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 PUBLICATION NO. 1 
 
 The Political and the Social Leaders of 
 
 the Jewish Community of Sepphoris 
 
 in the Second and Third 
 
 Centuries 
 
 BY 
 
 A. BUCHLER, Ph.D. 
 
 PRINCIPAL OF THE JEWS' COLLEGE 
 
PUBLICATION NO. 1 
 
 The Political and the Social Leaders of 
 
 the Jewish Community of Sepphoris 
 
 in the Second and Third 
 
 Centuries 
 
 BY 
 
 A. BUCHLEB, Ph.D. 
 
 PRINCIPAL OF^k& JEWS' COLLEGE 
 
i\ 
 
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 Introduction 3-6 : Eabbinic sources on Galilee in the second century, 
 their importance for the first century, halakhic and agadic discussions and 
 discourses reflect actual life, their historical value. References to public 
 life in Sepphoris by rabbis in schools and synagogues, to the public 
 position of the wealthy and the fight of rabbis against the wealthy of 
 Sepphoris. 
 
 Chapter I. The leaders of the Jewish community of Sepphoris (7-20). 
 § 1. Jewish communal organization and political leaders (7), the great 
 ones within the community and as representatives before the Roman 
 government (7) identical with the first ten as tax collectors (8). The great 
 ones of the generation (8) are no scholars, civil leaders (9) ; title of Jewish 
 and non- Jewish leaders (10) ; the same title later given to scholars (10). 
 Complaints against the great ones (11) who were non-observant (12) ; the 
 heads (13). § 2. Parnasim of the generation (13) not connected with 
 charity (14), but are political representatives (14) and wealthy (15) ; the 
 patriarch one of the Parnasim (16) who constitute the Jewish nobility 
 of Sepphoris (16). § 3. Relation between nobles and scholars (17, 18), 
 nobles haughty, some scholars haughty (19). 
 
 Chapter II. Jewish official judges in Sepphoris in the second and third 
 centuries (21-23^. § 1. Autonomous courts, official judges no scholars 
 (21, 22). § 2. They judge by non -rabbinic (22), Roman or Palestinian law 
 (23, 24). § 3. They are charged with injustice by rabbis (25, 26), § 4, in 
 their sermons (26) and with acceptance of gifts (27) ; the officials of 
 judges (28). § 5. Judges appointed by unknown authority (30), whether 
 by the patriarch (30). § 6. Judges and rabbis (31), charge of class 
 justice (32). 
 
 Chapter III. The wealthy of the Jewish community in Sepphoris 
 (34-49). § 1. The wealthy men (34), § 2, promise contributions to 
 charities in synagogues (35) on Sabbath (36), but pay hesitatingly (37, 38). 
 § 3. Tax burdens of the wealthy (39), unjust distribution of Roman 
 impositions (39), Roman extortions from the wealthy (40, 41), the Boule 
 and taxes (42). § 4. Charges of dishonest dealings and of violence (43-46). 
 § 5. Charges of immorality (46, 47). § 6. Lewdness of the population of 
 Sepphoris (48), the task of rabbis (49). 
 
 Chapter IV. The population of Sepphoris and the rabbis (50-65). 
 § 1. The rabbis criticized and charged with immorality (50) ; immoral 
 students (51), remedies (52). § 2. No respect for scholars (53) and abuses 
 (54> 55)- § 3^ Contempt of schojaj-s ,(56)' and hatred (57). § 4. The 'Am- 
 ha'ares of Sepph£>fi£*C68, 59)^ • "§'5. .'Utterances of scholars on 'Amha'ares 
 (59, 60). § 6. Non-t^servant* 'scholars (61, 62), § 7, study the Torah not 
 for its own sake (63); their. relations to the schools (64, 65). 
 
 Chapter V. ThU Vn&inVenance of trc scholars in Sepphoris (66-78). 
 § 1. Poverty of vhe papulation \h6). % § 2. Poverty of scholars (67), some 
 turn to worldly occupation (68). § 3. Priests though receiving dues do 
 not study (69). § 4. Only poor young men study (70), their maintenance 
 (71) ; some give up study (71), occupations (72). § 5. The Jews of 
 Sepphoris expected to support the scholars (73), the rabbis suggest it 
 to them (74), § 6, but the wealthy refuse support (75). § 7. Some rabbis 
 decline support (76). Results (77, 78). Index (79-92). 
 
