A ^V^^^flfl 7^ Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2008 with funding from IVIicrosoft Corporation http://www.archive.org/details/fredericozanamprOOomearich FREDERIC OZANAM PROFESSOR AT THE SORBONNE HIS LIFE AND WORKS BY • KATHLEEN OMEARA (GRACE RAMSAY) AUTHOR OF "PEARL, A STORY OF ENGLISH AND FRENCH UFE IN THE DAYS OF NAPOLEON " WITH A PREFACE By his eminence CARDINAL MANNING PREFACE TO THE PRESENT EDITION BY THOMAS M. MULRY FRBSIDENT OF SUPERIOR COUNCIL OF NBW YORK, SOCIBTY OF ST. VINCBNT DB PAUL NEW YORK CHRISTIAN PRESS ASSOCIATION PUBLISHING COMPANY Copyright, 191 i, BY CHRISTIAN PRESS ASSOCIATION PUBLISHING COMPANY. CONTENTS Preface, xi CHAPTER 1.-1813-31. Antiquity of the family of the Ozanams — family treasures — story of Jere- miah Hozannam — Jacques Ozanam and his nephew Benedict — CcU«er of Antoine, father of Frederic — Birth of Frederic at Milan, in 1813 — Set- tlement of his father in Lyons as a physician — Characteristics of Frede- ric's childhood — Early confessions — School life — Period of questioning and doubt — Becomes a pupil of Abbe Noirot — Noirot's testimony regard- ing him — Becomes clerk in an attorney's office — Writes a treatise against the St. Simonians — receives congratulations from M. de Lamar- tine — Studies the state of society in France — Views and ambitions at the age of seventeen — Programme of future work — His ideas of true glory — His freedom from the mere ambition of making money and a position, in the worldly sense, x CHAPTER n.— 1831. Ozanam enters on his legal studies in Paris — first experiences — Stands aloof from his fellow-students at the Ecole de Droit, on account of their opinions — Boarding-house grievances — Impressions of Paris — Visit to M. Ampere ; becomes an inmate of his house — his new manner of life described — First interview with M. Chiteaubriand — Aim of his studies — longing for noble work — Opposing school of Philosophy — the Ration- alistic and the Traditional, 17 CHAPTER III.— 1831. State of religion in France subsequent to the Revolution — Reign of Atheism— Napoleon — The Abb6 Foumier — the Concordat of 1801 — Radical Catholicism of France — Attitude of Napoleon towards the Church— His policy towards the clei^— And the press — How he dealt with the department of Public Instruction — Imperial University — His instructions to the Minister of Public Worship — divorce established— the Sabbath altered — The Concordat of Fontainebleau, Napoleon, and Pof)e Pius VII. — Fall of Napoleon and restoration of the Bourbons — the reign of faith restored only in appearance — Attempt at converting the nation — Revival of Voltairianism — Ozanam, in his capacity of a Chris- tian teacher, a witness for God to his generation, 25 8()210Ja iv Contents. CHAPTER IV.— 1832. VAGB State of society in France after the Revolution of 1830 — The Abb6 de l^amennais — Incident connected with M. Letrone's lectures at the Col- lege de France — Ozanam and Lallier — Catholic young men finding each otlier out — Rationalism and Revelation — letter to Ernest Falconnet — Conferences of the Abbe Gerbet — Passage of arms between Professor Jouffroy and a young Catholic at the Sorbonne — Result of this on Oza- nam, and en the tone of the teaching of the Professors, . . . .41 CHAPTER v.— 1833. Advantages accruing to Ozanam from his residence with M. Ampere — His love of science — Tendency to dicouragement — anxiety about the future — Tour in Italy — Dante and Raphael, 47 CHAPTER VI.— 1833. The young Catholics befriended by M. Bailly — His newspaper, the Tri' bune Catholique — Opens his office as a lecture-room and debating-hall — Removal to a spacious hall in the Place de I'Estrapade — Account of the debates — Increase of the Society — Soirees at M. de Montalembert's, . 53 CHAPTER VIL— 1833. Hostility to the young Catholics continues unabated — Professor Jouffroy an exception — The enemy's taunt : "Show us your works ! " — Ozanam's suggestion at this juncture — First practical meeting in Pere Bailly's of- fice, and presided over by him — Formation of the Society of St. Vincent de Paul — its work among the poor — Sceur Rosalie — Rules of the Society — Ozanam's first proteges — Hesitation at first as to the admission of new members — Rapid growth of the Society, as related by Ozanam twenty years later — The title of Founder always repudiated by him — Brave manifestation on the part of the Catholic students described by Oza- nam in a letter to his mother— procession at Nanterre — God preparing a powerful and brilliant champion '59 CHAPTER VIII.—1834. Fall of M. de Lamennais — The Abbe Gerbet— M. de Montalembert— Anti- Christian spirit manifested at the Sorbonne at this time — The preaching of the Paris clergy — The Abbe Lacordaire — his first oratorical successes at the College Stanislas — First idea of his "Conferences" due to Oza- nam — Proposal to Monseigneur de Quelen, Archbishop of Paris — La- cordaire's consent obtained — Ozanam and others again visit the Arch- bishop— Lamennais at the Archbishop's— The proposal divulged in the Univers — The Archbishop's scheme to meet the wishes of the young men — Lacordaire's Sunday addresses at the College Stanislas — His sub- jects — Ozanam's admiration and regret 69 Contents. ▼ CHAPTER IX.— 1834.35. Osanam's uncertainty as to his vocation — His repug^nanc*' to leadership — Memorable soiree— Antagonism of the world — Political formula— Holi- days spent at Lyons — his impression of the changes during his two years' absence— Visit to the Chateau de St. Point to see Lamartine — The in- terview described — Letters in reference to the poor and the Society of St. Vincent de Paul— Charity and philanthropy — Return of old scruples and anxieties— Illness of his mother— visit to Lyons— The cholera averted from Lyons, 80 CHAPTfR X.— 1835-36. Attitude of the clei^ towards Lacordaire's Conferences — Hesitation of the Archbishop— Lacordaire remonstrates— The Archbishop proposes a con- dition of resuming the Conferences which Lacordaire could not accept — Despair of Ozanam and his friends — The Abbe Liautard, founder of the College Stanislas, writes a vigorous expostulation — Lacordaire visits the Archbishop — Sudden revulsion in the Archbishop's mind — appoint- ment of Lacordaire to the pulpit of Notre Dame, and named Canon of the Cathedral — Ozanam and Lacordaire, ^ 9' CHAPTER XL— 1837. Close of Ozanau's legal studies— Indecision as to his real vocation — Enters on his duties as a barrister— Death of his father — Anecdote in reference to his knowledge of Hebrew— Devotedness to his mother — The munici- pality of Lyons petitions that Ozanam be appointed to a proposed Chair of Commercial Law — His own feelings in regard to it — Antipathy to the married state — Acquisition of the dignity of Doctor of Law— Visit to La Grande Chartreuse — His ide al of a^ wife— Incompatibility felt by him between the professionoF tKe bar and the pursuit of literature — Seeks to combat in others the depression experienced by himself — Remi- niscences of Italian travel — The great social question, .... 99 ^ CHAPTER XII.— 1838-39. Degree of Doctor of Letters — Thesis on Dante — Failure of his mother's health — his anxiety regarding the younger members of the family — The- sis on Dante extended and published — Nomination as Professor of Commercial Law at Lyons — Philosophical Professorship at Orleans offered by M. Cousin, but declined — Cousin's announcement to him of his nomination to the Municipal Chair — Growing importance of the Society of St. Vincent de Paul — Opposition encountered by it — Impor- tance attached by him to correspondence between the various Con- ferences — The two hostile camps existing in society — The power of friendship, :x.£ vi Contents. CHAPTER XIII.— 1839. PAGE Failure of Ozanam's new position as Professor to set his mind at rest — his mother — doubts as to his vocation — His views on marriage — This period the most agitated of his life — M. Cousin — M, de Montalembert — Lacordaire and the Order of St. Dominic — Conferences of St, Vincent V' de Paul invited by Ozanam to meet Lacordaire at Lyons — Reply of Ozanam to Lacordaire's letter from Rome — symptoms of a monastic vocation — Lacordaire's answer — Letter on the death of Madame Oza- nam — Communion with his mother's spirit, 116 CHAPTER XIV.— 1840-41. Ozanam's Cours de Droit — crowds attracted — Renewed perplexities about his vocation — Sympathy with domestic joys — Matrimonial traps — Visit to Paris — meeting with old friends — Position of Catholics in France — Renewed overtures from M. Cousin — Resolves to compete for the Agrd- gation de litterature — the issue to be accepted as the final indication of his destiny — The Abbe Noirot's advice as to marriage — Visit to M, Sou- \y lacroix — Competitive examination in Paris-^^nexpected triumph — Offered the position of Assistant Professor of Foreign Literature in the Sorbonne — Undertakes a short tour in Germany — Aix-la-Chapelle — Cologne — Christian art — Legends of the Rhine — Asks the hand of. Mademoiselle Soulacroix, and is accepted — Offered the Chair of Foreign Literature in the University of Lyons — Deliverance from the dilemma — resolution to go to Paris — His^parriage — letters connected with it — His lofty idea of the duties aiid privileges of the married state— Tour through Italy, Sicily, Naples, Rome— St. Peter's, •-« CHAPTER XV.— 1842. Ozanam's new post one beset with difficulties — His fitness for it, notwith- standing— MM. Guizot, Villemain, and Cousin— M, de Montalembert— Ozanam comes boldly out as a teacher identified with the Christian faith— His eloquence— Gifts and difficulties as an orator— His manner of lecturing— Power over the young, and strong sympathy with them — Earnestness in his professorial duties— Lectures on the Holy Roman Empire— Research for his work on Germany— Advice to his brother Charles — His love of work, ^47 CHAPTER XVI.~i 843-44. Question of the freedom of the schools— Montalembert — The Cercle Catho- lique — Ozanam's influence at the C^rc/^— speech on the literary duties of Christians— Fierce attack by the Univers on a portion of the speech — His prudence and far-seeing sagacity exemplified at this juncture-^. Relations between Church and State the grand question at issue — Oza- nam bravely seconded by M. Lenormant — Account of Lenormant's con- version to Christianity— Tumult at the recommencement of his lectures Cou tents. vii PAGE stilled by Ozanam— Lenormant's Cours closed by Government — Oza- nam, undaunted, continues the out-and-out Christian tone of his teach- ing His universal popularity — His tolerance towards error — Anecdote illustrative of the charity which distinguished all his dealings with the poor — His considerateness and deference in his service of the poor — True character of almsgiving — His order in dispensing his chcirities, . 162 CHAPTER XVII.— 1844-45. O^anam's household in Paris — Gui-gui— Important event for Ozanam — M. Fauriel's death — Nominated Professor for life — Letters on this subject to Ampere and Foisset — Regret of the pupils of the College Stanislas at losing him — their letter to Ozanam — His conscientiousness as an ex- aminer — Nomination of his father-in-law, AL Soulacroix, as Chef de Division in the Ministry of Public Instruction— Birth of his child— Joys and duties of fatherhood — Summer residence at Nogent — His History of Christian Civilization amongst the Germans^ !&? CHAPTER XVIII.— 1846. Health giving way, but work uninterrupted — Lectures to working-men — The laborer rehabilitated by Christianity— The law of labor universal — Labor in the Church — Labor the law of regeneration — Examinations for the Baccalaureat — Ozanam attacked by a malignant fever — Sent on a literary mission to Italy, iS3 CHAPTER XIX.— 1846-47. Winter in Rome — Two volumes the result of his present journey — Pius IX. at the Church of St. Apollinarius — Ozanam's enthusiasm for the Pope — Easter Sunday at St. Peter's — Enthusicism of the Romans — Por- trait of Pius IX. — Private audience with the Pope — Little Marie — Re- searches in the library at the Abbey of Monte Cassino — National banquet in Rome — Torchlight procession to the Quirinal — Dreaming in the star- light — Ozanam's idea of Democracy — Real and ideal Republic — Policy of Pius IX. — Principle of religion and liberty — Ozanam's hopeful view of the Pope's reforms — The amount of liberty enjoyed without prejudice to order, the measure of a nation's moral strength — Tour homewards — Siena, Bologna, Padua, Assisi, Venice — Attractions of Venice — Home with restored health— through Switzerland and Belgium, . . .193 CHAPTER XX.— 1847. Ozanam's work, Les Poetes Franciscains, the fruit of this journey to Italy — St. Gregory and St. Ambrose — St. Francis of Assisi — *' My Ladye Poverty" — "Our brother, my lord the Sun" — Tomb of St. Francis — Cimabue, Giotto — Frere Pacifique, St. Bonaventure — Jacopone di Todi, the herald of Dante— .^////# Flowers of St. Francis, . . . . aio viii Contenh. CHAPTER XXL— 1848. PAGE Elaborate prolamine of Ozanam's great work — Revolution of February — Ozanam's manner of judging politics — Attacked by the press — the camp of monarchs — Louis Quatorze — " Passons aux Barbares ! " — Oza- nam's estimate of the revolution — Declines becoming a candidate for election to the Assemblee Nationale — He enters the lists as a journalist, 223 CHAPTER XXH.— 1848-49. The Avenir — Retrospect of Catholic journalism — Abbe Migne and the Univers — Abbe Gerbet — The Ere Nouvelle started by Ozanam and the Pere Lacordaire — Election of Lacordaire to the National Assembly — Ozanam's zeal in propagating Christian democratic principles — Extracts from the Ere Nouvelle — Ozanam's courage in this national crisis — On duty as a National Guard — The Archbishop of Paris, at the request of Ozanam, M. Bailly, and M, Cornudet, goes forth as peace-maker — The Archbishop killed at the barricades — Ozanam's disappointment at the results of the Revolution — His extraordinary activity at this time — State of Paris after the Revolution — Picture of misery in the Faubourgs — Oza- nam's crusade against the gospel of despair — Radical causes of the evil ' sought to be discovered — Apathy of the Government — The Ere Nou-.- ; - - velle^s career closed — Letter to a Freethinker — A new paper started — the Mojiiieur Reiigieux — Ozanam promises occasional assistance — Con- troversy with the Univers — Denounced as a deserter — Bears witness to himself 231 CHAPTER XXni.— 1850-51. Ozanam's health again a cause of serious alarm — Tour in Brittany — the Bretons — the pardon of St. Anne d'Auray — Legends of Brittany — The interests of the poor — Morlaix — Hospitality — political feeling — Comic incidents — Burlesque poem addressed to M. Ampere — Political decom- position of society — State proselytism — Pere^ Lacordaire — Country rest- %^Jj y dence at Sceaux, near Paris — Friendship with Ampere — Faithful and tender letter to him, and the response it met with — Visit to London — the Crystal Palace — The true greatness of London — Its wealth and its pauperism — St. Paul's — Incident connected with his first visit to West- minster Abbey — Catholicism in England — Class feeling — Visit to Ox- ford — Return to Sceaux — Letter to Ampere — pleasant prospects, . . 255 CHAPTER XXIV.— 1852. Ozanam again dangerously ill — Letter to an old schoolfellow whose faith had been shipwrecked in the study of profane science — Leaves from his ' own experience — Conquests of the Gospel — Last appearance at the Sor- bonne — Removal to Eaux-Bonnes for the benefit of the waters — Founds a Conference there — Intercourse with the Abbe Perreyve — Leaves Eaux- Contents IX FAOE Bonnes for BiauriU — Tour in the Pyrenees — Pilgrimage to B«tharram, a shrine of the fifteenth century — Parting with Perreyve — Proposed as a member for the Institut — Stolen glimpse of Spain — A few days at Bur- gos — Souvenir of this rapid excursion : A Pilgrimage to the Land of t/ie Cid — Burgos under three separate aspects — Farewell to Sfkain — jxjetic invocation to Notre Dame de Burgos — Pilgrimage to Notre Dame de Buglosse — St. Vincent's oak-tree — The old priest at Buglosse, and his advice — Threatening symptoms reappear, aya CHAPTER XXV. Ozanam's early-formed plan never lost sight of throughout his literary and professional career — His reluctance to allow his lectures at the Sorbonne to be reported at last overcome — success of the experiment — The post- humous volumes on the Civilisation au Cinquilme Slide — His literary testament, being the preface to that wck— The Middle Ages— Gibbon's thesis — How viewed by Ozanam — Good Friday, a. d. 1300— Paganism of the Roman Empire— Slavery— The poor— Fall of the Empire— St. Augustine — Change effected by Christianity on the social position of woman — The Latin tongue saved by Christianity — the Vulgate — The bridge between antiquity and barbarism bridged over by Ozanam — Ora- nam's Civilization 0/ the Fifth Century crowned at the Acad^mie Fran- (jaise — Programme of the course of his whole work — Les Etudes Ger- vianiques — Radical unity of the Indo-European peoples — Conflict be- tween the Germans and the Romans — The mission of the Franks — Charlemagne — The mission of the Celtic race — Ireland : St. Columba, St. Brendan, St. Patrick — Lacordaire on Ozanam's power of oratory and erudition — Letter from Count de Montalembert to Madame Oza- nam — Dante et la Philosophie Catholique au treiziime siicle — The dif- ferent schools of Dantesque commentators — Ozanam's chief aim in his work on Dante— Philosophy of the Middle Ages— Secret of Dante's im- mortality — Ozanam's treatment of Beatrice — Multiform character of Dante's poem— Dante and Beatrice — Turning-points in Dante's life — Earlier works — The Divina Commedia—Dainie claimed by Ozanam as the prophet of democracy and of the revolutions of modem society — Exonerated from complicity in modem excesses — The question of Dante's orthodoxy — His invectives against the Roman court and certain Popes — Summoned before the Inquisition — Homer and Dante — Dante's phil- osophy ever the obedient handmaiden of theology — Ozanam's work and fts characteristics, CHAPTER XXVI.