer of these contradictions; it is this : That
those who were the most zealous to write his-
tory, were not solicitous for the discovery cf
truth,f although it was very easy for them al-
ways to make such a profession ; but their
business was to demonstrate that they could
write well, and make an impression upon
mankind thereby ; and in what manner of
writing they thought they were able to exceed
others, to that did they apply themselves.
Some of them betook themselves to the writ-
ing of fabulous narrations ; some of tliem en-
deavoured to please the cities or the kings, by
writing in their commendation ; others of
them fell to finding faults with traiisactions,
or with the writers of such transactions, and
thought to make a great figure by so doing ;
and indeed these do what is of all things the
most contrary to true history ; for it is the
great character of true history that all con-
cerned therein both speak and write the same
things ; while these men, by writing dilferent-
ly about the saine things, think they shall be
believed to write with the greatest regard to
truth. Vv'e therefore [who are Je"-s] must
yield to the Grecian writers as to language
and eloquence of composition ; but then we
shall give them no such preference as to the
verity of ancient history ; and least of all as
to that part which concerns the affairs of our
own several countries.
6. As to the care of writing down the re-
cords from the earliest antiquity among the
E""yptians and Babylonians; that the priests
were intrusted therewith, and employed a phi-
losophical concern about it ; that they were
the Chaldean priests that did ,so among the
Babylonians ; and that the Phoenicians, who
were mingled among the Greeks, did espe-
cially make use of their letters, both for the
common affairs of life, and for the delivering
down the history of common transactions, I
think I may omit any proof, because all men
f It is liorewell worth our observation, what the rea-
sons are that such ancient authors as Herodotus, Jo-
icphus, and others, ha\e been reail to so little pur-
pose by manv leanied critics; viz. That their main aim
has not been' chronology or history, but philology, to
know words, and not inings, they not much entering
oftentimes into the real contents of their authors, and
judging which were the most accurate discoverers of
truth, and most to be depended on in the several histo-
ries, but rather inquiring who wrote the finest styje, and
had the greatest elegance in their expressions ;*which
are things of small consequence im comparison with the
other. Thus you will sometimes find great debates
among the Icariied, whether Herodotus or Thucydides
«ere the finest historian in the Ionic and Attic ways ot
writing; which signify little as to the real value of each
of their histories ; while it would be of much more mo-
ment to let the reader know, that as the consequence ot
Herodotus's history, which begins so much earlier, and
reaches so much wider than that of Thucydides, is
therefore vastly greater: so is the most part of Thucy-
dides, which belongs to his own times, and fel. under
'his own ob.ervatioa, much the most ceitaiii.
I
V-
BOOK I
FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APIONT.
787
allow it so lo be ; but now as to our fore-
fathers, that they took no less care about
writing such records (for I will not say they
took greater care than the others I spoke of)
and that they committed that matter to their
high-priests and to their prophets, and that
these records have been written all along
down to our own times with the utmost ac-
curacy ; nay, if it be not too bold for me to say
it, our history will be so written hereafter ; —
I shall endeavour briefly to inform you.
7. For our forefathers did not only appoint
the best of these priests, and those that attend-
ed upon the divine worsliip, for that design
from the beginning, but made provision that
the stock of the piiests should continue un-
mixed and pure ; for ho who is partaker of
the priesthood must propagate of a wife of the
same nation, without having any regard to
money, or any other dignities ; but he is to
make a scrutiny, and take his wife's genea-
logy from the ancient tal)Ies, and procure
many witnesses to it;* and this is our prac-
tice not only in Judea, but wheresoever any
body of men of our nation do live ; and even
there, an exact catalogue of our priests' mar-
riages is kept ; I mean at Egypt and at Ba-
bylon, or in any other place of the rest of the
habitable earth, whithersoever our priests are
scattered ; for they send to Jerusalem the an-
cient names of their parents in writing, as well
as those of their remoter ancestors, and signify
who are the witnesses also; but if any war
falls out, such as have fallen out, agre.it many
of them already, when Antiochus Ejiiphanes
made an invasion upon our country, as also
when Pompey the Great and Quintilius Varus
did so also, and principally in the wars that
have happened in our own times, those priests
that survive them compose new tables of ge-
lealogy out of the old records, and examine
the circumstances of the women that remain ;
for still they do not admit of those that have
been captives, as suspecting that they had con-
versation with some foreigners.; but what is
the strongest argument of our exact manage-
ment in this nxatter is what I am now goino-
to say, that we have the names of our high-
priests, from father to son, set down in our
records, for the interval of two thousand
years ; and if any one of these have been
transgressors of these rules, they are prohibit-
ed to present themselves at the altar, or to be
partakers of any otiier of our purifications;
and this is justly, or rather necessarily done,
because every one is not permitted of his own
accord to be a writer, nor is there any disagree-
ment in what is written ; they being only pro-
phets that have written the original and ear-
liest accounts of things as they learned them
» Of this accuracy of the Jews, before and in our
Saviour's time, in carefullv preserving their genealogies
all along, particularly those of the priests, see Josejiluis's
Life, sect. I. This aecuiacy seems to have emled at
the destruction of Jeriisalwii by Titus, or, howe\ i' at
that by Adrian.
of God himself by inspiration ; and others
have written what hath happened in their own
times, and that in a very distinct manner also.
8. For we have not an innumerable mul-
titude of books among us, disagreeing from
and contradicting one another [as the Greeks
have], but only twenty-two books,-f- which
contain the records of all the past times ;
which are jjstly believed to be divine ; and of
them, five belong to IMoses, which contain his
laws and the traditions of the origin of man-
kind till his death. This interval of time
was little short of three thousand years; but
as to the time from the death of Moses till the
reign of Artaxerxes king of Persia, who reign-
ed after Xerxes, the prophets, who were after
Moses, wrote down what was done in their
times in thirteen books. The remaining four
books contain hymns to God, and precepts
for the conduct of human life. It is true, our
history hath been written since Artaxerxes
very particularly, but hath not been esteemed
of the like authority with the former by our
forefathers, because there hath not been an ex-
act succession of prophets since that time; and
how firmly we have given credit to tliose
books of our own nation, is evident by what
we do ; for during so many ages as have al-
ready passed, no one has been so bold as
either to add any thing to them, to take any
thing from tliem, or lo make any change in
them ; but it becomes natural to all Jews, im-
mediately and from their very birth, to esteem
those books to contain divine doctrines, and to
persist in them, and, if occasion be, willingly
to die for them. For it is no new thing for
our captives, many of them in number, and
frequently in time, to be seen to endure racks
and deaths of all kinds upon the theatres, that
they may not be obliged to say one word a-
gainst our laws and tiie records that contafi;
them ; whereas there are none at all amon"'
the Greeks who would undergo the least harm
on that account, no, nor in case all the writ-
ings that are among them were to be destroy,
ed ; for they take them to be such discourses
as are framed agreeably to the inclinations of
those that write them ; and they have justly
the same opinion of the ancient writers, since
they see some of the present generation bold
enough to write about such affairs, wherein
they were not present, nor had concern enougli
to inform themselves about them from those
that knew them ; examples of which may oe
had in this late war of ours, where some per-
sons have written histories, and published
theiTi, without having been in the places con-
cerned, or having been near them when the
f Whieli were these twenty-two sacred books of tlie
Old Testament, see the .Supplement to the Essav on t!>e
Old Testament, p. '25—29, vh. those uc call canonical,
all excepting the C.-uiticles ; but .■-till with this farther
exception, that the first b.xil; of apocrypluil Esdras be
tTken into the number, instead of our canonical Eira,
which seems to be no more than a later epitome of the
other ; which two books of Canticles ai.d lizra, it uo way
appears that our Joseiihus ever saw
~>_
J-
788
FLAVIUS JOSEPH US AGAINST APION.
actions were done; but these men put a few
things together by hearsay, and insolently
abuse the woiU), and call these writings by
the name of Histories.
9. As for myself, I have composed a true
history of tiiat whole war, and all the parti-
culars that occurred therein, as having been
concerned in all its transactions ; for I acted
as general of those among us that are named
Galileans, as long as it was possible for us to
make any opposition. 1 was then seized on
by the Romans, and became a captive. Ves-
pasian also and Titus had me kept under" a
guard, and forced me to attend them con-
tinually. At the first I was put into bonds;
but was set at liberty afterward, and sent to
accompany Titus when he came from Alex-
andria to the siege of Jerusalem ; during
which time there was nothing done which e-
scaped my knowledge; for what happened in
the Roman camp I saw, and wrote down
carefully; and what informations the deser-
ters brought [out of the city], I was the only
man that understood them. Afterward I got
leisure at Home; and when all my materials
were prepared for that work, I made use of
some persons to assist me in learning the
Greek tongue, and by these means I compos-
ed tlie history of those transactions ; and 1
was so well assured of the truth of what I re-
lated, that I first of all appealed to those that
had the supreme command in that war, Ves-
pasian and Titus, as witnesses for me, for to
them I presented those hooks first of all, and
after them to many of the Romans who had
been in the war. I also sold them to many
of our own men who understood the Greek
pliilosophy ; among whom were Julius Ar-
clielaus, Herod [king of Chalcisi, a person of
great gravity, and king Agrippa himself, a
l*erson that deserved the greatest admiration.
Now all these men bore their testimony to
lue, that I had the strictest regard to truth ;
who yet would not have dissembled the mat-
ter, nor been silent, if I, out of ignorance, or
out of favour to any side, either had given
false colours to actions, or omitted any of
them.
10. There have been indeed some bad
men, who have attempted to calumniate my
history, and took it to be a kind of scholastic
performance for the exercise of young men.
A strange sort of accusation and calumny
tl is ! since every one that undertakes to de-
liver the history of actions truly, ought to
know them accurately himself in the first
place, as either having been concerned in them
himself, or been informed of them by such
as knew them. Now, bath these methods of
knowledge I may very properly pretend to
in tiie composition of both my works ; for,
as I said, I have translated the Antiquities
out of our sacred books ; which I easily could
do, since 1 was a priest by my birtli, and
have studied that philosophy whicli is contain-
ed in those writings : and as for tlie History
of the War, I wrote it as having been an ac-
tor myself in many of its transac'.ions, an eye-
witness in the greatest part of the rest, and
was not unacquainted with any thing whatso-
ever that was either said or done in it. How
impudent then must those deserve to be es-
teemed, who undertake to contradii t me a-
bout the true state of those affairs ! who, al-
though they pretend to have made use of
both the emperors' ow# memoirs, yet they
could not be acquainted with our afJaii-s who
fought against them.
11. This digression I have been obliged to
make, out of necessity, as being desirous to
expose the vanity of those that profess to
write histories; and I suppose I have suffi-
ciently declared that this custom of transmiv
ting down the histories of ancient times liatli
been better preserved by those nations which
are called Barbarians, than by the Greeks
themselves. I am now willing, in the next
place, to say a few things to those who endea-
vour to prove that our constitution is but of
late time, for this reason, as they pretend
that the Greek writers have said nothing a-
bout us ; after w hich I shall produce testi-
monies for our antiquity out of the writings of
foreigners : I shall also demonstrate that such
as cast reproaches upon our nation do it very
unjustly.
12. As for ourselves, therefore, we neither
inhabit a maritime country, nor do we delight
in merchandise, nor in such a mixture with
other men as arises from it; but the cities
we dwell in are remote from the sea, and hav
ing a fruitful country for our habitatior, we
take pains in cultivating that only. Our
principal care of all is this, to educate our
children well ; and we think it to be the most
necessary business of our whole life, to ob-
serve the laws that have been given us, and
to keep those rules of piety that have been
defivered down to us. Since, therefore, be-
sides what we have already taken notice of,
we have had a peculiar way of living of our
own, there was no occasion offered us in an-
cient ages for intermixing among the Greeks,
as they had for mixing among the Egyptians,
by their intercouse of exporting and import-
ing their several goods; as they also nn'xed
with the Phoenicians, who lived by the sea-
side, by means of their love of lucre in trade
and merchandise. Nor did our forefathers
betake themselves, as did some others, to rob-
bery ; nor did thej', in order f) gain more
wealth, fall into foreign wars, altliough our
country contained many ten thousands of
iTicn of courage suflicient for that purpose ;
for this reason it was that the Phoenicians
themselves came soon by trading and naviga-
tion to l)e known to the Grecians, and by
their means the Egyptians became known to
the Grec'ans also, as did all those people
whence the Phoenicians in long voyages ovei
ROOK I.
FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.
789
the seas carried wares to the Grecians. The
Medes also and the Persians, wlien tliey were
lords of Asia, became well known to them ;
and this was especially true of the Persians,
who led their armies as far as the other con-
tinent, [Europe]. The Thracians were also
known to them by the nearness of their coun-
tries, and Scythians by the means of those
that sailed to Pontus ; for it was so in gene-
ral that all maritime nations, and those that
inhabited near the eastern or western seas, be-
came most known to those that were desirous
to be writers ; but such as had their habita-
tions farther from the sea were for ihe most
part unknown to them : which things appear
to have happened as to Europe also, where
the city of Rome, that liath this long time
been possessed of so much power, and hath
performed such great actions in war, is never
yet mentioned by Herodotus, nor by Thucy-
dides, nor by any one of their contemporaries;
and it was very late, and with great difficulty,
that the Romans became known to the Greeks.
Nay, those that were reckoned the most ex-
act historians (and Ephorus for one) were
so very ignorant of the Gauls and the Spani-
ards, that he supposed the Spaniards, who in-
habit so great a part of the western regions
of tiie earth, to be no more than one city.
Those historians also have ventured to de-
scribe such customs as were made use of by
tliem, which they never had either done or
said ; and the reason why these writers did
not know the truth of their affairs, was this,
that they had not any commerce together; —
but the reason why they wrote such falsities
was this, that they had a mind to appear to
know things which others had not known.
How can it then be any wonder, if our na-
tion was no more known to many of the
Greeks, nor had given them any occasion
to mention them in their writings, while
they were so remote from the sea, and had a
conduct of life so peculiar to themselves ?
13. Let us now put the case, therefore,
that we made use of this argument concerning
the Grecians, in order to prove that their na-
tion was not ancient, because nothing is said
of them in our records ; would not they laugh
at us all, and probably give the same reasons
for our silence that I have now alleged, and
would produce their neighbouring nations as
witnesses to their own antiquity ? Now, the
very same thing will I endeavour to do ; for
I will bring the Egyptians and the Plioenicians
as my principal witnesses, because nobody
can complain of their testimony as false, on
account that they are known to have borne
the greatest ill-will towards us ; I mean this
as to the Egyptians, in general all of them,
while of the Phoenicians, it is known the Ty-
rians have been most of all in the same ill dis-
positioti towards us: yet do I confess that I
cannot say the same of the Chaldeans,, since
our first leaders and ancestors were derived
from them ; and they do make mention of us
■Tews in their records, on account of the kin-
dred there is between us. Now, when I sliall
have made my assertions good, so far as con-
cerns the others, I will demonstrate that some
of the Greek writers have made mention of us
Jews also, that those who envy us may not
have even this ^iretence for contradicting what
I have said about our nation.
14. I shall begin with the writings of the
Egyptians ; not indeed of those that have
written in the Egyptian language, wliich it
is impossible for me to do. Rut Manetho
was a man who was by birth an Egyptian,
yet had he made himself master of the Greek
learning, as is very evident; for he wrote the
history of his own country in the Greek
tongue, by translating it, as he saith himself,
out of their sacred records: be also finds
great fault with Herodotus for liis ignorance
and false relations of Egyptian affairs. Now,
this Manetho, in the second book of his
Egyptian History, writes concerning us in
the following manner. 1 will set down his
very words, as if I were to bring the very
man himself into a court for a witness :—
" There was a king of ours, whose name was
Timaus. Under him it came to pass, I know
not how, that God was averse to us, and there
came, after a surprising manner, men of ig.
noble birth out of the eastern parts, and had
boldness enough to make an expedition into
our country, and with ease subdued it by
force, yet without our hazarding a battle with
them. So when they had gotten those that
governed us under their power, they after-
wards burnt down our cities, and demolished
the temples of the gods, and used all the in-
habitants after a most barbarous manner : nay,
some they slew, and led their children &nd
their wives into slavery. At length they
made one of themselves king, whose name was
Salatis ; he also lived at Memphis, and made
both the upper and lower regions pay tribute,
and left garrisons in places that were the most
proper for them. He chiefly aimed to secure
the eastern parts, as foreseeing that the Assy-
rians, who had then the greatest power, would
be desirous of that kingdom and invade them ;
and as he found in the Saite Nomos [Seth-ro-
ite], a city very proper for his purpose, and
wliich lay upon the Bubastic channel, but
with regard to a certain theologic notion was
called Avaris, tliis he rebuilt, and made very
strong by the walls he built about it, and by
a most numerous garrison of two hundred
and forty thousand armed men ivhom he put
into it to keep it. Tnither Salatis came in
summer-time, partly to gather his corn, and
pay his soldiers their wages, and partly to
exercise his armed men, and tiiereby to terrify
foreigners. When tliis man had reigned
thirteen years, after him reigned another,
whose name was Beon, for forty-four years ;
after him reigned another, railed Apac'inas,
FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APJON.
790
thirty-six years and seven months ; after him
Apophis reigned sixty-one years, and then
Jonias fifty years and one month ; after all
these reigned Assis forty-nine years and two
months. And these six were the first rulers
among them, who were all along making war
BOOK 1.
thus called Shepherds, were also called Cap-
tives, in their sacred books." And this ac-
count of his is the truth ; for feeding of sheep
was the employment of our forefathers in the
mosc ancient ages ; f and as they led such a
wandering life in feeding sheep, they were
with the Egyptians, and were very desirous gra- called Shepherds. Nor was it without reason
dually to destroy them to the v$ry roots. This that they were called Captives by the Egyp-
whole nation was styled Hycscs, that is. Shop- tians, since one of our ancestors, Joseph, told
Iv'.rd-kings ; for the first syllable Hyc,accordin
to the sacred dialect denotes a king, as is Sos
a shepherd — but this according to the ordina-
ry dialect; and of these is compounded KycsOS:
but some say that these people were Arabians. "
Now, in another copy it is said, that this word
does not denote Kings, but, on the contrary, de-
notes Captive Shepherds, and this on account of
the particle Hyc ; for that Hyc, with the aspi-
ration, in the Egyptian tongue again denotes
Shepherds, and that expressly also ; and this
to me seems the more probable opinion, and
more agreeable to ancient history. [But Ma-
netho goes on] : — " These people, whom we
have before named kings, and called shepherds
also, and their descendants," as he says, " kept
possession of Egypt five hundred and eleven
years." After these, he says, •' That the kings
of Thebais and of the other parts of Egypt
made an insurrection against the shepherds,
and that there a terrible and long war was
made between them." He says farther, " That
under a king, whose name was Alispliragmu-
thosis, the shepherds were subdued by liim,
and were indeed driven out of other parts of
Egypt, but were shut up in a place that con-
tained ten thousand acres : this place was
named Avaris." Manetho says," That the shep-
herds built a wall round all this place, whicli
was a large and strong wall, and this in order to
the king of Egypt that lie was a captive, J
and afterward sent for his brethren into E-
gypt by the king's permission ; but as for these
matters, I shall make a more exact inquiry
about them elsewhere. §
15. But now I shall produce the Egyptians
as witnesses to the antiquity of our nation. I
shall therefore here bring in Manetho again,
and what he write* as to the order of the times
in this case, and thus he speaks : — " When
this people or shepherds were gone out of
Egypt to Jerusalem, Tethmosis the king of
Egypt, who drove them out, reigned after-
ward twenty-five years and four months, and
then died ; after him his son Chebron took
the kingdom for thirteen years ; after whom
came Amenophis, for twenty years and seven
months : then came his sister Amesses, for
twenty-one years and nine months ; after her
came Mephres, for twelve years and nine
months ; after him was Mephramuthosis, for
twenty-five years and ten months; after him
was Tethmosis, for nine years and eight
months ; after him came Amenophis, for
thirty years and ten mouths ; after him came
Orus, for thiriy-six years and five months;
then came his daughter Acenchres, for twelve
years and one month; then was her brother
Rathotis, for nine years ; then was Acen-
cheres, for twelve years and five months;
keep all their possessions and their prey with- then came another Acencheres, for twelve
in a place of strength, but that Thummosis years and tliree months; after him Armais,
the son of Alisphragmuthosis made an at- ' for four years and one month ; after him was
tempt to take them by force and by siege, ! Harnesses, for one year and four months; af-
with fourliundred and eighty thousand men ter him came Armesses Miammoun, forsixty-
to lie round about them ; but that, upon his | six years and two months; after him Ame-
despair of taking the plac-e by that siege, they j nophis, for nineteen years and six months;
came to a composition with them, that they j after him came Sethosis, and Ramesses, who
should leave Egypt, and go without any harm had an army of horse, and a naval force. This
to be done them, withersoever they would ; king appointed his brother Armais, to be his
and that, after this composition was made, ' deputy over Egypt." [In another copy it
they went away with their whole families and i stood thus : — After him came Sethosis, and
effects, not fewer in number than two hundred Ramesses, two brethren, the former of whom
and forty thousand, and took their journey had a naval force, and in a hostile manner
from Egypt, through the wilderness, for Sy- | destroyed those that met him upon the sea ;
ria : but that, as they were in fear of the but as he slew Ramesses in no long time after-
Assyrians, who had then the dominion ' ward, so he appointed another of his brethren
over Asia, they built a city in tliat country to be his deputy over Egypt."] He also gave
which is now called Judea, and that large him all the other authority of a king, but with
enough to contain this great number of men, these only injunctions, that he should not
and called it Jerusalem."* Now Manetho, in I ^ q^,, ^ivi, 32, 34; xhii, 3, 4.
another book of his, says, " That this nation, ' t 1" our copies of the book of Genesis and of Jose-
phus, this Joseph never calls himself " a captive," when
he was wilh the king of Kgjpt, though he dots caH
• Here wo have an account of the first buikling of himself " a servant," " a sla\e," or " captive," many
the city of Jerusalem, according to Manetho, when the times in the Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs, unda
Pliocnilian shtplierils were expelled out of Kgypt, about Josejih, sect. 1, II, 15, 1 1, 15, 16.
Uiirty-aevea j-cars before Abraham came out of Haran. { j 1 his is now wanting.
BOOK I.
FLAVIUS JOSEPIIUS AGAINST APION.
791
wear the diadem, nor be injurious to the queen,
the mother of his children, and that he should
not meddle with the other concubines of the
king; while he made an expedition against
Cyprus, and Phcenicia. and besides against the
Assyrians and the Medes. He then subdued
them all, some by his arms, some without
fiffhting, and some by the terror of Iiis great
army ; and being pufi'ed up by the great
successes he had had, he went on still the
more boldly, and overthrew the cities and
countries that lay in the eastern parts ; but
alter some considerable time, Armais, who
was left in Egypt, did all those very things,
br way of opposition, which his brother liad
forbidden him to do, without fear ; for he
used violence to the queen, and continued to
make use of the rest of the concubines, with-
out sparing any of them ; nay, at the persua-
sion of his friends he put on the diadem, and
set up to oppose his brother; but then, lie
who was set over the priests of Egypt, wrote
letters to Sethosis, and informed him of all that
had happened, and how iiis brother had set up
to oppose him : he therefore returned back
to Pelusiuni immediately, and recovered his
kingdom again. The country also was call-
ed from his name Ejn/gt ; for Manetho says
that Sethosis himself was called Egyptus, as
was his brother Armais called Danaus." *
16. This is Manetho's account; and evi-
dent it is from the number of years by him set
down belonging to this interval, if they be sum-
med up together, that these shepherds, as they
are here called, who were no other than our
forefathers, were delivered out of Egypt, and
came thence, and inhabited this country three
liundrcd and ninety-three years before Danaus
came to Argos ; although the Ari^ives look
upon him f as their most ancient king. Ma-
netho, therefore, bears this testimony to two
points of the greatest consequence to our pur-
pose, and those from the Egyptian records
themselves. In the first place, that we came
out of another country into Egypt ; and that
withal our deliverance out of it was so an-
cient in time, as to have preceded the siege of
Troy almost a thousand years ; but then, as
to those things which Manetko adds, not from
the Egyptian records, but, as he confesses
» Of this Egyptian chronology of Manetho, as mis-
taken by Josevilius, and of these Plioenician sheyiherds,
as falsely supposed by him, and oihevs after him, to
have b en the Israelites in Egypt, see Essay on tlie Old
Testament, Appendix, p. ISi.'— 188. And note here, that
when Jcsephus tells us that the Greeks or Argives look-
ed on this Danaus as <>:»j;*ioTaT(!j, " a most ancient,"
or " the most ancient" king of Argos, he need not be
supposed to mean, in the strictest sense, that they had
no one king so ancient as he; for it is certain that they
owned nine kings before him, and Inachns at the head
of them. See Authentic Records, part ii, page 985,
as Josephus could not but know very well ; but that he
was esteemed as very ancient by them, and that they
knew they had been first of all denominated " Danai"
from this very ancient king Danaus. Nor does this su-
perlative degree always nnply the " most ancient" of all
without exception, but is sometimes to te rendered
" very ancient" only, as is the ease in tlie lik&^uperla-
tive degrees of other words also.
■f Hlb the preceding note.
himself, from sotne stories of ai\ uncertain ori-
ginal, I will disprove them hereafter particu-
larly, and shall demonstrate that they are no
better than incredible fables.
17. I will now, therefore, pass from these
records, and come to those that belong to the
Phoenicians, and concern our nation, and shall
produce attestations to wiiat I have said out of
them. There are then records among the Ty.
riaiis that take in the history of many years,
and these are public writings, and are kept
with great exactness, and include accounts ol
the facts done among them, and such as con-
cern their transactions with otlier nations also,
those I mean which were worthy of remem-
bering. Therein it was recorded that th«
temple was built by king Solomon at Jerusa-
lem, one hundred forty three-years and eiglit
months before the Tyrians built Carthage ;
and in their annals the building of our teropJe
is related : for Hirom, the king of Tyre, v/as
the friend of Solomon our king, and had such
friendship transmitted down to him from his
forefathers. He thereupon was ambitious to
contribute to the splendor of this edifice of
Solomon, and made him a present of one hun-
dred and twenty talents of gold. He also
cut down the most excellent timber out of that
mountain which is so called Libanus, and
sent it to him for adorning its roof. Solomon
also not only made him many other pre-ents,
by way of requital, but gave him a country
in Galilee also, that was called Chabulon j
but there was another passion, a philosopiiic
inclination of theirs, which cemented the
friendship that was betwixt them ; for they
sent mutual problems to one another, with a
desire to have them unriddled by each other ;
wherein Solomon was superior to Hirom, as
he was wiser than he in other respects ; and
many of the epistles that passed between tiiein
are still preserved among the Tyrians. Now,
that this may not depeiid on my bare word,
I will produce for a witness, Dius, one that
is believed to have written the Phoenician His-
tory after an accurate manner. This Dius,
therefore, writes, thus, in his Histories of tlie
Phoenicians : — " Upon the death of Abibalus,
iiis son Hirom took the kiiigdom. This king
raised banks at the eastern parts of the city,
and enlarged it ; he .tiso joined the temple of
Jupiter Olymjjius, ^shich stood before in an
island by itself, to the city, by raising a causey
between them, and adorned that temple with
donations of gold. He moreover went up to
Libanus, and had timber cut down for the
building of temples. They say farther, that
Solomon, when he was king of Jerusalem,
sent pr(jblerns to Hirom to be solved, and de-
sired he would send others back for him to
solve, and that he who could not solve tlw
problems proposed to him, should pay money
to him tliat solved them ; and when Hirom
I 1 Kings IX, 13
^
792
FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.
BOOK 1.
had agreed to the proposals, but was not able
to solve the problems, he was obliged to pay
a great deal of money, as a penalty for the
same. As also they relate, that one Abde-
mon, a man of Tyre, did solve tlie problems,
and proposed others which Solomon could not
solve, upon which he was obliged to repay a
great deal of money to Hirom." These things
are attested to by Dius, and confirm what we
have said upon the same subjects before.
18. And now I shall add Menander the
Ephcsian, as an additional witness. This
Menander wrote the Acts that were done both
by the Greeks and Barbarians, under every
one of the Tyrian kings ; and had taken much
pains to learn their history out of their ovvn
records. Now, when he v/as writing about
those kings that had reigned at Tyre, he came
to Hirom, and says thus : — " Upon the death
of Abibalus, his son Hirom took the king-
dom ; he lived fifty-three years, and reigned
thirty-four. He raised a bank on that called
the Broad place, and dedicated that golden
pillar which is in Jupiter's temple; he also
vfent and cut down timber from the moun-
tain called Libanus, and got timber of cedar
for the roofs of the temples. He also pulled
down the old temples, and built new ones:
besides this, he consecrated the temples of Her-
cules and Astarte. He first built Hercules's
temple, in the month Peritus, and that of As-
tarte when he made his expedition against the
Tityans, who would not pay him their tribute;
and when he had subdued them to himself,
he returned home. Under this king there
was a younger son of Abderaon, who master-
ed the problems which Solomon, king of Je-
rusalem, had recommended to be solved."
Now the time from this king to the building
of Carthage, is thus calculated : — " Upon the
death of Hirom, Baleazarus his son took the
kingdom ; he lived forty-three years, and
reigned seven years : after him succeeded his
son Abdastartus ; he lived twenty-nine years,
and reigned nine years. Now four sons of
his nurse plotted against him and slew him,
the eldest of whom reigned twelve years :
after them came Astartus the son of Deleas-
tartus: he lived fifty-four years, and reigned
twelve years ; after him came his brotlier
Aserymus ; he lived fifty-four years, and
reigned nine years: he was slain by his bro-
ther Pheles, who took the kingdom and
reigned but eight months, though he lived
fitly years : he was slain by Ithobalus, the
priest, of Astarte, who reigned thirty-two
years, and lived sixty-eight years: he was
succeeded by his son Badezoius, who lived
f irty-five years, and reigned six years ; he was
succeeded by INIatgenus his son : he lived
thirty-two years, and reigned nine years ;
Pygmalion succeeded him : he lived fifty-six
years, and reigned forty-seven years. Now,
it) the seventh year of his reign, his sister tied
away from hiin, and built the city of Carthage
in Libya." So the whole tiine from the
reign of Hirom till the building of Carthage,
amounts to the sum of one hundred and fifty-
five years and eight months. Since then the
temple was built at Jerusalem in the twelfth
year of the reign of Hirom, there were from the
building of the temple until the building of
Carthage, one hundred forty-three years and
eight months. Wherefore, what occasion is
there for alleging any more testimonies out of
the Phcenician histories [on the behalf of our
nation], since what 1 have said is so thor-
oughly confirmed already ? and to be sure
our ancestors came into this country long be-
fore the building of the temple; for it was
not till we had gotten possession of the whole
land by war that we built our temple. And
this is the point that I have clearly proved out
of our sacred writings in my Antiquities.
19. I will now relate what hath been v,-rit-
teii concerning us in the Chaldean histories ;
which records have a great agreement with
our books in other things also. Berosus
shall be witness to what [ say : he was by
birth a Chaldean, well known by the learned,
on account of his publication of the Chaldean
books of astronomy and philosophy among
tlie Greeks. This Berosus, therefore, follow-
ing the most ancient records of that nation,
gives us a history of the deluge of waters
that then happened, and of the destruction of
mankind thereby, and agrees with Moses's
narration thereof. He also gives us an ac-
count of that ark wherein Noah, the origin
of our race, was preserved, when it was
brought to the highest part of the Armenian
mountains : after which he gives us a cata-
logue of the posterity of Noah, and adds the
years of their chronology, and at length comes
down to Nabolassar, who was king of Baby-
lon, and of the Chaldeans. And when he
was relating the acts of this king, he describes
to us how lie sent his son Nabuchodonosor
against Egypt, and against our land, witli a
great army, upon his being informed that
they had revolted from him ; and how, by
that means, he subdued tliein all, and set our
tem])le that was at Jerusalem on fire; nay
and removed our people entirely out of their
own country, and transferred them to Baby- '
Ion ; when it so happened that our city was
desolate during the interval of seventy years,
until the days of Cyrus king of Persia. He
then says, " That this Babylonian king con-
quered Egypt, and Syria, and Phoenicia, and
Arabia; and exceeded in his ex])loits all that
had reigned before him in Babylon and Ciial-
dea." A little after wliich, Berosus subjoins
what follows in liis History of Ancient
Times. 1 will set down Berosus's own ac-
counts, which are these: — " Wlien Nabo.
lassar, father of Nabuchodonosor, heard that
the governor whom he had set over Egypt
and over the parts of Celesyria and Phoenicia,
had revolted from him, he was not able to
BOOK I.
FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.
79S
bear it any longer; but committing certain
parts of liis army to his son Nahuchodonosor,
who was then but young, lie sent him against
the rebel : Nabuchodonosor joined battle with
him, and conquered him, and reduced the
country under his dominion again. Now it
so fell out, that his father Nabolassar fell into
a distemper at this time, and died in the city
of Babylon, after he had reigned twenty-
nine years. But as he understood, in a little
time, that his father Nabolassar was dead, he
set the affairs of Egypt and the other coun-
tries in order, and committed the captives he
had taken from the Jews, and Pha-m'cians,
and Syrians, and of the nations belonging to
E;iypt, to some of his friends, that they might
conduct that part of the forces that had on
heavy armour, with the rest of his baggage,
to Babylonia; while he went in haste, having
but a few with him, over the desert to Baby-
lon ; whither when he was come, he found
the public affairs had been managed by the
Chaldeans, and that tlie principal persons a-
mong them had preserved the kingdom for
him. Accordingly he now entirely obtained
all his father's dominions. He then came,
and ordered the captives to be jilaced as colo-
nies in the most proper jjlaces of Babylonia :
but for himself, he adorned the temple of
Belus, and the other temples, after an elegant
manner, out of the spoils he had taken in this
war. He also rebuilt the old city, and added
another to it on the outside, and so far restor-
ed Babylon, that none who should besiege it
afterwards might have it in their power to di-
vert the river, so as to facilitate an entrance
into it ; and this he did by building three
walls about the inner city, and three about
the outer. Some of these walls he built of
burnt brick and bitumen, and some of brick
only. So when he had thus fortified the city
with walls, after an excellent manner, and
had adorned the gates magnificently, he add-
ed a new palace to that which his father had
dwelt in, and this close by it also, and that
more eminent in its height, and in its great
splendour. It would perhaps require too long
a narration, if any one weie to describe it.
However, as prodigiously large and magnifi-
cent as it was, it was finished in fifteen days.
Now in this palace he erected very high
walks, supported by stone pillars, and by
planting what was called a pensile paradise,
and rejjlenishing it with all sorts of trees, he
rendered the prospect of an exact resemblance
of a mountainous country. This he did to
please his queen, because she had been brought
up in Media, and was fond of a mountainous
situation."
20. This is what Berosus relates concern-
ing the forementioned king, as he relates j
many otiier things about him also in the third
book of his Chaldean History ; wherein he I
complains of the Grecian writers for swppos- 1
ing, without any foundation, that Babylon I
was built by Semiramis,* queen of Assyria,
and for her false pretence to those wonderful
edifices thereto relating, as if they were her
own workmanship ; as indeed in these afiTairs
the Chaldean History cannot but be the most
credible. Moreover, we meet with a confir-
mation of what Berosus says, in the archives
of the Phoenicians, concerning this king Na-
buchodonosor, that he conquered all Syria and
Phoenicia ; in which case Philostratus agrees
with the others in that history which he com-
posed, where he mentions the siege of Tyre;
as does Megasthenes also, in the fourth book
of his Indian History, wherein he pretends to
prove that the forementioned king of the Ba-
bylonians was superior to Hercules in strength
and the greatness of his exploits ; for he says
that he conquered a great part of Libya, and
conquered Iberia also. Now, as to what I
have said before about the temple at Jerusa-
lem, that it was fought against by the Baby-
lonians, and burnt by them, but was opened
again when Cyrus had taken the kingdom of
Asia, shall now be demonstrated from what
Berosus adds farther upon that head ; for thus
he says in his third book :— " Nabuchodono-
sor, after he had begun to build the fore-
mentioned wall, fell sick, and departed this
life, when he had reigned forty-three years;
whereupon his son Evilmerodach obtained
the kingdom. He governed public aH'airs
after an illegal and impure manner, and had
a plot laid against him by Neriglissoor, his
sister's husband, and was slain by him when
he had reigned but two years. After he was
slain, Neriglissoor, the person who plotted
against him, succeeded him in the kingdom,
and reigned four years ; his son Laborosoar-
chod obtained the kingdom, though he was
but a child, and kept it nine months ; but by
reason of the very ill-temper and ill practices
he exhibited to the world, a plot was laid
against him also by his friends, and he was
tormented to death. After his death, the
conspirators got together, and by common
consent put the crown upon the head of Na-
bonnedus, a man of Babylon, and one who
belonged to that insurrection. In his rei^n
it was that the walls of the city of Babylon
were curiously built with burnt brick and bi-
tumen ; but when he was come to the seven-
teenth year of his reign, Cyrus came out of
Persia with a great army ; and having already
conquered all the rest of Asia, became hasti-
ly to Babylonia. When Nabonnedus perceiv-
ed he was coming to attack him, he met him
with his forces, and joining battle with him
was beaten ; and fled away with a few of his
troops with him, and was shut up within the
city Borsippu';. Hereupon Cyrus toot Ba-
bylon, and gave order that the outer walls of
• The great improvements that Nebuchadnezzar
made in the buildings at Babjlon, do no way contradict
those ancient and authentic testimonies which ascribe
its first building to Nimrod, and its first rebuilding te
Semiraiuis, as Berosus seems here to supixisek
3 X
J^
794
FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.
BOOK 1
the city should be demolished, because the
city had proved very troublesoine to him, and
cost him a great deal of pains to take it. He
then marched away to Borsippus, to besiege
Nab( nnedus ; but as Nabonnedus did i;ot
sustain the siege, but delivered liimself into
his hands, he was at first kindly used by Cy-
rus, who gave him Carmania, as a place for
him to inhabit in, but sent him out of Baby-
lonia. Accordingly Nabonnedus spent the
rest of his time in that country, and there
died."
21. These accounts agree with the true
history in our books ; for in them it is writ-
ten that Nebuchadnezzar, in the eighteenth
year of his reign,* laid our temple desolate,
and so it lay in that state of obscurity for
fifty years ; but that in the second year of the
reign of Cyrus, its foundations were laid,
and it was finished again in the second f year
of Darius, I will now add the records of
the Phoenicians ; for it will not be altogether
superfluous to give the reader demonstrations
more than enow on this occasion. In them
we have this enumeration of the times of their
several kings: — " Nabuchodonosor besieged
Tyre for thirteen years in the days of Ithobal,
their king; after him reigned Baal, ten years;
after him were judges appointed, who jtidged
the people : Ecnibalus, the son of Balsacus,
two months ; Chelbes, the son of Abdeus,
ten months; Abhar, the high-priest, three
months ; Mitgonus and Gerastratus, the sons
of Abdelemus, were judges six years; after
whom Balatorus reigned one year ; after his
death they sent and fetched Merbalus from
Babylon, who reigned four years ; after his
death they sent for his brother Hirom, who
reigned tv/enty years. Under his reign Cyrus
became king of Persia." So that the whole in-
terval is fifty-four years besides three months;
for in the seventh year of the reign of Ne-
buchadnezzar he began to besiege Tyre ; and
Cyrus the Persian took the kingdom in the
fourteenth year of Hirom. So that the re-
cords of the Chaldeans and Tyrians agree
with our writings about this temple ; and the
testimonies here produced are an indisputable
and undeniable attestation to the antiquity of
our nation ; and I suppose that v/hat I have
already said may be sufficient to such as are
not very contentious.
22. But now it is proper to satisfy the in-
quiry of those that dis>believe the records of
• This number in Jose])hus, that Nebuchadnezzar de-
stroyed the temple in the eighteenth year of his reign,
is a mistake in the nicety of chronology ; for it was in
the nineteenth.
\ The true numl>er here for the year of Darius, in
which the second temple was finished, whether ihe se-
cond with our present copies, or the sixth with that of
Svncellus, or the tenth with thatof Eusebius, is very un-
cc'itain; £0 we had best follow Josephus's own ai'count
elsewhere, .^ntiq b. xi, ch. iii, sect. 4, which shows us,
that according to his copy of the Old Testrnient, after
the second of Cyrus, that work was interrupted till the
lecond of Darius, when in seven years it was finished in
the ninth 01 Darius.
barbarians, and think none but Greeks to be
worthy of credit, and to produce many' of
these very Greeks who were acquainted with
our nation, and to set before them such
as upon occasion have made mention of us
in their own writings. Pythagoras, therefore,
of Samos, lived in very ancient times, and was
csteeined ji person superior to all philosophers,
in wisdom and piety towards God. Now it
is plain that he did not only know our doc-
trines, but was in very great measure a fol-
lower and admirer of them. There is not
indeed extant any writing that is owned for
his;:f but many there are who have written
his history, of whom Hermippus is the most
celebrated, who was a person very inquisitive
in all sorts of history. Now this Hermippus,
in his first book concerning Pythagoras, speaks
tints : — " That Pythagoras, upon the death of
one of his associates, whose name was Cal
liphon, a Crotoniate by birth, affirmed that
this man's soul conversed with him both night
and day, and enjoined him not to pass over a
place where an ass had fallen down ; as also
not to drink of such waters as caused thirst
again ; atid to abstain from all sorts of re-
proaches," After which he adds thus: —
" This he did and said in imitation of the
doctrines of the Jews and Thracians, which
he transferred into his own philosophy." For
it is very truly affirmed of this Pythagoras,
that he took a great many of the laws of the
Jews into his own philosophy. Nor was our
nation unknown of old to several of the Gre-
cian cities, and indeed was thought worthy of
imitation by some of them. This is declared
by Theophrastus, in his writings concerning
laws ; for he says that " the laws of the Ty-
rians forbid men to swear foreign oaths."
Among which he enumerates some others,
and particularly that called Corban ; which
oath can only be found among the Jews, and
declares what a man may call " A thing de-
voted to God." Nor indeed was Herodotus,
of Halicarnassus, unacquainted with our na-
tion, but mentions it after a way of his own,
when he saith thus, in the second book ron-
ccrning the Colchians. His words are these :
— " The only people who were circumcised in
their privy members originally, were the Col-
chians, the Egyptians, and the Ethiopians ;
but the Phoenicians and those Syrians that are
in Palestine, confess that they learned it from
tiie Egyptians ; and as for those Syrians who
live about the rivers Thermodon and Parthe-
nius, and their neighbours the Macrones, they
say they have lately learned it from the Col-
chians ; for these are tne only people that are
circumcised among mankind, and appear to
have done the very same thing with the Egyp-
X This is a thing well known by the leameil, that we
are not secure that we have any genuine writings of
1 ythagoras; those Golden Verses, which are his best
remains, being generally supposed to have been written
not by himsc'lf, but by some of his scholars only, iD
agreement with what Joscphus here atfirms of bia>>
FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.
793
tians ; but as for the Egyptians and Ethiopi-
ans themselves, I am not able to say which of
them received it from the other." This there-
fore is what Herodotus says, that " the Syri-
ans that are in Palestine are circumcised."
But there are no inhabitants of Palestine that
are circumcised excepting the Jews; and
therefore it must be his^ knowledge of them
that enabled hiin to speak so much concern-
ing them. Cherilus * also, a still ancienter
writer, and a poet, makes mention of our na-
tion, and informs us that it came to the as-
sistance of king Xerxes, in his expedition
against Greece; for in his enumeration of all
those nations, he last of all inserts ours amoivg
the rest, when he says:—" At the last there
passed over a people, wonderful to be beheld ;
for they spake the Phoenician tongue with
their mouths; they dwelt in the Solymean
mountains, near a broad lake : their heads were
sooty ; they had round rasures on them : their
heads and faces were like nasty horse-heads
also, that had been i'.ardened in the smoke." 1
think, therefore, that it is evident to every body
that Cherilus means us, lx;cause the Soly-
mean mountains are in our country, wherein
we inhabit, as is also the lake called Asphalti-
tis ; for this is a broader and larger lake than
any other that is in Syria : and thus does
Cherilus make mention of us. But now that
not only the lowest sort of the Grecians, but
those that are held in the greatest admiration
for their philosophic improvements among
them, did not only know the Jews, but, when
they lighted upon any of them admired them
also, it is ea^jy for any one to know ; for Clear-
chus, who was the scholar of Aristotle, and
• Whether these verses of Cherilus, the heathen
poet, in the days of Xerxes, belong to the Solyini in
Pisidia, tliat were near a small lake, or to the Jews that
dwelt on the Solymean or Jerusalem moiintains, n^ar
the great and broad lake Asphaltitis, that were a strange
people, and spake the Phoenician tongue, is not aureed
on by the learned. It is yet certain that Josephus here,
and Eusebius (Prasp. ix, 9, p. 412) took tliem to be
Jews; and I confess I cannot but very much incline to
the same opinion. The other Solymi were not a strange
people, but heathen idolaters, like the other parts of
Xerxes's army; and that these spake the Phoenician
tongue, is next to impossible, as the Je*s certainly did ;
nor is there the least evidetice for it elsewhere. Nor
was the lake adjoining to the mountains of the Solymi
at all large or broad, in comparison of the Jewish lake
Asphaltitis ; nor indeed were these so considerable a
people as the Jews, nor so likely to be desired by Xerxes
fir his army as the Jews, lo whom he was always ve.y
favourable. As for the rest of Cherilus's description,
that " their heads were sooty; that they had round ra-
sures on their heads; that tneir heads and faces were
like nasty horse-heads, which had Ixca hardened in the
smoke ;' these awkward characters probably fitted the
Solymi of Pisidia no better than they did the Jews in
Judea ; and indeed this reproachful language, here given
these people, is to mea strong mdication that they were
the poor despicable Jews, aid not the Pisidian Solymi
eelebrated in Homer, whom Cherilus here describes ;
nor are we to expect that either Cherilus or Hecateus,
or any other Pagan writers cited by Josephus and Euse-
bius, made no mistakes in the Jewish history-. If by
comparing their testimonies with the morcauthentic re-
cords of that nation, we find them for the main to con-
firm the same, as we almost always do, we ought to be
satisfied, and not to expect that they ever had an exact
knowleilge of all the circumstances of the Jewish af-
f.iirs, whieii indeed it was almost always impossible for
them to have. — See sect. 23
inferior to no one of the Peripatetics whom-
soever, in his first book concerning sleep, says
that " Aristotle, his master, related what fol-
lows of a Jew," and sets down Aristotle's own
discourse with him. The account is this, as
written down by him : " Now, for a great
part of what this Jew said, it would be too
long to recite it; but what includes in it
both wonder and philosojijiy, it may not
be amiss to discourse of. Now, that I may
be plain with thee, Ilyperochides, 1 ahall
herein seem to thee to relate wonders, and
what will resemble dreams themselves. Here-
uuon Hyperocliides answered modestly, and
said, For that very reason it is that all of us
are very desirous of hearing what thou art
going to say. Then replied Aristotle, For
this cause it will be the best way to imitate
that rule of the Rhetoricians, which requires
us first to give an account of the man, and of
what nation he was, that so we may not con-
tradict our master's directions. Then said
Hyperochides, Go on, if it so pleases thee.
This man then [answered Aristotle], was by
birth a Jew, and came from Celesyria ; these
Jews are derived from the Indian philoso-
phers ; they are named by the Indians Calami,
and by the Syrians Judcei, and took their name
from the country they inhabit, which is called
Judea ; but for the name of their city it is a
very awkward one, for they c^ill it Jerusalem.
Now this man, when he was hospitably treat-
ed by a great many, came down from the up-
per country to the places near the sea, and be-
came a Grecian, not only in his language, bu:
in his soul also; insomuch that when we our-
selves happened to be in Asia about the same
places whither he came, he conversed with us
and with other philosophical persons, and made
a trial of our skill in philosophy; and as he
iiad lived with many learned men, lie com.
municated to us more information tliaii he re-
ceived from us." This is Aristotle's account
of the matter, as given us by Clearchus;
which Aristotle discoursed also particularly
of the great and wonderful fortitude of this
Jew in his diet, and continent vv.iy of living,
as those that please may learn more about him
from Clearclius's book itself; for I avoid set-
ting down any more than is sufficient for my
purpose. Now Clearchus said this by way of
digression, for his main design was of another
nature; but for Hecateus of Abdcra, who was
both a philosopher, ana one very useful in an
active life, he was contemporary with king
Alexander in his youth, and afterward was
with Ptolemy, the son of Lagus ; he did not
"rite about the Jewish atVairs by the bye only,
but composed an entire book concerning the
Jews themselves ; out of which book I am
willing to run over a few things, of which I
have been treating, by way of epitome. And
in the first place I will demonstrate the time
when this Hecateus lived ; for he mentions th«
fi>iht that was between Ptolemy and Demelri
J-
796
FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.
BOOK I.
us about Gaza, which was fought in the e-
leventh year after the death of Alexander,
and in tlie hundred and seventeenth olym-
piad, as Castor says in his history. For
when he had set down this olympiad, he
says farther, tliat " on this olympiad Ptole-
my, the son of I>agus, beat in battle Deme-
trius, the son of Antigonus, who was named
Polioi'^etes, at Gaza. ' Now, it is agreed by-
all, that Alexander died in the hundred and
fourteenth olympiad ; it is therefore evident,
that our nation flourished in his time, and in
the time of Alexander. Again, Hecateus says
Xo the same purpose, as follows: — " Pto-
lemy got possession of the places in Syria after
the battle at Gaza ; and many, when they
fieard of Ptolemy's moderation and humanity,
went along with him to Egypt, and were wil-
ling to assist 1-im in his affairs ; one of whom
(Hecateus says) was Hezekiah,* the high-
priest of the Jews ; a man of aoout sixty-six
years of age, and in great dignity among his
own people. He was a very sensible man,
and could speak very movingly, and was very
skilful in the management of affairs, if any
other man ever were so ; although, as he says,
all the priests of the Jews took tithes of the
products of the earth, and managed public af-
fairs, and were in number not above fifteen
hundred at the most." Hecateus mentions this
llezekiah a second time, and says, that ' as he
was possessed of so great a dignity, and was
become familiar with us, so did he take certain
of those that were with him, and explained to
them ail the circumstances of their people ;
for he had all their habitations and polity down
in writing." Moreover, Hecateus declares
again, " what regard we have for our laws,
and that we resolve to endure any tiling ra-
ther than transgress thein, because we think
it right for us to do so." Whereupon he
adds, that •' although they are in a bad repu-
tation among their neighbours, and among all
those that come to them, and have been often
treated injuriously by the kings and gover-
nors of Persia, yet can they not be dissuaded
from acting what they think best ; but that
when they are stripped on this account, and
have torments inflicted upon thein, and they
are brought to the most terrible kinds of
death, they meet them after a most extraor-
dinary manner, beyond all other people, and
will not renounce the religion of tlieir fore
fathers." Hecateus also jiroducts doinonstra
lions not a few of this their resolute tena-
ciousness of their law s, when he speaks thus :
" Alexander was once at Babylon, and had
an intention to rebuild the temple of Belus
that was fallen to decay, and in order thereto,
he commanded all his soldier, in general to
• 'Diis Hezekiah, who is here calkcl a high-priest, is
not named in Joscphus's catalogue; the real high-priest
at that lime being rather Onias, as Archbiahop U»her
supposes. However, Josephus often uses the word
high- 1)1 ititi in the plural number, as living many at
the same time, bee the note on Antic), b. xx, ch. viii,
tceC &
bring earth thither. But the Jews, and they
only, would not comply with that command ;
nay, they underwent stripes and great losses
of what they had on this account, till the king
forgave them, and permitted them to live in
quiet." He adds farther, tliat " when the
Macedonians came to them into that country,
and demolished the [old] temples and tlie al-
tars, they assisted them in demolishing them
all ; f but [for not assisting them in rebuild-
ing them] they either underwent losses, oi
sometimes obtained forgiveness." He adds
farther, that " these men deserve to be admir-
ed on that account." He also speaks of the
mighty populousness of our nation, and says,
that " the Persians formerly carried away
many ten thousands of our people to Baby-
lon, as also that not a few ten thousands were
removed after Alexander's death into Egypt
and Phoenicia, by reason of the sedition that
was arisen in Syria." The same person takes
notice in his history, how large the country is
which we inhabit, as well as of its excellent
character, and says, that " the land in which
the Je"s inhabit contains three millions of
arourae, I and is generally of a most excellent
and most fruitful soil ; nor is Judea of lesser
dimensions." The same man describes our
city Jerusalem also itself as of a most excel-
lent structure, and very large, and inhabited
from the most ancient times. He also dis-
courses of the multitude of men in it, and of
the construction of our temple, after the fol-
lowing manner : — " Tiiere are many strong
places and villages (says he) in the country of
Judea ; but one strong city there is, about
fifty furlongs in circumference, which is in-
liabited by a hundred and twenty thousand
men, or thereabouts : § they call it Jerusalem.
t So I read the text with Havercamp, though the
pla'ju be difiieult.
; This number of arourse or Egyptian acres, 5,000,000,
each aroura containing a square of one hundied Egy{>-
tiau cubits (being about three quarters of an English
acre, and just twice the aren of the court of the Jewish
tabernacle), as contained in the country of Judea, will
be about one-third of the entire nun ber of arourte m
the whole land of Judea; supposing it one hundred and
sixty measured miles long, and seventy sudi miles
broad; which tstunation, lor the fruitful parts of it, as
perhaps here in Hecateus, is not therefore very wide
from the truth. 1 he fifty furlongs in compass for the
city .lerusalein presently are not very wide from the
truth al;>o, as Josephus himself describes it, who, of the
War, b. V, eh. iv, sect, .i, makes its wall thirty-three
fui longs, btoides the suburbs and gardens ; nay, he says,
b. \ , ch xii, sci-t. -, Jill Titua's wall about it at some
Miiall distance, after the gardens and suburbs weie ae-
s royed, was not Itss tlsan thirty-nine furlongs. Nor
perhaps were ita ccusuu.t iuhab.tants, in the days of
Hecateus, manv more than these l'-'0,000, because room
wa.; always to lie left for vastly greater numbers w ieh
cuiiie uii at the three great festivals ; tu say nothing of ihe
probable increase in their number between the days of
Hecateus and Josephus, which was at least three bun-
dled years; but see a more auihentic account of some
of these measures in mv Descrijition of the Jewish
Temples. However, we' are not to expect that such
heathens as Cherilus or hecateus, or the rest that are
cited by Josephus and Eusebius, could avoid making
many mistakes in the Jewish history, while yet they
strongly conarm tlie same history iu the general, and
, arc most valuable atteslafions to those more authentic
accounts we have in the Scriptures and Josephus eou-
ocrning them.
5 bee the .ibo\e note.
"V.
BOOK I.
FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.
797
There is about the middle of the city, a wall
of stone, the length of which is five hundred
feet, and the breadth a hundred cubits, with
double cloisters ; wherein there is a square
altar, not made of hewn stone, but coniposed
of white stones gathered together, having each
side twenty cubits long, and its altitude ten
cubits. Hard by it is a large edifice, wherein
there is an altar and a candlestick, botli of
gold, and in weight two talents; upon these
there is a light that is never extinguisiied, nei-
ther by night nor by day. There is no image,
nor anything, nor any donations therein ; no-
thing at all is there planted, neitlier grove,
nor any thing of that sort. The priests abide
therein both nights and days, performing cer-
tain purifications, and drinking not the least
drop of wine while they are in the temple.''
Moreover, he attests that we Jews went as
auxiliaries along with king Alexander, and
after him with his successors. I will add far-
ther what he says he learned when he was him-
self with the same army, concerning the ac
tions of a man that was a Jew. His words
are these : — " As I was myself going to the
Red Sea, there followed us a man, wliose
name was Mosollam ; he was one of the Jew-
ish horsemen who conducted us; he was a
person of great courage, of a strong body,
and by all allowed to be the most skilful
archer that was either among the Greeks or
barbarians. Now this man, as people were in
great numbers passing along the road, and a
certain augur was observing an augury by a
bird, and requiring them all to stand still, in.
quired what they staid for. Hereupon the
augur showed him the bird from whence he
took his augury, and told him that if the bird
staid where he was, they ouglit all to stand
still ; but that if he got up, and flew onw^ird,
they niu5t go forward; bat that if he flew
backward, they must retire again. Mosollam
made no rejiiy, hut drew his bow, and shot at
the bird, and hit him, and killed him; and as
the augur and some others were very angry,
and wished imprecations upon him, he an-
swered them thus : — Why are you so mad as
to take this most unhappy bird into your
hands? for how can this bird give us any true
information concerning our march, which
could not foresee how to save himself? for
had he been able to foreknow what was fu-
ture, he would not have come to this place,
bv.it would have been afraid lest Mosollam the
husband Demetrius, while yet Seleucus would
not marry her as she expected, but during the
time of his raising an army at Babylon, stir-
red up a sedition about Antioch ; and how
after that the king came back, and upon his
taking of Antioch, she fled to Seleucia, and
had it in her power to sail away immediately,
yet did she comply with a dream which for-
bade her so to do, and so was caught and put
to death." When Agatha: ehides had pre-
mised this story, and had jested ujx)n Stra-
tonice for her superstition, he gives a like ex-
ample of what was reported concerning us,
and writes thus; — " There are a people call-
ed Jews, who dwell in a city the strongest of
all other cities, which the inhabitants call Je-
rusalem, and are accustomed to rest on every
seventh day;* on which times they make no
use of their arms, nor meddle with husban-
dry, nor take care of any affairs of life, but
spread out their hands in their holy places,
and pray till the evening. Now it came tn
pass, that when Ptolemy, the son of Lagus,
came into this city with his army, these men,
in observing this mad custom of theirs, in-
stead of guarding the city, suffered their
country to submit itself to a bitter lord ; and
tlieir law was openly proved to have com-
manded a foolish practice.-f This accident
taught all otlier men but the Jews to disre-
gard such dreams as these were, and not to
follow the like idle suggestions delivered as a
law, when, in sucli uncertainty of human
reasonings, thej are at a loss what they should
do." Now this our procedure seems a ridi-
culous thing to Agatharchides, but will ap-
pear to such as consider it without prejudice
a great thing, and what deserved a great
many encomiums; I mean, when certain
men constantly prefer the observation of their
laws, and their religion towards God, before
the preservation of themselves and their coun-
try.
23. Now, that some writers have omitted
to mention our nation, not because they knew
nothing of us, but because they envied us, or
for some other unjustifiable reasons, I think
I can demonstrate by particular instances ;
foi Hieronymus, who wrote the History of
[ Alexandti's] Successors, lived at the same
time with Hecateus, and was a friend of
king Antigonus, and president of Syria.
Now, it is plain that Hecateus wrote an en-
tire book concerning us, while Hieronymus
Jew would shoot at him, and kill him." But never mentions us in his history, although he
of Hecateus's testimonies we have said
nougli ; for as to such as desire to know more
of them, they may easily obtain them from
his book itself. However, I shall not think
it too much for me to name Agatharchides, as
having made mention of us Jews, though in
way of derision at our simplicity, as he sup-
poses it to be ; for when he was discoursing
of the aH'airs of Stratonice, " how she came i
was bred up very near to the places where
we live. Thus different from one another
are the inclinations of men ; while the one
thought we deserved to be carefully remem-
• A glorious testimony this of the observation of the
Sabbath by the Jews. See Antiq. b. xvi, ch. ii, se*.^.
4 ; and ch. vi, sect. 2 ; the Life, sect 5i ; and War, b.
iv, ch. ix, sect. 12.
t Not their law, but the superstitious interpretatioE
»-, ,.. „. ,,,., of their leaders, which neither the Maccal)ees uor oui
©ut 01 Macedonia into Syria, and left her blessed Saviour did ever approve of.
■\—
798
FLAVIUS JOSEl'HUS AGAINST APION.
BOOK I
bered, as some ill-disposed passion blinded
tlie other's mind so entirely, that he could
not diseern the truth. And now certainly
the foregoing records of the Egyptians, and
Chaldeans, and Phoenicians, together with so
many of the Greek writers, will be sufficient
for the demonstration of our antiquity. More,
over, besides those forementioned, Thcophi--
Ills, and Tiieodotus, and Mnaseas, and Aris-
topiianes, and Hermogenes, Euhemerus also,
and Conon, and Zopyrion, and perhaps many
others (for I have not lighted u[X)n all the
Gieek books) have madedistinct mention of us.
It is true, many of the men befcrementioneil
have made great mistakes about the true ac-
counts of our nation in the earliest times, be-
cause they had not perused our sacred books ;
yet have they all of them afforded their testi-
mony to our antiquity, concerning wliich I
am now treating. However, Demetrius
Plia'ereus, and the elder Pliilo, with Eupo-
lemus, have not greatly missed the truth a-
bout our afi'airs; whose lesser mistakes ought
therefore to be forgiven them; for it was not
in their power to understand our writings
with the utmost accuracy.
S4. One particular there is still remaining
behind of what I at first proposed to speak
to, and that is to demonstrate that those ca-
lumnies and reproaches, which some have
throw^n upon our nation, are lies, and to make
use of those writers' own testimonies against
themselves : and that in general this self-con-
tradiction hath happened to many other
iuthors by reason of their ill-will to some
people, I conclude, is not unknown to such
as have read histories with sufficient care ;
for some of them have endeavoured to dis-
grai<e the nobility of certain nations, and
of some of the most glorious cities, and have
cast reproaches upon certain forms of govern-
ment. Thus hath Theopompus abused the
city of Athens, Polycrates that of Lacede-
nion, as hath he that wrote the Tripoliticus
(for he is not Theopompus, as is supjxised by
some) done by the city of Thebes. Timeus
also hath greatly abused the foregoing people
and others also; and this ill-treatment they
use chiefly when they have a contest with
men of the greatest reputation ; some, out of
envy and malice, — and others as supposing
that by this foolish talking of theirs they
may be thought worthy of being remember-
ed themselves ; and indeed they do by no
means fail of their hopes, with regard to the
foolish part of mankind, but men of sober
judgment still condemn them of great ma-
lignity.
25. Now the Egyptians were the first that
cast reproaches upon us; in order to please
wnich nation, some others undertook to per-
vert the truth, while they would neither own
that our forefathers came into Egypt from
another country, as the fact was, nor give a
true account of our departure thence ; and in-
"V
deed the Egyptians took many occasions to
hate us and envy us : in the first place, be-
cause our ancestors had had the dominion
over their country,* and when they were de-
livered from them, and gone to their own
country again, they lived there in prosperity.
In the next place, the difference of our reli-
gion from theirs hath occasioned great enmi-
ty between us, while our way of divine wor-
ship did as much exceed that which their
laws appointed, as does the nature of God
exceed that of brute beasts; for so far they all
agree through the whole country, to esteem
such animals as gods, although they difl'er
from one another in the peculiar worship they
sevendly pay to them ; and certainly men they
are entirely of vain and foolish minds, who have
thus accustomed themselves from the begin-
ning to have such bad notions concerning
their gods, and could not think of imitatincr
that decent form of divine worship which we
made use of, though, when they saw our in
stitutions approved of by many others, they
could not but envy us on that account ; for
some of tliem have proceeded to that degree
of folly and n^eanness in their conduct, as not
to scruple to contradict their own ancient re-
cords, nay, to contradict themselves also in
their writings, and yet were so blinded by
their passions as not to discern it.
26. And now I will turn my discourse to
one of their principal writers, whom I have a
little before made use of as a witness to our
antiquity ; I mean Manetho.f He promised
to interpret the Egyptian history out of their
sacred writings, and premised this : that " Our
people had come into Egypt, many ten thou-
sands in number, and subdued its inhabi-
tants ;" and when he had farther confessed,
that " We went out of that country afterward,
and settled in that country which is now called
Judea, and there built Jerusalem and its tem-
ple." Now thus far he followed his ancient
records ; but after this he permits himself, in
order to appear to have written what rumours
and reports passed abroad about the Jews,
and introduces iiicredible narrations, as if he
would have the Egyptian multitude, that had
the leprosy and other distempers, to have
been mixed with us, as he says they were, and
that they were condemned to fly out of Egypt
• The I'hwnician shepherds, whom Josejihus mis-
took fur the Israelites, h-ee tlio note on sett. 16.
t In reading this and the remaining sections of this
book, and some parts of the iitxt, one may easily per-
ceive that our usually cool and candid author, Josephuf ,
was too highly otleiu'.ed with the iminident c;tlunuiics of
Manetho, and the other bitter enemies of the Jews, with
whom he had now to deal, and was thereby betrayed into
a greater heat and passion than ordinary, and that by con-
sequence he does not hear reason with liis usual fairness
and impartiality ; he seems to depart sometimes from he
brevity and sincerity of a faithful historian, which is his
grand character, and indulges the prolixity and colours
of a pleader and a disputant : accordingly, 1 confess, I
always read these sections with less pleasure, than I do
Ihe rest of his writings, though I fully believe the re-
proaches cast on the Jews, which he here endeavours
to confute and expose, were wholly groundless and ud-
reasonable.
r
f'
BOOK I.
FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.
799
together; for he mentions AmenophJs, a fic-
titious king's name, though on that account
he durst not set down the number of years of
his reign, which yet he had accurately done
as to the other kings he mentions; he tlien
ascribes certain fabulous stories to this kvng,
as having in a manner forgotten how he had
already related that the departure of the shep-
herds for Jerusalem had been five hundred
and eighteen years before ; for Tethmosis
was king when tiiey went away. Now, from
his days, the reigns of the intermediate kings,
according to Manetho, amounted to three hun-
dred and ninety-tiiree years, as he says him-
self, till the two brothers Sethos and Herme-
us ; the one of whom, Sethos, was called by
tliat other name of Egyptus ; and the other,
Hermeus, by that of Danaus. He also says
tJiat Sethos cast the other out of Egypt, and
reigned fifty-nine years, as did his eldest son
Rhampses reign after him sixty-six years.
When Manetho therefore had acknowledged
that our forefathers were gone out of Egypt so
many years ago lie introduces his fictitious king
Amenophis, and says thus: — "This king was
desirous to become a spectator of the gods, as
had Orus, one of his predecessors in that
kingdom, desired the same before him ; he
also communicated that his desire to his name-
s.ke Amenophis, who was the son of Papis,
and one that seemed to partake of a divine
nature, both as to wisdom and the knowlcilge
Q^ futurities." Manetho adds, "How this |
namesake of his told him that he might see
the gods, if he would clear the whole country
o( the lepers and of the other impure people ;
that the king was pleased with this injunction,
and got together all that had any defects in
their bodies out of* Egypt, And that their
number was eighty thousand ; whom he sent
to those quarries which are on the east side
of tlie Nile, that they might work in them,
and might be separated from the rest of the
Egyptians." He says farther, that " There
were some of the learned priests that were
polluted with the leprosy; but that still this
Amenophis, the wise man and the prophet,
was afraid that the gods would be angry at
liim and at the king, if there should appear
to have been violence offered them ; who also
added this farther [out of his sagacity about
futurities], that certain people would come to
the assistance of these polluted wretches, and
would conquer Egypt, and keep it in their pos-
session thirteen years : that, however, he durst
not tell the king of these things, but that he
left a writing behind him about all those mat-
ters, and then slew himself, which made the
king disconsolate." After which he writes
thus, verbatim : — " After those that were sent
to work in the quarries had continued in that
miserable state for a long while, the king was
desired that he would setapart the city Avaris,
sire he granted them. Now this cily, accord-
ing to the ancient theology, was Trypho's city.
But when these men were gotten into it,
and found the place fit for a revolt, they ap-
pointed themselves a ruler out of the priests
of Heliopolis, whose name was Osarsiph, and
they took their oaths that they would be obe-
dient to him in all things. He then, in the
first place, made this law for them. That they
should neither worship the Egyptian gods,
nor sliould abstain from any one of those sa-
cred animals which they have in the highest
esteem, but kill and destroy them all ; that
they should join themselves to nobody but to
those that were of this confederacy. — When
he had made such laws as these, and many
more such as were mainly opposite to the cus-
toms of the Egyptians,* he gave order that
they should use the multitude of the hands
they had in building walls about their city,
and make themselves ready for a war with
king Amenophis, while he did himself take
into his friendship the other priests and those
that were polluted with them, and sent am-
bassadors to those shepherds who had been
driven out of the land by Tethmosis to the city
called Jerusalem ; whereby he informed them
of his own affairs, and of tlie state of those
others that had been treated after such an ig-
nominious manner, and desired that they
would come with one consent to his assistance
in this war against Egypt. He also promised
that he would, in the first place, bring them
back to their ancient city and country Avaris,
and provide a plentiful maintenance for their
multitude; that he would protect them and
fight for them as occasion should require, and
would easily reduce the country under their
dominion. These shepherds were all very
glad of tliis message, and came away with
alacrity all together, being in number two
hundred thousand men ; and in a little time
they came to Avaris. And now Amenophis
the king of Egypt, upon his being informed
of their invasion, was in great confusion, as
calling to mind what Amenophis, the son of
Papis, had foretold him; and, in the first
place, he assembled the multitude of the Egyp-
tians, and took counsel with their leaders, and
sent for their sacred animals to him, especially
the priests distinctly, that they should hide
for those that were principally worshipped in
the temples, and gave a particular charge to
the images of their gods with the utmost
care. He also sent his son Sethos, who was
also named Kamesses from his father Rham-
pses, being but five years old, to a friend of
his. He then passed on with the rest of the
Egyptians, being three hundred thousand of
the most warlike of them, against the ene-
my, who met them. Yet did he not join
• This is a very valuable testimony of Manetho,
that the laws of Osarsiph, or Moses, were not made in
which was then left desolate of the she-uherds, compliance with, but in opposition to, the customs or
for their habitation and protection ; wmch de- J '^ur^"' "^ '^' "°'^ °" ''°"''- ^- '"' '^ '^
800
FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.
battle \vith tliem ; but thinking that would
be to fiyht against the gods, lie returned back
and came to Memphis, where he look Ajiis
and the other sacred animals which he had
sent for to him, and presently marclied into
Ethiopia, together with his whole army and
multitude of Egyptians ; for the king of E-
thiopia was under an obligation to him, on
which account lie received him, and took care
of all the multitude that was with him, while
the country supplied all that was necessary for
the food of the men. He also allotted cities
and villages for this exile, that was to be from
its beginning during those fatally determined
thirteen years. Moreover, he pitched a camp
for his Ethiopian army, as a guard to king
Amenophis, upon the borders of Egypt. And
this was the state of things in Ethiopia. But
28. Now, for the first occasion of this fic-
tion, -Alanctho supposes what is no better than
a ridiculous thing; for he says that " King
Amenophis desired to see the gods.'' What
gods, I pray, did he desire to see ? If he
meant the gods whom their laws ordained to
be worshipped, the ox, the goat, the crocodile,
and the baboon, he saw them already; but for
the heavenly gods, how could he see them,
and what should occasion this his desire ? To
be sure,* it was because another king before
him had already seen them. He had then been
informed what sort of gods they were, and af-
ter what manner they had been seen, inso-
much that he did not stand in need of any
new artifice for obtaining this sight. How-
ever, the prophet by whose means the king
thought to compass his design was a w ise man.
for the people of Jerusalem, when they came If so, how came he not to know that such liis
down together with the polluted Egyptians, desire was impossible to be accomplished ?
they treated the nie'n in such a barbarous for the event did not succeed. And what
manner, that those who saw how they sub- pretence could there be to suppose that the
dued the forementioned country, and the hor- I gods would not be seen by reason of the peo-
rid wickedness they were guilty of, thought it
a most dreadful thing ; for they did not only
set the cities and villages on fire, but were not
satisfied till they had been guilty of sacrilege,
and destroyed the images of the gods, and
used them in roasting those sacred animals
that used to be worshipped, and forced the
oriests and prophets to be the executioners and
murderers of those animals, and then eject-
ed them naked out of the country. It was also
reported that the priest, who ordained their
polity and their laws, was by birth of He-
liopolis ; and his name Osarsiph from Osiris,
who was the god of Heliopolis ; but that when
he was gone over to these people, his name
was changed, and he was called Moses."
27. This is what the Egyptians relate a-
boui the Jews, with much more, m hich I omit
for the sake of brevity. But still Manetho
goes on, that " After this, Amenophis re-
turned from Ethiopia with a great army, as
did his son Rhampses with another army al-
so, and that both of them joined battle with
pie's maims in their bodies, or leprosy ? for the
gods are not angry at the imperfection of bodies
but at wicked practices ; and as to eighty
thousand lepers and those in an ill state also,
how is it possible to have them gathered to-
gether in one day ? nay, how caine the king
not to comply with the prophet ? for his in-
junction was, that those that were maimed
should be expelled out of Egypt, while the
king only sent them to work in the quarries,
as if he were rather in want of labourers, than
intended to purge his country. He says far-
ther, that " This prophet slew himself, as
foreseeing the anger of the gods, and those
events which were to come upon Egypt af-
terward ; and that he left this prediction for
the king in writing. ' Besides, how came it
to pass that this prophet did not foreknow
iiis own death at the first ? nay how came
he not to contradict the king in his desire to
see the gods immediately ? how came that
unreasonable dread upon him of judgments
that were not to happen in his life-time ; or
the shepherds and the polluted people, and ; wiiat uorse thing could he suffer, out of the
beat them and slew a great many of them, I fear of which lie made haste to kill himself?
and pursued them to the bounds of Syria."! But now let us see the silliest thing of all:
These and the like accounts are written by — the king, although he had been informed
Manetho. But I will demonstrate that he of these things, and terrified with the fear of
trifles, and tells arrant lies, after 1 have made j what was to come, yet did not he even then
a distinction which will relate to vvhat I am I eject these maimed people out ol" his country,
going to say about him ; for this Manetho liad j when it had been foretold him that he was to
granted and confessed that this nation was clear Egypt of them ; but, as Manetho says,
not originally Egyptian, but that they had " He then, upon their request, gave them
" " that city to inhabit, which had formerly be-
longed to the siiepherds, and was called A-
come from anotl;er country, and subdued E
gypt, and then went away again out of it. But
that those Egyptians who were thus diseased
in their bodies were not minjjied with us af-
varis ; whither when they were gone
crowds (he says) they chose one that had
terward, and that Moses w ho brought the ; formerly been priest of Heliopolis ; and tliat
people out was not one of tijal companj", hut this priest first ordained that they should neJ-
lived many generations eailier, I sliall eiidea- tlier worship the gods, nor abstain from those
vour to demonstrate from JNIaneUio's own
acccunis themselves. 1 • ^;r By Jujiiter.