6 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 The great interest attaching to the history of the Jews 
 in Galilee in the first century is not, and cannot be 
 satisfied by Josephus and the New Testament, the two 
 direct narrative sources at our disposal. Both have as 
 their central objects events which engross their whole 
 attention ; and they therefore only very incidentally 
 throw light on important details of the inner life of 
 the community. The descriptions in modern writers 
 both of the Galilean Jews and of Galilean Judaism of 
 the first century are indeed vivid and complete j but 
 combination and imagination have played far too great 
 a part in their formation. Other information being so 
 scanty, the usefulness and importance of Rabbinic litera- 
 ture have been of late increasingly recognized, and single 
 parallels are often quoted, if only as illustrations. It is 
 true that this Rabbinic material deals with or reflects the 
 conditions in Galilee in the first half of the second 
 century at the earliest, and it has been on this ground 
 refused illustrative force for the first century by some 
 scholars. Yet it should readily be admitted that popular 
 belief and religious customs, social conditions and abuses, 
 communal organization and the position of the ruling 
 classes, the average man and the violent noble, were 
 almost, if not wholly, the same in the second and first 
 centuries. And just all these points are fully and fairly 
 clearly illustrated in the Talmudic literature. 
 
 Not that there is a connected description or narrative 
 of a single point bearing upon the inner life of the 
 Galilean Jews. . But the various halakhic discussions 
 and decisions of the schools in Galilee reflect religious 
 needs and deficiencies, worse than the usual, which forced 
 
 A 2 
 
 449909 
 
4 INTRODUCTION 
 
 thorn selves apon the attention of the scholars of the 
 second century and were met by suggestions, well mean- 
 ing, though without legal force. And there are numerous 
 agadic statements and interpretations of the Bible, frag- 
 ments of sermons once delivered which dealt with moral 
 life and action in all those manifold forms which are not 
 subject to regulations by law, and which contained impres- 
 sive admonitions, rebukes forcible or comforting, serious 
 strictures on one section of the population, consolation 
 offered to another. They all reflect actual conditions of 
 life, suffering, resignation, resistance, power, violence and 
 extortion ; and if they be once recognized as reflection of 
 facts and their places and dates be determined, they prove 
 an abundant source of trustworthy information. They 
 may sometimes appear one-sided, exaggerated accounts by 
 teachers and preachers prejudiced against the men of 
 position and wealth. If so, they must be reduced to 
 their true value, but must not be altogether rejected 
 without examination. 
 
 Of the different classes of the Galilean Jewish popula- 
 tion it is the ruling classes who form the subject of this 
 essay, and of them only the leading and wealthy men 
 of Sepphoris. This city was the greatest of Galilee and 
 the centre of the Roman and of the autonomous adminis- 
 trations of the country, and therefore the seat of the 
 representatives of the Jewish community. Consequently 
 most of the incidental references of the rabbis in the 
 Talmud and Midrash to Galilean public life and its bear- 
 ing on the people concern in the first instance the 
 community of Sepphoris, whether its name is expressly 
 mentioned or not. Before the year 136 information 
 is scanty, as Sepphoris had then only few rabbis ; but 
 between this year and the end of the second century 
 there were rather more, and one of the latter, E. Jose b. 
 Halaftha, was a native of the city and his statements 
 deserve special attention. Towards the end of the second 
 century the central body of rabbis, the Beth-din, was 
 
INTRODUCTION 5 
 
 transferred under the patriarch R. Jehuda I to Sepphoris 
 and retained its seat there for over fifty years. The 
 Mishna was composed there, and several of the collections 
 of the Baraithas were made in the same city. Several 
 scholars not only studied, but lived, taught and preached 
 in Sepphoris itself, and their sermons and other state- 
 ments reflect the life and the struggles of the population 
 of that town and the ways of dealing of the ruling classes. 
 