— 1853. Threshold of the closing scene — Journey to Italy — his admiration of the wort:s of God — Cathedral of Pisa— The library— Pleasure in his friends — Lenormant — Ampere — Multiplication of Conferences of the Society of St, Vincent de Paul in Italy — Guido P«dagi — Pisa and Genoa — aspect of y^Q Contents. PAGS the churches— Protestant efforts— Fourierism and Socialism — Incident in connection with the foundation of Conferences in Tuscany — Dowager Grand-Duchess — His speech at the opening seance — Effect produced by its circulation — State of health at this time — His daily thanksgivings for particular mercies — " Little kindnesses " received from God — Letter to Ampere— His delight in prayer and meditation on Divine things, and in the reading of the Scriptures— Thoughts written on his last birthday — The Marquis de Salvo — Madame Recamier— Jewish convert to Chris- tianity — Improvement of health — old passion for work — Visit to Siena with a view to establish a Conference — Removal to Antignano — Letter to Padre Pendola, earnestly pleading with him to take the matter in hand — His success — two Conferences founded — Sympathy with do- mestic joys — Review of the Poetes Franciscains in the Revue des Deux Mondes — His candidature for the Institut abandoned— His "Odyssey" — increasing weakness — Flattering tokens received from the highest per- sonages during his stay in Tuscany — Visitors : the Ferruccis — ^brothers of St. Vincent de Paul— Goes to hear Mass— homage of the villagers — The old Cure of Antignano— Codicil to his will— Letter of the Abbe Perreyve — Last days at Antignano — Removal to Marseilles — The clos- ing scene, • 3^9 PREFACE. The following passages from a Review of the first edition of this Biography of Frederic Ozanara is the best preface I can give, at the request of the writer, to the second edition of this deeply intejresting narrative. HENRY EDWARD, Au£. IS, 1878. Cardinal Archbishop of Westminster, P6re Gratry has said somewhere in his writings that one dif- ference between the society of the Middle Ages and of these lat- ter centuries consists in this, " Society then was Catholic, and sustained men above themselves, but now Society is Catholic no longer, and drags men downwards with itself." The truth of this is to be seen perhaps more clearly in France and in this century than in any other period or country. The first French Revolution decatholicized the society of France. Its Catholicism has sur- vived in individuals, and yet they have, with exceptions indeed, shown the depressing and distorting power of the society into which they were born, and by which they were nurtured. What the Germans call the " Time-Spirit " is powerful everywhere, but it has shown its subtlety and its supremacy nowhere more visibly than in the noble and chivalrous race of Catholics who have so powerfully urged onward the reaction towards faith in France since the year 1830. M. de Broglie has said that the principles of 1789 were formu- lated and published not only as a charter for France but as a gos- pel for mankind. M. Thiers said to a bishop on his way to the Council, *' Do not attack the principles of 1789; whoso touches them touches the marrow of Frenchmen." They have penetrated into the intelligence and created a public opinion which affects even those who resist them. To this fact we may ascribe two phenomena strange and sad in the Catholic action of France for the last forty years; namely, that those who were labor* xii Preface, ing in the Catholic reaction to restore faith, piety, and fidelity to the Holy See, were divided, and opposed to each other, and that one band of men for whose devotion, piety, intellectual ele- vation, and chivalrous fidelity to the Catholic Church, every Catholic must have admiration, should have been so perceptibly, though, we believe, unconsciously, affected by the Time-Spirit created by the principles of 1789. Frederic Ozanam was one of the most brilliant of the brilliant band of Catholic writers in whom this can be traced. We are, therefore, desirous of making unmistakably clear our judgment on these points before we go on to express our profound admira- tion and affectionate sympathy with him and many of those who were associated with him in this noble conflict for the Catholic Faith against the infidel politics and Voltairean society of Paris and of France. The youth of France were the offspring of the infidel Univer- sity of the First Napoleon. Neither under the Restoration nor under the reign of Louis Philippe was its destructive influence counteracted. Society was either infidel and indifferent, or Vol- tairean — that is, infidel and scoffing. Such a society pulled down all its members ; and into such a society Frederic Ozanam was born. It might be divided into three classes. First came the non-Catholics, who believed nothing ; secondly, the Catholics who gave splendid examples of a perfect fidelity to the Church ; and, thirdly, those who may be called Catholics juxta tnodum ; that is to say, they were in some particulars and details affected by the Time-Spirit of their age and country. Nevertheless, among these were some of the noblest and most chivalrous sons of the Church, and some also of the most ardent and loving Christians and true soldiers of Jesus Christ. It seems to us that we ought to render justice to all such men, and we feel that we can do so without incurring a suspicion of our being "liberal Catholics." We have had our baptismus opprobriorum as Ultramontanes, and even as ultra-Catholic and ultra-ultramontane. Our chief mission has been to learn of the living voice of the Vicar of Jesus Christ, and to repeat his utterances with a perfect fidelity. We therefore claim to ourselves the freedom of speaking generously of those who, in our judgment, may not in some things have followed the guid- ance of the Holy See, for we have bought that freedom with the great price of no little odium, and no sparing censure for our extreme ultramontanism. It seems to us to be the duty of justice, not to speak of charity, Preface, xill that while we remain inflexible in our own attitude, we should en- deavor, as lar as possible, lo appreciate at its full all that is high, noble, truthful, and Catholic in them ; and while we note the point in which we believe them to have come short, to render to their lives, characters, and memories the fullest recollection of what they were. We say iheir memories, because of those of whom we have to speak hardly one survives. Between the years 1830 and 1850 there arosj in France a group of men whose lives have left an indelible mark upon their country. The period of De Maistre and Chateaubriand was followed by that of Lamennais, De Bonald, De Salignis, Gerbet, Lacordaire, Montalembert, Ozanam, Rio, Combalot, Cociiin, and in its later time, Gratry ; and, we must add, as a youthful disciple called away before he had inscribed his name by toil, Henry Perreyve. While conscious of divergencies and deviations in certain things, it was impossible not to see and to love the noble charac- ter of these men. Endowed with great natural gifts, and with wide and various cultivation, there was one thing in common with them all — a great mental beauty, and a great breadth of heart. No one can have read the writings of Gerbet, Rio, Ozanam, Montalembert, and Gratry, nobody can have known Henry Per- reyve, without seeing and feeling the singular beauty of their in- telligence, and the generous impulses of their character. We have no fear in rendering this just and afiectionate tribute to their memory; and if in anything we have at times strongly op- posed their way of judging and speaking, we never forgot, and never shall cease to declare, that they were noble sons of France, which had marked them for its own with some of the best tokens of its less stable age. There is also another truth to be born in mind. If we were to try the language of some of the Antcnicene Fathers by the terminology fixed by the Council of Nicaea, we should find matter for criticism. In like manner if we were to try the writings of some of the noblest and most fervent de- fenders of the Catholic Faith and of the Holy See in France by the later tests of the Syllabus and of the Vatican Council, we should commit an injustice. At that period we might have been as they were, without an exact terminology, and with questions as yet undecided. • Ozanam's studies were completed by the age of twenty-two ; and in eighteen years he accomplished all that he has left behind of finished writings, and all that he wrought into the hearts and lives of the youth of France in the widespread revival of Faith, xiv Preface. which is expanding to this day. They were eighteen years of great intellectual and spiritual intensity. One word spoken by a mind raised to the pitch of its powers does more than a thou- sand scattered from an unimpassioned mind. We have rarely seen clearer evidence of mental intensity than in Frederic Oza- nam. It may be well believed that it was not only the energy of a mind inflamed with the love of God, but that the keen energy of a nervous system which daily consumed itself added to the inten- sity of the will. There can be no doubt that he accomplished the vow of his youth by spending and being spent to the last beat of his pulse for " the Truth which had given him peace." Although Ozanam chose literature for his calling in life, and although he refused again and again the proposal to enter the Legislature, or to be called a politician, and that, too, with a de- clared purpose of working out social reforms in distinction from political, nevertheless he avowed himself explicitly to be a repub- lican. This we have no doubt has caused him to incur the cen- sure of Legitimists, Royalists, Imperialists, and even to lose the perfect confidence of loyal Catholics, who associate order and obedience with monarchy, and, if not anarchy, at least instability of both public and private morals with republicanism. This was especially true in France, where the name of Republic and the reality were identified with 1793 and the Phrygian cap of re- volution. We shall not be suspected of republicanism, or want of loyalty to the great English monarchy of a thousand years, founded broad and deep in the natural order of prudence and justice by our Catholic forefathers, and subsisting to this day, the only commonwealth against which revolutions have broken them- selves in vain, — we say we shall not be suspected of republican- ism, or of any uncatholic tendency in politics, if we clear Frede- ric Ozanam also from any such suspicion. We have heard it said that no republican can be a good Catho- lic. We would commend this dictum to the conscience of Cardi- nal McCloskey and to the pastors and people of the Catholic Church of the United States ; or, to come nearer home, we would commend it to the deliberation of Mgr. Mermillod, who would, we imagine, distinguish between the Helvetian republic and the gang of infidels and persecutors who now tyrannize over Geneva. But we may even go further, and remind those who censure Oza- nam's politics, of the republics of Venice, Florence, Pisa, and Genoa, of the Catholic chivalry which issued from them, and of the Saints who sprung from them. Preface. xv Now, it was precisely the mediaeval Christian and Catholic re- public which fascinated and filled Ozanam's mind. In it he saw the check and balance which would have saved France from the excesses of its later kings, and, therefore, from the sanguinary and anarchical reaction called the Revolution. His indignant lamentations over the state of the people of Paris ; his burning zeal for the poor, whose degradation in poverty, ignorance, and depravity he, as a Brother of St. Vincent de Paul, saw with his own eyes, and relieved with his own hands — all this made him pray and toil for a Christian equality of brotherhood such as he had read of in the commonwealth of Israel. Perhaps the instinct of a theocratic commonwealth ran in the blood of a Hozannam by direct inheritance. But we can find for Ozanam another plea. In the years when he was entering into the studies of his manhood there appeared in France a book which has, more than almost any other, mould- ed and directed the political thought of the nineteenth century ; wc mean De Tocqueville's "Democracy in America."* We shall better convey our own meaning by simply letting De Tocque- ville express his. In his Introduction to his work he writes as follows : " The more I studied American society, the more I perceived that the equality of conditions is the fundamental fact from which all others seem to be derived, and the central point at which all my observations constantly terminated. I then turned my thoughts to our own hemisphere, where I imagined that I discerned something analogous to the spectacle which the New World presented to me. I observed that the equality of conditions b daily progressing towards those extreme limits which it seems to have reached in the United States; and that the demo- cracy which governs the American communities appears to be rapidly rising into power in Europe." (P. 13.) He ascribes this equality chiefly to the action of the Catholic Church : "Soon (he says) the political power of the clergy was founded, and began to exert itself ; the clergy opened its ranks to all classes — to the poor and to the rich, the villain and the lord ; equality penetrated into the government through the Church, and the being who, as a serf, must have vegetated in perpetual bondage, took his place as a priest in the midst of nobles, and not unfrequently above the heads of kings." (P. 15.) After saying that everj' fifty years has levelled France more and more nearly after the model of America, he s^'S : " Nor is this phenomenon at all peculiar to France. Whithersoever we turn our ♦ " Democracy in America " : Reeve's translation. London : 1865. xvi Preface. eyes, we shall witness the same continual revolution throughout the whole of Christendom. The various occurrences of national existence have everywhere turned to the advantage of democracy. All men have aided it by their exertions: those who have intentionally labored in its cause, and those who have served it un- wittingly ; those who have fought for it, and those who have declared themselves its opponents — have all been driven along in the same track, have all labored to one end, some ignorantly and some unwillingly ; all have been blind instruments in the hands of God. The gradual development of the equality of conditions is therefore a providential fact, and it possesses all the characteristics of a Divine decree : it is universal, it is durable, it constantly eludes all human interference and all events as well as all men contribute to its progress." (Pp. ig, 20.) " The whole book which is here offered to the public has been written under the impression of a kind of religious dread produced on the author's mind by the con- templation of so irresistible a revolution, which has advanced for centuries in spite of such amazing obstacles, and which is still proceeding in the midst of the ruins it has made." (P. 21.) " The Christian nations of our age seem to me to present a most alarming spec- tacle ; the impulse which is bearing them along is so strong that it cannot be stopped, but it is not yet so rapid that it cannot be guided : their fate is in their hands ; yet a little while and it may be so no longer. The first duty which is at this time imposed upon those who direct our affairs is to educate the democracy : to warm its faith, if that be possible ; to purify its morals ; to direct its energies ; to substitute a knowledge of business for its inexperience, and an acquaintance with its true interests for its blind propensities ; to adapt its government to time and place, and to modify it in compliance with the occurrences and the actors of the age. A new science of politics is indispensable to a new world." (P. 22,) " Zealous Christians may be found amongst us, whose minds are nurtured in the love and knowledge of a future life, and who readily espouse the cause of human liberty, as the source of all moral greatness. Christianity, which has declared that all men are equal in the sight of God, will not refuse to acknowledge that all citi- zens are equal in the sight of the law. But, by a singular concourse of events, re- ligion is entangled in those institutions which democracy assails, and it is not un' frequently brought to reject the equality it loves, and to curse that cause of liberty as a foe, which it might hallow by its alliance." (Pp. 31, 32.) He then sums up the saddest feature of our times — the unna- tural and fratricidal conflicts of those who have common interests, and are combining for the same ends. It is as if At6 had come between men. " The religionists are the enemies of liberty, and the friends of liberty attack re- ligion ; the high-minded and the noble advocate subjection, and the meanest and most servile minds preach independence; honest and enlightened citizens are op- posed to all progress, whilst men without patriotism and without principles are the apostles of civilization and of intelligence." (Pp. 33, 34.) We cannot leave De Tocqueville's name without adding that he was born of a fervent Catholic Breton family ; that, like too many Frenchmen, he became practically indifferent ; but that he ended his days in Cannes with the pastoral care of the cur6 and the watchful service of a Sister of Charity. Preface. xvll Now, we can hardly believe that Ozanam had not become fa- miliar with De Tocqueville's thesis, and we might venture to as- sert with De Tocqueville's writings. If so, we have the key to the passages which we now add, in which Ozanam pours out his whole political creed. His biographer, who evidently has studied all his works, has summed up his mind as follows : " The philosophy of history, as he interpreted it, had led him to beUeve that there is no real meaning or character in the movement of human society unless through all its changes and convulsions we can discern a steady and continual pro- gress through Christianity to the dignity of freedom. This condition of freedom, which he held as essential to the welfare and happiness of communities, he consid- ered equally indispensable to the Church. He was consequently intolerant of the least bondage for her, and impatient that a Christian people should tolerate it, when at the same time they were, perhaps, fighting manfully for the emancipation of their country. If the Church were free, free in the fullest sense of the word- free to guide, to rule, and to teach mankind — then all legitimate freedom would follow." (Pp. 283.) " ' A struggle is preparing,' he says, ' between the classes, and it threatens to be terrible ; let us precipitate ourselves between these hostile ranks so as to deaden the shock, if we cannot prevent it.' In 1836 he wrote to his friend Lallier : ' The question which agitates the world to-day is not a question of political formsy but a social question ; if it be the struggle of those who have nothing, with those who have too much ; if it be the violent shock of opulence and poverty which is mak- ing the ground tremble under our feet, our duty, as Christians, is to throw our- selves between these irreconcilable enemies, and to induce one side to give, in order to fulfil the law, and the other to receive, as a benefit ; to make one side cease to exact, and the other to refuse ; to render equality as general as it is possi- ble amongst men ; to make voluntary community of possession to replace taxation and forced loans ; to make charity accomplish what justice and law alone can never do.' He adhered to this political creed all his life. Twelve years later, on the eve of the ' violent shock' which his far-seeing sagacity foretold, he repeats, as in his student days, * It is a social question ; do away with misery. Christianize the peo- ple, and you will make an end of revolutions.' " (Pp. 304.) ** The first duty of Christians, now, is not to be frightened ; and the second is not to frighten others ; but, on the contrary, to reassure the timorous, and to make them understand that the present crisis is like a storm that cannot last." (P. 318.) " Here we are in this great and opulent metropolis for the last seven weeks with- out a government or a regular police, and yet we hear of no more murders, robber- ies, or other misdemeanors than before. Don't believe those evil-minded persons who go about spreading absurd stories ; there is not a word of truth in them, and nothing is more contrary to the dispositions of the population of Paris, who on every occasion seek to show resp&ct to religion and sympathy to the clergy. My friend, the Ahbfe Cherruel, who has blessed thirteen trees of liberty, has been quite affected by the proofs of faith which he found amidst this people, where, since 1815, the priest has been taught to see only enemies of God and of the Church. Occupy yourself as much with servants as with masters, with workmen as much as vith employers. This is henceforth the only means of salvation for the Church of T-viii Preface. France. The cur^iS must set aside their pious parish congregations, little flocks of good sheep in the midst of an enormous population to whom the parish priest is a stranger. He must henceforth occupy himself, not only with the indigent, but with that immense class of poor who do not ask for alms, but who are, neverthe- less, attracted by social preaching, by charitable associations, by the affection that is shown to them, and which teaches them more than we think. Now, more than ever, we ought to meditate on a beautiful passage in the 2d chapter of the Epistle of St. James, which seems as if it had been written expressly for these times." (Pp. 319.) Once more, in a passage which we reluctantly abridge, he brings out the profound conviction of his mind that the infidel revolution is the ranting and malaria of a land where the " salt has lost its savor " : " It is within, not without, that we must seek for the sources of men's happiness and its principal enemies," he declares ; " and we shall have done nothing, abso- lutely nothing, so long as we have not carried light and reform into those internal disorders which time does not right, which are more incurable than diseases, which Jast longer than the chomage^ and go on multiplying pauperism long after the grass of the graveyard has effaced the last traces of civil war. God did not make the poor ; He sends no human creatures into the chances of this world with- out providing them with those two sources of riches, which are the fountain of all others — intelligence and will. . . . Why should we hide from the people what they know, and flatter them like bad kings? It is human liberty that makes the poor; it is that which dries up those two primitive fountains of wealth, by al- lowing intelligence to be quenched in ignorance, and will to be weakened by mis- conduct. The working-men know it better than we do. . . . God forbid that we should calumniate the poor whom the Gospel blesses, or render the suffering classes responsible for their misery ; thus pandering to the hardness of those bad hearts that fancy themselves exonerated from helping the poor man when they have proved his wrong-doing. . . . But while we have put crushing taxes on salt, meat, and all necessaries of life, we have not yet discovered in the arsenal of our fiscal laws the secret of arresting