J-
J ~
BOOK I
FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.
SOI
animals that were worshipped by the Egyp-
tians, but should kill and eat them all, and
should associate with nobody but those that
had conspired with tj^em ; and that he bound
the multitude by oaths to be sure to continue
in those laws; and that when he had built a wall
about Avaris, he made war against the king."
Manetho adds also, that " this priest sent
to Jerusalem to invite that people to come to
his assistance, and promised to give them A-
varis; for that it had belonged to the fore-
fatliers of those that were coming from Jeru-
salem, and that when they were come, they
made a war immediately against the king,
and got possession of all Egypt." He says
also, that " the Egyptians came with an army
of two hundred thousand men, and that Ame-
nophis, the king of Egypt, not thinking that
he ought to fight against the gods, ran away
presently into Ethiopia, and committed Apis
and certain other of their sacred animals to
the priests, and commanded them to take
care of preserving them." He says further,
that " the people of Jerusalem came accord-
ingly upon the Egyptians, and overthrew
their cities, and burnt their temples, and
slew their horsemen, and in short abstained
from no sort of wickedness nor barbarity :
and for that priest who settled their polity
and their laws," he says " he was by birth of
Heliopolis, and his name was Osarsiph, from
Osiris the god of Heliopolis ; but that he
changed his name, and called himself Moses."
He then says, that " on the thirteenth year
afterward, Amenophis, according to the fa-
tal time of the duration of his misfortunes,
came upon them out of Ethiopia with a great
army, and joining battle with the shepherds
and with the polluted people, overcame them
in battle, and slew a great many of them,
and pursued them as far as the bounds of
Syria."
29. Now Manetho does not reflect upon
the improbability of his lie; for the leprous
people, and the multitude that was with them,
although they might formerly have been an-
gry at the king, and at those that had treated
them so coarsely, and this according to the
prediction of the prophet ; yet certainly,
when lliey were come out of the mines, and
had received of the king a city, and a coun-
try, they would have grown milder towards
him. However, had they ever so much hat-
ed hiiii in particular, they might have laid a
private plot against himself, but would hardly
h;ive made war against all the Egyptians ; 1
mean this on the account of the great kindred
they who were so numerous must have had
among them. Nay still, if they had resolved
to fight with the men, they would not have
had impudence enough to fight with their
gods ; nor would they have ordained laws
quite contrary to those of their own country,
and to those in which they had been bred up
themselves. Yet are we beholden to Mane-
tho, that he does not lay the principal charge
of this horrid transgression upon those that
came from Jerusalem, but says that the E-
gyptians themselves were the most guilty,
and that they were their priests that contrived
these things, and made the multitude take
their oaths for doing so ; but still how absurd
is it to suppose that none of these people's
own relations or friends should be prevailed
with to revolt, nor to undergo the hazards of
war with them ; while these polluted people
were forced to send to Jerusalem, and bring
their auxiliaries from thence ! What friend-
ship, I pray, or what relation was there for-
merly between them that required tliis assist-
ance ? On the contrary, these jjcople were
enemies, and greatly difiered from them in
their customs. He says, indeed, thiit they
complied immediately, upon their promising
them that they should conquer Egypt; as if
they did not themselves very well know that
country out of whicli they had been driven
by force. Now, had these men been in want,
or lived miserably, perhaps they might have
undertaken so hazardous an enterprise ; but
as they dwelt in a happy city, and had a large
country, and one better tlian Egypt itself,
how came it about, that for the sake of those
that had of old been their enemies, of those
that were maimed in their bodies, and of those
whom none of their own relations would en-
dure, they should run such hazards in assist-
ing them ? For they could not foresee that
the king would run away from them ; on the
contrary, he saith hinriself, that " Ameno-
phis's son had three hundred thousand men
with him, and met them at Pelusium." Now,
to be sure, those that came could not be ig-
norant of this; but for tiie king's repentance
and flight, how could they possibly guess at
it ? He then says, that " those who came from
Jerusalem, and made this invasion, got the
granaries of Egypt into their possession, and
perpetrated many of the most horrid actions
there." And thence he reproaches them, as
though he had not himself introduced tliem
as enemies, or as though he might accuse
such as were invited from another place for
so doing, when the natural Egyptian-, them-
selves had done the same things before their
coming, and had taken oaths so to do. How.
ever, " Amenophis, some time afterward,
came upon them, and conquered them in a
battle, and slew his enemies, and diove ihera
before him as far as Syria." As if Egypt
were so easily taken by people that came
from any place whatsoever ; and as if those
that had conquered it by war, wlien they
were informed that Amenophis was alive, did
neither fortify the avenues out of Ethiopia
into it, although they had great advantages
for doing it, nor did get their other forces
ready for their defence ! but that he followed
them over the sandy desert, and slew them as
far as Syria ; while yet it is not an easy tiling
802
FLAVIUS JOSEPIIUS AGAINST APION.
HOOK I.
for an army to pass over tliat country, even
without fighting.
30. Our nation, therefore, according to Ma-
netho, was not derived from Egypt, nor were
any of the Egyptians mingled with us ; for it
is to be supposed, that many of tlie leprous
and distempered people were dead in the
mines, since they had been there a long time,
and in so ill a condition ; many others must
be dead in the battles that happened after-
ward, and more still in the last battle and
flight after it.
31. It now lemains that I debate with Ma-
netho about Moses. Now the Egyptians ac-
knowledge him to have been a wonderful,
and a divine person ; nay, they wouM wil-
lingly lay claim to him themselves, though
after a most abusive and incredible manner;
and pretend that he was of Hcliopolis, and
one of tht priests of that place, and was eject-
ed out of it among the rest, on account of his
leprosy ; although it had l)een demonstrated
out of their records, that he lived five hundred
and eighteen years earlier, and then brought
our forefathers out of Egypt into the country
that is now inhabited by us. But now that
he was not subject in his body to any such ca-
lamity, is evident from what he himself tells
us : for he forbade those that had the leprosy
either to continue in a city, or to inhabit a
village, but commanded that they should go
about by themselves with their clothes rent ;
and declares that such as either touch them,
or live under the same roof with them, should
be esteemed unclean ; nay, more, if any one
of their diseases be healed, and he recover his
natural constitution again, he appointed them
certain purifications, and washings with
spring-water, and the shaving ott' all their hair,
and enjoins that they shall offer many sacri-
fices, and those of several kinds, and then at
length, to be admitted into the holy city; al-
though it were to be expected that, on the
contrary, if he had been under the same cala-
mity, he should have taken care of such per-
soub beforeiiand, and have had them treated
aftei- a kinder manner, as affected with a con-
cern for those tliat were to be under the like
misfortunes with himself. Nor was it only
those leprous people for whose sake he made
these laws, but also for such as should be
maimed in the smallest part of their body,
who yet are not permitted by him to ofliciate as
priests; nay, although any priest, already initi-
ated, should have such a calamity fall upon him
afterward, he ordered him to be deprived of
his honour of officiating. How can it then
be supposed that Moses should ordain such
laws against himself, to his own reproach and
damage who so ordained ihcm ? Nor indeed
is that oilier notion of Manetho at all pro-
bable, wherein he relates the change of his
name, and says, that "he was formerly called
Osars'ph ;" and this a name no way agree-
able to the other, while his true name was
Moiises, and signifies a person who is pre.
served out of the water, for the Egyptians
call water INIoii. I think, therefore, I have
made it sufficiently evident that Manetho,
while he followed his ancient records, did not
much mistake the truth of the history ; but
that when he had recourse to fabulous stories,
without any certain author, he either forged
them himself, without any probability, or elsB
gave credit to some men who spake so, out o«
their ill-will to us.
32. And now I have done with Manetho,
I will inquire into what Cheremon says; foi
he also, when he pretended to write the Egyp
tian history, sets down the same name foi
this king that Manetho did, Amenophis, as
also of his son Ramesses, and then goes on
thus : — " The goddess Isis appeared to Ame-
nophis in his sleep, and blamed him that her
temple had been demolished in the war : but
that Phritiphantes, the sacred scribe, said to
him, that in case he w-ould purge Egypt of
the men that had pollutions ii|)on them, he
should be no longer troubled with such fright-
ful apparitions. That Amenophis according,
ly chose out two hundred and fifty thousand
of tliose that were thus diseased, and cast
them out of the country : that Moses and Jo-
seph were scribes, and Joseph was a sacred
scribe; that their names were Egyptian ori-
ginally ; that of Moses had been Tisithen,
and that of Joseph, Peteseph : that these two
came to Pelusium, and lighted upon three
hundred and eiglity thousand that had beea
left there by Amenophis, he not being willing
to carry them into Egypt ; that these scribes
made a league of friendship with them, and
made with them an expedition against Egypt :
that Amenophis could not sustain their at-
tacks, but immediately fled into Ethiopia,
and left his wife with child behind him, who
lay concealed in certain caverns, and there
brought forth a son, whose name was Mcsse-
ne, and who, when he was grown up to man's
estate, pursued the Jews into Syiia, being
about two hundred thousand mtn, and then
received his father Amenophis out cf Etliio-
pia."
33. This is the account Cheremon gives
us. Now, I take it for granted, that wliat 1
have said alieady hath plainly pioved tlie fal-
sity of both these narrations ; for had there
been any real truth at the bottom, it was im-
possible that they should so greatl.y disagree
about the particulars ; but for those that in-
vent lies, what they write will easily give us
very different accounts, while they forge what
they please, out of their own heads. Now,
Manetho sajs that the king's desire of seeing
tlie gods was the origin of the ejection of the
polluted people; but Clierenion feigns that it
was a dream of his own, sent upon him by
Isis, that was the occasion of it. Manetho
says that the person who foreshowed this pur-
gation of Egypt to the king, was Amcuojpbis;
s
■^
BOOK I
FLAVIUS JOSEl'HUS AGAINST APION.
803
but this mail says it was Phritiphantes. As
to tlie numbers of the multitude that were ex-
pelled, lliey agree exceedingly well,* the for-
mer reckoning them eighty thousand, and the
latter about two hundred and fifty thousand !
Now, for Manetbo, he describes these polluted
persons as sent first to work in the quarries,
and says, that after that the city Avaris was
given them for their habitation. As also, he
relates that it was not till after they had made
war with the rest of the Egyptians that they
invited the people of Jerusalem to come to
their assistance ; while Cheremon says only,
that they were gone out of Egypt, and light-
ed upon three hundred and eighty thousand
men about Pelusium, who had been left there
by Amenophis, and so they invaded Egypt
with them again ; that thereupon Amenophis
fled into Ethiopia ; but then, this Cheremon
commits a most ridiculous blunder in not in-
forming us who this army of so many ten
thousands were, or whence they came ; whe-
ther they were native Egyptians, or whether
they came from a foreign country. Nor in-
deed has this man, who forged a dream from
Isis about the leprous people, assigned tlie
reason why the king would not bring them
into Egypt. Moreover, Cheremon sets down
Joseph as driven away at the same time with
Moses, who yet died four generations f before
Moses ; which four generations make almost
one hundred and seventy years. Besides all
this, Raraesses, the son of Amenophis, by
Manetho's account, was a young man, and
assisted his father in his war, and left the
country at the same time with him, and fled
into Ethiopia : but Cheremon makes him to
have been Ijorn in a certain cave, after his fa-
ther was dead, and that he then overcame the
Jews in battle, and drove them into Syria,
being in number about two hundred thousand.
O the levity of the man ! for he neither told
us who these three hundred and eighty thou-
sand vere, nor how the four hundred and
thirty tliousand perished ; whether they fell in
war, or went over to Ramesses; and, what is
the strangest of all, it is not possible to learn
out of him, who they were whom he calls
Jews, or to which of these two parties he ap-
plies that denomination, whether to the two
hundred and fifty thousand leprous people, or
to the three hundred and eighty thousand that
were about Pelusium. But perhaps it will
be looked upon as a silly thing in me to make
any larger confutation of such writers as suf-
ficiently confute themselves ; for had they
been only confuted by other men, it had been
more tolerable.
34. I shall now add to these accounts
about Manetho and Cheremon, somewhat
* By way of irony. I suppose.
t Here we see that Josephus esteemed a generation
between Joseph and Moses to be about 42 or 43 years ;
which, if taHen between the earlier children, woU^grees
with the duration of human life in those ages. See
Authent. Rcc. part ii, pages 966, 1019, 102a
about Lysimachus, who hath taken the same
topic of falsehood with those foreinentioned
but hath gone far beyond them in the incre-
dible nature of his forgeries ; which plainly
demonstrates that he contrived them out of
his virulent hatred of our nation. His words
are these : — " The people of the Jews being
leprous and scabby, and subject to certain
other kinds of distempers, in the days of Boc-
choris, king of Egypt, they fled to the tem-
ples, and got their food ti)ere by begging ;
and as the numbers were very great that were
fallen under these diseases, there arose a scar-
city in Egypt. Hereupon Bocchoris, the king
of Egypt, sent some to consult the oracle of
[Jupiter] Hammon about this scarcity. Tiie
god's answer was this, that he [nust purge his
temples of impure and impious men, by ex-
pelling them out of those temples into desert
places ; but as to the scabby and leprous peo-
ple, he must drown them, and purge his tem-
ples, tlie sun having an indignation at these
men being suffered to live ; and by this means
the land will bring forth its fruits. Upon
Bocchoris's having received these oracles, he
called for their priests, and the attendants
upon their altars, and ordered them to make
a collection of the impure people, and to de-
liver them to the soldiers, to carry them away
into the desert; but to take the leprous peo-
ple, and wrap them in sheets of lead, and let
thein down into the sea. Hereupon the scab-
by and leprous people were drowned, and
the rest were gotten together, anfd sent into
desert places, in order to be exposed to de-
struction. In this case they assembled them-
selves together, and took counsel what they
should do ; and determined, that, as the night
was coming on, they should kindle fires and
lamps, and keep watch ; that they also should
fast the next night, and propitiate the gods,
in order to obtain deliverance from them.
That on the next day there was one Moses,
who advised them that they should venture
upon a journey, and go along one road till
they s-hould come to places tit for habitation :
tliat he charged them to have no kind regards
for any man, nor give good counsel to any,
but always to advise them for the worst; and
to overturn all those temples and altars of the
gods they should meet with : that the rest
commended what he had said with one con-
sent, and did what they had resolved on, and
so travelled over the desert. But that the
difficulties of the journey being over, they
caine to a country inhabited, and that there
they abused the men, and plundered and burnt
their temples, and then came into that land
which is called Judea, and there they built a
city, and dwelt therein, and that their city
was named Hicrosyla, from this their robbing
of the temples; but that still, upon the suc-
cess they had afterwards, they through course
of time changed its denomination, that it
miyht not be a reproach to thera, and called
-^-^
804
FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.
BOOK IL
tlie city Hieroaolt/ma, and themselves Hieroso-
Ij/mites."
35. Now this man did not discover and
mention t!ie same king with the others, but
feigned a newer name, and passing by the
dream and the Egyptian prophet, he brings
him to [Jupiter] Hammon, in order to gain
oracles about the scabby and leprous people ;
for he says that the multitude of Jews were
gathered togetlier at the temples. Now, it is
uncertain whether he ascribes this name to
these lepers, or to those that were subject to
such diseases among the Jews only ; for lie
describes them as a people of the Jews. What
people does he mean ? foreigners, or those of
that country ? Why then dost thou call them
Jews, if they were Egyptians ? But if they
were foreigners, whj- dost thou not tell us
whence they came ? And how could it be
that, after the king had thrown many of them
into the sea, and ejected the rest into desert
places, there should be stil! so great a multi-
tude remaining? Or after what manner did
they pass over the desert, and get the land
which we now dwell in, and build our city,
and that temple which hath been so famous
among all mankind ? And besides, he ought
to have spoken more about our legislator tiian
by giving us his bare name ; and to have in-
formed us of what nation he was, and what
parents he was derived from ; and to have as-
signed the reasons why lie undertook to make
such laws concerning the gods, and concern-
ing matters of injustice with regard to men
during that journey. For, in case the people
were by birth Egyptians, they would not on
the sudden have so easily changed the cus-
toms of their country ; and in case they had
been foreigners, they had for certain some laws
or other which had been kept by them from
long custom. It is true, that with regard to
those who had ejected them, they might have
sworn never to bear good-will to them, and
might have had a plausible reason for so doing.
But if these men resolved to wage an impla-
cable war against all men, in case they had
acted as wickedly as he relates of them, and
tJiis while they wanted the assistance of all
men, this demonstrates a kind of mad con-
duct indeed ; but not of the men themselves,
but very greatly so of him that tells such lies
about them. He hath also impudence enough
to say that a name, implying " Robbers of the
temples," • was given to their city, and that
this name was afterward changed. The rea-
son of which is plain, that the former name
brought reproach and hatred upon them in the
times of their j)osterity, while, it seems, thu:>e
that built the city thought they did honour to
the city by giving it such a name. So we see
that this fine fellow had such an unbounded
inclination to reproach us, that he did not un-
derstand that robbery of temples is not ex-
pressed by the same word and name among
the Jews as it is among the Greeks. But
why should a man say any more to a person
who tells such impudent lies ! However, since
this book is arisen to a competent length, I
will make another beginning, and endeavour
to add what still remains to perfect my de.iign
in the following book.
BOOK II.
§ 1. In the former book, most honoured Epa-
phroditus, I have demonstrated our antiquity,
and confirmed the truth of what I have said,
from the writings of the Phoenicians, and
Clialdeans, and Egyptians. I have, more-
over, produced many of the Grecian writers,
as witnesses thereto. I have also made a re-
futation of Manetho and Cheremon, and of
certain others of our enemies. I shall now-f-
therefore begin a confu:ation of the remaining
authors who have written any thing against
• That is the meaning oi Hiercsyla in Greek, not in
Hebrew.
t The former part of this second book is written
against the calumnies of Apion, anil then more briefly
against the like calumnies of Apollonius Molo. But
after that, Josephus leaves off any more particular re-
ply to those adversaries of the Jews, and gives us a large
and excellent description and vindication of that theo-
cracy which was settled for the Jewish nation by Moses,
Uieir great legislator.
us ; although I confess I have had a doubt
upon me about Apion \ the grammarian,
whether I ought to take the trouble of confut-
ing him or not ; for some of his writings con-
tain much the same accusations which the
others have laid against us, some things that
he hath added are very frigid and contemp-
tible, and for the greatest part of what lie
says, it is very scurrilous, and, to speak no
more than the plain truth, it shews him to
be a very unlearned person, and what he lays
together, looks like the work of a man of very
bad m.orals, and of one no better in his whole
life than a mountebank. Yet, because there
are a great many men so very foolish, that
they are rather caught by such orations than
by what is written with care, and take plea-
X Called by Tiberius Cymbalmn Mumi, The drnm
of the world.
U-
BOOK II.
FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.
V
805
sure in reproaching other men, and cannot I sure that was, because being a younger man
abiilc to hear tliem commen-ded, I thought it himself, he believed those that by their elder
to be necessary not to Jet this man go off
without examination, who had written such
an accusation against us, as if he would bring
us to make an answer in open court. For I
also have observed, that many men are very
much deliglited when they see a man who
lirst began to reproach another, to be himself
exposed to contempt on account of the vices
he hath himself been guilty of. However, it
is not a very easy thing to go over this man's
discourse, nor to know plainly what he means ;
yet does he seem, amidst a great confusion
and disorder in his falsehoods, to produce, in
the first place, such things as resemble wiiat
we have examined already, and relate to the
departure of our forefathers out of Egypt ;
and, in the second place, he accuses those
Jews that are inhabitants of Alexandria ; as, in
tlie third place, he mixes with tliese things
such accusations as concern the sacred puri-
fications, with the other legal rites used in the
temple.
2. Now, although I cannot but think that
I have already demonstrated, and that abun-
dantly, more than was necessary, that our
fathers were not originally Egyptians, nor
were thence expelled, either on account of
bodily diseases, or any other calamities of
that sort, yet will I briefly fake notice of what
Apion adds upon that subject ; for in his third
book, which relates to the affairs of Egypt,
he speaks thus :— " I have heard of the an-
cient men of Egypt, that Moses was of Helio-
poli;, and that he thought himself obliged to
follow the customs of his forefathers, and
offered his prayers in the open air, towards
the city walls ; but that he reduced them all
to be directed towards the sun-rising, which
was agreeable to the situation of Heliopolis ;
that he also set up pillars instead of gnomons,*
under which was represented a cavity like that
of a boat, and the shadow that fell from their
tops fill down upon that cavity, that it might
go round about the like course as the sun
itself goes round in the other." This is that
wonderful relation which we have given us by
this great grammarian. But that it is a false
one is so plain, that it stands in need of few
words to prove it, but is manifest from the
works of Moses ; for when he erected the first
tabernacle to God, he did himself neither give
order for any such kind of representation to
be made at it, nor ordain that those who came
after him should make such a one. Moreover,
when in a future age Solomon built his tem-
ple in Jerusalem, he avoided all such needless
decorations as Apion liath here devised. He
age were acquainted and conversed witli him.
Now, this [manl, grammarian as he was, could
not certainly tell which was the poet Plomer's
country, no more than he could which was the
country of Pythagoras, who lived comparative-
ly but a little while ago ; yet does he tlius easily
determine the age of Moses, who preceded them
such a vast number of years, as depending on
his ancient men s relation, which shows how
notorious a liar he was. But then as to this
chronological determination of the time when
he says he brought the leprous people, the
blind, and the lame, out of Egypt, see how
well this tT!Ost accurate grammarian of ours
agrees with those that have written before him!
Manetho says that the Jews departed out oi
Egypt, in the reign of Tethmosis, three hun-
dred and ninety-three years before Uanaiis fled
to Ariios ; Lysimachus says it was under king
Bocchoris, that is, one thousand seven hun-
dred years ago ; Molo and some others deter-
mined it as every one pleased : but this Apion
of ours, as deserving to be believed before
them, hath determined it exactly to have been
in the seventh olympiad, and the first year of
that olympiad ; the very same year in which he
says that Carthage was built by the Piioeni-
cians. The reason why he added this build-
ing of Carthage was, to be sure, in order, as
he thouglit, to strengthen his assertion by so
evident a character of chronology. But he
was not aware that this character confutes his
assertion ; for if we tnay give credit to the
Phoenician records as to the time of flie first
coming of their colony to Carthage, they re-
late that Hirom their king was above one
hundred and fifty years earlier than the build-
ing of Carthage ; concerning whom I liave
formerly produced testimonials out of those
Phoenician records, as also that this Hirom
was a friend of Solomon when he was build-
ing the temple of Jerusalem, and gave him
great assistance in his building that temple ;
while still Solomon himself built that temple
six hundred and twelve years after the Jewg
came out of Egypt. As for the number of
those that were expelled out of Egypt, lie hath
contrived to have the very same number with
Lysimachus, and says they were a hundred and
ten thousand. He then assigns a certain
wonderful and plausible occasion for the
name of Sabbath ; for he says, that " wlien the
Jews had travelled a six days' journey, they
had buboes in their groins : and that on this
account it was that they rested on the seveath
day, as having got safely to that country which
is now called Judea ; that then they preserved
says farther, "How he had heard of the ancient Uhe language of the Egyptians, and called
men, that Moses was of Heliopolis." To be that day the Sabbath, for that malady of bu-
* Thic o„„.... ^ u v u £ . J- , .> . u , boes in their groin was named Sabbatosis by
» This seems to have been the first dial that had i • ., « j u
been made in Kijvpt, and was a httle before the time ;tho Egyptians. And would not a man now
that A.haz made his [first] dial in Judea, and about^inno Jaurrh at this fellow's trifling, or rather hate
/A5, lu thefarstyearof iheseventholympiad.asweshall ,. ° , . .. , i 1.7
?ee presently. See 2 Kings xx, 11 ; Isa. xxxvi" s. .his iminidence in wntnig thus .' We must, it
V_ ^ , ._
806
FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.
BOOK II.
seems, take it for granted, that all these hun-
dred and fen thousand men must have these
buboes ! But, for certain, if those men iiad
been blind and lame, and had all sorts of dis-
tempers upon them, as Apion says they had,
tliey could not have gone one single day's
journey ; but if they had been all able to
travel over a large desert, and, besides that, to
fight and conquer those that opposed them,
they had not all of them had buboes in their
groins after the sixth day was over; for no
such distemper comes naturally and of neces-
sity upon those that travel ; but still, when
there are many ten thousands in a camp to-
gether, they constantly march a settled space
[in a day]. Nor is it at all probable that
such a thing should happen by chance; this
would be prodigiously absurd to be supposed.
However, our admirable author Apion hath
before told us, that " they came to Judea
in six days' time;" and again, that "Moses
went up to a mountain that lay between E-
gypt and Arabia, which was called Sinai, and
was concealed there forty days, and that when
he came down from thence he gave laws to
the Jews." But then, how was it possible for
them to tarry forty days in a desert place
where there was no water, and at the same
lime to pass all over the country between
tliat and Judea in the six days? And as for
this grammatical translation of the word Sab-
bath, it either contains an instance of his great
impudence or gross ignorance ; for the words
Sci'/bo and Sabbath are widely different from
one another; for the word Sabbath in the
Jewish language denotes rest from all sorts of
work ; but the word Sabbo, as he affirms, de-
notes among the Egyptians the malady of a
bubo in the groin.
3. This is that novel account which the
Egyptian Apion gives us concerning the Jews'
departure out of Egypt, and is no better than
a contrivance of his own. But why should we
wonder at the lies he tells us about our fore-
fathers, when he affirms them to be of Egyp-
tian original, when he lies also about himself ?
for altliough he was born at Oasis in Egypt,
he pretends to be, as a man may say, the top
man of all the Egyptians; yet does he for-
swear his real country and progenitors, and
by falsely pretending to be born at Alexan-
dria, cannot deny tiie pravity of his family ;
for you see bow justly he calls those Egyp-
tians whom he hates, and ejideavours to re-
proach ; for had he not deemed Egyptians
to be a name of great reproach, he would not
have avoided the name of an Egyptian liim-
self; as we know that those who brag of their
own countries, value themselves upon the de-
nomination liiey acquire thereby, and reprove
such as unjustly lay claim thereto. As for
the Egyptians' cluini to be of our kindred,
they do it on one of the following accounts ;
I mean, either as they value themselves upon
it, and pretend to bear that relation to us; or
else as they would draw us in to be partakers
of their own infamy. But this fine fellow
Apion seems to broach this reproachful ap-
pellation against us [that we were originally
Egyptians], in order to bestow it on the Alex-
andrians as a reward for the privilege they had
given him of being a fellow. citizen with
them ; he also is apprised of the ill-will the
Alexandrians bear to those Jews who are
their fellow-citizens, and so proposes to him-
self *J reproach them, although he must there-
l)y i.iclude all the other Egyptians also ; while
in both cases he is no better then an imjui-
dent liar.
4. But let us now see what those heavy
and wicked crimes are which Apion charges
upon the Alexandrian Jews. " They came
(says he) out of Syria, and inhabited near the
tempestuous sea, and were in the neighboi"--
hood of the dashing of the waves." Now, if
the place of habitation includes any thing
that is reproachful, this man reproaches not
his own real country [Egypt], but what he
pretends to be his own country, Alexandria;
for all are agreed in this, that the part of that
city which is near the sea, is the best part of
all for habitation. Now, if the Jews gained
that part of the city by force, and have kept
it hitherto without impeachment, this is a mark
of their valour • but in reality it was Alexan-
der himself that gave them that place for their
habitation, when they obtained equal privi-
leges there with the Macedonians. Nor can
I devise what Ajiion would have said, had
their habitation been at Necropolis,* and not
been fixed hard by the royal palace [as it is] ;
nor had their nation had the denomination ol
Macedonians given them till this very day [as
they have]. Had this man now read the epis-
tles of king Alexander, or those of Ptolemy the
son of Lagus, or met with the writings of the
succeeding kings, or that pillar which is still
standing at Alexandria, and contains the pri-
vileges which the great [Julius] Caesar be-
stowed upon the Jews ; had this man, I say,
known these records, and yet hath the impu-
dence to write in contradiction to them, he
hath shown himself to be a wicked man ; but
if he knew nothing of these records, he hath
shewn liimself to be a man very ignorant ;
nay, when he appears to wonder how Jews
could be called Alexandrians, this is another
like instance of his ignorance; for ail sucii
as are called out to be colonies, although
they be ever so far remote from one another
in their original, receive their names from
those that bring tliem to their new habitations,
And what occasion is tliere to speak of others,
when those of us Jews that dwell at Antioch
are named Antiochians, because Seleucus the
founder of that city gave them the privileges
belonging thereto? After the like manner do
those Jews that inhabit Ephesus and the othel
» The burial-place for dead bodies, as I «uj)pos&
I
BOOK II.
FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.
807
cities of Ionia enjoy the same name with those | ed person of his age, and the others, such as
that were originally born there, by the grant of I were entrusted with the guard of his body,
the succeeding princes ; nay, the kindness and i should take the care of this matter : nor would
humanity of the Romans hath been so great, , he certainly have been so desirous of learning
that it hath granted leave to almost all others ; our law and the philosophy of our nation,
to take the same name of Romans upon them ; had he despised the men that made use of it,
1 mean not particular men only, but entire or had he not indeed had them in great ad-
and large nations themselves also; for those miration.
anciently named Iberi, and Tyrrheni, and Sa- 5. Now this Apion was unacquainted with
bini, are now called Romani : and if Apion almost all the kings of those Macedonians
reject this way of obtaining the privilege of a whom he pretends to have been his progeni-
citizen of Alexandria, let him abstain from tors, — who were yet very well affected to >■• a rds
calling himself an Alexandrian hereafter ; for us; for the third of those Ptolemies, wJio
otherwise, how can he who was born in the was called Euergetes, when he had gotten
very heart of Egypt be an Alexandrian, if possession of all Syria by force, did not off-r
thisway of accepting such a privilege, of which his thank-offerings to the Egyptian gods for
he would have us deprived, be once abrogat- his victory, but came to Jerusalem, and, ac-
ed ? Although indeed these Romans, who are cording to our own laws, offered many sacri-
now the lords of the habitable earth, have for- fices to God, and dedicated to him such gifts
bidden the Egyptians to have the privileges as were suitable to such a victory : and as for
of any city whatsoever, while this fine fellow, Ptolemy Philometor and his wife Cleopatra,
who is willing to partake of such a privilege, they committed their xvhole kingdom to Jews,
himself as he is forbidden to make use of, en-; when Onias and Dosithcus, both Jews, wliose
deavours by calumnies to deprive those of it: names are laughed at by Apion, were the ge-
that have justly received it; for Alexander nerals of their v/hole army; but certaii;ly
did not therefore get some of our nation to instead of reproaching them, he ought to ad-
Alexandria, because he wanted inhabitants mire their actions, and return them thanks
for tliis his city, on whose building he had for saving Alexandria, whose citizen he pre-
bestowed so much pains ; hut this was given tends to be; for when these Alexandrians
to our people as a reward ; because he had, ' were making war with Cleopatra the queen,
upon a careful trial, found them all to have ' and were in danger of being utterly ruined,
been men of virtue and fidelity to him; for, these Jews brought them to terms of agree-
as Hecateus says concerning us, " Alexander \ ment, and freed them from the miseries of a
honoured our nation to such a degree, that, ' civil war. " But then (says Apion) Onias
for the equity and the fidelity which the Jews brought a small army afterward upon the city
had exhibited to him, he permitted tliem to at the time when Tliermus the Roman am-
hold the country of Samaria free from tribute. ! bassador was there present." Yes, do I ven-
Of the same mind also was Ptolemy the son : ture to say, and that he did rightly and vtry
of Lagus, as to those Jews who dwelt at justly in so doing; for that Ptolemy wl;o was
Alexandria." For he intrusted the fortresses called Physco, upon the death of lus brother
of Egypt into their hands, as believing they | Philometor, came from Cyrene, and would
would keep them faithfully and valiantly for ! have ejected Cleopatra as well as her sons out
him ; and when he was desirous to secure the of their kingdom, that he might obtain it for
government of Cyrene, and the other cities of
LJbya to himself, he sent a party of Jews to
inhabit them. And for his successor Ptolemy,
who was called Philadelphus, he did not only
set all those of our nation free, who were
captives under him, but did frequently * give
money [for their ransomj ; and, what was liis
greatest work of all, he had a great desire of
knowing our laws, and of obtaining the books
of our sacred scriptures: accordingly he de-
sired that such men might be sent him as
himself unjustly. I For this cause then it was
that Onias undertook a war against him ou
Cleopatra's account; nor would he desert
that trust the royal family had reposed in him
in their distress. Accordingly, God gave a
remarkable attestation to his righteous proce-
dure ; for when Ptolemy Piiysco^ had the
presumption to fight against Onias's army,
and had caught a!i the Jews that were in the
city [Alexandria], with their children and
wives, and exposed them naked and in bonds
might interpret our law to him ; and in order | to his elephants, that they might be trodden
to have them well compiled, he committed
that care to no ordinary persons, but ordained
that Demetrius Phalereus, and Andreas, and
Aristeas; the first, Demetrius, the most learn-
* For ToWeLxi;, or frequently, I would here read
v«XX.a, a great deal of money ; for we indeed read, both
ill Aristeas and Josephus, that this Ptolemy Hhiladel-
Ph"s once gave a very great sura of money to re<leei
upon and destroyed, and when he had made
t Here begins a great defect in the Greek copy;
but the old Latin version fully supplies that defect.
} What error is here generally believed to have been
committed by our Josephus in ascribing a deliverance
of the Jews to the reign of Ptolemy Physco, the seventh
of those Ptolemies, which lia- becn'universally sup-
posed to have hapi>ened under Ptolemy Philopator, the
fourth of them, is no better than a gross error of tht
above 100,000 Jewish captives; but not of any^ums | modems, and not of Josephus, as I liave fullv proved
or money which he disbursed on their account at other in the Authent. Rec. parti, p. 200— 5;t)4, w'luther I
tHnes, that I know of. I refer the inquisitive reader.
\.
608
FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.
those elephants drunk for that purpose, the I
event proved contrary to his preparations ; for
these elephants left the Jews who v\ere expos-
ed to tliem, and full violently upon Physco's
friends, and slew a great number of them ;
nay, after this, Ptolemy saw a terrible ghost,
which prohibited Ihs hurting those men ; his
very concubine, whom he loved so well (some
call her Ithaca, and others Irene), making
supplication to him, that he would not per-
petrate so great a wickedness. So he com-
plied with her retiuest, and repented of what
he either had already done, or was about to
do; whence it is well known that the Alexan-
drian Jews do with good reason celebrate this
day, on the account that they had thereon
been vouchsafed such an evident deliverance
from God. However, Apion, the common
calumniator of men, hath tlie presumption to
accuse the Jews for making this war against
Physco, when he ought to have commended
them for the same. This man also makes
mention of Cleopatra, the last queen of Alex-
andiia, and abuses us, because she was un-
grateful to us ; whereas he ought to have re-
proved her, who indulged herself in all kinds
of injustice and wicked practices, both with
regard to her nearest relations, and husbands
wlio had loved her, and indeed in general
with regard to all the Romans, and those
emperors that were her benefactors ; who also
had her sister Arsinoe slain in a temple,
when she had done her no harm ; moreover,
she had her brother slain by private treachery,
and she destroyed the gods of her country
and the sepulchres of her progenitors ; and
while she had received her kingdom from the
first Caesar, she had the impudence to rebel
against his son" and successor ; nay, slie cor-
rupted Antony with her love-tricks, and ren-
dered him an enemy to his country, and made
him treacherous to his friends, and [by his
means] despoiled some of their royal authori-
ty, and forced others in her madness to act
wickedly ; but what need I enlarge upon this
head any fartlier, when she left Antony in
his figlit at sea, though he were her husband,
and the father of their common children, and
compelled liim to resign up his government,
with the army, and to follow her [into E-
g}I)t] ; nay, when last of all Ca?sar had taken
Alexandria, she came to that pitch of cruelty,
that she declared she had some hope of pre-
serving her affairs still, in case she could kill
the Jews, though it were with her own hand;
to such a degree of barbarity and perfidious-
ness had she arrived ; and doth any one think
that we cannot boast ourselves of any thing,
if, as Apion says, this queen did not at a time
of famine distribute wheat among us ? How-
ever, she at length met with the punishment
she deserved. As for us Jews, we appeal to
the great Caesar what assistance we brought
• Sisters son, and adopted son.
him, and what fidelity we shji/td to him a-
gainst the Egyptians ; as also to the senate
and its decrees, and the epistles of Augustus
Ca'sar, whereby our merits [to the Romnns]
are justified. Apion ought to have looked
u|)on those epistles, and in particular to have
examined the testimonies given on our behalf,
under Alexander and all the Ptolemies, and
the decrees of the senate and of the greatest
Roman emperors; and if Germanicus wa»
not able to make a distribution of corn to all
the inhabitants of Alexandria, that only shows
what a barren time it was, and how great a
want there was then of corn, but tends no- 1
thing to the accusation of the Jews ; for what |
all the emperors have thought of the Alex- '
andrian Jews is well known, for this distribu
tion of wheat was no otherwise omitted with
regard to the Jews, than it was with regard
to the other inhabitants of Alexandria; but
they still were desirous to preserve what the
kings had formerly intrusted to their care,
I mean the custody of the river . nor did
those kings think them unworthy of having
the entire custody thereof upon all occasions.
6. But besides this, Apion objects to ns
thus : — " If the Jews (says he) be citizens of
Alexandri'a, why do they not worship the same
gods with the Alexandrians ?" To which I
give this answer: Since you are yourselves
Egyptians, why do you fight out one against
another, and have implacable wars about your
religion ? At this rate we must not call you
all Egyptians, nor indeed in general men, be-
cause you breed up with great care beasts of
a nature quite contrary to that of men, althou^;;h
the nature of all men keems to be one and the
same. Now if there be such differences in
opinion among you Egyptians, why are you
surprised that those who came to Alexandria
from another country, and bad original laws
of their own before, should persevere in the
observance of those laws ? But still he charges
us with being the authors of sedition : which
accusation, if it be a just one, why is it not
laid against us all, since we are known to be
all of one mind ? Moreover, those that search
into such matters will soon discover that thf,
authors of sedition have been such ciizens of
Alexandria as Apion is ; for while they were
the Grecians and Macedonians who were 'P.
possession of this city, there was no sedition
j raised against us, and we were permitted tc
observe our ancient solemnities ; but when the
number of the Egyptians therein came to be
! considerable, the times grew confused, and
I then these seditions brake out still more and
I more, while our people continued uncorrupt-
ed. These Egyptians therefore were the au
I thors of these troubles, who not having the j
constancy of Macedonians, nor the prudence
of Grecians, indulged all of them the evil I
manners of the Egyptians, and continued '
their ancient hatred against us; for what is
I here so presumptuously charged upon us, is
BOOK ir.
FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.
809
owing to the difTurences that are amongst
themselves ; while many of them have not ob-
tained the privileges of citizens in propertimes,
but style those who are well known to have had
that privilege extended to them all, no other
than foreigners ; for it does not appear that any
of tlie kings have ever formerly bestowed those
privileges of citizens upon Egyptians, no more
than have the emperors done it more late-
ly ; while it was Alexander who introduced us
into this city at first, the kings augmented our
privileges therein, and the Romans have been
pleased to preserve them always inviolable.
Moreover, Apion would lay a blot upon us,
because we do not erect images to our em-
perors, as if those emperors did not know
this before, or stood in need of Apion as their
defender ; wlureas he ought rather to have
admired tlie magnanimity and modesty of the
Romans, whereby they do not compel those
tliat are subject to them to transgress the laws
of their countries, but are willing to receive
the honours due to them after such a manner
as those who are to pay them esteem consistent
with piety and with their own laws ; for they
do not thank people for conferring honours
upon them, when they are compelled by vio-
lence so to do. Accordingly, since the Gre-
cians and some other nations think it a right
thing to make rmages, nay, when they have
painted the pictures of their parents, and
wives, and children, they exult for joy ; and
some tliere are '^ho take pictures for them-
selves of such persons as were no way related
to them ; nay, some take the pictures of such
servants as they were fond of. What wonder
is it then if such as these appear willing to pay
the same respect to their princes and lords?
But then our legislator hath forbidden us to
make images, not by way of denunciation be-
forehand, that the Roman authority was not to
be honoured, but as despising a thing that was
neither necessary nor useful for eiti-.er God or
man ; and he forbade them, as we shall prove
hereafter, to make these images for any part
of the animal creation, and much less for God
himself, who is no part of such animal crea-
tion. Yet hath our legislator nowhere for-
bidden us to pay honours to worthy men, pro-
vided they be of another kind, and inferior to
those we pay to God ; with which honours we
willingly testify our respect to our emperors,
and to the people of Rome ; we also offer
p^etual sacrifices for tliem ; uor do we only
ofler them every day at the common expenses
of all the Jews, but although we offer no other
such sacrifices out of our common expenses, no
not for our own children, yet do we this as a
peculiar honour to the emperors, and to them
alone, while we do the same to no other per-
son whomsoever. And let this suffice for an
answer in general to Apion as to what he says
with relation to the Alexandrian Jews.
7. However, I cannot but admire those
oUier authors who furnished this man witb
such his materials ; I mean Posidonius and
Apollonius [the son of] Molo,* who while
they accuse us for not worshipping the same
gods whom others w orship, they think them- *
selves not guilty of impiety when they tell
lies of us, and frame absurd and reproachful
stories about our temple ; whereas it is a most
shameful thing for freemen to forge lies on
any occasion, and much more so to forge them
about our temple, which was so famous over
all the world, and was preserved so sacred by
us ; for Apion hath the impudence to pretend,
that " the Jews placed an ass's head in their
holy place 5" and he affirms that this was dis-
covered when Antioehus Epiphanes spoiled
our temple, and found that ass's head there
made of gold, and worth a great deal of mo-
ney. To this my first answer shall be this,
that had there been any such thing among us,
an Egyptian ought by no means to have
thrown it in our teeth, since an ass is not a
more contemptible animal than * * *, f and
goats, and other such creatures, which among
them are gods. But besides this answer, I
say farther, how comes it about that Apion
does not understand this to be no other than
a palpable lie, and to be confuted by the thing
itself as utterly incredible ? For we Jews
are always governed by the same laws, in
which we constantly persevere ; and although
many misfortunes have befallen our city, as
the like have befallen others, and although
Theos [Epiphanes'', and Pompey the Great,
and Licinius Crassus, and last of all Titus
Caesar, have conquered us in war, and gotten
possession of our temple, yet has none of
them found any sucli thing there, nor indeed
any thing but what was agreeable to the strict-
est piety ; although what they found we are
not at liberty to reveal to other nations. But
for Antioehus [Epiphanes], he had no just
cause for that ravage in our temple that he
made ; he only came to it when he wanted
money, without declaring himself our enemy,
and attacked us while we were his associates
and his friends : nor did he find any thing
there that was ridiculous. This is attested by
rhany worthy writers ; Polybius of Megalo-
polis, Strabo of Cappadocia, Nicolaus of Da-
mascus, Timagenes, Castor the chronologer,
and ApollodoruS; | who all say that it was out
of Autiochus's want of money that he broke
his league with the Jews, and despoiled their
temple when it was full of gold and silver.
Apion ought to have had a regard to tliese
facts, unless he had himself had either an
ass's heart or a dog's impudence ; of such a
* Called more properly Molo, or Apollonius Moio,
as hereafter; for Apollonius, the son of Mulo, was ano-
ther person, as Strabo informs us, lib. xiv.
f t'uronei in the Latin, which, what aiiiraal it de-
notes, does not now appear.
t It is great pity that tiiese six Pagan autl ors, here
mentioned to have described the famous profanatiim of
the Jewish temple by Antioehus Epipham s, shmiM be
all lost ; I mean so far of their writings ascuutamtd that
description ; though it is plain Josephus perustd Uiem
all, as extant in his time.
3 Y
810
FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.
BOOK II
dog I mean as they worship ; for he had no
other external reason for the lies lie tells of
us. As for us Jews, we ascribe no honour
or power to asses, as do the Egyptians to cro-
codiles and asps, when they esteem such as
are seized upon by the former, or bitten by
the latter, to be happy persons, and persons
worthy of God. Asses are the same with us
which they are with other wise men, viz. crea-
tures that bear the burdens tiiat we lay upon
them ; but if they come to our thresliing-
floors and eat our corn, or do not perform
what we impose upon them, we beat them
with a great many stripes; because it is their
business to minister to us in our husbandry
afl'uirs. But this Apion of ours was either
perfectly unskilful in the com|) osition of sucli
fallacious discourses, or however, when he
began [sonewhat better], he was not able to
persevere in wliat he had undertaken, since
he hath no manner of success in tliose re-
proaches he casts upon us.
8. He adds another Grecian fable, in order
to reproach us. In reply to which, it would
be enough to say that they who presume to
speak about divine worship, ought not to be
ignorant of this plain truth, that it is a tle-
greeof less impurity to pass through temples,
than to forge wicked calumnies of its priests.
Now, such men as he are more zealous to jus-
tify a sacrilegious king than to write what is
just and what is true about us, and about our
temple; for when they are desirous of grati-
fying Antiochus, and of conctaling that per-
fidiousness and sacrilege which he was guilty
of, with regard to our nation, when he wanted
money, they endeavour to disgrace us, and
tell lies even relating to futurities, Apion
becomes other men's prophet upon this occa-
sion, and says, that " Antiochus found in our
temple a bed and a man lying upon it, with a
small table before him, full of dainties, from
the [fisfees of the] sea, and the fowls of the
dry land ; that this man was amazed at these
dainties thus set before him ; that he imme-
diately adored the king, upon his coming in,
as hoping that he would afford him all possi-
ble assistance ; that he fell down upon his
knees, and stretched out to him liis riglit hand,
and begged to be released : and that when the
king bade him sit down, and tell him who he
was, and why he dwelt there, and what was
the meaning of those various sorts of food
that were set before him, the man. made a la-
mentable complaint, and with sighs, and tears
in his eyes, gave him this account of the dis-
tress he was in ; and said that he was a Greek,
and that as he went over this province, in or-
der to get liis living, he was seized upon by
foreigners, on a sudden, and brought to this
temple, and shut up therein, and was seen by
nobody, but was fattened by these curious
provisions thus set before him : and that truly
at the first such unexpected advantages seem-
ed to him matter of great joy ; that, after a
while tliey brought a suspicion upon him, and
at length astonishment, what their meaning
should be ; that at last lie inquired of the ser-
vants that came to liim, and was by tl)em in-
formed that it was in order to the fulfilling a
law of the Jews, which they must not tell
him, that he was thus fed ; and that they did
the same at a set time every year : that they
used to catch a Greek foreigner, and fatten
him thus up every year, and then lead him to a
certain wood, and kill liim, and sacrifice with
their accustomed solenmities, and taste of his
entrails, and take an oath upon this sacrific-
ing a Greek, tliat they would ever be at en-
mity with the Gneeks; and that then they
threw the remaining parts of the, miserable
wretch into a certain pit." Apion adds far-
ther, that " the man said there were but a few
days to come ere he was to be slain, and im-
plored Antiochus that, out of the reverence
he bore to the Grecian gods, he would disap-
point the snares the Jews laid for his blood,
and would deliver him from the miseries with
which he was encompassed." Now this is
such a most tragical fable, as is full of nothing
but cruelty and impudence; yet does it not
excuse Antiochus of his sacrilegious attempts,
as those who wrote it in liis vindication are
willing to suppose; for he could not presume
beforehand that he should meet with any such
thing in coming to the temple, but must have
found it unexpectedly. He was therefore
still an impious person, that was given to un-
lawful pleasures, and had no regard to God
in his actions. But [as for Apion] he hath
done whatever his extravagant love of lying
hath dictated to him, as it is most easy to dis-
cover by a consideration of his writings; for
the difference of our laws is known not to
regard the Grecians only, but they are prin-
cipally opposite to the Egyptians, and to some
other nations also: for while it so falls out,
that men of all countries come sometimes and
sojourn among us, how comes it about that
we take an oatli, and conspire only against the
Grecians, and that by the effusion of their
blood also ? Or how is it possible that all the
Jews should get together to these sacrifices,
and the entrails of one man should be suffi-
cient for so many thousands to taste of them,
as Apion pretends ? Or why did not the king
carry this man, whosoever he was, and what-
soever was his name (which is not set down
in Apion's book), with great pomp back into
his own country ? when he might thereby have
been esteemed a religious person himself, and
a mighty lover of the Greeks, and might there-
by liave procured himself great assistance from
all men against that hatred the Jews bore to
him. But I leave this matter; for the proper
way of confuting fools is not to use bare words,
but to appeal to the things themselves that
make against them. Now then, all such as ever
saw the construction of our temple, of what na-
ture it was, know well enough how the purity
BOOK It.
FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.
sn
of it was never to be profaned ; for it had four
several courts,* encompassed with cloisters
round about, every one of which had by our
law a peculiar degree of separation from the
rest. Into the first court every body was al-
lowed to go, even foreigners ; and none but
women, during their courses, were prohibited
to pass through it ; all the Jews went into the
second court, as well as their wi^es, when they
were free from all uncleanness; into the tliird
went the Jewisli men when they were clean
and purified ; into the fourth went tlie priests,
having on their sacerdotal garments; but for
the most sacred place, none went in but the
high-priests, clothed in their peculiar gar-
ments. Now there is so great caution used
ibout these offices of religion, that the priests
are appointed to go into the temple but at
certaiu hours : for, in the morning, at the
opening of the inner temple, those that are to
officiate receive the sacrifices, as they do again
at noon, till the doors are shut. Lastly, it is
not' so much as lawful to carry any vessel in-
to the holy house ; nor is there any thing
therein, but the altar [of incense], the table
[of show-bread], the censer, and the candle-
stick, which are all written in the law ; for
theie is nothing farther there, nor are there
any mysteries performed that may not be
spoken of; nor is there any feasting within
the place. For what I have now said is pu-
blicly known, and supported by the testimo-
ny of the whole people, and their operations
are very manifest ; for although there be four
courses of the priests, and every one of them
have above five thousand men in them, yet do
they officiate on certain days only ; and when
those days are over, other priests succeed in
the performance of their sacrifices, and assem-
ble together at mid-day, and receive the keys
of the temple, and the vessels by tale, without
any thing relating to food or drink being
carried into the temple; nay, we are not al-
lowed to offer such things at the altar, except-
ing what is prepared for the sacrifices.
9. What then can we say of Apion, but
that he examined njthing that concerned
these things, while still he uttered incredible
words about them ! But it is a great shame
for a grammarian not to be able to write
taie history. Now, if he knew the purity of
our temple, he hath entirely omitted to take
notice of it ; but he forges a story about the
seizing of a Grecian, about inefflible food,
and the most delicious preparation of dainties ;
and pretends that strangers could go into a
place whcreinto the noblest men among the
Jews are not allowed to enter, unless they be
* It is remarkable that .losephus here, and I think,
nowhere else, reckons up four distinct courts of the tem-
ple: that of the Uentiles, thatof the women of Israel,
that of the men of Israel, and that of the priests ; as
also that tlie court of the women admitted of the men
(I suppose only of the husbands of those wi\ es tbat were
therein), while the court of tlie men did not admit any
women into it at all.
priests. This, therefore, is the utmost de-
gree of impiety, and a voluntary lie, in order
to the delusion of those who will not examine
into the truth of matters. Whereas, such
unspeakable mischiefs as are above related,
have been occasioned by such calumnies that
are raised upon us.
10. Nay, this miracle of piety derides ua
farther, and adds the following pretended
facts to his former fable ; for he says that this
man related how, " while the Jews were ouce
in a long war with the Idumeans, there came
a man out of one of the cities of the Idume-
ans, who there had worshipped Apollo. This
man, whose name is said to have been Zabi-
dus, came to the Jews, and promised that he
would deliver Apollo, the god of Dora, into
their hands, and that he would come to our
temple, if they would all come up with him,
and bring the whole multitude of the Jews
with them ; that Zabidus made him a certain
wooden instrument, and put it round about
him, and set three rows of lamps therein, and
walked after such a manner, that he appeared
to those that stood a great way off him, to be
a kind of star walking upon the earth : that
the Jews were terribly frighted at so surpris-
ing an appearance, and stood very quiet at
a distance ; and that Zabidus, while they
continued so very quiet, went into the holy
house, and carried off that golden head of an
ass (for so facetiously does he write), and then
went his way back again to Dora in great
haste." And say you so, sir ! as I may re-
ply ; then does Apion load the ass, that is
himself, and lays on him a burden of fooleries
and lies ; for he writes of places that have no
being ; and not knowing the cities he speaks
of, he changes tlieir situation ; for Idumea
borders upon our country, and is near to Ga
za, in which there is no such city as Dora,
although there be, it is true, a city named
Dora in Phoenicia, near Mount Carmel, but
it is four days' journey from Idumea. f Now,
then, why does this man accuse us, because
we have not gods in common with other na-
tions ? If our forefathers were so easily pre-
vailed upon to have Apollo come to thetn,
and thought they saw him walking upon the
earth, and the stars with him ; for certainly
those who have so many festivals, whereii
they light lamps, must yet, at this rate, have
never seen a candlestick ! But still it seems
that while Zabidus took his journey over the
country, where were so many ten thousands
of people, nobody met him. He also, it
seems, even in a time of war, found the walls
of Jerusalem destitute of guards. I omit the
rest. Now the doors of the holy house were
seventy | cubits high, and twenty cubits broad,
they were all plated over with gold, and al-
I Judea, in the Greek, by a gross mistake of the
transcribers.
t Seven in the Greek, by a like gross mistake of tJj«
transcribers. See of the War, b. v cli J sect <
812
FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.
BOOK ir.
most of solid gold itself, and there were no
fewer than twenty • men required to shut
them every day; nor was it lawful ever to
leave them open, though it seems this lamp-
Dearer of ours opened them easily, or thought
he opened them, as he thought he had the
ass's head in his hand. Whetiier, therefore,
he returned it to us again, or whether Apion
took it and brought it into the temple again,
that Antiochus might find it, and afford a
handle for a second fable of Apion, is uncer-
tain.
11. Apion also tells a false story, when he
mentions an oath of ours, as if we " swore by
God, the maker of the heaven, and earth, and
sea, to bear no good-will to any foreigner,
and particularly to none of the Greeks."
Now this liar ought to have said directly that
" we would bear no good-will to any foreign-
er, and particularly to none of the Egypti-
ans." For then his story about the oath
would have squared with the rest of his ori-
ginal forgeries, in case our forefathers had
ueen driven away by their kinsmen the Egyp-
tians, not on account of any wickedness they
had been guilty of, but on account of the ca-
lamities they were under ; for as to the Gre-
cians, we are rather remote from them in
place than different from them in our institu-
tions, insomuch that we have no enmity with
them, nor any jealousy of them. On the con-
trary, it hath so happened, that many of them
have come over to our laws, and some of
them have continued in their observation,
although others of them had not courage
enough to persevere, and so departed from
them again ; nor did any body ever hear this
oath sworn by us : Apion, it seems, was the
only person that heard it, for he indeed was
the first composer of it.
12. However, Apion deserves to be admir-
ed for his great prudence, as to what I am
going to say, which is this, " That there is
a plain mark among us, that we neither have
just laws, nor worship God as we ought to
do, because we are not governors, but are ra-
ther in subjection to Gentiles, sometimes to
one nation, and sometimes to another ; and
that our city hath been liable to several cala-
mities, while their city [Alexandria] hath
been of old time an imperial city, and not
used to be in subjection to the Romans. " But
now this man had better leave off his brag-
ging ; for every body but himself would think
that Apion said what he hath said against him-
self ; for there are very few nations that have
had the good fortune to continue many genera-
tions in the principality, but still the muta-
tions in human affairs have put them into sub-
jection under others ; and most nations have
been often subdued, and brought into sub-
jection by others. Now for the Egyptians,
perhaps they are the only nation that have had
* Two hundred in the Greek, contrary to the twenty
in the War. b. vii, ch. 5. sect. 3.
this extraordinary privilege, to have never
served any of those monarchs who subdued
Asia and Europe, and this on account, as they
pretend, that the gods fled into their country
and saved themselves, by being changed Into
the shapes of wild beasts. Whereas these
Egyptians f are the very people that appear
to have never, in all the past ages, had one
day of freedom, no not so much as from their
own lords. For I will not reproadi them
with relating the manner how the Persians
used them, and this not once only, but many
times, when they laid their cities waste, de-
molished their temples, and cut the throats of
those animals whom they esteemed to be gods ;
for it is not reasonable to imitate the clownish
ignorance of Apion, who hath no regard to
the misfortunes of the Athenians, or of the
Lacedemonians, the latter of whom were styl-
ed by all men the most courageous, and the
former the most religious, of the Grecians. I
say nothing of such kings as have been fa-
mous for piety, particularly of one of tliem
whose name was Cresus, nor what calamities
he met with in his life ; I say nothing of the
citadel of Athens, of the temple at Ephesus,
of that at Delphi, nor of ten thousand others
which have been burnt down, while nobody
cast reproaches on those that were the suffer
ers, but on those that were the actors therein.
But now we have met with Apion, an accu-
ser of our nation, though one that still forgets
the miseries of his own people, the Egyptians ;
but it is that Sesostris, who was once so cele-
brated a king of Egypt, that hath blinded him.
Now we will not boast of our kings, David
and Solomon, though they conquered many
nations ; accordingly we will let them alone.
However, Apion is ignorant of what every
body knows, that the Egyptians were servants
to the Persians, and afterwards to tlie Mace-
donians, when they were lords of Asia, and
were no better than slaves, while we have en-
joyed liberty formerly ; nay, more than that,
liave had the dominion of the cities tliat lie
round about us, and this nearly for a hundred
and twenty years together, until Pompeius
Magnus. And when all the kings everywhere
were conquered by the Romans, our ancestors
were tlie only people who continued to be es-
teen"ied their confederates and friends, on ac-
count of their fidelity to them,
t This notorious disgrace belonging peculiarly to
the people of Egy^it, ever since the times of the old
prophets of Uie Jews, noted both sect. 4, already and
here, may be confirmed by the testiraoiiy of Ismorus,
an Egyptian of Pelusium, Epist. lib. i, Ep. 189. And
this is a remarkable comi)letion of the ancient predic-
tion of God, by Ezekiel (x.xix, 14, 15), that the Egyptians
should " be a base kingdom, the basest of the king-
doms," and that " it should not exalt itself any more
above the nations." The truth of which still farther
appears by the present observation of Josephus, thai
I these Egyptians liad never, in all the past ages since
Sesostris, had one day of liberty, no not so much as
to have been free from despotic power under any
of the monarchs to that day. And all this has been
found equally true in the latter ages, under the Romans,
Saracens, Mamelukes, and Turks, from the days of Jo*
liej'hus till tlic present age aUok
1^
BOOK II
FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.
813
IS. " But, says Apion, " we Jews have
not liad any wonderful men amongst us, not
any inventors of arts, nor any eminent for
wisdom." He then enumerates Socrates, and
Zeno, and Cleanthes, and some others of the
same sort ; and, after all, he adds himself to
them, which is the most wonderful thing of
all that he says, and pronounces Alexandria
to be happy, because it hath such a citizen
as he is in it ; for he was the fittest man to
be a witness to his own deserts, although he
hath appeared to all others no better than
a wicked mountebank, of a corrupt life, and
ill discourses ; on which account one may
justly pity Alexandria, if it should value
itself upon such a citizen as he is. But as to
our own men, we have had those who have
been as deserving of commendation as any
other whosoever ; and such as have perused our
Antiquities cannot be ignorant of them.
14. As to the other things which he sets
down as blame-worthy, it may perhaps be the
best way to let them pass without apology,
that he may be allowed to be his own accuser,
and the accuser of the rest of the Egyptians.
However, lie accuses us for sacrificing animals,
and for abstaining from swine's flesh, and
laughs at us for the circumcision of our privy
members. Now, as for our slaughter of tame
animals for sacrifices, it is common to us and
to all other men ; but this Apion, by making
it a crime to sacrifice them, demonstrates him-
self to be an Egyptian ; for had he bccu either
a Grecian or a Macedonian [as he prctwuls
to be], he had not shown an Uneasiness at it ;
for those people glory in sacrificing whole he-
catombs to the gods, and make use of those
sacrifices for feasting ; and yet is not the world
thereby rendered destitute of cattle, as Apion
was afraid would come to pass. Yet, if all
men had followed the manners of the Egyp-
tians, the world had certainly been made de-
solate as to mankind, but had been filled full
of the wildest sort of brute beasts, which, be-
cause they suppose them to be gods, they
carefully nourish. However, if any one
should ask Apion which of the Egyptians he
thinks to be the most wise, and most pious of
them all, he would certainly acknowledge the
priests to be so ; for the histories say that two
things were originally committed to their care
by their kings' injunctions, the worship of the
gods, and the support of wisdom and philoso-
phy. Accordingly, these priests are all cir-
cumcised, and abstain from swine's flesh ; nor
does any one of the other Egyptians assist
them ia slaying those sacrifices they offer to
the gods. Apion was therefore quite blinded
in his mind when, for the sake of the Egyp-
tians, he contrived to reproach us, and to ac-
cuse such others as not only make use of that
conduct of life which he so much abuses, but
have also taught other men to be circumcised,
as says Herodotus ; wliich makes rae-ahink
tliat Apion is hereby justly punished for his
casting such reproaches on the laws of his own
country; for he was circumcised himself of
necessity, on account of an ulcer in his privy
member; and when he received no benefit
by such circumcision, but his member became
putrid, he died in great torment. Now, men
of good tempers ought to observe their own
laws concerning religion accurately, and to
persevere therein, but not presently to abuse
the laws of other nations, while this Apion
deserted his own laws, and told lies about
ours; and tliis was the end of Apion's life,
and this shall be tlie conclusion of our dis-
course about him.
1 5. But now, since Apollonius Molo, and
Lysimachus, and some others, write treatises
about our lawgiver Moses, and about our laws,
which are neither just nor true, and this partly
out of ignorance, but chiefly out of ill-will to
us, while they calumniate Moses as an im-
postor and deceiver, and pretend that our
laws teach us wickedness, but nothing that
is virtuous, I have a mind to discourse
briefly, accordingly to my ability, about our
whole constitution of government, and about
the particular branches of it ; for I suppose
it will thence become evident that tlw laws
we nave given us are disposed after the best
manner for the advancement of piety, for
mutual communion with one another, for a
general love of mankind, as also for justice,
and for sustaining L<»bours with fortitude, and
for a contempt of death ; and I beg of those
that shall peruse this writing of mine, to read
it without partiality ; for it is not my purpose
to write an encomium upon ourselves, but I
shall esteem this as a most just apology for us,
and taken from those our laws, according to
which we lead our lives, against the many and
the lying objections that have been made a-
gainst us. Moreover, since this Apollonius
does not do like Apion, and lay a continued
accusation against us, but does it only by
starts, and up and down his discourse, while
he sometimes reproaches us as atheists, and
man-haters, and sometimes hits us in the teeth
with our want of courage, and yet sometimes,
on the contrary, accuses us of too great bold-
ness, and madness in our conduct; nay, he says
that we are the weakest of all the barbarians,
and that this is the reason why we are the only
people who have made no improvements in
human life; now I think I shall have then
sufficiently disproved all these his allegations,
when it shall appear that our laws enjoin
the very reverse of what he says, and that we
very carefully observe those laws ourselves ;
and if I be compelled to make mention of the
laws of other nations, that are contrary to
ours, those ought deservedly to thank them-
selves for it, who have pretended to depreciate
our laws in comparison of their own ; nor will
there, I think, be any room after that for them
to pretend, either that we have no such laws
ourselves, an epitome of which 1 will present
^
.^'
814
FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.
to the reader, or that we do not, above all
men, continue in the observation of them.
] 6. To begin then a good way backward,
I would advance this, in the first place, that
those who have been admirers of good order,
and of living under common laws, and who
began to introduce them may well have tliis
testimony that they are better than other men,
both for moderation, and such virtue as is
agreeable to nature. Indeed, their endeavour
was to have every thing they ordained believ-
ed to be very ancient, that they n ight not be
thought to imitate others, but might appear
to have delivered a regular way of living to
others after them. Since then this is the case,
the excellency of a legislator is seen in pro-
viding for the people's living after the best
manner, and in prevailing with those that are
to use the laws he ordains for them, to have
a good opinion of them, and in obliging the
multitude to persevere in thenis and to make
no changes in them, neither in prosperity nor
adversity. Now, I venture to say, that our
legislator is the most ancient of all the legis-
lators whom we have anywhere heard of ; for
as for tlie Lycurguses, and Solons, and Za-
leucus Lociensis, and all those legislators who
are so admired by the Greeks, they seem to
be of yesterday, if compared with our legis-
lator, insoiiiuch as the very name of a law
was not so mucli as known in old times a-
mong the Grecians. Homer is a witness to
tlie truth of this observation, who never uses
that terra in all his poems ; for indeed there
was then no such thing among them, but the
multitude was governed by wise maxims, and
by the injunctions of their king. It was also
a long time* that they continued in the use of
these unwritten customs, although they were
always changing them upon several occasions;
but for our legislator, who was of so much
greater antiquity than the rest (as even tliose
that speak against us upon all occasions do
always confess), he exhibited himself to tlie
people as their best governor and counsellor,
and included in his legislation the entire con-
duct of their lives, and prevailed with them
to receive it, and brought it so to pass, that
those that were made acquainted with his
laws did most carefully observe them.
17. But let us consider his first and great-
est work; for when it was resolved on by our
forefathers to leave Egypt and return to their
own country, this Moaes took the many ten
thousands that were of the people, and saved
them out of many desperate distresses, and
brought them home in safety. And certainly
it was here necessary to travel over a country
without water, and full of sand, to overcome
their enemies, and, during these battles, to
preserve their children and their wives, and
their prey ; on all which occasions he became
• Viz. After the greatest part of the world liad left
oif their obedience to God, their original legislator.
See Scripture Politics, pages 6, 7-
an excellent general of an army, and a most
prudent counsellor, and one that took the
truest care of them all : he also so brought it
about, that the whole multitude depended up-
on him ; and while he had them always obe-
dient to what he enjoined, he made no man-
ner of use of his authority for his own pri-
vate advantage, which is the usual time when
governors gain great powers to themselves,
and pave the way for tyranny, and accustom
the multitude to live very dissolutely ; where-
as, when our legislator was in so great autho-
rity, he, on the contrary, thought he ought to
have regard to piety, and to show his great
good-will to the people ; and by this means
he thought he might show the great degree of
virtue that was in him, and might procure the
most lasting security to those who had made
him their governor. When he had therefore
come to such a good resolution, and had per-
formed such wonderful exploits, we had just
reason to look upon ourselves as having hiin
for a divine governor and counsellor; and
when he had first persuaded himself -f- that
his actions and designs were agreeable to
God's will, he thought it his duty to impress,
above all things, that notion upon the multi-
tude ; for those who have once believed that
God is the inspector of their lives, will not
permit themselves in any sin ; and this is the
character of our legislator ; he was no impos-
tor, no deceiver, as his revilers say, though
unjustly, but such a one as they brag Minos :f
to have been among the Greeks, and other
legislators after him ; for some of them sup-
pose that they had their laws from Jupiter,
while Minos said that the revelation of his
laws was to be referred to Apollo, and his
oracle at Delphi, whether they really thought
they were so derived, or supposed, however,
that they could persuade the people easily
that so it was ; but whicti of these it was who
made the best laws, and which had the great-
est reason to believe that God was their au-
thor, it will be easy, upon comparing those
laws themselves together, to determine; ior
t This language, that Moses jrs/c-a; ioanoy, " persuad
ed himself " that what he did was according to God's
will, can mean no more, by Jo>ephus's own constant no-
tions elsewhere, than tliat he was " firmly persuaded,"
that he had " fully satisfied himself," that soil was, viz.
by the many revelations he had received from God, and
the numerous miracles God had enabled him to work,
as he both in these very two books .igainst Apion, and
in his Antiquities, most clearly and frequently assures
us. This is farther evident from several passiiges lower,
where he affirms that Moses was no impostor nor de
ceiver, and where he assures us that Moses's constitution
of government was no other than a theocracy ; and
where he says they are to hope for deliverance out of
their distresses by prayer to God, and that withal it was
owing in part to this prophetic spirit of Moses that the
Jews expected a resurrection from the dead. See almost
as strange a use of the like words, trtitiin ret (iicv, " to
persuade God," Antiq. b. vi, eh. v, sect. 6.
t That is, Moses really was, what the heathen legis-
lators pretended to be, under a divine direction; nor
does it yet appear that these pretensions to a supernatu-
ral conduct, either in these legislators or oracles, werp
mere delusions of men without any demoniacal im
pre>sioiis, nor that Joseph us took them so to be; as tho
an untest and couterr.porai-y authors did still beUevf
them to be supernatural.
BOOK II.
FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.
816
it is time that we come to that point. Now •
there are innumerable differences in the par-
ticular cu^toms and laws that are among all
mankind, which a man may briefly reduce
under the following heads : — Some legislators
have permitted their governments to ]>e under
monarchies, others put them under oligar-
chies, and others under a republican form;
but our legislator had no regard to any of
these fonn>, but he ordained our government
to he what, by a strained expression, may be
termed a Theocracy,-}- by ascribing the autho-
rity and the power to God, and by persuading
all the people to have a regard to him, as the
author of all the good things enjoyed either
in common by all mankind, or by each one
in particular, and of all that they themselves
obtained by praying to him in their greatest
difficulties. He informed them that it was
impossible to escape God's observation, either
in any of our outward actions, or in any of
our inward thoughts. Moreover, he repre-
sented God as unbegotten, f and immutable,
through all eternity, superior to all mortal
conceptions in pulchritude ; and, though
known to us by his power, yet unknown to
us as to his essence. I do not now explain
how these notions of God are the sentiments
of the wisest among the Grecians, and how
they were taught them upon the principles
* This whole very large passage is corrected by Dr.
Hudson, from Euscbius's citation of it, Prsp. Evangel,
viii, 8, which is here not a little ditfereut from the pre-
sent MSS. of Josephus.
f This expression itself, &iax^xTiav airiiii^i to troXi-
rtv.uac, that " Moses ordained the Jewish government
to be a Theocracy," may be illustrated by that parallel
expression in the Antiq. b. iii, ch. viii, sect. 9, that
" Moses left itto God to be present at his sacrifices when
ne pleased ; and when he pleased, to be absent." Both
ways of spcaknig sound harsh in the ears of Jews and
Christians, as do several others which Josephus uses to
the Heathens; but still they were not very improper in
him, when he all along thought fit to accommodate him-
self, both in his Antiijuities, and in these his books a-
gainst Apion, all written for the use of the Greeks and
Romans, to their notions and language, and this as far
as ever truth would give him leave ; though it is very
observable witlial, that he never uses such expressions
in his books of tho War, written originally for the Jews
Deyond Euphrates, and in their language, in all these
cases. However, Josephus directly supposes the Jewish
settlement, under Moses, to be a divine settlement, and
indeed no other than a real Theocracy.
X These excellent accounts of the divine attributes,
and that God is not to be at all known in his essence, as
also some other clear expressions about the resurrection
of the dead, and the state of departed souls, d:c. in this
late work of Josephus, look more like the exalted no-
tions of the Esscnes, or rather Ebionite Christians, than
those of a mere Jew or Pharisee. The following large ac-
counts also of the laws of Moses, seem to me to show
a regard to the higher interpretations and improvements
of Rloses's laws, derived from Jesus Christ, than to the
bare letter of them in the Old Testament, whence alone
Josephus took them when he wrote his Antiquities ;
nor, as 1 think, can some of these laws, though gene-
rally excellent in their kind, be properly now found
either in the copies of the Jewish Pentateuch, or in
Philo, or in Josephus himself, before he became a Na-
zarene or Ebionite Christian ; nor even all of them
among the laws of Catholic Christianity themselves. I
desire, therefore, the learned reader to consider, whe-
ther some of these improvements or interpretations
might not be ijeculiartotne Essenes among the Jews, or
rather to the Nazarenes or Ebionites among the Chris-
tians, though we have indeed but imperfect acci4^ints of
those Na-iareiies or Ebionite Christians transmitted
down to us at this dav
■"^
that he afforded them. However, they testi-
fy, with great assurance, that these notions
are just, and agreeable to the nature of God,
ai\d to his majesty ; for Pythagoras, and An-
axagoras, and Plalo, and the Stoic philoso-
phers that succeeded them, and almost all the
rest, are of the same sentiments, and had the
same notions of the nature of God ; yet durst
not these men disclose those true notions to
more than a few, because the body of the peo-
ple were prejudiced with other opinions be-
forehand. But our legislator, who made his
actions agree to his laws, did not only prevail
with those that were his contemporaries to
agree with these his notions, but so firmly
imprinted this faith in God upon all their
posterity, that it never could be removed.