 But the subject of this investigation will not be their 
 policy and management of the internal administration 
 of the Eoman province to the satisfaction of the Eoman 
 governors after the death of Agrippa II. It will be con- 
 fined to the position of the leading and the wealthy men 
 within the Jewish community in their relations to the 
 Jewish population, which honoured them for their official 
 position, and in spite of their inveterate selfishness bore 
 with them for fear of their power and influence grounded 
 on the Roman support at their disposal. All this is 
 reflected in the Halakha and the Agada. As members 
 of the city council of Sepphoris, as judges, as representa- 
 tives of the Jewish community before the Eoman govern- 
 ment and as Eoman tax-collectors, the leaders of the 
 Jews exercised their power usually in the interest of their 
 own class, and rarely had the time or the sense of duty to 
 think of the needs of the people which they nominally 
 represented. They have left no record of their activity ; 
 and the same is the case with the people and those 
 from among their own midst who may have actually 
 represented them. 
 
 In the Talmudic sources the rabbis of Galilee appear 
 as the voluntary advocates of the interests of the people. 
 In consequence of the terrible war of bar-Cochba and 
 the Hadrianic persecutions, the rabbis had settled in 'Usha 
 and several other places in Galilee. Living among the 
 people, they soon became acquainted with the ways in 
 which the nobles and the wealthy dealt with them. The 
 rabbis were themselves, as a rule, men of the people, and 
 
6 INTRODUCTION 
 
 as such were received by the ruling and landowning class 
 of the Galilean Jews with contempt. In the synagogues 
 and schools, where on the sabbaths and festivals all the 
 Jews assembled, the preachers waged war against the 
 political heads and the social leaders, their injustice 
 as judges, their egotism when acting as representatives 
 of the Jews, their persistent meanness in not supporting 
 the schools and scholars, their dishonesty in their private 
 dealings and their immorality. Of course, instead of 
 succeeding in improving this state of affairs, they incurred 
 the hatred of the classes which they criticized so fear- 
 lessly. As their strictures were apt to lessen the respect 
 in which the leaders and the wealthy were held by the 
 people, these not only continued to refuse to support the 
 scholars, but in order to avert the attack, themselves 
 took the offensive. This conflict between the wealthy 
 and influential heads of the community of Sepphoris 
 who were natives of the town, and the poor rabbis who 
 came from Judaea or from villages of Galilee, reveals 
 several points in the inner life of the Galilean Jewish 
 communities which have hitherto been unknown to 
 historians. 
 
CHAPTEE I 
 
 THE LEADEES OF THE JEWISH COMMUNITY 
 OF SEPPHOEIS. 
 
 No express data have been preserved about the organiza- 
 tion of the Jewish community in Sepphoris in the second 
 and third centuries ; yet it may be confidently assumed 
 that it was the same as in all greater cities of Galilee. 
 The Talmudic material on the general organization of the 
 Jewish communities has been collected by Dr. Weinberg 
 in a series of articles. 1 But little or no reference was 
 made by this writer to the political leaders, though the 
 Jewish community like the rest of the population must 
 have had representatives before the Eoman government. 
 With these leaders, whether official or unofficial, this 
 chapter will deal, as far as it is necessary for the due 
 appreciation of the communal organization and as far as 
 Talmudic sources give us an insight into actual conditions 
 in Sepphoris. 
 
 i. With regard to the official class in Sepphoris the 
 vague title of Gedolim (D*7tta lit. the great ones) of the 
 city (cf. 2 Kings x. 6) is first to be pointed out. No 
 doubt the word denoted only one class of dignitaries 
 or leaders 2 in Sepphoris, as was the case in Kabul in 
 Galilee. 3 The title existed before 135 in Sepphoris,* and 
 
 1 In Monatsschrift fur die Geschichte und Wissenschafi des Judentums, vol. 42. 
 
 2 In Kohel. rabla, iii. 2, 3 : one of the niC2 ^TB bad his son circumcised 
 and the people of 'En-T'ena went up to do him honour, amongst them 
 R. Simon b. Halaftha. 
 
 3 In Levit. rabba, xx. 3 : when the son of one of the Vim ^"m married, 
 many people of this town were invited, amongst them R. Zakkai. 
 
 * Tanhuma, «sco 1, Num. rabba, xxiii. 1 : The mDS ^"na received letters 
 containing threats from the Roman government and they consulted 
 R. Eleazar b. Parta. 
 