the multiplication of distilleries, of raising the price of alcoholic liquors, of restricting the sale of those detestable, adulterated, poisonous drinks that cause more sickness than all the rigors of the seasons, and make more criminals than all the injustice of men combined. What reforptis have you introduced into the public amusements of this Parisian population, so infatu- ated about pleasure, so ready to let itself be led to the ends of the earth, not with bread, as it has been said, but with amusement ? Last winter the Prefecture of Police delivered yi7«r thousand licenses /or night balls. The State puts no limit to those unhealthy diversions, which the good sense of our fathers contracted within the six weeks of the Carnival. Every year it authorizes the opening of a new thea- tre in some wretched haunt of the Faubourgs, where the sons and daughters of the people are fed nightly upon the scum of a literature whose cynicism would revolt the chastity of the opera pit. And when, for six months of the year, the youth of the working classes have spent their evenings and their nights in these horrible dens, where their health runs as much danger as their morals, you are surprised to see them turn out miserable puny creatures, incapable of supplying the military contingent, but supplying innumerable recruits every year to the prisons and the hospitals ! Let us not imagine we have done our duty by the people when we have taught them to read, and write, and count- ■ . . When it was a question of Preface. xix crushing out the last embers of the insurrection, there was no need of delays and formalities to pitch twenty camps in the Boulevards of Paris, and up to the very doors of the Hotel de Ville ; and here we are, after four months, when in the 12th arrondissement alone there are 4,000 children without shelter — here we are still struggling amidst adjournments, motions, and debates, fighting to overcome I know not what scruples of committees, boards, administrations, and the rest of it, who are terrified that the State will be ruined and overturned if the education of the young ouvriers is confided to sisters and brothers, to teachers capable, that is, of teaching them something more than how to spell out the syllables of the news- paper, and to scrawl the ordre dej'our of the barricades on the walls with a piece of coal." (Pp. 334-335.) " ' The poor devils,' he said, ' who are beguiled to the barricades, but who are Christians at heart, are ready to melt at a word of kindness.' " (P. 277.) In all this we see a profound faith in the words of the Holy Scriptures. ** Sanabiles fecit Deus nationes super terras." He believed the nations to be sick because their faith had almost given way under the spiritual, moral, and physical conditions of their life. But he profoundly believed in the healing power of God through the Church and the ever-renewing health of the genera- tions of man. France, it is said, had once two-and-twenty thou- sand leprosy hospitals, but they have disappeared together with the leprosy which called them into existence. So he believed that the social evils of France were to be healed by the power of Christianity upon the heart of man. " Christianize the masses"; this was his gospel and his political creed — a creed which has a higher sanction from St. Gregory the Great to Pius the Ninth. And the mention of this august nanxe reminds us that we can- not better close this hearty tribute to a beautiful mind and a noble life than by the words in which Ozanam professed his filial and loving obedience to the Vicar of Jesus Christ. The winter of 1846-1847 Ozanam passed in Rome. It was at the beginning of the Pontificate of Pius IX. On Easter Sunday he wrote thus: " This is the moment to speak to you of the Papacy, now that I have just as- sisted at its most solemn pageants, and am still under the spell of the emotion called up by that most thrilling specUcle which is to be seen on earth, the Papal Mass and the benediction of the Urbi et orbi." (P. 265.) Ozanam was received by the Holy Father with the most fatherly affection, and it was returned by a filial love which inspired his whole soul with the loyalty of a chivalrous Catholic. At a public meeting, on his return from Rome, he said: " I believe the future has serious troubles in store for Pius IX. I believe it for his greater glory. God does not raise up such men for ordinary difficulties. If this great Pontiff had only to cope with the over-enthusiasm, the eagerness of his peo- ple — a thing that so few Drinces have to complain of— his mission would be an easy XX Preface. one ; it would fill too small a place in history ; his bark would glide over tranquil waters. We must look out for the tempest. But let us not fear, like the disciples of little faith ; Christ is in the boat, and He is not sleeping ; never has He been more wakeful than in these present days." (P. 280.) Such was Frederic Ozanam, a pure and noble soul, on fire with charity to all men, especially to the poor ; consumed by zeal in the service of truth ; pious, with a filial tenderness ; exemplary in every path of life ; more eloquent in the supernatural beauty of his thoughts than in the loving words which fell from his lips; more illuminated with the ardor of Christian faith than with the manifold lights of literary cultivation : such a man bore in him a Catholic heart full of all instinctive loyalty, as ready to give his life for a jot or tittle of the faith, or for a definition of the Divine authority of the Church, as he was to counsel the Archbishop of Paris to tread in the steps of the good Shepherd, and to lay down his life for his sheep. May God raise up on every side laymen like Frederic Ozanam ! H. E., C. A, PREFACE TO THK PRESENT EDITION Vincentians and Catholics generally of this and other English- speaking communities, particularly such as are interested in the history and development of Catholic charitable endeavors, will be much gratified to learn of the purpose of the Christian Press Association to issue another English edition of the life and works of Frederic Ozanam, that brilliant Catholic scholar, that true follower of St. Vincent de Paul, that great exemplar of the zealous Christian charit>'-worker, whose entire history is one continued recital of beautiful acts of self-sacrifice and benevolent deeds entering into a life unselfishly devoted to the alleviation of the wants, and the lessening of the miseries and ills of the poor, the suffering and the afflicted. How few comparatively there are who know anything of the wonderful work performed by this man of God ! The histories and biographies of noted warriors and famous statesmen are usually read with avidity and admiration. It is universally ad- mitted that such men have accomplished good and that the world was much better for their existence. It is not surprising, there- fore, to find that, in the perusal of the histories of these great characters, there sometimes comes stealing o'er us, a feeling of pride in the realization of the fact that these men who have left their impress upon the pages of history and whose deeds of valor and renown have been handed down from generation to generation were, after all, human like ourselves. Why is it then, that so few take interest or pleasure in pe- rusing the histories of those saintly warriors, those God-fearing, God-loving men and women who have labored zealously for the advancement of the interests of the poor, the down-trodden and the defenceless? The world at large knows perchance a little of the wonderful works accomplished by the great and good St. Vincent de Paul, but his saintly follower, Frederic Ozanam, the founder of our beloved Society of St. Vincent de Paul, is com- iii iv Preface, paratively unknown. Yet, in charity work, these saintly men have made history, and the methods adopted and put into operation by them for the adequate relief of the poor are well-established principles, recognized and followed by the leading charitable or- ganizations of the present day. In this age of enlightenment, when people apparently have gone mad over the question of modernized charitable or philan- thropic methods, is it not a matter of interest to Catholics to know that, with all our vaunted and much-heralded progress, with all the wonderful advances made in the so-called scientific charitable field, there is comparatively little of lasting value em- ployed that does not owe its origin to the inspiration of that great apostle of charity — St. Vincent de Paul. Moreover, many, very many of our so-called modern methods are but counterparts of those actually used centuries ago by St. Vincent de Paul and his disciples. Seventy-eight years ago, Ozanam, patterning his work on the plans outlined by St. Vincent de Paul, organized the Society which has grown to such large proportions that to-day it occupies a very conspicuous place in the history of relief - giving societies. Alexander Johnson, a non-Catholic charity- worker of national repute and for many years Secretary of the National Conference of Charities and Correction of the United States of America, thus writes of Ozanam: "The name of Frederic Ozanam deserves a high place in the list of benefactors of his race, and the motives which animated him should be emulated by us all to-day, whether we are Catholic or non-Catholic. * * * The principles set forth more than seventy-five years ago by the young law student in Paris, are now the common possession of the civilized world. Unfortunately, we know them better than we practise them. . . . Ozanam perceived the principle, now universally accepted wherever organized charity is known, that you do not really help people unless you help them to be better men and women. Not merely the bread that perishes, but the alms of counsel and good advice, was to be given. More than all he taught that the relation between giver and receiver must be a personal one, that we cannot discharge our duty to our poor neighbor by a gift to some society- or institution, good and necessary as such gifts are, but that we must visit the needy in their afflictions, not sending, but going." " May God raise up on every side laymen like Frederic Oza- Preface. v nam," was the beautiful tribute, penned years ago by the venerated Cardinal Manning in the concluding paragraph of his preface to the first edition of the fascinating and soul-inspiring life of Ozanam. Surely does the Cardinal's prayer find a most responsive echo in the hearts of all who have given any thought or heed to present day conditions of charity work. Never was the time more opportune or appropriate for the promulgation of the doctrines taught and practised by Ozanam and the members of the first Conference of the Society of St. Vincent de Paul. Charity, devoid of the softening influence of religion, is cold and forbidding. Unfortunately, the trend of secularized charity work in the United States to-day seems to be drifting away from religion and religious influences. With others, who have spent almost a lifetime in an endeavor to further the cause of Catholic charity, the writer often has ex- perienced the pangs of sadness when compelled to realize that, outside of the Catholic Church, the great philanthropic leaders who are working mightily for the social uplift of the people inject very little, if any, religious motives into their work. The recognition of this absence of religion in social work becomes more discouraging when one pauses to consider the dreadful prospects such Godless charity unfolds. Dispense with religious influences in your treatment of the ills of the poor and you thereby deprive those already sorely-afflicted unfortunates of the strength and inspiration necessary to help them bear with resigna- tion the sufferings and privations of this life. Take away from them the thought of an hereafter and you do much to create in them a spirit of anarchy and unrest which will be difficult to control. In organizing the Society of St Vincent de Paul, Frederic Ozanam, following the inspiration of St. Vincent de Paul, framed its rules on the same principles and ideas that were in vogue in the seventeenth century. He saw that people were falling away from religion and becoming discontented, and that to bring them back to practical Christianity, something more than words was necessary. " Alas ! " he exclaimed, " We see the divisions which exist in society growing deeper and wider every day. It is not political opinions that divide men; it is their interests that sunder them. Here is the camp of the rich, there the camp of the poor. One only means of salvation remains to us, that is, that Christians vi Preface, in the name of love, interpose between the two camps, passing like beneficial deserters from one to the other, collecting abun- dant alms from the rich, and resignation from the poor, carrying gifts to the poor and words of gratitude to the rich, teaching them on both sides to look upon each other as brothers, and communicating mutual charity to all until this charity, paralyzing and stifling the egotism of both parties, and every day lessening their antipathies, shall bid the two camps arise and break down the barriers of prejudice, and cast aside their weapons of anger, and march forth to meet each other, not to fight, but to mingle together in peace and good will." The injection of Ozanam's strong personality into the work served to attract to it a number of young students whose Cath- olicity was so strong, whose faith in God was so deep that, in the midst of a school of infidelity, irreligion and immorality, they stood boldly forward publicly proclaiming their belief in God's church and their loyalty to everything Catholic. Would that our Catholic young men of to-day would strive to emulate the ex- ample of those brave young Parisians ! Never was the time more opportune for the spread of the spirit of charity as taught by St. Vincent de Paul and carried out in detail by that greatest of Catholic laymen of the nineteenth century — Frederic Ozanam. In our large universities and so-called non-sectarian colleges, where the Catholic student is necessarily brought into contact with men of no religious views, there is need to-day of an Ozanam to stand forth and encourage his fellow Catholic stu- dents to strive manfully for the preservation of religion, for the injection of God in sociological work, if the betterment of God's poor through supernatural motives is to be accomplished. To-day the world gives abundant proofs of the wonderful forethought of Ozanam. He builded better than he knew, for, at the present time, conferences of the Society of St. Vincent de Paul are to be found in every civilized country of the world. Though much progress has been made by the Society in the United States, greater good could be accomplished did we have sufficient numbers to cope with the work. The demand for workers is very great; those of us who are brought daily into intimate contact with the poor, realize fully that unless the re- ligious people of all communities come forward and show by their actions that they are devoted to the interests of God's poor, that they have the welfare of their fellow creatures at heart. Preface. vii the muffled mutterings of discontent will constantly grow louder and more bitter and eventually break forth into anarchy. Keeping charity closely identified with religion, so that they who labor for the benefit of humankind may be inspired by the love of Christ, and that they whom the workers endeavor to assist may be brought to realize that what is done is intended for their social and moral uplift is the only practical way in which to carry on efficient charity work. This is what our grand So- ciety of St. Vincent de Paul is endeavoring to do. As a conse- quence the charity workers of every denomination, recognizing the higher aims and motives of our members, gladly enlist our aid in every movement looking to the betterment of the condition of the poor and lowly. Earnest Vincentians are striving daily to augment their num- bers by bringing into the ranks of the Society active, intelligent and God-fearing young men who will willingly devote their time and energies in an effort to carry on the work organized and undertaken by Ozanam and his brave little band of student fol- lowers. Personally, it is a source of much comfort and pleasure to me to know that a newer and enlarged edition of Ozanam's life is contemplated, for I am confident that its publication must mean much added interest in the life-work of him, who was at once the champion of the faith and the champion of the poor. Would that a copy of this new book could be placed in the hands of every Catholic young man in the land, for I am certain that no one can read this beautiful portrayal of the life and character of one of God's chosen men, without experiencing within himself an earnest desire to emulate his example. Ozanam's life and Ozanam's work are daily inspirations. " May God," to quote Cardinal Manning, " raise up on every side laymen like Frederic Ozanam." THOMAS M. MULRY, President, Superior Council of New York, Society of St. Vincent de Paul. FREDERIC OZANAM. CHAPTER I. 1813-1831. The Ozanams would seem to be one of those races where virtue and science are an entailed inheritance, descending like heirlooms from one generation to another. For more than three centuries every generation produced some dis- tinguished man of science, and invariably counted one, fre- quently several, members in the service of the sanctuary. There is still preserved amongst the family treasures a MS- Office of Our Lady, in Gothic characters, and illuminated with delicate skill, by Elizabeth Ozanam, a nun of the Ursu- line convent in the fifteenth century. In the last pages of the book the genealogy of the elder branch of the Ozanams is recorded, each generation inscribing its names and dates individually. Not satisfied, however, with this noble family tree, the Ozanams trace back its roots to immemorial tradition. In the first page * of the family records we read that one Jere- miah Hozannam,t a praetor m the 38th Roman Legion, came over to Gaul with Julius Caesar, after the conquest of Segu- via, — a country situated between the Jura and the Alps, — and received as his share of the conquered territory a can- • If this fabulous genealogy were claimed by any but a Jewish family, we should feel bound to dismiss it forthwith as beneath the serious notice of a biographer. Without, however, attributing to the story more tlian a legendary importance, it is too picturesque to be omitted. + Hozannam is the plural of Hozanna, according to the Hebrew custom of writing family names in that number. I 1 jl( i Lif' and Works of Frederic Ozanam, ton called Bellignum, lying north of Lyons, and known later as the village of Boulignieux. Jeremiah reclaimed this waste land, which was covered with woods and swamps, and founded there a little Jewish colony. He died in the year 43 before Christ, the same year that Caesar was assas- sinated. He had many children, but the eldest is the only one whose genealogy has come down to us. He starts the long ancestral line in which Jacob, Ishmael, Elias, Abimelech, Jehoshaphat, Shem, etc. etc., pass on like a procession of wit- nesses vindicating the pure Jewish origin of the race. The march is uninterrupted until the beginning of the seventh cen- tury, when St. Didier, placing the cross in its way, stops it. The saint, having denounced Queen Brunhaut's wicked man- ner of life, was pursued by that sanguinary princess, and fled for security to a forest near Boulignieux, where Samuel Ho- zannam, the then chief of the tribe, sheltered him with native hospitality. St. Didier repaid it by baptizing him and his people in the true faith, and henceforth we see Matthias, John, Peter, and other Christian names intermingling more and more with the old Hebrew ones. The saint was seized at last by the emissaries of Brunhaut, and strangled on the banks of a little stream called the Renom, where, in course of time, a village arose, and was called St. Didier de Renom. Benedict, grandfather of the subject of this memoir, was the first to suppress one n and the initial If in the family name, which from this time forth we see written " Ozanam." Benedict was nephew of Jacques Ozanam, the famous ma- thematician, whose panegyric was written by Fontenelle, and whose quaint saying, significant enough of his times, has been so often quoted by his contemporaries : '* It is the . business of the doctors of the Sorbonne to dispute, that of the pope to dogmatize, and of mathematicians to go to heaven by the perpendicular." Such is the story of the remoter ancestors of Frederic. Antoine, his father, when a very young man, was forced, by the law of conscription, to serve in the army