The reason why the constitution of tiiis legis-
lation was ever better directed to the utility
of all than other legislations were, is this,
that Moses did not make religion a part of
virtue, but he saw and he ordained other vir-
tues to be parts of religion ; I mean justice,
and fortitude, and temperance, and a univer-
sal agreement of the members of the commu-
nity with one another ; for all our actions and
studies, and all our words [in Moses's settle-
ment] have a reference to piety towards God;
for he hath left none of these in suspense, or
undetermined ; for there are two ways of com-
ing at any sort oi learning and a moral con-
duct of life ; the one is by instruction in
words, the other by practical exercises. Now,
other lawgivers have separated these two ways
in their opinions, and choosing one of those
ways of instruction, or that which best pleas-
ed every one of them, neglected the other.
Tims did the Lacedemonians and the Cre-
tans teach by practical exercises, but not by
words ; while the Athenians, and almost all
the other Grecians, made laws about what
was to be done, or left undone, but had no
regard to the exercising them thereto in prac-
tice.
18. But for our legislator, he very pare-
fully joined these two methods of instruction
together ; for he neither left these practical
exercises to go on without verbal instruction,
nor did he permit the hearing of the law to
proceed without the exercises for practice ;
but beginning immediately from the earliest
infar.cy, and the appointment of every one's
diet, he left nothing of the very smallest con-
sequence to be done at the pleasure and dis-
posal of the person himself. Accordingly, he
made a fi xed rule of law what sorts of food they
should abstain from, and what sorts they should
use; as also, what communion they should have
with others, what great diligence they should
use in their occupations, and what times of
rest should be interposed, that, by living
under that law as under a father and a mas-
ter, we might be guilty of no sin, neither
voluntary nor out of ignorance ; for he did
not suii'er the guilt of ignorance to go oa
J-^
81G
FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.
BOOK II.
without punishment, but demonstrated the
law to be the best and the most necessary in-
struction of all others, permitting the people to
leave off their other employments, and to as-
semble together for the hearing of the law,
and learning it exactly, and this not once or
twice, or oftener, but every week ; which thing
all the other legislators seem to have neglected.
19. And indeed, the greatest part of mankind
are so far from living according to their own
laws, that they hardly know them ; but when
.hey have sinned they learn from otiiers that they
have transgressed the law. Those also'who are
in the highest and principal posts of the govern-
ment, confess theyarenot acquainted with those
laws, and are obliged to take such persons for
their assessors in public administrations as
profess to have skill in those laws ; but for our
people, if any body do but ask any one of them
about our laws, he will more readily tell them all
than he will tell his own name, and this in
conse-quence of our having learned them im-
mediately as soon as ever we became sensible
of any thing, and of our having them, as it
were engraven on our souls. Our trans-
gressors of them are but few ; and it is im-
possible, when any do offend, to escape pu-
nishment.
20. And this very thing it is that principally
creates such a wonderful agreement of minds
aiiiongst us all ; for this entire agreement of
ours in all our notions concerning God, and
our having no difference in our course of life
and manners, procures among us the most
excellent concord of these our manners that
is anywhere among mankind ; for no other
people but we Jews have avoided all dis-
courses about God that any way contradict
one another, which yet are frequent among
other nations; and this is true not only a-
mong ordinary persons, according as every
one is affected, but some of the philosoi)hers
have been insolent enough to indulge such
contradictions, while some of them have un-
dertaken to use such words as entirely take
away the nature of God, as others of them
have taken away his providence over mankind.
Nor can any one perceive amongst us any
difference in the conduct of our lives ; but all
our works are common to us all. We have
one sort of discourse concerning God, which
is conformable to our law, and affirms that
lie sees all things ; as also, we have but one
way of speaking concerning the conduct of
our lives, that all other things ought to have
piety for their end ; and this any body may
hear from our women, and servants themselves.
21. Hence hath arisen that accusation
which some make against us, that we have
not produced men that have been the inven-
tors of new operations, or of new ways of
speaking ; for others think it a fine thing to
persevere in nothing that has been delivered
down from their forefatliers, and these testify
it to be an instance of the sliarpest wisdom
when these men venture to transgress those
traditions ; whereas we, on the contrary, suj)-
pose it to be our only wisdom and virtue to
admit no actions nor su])posaIs that are con-
trary to our original laws ; which procedure
of ours is a just and sure sign that our law is
admirably constituted ; for such laws as are
not thus well made, are convicted upon trial
to want amendment.
22. But while we are ourselves persuaded
that our law was made agreeably to the will
of God, it would be impious for us not to
observe the same; for what is there in it that
any body would ciiange ! and w hat can be
invented better! or what can we take out of
other people's laws that will exceed it ! Perhaps
some would have the entire settlement of out
government altered. And where shall we find a
better or more righteous constitution than ours,
while this makes us esteem God to be the gover-
nor of the universe, and permits the priests in ge-
neral to be tlie administrators of the principal af.
fairs, and withal intrusts the government over
the other priests to the chief high -priest him-
self! which priests our legislator, at tlieir first
appointment, did not advance to that dignity
for their riches, or any abundance of other pos-
sessions, or any plenty they had as the gifts of
fortune; but he intrusted the principal man-
agement of divine worship to those that exceed
ed others in an ability to persuade men, and ih
prudence of conduct. These men had the
main care of the law and of the otiier parts
of the people's conduct committed to them ;
for they were the priests who were ordained to
be the inspectors of all, and the judges in
doubtful cases, and tlie punishers of those
that were condemned to suffer punishment.
23. What form of government then can he
more.lioly than this ! what more worthy kind
of worship can be paid to God than we pay,
where the entire body of the peojjle are pre-
pared for religion, where an extraordinary
degree of care is required in the priests, and
where the whole polity is so ordered as if it
were a certain religious solemnity ! For what
things foreigners, when they solemnize such
festivals, are not able to observe for a few
days' time, and call them Mysteries and Sa-
cred Ceremonies, we observe with great plea-
sure and an unshaken resolution during out
whole lives. What are the things then that
we are commanded or forbidden ? They are
simply and easily known. The first com-
mand is concerning God, and affirms that
God contains all things, and is a being every
way perfect and happy, self-sufficient, and
supplying all other beings; the beginning,
the middle, and the end of all things. He is
manifest in his works and benefits, and more
conspicuous than any other being whatso-
ever ; but as to his form and magnitude
he is most obscure. All materials, let them
be ever so costly, are unworthy to compose
an image for him ; and all arts are unartfu!
PLAVIUS JOSEPIIUS AGAINST APION".
sn
to express the notion we ought to have of
him. We can neither see nor tliink of any
thing like him, nor is it agreeable to piety to
form a resemblance of him. We see his
vvorks, the light, the heaven, the earth, the
sun and the moon, the waters, the generations
of animals, the productions of fruits. These
things hath God made, not with hands, not
with labour, nor as wanting the assistance of
any to co-operate with him ; but as his will
resolved they should be made and be good al-
so, they were made, and became good imme-
diately. All men ought to follow this Be-
ing, and to worship him in the exercise of vir-
tue; for this way of worship of God is the
most holy of all others.
24. Tliere ought also to be but one temple
for one God ; for likeness is the constant
foundation of agreement. This temple ought
to be common to all men, because he is the
common God of all men. His priests are to
be continually about his worship, over whom
he that is the first by his birth, is to be their
ruler perpetually. His business must be to
ofier sacrifices to God, together with those
priests that are joined with him, to see that
the laws be observed, to determine controver-
sies, and to punish those that are convicted of
injuslice; while he that does not submit to
him shall be subject to the same punishment,
as if he had been guilty of impiety towards
God himself. When we offer sacrifices to
him, we do it not in order to surfeit ourselves,
or to be drunken ; for such excesses are
against the will of God, and would be an oc-
casion of injuries and of luxury ; but by keep-
ing ourselves sober, orderly, and ready for our
otlier occupations, and being more temperate
than others. And for our duty at the sa-
crifices themselves, we ought in the first place
to pray * for the common welfare of all,
and after that our own ; for we are made for
fellowship one with another ; and he who pre-
fers the common good before what is peculiar
to himself, is above all acceptable to God.
And let our prayers and supplications be
made humbly to God, not [so mucli] that he
would give us what is good (for lie hath al-
ready given that of his own accord, and hath
proposed the same publicly to all), as that we
may duly receive it, and when we have re-
ceived it, may preserve it. Now the law has
appointed several purifications at our sacri-
• We may here oteerve, how known a thing it was
among the Jews and hcatliens in this ana many otiier
instances, tliat sacrifices were still accompanied with
prayers ; whence most probably came those phrases of
" the sacrifice of prayer, the sacrifice of praise, the sa-
crifice of thanksgiving." However, those ancient forms
used at sacrifices are now generally lost, to tlie no small
damage of true religion. It is here also ex(eciliiig re-
markable, that although the temple at Jeiiialem was
built as the only place where the whole nation of the
Jews were to oftlr their sacrifices, yet is there no men-
tion of the "sacrifices" themselves, but of " prayers"
only, in Solomon's long and famous form of devotion
at its dedication, 1 Kings viii, 2 Chron. vi. ^ee also
many passages cited in the Apostolical Constitutions,
vii, 57, and of the War above, b. vii, chap, v, sect. 6,
flees, whereby we are cleansed after a funeral,
after what sometimes happens to us in bed,
and after accompanying with our wives, and
upon many other occasions, too long now to
set down. And this is our doctrine concern-
ing God and his worship, and is the same
that the law appoints for our practice.
25. But then, what are our laws about
marriage ? That law owns no other mixture
of sexes but that which nature hath appointed,
of a man with his wife, and that this be used
only for the procreation of children. But it
abhors the mixture of a male with a male ;
and if any one do that, death is his punish-
ment. It commands us also, when we marry,
not to have regard to portion, nor to take a
woman by violence, nor to persuade her de-
ceitfully and knavishly ; but demand her in
marriage of him who hath power to dispose
of her, and is fit to give her away by the
nearness of his kindred; for, saith the Scrip-
ture, " A woman is inferior to her husband in
all things.-)-" Let her, therefore, be obedient
to him ; not so, that he should abuse her, but
that she may acknowledge her duty to her
husband ; for God bath given the authority
to the huhband. A husband, therefore, is to
lie only with his wife whom he hath married ;
but to liave to do with another man's wife is
a wicked thing; which, if any one venture
upon, death is inevitably his punishment : no
more can he avoid the same who forces a vir-
gin betrothed to another man, or entices an
other man's wife. The law, moreover en-
joins us to bring up all our offspring, and
forbids women to cause abortion of what is
begotten, or to destroy it afterward ; and if
any woman appears to have so done, she will
be a murderer of her child, by destroying a
living creature, and diminishing human kind ;
if any one, therefore, proceeds to such forni-
cation or murder, he cannot be clean. jMore-
over, the law enjoins, that after the man and
wife have lain together in a regular way, they
shall bathe themselves ; for there is a defile-
ment contracted thereby, both in soul and
body, as if they had gone into another coun-
try ; for indeed the soul, by being united to
the body, is subject to miseries, and is not
freed therefrom again but by death ; on which
account the law requires this purification to be
entirely performed.
26. Nay, indeed, the law does not permit
us to make festivals at the births of our child-
ren, and tliereby afford occasion of drinking
to excess ; but it ordains that the very begin-
ning of our education should be immediately
directed to sobriety. It also commands us to
bring those children up in learning and to ex-
ercise them in the laws, and make them ac-
quainted with the acts of their predecessors, in
order to their imitation of them, and that they
may be nourished up in the laws from their in-
t This text is nowhere in our present copies of the
Old Testament.
3 Z
818
FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APIOK.
fancy, and might neither transgress them, nor
yet have any pretence for their ignorance of
them.
27. Our law hath also taken care of the
decent burial of the dead, but without any ex-
travagant expenses for their funerals, and with-
out the erection of any illustrious monuments
for them ; but hath ordered that their nearest
relations should perform tiieir obsequies ; and
hath shown it to be regular, that all who pass
by when any one is buried, should accompany
tlie funeral, and join in the lamentation. It
also ordains, that the house and itsinhabifants
should be purified after the funeral is over,
that every one may thence learn to keep at a
great distance from the thoughts of being
pure, if he hath been once guilty of murder.
28. The law ordains also, that parents
should be honoured immediately after God
himself, and delivers that son who does not
requite them for the benefits he hath received
from them, but is deficient on any such oc-
casion, to be stoned. It also says, that the
young men should pay due respect to every
elder, since God is t!ie eldest of all beings.
It does not give leave to conceal any thing
from our friends, because that is not true
friendship which will not commit all things to
their fidelity : it also forbids the revelation of
secrets, even tliough an enmity arise between
them. If any judge takes bribes, his punish-
ment is death : he that overlooks one that
offers him a petition, and this when he is able
to relieve him, he is a guilty person. What
is not by any one intrusted to another, ought
not to be required back again. No one is to
touch another's goods. He that lends money,
must not demand usury for its loan. These,
and many more of the like sort, are the rules
that unite us in the bands of society one with
another.
29. It will be also worth our while to see
what equity our legislator would have us ex-
ercise in our intercourse with strangers; for it
will thence appear that he made the best pro-
vision he possibly could, both that we should
not dissolve our own constitution, nor show
any envious mind towards those that would
cultivate a friendship with us. Accordingly
our legislator admits all those that have a
mind to observe our laws, so to do ; and this
after a friendly manner, as esteeming that
a true union, which not only extend-; to our
own stock, but to those that would live after
the same manner with us ; yet does he not
allow those that come to us by accident only
to be admitted into communion with us.
30. However there are other things which
our legislator ordained for us beforehand,
which of necessity we ought to do in common
to all men ; as to afford fire, and water, and
food to such as want it ; to show them the
roads ; and not to let any one lie unburietl.
He also would have us treat those that are es-
teemed our enemies with moderation ; for he
doth not allow us to set their country on fire,
nor permit us to cut down those trees that bear
fruit : nay, farther, he forbids us to spoil those
that have been slain in war. He hath also
provided for such as are taken captive, that
they may not be injured, and especially tliat the
women may not be abused. Indeed he hath
taught us gentleness and humanity so efTectu-
aily, that he hath not despised the care of
brute beasts, by permitting no other than a
regular use of them, and forbidding any
other ; and if any of them come to our houses,
like supplicants, we are forbidden to slay
them : nor may we kill the dams, together
with their young ones; but we are obliged,
even in an enemy's country, to spare and not
kill those creatures that labour for mankind.
Thus hath our lawgiver contrived to teach us
an equitable conduct every way, by using us
to such laws as instruct us therein ; wliile at
the same time tie hath ordained, that such as
break these laws should be punished, without
the allowance of any excuse whatsoever.
31. Now the greatest part of ofl'ences with
us are capital ; as if any one be guilty of a-
dultery ; if any one force a virgin ; if any
one be so impudent as to attempt sodomy
with a male ; or if, upon another's making an
attempt upon him, he submits to be so used.
There is also a law for slaves of the like na-
ture, that can never be avoided. Moreover,
if any one cheats another in measures or
weights, or makes a knavish bargain and sale,
in order to cheat another ; if any one steal what
belongs to another, and takes what he never de-
posited ; all these have punishments allotted
them, not such as are met with among other na-
tions, but more severe ones. And as for at-
tempts of unjust behaviour towards parents, or
impiety against God, though they be not ac-
tually accomplished, the offenders are destroy-
ed immediately. However, the reward for such
as live exactly according to the laws, is not sil-
ver or gold ; it is not a garland of olive-bran-
ches or ol'smallage, nor any such piililic sign of
commendation ; but every good man hath his
own conscience bearing wiinessto himself, and
by virtueof our legislator's prophetic spirit,and
of the firm security God himself aH'ords such
a one, he believes that God hath made this
grant to those that observe these laws, even
though they he obliged readily to die for them,
that they sl-.all come into being again, and at
a certain rtvi liition of things receive a bettci
life than tliL-y had enjoyed before. Nor would
1 venture to A'rite thus at this time, were it
not well known to all by our actions lliat
many of our people have many a time brave-
ly resohcd to endure any sufferings, rather
than speak one word against our law.
32. Nay, indeed, in case it had so fallen
out, that our nation had not been so thor-
oughly known among all men as they are,
and our voluntary submission to our laws had
not been so open and manifest as it is but
'^_
1500K 11.
FLAVIUS JOSEPIIUS AGAINST APION.
819
that somebody had pretended to Iiave written
these laws himself, and had read tlu'm to the
Greeks, vr had pretended that he had met with
men out of the limits of the known world,
that had such reverend notions of God, and
had continued for a long time in the firm
observance of such laws as ours, I cannot but
suppose that all men would adniite them on a
reflection upon the frequent changes they had
therein been themselves subject to ; and this
while those that have attempted to write some-
what of the same kind tor |K)!itic government,
and for laws, are accused as composing mon-
strous things, and are said to have undertaken
an impossible task upon them. And here I
will say notliing of those other philosophers
who have undertaken any thing of this nature
in their writings. But even Plato liimself,
who is so admired by the Greeks on account
of that gravity in Iiis manner and force in his
words, and that ability he had to persuade
men beyond all other philosophers, is little
better than laughed at and exposed to ridicule
on that account, by those that pretend to sa-
gacity in political affairs; although he that
shall diligently peruse his writings, will find
his precepts to be somewhat gentle, and pretty
near to the customs of the generality of man-
kind. Nay, Plato himself confesseth that it
is not safe to publibh tlie true notion concern-
ing God among tha ignorant multitude. Yet
do some men look upon Plato's discourses as
no better than certain idle words set off with
great artifice. However, they admire Lycur-
gus as the principal lawgiver; and all men
celebrate Sparta for having cont nued in the
firm observance of his laws for a very long
time. So far then we have gained, that it is
to be confessed a mark of virtue to submit to
laws.* But then let such as admire this in
the Lacedemonians compare that duration of
theirs with more than two thousand years
which our political government hatii conti-
nued ; and let them farther consider, that
tliough the Lacedemonians did seem to ob-
serve their laws exactly while they enjoyed
their liberty, yet that when they underwent a
change in their fortune, they forgot almost all
those laws; while we, having been under ten
thousand changes in our fortune by thechanges
that happened among the kings of Asia, have
never betrayed our laws under the most pres-
sing distresses we have been in; nor have we
neglected them either out of sloth or for a
livelihood.! Nay, if any one will consider
if, the difficulties and labours laid upon us
have been greater than what appears to have
• It may not be amiss to set dovn\ here a very re-
markable testimony of the great philosopher Cicero, as
to the preference of " laws to philosophy:" " 1 will
(says he) boUlly declare my opinion, Uioug!; the whole
world lie oftended at it. I prefer this little book of the
Twelve Tables alnneto all the volumes of the philoso-
phers. 1 find it to lie not only of more weight, but also
much more useful." — De Oratore.
+ Or, We have observed our times of rest, and sorts
oT food alloweil us [iluriug our djstrcises].
been borne by the Lacedemonian fortitude,
while they neitiier ploughed their land nor ex-
ercised any trades, but lived in their own city,
free from all such pains-taking, in the enjoy-
ment of plenty, and using such exercises as
might improve their bodies, while they made
use of other men as their servants for all the
necessaries of life, and had their food prepar-
ed for them by the others : and these good and
humane actions they do for no other purpose
but this, that by their actions and their sutl'er-
inu3 they may be able to conquer all those
against whom they make war. I need not
add this, that tiiey have not been fully able to
observe their laws ; for not only a few single
persons, but multitudes of them, have in
heaps neglected those laws, and have deliver-
ed themselves, together with their arms, into
the hands of their enemies.
33. Now as for ourselves, I venture to say,
that no one can tell of so many ; nay, not of
more than one or two that have betrayed our
laws, no not out of fear of death itself; I do
not mean such an easy death as happens in
battles, but that which comes with bodily
torments, and seems to be the severest kind
of death of all others. Now I think, those that
have conquered us have put us to such deaths,
not out of their hatred to us when they had
subdued us, but rather out of their desire of
seeing a surprising sight, which is this, whe-
ther there be such men in the world who be-
live that no evil is to them so great as to be
compelled to do or to speak any tiling con-
trary to their own laws. Nor ought men to won.
der at us, if we are more courageous in dying
for our laws than all other men are ; for other
men do not easily submit to the easier things
in which we are instituted ; I mean working
with our hands, and eating but little, and be-
ing contented to eat and drink, not at ran-
dom, or at every one's pleasure, or being un-
der inviolable rules in lying with our wives,
in magnificent furniture, and again in the
oliservation of our times of rest; while those
that can use their swords in war, and can put
their enetnies to flight w hen they attack them,
cannot bear to submit to such laws about their
way of living : whereas our being accustomed
willingly to submit to laws in these instances,
renders us fit to show our fortitude upon other
occasions also.
34. Yet do the Lysimachi and the Molones,
and soine other writers (unskilful sophists as
they are, and the deceivers of young men) re-
proach us as the vilest of all mankind. Now I
have no mind to make an inquiry into the laws
of other nations ; for the custom of our country
is to keep our own laws, but not to accuse the
laws of others. And indeed, our legislator hath
expressly forbidden us to laugh at and revile
those that are esteemed gods by other people, |
on account of the very name of God ascribed
t .See Antiq, b. iv, eh. viii, sect. 10, and its note.
820
FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.
to them. But since our antagonists think to
run us down upon the comparison of their
religion and ours, it is not possible to keep
silence here, especially while what I shall say
to confute these men will not be now first
said, but hath been already said by many, and
these of the highest reputation also ; for who
is there among those that have been admired
atnong the Greeks for wisdom, who hath
not greatly blamed both the most famous
poets and most celebrated legislators, for
spreading such notions originally among the
body of the pcyople concerning the gods? such
as these, that they may be allowed to be as
numerous as they have a mind to have them;
that they are begotten one by another, and
that after all the kinds of generation you can
imagine. They also distinguish them in their
places and ways of living, as they would dis-
tinguish several sorts of animals : as some to
be under the earth ; some to be in the sea ; and
the ancientest of them all to be bound in hell ;
and for those to whom they have allotted
heaven, they have set over them one, who in ti-
tle is their father, but in his actions a tyrant and
a lord ; whence it came to pass that his wife,
and brother, and (daughter which daughter
he brought forth from his own head), made a
conspiracy against him to seize upon him and
confine him, as he had himself seized upon
and confined his own father before.
35. And justly have the wisest men thought
these notions deserved severe rebukes; they also
laugh at them for determining that we ought
to believe some of the gods to be beardless and
young, and others of them to be old, and to
have beards accordingly ; that some are set to
trades ; that one god is a smith, and another
goddess is a weaver ; that one god is a war-
rior, and fights with men ; that some of them
are harpers, or delight in archery ; and be-
sides, that mutual seditions arise among them,
and that they quarrel about men, and this so
far, that they not only lay hands upon one
another, but that they are wounded by men, and
lament, and take on for such their afflictions ;
but what is the grossest of all in point of lasci-
viousness, are those unbounded lusts ascribed
to almost all of them, and their amours ; which
how can it be other than a most absurd supposal,
especially when it reaches to the male gods,
and to the female goddesses also ? More-
over, the chief of all their gods, and their
first fatlier himself, overlooks those goddesses
whom he hath deluded and begotten witli
child, and suffers them to be kept in prison,
or drowned in tiie sea. He is also so bound
up by fate, that he cannot save liis own off-
springs nor can he bear their deaths without
shedding of tears. — These are fine things in-
deed ! as are the rest tiiat follow. Adulteries
truly are so impudently looked on in heaven
by thfi gods, that some of them have confess-
ed they envied those that were found in the
very act ; and why should they not do so,
when the eldest of them, who is their king
also, hath not been able to restrain himself in
the violence of liis lust, from lying with his
wife, so long as they might get into their
bed-chamber? Now, some of the gods are
servants to men, and will sometimes be build-
ers for a reward, and sometimes will be
shepherds; while others of them, like male-
factors, are bound in a prison of brass ; and
what sober person is there who would not be
provoked at such stories, and rebuke those that
forged them, and condemn the great silliness
of those that admit them for true ! Nay, o-
thers there are that have advanced a certain ti-
morousness and fear, as also madness and fraud,
and any other of the vilest passions, into the na-
ture and form of gods, and have persuaded
whole cities to offer sacrifices to the better sort
of them ; on which account they have been ab-
solutely forced to esteem some gods as the
givers of good things, and to call others of
them averters of evil. Tliey also endeavour
to move them, as they would the vilest of
men, by gifts and presents, as looking for no-
thing else than to receive some great mischief
from them, unless they pay them such wages,
S6. Wherefore it deserves our inquiry what
should be the occasion of this unjust man-
agement, and of these scandles about the
Deity. And truly I suppose it to be derived
from the imperfect knowledge the heathen le-
gislators had at first of the true nature of God ;
nor did they explain to the people even so
far as they did comprehend of it : nor did
they compose the other parts of their political
settlements according to it, but omitted it as
a thing of very little consequence, and gave
leave both to the poets to introduce what gods
they pleased, and those subject to all sorts of
passions, and to the orators to procure poli-
tical decrees from the people for the admission
of such foreign gods as they thought proper.
The painters also, and statuaries of Greece,
had herein great power, as each of them could
contrive a shape [proper for a god] ; the one
to be formed out of clay, and the other by
making a bare picture of such a one ; but
those workmen that were principally admired,
had th? use of ivory and of gold as the con-
stant materials for their new statues ; [where-
by it comes to pass that some temples are
quite deserted, while others are in great es-
teem, and adorned with all the rites of all
kinds of purification!. Besides this, the first
g.ods, who have long flourished in the honours
done them, are now grown old, [while those
that flourished after them are come in theii
room as a second rank, that I may speak the
mosthonourably of themthati can]: nay,cer-
tain other gods there are who are newly intro-
duced, and newly worshipped [as we, by way
of digression have said already, and yet have
left their places of worship desolate] ; and for
their temples, some of them are already lef^
desolate, and others are built anew, accord-
"V
BOOK II.
FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.
821
ing to die pleasure of men ; whereas they
ought to have preserved their opinion about
God, and that worship which is due to him,
always and immutably the same.
37. But now, this Apollonius Molo was
one of these foolish and proud men. How-
ever, notliing that I have said was unknown
to those that were real philosophers among
the Greeks, nor were they unacquainted with
those frigid pretenses of allegories [which
had been alleged for such things] : on which
account they justly despised tliem, but have
still agreed with us as to the true and be-
coming notions of God ; whence it was that
Plato would not have political settlements
to admit of any one of the other poets,
and dismisses even Homer himself, with
a garland on his head, and with ointment
poured upon him, and this because he should
not destroy the right notions of God with
nis fables. Nay, Plato principally imitated
our legislator in this point, that he enjoined
his citizens to have the main regard to this
precept, " That every one of them should
learn their laws accurately." He also or-
dained, that they should not admit of foreign-
ers intermixing with their own people at ran-
dom ; and provided that the commonwealth
should keep itself pure, and consist of such
only as persevered in their own laws. Apol-
lonius Molo did no way consider this, when
he made it one branch of his accusation a-
gainst us, that we do not admit of such as
have different notions about God, nor will we
have fellowship with those that choose to ob-
serve a way of living different from ourselves ;
yet is not this method peculiar to us, but
common to all oiher men ; not among the or-
dinary Grecians only, but among such of
those Grecians as are of the greatest reputa-
tion among them. Moreover, the Lacede-
monians continued in their way of expelling
foreigners, and would not, indeed, give leave
to their own people to travel abroad, as sus-
pecting that those two things would introduce
a dissolution of their own laws : and perhaps
there may be some reason to blame the rigid
severity of the Lacedemonians,, for they be-
Uowed the privilege of their city on no fo-
reigners, nor would give leave to them to slay
among them : whereas we, though we do not
think fit to imitate other institutions, yet do
we willingly admit of those that desire to par-
take of ours, which I think I may reckon to
be a plain indication of our humanity, and at
the same time of our magnanimity also.
38. But I shall say no more of file Lace-
demonians. As for the Athenians, who glory
in having made their city to be common to all
men, what their behaviour was, Apollonius
did not know, while they punished those that
spoke contrary to their laws about the gods,
without mercy ; for on what other account
was it that Socrates was put to death liy them ?
Certainly, he neither betrayed their city to its
enemies, nor was he guilty of sacrilege with
regard to their temples; but on this account,
that he swore certain new oaths,* and that
he affirmed, either in earnest, or, as some
say, only in jest, that a certain demon used
to make signs to him [what he should not
do]. For these reasons he was condemn-
ed to drink poison, and kill himself. His
accuser also complained that he corrupt-
ed the young men, by inducing them to des-
pise the political settlement and laws of their
city : and thus was Socrates, the citizen of
Athens, punished. There was also Anaxa-
goras, who although he was of Clazomenae,
was within a few suffrages of being condemn-
ed to die, because he said the sun, which the
Athenians thought to be a god, was a ball of
fire. They also made this public proclamation,
" That they would give a talent to any one
who would kill Diagoras of Melos," because
it was reported that he laughed at their mys-
teries : Portagoras also, wlio was thought to
have written somewhat that was not ovvned
for truth by the Athenians about the gods, had
been seized upon, and put to death, if he had
not fled immediately. Nor need we wonder
that they thus treated such considerable men,
when they did not even spare women ; for
they very lately slew a certain priestess, be-
cause she was accused by somebody that she
initiated people into the worship of strange
gods, it having been forbidden so to do by
one of their laws ; and a capital punishment
had been decreed to such as introduced a
strange god ; it being manifest, that they
who make use of such a law, do not believe
those of other nations to be really gods, other-
wise they had not envied themselves the ad-
vantage of more gods than they already had ;
and this was the happy administration of the
affairs of the Athenians ! Now, as to the Scy-
thians, they take a pleasure in killing men,
and differ little from brute beasts ; yet do
they think it reasonable to have tJ}eir institu-
tions observed. They also slew Anacharsis,
a person greatly admired for his wisdom a-
mong the Greeks, when he returned to them,
because he appeared to come fraught with
Grecian customs. We find many punished
among the Persians, on the same account.
Apollonius was greatly pleased with the laws
of the Persians, and was an admirer of them,
because the Greeks enjoyed the advantage of
their courage, and had the very same opinion
about the gods which they had. This last was
exemplified in the temples they burnt, and
their courage in coming, and almost entirely
enslaving the Grecians. However, Apollo-
nius has imitated all the Persian institutions,
and that by his offering violence to other men's
wives, and castrating his own sons. Now, with
* See what those novel oaths were in Dr. Hudson's
note, viz. to swear by an oak, by a goat, and by a dog, aj
also by a gander, as say Fhilostratus and others. Thii
swearing strange oaths was also forbidden by the Ty-
rians, b. i, secL 22. as Spanheim here notes.
822
FLAVIUS JOSEPHUSAGAINST APION.
BOOK II
us, it is a capital crime, if any one does tluis
afxuse even a biute beast ; and as for us, nei-
ther hath the fear of our governors, nor a de-
sire of following what other nations have in
so great esteem, been able to withdraw us from
our laws; nor have we exerted our courage
in raising up wars to increase our wealtli, but
only for the observation of our laws; and
when we with patience bear other losses, yet
when any persons would compel us to break
our laws, then it is that we choose to go to war,
though it be beyond our al)ility to pursue it,
and bear the greatest calamities to the last with
much fortitude ; and indeed, what reason can
there be why we should desire to imitate the
laws of other nations, while we see tiiey are not
observed by their own legislators ? And why
do not the Lacedemonians think of abolishing
that form of their government which suffers
them not to associate with any others, as well
as their contempt of matrimony ? And why
do not the Eleans and Thebans abolish that
unnatural and impudent lust, which makes
them lie with males ? For they will not shew
a sufficient sign of their repentance of what
they of old thouglit to be very excellent, and
very advantageous in their practices, unless
they entirely avoid all such actions for the time
to come : nay, such things are inserted into
the body of their laws, and had once such a
power among the Greeks, that they ascribed
these sodomitical practices to the gods them-
selves, as part of their good character ; and
indeed it was according to the same manner
that the gods inarried their own sisters. This
the Greeks contrived as an apology for their
own absurd and unnatural pleasures,
39. I omit to speak concerning punish-
ments, and how many ways of escaping them
the greatest part of legislators have afforded
malefactors, by ordaining that, for adulter-
ies, fines in money should be allowed, and for
corrupting • [virgins] they need only marry
them ;-(■ asalso what excuses they may have in
denying the facts, if any one should attempt
to inquire into thein ; for amongst most otlier
nations it is a studied art how men may trans-
gress their laws ; but no such thing is per-
mitted amongst us ; for though we be de-
prived of our wealth, of our cities, or of oth-
er advantages we have, our law continues im-
mortal ; nor can any Jew go so far from his
own country,nor be so affrighted at the severest
Jord, as not to be more afl'rightcd at the law
than at him. If, therefore, this be the dispo-
• Why Joseplius here should blame some heathen
legislators, when tliey allowal so easy a composition for
simple fornication, as an obligation to marry the virgin
that was corrupteii, is hard to say, seeing he had hnn-
sclf truly informed us, that it was a law of tlie Jews,
Antiq. b. i», chap, viii, sect. 25, as it is the law of Chris-
tianity also; see Horeb Covenant, p. 61. I am almost
ready to suspect, that for yccMUi, we should here read
y«,u.4)» ; and that e<iiruptmg wedlock, or other men"
sition we are under, with regard to the excef-
lency of our laws, let our enemies make us
this concession, that our laws are most excel-
lent ; and if still they imagine that though we
so firmly adhere to them, yet are they bad
laws notwithstanding, what penalties then do
they deserve to undergo who do not observe
their own laws, which they esteem superior '
Whereas, therefore, length of time is esteemed
to be the truest touchstone in all cases, I
would make that a testimonial of the excel-
lency of our laws, and of that belief thereby
delivered to us concerning God; for as there
hath been a very long time for this compari-
son, if any one will but con>p3re its duration
with the duration of the laws made by other
legislators, he will find our legislator to have
been the most ancient of them all.
40. We have already demonstrated that our
laws have Iwen such as have always inspired
admiration and imitation into all other men;
nay, the earliest Grecian philosophers, though
in appearance they observed the laws of their
own countries, yet did they, in their actions
and their philosophic doctrines, follow our le-
gislator, and instructed men to live sparingly,
and to hpve friendly communication one with
another. Nay, farther, the multitude of man-
kind itself have had a great inclination of a
long time to follow our religious observances ;
for there is not any city of the Grecians, nor
any of the barbarians, nor any nation whatso-
ever, whither our custom of resting on the se-
venth day hath not come, and by which our
fasts and lighting up lamps, and many of our
prohibitions as to our food, are not observed;
they also endeavour to imitate our mutual con-
cord with one another, and the charitable dis-
tribution of our goods, and our diligence in our
trades, and our fortitude in undergoing the dis-
tresses we are in, on account of our laws ; and,
what is here matter of the greatest admiration,
our law hath no bait of pleasure to allure men
to it, but it prevails by its own force ; and as
God himself j>ervades all the world, so hath
our law passed through all the world also.
So that if any one will but reflect on his own
country, and his own family, he will have rea-
son to give credit to what I say. It is there-
fore but just, either to condemn all mankind
of indulging a wicked disposition, when they
have been so desirous of imitating laws that
are to them foreign and evil in themselves,
rather tlian following laws of their own that
are of a better character, or else our accusers
must leave off their spite against us ; nor are
we guilty of any envious behaviour towards
them, when we honour our own legislator,
and believe what he, by his prophetic autho-
rity, hath taught us concerning God ; for
though we should not be able ourselves to
understand the excellency of our own laws,
Tves' is tiie crime for wldcli these heatiicns wickedly I yet would tlie great multitude of tiiose that
allowed this composition in money.
t Or " for corrupting other men's wives, the same I
aJlowaJic<.\'' I
desire to imitate them, justify us,
valuing ourselves upon them.
really
BOOK It.
FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS AGAINST APION.
823
41. But as for tlie fdistinci] political laws I struct men to be content with what thej- have
by wliich we are governed, I have delivered and to be laborious in their callings; they
them accurately in my books of Antiquities; forbid men to make war from a desire of get-
and have only mentioned them now, so far as ■ ting more, but make men courageous in de-
fending the laws : they are inexorable in pu-
nishing malefactors : they admit no sophistry
of words, but are always established by ac-
tions themselves, which actions we ever pro-
pose as surer demonstrations than what is
contained in writing only; on which account
I am so bold as to say that we are become
the teachers of other men, in the greatest
number of things, and those of the most ex-
cellent nature only; for what is more excel-
lent than inviolable piety ? what is more just
tlian submission to laws ? and what is more
advantageous than mutual love and concord ?
and this so far that we are to be neither divid-
ed by calamities, nor to become injurious and
seditious in prosjierity ; but to contemn death
when we are in war, and in peace to apply
ourselves to our mechanical occupations, or
to our tillage of the ground ; while we in all
things and all ways are satisfied that God is
the inspector and governor of our actions.
If these precepts had either been written at
first, or more exactjy kept by any others be-
fore us, we should have owed them thanks as
disciples owe to their masters ; but if it be vi-
sible that we have made use of them more
than any other men, and if we have demon-
strated that the original invention of them is
our own, let the Apions, and the Molones,
with all the rest of those that delight in lies
and reproaches, stand confuted ; but let this
and the foregoing book be dedicated to thee,
Epaphroditus, who art so great a lover of
truth, and by thy means to those that have
been in like manner desirous to be acquainted
with the affairs of our nation.
was necessary to my present purpose, without
proposing to myself either to blame the laws
of other nations, or to make an encomium
upon our own, — but in order to convict those
that have written about us unjustly, and in
an impudent aflectation of disguising the
trutli : — and now I think I have sufficiently
;ompIeted what I proposed in writing these
books ; for whereas our accusers liave pre-
tended that our nation are a people of very
late original, I have demonsi rated that they
are exceeding ancient ; for I have produced
as witnesses thereto many ancient writers,
who have made mention of us in their books,
while they had said no such writer had so
done. Moreover, they had said that we were
sprung from the Egyptians, while I have
proved that we came from another country
into Egypt : while they had told lies of us,
as if we were expelled thence on account of
diseases on our bodies, it has appeared on the
contrary, that we returned to our country by
our own choice, and with sound and strong
bodies. Those accusers reproached our legis-
lator as a vile fellow ; whereas God in old time
bare witness to his virtuous conduct ; and since
that testimony of God, time itself hath been dis-
covered to have borne witness to the same thing.
42. As to the laws themselves, more words
are unnecessary, for they are visible in their
own nature, and appear to teach not impiety,
but the truest piety in the world. They do
not make men hate one another, but encou-
rage people to communicate what they have
to one another freely ; they are enemies to
injustice, they take care of righteousness, they
banish idleness and expensive living, and in-
V.
"~v.;
EXTRACT
JOSEPHUS'S DISCOURSE TO THE GREEKS
CONCERNING
HADES.
§ 1. Now as to Hades, wherein the souls of
the righteous and unrighteous are detained,
it is necessary to speak of it. Hades is a place
in the world not regularly finished ; a subter-
raneous region wherein the light of this world
does not shine ; from which circumstance, that
in this region the light aoes not shine, it can-
not be but there must be in it perpetual dark-
ness. This region is allotted as a place of
custody for souls, in which angels are appoint-
ed as guardians to them, who distribute to
them temporary punishments, agreeable to
every one's behaviour and manners.
2. In this region there is a certain place
set apart, as a lake of unquenchable jire,
whereinto we suppose no one hath hitherto
been cast ; but it is prepared for a day afore-
determined by God, in which one righteous
sentence shall deservedly be passed upon all
men ; when the unjust and those that have
been disobedient to God, and have given ho-
nour to such idols as have been the vain oper-
ations of tlie hands of men, as to God him-
self, shall be adjudged to this everlasting pun-
ishment, as having been the causes of deiile-
ment; while the just shall obtain an incorrup-
tible and never-fading kingdom. These are
now indeed confined in Hades, but not in the
same place wherein the unjust are confined.
3. For there is one descent into this re-
gion, at whose gale we believe there stands an
archangel with an host ; which gate when
those pass through that are conducted down
by the angels appointed over souls, they do
not go the same way ; but the just are guided
to the right hand, and are led with hymns,
sung by the angels appointed over that place,
unto a region of light, in which the just have
dwelt from the beginning of the world ; not
constrained by necessity, but ever enjoying
the prospect of the good things they see, and
rejoice in the expectation of those new enjoy-
ments which will be peculiar to every one of
them, and esteeming those things beyond
what we have here ; with whom there is no
place of toil, no burning heat, no piercing
cold, nor are any briers there ; but the coun-
tenance of \.\\e fathers and of the just, which
they see always smiles upon them, while thev
wait for that rest and eternal new life in hea-
ven, which is to succeed this region. This
place we call The Bosom of Abraham,
4. But as to the unjust, they are dragged
by force to the left hand by the angels allottee'
for punishment, no longer going with a good-
will, but as prisoners driven by violence; to
whom are sent the angels appointed over
them to reproach them and tiu-eaten them
with their terrible looks, and to thrust them
still downwards. Now those angels that are
set over these souls, drag them into the neigh-
bourhood of hell itself; who, when they are
hard by it, continually hear the noise of it,
and do not stand clear of the hot vapour it-
self; but when they have a nearer view of this
spectacle, as of a terrible and exceeding great
prospect of fire, they are struck with a fear-
ful expectation of a future judgment, and in
effect punished thereby ; and not only so, but
where tliey see the place [or choir] of theya-
thers and of the just, even hereby are they
jjunishcd ; for a chaos deep and large is fixed
between them ; insomuch that a just man that
hath compassion upon them cannot be admit-
ted, nor can one that is unjust, if he were
bold enough to attempt it, pass over it.
5. This is the discourse concerning Hades,
wherein the souls of all men are confined an
JOSEPIIUS S DISCOURSE CONCERNING HADES.
82:j
til a proper season, which God hath deter-
mined, when he will make a resurrection of
all men from the dead, not procuring a trans-
migration of souls from one body to another,
but raising again those very bodies, which you
Greeks, seeing to be dissolved, do not believe
[their resurrection] : but learn not to disbe-
lieve it ; for while you believe that the soul is
created, and yet is made immortal by God,
according to the doctrine of Plato, and this
in time, be not incredulous ; but believe that
God is al)le, when he hath raised to life that
body which was made as a compound of the
same elements, to make it immortal ; for it
must never be said of God, that he is able to
do some things, and unable to do others. Wc
have therefore believed that the body will be
raised again ; for although it be dissolved, it
is not perished ; for the earth receives its re •
mains, and preserves them ; and while they
are like seed, and are mixed among the more
fruitful soil, they flourish, and what is soum
is indeed sown bare grain ; but at the mighty
sound of God the Creator, it vvill sprout up,
and be raised in a clothed and glorious condi-
tion, though not before it has been dissolved,
and mixed [with the earth]. So that -we have
not rashly believed the resurrection of tl'.e
body ; for altiiough it be dissolved for a time
on account of the original transgression, it
exists still, and is cast into the earth as into a
potter's furnace, in order to be formed again,
not in order to rise again such as it was be-
fore, but in a state of purity, and so as never
to be destroyed any more ; and to every body
shall its own soul be restored ; and when it
hath clothed itself with that body, it will not
be subject to misery, but, being itself pure,
it will continue with its pure body, and re-
joice with it, with which it having walked
righteously now in this world, and never hav-
ing had it as a snare, it vvill receive it again
with great gladness : but as for the unjust,
they will receive their bodies not changed, not
freed from diseases or distempers, nor made
glorious, but with the same diseases wherein
tliey died ; and such as they were in their un-
belief, the same shall they be when they shall
be faithfully judged.
6. For all men, the just as well as the un-
just, shall be brought before God the word ;
for to him hath the Father committed all
Judgment ; and he, in order to fuljil the icill
of his Father, shall come as judge, whom we
call Christ. For Minos and Rhadamanthus
are not the judges, as you Greeks do suppose,
but he wliom God even the Father hath glo-
'ijied ; CONCERNING WHOM WE HAVE ELSE-
WHERE GIVEN A MORE PARTICULAR ACCOUNT,
FOR THE SAKE OF THOSE WHO SEEK AFTER
TRUTH. This person, exercising the right-
eous judgment of the Father towards all men,
hath prepared a just sentence for every one,
according to his works ; at whose judgment-
scat when all men, and angels, and demons
A_
shall stand, they will send forth one voice,
and say, just is thy judgment ; the rejoin-
der to which will bring a just sentence upon
boUi parties, by giving justly to those that
have done well an everlasting fruition ; but
allotting to the lovers of wicked works eternal
jrunishment. To these belong the unquench-
able fire-, and that without end, and a certain
fiery worm never dying, and not destroying
the body, but continuing its eruption out of
the body with never-ceasing grief; neither
will sleep give ease to these men, nor will the
night afford tliem comfort ; death will not
^T^Q them from their punishment, nor will
the interceding prayers of their kindred pro '
fit them ; for the just are no longer seen by i
them, nor are they thought worthy of remem-
berance; but the just shall remember only i
their righteous actions, whereby they have at- I
tained the heavenly kingdom, in which there I
is no sleep, no sorrow, no corruption, no
care, no night, no day measured by time, no ■
sun driven in his course along the circle of i
heaven by necessity, and measuring out the
bounds and conversions of the seasons, for i
the better illumination of the life of men j no
moon decreasing and i-;icreasing, or introduc-
ing a variety of seasons, nor will she then i
moisten the earth ; no burning sun, no Bear
turning round [the pole], no Orion to rise,
no wandering of innumerable stars. The i
earth will not then be difficult to be passed
over, nor will it be hard to find out the
court of Paradise, nor will there be any fear-
ful roaring of the sea, forbidding the passen-
gers to walk on it: even that will be made
easily passable to the just, though it will not
be void of moisture. Heaven will not then
be uninhabitable by men : and it will not be
impossible to discover the way of ascending
thither. The earth will not be unculti-
vated, nor require too much labour of men,
but will bring forth its fruits of its own ac-
cord, and will be well adorned with them.
There will be no more generations of wild
beasts, nor will the substance of the rest of
the animals shoot out any more; for it will
not produce men, but the number of the right-
eous will continue, and never fail, together
with righteous angels, and spirits [of God],
and with his word, as a choir of righteous
men and women that never grow old, and
continue in an incorruptible state, singing
hymns to God, who hath advanced them to
that happiness, by the means of a regular in-
stitution of life ; with whom the whole crea-
tion also will lift up a perpetual hvmn from
corruption to incorrupthn, as glorified by a
splendid and pure spirit. It vvill not then be
restrained by a bond of necessity, but with a I
lively freedom shall offer up a voluntary i
hymn, and shall praise him that made them,
together with the angels, and spirits, and i
men now freed from all bondage. \
7. And now, if you Gentiles vvill be per
r
626
JOSEPHUS S DISCOURSii CONCERNING HADES.
Buaded by tliese motives, and leave your vain
imaginations about your pedigrees, and gain-
ing of riches and philosophy, and will not
spend your time about sublilties of words,
and thereby lead your minds into error, and
if you will apply your ears to the hearing of
the inspired prophets, the interpreters, both
of God and of his word, and will believe in
God, you shall both be partakers of these
things, and obtain the good things that are
to come; you shall see the ascent into the
immense heaven plainly, and that kingdom
which is there; for what God hath now con-
cealed in silence [will be then made mani-
fest], what iielther ei/e hath seen, 7ior cirr hath
heard, nor hath it entered into the Iteurt of
man, the things that God hath prepared fur
them that love him.
8. In whatsoever ways I shall fnd you, in
them shall I judge you entirely ; so cries the
END of all things. And he who hatli at
first lived a virtuous life, but towards tlie lat-
ter end falls into vice, these labours by liim
before endured, shall be altogether vain and
unprofitable, even as in a play, brought to an
ill catastrophe. Whosoever shall have lived
wickedly and luxuriously may repent ; how-
ever, there will be need of much time to con-
quer an evil habit, and even after repentance
his whole life must be guarded with great care
and diligence, after the manner of a body,
which, after it hath been a long time afflicted
with a distemper, requires a stricter diet and
method of living ; for though it may be pes- •
sible, perhaps, to break oflT the chain of our ,
irregular affections at once, — yet our amend-
ment cannot be secured without the grace of
God, the prayers of good men, the help oJ
the brethren, and our own sincere repentance
and constant care. It is a good thing not to
sin at all ; it is also good, having sinned, to
repent, — as it is best to have health always ;
but it is a good thing to recover from a dis-
temper. To God be glory and dominion fo.
ever and ever. Amen.
"Y.
APPENDIX.
DISSERTATION I.
THE TESriMONIES OF JOSEPHUS CONCERNING JESUS CHRIST, JOHN
THE BAPTIST, AND JAMES THE JUST, VINDICATED.
Since we meet with several important testimo-
nies in Josephus, the Jewish liistorian, con-
cerning John the Baptist, the forerunner of
Jesus of Nazareth, concerning Jesus of Nazar-
eth himself, and concerning James the Just the
brother of Jesus of Nazareth ; and since the
principal testimony, which is tliat concerning
Jesus of Nazareth himself, has of late been
greatly questioned by many, and rejected by
some of the learned as spurious, it will be fit
for me, who have ever declared my firm be-
lief that these testimonies were genuine, to
set down fairly some of the orii^inal evidence
and (Stations I have met with in the first fif-
teen centuries concerning them ; and then to
make proper obscrvalions upon that evidence,
for the reader's more complete satisfaction.
But before I produce the citations them-
selves out of Josephus, give me leave to pre-
pare the leader's attention, by setting down
the sentiments of perhaps the most learned
person, and the most competent judge, that
ever was, as to the authority of Josephus, I
mean of Joseph Scaligcr, in the Prolegomena
to his book De Emendatione Temporum, p. 17.
" Josephus is the most diligent and the great-
est lover of truth of all writers ; nor are we a-
fraid to affirm of him, that it is more safe to
believe him, not only as to t!»e affairs of the
Jews, but also as to those that are foreign to
them, than all the Greek and Latin writers ;
and this, because his fidelity and his compass
of learning are everywhere conspicuous."
THE ANCIENT CITATIONS OF THE TESTIMONIES
OF JOSEPHUS, FROM HIS OWN TIJIE TILL THE
END OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY.
About J. B. 110. Tacit. Annal. lib. xv. cap.
44. — Nero, in order to stifle the rumour, [as
if he himself had set Rome on fire], ascribed
it to those people who were hated for theii
wicked practices, and called by the vulgar
Christians : tiiese he punished exquisitely.
The author of this name was Christ, wh o, in llie
reign of Tiberius, irus brought to irunishment by
Fontius Pilate the procurator.
About A. I). 147. Just. Mart. Dialog, cum
Tryph. p. 230. — You [Jews] knew that Je-
sus was risen i'rom the dead, and ascended in-
to heaven, as the prophecies did foretell was to
happen.
About A. D. SfiO. Origen. Comment, iti
Matth. p. 234. — This James was of so shin,
ing a character among the people, on account
of his righteousness, that Flavins Josephus,
when, in his twentieth book of the Jewish
Antiquities, he had a mind to set down what
was the cause why the people sull'ered such
miseries, till the very holy house was demo-
lished, he said, that these things befel them
by the anger of God, on account of what they
had dared to do to James, the brother of Je-
sus, who was called Christ; and wonderful it
is, that while he did not receive Jesus for
Christ, he did nevertheless bear witness that
James was so righteous a man. He says
farther, that the people thought they had suf-
fered these things for the sake of James.
About A.I). 250. Id. Contr. Cels. lib. i. p.
35, 36. — I would say to Celsus, who perso.
nates a Jew, that admitted of John the Bap-
tist, and how he baptized Jesus, that one who
lived but a little while after John and Jesus,
wrote, how that John was a baptizer unto the
remission of sins; for Josephus testifies, in
the eighteenth book of his Jewish Antiquities,
that .John was the Baptist ; and that he pro-
mised purification to those that were baptized.
The same Josephus also, although he did not
believe in Jesus as Christ, when he was in-
-T
J'
828
DISSERTATION" I.
quiring after the cause of the destruction of
Jerusalem, and of the demolition of the tem-
ple, and ought to have said that their machi-
uations against Jesus were the cause of those
miseries coming on the people, because they
had slain that Clirist who was foretold by the
prophets, he, though as it were unwillingly,
and yet as one not remote from the truth,
says, " these miseries befel the Jews by way
of revenge for James the Just, who was the
brother of Jesus that was called Christ; be-
cause they had slain him who was a most
righteous person." Now this James was he
whom that genuine disciple of Jesus, Paul,
said he had seen as the Lord's brother [Gal. i.
19T J which relation implies not so much near-
ness of blood, or the sameness of education,
as it does the agreement of manners and
preaching. If therefore he says the desola-
tion of Jerusalem befel the Jews for the sake
of James, with how much greater reason
might he have said that It happened for the
sake of Jesus ? &c.
About A. D. 324. Euseb. Demonstr. Evan.
lib. iii. p. 124. Certainly, the attestation of
those I have already produced concerning
our Saviour may be sufficient. However, it
may not be amiss, if, over and above, we
make use of Josephus the Jew for a farther
witness ; who, in the eighteenth book of his
Antiquities, when he was writing the history
of what happened under Pilate, makes men-
tion of our Saviour in these words: — " Now
there was about this time Jesus, a wise man, if
it be lawful to call him a man ; for he was a do-
er of wonderful works, a teacher of such men
as had a veneration for truth. He drew over
to him both many of the Jews and many of
the Gentiles : — he was the Christ. And when
Pilate, at the suggestion of the principal men
among us, had condemned him to the cross,
those that loved him at first did not forsake
him ; for he appeared unto them alive again
the third day, as the divine prophets had
spoken of these, and ten thousand other won-
derful things concerning him : whence the
tribe of Christians, so named from him, are
not extinct at this day." If therefore we
have this historian's testimony, that he not
only brought over to himself the twelve apos-
tles, with the seventy disciples, but many of
the Jews and many of the Gentiles also, he
must manifestly liave had somewhat in him
extraordinary, above the rest of mankind ;
for how otherwise could he draw over so
many of the Jews and of the Gentiles, unless
he performed admirable and amazing works,
and "dsed a method of teaching that was not
coiamon ? Moreover, tlie scripture of the
Acts of the Apostles (xxi, 20.) bears witness,
that there were many ten thousands of Jen s,
who were persuaded that he was the CJirist of
God, who was foretold by the prophets.
Atout A. D. 330. Id. Hist. Ecdes. lib. i.
cap, 11. Now the divine scripture of the
Gospels makes mention of John the Baptis
as having his head cut off' by the younger
Herod. Josephus also concurs in this history,
and makes mention of Herodias by name, as the
wife of his brother, whom Herod had married,
upon divorcing his former lawful wife. She
was the daughter of Aretas, king of the Pe-
trcan Arabians; and whicli Herodias he had
parted from her liusband wliile he was alive ;
on which account also, when he had slain
John, he made war with Aretas [Aretas made
war with him"!, because his daughter had been
used dishonourably : in which war, when it
came to a battle, he says, that all Herod's
army was destroyed ; and that he suffered
this because of his wicked contrivance against
John. Moreover, the same Josephus, by ac-
knowledging John to have been a most right-
eous man, and the Baptist, conspires in his
testimony with what is written in the Gospels.
He also relates, that Herod lost his kingdom
for the sake of the same Herodias, together
with whom he was himself condemned to be
banished to Vienna, a city of Gaul ; and
this is his account in the eighteenth book of
the Antiquities, where he writes this of John
verbatitn : — " Some of the Jews thought that
the destruction of Herod's army came from
God, and that very justly, as a punishment
for what he did against John that was called
the Baptist J for Herod slew him, who was a
good man, and one that commanded the
Jews to exercise virtue, both as to righteous-
ness towards one another, and piety towards i
God, and so to come to baptism, for that by
this means tlie washing [with water] woul''
appear acceptable to him, when they made I
use of it, not in order to the putting away i
[or the remission] of some sins [only], — but i
for the purification of the body, supposing;
still that the soul was thoroughly purified be ,
foreliand by righteousness. Now when [many]
others came in crowds about him, for they
were greatly delighted in hearing his words,
Herod was afraid that this so great power of ;
persuading men might tend to some sedition i
or other, for they seemed to be disposed to do
every thing lie should advise them to, so he ■
supposed it better to prevent any attempt for
a mutation from him, by cutting him off,
than after any such mutation should be ■
brought about, and the public should suffer,
to repent [of such negligence]. Accordingly
he was sent a prisoner, out of Herod's suspi-
cious temper, to Macherus, the castle I be-
fore mentioned, and was there put to death."
— When Josephus had said this of John, he
makes mention also of our Saviour in the same
history after this manner : — " Now there was
about this time, one Jesus, a wise man, if it
be lawful to call him a man ; for he was a doer ;
of wonderful works, a teaclier of such men as
receive the truth with pleasure. He drew over
10 him both many of the Jews and many of
the Gentiles also : — he was the Christ. And
DISSERTATION I.
82U
wlien Pilate, at the suggestion of the princi-
pal men among us, had condemned l;im to
the cross, those that loved him at the first did
not forsake him; for he appeared to them
alive again the tliird day, as the divine pro-
phets Iiad foretold these, and ten thousand
other wonderful things concerning liim : and
still the trihe of Christians, so named from
him, are not extinct at this day." And since
this writer, sprung from the Hebrews them-
selves, hath delivered these things above in
his own work, concerning John the Baptist
and our Saviour, what room is there for any
farther evasion ? &c.
Now James was so vi'onderful a person,
and was so celebrated by all others for riglit-
eousness, that the judicious Jews thought this
to have been the occasion of that siege of Je-
rusalerp, wliich came on presently after his
martyrdom ; and that it befel them for no
other reason than that impious fact they were
guilty of against him. Josephus therefore
did not refuse to attest thereto in writing, by
the words following : — " These miseries be-
fel the Jews by way of revenge for James the
Just, who was tiie brother of Jesus that was
called Christ, on account that they had slain
nim who was a most righteous person."
The same Josephus declares the manner of
his death in the twentieth book of the Anti-
quities, in these words . — " Ca;sar sent Al-
binus into Judea to be procurator, when he
had heard that Festus was dead. Now An-
aniis, junior, who, as we said, had been admit-
ted to the high-priesthood, was in his temper
bold and daring in an extraordinary manner.
He was also of the sect of the Sadducees, who
are more savage in judgment than any of the
other Jews, as we have already signified.
Since therefore this was the character of An-
anus, he thought he had now a proper oppor-
tunity [to exercise his authority], because Fes-
tus was dead, and Albinus was but upon the
road ; so he assembles the sanhedrim of
judges, and brings before them James, tlie
brother of Jesus who was called Clirist, and
some others [of his companions] ; and when
he had formed an accusation against them, as
breakers of the lavv, he delivered them to be
stoned ; but as for those who seemed the most
equitable of the citizens, and those who were
the most uneasy at the breach of the laws,
they disliked what was done. They also sent
to the king [Agrippa], desiring him to send
to Ananus that he should act so no more, for
that what he had already done could not be
justified," &c.
About A. D. 360. Ambrose, or Hegesippus
de Exci'.l. Urb. Hkrosoli/m. lib. ii. cap. 12. —
We liave discovered tl)at it was the opinion
and belief of the Jews, as Josephus affirms
(who is an author not to be rejected, when he
writes against himself), that Herod lost his
army, not by the deceit of men but by the
anger of God, and that justly, as an effect of j
I revenge for what he did to John the Baptist,
a just man, who had said to him, /; is not laiv-
^fulfor thee to have thy brother s wife.
I 'Hie Jews tliemselves also bear witness to
! Christ, as appears by Josephus, the writer of
their history, who says thus: — "That there
was at that time a wise man, if (says he) it be
lawful to have him called a man, a doer of
wonderful works, who appeared to his disci-
ples after the tliird day from his death alive
again, according to the writings of the pro-
phets, who foretold these and innumerable
other miraculous events concerning him;
from whom began the congregation of Chris-
tians, and hath penetrated among all sorts of
men : nor does there remain any nation in
the Roman world which continues strangers
to his religion." If the Jews do not believe
us, let them at least believe their own writers.
Josephus, vchom they esteem a very great
man, hath said this, and yet hath he spoken
truth after such a manner ; and so far was
his mind wandered from the right way, that
even he was not a believer as to what he him-
self said ; but thus he spake, in order to de-
liver historical truth, because he thought it
not lawful for him to deceive while yet he
was no believer, because of the hardness of iiis
heart and his perfidious intention. However,
it was no prejudice to the truth that he was
not a believer ; but this adds more weight to
his testimony, that while he was an unbeliever,
and unwilling this should be true, he has not
denied it to be so.
About A. D. 400. Hieronym. de Vir. Illustr.
in Josepho. — Josephus in the eighteenth book
of Antiquities, most expressly acknowledges
tliat Christ was slain by the Pharisees, on ac-
count of the greatness of his miracles; and
that John the Baptist was truly a prophet ;
and tliat Jerusalem was demolished on ac-
count of the slaughter of James the apostle.
Now, he wrote concerning our Lord after
this manner: — "At the same time there was
Jesus, a wise man, if yet it be lawful to crdl
him a man ; for he was a doer of wonderful
works, a teacher of those who willingly re-
ceive the truth. He had many followers,
both of the Jews and of the Gentiles : — he was
believed to be Ciirist. And when by the
envy of our principal men, Pilate iiad con-
demned him to the cross, yet notwithstanding,
those who had loved him at first persevered,
for he appeared to them alive on the third
day as the oracles of the prophets liad fore-
told many of these and other wonderful things
coHcerning him : and tfie sect of Christians,
so named from him, are not extinct at this
day."
About A. D, 410. Isidoras Felusiotn, tlie
Scholar of Chrysostom, lib. iv. epist. 225. —
There was one Josephus, a Jew of the great-
est reputation, and one that was zealous of
tlie law ; one also that paraphrased the Old
Testament with truth, and acted valiantly for
J"
830
DISSERTATION I.
the Jews, and had showed tliat their settle-
ment was nobler than can be described by
words. Now since he made tl)eir interest
give place to truth, for he would not support
the opinion of impious men, I think it ne-
cessary to set down his words. What then
does he say ? " Now there was about that
time Jesus, a wise man, if it be lawful to call
him a man ; for he was a doer of wonderful
works, a teacher of such men as receive the
truth with pleasure. He drew over to him
both many of the Jews and many of the Gen-
tiles : — he was the Christ. And when Pilate,
at the suggestion of the principal men among
us, had condemned him to the cross, those
that loved him at first did not for!.ake him ;
for he appeared to them the third day alive
again, as the divine prophets had said these,
and a vast number of other wonderful things
concerning him : and the tribe of Christians,
so named from him, are not extinct at this
day." Now I cannot but wonder greatly at
this great man's love of truth in many respects,
but chiefly vi here he says, "Jesus was a tea-
cher of men who received the truth with plea-
sure."
About A. D. 440. Sosonien. Hist. Eccles.
lib. i. cap. 1. — Now Josephus, the son of
Matthias, a priest, a man of very great note,
both among the Jews and the Romans, may
well be a witness of credit as to the truth
of Christ's history ; for he scruples to call
hiin a man as being a doer of wonderful
works, and a teacher of the words of truth.
He names him Clirist openly; and is not ig-
norant that he was condemned to the cross,
and appeared on the third day alive, and
that ten thousand other wonderful things
were foretold of him Dy tne divine prophets.
He testifies also, that those whom he drew
over to him, being many of the Gentiles, as
well ns of the Jews, continued to love him ;
and that the tribe named from hitri was not
then extinct. Now he seems to me by tliis
his relation, almost to proclaim that Christ is
God. Howtvtr, he appears to have been so
afi'ected witli the strangeness of the thing, as
to run, as it were, in a sort of middle way,
so as not to jjut any indignity upon believers
in him, but rather to afford his sufi'rage to
them.
About A. D. 510. Cassiodorus Hkt. Tri
partit. e Sozonieno. — Now Josephus, the son
of IMatthias, and a priest, a man of great
nobility among the Jews, and of great dignity
among the Romans, shall be a triilli of
Christ's history : for he dares not call him a
man, as a doer of famous works, and a teach-
er of true doctrines : he names him Clirist
openly ; and is not ignorant that he was con-
demned to the cross, and appeared on the
third diy alive, and that sin infinite number
of other wonderful things were foretold of
hiin by the holy prophets. Mfreover, he
testifies also, that there were then alive
many whom he had cliosen, botJi Greeks
and Jews, and that they continued to lovB
him ; and that the sect which was najned
from him was by no means extinct at tliat
time.
About A. D. 640. Chran. Alex. p. 514.—
Now Josephus also relates in his eighteenth
j book of Antiquities, how John the Baptist, that
j holy man, was beheaded, on account of He-
I rodias, the v\ife of Philip, the brother of He-
j rod himself; for Herod had divorced his for-
I mer wife, who was still alive, and had been
his lawful wife ; she was the daughter of
Aretas, king oi the Petreans, When there-
fore Herod had taken ilerodias away from
her husband, while he was yet alive (on whose
account he slew John also), Aretas made war
against Herod, because his daugliter had
been dishonourably treated. In which war,
he says, that all Herod's army was destro3'ed,
and that he suffered that calamity because
of the wickedness he had been guilty of a-
gainst John. The same Josephus relates,
that Herod lost his kingdom on account of
Herodias, and that with her he was banished
to Lyons, &c.
P. S9.(\y 527.] Now that our Saviour
taught his preaching three years, is demon-
strated both by other necessary reasonings, as
also out of the holy Gospels, and out of Jose-
plius's writings, who was a wise man among
the Hebrews, &c.
P. 584, 5SG.] Josephus relates, in the
fifth bock of the [Jewish] war, that Jerusa-
lem wns t.iken in the third [sicond] year of
Vespasian, as after forty years since thiy had
d.ired to put Jesus to diath : in which time
he says, that Jami s, the brother of our I>oid,
and bishop of Jerusalem. w:is thrown down
[from the temple] and slain of them, by ston-
ing.
About A. D. 740. Anadasius Abbas contr.
Jud. — Now Josephus, ati author and writer
of your own, says of Christ, that he was a
just and good man, shewed and declared so
to be by divine grace, who gave aid to many
by signs and miracles.
About A. D. 790. Geori^dus Syncellus
Chron. p. 339. — These miseries befel the
Jews by way of revenge for James the Just,
who was the brother of Jesus that was called
Christ, on the account that they had slain
him who was a most righteous person. Now
as Ananus, a person of tliat character, thought
he had a proper opportunity, because Festus
was dead, and Albinus was but upon the
road, so he assembles the sanhedrim of judges,
and brings before them James, the brother of
Jesus, wlio was called Clirist, and some of
his companions; and wlien he had formed
an accusation against them, as breakers of
i the law, he delivered them to be stoned; but
as for those that seemed the most equitable
of the citizens, and those that were the most
uneasy at the breach of the laws, they dislik
DISSERTATION I.
831
ed what was done. They also sent to the
kin" [ Agrippa] desiring him to send to Ana-
nus that he should act so no mote, for that
what he had already done could not be justi-
fied, &c.
About A. D. 850. Jjlmn. Malela Cliron.
lib. X. — From that lime began the destruction
of the Jews, as Josephus, the philosopher of
the Jews, hath written ; who also said this,
That from the time the Jews crucified Christ,
who was a good and a righteous man (that
is, if it be ht to call such a one a man, and
not God), the land of Judea was never free
from trouble. These things the same Jose-
phus the Jew has related in his writings.
About A. D. 860. Photius Cud. lib. xlviii.
— I have read the treatise of Josopbus About
the Universe, whose title I have elsewhere read
to be, Of the Substance of Ike Universe. It is
contained in two very small treatises. He
treats of the origin of the world in a brief
manner. Howerer, he speaks of the divinity
of Christ, who is our true God, in a way very
like to what we use, declaring that the same
name of Christ belongs to him, and writes of
his ineffable generation of the Father after
such a manner as cannot be blamed ; which
thing may perhaps raise a doubt in some, whe-
ther Josephui was the author of the work,
though the phraseology does not at all differ
from this man's other works. Hovvever, I
have found in some papers, that this discourse
was not written by Josephus, but by one Caius,
9 presbyter.
Cod. ccxxxviii.] Herod, the tetrarch of
Galilee and of Perea, t!ie son of Herod the
Great, fell in love, as Josephus says, with the
wife of his brotlier Philip, whose name was
Herodias, who was the grand-daugluer of He-
rod the Great, by his son Aristobulus, whom
he had slain. Agrippa was also her brotlier.
Now Herod took her away from her husband,
and married her. This is he that slew John
the Baptist, that great man, the forerunner
[of Christ], being afraid (as Jose|)hus says)
lest he should raise a sedition among his peo-
ple; for they all followed the directions of
John, on account of the excellency of his vir-
tue. In his time was the pas'sion of our Sa-
viour.
Cod. xxxiii.] I have read the Chronicle of
Justus of Tiberias. He omits the greatest
part of what was most necessary to be related ;
but, as infected with Jewish prejudices, being
also himself a Jew by birth, he makes no
mention at all of the advent, or of the acts
done, or of the miracles wrought, by Christ.
The time uncertain. Macnrius in Actis Sanc-
torum, torn. V. p. 149. aj>. Fabric. Josqili. p.
61. — Josephus, a priest of Jerusalem, and one
tliat wrote with truth the history of the Jewish
affairs, bears witness that Christ, the true God,
was incarnate, and crucified, and the third
day rose again ; whose writings are repoSited
ill the public library. Thus he says : — " Now
there was about this time Jesus, a wise man,
if it be lawful to call him a man ; for he was
a doer of wonderful works, a teacher of such
men as receive the truth with pleasure. He
drew over to him both many of the Jews and
many of the Gentiles also : this was the Christ.
And when Pilate, at the suggestion of the
principal men among us, had condemned him
to the cross, those that loved him at the first,
did not forsake him ; for he appeared to them
alive again on the third day, as the divine
prophets had foretold these and ten thousand
other wonderful things concerning him: and
still the tribe of Christians, so named from
him, are not extinct at this day." Since,
therefore, the writer of the Ilebrevks has en-
graven this testimony concerning our Lord
and Saviour in his own books, what defence
can tiiere remain for the unbelievers?
About A. D. 980. Suidas in voce 'luffouf.^
We have found Josephus, who hath written
about the taking of Jerusalem (of whom Eu-
Sfbius Pamphilii makes frequent mention in
his Ecclesiastical History), saying openly in
his Memoirs of the Captivity, that Jesus offi-
ciated in the temple with the priests. Thus
have we found Josephus saying, a man of an-
cient times, and not very long after the apos.
ties, SiC.
About A. D. 1060. Cedrcnus Compend.
Ilistor. p. 196. — Josephus does indeed write
concerning John the Baptist as follows: —
Some of the Jews thought that tiie dc-struc-
tion of Herod's army came from God, and that
he was punished very justly for what punish-
ment he had inflicted on John, that was called
the Baptist ; for Herod slew him, who was a
g.ood man, and commanded the Jews to ex-
ercise virtue, both by rigliteousness towards
one another and piety towards God, and so
to come to baptism. But as concerning Christ,
the same Josephus says, that about that time
there was Jesus, a wise man, if it be lawful
to call him a man ; for he was a doer of won-
derful works, and a teacher of such men as
receive the truth with pleasure: for that Christ
drew over many even from the Gentiles;
whom when Pilate had crucified, those who
at first had loved him did not leave off' to
preach concerning him, for he appeared to
them the third day alive again, as the divine
prophets had testified, and spoke these and
other wonderful things concerning him.
About A. D. 1080. Tlieophi/lact. in Joan.
lib. xiii. — The city of the Jews was taken,
and the wrath of God was kindled against
them; as also Josephus witnesses, that this
came upon them on account of the death of
Jesiis.
About A. D. 1 120. Zonaras Annal. tom. i,
p. 267. — Josephus, in the eigliteenth book of
Antiquities, writes thus concerning our Lord
and God Jesus Christ : — Now there was about
this time Jesus, a wise man, if it be lawful
to call him a man ; for he was a doer of won-
J'
\9:-/
DISSERTATION 1.
derful works, a teacher of such men as re-
ceive llic truth witli pleasure. He drew over
to him many of the Jews, and many of the
Gentiles : — he was the Christ. And when Pi-
late, at the suggestion of the principal men
among us, had condemned him to the cross,
tliose that loved him at first did not forsake
him ; for he appeared to them the third day
alive again, as the divine prophets had said
these and ten thousand other wonderful things
concerning him: and the tribe of Christians, so
named from him, are not extinct at this day.
About A. D. 1120. Glycus Annal. p. 234.
— Then did Philo, that wise man, and Jose-
phus, flourish. Tiiis last was styled The Lo-
ver of Truth, because he commended John,
wlio baptized our Lord ; and because lie bore
witness that Christ, in like manner, was a wise
man, and the doer of great miracles ; and
that, when he was crucified, he appeared the
third day.
About A. D. 11 70. Gotfi-idus Viterbiensis
Ckro7i. p. 366. e Vers. RuJinL — Josephus re-
lates that a very great war arose between
Aretas, king of the Arabians, and Herod, on
account of the sin which Herod had committed
against John. Moreover, the same Josephus
writes thus concerning Christ : There was
at this time Jesus, a wise man, if at least it
be lawful to call him a man ; for he was a
doer of wonderful works, a teacher of such
men as willingly hear truth. He also drew
over to him many of the Jews and many of
the Gentiles: — he was Christ. And vvhen
Pilate, at the accusation of the principal men
of our nation, had decreed that he should be
crucified, those that had loved him from the
beginning did not forsake him ; for he ap-
peared to them the third day alive again, ac-
cording to what the divinely inspired prophets
had foretold, that these and innumerable o-
ther miracles should come to pass about him.
Moreover, both the name and sect of Chris-
tians, who were named from him, continue in
being unto this day.