8 THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL LEADERS OF 
 
 was applied fco two influential and very rich members 
 of the community of Jerusalem between the years 60-70, 
 who in another passage are quoted as Bouleutes, coun- 
 cillors. 1 No doubt, the Gedolim were influential men 
 in Galilee whose word had weight with the government ; 
 from them the Jewish scholars hoped for succour during 
 the merciless religious persecutions of the emperor 
 Hadrian. 2 To them the Roman government sent their 
 official letters, and as late as about the year 300 they 
 represented their city before a Roman delegate in matters 
 of taxes. 3 Probably they are identical with the beita 
 TTp&Toi (the first ten) of a city (e. g. those of Tiberias 
 mentioned by Josephus), 4 whose main duty it was to 
 collect taxes and who were held responsible for the full 
 amount of the levy. A scholar about the year 300, 
 R. Isaac, knew a family in Sepphoris called bar-Levianus 
 which belonged to the Gedolim of the country (pan ^na) 
 and which may be identified with a family of Bouleutai 
 mentioned elsewhere as resident in Sepphoris. 5 
 
 Another title is Gedol haDor (l)in b)l) lit. the great 
 of the generation). This designation characterizes its 
 bearer as one enjoying reputation transcending local 
 
 1 Genes, rabba, xlii. i : ben-Sisith haKeseth and Nakdimon b. Goryon 
 rwrarr 'Vnji ; in Kohel. rabba, vii. n, Bouleutes, obviously members of the 
 council of Jerusalem, as in jer. Ta'anith, IV, 8, 69 a, 26 ; Threni rabba, i. 5. 
 In Ruth rabba, i. 1, § 4, 'Elimelekh of Ruth i. 1 is termed one of the 
 
 2 Ta'anith, 18 a : R. Jehuda b. Shammu'a and his friend consulted in 
 the Hadrianic persecutions a lady at whose house all the vyn 'Vm used 
 to meet. These may have been non-Jews. 
 
 3 R. Levi in Levit. rabba, xxx. 7, Tanhuma, y\Vi*, 22, Pesiktha, 182 b, said : 
 This can be compared to a town which owes arrears of taxes to the 
 emperor ; when he comes to collect the taxes and is within ten miles 
 of the town, the ro*TDn 'Vila go out to meet him and praise him, and he 
 releases a part of the arrears. When within five miles, the Patrobouloi 
 come to meet him and praise him, and he releases another part of the 
 arrears. In jer. Pe'a, I, 1, 15 c, 18, we find Damab. Nethinaasthe head of 
 Patroboule in Ashkalon ; he was a non-Jew. 
 
 4 Vita, 13. 57; Wars, II, 21, g^Vita, 33; Vita, 68; Schurer, Geschichte z , 
 II, 172. 
 
 5 Hullin, 87 a ; jer. Sabbath, XII, 3, 13 c, 69. 
 
THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OP SEPPHORIS 9 
 
 limitations. Further, it is probable that, while the title 
 denoted a special dignity or position in the community 
 or the country, it in no case implied scholarship. It 
 occurs in a Baraitha in an enumeration of the dignitaries 
 of the school, of the synagogue and of the community 1 5 
 and the context shows that the Gedol haDor belonged 
 to neither of the first two categories, and must therefore 
 be one of several civil leaders of the Jewish com- 
 munity. "We find the same distinguished from scholars 
 in statements by teachers of the second half of the third 
 century in Sepphoris. 2 They were so well known in 
 Galilee that R Simon b. Johai in a sermon could apply 
 to 'Elimelekh, Mahlon, and Khilion (Ruth i. 2) the same 
 title 3 ; and an anonymous preacher of the second century 
 used it with reference to Joshua and the high priest 
 Eleazar (Synh. f 3 b). Another Tanna of the same time 
 describes 'Amram as Gedol haDor, Moses' father, whose 
 example all the Israelites in Egypt are reported to have 
 followed (Sota, 12 a). A preacher about the year 300 
 applied the title to the leaders of the Jews and the non- 
 Jews in Persia in the times of Esther, 4 and another speak- 
 ing of the non- Jewish prominent men of Abraham's time 
 uses the same title. 5 From this it is evident that in the 
 two great Galilean cities, in Sepphoris and Tiberias, there 
 
 1 Pesah., 49 b : one should sell all his property in order to marry the 
 daughter of a scholar ; if he fails to find such, he should marry a daughter 
 of -rnn ^m ; failing this, a daughter of one of the heads of synagogues. 
 Cf. E. Isaac's statement in Gift, 60 a. 
 