for five years. Life and Works of Frederic Ozanam 3 He entered a hussar regiment, and made the Italian campaign under Napoleon, then only a general, and had his share in the glories of Lodi, Areola, Pavia, Rivoli, etc. He received five wounds on one field of battle ; in spite of this, and dis- armed, he captured the Neapolitan general, Prince de Catto- lica, and led him prisoner to Bologna, a feat which establish- ed his reputation for valor and soldiership. When the wars of the Republic were over, Antoine, un- willing to serve under the Empire, returned to his native town, Lyons, and soon after married Mademoiselle Nantas, the daughter of a wealthy merchant of that city. He de- voted himself to commercial pursuits, and so successfully that in a few years he was in possession of a handsome for- tune. He then came to reside in Paris, where he lived very happily, until one day he gave his signature to a near relative who was in pecuniary diflSculties. The kind but imprudent act resulted in his complete ruin. Everything was lost; even his furniture was sold ofld The Emperor heard of it, and »ent him at once a brevet of captain in his own guards, which he was just then raising, accompanied by a very flat- tering message to "the brilliant officer whose valor had made a lively impression on him." But Ozanam declined theoflfer; he could not forgive Bonaparte for having made a stepping-stone of the Republic to an Empire, and preferred to face the world, beggared as he was, in independence. His indomitable gayety and firmness of character enabled him to meet poverty with the same intrepidity with which he had faced death at the cannon's mouth. He left his wife and young children in Paris, and set out for Italy, where he had made some friends during his military stay, and where he hoped to turn his French education to better profit than in his own country. He met with great sympathy, and secured a sufficient number of lessons at Milan to enable him to send for his family and settle down there as a professor. Madame Ozanam and her children were accompanied by a faithful servant, who went by the name of Gui-gui amongst the chi? 4 Life and Works of Fredem Ozanam, dren — a wonderful typ of the old Fren h sfrvant that one hears of in records of former generations, but seldom, if in- deed ever, meets with in the present one* GuUgui shared her master's poverty and worked her fingers to the bone to add her mite to the common store in those first days of sud- den distress. M. Ozanam, while working hard at his "lessons," had begun to study medicine, and, thanks to his indefatigable industry, and to that inherited instinct of science which seemed the birthright of his name, he was able, at the end of two years, to pass his examinations with brilliant success, and very soon acquired a fine practice. He devoted a large share of his time to the poor, but his disinterested kindness showed itself more especially to the sick soldiers of the garrison. A terrible epidemic broke out at Milan, and raged with peculiar fury amongst the troops ; the two medi- cal men attached to the military hospital caught the fever and died. Dr. Ozanam volunteered to replace them, and, tak- ing up his abode in the hospital, he remained there till the end of the pestilence, with the sole unaided charge of several hundred invalids. It was during this memorable year, 1813, that his son Frederic was born, on the 13th of April. The entrance of the Austrians into Milan decided Dr. Ozanam to leave that city, it being repugnant to him to re- main under a rule that was no longer French. He returned once more to Lyons, where the fame of his medical skill had already travelled, so as to secure him soon after his arrival a sufficiently large practice. But although his practice in- creased rapidly, and placed him for many years at the head of his profession, Dr. Ozanam never became a rich man. Wealth was never his first aim ; he looked upon the medical profession as a sort of priesthood, and divided his labors al- most equally between the rich and the poor. His wife foi seventeen years seconded him nobly in this apostolate of charity. When they had both g-own old, and were no Ion- ?}/:s oj Ircdaic OzanaiTU 5 ger able to climb so nimbly up six and seven stories to the garrets where his poorer patients dwelt, they bound each other by a mutual promise not to go beyond the fourth story. Dr. Ozanam's infirm health made this limitation the more necessary, in that he was subject to a giddiness which seized him without warning at any moment. His wife, for her part, suffered from an oppression of the chest, which was increased almost to suflfocation by mounting stairs. Many a time the poor neighbors of those whom she was toiling up to sec have come out of their rooms and found her sitting on the stairs, panting for breath. The husband and wife were not always loyal in keeping to their mutual promise. More than once it happened that the doctor, coming discreetly down from the seventh floor, where some more than common misery had enticed him, came face to face with his wife treacherously climbing up to it. It was in coming from one of those abodes of poverty that he eventually met his death. Fami- liar as he was with the perils of the dark, broken stairs, he made a false step and fell, injuring himself so severely that he died the next day. He had had fourteen children, all of whom died in childhood, except a daughter, whom he lost at the age of nineteen, and three sons, of whom Frederic was the second. Frederic's childhood offers none of those picturesque or striking incidents that we like to discover in the dawn of great men. His one salient trait was an excessive sensibility to the sufferings of others. It is related that when little more than a baby, at Milan, he could never hear the little sweeps as they passed under his nursery windows of a morning cry- ing, ** Spazza camino ! spazza camino 1" without sitting up in liis cot to listen with an expression of intense pity on his face until the plaintive, childish voice died away ; then he would exclaim with a little sigh, "Poor spazza camino!'* and lie down again. This precocious sensibility did not, however, exclude a certain self-willed energy and vehemence of temper. He wa» 6 Life and Works of Frederic Ozanam. very fond of games, and very punctilious about keeping to fair play; but nothing could ever make him own that he was beaten ; when his playfellows insisted on his giving them this legitimate satisfaction, the child would stamp his small foot on the ground and protest that he *' would rather die than say it !" We find in a letter written to a confidential friend at the age of sixteen, a sort of autobiography of these early days, which is sufficiently characteristic to be regarded as tru hful in its self-judgment : " Now let me tell you," he says, ' "what I have been up to this day. They say I was very gentle and docile as a child, and they attribute this mainly to my feeble health ; but I account for it in another way. I had a sister, such a beloved sister 1 who used to take it in turns v/ith my mother to teach me, and whose lessons were so sweet, so well explained, so admirably suited to my childish comprehension as to be a real delig:ht to me. All things considered, I was pretty good at this period of my life, and, with the exception of some trifling peccadilloes, I have not much to reproach myself with. •'At seven years old I had a serious illness, which brought me so near death that everybody said I was saved by a miracle ; not that I wanted kind care : my dear father and mother hardly left my bedside for fifteen days and nights. I was on the point of expiring when suddenly I asked for some beer, [ had always disliked beer, but it saved me. I recovered, and sbc months tater my sister, my darling sister, died. Oh! what grief that was. Then I Degan to learn Latin, and to be naughty ; really and truly I believe I never was so wicked as at eight years old. And yet I was being educated by a kind father and a kind mother and an excellent brother ; I loved them dearly, and at this period I had no friends outside my family ; yet I was obstinate, passionate, disobedient. I was punished, and I rebelled against it. I used to write letters to my mother complaining of my punishments. I was lazy to the last degree, and used to plan all sorts of naughtiness in my mind. This is a true portrait of me as I was on first going to school at nine and a half years old. By degrees I improved ; emulation cured my laziness. I was very fond of my master ; I had some little success, which encouraged me. I studied with ardor, and at the same time I began to feel some emotions of pride. I must also confess that I exchanged a great number of blows with my companions. But I changed very much for the better when I entered the fifth class. I fell ill, and was obliged to go for a month to the country, to the house of a very kind lady, where I acquired some degree of polish, which I lost in great part soon after. " I grew rather idle in the fourth class, but I pulled up again in the third. It was then that I made my first Communion. O glad and bussed day « Life a'ld Works of Fredenc Ozanam. 7 nay my right hand wither and my tong:ue cleave to the rcx>f of my mouth if I ever forget thee I ' I had cbang:ed a good deal by this time ; I had become modest, gentle, and docile, more industrious and unhappily also rather scrtipaloas. I still continued proud and impatient." Although, looking back from the sustained energy of sixteen to these first beginnings, Frederic accuses himself of laziness, he was considered a dihgent h'ttle scholar from the time of his entrance into school until his leaving it ; but, like almost all children endowed with special gifts, there was a dispropor- tion in the way he applied himself— some studies were irk- some and distasteful to him, while others he found attractive and easy. He bestowed special pains, for instance, on his Latin, and displayed such a facility for Latin verses that his teacher, M. Legeay, a veteran classicist of the old school, thought it worth while preserving many of them, some of which he published in a biographical notice after his pupil's death. During his passage through the third and second class, be- tween thirteen and fourteen years of age, Frederic commenc- ed and very nearly completed a voluminous Latin poem on the taking of Jerusalem by Titus. The range of his juvenile muse was wide and ambitious, judging from the specimens preserved by M. Legeay. There were airy flights with the skylark, mystic communings with the moon and the stars, an adieu of Marie Antoinette to the Princess Elizabeth, written in stately Virgilian hexameters, hymns on sacred subjects, tender canticles to the Madonna. " I was often astounded at the strength and elevation of these young flights,** says M. Legeay ; " his analyses of sacred and ancient history were quite surprising. The subjects where he shone most were those which gave scope for religious and patriotic sentiments.'* At fourteen he entered the class of higher studies, and this was to be the signal of a new and painful experience which left its mark on the boy's whole after-life. Up to this period he had never known what it was to doubt; his faith had been as placid and as trusting as a child's ; but the moment had 8 Life and Works of Frederic Ozanam. come when he was to pay for the precocious maturity of his mind and the lofty flights of his imagination ; the intellectual activity which had so quickened his mental powers suddenly kindled a flame within him that stirred vital questions, and evoked the demon of doubt, that torment of noble and un- quiet souls who hunger to believe, and cannot rest until reason has justified belief. Like Pascal and Joubert and other deep thinkers, Frederic was doomed to experience, as he himself described it long years afterwards, " the horror of those doubts that eat into the heart, pursuing us even at night to the pillow we have drenched with our tears." Suddenly, without his being able to discover any immediate cause for it, a change came over him, his childlike peace was overclouded, he began to question, to argue, to all but disbelieve. In a confidential letter to the school-fellow before quoted from, he thus alludes to this crisis : ** I must tell you now of a most painful ex- perience which began forme just as I entered on my rhetoric, and which only ended last year. By dint, I suppose, of hear- ing people talk of infidels and infidelity, I came one day to ask myself why I believed. Doubt presented itself, but I re- pulsed the doubt, for I felt I must believe ; I read all the books I knew of which explained and defended religion, but none of them fully satisfied me ; I would believe for a month or two on the authority of such and such a teacher, then an objection would start up in my mind, and the doubts returned stronger than ever. O my dear , how I did suffer ! for I wanted to keep my faith. I dipped into Vallar, but Vallar did not satisfy me ; my faith was shaken, and yet I preferred to cling to it, to believe without understanding, than to go on doubting, because doubt was such a torture. In this state I began my philosophy. The thesis of * certainty * bewildered me ; it seemed to me for a moment that I might doubt my own existence." This trial left such a deep impression on him that Frederic never in after-life could allude to it without strong emotion. One day, when the temptation was at its worst, clutching Life and Works of FrecUru Ozanam. 9 him almost like a physical pain, a sudden impulse drove him towards a church near which he happened to be walking; he quickened his steps, entered, and, falling on his knees, prayed with all his soul to be delivered from the trial, promising that if God gave him light to see the truth he would for ever af- ter devote himself to its defence. While uttering this prayer, he felt that he was committing himself to a distinct pledge, which must color his whole life ; that if his faith were restored to him, his life must be consecrated to its service in no ordi- nary way. Referring to the circumstance in the last work he ever wrote, with that shuddering sense of a danger escap- ed which he retained to the last, he says : *' The uncertainty of my eternal destiny left me no peace; I clung to the sa- cred dogmas in desperation, but they seemed to break in my grasp ; then it was that the teaching of one who was both a priest and a philosopher saved me ; he brought light into my mind ; I believed henceforth with an assured faith, and, touched by this mercy, vowed to consecrate my days to the service of that truth which had given me peace." The philosopher and priest here alluded to was the Abb6 Noirot, a man whose wisdom, learning, and seductive piety made him a power with a generation of young spirits, con- temporaries of Ozanam. M. Ampere says of the Abb6 Noirot: "All those who studied under this cherished master agree that he had a par- ticular gift for directing and developing each one in his voca- tion. He proceeded with his pupils on the Socratic method. When he saw a young rhetorician arrive at his class of phi- losophy, puffed out with recent success, and as full of impor- tance as ever Euthydemus or Gorgias was, the Christian So- crates began by bringing the young rhetorician gently to re- cognize the fact that he knew nothing ; and then, when he had crushed him under the weight of his own weakness, he raised him up, and set to work to point out to him what he really could do. The influence of this able master decided the course of Ozanam's mind.** / y to Life and Works of Frederic Ozanam. Lacordaire tells us how the master loved to take this fa- vorite scholar as the companion of his walks, and how, in their solitary rambles over the steep and lonely roads out- gide Lyons, the mature philosopher and the boy would for- get the lapse of time while they discoursed on deep and lofty themes — God and His dealings with men being the one they delighted most to dwell on — till the shades of night overtook them, as they hurried homewards. Frederic was the youngest of the hundred and thirty pu- pils who studied under the Abb6 Noirot; he reached the head of his class very quickly, and remained there till he left. ** He was an elect soul," says this venerable master, who still survives, and still, in his eighty-fourth year, charms the young men who seek his wisdom for advice, as their fathers did; " he was marvellously endowed by nature, both in mind and heart; his industry was incredible; he worked all day without intermission, and a part of the night ; he was devot- ed, ardent, and singularly modest ; he was cheerful, even gay, but there was always an undercurrent of seriousness in him ; he loved a joke dearly, and was sure to be in the midst of any fun going, for there never was a boy more popu- as with other boys. But I never heard of him being in any mischief; he was most affectionate and sympathetic ; I don't believe Frederic was capable of inspiring or harboring an an- tipathy; he was, however, very fiery, and had often vehe- ment bursts of indignation, but not against individuals; I never knew him angry or embittered against any one; he was simply inaccessible to hatred, except against falsehood or wrong-doing." Such is his portrait at seventeen, as it is inscribed on the memory of one who knew him well, and whose tender admiration for him is as fresh to-day as it was forty years ago. But these days of study and pleasant companionship were drawing to a close. Frederic had completed his term of phi- losophy, and was now ready to enter on the study of the law. For this purpose it was necessary for him to go to Paris; but Life and Wotks of Frederic Ozanam, ti Dr. Ozanam, in spite of the confidence he had in his son's steadiness and principles, shrank, naturally enough, from sending the boy adrift alone on that dangerous sea where so many noble young hearts are daily shipwrecked. It was de- cided, therefore, that he should wait for a couple of years at Lyons, and be employed meantime in some way which might serve as a preliminary to future studies at the Ecole de Droit. The choice of the intermediate occupation was about the most uncongenial to the young man's taste that could have been made. He was placed as clerk in an attorney's office. Much, however, as he recoiled from the uninterest- ing nature of the position, he accepted it without repining, and took his seat cheerfully in the dusky office, where there was little to remind him of the poetic and philosophical re- gions in which he had hitherto dwelt. He worked away as diligently copying law papers as if they had been so many theses he was preparing for M. Noirot, and listened with def- erential patience to the long-winded perorations of the head clerk. But, do what he would, he could find no pleasure in the work; so, when he had done all that duty demanded, he lightened the intervals by studying English, German, He- brew, and even Sanscrit ; in after-office-hours he read also enormously, and even found leisure to write a treatise against the St. Simonians, which may be said to have struck the key- note of his future literary career. " It was like a preface to the work which was to occupy him to the end of his days," says M. Ampere. The sect known as the St. Simonians was so called from one of its first enthusiasts, who, after his death, was erected into its founder, no one else being forthcoming to claim the title. The religion of St. Simon was born of the moral and social disorganization which followed after the revolution of 1830. Its main tactic was to glorify Christianity in the past, while denying and vilifying it in the present, treating it as a worn-out creed, and building up upon its ruins the new re- ligion — *' the religion of the future," as it boldly styled itsel£ 12 Life and Works of Frederic Ozanam. It had made a good deal of noise in various parts of France, fascinating many restless young spirits, who, impatient of the prevailing apathy, and hungering for a faith of some sort, caught eagerly at a creed which seemed to promise a solution of the great social problem. In the course of the winter the St. Simonians came to Lyons, and were reaping there the same ephemeral harvest which had rewarded them elsewhere. Frederic had some passages of arms with them in the col- umns of the local journals ; but, not satisfied with this, he set to work and composed his treatise, which appeared in the month of April, 1831, and dealt a heavy blow at the sect he combated. M. de Lamartine, on reading it, wrote at once to congratulate Frederic, observing that his admiration for the talent of the author was heightened by his astonishment at his age. " This beginning," he adds, " promises us a new combatant in the sacred struggle of