About A. D. 1360. Nkephonis Callislus
Hist. Eccles. lib, i. p. 90, 91. — Now this
[concerning Herod the tetrarch] is attested
to, not only l)y the book of the holy Gospels,
but by Joseplius, that lover of truth ; wlio
also makes mention of Herodias his brother's
wife, whom Herod had taken away from him
while he was alive, and married her ; having
divorced his former lawful wife, who was the
daugliter of Aretas, king of the Petrean
Arabians. This Herodias he had married,
and lived with her: on which account also,
when he had slain John, he made war with
Aretas, because his daughter had been dis-
honourably used ; in which war he relates
that all Herod's army was destroyed, and
that he suffered this on account of the most
unjust slaughter of John. He also adds,
that John was a most righteous man. More-
over, he makes mention of his baptism, a-
greeing in all points thereto relating with tha
Gospel. He also informs us, that Herod lost
his kingdom on account of Herodias, with
whom also he was condemned to be banished
to Vienna, which was tlieir place of exile, and
a city bordering upon Gaul, and lying neai
the utmost bounds of the \\ est.
About A. D. 1450. Hardmannus Schede-
lius Chron. p. 110. — Joseplius the Jew, who
was called Flavins, a priest, and the son of
Matthias, a priest of that nation, a most ce-
lebrated historian, and very skilful in many
things : he was certainly a good man, and o/
an excellent character, who had the highesv.
opinion of Christ.
About A. D. 1480. Platina de Vitis Ponti-
Jicum, in Christo. — I shall avoid mentioning
what Christ did until the 30th year of his
age, when he was baptized by John, the son of
Zacharias, because not only the Gospels and
Epistles are full of those acts of his, which
he did in the most excellent and most holy
manner, but the books of such as were quite
remote from his way of living, and acting,
and ordaining, are also full of the same.
Flavins Josephus himself, who wrote twenty
books of Jewish Antiquities in the Greek
tongue, when he had proceeded as far as the
government of the emperor Tiberius, says
Tliere was in those days Jesus, a certain wise
man, if at least it be lawful to call him a man ,
for he was a doer of wonderful works, and a
teacher of men, of such especially as willing-
ly hear the truth. On this account he drew
over to him many, both of the Jews and
Gentiles r — he was Christ. But when Pilate,
instigated by the principal men of our nation,
had decreed that he should be crucified, yet
did not those that had loved him from the
beginning forsake him; and besides, he ap-
peared to them the third day after his death
alive, as the divinely inspired prophets had
foretold, that these and innumerable other
miracles should come to pass about him:
and the famous name of Christians, taken
from him, as well as their sect, do still con-
tinue in being.
The same Josephus also affirms, That John
the Baptist, a true prophet, and on that ac-
count one that was had in esteem by all men,
was slain by Herod, the son of Herod the
Great, a little before the death of Christ, in
the castle of iVIacherus, — not because he was
afraid for himself and his kingdom, as the
same author says, — but because he had inces-
tuously married Herodias, the sister of A-
grippa, and the w'li'e of that excellent person
his brother Philip.
About A. D. 1480. Trilhemius Abbas de
Scriptor. Eccles. — Josephus the Jew, although
he continued to be a Jew, did frequently
commend tiie Christians ; and in the eigh-
teenth book of his Antiquities, wrote down an
eminent testimony concerning our Lord Je-
sus Christ.
A.
DISSERTATION I.
833
OUSERVATIONS FROM THE FOREGOING EVI-
DENCE AND CITATIONS.
I. The style of all these original testi-
monies belonging to Josephus is exactly the
style of the same Josephus, and especially the
style about those parts of his Antiquities
wherein we find these testimonies. This is
denied by nobody as to the other concerning
John the Baptist and James the Just, and is
now become equally undeniable as to that
"oncerning Christ.
II. These testimonies therefore being con-
fessedly and undeniably written by Josephus
himself, it is next to impossible that he should
wholly omit some testimony concerning Jesus
Christ ; nay, while his testimonies of John the
Baptist and of James the Just are so honour-
able, and gave them so great characters, it is
also impossible that this testimony concerning
Ciirist should be other than very honourable,
or such as afforded him a still greater char-
acter also. Could the very same author, who
gave such a full and advantageous character
of John the Baptist, the forerunner of Jesus
of Nazareth, all whose disciples were by him
directed to Jesus of Nazareth as to the true
INIessias, and all whose disciples became after-
wards the disciples of Jesus of Nazareth, say
nothing honourable of that Jesus of Nazareth
himself ? — and this in a history of those very
times in which he was born and lived, and died,
and that while the writer lived but a little after
him in the sam.s country in which he was born,
and lived, and died. This is almost incredi-
ble. And further, could the very same au-
thor, who gave such an advantageous char-
acter of James the Just, and this under the
very appellation of James (he brother of Jesus,
who ivas called Christ, which James was one of
the principal disciples or apostles of this Jesus
Christ, and had been many years the only
Christian bishop of the believing Jews of Ju-
dea and Jerusalem, in the very days and in
the very country of this writer; — could he, I
say, wholly omit any, nay, a very honourable
account of Jesus Christ iiimself, whose disciple
and bishop this James most certainly was ?
This is also almost incredible. Hear what
Ittigius, one of the wisest and learnedest of all
those who have lately inclined to give up the
testimony concerning Christ, as it stands in
our copies, for spurious, says upon this occa-
sion : — " If any one object to me, that Jose-
phus hath not omitted John the Baptist, the
forerunner of Christ, nor James the disciple
of Christ, and that therefore he could not
have done the part of a good historian, if he
had been entirely silent concerning Christ, I
shall freely grant that Josephus was not en-
tirely silent concerning Christ ; nav, J! shall
further grant, that when Josephus was speak-
ing of Christ, he did not abstain from his com-
mendation ; for we are not to determine from
that inveterate hatred which the modern Jews
bear to Christ, what was the behaviour of tliose
Jews, upon whom the miracles that were
daily wrought by the apostles in the name of
Christ imprinted a sacred horror."
III. The famous clause in this testimony
of Josephus concerning Christ, This was Christ,
or the Clirist, does not mean that this Jesus was
the Christ of God, or the trtie Messiah of the
Jews; but that this Jesus was distinguish-
ed from all others of that name, of which there
were not a few, as mentioned by Josephus
l)imself, by the addition of the other name of
Christ ; or that this person was no other than
he whom all the world knew by the name of
Jesus Christ, and his followers by the name of
Christians. This I esteem to be a clear case,
and that from tiie arguments following : —
(1.) The Greeks and Romans, for whose
use Josephus wrote his Antiquities, could no
otherwise understand these words. The Jews
indeed, and afterwards the Christians, who
knew that a great Messias, a person that was
to be Christ, the anointed of God, and that
was to perform the office of a King, a Priest,
and a Prophet, to God's people, might readily
so understand this expression ; but Josephus,
as I have already noted, wrote here not to Jews
or Christians, but to Greeks and Romans, who
knew nothing of this : but knew very well
that an eminent person, liviug in Judea, whose
name was Jesus direst, or Jesus Christ, had
founded a new and numerous sect, which
took the latter of those names, and were every-
where, from him, called Chrestians, or Chris-
tians ; in which sense alone they cjuld under-
stand these words of Josephus, and in which
sense I believe he desired they should under,
stand them ; nor does Josephus ever use the
Hebrew term Afessiah in any of his writings,
nor the Greek term Christ in any such accep-
tation elsewhere.
(2.) Josephus himself as good as explains
his own meaning, and that by the last clause
of this very passage, where he says the Chris-
tians were named from this Christ, without a
syllable as though he really meant he was
the true Messiah, or Christ of God. He far-
ther seems to me to explain this his meanJng
in that other place, where alone he elsewhere
mentions this name of Christ; that is, when
upon occasion of the mention of James, when
he was condemned by Ananus, he calls him
the Profiler of Jesus, not that was the true Mes-
siah, or the true Christ, but only thai was callea
Christ.
(3.) It was quite beside the purpose of
Josephus to declare himself here to be a Chris-
tian, or a believer in Jesus as the true Mes-
siah. Had he intended so to do, he would
surely have explained the meaning of the word
Christ to his Greek and Roman readers ; he
would surely have been a great deal fuller
and larger in his accounts of Christ, and of
4 A
834
DISSERTATION I.
the Christian religion ; nor would such a de-
claration at that time have recommended him,
or his nation, or his writings, to either the
Greeks or the Romans ; of his reputation with
both which people he is known to have been,
in the writing of these Antiquities, very great-
ly solicitous.
(4.) Josephus's usual way of writing is
historical and declarative of facts, and of the
opinions of others, and but rarely such as di-
rectly informs us of his own opinion, unless
we prudently gather it from what he say-s his-
torically, or as the opinions of others. This
is very observable in the writings of Josephus,
and in particular as to what he says of John
the Baptist and of James the Just ; so that
this interpretation is most probable, as most
agreeable to Josephus's way of writing in pa-
rallel cases.
(5.) Tills seems to be the universal sense
of all the ancients, withotrt exception, who
cite this testimony from him ; and though they
almost everywhere own this to be the true
reading, yet do they everywhere suppose Jo'
sephus to be still an unbelieving Jew, and not
a believing Christian ; nay, Jerome appears
so well assured of this interpretation, and that
Josephus did not mean to declare any more
by these words, than a common opinion, that,
according to his usual way of interpreting
authors, not to the words but to the sense (of
which we have, I think, two more instances in
his accounts out of Josephus now before us),
he renders this clause, Credebatur esse Christus,
i. e. He was believed to be Christ. Nor is the
parallel expression of Pilate to be otherwise
understood, when he made that inscription up-
on the cross. This is Jesus, the King of the Jews
(Matt, xxvii, 31); which is well explained
by himself elsewhere, and corresponds to the
import of the present clause. What shall J do
uith Jems, who is called Christ (Matt, xxvii,
17, 22) ? And we may full as well prove
from Pilate's inscription upon the cross, that
he hereby declared himself a believer in Christ,
for the 1-eal king of the Je^vs, as we can from
these words of Josephus, that he thereby de-
clared himself to be a real believer in him, as
the true Messiah.
IV. Though Josephus did not design here
to declare himself openly to be a Christian,
\et could he not possibly believe all that he
here asserts concerning Jesus Christ, unless
he were so far a Christian as tl-.e Jewish Na-
zarenes or Ebionites then were, who believed
Jesus of Nazareth to be the true Messiah,
without believing he was more than a man ;
who also believed the necessity of the obser-
vation of the ceremonial law of IMoses in or-
der to salvation for all mankind, wliich were
tlie two main articles of those Jewish Chris-
tians' faith, though in opposition to all the
thirteen apostles of Jesus Christ in the first
century, and in opposition to the whole Ca-
tholic Church of Christ in the following cen-
turies also. Accordingly, I have elsewhere
proved, that Josephus was no other in his
own mind and conscience than a Nazarene or
Ebionite Jewish Christian ; and have observ-
ed, that this entire testimonj', and all that Jo-
sephus says of John the Baptist and of James,
as well as his absolute silence about all the
rest of the apostles and their companions, ex-
actly agree to him under that character and
no other ; and indeed to me it is most aston-
ishing, that all our learned men, who have of
late considered these testimonies of Josephus,
except the converted Jew Galatinus, should
miss such an obvious and natural observation.
We all know this from St. James's own words
(Acts xxi, 20), that so many ten thousands of
Jews as believed in Christ, in the first century,
u'ere all zealous of the ceremonial law, or were no
other than Nazarene or Ebionite Christians ;
and, by consequence, if there were any reason
to think our Josephus to be in any sense a
believer or a Christian, as from all these tes-
timonies there were very great ones, all Uiosc,
and many other reasons, could not but con-
spire to assure us, he was no other than a Na-
zarene or Ebionite Christian ; and this I take
to be the plain and evident key of this whole
matter.
v. Since therefore Josephus appears to
iiave been, in his own heart and conscience,
no other than a Nazarene or Ebionite Chris-
tian, and, by consequence, with them reject-
ed all our Greek Gospels and Greek books of
the New Testament, and received only the
Hebrew Gospels of the Nazarenes or Ebio-
nites, styled by them, the Gospel according to
the Hebrews, or according to the Twelve Apos-
tles, or even according to Matlhe^v, we ought
always to have that Nazarene or Ebionite
Gospel, with the other Nazarene or Ebionite
fragments, in view, when we consider any
passages of Josephus relating to Christ or to
Cliristianity. Thus, since that Gospel o-
ir.itted all that is in the beginning of our St.
]\]atthe\v's and St. Luke's Gospels, and be-
gan with the ministry of John the Baptist j
in which first parts of the Gospel History are
the accounts of the slaughter of the infants,
and of the enrolment or taxation under Au-
gustus Caesar and Herod, it is no great won-
der that Josephus has not taken care particu-
larly and clearly to preserve those histories
to us. Thus when we find that Josephus
calls James tiie brother of Christ, by the name
of James the Just, and describes him as a
most just or righteous man, in an especial man-
ner, we are to remember that such is his name
and character in the Gospel according to the
Hebrews, and the other Ebionite remains of
Hegesippus, but nowhere else, that I remem-
ber, in the earliest antiquity j nor are we to
suppose they herein referred to any other
than that 7-ighteousness which uas by the .Jewish
law, wherein St. Paul (Philip, iii. 4, 5, 6.),
before he embraced Christianity, professed
DISSERTATION I.
835
himself i«j have been blameless. Thus when
Josephus, with other Jews, ascribed the mise-
ries of that nation under Vespasian and Titus,
with the destruction of Jerusalem, to the bar-
barous murder of James the Just, we must
remember what we learn from the Ebionite
fragments of Hegesippus, that these Ebio-
nites interpreted a prophecy of Isaiah as fore-
telling this very murder, and those consequent
miseries: — I^et its take away the jvst one, for
he is unprojitable to i(S : therefore shall they eat
the fruit of their vwn xvays (Isaiah iii. 10).
'I'hus when Josephus says, as we have seen,
that the most equitable citizens of Jerusalem,
and those that were most zealous of the law,
were very uneasy at the condemnation of this I
James, and some of his friends and fellow-'
Christians, by the high-priest and sanhedrim, j
about A. D. 62, and declares that he himself
was one of those Jews who thought the ter-
rible miseries of that nation effects of the ven-
geance of God for their murder of this James,
about A. D. 68, we may easily see those o-
pinions could only be the opinions of convert-
ed Jews or Ebionites. The high-priest and
sanhedrim, who always persecuted the Chris-
tians, and now condemned these Christians,
and the body of these unbelieving Jews, who
are supposed to suffer for murdering this
James, the head of the Nazarene or Ebionite
Clwistians in Judea, could not, to be sure, be
of that opinion ; nor could Josephus himself
be of the same opinion, as he declares he was,
without the strongest inclinations to the
Christian religion, or without being secretly
a Christian Jew, i. e. a Nazarene or Ebionite;
whicl) thing is, by tlie vvay, a very great ad-
ditional argument that such he was, and no
other. Thus, lastly, when Josephus is cited
in Suidas, as affirming that Jesus officiated
with the priests in the temple, this account
is by no means disagreeable to the pretensions
of tlie Ebionites. Hegesippus affirms the
very same of James the Just also.
VI. In the first citation of the famous testi-
mony concerning our Saviour from Tacitus, al-
most all that was true of the Jews is directly
taken by himoutof Josephus, as will be demon-
strated under the Third Dissertation hereafter.
VII. The second author I have alleged
for it is Justin Martyr, one so nearly coeval
with Josephus, that he might be born about
the time wlien he wrote his Antiquities : he
appeals to tlie same Antiquities by that very
name ; and though he does not here directly
quote them, yet does he seem to me to allude
to this very testimony in them concerning
our Saviour, when he alfinns, in this place,
to Trypho the Jew, that his nation originally
knew that Jesus teas risen from the dead, and
ascended into heaven, as the prophecies did fore-
tell was to happen. Since tliere neither now
is, nor probably in the days of Justin was,
any other Jewish testimony extant which is
so agreeable to what Justin here affirms of
those Jews, as is this of Josephus the Jew be-
fore us ; nor indeed does he seem to me to
have had any thing else particularly in his
view here, but this very testimony, where Jo-
sephus says, " That Jesus appeared to his
followers alive the third day after his cruci-
fixion, as the divine prophets had foretold
tliese and ten thousand other wonderful things
concerning him."
VIII. The third author I have quoted for
Josephus's testimonies of John the Baptist,
of Jesus of Nazareth, and of Jaines the Just,
is Origen, who is indeeed allowed on all hands
to have quoted him for the excellent character
of John the Baptist, and of James the Just ;
but whose supposed entire silence about this
testimony concerning Christ is usually alleged
as the principal argument against its being
genuine, and particularly as to the clause,
2'his ivas the Christ : and that, as we have
seen, because he twice assures us that, in his
opinion, Josephus himself did not acknoidedge
Jesus for Ckrist. Now, as to this latter
clause, I have already shown that Josephus
did not here, in writing to Greeks and Ro-
mans, mean any such thing by those words as
Jews and Christians naturally imderstand by
them : I have also observed, that all the an-
cients allow still, with Origen, that Josepiuis
did not, in the Jewish and Christian sense,
acknowledge Jesus for the true Messiah, or
tUe true Christ of God, notwithstanding their
express quotation of that clause in Josephus as
genuine; so that unless we suppose Origen
to have had a different notion of these words
from all the other ancients, we cannot con-
clude from this assertion of Origen, that he
had not those words in his copy, not to say
that it is, after all, much more likely that his
copy a little differed from the other copies in
tills clause, or indeed omitted it entirely, than
that he, on its account, must be supposed not
to have had the rest of this testimony therein,
though indeed I see no necessity of making
any such supposal at all. However, it seems
to me that Origen affords us four several in-
dications that the main parts at least of this
testimony itself were in his copy : —
(1.) When Origen introduces Josephus's
testimony concerning James the Just, that he
thouglit the miseries of the Jews were an in-
stance of the divine vengeance on that nation
for putting James to death instead of Jesus,
he uses an expression no way necessary to his
purpose, nor occasioned by any words of Jo-
sephus there, 'I'liat they had slain that Chrii'
which was foretold in the prophecies. Whence
could this expression come here into Origcn's
mind, when he was quoting a testimony of
Josephus concerning the brother of Christ,
but from his remembrance of a clause in the
testimony of the same Josephus concerning
Christ himself, that the pj-ophets had foretold his
death and resurrection, and ten thousand ulher
wonderful things concerning him <'
835
DISSERTATION I.
(2.) Hew came Origen to be so surprised
at Josephus's ascribing tlie destruction of Je-
rusalem to the Jews' murdering of James the
Just, and not to their murdering of Jesus, as
we have seen he was, if he liad not known
tliat Joscphus had sjioken of Jesus and his
death before, and that l)e had a very good
opinion of Jesus, which j'et he could learn no
way so authentically as from this testimony ?
Nor do the words he here uses, that Joseplius
■was not remote frovi the truth, perhaps allude
to any thing else but to tliis very testimony
before us.
(3.) How can the same Origen, upon an-
other slight occasion, when he had just set
down that testimony of Joseplius concerning
James tiie Just, the brother of Jesus, who was
called Christ, say that "it may be questioned
whether the Jews thought Jesus to be a man,
or whether the)' did not suppose him to be a
being of a diviner kind ?" This looks so very
like the fifth and sixth clauses of this testi-
mony in Joseplius, that Jesus n*ix a ivise man,
if it be lawful to call him a man, that it is high-
ly probable Origen thereby alluded to tliein ;
and this is the more to be depended on, be-
cause all the unbelieving Jews, and all the
-est of the Nazarene Jews, esteemed Jesus
%vith one consent, as a viere man, the son of
Joseph and Mary ; and it is not, I think,
possible to produce any one Jew but Josephus,
who in a sort of compliance with the Romans
and the Catholic Christians, who thought him
a God, would say any thing like his being a
God.
\^4.) How came Origen to affirm twice, so
expressly, that Josephus did not Idmself own, in
the Jewish and Christian sense, that Jesui-ivas
Christ, notwithstanding his quotations of such
eminent testimonies out of him for John the
Baptist his forerunner, and for James the Just,
his brother, and one of his principal disciples?
There is no passage in all Josephus so likely
to persuade Origen of this as is the famous
testimony before us, wherein, as he and
all the ancients understood it, he was gener-
ally called Christ indeed, but not any other-
wise than as the common name whence the
sect of Christians was derived, and where lie
all along speaks of those Christians as a sect
then in being, wliose author was a wonderful
person, and his followers great lovers of him
and of the truth, yet as such a sect as he had
not joined himself to : which exposition, as it is
a very natural one, so was it, I doubt, but too
true of our Josephus at that time; nor can I
devise any other reason but this, and the paral-
lel language of Josephus elsewhere, when he
speaks of James as the brother, not of Jesus
who was Cluist, but of Jesus who was called
Christ, that could so naturally induce Origen
and others to be of that opinion.
IX. Tliero are two remarkable passages in
Suidas and Theophylact, already set down, as
citing Josephus; the former, that Jesus o^ici'
ated with the priests in the temple ; and the lat-
ter, that the destruction of Jerusalem, and
miseries of the Jews, were owing to their
putting Jesus to death, which are in none of
our present copies, nor cited thence by any
ancienter authors, nor indeed do they seem
altogether consistent with the other most au-
thentic testimonies. However, since Suidaa
cites his passage from a treatise of Josephus
called Memoirs of the Jeu's^ Captivity, a book ne-
ver heard of elsewhere, and since both citations
are not at all disagreeable to Josephus's cha-
racter as a Nazarene or Ebionite, I dare not
positively conclude they are suurious, but
must leave them in suspense, for the farther
consideration of the learned.
X. As to that great critic Photius, in the
ninth century, who is sujjposed not to have
had this testimony in his copy of Josephus, or
else to have esteeincd it spurious ; because, in
ins extracts out of Joseplius's Antiquities, it
is not expressly mentioned, — this is a strange
thing indeed ! — that a section, which had been
cited out of Josephus s copies all along before
the days of Photius, as a'ell as it has been all
along cited out of them since his days, should
be supposed not to be in his copy, because he
does not directly mention it in certain short
and imperfect extracts, no way particularly re-
lating to such matters. Those who lay a stress
on this silence of Photius, seem little to have
attended to the nature and brevity of those
extracts. They contain little or nothing, as
he in effect professes at their entrance, but
what concerns Antipater, Herod the Great,
and his brethren and family, with their ex-
ploits, till the days of Agrippa jimior, and
Cumanus, the governor of Judea, fifteen years
after the deatli of our Saviour, without one
word of Pilate, or what happened under his
government, which yet was the only proper
place in which this testimony could come to
be mentioned. However, since Photius seems
therefore, as we have seen, to suspect the
treatise ascribed by some to Josephus, Of the
Universe, because it speaks very high things of
the eternal generation and divinity of Christ,
this looks very like his knowledge and belief of
somewhat really in the same Josephus, which
spake in a lower manner of him, which could
be hardly any other passage than this testimony
before us; and since as we have also seen,
when he speaks of the Jewish History of Jus-
tus of Tiberias, as infected with the prejudices
of the Jews in taking no manner of notice of
the advent, of the acts, and of the miracles of
Jesus Christ, while yet he never speaks so of
Josephus himself, this most naturally implies
also, that there was not the like occasion here
as there; but that Josephus had not wholly
omitted that advent, those acts, or miracles
which yet he has done everywhere else, in the
books seen by Pliotius, as well as Justus of
Tiberias, but in this famous testimony be-
fore us, so tiiat it is most probable, Photius
"V-
DISSERTATION I.
837
not only had this testimony in his copy, but
believed it to be genuine also.
XI. As to the silence of Clement of Alex-
andria, who cites the Antiquities of Josephus,
but never cites any of the testimonies now be-
fore us, it is no strange thing at all, since he
never cites Josephus but once, and that for a
point of chronology only, to determine how
many years had passed from the days of
Moses to the days of Josephus,— so that his
silence may almost as well be alleged a-
gainst a hundred other remarkable passages
in Josephiis's works as against these bet'ore
us.
XII. Nor does the like silence of Tertul-
lian imply that these testimonies, or any of
them, were not in the copies of his age. Ter-
tullian never once hints at any treatises of
Josephus but those against Apion, and that
in general only, for a point of chronology ;
nor does it any way appear that Tertullian
ever saw any of Josephus's writings besides,
and far from being certain that he saw even
those. He had particular occasion in his dis-
pute against the Jews to quote Josephus, a-
bove any other writer, to prove the completion
of the prophecies of the Old Testament in th"
destruction of Jerusalem and miseries of the
Jews at that time, of which he there discours-
es, yet docs he never once quote him upon
that solemn occasion ; so that it seems to me
that Tertullian never read either the Greek
Antiquities of Josephus, or his Greek books
of the Jewish wars : nor is this at all strange
in Tertullian, a Latin writer, that lived ii
Africa, by none of which African writers is
there any one clause, that I know of, cited
out of any of Josephus's writings; nor is it
wortli my while in such numbers of positive
citations of these clauses, to mention the
silence of other later writers as being here of
very small consequence.
DISSERTATION II.
CONCERNING GOD'S COMMAND TO ABRAHAM TO OFFEU UP ISAAC,
HIS SON, FOR A SACRIFICE.
Since this command of God to Abraham 1
(Gen. xxii) has of late been greatly mistaken
by some, who venture to reason about very
ancient facts from very modern notions, and
this without a due regard to either the cus-
toms, or opinions, or circumstances of the
times whereto those facts belong, or indeed
to the true reasons of the facts themselves ;
since the mistakes about those customs, opi-
nions, circumstances and reasons, have of late
so far prevailed, that the very same action of
Abraham, which was so celebrated by St.
Paul (Rom. iv. 16 — 25), St. James (chap. ii.
21, 22), the auihor to the Hebrews (chap,
xi. 17 — 19), Pliilo,* and Josephus,f in the
first century, and by innumerable others
since, as an uncommon instance of signal vir-
tue, of heroic faith in God, and piety towards
him; nay, is in the sacred history (Gen. xxii.
15 — 18) highly commended by the divine
4ngel of the Covenant, in the name of God
himselC, and promised to be plentifully re-
warded ; since this command, I say, is now
at last, in the eighteenth century, become a
*tone (if stumbling and a rock of offence ainong
us, and that sometimes to persons of otherwise
good sense, and of a religious disposition of
mind also, I shall endeavour to set this mat-
ter in its true, i. e. in its ancient and original
• PhiU de Gigaiit. p. 291. + Antiq. b. i. ch. xiii
light, for the satisfaction of the inquisitive.
In order wiiereto we are to consider,
1. Tliat till this very profane age, it has
been, I think, universally allowed by all so-
ber persons, who owned themselves the crea-
tures of God, that the Creator has a just
right over all his rational creatures, to pro-
tract their lives to what length he pleases,—
to cut them off when and by what instru-
ments he pleases, — to afflict them with what
sicknesses he pleases, — and to remove them
from one state or place in this his great pa-
lace of the universe to another, as he pleases;
and that all those rational creatures are bound
in duty and interest to acquiesce under the
divine disposal, and to resign themselves up
to the good providence of God in all such
his dispensations towards them. I do not
mean to intimate, that God may, or ever
does, act in these cases after a mere arbitr:iry
manner, or without sufficient reason, believ-
ing, according to the whole tenor of natural
and revealed religion, that he hatcth nothing
that he hath viade (Wisdom, xi. H) ; that
whatsoever he does, how melancholy soever
it may appear at first sight to us, is really in-
tended for the good of his creatures, and, at
the upshot of things, will fully appear so to
be : but that still he is not obliged, nor does
in general give his creatures an account of
838
DISSERTATION II.
the particular reasons of such his dispensations
towards them immediately, but usually tries
and L'xercises their faith and patience, their
resignation and obedience, in their present
state, of probation, and reserves those reasons
to the last day, the clay of the revelation of the
righteous judgment of God. (Rom. ii. 5.)
2. That the entire histories of the past
ages, from the days of Adam till now, show
that Almiglity God has ever exercised his
power over mankind, and that without giving
them an immediate account of the re_asons of
such his conduct ; and that withal, the best
and wisest men of all ages, Heatheans as well
as Jews and Christians, — Marcus Antoninus,
as well as the patriarch Abraham and St.
Paul, have ever humbly submitted themselves
to tliis conduct of the Divine Providence,
and alwr.ys confessed that they were obliged
to the undeserved goodness and mercy of
God for every enjoyment, but could not de-
mand any of them of his justice; — no, not so
much as the continuance of that life whereto
those enjoyments do appertain. When God
was pleased to sweep the wicked race of men
away by a flood, the young innocent infants,
as well as the guilty old sinners ; when he
was pleased to shorten the lives of men after
the Flood, and still downward till the days
of David and Solomon ; when he was pleas-
ed to destroy impure Sodom and Gomorrah
by fire and brimstone from heaven, and to
extirpate the main body of the Amorites out
of the land of Canaan, as soon as their iniqvi-
ties were fiiU (Gen. xv. 16), and in these in-
stances included the young innocent infants,
together with the old hardened sinners;
when God was pleased to send an angel, and
by him to destroy 185,0CXD Assyrians (the
number attested to by Berosus the Chaldean,
as well as by our own Bibles) in the days of
Hezekiah, most of whom seem to have had
no other peculiar guilt upon them than that
common to soldiers in war, of obeying with-
out reserve their king Sennacherib, his ge-
nerals and captains; and when, at the plague
of Athens, London, Marseilles, &c. so many
thousand righteous men and women, with
innocent babes, were swept away on a sud-
den, by a fatal contagion, — I do not remem-
ber that sober men have complained that God
dealt unjustly with such his creatures, in
those to us seemingly severe dispensations.
Nor are we certain when any such seemingly
severe dispensations are really such, nor do
we know but shortening the lives of men may
sometimes be the greatest blessing to them,
and prevent or ])ut a stop to those courses of
gross wickedness which might bring them to
a greater misery in the world to come ; nor
is it fit for sucli poor, weak, and ignorant
creatures as we are, in the present state, to
call our almighty, and all-wise, and all-good
Creator and Benefactor to an account upon
any such occasions, — since we cannot but ac-
"^
knowledge that it is He that hath made us,
and not we ourselves (Psalm c. 3), that we
are nothing, and have nothing of ourselves ;
independent of him, but that all we are, all
we have, and all we hope for, is derived from
him, from his free and undeserved bounty,
which therefore he may justly take from us in
what way soever and whensoever he pleases j
all wise and good men still saying in such
cases with the pious Psalmist (Ps, xxxix, 9), /
was dumb, I opened not my mouth, because thou
didst it ; and with patient Job (ch. i. 21 ; ii.
10), Shall ive receive good at the hand of God,
and shall 7iot we receive evil ? The Lord gave,
and the Lord hath taken aimy, blessed be the name
of the Lord, If therefore this shortening or
taking away the lives of men be an objection
against any divine command for tliat purpose,
it is full as strong against the present system
of tiie world, against the conduct of Divine
Providence in general, and against natural
religion, which is founded on the justice of
that Providence, and is no way peculiar
to revealed religion, or to the fact of Abra-
ham now before us ; nor in this case much
different from what was soon after the days
of Abraham thoroughly settled, after Job's
and his friends' debates, by the inspiration of
Elihu, and the determination of God himself,
where the Divine Providence was at length
thoroughly cleared and justified before all
the world, as it will be, no question, more
generally cleared and justified at the final
judgment.
3. That till this profane age, it has also, I I
think, been universally allowed by all sober i
men, that a command of God, when suf-
ficiently made known to be so, is abundant
authority for the taking away the life of any
person whomsoever. I doubt both ancient
and modern princes, generals of armies, and
judges, even those of the best reputation also,
have ventured to take many men's lives away
upon much less authority ; nor indeed do the
most sceptical of the moderns care to deny
this authority directly ; they rather take a
method of objecting somewhat more plausible,
though it amounts to much the same : they
say that the apparent disagreement of any
command to the moral attributes of God, such
as this of the slaughter of an only child seems
plainly to be, will be a greater evidence thai
such a command does not come from God,
than any pretended revelation can be that it
does; but as to this matter, although divine
revelations have now so long ceased, that we
are not well acquainted with the manner of
conveying such revelations with certainty to
men, and by consequence the apparent disa-
greement of a command witli the moral attri-
butes of God, ought at present, generally, if
not constantly, to deter men from acting upon
such a pretended revelation, yet was there no
such uncertainty in the days of the old pro-
phets of God, or of Abraham, the friend of
DISSERTATION II.
839
God (Isa. xli. 8), who are ever found to
have had an entire certainty of those their re-
velations ; and what evidently shows they
were not deceived, is this, that the events and
consequences of tilings afterwards always cor-
responded, and secured them of the truth of
such divine revelations. Thus the first mira-
culous voice from heaven (Gen. xxii. 11,
12), calling to Abraham not to execute this
command, and the performance of those emi-
nent promises made by the second voice
(Gen. xxii. 17, i8), on account of his obe-
dience to that command, are demonstrations
that Abraham's commission for what he did
was truly divine, and are an entire justifica-
tion of his conduct in this matter. The
words of the first voice from heaven will
come hereafter to be set down in a fitter place ;
but the glorious promises made to Abraham's
obedience by the second voice, must here be
produced from rerse 15 — IS. "And the
angel of the Lord called unto Abraham out
of heaven the second time, and said. By my-
self have I sworn, saith the Lord ; for because
thou hast done this thing, and hast not with-
held thy son, thine only son, from me, that in
blessing I will bless thee, and in multiplying
I will multiply thy seed as the stars of heaven,
and as the sand which is upon the sea-shore ;
and thy seed shall possess the gate of his ene-
mies ; and in thy seed sliall all the nations of
the eartli be blessed, because thou hast obeyed
my voice." Every one of which promises have
been eminently fulfilled ; and, what is chiefly
remarkable, the last and principal of them,
that in Abrahani s SEED all the nations of the
sarth should he blessed, was never promised till
this time. It had been twice promised him
(chap. xli. 3; and xviii. IS), that in himself
thovid all thefamilies of the earth be blessed ; but \
that this blessing was to belong 1o future times, I
and to be bestowed by the means of one of his
late posterity, the Messias, that great son and
teed of Abraliam only, was never revealed be-
fore, but on such an amazing instance of his
faith and obedience as was this his readi-
ness to offer up his only begotten son Isaac,
was now first promised, and has been long
ago performed in the birth of Jesus of Nazar-
eth, the son of David, the son uf Abraham
(Matt. i. 1), which highly deserves our obser-
vation in this place ; nor can we suppose that
any thing else than clear conviction that this
command came from God could induce so
good a man and so tender a father as Abra-
ham was, to sacrifice his own beloved son, and
to lose thereby all the comfort he received
from him at present, and all tiie expectation
he had of a numerous and happy posterity
from him hereafter.
4. That long before the days of Abraham,
thexlemons or heathen gods had required and
received human sacrifices, and particiilarly
that of the offerer's own children, and tliis
both before and after the Deluge. This prac-
tice had been indeed so long left off in Egypt,
and the custom of sacrificing animals there was
confined to so few kinds in tlie days of Hero-
dotus, that he would not believe they had ever
offered human sacrifices at all ; for he says,*
that "the fr.ble, as if Hercules was sacrificed to
Jupiter in Egypt, was feigned by the Greeks,
who were entirely unacquainted with the na-
ture of the Egyptians and their laws ; for how
should they sacrifice men, witii whom it is
unlawful to sacrifice any brute beast, boars
and bulls, and pure calves and ganders only
excepted ?" However, it is evident, from
Sanchoniatho, Manetho, Pausanias, Diodorus
Siculus, Philo, Plutarch, and Porphyry, that
such sacrifices were frequent both in Phce-
nicia and Egypt, and that long before the
days of Abraham, as Sir John Marsham and
Bishop Cumberland have fully proved ; nay,
that in other places (though not in Egypt)
this cruel practice continued long after Abra-
ham, and this till the very third, if not also
to the fifth century of Christianity, before it
was quite abolished. Take the words of the
original authors in English, as most of them
occur in their originals, in Sir John Mar-
sham's Chronicon, p. 76 — 78, 300 — 304.
" Chronus offered up his only begotten
son as a burnt-offering, to his father Uranus,
when there was a famine and a pestilence.' f
" Chronus, whom the Phcenicians name
Israel [it should be //], and who was, aftcl
his death, consecrated info the star Saturn,
when he was king of the country, and had,
by a nymph of that country, named Ano-
bret, an only begotten son, whom, on thai
account, they called Jeud (the Phcenicians to
this day calling an only begotten son by that
name), he in his dread of very great dangers
that lay upon the country from war, adorned
his son with royal apparel, and built an altar,
and offered him in sacrifice."!
" The Phoenicians, when they were in great
dangers by war, by famine, or by pestilence,
sacrificed to Saturn one of the dearest of their
people, whom they chose by public suffrage for
that purpose; and Sanchoniatbo's Phoenician
history is full of such sacrifices." [These
hitherto I take to have been before the
Flood.] §
" In Arabia, the Dumatii sacrificed a child
every year. "j|
"They relate, that of old the [Egyptian!
kings sacrificed such men as were of the same
colour with Typho, at the sepulchre of Obi-
ris."^
" Slanetho relates, that they burnt Ty-
phonean men alive in the city Idithyia [or
Ilithyia], and scattered their ashes like chaff
that is winnowed ; and this was done pub-
* Apud Marsh. Chron. p. 3'''3.
t Phi). Bib. ex Sanchon. p. 76.
% Phil Bib. ex ^anchon. p. 77.
8 Porphyry, p. 77,
11 Porphyrv, p. 77-
U Uiod. Sii;. p. 7S.
840
DISSERTATION II.
Kcly, and at an appointed season in the dog-
days."*
" The barbarous nations did a long time
admit of the slaughter of children, as of a
holy practice, and acceptable to the gods ;
and this thing, botii private persons, and
kings, and entire nations, practise at proper
seasons, "f
" The human sacrifices that were enjoined
by the Dodonean oracle, mentioned in Pau-
sanias's Achaics, in the tragical story of
Coresus and Callirrhoe, sufficiently intimate
tiiat the Phoenician and Egyptian priests had
set up this Dodonean oracle before the time
of Amosis, who destroyed that barbarous
practice in Egypt. "|
Ifqve adytis htrc fristm dicta reporiat :
Sungviue piiicastis ventns, et virgine cusa,
Cum pi allium I/inctis Dtinai vctiisiis ad oras ;
Siinginne qiiurendi reditus, aniniaqiie litamium
Argulica
ViBG. iEn. ii. 115.
He from the gods this dreadful answer brought :
O Grecians, when tlic Trojan slioies you sought.
Your passage with a virgin's l)lood was bought !
So must your sale return Ix; bought again,
And Grecian blood once more atone the main.
DKYOEN.
These bloody sacrifices were, for certain,
instances of the greatest degree of impiety,
tyranny, and cruelty in the world : that either
wicked demons or wicked men, who neither
made nor preserved mankind, who had there-
fore no right over them, nor were they able
to make them amends in the next world for
what they thus lost or suffered in this, should,
after so inhuman a manner, command tlie
taking away the lives of men, and particular-
ly of the offerer's own children, without the
commission of any crime ; this was, I think,
an aboiTiination derived from him who was a
murderer Jroni the beginyiing (John viii. 44) ;
a crime truly and properly diabolical.
5. That accordingly Almighty God him-
self, under the Jewish dispensation, vehe-
mently condemned the Pagans, and sometimes
the Jews themselves, for this crime ; and for
this, among other heinous sins, cast the idola-
trous nations (nay, sometimcsthe Jews too) out
of Palestine. Take the principal texts hereto
relating, as they lie in order in the Old Tes.
lament : —
" Thou shalt not let any of thy seed pass
through the fire to Molcch. Defile not your-
selves in any of these things, for in all these
the nations are defiled, which I cast out be-
fore you," &c. (Lev. xviii. 21.)
" Whosoever he be of the ciiildren of Is-
rael, or of the strangers that sojourn in Israel,
that giveth any of his seed unto Molech, he
shall surely be put to death ; the people of
the land shall stone him with stones." (Lev.
XX. 2.)
" Take heed to thyself, that thou be not
Plutarch, p. 7S. t NonnuUi apud Phil. p. 76-
t Cuml)erl. Sanchon. p. 31b.
snared by following the nations, after that
they be destroyed from before thee ; and that
thou in(jtiire not after their gods, saying.
How did these nations serve their gods, even
so v/ill I do likewise. Thou shalt not do so
unto the Lord thy God ; for every abomina-
tion of the Lord, which he hateth, have thej
done unto their gods ; for even tlieir sons
and their daughters have they burnt in the
fire to their gods." (Deut. xii. 30, 31. See
chap, xviii. 10, and 2 Kings xvii. 17.)
" And Ahaz made his son to pass through
the fire, according to the abominations of the
heathen, whom the Lord cast out before the
children of Israel." (2 Kings xvi. 3.)
" Moreover, Ahaz burnt incense in tlve
valley of the son of Hinnom, and burnt his
children (his son, in Josephus) in tlie fire, af-
ter the abominations of the heathen, whom
the Lord had cast out before the children of
Israel." (2 Chron. xxviii. 3.)
" And the Sepharvites burnt their children
in tlie fire to Adrammelech and Anamelech,
the gods of Sepharvaim," &c. (2 Kings xvii.
31.)
" And Josiah defiled Tophet, wliich is in
the valley of the children of Hinnom, that
no man might make his son or his daughter
to pass througli the fire unto Molech." (2
Kings xxiii. 10.)
" Yea, they sacrificed their sons and their
daughters unto demons; and shed innocent
blood, the blood of their sons and of their
daughters, whom they sacrificed unto the
idols of Canaan ; and the land was polluted
with blood." (Psal. cvi. 37, 38. See Isa.
Ivii, 5.)
" The children of Judah have done evil in
my sight, saith the Lord ; they have set
their abominations in the house which is call,
ed by my name to pollute it; and they liave
built the high places of Tophet, which is m
the valley of the son of Hinnom, to burn
their sons and their daughters in the fire,
which I commanded them not, nor camo
it into my heart." (Jer. vii. 30 — 32.)
" Thus saith the Lord of Hosts, the God
of Israel, Behold I will bring evil upon lliis
place, the whicli whosoever heareth, liis ears
shall tingle, because they have forsaken me,
and have estranged this place, and have burnt
incense unto other gods, whom neither
they nor their fathers have known, nor the
kings of Judah, aiid have filled this place
with the blood of innocents. They have
built also the high places of Baal, to burn
their sons with fire for burnt-oft'erings unto
Baal, which I commanded not, nor spake it,
neither came it into my mind," &c. (Jer. xix.
3—5.)
"They built the high places of Baal, which
are in the valley of the son of Hinnom, to
cause their sons and their daughters to paso
through the fire unto Molech, which I com-
manded them not, neither came it into u.y
DISSERTATION II
841
iHiiHl that they should do this abomination,
to cause Judah to sin." (Jer. xxxii. 55.,
" Moreover, thou hast taken thy sons and
thy daughters, whom thou hast born unto
me, and tliese hast thou sacrificed unto them
to be devoured. Is this of thy whoredoms
a small matter, that thou hast slain my child-
ren, and delivered them to cause them to
pass through the fire for them ?" (Ezek. xvi.
20, 21. See chap, xx. 26; 1 Cor. x. 20.)
*' Thou hatest the old inhabitants of thy
holy land, for doing most odious works of
witchcraft and wicked sacrifices ; and also
those merciless murderers of children, and
devourers of man's flesh, and feasts of blood,
with their priests, out of the midst of their
idolatrous crew, and the parents that killed
with their own hands souls destitute of help."
(Wisd. xii. 4—6.)
6. That Almighty God never permitted, in
any one instance, that such a human sacrifice
should actually be offered to himself (though
he had a right to have required it, if he had
so pleased) under the whole Jewish dispensa^
tion, which yet was full of many other kinds
of sacrifices, and this at a time when mankind
generally thought such sacrifices of the great-
est virtue for the procuring pardon of sin and
the divine favour. This the ancient records of
the heathen world attest. Take their notion
in the words of Philo Biblius," the translator
of Sanchoniatho : — " It was the custom of the
ancients, in the greatest calamities and dan-
gers, for the governors of the city or nation,
in order to advert the destruction of all to de-
vote their beloved son to be slain, as a price
of redemption to the punishing [or avenging]
demons ; and those so devoted were killed after
a mystical manner." This the history of the
king of Moab ('i Kings iii. 27), when he was
in great distress in his war against Israel and
Judah, informs us of; who then " took his
eldest son, that should have reigned in his
stead, and offered him for a burnt-offering
upon the city-wall." This also the Jewish
propliot Micah ;chap. vi. 6 — 8) implies, wlien
he inquires, *' Wherewith shall I come be-
fore the Lord, and bow myself before the
High God ? Shall I come before him with
burnt-offerings, with calves of a year old ?
Will the Lord be pleased with thousands of
rams, and ten thousands of fat kids of the
goats ? Shall 1 give my first born for my trans-
gression, the fruit of my body for the sin of my
soul ?" No, certainly ; " For he hath shewed
thee, O man, what is good ; and what doth
the Lord require of thee, but to do justly, and
to love mercy, and to humble thyself to walk
with thy God ?"
It is true, God did here try the faith and
obedience of Abraham to himself, whedier
they were as strong as the Pagans exhibited
to their demons or idols, yet did he withal
• Apud Maish. js 76
take effectual care, and that by a miraculous
interposition also, to prevent the execution,
and provided himself a ram, as a vicarious
substitute, to supply the place of Isaac imme-
diately : — " And the angel of the LorJ called
unto Abraham, and said, Abraham, Abra-
ham ! — and he said. Here am I: — and he
said. Lay not thine hand upon the lad, neither
do thou any thing unto him ; for now I know
that thou fearest God, seeing thou hast not
withheld thy son, thine only son from me.
And Abraham lifted up his eyes, and looked,
and behold a ram caught in a thicket by his
horns ; and Abraham went and took the ram,
and offered him up for a burnt-offering in
the stead of his son." (Gen. xxii. 11 — 13.)
Thus though .Tephlha (Judg. xi. 36 — 391
has, by many, been thought to have vowed to
offer up his daughter and only child for a sa-
crifice, and that as bound on him, upon sup-
position of his vow, by a divine law (Levit.
xxvii. 28, 29), of which opinion I was once
myself; yet upon more mature consideration,
I have, for some time, thought this to be a
mistake, and that his vow extended only to
her being devoted to serve God at the ta-
bernacle, or elsewhere, in a state of perpetual
virginity ; and that neither that law did en-
join any human sacrifices, nor do we meet
with any example of its execution in this
sense afterwards. Philo never mentions any
such law, no more than Josephus ; and when
Josephus thought that Jephtha had made such
a vow, and executed it, he is so far from hint-
ing at its being done in compliance with anv
law of God, that he expressly condemns him
for it, as having acted contrary thereto ; or, in
his own words,-)- " as having offered an obla-
tion neither conformable to the law, nor ac-
ceptable to God, nor weighing with himself
what opinion the hearers would have of sucl-
a practice."
7. That Isaac being at this time, according
to Josephus,:^ who is herein justly followed by
Archbishop Usher,§ no less than twenty-five
years of age, and Abraham being, by con-
sequence, one hundred and twenty-five, it is
not to be supposed that Abraham could bind
Isaac, in order to offer him in sacrifice, but by
his own free consent ; which free consent of
the party who is to suffer, seems absolutely
necessary in all such cases ; and which free
consent St. Clement, as well as Josephus, dis-
tinctly takes notice of on this occasion. St.
Clement y describes it thus: — "Isaac being
fully persuaded of what he knew was to come,
cheerfully yielded himself up for a sacrilic.."
And for Josephus, after introducing Abraham
in a pathetic speech, laying before Isaac tlie
divine command, and exhorting him patiently
and joyfully to submit to it, he tells Ua \ thai
t Antiq b. v. ch. vii. sect. 10.
i Antiq. b. i. ch. ii.
\ Ush. Aiinal. ad A. M. t'lo).
I S. Clem. sect. 51.
1 Antiq. b. i, ch. xiii, sect. 3.
4 h
J'
842
DISSERTATION 11.
" Isaac very cheerfully consented ;" and then
introduces him in a short, but very pious an-
swer, acquiescing in the proposal ; and adds,
that " he then immediately, and readily, went
to the altar to be sacrificed." Nor did Jeph-
tha (Judges xi. 36, 37) perform his rash vow,
whatever it were, till his daughter had given
her consent to it,
8. It appears to me that Abraham never
despaired entirely of the interposition of Pro-
vidence for the preservation of Isaac, al-
though in obedience to the command he pre-
pared to sacrifice him to God, This seems
to me intimated in Abraham's words to his
servants, on the third day, when he was in
sight of the mountain on wlu'cli he was to
offer his son Isaac : " AVe will go and worship,
and we will come again to you." As also in
his answer to his son, when he inquired,
" Behold, the fire and the wood ; but where
!s the lamb for a burnt-offering ? — and Abra-
ham said. My son, God will provide himself
a lamb for a burnt-offering." (Gen. xxii, 5
—7.) Both these passages look to me some-
what like such an expectation. However,
9. It appears most evident that Abraham,
and I suppose Isaac also, firmly believed,
that if God should permit Isaac to be actually
slain as a sacrifice, he would certainly and
speedily raise him again from the dead.
This, to be sure, is supposed in the words al-
ready quoted, that both " he and his son
would go and worship, and come again to
the servants ;" and is clearly and justly col-
lected from this history by the author to the
Hebrews (chap. xi. 17, 18, 19): " By faith,
Abraham, when he was tried, offered up
Isaac ; and he that had received the promises
offered up his only begotten, of whom it was
said. That in Isaac shall thy seed be called,
accounting [or reasoning] that God was able
to raise him from the dead." And this rea-
soning was at once very obvious and wholly
undeniable, that since God was truth itself,
and had over and over promised that he
would " multiply Abraham exceedingly ;
that he should be a father of many nations ;
that his name should be no longer Abram
but Abraham, because a father of many na-
tions God had made him," &c. ; that " Sarai
his wife should be called Sarah ; that he
would bless her, and give Abraham a son also
of her ;" and that " he would bless him ; and
she should become nations ; and kings of
people should be of her," &c. (Gen. xvii.
2, 4, 5, 6, 16); and that " in Isaac should his
seed be called" (Gen, xxi. 12): — and since
withal it is here supposed that Isaac was to
be slain as a sacrifice before he was married,
or had any seed, God was, for certain, oblig-
ed by his promises, in these circumstances,
to raise Isaac again from the dead ; and this
was an eminent instance of that_/ai/A whereby
" Abraham believed God, and it was imput-
ed to him for righteousness" (Gen. xv. 6)>
viz. that if God should permit Isaac to be sa-
crificed, he would certainly and quickly raise
him up again from the dead, " from %\ hence
also he received him in a figure," as the au-
thor to the Hebrews (chap. xi. 19) here just-
ly observes.
10. That the firm and just foundation of
Abraham's faith and assurance in God for
such a resurrection was this, besides the gene-
ral consideration of the divine veracity, that
during the whole time of his sojourning in
strange countries, in Canaan and Egypt, ever
since he had been called out of Chaldea or
Mesopotamia at seventy -five years of age
(Gen. xii 4), he had had constant experience
of a special, of an over-ruling, of a kind and
gracious Providence over l.im, till his
125th year, which, against all human views,
had continually blessed him and enriched
him, and, in his elder age, had given him
first Ishmaelby Hagar, and afterward promis-
ed him Isaac to " spring from his own body
now dead, and from the deadncss of Sarah's
womb (Rom. iv. 19), when she was past age
(Ileb. xi. 11), and when it ceased to be
with Sarah after the manner of women (Gen.
xviii, 11), and had actually j)erformed that
and every other promise, how improbable so-
ever that performance had appeared, he had
ever made to him, and this during fifty en-
tire years together ; so tliat although, at his
first exit out of Chaldea or Mesopotamia, l;e
might have been tempted to stagger at
such a jircniise of God, through unbelief,
yet might he now, after fifty years' constant
experience, be justly strong in faith, giving
glory to God, as being fully persuaded, that
what God had promised (the resurrection of
Isaac) he vas both able and willing to perform,
(Rom. iv. 20, 21.)
11. That this assurance therefore, that
God, if he permitted Isaac to be slain, would
infallibly raise him again from the dead, en-
tirely alters the state of the case of Abraham's
sacrificing Isaac to the true God, from that
of all other liuman sacrifices whatsoever of-
fered to false ones, all those others being
done without the least promise or prospect
of such a resurrection ; and this indeed takes
away all pretence of injustice in the divine
command, as well as of all inhumanity or
cruelty in Abraham's obedience to it.
12. That upon the whole, this coniniand
to Abraham, and what followed upon it,
looks so very like an intention of God to
typify or represent beforehand, in Isaac,
a beloved or only begotten son, what was
to happen long afterwards to the great Son
and seed of Abraham, the Messiah, the be-
loved and the cnly begotten of the Father,
whose day Abraham saw by faith beforehand,
arid rejoiced to see it" (John viii. 56), viz.
that he, by the determinate counsel and
foreknowledge of God, should b€ a-ucified and
slain, as a sacrifice, and should be raised
UlbSEKlATiON II.
843
again the third (Lit/ (Acts ii. 22 — 32), and
tliis at Jcrw^alem ahn ; and that in the mean
lime, God would accept of the sacrifices of
rams and the like animals, at the same city
Jerusalem, that one cannot easily avoid the
application. This seems the reason why A -
braliam was obliged to go to the land of
IVIoriah, or Jerusalem, and why it is noted
that it was t/ie third day (i'-'en. xxii. 2, 4)
that he came to the place, which implies tliat
the return b:ick, after the slaying of the sa-
crifice, wouid naturally be the third day
also; and why tliis sacrifice was not Ishmael
the S3n after the fiesh only, but Isaac the
son by pramise, the beloved sun of Abraham ;
and wliy Isaac was styled tlie only stj?i, or unly
6<?,i,'(i/tert io« of Abraham (Ileb. xi. 17), though
he had Ishmael besides; and why I^aac
himself was to bear the wood on which he was
to be sacrificed (Gen. xxii. C; Jolm xix.
17) ; and why the place was no other than
the land of Afjriah, or vision, i. e. most probab-
ly a place where the Shechinah or Messiah had
been seen, and God by him worship])ed, even
before the days of Abraham, and where late-
ly lived, and perhaps now lived, Melchise-
deck, the grand type of the Messiah (who
might then possibly be present at the sacri-
fice) ; and why this sacrifice was to be offered
either on the mountain called afterwards dis-
tinctly yfjriah, where the temple stood, and
■where all the Mosaic sacrifices were afterwards
to be offered, as Joseph us* and the generality
suppose, or perhaps, as others suppose, that
where the Jlessiah himself was to be offered, —
its neighbour mount Calvary. This seems also
the reason why the ram was substituted as a
vicarious sacrifice instead of Isaac. These
circumstances seem to me very peculiar and
extraordinary, and to render the present hy-
pothesis extremely probable. Nor perhaps
did St. Clement mean any thing else, when,
in liis fore-cited passage, he says, that " Isaac
was fully persuaded of what he knew was to
come," and therefore " cheerfully yielded
himself up for a sacrifice." Nor indeed does
that name of this place, Jehovah-Jireh, which
continued till the days of Moses, and signifi-
ed God will see, or rather, God luill provide,
seem to be given it by Abraham, on any other
account, than that God would there, in the
fulness of time, provide himself a Inmb (that
Lamb of God (John i. 29), which was to take
atvfiy the sin of the tuorld)for a burnt-offering.
But now, if after all it be objected, that
how peculiar and how typical soever the cir-
cumstances of Abraham and Isaac might be
in themselves, of which the heathens about
them could have little notion, yet such a di-
vine command to Abraham for slaying his
beloved son Isaac, must however be of very
ill example to the Gentile world, and that
It probably did either first occasion, or at
least greatly encourage, their wicked prac-
• Antiq. b. i, ch. xiii, sect. 2.
h
tices, in offering their children for sacrifice*
t-) their idols, I answer by the next consider-
ation : —
13. That tliis objection is so far from truth,
that God's public and miraculous prohibition
of the execution of this command to Abra-
ham (which command itself the Gentiies
would not then at all be surprised at, because
it was so like to their own usual practices), as
well as God's substitution of a vicarious ob-
lation, seems to have been the very occasion
of the immediate abolition of those impious
sacrifices by Tethmosis or Amosis, among
the neighbouring Egyptians, and of the sub-
stitution of more inoffensive ones there instead
of them. Take the account of this abolition,
which we shall presently prove was about the
tiine of Abraham's offering up his son Isaac,
as it is preserved by Porphyry, from Mane-
tho, the famous Egyptian historian and chro-
nologer," which is also cited from Porphy-
ry by Eusebius and Tlieodoret : — " Amosis,"
says Porphyry, f " abolished the law for slay-
ing of men at Heliopolis in Egypt, as Mane-
tho bears witness in his book of Antiquity
and Piety. They were sacrificed to Juno,
and were examined, as were the pure calves,
that were also sealed with them : they were
sacrificed three in a day. In whose stead
Amosis commanded that men of wax, of the
same number, should be substituted."
Now I have lately shown that these Egyp-
tians had Abraham in great veneration, and
that all the iiisduni if those Egyptians, in which
Moses was aftenuards learned, was derived
from no other than from Abraham. Now it
appears evidently by the fore-cited passage,
that the first abolition of these human sacri-
fices, and the substitution of waxen images in
their stead, and particularly at Heliopolis, in
the north-east part of Egypt, in the neigh-
bourhood of Beersheba, in the south of Pales-
tine, where Abraham now lived, at tlie dis-
tance of about a hundred and twenty miles
only, was in the days, and by the order of
Tethmosis or Amosis, who was the first of
the Egyptian kings, after the expulsion of the
Phoenician shepherds. Now therefore we are
to inquire when this Tethmosis or Amosis
lived, and compare his time with the time of
the sacrifice of Isaac. Now, if we look into
my Chronological Table, published a. d.
1721, we shall find that the hundred and
twenty-fifth year of Abraham, or, which is all
one, the twenty-fifth year of Isaac, falls into
A. M. 2573, or into the thirteenth year of Teth-
mosis or Amosis, which is the very middle of
his twenty-five years' reign ; so that this aboli-
tion of human sacrifices in Egypt, and sub-
stitution of others in their -oom, seems to have
been occasioned by the solemn prohibition
of such a sacrifice in the case of Abraham,
and by the following substitution of a ram
in its stead : which account of this matter not
t Apud Marsh, p. 301.
jr
844
DISSERTATION II,
only takes away the groundless suspicions of
the moderns, but shows the great seasonable-
ness of the divine proliibition of the execution
of this command to Abraham, as probably the
direct occasion of putting a stop to the bar-
barity of the Egyptians in offering liuman
sacrifices, and that for many, if not for all,
generations afterwards.
DISSERTATION III.
TACITUS'S ACCOUNTS OF THE ORIGIN OF THE JEWISH NATION, AND
OF THE PARTICULARS OF THE LAST JEWISH WAR; THAT THE
FORMER WAS PROBABLY WRITTEN IN OPPOSITION TO JOSEPHUS S
ANTIQUITIES, AND THAT THE LATTER WAS FOR CERTAIN ALMOST
ALL DIRECTLY TAKEN FHOM JOSEPHUS S HISTORY OF 1 HE JEW-
ISH WAR.
Since Tacitus, the famous Roman historian,
who has written more largely and professedly
about the origin of the Jewish nation, abou'
the chorograpliy of Judea, and the last Jewish
war under Cestius, Vespasian, a".d Titus, than
any other old Roman historian ; and since
Both Josephus and Tacitus were in favour
with the same Roman emperors,— Vespasian,
Titus, and Domitian ; and since Tacitus was
an eminent pleader and writer of history at
Rome during the time, or not long after, our
Josephus had been there studying the Greek
language, reading the Greek books, and writ-
ing his own works in the same Greek lan-
guage, which language was almost univer-
sally known at Rome In that age ; and since
therefore it is next to impossible to suppose
that Tacitus could be unacquainted with the
writings of Josephus, it cannot but be highly
proper to compare their accounts of Judea, of
the Jews, and Jewish affairs, together. Nor is
it other than a very surprising paradox to me,
how it has been possible for learned men,
particularly for the several learned editors of
Josephus and Tacitus, to be so very silent
about this matter as they have hitherto been,
especially when not only the correspondence
of tl»e authors as to time and place, but the
likeness of the subject matter and circum-
stances, is so often so very remarkable : nay,
indeed, since many of the particular facts be-
longed peculiarly to the region of Judea, and
to the Jewish nation, and are such as could
hardly be taken by a foreigner from any other
author than from our Josephus,— this strange
silence is almost unaccountable, if not inex-
cusable. The two only other writers whom we
know of, when such Jewish affairs might be
supposed to be taken by Tacitus, who never
appears to have been in Judea himself, are Jus-
tus of Tiberias, a Jewish historian, contempor-
ary with Josephus, and one Antonius Juli-
anus, once mentioned by Minutius Felix, in his
Octavius (sect. S3), as having written on the
same subject with Josephus, and both already
mentioned by me on another occasion (Dis-
sert. I.) As to Justus of Tiberias, he could
not be the historian whence Tacitus took his
Jewish affairs ; because, as we have seen in
the place just cited, the principal passage in
Tacitus of that nature, concerning Christ and
his sufferings, under the emperor Tiberius,
and by his procurator Pontius Pilate, was not
there, as we know from the testimony of Pho-
tius (Cod. xxx) ; — and as to Antonius Juli-
anus, his very name shows him to have been
not a Jew, but a Roman. He is never men-
tioned by Josephus ; and so probably knew
no more of the country or affairs of Jude?
than Tacitus himself. He was, I suppose,
rather an epitomizer of Josephus, and not so
early as Tacitus, than an original historian
himself before him. Nor could so exact a
writer as Tacitus ever take up with such pool
and almost unknown historians as these were,
while Josephus's seven books of the Jewish
War were then so common ; were in such
great reputation at Rome ; were attested to,
and recommended, by Vespasian and Titus,
the emperors, by king Agrippa, and king
Archelaus, and Herod king of Chalcis ; and
he was there honoured with a statue ; and
these his books were reposited in the public
library at Rome, as we know from Josephus
himself, from Eusebius, and Jerome, while we
never hear of any other history of the Jews
that had then and there any such attestations
or recommendations. Some things indeed
Tacitus might take from the Roman records
of this war. I mean from the Commentaries
of Vespasian, which are mentioned by Jose-
phus himself, in his own Life (sect. 65)»
DISSERTATION III,
8+5
and some others from the relations of Roman
people, where the affairs of Rome were con-
cerned : as also other affairs might be remem-
bered by old officers and soldiers that had been
in the Jewish war. Accordingly I still suppose
that Tacitus had some part of his information
these ways, and particularly where he a little
differs from or makes additions to Josephus :
but then as this will all reach no farther than
three or four years during this war, so will it
bv no means account for that abridgment of
the geography of the country, and entire
series of the principal facts of history thereto
relating, which are in Tacitus, from the days
of Antiochus Epiphanes, two hundred and
forty years before that war, with which An-
tiochus both Josephus and Tacitus begin their
distinct histories of the Jews, preparatory to
the history of this last war. Nor could Taci-
tus take the greatest part of those earlier
facts belonging to the Jewish nation from the
days of Moses, or to Christ and the Christians
in the days of Tiberius, from Roman authors ;
of which Jewish and Christian affairs those
authors had usually very little knowledge, and
which the heathen generally did grossly per-
vert and shamefully falsify ; and this is so
true as to Tacitus's own accounts of the ori-
gin of the Jewish nation, that the reader may
almost take it for a constant rule, that when
Tacitus contradicts Josef)hus's Jewish An-
tiquities, he either tells direct falsehoods, or
truths so miserably disguised, as renders them
little better than falsehoods, and hardly ever
lights upon any thing relating to them that
is true and solid, but when the same is in
those Antiquities at this day :— -of which mat-
ters more will be said in tiie notes on this
history immediately following.
HISTORY OF THE JEWS.
BOOK V, CHAP II.
Since we are now going to relate the final
period of this famous city [Jerusalem], it
«eems proper to give an account of its origi-
nal. ° — The tradition is, that the Jews ran
away from the island of Crete, and settled
themselves on the coast of Libya, and this at
the time when Saturn was driven out of his
kingdom by the power of Jupiter : an argu-
ment for it is fetched from their name. The
mountain Ida is famous in Crete ; and the
neighbouring inhabitants are named Idcri,
which, with a barbarous augment, becomes
the name of Judiei [Jews]. Some say they
were a people that were very numerous in
Egypt, under the reign of Isis ; and that the
Egyptians got free from that burden, by
• Most of Ihtse stories are so entirely groundless, and
io contradictory to one another, that' they d«, not lie-
ierve a serious confutation. It is strange Tacitus
could persuade hiniself thus crudely to set them down.
~\.> ,
sending them into the adjacent countries, un-
der their captains Hierosolymus and Judas.
The greatest part say they were those Ethio-
pians whom fear and hatred obliged to change
their habitations, in the reign of king Ce-
pheus.b There are those who report that
they were Assyrians, who, wanting lands, got
together, and obtained part of Egypt, and
soon afterward settled themselves in cities of
their own, in the land of the Hebrews, and
the parts of Syria that lay nearest to tliem.*^
Others pretend their origin to be more emi-
nent, and that the Solymi, a people celebrat-
ed in Homer's poems, were the founders of
this nation, and gave this their own name Hie-
rosolyma to the city which tliey built there. '
Chap. III.] Many authors agree, that
when once an infectious distemper was arisen
in Egypt, and made men's bodies impure,
Bt'cchoris, their king, went to the oracle ot
[Jupiter] Hammon, and begged he would
grant him some relief against this evil, and
that he was enjoined to purge his nation of
them, and to banish this kind of men into o-
ther countries, as hateful to the gods.^ That
when he had sought for, and gotten them all
together, they were left in a vast desert ; that
hereupon the rest devoted themselves to weep.
ing and inactivity; but one of those exiles,
Moses by name, advised them to look for no
assistance from any of the gods, or from any
of mankind, since they had been abandoned by
both, but made them believe in him, as in a
celestial leader,f by whose help they had al
ready gotten clear of their present miseries,
Tiiey agreed to it; and though they were un-
acquamted with every thing, they began their
journey at random ; but nothing tired them
so much as the want of water; and now they
laid theinselves down on the ground to a great
extent, as just ready to perisli, when a herd
of wild asses, came from feeding, and went
to a rock overshadowed by a grove of trees.
Moses followed thein, as conjecturing that
there was [thereabouts] some grassy soil,
and so he opened large sources of water
for them.S That was an ease to them; and
when they had journeyed continually siiih en-
t One would wonder how Tacitus, or any heathen,
could sup; ose the African Kthiopians under Cepheus,
who are known to be blacks, could be the parents of
the Jews, who are known to be whites.
« This accouut comes nearest the truth, and this
Tacitus might have from Josephus, only disguised by
himself.
4 This Tacitu* might have out of Josephus, Antiq.
b. vii, ch. iii, sect. 2.
• Strange doctrine to Josephus ! who truly observes
on this occasion, that the gods are angry, not at bodily
imperfections, but at wicked practices. Apion, b. i,
sect. 28.
f This believing in Moses as in a celestial Uader,
seems a blind confession ori'acitus that Moses profcsjcj
to have his laws from Cod.
g This looks also like a plain confession of Tacitus,
that Moses brought the Jews water out of a rock in'
great plenty, which he might have from Josephus,
Antiq. b. iii, ch. i, sect. 7.
■> Strange iudccd ! that 6()t',0illl men should travel a-
bove 21)0 miles, over the deserts of Arabia, in six days,
and conyuer Judea on the seventh
8 IG
DISSERTATON III.
tire days, on the seventh day they drove out
the inhabitants, and obtained those land
wherein their city and temple •were dedicat-
ed.
Chap. IV.] As for Moses, in order to se-
cure the nation firmly to himself, he ordained
new rites, and such as were contrary to those
of other men. All things are with them pro-
fane which with us are sacred : and again,
those practices are allowed among them which
are by us esteemed most abominable.'
They place the image of that animal in
their most holy place, by whose indication it
was that they had escaped their wandering
condition and their thirst.''
They sacrifice rams by way of reproach to
[Jupiter] Hammon. An ox is also sacrificed,
which the Egyptians worship under the name
of Ajris.^
They abstain from swine's flesh, as a me-
morial of that miserable destruction which the
mange, to which that creature is liabie,
brought on them, and with which they had
been defiled.™
That they had endured a long fsniine
they attest still by their frequent fastings:"
and that they stole the fruits of the earth, v\ e
have an argument from the bread of the
Jews, which is unleavened. "
It is generally supposed that they res-t on
the seventh day ;'' because that day gave them
[the first] rest from their labours. Besides
which, they are idle on every seventh year,*^'
as being pleased with a lazy life. Others say
that they do honour thereby to Saturn ;■" or
perhaps the Idaei gave them this part of their
religion, who [as we said above] were expell-
ed, together with "Saturn, and who, as we
have been informed, were the founders of this
nation ; or else it was because the star Saturn
moves in the highest orb, and of the seven
planets exerts the principal part of that energy
• This is not true in general, but only so far, that the
Israelites were by circumcision and other rites to be
kept separate from the wicked and idolatrous nations
about them.
k This strange story contradicts what the same Taci-
tus will tell us presently, that when Pompey went into
the holy of IioUl's he found no image there.
I These are only guesses of Tacitus, or of his hea-
then authors, but no more.
"■ Such memorials of what must have been very re-
proachful, are strangers to the rest of niaukiud, and
wthout any probability.
= The Jews had but one solemn fast of old in the
whole year, — the great day of expiation.
"> Unleavened bread was only used at the Passover.
p It is very strange that Tacitus should not know or
confess that the Jews' seveni/i clay and seventh year of
rest were in memory of the seventh or Sabbath day's
rest, after the six days of creation. Every Jew, as well
as every Christian, could have informed him of those
matters.
q A strange hypothesis of the origin of the Sabbatic
year, and without all good foundation. Tacitus pro-
bably had never heard of the Jews year of Jubilee ; so
he says nothing of it.
' As if the Jews in the days of Moses, or long before.
Knew that the Greeks and Romans would long after-
ward call the seventh day of the week Saturn's day ;
which Dio observes was not so calletl in old time; and
it is a question. Whether before the Jews fell into ido-
latry, they ever heard of such a star or god as Saturn.
Amos v. 2S ; Acts vii. 45.
whereby mankind are governed ; and indccil
the most of the heavenly bodies exert tlieir
power and perform their courses according
to the number Seven. ^
Chap V.] Tliese rites, by what manner
soever they were first bt^g'jn, are supported
by their antiquity.' The rest of their institu-
tions are awkward," impure, and got ground
by their pravity ; foi- every vile fellow, des-
pising the rites of his forefathers, brought
thither their tribute and contributions, by
which means the Jewish commonwealth was
augmented ; and because among themselves
there is an unalterable fidelity and kindness
always ready at hand, but bitter enmity to-
wards all others ;" they are a people separated
from all others in their food and in their
beds ; though they be the lewdest nation
upon earth, yet will they not corrupt foreign
women, y though nothing be esteemed unlaw
ful among themselves. ''
They have ordained circumcision of the
part used in generation, that they may there-
by be distinguished from other people. Tiie
proselytes to their religion have the same
usage.*
They are taught nothing sooner than to
despise the gods, to renounce their country,
and to have their parents, children, and bre-.
thren in the utmost contempt ;*' but still they
take care to increase and multiply, for it is
esteemed utterly unlawful to kill any of thu'ir
children.
They also look on the souls of those that
die in battle, or are put to death for their
crimes, as eternal. Hence comes their love
of posterity and contempt of death.
They derive their custom of burying,'^
instead of burning their dead from the Egyp-
tians ; they have also the same care of the
dead with them, and the same persuasion a-
bout the invisible world below ; but of the
gods above their opinion is contrary to theirs.
The Egyptians worship abundance of animals,
and images of various sorts.
' That the sun, moon, and stars rule over the affairs
of mankind, was a heathen, and not a Jewish notion;
neither Jews nor Christians were permitted to d ai in
astrology, though Tac'tus seems to have been deep in it.
' This acknowledgmerit of the antiquity of Moses,
and of his Jewish settlement, was what t!:e heathen
cared not always to own.
» What these pretended awkward and impure institu
tions were, Tacitus does not inform us.
» Josephus shows the contrary, as to the laws of
Moses, Anion, b. ii. sect. 22.
y A high, and, 1 doubt, a false commendation cf the
Jews.
' An entirely false character, and contrary to their
many laws aganist uncleanness. See Joscphus, Antiq.
b. ii), ch. xi, sect. 12.
» The proselytes of justice only, not the proselytes
of the gate.
i> How does this agree with that unalterable fidelity
and kindness which Tacitus told us 1 he Jews had to-
wards one another ?— unless he only means that they
iiret'erred the divine commands before their nearest re-
lations, which is the highest digree of Jewish and Chris-
tian piety.
' This custom is at least as old amoi'g the Hebrews
as the tlays of Abraham and tliC cave of Macl.plula. long
before tiie Israelites went into Egypt, fien. xxiii. 1—
lO- and XXV. 8—10.
J^
'V^
DISSERTATION III.
847
The Jews have no notion of any more than
one Divine Being;'' and that known only by
the mind. They esteem such to be profane
who frame images of gods out of perishable
matter, and in the shape of men ; that this
Being is supreme and eternal, immutable
and unperishabie, is their doctrine. Accord-
ingly, they have no images in their cities,
much less in their temples : they never grant
tl)is piece of flattery to kings, or this kind of
honour to emperors.' But because their
priests, when they play on the pipe and the
timbrels, wear ivy round their head, and a
golden vine has been found in their temple, f
some have thought that they worsliipped our
father Bacchus, the conqueror of the East ;
whereas the ceremonies of the Jews do not at
all agree with ihose of Bacchus, for he ap-
pointed rites that were of a jovial nature, and
fit for festivals, while the practices of the
Jews are absurd and sordid.
Chap. VI.] Tlie limits of Judea easterly
are bounded by Arabia; Egypt lies on the
aouih ; on the west are Phoenicia and the
[Greit] Sea. They have a prospect of Syria
on their north quarter, as at some distance
from them.o
The bodies of the men are healthyj and
such as will bear great labours.