 2 In Kohel. rob., ix. 18, 2, R. Isaac b. Maryon said : He who is insolent to 
 scholars and Tnrr >bnj commits as great a sin as though he had behaved 
 thus to a king. Obviously *Vru in the plural is required by the context. 
 In Kiddush., 70 b ; jer. Kiddush., IV, 1, 65 d, 47, R. Johanan reports that 
 mm ^Vn:, whom he knew, had intermarried with people of doubtful 
 descent. 
 
 3 In a Baraitha in Baba bathra, 91 a, Tos. 'Aboda zara, IV, 4 : They 
 were "mn tHiEfl mn *VrO (Tos. reads tqs 'Dnsi), and God punished them 
 because they left Palestine. R. Hanina calls so King David and Daniel in 
 Megilla 15 a. 
 
 4 R. Hanina b. Papa in 'Esther rabba to i. 5 said : King Ahasuerus gave 
 a dinner to all the people who were present in Susa ; the leaders of the 
 time had fled. 5 R. Levi in Baba mesi'd, 87 a. 
 
IO THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL LEADERS OF 
 
 were Jews and non-Jews Gedole haDor. The majority 
 of the political leaders were no longer Jews as in the 
 times of Josephus, and therefore the few Jews who 
 occupied political positions were respected much more 
 than formerly. 
 
 It must, however, be stated that in some instances 
 scholars in the third and fourth centuries, as it seems 
 without any political position, were styled by rabbis 
 Gedole haDor. When about the middle of the third 
 century R. Joshua b. Levi defended his friend R. Hanina 
 b. Hama of Sepphoris before the people of this city, and ac- 
 counted for the plague prevailing by the sins of the Jews 
 in Sepphoris, R. Hanina said: "What can the Gedole 
 haDor do, since the community is judged according to its 
 majority 1 Y Thus R. Joshua b. Levi himself is referred to 
 by the prophet Elijah in the same way {Pesiktha, 88 a, 
 136 a) ; and two scholars, explained by 'Abbai to have 
 been the patriarch R. Jehuda I and his friend R. Jacob 
 b. 'Aha, are quoted by the Babylonian authority Samuel 
 as Gedole haDor (Moed Katan, 22 b). 2 R. 'Assi of Tiberias 
 about the year 300 speaks of the officials of the temple of 
 Jerusalem under the same designation (jer. Pe'a, VIII, 7, 
 21 a, 28). It seems from a statement of R. Levi of about 
 the same date that members of the highest religious 
 body, usually called the elders, were designated by this 
 title. 3 
 
 1 Jer. Ta'anith, III, 4, 66 c, 61 -inn *Vru ws y no. R. Joshua applies the 
 title in Threni rab., i. 6 to the responsible leaders in Jerusalem before the 
 destruction. 
 
 2 In Gittin, 23 b, R. Ze'ira and R. Samuel b. Isaac are given this title. 
 In Levit. rab., xvii. 5, R. Jonathan of beth-Gubrin, in his farewell address 
 to the Jews of an hospitable community, calls the scholars 'ww »Vn3, 
 whereas in the second century R. Jehuda b. 'Il'ai on a similar occasion in 
 his thanks to the Jews of 'Usha (in Cantic. rab., ii. 5, 3) calls his colleagues 
 minrr >bna and irrvm. Even R. Eliezer, the son of R. Jose the Galilean, 
 applies the title only indirectly to the same scholars ; cf. Pesah., 66 a, 70 b. 
 