religious and moral phi- losophy which this century is sustaining against a materialis- tic reaction. Like you, I augur well for the issue. We do not see it, but the voice of conscience, that infallible prophet of the brave man's heart, promises us that our children shall. Let us trust to this instinctive promise, and live in the future." Such episodes seem somewhat out of keeping with the pur- suits of an attorney's clerk; but Frederic felt that this was only a temporary phase, which might usefully serve as an ap- prenticeship, but which, meantime, must not absorb him to the exclusion of higher interests. He never lost sight of this fact; and while fulfilling conscientiously his daily task, he was working still more assiduously to prepare himself for the higher one that was awaiting him. He set himself to study the state of society in France, and the knowledge which, even in his present narrow sphere, he gained of it, of the deep- seated evils eating into its heart, filled him with profound pity and an intense longing to help even remotely towards bring- ing about a better state of things, or at least to cast in his labors with others better competent to deal with so tremen- dous a problem. Life and Works of Frederic Ozanam. fj The following letter, written at the age of seventeen and a half, to two college friends, reveals fully his views and ambi- tions at this period : "iS/^Tir*., 1831. "... You ask what people think here. It would be very diflScult for me to tell you. Philosophically speaking, my belief is that in the provinces people don't think at all, or at least very little ; they live a life purely indus- trial and material ; everybody looks after his personal comforts, and takes care of number one ; and when that personage is satisfied, when the purse is replenished, then people discuss politics quietly by the fireside, or round the bil- liard-table ; there is a great deal of fine talk concerning liberty, about which the talkers themselves understand very little ; people praise the conduct of the National Guard and the Schools in the joumies of December, but they make small account of the protestations and proclamations of the gentlemen of the Elcole de Droit, who, on the contrary, are severely blamed for attempting to govern the Government, and plant their little republic in the midst of our mon- archy. Material order, moderate liberty, bread and money, this is all people want here ; they are sick of revolutions and pine for rest ; in a word, the men of the provinces are neither men of the past nor men of the future, they are men of the present, • see-saw men,' as the Gazette calls them. *' So much for my surroundings. And after that you want to know what I think ; a poor little dwarf like me who sees things from afar, through the newspapers, which are seldom to be trusted, and the still more absurd gossip of our politicians, like a man looking through a bad eye-glass 1 . , . All I can do is to keep my temper, to read just enough news to know what is going on, to confine myself as much as possible to my individual sphere, to improve my mind while keeping aloof for the present, pursuing my studies outside society, so that I may be able to enter it later with some advantage for others and for m>*self ; this is the line of conduct I have felt compelled to adopt, and which M. Noirot encourages me to persevere in, and which I advise you, my dear friend, to adopt also ; for, honestly, we young fellows are too green at present, too insufficiently nourished with the living sap of science, to b« able to offer any ripe fruit to society. Let us not make haste, and while the •torm throws down many who are on the heights, let us grow quietly in the shade, so that we may prove ourselves full-grown men, full of vigor, when the days of transition shall have passed away, and we shall be wanted. For my part, my choice is made, my plan for the future is sketched out, and, as in friendship bound, I will tell you what it is. '• Like you, I feel that the past is falling to pieces, that the foundations of the old edifice are shaken, and that a terrible convulsion has changed the face of the earth. But what is to come out of these ruins ? Is society to remain buried under the rubbish of its broken thrones, or is it to arise and reappear younger, more brilliant, more beautiful ? Shall we behold novos ccelos et novam t err am ? There is the question. I, who believe in Providence, and 4o not despair of my country, like Charles Nodier, I believe in a fori of 14 ^^f^ ^^^^ Works of Fndefic Ozanam, palingenesis ; but what is to be the f Drm, what is to be the law, of this new order of society, I do not undertake to prophesy. •' Nevertheless, what I feel confident of is that there exists a Providence, and that that Providence cannot for six thousand years have abandoned rea- sonable creatures, naturally desirous of the true, the good, and the beautiful, to the genius of evil and error ; that, consequently, all the creeds of humanity cannot have been mere extravagant delusions, and that there are truths scat- tered over the world. The thing is to discover these truths, and to disengage them from the falsehoods they are mixed up with ; we must search the ruins of the old world for the comer-stone on which the new is to be rebuilt. It would be very much like those pillars which historians tell us were raised be- fore the deluge to transmit existing traditions to those who might survive, just as the ark, borne over the waters, bore safely within it the fathers of the human species. But this comer-stone, this pillar of traditions, this lifeboat, where are we to seek for it ? Amidst all the notions of antiquity where are we to dig for the only true and legitimate ores ? Where must we begin, and where end ? " And here I stop, and set to thinking in this wise : the first want of man, the first want of society, is some notion of a religion. The human heart tliirsts for the infinite. Moreover, if there be a God, and if there be men, / there must be some connection between them, hence a religion of some sort ; consequently, a primitive revelation ; consequently, again, there is a primi- tive religion, ancient in its origin, essentially divine, and therefore essentially y true. This is the inheritance, transmitted from on high to th^ first man, and from the first man to his descendants, that I am bent on discovering. And I mean to pursue my search through time and space, stirring the dust of tombs, digging up the mbbish of temples, disentombing all the myths from the savages of Cook to the Egypt of Sesostris, from the Indians of Vishnu to the Scandi- navians of Odin. I investigate the traditions of every people, I enquire into their reason and origin, and, aided by the lights of geography and history, I recognize in every religion two distinct elements — one variable, individual, secondary, having its origin in the circumstance of time and place in which tach people found itself ; another immutable, universal, primitive, inexplica- r ble to history and geography ; and as this latter element is to be found in all ^ religious creeds, and stands out more complete and pure according as we re- mount to the most remote antiquity, I conclude that it is this alone which ■ reigned in the early days, and which constitutes the primitive religion of man. I conclude, consequently, that religious truth is that which, spread all over the face of the earth, is to be found amidst all nations, transmitted by the first man to his posterity, then corrupted and mixed up with all sorts of fables and falsehoods. **This is what I felt society wanted. I was conscious of a corresponding want in myself. I had need of something solid to take hold of, something ♦hat I could take root in and cling to, in order to resist the torrent of doubt ; and then, O my friends ! my soul was filled with a great joy and a great con- Kolation ; (or, lo I it discovered, by the sheer force of reason, that this some' thing w^s none other than that Catholicism which was first taught me by m^ Life and Works of FrfcUric Otanaim. 15 mother, which was dear to my childhood, and so often fed n\y mind and heart with its beautiful memories, and its still more beautiful hopes — Catholicism, with all its {grandeurs and all its delights I Shedcen for a time by doubt, I feel the invincible need to cling, with all my might, to the pillar of the temple, were it even to crush me in its fall ; and, lo ! I find this same pillar supported by science, luminous with the beams of wisdom, of glory, and of beauty. I find it, and I clasp it with enthusiastic love. I will take my stand by its side, and there, stretching out my arm, I will point to it as a beacon of deliverance to those who are tossing on the sea of life. Happy shall I be if a few friends come and rally round me. Then we should unite our efforts, and create a work together, others would join us, and, perchance, the day would come when all mankind would be gathered together beneath the same protecting shade. Catholicism, in its eternal youth and strength, would rise suddenly on the world, and, placing itself at the head of the age, lead it on to civiliza- tion and to happiness. O my friends 1 I feel overcome in speaking to you ; I am filled with intellectual delight, for the work is magnificent, and 1 am young. I have great hopes, and I believe that the day will come when I shall have nourished and strengthened my thought, and shall be able to express it worthily. Yes, the preliminary labors have already opened out to me the vast perspective which I have unfolded to you, and over which my imagination soars transported with joy. But it is a small thing to contemplate the career I have to run ; the thing is to start on the road, for the hour is at hand. If I nean to write a book at five-and-thirty, I must begin to prepare for it at eighteen, for the preliminary studies are multitudinous. Just see what an amount of study it involves I I must acquire twelve languages, so as to be >/ able to consult sources and documents. I must be fairly master of geology and as^ionomy, in order to discuss the chronological and cosmogonical sys- • -ms of peoples and savants. I must master universal history in all its breadth, and*the history of religious crgeds in all its depth. This is what I have to do jefore I arrive at worthily expressing my idea. I dare say you %vill exclaim at the audacity of this poor fellow Ozanam, and compare him to the frog in La Fontaine, and to the ridiculus mus in Horace. Just as you like I I, too, was aghast for a moment at my own boldness ; but what is one to do ? WTien af idea has taken hold of you, and possesses your whole mind for two years, are you free to withstand it ? When a voice keeps continually crying out to you, Do this ; I so voillit^ can you bid it be silent ? " Besides, I have laid my whole scheme before M. Noirot, who encourages me to carry it out ; and when I urged that perhaps I should find the task too heavy, he assured me that I should meet with numbers of studious young men ready to assist me with their advice and their labor. And then, my friends, I thought of you." How thoroughly single-minded Frederic was in his grand schemes of religious championship appears in many letters of the same date, where he lays bare his heart to the young friends whom he was seeking to enlist in his chivalrous design. 1 6 Life and Works of Prederic Ozanam, ' Your ideas of glory are natural enoughrtn a young man," he writes to M. Falconnet, his cousin ; " we must not make it oui aim, but accept it as a happy result. Man. loving his own existence, longs to perpetuate it ; he lives again in his children, he lives again in his works, he seems to live again in the hearts of all who bless his name. Tnie glory consists in the gratitude of posterity. Just as the righteous man does not bestow his gifts to obtain gratitude, yet nevertheless accepts its tribute with a sweet sense of satisfaction ; so should the true philosopher, the Christian, never act in view of glory, while at the same time he cannot remain insensible to it. Hence it is, that as ingratitude and oblivion sometimes follow the greatest benefits, the just man builds his hopes higher, and awaits both reward and glory from an incorruptible Judge : he appeals from ungrateful men to God, who never fails." Ozanam was blessed by nature with a singularly contented disposition as regarded external circumstances, although, as we shall see, his soul was naturally unquiet, and often •' troubled within him." He was poor, and he was contented to remain so. There seldom was a young man, conscious of high intellectual gifts, who began life freer./rom the mere ambition of making money, and a position, in the worldly sense. '* I often thank God," he says, " for having placed me in one of those positions on the confines of indigence and independence where one is inured to privations without being absolutely shut out from enjoy- ments; where one runs no risk of becoming stultified by the indulgence of every wish, and where, on the other hand, one is not distracted by the clamorings of want. God knows what a snare my weak nature would have found in the ener- vating influence of the wealthy classes, or in the sordid pri- rations of indigence." CHAPTER II. 1831. Dr. Ozanam, who had cause probably to realize the unad- visability of condemning Frederic any longer to the obscurity of his present employment, suddenly determined to abridge the term of delay, and sent him to Paris to begin his legal studies towards the close of the year 1831, Frederic being then in his eighteenth year. His first experience of the new life, which had looked so at- tractive in the distance, was anything but pleasant. Paris was a very different place then from what it is now. The young Catholic student coming to Paris now finds no lack of centres where he can claim welcome and companionship, and at once lose the sense of his isolation in the warmth of a common faith and common struggles. But it was not so just after the revolution of 1830 had convulsed society to its base, and de- stroyed all cohesion. All who could leave the capital had fled, and security was not yet sufficiently re-established to lure them back from the quiet of the provinces to a city which, then as now, was the recognized centre of disturbance and dis- order, the hearth from which the spark flew to set the fire abroad. Parents were terrified to let their sons return to Lyceums and Colleges where atheism reigned supreme; and, rather than expose their faith to the risk it must run in such an atmosphere, and under such influences, they kept them at home, out of harm's way, hoping that the eflects of the storm would pass away, and fairer weather gradually return. They began to perceive, however, tliat this hope, if it did not ulti- mately prove vain, was likely to be indefinitely deferred ; so it became a question of depriving their sons of all liberal educa- tf iS Life and Works of Frederic Ozafiam, tion, and thus closing the door of every honorable career to them, or of sending them back to the public schools, and tak- ing the consequences. The greater number were still hover- ing between these two alternatives when Frederic Ozanam came to Paris. On entering the classes of the Ecole de Droit he found that he and three others were the only Christian students who attended them. His first feeling on discovering that his life was for the next few years to be cast amongst young men who were either avowed atheists, or rationalists, or St. Simonians, was a pain- ful one. Fresh from the pure atmosphere of a Christian home, and animated by an ardent love of his faith, he could not bear the idea of daily companionship with those who made open profession of hating Christianity, who scoffed at its doctrines and blasphemed its Divine Founder. Yet there was no choice between this and complete isolation, which, to a sympathetic nature like his, seemed unbearable ; neverthe- less, he bravely chose the latter, and for the first months of his residence in Paris he kept aloof from all intimacies, and as far as possible from all acquaintance with his fellow-students. He had at first not even the compensation of a cheerful fireside to return to after his hard day's work. Madame Ozanam had deputed an old friend to look out for a quiet boarding-house, where her son would be comfortable, and where he would have some safe and cheerful society in the evenings. The old friend's choice proved an unlucky one, as we learn from Frederic's first letter to his mother, dated from his new abode, November 7, 1831 : "... Here I am alone, without any amusement or any sort of consola- tion. I, so used to fireside talks, who took such pleasure in seeing every day around me those dear ones who love me ; I, so terribly in need of advice and encouragement, behold me cast unprotected, without a rallying-point of any sort, into this great capital of egotism, this vortex of human passions and er- rors I The few young men whom I know* are too far off for me to see them often. I have no one to pour my heart out to but you, my dearest mother— * Some young friends from Lyons, come to Paris to study Hke himseli^ but who lived at the Mher extremity of the citf» Life and Works of Frederic Ozanam, 19 f ou and God . . . ; but these two are all in all to me. I have a thousand things to say to you, bufwhere shall I begin ? I am installed, since Saturday, in a little room lc»king to the south, and near the Jardin des Plantes. This sounds very nice, but it is not so in reality ; I am very uncomfortable. I «a« a long way off from the law schools, the lending libraries, from the centre x my studies, and my Lyonese friends ; then my landlady strikes me as a sly gossip ; her talk and her manners lead me to suspect that she looks very lov- ingly on a young man's purse. Lastly, and this is my chief grievance, the io- ciety is not good. There are dames and demoiselles boarders also, who have their meals at our table, who keep the^conversation to themselves, and whose tone and manners are extremely vulgar ; from my room I hear them just now roaring with laughter ; they congregate every evening in the drawing-room to play cards, and pressed me very much to join them, but, as you may im- agine, I declined. These people are neither Christians nor Turks. I am the only one who abstains* — a circumstance which diverts them exceedingly. You will let me know what you think of all this, and whether you wish me to look out and make some other arrangement for myself." He then proceeds to relate his impressions of Paris : ** I have seen the Pantheon, that strange monument, a pagan temple in &e midst of a city whose inhabitants are either Christians or atheists; iti magnificent cupola is widowed of the cross that once crowned it, and ti>e sombre tint of its superb facade indicates an origin far anterior to its present extravagant destination. What does it mean, in truth, a tomb without a cross, and a sepulchre where no religious idea prevails ? If death be but a material phenomenon that leaves no hope behind it, what sense is tliere in these honors rendered to dry bones and flesh falling into corruption ? The religion of the Pantheon is nothing but a comedy, like that of Reason and Liberty. But the people must have a faith, and when the faith of the Gospel was torn from them there was nothing for it but to fabricate another for them, even if it is made up of madness and imbecility ** I was amply compensated for these sad reflections by the beauty of the church of St. Etienne du Mont, my parish, the pomp of its ceremonies and the magnificence of the singing and the organ. A thrill of delight ran through my whole being when I heard that instrument of a thousand voices resound- ing beneath the Gothic roof, glorifying God, and chanting forth His praises, as David says, on the harp and the cithern, on flutes and trumpets. How ^reat the power of music is, and how sublime and beautiful the Catholic faith that inspires it I" The post did not travel so quickly forty years ago as it does nowadays, and before an answer could arrive from Lyons the forlorn student was rescued from his uncomfort- able quarters by an unforeseen piece of good 'fortune. He nut i«, obMTTcfl tbe Fridaf fiuL 10 Life and Works of Fredenc Ozanam. had met once the celebrated mathematician, M. Ampere, at the house of a friend at Lyons, and taking advantage of the great man's kindly invitation to come and see him when he came to Paris, Frederic called upon him a few days after the date of the above letter. Andre Marie Ampere was a very great man indeed, a member of the Institute, and of a number of other learned societies, as well as an unrivalled luminary in his own per- son ; but it was a greatness unalloyed by a tinge of pedantry or hauteur. Frederic approached him with