They have not many showers of rain : their
soil is very fruitful ; the produce of their
land is like ours, in great plenty,'^
They have also, besides ours, two trees pe
culiar to themselves, the balsam-tree and the
palm-tree. Their groves of palms are tall
and beautiful. The balsam-tree is not very
large. As soon as any branch is swelled,
the veins quake as for fear, if you bring an
iron knife to cut them. They are to be o-
pened with the broken piece of a stone, or
with the shell of a fish. The juice is useful
in physic.
Libanus is their principal mountain, and
is very high ; and yet, what is very strange
to be related, it is always shadowed with trees,
and never free from snow. The same moun-
tain supplies the river Jordan with water,
and affords it its fountains also. Nor is this
4 These are very valuable concessions which Tacitus
here makes as to the unspotted pietj' of (lie Jewish nation,
in the worship of one iiifinite invisible God, and abso-
lute rejection of all idolatry, and of all worship of im-
ages ; nay, of the image of the emperor Caius himself,
or of affording it a place in their temple.
• All these concessions were to be learned from Josc-
phus, and almost only from him ; out of whom, Uiere-
fore, I conclude Tacitus took the finest part of his cha-
ricter of the Jews.
' This particular fact, that there was a golden vine
in the front of the Jewish temple, was, in all probabili-
ty, taken by Tacitus out of Josephus ; bu* as the Jew-
ish priests were never adorned with ivy, the signal of
Bacchus, — how Tacitus came to imagme this I cannot
tell.
e Sec the chorography of Judea in Josephus, Of the
War, b. iii, eh. iii, whence most probably Tacitus
framed this short abridsimant ot it. It comes in
both authors naturally before Vespasian's first cam-
paign.
^ The latter branch of this.Tacitus might-4)ave from
Josephus (Of the War, b. iii, ch. iii, sect. -1, 3, \) ;
tH<» ntlier is not in the present coni«
Jordan carried into the sea ; it passes througl)
one and a second lake undiminished ; but it
is stopped by the third, i
This third lake is vastly great in circum-
ference, as if it were a sea.'' It is of an ill
taste ; and is pernicious to the adjoining in-
habitants by its strong smell. The wind
raises no waves there, nor will it maintain
either fishes or such birds as use the water.
The reason is uncertain, but the fact is thus,
that bodies cast into it are borne up as by
somewhat solid. Those wiio can, and those
who cannot swim, are equally borne up by
it.' At a certain time of the year"" it casts
out bitumen ; the manner of gathering \t,
like other arts, has been taught by experience.
The liquor is of its own nature, of a black
colour; and, if you pour vinegar upon it, it
clings together, and swims on the top. Those
whose business it is, take it in their hands,
and pull it into the upper parts of the ship,
after which it follows, without farther attrac-
tion, and fills the ship full, till you cut it off, nor
can you cut it off either with a brass or an iroa
instrument; but it cannot bear the touch of
blood, or of a cloth wet with the menstrual pur-
gations of women, as the ancient authors say ;
but those that are acquainted with the place
assure us, that these waves of bitumen are dri-
ven along, and by the hand drawn to the
shore, and that when they are dried by the
warm steams from the earth, and the force
of the sun, they are cut in pieces with axes
and wedges, as timber and stones are cut in
pieces.
Chap. VII.] Not far from this lake are
those plains, which are related to have been
of old fertile, and to have had many cities"
full of people, but to have been burnt up by
a stroke of lightning- it is also said that the
footsteps of that destruction still remain ; and
that the earth itself appears as burnt earth,
and has lost its natural fertility ; and that as
an argument thereof, all the plants that grow
of their own accord, or are planted by the
hand, whether they arrive at the degree of an
herb, or of a flower, or at complete maturity,
become black and empty, and, as it were,
vanish into ashes. As for myself, as I
am willing to allow that these once famous
I These accounts of Jordan, of the fountains derived
from mount I.ibanus, and of the two lakes it runs
through, and its stoppage by the third, are exactly a-
greeable to Josephus, Of the War, b iii, ch. x, sect.
7, S.
k No less than five hundred md eighty furlongs long,
and one hundred and fifty broad, in Josephus, of Lie
War, b. V, ch. viii, sect. 4.
' Strabo savs, that a man could not sink into the
water of this lake so deep as the navel.
■■ Josephus never says that this bitumen was cast up
at a certain time of the year only; and Strabo says tlie
direct contrary ; but Pliny agrees wiUi Tacitus.
o This is exactly according to Josephus, and must
have been taken from hiin in the place fore-cited ; anvi
that, particularly, because it is peculiar to him, so far
as I know, in all antiquity. The test thought the cities
were in the very same place where now the lake is ; but
Josephus and Tacitus say they were in its neighlx)ur
h'loa odIv ; which is Mr. Reland's ooinion also
84S
DISSERTATION. IIF.
cities were burnt by fire from heaven, so
would I suppose that the earth is infected
with the vapour of the lake, and the spirit
[or ail] that is over it thereby corrupted,
and that by this means the fruits of the
earth, both corn and grapes, rot away, both
the soil and the air being equally unwhole-
some.
The river Belus does also run into the sea
of Judea; and the sands that are collected a-
bout its mouth, when you mix nitre with
them, are melted into glass : this sort of
shore is but small, but its sand, for the" use
of those that carry it off, is inexhaustible.
Chap. VIII.] A great part of Judea is
composed of scattered villages; it also has
largw towns ; Jerusalem is the capital city of
the whole nation. In that city there was a
temple of immense wealth ; in the first parts
that are fortified is the city itself; next it the
royal palace. The temple is enclosed in its
n.ost inward recesses. A Jew can come no
farther than the gates ; all but the priests are
excluded by their threshold. While the East
was under the dominion of the Assyrians,
the Medes, and the Persians, the Jews were
of all slaves the most despicable."
After the dominion' of the Macedonians
prevailed, king Antiochus tried to conquer
their superstition, and to introduce the cus-
toms of the Greeks ; but he was disappointed
of his design, which was to give this most
profligate nation a change for the better; and
that was by his war with the Parthians, for
at this time Arsaces had fallen off [from the
Macedonians]. Then it was that the Jews
set kings over them, because the Macedonians
were become weak, the Parthians were not
yet very powerful, and the Romans were very
remote; which kings, when they had been
expelled by the mobility of the vulgar, and
had recovered their dominion by war, attempt-
ed the same things that kings used to do, I
mean they introduced the destruction of ci-
ties, the slaughter of brethren, of wives, and
parents, but still went on in their supersti-
tion : for they took upon them witlial the
honourable dignity of the high-priesthood, as
a firm security to their power and authority.
Chap. IX.] The first of the Romans that
conquered the Jews was Cneius Pompeius,
who entered the temple by right of viciory.
Thence the report was everywhere divulged,
that therein wa« no image of a god, but an
empty place, and mysteries, most secret
places that have nothing in tljem. The
wallsof Jerusalem were then destroyed, but the
temple continued still. Soon afterward arose
a civil war among us; and when therein
lliese provinces were reduced under Marcus
o A great slanfler against the Jews, without any just
foundation. Jcsephus would have informed him bet-
ter.
p Here hcgin Josephus's and Tacitus's true accounts
of the Jews preliminary to the last war. See of the
War, Prooem. sect. 7.
Antonius, Pacorus, king of the Parthians,
got possession of Judea, but was himself slain
by Paul us Ventidius, and the Parthians were
driven beyond Euphrates ; and for the Jews,
Caius Sosius subdued them. Antonius
gave the kingdom to Herod ; and when Au-
gustus conquered Antonius he still augment-
ed it.
Aftier Herod's death, one Simon, without
waiting for the disposition of Csesar, took
upon hiiri the title of King, w ho was brought
to punishment by [or under] Quinctilius Va-
rus, when he was president of Syria. After-
ward the nation was reduced, and the child-
ren of Herod governed it in three partitions.
Under Tiberius the Jews had rest. After
some time, they were enjoined to place Caius
Csesar's statue in the temple; but rather
than permit that they took up arms ;■• which
sedition was put an end to by the death of
Caesar.
Claudius, after the kings were either dead
or reduced to smaller dominions, gave the
province of Judea to Roman knights, or ta
freed-men, to be governed by them ; among
whom was Antonius Felix, one that exercised
all kind of barbarity and extravagance, as
if he had royal authority, but with the dis-
position of a slave. He had married Dru-
silla, the grand-daughter of Antonius: so
that Felix was the grand-daughter's husband,
and Claudius the grand-son of the same An-
tonius.
ANNALS, BOOK xii.
But he that was the brother of Pallas, whose
surname was Felix, did not act with the same
moderation [as did Pallas himself. He had
been a good while ago set over Judea, and
thought he might be guilty of all sorts of
wickedness with impunity while he relied on
so sure an authority.
The Jews had almost given a specimen of
sedition: and even after the death of Caius
was known, and they had not obeyed his
command, there remained a degree of fear
lest some future prince should renew that
command [fot the setting up the prince's
statue in their temple] ; and in the mean time,
Felix, by the use of unseasonable remedies,
blew up the coals of sedition into a flame,
and was imitated by his partner in the govern-
ment, Ventidius Cumanus, the country being
thus divided between them ; that the nation
of the Galileans were under Cumanus, and
the Samaritans under Felix ; which twro na-
tions were of old at variance, but now, out ol
q They came to Petronius, the president of .Syria, in
vast numbers; but without arms, and as humble sup-
plicants only, bee Tacitus presently, where he after-
wards sets this matter almost tight, according to Josfr.
phus, and by way of correction ; for that account is in
Ills .'\nnals, which were written after this which is ia
tus Histories.
DISSERTATION III.
84»
contempt of their governors, did less restrain
their h^itred ; they then began to plunder one
another, to send in parties of robbers to lie in
wait, and sometimes to fight battles, and with-
al to bring spoils and prey to the procurators
[Cumanus and Felix]. Whereupon these
procurators began to rejoice ; yet when the
mischief grew considerable, soldiers were sent
to quiet them, but the soldiers were killed ;
and the province had been in a flame of war,
had not Quadratus, the president of Syria,
and difficult ; but rather from the nature of
the mountain and the obstinacy of the Jewislj-
superstition, tlian because the besieged had
strength enough to undergo the distresses [of
a siege]. We have already informed [the read,
er] that Vespasian had with him three legions,
well exercised in war. Histor. b. ii. ch. v.]
When Vespasian was a very young man,
it was promised him that he sliould arrive at
the very highest pitch of fame : but what did
first of all seem to confirm the onien, was his
flfbrded his assistance. Nor was it long in i triumphs, and consulship, and the glory of
dispute whether the Jews, who had killed the
soldiers in the mutiny, should be put to death :
it was agreed they should die, — only Cu-
manus and Felix occasioned a delay ; for
his victories over the Jews. When he had
once obtained these, he believed it was por-
tended that he should come to the empire.^
There is between Judea and Syria a moun-
Claudius, upon hearing the causes as to this i tain and a god, both called by the same name
rebellion, had given [Quadratus] authority to ^ of Carmel, though our predecessors have in-
determine the case, even as to the procurators | formed us that this god had no image, and no
themselve". ; but Quadratus showed Felix [ temple, and indeed no more tlian an altar and
among the judges, and took him into his seat ! solemn worsliip. Vespasian was once oH'or-
of judgment, on purpose that he might dis-l mg a sacrifice there, at a time when he had
courage his accusers. So Ciunanus was con- | some secret thought in his mind ; the priest,
demned for those flagitious actions, of which whose name was Basilides, when he, over and
both he and Felix had been guilty, and peace over, looked at the entrails, said, " Vespasian,
was restored to the province.' whatever thou art about, whether the building
of thy house or enlargement of thy lands, or
augmentation of thy slaves, thou art granted a
mighty seat, very large bounds, and a huge
number of men." These doubtful answers
were soon spread abroad by fame, and at th.
HowKVER, the Jews had patience till Ges- time were explained ; nor was any thing so
sius Florus was made jirocuralor. Under, much in public vogue, and very many dis-
him it was that the war began. Then Ces- ' courses of that nature were made before him,
tius Gallus, the president of Syria, attempted and the more, because they foretold what he
to appease it, and tried several battles, but j expected.
generally with ill success. I Mucianus and Vespasianus went away, hav-
Upon his death,' wliether it came by fate, 'ing fully agreed on their designs ; the former
or that he was weary of his life, is uncertain, to Antioch, the latter to Cesarea. Antiocl
HISTOR. BOOK V. CHAP. X.
Vespasian had the good fortune, by his reputa-
tion, and excellent officers, and a victorious
army, in the space of two summers, to make
himself master of all the open country and
of all the cities, Jerusalem excepted.
[Flavins Vespasianus, whom Nero had
chosen for his general, managed the Jewish
war with three legions. Histor. b. i. ch. x.]
The next year, which was employed in a
civil war [at home], so far as the Jews were
is the capital of Syria, and Cesarea the capi
tal of Judea. The commencement of Ves-
pasian's advancement to the empire was at
Alexandria, where Tiberius Alexander made
such haste, tliat he obliged the legions to take
the oath of fidelity to him on the kalends of
July, which was ever after celebrated as the
day of his inauguration, although " the army
in Judea had taken tliat oath on the fifth of
the Nones of July, with that eagerness, that
concerned, passed over in peace. When Italy ! they would not stay for his son Titus, who
was pacified, the care of foreign parts was re- i vvas then on the road, returning out of Syria,
vived. The Jews were the only people that ch. Ixxix. Vespasian delivered over the
stood out ; which increased tlie rage of [the strongest part of his forces to Titus, to enable
Romansl. It was also thought most proper him to finish ^xhat remainetl of the Jewisl*
that Titus sliould stay with the army, to pre- j war, Histor. b. iv. ch. IL
vent any accident or misfortune which the new
government might be liable to. • Josephus takes notice in general of thesi many
TTT • if J . 1 .« .u T„ : 1. i omens of Vespasian's advancement to the empire, and
[Vespasian had put an end to the Jewish ai^^Unctly adds his own remarkable prediction of it also.
war; the siege of Jerusalem was the onlv Of the VVar, b. iii, ch. viii, sect. 3 — 9.
„„. • • • !• u I I 'i " This (;///i«»4 % seems to imply that Vespasian was
enterprise ren.aining, which was a work hard proclaimed cmpe...r in Ju.lea before he was proclaimed
at Alexandria, :is t)ie whole history of Joseph s implies,
' Here seems to be a great mistake about the Jewish and the place where now Vespasian was, which was no
affairs in Tacitus. See of the War, book ii, chap, sii, other than Judea, requires also, though the inaugura-
sect. 8. tion-day might be celebrated afterward from his first
» Josephus says nothing of the death of Cestui s ; so proclamation at the great city Alexandria : only then the
Tacitus seems to' have known nothing in particular a- N'ones or Ides in Tacitus ai'd tiuetonius must be c>f
bout IS June, and not of July.
850
— >.|
DISSERTATION III,
During these months in which Vespasian
continued at Alexandria, waiting for the usual
set time of the summer-gales of wind, and
staid for settled fair weather at sea, many
miraculous events happened ; by which the
good- will of Heaven, and a kind of inclination
of the Deity in his favour, was declared. j
A certain man of tlie vulgar sort at Alex- j
andria, well known for the decay of his eyes,
kneeled down by him and groaned, and beg-
ged of him the cure of his blindness, as by the ,
admonition of Serapis, the god which this su-
perstitious nation worships above others. He
also desired tliat the emperor would be pleas-
ed to put some of his spittle upon the balls
of his eyes. Anotlier infirm man there, who
was lame of his hand, prayed Caesar, as by
the same god's suggestion, to tread upon him
with his foot. Vespasian at first began to
laugh at them and to reject tliem ; and when
they were instant with him, he sometimes
feared he should have the reputation of a vain
person, and sometimes, upon the solicitation
of tlie infirm, he flattered himself, and others
flattered him, with the hopes of succeeding.
At last he ordered the physicians to give their
opinion, whether this sort of blindness and
lameness were curable by the art of man or
not? Tiie piiysicians answered uncertainly,
that the one had not the visual faculty utter-
ly destroyed, and that it might be restored, if
the obstacles were removed . that the other's
limbs were disordered, but if a healing virtue
were made use of, they were capable of be-
ing made whole. Perhaps, said they, the
gods are willing to assist, and that the
emperor is chosen by divine interposition.
However, they said at last, that if the cures
succeeded, Cssar would have the glory; if
not, the poor miserable objects would only
be laughed at. Whereupon Vespasian im-
agined that his good fortune would be uni-
versal, and that nothing on that account
could be incredible;. so he looked cheerfully,
and in the sight of the multitude, who stood
in great expectation, he did what they desired
him ; upon which the lame hand was reco-
vered, and the blind man saw immediately.
Both these cures" are related to this day by
Ihose that were present, and when speaking
falsely will get no reward.
BOOK V, CHAP. I.
» The miraculous cures done by Vesiiasian are attest-
ed to botli by Suetonius in Vespasian (sret. 7) and by
Dio (p. i.'17), and seem to me well attested. Our Savi-
our seems to have over-ruled the heathen oracle of
Serapis to jirocure the divine approbation to Vespasian's
advancement to the empire ot Rome, as he suofftst-
ed the like approbation to the advamement both of
Vesuasiaii and Titus to Josephus; which two were
to be his chosen instruments in bringing on that
terrible destruction upon the Jewish nation, which
he had threatened to execute by these Roman armies.
Nor could any other Roman generals than Vespasian
and Titus, at that time, in human probabilit\, have
prevailed over the Jews, and destroyed Jerusalem, as
this whole history in Josephus implies. Josephus also
everywhere su))iK)ses Vespasian and Titus raised up to
command against Judea and Jerusalem, and to govern
the Roman tnipi.e by Divine Providence, and not in
the ordinary way; as also he always supposes this de-
struction a divine judgment on the Jews tor their sins.
At the beginning of the same year, Titus
Ca-sar, who was pitched upon by his father
to finish the conquest of Judea, and, while
both he and his father were private persons,
was celebrated for his martial conduct, acted
now with greater vigour and hopes of reputa.
tion, the kind inclinations both of the pro-
vinces and of the armies striving one with an-
other who should most encourage him. He
was also himself in a disposition to show that
he was more than equal to his fortune; and
when he appeared in arms, he did all things
after such a ready and graceful way, treating
all after such an affable manner,' and with
such kind words, as invited the good-will
and good wishes of all. He appeared also in
his actions and in his place in the troops ; he
mixed with the common soldiers, yet without
any stain to his honour as a genera!.*' He
was received in Judea by three legions, the
fifth, and the tenth, and the fifteenth, who
were Vespasian's old soldiers. Syria also af-
forded him the twelfth, and Alexandria sol-
diers out of the twenty-second and twenty-
third legions. Twenty cohorts of auxilia-
ries accompanied, as also eight troops of
horse. ^
King Agrippa also was there, and king
Sohemus, and the auxiliaries of king Antio-
chus, and a strong body of Arabians, who, as
is usual in nations that are neighbours to one
another, went with their accustomed hatied
against the Jews, with many others out of the
city of Rome, as everyone's hopes led b'm, of
getting early into the general's favour, before
others should prevent them.
He entered into the borders of the enemy's
country with these forces, in exact order of
war; and looking carefully about him, and
being ready for battle, he pitched his camp
not far from Jerusalem.
Chap. X.] When therefore he had pitched
his camp, as we said just now, before the
walls of Jerusalem, he pompously showed his
legions ready for an engagement, a
Chap. XL] The Jews formed their camp ]
under the very walls b [of the city] ; and if
they succeeded, they resolved to venture far-
ther ; but if they were beaten back, that was
their place of refuge. When a body of ca-
valry were sent against them,'^ and with them
r This character of Titus agree: exactly with the
History of Josephus upon all occasions.
' These twenty cohorts and eight troops of horse, are
not directly enumerated by Joscp-hus, of the War, b. v,
ch. 1, sect. 6.
• This word in Tacitus, pompously shoued his Jegions,
looks as if that pompous show which was some months
;iltcrward, in Josephus, ran in his mind. Of the War,
b. V, ch. ix, sect. 1.
These first bickerings and battlra near the walls of
Jerusalem, are at large in Josephus, of the .^ ar, b. v, ch.
11.
« Josephus distinctly mentions these horsemen or ea-
l iX', *'^ hundred in number, among whom Titus
had Uke to have been slain or taken iirisonpr, of tha
War, b. V, ch. ii, sect. 1, 2, 3.
DISSERTATION III.
851
cohorts that were expedite and nimble, t!ie
fiwlit was doubtful ; but soon afterwards tiie
enemies gave ground, and on the following
days there were frequent skirmishes before
the piates, till after many losses they were
driven into the city. The Romans then be-
took themselves to the siege, for it did not
seem honourable to stay till the enemies
were reduced by famine. d The soldiers were
very eager to expose themselves to dangers ;
part of them out of true valour, and many
out of a brutish fierceness, and out of a desire
of reward.
Titus had Rome, and the riches and plea-
sures of it, before his eyes ; all which seemed
to be too long delayed, unless Jerusalem
could be soon destroyed.
The city stood on a high elevation,' and it
had great works and ramparts to secure it,
such indeed as were sufficient for its fortification,
had it l)een on plain ground; for there were
two hills, of a vast height, which were enclos-
ed by walls made crooked by art, or [natural-
ly] bending inwards, that they might flank
the besiegers, and cast darts on them side-
ways. The extreme parts of the rock were
craggy, and the towers, when they had the
advantage of the ground, were sixty feet
high ; when they were built on the plain
ground they were not built lower than one
liundred and twenty feet : they were of un-
common beauty, and to those who looked at
them at a great distance, they seemed equal.
Other walls there were beneath the royal
palace, besides the tower of Antonia, with
its top particularly conspicuous. It was
called so by Herod, in honour of Marcus
Antonius.
Chap. XII.] The temple was like a cita-
del, having walls of its own, which had more
labour and pains bestowed on them than the
lest. The cloisters wherewith the temple
was enclosed were an excellent fortification.
They had a fountain of water that ran per-
petually, and the mountains were hollowed
under ground j they had moreover pools'" and
cisterns for the preservation of the rain-water.
They that built this city foresaw, that from
the difference of their conduct of life from
tlieir neighbours, they should have frequent
wars ; thence it came to pass that they had
provision for a long siege. After Pompey's
conquest also, their fear and experience had
taught them generally what tliey should want.S
* Sufb a deliheration and resolution, with this very
reason, that it would be dishouourable to stay til! the
Jews were starved out by famine, is in Josephus, ol the
War, b. V, ch. xii, sect. 1.
• This description of the city Jenisalem, its two hills.
Us three walls, and four towers, &c. are in this place
at large in Josephus, of the War, b. v, ch. iv. Seo iUso
Pompey's Siege, Antiq. b. xiv, ch. iv, sect. i.
f Of these pools, see Josephus, of the VV ar, b. v, ch.
xi, sect. 4. The cisterns are not mentioned by him
here, th lugh they be mentioned by travellers See
Reland's Rilestine, lorn. i. p. 504.
« This is Tacitus's or the Komans' own hypt>tbcsis,
unsupported by Josephuv.
Moreover, the covetous temper that pre-
vailed under Claudius, gave the Jews an op-
portunity of purchasing for tnoney '' leave to
fortify Jerusalem ; so they built walls in time
of peace, as if they were going to war, they
being augmented in number by those rude
multitudes of people that retired thither on
the ruin of the other cities j for every obsti-
nate fellow ran away thither, and there be-
came more seditious than before.
There were three captains, and as many ar-
mies. Simon had the remotest and largest
parts of the walls under him. John, who was
also called Bar Gioras (the son of Gioras), had
tlie middle parts of the city under him : and
Eleazar had fortified the temple itself. John
and Simon were superior in multitude and
strength of arms, Eleazar was superior by his
situation, but battles, factions, and burnings,
were common to them all ; and a great quan-
tity of corn was consumed by fire. After a
while, John sent some, who, under the pre-
tence of offering sacrifice, might slay Eleazar
and his body of troops, which they did, and
got the temple under their power. So the
city was now parted into two factions, until,
upon the coming of the Romans, this war
abroad produced peace between these that
were at home.
Chap. XIII.] Such prodigies! had happen,
ed, as this nation, which is superstitious
enough in its own way, would not agree to
expiate by the ceremonies of the Roman reli-
gion, nor would they atone the gods by sacri-
fices and vows, as these used to do on the like
occasions. Armies were seen to fight in the
sky, and their armour looked of a bright light
colour, and the temple shone with sudden
flashes of fire out of the clouds. The doors
of the temple were opened on a sudden, and
a voice greater than human was heard, that
the gods were retiring, and at the same
time there was a great motion perceived, as if
they were going out of it, which some esteem-
ed to be causes of terror. The greater part
had a firm belief that it was contained in the
old sacerdotal books, that at this very time
the east would prevail, and that some that
came out of Judea should obtain the empire
of the world, which obscure oracle foretold
Vespasian and Titus ; but the generality of
the common people, as usual, indulged their
own inclinations, and when they had once
interpreted all to forebode grandeur to them
ii This sale of leave for the Jews to build the walls of
Jerusalem for money is also Tacitus's or the Romans
own hypothesis, unsupported by Josephus. t\ut is
Joscphus's character of Claudius near so bad, as to othtr
things also, as it is in Tacitus and Suetonius. Dio ■-ays
he was far from oovetousness in particilar The others
seem to have misrepresented his meek and quiet tem-
per and learning, but without ambition, and his groat
Kindness to the Jews as the most contem]itjbie folly,
^ec Antiq. b. xix, ch. iv, sect. 4. He was indeed much
ruled at first by a very bad minister, Pallas ; and at last
WIS ruled and poisoned by a very bad wife, Agrippina.
i These prodigies and more are at .arge iu Jtisi-phiis-
of the Wav, b. vi, ch. v, sect. 3.
652
DISSERTATION III.
selves, adversity itself could not persuade circle itself; whence a commiseration arose.
tliem to change their minds, though it were
from falseliood to truth. k
We have been informed, that the number
of thebe.ieged, of every age and ofbo'h sexes,
male and female, was six hundred thousand. I
There were weapons for all that could carry
them ; and more than could be expected, for
though the punishments were levelled at
guilty persons, and such as deserved to be
made the most flagrant examples, as if these
people were destroyed, — not for the public
advantage, but to satisfy the barbarous hu-
mour of one man.
»*, Since I have set down all the vile ca-
their number, were bold enough to do so. lumnies of Tacitus upon tlie Christians as
The men and the women were equally obsti-
nate ; and when they supposed they were to
be carried away captive, they were more afraid
of life than of death.
Against this city and nation Titus Cassar
resolved to fight, by ramparts and ditches,
since the situation of the place did not admit
of taking it by storm or surprise. He parted
tlie duty among the legions ; and there were
no farther engagements, until whatever had
bten inventtMl for the taking of cities by the
ancients, or by the ingenuity of the moderns,
was got ready.
ANNALS, BOOK XV.
Nero, in order to stifle the rumour [as if
he had himself set Rome on tire], ascribed it to
those people who were hated for their wicked
practices, and called by the vulgar Chrvstians ;
these he punished exquisitely. The author of
this name was Christ, who in the reign of Ti-
berius was brought to punishment by Pontius
Pilate, the procurator.™ For the present
this pernicious superstition was in part sup-
pressed ; but it brake out again, not only over
Judea, whence this mischief first sprang, but
in the city of Rome also, whither do run from
every quarter and make a noise, all the fla-
grant and shameful enormities. At first,
therefore, those were seized who confessed ;
afterward a vast multitude were detected by
them, and were convicted, not so much as
really guilty of setting the city on fire, but
as hating all mankind ; nay, they made a
mock of them as they perished, and destroyed
them by putting them into the skins of wild
beasts, and setting dogs upon them to tear
them to pieces : some were nailed to crosses,
and others flamed to death ; they were also
used in the night-time instead of torches for
illumination. Nero had offered his own gar-
dens for this spectacle. He also gave them
Circensian games, and dressed himself like
the driver of a chariot, sometimes appearing
among tiie common people, sometimes in the
i> This interpretation, and the reflections upon it, are
in Joseplius, of the War, b. vi, eh. v, sect. 4.
> The number 600,000 for the besieged is nowhere in
Josephiis, but is tliere for the poor buried at the i)ub-
lic charge, of the War, b. v, ch. xiii, sect. 7, which miglit
be about the number of the besieged, under Ccstius
Callus, though there were many more afterward at Ti-
tus's siege, as Josephus implies, of the War, b. vi, ch. ix.
sect 3.
■n This passage seems to have l)een directly taken
from Josephus's famous testimony concerning Christ,
and the Christians, Antiq. b. xviii, ch. iii, sect. 5, of
which see Dissert. 1, before.
well as the Jews, it will be proper, before I
come to my Observations, to set down two
heathen records in their favour, and those
hardly inferior in antiquity, and of much
greater authority than Tacitus; I mean Pliny's
Epistle to Trajan when he was proconsul of
Bithynia ; with Trajan's Answer or rescrip
to Pliny, cited by Tertullian, Eusebius, ano
Jerome. These are records of so great esteem
with Havcrcamp, the last editor of Josephus,
that he thinks iliey not only deserve to bn
read, but almost to be learned by heart also.
PLINY'S EPISTLE TO TRAJAN
ABOUT A. D. 11 2.
Sir,
It is my constant method to apply
myself to you for the resolution of all my
doubts ; for who can better govern my dilatory
way of proceeding or instruct my ignorance ?
I have never been present at the examination
of the Christians [by others], on which ac-
count I am unacquainted with wliat uses to
be inquired into, and what, and how fai
they used to be punished ; nor are my doubts
small, whether there be not a distinction to
be made between the ages [of the accused] ?
and whether tender youth ought to have the
same punishment with strong men ? Whether
there be not room for pardon upon repent-
ance .''" or whether it may not be an advan-
tage to one that had been a Christian, tlia*
he has forsaken Christianity .? Whether the
bare name,° without any crimes besides, or
the crimes adhering to that name, be to be
punished ] In the mean time, I have taken
this course about those who have been brought
before me as Cl;ristians, I asked them whe-
ther they « ere Christians or not.' If they
confessed that they were Christians, I asked
them again, and a third time, intermixing
threatenings with the questions. If the}' per-
severed in their confession, I ordered them
to be executed.iP for I did not doubt but, let
° Till now, it seems, repentance was not commonlj
allowed those that had been once Christians; but,
though they recanted and returned to idolatry, yet wer«
they commonly put to death. This was peisecution in
perfection !
" This was the just and heavy complaint of the ait
eient Christians, th.'t they commonly suffered for thai
bare name, wiihout the'pretence of any crimes they
could prove against them. This was also persecution
in perfection !
p Amazing doctrine ! that a firm and fixed resolution
of keeping a good conscience sh(nild be thought with
out dispute to deserve death, and this bv such compA
ratively excellent heathens as P.iny and Tr^an.
. J'
DISSERTATION III.
853
their confession be of any sort whatsoever,
this positiveness and inflexible obstinacy de-
served to be punished. There have been
some of tliis mad sect whom I took notice of
in particular as Roman citizens, that tliey
mi<»ht be sent to that city.'' After some
time, as is usual in such examinations, the
crime spread itself, and many more cases
came before me. A libel was sent to me,
though without an author, containing many
names [of persons accused]. These denied
that they were Ciiristians now, or ever had
been. They called upon the gods, and sup-
plicated to your image,'" which I caused to be
brought to me for that purpose, with frank-
incense and wine ; they also cursed Christ j^
none of which things, it is said, can any of
those that are really Christians be compel-
led to do : so I thought fit to let them go.
Others of them that were named in the libel,
said they were Christians, but presently de-
nied it again ; that indeed they had been
Christians, but had ceased to be so, some
three years, some many more; and one tiiere
was that said he had not been so these twenty
years. All these worshipped your image,
and the images of our gods ; these also
cursed Christ. However, they assured me
that the main of their fault, or of their mis-
take, was this : — That they were wont, on a
stated day, to meet together before it was
light, and to sing a hymn to Christ, as to a god,
alternately ; and to oblige themselves by a
sacrament [or oath], not to do any thing that
was ill ; but that they would commit no
theft, or pilfering, or adultery ; that they
would not break their promises, or deny what
was deposited with them, when it was requir-
ed back again ; after which it was their cus-
tom to depart, and to meet again at a com-
mon but innocent meal,' which they had
left ofiF upon that edict which I published at
your command, and wherein I had forbidden
any such conventicles. These examinations
made me think it necessary to inquire by tor-
ments what the truth was ; which I did of
two servant-maids, who were called Deaco-
j nesses : but still I discovered no more than
I - that they were addicted to a bad and to an
extravagant superstition. Hereupon I have
put oST any further examinations, and have
I recourse to you, for the affair seems to be well
worth consultation, especially on account of
q This was the case of St. I'aul, who, being a citizen
of riome, was allowed to " appeal unto Caesar;" and
was " sent to Home" accordingly. Acts xxii, 25 — 29 ;
XXV, 25 ; xxvi, S.) ; xxvii.
' Amazing stupidity ! that the eraperor's image, even
while he was ahve, should be allowed capable of divine
worship, even by such comparatively excellent heathens
as Pliny and Trajan.
• Take here a parallel account out of the Martyrdom
I of Polycarp, sect. 9. The proconsul said, " Reproach
1 Christ. Polycarp replied, " Eighty-and-six years have
i I now served Christ, and he has never done me the
I least wrong, how then can I blaspheme my King and
my Saviour ?"
« This, mos' probably, must be some Feast ^f Cha-
rity."
'"\ ^ .
the number" of those that are in danger ;
for there are many of every age, of every
rank, and of both sexes, who are now and
hereafter likely to be called to account, and
to be in danger ; for this superstition is
spread like a contagion, not only into cities
and towns, but into Country villages also,
which yet there is reason to hope may be
stopped and corrected. To be sure, the tem-
ples, which were almost forsaken, begin al-
ready to be frequented ; and the holy solem-
nities, which were long intermitted, begin to
be revived. The sacrifices begin to sell well
everywliere, of which very few purchasers
had of late appeared ; whereby it is easy to
suppose how great a multitude of men may
be amended, if place for repentance be ad-
mitted.
TRAJAN'S EPISTLE TO PLINY.
My Pliny,
You have taken the method
which you ought in examining the causes ot
those that had been accused as Christians,
for indeed no certain and general form or 1
judging can be ordained in this case. These
people are not to be sought for ; but if they
be accused and convicted, they are to be pu-
nished ; but with this caution, that he who
denies hiinself to be a Christian, and makes
it plain that he is not so by supplicating to !
our gods, although he had been so formerly, j
may be allowed pardon, upon his repentance.
As for libels sent without an author, they
ought to have no place in any accusation
whatsoever, for that would be a thing of very
ill example, and not agreeable to my reign.
OBSERVATIONS
UPON THE PASSAGES TAKEN OUT OF TACITUS.
I. We see here what a great regard the
best of the Roman historians of that age,
Tacitus, had to the history of Josephus, while
though he never names him, as he very rarely
names any of those Roman authors whence
he derives other parts of his history, yet does
it appear that he refers to his seven books of
the Jewish Wars several times in a very few
pages, and almost always depends on his ac-
counts of the affairs of the Romans and Par-
thians, as well as of the Jews, during no fewer
than 240 years, to which those books extend.
II. Yet does it appear that when he now
and then followed other historians, or reports
concerning the Romans, tlie Parthians, or the
" Some of late are ver^' loth to believe that the Chris-
tians were numerous n the second century ; but this is
such an evidence that they were very numerous, at
least in Bithynia, even in the beginning of that century,
as is wholly undeniable.
do!
DISSERTATION III.
Je\v5, during that long interval, he was conn-
monly mistaken in them, and had better have
kept close to Josephus than hearken to any of
his otiier authors or informers.
III. It also appears liighly probable that
Tacitus had seen tlie Antiquities of Josephus,
and knew that the most pai t of tlie accounts
he produced of the origin of the Jewish na-
tion entirely contradicted those Anti()uiues.
He also could hardly avoid seeing that those
accounts contindicted one another also, and
were childish, absurd, and supported by no
good evidence whatsoever : as also, lie could
hardly avoid seeing that Josephus's accounts
in those Antiquities were authentic, substan-
tial, and thoroughly attested to by the ancient
records of that nation, and of the neighbour-
incT nations also, wliich indeed no one can
now avoid seeing, that carefidly peruses and
considers them.
IV. Tacitus therefore in concealing the
greatest part of the true ancient history of the
Jewish nation, which lay before iiim in Jose-
phus, and producing such fabulous, ill-j, round-
ed, and partial histories, which he had from
the heathens, acted a most unfair part ; and
this procedure of his is here the more gross,
in regard he professes such great impartiality
(Hist. b. i. ch. i.), and is allowed indeed to
have observed that impartiality as to the Ro-
man affairs.
V. Tacitus's hatred and contempt of God's
peculiar people, the Jews, and his attachment
to the grossest idolatry, superstition, and
astral fatality of the Romans, were therefore
so strong in iiim, as to overbear all restraints
of sober reason and equity in the case of those
Jews, though he be allowed so exactly to have
followed them on other occasions relating to
the Roinans.
VI. Since therefore Tacitus was so bitter
against the Jews, and since he knew that
Christ was a Jew himself, and that his apos-
tles, and first followers were Jews, and also
knew that the Christian religion was derived
into the Roman provinces from Judea, — it is
no wonder that his hatred and contempt of
the Jews extended itself to the Christians also,
whom the Romans usually confounded with
the Jews ; as therefore his hard words of the
Jews appear to have been generally ground-
less, and hurt his own reputation instead of
theirs, so ought we to esteem his alike hard
words of the Christians to be blots upon his
own character, and not upon theirs.
VII. Since therefore Tacitus, soon after
the publication of Josephus's Antiquitits,
and in contradiction to them, was determined
to produce such idle stories about the Jews,
and since one of those idle stories is much
the same with that published in Josephus, a-
gainst Apion, from Manetho and Lysiinachus,
and nowhere else met with so fully in all an
tiquity, it is most probable tliat those Antiqui-
ties of Josephus were the very occasion of
Tacitus giving us these stories ; as we know
from Josephus himself, against Apion, b. i
sect. 1, that tlie same Antiquities were the
very occasion of Apion's publication of liis
equally scandalous stories about them, and
which Josephus so thoroughly confuted in
these two books, written against him ; and if
Tacitus, as I suppose, had also read these two
books, his procedure in publishing such stories
after he had seen so thorough a confutation
of them, was still more highly criminal. Nor
will Tacitus's fault be inuch less, though «e
suppose he neither saw the Antiquities, nor
the books against Apion : because it was very
easy for him, then at Rome, to have had more
authentic accounts, of the origin of the Jewish
nation, and of the nature of the Jewish and
Christian religions, from the Jews and Chris-
tians themselves, who he owns were very
numerous there in his days; so that his pub-
lication of such idle stories is still utterly in-
excusable.
V^III. It is therefore very plain, after all,
that notwithstanding the encomiums of several
of our learned critics upon Tacitus, and hard
suspicions upon Josephus, all the (involun-
tary) mistakes of Josephus, in all his large
works put together, their quality as well as
quaJitUy considered, do not amount to i;ear so
great a sum as do these gross errors and mis-
representations of Tacitus about tlie Jews
amount to in a iew pages; so little rea-
son have soinc of our later and lesser critics to
prefer the Greek and Roman historians and
writers to the Jewish, and particularly to
Josephus. Such later and lesser critics sliould
have learned more judgment and modesty
from their great father Joseph Scaliger, when,
as we have seen, afterall hisdeeper inquiries, he
solemnly pronounces (2>t' £mtvjd. Ter.ip. Pro~
legotn. p. 17), that "Josephus was tlie most
ddigent and the greatest lover of truth of all
writers ;" and is not afraid to affirm, that
" it is more safe to believe him not only as to
the affairs of the Jews, but also as to those that
are foreign to them, than all the Greek and
Latin writers ; and this because his fidelity
and compass of learning are everywhere con-
spicuous "
Table pf Ot^ Jewish Wkights and Measures, pttrticuiarfy ef th f*.
Tucntiimed in Josephus' Works.
Of the Jewish Measures o^ Length,
Cubit, the standard
Zereth or large span,
Sinall span, - - . .
Palm or hand's breadth.
Inch or thumb's breailth,
Digit or finger's breadth,
Orgyia or fathom,
Ezekiel's Canneh or reed,
Arabian Cannah or pole,
Schoenus, line or chain,
Sabbatli-day's journey,
Jewish mile, - - -
Stadium or furlong,
Parasand, - - . -
Inches.
- '21
10.5
7
3.5
1 .16
- 84
- I '26
- 168
icao
42000
8400O
8400
252000
VeeU
- 1
- O
-
-
- o
-
- 7
- 10
- 14
140
3500
7000
700
21000
Inches.
9
10.V
7
i.ie
.87£
6
O
O
Of the Jewish Measures of Capacity.
Cub. Inches.
Bath or Eplia, ... . 807.274 -
Corns or Chomer, .... 8072.74
Soah or Saton, - - . . . 269.091 -
Ditto according to Josephus, - 828.28
Hin, -.134.54
Ditto according to Josephus, . 414.12
Omer or Assaron, - - - . 80-722 -
Cab, 44.859 -
Log, 11.21
Metretes or Syrian firkin, - - 207
Pints or Pouiub.
- 27. 8:3
- 278.3
9.266
- 28..^
4.4633
- 14.3
2.78
1.544
- - .39
7. 1 25
Of the Jewish Weights and Coi.s's.
L
Stater, Siclus, or shekel of the sanctuary, the standard, - -
Tyrian coin, equal to the shekel, ... ....o
Bekah, half of the shekel, ........._o
Drachma Attica, one-fourth, -._...-...o
Drachma Alexandrina, or Darchon, or Adarchon, one half, - O
Gerah, or Obolus, one-tv/entieth, ........o
Manel), or Mna — 100 shekels in weight — 21,900 grains Troy.
Maneh, Mna, or Mina, as a coin, — 60 shekels, . - - - 7
Talent of silver, — 3000 shekels, ........ 375
Drachma of gold, not more than ....... .0
Shekel of gold not more than ^ -..-.- . . q
Daric of gold, ..............1
Talent of gold, not more than -..-.-. 648
i
.1.
'2
«s
2
6
1
3
1h
1
3
^
10
1
1
4
4
4
855
Vablk of the Jewish IMonths in Joscjihiis and others, with the Si/ro. Mace-
donian names Jo.ie])hiis gives them, and the names nf the Julian or Ruman
Months corres]>onding to them.
•-lel3Tew Names.
(1.) Nisan
(2.) Jyar
(3.) Sivan
(4.) Tamuz
(5.) Ab
(6.) Elul
(7.) Tisri
(8.) Marchesvan
(9.) Casku
(10.) Tebeth
(11.) Shebat
(12.) Adar
( ) Veadar, or the
Syro-Maccdotiian Names,
Xanthicus
Artemisius
Daesius
Panemus
Lous
"Gorpiceus
HyperberetsBiis
Dius
Apellasus
Audynasus
Peritius
Dystrus
Second Adar, intercalaved.
Roman Names.
March and April
April and May
May and June
June and July
July and August
August and September
September and October
October and November
November and December
December and January
January and February
February and March
_^
INDEX.
N. B. THE FIRST NUMBER IN ORDER IS THAT OF THE BOOK; THE SECOND,
OF THE CHAPTER ; AND THE THIRD, OF THE SECTION, OR SECTIONS.
Aaros, Antiq. b. ii, ch. xiii, sect. 1; b. xx, ch. x; is
made high-priest, b. iii, ch. viii, sect. 1 ; hif. sons,
lb. ; his death, b. iv, ch. iv, sect. 7.
Abassar, or Sanabasser, Antiq. b. xi, c. iv, sect. 6.
Abbarus, king of the Tyf'SfS Against Apiou, b. i, sect.
21.
^bdastartus, king of the Tyrians, Against Apion, b. i,
sect. 18.
Abdemon, a Tyrian, Antiq. b. viii, a v, 3 ; Against
Apion, b. i, sect. 17, IS.
Abilenago, or Abednego, Antiq. b. x, c. x, 1.
Abdon succeeds Elon as judge, Antiq. b. v, c. vii, 15.
Abel, Antiq. b. i, c. ii, 1 ; his sacrifice, ib.
Abenarig, king of Cliarax Spasini, .■\ntiq. b. xx, c. li, 1.
Abia, or Abijah, the son of Rehoboam, Antiq. b. vii, c.
X, 3, b. viii, c, X, 1 ; succeeds his father, sect. 4; con-
quers the ten tribes, b. viii, c. xi, 2, 3.
Abia, king of the Arabians, Antiq. b. xx, c. iv, 1.
Abiathar, the son of Ahimelcch, Antiq. b. vi, c. xiv, G ;
saves his life, and flies to David, sect, b ; is iiigh-
priest, b. vi, c. xiv, 6; and b. vii, c. v, 4 ; ami o. ix,
i' ; and c. xi, 8 ; and c. xiv, 4 ; is deprived of the high-
priesthood, b. viii c. i, 3.
Abibalus, king of the Tyrians, Against Apion, b. i, sect.
17.
Abigail, Antiq. b. vi, c. xiii, "; married to David, sect.
8.
Abigail, .\masa's mother, Antiq. b. vii, c. x, 1.
Abiliu, tlie son of Aaron, Antiq. b. iii, c. viii, 1.
Abijah, or Abia, the son of Relioboain, Antiq. b. vii,
c. X, 3: and b. viii, c. x, 1 ; succeeds his father, sect.
4 ; conquers the ten tribes, b. vii, c. xi, 2, 3,
Abilamaradochus, or Evil Meiodacii, Antiq. b. x, c. xi.
Abimael, Antiq. b. i, c. vi, 4.
Abimelec'h tyrannizes over the Shechemites, Antiq. b.
V, c. vii, 1 ; is expelled, sect. 3 ; he destroys them all,
sect. 4 ; is killed by a piece of a mill.stone, sect. 5.
Abinadab, Antiq. b. vi, c. i, 4; b. viii, c. ii, 5.
Abiram, .\iitiq. b. iv, c ii, 2.
.^bishag, a virgin, David's nurse, Antiq. b. vii, c. xiv, 3.
.'Vbishai, .Xntiq. b. vi, c. xiii, 9.
Abner. Antiq. b. vii, c. i, 4; son of Ner, c. xiii, sect. 1 ;
Saul's kinsman, b. vi, e. iv, 5; general of his army,
b. vii, c. i, o; reconciles the Israelites to David, b.
vii, c. i, 4 ; is killed, sect. 6.
Abram, or .Vbraham, the son of Terah, Antiq. b. i, e.
vi, 5 ; leaves Chaldea, and goes to Canaan, c. vii, sect.
1 ; lives at Damascus, sect. 2 ; advises his sons to plant
colonies, c. xv; instructs the Kgyptians in the mathe-
matical sciences, e. viii, sect. 2; divides the country
between himself and Lot, sect. 3; God v^romises him
a son, c. x, sect. 5 ; he beats the x\ssvriaus, c. x ; dies,
c xvii.
Absulom, Antiq. b. vii, c. iii, 3 ; flies to Geshur, c.
viii, sect 3 ; is recalled by a stratagem of Joab, sect.
4. 5; rebels against David, b. vii, c. ix ; pursues after
liim, c. X, sect. 1 ; his army is put to flight, sect. '.' ;
hangs on a tree by his hair, ib. ; is stabbed by Joab,
and dies, ib. ^
Acencheres, king of Egypt, Against Apion, b. i, sect.
Acenchres, queen of Egypt, ib.
Achar, or .Achan, is guilty <rf theft, Antiq. b. v, 10 ; is
punished, sect. 14.
Achitophel, or Ahithophel, Absa'om's favourite, Antiq.
b. vii, c. ix, 2 ; gives evil counsel, sect. 5 ; hangs him-
self, sect 8.
.\chonius, Antiq. o. xi, c. v, 4.
Acme, War, b. i, c. xxxii, (i ; her letters to Antipater and
Herod, Antiq b. xvii, c. v, 7 ; her death, c. vii.
Acmon. son of Araph, or Ishbi, the son of Ob, of the
race of the giants, attacks David, Antiq. b. vii, c
xii, 1 ; is killed by Abishai, ib.
Acratheus, or Hatach, .\ntiq. b. xi, c. vi, 7.
Actium, battle at, Antiq. b. xv, c. v, 1 ; and c. vi, I
War, b. i, c. xix, 1 ; in the seventh year of HerodS
reign, .Antiq. b. xv, c. v, 2.
Ada, the wife of Lamech, Antiq. b. i, c. i:, 2.
Adad, a king of Damascus, Antiq. b. vii, c. v, 2, &a
Adam created, Antiq. b. i, c. i, 2; his fall, ib.
Ader, or Hadad, an Idumean, Antiq. b. viii, c. vii, 6.
Adonias, or Adouijah, pretends lo the crown, Antiq. b.
vii, c. xiv, 4 ; Uikes sanctuary at the altar, sect. 6, 9:
demands Abishag to wife, b. viii, c. i, 1, 2 ; is refused,
sect. 3.
."^doiiibozek, king of Jerusalem, Antiq. b. v, c. ii, 2;
is made a prisoner, and has his hands and feet cut ofi',
and dies at Jerusalem, ib.
Adoram, .\ntiq. b. vii, e. v, 4 ; and b. viii, c. ii, 9.
Adiammclech, Antiq. b. x, c. i, .5.
.Adra.s,ir, or Hadadezer, king of Sophene, or Zoba, An
tiq. b. viii, c. v, 1 ; b. viii, c vii, 6.
.■Ebutius, a decuricm, Life, sect. 24.
jEgvpt named from a king, Against Apion, b. i, sccL
15.
.Egyptian kings called Pharaohs for ISOflyears, till the
reign of Solomon, Antiq. b. viii, c. vi, 2.
.(Egyptians, famous before all other nations for wisdom,
Antiq. b. viii, c. ii, 3 ; learned mathematics of .Xbra-
ham, Antiq. b, i, c. viii, 2; their sacred scribes or
priests, b':^ii, c. ix, 2; they held it unlawful to feed
Ciittle, b. ii, c. vii, 5.
Egyptians' false prophet put to flight by Felix, Antiq.
b. XX, e. viii, 6; VVar, b. ii, c. xiii, 5.
.lElius Gallus, Antiq. b. xv, c. ix, 3.
iEmilius Regulus, Antiq. b. xix, c. i, 3.
/Eneas, suniamed Aretas, succeeds ubodas in Arabia,
Antiq. b. xvi, c. ix, 4.
Esopus, a servant, Antiq. b. xv, e. iii, 2.
^Ethiopian commodities were slaves and monkeys, An-
tiq. b. viii, c. vi, j, &c. ; and c. Vii, 2.
^Ethiopians bordering on the Arabians, Antiq. b. ix, e.
V, 3.
.\gag, king of the Amalekites, Antiq. b. vi, c. vii, 2 ; i«
killed, sect. 5.
A^ar, or Ilagar, and Ishmael, are sent away by Abra-
ham, Antiq. b. i, c. xiii, 5.
Aggeus, or Maggai the prophri, .\ntiq. b. xi, c. iv. .5
7 ; he propnecies at the rebuilding of the temple,
ib.
.\gone3, or games every fifth year, in honour of Ca^ar
instituted by Herod, Antiq. b. xv, c. viii, 1 ; War, b.
i, c. xxi, 8 ; at the finishing Cesarea, Antiq. b. xvi,
e.v. I. 4_^
T
INDEX.
Agrippa's ,'Marcus the Roman) bountj' towards the Jews,
Antiq. xii, ili, t' ; is splendidly entertained bv Herod,
xvi, ii, 1; makes eiqual returns to him at'SjTiope,
sect. I'; his expedition to the Bosphorus, ib. : his
speech to the Jews at Jerusalem, War, ii, xvi, 5, 4 ;
he confirms their privileges, Antiq. xvi, ii, ,5 ; his let-
ter to the Ephesians, in favour of the Jews, c vi,
sect, 4 ; and to those of Cvrene, sect. b.
Agrippa the Great, or Elder,' Htrods grandson, Antiq.
xvii, ii, 2 ; and xviii, v, 4 ; War, i, xxviii, I ; his va-
rious adventures, Antiq. xviii, 5, 4, &c. ; is manacled
and imprisoned, c. vi, sect G ; his future Uberty and
happiueis foretold, sect. 7 ; is released and made lord
of two tetrarchies, with the title of king, sect. 10;
gives Caius a sumptuous entertainment at Rome, c.
x%-iii, sect. 7: is sent by the senate to Claudius, xix,
iv, 1, i; his advice to Claudius, ib. &c. ; is sent back
to the kingdom, c iv, sect. 1 ; Claudius bestows on
him almost all the dominions of his grandfather, c.
V, sect. 1 ; his culogium, c. vii, sect. 5; his bounty
towards those of Berytus, sect 5 ; he treats several
kings sp'endiily, c. \Tii, sect. 1 ; entertains Cesarea
witn shows, and appears himself upon the stage in a
magnificent dress, and is applauded as a god, sect. '.';
dies soon after an unnatural death, ib. ; his death and
children. War, ii, xi, 5, 6,
Agrippa, his son by C\7iros, War, ii, xi, 6; did not im-
mediately succeed in his father's kingdom, Antiq.
xix, ix, 2; Claudius gave him that of his uncle He-
rod [of Chalcis], xx, v, 2; War, ii, xii, 1 ; to which
he added the tetrarchies of Philip and Lysanias, c.
vii, sect. 1 ; he is hurt by a sling-stone at tlie s:ege' of
Garaala, iv, i, 3 ; his letters to Josephus, Life, sect.
C4; his famous speech to the Jews, to dissuade them
from a war with the Romans, War, ii, xvi, 4, o.
Agrippa, sou of Felix and Drusilla, Autiq. xx, vii, 2.
Agrippa Fonteus slam, War, vii, iv, 3.
Ahab, king of Israel, Antiq. vii, xiii, 1 ; is reproved
by Elijah, sect. 8 ; fights with Iienhadad, and beats
him, c. xiv, sect, 1, 4ic ; pardons him, sect. 4; is af-
terwards k lied liiraself by the iivrians, c. xv, sect. 5 ;
his sons, ix. 6, .i.
Ahaziah, his son, Autiq. viii, xv, 6; and ix, il, 2; vi
sect. 3.
Ahaziah, king of Judah, Antiq. ix, vi, 3.
Ahaz, ki.ig of Judah, Antiq. ix, xii, 2.
Ahijah, the prophet, Antiq. viii, vii, 7; liis propliecy,
X, iv, S.
Ahikam, Antiq. x, ix, 1.
Ahimaaz. the son of Zadok, Antiq. vii, ix, 2; ex,
sect- 4, 5; higli-pricst, x, viii, ti.
Ahimeleoh. or Achimelech the priest, or high-priest,
slain by the order of Saul, Aniiq. vi, xiii, 4. &c.
Ahitub, Antiq. viii, i, 5.
.\liitophcl, or Achitophel, Antiq. vii, ix ; gives evil
counsel, sect. 5 ; hangs himself, sect. S.
Ai besieged, Antiq. v, i, 12; taken, sect. 15.
Aizel, ofL'zal, Antiq. i, vi, 4.
Alans, War, vii, vii, 4.
Albiuus, procurator of Judca, Antiq, xx, ix, I.
Alcimus, or Jacimus. the wuked high-priest, .\ntiq.
xiii, ix, 7; calumniates Judas before Demetrius, c.x,
sect. 1 : dies, sect. 6.
Alcyon, a physician, Autiq. xix, i, 20.
Alexander Lysimachus, the alabarch, Antiq. xviii, vi,
5 ; and xix', v, 1 ; and xx, v, 1.
-Mexander, the son of Alexander by GlaphjTa, War, i,
xxviii, 1.
Alexander, the son of Antiochus Epiphanes, Antiq.
xiii, li, 1; surnamed Balas, ib. in nute ; king of Sy-
ria, sect. 2 ; his letter to Jonathan, ib. ; engages in a
battle with Demetrius, sect.- 4 ; demands rtolemy
Philcmeter's daughter in marriage, c iv, sect. 1 ; is
killed in Arabia, aud his head sent to Ptolemy, sect.
S.
Alexander and Aristobidus, Herod's sons, put in prison,
Antiq. xvi, x, 5; strangled by their fa:her's order, c
xi, sect. 6; War, i, xxvii, 6.'
Alexander, the son of Ari^tobulus, Antiq. xiv, iv, 5 ;
War. i, viii, 7; troubles Syria, Antiq. xiv, iv, J;
makes war upon the Romans, War, i, viii, 5 ; is
conquered by liabinus, ib. ; killed by Pompey's or-
der, Antiq. xiv, vii, 4 ; War, i, ix, 2.
Alexander Janneus succeeds his brother Aristobulus,
War, i, iv, 1 ; a sedition raised against him, Antiq.
xiii, xiv, 2, &c. ; his exjiedition against Ptolemais, c.
xii, sect. 2 ; he is called Thracidas, for his barbarous
cruelty, c. xiv, sect. 2; dies of a quartan ague, after
three years' sickness, c. xv, sect, 5 ; War, i, iv, i> ; his
sons, Hvrcanus and Aristobulus, Antiq. xiii, xvi ;
War, i, v, 1.
Alexander the Great, succeeds his father Philip, Antiq.
xi, xi'i, 10; conquers Darius, sect. 5 ; pursues his vii.>-
torics through Asia, ib. ic. ; sends a letter to the
high-jiriest at Jerusalsm, ib. ; goes himself to Jerusa-
lem, sect. 5 ; his dream, ib. ; he adores the name of
Oodon the high-priest's forehead, ih. ; enters the tern
pie, ih. ; grants privileges to the Jews, ib. ; the Pam-
nhylian sea gives way to his army, Antiq. ii, xvi, 5
his arms and armour kept in the temple of Diana, al
Elj-mais, xii, ix, 1 ; his empire divided after his death,
c i.
Alexander, the son of Phasaelus and Salampsio, Antiq.
xviii, V, 4.
Alexander (Tiberius) succeeds Caspius Fadus as procu
rstor of Judea, Antiq. xx, v, 2; War, ii, xi, 6; is
made procurator of Egypt, ii, xv, 1 ; c. xviii, sect.
7; is niade chief commander of the Koman army
under Vespasian, iv, x, f ; ani vi, iv, 5.
Alexander Zebina, king of Svria, is conquered by An-
tiochus Grypus, and dies,.A'ntiq. xiii, ix, ".
Alexandra, Alexander Janneus's widow, holds the ad
ministration, after his death, Antiq. xiii, xvi, l ; falh
sick and dies. sect. 5, 6 : her eulogium, ib.
Alexandra, daughter of Hvrcanus, wife of Alexander,
the son of Aristobulus. livrcanus's brother, and mo-
ther of another Aristobulus and Mariamne, Antiq.
xy, ii, 5 ; writes a letter to Cleopatra, ib. : >ends the
plc^lres of her son and daughter to Antonius, by the
advice of Dellius, sect. 6; is I'eignedly reconciled to
Herod, sect. 7 ; is susjiectcd by Herod, c. iii, sect. 2 :
prepares to 11 y into Egjpt, ib. ; bemoans the death of
Aristobulus, sect, 4; acquaints Cleopatra with the
snares of Herod, and the death of her son, sect. 5: is
put into prison, sect. 9; her indecent beh.iviour to-
wards her daughter Mariamne, c vii, sect. 4 ; is kill-
ed by Herod's order, sect. 8.
Alexandra, daughter of Phasaelus and Saiampsio, .Au-
tiq. XVIII, V, 4; is married to Timius C\-pnus, ib.
Alexandria's causeway to the inland Phar'os, seven fur-
long's long, .Antiq. xii, ii, 12 ; a great part of thatcit?
assigned to the Jews, xiv, vii, 2 ; the Jews declared
its ciiizens on a brazen pillar bv Julius Ciear. c. x,
sect 1,2.
Alexas, Salome's husband, Antiq. xvii, i, 1 : War, i
xxviii, 6.
Alexas Selcias, .Alexas's son, Antiq. xviii v, 4.
.-Misphragmuthosis, or Halisphragmuthosis, king o5
Eg>pt. Against .\pion, i, sect. 14.
.\litunis, a Jew, Life, sect. 3.
Alliance between Ptolemy and Antiochus, Antiq. xii, iv.
Altar of incense, Antiq. iii, vi, 8; of burnt-offering
made of unhewn stone. War, v, v, 6 ; Against .\nion,
i, sect. 22.
Amad,?tha, or Hammadetha, .\ntiq. xi, vi, .i, 12.
Amalekites attack the Israelites, Antiq. iii, ii, 1 ; are
conquered and plundered, sect. 4, 5.
Aman, or Haman, theeneray of the Jews, Antiq. xi, vi,
15 ; his edict against the 'Jews, sect. 6; he orders a
gallons to be erected for Mordecai, sect. 1(1; is oblig-
ed to honour Mordecai, ib. ; his malicious design it
laid before the king, sect. 1 1 ; his edict countermand
ed, secu 12; he is liimsclf hanged on the gallows,
sect. 13. = 5 .
-Vmarinus, or Oniric king of the Israelitics, -Intiq. viii^
xii, 0.
.\masa, general of the army, Antiq. vi, x, 1 ; and xi, 1 ;
the son of Jether, c. xv, sect. 1 ; killed by Joab, ib.
c xi, sect. 7.
.\masias, or .Vmaziah, king of Judah, Antiq. ix, viii.
4 ; o. ix, sect. 1 ; makes war on Jehoash, king of Is-
rael, sect. 3 ; is beaten, ib. and murdered iu a conspir-
acy, ib.
Amasias, or Ma.iseiah, king Ahaz's son, slain in battle,
.\ntiq. ix, xii, 1.
Amasias, or Maaseiah, governor of the city, Antiq. x,
iv, 1.
Amalhius, Antiq, i, vi, 2.
.Ambassadors sent with presents to Hezekiah, .\ntiq. x,
ii, 2; ambassadors of the Jews, slain by the -Arabs, x\ ,
V, 2; this a viohition of the laiv of nations, sect. 3, c.
iii, sect. 9; ambassadors had a right to sit among ttw
Roman senators in the theatre, xiv, x, G.
Amba;<sai;e sent by Jouatha-.i to the Lacedemonians,
Antiq. xiii, v, 8 . sent by the Jews to Rome, xii, x, 6.
Ambition and avarice causes of many mischiefs, .\miq.
vii, i, 5.
-Ambivius, (Marcus) procurator of Judea, Antiq. xvi.i
ii, 2.
Amenophis, king of Egypt, .\gaiiist Apion, i, sect. 15,
2f;, 32.
Amesses, queen of Egj'jit, Against .Apion, i, sect. I j.
-Aminadab, Antiq. vi.'i, 4 ; and xi, iv, 1.
.Ammonius, Antiq. xiii, iv, 6; killed, ib
Amnon. David's son, Antiq. vii, iii, 3; falls in love with
his sister J'ainar, c. viii, sect, i; is slain by .Vbsaloia's
order, sect. 2.
Amoriti-s given to the tribes of Reuben and Gad, and
t>te half tribe of Maua^seh, Autiq. iv. vii, 3.
''9^
TMDEX.
Amphitheatre built at Jerusalem, and another in the
adjoining plain, by Herod the Great, Antiq. xv, viii,
1 ; another at Jericho, xvii, viii, 'V.
Amram, Mosts's father. Ant q. ii, ix, 3.
Amram, Antiq. xx, i, 1.
Ainraphel, Antiq. i, ix.
Amutal, or Hamutal, Antiq, x, v, 2.
Anacharias, or Rabsaris, a general of Sennacherib An-
tiq. x, i, I.
Ananclus made high priest, Antiq, xv, ii, 4; deprivei
of it, c. iii, sect. 1 , restored to it, sect. 3. 1
Ananias, son of Nebedius, made high-priest, Antiq. xx,
V, 2; War, ii, xii, 6 ; c. xvii, sect, t' ; his son Ananiis,
c. xii, sect. 6 ; both sent in fetters to Rome, Antiq-
XX, vi, 2 ; slain, together with his brother Kzek.ia£,
War, ii, xvii, 9.
Ananias, (different from the forrr.er,) Antiq. xi, iv, 9 ;
son of Onias, xiii, x, 4; c. xii, sect. 2.
Ananias, the son of Masarabalus, high-priest, War, v,
xiii, 1.
Ananus senior, made high-priest, Antiq, xx, ix, 1 ; his
eulogium. War, iv, iii, 7.
Ananus junior, the son of Ananus, made hi^h-priest,
Antiq. xx, ix, 1 ; Life, sect. .38 ; War, iv, iii, 9 ; his
speech to the people, sect. IC ; accused of the mur-
der of James the Bishop, Antiq. xx, ix, 1 ; deprived
of the high-priesthood, ib. ; his death, War, iv. v, 2.
Ananus [or Annas], son of Seth, made high-priest,
Antiq. xviii, ii, 1 ; deposed, sect. 2.
Ananus, son of Hamadus, one of Simon's life-g^uards,
War, V, xiii, 1 ; flies to Titus, vi, iv, 2.
Ananus, governor of the temple, Antiq. xx, vi, 2.
Ananus, son of Jonathan, War, ii, xix, 5-
Anchus, or Achish, kins of Gath, Antiq. vi, xiv, 1.
Andreas, captain of Philadelphus's life-guard, Antiq.
xii, ii, 2, 3, 4 ; Against Apion, ii, sect. 4.
Andromachus expelled the court of Herod, Antiq. xvi,
viii, 5.
Androiiicus, son of Messalamus, Antiq. xiii, iii, H.
Aner, Abraham's confederate, Antiq. i, v, 2,
Ay-yxiutir^xi, or forcible pressure taken olf the Jews
by Deinetriup, Antiq. xiii, ii, 3.
Angels of (iod become familiar with women, Artiq. i,
iii, 1.
fvneliiis, Antiq. xviii, ix, 1, 4, 5; killed by the Banyli-
nians, sect. 7-
Anna, or Hannah, the wife of Elcanah, Antiq. v, x, 2.
Annibas, put to death by Fadus, for a mutiny, Antiq.
XX, i, 1.
Aniiius (Lucius) takes Gerasa, War, iv, ix, 1.
Annius Minucianus, .\ntiq. xix, i, 3.
Annius liufus, procurator of Judea, Antiq. xviii, ii, 2.
Anoch, or Enoch, Antiq. i, ii, 2.
Anleius kil.ed, .Antiq. xix, i, 15.
Antigonus governs .Asia, after Alexander's death, An-
tiq. xii, i; his fleet beaten by Ptolemy, c. xi, sect.
10.
An igonus, son of Aristobulus, .Antiq. xlv, iv, 5 ; c.
vii, sect. 1 ; impeaches Hyrcanus and Antii).itcr, e
viii, sect. 4; War, i, x, ] ; is conquered by Herod,
Antiq. xiv, xii, i; invades Judea, by the help of the
Parthians, c. xiii, sect, iii ; is re-established m the
government, sect, lii; War, i, xiii, 9 ; cuts off Hyr-
canub's ears, and causes the death of Pha-aelus, ib. ;
surrenders himself to Sosius, Antiq. xiv, xvi, 9;
War, i, x> iii, 2 ; is sent in fetters to Marcus Anto-
Bius, ib. ; Wi:s the first king whose head was cut off by
the llomans, Antiq. xv, i, 2; reigned before Herod,
xvii, V, 2.
Anti;,'oiius, sou of Hyrcanus 1., and brother of king Aris-
tobulus, made commander at the siege of Samaria,
Antiq. xiii, x, 2 ; is beloved by his brother, e. xi, sect
J ; is watched by the queen and her favourites, and
by their calumnies slain, sect. 2; War, i, iii, 2, 3, 4.
Antioch is the chief city in Syria, and the third city in
the Roman empire. War, iii, ii, 4 ; the Jews made
citizens thereof by Seleucus Nicator, Antiq. xii, iii,
1 ; it is burnt down. War, viii, iii, 1.
Antiochus rebels again.st Demetrius, Antiq. xiii, iv, 7;
their envy against the Jews, xii, iii, 1.
Antioihus, king of Commagene, .Antiq. xviii, ii, 5;
and xix, v, 1 ; c. viii, sect. 1 ; War, v, xi, 3 ; and vii,
'ii, 1 ; a part of Cilicia, together with Commagene,
granted him by Claudius, Antiq. xix, v, 1.
Antiochus Cyzicentis, Antiq. xiii, x, 1 ; assists the Sa-
maritans, but is put to flight, sect. 2; War, i, ii, 2;
is taken prisoner, and put to death by Seleucus, An-
tiq. xiii, xiii, 4.
Antiochus Dionysius, fourth son of Antiochus Gry-
pus, king of Syria, makes an expedition against the
Jews, Antiq. xiii, xv, 1 ; War, i, iv, 7.
Antiochus the Great, Antiq. xii, iii, 3; his letters in
favour of the Jews, ib. &.e.; his wars with Ptolemy
Pliilopator and Physcon, ib. ;" marries his daughter
Cleopatra to Ptolemy, c. iy, secL 1
Antiochus Epiphaues .nakes^an expedition into Egypt,
Antin. xii, v. 2 ; takes Jerusalem, and plunders tn«
temple, sect. 3, &c. ; War, i, i, 1, &c. ; and vi, x ;:
goes into I'ersia, Antiq. xiii. vii, 2; d' signs to destroy
the Jews upon his return, ib. ; his answers to the Sa-
maritans, c. V, sect. 5 ; his impiety, xiii, viii, 2; he
dies, and leaves the administration to Philip, xii, ix,
1, 2.
Antiochus Eupator. his son, invades Judea, Antiq. xii,
ix, 4; fights with Judas, ib. ; War, i, i, 5; makes
peace with the Jews, Antiq. xii, ix, 7 ; breaks it, ib. :
is killed by Demetrius, c. x, sect. 1.
Anti> ohiis Grypus, son of Demetrius Soter, Antiq. xiii,
X, 1 ; his death, c. xiii, sect. 4.
Antiochus Philometer, .\ntiq. xiii, xii, 2.
Antiochus Pius, son of Antiochus Cyiuceniis, make*
war with Seleucus, Antiq. xiii, xiii, 4 ; is slain id
battle, ib
Antiochus Eusebius, or Pius, the brother of Demetrius,
besieges Jerusalem, .Antiq. xiii, viii, 2; raises the
siege, sect. 4; makes an expedition against the Par-
thians, is defeated and killed, ib.
Antiochus, the grandson of Seleucus, and son of .Alex-
aiuler, is commonly called The God, Antiq. xii, iii,
2 ; is crowned in his youth, xiii, v, 5 ; enters into al-
liance with Jonathan the high-priest, sect. 4 ; is .slain
by Tryphon, his tutor, c. vii, sect. 1 ; War, i, ii, ).
Antiochus, the brother of Seleucus, slain in battle, An-
tiq. xiii, xiii, 4.
Antiochus Soter, brother of Demetrius, father of Gry-
pus, Antiq. xiii, x, 1 ; makes war with Trypho, c
vii, sect. 2.
Antipas, Herod's son by Malthace, a ."Samaritan, .An-
tiq. xvii, i, 3 ; War, i, xxviii, 4 ; is tetrarch of Gali-
lee, c. vili, sect. 1 ; c. xi, sect. 4; and i, xxxiii, ";
goes to Rome to get to be a kine, Antiq. xvii, ix, 4 ;
War, ii, ii, 3 ; what was left him by Herod, Antiq
xvii, viii, 1 ; what was given>him by Ccesar, c. xi,
sect. 4 ; once declared king by Herod; War, i, xxxii,
7-
Antipas, one of the royal lineage. Is put in prison and
slain. War, iv, iii, 4, 5,
Antipater, the Idumsan, Herod's father, called Antipas,
excites troubles, Antiq. xiv, i. 3 ; is sent ambassador
to Areias, by Scaurus, c. v, sect. 1 ; his wife Cyprus,
the .Vrabian, and his children, e. vii, sect. 3; his val-
our, c. viii, sect. 1 ; he advises Hyrcanus to put him-
self under the protection of Aretas, War, i, vi, 2;
makes his son Phasaelus governor of Jerusalem, and
Herod of Galilee, Antiq. xiv, ix, 2; War, i, x, 4j
endeavours to deserve Csesar's favour, c viii, sect. 1 ;
and i, ix, 3 ; is honoured by Caesar, and made eitizer.
of Rome, Antiq. xiv, viii, 3; War, i, ix, 5; his de-
fence against Antigonus, Antiq. xiv, viii, 4.: Wai!, i,
X, 2; is made governor of Judea, .Antiq. xiv, viii, 5
War, i, X, 5 ; is greatly esteemed among the Jews
Antiq. xiv, ix, 2; is poisoned, c. xi, sect. 4; War, i,
xi, 4.
Antipater, son of Phasaelus and Salampsio, grandson
of Herod the Great, .Antiq. xviii, v, i.
Antipater, son of Salome, impeaches Archclaus before
Casar, Antiq. xvii, ix, 5.
Antipater, son of Herod, Antiq. xiv, xii, 1 ; is sent to
Rome to Caisar, xvi, iii, 3 ; VVar, i, xxix, 2 ; e. xxxi,
sect. 2 ; while he is there, he, by letters, sets his fa-
ther against his brethren, Antiq. xvi, iv, I ; War, i,
xxiii, 1 ; c. xxiv, sect. 1 ; his subtilty, Antiq. xvi, vii,
2 ; is recalled by Herod, f. iii, sect. 3 ; and xvii, v^_ 1 ;
he reigns jointly with his father, c. i, sect. 1 ; is hated
by every body, after the slaughter of his brethren,
ib. ; attempts his father's life, ib. ; is concerned for
him-self, ib.; War; i, xxxi, 3 ; appears before Varus's
tribunal, Antiq. xvii, v, 3; War, i, xxxii, 1 ; his plea
for himself, ib. ; is put in irons, Antiq. xvii, v, 7;
VVar, i, xxxii, 5; is put to death, Antiq. xvii, vii;
War, i, xxxiii, 7.
Antipater, a Samaritan, Antiq. xvii, iv, 2; War, i, xxx,
5.