 3 In Lev. rab., xxx. 7, Pesiktha, 183 a, and parallels, R. Levi said : On the 
 eve of New Year -mn $VU fast ; from New Year to the day of Atone- 
 ment the CH'm fast ; on this day all people fast. The political leaders 
 cannot possibly be meant in this connexion, and in the original passage 
 
THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF SEPPHORIS II 
 
 Several contemporary scholars of Sepphoris in the first 
 half of the third century refer to the Gedolim, 1 blaming 
 them for not consulting other people on important 
 matters, 2 for not doing their duty, 3 for being impatient 
 with the people, 4 and in the opposite sense, for yielding 
 to popular clamour. 5 Once the people are reproached 
 with speaking of their Gedolim in a disparaging way. 6 
 A statement by a scholar of the end of the third century 
 who interprets the reproach against the great to refer to 
 the patriarch, 7 would suggest that the blame levelled 
 against the great was aimed at R,. Jehuda II or III and 
 his supporters. Forced by the heavy burdens imposed by 
 the Eomans during the continuous wars, this patriarch 
 seems to have sided, unlike his predecessors, with the 
 
 on the procedure on fast-days because of distress {Ta'anith, 10 a. b) the 
 inn >Vn:i are not mentioned at all. According to R. Jehuda b. Simon 
 in Cant, rab., vi. 5, the B§th-din decrees the fast, and d'tjt, children and 
 elders fast. It would follow from the comparison of the two passages that 
 the leaders of the time were the elders. See Wa ^m in Hullin, 106 a. 
 
 1 Jerem. v. 5 uses the word to denote the leaders of Jerusalem ; also in 
 vi. 13 ; a Kings x. 11 ; Jonah iii. 7 ; Nahum iii. 10 ; see also -port *n in 
 Jerem. xxxix. 13, xli. 1. 
 
 2 R. Jonathan b. Eleazar in Genes, rab., viii. 8 said : We should learn 
 from God who at the creation of the first man consulted the angels, that 
 the great man should not think it below his dignity to consult a man 
 below him. 
 
 3 R. Hosha'ya in Deut. rab., i. 10 said : When Israel obey their great 
 men, but these do not do their duty, the responsibility lies with the 
 great men ; when, however, the people do not obey, the sin of the great 
 men rests upon the people. 
 
 * Injer. Bosh haShana, II, 5, 58 b, 58, R. Johanan and R. Simon b. Lakish 
 differ on the meaning of Psalm cxliv. 14. R. Johanan said : When the 
 great bear the little, there is peace ; R. Simon said : When the little 
 bear the great, there is peace (cf. Ruth rab., Prooem., 6). 
 
 6 R. Joshua b. Levi in Deut. rab., i. 10 said : When the little obey the 
 great, the great decree and God realizes their decrees ; but when the 
 great follow the little, they fall upon their faces. 
 
 6 R. Hosha'ya in Lev. rab., xviii. 4 said : The Israelites in the wilderness 
 were punished with leprosy and issue for having talked evil of their 
 great men by saying : this family is one of a leper. 
 
 7 R. Samuel b. Nahman in Deut. rab., ii. 19 said : What the great do, 
 their contemporaries do after them. For instance, if the patriarch allows 
 a thing, the vice-president, against his own conviction, follows suit, and 
 so do all the members of the Beth-din. 
 
12 THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL LEADERS OF 
 
 political leaders of the Jewish community, and to have 
 ignored the spiritual leaders, the teachers who sided with 
 the people. Our poor knowledge of the actual conditions 
 of Galilee in the middle of the third century hardly 
 enables us to interpret satisfactorily the complaints of 
 the scholars embodied in the statements quoted. 1 
 
 Already in the second century we find some similar 
 strictures on the Gedolim. An anonymous statement 
 emphasizes the truth that all elders, Gedolim and pro- 
 phets alike 2 were bound to observe the commandments . 
 and this implies that such emphasis was necessitated 
 by actual conditions of the time. 3 In singularly strong 
 terms E. Jehuda b. 'ITai, a leading member of the Beth- 
 din in 'Usha, blames the Gedolim of his time, applying to 
 them Deut. xxxii. 32, 33.* He calls them full of gall and 
 
 1 R. 'Aha in the fourth century in Pesiktha rab., xii. 50 b derived from 
 Exod. xvii. 12 a the statement that, when Israel is in distress, its great 
 men impose upon themselves suffering with the nation (cf. Ta'anith, 11 a ; 
 Mekhiltha E. Simon, p. 83, and Mekhiltha, 54 b). Obviously the great of his 
 time acted in a different way, and so in the second century did those 
 mentioned in the Baraitha in Ta'anith, 11 a, who separated themselves 
 from their people in distress. 
 