a certam trepi- dation, but he was quickly put at his ease by the frank cor- diality of the untidy old savan^ and before many minutes was pouring out the tale of his domestic grievances as to an old friend. M. Ampere listened with attention, then, rising suddenly, he threw wide open a door of the salon, and said, pointing to the room within, " Come and look at this room, and tell me how you like it." It was a large, comfortably furnished bedroom, looking on the garden. Frederic replied that he liked it very much. "Then come and take possession of it J it is heartily at your disposal," said M. Ampere; "you can pay me what you are paying at yonx pension ^ and I hope you will be better off; you will make the acquaintance of my son,* who is occupied studying German literature; his li- brary meantime is at your disposal ; you abstain, so do we ; my sister and my daughter dine with us; that will be a little society for you. What do you say to the plan ? " Frederic said it was almost too delightful to be real, and that he would write at once to his father about it. The reply was such as might have been anticipated ; and a month later the student writes home in high spirits, describing his new manner of life, and enclosing a plan of his room, with its fur- niture and ornaments, for his mother. "You will all laugh," he says, "but I am sure the scrawl will amuse mamma ; she can now fancy me seated at my table, getting into bed, going from my table to fetch a block of wood, and putting it into my stove I Then »1>sent »t » C«miw> University; this rooin.'waiithe one )ip occupied when at home* Ufiand Works of Frederic Ozanam, %% We breakfast at ten, and dine at half-past five, all together— M. Amp^. his daughter and sister. M. Amp>ere talks a good deal, and his conversation is amusing and always instructive ; since I have been here (two days), I have already learned many things from him. His daughter talks cleverly, and takes part in all that is said ; M. Ampere is very caressing in his manner to her, but he never speaks to her about anything but science. He has a prodigious memory for everything scientific, in every conceivable department of know- ledge, but he never remembers anything connected with the manage. He learned Latin all by himself, and began to vrrite Latir verses only two years ago, and does it remarkably well. He has a wonderful knowledge of history, and reads a dissertation on the hieroglyphics with as much pleasure as a de- scription of some experiment in physics and natural history. All this comes to him like intuition. The discoveries which have raised him to the pinnacle where he stands to-day came to him all at once, he telN me. He is just now finishing a grand plan for an Encyclopaedia. Are you not glad, my dear father, to have me under the roof of this kind and excellent man ? I forgot to tell you that the most perfect politeness reigns in the family. I also forgot to give you my address ; here it is— 19 Rue des Fosses St. Victor." His residence with M. Ampere brought Frederic into con- tact with the most distinguished men of science and letters of the day; they all seem to have treated the modest young stu- dent with a kindness and condescension which charmed him. •* All these savants of Paris are full of affability," he informs his mother. ** Yesterday I saw M. Serullas,* a most worthy man, gifted in the highest degree with scientific absence of mind. I found him In the mvdst of some chemical manipulations, which he took care not to interrupt while receiving me very graciously, and treating me every now and then, as he said, to an explosion of fragments of potassium ; but he was not in tune, his exoertnents were not successful. It is surprising how learned everybody is here I You see I have turned optimist ; in my last letter I was a pessimist, because I was worried ; everything seemed to me to be going wrong. BuT now that things are quiet at Lyons, and that I have society and a room to my fancy, and the prospect of books and fire and money — what more can I want ? You, my dear father, you, and all my family ; oh I that is what I still want, and what I long ardently for. What a happiness it will be to embrace 70U in eight months from this I " Amongst the celebrities whom Frederic always reckoned jt a privilege to have come in contact with at this period of his / life, was M. de Chdteaubriand. He had been furn'shed with a letter of introduction to the great man on coming to Paris, but he kept it nearly two months before he had the courage * Proreaaor of CbcmMtrf at V«l-<|»^r«e». tS Life and Works of Frederic Ozanam. to present it. At last, on New Year's Da)^ he put it m his pocket and sallied forth before twelve o'clock, determined to take the desperate step. His heart beat violently as he rang at the door of the man whom Charles the Tenth had called *• one of the powers of this world." M, de Chateaubriand had just come in from mass ; he received his timid visitor with the most winning grace, questioned him with lively in- terest concerning his studies, his tastes, his future plans and prospects; then, fixing a peculiar look on him, he enquired whether he had yet been to any of the theatres. Frederic replied that he had not. " And do you intend to go ? " asked M. de Chateaubriand, with his eye sull bent on him. Fre- deric hesitated for a moment; he had promised his mother not to go, and he never dreamed of breaking his word, but he was afraid of appearing ridiculous in the eyes of the great poet if he confessed this ; the struggle, however, was brief; he replied frankly that he had resolved never to put his foot inside a theatre, and why. A beam of satisfaction lighted up M. de Chateaubriand's face, and stooping forward he embraced the young man with emotion. " I implore you to »y be true to that promise to your mother,'* he said. "You would gain nothing at the theatre, and you might lose a great deal." Frederic counted this little episode amongst the many sig- nal kindnesses which Providence placed in his path at the perilous moment of his dibut in Paris. Henceforth, when any of his freethinking companions proposed his accompanying them to the play, he would answer boldly, and without fear of ridicule, ** M. de Chateaubriand advised me strongly not to go, and I promised him I would not." ■But indeed from the day he entered on his studies in Paris, his time was so completely filled up that there was little mar- gin left for such amusements, had he been inclined for them. He worked all day, and continued to encroach frequently on his night's rest, to prepare the labors of the morrow. More- over, the drean> which ha4 illuminate'] the dusky precincts of JUfe and Works of Frederic Ozanam. aj fV>e attorney's office for nearly a year was still dominant in his mind, guiding all his efforts, overshadowing all minor am- bitions : the desire to do something, to help in doing some- thing, for God and his fellow-creatures. This was the aim of all his studies — to fit himself for some mission of usefulness, to whose success his personal interest and success as a stu- dent, or even later as a barrister, must remain absolutely sub- ordinate. No wonder that these lofty aspirations and deep musings engendered a sort of tender melancholy in his ardent soul, compressed as he was by circumstances so little favor- able to his wide humanitarian ambitions. He writes to Fal- connet: '« I have been here now a fortnight in possession of a charming room, with a hospitable table, pleasant society, and the conversation of my host, which is al- ways instructive, and often amusing ; one class of law and two of literature a day ; the frequent society of Henri.* Surely this is more than enough to make a student's life happy ! and yet— if you tliink I am happy you are mis- taken. I am not happy ; I am conscious of an immense void, an indescriba- ble tnalaise. ... I dislike Paris because there is no life here, no faith, no love ; it is like a huge corpse to which my youth is chained alive, and whose icy coldness freezes while its corruption poisons me. It is in the midst of this moral desert that one understands fully and repeats ardently that cry of the Psalmist : * Habitavi cum habitantibus Cedar, multum incola fuit anima mea I Si oblitus fuero tui, Jerusalem, adhaereat lingua mea faucibus meis P "These accents of immortal poetry resound often in my soul; this vast city where I am, as it were, lost, is to me Kedar, Babylon, the land of exile and pilgrimage, while Sion is my native town, with its provincial simplicity, the charity of its inhabitants, its altars erect, and its faith respected. Science and Catholicism are my only consolations, and assuredly they are noble ones ; but here also I find hopes deceived, obstacles to be overcome, difficulties to be conquered. You know of old my longing to surround myself with young men feeling and thinking as I do ; I know that there are such, many such, but they are scattered ^ like gold on the dunghill,^ and the task of gathering de- fenders under one flag is proverbially a difficult one. I hope nevertheless, in one of my next letters, to be able to give you some more definite hopes on this head. *• How do we stand at present regarding scientific ideas ? what is the po8i« tion of the schools, the belligerent powers in the field of philosophy ? " We must first consider that after all our disputes and struggles, after all * Henri Pessonncaux, his cousin, a young man of high mc-al and inteUectual eadownients.«ai 4evotedl7 attached to Frederic 24 Lifi ^f^^ Works of Frederic Ozanam, partial problems, a moment must come when reason sums up all her doubts !nta one, and proposes the grand general problem. In our day this problem may bt thus expressed, What was man made for ? What the aim and the law of hu- manity ? Considered with regard to the past century, there is progress, since the very terms of the problem imply the existence of a providence, an aim, a crea- tive and conservative idea. The question at this stage appeals for its solution to philosophy and history. You can understand the immense importance at- tached in these days to historical studies. Up to this point everybody is agreed ; but here they split, the division being caused by the very premises of the question. One side takes psychology as the basis of its researches, and builds up to itself a sort of abstract man after the fashion of Condillac's statue. In this man it sees all it wishes to see, and hence deduces a philosophical for- mula on which it spreads out history as on a sort of Procrustes-bed, cutting and hacking all that has any difficulty in fitting into its inflexible frame. These people, who are but following after Rousseau, Dupuys, and Volney, have lighted on the admirable discovery that all religions began with fetichism, and they go about proclaiming it to whoever has ears to hear, holding forth about the law of progress, the extinction of Christianity, and the approaching advent of a new religion. This is what Professor Jouffroy preached to us only the other day at the Sorbonne, that ancient Sorbonne which was founded by Christianity, and whose dome is still crowned with the sign of the Cross. " But in opposition to this school, which calls itself the Rationalistic, an- other has sprung up by the name of the Traditional, not because it has repu- diated reason,, but because history is the groundwork and tradition the start- ing-point of its system. In its ranks are enrolled MM. de Chateaubriand, de Lamennais, d'Ekstein, Ballanche, de Donald ; and in Germany, Schlegel, Baader, Stolberg, Goerres. They distinguish two aims of human knowledge, the finite and the infinite, philosophical truth and religious truth ; two ways of knowing, reason and belief, analysis and synthesis, or perhaps, as the Church defines it, the order of nature and the order of grace. Now, the finite is pressed upon all sides by the infinite ; the infinite is God, the Alpha and ;he Omega, the beginning and the end. Hence it follows that synthesis is at once the basis and the crown of humanity, and that religious truth is the source and final end of philosophical truth. From these premises there springs up a vast theory concerning the relations of science and faith, and a wide ex- planation of history. And as synthesis is the primitive fact which precedes all knowledge, it follows that psychology is incapable of sounding the depth of nature, or grasping her breadth. It is therefore in history that we must pursue our researches and our study of her ; it is history which must tell us the history of mankind. They assert, moreover, that fetichism, far from being the first step of humanity, is the last degree of corruption ; that souvenirs of the age of gold, and of the first fault, and of expiation by blood, are sown everywhere amongst the peoples. This is their theor>'. Meantime our work is maturing in the young Catholic minds, and will appear in its fulness at the appointed time. Never wa? a history of human religion more imperative- ly called for by social needs. *♦ Temfu^erit. . , ," CHAPTER 111 183.. In order to understand the social conditions which Ozanaro describes, and which stirred him to such dismay and com- passion, it is necessary that we should glance back to the opening of the nineteenth century, and realize what was the state of religious feeling in France just after the Revolution had subsided, and left the country still heaving from the storm which had uprooted all her old beliefs and traditions, and overturned her civil and religious institutions, and built up out of these ruins an edifice of order, where the first essential ele- ment of order was wanting. When Napoleon came and took the destinies of France in hand, religion, in so far as the state and the nation at large were concerned, had ceased to exist ; it was practically abol- ished ; its temples were turned into stables and warehouses, or else profaned by monstrous rites and revolting orgies, m the name of the goddess Reason ; no external sign bore witness to any covenant between heaven and earth ; there was no re- ligious instruction to be had anywhere ; children grew up like animals without souls; the remnants of the clergy were scat- tered through the provinces, officiating in holes and comers, hiding from the hostile and ubiquitous police of the republic, mistrusting as spies those who came furtively to implore their ministry ; a certain number of constitutional priests in Paris were feebly attempting to blow a spark from the cold ashes of a Church pulverized by the Revolution. There were still, no doubt, noble examples of fidelity to the faith to be found throughout the country, but these were exceptions to the general rule of atheism and freethinking. The Church had 26 Life and Works of Frederic Ozanam. fallen into contempt long before contempt had translatea itself into the active hostility and open violence (5f the Revo- lution. The Church — or what has in all ages been identified with her, for glory or for shame, the clergy — had lost her hold upon public esteem. There were saints amongst them m tnose days, as there always have been, but there was, on the surface, a class of men, such as the abb^s de cour^ who, by their crimes and follies, had become identified with the rigimi whose corruption eventually brought about its own downfall, dragging the Church with it, and shattering the sacred edifice so terribly that, to human eyes, the ruin of the altar seemed as complete and irreparable as the ruin of the throne. Even those who believed in the immortality of the Church herself confessed, with sorrow, that in France her reign was over. The admission, sad as it was, implied no disloyalty towards the faith. Faith can never die ; the Word of God is immortal, but no particular spots on earth have been assigned as its dwelling-place, or the shrine of its eternal presence. Africa had held it once, and so had Antioch and Jerusalem and Con- stantinople ; but a time came when the divine guest passed away from these lands, the current of the stream was turned aside, and mysteriously diverted into other channels. Had the time come when France, so long the fountain of Christian- ity, was to see the waters flow out of her midst, and depart irrevocably to fertilize distant and more faithful lands ? The history of other peoples was there to show a precedent for this dispensation, and there were few signs to bid the most sanguine hope that the kingdom of Clovis and St. Louis was not doomed to share the fate which had overtaken the coun- try of St. Augustine. There was one man, one only, in whose hands, as far as human judgment could see, the power was vested of averting the final catastrophe; but he was abroad, busy with other conquests than those of the kingdom which is not of this world. He was destroying the armies of Europe, overturn- ing thrones, keeping the eyes of all nations fixed on hira with lAff and Worki of Fi'ederic Ozanam. 27 terror and amazement. France looked on in wild exultation ; everything connected with her brilliant young hero partook of the character of a gigantic legend; popular enthusiasm clotlied him with the prestige of a demigod. No conqueror ever returned to his native country armed with a mightier power over her destinies for good or for evil than Napoleon after the campaigns of Egypt and Italy. Those who knew him best could hardly hope that he would use it well ; that is to say, nobly, disinterestedly, patriotically, like a man who loses sight of himself and his personal ambitions in the pco found sense of the responsibility of his mission. Except to those immediately about him, little was known in France of Napoleon's character and opinions beyond that he was a republican and a great military commander ; the official re- ports of his harangues and proclamations which appeared in the Moniteur were not full or honest enough to reveal him to the public at home as he was known to his generals and the army. It was not known, for instance, that he boasted loud- ly in the East of having ** overturned the cross " ; or that in addressing the Arabs he had said, '* We also are true Mussul- mans. Have we not destroyed the Pope, who wanted us to declare war against the Mussulmans ? " * But it was known and remembered by many, that a year before, in his speech at the Luxembourg, he had declared " religion to be one of those prejudices which the French people had yet to over- come" (Christmas, 1797). Almost anything might be expect- ed from so elastic a believer; but no one was prepared for what really did come. On the 1 8th of June, i8oo, four days after the battle of Marengo, Napoleon assisted publicly at a solemn Te Deum in the cathedral of Milan, and on coming out observed jocosely to his staff, that '* the atheists of Paris would be furi- ous when they heard of it.'