.Antipater, Herod's sister's son, Antiq. xvii, i, 3.
Antipatris, taken by Vespasian, War, iv, vii, 1
Antiphilus, Antiq. xvii, iv, 2; War, i, xxx, a; his let-
ter to -Antipater, Herod's son, Antiq. xvii, v, 7.
Antonia, Claudius's daughter by Petiiia, v\ ar, ii, xii, 8.
Aiitonia, Claudius's mother, and Drusus's wife, lends
money to Agrippa the elder, .\ntiq. xviii, vi, 4 ; her
eulogium, sect. 6.
Antonia, the tower, called Baris before, War, i, iii, 3;
is taken by Titus, vi, i, 7, &c.
Antony, a captain. War, iii, ii, 1, &c.
Antony, a centurion, c. vii, sect. 55.
.Antony (Mark), his valour, Antiq. xiv, v, 3; War, i,
vili, 4; his and Dolabella's decree in favour of the
Jews, Antiq. \iv, x, ix, &c. ; he marches into .Asia
after Ca.ssius's defeat, c. xii, sect. 2; his letter to Hyr-
canus, sect 3 ; to the Tyrians, sect. 4 i he falls in love
INDEX.
w!lh Cleopntra, c. xiu, secrt. 4; mnnes Phasaehis ana
Herod tetrarehs, it). ; orders th ir accusers to be put
to death, sect. 5; confers sijjiial favours on Henxl, r.
xiv, sect. 4, ') ; sojojinis at Athens, c. xv, sect. 5 ;
War, i, xvi, -1 ; his luxury, Antiq. xv, ii, 6.
.\ntonius (Lucius), Mark Antony's son, sends a letter to
the Sardians, in favour of the Jews, Antiq. xiv, x, 1~
Antonius Primus, War, iv, xi, 2.
Anubis, a god, Antiq xviii, iii, 4.
Apachnas, king of Eg\pt, Against Apion. i, sect. H.
Apame, Darius's concubine, Antiq. xi, iii, 5.
Anion. Ambassador for tlie Alexandrians to Caius, An-
Tiq. xviii, viii, 1.
Apollo's temple at Gaza, Antiq. xiii, xiii, 3.
Apollo's temple in the palace at Rome, War, i, ii, 6.
ApoUodotus, captain of the Gazeaiw, Antiq. xiii, xiii,
5 ; killed, ib.
Apollonius. son of Alexander, Antiq. xiii, ix, 2.
ApoUonius Daus, governor of C'oelesyria, Antiq. xiii,
iv, 3 ; challenges Jonathan to an engagement, and is
defeated, ib.
Apollonius, governor of Samaria, Antiq. xii, v, 5; c.
vii, sect. 1.
Aponius, Antiq. xix, iv, 5.
Apophis, king of Egypt, Against Apion, i, sect. 14.
Apsalom, War, ii, xvii, 9.
Apsan, or Ibza-i, judge after Jephtha, Antiq. v, vii, 13,
14.
Aquila, the murderer of Caius, Antiq. xix, i, 14.
Arabians circumcise their children when thirteen years
old, Antiq. i, xii, 2 ; ten towns taken from them by
Alexander, king of tlie lews, xiv, i, 4; Ethiopians
are their neighbours, ix, v, 3.
Arabia borders on J udta, Antiq. xiv, 1, 4; Petra the
kinn's residence, ib. ; Zabdiel their I'^rd, c. iv, sect. H ;
AraTjians are defeated, xv, v, 5 ; tlieir women are
great poisoners, xvii, iv, 1.
Aavam, Antiq. i, vi, 4.
Am, or Haran, the father of Lot, Antiq. i, vi, 5.
Arasca, or Nisroch, a temple, Antiq. x, i, 5.
Ara;es, or Ucsin, king of the S>Tians, Antiq. ix, xii, 1.
Aranna, or Orona, theJebusite, Antiq. viii, xiii, 1; his
thrashing-floor, ib. ; the place where Isaac was to
have been sacrificed, and where the temple was after-
wards built, i!).
Archelaus, king of Cappadoeia, comes to Herod, Aniiq.
xvi, viii, 6; c. x, sect- 7 ; War, i, xxv, 1, i . ; goes
with him to Antioch, ib. ; reconciles Herod to his son
Alexander, and to his brother Pheroras, ib. ; War, i,
xxv, 5, 4.
ArchelaiLS, son of Herod the Great, Antitj. xvii, i, 3j
c. iv, sect- 3; War, i, xxvii, 4; c. xxxi, sect. 1; is
made ethnnreh, Antiq. xvii, xi, J; War, li, vii, 3;
marries Glaphyra, Antiq. xvii, xiii, 1 ; War, ii, vii,
4 ; is proclaimed king after Herod's death, Antiq.
xvii, viii, 2; War, i, xxxiii, 9; his speech to the peo-
ple, Antiq. xvii, viii, 4 ; War, ii, i. 1 ; he enilcavours
to appease the people, Antiq. xvii, ix, 1, .tc. ; goes
to Rome, sect. 3 ; War, ii, ii, 1 ; is accused there by
the deputies of the people, Antiq. xvii, xi, 2 ; War,
ii, vi, 1, &c. ; is banished to Vienna in Gaul, c. vii,
sect. 3 ; his dreams and GlaphjTa's, Antiq. xvii, xiii,
5, 4 ; War, ii, vii, 3, 4.
Archelaus. son of C'helcis, Antiq. xix, ix, 1.
Arclielaus, son of Magadatus, War, vi, iv, 2.
Aremraantus, Antiq. x, viii, 2.
Aretas, king of the Arabians, Antiq. xiii, xiii, 3; and
xiv, i, 4 ; and xvi, x, 9; War, i, vi, 2; c. xxix, sect.
3; makes an expeJition against .\ristobuIus, .\ntiq.
xiv, ii, 1 ; succeeds Obodas, xvi, ix, 4 ; affords suc-
lours to Hyrcanus, War, i, vi, 2; impeaches Sylleus,
jointly with ;Viitipater, before Caesar, Antiq. xvii,
iii, 2.
Aretas, king of Coelesyria, makes an expedition into Ju-
dea, Antiq. xiii, xv, 3.
Aretas, of Petra, Antiq. xvii, X, 9 ; and xviii, v, 1.
Arioch, captain of Nebuchidneazar's life-guards, Antiq.
x, X, 3.
Arion, treasurer of Alexandria, Antiq. xii, iv. 7, &c.
Aristras, or Aristsus, one of Ptolemy Philadelphus's
life-guards, Antiq. xii, ii, 4 ; Against Apion, ii, sect.
2, 4.
Aristobulus, son of Hyrcanus I., Antin. xiii, x, 2 ; the
first irigh-priest who assumed the title of Kiiiff oft/ie
Jews, c. xi, sect. ] ; called PliUldcii, or lover of the
Grc-ek-s, sect. 3.
Aristobulus, son of Alexander Janneus, an enterprising
and bold man, A»tiq. xiii, xvi, 1 ; complains of the
Pharisees, sect. 2 ; reproaches his motlier Alexandra,
sect. 3 ; endeavours to take possession of the kingdom
during his mothers life, sect. 5 ; fights with his elder
brother Hyrcanus for the crown, xiv, 1, 2; brings
him to an accommodation, ib. ; War, i, vi, 1 ; semis
a golden vine to Pompey, Antiq. xiv, iii, 1 ; is, with
tiis children, brought captive to Rome, by Pom-
pey, c. IV, sect. 5; escapes out cf prison, but is re-
taken and sent back again to Rome by Gabinus, c. vi,
sect. 1 ; War, i, vii, 7; c. viii, sect, d ; his firmness in
adversity, Antiq. xiv, vi, sect. 1; is poisoned by the
partizans of Pompey, c. vii, sect. 4; his children, ib
to Aristobulus, son of Herod the Great, Antiq. xv, x, 1 ;
7. I marries Bernice, Salome's daughter, xvi, i, 2; is put
in prison, c. x, sect. 5'; is accused by his father in an
assembly at Berytus, and condeimied, c. xi, sect. 2;
is strangled, sect. 6; War, i, xxvii, 6; his children,
Antiq. xvii, 1, 2; War, i, xxviii, 1.
Aristobulus, son of Herod, king of Chalcis, Antiq. xx,
viii, 4 ; War, vii, vii, 4.
Aristobulus, son of Joseph ;md Mariamne, Antiq. xviii,
V, 4.
Aristobulus, son of Aristobulus, and brother to the fa-
mous Mariamne, a beautiful youth, is made high-
priest by Herod, Antiq. xv, iii, 1,5; is drowned by
the secret order of the same Herod, ib. ; War, i, xxii,
5;.
Aristobulus, son of Aristobulus and Hemice, and grand-
son of Herod the Great, Antiq. xviii, v, 4.
Aristocracy the best form of government, Antiq. iv,
viii, 17.
Aristocracy instituted in Judca by Gabinus,\V'ar, i, viii.
Arithmetic and astronomy came from Chaldea to Egypt,
and thence into Greece, Antiq, i, viii, 2.
Arius, king of the Lacedemonians, sends a letter to
Onias the high-priest, Antiq. xii, iv, 10 ; c. v, sect. 8.
Ark of God, its description, Antiq. iii, vi, 5; taken by
the Philistines, vi, i, 1 ; restored to the Israelites,
sect. 2, &c. ; carried to Jerusalem, and lodged in tlie
house of Obed-edom, after it had been with Amina-
dab, Antiq. vii, iv, 2.
Ark of Noah, where it rested, Antiq. i, iii, 6 ; mention-
ed by all barbiuian historians, ib.; its remains loug
preserved, xx, ii, 3.
Arinais, king of Egypt, Against Apion, i, se'rt. 15.
Armenia eonciuereii by Antonius, Antiq. xv, iv, 3
C'otys, king of the Lesser Armenia, Antiq. xix, vin, i
Armes'ses, king of Egypt, Against Apion, i, sect l,i.
Armory of David in the temple, Antiq. ix, vii, 2.
Aropheus, or Armanah, Antiq. viii, i, 3.
Arphaxfc.i, Antiq. i, vi, 4.
Aruntius (Euaristus), Antiq. xix, i, 18.
Aruntius (Paulus), Antiq. xix, i, 14.
Arsaces, king of the Parthians, Antiq. xiii, v, 1 1 ; c.
viii, sect. 4.
Artabanus, king of Media, Antiq. xviii, ii, 4.
Artabanus, king of the Parthians, Antiq. xviii, iv, 4, 5 ;
c. ix, sects, 4 ; he flies to Izates, xx, iii, 1 ; is kindly
received by him, and restored to his kingdom, sect.
1,2; dies, sect. 5.
Artabazes, or Artavasdes, son of Tigranes, is given as a
present to Cleopatr.i by Antonius, War i, xviii, 5.
Artaxerxes, king of tlie Persians, .Antiq. xi, vi, 1 ; his
edict against the Jews, sect 6 ; contradicted, sect. 12.
Artaxias, Itiiig of Annenia, Antiq. xv, v, 3.
Artorius cunningly saves his own life. War, vi, iii, 2.
Arucas, Antiq. i, vi, 2.
Arudeus, Antiq. i, vi, 2.
Asa, king of Jerusalem, Antiq. viii, xii, 1 ; nukes an
alliance with the king of Damascus, sect. 4.
Asahel killed by Abiier, Antiq. vii, i, 3.
Asainoneas, Antiq. xii, vi, 1.
Asamoneans, the end of their reign, Antiq. xiv. xvi, 4.
Asealonites, punished for their stubbornness, Antiq. xii
iv, 5.
.Asermoth, or Hazerm.iveth, Antiq. i, vi, 14.
Aserymus, king of the Tyrians, Against Apion, i, sect.
18.
Ashdod, or Azotus, taken by Jonathan, Antiq. xiii. iv ;
Its inhabitants plagued on account of the ark of God,
vi, i, 1.
.\shkeiiaz, Antiq. i, vi, 1.
Ashiienaz, an eunuch, Antiq. x, x, 2.
Ashur, Antiq i, vi, 4.
Asia, Its convention at Ancyra, Antiq. .xvi, vi, 2 ; Vale-
rius proconsul of Asia, xix, i, 20 ; five hundred
towns of Asia, War, ii, xvi, 4.
Asineus and Anileus, two brethren, Antiq. xviii, ix, 1,
&c.
Asofheus or Shishek, king of Egypt, War, vi, x.
Asprenas, ."Kntiq. xix, i, 15 ; cut in pieces, sect !.'>.
Assemblies forbidden to all at Rome, but to the .lews
only, by Julius C'arear, Antiq. xiv, x, .^.
Ass's head falsely reported by Apion as an object of
worship among the Jews, Against Apion, ii, sect
Asiis, king of Egypt, Against Apion, i, sect. 14.
Assyrian empire overthrown, Antiq. x, ii, 2.
Astarte's temple, Antiq. vi, xiv, 8; Against Apion, i,
sect. 18.
Astartus king of the Tynans, Against Apion, insect. >i
INDEX.
Asironomv; for fts imprm-ement the first men lived
near a thousand years, Antiq. i, iii, 2 ; came out of
C'haklea into E^ypt, and thence into Greece, i, vii, 2.
Asylum, or right of sanctuary, belonging to some towns
in .hidea, Antio. iv, vii. 4.
Athenians decree honours to Hyrcanus, Antiq. xiv, viii,
fi.
Athenio, Antiq. xii, iv, 3.
Athenii), a general of Cleopatra, War, i, xix, 2 ; his
nerfidiousness, Antiq, xv, v, 1.
Atnronges, a shepherd, crowns himself king of .luden,
Antiq. xvii, X, 7; War, ii, iv, 3; is conquered with
his brethren, ib.
.Atratiniis, Herod's advocate, Antiq. xiv, xiv, 4.
Augustus' arrival in SjTia, Antiq. xv, x, 3 ; his letter
to Herod, xvi, xr, 1 ; holds a council about the af-
fairs of Judea, xvii, ix, 5 ; his edict and letter in fa-
vour of the Jews, xvi, vi, 1, tzc. ; is angry with He-
rod, c. 9, sect 3 ; is reconciled to him by the means
of Nicolaus of Damascus, c. x, sect. 8; divides He-
rod's dominions. War, ii, vi, 3; his death, Antiq.
xviii, iii, 2; W.ir, ii, ix, T.
Axioramus, high priest, Antiq. x, vii, R.
Azariah, the prophet, Antiq. viii, xii, 2.
Azarias, high priest, Antiq. x, viii, 6.
Azarias, one of David's companions, Antiq. x, x, 1.
Azarias, a commander under Judas, is defeated by Gor-
gias at Jamnia, Antiq. xii, viii, 6.
Azau, or Hazo, Antiq. i, vi, S.
Azizus, king of Emesa, Antiq. xx, vii, 1 ; Is circjm-
cised, and marries Drusilla, the sister of Agrippa ju-
nior, ib. ; dies, c. viii, sect. 4.
Azofus, or Ashdod, its inhabitants plagued on account
of the Ark of God, Antiq. vi, i, 1 ; taken by Jona-
than, xiii, iv, 4.
Azricam, Antiq. ix, xii, 1.
Baal, king of the Tyrians, Against Apion, vi, sect. 21.
Baal, god of the Tyrians, .Antiq. ix, vi, C.
Baalis, king of the Ammonites, Antiq. x, ix, ?, 3.
Baanah the son of Itimmon, Antiq. viii, ii, 1.
Baaras, a place and a plant there growing. War, vii, vi,
3.
Baasha, king of Israel, Antiq. viii, xii, 3; kills Nadab
his predecessor, c. xi, sect. 4 ; dies, c. xii, sect. 4.
Baba's children prosaj-ved by Costobarus, Antiq. xv, vi',
10; afterwards killed by Herod, ib.
Babylon, derived from Babel, (confusion of languages),
Antiq. i, iv, 3 ; taken by Cyrus under the reign of
Baltasai-, y, xi, 4 ; the great numtjer of Jews who
lived there, xv, ii, 2; and xviii, ix, 1. Nebuchad-
nezzar's building at Babylon, x, xi, 1 ; its walls was
not built by Semirarais; but by Nebuchadnezzar, ac-
tording to the testimony of Berosus, Against Apion,
i, sect. 19, 20; its walls curiously built Dy Nabonuc-
dus, of brick and bitumen, according to the same Be-
rosus ib. ; its pensile gardens erectetl by Nebuchad-
nezzar, in imitation of the mountains of Media, ib. ;
Antiq. x, xi, I.
Bacchides, Antiq. xii, x, 2 ; c. xi, sect. 1 ; he attacks
the Jews, xiii, i, 2, .5 ; he rages against them, and is
slain. War, i, i, 2, .'.
Badezorus, king of the Tyrians, Against Apion, i, sect.
Badus, or Bath, a Jewish measure, Antiq. viii, ii, 9.
Bagoas, an eunuch, Antiq. xvii, ii, 4.
Bagosts, an enemy of the Jews, Antiq. xi, vii, 1.
Balak, king of Moab, Antiq. iv, vi, 2, &C.
Balad.an, king of Babylon Antiq. x, ii, 2.
Balaam, the prophet, Antiq. iv, vi, 2, &e, ; his ass
speaks, ib.
B.alatorus, king of the Tyrians, Against Apion, i, sect.
Baleazanis, king of the Tyrians, Against Apion, i, sect.
Ba'as, or Barca, king of .Sodom, Antiq. i, ix, 1.
Balm, or Balsam, near Jericho, Antiq. xiv, iv, 1 ; and
XV, iv, 2, War, i, vi, 6.
Baltassar, [Belshazzar, or Naboandel, or Nabon.idius],
king of I abyloii, Antiq. x, xi, 2; his terrible vision,
and Its interpretation, ib, ; his death, ib.
Balthasar, [Belteshazzar, | Daniel's name, Antiq. x, x,
Banacates, Antiq. viii, ii, 4.
Banus, an hermit, Josephus' master. Life, sect. 2.
Baracliias, Antiq. ix, xii, 2.
Barak, excited by Deborah, encounters Sisera, Antio.
v,v,2, &c. '
Barbarians, their riches formerly consisted in cattle,
Antiq ii, xi, 2.
Bardanes, king of the Parthians, Antiq. xx, iii, 3: he
IS slain, ib. ^ ^
Bavis, a tower built at Ecbatana, by Daniel, Antio. x,
XI, 7. . J » f )
Bsmabazus, .Antifj. xi, v'. 4,
Barsas, king of Gomorrah, Antiq. i, Ix, 1.
Baruch, well skilled in the Hebrew tongue, and \e<\
with Jeremiah the prophet in Judea at the BabyU •
nian Captivity, Antiq. x, ix, I, 2.
Ba zaphemes, governor in Parthia, War, i, xiii, 1.
Barzillai, Antiq. vii, ix, 8.
Basan, or Baasha, king of Israel, Antiq. viii, xii, 3>
slays Nadab his predecessor, c. xi, sect. 4.
Basima, or Basmath, Solomon's daughter, Antiq. viii
ii, 5.
Baskets carried upon the head, Antiq. ii, v, 3.
Bassus (Ventidius), See Ventidius.
Bassus (Cecillius, murderer of Sextus CaDsar,) Antiq.
xiv, xi, 1 ; War, i, x, lo.
Bassus (Lucillius), is sent with an army into Judea ; he
besieges and takes Macherus, War, vii, vii, 1, 6.
Baths, hot baths at CalUrrhoe beyond Jordan, Anti(j
xvii, vi, v.
Bathsheba, Antiq. vii, vii, ], 2, 4.
Bath, or Badus, a Jewish measure, Antiq. vii, ii, 0.
Bathyllus, War, i, xxxi, 1.
Bathyllus, Antipater's freedman, Antiq^. xvii, iv, 3.
Battering-ram, its description, War, iii, viii, 19.
Battle at Tarricheae, upon the Lake of Gennesareth,
War, iii, x, 1.
Beeltethmus, Antiq. xi, ii, 2.
Bela, or Zoar, the king of it, Antiq. i, ix, 1.
Belshazzar, (or Baltasar, or Naboandel. or Nabonadius).
ki' g of Babylon, Antiq. x, xi, 2 ; his terrible vision,
and its interpretation, ib. ; his death, ib.
Belteshazzar, Daniel's name, Antiq. x, x, 1.
Belus, the god of the Tyrians, Antiq. viii, xiii, 1.
Bfclus, the god of the Babylonians, Antiq. x, xi, 1 ; his
temple there, ib.
Benaiah, a priest by birth, a man of valour, .\ntiq. vii,
xii, 4 ; son of Jehoiada, c. v, sect. 4 ; made comman-
der of some troops of Solomon, viii, i, 4 ; son of
Achillus, c. ii, sect. 3.
Beneficence, its commendation and reward, Antiq. vi,
xiv, 4.
Bciiha<iad, (or the son of Hadad), king of Syria, be-
sieges s^amaria the first time, Antiq. viii, xiv, 1, \'c.
the second time, ix, iv, 3 ; falls sick, and is smother
ed, by Hazael, sect. 6.
fienjamites are attacked for their enormous crimes at
Gibea, and at last terribtv defeated and cut of?', .'\i>
tiq. v, ii, 8 — 11 ; their tribe restored, sect. 12.
Beoii, Against Apion, i, sect. 11.
Bernice, daughter of Agrippa senior, Antiq xviii, v, 4
she is married to Herod, Agrippa's brother, xix, "
Bernice, Agrippa's mother, dies, Antiq. xviii, vi, 1.
Bernice, Archelaus" and Mariamne's daughter, Antirj.
XX, vii, 11.
Bernice, the widow of Herod, marries Polemon, Artiq.
XX, vii, 3; leaves him, ib.
Bernice, Salome's daughter, Aristobulus' wife, Antiq.
xvi, i, 2.
Bernice, Agrippa senior's daughter, and junior's sister
in danger of her life. War, ii, xv,.2.
Bcrnicianus, Herod of Chaleis' son by Bernice, his bro-
ther Agrippa's daughter, War, ii, xi, 6.
Berytus, where the cause between Herod and his sons
was debated in a council or court, Antiq. xvi, xi, 2,
&c. ; Rom.ins living at Berytus, xvi, x, 8.
Bethuel, Antiq. i, vi, ,'5.
Bezaleel and Aholiah, sacred architects, .\ntiq. iii, vi,
Bigtlran, Antiq. xi, vi, 4.
Birth-<lay of Ptolemy's son kept by the Syrians, Antiq.
xii, iv, 7; presents made thereupon, sect. 9.
Bobelo, .\ntiq. xi, iv, 9.
Bocchorus, king of Egypt, Against Apion, i, 53.
Book of the law found, Antiq. x, iv, 2.
Books com)K)sed by Solomon, Antiq. viii, i!,5 ; twenty.
two most sacred books among the Jews, Against
Apion, i, 8.
Booz, cf Eliine'icch's family, Antiq. v, x, 2; his kind
ness towaids Ruth, ib. ; he marries her, sect. 4.
Br.izen vessels more valuable than gold, Antiq. xi, ir.
Bride, how she was to part from one that refused to
marry her, according to the law of .Moses, Anliq. v,
ix, 4.
Britons, War, vi, vi, 2.
Britanicus, son of Claudius by Messalina, War, ii, xii,
8.
Brocchus, a tribune, Antiq. xix, iii, 4.
Brother, a title which .■\lex.auder Balas gave to Jona-
than the high priest, .Antiq xiii, ii, 2; the same title
was also given him by Demetrius Soter, c. iv, 9.
Buckle, or button, (a golden one), sent to Jonathan bv
Alexander, king of Syria, Antiq. xiii, iv, 4; and by
Demetrius, c. v, 4.
Biikki. son of Abishua, high priest, Antiq. viii, i. 3
.jr-
INDEX.
Barthus, .Vcro's Greek, secretary, Antirj. xx, viii, 9.
Buz, Nahor's sou, Antiq. i, vi, A.
Cecilius Bassus, the murderer of Sextus Caesar, Autiq
xiv, xi, 1 ; War, i, x, 10.
Cesinna, War, iv, xi, 3 ; sent to Vespasian, ib.
Caesar (Julius), makes war in Egypt, Antiq. xiv, viii,
1 ; his decrees in favour of tne Jews, c. x, sect, "i
&c. ; is murdered by Brutus and Cassius, c. xi, s. l'.
Ccesarea built by Herod, Antiq. xv. ix, 6; it was 6' 6
furlongs from Jerusalem, xiii, xi, 2 ; War, i, iii, 5.
Cfesarean games instituted by Herod, Antiq. xv,' viii, l' ;
War, i, xxi, 8; begun at the finishing of Casarea
Augusta, Antiq. xvi, v, 1.
Ca?sennius Petus, president of Syria, War, vii, vii, 1.
Caesonia, wife of Cams, killed by Lupus, Antiq. 'xi'x
ii, 4. t - ,
Cain, murders his brother Abel, Antiq. i, ii, 1 ; his pu-
nishment, ib, ; he peoples the land of Nod, sect. 2.
Caius, the son of Gcrmanieus, is made Emperor, An-
tiq. xviii, vi, 9; War, ii, ix, 5, C; puts Tiberias, the
grandson of Tiberias the emperor, to death, Antin
xviii, vi, 9; his cruelty, c. vii; his behaviour in the
eovernment, c. vii, sect. 2; he orders his statue to
be erected in the temple at Jerusalem, e. viii, sect.
2; graifies Agrippa, and forbids its erection, sect. 8 ;
his letter to Petronius, ib. ; he rages against the Jews
xix, i, 1; calls himself the brother of Jupiter, ib. ; a
conspiracy formed against him, sect. 2 ; the conspi-
rators increase in number, sect. 10 ; his death, c. i,
sect. H; his threatening letter ti Petronius retarded
till he was dead, xviii, viii, 9; War, ii, x, 5; his cha-
racter, Antiq. xix, ii, S.
Caleb, one that searched the land of Canaan, Antiq. iii
xiv, 4; and v, ii, 3. " '
Calf (golden) near Daphane, or Dan, War, i, ii.
Calleas, Antiq. xvii, 1.
Callimander, Antiq. xiii, x, 2, 3.
Callinicus, son of Antiochus, king of Commairena
War, vii, vii, 2 ° '
Callistus, a fteed-raan of Caius, Antiq. xix, i, 10.
Cambyses succeeds Cyrus, Antiq. xi, li, 2; dies after a
reign of six years, sect. 2.
Camp of the Jews, Antiq. iii, xii, 5 ; of the Assyrians,
War, v, vii, 3 ; c. xii, sect. 2,
Camuel, or Kemuel, Nahor's son, Antiq. i, vi, 5.
Canaan, land of, its description and division, Antiq. v
i, 21, 22; Canaanites distress the tribe of Dan, c. iii'
sect. 1 ; are spared contrary to the command of r,od^
e. vii, sect. 5; war denounced against them by the
tribes of Judea and Simeon, sect. i.
Candlestick in the tabernacle, .Vntiq. iii, vi, ".
Cantheras removed from the high priesthood, Antiq. xx
i, 3.
Capellus, son of Antyllus, Life, sect. 13.
Capito, a centurion, or captain of an hundred sold rs.
War, vii, v, 6.
Capitol, the end of the triumphant shows. War, vii, v,
6.
Captives of the Jews, how many killed, and how many
kept alive. War, vi, ix, 2, 3 ; captives carried in the
triumph, c. v, sect. 3.
C;aptivities of the ten, and of the two tribes, Autiq x
ix, 7.
Careas (Kareah), Antiq. x, ix, 2,
Carus, Herod's Cat.amite, ,\ntiq. xvii, ii, 4.
Cassander governs Macedonia, after Alexander's death,
Antiq. xii, i, 1.
Cassius Longinus, president of Syria, .4ntiq. xiv, xi, 2 ;
and XV, xi, 4; and xx, i, 1 ; favours Antipatcr and
Herod, xiv, xi, 2, &c. ; repels the Partliians, and
then retires to Judea, c. vii, sect. 3; War, i, viii, 9;
is defeated at Philippi, Antiq. xiv, xii, 2.
Castles, or citadels, two at Jerusalem, one in the city,
and the other by the temple, Antiq. xii, i, 3; and
XV, vii, 8; c. viii, sect .").
Castor, the Jew, his cunning trick. War, v, vii, 4.
Castration of men or beast forbidden by the law of Mo-
ses, Antiq. iv, viii, 40; young men of royal blood
castrated by Nebuchadnezzar's order, and among o-
thers Daniel the prophet, x, x, 1.
Catullus, governor of Lyb a Pentapolitana, War, vii,
xi, 1 ; his calumny against the Jews, sect. 2, his
death and the divine vengeance on him, sect. 5, 4.
Celadus, Antiq xvii, xii, 2; War, ii, vii, 2.
Celenderis, War, i, xxxi, 3.
Celer, a tribune, Aiitiq. xx, vi, 2 ; he is put to death,
sect. 3.
Celtic legion, Antiq. xix, i, 15.
Cendebeus, commander of Antiochus' troops, .\ntiq.
xiii, vii, 3 ; War, i, ii, 2.
Cerealis (Petelius , sent .igainst the Samaritans, War,
iii, vii, 3.'; marches towards Hebron, iv, ix, 9; i. or-
dered to attack the temple, vi, ii, 5; called to a coun-
cil of war about the temple, c. iv, sect. 3. |
CestiusGallus, president of Syria, Life, sect. 43 War
11, x;y, j; he feathers an army against the Jews, War.'
lenrsec';. 7, &e."' •"^'"'^''^'"' ''■ "*''> ^«^'--'- ^ ' '^ ^^^
Chereas (Cassius), is stirred up against Caius, Antia.
xix, 1, o, i ; draws others into the conspiracy, sect
5; gives Caiustlie hrst blow, sect. 14; is beheaded
e. xiv, sect. 5. »>•>-".
Chagiras, son of Nabateus, War v xi 5
Chajaman king of ihe Syrians, Antiq.' vii, vi, 3.
t halool, Antif]. viii, ii, 5.
Cham, or Ham, the son of Noah, Antiq. i, iv. 1 • hii
posterity, c. vi, sect. 2. . . "■»
Chanaan, or Canaan, the son of Ham, Antin i vi 2
his posterity, ib. . 4 . >'. "
Charan, or Ilaran, Antiq. i, vi, 5.
I Chares, War, iv, i, 4 ; dies, .sect. 9
Chatura, or Keturah, Abraham's last wife, Antiq. i, xi.
Chebron, king of Egypt, Against Apion, i, sect. 15.
Chebron, or Hebron, o der than Memphis, (Tanis),
V\ ar IV, ,x, 7 ; taken by the Israelites, Antiq v, ii, 3.
i thcdorlaomer, Antiq. i, iv. ^ > '• "•
Chelbes, king of the Tyrians, Against Apion, i, sect.
Chelcias, Antiq. xiii, x, 4 ; c. xiii, sect. 1.
t helho, or Chilio, .^ntiq. v, ix, 1.
Cherubim, their shape not known, Antiq viii iii 3
Chesed, Nahoi-'s son, .Antiq. i, vi, 5, • > ■
Chetim, or Kittim, Antiq i, vi, 1.
Children not always like their parents, Antiq. vi. iii "
Christ and Christians!, Antiq. xviii, iii, 3.
Chusarthes or CMusan, the king of .Assyria, oppresses
the Israelites, .\ntiq. v, iii, 2.
Cliusi, or Hu.^hai, Antiq. vii, ix, 2.
Chutheans, (people of Cutha), who they were and-
wnence they came, Antiq. ix, xiv. 3 ; go to amaria.
X, IX, 7 J hinder the rebuilding of the temple, xi, 1;,
Cinnainus, Antiq. xx, iii, 2.
Circumcision is received in Palestine by the Jews
Against Apion, i, sect. 22; its institution, Antiq. i, x!
llie Arabians circumcise their children after the thii-
teeiuh year of their age, c. xii, sect. 5 ; the Syrians
m 1 alestme reutived circumcision from the Egyptians
according to Herodotus, viii, x, 5; not to be forced
upon any body, m the opinion of Josephus, Life, sect.
^3; the Idumeans forced to be circumcised, or leave
their country, by John Hyrcauus, xiii, ix, 1 ; the I-
tureans forced to be circumcised by Aristobulus, c.
Classicug, War, vii, iv, 2.
Claudius Ca;sar, Antiq. xix, ii, 1 • e iii, sect. I ; he is
dragged out of a comer to the imperial dignity ib
War, 11, xi i ; he is favoured by the army, Amiq.
XIX, ly, 5 ; his liberality to Agrippa, c. v. sect. I ; his
edict 111 favour of the Jews, sect. 3 ; his letter to the
Jews, Antiq. xx, i, 2 ; he dies, e. viii, sect. 1 ; War
11, XII, 8 ; his wife and children, ib.
Clement, Antiq. xix, i, C.
Cleopatra, daughter of Antiochuj, married to Ptolemv
Antiq. xii, IV, ). "
Cleopatra, wife of Philometer, Antiq. xiii iii 1 2-
AgauLst .\pion, ii, .ect. 5 ; she takes i.p arms 'against
Ptolemy Lathyrns, Antiq. xiii, xiii, 1; makes an al-
liance with -Mexander, sect. 2; takes I'tolemaiv ib
Cleopatra, wife of Demetrius II, Antiq. xiii vii 1
^ married to Antiochus Soter, sect. 2. ' '
Cleopatra, queen of Egypt, meets Antony in Cilicia
Antiq. XIV, xiii, 1 ; her cruelty and avarice, xv, iv!
1; War, 1, xviii, 4; kills her sister Arsinoe, Antin.
nVi,'"' ■.' °^'^"'t C?"' ^"'?">' ^ P'"''- "f Arabia anh
Juiiea, lb.; tempts Heiod to lie with her, sect «• He*
rod conducts her towards Egypt, ib. " '
Cleopatra (Selene), besieged by Triganes, Antiq. xiii.
xvi, 4 ; W ar, i, v, 5. -1 >
Cleopatra of Jerusalem, the wife of Herod, Antin xvii
I, 3; War, i, xxviii, {. '' '
Cleopatra, wife of Klorus, Antiq. xx, xi, i.
Clitus, author of a rebellion at Tiberias, I ife.
cuts off his left hand by the order o'f Joiphus ib!
War, II, xxi, 10. ' '
Ckviiis, Antiq. xix, i, 13.
Coligua (CneusI, War, vii, iii, 4.
Colonies within and without Italy, Antiq. xix v 3
Columns, or iiillars in the land of Siriad, .\ntiq. i' ii 3-
of tlieCormihian oidei in Solomon's pal.ice viii v
-' ; 111 Herod's temple. War, v, v, 2. ' '
Commandments written upon two tables, Antiq iii v
4; written by the hand of God, sect. 8; not to have
their very words published, ."leet. 4.
Conquests easier gotten than maintained, Antiq. viii^
Conscience of good actions is safer to be relied on.
th.in on the concealment of evil ones, Antiq ji, iv *•
INDEX.
CTompiracy against Herixl, Anttq. xv, viil, ^ ; ^Vc.
Convention of Asia at Ancyra. Antiq xvi, vi, 2; con-
vention at Jerusalem, I,ite, sect- 15.
Coponias, procurator of Judea, Antiq. xviii, i, 1 ; e. ii,
sect. 2; War ii, vii;, 1.
Coracinus, a fish. War, iii, x, 8.)
Corban, or secret treasure, War, ii, ix, 4.
Cores, or Korah, raises a sedition against Moses, Antiq-
iv, ii, 2; perishes with his faction, c. iii, sect. 5.
Corinthus, one of Herod's life-guards, Antiq. xvii, iii,
2; an Arabian by birth, War, i, xxix, 3.
Cornelius, Faustus, son of Sylla, Antiq. xiv, iv, 4 ; War,
i, vii, 5.
Cornelius the brother of l^ongus. War, vi, iii, 2.
Corus, a Jewish measure of 10 Attic meduinni, Antiq.
iii, XV, 5.
Costobarus, an Idumean, Salome's husband, Antiq. xv,
viii, 9,
Costobarus, a ringleader of the robbers, Antiq. xx, ix,
4.
Cotylas, or Zeno, Antiq. xiii, viii, 1 ; War, i, u, 4.
Cotvs, king of lesser .\rraenia, Antiq. xix, viii, 1.
Cow, the red cow for purification, Antiq. iv, iv, 6.
Cozbi, a Midianitish woman, Antiq. iv, vi, 10.
Coze, or Kose, an idol of the Idumcans before they
turned Jews, Antiq. xv, vii, 9.
Crassus, governor of the east, succeeds Gabinus, Antiq.
xiv, vi, 4 ; arrives in Judea and plunders the temple
of its treasures, c. vii, sect. 1; War, i, viii, H; per-
ishes in an expcdi ion against the Parthians, ib.
Creation of the world, Antiq. i, ii, 1.
Crimes are encouraged by indulgence to those that com-
mit them, Antiq. vi, vii, 4.
Crown, or mitre of the high-priest, Antiq. iii, vii, 7.
Comanus, procurator of Judea, Antiq. xx, v, 2; War,
ii, xii, I.
Curses denounced from mount Eba.\, Antiq. iv, -viii, 44 ;
and v, i, 19.
Cuspius Fadus. procurator of Judea, Antiq. xv, xi, 4 ;
and xix, iv, 2 ; xx, i, &c. ; War, ii, xi, 6.
Customs, or taxes of Syria, Phoenicia, Judea, and Sa-
maria, 80)11 talents, Antiq. xii, iv, 4.
Cypros, king Agrippa's wiffe. War, ii, xi, 6.
Cvpros, Antipater senior's wife, by whom he had four
'children, Antiq. xiv, vii, 3 ; War, i, viii, 9.
Cypros, Antipater's daughter by Cypros, Antiq- xviii, v,
4 ; married to A lexas Selcias, ib.
Cypros, Herod's daughter, married to Antipater, Sa-
lome's son, Antiq. xviii, v, 5.
Cypros, daughter of Phasaelus and Salampsio, marrie_d
to Agr ppa senior, Antiq. xviii, v, 4 , c. v , sect. 2, 3.
Cyreneus, or Quirinius, Antiq. xvii, xiii, 5 ; and xviii,
i, 1 ; War, vii, viii, 1.
CjTeneans derived from the Laceilemonians, War, ii,
xvi, 4.
Cyrus, king of Persia, Antiq. x, xi, 2, &c. ; purposes to
rebuild the Jewish temple, xi, i, 1, &c. ; releases the
Jews from their captivity by an edict, sect. 2, 3 ; his
death, c. ii, sect. 1.
Cyrus, the son of Xerxes, callcil by the Greeks Artaxer-
xes, made king, Antiq. xi, vi, 1, &e. ; his letter re-
scmdiug the edict of Hainan, sect. 12.
Demons, War, vi, vi, 3.
Dagon, the god of Ashdod, Antiq. vi, i ; his temple
burnt, xiii, iv, 4.
Damascene colonies transported into Higher Media,
Antiq. ix, xii, 3.
Damascus taken by Tiglathpileser, Antiq. ix, xii, 3 ;
taken by the Romans, siv, ii, 3.
Dan built bv the Danites, Antiq. v, iii, 1.
Danaus, or Hernaeus king of Egvjit, Against Apion, i,
sect. 26.
Daniel the prophet, Antiq. x, x, 1, &e ; is castrated
with his companio.is, ib;' their austerity of life, sect.
2 ; Daniel fortells the times of future events, .i). ; tells
Nebuchadnezzar his dream and interprets it to him,
sect. 3, 1 ; is honoured for it, sect 5 ; his companions
are cast into a fiery furnace, ib; Daniel expl.iins the
hand-writing upoii the wall, c. xi, sect. 2; is carried
mto Media by Darius, sect. 4; is made one of the
^residents of the kingclom, ib. ; a conspiracy against
iiim, sect. 5, 6 ; is thrown into the lion's den, sect. 6 ;
builds a tower at Ecbatana, sect. 7: the manner and
certainty of his prophecies, iK ; his vision of the ram
and the he-goat, ib. ; his prophecy of the destruction
of the .lews by the Romans, ib ; of the profamtion
of the temple by Antiochus Epiphanes, xii, vii, 6.
Danda, .^ntiq viii, ii, 5.
Darius, the son of Astyges, called by another name
among the Greeks, .'\ntiq. x, xi, 2, 4.
Darius, the son of Hvstaspes, made king, AnQq. xi, iii,
1 ; makes a splendid entertainment, sect. 2 ; proposes
questions to be resolved, ib. : his letters in favour of
Zerobatiel, for rebuilding the temple, sect. 8 ; Uas
■^^
Cyrus's records searched about that temple, Antk^.
XI, iv, P ; gives orders for its rebuildinig, ib; his
edict against the Samaritans, sect. 9.
Dathan, .-^ntiq. iv, ii, 1.
D.ivid's genealogy, Antiq. v, ix, 4 ; is anointed by Sa-
muel, vi, viii, 1 ; plays upon tlie harp before .Saul,
sect. 2; fights Goliali, vi, ix, 10; c. xi, sect 4; his
and Jonathan's friendship, c. xi, sect. 1,6, &e. ; is
reconciled to Saul by Jonathan, sect. 2; is in danger
of being killed by Saul, sect. 5; his flight, vi, xii, 1 ;
c. xiii, .sect, lo; he spares Saul's lUe twice, c xiii,
sect. 4, 9 ; promises to assist the king of Gath, c. xiv,
sect. 1 ; pursues after the Araalekites, and puts theia
to flight, sect, 6; makes a funeral oration for Saul
and Jonathan, vii, i, 1 ; is made king of Judah, sect.
2; and of the Lraelites, vii, ii. 2; takes Jerusalem,
c. iii, sect. 1 ; casts the Jebusites out of it, sect. 2 ;
marries several wives, and begets eleven children,
sect. 3; conquers the Philistines, c. 4, .sect. 1; has
the ark canied to Jerusalem, sect. 2; is reproached
by Miehal, sect. 3 ; purposes to build the temple, sect.
4 ; his victories, c. v, sect. 1 j his liberality to Me-
phibosheth, sect. .5 ; he falls in love with Bathsheba,
c. vii, sect. 1 ; causes Uriah to be slain, ib. ; marries
Bathsheba, vii, vii. 1 ; is reproved for all by Nathaij
tlie prophet, c. vii, sect. 3; his son by Uathsheba
dies, sect. 4 ; he mourns for Absalom's death, c. x,
sect. 5 ; orders the people to be numljeied, c. xiii,
sect. 1 ; chooses the pestilence rather than famine or
the sword, ser-t. 2 ; makes great preparations for the
building of the temple, c. xiv, sect. 1 ; exhorts Solo-
mon to build it, sect. 2, 9 ; divides the priests into
twenty-four coui'ses, sect. 7; he dies, c. xv, sect. 2;
is burietl with great jjomp, sect. 3; the treasures hid-
den in his monument, ib. xiii, viii, 4 ; and xvi, vii,
1 ; War, i, ii, 5.
Day unusually lengthened, .\ntiq. v, 1, 17.
Debora, .\iitiq. v, v, 3.
Deceased, what care was taken of them by the Jew^
Against .\pion, ii, sect. 26.
Decrees of the Romans, ite. in favour of the Jews,
Antiq. xiv, viii, ,i; e. x, sect. 2, 3, 4,5, 6, 7, 8,
10, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 2*,
25, 26.
Dedan, Antiq. i, vi, 2.
Dellius the wicked, Antiq. xiv, xv, 1 ; and xv, ii, ff;
War, i, XV, 5.
Deluge, Antiq. i, ii', 3, &c.
Demetrius, alabarch at Alexandria, .Antiq. xx, vii, .".
Demetrius, the son of Demetrius, joins with Jonathan
and Htolemy his father-in-law, and conquers Alex-
ander, Antiq. xiii, iv, 7, 8 ; called Nicator, sect. 9 ;
his letter in favour of the Jews, ib. ; is hated by An-
tiochu-s, c. v, sect. 3 ; breaks friendship with Jonathan,
ib. ; is conquered by Antiochus, and flies into f'ilicia,
sect. 4 ; is made prisoner by Arsaccs, and released,
sect. 11; Trypho rebels against him, c. vii, sect. 1;
is hated by the army, e ix, sect. 3 ; is defeated, and
flies in vam to Cleopatra his wife, ib j goes thence to
Tyre, is made prisoner and dies, ib.
Demetrius Eurcrus, fourth son of Antiochus Grypus,
is made king of Syria, Damascena, Antiq. xiii, xiii,
4 ; his assistance desired by the Jews, sect. 5 ; be
makes war upon .Alexander, and tvmqucrs him, c.
xiv, sect. 1 ; War, i, iv, 4, 5 ; he makes war with hij
brother Philip, is carneil prisoner into Parthia, and
dies there, Antiq. xiii, xiv, 3.
Demetrius of Gadara, P.jmpey's freed man, obtains the
rebuilding of that city, Antiq. xiv, 4.
Demetrius Phalereus, keeper ot the iVlexandrian iibra
ry, Antiq. xii, ii, 1 ; Against Apion, ii, sect. 4 ; hij
Eetition to king Philadelphus, Antiq. xii, li, 3;
e places the seventy-two uiterpreters near tlie sea
side, sect. 2.
Demetrius Soter, son of Seleucus, made king of Syri^
Antiq. xii, x, I ; puts king .\ntiochus to death,' ib.;
sends Bacehides and Niamor against the Jews, sect.
2, 4; his character, xiii, ii, 1 ; his letter to Joiiatlian,
sect. 3 ; is killed in the war against Alexander, secU
4.
Demoteless, Antiq. xiii, v, 8»
Diana's temple at Elymais in Persia, .A.ntiq xii, ix, 1 ;
Diana's temple in Egypt, xiii, iH, I.
Dido, queen of the Tjriiins, Against Apion, i, sect.
18.
Diklath, Antiq. i, vi, 4.
Dinah, Jacob's daughter, .\ntiq. i, xxi, I.
Dioelerus, Antiq viii, ii, 3.
Diodoru.s, son ot .:ason, Antiq. xiii, ix, 2;
Diodorus, o"- Trjpho, Antiq. xiii, v, 1.
Dionvsius, tyrant of Tripoli, Antiq. xiv, in, 2.
Diophantus,' a forger of letters, Antiq. xvi, x, 4.
Divorce, what are the causes of it, A-ntiq. iv, viii, 23 j
whether it be lawful for a w fe to send a bill of di-
vorce to her husband, Antiq. xv, viii, 10.
INDEX.
r);>5^ the Kyrian, Antirj. vi, xii, 4.
I)0£r5, it is not natural for them to devour the bones
with the flesh, Antiq. xi, iv, 9.
Dolab'-Ua's letter to the l.phesians in favour of the Jews,
Antiq, xiv, x, 12.
Dolesus, War, iv, vii, 2.
n.-imitia kind to Josephus, Life, sect. 75.
Domitian, the son of Vespasian, is made regent in his
father's ab-ence. War, iv, xi, 1; is kind to Josephus,
Life, sect. 75 ; hi'i expedition against the Germans,
War, vii, iv, 2.
Domitius Sabinus, War, v, viii, 1.
Doris, I'erod's (irst wife, Antiq. xiv, xii, 1 ; is mother
of Antipater, ib- xvii, i, 3; War, i, xxviii, 4 ; is ex-
pelled tile court, i, xxx, 4.
Dorians erect Cesar's statute in a Jewish synagogue,
Antiq xix, vi, 3; I'etronius' edict against them, ib.
Dorotheus, Antiq. xii, ii, 11.
Dortus, Antiq. xx, vi, 2.
Dositheiis, a Jew, his pcrfidiousness, Antiq. xv, vi, 3.
Dositheus, a general of tJie Jews, Against .Apion, ii,
sect. 5.
Dove sent out of the Ark, Antiq. i, iii, 5.
Draco's laws. Against Apion, i, sect. i.
Drusilla, daughter of Agrippa senior, by Typros, Antiq.
.xviii, v, 4 ;" married to A/Jzus, king of Emesa, xx,
vii, 1; afterwards to Felix, procurator of Judea, sect.
2.
Drusus her brother, Antiq. xviii, v, 4.
Drnsus, brotlier of Tiberius, Antiq. xviii, vi, 8.
Duration of the .Jewish law. Against Apion, ii, sect. 31.
Eagle, golden eagle pulled down from the front of the
temple, Antiq. xvii, vi, 3; holding a dragon in his
claws in the seal of the Lacedemonians, xii, iv, 10.
Earthqu.ike, wherein the followers of Dathan and .A-
birahi were swallowed up, Antiq. iv, iii, 1.
Earthquake, a very great one in Judea, Antiq. xv, v, 2.
Eating the sinew upon ti«; hip, why refused by the Jews,
Antiq. i, xx, 2.
Ebal, Antiq. i, vi, 4.
Eban, David's son, Antiq. vii, iii, 3.
Ebutius, a decurion, \\ar, iii, vii, 3 ; slain in battle, iv,
i, j.
Eclipse of the moon, Antiq. xvii, vi, 4.
Ecnibalus, king of Tyre, Against Anion, i, sect. 21.
Eglon, king of Moab oppresses the Israelites, .\ntiq. v,
iv, 1 ; is made a judge, ib.
Elab succeeds Baasha in the kingdom of Israel, Antiq.
viii, xii, 4.
Elara, Antiq. i, \i, 4.
Elcanah, or Elkanah, Antiq. ix, xii, 1.
Elcinah, or Elkanah, Samuel's father, .\ntiq. v, x, 2.
Elcias, the high-priest, .Antiq. x, viii, 6.
Eleazar's house, Antiq. vii, xv, ".
Eleazar's commendation. War, v, vi, I.
Eleazar, the son of Aaron, Antiq. iii, viii, 1.
El:a2ar, the son of Ananias, high-priest, Antiq. xviii,
ii, 2 ; War, ii, xvii, '.'.
Eleazar, the son of Dineus, Antiq. xx, vi, 1 ; 0. viii,
sect. 5 ; War, ii, xii, 4.
Eleazar, the son of Dodo, .Antiq. vii, xii, 4.
Eleazar c.-xst out a demon, Antiq. viii, ii, 4.
Eleazar, brother of Jo:izar, made high-priest, Antiq.
xvii, xiii, 1 ; deprived, ib.
Eleazar, brother of Judas Macca'ieus, called .Auran,
Antiq. xii, vi, 1 ; c. ix, sect. 4 ; is crushed to death
by an elephant, ib. ; War, i, i, .'J.
El-azar, a ring-leader of the robbers, Antiq. xx, i, 1 ;
War, vii, viii, 1 ; is taken prisoner and sent to Rome,
Antiq. xx, viii, 5; War, ii, xiii, 2.
Eleazar, of .Masada's speech to his garrison. War, vii,
viii, 6.
Eleazar, the son of Moses, Antici ii, xiii, 1.
Eleazar, the high-priest in the days of Joshua, Antiq.
iv, iv, 7 ; he dies, v, i, 20.
Eleazar, the high-priest in the days of Philadclphus,
Antiq. Pref. sect. 5 ; and xii, ii, 4 ; and xvii, xiii, 1 ;
his letter to Philadclphus, xii, ii, 7; he dies, c. iv,
sect. 1.
Eleazar, treasurer of the temple, .Antiq. xiv, vii, 1.
Eleazar, the son of Sanicas' valour. War, iii, vii, 21.
Eleazar, the son of Simon. War, ii, xx, 3; and iv, iv,
1 ; and v, i, 2; c. iii, sect. ] ; and vi, iv, 1.
Eleazar, the companion of Simon, dies. War, iv, ix,
5.
Eleazar, commander of the temi)lo, Antiq. xx, ix, 3;
War, ii, xvii, 2.
Eleazar taken prisoner by Rufu?, War, vii, vi, 4.
Eleutheri, horsemen so called, W.ir, i, xiii, 3.
Elhanan, .\ntiq. vii, xii, 2.
Eli the high-priest, Antiq. viii, i, 3; is judge in Israel
after Samson, Antiq. v, ix, 1 ; his profligate sons, c.
X, sect 1.
Ellakim, .Antiq. x, i, 2.
Eliashib, the high-priest, Antiq. xi, v, 4, &:c t dies, r.
vii, secv. 1.
Elien, David's son, AnMq. vii, iii, .3.
Elijah the prophet, .Antiq. \iii. xiii, 2. Sac.; his mira-
cles wrought for the widow of Sercpta, ib. ; he pre*
sents himself to Ahab, sect. 4 ; foretells r.iin, ib. ;
the false prophets are killeil by his order, sect. 6;
calls for fire from heaven, ix, ii, 1 ; is taken up, sect.
2 ; his letter to king Jehoram, c. v, sect. 2.
Elimelich, .Antiq. v, ix, 1.
Elionees, the son of Cantharus, is made high-priest,
Antiq. xix, viii, 1.
l^liphale, or Eliphelet, David's son, Antiq. vii, iii, 3.
Elisa, .Antiq. i, vi, 1.
Elisha, the prophet, the son of Shaphat, .Antiq. viii,
xiii, 7; aud ix, ii, 2 ; c. iii, sect, 1; his miracles i. .x',
iv, 1, (fee. ; his death and eulogium, c. viii, sect. C; his
cure of the barren fountain. War, iv, viii, 5.
Elkanah, or Eleanah, .Antiq ix, xii, 1 .
Elkanah, or Elcanah, Samuel's father, .\ntiq. v, x, 2.
Elmodad, Antiq. i, vi, 4.
Elon succeeds Ibson as judge, .Antiq. v, vii, 14.
Elnis, Herod's wife, Antiq. xvii, i, 3; War, i, xxviii,
4.
Elthemus, general of the Arabians, War, i, xix, 5.
Eluleus, king of the Tyrians, Antiq. i, xiv, 2.
Kmnos, David's son, Antiq. vii, iii.
Knnaphen, David's son, Antiq. vii, iii. .".
Enemies, when conquered, may be lawfully killed, .An
tiq. ix, iv, 3.
Enoch, Antiq. i, ii, 2; c. iii, sect. 2.
Enoch and Elijah translated, Antiq. ix, ii, 2
Enos, the son of Seth, Antiq. i, iii, 2.
Ensigns of the Romans, with Caesar's image, Antiq.
xviii, iii, 2; sacrifices offered to them. War, vi, vi,
1.
Epaphroditus, his character, ,\ntiq. Pref. sect. 2; a
great friend of .losephus. Life, sect. 75.
Ephesians, their decree in favour of tlie Jews, Antiq.
xiv, X, 25.
iT^ihod, Antiq. iii, vii, 3.
Epicrates, .\ntiq. xiii, x, 2, .7.
Epicureans, their error concerning providence confuted,
Antiq. x, xi, 7.
Epiphanes, the son of Aniiochus, king of Commagena,
Antiq. xix, ix, 1.
Epistle of Jonathan the high-pricbf to the Lacedemo-
nians, .Antiq. xiii, v, 8; of Philadclphus for freeing
the oaptive Jews, Antiq. xii, ii, 3 ; to Eleazar the
high-priest, sect. 4; of Solom(m, and Hiram king of
the Tyrians, viii, ii, 6, 7 ; of Xerxes to Esdras, xi,
v, 1 ; of Artaxerxes to the governors near Judea, c.
vi, sect. 12; of Antlochus the Great, to Ptolemy Epi-
phanes, xii, iii, 3; of the .Samaritans to Antiochus
Theus c. v, sect. 5 ; of .Alexander Balas to Jonathan,
xiii, ii, 2 ; of Ouias to Ptolemy and Cleopatra, e. iii,
sect. 1; of Demetrius to Jonathan and the Jews, c.
iii, sect. I ; of Demetrius to Jonathan and the Jews,
c. iv, sect, y : of Julius t,xsar to the Roman magi-
strates, xiv, x, 2, &e. ; of Mark Antony to the Ty
rians, c xii, sect. 4.
Esajah the prophet, -Antiq. ix, xiii, 3 ; and x, i, ,3, 4 ; c.
ii, sect. 1, 2: his eulogium, sect. 2; his prophecy
concerning the Assyrians, X, xiv; concerning Cyrus,
210 years before his reign, xi, i, 2 ; the same read by
Cyrus, ib. ; his prophecy conceniiiig the temple ol
Onias, War, vii, x, 3.
Esau, or Edom, Antiq. ii, i, 1 ; his birth, i, xviii, 1.
Escol, Antiq. i, x, 2.
Esilras, .-Vnliq. xi, v, 1, &c. ; his grief for the foreign
marrriages, sect. 3 ; he reads the law of .Moses to the
jieople, sect. 5 ; he dies, ib.
Essen, or high-priest's breast-plate, Antiq. iii, viii, 5
when its shining ceased, sect. 9.
Essens honoured by Herod, Antiq. xv, x, 5 ; are against
swearing. War, ii, viii, 6; their manners, rites, and
doctrines described, Antiq. xiii, v, !) ; and xviii, i, 5,
War, ii, viii, 2, &c. ; they abstain from anointing
themselves with oil, sect. 5; their diligence in read-
ing their sacred books, sect. 6; Simon the Essen an
inteqireter of dreams, .Antiq. xvii, xiii, 5.
Esther, Antit^. xi, vi, 2 ; is married to the king, ib. ; is
concerned tor the Jews, sect. 7, ".Vc. : invites the king
an<l Hainan to an entertainment, sect. 9.
Ethan, .\ntiq. viii, ii, .i.
Ethbaal, or Ithobalus, king of Tyre, Antiq. viii, xiii, 1,
2; Against Apion, i, sect. 18, 21.
Ethi, or Ittai the Gittito, Antiq. vii, ix, 2.
Ethn.irch, (Simon), Antiq. xiii, vi, 6; contracts thenca
dated, ib.
Eihnareh, (Archelaus), Antiq. xvii, xi, 4 ; War, ii, vi
5.
Euartns Cons, Antiq. xvi, x, 2; War, i, xxvi, o
Euaristis .Arruntius, -Antiq. xix, i, 10.
Eve created, Antiq. i, i, 2 ; her fall, -sect. 4
INDEX.
Evi, king of the Mi.'.ianitcs, Antiq. iv, vii, I.
fivil-Merodacli, Antiq. x,xi, 2 ; Against Apion, i, sect.
211.
Fundus, freed man of Tiberias, Antiq. xviii, vi, 8.
Eupoiemus' son John, Antio. xii, x, (i.
Eurydes slanders the sons <>t Herod, Antiq. xii, x, G;
War, i, xxvi, 1, &e. ; he returns to his own country,
sect. 4.
Eutyehus, Agrippa's freed man and charioteer, Antiq.
xvifl, vi, 5.
Eutyehus, Tais Csesar's coachman, Antiq. xix, iv, 4.
Exempt from military service, who, Antiq. iv, viii,
41.
Exorcisms, or forms of casting out demons, composed
by Solomon, Antii]. viii, ii, .i.
Ezeehias, a ringleaiier for the robbers, Antiq. xiv, ix, 2.
Esekiel the prophet, Antiq. \, v, 1 ; c. viii, sect. 2; is
V carried captive into B.ibylon, e. vi, sect. 3; liis pro-
phecy concerning the destniction of the Jews, c. vii,
sect. ^2 ; his prophecy reconciled to tnat of Jeremiah,
ib.
Fabatus, Caisar's servant, Antiq. xvii, iii, 2; Herod's
steward. War, i, xxix, 5.
Fabius, governor, of Damaseur, Antiq. xiv, xi, 7; War,
i, xii, 1.
Fabinus, a centurion, Antiq. xiv, iv, i : War, i, xii,
1.
Factions, three in Jerusalem, .Antiq. v, i, 4.
Fadus (Cuspiiis), procurator of Judea, Antiq. xv, xi,
4 ; and xix, ix, 2; and xx, 1, &c. ; War, ii, xi, 6.
Famine in Judea in the I.5th year of Herod's reign,
Antiq. xv, ix, 1 ; another in the reign of C!laudius,
iii, XV, 3 ; and xx, ii, 6 ; c. v, sect. 2; a dismal fa-
mine m Jerusalem, War, v, x, 2 ; c. xii, sect. 3,
vi, 5: for Saul's cruelty to the Gibeonites, Antiq.
Viii, xii, 1 , at Samaria, xiii, x, 2 ; f^iuiine and pesti-
lence, two of the greatest evjls, x, vii, 4.
Faimius the consul's decree in favour of the Jews, An-
tiq. xiv, x, 15.
Faniiius, a Roman praetor, Antiq. xiii, ix. 10.
'Fast, observed at Jerusalem, Antiq. xiv, xvi;on the
day on which Pompey took Jerusalem, ib. c. iv,
sect. 4.
Fate unavoidable. Antiq. viii, xv, 6; War, v, xiii,
7; and vi, i, 8; c. ii, sect. 1, e. iv. sect. S, and c. v,
sect. 4.
Feast of unleavened bread. See pa'^sover. Gu&^ts
placed at feasts according to their condition, Antiq.
xii, iv, 9; funeral feasts among the Jews, War, ii, i,
Felicity too great, the cause of many evils, Antiq. viii,
X, 7-
Felix, Antiq. xiv, xi, 7; War, i, xii, i ; brother of Pal-
las, and procurator of Judea, Antiq. xx, vii, 1 ; e.
viii, sect. .1, War, i, xii,S; e. xiii, sect. 7; he pu-
nishes the mutineers, Antiq. xx, viii, 7 ; is accused
at Home, sect. 9.
Festivals of the Hebrews, Antiq. iii, x, 1, &c. ; three
great ones, ib. xviii, iv, 3; at those festivals Roman
guards were posted at the temple, rt'ar, ii, xii, 1 ;
immunity granted them at those festivals bv Deme-
trius Soter, Antiq. xiii, ii, 3; celebrated bv the Jews
in shining garments, c. xi, sect. 1 ; and on them did
no manner of work, iii, x, d', celebrated bv the (jen-
tiles in idleness and plea-^ure, i, x^i, 1 ; iio'niourning
among the Jews at such times, xi, v, 5 ; nor did they
then travel far, xiii, viii, 4 ; Egyptian women ap-
peared at such times in public, li, iv, 5 ; wood car-
ried on a festival day for the altar. War, ii, xvii, 6 ;
festival at dedication of the temple by Judas Macca-
beus, Antiq. xii, vii, 7.
Festus (Porcius>, procurator of Judea, .Antiq. xx, viii,
9; he dies, c. ix, sect. I.
Flaccus (Xorlianus), proconsul, Antiq. xvi, vi ; presi-
dent of Syria, xviii, vi, 2.
flesh of horses, nuiles, &c. forbidden to be brought
within the widls of Jerusjilein, Antiq. xii, iii, 4.
Flics (the god of), i.e. Beelzebub, the god of Ekron,
Antiq. ix, ii, 1.
Florus (Gessiws), procurator of Judea, Antiq. xviii, i,
fi ! and xi, xix, 2 ; iiid xx, ix, 5 ; is the cause of th.e
Jewish war, c. xi, sect. 1, Lite, secL 6'; War, ii, xiv,
S. fi; e. XV, scft. 1, A:c. ; he i- derided by the people,
II, XIV, (i; he plunders the citv, sect. 9: he calumni-
ates the Jews before Cestius, War, ii, xvi, 1.
Fontejus Agrippa, killbul by the Seythiius, War, vii.
Fountain near Jericho, War, iv, viii, 3 ; Is cured by
tlisha, lb. ; its wonderful virtue, ib.
Friends never free from envv. \iuiq. vi, iv, S.
Fngiiis (Titus>, War, vi, iv, 3. v,
Froiifo, War, vi, iv, 3.
Fulvia, a lady ilefrauded of her money bv a Jew, An-
uq. xviii, iii, j.
■i D
ruruis, a centurion, Antiq. xiv, iv, 4; War, i. vH,
Gaal, protects the Shechemites against Abiiiielcch, An-
tiq. V, vii, 5.
Gaam, Antiq. i, vi, 5.
Gabris, or (labares, Antiq. viii, ii, 3,
Gabinus, Anliq. xiv, iii, 2; e. iv, sect. 1, War, i, vi,
6; is made [iresidcnt of Syria, Antiq. xiv, v, ~;
War, i, viii, 2.
Gad, the prophet, .Antiq. vii, xiii, 2, &c.
Gadara, taken by Vespasian, War, iv, vii, 3; the Ga-
darens made prisoners, and killed, iii, vii, 1.
Gaddis (John), .Antiq. xiii, i, 2.
(iaiadens, their queen l.aodicc, Antiq. xiii, xiii, 4.
Galba, Antiq. xviii, G, 9; succeeds Nero, War, iv, ix,
!■ ; is murdered in a conspiracy, ib.
Gallilee, comes all under the Roman dominion, War
;v, i, 1 ; e. 2, sect. .5.
Galii, cui.-jchs so called, Antiq. iv, viii, 40.
Gallicaniis, War, iii, viii, ].
Oalhis {/Eliiisi, Anliq. xv, ix, ,3.
Gallus((.'cstius,i, president of Syria, Life, sect. 4; War,
ii, xiv, .3.
Gallus, a centurion. War, iv, i, 5.
Gallus (Rubrius), War, vii, iv, 3.
Gamala besieged. War, iv, i, 1, &c.
(names of the circus, Antiq. xix, i, 4; Olympic games
restored by [lerod, xvi, v, 3; Cassarean games insti-
tuted by Herod, xv, viii, 1; and xvi, v, i, 1; War,
i, xxi, 8; ordained bv Titus on the birth-days of his
father and brother, vii, iii, 1.
Gerrizzim, its temple demolished, Antiq. xiii, ix, 1.
Gauls, War, ii, xvi, 4 ; possess at home the source of
hapiiiness, ib. ; became Heiod's life-guards, i, xx, 3.
Gaza taken and demolished, Antiq. xiii, xiii, 3.
(Jazeans, grievously punished by Jonathan, Antiti. xiii,
V, 5.
(Jamellus (Tiberius), Antiq. xviii, vi, 8.
Gamellus, Herod's friend, cxiielled his court, Antiq
xvi, viii, 3.
Gentile gods, not to be derided, in the opinion of Jo
sephus, Antiq. iv, viii, x ; Against Apion, ii, sect.
Geometrv, invented by the long-lived patriarchs, Antiq.
i, iii, 9.
Gera, the father of Ehud, Antiq. v, iv, 2.
Gerastratus, king of the Tyrians, Against .Apion, i, sect.
Germanicus' house, Antiq. xix, i, 1.5; the father of
Caius, xviii, vi, H \ is scut into the east, e, ii, sect. 3
is poisoned by Piso, ib.
Germans described. War, ii, xvi, 4; are enslaved by the
Uoin.ans, vi, vi, 2; they mutinv, vii, iv, 2; a Ger-
man's iirtdictions concerning Agrippa, Antiq. xviii, vi,
7 ; German guard, xix, i, 1.
Gessius Florus, procurator of Judea. See Florus above.
Gether, Antiq. i, vi, 4.
Giants, Antiq. v, ii, 5; and vii, xii, 1, &c. ; theur re-
mains in Hebron, Antiq. iii, xiv, 2 ; and v, ii.
Gibeah, its inhabiliints guilty of a rape, Antiq. v, ii, 8.
Gibeonites, by a wile, make a coveiiiiiit with .Joshua,
.Antiq. V, i, 16; their fraud detected and (luuishcd,
lb. ; they are .satisfied for the atu-mpt of Saul to Slav
them, vii, xii, 1.
Gibcon's stratagem, Antiq. v, vi, 5; he dies, sect. 7.
Glapliyra, daughter of Arjhclaus, king of C'appidocia,
is mirricd to Alexander the .son of Herod, Antiq. xvi,
i, 2; c. vii, sect. 2; her enmity with Salome, c. i,
sect. 2, &e; War, i, xxiv, 2, &e. ; her pride, ib.
her lamentation when her husband was put in chains,
Antiq. xvi, x, 7 ; she is sent back a widow to her
father, xvii, i, 1 ; she is afterwards maiTicd to Juba,
king of Libya, and afterwards to Archelaus, elhnareh
of Judea, e. xiii, .sect. 4 ; her dream, and death, ib.
God, (the ti-ue God), his presence in the tabernacle,
Antiq. Ill, viii, 5; his wisdom, and that he cannot
be bribed, c. xi, sect. 5; his mercy onlv obtained by
religion, v, i, 28 ; his forekn.twledge, and that his de-
crees cannot be avoided, iv, iii, 2 ; lijs will is irresi*
tible, ii, ix, 2 ; without liis will nothing can happen,
e. vi, sect. ,') ; his providence asserted against the Epi-
cureans, x, xi, 7 ; that notliing is lonccaled from him,
ii, iii, I; it is dangerous to disobey him, vi, vii, 2;
whether it is easier to serve Cod or man ? viii, x, 3;
he uses beasts to punish the wicked, x, xi, G; judged
to bennly the god of the hills by the Syrians, viii,
xiv;, .i; is not to be imposed on by the wicked, iv,
viii, 38; delights not in sacrifices, but in good men,
vi, vii, 4 ; is called on in tiineof danger, by even bad
men, xvii, v, t!; foretells futurities, that' men may
provide against them, ii, v, 6 ; aflords assisti^nce only
when the ca^e is desperate, e. xv, sect. 5 ; delights in
thiise that promote his worship, xvi, ii, 4; discovers
his iiitft'able name to Moses, ii, xii, 4 ; is by nature
INDEX.
merciful to the poor, iv, viii,2fi; is omnipresent, ii,
iii, 1 ; and vi, xi, 8 ; his bounty the causeof all men's
happiness, iv, viii, 2 ;
Gnds, (false g(Klb) of I.aban stolen, Antiq. i, xix, 9, &r;
of Cutha in Persia, brought to Samaria, ix, xiv, 3 ;
of the conquered Amalckites, worshipped by Ama-
zioh, c. ix, sect. 2; of the heathen not to be cvirsed or
blasphemed, in the opinion of .losephus, iv, viii, 10;
Against Apion, ii, seot- 24 ; Beelzebub, the god of
flies at Ekron, Antiq. ix, ii, 1.
Goiiathof Gath, a giant, Antiq. vi, ix, 1, &c.; challen-
ges the Jews to a single combat, ib.; is slain by David,
sect. 5.
Gomer, and Gomcriies, Antiq, vi, i.
Gorgias, governor of Jamnia, is put to flight, Antiq,
xii, vii, 4 ; has better success afterwards, c. viii, sect
6.
Gorion the son of Josephus, and Simeon the son of Ga-
maliel, exhort the people to attack the mutineers,
Antiq. iv, iii, 9 ; is put to death, c. vi, sect. 1.
Gratus, procurator of .ludea, Antiq. xviii, vi, 5 ; puts
.Simon, Herod's old slave to death, xvii, Sj C> ; meets
Varus coming to Jerusalem, War, ii, v, 2 ; one Gratus
discovers Claudius, and brings him o;it to be emperor,
Antiq. xix, iii, 1.
Greeks called old nations by names of theirown, Antiq.
i, V, and put the Hebrew names into their own form,
c. vi.
Guards placed about the temple by the Romans, Antiq.
XX, V, 3.
Hadad, king of Syria, Antiq. vii, v, 2, &c.
Hadad, or Hadar, an Edomite, becomes Solomon's ene-
my, Antiq. viii, vii, 6.
Hadadezer, or Hadarezer, king of Sophane, or Zobah,
Antiq. viii, vii, 6 ;
Hagar, and Ishmael, are sent away by Abraham. Antiq.
i. xiii, 3.
Haggai, a prophet after the captivity, Antiq. xi, iv, 5,
7 ; he and Zechariali encouraged the Jews to rebuild
their temple, ib.
Haggith, David's wife, Antiq. vii, xiv, 4.
Halicai-nasseans' decree in favour of the Jews, Antiq.
xiv, X, 23.
Haman, an enemy of the Jews, Antiq. xi, vi, .5; his
edict against the Jews, ii, the name of Artaxerxes,
sect 6 ! he orders a gibbet to be erected for Mordecai,
sect 10; is obliged to honour Mordecai, ib. ; the edict
is contradicted, sect. 12 ; he is hanged on his own
gibbet, sect. 15.
Hannah the wife of Elkanah, Antiq. v, x, 2.
Haran, the father of Lot, Antiq. i, vi, i.
Haran, or Charran, a city of Mesopotamia, Antiq i, vi,
5.
Harlots (common ones), excluded from marriage, .\ntiq.
iv, viii, 2V.
Hatach, or Acratheus, Antiq. xi, vi, 7.
Havilah, the son of C'ush, Antiq, i, vi, 2; his country
Havilah, sect 4.
Hazael, king of Syria, Antiq. viii, xiii, 7; and ix, iv,
6; he plunders .iu'iea, c. viii, sect. 4; he dies, sect 7-
Hazermaveth, Antiq. i, vi, 4.
Hazo, or Azau, Antiq. i, vi, 5.
Heber, Antiq. i, vi, 4.
Hebrews, twice carried captives beyond Euphrates,
Antiq. x. ix, 7 ; thought by some to have come origi-
nally from Egypt, and not from Chaldea, ii, vii, 4 ;
not put to servile labour, in the ilays of Solomon,
viii, vi, 5 ; of those Hebrews that came to offer their
sacrifices from beyond Euphrates, iii, xiv, 3; they
have peculiar rules about meats and drinks, iv, vi,
8 ; they fight the (^anaan tes against Moses' order, c. i,
sect. 1 i ten tribes hved boyoiul Euphrates, and out
of the bounds of the Roman empire, xi, v, 2 ; their
language and character came near to the Syriac, xii,
ii,T; their nouns have all the same formation and
termination, i, vi, 2 ; they have but one temple and
altar iv, viii, 5 ; met at Shiloh thrice in a year, v, ii,
12; only the two tribes under the dominion of the
Romans, xi, v, 2; an unexampled sedition among
them, iv, ii, 1 ; their wise men in the days of Solo-
mon, viii, ii, 5;
Hecatontomaelii, Antiq. xiii, xii, 5.
Helcias the Great, Antic], xviii, viii, 4.
Helcias, treasurer of tlie temple, Antiq. xx, viii, 11.
Helena, queen of Adiabene, embraces the Jewish re-
ligion, Antiq. xx, ii, 1 ; goes to Jerusalem, sect 6;
is buried there, c. iv, sect. 3.
Hephizbah, Antiq. x. iii, 1.