 2 Si/re" Deut., 48, p. 84 b : TOHn ke>uj .nwn msnn to n» pinron "\\qvj d« «3 
 maion to nap-orm tioio □« *3 Vn owaxi 'an yw D^nan »» ]w> cnpin «aa ]w 
 rrona una tomr> avon Tata ,nwrr. 
 
 3 R. Simon b. Johai in Genes, rab., xxvi. 5 in interpreting Gen. vi. 2 
 said : Lawlessness which does not proceed from the great is no real 
 lawlessness. He refers to the leading class and not to scholars, since he 
 translates the sons of God by \(itwn »a, judges. These we find also in 
 Si/re Deut, 13 where an anonymous Tanna derives from 'I will make them 
 rulers over you ' (Deut. i. 13) that the sins of the Israelites rest on the 
 heads of their judges in. accordance with Ezek. xxxiii. 7. The reference to 
 the responsibilities of a prophet shows that the judges mean leaders, and 
 in fact the Midrdsh Tannd'im, p. 8, reads pTDTWa* Cf. R. Simlai's saying 
 in Synh., 8 a, where pi is a leader. 
 
 * Sifrc Deut, 323 : ;ni nonE ;mo oaatD D'VTOsro flpli m-mo rotow 
 •ran DDanj onicsm DfWikjo oa» D»a*an npnr .... Vna sb« bwx jw ,rcna3 
 ran ,in» ian .1CW nn pita C32U? DnoNnn rin ,toh nono wii »o*rana 
 tmrvi "fa* ,ton mho wn .wara orran D3i« «^n *ht D'ainnn ,aa" D»a*an 
 nin jnBD cm©, the gall is spread in the great among you as in a serpent ; 
 the poison of the pious and well reputed among you is like that of 
 snakes ; the heads among you are cruel like an asp. Another explana- 
 tion : the poison of the cautious and sin-fearing among you is like that 
 
THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF SEPPHORIS 13 
 
 poison, and calls the heads (Mj cruel, without illus- 
 trating his charges. But other references will show that 
 it was in their capacity of collectors of taxes for the 
 Eoman government and in their allotting the public 
 burdens imposed upon the community that they ex- 
 hibited so little sympathy with the less wealthy members 
 of the towns. Eeference must be made also to the ttvm 
 just mentioned, a title given probably to the same leaders 
 of the community, but in all instances borrowed from the 
 Bible passages applied to them. 1 They are on one hand the 
 representatives of the Jews in times of distress, on the 
 other hand they do wrong and ought to have been 
 prevented from doing so by the influential scholars. 2 
 
 2. "We find in a statement of the second century quoted 
 above (p. 9) that some of the Gedolim of the generation 
 were at the same time Parnese haDor (inn *ona Baba 
 bathra, 91 a, Tos. 'Aboda zara, IV, 4). It would be a great 
 mistake to identify this Parnas with the head of the 
 charity organization within the Jewish community. He 
 is connected with the political organization of the 
 
 of snakes, and the heads among you are like asps. On account of the 
 interpretation of VncjN as 'great man' (Sota, 47 a. b) one would be in- 
 clined to think that the scholars are blamed here, and to assume that 
 E. Jehuda used concerning the scholars the strong language of his 
 teacher K. Eliezer b. Hyrkanos in Aboth, II, 10, and even his similes. 
 But the good qualities of the men characterized tend to show that 
 R. Jehuda had non-scholars in view ; and the titles D^TO and D'ttttO (see 
 below) make it certain that the political heads are meant. 
 
 1 R. Joshua b. Levi in jer. Homy., Ill, 9, 48 b, 71 said : Who has the 
 precedence, the head or the elder? The elder, for there would be no 
 head if there were no elder. Moses in Deut. xxix. 10 mentions the heads 
 before the elders, Joshua in xxiv. 1 the elders first. R. Hanina of Sepphoris 
 in Sabb.j 54 b, 55 a, using Is. iii. 14, said : God will punish the elders for 
 not having prevented the leaders (amc) from doing wrong. Who were 
 meant by heads is evident from R. Levi's statement in jer. Horay., Ill, 9, 
 48 c, 4 : Moses mentioned the heads before the elders, for he saw in 
 prophecy that the Israelites will once be handed over to the nations and 
 the heads will then protect them. They are clearly the political re- 
 presentatives of the Jews. 
 