* And he said truly; they were. A priest named the Abb6 Fournier f was one of the first to * Manifesto of July %, 179B. t Sea introduction to Concordat \r§ rattaUk i8 Life and Works of Frederic Ozanam, hear of the extraordinary occurrence, and, in a sermon which he preached the next day at St. Roch, he announced it to his audience in an impassioned and picturesque form ; he evoked the image of a young hero, who, after gathering glory on a thousand battle-fields, was suddenly overpowered by a sense of gratitude to the God of armies, and flew publicly to invoke His blessing on France and the victorious soldiers who were about to return to her. The republic was so shocked at the scandalous libel, that the Abb6 Fournier was immediately arrested as a madman, carried off to the lunatic asylum of Charenton, dressed in the humiliating costume of its inmates, and locked up. It required the influence of several statesmen, including Portalis, to obtain his deliverance after eight days' detention. Meantime the truth of the supposed libel had travelled to Paris; four months later the Abbe Fournier was named a bishop, and about a year later the Concordat was signed. This great transaction, which M. Thiers speaks of as " the most important which the Court of Rome ever concluded with France, perhaps with any Christian power," and which, if we are to believe the Abb6 Pradt, Napoleon often spoke of as the greatest mistake of his reign,* gave almost universal dissatisfaction to the French people. The republicans were furious, because the re-establishment of the Church was like the triumph of royalism, and the defeat and humiliation of the Revolution. The royalists were angry, because the Concordat robbed them of their chief grievance, and broke the strongest weapon in their hand ; hitherto the cause of royalty had been synony- mous with that of the Church, henceforth it ceased to be so. The philosophers were indignant, because it belied their triumphant prophecies concerning the death of Christianity, and its final burial under the reign of atheism and reason. The Constitutional clergy f were angry, because it placed * Le« quatre Coooordata. t Tktae who took the oath \a the Civil Ufe and Works of Frederu Ozanam, 19 Ihcm in a false position ; the rank they held from the Revo- lution was now compromised, perhaps nullified. The faithful clergy, who might have had real grounds foi rejoicing, were afraid to do so; they dared not trust the treaty ; it might prove after all but an exchange of bondage. Time showed how much sagacity there was in this instinctive mistrust, which at the moment was regarded as treasonable by the suggesters of the new treaty. Few measures, perhaps, have been more diversely judged by history than this of the Concordat. The enemies of Na- poleon ridicule and condemn it as an elaborate piece of hypocrisy, while his admirers extol it as the wisest and grand- est achievement of his reign. It was undeniably an admira- ble piece of statecraft; a measure of policy worthy of the deep and lofty mind that compiled the Code Napol6on. We have no reason to believe that Napoleon was actuated by higher motives, by respect for the Church, and belief in her supernatural vitahty ; but his actions proved on many oc- casions that he was not devoid of the religious sense, although it may not have carried him beyond a certain instinctive superstition. On the other hand, his knowledge of human nature and of the history of mankind taught him to recognize the absolute necessity of a Church of some sort in every State, of an altar where the people could meet and worship, a God whom, if they did not love, they would at least fear, and who would serve the purposes of state by constituting a kind of supreme court of appeal, whose tribunal, having its seat in the conscience of the citizen, would facilitate the exercise of the law, and bring its influence to bear on the governed and the governing alike. Starting from this general principle, Napoleon was, moreover, clear-sighted enough to discern the radical Catholicism of France, and to see that no other re- ligion could ever supply or supplant the old one in the heart of the people. " Ninety-three " had done its best, and that best had been terrible, but it had not succeeded in crushing the seeds of Catholicism out of the soil, so as to leave it 30 Life and Works of Frederic Ozanam. ready for the sowing of a new faith j the Cathoh'c Church, despised, decimated, downtrodden as she was, had still an inalienable hold on the hearts and consciences of the people ; she was still, therefore, a power to be reckoned with, and it is to the credit of the legislator's genius at least that, sur- rounded as he was by atheists and scoffers, and himself per- sonally careless enough on the score of religion, he saw and acknowledged this fact. Unbelief was rampant in all classes, more especially in the educated ones, but Napoleon was not deceived by this surface aspect of the national mind. Since the State must have a religion, that religion could be no other than the Catholic. The Concordat of 1801 was the practical expression of this belief. Napoleon was never a devout, perhaps not even a sincere. Catholic, but he never failed to exhibit in public re- spect for the religion he professed ; he upheld it as a necessary element in good and sound government ; he regarded it as the most valuable police a nation can maintain, an institu- tion not to be served by, but to serve, the State. His subse- quent conduct towards the Holy See was quite consistent with these opinions, was in fact their logical outcome. The official history of the Concordat, and the correspondence between its author and Portalis connected with its execution, attests at every page that, as First Consul and as Emperor, Napoleon regarded the clergy and the hierarchy very much in the light of a body-guard of soldiers and mayors; the bishops, "my bishops," were so many mitred prefects in command of an army of minor functionaries — the priests — with a Minister of Public Worship holding command over all. A sous-prdfei under the second Empire was a more independent personage than a bishop under the first. The latter could not leave his diocese for a day without permission from the Minister of Public Worship, who could not grant it without the authoriza- tion of the First Consul. The Bishop of Meaux, the succes- sor of Bossuet, was suffering from a severe attack of ophthal- mia, and had to wait some time for \eave to go to Paris for Life and Works of Frederic Ozanam, 31 medical assistance; it came at last direct from Napoleon himself, and coupled with an injunction that the bishop should ** occupy himself diligently with the affairs of his diocese while in Paris." The same petty despotism was exercised, as far as possible, towards the Holy See. No decree of the Sovereign Pontiff was valid, or even made public, until it had received the sanction of the Government — a system which placed the clergy in the constant dilemma of having to choose between obedi- ence to the Church and the mandates of the Pope, and their allegiance as citizens to tlie civil power. Such a state of things was calculated to test severely the mettle of the ecclesiastical body, and it must be said to their honor that, as a body, they came nobly out of the ordeal. Not a few were found who rendered to Caesar more than Caesar's due, but the great ma- jority contrived to ally prudence with becoming independence and to maintain the dignity of their sacred character intact. We must bear in mind, in order to appreciate this fact as it deserves, that it was long since the political and social state of France had been favorable to the growth of dignity and in- dependence, or to the formation of manliness of character. The reign of Louis XV. had not been a school for confessors, though the timid priesthood of that dissolute reign would no doubt have furnished its contingent of martyrs had they been called for tlien, as they were later by the Revolution. Na- poleon, on his advent to power, found a clergy who had been inured to suffer and trained to die, but who had lost the art of fighting. His quick sagacity detected the weak point in the shield, and hit there. He began by professing unqualified respect for the doctrines of the Church, guessing well that if he had laid the tip of his finger on that sacred deposit the bishops would have defied him, and laid their heads on the block rather than capitulate on the smallest point ; but when he is- sued a decree ordering them to send in their pastorals to be overlooked by the prefect before being read to their fiocks, it never entered their heads to demur; at any rate they did not, y 52 Life and Works of Frederic Ozanam, although the tyranny was the more absurd and offensive from the fact of the prefect being frequently a Protestant, and still oftener an athiest. The decree continued in force all through the Consulate and under the Empire.* Minute and stringent laws were enacted concerning reli- gious institutions. No community of men or women, whether for prayer, teaching, or the service of the sick and poor, could be opened in France until the rules and statutes of the order had been investigated and endorsed by Napoleon and Porta- lis ; and there is something cynically comic in the way the latter, in his reports to the Emperor, discusses the purpose, organization, utility, and dangers of the religious life, the first elements of which were as familiar to him probably as the household arrangements of the Grand Lama. The Press, that other powerful engine in the State, was not 3ikely to be allowed more liberty than the Church. It was gagged, and became a mere tool in the hands of the Gov- ernment. The few journalists who refused the general tribute of flattery and obsequiousness were dismissed from their posts, their journals were suppressed or given into other hands. The department of Public Instruction remained next to be dealt with, and nothing could be more summary than the way in which it was done. Every vestige of liberty which the Revolution had spared was swept away. Under the Revolu- tion and the Consulate the rights of parents at least were respected ; the State opened schools, but it left parents free to send their children there or not; secular and religious schools had fair play from the Government, and were not interfered with.f With the Empire all this was changed. Liberty of teaching was so completely abolished that the right of opening a school of any description, for any class of scholars, became the exclusive monopoly of the State. The Imperial University was founded, and replaced all previous institutions of the sort. Christian parents had to choose be- * L'Bglis* Samaitu tt Ufrtmitr Sm^, par M. d'HauMoorille, t. t. pjk vi^-wgt t See Foiuet's Lift of Lattrdair*, vol. i. Life and Works of Frederic Ozanam. 33 tween the privation of all education for their sons, or the almost certain ruin of their faith ; as a rule they adopted the latter, and generally with the result foreseen. Let home train- ing be ever so careful, it could not be expected to resist the influence of the majority, of those imperious and sympathetic tyrants, companions of their own age, who so powerfully sup- plemented the teaching, direct and indirect, of Professors for the most part infidels, and, at any rate, always chosen with- out the slightest regard to their religious principles. Such a system of education was in truth a sort of conscrip- tion of souls, as arbitrary and far more fatal than those lev/es en masse which the great captain was accustomed to raise for the maintenance of his armies. The only possible remedy for such a state of things would have been free competition, and this was rigorously proscribed. By a decree of 1809, the most obscure village school was compelled to choose between suppression, or the official badge of the imperial schoolmas- ter. The letters of M. de Lamennais to Brut6 show us what a superfluity of zeal the Government thought it worth while :o expend on hunting down a few humble village priests who ventured to help some young Breton peasants in preparing for the seminary by teaching them the rudiments of Latin. These very seminaries, which the charity of the Church opened to this humble class of students, were placed under the control of the Imperial University, whose authority de- cided the choice of the masters, and obliged the scholars to follow the classes of the infidel Lyceums and Colleges. The Empire went further still. It created purely civil faculties of theology, with the right of conferring grades, the possession of which was made a sine qua non for obtaining ecclesiastical dignities; while the men who conferred these grades were obliged to swear obedience to the Grand Master of the University, M. de Fontanes — a wily and bold strata- gem for transferring superior theological training from the Church, where it na'.urally resides, into the hands of the Im perial University. 34 Life ^^(i Works of Frederic Ozanam, Napoleon writes to his Minister of Public Worship :* ** A priest who has never been under any other superintendence than that of his ecclesiastical superiors cannot occupy a posi- tion of the first rank unless the University confers it on him, which it may decline to do in the event of his being known to hold ultramontane opinions, or others dangerous to au- thority." So comprehensive a scheme of spiritual tyranny has no pre- cedent in ancient or modern history, and yet this yoke was borne by France all through the Empire, under the specious pretext that it was the safeguard of national unity. The department of morals fared no better than that of dogma. Napoleon established divorce, thereby violently out- raging the law of the Church. Portalis issued a decree for- bidding priests to refuse the blessing of the Church to persons who chose to marry again after being divorced. The Sabbath was altered from the seventh day to the tenthjt not perhaps so much as a measure of political econo- my, as from Napoleon's desire to show his power to set aside a time-honored law of Christendom. His efforts proved a failure. It is still related in parts of France how the very ^ oxen resented the violation of the Divine law, and knew the day of rest instinctively, moaning and lowing in expostulation as they drew the plough reluctantly through the fields. The story of the Concordat of Fontainebleau has been told '.00 often, and too exhaustively, to need more than passing mention here. But we read history superficially, and too often by the light of our own prejudices and the spirit of our times; and many of us, in judging of this event, are apt to overlook the main features of the case, the long series of harassing persecutions that prepared it, the crafty system of oppression, treachery, and humiliation which brought the clergy of France into that state of unworthy subjection which was the primary condition and prelude of the Concordat • '^jerrapondance, torn. xiii. p. 15, St. Cloud, 30 J unlet, t8a& * S^ Le^n Tme, suite au ^me ComoHmdenicnu Life and Works of Frcderu Ozanam, 35 The old man at the Vatican was the bite noire of the man vho had brought all the crowned heads of Europe, except one, to bow down to him. Napoleon hated him as Haman hated Mordecai, for, like that stiff-necked Jew, who sat at the gate in his rags, and defied the oppressor of his people, the Pope remained the permanent affirmation of a power that de- fied Caesar, and withstood ahke his bribes and his threats. Nothing had been left undone to bring this stubborn power into subjection — caresses, bribes, insults, impfTSonment, and exile; but so far everything had failed, Pius VII. had now been four years a prisoner at Fontainebleau, his dominions confiscated, his spiritual action virtually arrested, for he was cut off from all external relations with the clergy and with Christendom, and from the power of carrying on the govern- ment of the Church. Napoleon governed it in France ac- cording to his own views ; but he had now come to a diffi- cult pass : death was thinning the ranks of the hierarchy, and how was he to replenish them witj^ut the Pope ? He had recourse to one of his characteristic expedients. He con- voked an assembly of Italian and French bishops — " his bishops " — in Paris, gave it the name of a National Council, and ordered it forthwith to pass a decree, whereby, if the Pope did not, within six months, institute a certain number of bishops, named by the Emperor, they should be consecrated by the Metropolitan. The bishops, scared by the audacity of the order, sought to gain time, and timidly proposed that they should draw up a report on the imperial proposal, and refer the case by deputa- tion to the august captive of Fontainebleau. Napoleon met this act of rebellion by one of those paroxysms of imperial anger which he had often found effective when other argu- ments failed, and without condescending to further expostula- tion, declared the National Council dissolved. Three of the members were seized tliat night and carried off to Vincennes, and detained there until they sent in tlieir resignation of their respective sees. The other bishops, before they had recov- 36 lAfe and Works of Frederic Ozanam, ered from the panic caused by this violent proceeding, were summoned one by one into the presence of the Minister of PoUce, and terrified into pledging themselves to deliver up the hierarchy into the hands of their imperial master. Napoleon, pacified by this act of submission, once more convened his National Council, and this time the shameful decree went through the mockery of a discussion, and was passed. It is alleged, in extenuation of the cowardly behavior of the bishops, that they were told the Pope had yielded his assent ; but the monstrous falsehood never should, never could, have imposed upon them for a moment ; their conscience, as well as their experience, must have told them it was a lie and an impossibility. Pius VII. had been at this date four years in confinement, cut off from every friendly face, from all knowledge of what- ever was going on outside the walls of his prison, insulted, threatened, subjected to every species of moral torture, until at last the cruel skill prevailed. Broken in mind and in body, led to believe that he was deserted by Christendom, betrayed by the clergy and hierarchy, fascinated too, at intervals, by the magnetic personal ascendency of Napoleon, moved more by his caresses than his threats, the Pontiff signed the fatal deed on the 25th of January, 1813. The momentary aberration was quickly Vepented of and disavowed, but it remains an eternal example of the danger which the Church must run when she forfeits her temporal in- dependence, and is stripped of the protecting bulwarks of her temporal power. Napoleon thought that he had now compassed his long- desired end, that he had henceforth nothing to fear from the decrepit old Pontiff, or the cowed priesthood whom his weak- ness had misled, and who were still ignorant of his prompt ftnd vehement recantation. The conqueror of Europe beheld Ufe and Works of Frederic Ozanam, 37 himself in spirit the centre of an apotheosis, wielding the sceptre over the souls as well as the bodies of all Christendom ; he beheld the stern majesty of the Church of Rome prostrate at his feet, as the Greek Church was at the feet of his brother C^ssar of Russia. What a serene and glorious pageant was that which passed in fancy before the eyes of the great war- rior, as he paced the green alleys of Fontainebleau, while close by, within the palace walls, Pius VII. was weeping bitter, penitent tears I The partisans of Napoleon I. are proud of claiming for him the gratitude of the Church of Christ. They say that he came and found her in the mire, a beggar and an outcast where she had once been queen, and that he stretched forth his hand and raised her up, and clothed her in scarlet and gold, and placed a crown upon her head. It is true he did all this, and then he claimed his reward. It was not much, only the imme- morial bargain of which Satan first pronounced the formula in the desert outside Jerusalem nearly two thousand years ago — si cadens cuioraveris me, God*s hour came ; Waterloo came. Napoleon fell, and the Church of Christ remained. No wonder she hailed with joy the return of the Bourbons to France. The restora- tion appeared to her like the dawn of freedom and dignity. The Sabbath was passed into a law, bishops recovered the direction of their seminaries, religious orders were encouraged by the State ; in fact, religion was patronized in high places. Many of the Ministers were sincere Catholics, and threw the weight of their influence honestly into the effort at a general reform amongst the people. To this effect missions were opened in the towns and villages; there was preaching in the market-places and in the fields ; processions were seen wind- ing through the valleys as in olden times; pilgrims journeyed to distant shrmes, and filled the forest glades with tne long- forgotten sound of hymns and canticles. The reign of faith was restored to France, and seemed enthroned more ferventljr jS Life and Works of Frederic Ozanam, than ever in the hearts of her people. So it seemed ; but it was not so in reaUty. There was no doubt a good deal of sincere individual piety in all these demonstrations, but, as regarded the general re- sult, the movement was an utter failure. Nor can we wonder at this. The Revolution had destroyed and profaned the old temples, and done its best to crush every spark of faith out of the country, and if the work of annihilation had not been complete it was universal and tremendous. Napoleon, emerging at this period of social chaos, had judged it advis- able to curb the lawless infidelity of the nation by imposing on it a State religion. The yoke had been accepted out- wardly; but despotism makes few converts-— it makes hypo- crites instead ; and in the present instance, not being rein- forced by the sanguinary orthodoxy of the Inquisition, it merely engendered corruption and a cynical contempt of all religion. The people were not to be driven by law into keep- ing the commandments and obeying the precepts of the Church because the Emperor decreed they were to do so. The old edifice was sapped to its foundation, and it must take more than a nod from Caesar to rebuild it. When, therefore, Louis XVIII. inserted a bona fide clause in his charter constituting the kingdom Catholic, the kingdom laughed — laughed in defiance and derision. Whatever the faults of the French are, hypocrisy never was one of them ; and to be thus officially labelled as members of a Church which they had ceased to believe in, roused all that remained of native honesty and independence in the national mind. It had taken more than a generation to make them