Hercules' teini>lc. Against Apinn, i, sect. 18.
Herennius Capito, governor of Jamnia, Antiq. xviii,
vl, 3.
Hermeus, or Danaus, king of Egypt, Against Apion,
i, sect. 2G.
Hei-od. the son of Antipater, Antiq. xiv, vii, 3 ; *Var,
^
i, viii, 9; began to rule in Galilee in the 1.5th ar.d
[2 itli] year of his age, Antiq. xiv, ix, 2, puts Ezechias
and other robbers to death, ib ; War, i, x, 5 ; being
accused for it, betakes his trial, Antiq. xiv, ix, 3;
makes his escape, sect. 4 ; goes to Sextus Caesar, and
is by hiin made governor ot Cnelosyri.a, sect. 5 ; is in
favour with Tassius, and the Ron aiis, c. xi, sect 2,
1 ; made a governor of S>Tia by him, sect. 4 ; War
i, xi, 4 ; puts Malichus to death, sect 6; beats An
tigonus out of Judea, Antiq. xiv, xii, 1 ; bribes
Mark Antony, sect. 2; is impeaeiied by the Jews,
but is notwithstanding made a tetrarch by Antony,
c. xiii. sect. 1 ; gets the better of the Jews that oppose
him, sect. 2 ; escapes the snares of tlie Parthians,
sect. 6, 7 ; the accidents of his Might, sect 8 ; War,
i, xiii, 7 ! goes to Egypt, and thence to Rhodes, and
thence to Rome, Antiq. xiv, xiv, 2, 3; War, i, xiv,
2, 3 ; made king by the Roman senate, at the desire
of Antony, Antiq. xiv, xiv, 4; War, ii, xiv, 4; sails
back to Judea, and fights against Antigonus, Antiq.
xiv, XV, 1 ; takes Joppaand besieges Jerusalem, sect.
1,2; War, i, XV, 4 ; takes Sepphoris-, Antiq. xiv, xv,
4; conquers his enemies, and the robbers of Judea,
sect. 4, .-> ; joins his troops with Antony's at the siege
of Samosata, and is received there with great honour,
sect. 8, 9; is providentially delivered from great
dangers, sect. 11, 13; defeats Pappus, sect. 12;
besieges Jerusalem, takes it, makes Antigonus
prisoner, and sends him in chains to Antonv, xiv,
xvi, 1, 4 ; War, i,xvii, 9, &c; promotes his friends,
and destroys those of Antigonus, Antiq. xv, i. ; mar-
ries the famous Mariamne, the daughter of Alex-
andra c. ii, sect. 5 ; War, i, xvii, 8 ; complains
of Alexandra, his mother-in-law, Antiq. xv, ii,
7 ; causes his wife's brother, Aristobulus, to be
cunningly drownied at Jericho, c. iii, sect. 5; is sum-
moned by Antony to take his trial for it, sect. 5 ;
brings Antony over to his interest by bribes, sect. 8 ;
puts Josei>h to death, sect. 9; is solicited to adultery
by Cleopatra, c. iv, sect. 2; makes war against the
Arabians by Antony's order, e. v, sect. 1 ; War, i,
xix, 1, &c. ; his speech to the army in distress, after
he had been beaten, Antiq. xv, 3; War, i, xix, 7l
he beats the Arabians in battle, Antiq. xv, v, 4 ;
War, i, xix, 6; he puts Hyrcanus to death, Antiq.
XV, vi, 2; Herod's commentaries, sect. 3; orders M;i-
riamne to be put to death, if he himself come to an
ill end, sect. r> ; his presence of mind before .Augus-
tus Ca;sar, sect. 6; he is confirmed in his kingdom
by Ca?sar, sect. 7 ; War, i, xx, 2, &e ; he entertains
Cjpsar magnificently, ib. ; he receives more favours
from C.-Psar, iind has his dominions enlarged, Antiq.
XV, xi, 3; W.ar, i, xx, 3; he puts Mariamne his wife
to death. .Antiq. xv, vii, 4, 5 ; War, i, xxii, 5 ; he is
very uneasy at her death, Antiq. xv, vii, 7: War, i,
xxii, 6; he is atflicted with a kind of madness by di-
vine vengeance, Antiq. xvii, vi, .5; War, i, xxxiii,
5 ; departs from the manners and customs of the
Jews, Antiq. xv, viii, 1 ; builds theatres and exhibits
shows to the people, ib. ; a conspiracy against him,
sect 3, iic. ; builds a temple at Samaria, sect 5 ; a
palace at Jerusalem, c. ix, sect. 3 ; and a citadel six
furlongs from Jerusalem, sect. 4; relieves the people
in a great famine, sect 2 ; marries Simon's daughter,
sect. 3; his policy, sect 5; he builds Csesarea, sect
6 ; he sends his sons to Rome, c. x, sect I ; builds a
temjile to Cxsar, sect. 3 ; eases the people of a third
part of their taxes, sect. 4; forbids the ))eople to
meet together privately, ib. ; keeps his spies, and be-
comes one himself, ib.'; honours the Essens, sect
5; rebuilds the temple at .lerusalem, c. xi, sect 1;
^Var, i, xxi, 1 ; makes a new law concerning thieves,
Antiq. xvi, i, 1, fzc. ; goes to CaDsar, brings home his
sons, and marries them, sect. 2 ; entertains .Marcus
Agrippa, c. ii, .sect. I ; is in great favour with Agr p-
pa, e. ii, sect 1 ; eases his subjects of the fourth part
of their taxes, sect 5 ; the quarrels in his family, e.
iii, scot. 1 ; he favours .Aiuipater in opposition to
the sons of Mariamne, sect. 3 : goes to Aquileia, and
hnpeaches his sons, at Home, before Ca;sar, c. iv,
sect. I ; is reconciled to them, sect. 4 : War, i, xxiii,
3 ; celebrates games in honour of Ca}sar, Antiq. xvi,
v, 1; builds towns and castles, sect, ii; builds Ajiol-
lo's temple, and renews the tjlympic games, sect. 3
War, i, xxi, 12: his temper described, Antiq. xvi,
v,4; he opens David's sepulchre, e vii, sect. ); he
suspects his kindred, sect. 3 ; he is accused by Syl-
leus before Ca?asar, e. ix, sect. 3; his cruelly to his
sons, c. xi, sect 1 ; he accuses them in a council at
Bervtiis, sect 2; inquires, of Nicolaus of Damascus,
what they think of him and his .sons at Rome, seer.
3 ; he orders them both to be .strangled, sect b'; pro-
vides for their cliildren, xvii, i. 2; his wives and
childveii, sect 5 ; xviii, v, 4 ; he contracts inarritigci
for Mariamne's children, xvii, i, 2; War, i, xxvui
/ lo"*
"V
INDEX.
fi; alters those contracts, sect. 6 s sends Antipater to
t'a>s.ir, Antiq. xvii, iii, 5; War, i, xxix, 2; is made
to b?lie\^ tliat his brother Pheroras was poisoned.
Antic), xvii, iv, 1 ; War, i, xxx, 1 ; finds the poison
was tor hiinsflf, Antiq. xvii, iv, '.' ; War, i, xxx, i' ;
tries Antipater, and puts him in chains, Antiq. xvii,
V, 7; his bitterness in his oM age, c. vi, sect. 1; lie
makes his will, ib. ; his terrible sickness, sect. 5 ;
War, i, xxxiii. 1, 5; his barbarous order for mur-
dering the principal of the Jews, Antiq. xvii, vi, 5 ;
he attempts to murder himself, sect. 7; he alters his
will, c. viii. sect. 1 ; his characte'-, ib. ; his death and
burial, sect. 1,3; War, i, xxxiii, 8, 9 ; his will open-
ed and read, Antiq. xvii, viii. 2; not to take place
till confirmetl by ('ss;<r, c. xi, sect. 4.
Herod, the son of Herod, made tctrarch, Antiq. xviii,
ii, I : c. vii, sect. 1 ; War, ii, ix, 1 ; he builds towns
in honour of Cassar, ib. ; sends a letter to Capsar, An-
tiq. xviii, iv, .5; makes war upon Aretas king of A-
rabia, e. v, sect. 1, &c. ; is banished, ib. ; War, ii,
ix, 6.
Herod, half brother to the tetrarch, Antiq. xviii, v, 1.
Herod, son of Aristobulus, by i?alome, se;-t. 4.
Herod, son of Aristobulus, by Berenice, Salome's
dautrhier, Antiq. xvii, i, 2; War, i, xxviii, 1.
Herod, Herod's son by Mariamnc, Shimon's daughter,
Antiq. xvii, i, 2; c. iii, sect. 2; andxvin, v, 1 ; War,
i, xxviii, 4 : c. xxix, sect. 2; he is blotted out of He-
rod's will, AVar, i, xxx, 7.
Herod, Herod's son by Cleopatra of Jen;salem, Anti,^
xvii, i, 3; War, i, xxviu, 1.
Herod, Agrippa senior's brother, king of Chalcis, An-
tiq. xix, v, 1 ; he marries Maviamne, daughter of
Josephus by Olympias, king Herod's daughter, xviii,
V. 4; he has tlie power over the temple given him
by Claudius, xx, i, 3 ; his death and children, e. v,
sect. 2 ; War, ii, xi, 6.
Herod, son of Phasaelus and Salampsio, Antiq. xviii,
V, 4.
Herod, Polemo's brother, king of Chalcis, Antiq. xix,
viii, 1.
Herodias, daughter of Aristobulus, by Bernice, Salome's
daughter, Antiq. xviii, v, 1; War, i, xxviii, 1 ; A-
grippa senior's sister, and wife of Herod the tetrarch,
and envies Agrippa the royal dignity, Antiq. xviii,
viii, 1 ; War, ii, ix, 6; follows her husband in 'nis
banishment, Antiq. xviii, vii, 2; married to Herod,
son of Herod the Great, by Mariamne, Simoii's
daughter, c. v, sect. 2; c. vi, sect. 2; afterward
married to Herod the former husband's brother while
her former husband was alive, c. v, sect. 4.
Hezekiah, king of Judah, Antiq. ix, xiii, 2; his religi-
ous speech to the people, ib. ; his lustration of tlic
temple, and solemn celebration of the passover, sect.
2, 5; he makes war upon the Philistines, sect. 3;
defends himself from Sennacherib, x, i, 1; recovers
from sickness, c. ii, sect. 1 ; dies, c. iii, sect. 1.
Hin, an Hebrew measure, Antiq. iii, viii, ,1.
HilkiaJi, the high-priest, Antiq. x, v, 1 ; c. viii, sect. 6.
Hiram, king of Tyre, David's friend, Antiq. vii, iii, 2.
Hiram, king of Tyre, sends ambassadors to Solomon,
Antiq. vii, ii, 6.
Hiram, king of Tyre, Against Apion, i, sect. 17, 18,
21.
Historians, their duty, Antiq. i, 1.
Hophni, son of Eli, .Xntiq. v, x, 1 ; he is slain in bat-
tle, c. xi, sect. 2.
House of the forest of Lebanon, Antiq. viii, vi, 5.
Hoshea, king of Israel, Antiq. ix, xiii, 1 ; he is made
a prisoner', c. xiv, sect. 1.
Huldah, the prophetess, .^ntiq. x, iv, 2.
Human sacrifice, .Antiq. ix, iii, 2.
Hur, a prince of the Midianites, .\ntiq. iv, vii, 1; an
head of the Ephraimitcs, viii, ii, 3.
Hu.shai, Antiq, vii, ix, ;2, 6, 7; ex, sect. 4, 5.
Huz, Antiq. i, vi, .5.
Hymns, composed by David in various sorts of metre,
Anti(|. vii, xii. 3.
Hyrcanus, son of Joseph Tobias, .\ntiq. xii, iv, 6 ; his
artful invention, ib. ; he is sent to Ptolemy, and
kindly received by him, sect 7, 9 ; his actions and
death sect. 1 0.
Hyrcanus (John), son cf Simon the Maccabee, escapes
being slain, Antiq. xiii, vii, -l ; .ittacks Ptolemy, c.
viii, sect. 4; War, i, ii, 3; is made high-priest, .An-
tiq. xiii, viii, 1 ; War, i, ii, 3; is besieged by .Anti-
ochus, .Antiq. xiii, viii, 2 ; buys a peace with '300 ta-
lents taken out of David's sepulchre, sect 3, 4, 5;
marches into Syria and recovers the towns that hail
been taken away, and renews the alliance with the
Romans, Antiq. xiii, ix, 1, 2; Ijcsieges Samaria,
takes It and demolishes it, c. x, sect. 2,>; his inter-
course witli Ood, ib. ; his dream concerning his sons,
e. xii, sect. I ; he was ethnarch, high priest, and pro-
phet. War, i, 11, 8; his death and eu'ogium, Antliv
xiii, X, 7, S.
Hyrcanus II, son of .Alexander Janncus, made high-
piiest, .\ntir|. xiii, xvi, J, 2; War, i, v, 1 ; agrees to
leave the civil government to his brother, Antiq. xiv,
i, 2 ; his inactive genius, and why he fled to Arct.'s,
ib. ; he in vain tiies to bribe Scaurus to be for him,
c. ii, sect. 3; pleads against his brother before Pcni-
pey, c. iii, sect. 2; recovers the high-priesthood, c.
iv,' sect 4; is conflimed therein by Cssar, c. viii,
sect. 5; War, i, x, 3; is honoured by the Romans
and Athenians, Antiq. xiv, viii, 5 ; and by Julius
Cai'sar, x, ii ; is taken prisoner, and has his cars cut
oli'by Antigonus, c. xiii, sect. 10; is reic«sed by the
Parthians, and returns to Herod, xv, ii, 2; lie is per-
fidiously treated, and put to death by him, ib. ; the
various adventures of his life, sect. 4.
Hystapcs, father of Darius, Antiq. xi, iii, 1.
Jabal, .Antiq. i, i, 2.
Jabssh, father of Shallura, Antiq. ix, xi, 1.
Jabesh Oilead demolished, Antiq. v, ii, il.
Jabin, king of Canaan, enslaves the Israelites, .Antiq. v,
ii, II.
Jacimus, or Alcimus, the wicked high-priest, .Antiq. xii,
ix, 7-
Jacob bom, .Antiq. i, xviii, 1 ; contracts with Laban
for Rachel, c. xix, sect. 7 ; he wrestles with an an-
gel, c. XX, sect. 2 ; his sons, sect. 8, c. xx, sect. 5 ; he
privately departs from Laban, sect. 9 ; his posterity,
when they went do»\ n into Egypt, ii, vii, 4 ; he weejis
upon sending away his son Benjamin into Egypt, c
vi,scct.o; he meets with his brother Esau, i, xx, 3.
Jacob, son of Sossas, War, iv, iv, 2; and v, vi, 1 ; and
vi, viii, 2.
Jacob, an Idumean, betrays his country, War, iv, ix,
6.
Jadus, or .laddua, son of John, high-priest, Antiq. xi,
vii, 2 , he meets Ali xandcr in his pontifical garments,
c. viii, sect. 5 ; he dies, sect- 7-
Jadon, the prophet, Antiq. viii, viii, 5; is killed by a
lion, c. ix, sect. 3.
Jasl, wife of Heber the Kenite, kills Sisera, Antiq. v,
V, 4.
Jeliazicl, the prophet, Antiq. ix, i, 2.
Jamblieus, the Syrian ruler, Antiq. xiv, viii, I ; War, i.
ix, 3.
James, the brother of Jesus Christ, stoned, Antiq. xx,
ix, i.
Janias, king of Egypt, Against Apion, i, sect. 14.
Japhet, .\n:iq. i, iv, 1 ; what countries his sons posses-
sed, c. vi, sect I.
Jarden, a woodland, surrounded by Bassus, War, vii
vi, 5.
Jared, Antiq, i, i, 2 ; c. iii, sect. 2.
Jason, or Jtsus, .Antiq. xii, v, 1.
Jason son of Eleazar, .Antiq. xii, x, 6.
Javan, Antiq. i, vi, 1.
Ibhar, or Jeban, son of David, Antiq. vii, iii, 3.
Ibis, an animal in Egypt that desiroys serpents, Antiq.
ii, X, 2.
Ibzan, a judge of Israel, after Jcphlhah, Antiq. v, vii.
15, 14.
Ide, a freed woman, Antiq. xviii, iii, 4 ; she is hanged,
ib.
Idumeans, Antiq. xii, viii, 1 ; War, iv, iv, 1, 4, .5, 6, 7 •
and vii, viii, l ; refuse to give the Israelites pa.s-agc,
Antiq. iv, iv, 5 ; turn Jews, xiii, ix, 1 ; are but half
Jews, xiv, XV, 2 ; Coze their former idol, xv, vii, 9 ;
celibrate the Jewish festivals, xvii, x, 2.
J,.ban, or Ibhar, David's son, Antiq. vii, iii, 3.
Jeboslhus, or Ishbosheth, .^aul's .son, is made king,
.Antiq. vii, i, 3 ; he is treacherously murdered, c. ii.
sect. 1.
Jecoliah, Antiq. ix, x, 3.
Jedidiah, kinj; Josiah's mother, Antiq. x, iv, 4.
Jehiel, one of the posterity of Moses, Antiq. vn, xiv
10, II.
Jchoahaz, king of Judah, Antiq. x, v, 2; he dies in
Egypt, ib.
Jehoaz, son of Jehu, king of Israel, Antiq. ix, viii, 1
Jehoash, son of .\haziah. saved, .Antiq. ix, vii, 1 ; ij
made king, sect. 2 ; murdered, c. viii, sect 4.
Jehoiachin, or Jeconiah, king of Judah, Antiq. x, r,
Jehoiada, Antiq. vii, ii, 2.
Jehoi.ida, the high-priest, .Antiq. x, viii, 6.
Jehoiakim, kmg of Judah, .Antiq. x, v, 2; c. vi; he
rebels agiinst the labyioniaii.s, e. vi,s«ct. 2; he u
slain by .Vebuchadnezzar, and cast out of the g^te
of Jeru alem, sect. 3.
Jeh(madab, an old friend of Jehu, Antiq. ix, vi, 5,
Jehdiam, king of Judah, .\ntiq. ix, iv, 1, &c.
Jehoram, kuig of Izrael, .Antiq. ix, ii, 'i; his exped^
(11)
IXDF.X.
Hon aftahist the Moabltes, c. iii, sect. 1 ; his distem-
per and death, c. v, sect. 2, 3; c. vi, sect. 1.
•Kliosaphat, the son of Ahitiib, Antiq. vii, v, 4.
Jchosapliat, a pious kins; of Judah, Antiq. viil, xv, 1 ;
and IX, i, 1 ; pardoncil for making an alliance with
Ahab, ib, ; his tleet broken to pieces, c. i, sect. 4 ; his
death, e. 3, sect. 2.
Jehoshebah, sister of Ahaziah, king of Judah, .-Xntiq.
IX, vii, 1.
Jehu, son of Nimshi, Antiq. viii, xiil, 7 ; is made king
of Israel, ix, vi, 1, &c. ; his actions, sect. .>, &c. ; he
puts Baal's priests to death, sect. G ; he dies, c. viii,
sect. 1 .
Jehu, the prophet, the son of Hannai, Antiq. viii, xii,
3.
Jenae, David's son, Antiq. vii, iii, ".
Jephtha puts the Ammonites to (light, Antiq. v, vii, 0,
10; sacrifices his daughter, (according to the opiifion
of Josephus), ib. ; makes a great slaughter among
the Epnraimites, sect. 11.
Jeremiah, the prophet, .'Xntiq. x, v. 1 ; his lamenta-
tion upon the death of Jasiafi, ib. ; his prophecy
against Jerusalem, c. vi, sect. 2 ; c. vii, sect. 2, 5,
6 ; his scribe Baruch, c. vi, sect. 2 ; he is accused and
discharged, ib. ; his prophecy read in the temple c:,o
his roll burnt, ib. ; his prophecy of the Jews' re.ease
from captivity, c. vii, sect. 5; he is put in prison,
and thrown into the dungeon, sect. ?, .i; is left with
Baruch in Judea, after Zedekiah's captivity, Antiq.
X, ix, 1.
Jericho taken, Antiq. v, i, 5 ; its rebuilder cursed, sect.
8; it is plundered by the Romans, xiv, xv, 3.
Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, conspires against. 'Solomon,
Antiq. viii, vii, 7; he is made king of the ten tribes,
c. viii, sect. 3, &.c. • erects golden calves, sect, iv ; his
hand withered, sect. 5 ; his expedition against Abi-
jah, c. xi, sect 2; he dies, sect. 4.
Jeroboam II. the son of Joash king of Israel, Antiq. ix,
X, 1 ; he makes war against the Syrians, ib. •. he dies,
sect. 3.
.lerusalem fciken by David, Antiq. vii, iii, I. &c. ;
whence that name was ilerived, sect. 2 ; besieged and
taken by the Babyloni.ans, x, xii, 4, &e. ; c. viii, sect.
2; besieged and taken by Pompey, xlv, iv, 2, &c. ;
oy Heroil, .wdSosius, c. xvi, sect- 2, 4 ; by Ptolemy,
the son of I.agus, xii, I ; how many times taken,
War, vi, X, B; made tributary to the Romans, An-
tiq. xiv, iv, 4 ; levelled with the ground. War, vii,
i, 1 ; declared holy, inviolable, .-I'nd free, by Deme-
trius, king of Syria, Antiq. xiii, ii, 3 ; two citadels
therein, xv, vii, 8 ; who first built it, War, vi, x ; si-
tuated in the middle of Judea, iii, iii, .5 ; set on fire by
the Romans, vi, viii, 5; a fast kept there yearly,
Antiq. xiv, xvi, 4 ; as also when itwas taken by Pom-
pey, and by Herod, and Sosius, c. iv, sect. 5; c. iv,
sect. 3; c. xvi, sect. 4 ; a Jebusite king of Jerusalem,
with four others, make war on the Gibconites, v, i,
•7 ; they are put to flight by Joshua, ib. ; Jerusalem
described. War, v, iv; Agamst A)iion, i, sect. 22.
Jerushah, Jotham's mother, Antiq. ix, xi, 2.
Jessai, the son ^.f Achimaaz, Antiq. vii, xii, 2.
Jesse, the sou of Obed, and father of David, Antiq. vi,
viii, 1.
Jesus Christ, a tcsiimony to him, Antiq. xviii, iii.
Jesus the son of Phabet deprived of the high priesthood,
Antiq. vi, v, 3.
Jesus, son of Ananus, his ominous clamour, and
death. War, vi, v, 3.
Jesus, or Jason, Antiq. xii, v, 1.
Jesus, the son of Sapphias, governor of Titx;rias, Life,
sect. 12, 27; War, ii, xx, 4.
Jesus, brother of Ouias, deprived of the high priest-
hood by .Antiocbus Kpiphanes, Antiq. xv, iii, 1.
Jesus, son of Gamaliel, made high priest, Antiq. xx, ix,
4.
Jesus, the eldest priest after Ananus, VVar, iv, iv, 3 ; e.
V, sect. 2; his sjicech to the Idumeaus, c. iv, sect. 5.
Jesus, son of Damneus, made high priest, Antiq. xx,
ix, 1.
Jesus, son of Gamala, Life, sect. 38, 41.
Jesus, or Joshua, the son of Nun, Antiq. iii, xiv, 4 ;
becomes the successor of Moses, iv, vii, 2; commands
the Israelites against the Amalekites, iii, ii, 3 ; pro-
phecies in the lifetime of Moses, iv, viii, 46; leads
the Israelites to the river Jordan, v, i, 1 ; consults
about the partition of the land, sect. 20, &c. ; his
speech to the two tribes and half, sect. 25; his death,
secU 2;i.
Jesus, son of Saphat, ringleader of the robbers. Life,
sect. 22; War, iii, ix, 7.
Jesus, son of Thebuthiis, a priest. War, vi, viii, 3.
Jesus, sor of .losedek, Antiq. xi, iii, 10.
Jethro the Midianite, Antiq. v, ii, 3.
Jews governed of old by an aristocracy, Ant'q. xiv, v,
4; War, i, viii, 5; lewish priesLs careful to marry
according to their law. Against Apion, i, sect. 7 : fit
Alexandria had equal privileges with the Greeks,
War, ii, xviii, 7; are in great danger at Antioch, vii,
iii, 5; at Ecbatana, near Galilee, Life, sect. 11; are
cut oflfat Cesarea, War, ii, xviii, 1; at Scythopolis,
sect 3 ; are in factions on account of the lu!»h-priest-
hood, .\ntiq. xii, v, 1 : are killed on the Sabbath day,
c. vi, sect. 2; Jews beyond Euphrates, xv, iii, 1 ; at
Alexandria in Egypt, and C"y|Tus, xiii, x, 4 ; go to
war under Alexander the Great, xi, viii, .5 ; arc car-
ried into Egypt by Ptolemy Lagi, xii. i, I ; are ba-
nished Rome, xviii, iii, Ii; desire to be a Roman
province, xvii, xi, 2; are favoured by Seleucus Ni-
cator, xii, iii, 1 ; by Vespasian and Titus, sect 1,2;
by Marcus Agrippa, sect. 2; by Antiochus, the Great,
ib. ; are shut up in the Hippodrome, but afterwardj
released, xvii, viii, 2; pray for the welfare of the
Spartans, xiii, v, S ; Antiochus, a Jew, accuses his
own father at Antioch, War, vii, iii, 3 ; Jews have
privileges granted them by the kings of Asia, Antiq.
XV, vi, 1 ; Egyptians and Tyrians chiedy hated the
Jews, Again.st Apion, i, sect. 13; Demetrius remits
them prirt of their tribute, Antiq. xiii, ii, 3; Jews at
Alexandria are allowed an ethnarch, or alabarch,xiv,
vii, 2 ; arc allov/cd to gather their sacred collcctiona
at Rome, c. k, sect. 8 ; enjoy their liberty under the
Rom.ans, only are to pay their taxes, xviii, ii, 2 ;
are derived from the same origin with the Spartans,
xii, iv, 10; have their own laws under Alexander
the Great, xi, viii, .') ; are prohibited to meddle with
foreign women, xii, iv, f. ; are very tenacious of their
own laws. Against Apion, i, sect. 22; their ambassa-
dors' place at Rome in the theatre, Antiq. xiv, x, 6;
are numerous at Alexandria, c. vii, sect. 2; at Baby-
lon, XV, ii, 2; the form of their government, xi, iv,
8 ; their quarrel with the Syrians at Ca>sarea about
their privileges, xx, viii, 9; their marriages. Against
Apion, ii, sect. 24 ; they had a synagogue at Antioch,
War, vii, iii, 3; their privileges under the Romans,
Antiq. xvi, ii, 4 ; they send an embassy to Ca.'sar, a-
gainst Archelaus, xvii, xi, 1 ; the Asiatic Jews send
an embassay to Ca?sar, xvi, vi, i ; a great slaughter
of Jews, xviii, ix, 9; War, i, xviii, 3, &c. ; and
vii, viii, 6; their calamities in Mesopotamia and Ba-
bylonia, Antiq. xviii, ix, 1 ; lieginning of the Jewish
war, XX. xi, 1 ; antiquity of the Jewish ri es, xv, ii,
4 ; towns in Syria, "Phoenicia, and Idumea, belonging
to the Jews, xiii, xv, 4.
Jczabel, Ahab's wife, Antiq. viii, xiii, 4; is torn to
pieces by do<TS, ix, vi, 4.
Jezaniah, Antiq. x, ix, 2.
Jidlaph, Antiq. i, vi, 5.
Images, or brazen oxen, were not lawful to be made by
Solomon, in the opinion of Josephus, Antiq. viii, vii,
.5 ; images of animals are against the Jewish la%v, xv,
viii; c. ix, .sect 5, VVar, i, xxxiii, 2; to set them up,
or consecrate them, was forbidJen the Jews, Antiq.
iii, vi, 2 ; and xvi, vi, 2.
Impostors throughout Judea, Antiq. xx, viii, 5.
liice!ise only to be offered by the posterity of Aaron,
.\ntiq. ixi x, 4.
Infants murdered in EgA'pt, .\ntiq. ii, ix, 2.
Innocence makes men courageous, Antiq. xii, vii, I.
Joab, general of David's army, .^ntiq. vii, i, 3 ; takes
the citadel of Jeru.'alem, c.'iii, sect. 1 ; conspires with
Adonijah, c. xiv, sect. 4, &c.
Joathau," or Jotham, high priest, Antiq. viii, i, 3 ; and
X, viii, 6.
Joazor, son of Poethus, high priest, .\ntiq. xvii, vi, 4 ;
and xviii, i, 1 ; c. 3, sect. 1 ; is deprived by Arche-
laus, xvii, xiii, 1 ; and xviii, 2, 1.
Johanan, the son of Kareah, Antiq. x, ix, 2; he pur-
sues after Ishmacl, sect. .5.
John Hyrcamis. See Hyrcanus.
John the Baptist, put to 'death by Herod, Antiq. xviii,
John, the son of Dorcas, War, iv, iii, .'>.
John, called Gaddis, Jonathan's brother, is killed. An
tiq. xiii, i, 2.
John, son of Levi, rebuilds Gischala, Life, sect. 10;
VVar, ii, xx. fi; and vii, viii, i; an enemy to Jose-
phus, Life, sect. 13, &c. ; .sect. 25, War, li, xxi, 1 :
aims at absolute dominion, iv, iii, 15, c. vii, sect.
1.
John, son of Sosas, War, iv, iv, 2.
John the Essen, War, ii, xx, 4; ani iii, ii, i.
John, son of Judas, high priest, Antiq. xi, vii, 1; mur-
ders his brother in the temple, sect. 2.
John, c.iptain of the Idumeans, killed, VVar, v, vi, 6.
John, son of Eliasib, Antiq. xi, v, 4.
John, or Johannan, son of Kareah, Antiq. x, xi, 2;
pursues after Ishm.ael, sect. 5.
JoKlan, Antiq. i, vi, 4.
Jonariab, Ammon's kinsman, Antiq. vii, viii, 1 ; son ot
Sameas. sect, iii ; he kills a giant, c xii, sect. 2
'12^
INDEX.
Jonas, the propliet, Antiq. Ix, x, 1, &c.
Jonathan, son of Ananus, Antiq. xix, vi, 4 ; refuses the
high priesthooil, ib. ; his actions, War, ii, xii, 3,
&iC. ; he is murciered by the Sicarii, chap, xiii, s. o.
Jonathan, called Apphus, the Maocabee, Antiq. xii, vi,
1 J he makes a Icji^ue with Antiochus Eupator, War,
i, ii, 1; is surprised by Trypho, and killed, ib.
Jonathan, son of Saul, beats a garrison of the Philistines,
Antiq. vi, vi, 2 ; reconciles Saul to David, c. xi, sect.
Si; his conference with David, sect. 27; is slain in
battle by the Philistines, Antiq. vi, xiv, 7.
Jonathan, a Sadducee, provokes Hyrcanus against the
Pharisees, .\ntiq. xiii, x, t,
Jonathan, a Jew, challenges the Romans to a single
combat. War, vi, ii, 1 ; he is killed by Priscus, ib.
Jonathan, the son of Abiather, Antiq. vii, Ix, 2.
Jonathan, ringleader of the Sicarii, War, vii, xi, 1.
Jonathan, the high priest, murdered by the order of
Felix, Antiq. xx, viii, 5.
Jonathan the Maceabee, made commander of the Jews
after Judas, Antiq. xiii, i, 1 ; with his brother Si-
mon defeats the Nabateans, sect. 4 ; makes peace with
Bacchides, sect. 6; restores the divine worship, c. ii,
sect 1, &e. ; defeats Demetrius' captains, sect. 7;
renews the league with the Romans and Spartans, c.
V, sect. 8 ; his letter to the Spartans, ib. ; he is killed
by Tr^'pho, c. vi, sect. 5.
'oppa, taken by the llomans. War, ii, xviii, 10 ; demo-
lished, iii, ix, 2.
Joram, high priest, .'\ntiq. x, viii, 6.
Jordan, the Israelites [lass over it, Antiq. i, 3.
Josedek, high-priest at the ca^)tivity, Antiq. x, viii, C.
Joseph, son of Zacharais, Antiq- xh, viii, 6.
Joseph, son of Antipater, Antiq. xiv, vii, 2; War, i,
viii, 9.
Joseph Cabi, son of Simon the high-priest, Antiq. xx,
viii, 11 ; he is deprived, c ix, sect. 1.
Joseph, son of Gainus, is made high-priest, Antiq. xx,
i, 3 ; lie is deprived, e. v, sect. 2.
Joseph, calleil Caiaphas, is made high-priest, Antiq.
xviii. ii, 2; c. iv, sect. 6.
Joseph, the son of a female physician, stirs uj) a sedi-
tion at Gamala, Life, sect. 37.
Joseph, son of Daleus, War, vi, v, 1.
Joseph, the son of Ellemus, officiates for Matthias the
high-priest, Antiq. xvii, vi, 4.
Joseph, a relation of ArchelauSj War, ii, v, 2.
.loseph, a tiea-fiuer, Antiq. xv, vi, a.
Joseph, son of Gorion, War, ii, xx, 3.
Joseph, Herod's uncle, Antiq. xv, iii, 5; he marries
Salome, Herod's sister. War, 1, xx, 4 ; he discovers
his injunction to kill Mariamne, and is put to death,
Antiq. XV, iii, 5 ; War, i, xxii, 4.
Joseph, Herod's brother, Antiq. xiv, xv, 4; and xviii,
V, 4 ; he is sent into Idumea, xiv, xv, 4 ; War, i,
xvi, 1 ; his death, Antiq. xiv, xv, 10 ; War, i, xvii,
1,2.
Joseph, son of Joseph, Herod's brother, Antiq. xviii, v,
4.
Joseph, son of Tobias, reproaches his uncle Onias,
Antiq. xii, iv, 2; goes on an embassy to I'tolemy,
ib. ; becomes his tax-gatherer, sect. 4 ; goes to .Syria
to gather the taxes, sect. 5 ; his wealth and children,
sect. 6; begets Hyrcanus on his brother's daughter,
ib. ; dies, sect. 10.
Joseph, son of Jacob, his dreams, Antiq. ii, ii, 1, he;
he is sold to the Ishmaelites, c. iii, sect. 3 ; liis chas-
tity, c. iv, sect. 4 ; he is put in prison, c. v, sect. 1 ;
he is released, sect. 4 ; he discovers his brethren, c.
vi, sect. 2 ; he tries them, c. v, sect. 7 ; he discovers
himself to them, sect. 10 ; his death, c. viii, sect. 1.
Josephus, son of Mattathias, made governor of Galilee,
War, ii, xx. 4 ; his danger at Tarichea?, c. xxi, sect.
3 ; he reduces Tiberius by a stratagem, sect. 8, 9 ; is
in gieat danger again, v, xiii, 3; his mother lameiits
him as dead, ib. ; his speech to the Taricheans, Life,
sect. 29; his strat^agems, sect. 30, 52, 41, 4.-5, .il, 58,
63; War, iii, vii, 15; he escapes a great danger,
Bcct. 29, 30 ; he goes to Tiberias, sect. 5.) ; his won-
derful dream, sect. 42 ; he goes to TarichcT, sect. 5 1,
59 ; his father put in chains, v, xiii, 1 ; his love to
his country, vi, vii, 2; he is betrayed by a woman,
iii, vii, 1 ; he surrenders himself to Nicanor, sect. 4 ;
his speech to his comjianions, sect. 5 ; he is in danger
of his life, sect. 6 ; he advises the casting of lots, sect.
7; he is earned to Vespasian, sect. 8 ; his speech to
Vespasian, sf et 9 ; he is honoured by Vespasian and
Titus, ib. ; Life, sect 75 ; by Domitian and Doniitia,
sect. 75 ; he is set at liberty. War, iv, x, 7 ; his speech-
es to the Jews, advising tliem to surrender, v, ix, 2;
aiidvi, ii, 1 ; he is accused of a conspiracy, vii, xi, 1 ;
Titus gives him lands in Judea, Life, sect'.-^S : he had
in all three wives, sect. 75 ; Ids children, sect. 75 ; he
was greatly skille<l in Hebrew, and Greek learning, An-
tiq. XX, xi, 2 ; of the sect ot the Pharisees, Life sect.
2; he goes to Rome, sect S; he is made governor oi
Galilee, sect. 7; frees the Sepphorites from fcir,
sect. 8 ; stays in Galilee, sect. 12; his moderation,
sect. 15 ; his design in writing the Antiquites, An-
tiq. xiv, i, 1; his diligence in writing history, ib.
lie promises other works, Antiq. Pref. sect. 4 ; and
XX, xi ; and a book of Jewish customs and their rea-
sons, iv, viii, 4 ; when he finished the Antiquities,
XX, xi, 2; when he was born. Life, sect. 1 ; his con-
duct to Galilee, sect S, &c. ; he appeals to Vespasian,
Titus, and others, for the truth of his history. Against
Apion, i, sect. 9.
Joshua, the son of Nun. See Jesus.
Joshua, son of Sie, high priest, Antiq. xvii, xiii, 1.
Josiah, king of Judah, his piety, Antiq. x, iv, 1 ; his
death, c. v, sect. 1.
Jotapata besieged, taken and demolished, War, iii, vii,
3 — 56.
Jotham, son of Gideon, his parable to the Shechemites,
Antiq. v, vii, 2,
Jotham, king of Judah, Antiq. ix, xi, 2 ; his deatli, e.
xii, sect. 1.
Ireneus the pleader, Antiq. xvii, ix, 4.
Iron, harder than gold, or silver, or brass, Antiq. x, x.
4 ; blunted by slaughter, xiii, xii, 5.
Isaac, Antiq. i, x, 5.
Isaiah. See Esaiah.
Ishbosheth, son of Saul, is made king, Antiq. vii, i, 3
he is murdered by tieaehery, c. ii, sect. 1.
Ishmael, Antiq. i, x, 4.
Ishmael, son of Nethaniah, murders Gedaliah, the son
of Ahikam, Antiq. x, i\, 3, 4.
Isis, her temple polluted and demolislied, Antiq. xviii,
iii, 4.
Israel, See Jacob.
Israelites, numbeied, Antiq. iii, xii, 4; and vii, xiii, I ,
their religious zeal slackened, v, ii, 7; tliey are car-
ried captive into Media and Persia, Antiq, ix, xiv, 1.
Istob, or Ishtob, king, Antiq. vii, vi, 1.
Isus, high-priest, Antiq. x, viii, 6.
Uliam.ir, son of Aaron, Antiq. iii, viii, 1 his family,
vii, xiv, 7; it loses the high-priesthood, Antiq. viii,
i, 3.
Ithobalus, or Ethba.al, king of Tyre, Antiq. viii, xiii,
1,2; Against .Apion, i, sect. 8, 21.
Juba, king of Lybia, Antiq xvii, xiii, 4.
Jiibal, .\iitiq. i, ii, 2.
Jubilee, Antiq. iii, xii, 5.
Jucundus, one of Herod's life-guards, raises a calumny
against ."Mexander, Antiq. xvi, x, 5.
Jucundus (^milius). War, ii, xix, 7.
Jucundus, captain of horse. War, ii, xiv, 5.
Judadas, oi Dedan, Antiq. i, vi, 2.
Judea, it begins at Coreae, Antiq. xiv, iii, 4 ; a great
earthquate in Judea, xv, v, 2; its fertility. Against
Apion, i, sect. 22; contains 3,00", 000 of acres of
good land, ib. ; its description. War, iii, iii; length,
breadth, and limits, sect. 5 ; but lately known to the
CJreeks, Against Apion, i, sect. 12 : when first so
called, Antiq. ix, v, 7 ; abounding with pasture, xv,
v, 1 ; War, iii, iii, 2; taken from Arche'aus, and an-
nexed to .'-yria, .^ntiq. xviii, i, 1 ; parted byGabinius
into live jurisdictions, xiv, v, 4 ; entirply subdued
and iiacified by Titus, War, vii, x, i ; made tributary
to the Romans, Antiq. xiv, iv, 5.
Judas, the Essen, a prophet, Antiq. xiii, xi, 2 ; War,
i, iii, 4.
Judas, a Galilean or Gaulonite, the author of a fourth
sect among the Jews, Antiq. xviii, i, 1, 2, 6 ; and xx,
V, 2 ; War, ii, viii, 1.
Judas, son of Jairus, is slain. War, vii, vi, 5.
Judas, son of Aminadab, .\ntiq. xi, iv, 2.
Judas tiie Maceabee, Antiq. xii, vi, 1 ; succeeds Mat-
thias his father, sect. 4, War, i, 1, 3; his speech to
his men before a battle, Antiq. xii, vii. 3 ; he is vic-
tor, sect. 4 ; he comes to Jerusalem, and restores the
temple-worship, sect. 6, iSte.; takes vengeance on the
Idumeans and others, xii, viii, 1 ; besieges the citadel
at Jerusalem, c. ix, sect. 3; is made high priest, c. x,
sect. 6; makes an alliance with the "Romans, ib. ;
fights Baccliides, c. xi, sect 1 , is killed in the battle,
sect. 2.
Jndas, son of Chapseus, Antiq. xiii, v, J.
Judas, son of Sariphus, or Sepphoreus, .Antiq. xviii,
X, 5 ; War, i, xxxiii, 2.
Judas, son of Eliasib, high priest, Antiq. xi, vii, 1.
Judas, son of Ezeehias, ringleader of the robbers, An-
tiq. xvii, x, 4 ; War, ii, iv, 1.
Judges of the Hebrews, single governors, .\nliq. ix, iv.
Judges at Jerusalem, the .Sanhedrim, Antiq. xi, i, i>
Judges of the council in Syria and Phceiiicia, Antiq. xi,
ii, 1; seven inferior judges in every city, but an ap-
peal from them to the great Sanhedrim at Jerusalcia,
Antiq. iv, viii, 14.
(-13)
INDEX.
iuelus, hiffh priest, Antiq. x, viii, 5.
Julia, or Livia, Augustus Caesar's wife, Antiq. xvi, v, 1 ;
ami xvii, i, 1.
Julia, Caius' sister, Antin.xix, iv, 3.
Julian of Bithynia, a valiant captain. War, vi, i, R.
Julius Caesar's letter to the Sidonians, with his and other
decrees in favour of the Je«"s. See Deerecs.
Julius Lupus, Antiq. xjx, ii, 4.
Julias, commander of a Roman legion, Antiq. xv, iii,
7.
Jupiter Hellenius' temple upon Mount Gerizzim, Autici.
xii, V, 5.
Jupiter the conqueror's temple, Antiq. xiv, iv, .i.
Jupiter Olympius' temple, Agaiust Apion i, sect- 17 ;
his statute, Antiq. xiv, i, 1 .
Justus, son of Josephus, Life, 75.
Justus of Tiberias, the historian. Life, sect. C.5 ;
when thsT publlished his historj'. ib. ; he is'con-
demncd Sy Vespasian, but saved by king A^ippa,
Life, sect 74.
Justus, son of Pistus, stirs up sedition. Life, sect. 9 ;
his character, ib.
[zates, son of Queen Helena, embraces the Jewish reli-
gion, Antiq. xx, ii, 1,4; is circumcised, sect. 5; con-
quers his enemies, c. iv, sect 1, 2; succeeds Mono-
bazus, c. 2, sect. 3 ; he dies, c. iv, sect. 5 ; his chil-
dren and bretliren are besieged in Jerusalem, War,
vi, vi, 4.
Kareah, .Antiq. x, ix, 1.
Kemuel, son of Nahor, Antiq. !, vi, 5.
Kcturah, .Abraham's last wife, .Antiq. i, xv, 1.
King, his principal qualifications, Antiq. vii, xv, 2;
three duties of a good king, piety towards God, jus-
tice towards his subjects, and care of the public wel-
fare, ix, xi, 2; need not give an accoimt of his ac-
tions in the opinion of .Antony, xv, iii, 8; should be
eminen'ly good, vi, xiv, 4.
King Solomon's palace, Aiiliq, vii, v, 1.
Kings of David's race, how many, Antiq. x, viii, i
Kingdom, a reward of virtue, Antiq. vi, viii, 1.
Kitim, Antiq. i, vi, 1.
Korah, raises a sedition, Antiq. iv, ii, 2; perishes with
his followers, c. iii, sect. 3.
Laban, son of BeOuiel, Antiq. i, vi, 5; his fraud, c.
xix, sea. 7-
Labour, nothing gotten without it, Antiq. iii, ii, 4.
Laborosoaichod, or Labosordacus, Antiq. x, xi, 2 ;
Against Apion, i, sect. 20.
Lacedemonians derived from Abraham, as well as the
Jews, Antiq. xii, iv, 10; and xiii, v, 8.
Lamech, Antiq. i, ii, 2.
Language (abusive) not to be punished with death, An-
tiq. xiii, x, 6.
Languages confounded, Antiq. i, iv, ".
Laodice, queen of the Gileadites, Antiq. xiii, xiii, 4.
Laodiceans, their letter to Caius Rubilius, in favour of
the Jews, Antiq. xiv, x, i'O.
Lasthenes, aCrctian, Antiq. xiii, iv, 3, 9.
Laws given the Israelites by Moses upon Mount .Sinai,
Antiq. iii. Sec. ; and iv, vifi, 2, iic. ; to be read on
the feast of tabernacles, iv, viii, 12; to be learned
by children before all things, ib. ; to be written in the
niind and memory, ib. : forbid the punishment of
children for their parents' crimes, ix, ix, 1 ; for a re-
bellious son to be stoned, xvi, xi, 2 ; martial laws,
Against Apion, ii, sect. 29 ; the tabl' s of the law, or
ten commandments, Antiq. iii, v, 4; law of Moses
translated into Greek under Ptolemy Philadclphus,
Antiq. Pref. sect. 3; and xii, ii, 2, ■ c. ; law made by
Herod to sell thie^ es to foreigners, x\ i, i, 1 ; law car-
ried in triumph at Rome, War, vii, v, 5.
Laws among the Persians left to the interpretation of
seven persons, Antiq. xi, vi, 1.
Leiitulus' decree in favour of the Jews, Antiq. xiv, x,
13.
Lepidus, killed by Caius, Antiq. xix, i, 6.
Lepidus (Larcius), War, vi, iv, 5.
Leprous persons, obtain places of honour among several
nations, Antiq. iii, xi, 4; are to live out of cities, by
the Samaritan and Jewish laws, ix, iv, 5 ; they re-
solve in a famine to go over to the enemy, ib.
Letters of the alphabet, whether brought 'into Greece
by Cadmus and the Phcenicians, Agaiust Apion, i,
sect. 2.
Letters of Solomon, and Hiram and the Tyrians, An-
tiq. viii, ii, 6, 7; of Xerxes king ot the Persians to
K:'.ra xi, v, 1 ; of Artaxerxes to the governors near
Jndea, c. vi, sect. 12; of Antioehus the Great to
Ptolemv Epiphanes, xii, iii, 3; of the Samaritans to
to .Antioehus Theos, e. v, sect, 5 ; of Alexander Ualas
to Jonathan, xiii, ii, 2 ; of Oniiis to Ptolemy and Clco-
jiitra, c. iii, sect. 1 ; of Ptolemy and Cleopatra to Onias,
sect. 2; of Demetrius to Jonathan and the Jews c
Iv, sect. 9 : of Julius Casar to the Roman magistrate*,
xiv, X, 2, &c. ; and to the Sidonians, lb.; of .Mark
Antony to the Tyrians, c. xii, sect. 4, 5.
Levites, exempted from military functions, Antiq. iii,
xii, 4.
Lcvitc's concubine abused by the inhabitants of Gi
beath, Antiq. v, xi, 8.
Levitieal tribe consecrated by Moses, Antiq. iii, xi, 1
their allowance, iv, iv, 3, &c. ; how many cities be-
longed to them, ib.
Libenus ISIaximiis. governor of Judea, W. r, vi, vi, 6
Liberty granted the Jews by Demetrius, Antiq. xiii, ii
3.
Lib/s, .Antiq. i, vi, 2.
l.originus, a tribune. War, ii, xix, 7-
Longinus" bravery. War, v, vii, 3.
Longus, a vioknt Roraai>, kills himself. War, vi, iii,
2.
Lot, Antiq. i, vi, 5; c. ix.
Lot's wife, Antiq. i, xi, 1.
Lucilius Bassus takes Macherus, War, vii, vi, 1 — 6.
Lucuilus, .\ntiq. xiii, xv, 4.
lupus, governor of .Alexandria, War, vii, x, 2.
Lupus, Julius, a conspirator, is put to death, Antiq.
xix, ii, 4, 5.
Lycurgus, Against Apion, ii, sect. 31.
Lydda burnt. War, ii, xix, 1.
Lysanias, son of Ptolemy, is put to death, Antiq. xv,
iv, 1 ; War, i, xiii, 1.
Lysias, commander of Antochiiis' army, .Antiq. xii, vii,
2, &c.
Lysimachus obtains the government of the Hellespoiit,
after the death of .Alexander, .Aniiq. xii, i.
Maacah, Rehoboam's wife, .Antiq. viii, x, 1.
Maacahah, sou of Nahor, by his concubine Reuma,
Antiq. i, vi, 5.
Maaseiah, sou of Ahaz, slain in battle, Antiq. ix, xii,
1.
Maaseiah, governor of the city, .\ntiq. x, »v, 1.
Maccabees, their history, Antirj. xii, i, 1, &c.
Macedonians, governed by a Roman proconsul. War,
ii, xvi 4.
M-icheras, Antiq. xiv, xv, 7, 10; War, i, xvi, 6, 7;
c xvii, sect. 1, &c.
Macherus, surrenders to Bassus, in order to set Elcazai
at liberty, War, vii, vi, 4.
Machines, or engiiies of the Romans, War, v, vi, 2;
for easting stones, of how great force. War, iii, vii,
25.
Machir, Antiq. vii, v, 5.
Madai, or Mcdes, Antiq. i, vi. 1.
Madiaiiites, or Midiauites, bring Israel into subjection,
Antiq. V, vi, 1 ; Moses makes war upon tlieiu and
beats them, iv, vii, 1, thiir women seduce the Israel-
ites, c. vii, sect. 6
Magician, War, ii, xiii, 5.
Magiig, .Antiq. i, vi, 1.
Mahalaleel, Antiq. i, iii. 2.
Mahlon, son of Elimclech, Antiq. v, ix, 1.
Malaleei, Antiq. i, iii, 4.
.Malehishua, son of Saul, Antiq. vi, xiv, ".
Malchus, or .Malichus, king of the Arabians, Antiq.
xiii, V, 1; xiv, xiv, 1, &c : War, i, xiv, 1.
MaU.hus, a Jewish commander, Antiq. xiv, v, ?; War,
i, viii, 3 ; c xi, sect. 2, &ic. ; he poisons Autipater
Antiq. xiv, xi, 4 ; lie is a great dissembler, sect. 4, 3
he is\iiled by a dexioe of Herod, sect. 0.
Malthace, Arcliclaus' mother dies, Antiq. xvii, x, 1 ,
she was a Samaritan, and Herod's wife. War, i, xxviii,
4.
Mambres, or Mamre, .Antiq. i, x, 2.
Maiiaem, or Manahem, Antiq. ix, xi, 1.
Manahem, an Essen, .Antiq. xv, x. 5.
Manahem, son of Judas the GaUlean, Life, secL 5
War, ii, xvii, 8, &c.
Manasses, king of Judah, .Antiq. x, iii, 4, &c. he is
carried into captivity, sect. 2 ; ho is sent back to his
kingdom and dies, lb.
.Manasses, brother of Jaddus, marries the daughter of
Sanballet, Antiq. xi, vii, 2, ^Ve. ; he is made high-
priest among the Samaritans, xii, iv, 1.
Maalius (Lucius), son of Lucius, Antiij. xiii, ix, 2.
.Manna rained from heaven, Antiq. iii, i, 6 ; the signifi
cation of the word, ib. ; a sort of m;uuia fell in Aia-
bia in the days of Josephus, ib.
Mamieus, son (if Lazarus, War, v, xiii, 7.
Manoaeh, .Antiq. v, viii, 2.
Manslaughter, suspected, how purged among the Jews,
Antiq. iv, viii, 16.
Marcellus. .Antiq. xviii, iv, 2.
Marcus, or Murcus, president of Syria, after Sextus
Cassar, .Antiq. xiv, xi, 1, &c; War, i, x, hj, itc.
Maria, a noble woman, eats her own Lhild, War. vi
iii, iv.
M4l
INDEX.
Marlamne, Agrippa senior's daughter by Cypres, An- | Minucianiis (Annius), Antiq. xix, i, iii, R, ie.
tiq. xviii, V, 4; War, ii, xi, 9.
Mariarane, or Miriam, Moses' sister dies, Antiq. iv, iv,
6.
Mariamne, is married to Herod, War, 1, xii, 3; she
grows aiigrv witli Herod. Antiq. xv, viii, 1, &c. ;
War. i, xxii, 1'; her temper, Antiq. xv, vii, i; she is
put to death, serf. 4,5; her eulogium, sect. C; her
s^ms strangled, War, i, xxvii, 6.
M.iriamne, daughter of Josephus and Olympias, Antiq.
xviii, V, 4.
Mariamne, daughter of Simon the high-priest. War, i,
xxviii, 4.
Mariamne, daughter of Agrippa senior, married to
Arehelaus, Anliq. xx, vii, 1 ; divorced, War. ii, vii,
4 ; afterwards married to Demetrius, Antiq. xx, vii,
Marion, tyrant of the Tyrians, Antiq. xiv, xii, 1.
Marriage of free men with slaves unlawful among tire
Jews, Antiq. iv, viii, t'3.
Marriage contracts, altered by Herod at Antipater's de-
sire, Antiq. xvii, i, 2.
Marsus, president of Syria, Antiq. xix, vi, 4; c. vii,
sect, 2; and c. viii, sect. 1.
Marsyas, freedman of Agrippa, Antiq. xviii, vi, 3, 7, !''•
MaruUus, master of the horse, Antiq. xviii, vi, 1 •.
Margenus, Idng of the Tyrians, Against Apion, i. sect.
18.
Mattathias, great grandson of Asmoueus, the father of
the .Maccabees, Anti(i, xii, vi, ] ; refuses to offer sa-
crifice to an idol, sect. 2 ; jiersuades the .lews to fight
on the Sabbath day, ih. ; exhorts his sons to deleud
the law, sect. 3 ; lie dies, sect. 4.
Mattathias, son of Absalom, Antiq. xiii, v, ".
Matthias, made high-priest, Antiq. xix, vi, 4.
Matthias Curtus, one of Josephus' ancestors. Life, sect.
1.
Matthias, son of Margalothus or Mar^alus, Antiq. xvii,
vi, 2; War, i, xxxiii, 2; he and his partners are
burnt akve, Antiq. xvii, vi, 4.
Matthias, son of Thcopliilus, made high-priest, Antiq.
xvii, IV, 2 ; and xx, ix, 7 ; he is deprived, xvii, vi,
4.
Matthias, Josephus' father. Life, sect. 1.
Matthias, son of Boethius, calls in Simon to his assis-
tance, and is afterwards put to death by him, V\'ar, v,
xiii, 1.
Mathusala, Antiq. i, iii, 4.
Maximus (Liberius), governor of Judea, War, vii, vi,
6.
Maximus (TrebeUius), Antiq. xix, ii, 3.
Meal, tlie purest used in the Jewish oblations, .\ntiq. iii,
ix, 4.
Megassarus, War, v, xi, f<.
Meirus, son of Belgas, War, vi, v, 1.
Mela, an amb-issador of Arehelaus, Antiq. xvi, x, C.
Malchisedcc, entertains Abram, Antiq. i, x, 2.
Memucan, one of the seven princes of I'ersia, Antiq.
xi, vi, L
Mencdemus, the philosopher, Antiq. xii, ii, 12.
Menelaus, or Ouias, Antiq. xii, vi, 1.
Menes, or Mineus, built Memphis, Antiq. viii, vi, 2.
Mens lives had been happy, if Adam had not sinned,
Antiq. i, i, 4.
Mephibosheth, son of Jonathan, is highly favoured by
David, ."Vntiq. vii, v, 5 ; c. xi, sect. 5.
Mephramuthosis, king of Egypt, Against Apion, i, sect.
15.
Mephres, king of Egypt, Against Apion, i, sect. 15.
Meraioth, son of Joatham, Antiq. viii, i, 3.
Merbalus, iiing of the Tyrians, Against .\pion, i, sect.
Mes,i, or Mash, Antiq. i, vi, I.
Mesiia, king of Moab, Antiq. ix, iii, I.
Mesheeh, or Mosoch, Antq. i, vi, 1.
>Iesheeh, one of the three lioly cliildren, Antiq. x, x,
Messalas, Antiq. xiv, xiv, 4.
Messalina, wife of Ciautlius, Antiq. xx, \ iii, 1 ; War,
ii, xii, a.
MestTffii, or Mitzraim, Egyptians, .\ntiq. i, vi, 2.
Metilius, a Koman commander, War, ii, xvii, ID.
Micah the prophet, quoted in Jeremiah, Antiq. x, vi,
Alicaiah, the prophet, Antiq. viii, xiv, 5 ; he is put in
prison, ib.
Mice, spoil the country of Ashdod, Antiq. vi, i, 1 ; five
golden, mice, sect. 2.
^ Mica, son of Mephibosheth, Antiq. viii, v, 5.
Michal, Saul's daughter, married to Da\id, Antiq. vi,
X, 3 ; she saves David's life, c. xi, sect. 4.
Midianitcs. See Madianites.
Milcah, wife of Nahor, Antiq. i, vi, 5. '^
Milk, wiih the firstlings of the flock, offered by Abel,
Antiq. i, ii, 1.
Municianus (.Marcus), Antiq. xix, iv.
Miracles, a foundation of credibility, Antiq. x, it, 1.
Misael, one of the three holy children, Antiq. x, x, 1.
Mithridates, Antiq. xi, i, 5.
Mithridates, king of Pergamus, Antiq. xiv, viii, 1
brings succours to Caesar in Egypt, ib. ; War, i ix, 5.
Mithridates Sinax, king of I'arthia, Antiq. xiii, xiv, 3
Mithridates, king of Pontus, dies, Antiq. xiv, iii, 4.
Mithridates, a Parthian, marries king Artaban us' daugh-
ter, .\ntiq. xviii, ix, 6 ; he is taken prisoner, by
Anileus, ib. ; and set at lihertv, ib. ; his expedition
against t!ie Jews, sect. 7; lie routs .■\nileus, ib.
Mitzraim, Antiq. i, vi, ->.
Modius, .^Squiculus, Life, sect. 11, 24, 3fi.
Monobazus, kmg of Adiabene, Antiq. xx. ii, 1 ; War,
ii, xix, 2 ; his death, .-\nti([. xx, ii, 3 ;
Moon, eclipsed, Antiq. xvii, vi, 4
Moses, his character, Antiq. Pref. sect. 4 ; his birth
foretold, ii, ix, 2, 3 ; how born, and saved alive,
sect. 4 ; why called Mouses, or Moses, sect. 6 ; A-
gaiiist Apion, i, sect. 31; adopted by Thermuthis,
Antiq. ii, ix, 7 ; brought up to succeed lier father,
ib. ; tiamples the cro n under his feet, ib. ; he is
made general of the Egyptian army, and beats tlie
Etiiiopians, c. x, sect. 1, &e. ; he marries Tiiarbis,
tlie king of Etniojiia's daughter, sect. 2 ; he flies out
of Egipt, c. XI, sect. 1 ; lie assists Raguel's daughters
against the shepherds, sect. 2 ; sees the burning bush
at Sinai, c. xii, sect. 1 ; is appointed to he the deliv-
erer of the Israelites, sect. 5 ; he does miracles, and
hears the most sacred name of God, sect. 3, 4 ; he re-
turns to Egypt, c. xiii, sect. 1 ; he works miracles
before Pharoah, sect. 2, &.c. ; he leads the Israelites
out of Egypt, c. XV, sect. 1 ; how many was th'.ir
numbers, ib. ; how old he was at that time, sect. 2 ;
his prayer to God, c. xvi, sect. 1 ; he leads the Israel-
ites through the Red Sea, sect. 2; he makes the
bitter water sweet, iii, i, 2 ; he procures the Israelites
quails and manna, sect. 5, 6 ; c xiii, he brings wa-
ter out of tlie rock, c. i, sect. 7 ; he beats the .li" male-
kites, c. iii, sect. 4 ; he brings to the pec. pie the
tables of the covenant, c. v, sect. 8; he stays forty
days upon Mount Sinai, ib. ; his so long stay causes
great doubts and uneasinessamong tlie people,' sect. 7 ;
he confers the priesthood on Aaron, c. viii, sect. 1 ;
offers sacrifices at the tabeniacle, sect. 6, 10 ; receives
laws and commands at the tabernacle, sect. 10 ; con-
secrates to God the tribe of Levi, c. xi, sect. I, &c. ;
numbers the peoide, c. xii, sect. 4 ; gives orners for
their marching, ib. &c. ; sends spies to search the
land of Cannan, e. xiv, sect. 1, &c; quells the faction
of Corah, iv, ii, 5, &.c. ; his justice, c. ni, sect. 1 ;
his jirayer to God, sect. 2; he cleanses the people, c.
iv, sect, (i; he destroys Sihon and Og, c. v, sect. 3;
he defeats ihe kings of Midian, e. vii, sect. 1 ; he ap-
points Joshua to be his suceesuor, sect. 2; his predic-
tions before his death, c. viii, sect, 2 ; his song in
hexameter verse, sect 44 ; a recapitulation of his
laws, c. vii, he binds the Israelites by an oath to <jI>
serve them, sect. 45 ; he blesses Joshua, and exhorts
him to lead the Israelites courageously into the land
of Cannan, sect 47 ; he is suiToiuided with a elouil,
and dissappears, sect. 48 ; his deaih greatly lameiited
by the jieople for thirtv days, sect. 4y ; he is scandaliz-
ed, as afflicted with the leprosy, li:, xi, 4; his great
authority, c. xv, sect. 3 ; his books laid up in the tem-
ple, x, iv, 2; what (hey eoiilam, Against Anion, i,
sect. 8 ; called by Manetho, (.Isursii h, priest of Osiris
of Hehopolis, sect. 26 ; allowed by tlie I-Vviitians to
lie a divine man, sect. 51 ; the ages in wlueh he lived,
ii, sect. 15 ; his virtue and great actions, sect. 15, 16 ;
his posterity honoured bv David, .-^utiq. vii, xv, 7.
Mosoch, or Me.icch, Anticj.' i, vi, 1.
Muciauus, president of Syria, .-Vntiq. xii, iii, 1 ; War,
iv, i, 5 ; c. ix, sect. 2 ; c. x, sect. 6, 7 ; and c. xi, sect. 1.
Mule, the king's mule, Antiq. vii, xiv, 5.
Muiidus ( Deeius), ravishes Paulina, tlic wife of Satur-
ninus, ,\ntiq xviii, iii, i;
Murcus. Sec Marcus.
Musical instruments of Ihe Jews, the Cynara Naola,
and Cymbalum, described, .Vatiq. vii, xii, 5,
Mysian war, War, vii, iv, 5.
Mytgonus, king of Tyre, Against Apion, i, sect. 21.
Naamah, an .Animonitess, the mother of Relioboam,
Anti(|. viii, viii, 1.
Naamah, dauglster of Lamee'h. Antiq. i, ii, 2.
Naash, or NaTiash, king of the .Ammonites, Antiq. vii,
vi, 1 ; his war against the Israelites, vi, v, 1.
Nabal, a foolish man, Antiq. vi, xiii, C.
Naboandelus, or Nabonadius, or Ualr.-jiar, king of Ba-
bylon, Antiq. X, xi, 2; .\gainst Ai>ioii, i, sect. 20.
Nabol.tssar, or Nabopollassar, king of Babj ion. Against
4pion, i, sect. 19-
(\5)
INDEX.
("faboth, Antiq. viii, xiii, 8.
Nebuchoilonosor, or Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon,
Against Apion, i, sect. 19; he conquers a great part
of Syria, Antiq. x, vi, 1 ; he lays a tax upon the
Jews, ib. ; he takes and sacks Jerusalem, e. vi, sect.
3; and c. viii, sect. 1, &c. ; his famous dream or
vision, c. 11) ; sect. 3, &c. ; his golden image, sect. 5 ;
lie lives among the beasts of the tiekl, sect. G ; he dies,
c. xi, sect. 1.
Nabuzardan, or Ncbuzurdan, plunders and bums the
temple, Anti(|. x, viii, 5 ; his other memorable ac-
tions, c. ix, sect. i.
Nacebus, captain of the Arabians, Antiq. xvi, ix, 2 ; c.
X, sect. 8.
Nachor, or Nahor, Antiq. i, vi, 3.
Nadab, son of Aaron, Antiq. iii, viii, 1, 7.
Nadab, king of Israel after Jeroboam, Antiii. viii, xi,
4.
Nahum the prophet, Antiq. ix, xi, 3 ; his prophecy
concerning Nineveh, ib.
N^aomi, Elimelech's wife, Antiq. v, ix, 1.
N'athan, David's son, Antiq. vii, iii, 3.
Nathan the prophet, Antiq. vii, iv, 4; c. vii, sect. 3,
c. xiv, sect. 4.
Nations dispersed, Antiq. i, v, 1 ; called by new names
by the Greeks, ib.
Nazarites, Antiq. iv, iv, 4; and xix, vi, 1.
Neapolitans, Life, sect. 24, iv; War, ii, xvi, 2.
Nechao, or Necho, king of Eg^'pt, Antiq. x, vi, 1 ; lie
is conquered by Nebuchadnezzar, it).
Nehemiah, Antiq. xi, v, 6; his love to his country, ib. ;
he exhorts the people to rebuild the walls of Jeru-
salem, sect. 7 ; his death and eulogium, sect. 8.
Nehushta, mother of Jehoiachin, Antiq. x, vi, 5.
Nephan, or lilhanan, Antiq. vii, xii, 2.
Nergal-sharezer, .\ntiq. x, viii, i>.
Neriah, high-priest, Antiq. x, viii, 6.
Neriglissor, king of Babylon, Against Apion, i, sect. 20.
Nero, made emperor, Antiq. xx, viii, 2; War, ii, xii,
8 ; a most cruel tyrant, Antiq. xx, viii, 2 ; his violent
death, War, iv, ix, 2.
Netir, a Galilean, War, iii, vii, 21.
Nicanor, Antiq. xii, ii, 11; c. v, sect. 5; War, iii, viii,
2, &c. ; sent by Demetrius, against Judas, Antiq. xii,
X, 4 ; defeated and killoi!, sect. .5.
Nicanor, a friend of Titus, wounded with an arrow.
War, v, vi, 2.
N'ieaso, married to Manasses, .\ntiq xi, vii, 2.
Nicause, or Nitocris, queen of Egypt. Antiq. viii, vi,
2.
Niceteria, or festival for the victory over Nicanor, An-
tiq. xii, X, 5.
Nico, (the conqueror), the name of the principal Ro-
man battcring-ram. War, v, vii, 2.
Nieolaus of Damascus, the Jews* advocate, Antiq. xii,
iii, 2 ; and xvi, ii, 2 ; he is sent to Herod by Augus-
tus, c. ix, sect. 4 ; his speech before Augustus in fa-
vour of Arehelaus, xvii, ix, 6; c. xi, sect, 5; War,
ii, ii, 6; he exaggerates, Antipater's crimes, xvii, v,
4; War, i, xxxii, 4; his brother Ptolemy, ii, ii, 3.
Niger of Perea, War, ii, xix, 2; e. xx, sect. 4 ; and
iii, ii, 1 ; and iv, vi, 5 ; his wonderful escape, iii, ii,
5.
N'glissar, Antiq. x, xi, 2.
Nimrod, or Ncbrodes, Antiq. i, iv, 2, &c.
Nisroch, or Araske, a temple at Nineveh, Antiq. x, i,
Noe, or Noah, Antiq. i, iii, 1 ; he is saved in tJie ark,
sect. 2 ; invocates God after the deluge, s*et. 7 ; Cod
answers his prayer, sect, b; laws given to him, ib. ;
he is overtaken with wine, c. vi, sect. 5 ; his genea-
logy, c. iii, sect. '.' ; his death, sect. y.
Noinus, of Heliopolis, 180 furlongs from Memphis,
War, vii, x, 8.
Norbanus Flaccus* letter to the Sardinians, in behalf of
the Jews, Antiq. xvi, vi, 6.
Norbanus (another person) slain, Antiq. xix, i, 15.
Numeuius, sou of Antiochus, Antiq. xiii, v, s.
Oaths prevails with Saul above natural aflection, An-
tiq. VI, vi, 4.
Obadiah, a protector of the true prophets, Antiq. viii,
xiii, 4, &c.
Obedience to be learned before men iinncrtake govern-
ment, Antiq. iv, viii, 2.
Obodas, king of (he Aianians, Antiq. xiii, xiii, ,'>.
Octavio, daughter of Claudius, N\'ar, ii, xii, 8.
Odeas, high-priest, Antiq. x, viii, 3.
Oded the prophet, Antiq. ix, xii, 2.
Ug, king of Bashan, Antiq. iv, v, 3 ; his iron ben, ib.
Oil used in the Jewish oblations, Antiq. iii, ix, 4; oil
consumed by the seditious. War, ii, xiii, C; oil pre-
pared by foreigners not used by the Jews; Antiq.
xii, iii, 1 ; War, ii, xxi, 2.
Olyrapias, Herod's daughter by Malthace, a Samaritan,
Antiq. xvii, i, 3 ; she is married to Joseph, the son ul
Herod's brother. War, i, xxviii, 1.
01ym))ius Jupiter's image, Antiq. xix, i, 1, 2.
Olympus sent to Rome, Antiq. xvi, x, 1,9; War, i,
xxvii, 1.
Omri, king of Israel, Antiq. viii, xii, .5.
On, the son of Peleth, Antiq. iv, ii, 1.
Onias, son of Jaddus, succeeds in the high-pri<rst-hood,
Antiq. xi, viii, 7-
Onias, the son of Simon, made high-priest, Antiq. xii,
iv, 1 ; causes great troublcb, sect. 1 1.
Onias, brother of Jesus, or Jason, made high-priest,
Antiq. xii, iv, 1.
Onias and Dositheus, two Jewish captains, saved Egypt
from ruin. Against Apion, ii, sect. .5
Onias, son of Onias, flies into Egypt, and there desire*
to build a Jewish temple, Antiq. xiii, iii, 1, .) ; War,
i, i, 1 ; and vii, x, 5 ; his letter to Ptolemy and
Cleopatra, Antiq xiii, iii, 1 ; their answer, sect. 2 ;
he builds the temple Onion, sect. 3; that temple is
shut up, War, vii, x, 4.
Onias, a just man, procures rain in a famine by his
pravers, .'\ntiq. xiv, ii, 1 ; he is stoned to death, ib.
Ophellius, Antiq. xiv, xiii, 5 ; War, i, xiii, b.
Ophir, Antiq. i, vi, 4.
Opobalsamum, Antiq. viii, vi, 6 ; anil xiv, iv, 1.
Oracles of the prophets, concerning the destruction of
Jerusalem, War, iv, vi, 3; c. x, sect. 7; and vi, ii,
1 ; concerning a great prince to arise in Judea, e. v,
sect. 4.
Oieb, a king of Median, Antiq. v, vi, 5.
Orodes, Antii]. xviii, ii, 4.
Oronna, or Aruanah, the Jebusite, .-\ntiq. vii, iii, 3 ;
his thrashing floor, c. xiii, sect. 4 ; where ls.Tac was
to be offered, and the temple was afterwards built,
ib.
Oqiah, Antiq. v, ix, 1.
Orus, king of Egypt, Against Apion, i, sect. Ifi.
Clsaisiph (for Moses), a prie.st at Heliopolis, Against
Apion, i, sect. 28, .31.
Otho made emperor. War, iv, ix, 2 ; he kills himself,
sect. 9.
Oxen, brazen, the Jews forbidden to make them, An-
tiq. \iii, vii, o.
Paconis, king of Media, Antiq. xx, iii, 4 ; rrdcems
his wife and concubines from the Ahms, Wat, xii,
vii, 4.
Pacorus, the king of Parthia's son gets possession of
Syria, Antiq. xiv, xiii, 5 ; lays a plot to catch II yr-
canus and Phasaelus, sect, .t ; marches against the
Jews, War, i, xiii, 1 ; he is admitted into Jerusalem,
sect. 5; is slain in battle, Antiq. xiv, xv, 7.
Paitus (Ca;scnniu5), president of Syria, War, vii, vii, 1
his expedition into Commagena, ib.
PageanU, or Pcgmata, at Titus' triumph, War, vii, v.
Palace at Rome, Antiq. xix, iii, 2.
Pallas, Herod's wife, Antiq. xvu, i, 3 ; War, i, xxviii,
4.
Pallas, Felix's brother, Antiq. xx, viii, 9; War, ii, xii,
8.
Palm trees at Jericho, very famous, Antiq. ix, i, 2 ;
and xiv, iv, 1.
Pannycliis, the concubine of .Archtlaus, War, i, xxv, H.
Papiiiius, Ai>tiq. xix, i, f; 4.
Pappus is sent uito Samaria by Antigonus, Antiq. xiv,
XV, 1.'; War, i, xvii, 5.
I\aradise described, .\ntiq. i, i, 3; a pensile paradise,
or garden at Babylon, Against Apion, i, sect. 19.
Parents' good deeds are advantageous to their children,
Antiq. viii, xi, 2; how to be honoured by the law of
Moses, Against Apion, sect. 27.
Parlhians possess themselves of Syria, and endeavour
to settle Antigonus in Judea, War, i, xiii, 1, &c. ;
their expedition into Judea, Antiq. xiv, xiii, 5 ; they
besieged Jerusalem, ib. they take the city and temple,
sect. 4; their perfidiousness, sect. 4, 6; War, i, xiii,
S, &c.
Passover, a Jewish festival, Antiq. ii, xiv, 6; and iii,
X, 5; and xiv, ii, 1 ; and xiv, ix, 3; the manner rtf
its celebration. War, vi, ix, iii ; called the feast of
unleavened bread, Antiq. xiv, ii, 1 ; and xvii, ix, 3;
War, V, iii, 1 ; on the fourteenth day of Nisan, An-
liq. xi, 4, 8; War, v, iii, 1; very numerous sacrifices
then offered, and vast numbers come up to it, Antiq.
xvii, ix, 3; War, ii, i, 2 ; from the nintljhour to the
eleventh, and not less than ten to one psjsclial lamb,
vi, ix, 3 ; number of paschal lambs in the days of
Cestius, 250, 500, ib.
Paulina ravished by Mundus, .Antiq. xviii, iii, 4.
Paulinus, a tribune. War, iii, viii, I.
Paulinus succeeds Lupus as governor of Alcxandiia,
W.ir, vii, X, 5 ; he plunders and shuts up the tcn^pl*
Union, ib.
Hfii
J'
INDEX.
Pausaiiia^, son of C'erastps, miituers millip king of
Macedon, Antni. i, viii, 1.
Peace aiui good laws the greatest blessings, Antiq. vii,
xiv, 2.
Peace, as a goddess, has a temiJe at Home, War, vii,
V, 7, 3; e. vi, sect. t\.
Pedaiiius, War, i, xxvii, ■_' ; and vi, ii, s.
Pcliali slays Pekahiah, aiid succeeds him, Antiq. Ix, xi,
1 ; he (lefeats the king of .ludah, c. xii, sett. 1) he is
slain by Hoshca, e. xiii, sect. 1.
Pekaiah, king of Israel, Antiq. ix, xi, I.
Pelcg, Antiq. i, vi, 4.
Peiiiunah, Aiitiq. v, x, -.
Pentecost, a Jewish festival, Antiq. iii, x, 6; and xvii,
X, ii, whence it had that name. War, ii, iii, 1 ; vast
numbers came to it, ib. ; the priests then attended
the temple in the night, vi, v, 3; the Jews did not
then take journeys, Anti(i. xiii, viii, 4.
Perca, entirely subdued by the Ilomans, War, iv, vii,
5, 5.
Pergamen's decree in favour of the Jews, Antiii. xiv, x,
Perjury supposed by soine not dangerous, if done by
necessity, Antiq. v, ii, 12; dreaded by Joshua and
the elders, e. i, secL IC; dreaded also by the peojjle,
c. ii, sect. xii.
Persians, their seven principal families, Antiq. xi, iii,
1 ; their king is watch(xl during his sleej), sect. 4 ;
their law forbade strangers to see their king's wives,
0. vi, sect. 1 ; seven men were the interpreters of their
laws, ib. ; their royal robes, sect. 9.
Pestilence. See Plajjiie.
Pestilius C'erealis, the proconsul, reduces the Germans,
War, vii, iv, t'.
Petina, the wife of Claudius, Antiq. xx, viii, 1 ; War,
ii, xii, 8.
Petronius, go%'ernor of Egypt, Antiq. xv, ix, 2; he
supplies Herod with corn in time of famine, ib.
Petronius (Publius), is made president of Syria, Antiq.
xviii, vii, 2 ; is sent with an army to Jerusalem by
Caius, to set up his statues in the temple, c. ix, sect.
2, &c ; War, ii, x, 1 ; his endeavours to prevent it,
and to save the Jews, with his and their wonderful
deliverance, ib. ; his edict against the Dorites, Antiq.
xix, vi, 5.
Phfcdra, Hermi's wife, Antiq. xvii, i, 3.
Phalian, .Vntipater's brother, Antiq. xiv, ii, 3; War, I,
vi, 3.
Phalan, David's son, Antiq. vii, iii, 3.
Phalti, sun of Laish, Antiq. vi, xiii, S; and vii, i, 4.
Phannius, son of Samuel," made high-priest. War, iv,
iii, 8.
Pharaoh, denoted king in the Eg>qitian tongue, Antiq.
vi, viii, i.'.
Pharisees, a sect among the Jews, Antiq. xiii, x, 5 ; and
• xviii, i, 2; War, i, v,2; they envy Hyrcanus, An-
tiq. xiii, X, 5 ; were opposite to the Sadducees in their
principles, sect, ti; their great authority, xvii, ii, 4;
especially in the reign of queen Alexandra, xiii, xvi,
2; War, i, v, 2; which lasted nine yearn, sect. 4;
they refuse the oaths of allegiance to Ccesar and He-
xoA, Antiq. xvii, ii, 4; they are fined for it, ib. ;
their unwritten traditions, xiii, v, 9 ; c. x, sect. 6 ;
their moderation in inflicting punishments, the com-
mon people side with them, ib. ; they are most skil-
ful in the knowledge of the law. Life, sect. 58.
Phamaccs, son of Mithridates, Antiq. xiv, iii, 4.
Phasaelus, son of Antipater, .\ntiq siv, vii, 3; and
xvii, i, 3; War, i, viii, 8; his death, Antiq. xiv,
xiii, 10; and xv, ii, 1 ; War, i, xiii. Hi.
Phasaelus, son of Herod, .Vntiq. xvii, i, 5.
I'lieldas, Antiq, i, vi, 5.
Pheles, king of the Tyrians, Against Apion, i, sei't. 18.
Pheroras, Antipatcr's son by Cypres, Antici. xiv, vii,
3; War, i, viii, 9; hates Salome's children, Antiq.
xvi, vii, 3 ; War, i, xxiv, .5 ; makes Alexander je.ilous
of his wife Glaphyra, with Herod his father, Antiq.
xvi, vii, 4 ; provokes Herod to anger, c. vii, sect. 5 ;
lays the blame upon Salome, c. vii, sect. 5 ; enters
into friendship with Antipater, xvii, ii, 4; is hated
by Herod, c. iii, sect. 1 ; is ordered to retire to his
tetrarchy, sect. 3.
Pheroras* wife pays the fine laid ujwn the Pharisees,
Antiq, xvii, ii, 4 ; she associates with the other court
ladies, ib. ; War, i, xxix, i ; Pheroras' freedmen
charge her with getting poison, Antiq. xvii, iv, 1 ;
she tiirows herself down stairs, sect. 2 ; War, i, xxx,
h ; her confes.sion, Antiq. xvii, iv, 2.
Phideas, the high-priest, .\ntiq. x, viii, fi.
Philadelplius (Ptolemy), his skill and industry alxmt
meehunic arts, Antiq. xiii, ii, 7 ; he proposes i)ro-
blems to the seventy -two interpreters, sect. 11 ; he
procures the seventy-two interpreters to traiiSiate the
law, c ii, sect. 1 — 11.
Philip, llurod's son bv Cleopatra, Antiq. xvii, i, 3; c.
li, 9eet. 2; c. iv, sect. 3; War, I, xxviii. 4 ; c. xxxli,
sect, i, brother of Archelaus, ii, vi, 3 ; what Hcrnt
left him by his will, Antiq. xvii, viii, i ; what Caisar
gave him, c. xi, sect. 4 ; tetrarch of Gaul.mitis, and
Trachonitis, and Paneas, e. viii, sect. 1 ; e. ix, sect.
1; he dies, xviii, iv, 6 ; his eulogium, ib.
Philip, a Galilean, War, iii, vii, 21.
Philip, son of Jaeimus, Antiq. xvii, ii. 7, • !,i{e, sect.
1 1, 3G ; War, ii, xvii, 4 ; e. xx, sect. i.
Philip made regent of Syria during the minority of
Eupator, Anti(i. xii, ix, 2.
Philip, king of Syria, Antiq. xiii, iii, 4 ; c. xiv, sect .i.
Philip, king of .Macedon, is slain, Antiq xi, viii, 1.
Philipion, son of Ptolemy, nianies Alexandra, the
daughter of Aristobulus, Antiq. xiv, vii, 4 ; he is
killed by his father, ib. ; War, i, ix, 2.
I'hiiistines, their chief towns Gaita, Accaron, or Ekron,
Askelon, Gath, and Azotus, or Ashdod, Antiq. vi, i,
2 ; c. xiii, sect. 10.
Philo, chief deputy of the Jews, to Caius, Antiq. xviii,
viii, 1.
Philosophy of the Jews, contained in the books of their
law. Against .\pion, ii, sect. 4.
Philostcplianus, Antiq. xiii, xii, 5.
Phineas, son of Clusothus, War, iv, iv, 2.
Piiineas, son of Eleazar, slays Zimri and Cosbi, .Antiq.
iv, vi, 12; leads the Israelites against the MidianitGs,
c. vii, sect. 1 ; his spcecli to the Jews beyond Jordan,
V, i, 26 ; he is made high priest, sect. 29 ; the high
priesthood returns to his family, .\ntiq. viii, i, 3.
Phineas, son of Eli, Antiq. v, x, 1 ; he officiates iis high
priest, c. xi, sect. 2 ; he is slain, ib.
Phraates, king of the Parthians, Antiq. xv, ii, 2; his
death, xviii, ii, 4.
Phraataees, the son of Phra.ites, Antiq. xviii, ii, 4.
Phul, or Pul, king of Assyria, .4ntiq. ix, xi, I.
Phurini, or Purim, a Jewish festival, xi, vi, 15.
Phut the planter of Libya, Antiq. i, vi, 2.
Pilate (Pontius), the procurator of Judea, occasions tu-
mults among the Jews, Antiq. xviii, iii, 1 ; causes
a great slaughter of tliem, sect. 1, War, ii, ix, 4;
and of the Samaritans, Antiq. xviii, iv, 1; he is ac-
cused for it, and sent to Rome, sect. 2.
Pildash, Antiq. i, vi, 3.
Pillars, erected hy the children of Seth, in the land of
Seriad, Antiq. i, ii, 5 ; pillars of theCorinthi.an order
m Solomon's palace, viii, v, 2 ; in Herod's temple,
W.ar, V, v, 2.
Pisi), governor of Rome, Antiq, xviii, vi, 5.
Pitholaiis, Antiq. xiv, vi, 1 ; c. vii, sect. 3 ; War. i. viii.
3, 6, 9.
Placidus' skirmi«,hes with Josephus, Life, sect. 43, 74 ;
his other actions. War, iii, vi, 1 ; c vii, sect. 5, 54.
and iv, i, 3 ; c. vji, sect. 4.
Plague, or pestilence, rages among the Israelites, An-
tiq. xii. xi, 5 ; it ceases upon David's repentance, c.
xiii, sect. 4 ; another pestilence in Judea, xv, vii, 7.
Plato, Against Apion, ii, sect. 51 ; he excludes the poets
from his eonunonwealth, sect. 36.
Polemo, king of Cilieia, Antiq. xx, vii, 5.
Polemo, king of Pontus, Antiq. xix, viii, 1.
Polity of the Jews after the captivity, Antiq. xi, iv, 8.
Pollio, a Pharisee, Antiq. xv, i, I.
Pollio, a Roman, Anti;(. xv, x, I.
Pompedius, Antiq. xix, i, .5.
Pompey the Great, goes through SyTia to Dama.sous,
Antiq. XIV, iii, 1 ; V\'ar, i, vi, 4 ; and to Jerusalem,
Antiq. xiv, iv, 1 ; War, i, vii. I ; the city deliveretl
up to him, Antiq. xiv, iv, 2 ; he takes the temjile by
force, and kills abundance of the Jews, e. iv, sect. 2,
3, 4 ; War, i, vii, 4, &c. ; the Jews send him a gol-
den vine, Antiq. xiv, iii, 1 ; he goes into the holy oi
holies, a iv, sect. 4; War, i, vii, G; meddles with
nothing in the temple, ib. ; he hears the cause between
Hyrcanus ai;d Aristobulus, Antiq. xiv, iii, 2; deter-
mines it ill favour of Hyrcanus, and makes war upon
.'\ristolmlus, sect. 3, &e. ; he flies into Epirus, c. viii
sect. 4.
Pontius Pilate. See I'ilate.
Poplas, War, ii, ii, 1.
Popea, Nero's wife, Antiq. xx, vii, 1 1 ; c. xi, sect I ;
Life, sect. 5 ; a religious lady, and favourer of the
Jews, Antiq. xx. viii, 11.
Porcius Festus. See Festus.
Present things, queen Alexandra's care, more than fu-
ture, Antiq. xiii, .\vi, 6.
Presents sent to Joseph in Egvpt, .Antiq. ii, vi, 5.
Priests, if maime<l, are excluded frotn the altar and tem-
ple, Antiq. iii, xii, 2; .Against Apion, i, sect. 31 j
are not to marry several sorts of women, Antiq. iii,
xii, 2; .Against Apion, i, sect. 7; washed their hamU
and feet before they went to minister, iii, (1,2; suc-
ceed oue another ai-cording to their eouises, .Vgainst
Apion, 2, sect. H ; their allowances, Antiq. iii, ix ;
and iv, iv, 3; their courses in number tweiitj-four.
INDEX.
vO, xiv, 7; Against Apinn, ii, sect. 7; are very nu-
merous, ib. ; two families from Aaron's two sons,
Antiq. v, vi, 5 ; th ir oliices and employments,
Against Apion, ii, sect. 7, 21, 2i!, 2."! ; their sacred
garments, Antiq. iii, vii, I, &c. ; VVar, v, v, 7 ;
priests and Levites exempted from taxes by Xerxes,
Antiq xi, v, 1 ; have places of the greatest trust com-
mitted to them, Against Apion, ii, sect. 18; none but
priests of the posterity of Aaron, mighl burn incense
at the temple, Antiq. ix, x, 4 ; not to drink wine in
their sacred garments, iii, xii, 2 ; priesthood a maik
of nobility among the Jews, Life, sect. 1.
Priests among the Egyptians, only kept their lands in
the days of Joseph, Antiq. ii, vii, I.
Priesthood, high, translated from one family to another,
Antiq. V, xi, .5 ; of Onias, at Heliopolis, xii, ix, 7;
and xiii, x, 4 ; and xx, x, 1 ; vacant at Jerusalem for
four years, xiii, ii, 3; during life, excepting under
Antiochus Kpiphanes, Aristobulus and Herod, xv, iii,
1 ; taken from Jesus, and given to Simon by Herod,
c. ix, sect. 5 ; settled upon the family of Aaron, ori-
ginally, XX, X, 1.
Priest, high, not to be the son of a captive woman, An-
tiq. xiii, X, .5; high priests went into the temple to
otticiate on Sabbath-uays, new moons, and festivals,
VVar, xii, vil, 3 ; were to marry a virgin, and not
to touch a dead body, Antiq. iii, xii, 2; the high
priest desired by Said to prophecy for him, vi, vi, 4 ;
nigh priests, with the prophets and sanhedrim, were
to determine difficult causes, iv, viii, 14; several
high-priests at the same time in latter ages. War, iv,
iii, 7; and V, xiii, 1; and vi, ii, 2; to succeed by
birth. Against Apion, ii, sect. 23 ; elected by lot
among the seditious, Antiq. iv, iii, 8 ; they abolish
the regular succession, sect. 6 ; Herod, king of Chal-
cis, made the high-priest till his death, xx, i, 3 ; a
series of the high-priests from Aaron to the destruc-
tion of the temple by Titus, xx, x ; another series
from the building of the temple to the captivity, x,
viii, 6; lugh priest's robes kept by the Romans, xx,
i, I- where they were laid up, xv, xi, 4; and xviii,
iv, 5; and XX, i, 1; high priest's ornaments described,
iii, vii, 4 ; War, v, v, 7-
Primogeniture, its privileges sold by Esau, Antiq. ii, i.
Primus (Antonius), War, iv, ix, 2 ; he marches against
Vitellius, c xi, sect. 2.
Priscus (Tyrankis), War, ii, xix, 4.
Priscusshoots Jonathan dead with a dart. War vi, ii,
in.
Pri\ lieges granted the Jews by Alexander the Great,
Against Apion, ii, sect. 4.
Problems, or riddles, proposed by Sampson at his wed-
ding, Antiq. v, viii, 6.
Prociilus, (Vitellius), Antiq. xix, vi, 3.
Prophecies concerning the destruction of Jerusalem,
War, iv, vi, 3 ; and vi, v, 4.
Prophecy of Isaiah accomplished, Antiq, xiii, iii, 1.
Prophecies of Jeremiah and Ezekiel reconciled, Antiq.
X, v; 1.
Prophecies could not agree to the events, if the world
were governed by chance, Antiq. x, xi, 2.
Prophets, exceptiri; Daniel, chiefly foretold calamities,
Antiq. x, xij 7 ; how greatly to be esteemed, viii, xv,
6.
Prophets (false ones), suborned by the Jewish tyrants.
War, vi, v, 2.
Proseuchfe, or houses of prayer, among the Jews, Life,
sect. 54.
Prostitution of the hotly, a most heinous crime, Antiq.
iv, viii, 9.
Providence asserted against the Epicureans, Antiq. x,
xi,7.
Prudence requires us to prevent the growing power of
an enemy, Antiq. iii, ii, 1.
Pseudalexander, Antiq. xvii, xii, 1, &c. ; War, ii, vii,
1, &c.
Ptolemy, the administrator of Herod's kingdom, Antiq.
xvi, vii, 2, &c, ; c. viii, sect. 5 ; c. x, sect. 3 ; Life,
sect. 26.
Ptolemy, the brother of Cleopatra piosoned by her,
Antiq XV, 4, 1.
Ptolemy, the brother of Nicolaus of Damascus, A itiq.
xvii, ix, 3.
Plolemv Epiphanes, Antiq. xii, iii, 3 ; he dies, c. iv,
sect. 'U.
Ptolemy, Euergetes, Philopator, or Eupator, Antiq.
xii, iii, 5 ; c. iv, sect. 1 ; Against Apion, ii, sect. 3.
Ptolemy, thoson of Jamblicus, Antiq. xiv, viii, 1 ; War,
i, ix,'.'5.
Ptolemy Lathyrus, Antiq. xiii, x, 2; War, i, iv, 2; he
is driven out of his kingdom, Antiq. xiii, xii, 1, &c;
he makes an alliance with Alexander, and breaks it,
«. xji, sect. 4; his bold soldiers called Hecatontoma-
chi, sect. 5; he defeats Alexander's army, lb.; h!s
barbarous cruelty, sect. C.
Ptolemy, sou of Lagus, called Sotor, obtains Egvpt, after
the death of Alexander the Great, Antiq. xii,' i ; takes
Jerusalem, and carries many Jews into Egypt, ib.
Ptolemy Philadelphus, the second king of Kgypt of
that race, Antiq. i, Pref sect. 3; Au'tiq. xii, ii, 1;
Against Apion, ii, sect. 4; he procures a translation
of the law of Muses, by the advice of Demetiius I'ha-
lerus, Anti(| xii, ii, 1, &c. ; sets a vast number of
Jews free, sect. 3 ; sends a letter to Eleazar the high-
priest, beet. 4 ; his liberal oblations and presents, sect.
7, 14.
Ptolemy Philomoter, Antiq xii, iv, 11; c. 5, sect 2,
xiii, iii, I; Against Apion, ii, sect. 3; he and his
queen Cleopatra permit Onias to build the temple
Onion, Antiq. xiii, iii, 1, &c. ; he makes an expedi-
tion into Syria, c. iv, sect. 3 ; discovers Alexander
and Ammonius' plot against him, sect. 6; tiikes his
daughter from Alexander, and gives her to Deme
trius. Si ct. 7 ; he might have put two crowns upor
his head, that of Asia, and that of Egypt, ib. ; he is
wounded, anil dies of his wounds, sect. 8.
Ptolemy, son of Menneus, Antiq. xiii, xvi, 5; and xiv,
iii, 2 ; c. xii, sect. 1 ; War, i, iv, 8; c. xiii, sect. 1 ;
prince of ( halcis, Antiq. xiv, vii, 4 ; he marries Al
exaiidra, ib.
Ptolemy, the murderer of Simon, the Maccabee, Antic),
xiii, vii, 4; he murders John Hyrcaniis' mother, and
brother, c. viii, sect. 1 ; War, i, ii, 4.
Ptolemy Physcon, Antiq. xii, iv, ll; and xiii, ix;
Against Apion, ii, sect. 3.
Ptolemy, War, i, i, 1.
Pudens'engages in a duel with Jonathan, and is killed,
War, vi, ii, 10.
Punishment of the wieked, a joyful sight to good men
Antiq. ix, vi, ti.
Purple robes worn by the Chaldean kings, Antiq. x, xi,
2; by the Persian kings, xi, iii, 2; c. vi, sect lO-
Joseph is clothed in purple by Pharaoh, ii, v, 7.
Pygmalion, king of T>>ie, Against Apion, i, sect IS.
Pythian, or Apollo's temple, built by Herod, Antiq.
xvi, V, 5.
Quadratus (Ummidius), president of Syria, Antiq. xx,
vi, 2.
Quails are numerous in the Arabian gulf, and fall upon
the camp of Israel, Antiq. iii, i, 5, 13.
Queen of Egypt, and Ethopia, comes to king Solomon
Antiq. viii, vi, 3 ; she returns to her own country
sect. 6.
Quintillius Varus, president of Syria. See Varus.
Quirinius, or Cyreiiius, sent by Caesar to tax Syria, An
tiq. xvii.
Rabsaces (Themasius), Antiq. xi, iii, 5 •
Rachel, I.aban's daughter, Antiq. i, xix, 7 ; she steals
away, and conceals her father's idols, sect. 9, IL
Ragau, or Reu, son of Phalcg, Antiq. i, vi, 3.
Ragmus, or Raamah, Antiq. i, vi, 2.
Raguel, Moses' father-in-law, Antiq. iii, iii, 1 ; his ad-
vice to Moses for the government of the Israelites, c.
iv.
Rahab, an inn-keeper at Jericho, Antiq. v, i, i!, 7 ; hci
life saved.
Rainbow, Antiq. i, iii, 8.
Ramesses, king of Egypt, Against .\pion, i, sect. 15.
Rapsaces, or Rabshaketh, cai)tain of the Assyrian army,
Antitp X, i, 1 ; his speech to the people of Jerxisalem,
sect. 2.
Rathotis, king of Egypt, Against Apion, i, sect IS.
Rathynius, or Rheum, .'\ntiq. xi, ii, 1.
Rationale, or breast-jilate of judgment of tlie high-
priest, Antiq. iii, v, 7; c. viii, sect. 9.
Raven sent out of the ark, Antiq. i, iii, 5.
Reba, king of the Midianites, Antiq. iv, vii, 1.
Rebeka, daughter of Bethuel, Antiq. i, vi, 3 ; demand-
ed for a wife to Isaac, c. xvi, sect. 1, lic. ; she bears
twins, e. xviii, sect 1 ; imposes upon her husband,
sect. 6.
Receni, or Rekem, king of the Midianites, Antiq. iv,
viii, 1,
Records of the Tyrians, Against Apion, i, sect, 17.
Regulus (Emihus), Antiq. xix, i, 5.
Uehoboam succeeds Solomon, Antiq. viii, viii, 1 ; he
gives the people a rough answer, sect 2; ten tribea
revolt from him, sect. 3 ; he builds and fortifies seve-
ral towns, c. X, sect. 1 ; he has eighteen wives, and
thirtv concubines, ib. ; he dies, sect. 4.
Remaliah, Antiq. ix, xi, 1.
Rt))entauce cannot revoke past crimes, Antiq, ii, iv, 4.
Reu, or Kagau, the sou of Phalcg, or Peleg, Antiq. ii
vi, 5, 7.
Revenues of ("oelesyria, Phcenicia, Judea, and Samariai
amounted to 800L) talents, Antiq. xii, iv, i.
n8">
INDEX.
Rezen. king of Syria, Antiq. ix, xii, 1.
Hezon, Solomon's enemy, A;iti(|. viii, vii, 6.
Uliodes, ielieve<l by Herod, Antiq. xiv, xiv, .".
Ricljes, great riches laid uii in David's monument. An-
tifi- vii, XV, .3.
Riddles, or problems between Solomon and Hiram,
Anticj. viii, v, 5; a riddle proposed by Sampson at
ids wedding, v, viii, 6.
Hipbath, Aniiq. i, vi, 1.
Rod of Aaron, Antiq. iv, iv, 2.
Roman army described, \\ .ir, iii, v.
Roman senate's decree in favour of the Jews, Antiq-
xiii, ix, 2; and xiv, viii, 5.
Roxana, Herod's daughter by Phasdra, Antiq. xvii, i,
5: War, i, xxviii, 4.
Rubriiis Gallus, Antiq. vii, iv, 3.
Rue of a prodigious magnitude. War, vii, vi, ,'5.
Rufus, Anti(i. xvii, x, 5; War, ii, iii, 4 ; c. v, sect. 2.
Ruf\!s, ^au Egyptian,) takes Elcazar prisoner, War, vii,
vi, 4.
Rufus, (Terenlius, or Turnu«,) takes Simon the son of
Gioras, War, vii, ii ; he is left with an army at Jeru-
salem, after it was taken, ib
Rumah, or Reumah, Nahor's concubine, Antiq. i, vi,
Ruth gleans in Boaz's field, Antiq. v, Ix, 2 ; is married
by Boaz, and becomes the mother of Obed, the fa-
ther of Jesse, sect. 4.
Sabactas, or Subteeha Antiq. i, vi, 2.
Sabas, or Seba, Antiq i, vi, 2.
Sabathes, or Sabrah, Antiq. i, vi, 2.
Sabbath-ilay kept very strictly by the Esscns, War, ii,
viii, ix, Sabbath according to Apion, so called from
the Egyptian word Sabo, Against Apion, ii, sect. 2;
Sabbath -day so suptTstitiously observed by the Jews,
that they came to great mischiefs thereby , Antiq. xii,
vi, 2 ; War, i, vii, 3; and ii, xvi, 4 ; they are advis-
ed by Matthias to defend themselves on the Sabbath-
day, Antiq. xii, vi, "J ; and by Jonathan, xiii, i, 5 ;
allowed to repel, but nut to attack an enemy on that
day, xiv, vi, 2; and xviii, ix, 2; War, h, xvi, 4;
Antioelius a Jew, forces the Jews to break the Sab-
bath-day at Antioeh, vii, iii, 5 ; Sabbath-day spent
in reading the law, Anticp xvi, ii, 4 ; ushered in, and
ended with the sound of a trumpet. War, iv, ix, 12 ;
Jews, on the Sabbath-day, dined at the sixth hour.
Life, sect. .51 ; the seditious kill the Romans on the
Sabbath-day, War, ii, xvii, 1(); unlawful to travel
far on the Sabbath-day, Antiq. xiii, viii, 4 ; pretend-
ed to be unlawful either to make war or peace on
the Sabbaih-day, War, iv, ii, .■? ; not allowed by some
even in ease ot necessity, to take arms either on the
Sabbath-day, or the evening before. Life, sect. 5~.
Sabbattic river. War, vii, v, 1.
^abbeus, Antiq. xiii, iii, 4.
Sabbiun, discovers Alexander's designs to Herod, An-
tiq XV, iii, 2.
Babee, or Shobach, captain of the Syrians, Antiq. vii,
VI, 5.
Sabinus, C'a-sar's steward in Judoa, Antiq. xvii, ix, 3 ;
War, ii, iii, 2 ; he accu-es Archelaus, Antiq. xvii, ix,
4 ; falls heavy upon the Jews, c. x, sect. 1.
Sa'mnus, one of the murderers of Caius, Antiq. xix, iv,
3 ; he kills himself, sect. 6.
Sabinus the brother of Vespasian, takes the capitol,
War, iv, xi, 4 ; is killed by Viteliius, ib.
Sabmus, by birth a Syrian, a man of great valour. War,
vi, i, 6.
Sabinus (Domitian), one of the tribunes. War, iii, vii,
34.
Sabtah, or Sahathes, Antiq. i, vi, 2.
Sabtecha, or Sabaclas, Antiq. i, vi, 2.
Sacrifice of Abel was milk, and the firstlings of the
Hock, .\ntiq. i, ii, 1 ; sacrifices were eitlier private
or public, iii, ix, 1; either all, or p.irt only burnt,
ib. ; how the former were oft'ered, ib. ; ho\v tlie lat-
ter, sect. 2 ; how sin-ofterings were oft'ered, sect. 3 ;
those of swine forbidden, xii, v, 4 ; of those that
were for recovering health, iii, ix, 4; Titus desires
John not to lea\e oif the Jewish iacrifices, U ar, vi,
ii, 1 ; daily saciifice, Antiq. xi, iv, 1 ; War, i, i, 1 ;
and vi, ii, 1 ; sacrifices every day for Caesar's prosperi-
ty, ii, X, 4; Against Apion, ii, sect. 5; omission
thereof the beguming of the Jewish war. War, ii,
xvii, 2 ; ofl'erings of foreigners usually received by
the Jews, sect. 3 ; the same prohibited by the sediti-
ous, sect. 'J i what parts of sacrifice were" due to the
priests, Antiq, iv, iv, 4 ; none but Jews to overlook
the sacrifices in the temple, xx, viii, 11; sacrifices
not to be tasted till the oblation is over, xii, iv, 8 ;
not to be brought by the hire of an harlot, iv, viii,
9; nieat-ofl'erings joined to bloody sacrifices, Sii, ix,
4 ; not to be abused to luxury. Against Apion, ii,
iKCt. 25 ; ouj;ht to be entire and without blemish.
Antiq. iii, xii, 2; of what were bunit-ofTerhigs, c viii,
sect. 10; animals noi offered till the eiglit diy aitct
their birth, e. ix, sect. 4; wine and oil leseived lor
sacrifices consumed by the seditious, VV.ar. v, xiii,
6.
Sadduc, a Pharisee, stirs up a sedition, Antiq. xviii, i,
1.
Sadducees deny fate, Antiq. xiii, v, 9; are contrary to
the Pharisees, c. x, sect. 8 ; obser\ e only the prceeiits
of the WTitten law, ib. ; their opinions, Antiq. xviii,
i, .'>; War, ii, viii, 14; have the rich men of their
side, Antiq. xiii, x, 6.
Sadoc, or Zadok, high-priest, Antiq. vii, ii, 2; e. v,
icct. 4 ; c. X, sect. 4 ; e. xi, sei t. 8 ; c. xiv, sect. 4 ,
and viii, i, 5 ; and x, viii, 6.
Sadrach, or Shadrach, Antiq. xi, iv, 9.
Sages, or wise men among the Israelites, Antiij. viii, ii,
5.
Salampsio, daughter of Herod, married to Phasael,
Antiq. xviii, v, 4.
Salathiel, Zerobabel's father, Antiq. xi, iii, 10.
Salatis, king of Egypt, Against .\pion, i, sect. 14.
Saleph, Antiq i, vi, 4.
Salmana, or Zahnana, captain of the Midianites, Antiq.
V, vi, 5.
Salrr.anassar, or Shalmanezzer, king of Assyria, Antiq.
ix, xiv, 1 ; invades Syria and Phcenicia, ib ; carries
the ten tribes away into Media and Persia, ib.
Salome, Antipater's daughter, Herod's sister, Antiq.
xiv, vii, 3 ; War, i, viii, 9 ; charges her husband Jo-
seph with adultery, .^ntiq. xv, iii, 9; and xvi, vii, 3 ;
sends a bill of divorce to her second husband Costo-
barus, xv, vii, 10; envies Herod's sons and theii
wives, xvi, i, 2; c. iii, sect. 1, &c. ; she clears her-
self, ib. ; Herod forces her to be married to Aloxas,
xvii, i, 1 ; she discovers to Herod the conspiracy of
Antipator and Pheroras, c. ii, sect. 4 ; War, i, xxix, '
1 ; what Herod left her by his will, Antiq. xvii, viii,
1 ; what Cassar gave her, c. xi, sect. 5.
Salome, Herod's daughter by Elpis, Antiq. xvii, i, 3.
Salome, grand-daughter of Herod the Great, and daugh-
ter of Herod Philip, l>y Hcrodias, Antiq. xviii, v, 4 ;
she is married to Philip the tetrarch, and afterwards
to Aristobulus, the grand-son of Herod, and brother
of Agrippa, senior, in.
Salt, sown upon the ruins of a demolished town, Antiq.
V, vii, 4.
Salt-tax, and crown-tax, remitted to the Jews by De
metrius, Antiq. xiii, ii, 3.
Samacha, Abcnnerig's daughter, Antiq. xx, ii, 1.
Samaralla, Antiq. xiv, xiii, 5; War, i, xiii, 5.
Samaria built, Antiq. viii, xii, .■> ; whence its name wa»
derived, ib; it is besieged by the Syrians, and wonder-
fully relieved, ix, iv, 5 ; a mother there eats he(
own son in a famine, sect, 4 ; is besieged again by
Hyrcanus, sutt'ers famine, is taken, and levelled with
the ground, Antiq. xiii, x, 2, 3 ; War, i, ii, 7.
Samaritans, a colony from Cutha in Persia Antiq. ix,
xiv, 5; and x, ix, 7; pretended to be the posterity
of Joseph, xi, viii, 6; they sometimes deny, and
sometimes profess themsehes Jews, ix, xiv, 3 ; and
xi, viii, 6; and xii, v, 5 ; they harass the Jews under
Onias, the high-priest, c. iv, sect. 1 ; pretend to be
Sidonians, e. v, sect. .5; their temple upon Mount
Gerizzim, xi, viii, 7; they pollute the temple of Je-
rusalem, xviii, ii, 2; thev are enemies to the Jews,
xi, iv, 9; and xx, vi, 1 : "they dispute with the Jews
in Egypt about their templ'3, xiii, iii, 4 ; they gave
Antiochus the title of a god, xii, v, 5.
Sainbabas, Antiq. xi, iv, 9.
Sameas, Poilio's disci}>le, Antiq. xiv, ix, 3 ; and xv, i,
1 ; c. X, sect. 4 ; his speech against Herod, xiv, ix,
4 ; he is honoured by Herod, ib
Samgar, or Semcgar, Antiq. x, viii, 2.
Sampsigeramus, king of Emcsa, .^nliq. xviii, v, 4.
Sampson's birth, Antiq. v, viii, 4 ; he marries a wo-
man of the Philistines, sect. 5 ; kills a lion, ib ; pro-
poses a riddle at his wedding, sect. 6 ; burns the Phi-
listine's corn, sect. 7: he is delivered up to the Phi-
listines, sect. 8 ; he slays them with the jaw-lx)iie of
an ass, ib. ; he carries the gate of Gaza away upon
his shoulders, sect. 10; he falJs in love with D.alilah,
sect. 11 ; he is betrayed by her; he is bound, and his
eyes put out, ib. ; he pulls an house down upon the
Philistines, and slays three thousand of them, sect.
12.
Samuel is born and consecratcii to God, Antiq. v, x, 3j
God calls to him, sect. 4 ; he conquers the Philistines,
vi, ii, 2 ; his sons prove very bad judges, c. iii, sect
2; he is ofliended at the people's demanding a king,
sect. 3; he tells the people the manners of a kuig..
sect. .5 ; c. iv, sect. 4 ; threatens Saul with the loss c
his kingdom, c. vi, sect 2 ; anoint.s David to be King,
c. viii, sect. 2; he dies, e. xiii, sect. 5; is raised out
of Hades, and foretells .'■aurs death, c. .-iiv, sect. 2.
J"
INDEX.
SstiLtuia sanctorum, or holy of holies, Autiq. iii, vi,
Sanheilrnn at Jerusalem, Life, sect. 12; none could be
put to death but by the sanhedrim, Antiq. xiv, ix,
Saphan, or Shaphan, the scribe, Antiq. x, iv, 1.
Sapinnius, Antiq. xvi, viii, 5.
Sapphora, or Ziiipora, Moses' wife, Antiq. iii, iii, 1.
Sarai, or Sarah, Abraham's wife, Antiq. i, viii, 1 ; she
goes with him into Kgypt, c. viii, sect. 1 ; the king
falls in love with her, ib. ; her death, e. xiv, sect. 1.
Sardians their decree in favour of the Jews, Antiu. xiv,
X, 24. '
Sareas, or Seraiah, high-priest, .Antiq x, viii, 5, 6.
Sarepta, or Zarephath, its widow, Antiq. viii, xiii, 2.
Sarmatians invade Mysia, War, vii, iv, 3.
Satuniius (Seutius), president of Syria, Antiq. xvi, x,
8 i e. xi, sect. 5 ; xvii, i, 1 ; c iii, sect. 2; 'aucl c. v,
sect, 2; War. i, xxvii, 2.
Sathrabuz;ans, Antiq. xi, i, 3 ; c. iv, sect. 4, 7.
Saul, son of Kish, Antiq. vi, iv, 1 ; seeks his fa-
ther's asses, and comes to Samuel, ib. ; dines with
Samuel, and seventy other, ib. ; Samuel anoints him
for king, ib. ; he is actually made king, sect. 5 ; he
promises to assist the Gileadites, c. v, sect. 2; is in-
augurated again, sect. 4 ; conouers the Philistines,
c. vi, sect. 3 ; his wars and family, sect 5 ; he makes
war on the Amalekites, c. vii, sect. 1 ; spares Agag
against God's command, sect. 2 ; for which Samuel
fortells him the loss of his kingdom, sect. 4; his
cruel order for murdering Ahimelech and the priests,
c. xii, sect. 5, &c. ; being forsaken of God, he con-
sults with a necromantic woman, c xiv, sect. 2; his
death, sect. 7.
Saul, a ringleader of the robbers, Antiq. xx, ix, 4.
Scarus, president of Syria, War, i, vi, 5, &c. ; c. vii,
sect. 7; and c. viii, sect. 1; he returns into Syria,
Antiq. xiv, ii, 5; he raises the siege of Jerusalem, ib. ;
his expedition into Arabia, c. v, sect. i.
Scopas, general of Ptolemy's army, defeated by A nti-
ochus the Great, Antiq. xii, iii, 1.
Sea. The seventy interpreters wash tlieir hands in the
sea before they begin their translation, Antiq. xii, ii.
Sea, dividedforthe Israelites, Antiq. ii, xvi, 1.
Seba, Antiq. i, vi, 2.
Sebas, the son of Illus, Antiq. vii, xii, 4.
Sects of the Jews, Antiq. xiii, v, 9; and xviii, i, 2, &c.;
Life, sect. 2; War, ii, viii. 2, &e.
Sedecias,or Zedekiah, afalse prophet, Autic). viii, xv, 4.
Sedecias, or Zedekiah, king of Judea, Antiq. x, vii, 1,
&c. ; revolts from the Babylonians, sect, 5 ; calls for
Jeremiah's advice, sect. G ; is carried captive to ba-
bylon, c. viii, sect. 2 ; his death, sect. 7.
Sedltiou among tlie priests, Antiq. xx, viii, 8; sedition
of Corah and his followers, iv, ii, 1, J:c. ; of the
Israelites, Antiq. iii, xiv, 5 ; is quelled by Joshua,
sect. 4 ; sedition at Cesarea between the Jews and Sy-
rians, XX, viii, 7-
Sejanus put to death, Autiq. xviii, vi, 6.
Seisan, the scribe, Antiq. vii, iv, 4.
Selene, queen of Syria, otherwise called Cleopatra,
Antiq. xiii, xvi, 4.
Seleucus possesses Syria after the death of Alexander
the Great, Antiq. x'ii, i; he is called Nicator (the con-
queror), c. iii, sect. 1; his bounty towards the Jews,
ib.
Seleucus Soter, or Philopater, son of Antiochus the
Great, Antiq. xii, iv, 10.
Seleucus, son of .Antiochus Grvpus, Antiq. xiii, xiii,
4 ; his death, ib.
Sella, or Zillah, Lameeli's wife, Antiq. 1, ii, 2.
Sellura, or Shallum, Antiq. xi, ix, 1.
Sem, or Shem, Antiq. i, iv, 1 ; his posterity, c. vi, sect
4.
Semegar, or .Sampar, Antiq. x, viii, 2.
Scmei, or Shemei, the son of Gera, Antiq. vii, ix, 4 ;
c. xi, sect. 2 ; and c. xv, sect. 1 ; he is put to death by
Solomon, viii, i, 5,
Semelius, Antiq. xi, ii, 2.
SemproniuB (Cams), son of Cains, Antiq. xiii, ix, 2.
Senebar, or Shemebiir, Antiq. i, ix, 1.
Sennacherib makes war on Hezekiah, Antiq. x, i, 1 ;
his death, sect. 5.
Senate of Rome's decree concerning Oie Jews, Antiq.
xii_, X, 6 ; they renew their league with the Jews, xiv,
viii, 5 ; another decree of theirs concerning the Jews,
t. X, sect. 19.
Sepphoris burnt, Antiq. xvii, X, 9; token bv Josephus,
Life, sect. 67.
Seriuh, lugh-priest, Antiq. x, viii, 5, 6.
Serelijeus, Antiq. xi, iii, 10.
Seron, general of the army of Cceles) ria, Aiitjii. xii, vii,
Serpent deprived both of speech and feet, Antiq. i, i, 4, '
Serug, Antiq. i, vi, 5.
Servilius (Publius), his letter to the Milesians in favour
of the Jews, .AntU}. xiv, X, 21.
Sesac. See Shisak.
Seth, sjn of Adam, Antiq. i, ii, 3; his postenity's iiil-
lars in the land of Siriad, ib.
Sethon, king of Egypt, Against Apion, 1, sect 26.
Sethosis, or Sesostrls, king of Egypt, Against ApioB, i,
sect. 15.
Seventh day. See Sabbath.
Seventy-two interpreters sent by Eleazar, the high-
priest, with the books of the law, Antiq. xii, ii, 10 ;
their arrival at Alexandria, ib. ; they bring with them
the law written upon parchment in golden letters, ib.;
they wash in the sea before they lall to their work,
sect. 12; they finish the translation in seventy-two
days, ib.
Sextus Cifisar, president of Svria, Antiq. xiv, ix, 2, 4 ;
War, i, X, 7, <Se. ; he is slain by Cecilius liassus, o.
xi, sect. L
Shadrach, Antiq. x, x, 1.
Shallum, Antiip ix, ix, 1.
Shalmanoser. See Saimanasser.
Shiiraegar, son of .\nath, succeeds Ehud as judge, An-
tiq. V, iv, 3.
Sharezer, Antiq. x, i, 5.
Sheba, Antiq. i, vi, 2.
Shechem, the place of Joshua's habitation, .\ntin. v, i.
19,28. '
Shecheniites meet Alexander the Great, Antrii- xi, viiL,
6; their kmdred with Raguel, Moses' father-in-law,
vi, vii, 3.
Shekel, a coin equal to four Attic dramachse, Antiq. iii.
viii, 2. < H .
Shera, Antiq. i, iv, 1 ; his posterity, c. vi, sect 4.
.Shemeber, king of Zeboim, Antiq i, ix, 1.
Shield covered the left eye in war, Antiq. vi, v, 1.
Shield, a token of league between the Jews and Bo-
mans, Antiq. xiv, viii, 5.
Shimei, son of Gera, Antiq, vii, ix, 4; c xi, stct
2 J e. xvii sect. 1 ; put to death by Solomon, viii, i.
Ships sent to Poiitus and Thrace under Ahaziah, son of
.Ahub, Antiq xi, i, 4.
Shishak, or Sesac, king of Egypt, Antiq. vii, v, 5 ; and
viii, vii, 8; c. X, sect. .i.
Sibas, or Zibaii, Autiq. vii, v, 5; c. ix, sect 3; Saul's
freed iii.ui, c. xi, sect. 3.
Sibbechai, the Ilittite, Antiq. vi, xii, 2.
Sicarii, or banditti, tJce to Alexandria, War, vii, x, 1 ;
cannot be forced to own Ca;sar for their lord, ib.
Sichon, or Sihon, kiugof the. \morit2s, conquered, Au-
tiq. iv, V, 1, &e.
Sidon, Antiq. i, vi, 2.
Signs appearing before the destruction of Jerusalem,
War, vi, v, 3.
Silanus, president of Syria, Antiq. xviii, ii, 4.
Sifts, governor of Tiberias, Life, sect. 17, 33.
Silas, tyrant of Lysias, Antiq. xiv, iii, 2.
Silas, an attendant on king Agrijipa, senior, in his ad-
versities, Antiq. xviii, vi, 7; and xix, vii, I ; h;- b-.'-
coines troublesome to the king, ib. ; lie is kilicil, u.
viii, sect. 3.
Silus, a Babylonian, War, ii, xix, 2; and iii, ii, 4.
Silo, the Roman captain, Antiq. xiv, xx, 1 — 5-
Silo, or Shiloh, a town where t.he tabernacle was fixed,
Antiq. v, i, 19, 20.
Silva (Flavius), governor of Judea, War, vii, viii, l;
he besieges Masada, sect. 2, 5.
Silver, of little value in the days of Solomon, Antiq,
viii, vii, 2.
Simeon, son of Gamaliel, War, iv, iii, 9.
Simou, son of Bothus, made high-priest, Antiq. xv, ix,
3; his daughter married to lierod, ib. ; he is de-
prived, xvii, iv, 2.
Simon, son of Camithi, made high-priest, Antiq. x\iii,
ii, 2.
Simon, son of Boethus, sumamed Canthera-^, made
high-priest, Antiq. xix, vi, 2; he is deprived, sect
4.
Simon, son of Cathlas, War, iv, iv, 2.
Simon the Just, Eleazar's brother, high-priest, Antiq.
xii, ii, 4 ; c. iv, sect 1,
Simon, son of Onias the high-priest, dies, Antin. xii,
iv, 10.
Simon, the Essen, a prophet, Antiq, xvii, xiii, 3.
Simon, son ofGioras, War, ii, xix, 2; and iv, ix, 3;
fights will; the Zealots, iv, ix, 5; conquers Idumeii,
rect. 7 ; is made prisoner, and reserveii for the tri-
umph. War, vii, 2 ; is put to death at the triumph,
c. V, .sect 6.
Simon, brother of Judas and Jonathan, the M.iccabees,
beats tlie enemy in Galilee, .Antiq. xii, nii, 2- it
"V.
INDEX.
made wiptain of the Jews, c. x, sect, 6 ; he makes a
speech to them, xiii, vi, j; is made their ^iriiice, sect.
3,4; is made high priest, sect. 'j; Wnr, i, ii, '.' ; is
killed by Ptolemy his son-in-law, sect. 5.
Simon, son of Ariniis, War, v, vi, 1.
Simon, son of Dositheus, Antiq. xiii, ix, 2.
Simon, captain of the Idumeans at Jerusalem, War, iv,
iv, 4.
Simon, a lifef^aid man to Josephus, Life, sect. 28.
Simcm, of Jerusalem, Anti(]. xix, vii, 4.
Simon, a magician, Antiq. xx, vii, 2.
Simon, a Pharisee, Life, sect. 58.
Simon Pseltus, Josephus' grandfather, Life, sect. 1.
Simon, a servant of Herod, assumes the crown, Antiq.
xvii, X, 6.
Simon, son of Saul, War, ii, xviii, 4.
Simon persuades the people to exclude Agrippa from
the temple, Antiq. xix, vii, 4.
Slmonides Agrippa, Joscjjhus' son, T.ife, sect 76.
Siphar, the Amonite, .\ntiq. vii, '.x, H.
Sisera, oppresses the Israelites, Antkj. v, v, 1 ; is killed
by Jael, sect. 4.
Eisines, Antiq. xi, i, 3; governor of Syria and Phte-
nicia, c. iv, sect 4, 7.
Slaughter, the greatest that ever was in one battle,
Antiq. viii, xi, 3.
Sodomites and their associates, conquered by the Assy-
rians, Antiq. i, ix.
Sodomites so wicked, that they are burnt with fire from
heaven, Antiq. i, xi.
Sohemus, tetrarch, Antiq. xvii, iii,2; Life, sect. II.
Siohemus, king of Emesa, succeeds his brother Azizus,
Antiq. xx, viii, 4 ; War, vii, vii, 1.
Sohemus of Iturea, Antiq. xv, vi, 5: betrays Herod's
secret order for killing Mariamne, c. vii, sect, i ; is
put to death by Herod, sect. 4.
Solomon, son of David, Antiq. vii, iii, 5; promise<l to
David, c. iv, sect. 4 ; boni, c. vii, sect. 4; artointed
and proclaimed king, c. xiv, sect. .5 ; annointcd and
proclaimed a second time, sect. 1 1 ; marries Ph;'raoh's
laughter, Antiq. viii, ii, 1 ; determines the ease of
two harlots, sect. 2; his power, grandeiii, and wis-
dom, sect. ^, &c. : the books he wrote, sect. 5; his
letter to Hiram, king of Tyre, sect. 6; he builds the
temple, sect. 9; and c. iii, his addresses, to God and
the people after it was built, c. iv, sect. 2, &c. ; he
ofi'ers abundance of sacrifices, sect. 4 ; he builds Ijim-
self a royal palace, c. v, sect. I , &c. ; solves the pro-
blems, proposed by the king of lyre, sect. 5; Uius
says Solomon could not solve them all, ib. : he forti-
fies Jerusalem, and builds several towns, c. vi, sect.
1 ; lays a tax on the remaining Canaanites, sivl. 5;
fits out a fleet, sect. 4; his great riches, c. vii, seet.
2 ; his immoderate love of women, sect. J ; his ileath,
sect. 8.
SolymjB, or Salem, the old name of Jerusalem, Antiq.
vii, iii, 2.
So^ihonius, or Zephaniah, the second priest, Antiq. x,
vfii, 5.
Sosibius, of Tarentum, .-^ntiq. xii, ii, 2.
Sosius a Roman captain in Judta, Antiq, xiv, xv, 9 ;
c. xvi, sect. 1 ; joins with Herod against AntJgonus,
ib. ; War, i, xvii, 2 ; he takes Antigonus prisoner,
and carries him to .\nthony, Antiii. xiv, xvi, 4 ;
War, i, xviii, 2, 3.
Souls of heroes, slain in war, supposed to be placed
among the stars. War, vi, i, ,5.
Speech of Herod to his army, .Vntiq. xv, v, .'i; to the
jieople, c. xi, sect. 1 ; sjieech of Moses to L'orah and
the people, iv, ii, 4, &c. ; to the people belore his
death, c. viii, sect. 1.
S^iies sent by Moses, to view the l.ind of Canaan, Antiq.
iii, xiv, 1, &e. ; by Joshua to Jericho, v, i, 1 ; they
bring back a faithful account, sect. 2.
Spoils of barbarians reposited in Herod's temple, Antiq.
XV, xi, .'j.
Spoils in war to be equally divided between those that
fight and those that giiard the baggage, Antiq, vi,
xiv, G.
Stars, supposed to have their virtue from the sun and
moon, Antiq. ii, ii, 5.
Stechus, Antiq. xviii, vi, 7.
Stephanus, Caesar's servant, Antiq. xx, v, 1 ; War, ii,
xii, 2.
Sterility of the country is one of the punishments for
the king's doing ill, Antiq. vii, iv, 4.
Stratton tyrannizes over Uercea, Antiq. xiii, xiv, 3.
Subjects follow the manners of their piiiiccs, Autiq. viii,
X, 2.
Sumober, or Shemeber, king of Zeboim, Antiq. i, ix.
Supplicants in Syria, used to come with an halter about
their heads, Antiq. viii, xiv, 1. '^
Sur, or Zur, a king of the Midianites, Antiq iv, vii, 1.
SvUa, a captain of king Agrippa's life-guards. Life,
sect, 71.
Sylleus, an Arabian, first minister to king Obodus,
.\ntiq. xvi, vii, ; War, i, xxiv, 6; c. xxvii, sect. 1 ;
he goes to Rome, xvi, ir., 2; accuses Herod Ijefore
.'\ugustus, see*, .i ; deuiands .~!alome in marri.ige, c.
vii, sect. 6; is refused, becau.-e he would not turn
Jew, ib. ; is charged with several murders, xvii, iii,
2 ; War, i, x, ix, 3 ; is accused before .\ugustus by
Nicholaus of lamiscus, Antiq. xvi, x, S ; receiveu
sentence of death, sect. 9.
Synedrion, or S.arhedrim. See Sanhedrim.
Syrian commodities, Antiq. ii, iii, 5.
Syrians' hatred to the Jews, War, i, iv, .".
A Syrian king of Mesopotamia, Antiq. vii, vi, 1.
Tabernacle built, Antiq. iii, vi, 1 ; its description, sect.
2 ; its purification, c. viii, sect. ,'5.
Feast of Tahernacles, a great festiv.-il of the Jews, .An-
tiq. viii, iv, I : and xv, iii, 3 ; celebrated in w.ir by
the leave of king Antiochus, xiii, viii, 2; celebrated
for fourteen days upon the dedication of Solomon's
temple, viii, iv,' .5 ; Jews then carry boughs with fruit,
whereby Alexander the liigli-pviest w:is pelted, xiii,
xiii, .5; Jews then fixed tabernacles in the temple.
War, vi, v, 3 ; it is celebrated after the Babylonian
captivity, -Antiq. xi, iv, 1 ; c. v, sect. 5.
Table, (of shew bread) golden, made by Ptolemy, An-
tiq. xii, ii, 7, &c. ; with his cups, ana vials, sect. 9.
Table, Delphic, -Antiq. iii, vi, ~.
Table in the court of the priests, AnHq. iii, vi, 7-
Taohas, Anliq. i, vi, 5.
Tang.anas, .Antiq. xi, iv, 9.
Tartan, a captain of the .Assyrians, Antiq. x, i, 1.
Tears, natural signs of great joy or sorrow, Antiq. xii,
xii, ii, li).
Teba, Antiq. i, vi, 5.
Teninle built upon Mount Gerizzim, .Antiq. x, viii, 7;
and xiii, iii, l : like to that at Jerusalem, xi, viii, I.
Temple built by Herod near Paneas, m honour of Au-
gustus, .Antiq. XV, X, 3 ; War, i, xxi, 3.
Temple of the golden calf. War, iv, i, I.
Temples in Kgypt, many and different, Antiq. xiii, iii.
Temples of the Canaanites were to be demolished, An-
tiq. iv, viii, 2.
Tem])les of foreign nations not to be plundered, noi
their donations taken away, .Antiq. iv, viii, 10.
Temple of Hercules and Astarto, at Tyre, Antiq. viii,
v, 3.
Temple of Demus and the Graces at Athens, Antiq.
xiv, viii, 5.
Temple of Belus, at Babylon, .Antiq. x, ix, 1.
Temple built by Herod at S^naiia, .Antiq. xv, viii, 5.
Temple (Herou'sJ at Jerusalem described, Antiq. xv,
ix, 5, J.
Teinpie Onion in Egypt, built like that at Jerusalem,
Antiq. xii, x, 7 ; and xiii, iii, 1,3; c. x, sect. 4 ; and
XX, X.
Temple of Diana, at Elemais, Antiq. xii, ix, 1 ; of
Dagon at Ashdod or Azotus, xiii, iv, 4 ; of Apollo
at Gaza, c. xiii, sect. 3.
Temple of Jerusalem rebuilt by Zorobabel, Antiq. xi,
i, e. i\', sect. 3, &c. : xx, x ; the Jews hindered ir
building it, xi, 2 ; they go on by order of narius, c
iv, sect. 1, &c; it is firii>hed in seven years, sect. 7
si.vty cubits lower than -Solomon's tem|)le, xv, xi, 1
it is plundered by Antiochus Epiphanes, xii, v, 4;
taken by Pompey, and its most holy place seen by
him, but without detriment thereto, xiv, iv, 4 ; War,
i, vii, 6; new built by Herod, .Antiq. xv, xi, 3;
burnt by Titus, War, vi, iv, 5, &e. ; Titus goes into
the most holy place, sect. 7.
Temple of Solomon deserilicd, Antiq. viii, iii, 2, &c. ;
dedicated by Solomon, sect. 4 ; foreigners could go
but to a certain partition wall in Herod's lemple, xv,
xi,5; women excluded the two inner courts, ib. ;
open to Samaritans and other nations for prayer, xi,
iv, 3 ; David's armory in the tenqile, ix, vii, '2 ; tax
out of the temple treasure renitted by Demetrius,
xiii, ii, 3; Daniel's prophecy of Antiochus" profana-
tion of the temple fulfilled, kii, vii. ti.
Tcjilietus of Garsis, War, v, xi, 5.
Terah, .Abraham's father, Aiitci. i, vi, .5.
Teriljuiih, or turpciuiue tree, i-.tar Helxirn, supix)sed as
old as the world, War, iv, ix, 7.
Tercntius, or Turuus Rufi.s, War, vii, ii.
'leresh, Antiq. xi, vi, ).
Terilatcs, or Tiridates, king of -Armenia, Antiq. xx, iii,
3 ; War, vii, vii, ^.
Tero, an old soldier, Antiq. xvi, ix, 4, <Vc ; War, i,
xxvii, 4, &e. ; charged with treason by Trypho, He
rod's barber, sect. 5.
retlimosis, or Thumosis, king of Egvnit, .Against AuJoii,
i. U, l,-., 26. o.i . b
(21)
INDEX.
retrarehlcs, Antiq. xiii, iv, 9. i
Thaniar, David's daughter, Antiq. vii, iii, 3.
Thamav, Absalom's uaiightei, manicil to Rihoboani,
Antiq. vii, x, 3.
Thaumastus, Antiq. xviii, vi, 6.
Thcaties erected at Jerusalem, by Herod, Antiq. xv,
viii, l! War, i, xxi, H; at (.'asurea, Antic], xv, ix, (i.
Theft, how punished by the law of Mosob, Antiq. iv,
viii, 27, ikc.
Theniasius, Antiq^. xiii, iii, t.
J heodoriis, son ot Zeno, Antiq. xiii, xiii, 5 ; War, i,
iv, a.
Thcodosins, Antiq. xiii, iii, 4.
Theophilus, son of Ananus, deprived of the high-priest-
hocid, Antiq. xix, vi, 2.
Tlicopliilus, lirother of Jonathan, made high-priest,
Antiq. xviii, v, 3.
Thermus, a Roman ambassador. Against Apion, ii,
sect 5.
Theimusa, Phraataces's concubine, and then wife, An-
tiq. xviii, ii, 4.
Theudas, an impostor, Antiq. xx, v, 1.
Theudion, Iwotlier of Doris, Anti pater's mother, Antiq.
xvii, iv, 2.
Thobel, or Tubal Cain, Antiq. i, ii, 1.
Tholomy, son of Sohemus, Antiq. xiv, viii, 1.
Thiimosis, or Tcthmosis, king of Egypt, Against
.\pion, i, sect. 14, 15, 'ifi.
1 hrygammes, or Togarmah, Antiq. i, vi, 1.
Tiberius Alexander, procurator of Judea, Antiq. xx, v,
2.
Tiberius Alexander, governor of Alexandria, War, ii,
xviii, 7; and v, i, 6; he brings Egypt over to Ves-
pasian, iv, X, 6.
Tiberius the emperor, Antiq. xviii, ii, 4; War, ii, ix,~
2, 5; his dilatory proceeding?, .\nti<i. xviii, vi, 5;
his skill in astrology, sect. 9 ; his prognostic of a 6U0-
ce.ssor, ib. ; his death, ib.
Tibni, Antiq. vi i, xii, 5.
Tidal, Anti(). i, ix.
Tiglathpileser, king of Assyria, Antiq. ix, xi, 1.
Tigranes, king of Armenia, Anriq. xni, xvi, 4; and
XV, iv, 5; and xviii, V, 4; War, i, v, 3; c. xxviii,
sect. 1.
Tigranes, son of Alexander and Glaphvra, Antiq. xviii,
V, 4.
Timaus, king of Egypt, Against Apion, i, sect. 14.
Timidius, .Antiq. xiic, i, 5.
Timius, a Cypnot, Antiq. xviii, x, 4.
Timotheus, Antiq. xii, viii, 1, 3; he is put to flight by
Judas, .sect. 4.
Tiras, Anti(j. i, vi, 1.
Tiridates, king of .'Vimenia, .'intiq. xx, iii, 3.
Tithes and first fruits, given to the Leviies, Antiq. iv,
iv, 3 ; their titlies or tenth parts given to the priests,
sect. 4; this law restored by Hezekiah, ix, xiii, 3.
Titius, president of Syria, Antiq. xvi, viii, ti.
Titus L'assar, son of Vespasian, sent to Alexandria,
War, iii, i, 3; he brings a great number of troops
to Vespasian, c. iv, sect. 2; his piety towards his la-
ther, c. vii, seel. 22 ; he and Vespasi.an take Jotapata,
sect. 31 ; his mildness to Josephus, c. viii, sect. K, 9;
he is sent against Taricheae, c. x, sect. 1; his v.dour
in this expedition, sect. 3 ; his speech to the .soldiers,
sect. 4 ; he takes Taricheae, sect. 5 ; he is sent to
Rome, with king .\grippa, to compliment Galba, iv,
ix, 2 ; the order of nis army, V, ii, 1; he arrives at
Jeru.saicm, and is exposed t<i great danger, sect. 1,2;
his great valour, sect. 2, A ; his great concern to save
Jerusalem, c. ix, sect. 2; and the temple, vi, ii, 4;
c iv, sect. 3 ; his speech to his soldiers, c. i, sect. 5 ;
he receives acclamations from the army, c. vi, sect.
I; his speeches to the Jewish tyrants, sect. 2; lie as-
cribes the conquest of the city to ( .od, c. ix, sect 1;
he thanks the army and distributes rewanls, vii, ii,
3; celebrates his father's and brother's birtli-days,
c. iii, sect. 1; is greatly moved at the sight of the
ruins of Jerusalem, c. v, sect 2 ; he makes great
shows, c. V; sect. 1 ; comes to Antioeli, sect. 2 ;
and til Rome, sect. 3; what persons he carried with
him for the triumph, ib. ; his approbation of Jose-
jihus' history, Lite, sect. 65 ; his generosity to Jose-
nhus, sect. ^5,
Tobias' sons expelled Jerusalem, War, i, i, 2.
"Togarmah, Antiq, i, vi, I.
Toparchies (three) or prefectures, added to Judea. An-
tiq. xiii, iv, 9.
Tower of Babel, and the Sibyl's testimony concerning
It, Antin. i, iv.
Trachonites rebel, Antiq. xvi, ix, 1.
Traditions, of the Pharisees, unwritten, Antiq. viii, x,
6.
Trajan, captain of the tenth legion. War, iii, vii, 31.
Translation of the law, made oy seventy-two elders,
Antiq. xii, ii, K ; Against .\pion, ii, sect. 4.
Treasure (secret) kept in the temple by some of the
priests, Antui xi, v, 2.
Tribes of Israel, and their portions of land determined
by lot, .Antiq. v, i, 22.
Tribute paid out of Judea to Antiochus Pius, Antiq.
xiii, viii, 3; great men farm such tributes, xii, iv,
5 ; poll-money \mU\ the kings of .Syria by the Jews,
xiii, ii, 3; ten thousand drachma? jiaid out of the
temple to them, ib. ; three hundred talents paid by
Jonathan to Demetrius for tribute, c. iv, sect. 9;
Jews freed from paying such tribute by Simon the
Maeeabee, c. vi, sect. 6; high priests used to pay
twenty lalents tribute to the kings of Egypt out of
their own revenues, xii, iv, 1; poll-money and crown-
tax, &c. ; forgiven the principal orders of the Jews
by Antiochus the Great, c. iii, sect. .%
Triumphal gate at Rome, War, vii, v, 4.
Triumphal pi mp described. War, vii, v, 4, .5, tic.
Trophies give offence to the Jews, .\ntiq. xv, viii, 1,
Trumpet, its invention and form, Antiq. iii, xii, 6.
Truth and justice complained to be gone out of the
world, .Antiq. xvi, xi, 4.
Truth and accuracy to be observed bv an historian,
Antiq. xiv, i, 1 ; observed accordingly by Joscnhus,
Life, sect. 6.5. b J J i .
Trypho the tyrant, brings young Antiochus back to
Syria, Antiq. xiii, v, 3; his perfidious behaviour to
the same Antiochus, c. vi, sect. 1; he draws Jona-
than into a snare, sect. 1,2; he makes an irruption
into Judea, sect. 4 : imposes upon Simon, ib. ; kills
Jonathan, sect. 5; he causes Antiochus, whose guard-
ian he was, to be killed, c. vii, sect. 1 j he is made
king by the army, ib. ; he is killed at Apamia, sect,
2.
Trypho, king Herod's barber, Antiq. xvi, ix, 6, &c ;
War, i, xxvii, 5.
Trypho, king Ptolemy's darling, Antiq. xii, iv, 9.
Tubal-Cain, Antiq. i, ii, 2.
Tyrannius Priseus, War, li, xix, 4.
Tyrannns, deposition against Alexander, Antiq. xvi, x,
3; War, i, xxvi, 3
Tyre, when built, Antiq. viii, iii, ].
Tyre, oppressed by Marion, Antiq. xiv, xii, 1.
Tyre, besieged seven months by Alexander the Great,
Antiq. xi, viii, 4.
Tyre, the name of a castle built by Hyrcanus, Antiq.
xii, iv, 11.
Tynans, their god Baal, Antiq. ix, vi, 6; their ancieni
records. Against Apion, i, .sect. 17; thev beat tha
Assyrians at sea, Antiq. ix, xiv, 2 ; their "temple of
Jupiter Olympius, viii, v, 3 ; Agamst Apion, i, sect.
18 ; of Herculus, ib. ; of .\starte, ib.
Valerian, a deeurion. War, iii, ix, 7.
Valerius Gratus, procutator of Judea, Antiq. xviii, iii,
2.
Valerius Asiaticus, .\ntiq. xix, i, 14, 20.
Varo, president of Syria, Antiq. xv, x, 1.
Varus, (Quintilius), president of Syria, Antiq. xvii, »
2, 6; c. ix, sect. 3; Life, sect. 11 ; War, i, xxxi, .5 ;
and, ii, iii, 1 ; he comes to succour Sabinus, Anriq.
xvii, X, 9 : War, ii, v, 1 ; ho punishes the mutineers
An iq. xvii, x, 1, 9, 10.
Vashti, wifeof king .Artaxerxes, Antiq. xi, vi, 1.
Vatiniiis, Antiq. xix. i, 1,3.
Veils of the tabernacle, Antiq. iii, vii, 7.
Ventidius Bassus, bribed by Antigonus, Antiq. xiv, xn,
6 ; c, XV, sect. 1 ; sent to repel the Parth ans. War,
i, XV, 2; he kills Paeorus in battle, and defeats the
Parthians, Anliq. xiv, xv, 7.
Veranius, Antiq. xix, iii, 4.
Vespasian and Titus' generosity towards the Jews, .An-
tiq. xii, iii, 2; his wars in Judea, War, book iii, and
iv, at large.
Victory does not depend on numbers, but on valour,
Antiq. i, x, 1 ; and on piety towards God, Antiq. xii,
vii, 1.
Vindex rebels against Nero, War, iv, viii, 1.
Vine ;?olden) in Herod's temple, Antiq. xv, xiii, 3 ;
annrhpr sent to R me, xiv, iii, 1.
Vinicius (Marcus), Antiq xix, i, 14.
Virtue, its own reward, Antiq. iv, viii, ?.
Virtues (royal), Antiq. vii, xv, 2.
Vitellius, president of Syria, Antiq. xv, xi, 4 ; War, vii,
iv, 2 ; he is highly treated by the Jews, Antiq. xviii,
iii, 3 ; c. v, sect. 3 ; his expedition against Aretas, ib. ;
is ordered by Tiberius to enter into an alliance with
Artabanus, e. iv, sect. 4.
Vitellius is made emperor after Otho, War, iv, ix, 9
he is slam, c. xi, sect. 1.
Vitellius I'roculus, Anliq xix, vi, 3.
Uinminius yuadiatus, president of Syria, Antiq. xx, vi,
2.
Unexpected events the most shocking, Antiq. v, ix, 3.
Unleavened bread. See P<-issover.
(221
~Y.
INDEX.
Voice heard in the temple, War, v'., v, 5.
Vologesses, king of Farthia, Antiq. xx, iv, 2: War, vii,
V, .'; c. vii, sect. 5; he ilcciares war against Izates,
Antiq. xx, iv, 2.
Volumnius, procurator of Syria, Antiq. xvi, ix, 1; c.
xi, sect. 3; War, i, xxvii, 1, 2.
Vonones, Antiq. xviii, li, 4.
Vow of Jephtha to sacrifice his daughter, neither lawful
nor acceptable to fJod, Antiq. v, vii, 10. i
(ires, Antiq. viii, ii, .1. i
Uriah slain, Antiq. vii, vii, 1. |
Urias, high-pries', Antiq, x, viii, P.
Uz, Antiq. i, vi, 4, .0.
Uz^ah, smitten by God, for touctiing the ark, Antiq.
vii, iv. 2.
Uzziah, or Azari.ih kingof Judah, Antiq. ix, xi, .1 ; his
acts and encomium, c. ix, sect. 3; he burns incense
in the temple, sect. -1 ; he i:: smitten with the leprosy
for usurping the priest's oifiee, ib.
War not begun with foreign nations till ambassadors
are sent, Antiq. iv, viii, 41 ; and v, ii, 9.
War (laws of) among the Jews, Antiq. iv, viii, 41, &c. ;
.\gainst Apion, ii, sect. 30.
War (Jewish) whence Kgun, War, ii, xiii ; c. xiv, sect.
4 ; c. XV, sect. 5: c. xvii, stct. I, &c.
Water of Bethlehem, ofiered to God by David, Antiq.
vii, xii, 4.
Water (sea). See Sea.
Witch, or necromantic woman of Kndor, comforts Saul,
Antiq. vi, xiv, 3 ; her eulogium, sect. 4.
Women's power, Autiq. xi, iii, rt ; their cunning in pre-
venlinj; accusations, ii, v, 5; tlieir dress torhidden
men, iv, viii, 43: foreign wonu-n not to be niedciled
with by Jews, xii, iv, fi; when divorced, cannot
marry another without tiu-ir former husband's con-
sent, XV, vii, iO; Persian women, or wives, not to
bo seen by strangera, x, vi, 1 ; not allowed to be wit-
nesses, iv, viii, 15.
Xanthicus, the S)To-Macedonian name of the Jewish
month Nis.-»n, Antit). i, iii, 5 ; and so elsewhere.
Xerxes succeeds Darius, Antiq. xi, v, I ; his letter to
Ezra, ib.
Xylophoria, a Jewish festival when they carried wood
to the temple for the saeritices. War, li, xvii, 6.
t'ear, two beginnings of Jewish years, Antiq. i, i, 3.
Vear ^Ureat), a period of six hundred commou years,
Antiq. i, ii, 9.
Zabdiel, a prince of the Arabians, Vntiq xiii, iv, 8.
Zabidus, an Idiunean, Against Apion, ii, sect. 10.
Zachariah, king of Israel, Antiq. ix, x, 3 ; his death, c
xi, sect. 1.
Z:!Chariah, son of Jehoiada, a prophet, is stoned, An
tiq. ix, viii, 3.
Zachariah the prophet, Antiq. xi, iv, 5, 7.
Zacharias, son of liaruch. War, iv, v, 4; he is mur
dered in the temiile, ib.
Zacharias, son of i^halck. War, iv, iv, 1.
Zachariah, son of Ah;iz, is slain by Maasciah, Antiq.
ix, xii, 1.
Zadoc, orSailoc, high-priest, Antiq. vii, ij ; c. v, sect.
4; c. x,soct. 4; c, xi, sect. 8; c. xiv, sect 4; and
viii, i, 3 ; and x, viii, 6.
Zalmunna, a captain of the Midianites, Antiq. v, vi, 3.
Zainaris, a Babylonian Jew, Antiq. xvii, ii, 3.
Zarcpheth, or Sarepta, the widow's habitation, Anti(|.
viii, xiii, 2.
Zealots, War, iv, iii, 9, 13, 14 ; c. iv, sect. 5, &c. ; c.
V, sect. 1,5; and vii, viii, I .
Zcb, or Zeeb, captain of the Midianites, Antiq. v, vi, 5.
Zebudah, mother of Jehoiakim, Antiq, x, v, 2.
Zedekiah, a false prophet, Antiq. viii, xv, 4.
ZeiJekiah, king of Judah, Antiq. x, vii, 4, ,'. c. ; he re-
volts from the Babylonians, sect. 2; calk for Jere-
miah's advice, sect. 6 ; he is carried captive to Ba-
bylon, e. viii, sect. 2; his death, sect. 7.
Zeb'ina (Alexaiuler), king of Syria, is conquered by An-
iiocfius Gry|)us, and dies, Antiq. xiii, ix, 3.
Zebul, Antiq. v, vii, 4.
Zeno, styled Cotylas, tyrant of Philadelphia, Antiq.
xiii, vii, 1.
Zonodoras, Anfiq. xv, x, 1, &c. ; War, i, xx, iv; his
death, Anfiq. xv, x, 3.
Zcrah, an EiJuopian king, Antiq. viii, xii, 1 ; defeated
by Asa, sect. 1, 2.
Zeruiah, .Antiq. vi, xiii, 9.
Zuxis, Antiq. xii, iii, 4.
Ziba, Saul's freed man, Antiq. vii, v, 2.
Zillah, I arntch's wife, Antitj. i, ii, 2.
Zimri, jirincc of the SimeoijUes, Antiq. iv, vi, 10; hij
speech against .Moses, sect. 1 1 .
Zimri kills Elah, Antiq. viii, xii, 4, 5 ; his death, ib
Zipporah, Moses' wife, Antiq. iii, li, 1.
Zizus, an Arabian, Antiq. xiii, xiv, ,3.
Zoba, (king of), Antiq. vii, vi, 1.
Zoiius, a tyrant, Antiq. xiii, xii, 2.
Zorobabcl, Antiq. xi, i, 5; c. iii, sect 1, A-o.
Zur, king of the Miilianites, Antiq iv, <ii, ";.
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