atheists and sceptics, and it was not to be expected they would now •urn Christians at the bidding of a State paper. The efforts of the Government to bring about such a result only irritated and aggravated the existing evil by provoking a spirit of direct antagonism. For instance, it had taken years to wean the working classes from the routine observance of the Sabbath, but hav- Ufe and JlW/:s oj Rcdcrk Ozanam, 39 ing finally broken with the habit, they had no mind to take il ap again; they had grown used to open their shops on Sun- days, and it required the constant and active intervention of the law to make them close them ; even at the present day, as we all know, this reform remains a struggle in which the Fourth Commandment is but partially triumphant. The Catechism of 1793, written in the blood of their murdered king, and enforced by the guillotine, had taught the people hatred of all constituted authority, and this hatred was more specially directed to the highest expression of authority on earth. They had seen the Church thrown down, and trampled under foot by anarchy, then picked up to serve as an instrument in the hands of despotism ; she had lost all prestige in their eyes, and become the symbol of a despised and fallen rigime^ the wreck of a power whose day had passed to give way to the day of Voltaire. The reign of Voltaire had succeeded to the reign of Christ. So long, however, as this succession was tacitly admitted, the zeal of the worshippers was slack enough ; but no sooner did a Christian Government appear, and an- nounce its intention of reinstating the Gospel in its lost su- premacy, than the smouldering zeal of the Voltairians leaped out in a flame. Voltaire's works had not been reprinted once under the Empire, but from 181 7 to 1824 no less than twelve fresh editions were called for and exhausted in France. Na- poleon had given back to divine worship the churches which the Revolution had taken from it ; but it was one thing to restore churches, and another to restore the faith that had worshipped there; so it was easy now to throw down Vol- taire's statues, and to cast out his unhallowed dust from beneath the consecrated altar of the living God, but it was another thing to overturn his empire in hearts from which his presence had banished the reign of " the Galilean." The restoration opened schools, and paid Christian teach- ers, but it could not provide docile pupils to attend them ; the children of men who used up twelve editions of Voltaire in eight years were not likely to prove willing listeners to 40 Life and Works of Frederic Ozanam. masters who cried anathema on Voltaire and his doctrines; they had imbibed a spirit which was instinctively hostile to the spirit of the Gospel; they were thirsting for other lessons. But although undoubtedly this was the general rule, it was redeemed by exceptions. The old tree had been stricken, but there was life in its roots still, and the sap was rising through the seared branches, and putting forth young shoots here and there. Amidst the youth born of this period, there were many who thirsted for purer and stronger waters than those poisoned ones from which their fathers had drunk ; there were seeds of fiery activity in their natures, which only required to be fostered by the right guide in order to bring forth good fruit. Men cannot summon these guides to their own rescue, but God, who loves His creatures, and holds the thread of their destinies, even when they stray from Him, can and often mercifully does. He never leaves Himself without a witness on the earth, although at times it seems as though He did, as if He abandoned humanity to its own perverse and wayward folly, letting falsehood prevail and truth perish, but in His own appointed time He comes forth and produces His witness to exalt the one and confound the other. Those who have made any serious study of the state of society in France at the period when Frederic Ozanam, in his capacity of a Christian teacher, first appeared on its scene, will hardly tax us with exaggeration if we claim for him the grave and bright responsibility of having been in his sphere one of these witnesses of God to his generation. He himself was, as we have seen, early imbued with the idea that some special mission would be confided to him ; that he would at a given time be employed in the defence of truth. This dominant idea permeates his whole mind, and recurs fre- (|uently in his letters during his sojourn at M. Ampere's, and he never ceases to urge his fellow-students to aspire to the same glorious mission, and prepare themselves to accomplish it worthily. CHAPTER IV. 1832. Few things in the condition of society in France during the years which followed the revolution of 1830 were more remarkable and more dispiriting than the apathy which per- vaded all classes. Indeed, the sound portion of society, the party of order, as they have come to be called, have at all times displayed, in the strongest degree, this criminal weak- ness; whenever a crisis comes, they collapse; resignation and passive endurance become the practical epitome of their creed ; they He down and let the communists of the hour walk over them. When Ozanam came to Paris, the department of Public Instruction still showed signs of this fatal inertia, which had deadened it under the Empire, when open hostility to reli- gion and morals had given way to sleek oppression and an outward varnish of respect as offensive as it was paralyzing. The Restoration had inaugurated a new era, but the energy to profit by it was wanting; indifference and the laisser-alkr spirit had become a rooted habit in men's minds, and was not to be cured in a day. These periods of coma are the grand opportunity of false prophets and founders of new religions ; then it is that they stand forth and call around them the restless spirits who, impatient at the general stagnation, chafe under the dead weight, and burn to find an outlet for their pent-up energies. The Abb6 de Lamennais was the great false pro- phet of this period. Partly the creation, partly the reaction of the spirit of his times, he responded fully to its cry, and 4» 42 Life a?id Works of Frederic Ozanam, took a hold upon the sympathies of his fellow-men unparal* leled perhaps in the history of similar influences. Before this bright misleading star had risen, the St. Simo- nians were in the field, promising to lead humanity to the second earthly Paradise, attracting great numbers of the young by their specious and brilliant theories. Frederic Ozanam had drawn his maiden sword against them, as we saw, and with considerable local effect; but the ranks of the St. Simonians were growing. He saw this in Paris better than he could have done at Lyons. The various classes which he attended bore evidence to the necessity for some counteracting force to stem the torrent of absurd and impious doctrines which pojiired out daily from these foun- tains where the young generation came to drink. Frederic was fond of relating an incident connected with the lectures at the College de France. M. Letrone, the Professor, was lecturing on the Deluge, and was at great pains to prove that the story of the universal flood was a popular fallacy ; there had not been one great, but several smaller deluges, at different epochs and in different places. This theory, besides its novelty, had the immense advantage of throwing discredit on the " legend of Genesis," if it could be maintained. The audience listened with profound attention, but Ozanam could not conceal his impatience. A young man named Lallier noticed the angry glances and expressive shrugs in which he vented his feelings at every fresh absurdity pro- pounded by the learned Professor. M. Lallier, who, for the same reason as Frederic, had kept aloof from companions of his own age in Paris, determined, as soon as the lecture was over, to go and make acquaintance with him. Ozanam however, left before the end of it, and the opportunity was lost. Several weeks elapsed before they met again ; it was at a lecture of the Abbe Gerbet's. On issuing from the room, Frederic was at once surrounded by a group of stu- y dents, who were discussing with great animation the ideas ' set forth by the lecturer ; M. Lallier went up and spoke to Life and Works of Frederic (. zanam. 43 him, and it was not long before the chance acquaintance ripened to a friendship which lasted without a cloud until Ozanam's death. The number of Catholic young men was thus augmenting in the various classes, or it might be more accurate to say they were finding each other out, and, gathering courage from union, were holding up their heads more boldly. Fear of public opinion, that plague of religion and morality in France, had held many back from avowing themselves Ca- tliolics, because they fancied they were alone. One young student, who had often seen Ozanam at the Ecole de Droit, and been attracted by his quiet diligence and the kindly charm of his manner, but had never ventured to seek his acquaintance, met him one day coming out of St. Etienne du Mont. ** What !" he exclaimed, '* are you a Catholic ? How glad I am j let us be friends ; I thought you were an atheist !" The following incident is also significant. These two young students, in company with a third, went one day to attend a sermon in one of the largest churches in Paris. They arrived late, and found every seat taken. Ozanam and his friend at last secured places, but their companion, after elbowing his way up to the pulpit, could only find standing- room, and there he remained. He was six feet high, and otherwise of a striking appearance, so that the cur6, who was seated with his clergy in the bancd^ceuvre opposite, noticed him, and, taking for granted that he was standing there out of disrespect, rose and publicly rebuked him, adding, ** Your attitude shows that you are more accustomed to frequent the theatre than the church." The young man blushed deeply, but held his ground until the sermon was over, when he went to the sacristy and had an explanation with the cur^. The latter, as may be imagined, was greatly distressed at his mistake, but, after making an ample apology, remarked, " We so seldom see a young man in our churches, except it be, as I said, from a bad motive — to mock or criticise — that it 44 Life and Works of Frederic Ozanam, never occurred to me you were an exception to the rule.*' The exceptions, however, were increasing notably. Frederic had been little more than a year in Paris when he writes to Ernest Falconnet : •'We are more numerous than we thought. I have met here with young men strong in intellectual vigor, and rich in generous sentiments, who devote their thoughts and researches to the high mission which is also yours and mine. Every time a rationalist Professor raises his voice against Revelation, Catholic voices are lifted up to answer him. We have, several of us, banded together for this purpose. Twice already I have taken my share of this noble work by addressing my objections in writing to these gentlemen. We have had our chief success at X.'s class. Twice he attacked the Church, first by treating the Papacy as a temporary institution, born under Charlemagne, and now dying out, and the next time in accusing the clergy of having at all times favored despotism. Our answers were publicly read, and produced the best effect, both on the Professor, who as good as retracted his words, and on the audience, who applauded. The most useful result of all this is that it enables us to show the students of the present day that one tnay be a CatJiolic and have common sense, that one may love liberty and religion at the same time ; also it stirs them up from their fatal religious indifference, and accustems them to grave and earnest discussion. " But the most interesting and consoling thing of all for us young Christians are the ' Conferences' which have been undertaken, at our request, by the Abbe Gerbet. Now we may say with truth that light shines in the darkness, — Lux in tenebris lucet. Every fortnight we have a lecture on philosophy and history ; nowhere does language more penetrating, or doctrine more profound, resound in our ears. " The system of Lamennais, as expounded by him, is no longer that of his provincial partisans ; it is the immortal alUance of faith and science, of charity and industry, of power and liberty." A more serious passage of arms occurred between the two parties a few weeks later. TO HIS COUSIN FALCONNET. "The chair of Philosophy at the Sorbonne was the battle-field. Professor Jouffroy, one of the most illustrious rationalists of our day, thought fit to attack Revelation, the very possibility of Revelation. A young man, a Ca- tholic, addressed some remarks to him in writing, to which the philosopher promised to reply. He waited fifteen days, to get ready his weapons no doubt, and then, without reading the letter, he just made a sort of analysis of it, and tried to refute it after his own fashion. The Catholic student, seeing that he was misunderstood, sent a second letter to the Professor, who this time took no notice of it, but continued his attacks, protesting that Catholicism repudi- ated both science and liberty. Thereupon we all met and drew up a protest Life and Works of Frederic Ozanajti. 45 which embodied our real sentiments ; it was signed hastily by fifteen studerts, and addressed to M. Jouffroy. This he could not avoid reading. The au- dience, composed of over 200 persons, listened with respect to our profession of faith. The philosopher hummed and hawed, confounded himself in apolo- gies, declared that he never meant to attack Christianity in particular, which he held, on the contrary, in the highest veneration, and promised to endeavor for the future not to wound the belief of any of his Catholic hearers. But above all, he mentioned a fact which is most significant, and most encouraging for our times: * Gentlemen,' he said, 'five years cigo all the objections sent in to me were dictated by materialism ; spiritualistic doctrines met with the fiercest resistance ; to-day this feeling is greatly altered : the opposition has become quite Catholic' It is sad to see him struggling to solve the problem of human destinies by the mere force of reason ; the most absurd inconsisten- cies and contradictory admissions escape him every day. Lately he declared it was false that the righteous were ever unhappy, or that the wicked were ever spared in this world. Yesterday he confessed that the cravings of the intellect are insatiable, that science, far from satisfying them, only serves to discover their boundlessness, and leads man to despair by showing him the impossibility of ever reaching perfection. " He admitted that material knowledge did not suffice to our minds, and that after exhausting it the void remained, and he himself felt impelled to seek for supernatural light. My dear friend, one must pity them, these poor philosophers of rationalism 1 If you could but hear their extravagant propo- sitions and their stupid attacks on Christianity, mere servile declamations from Voltaire, always on the same key ; if you could hear one of them, for instance, trjing to explain away miracles by asserting that, the laws of nature being beyond our reach, we cannot appreciate their derogations, and that the resurrection of a dead man would present nothing miraculous to a savant of \y our day ! — if you could but hear all this, would you not congratulate Chris- tianity on having such adversaries ? " Let us cheer up ; our enemies are weak ; these fine doctors of incredulity could be worsted by the simplest of our village priests : let us cheer up, I say, for the work of God is advancing, and will be accomplished by the youth of this very day ; who knows ? perhaps even by you and me 1" The zeal and ability which the growing group of young Catholics displayed in the service of truth certainly justified this sanguine expectation. Frederic was as yet far from real- izing that he was himself the mainspring of the movement, yet such was already the case. From this time forward a no- table change was observed in the tone of the Professors of the Sorbonne; their teaching continued as radically anti- Christian as before, but they were more guarded in their lan- guage, more considerate for the feelings of the Christian por- / 46 Ufe and Works of Frederic Ozanam, tion of their audience. This change was attributed by every one to young Ozanam's influence. He modestly speaks of the able letter which had been written to M. Joufifroy as " a protest which we drew up," but it was in reality entirely his work, and displayed an amount of scientific and historical knowledge which showed the infidel philosopher that Chris- tianity would defend herself with those very weapons which he and his school fancied were their own exclusive possessioa CHAPTER V. Frederic's residence with M. Ampere was an advantage lo him in many ways. The patriarch of mathematicians, as he was styled, soon conceived a fatherly affection for his young guest, and yielded to his virtues and talents that gen- erous tribute of admiration which true greatness so readily pays to both. He liked nothing better than to call Frederic into his study, and converse with him by the hour on philoso- phy and science ; he frequently solicited his assistance at his work, and long treatises on scientific subjects are still pre- served written half by one and half by the other. Even after Frederic had left him, on the return of his son from Germany, and gone to live in chambers, M. Ampere constantly sent to beg his help in some urgent and difficult work. Once, when he had only a few days to remain in Paris for the completion of a plan for the classification of sciences, to which he attached great importance, he writes to the hard-worked student — " Come, I entreat you, for the sake of all the friendship you bear me ; there is not a moment to lose, if you will not deprive me of a thing to which I attach immense interest." M. Ampere used to say that if Ozanam had devoted himself exclusively to sci- ence he would have been the first mathematician of his age. There can be no doubt but that his literary power was greatly strengthened by the scientific knowledge which he acquired, almost by contagion, from M. Ampdre. He had always a great horror of becoming simply a man of letters, and nothing else ; a man whose mind only worked in one way and on one subject like a machine. While still a mere boy he felt that true instinct of genius which rebels against a groove, and longs for space. He began very early to plough up his mind 4^ Life and Works of Frederic Ozanam. in every direction, and sow a variety of seeds in order that he might reap many and various crops. Science proved a valu- able helpmate to him ; he owed to it, probably, in a great ^ measure his sheer inability to treat any subject superficially. He loved it, too, for its own sake, because it opened out to him resources in every part of nature, revealing secrets which literature cannot discover, but only describe ; because it fur- nished him with contrasts and comparisons of endless variety and beauty, and was unconsciously educating him to be deep, philosophical, and harmonious as a writer. Sometimes in these intimate conversations, the sense of the mysteries and beauties of nature which M. Ampere's own remarks or re- searches suggested would throw the Christian savant into a sud- den ecstasy of admiration and reverent self-abasement. Many a time he would break off abruptly in what he was explaining or investigating, and burying his great white head in his hands cry out like one overpowered by some high presence, *' Oh how great God is, Ozanam ! how great God is I" The example of the old man's strong and simple faith was a constant lesson, and sometimes a great support to Frederic. His own faith was sound and fervent, but it was not proof v/ against those intervals of decouragement* and occasional sinkings of the heart which are consistent with the firmest intellectual belief. He was all his life a sufferer from both, and now, overdriven as he was by work, weary sometimes of the sustained effort which seemed to bring such little result, while all around him egotism and infidelity were prosperous and rampant, he was occasionally assailed by a feeling of bitterness, almost of resentment, against the faith which ruled his soul, but which was slow to repay the constant sacrifice it demanded. One day, while a prey to this feeling, he went out, and, walking in the direction of St. Etienne du Mont, turned in, more from routine, or some unconscious impulse, than from any deliberate prompting of piety ; he advanced *The word has no exact equivalent in English. " Low spirita " will noi do, w • maa ouwr to ]• kigh spints and yet Uii 44e»wtaf