 2 The head of a town is mentioned in the advice given by R. 'Akiba to 
 his son in the Baraitha in Pesahim, 112 a : Do not live in a town the head 
 of which is a scholar. 
 
14 THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL LEADERS OF 
 
 Galilean towns only, and his function is in no way to 
 be mistaken for that of the Parnas frequently quoted 
 in the Talmudic literature. A Parnas of the latter type 
 was for instance R. Eleazar b. Pedath in Sepphoris, but 
 he had nothing to do with representing the Jews in 
 matters of government. On the other hand the fact that 
 Moses is termed the Parnas of Israel to whom Joshua 
 succeeded in the same dignity, 1 and that the high priest 
 'Eli 2 and King David 3 are given the same title, is 
 sufficient evidence that Parnas denoted the general leader 
 or leaders of the people and not merely the administrator 
 of charity. The comprehensive nature of the function of 
 these Parnasim is brought out in the tradition describing 
 Moses and David as offering their lives for Israel in their 
 capacity of Parnasim. They are in the same passage com- 
 pared to the Gedole Israel who are held responsible for 
 their people. 4 We find R. Gamaliel II, the head of the 
 Beth-din in Jamnia, denominated Parnas of the genera- 
 
 1 Si/re Num., 137, 138, 139, 141 ; Si/re Deut, 26, 334 (here of Joshua 
 ■Oasn to D31D n:on:), Joma, 86 b. In Si/re Num., 139 God showed Moses all 
 the d^-id who will rule over Israel from his times till the Messiah will 
 come. The words crcon *rotol iS« are, no doubt, a mistake, as the context 
 clearly shows. It is true we find the title given to scholars in Si/re Deut, 
 357> P* I 5° a > namely to Hillel, R. Johanan b. Zakkai and R. 'Akiba, just 
 as in Seder 'Olam, ch. XII, XIII, to Joshua and 'Eli. Yet these scholars are 
 not enumerated in the capacity of scholars, but as the leaders of the Jews. 
 As to R. 'Akiba, see jer. Sota, IX, 10, 24 a, 27, .nypv VI tqw iy Vntrw 109 n^i 
 mono ww ab *\bm mo:iD TttOB iVn n^m ? fflVow m n? rrunn toi, There was no 
 ViuW before R. 'Akiba. Were not all the pairs of scholars mbiaiDN ? Yes, 
 but the difference between them and R. 'Akiba is that they did not serve 
 as Parnasim, whereas R. 'Akiba served as Parnas. 
 
 2 Seder 'Olam, ch. XIII, tow n» D212 in the form of a verb. 
 
 3 Sifre Deut., 344 on Deut. xxxiii. 3 : The holy ones are the Parnasim 
 of Israel who defend Israel and give away their lives for them ; 
 thus Moses in Exod. xxxii. 32, and David in 2 Sam. xxiv. 17. (In 
 Mekhiltha, Introduction, p. 2 a, R. Jonathan said : Thus you find that 
 the ma« and the prophets gave away their lives for Israel, thus did Moses 
 and David.) R. Hanina calls David a great of the generation in Meg., 15 a. 
 
 4 In Sifre Deut, 344, on Deut. xxxiii. 3, btinXP 'Vm V>N ,"TT2 "Wnp to 
 I ^>n^D , to D'aiCDrraiD. The verb prco occurs in the Hithpa'el in Mekhiltha, 
 66 b : one commits a sin in secret and the whole people (prcorra) is held 
 responsible, as in the case of 'Akhan. 
 
THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF SEPPHORIS 15 
 
 tion by R. Joshua b. Hananya, his colleague, 1 and simi- 
 larly with his son and successor R. Simon b. Gamaliel II 
 in 'Usha, both the official representatives of Palestinian 
 Judaism in the first and second century respectively. 
 In the third century the patriarch Jehuda II is referred 
 to by the same title, 2 so that it is evident that these 
 leaders of the Jews were termed Parnasim. Their 
 position was hereditary for several centuries, and it is 
 probably with reference to them that a second-century 
 Halakha states that the dignity of Israel's Parnasim 
 fame* *wia) is inherited from father to son. 3 
 
 The Parnasim of the generation were men of wealth 
 and were expected to assist their people in times of 
 famine.* And in fact we learn that the patriarch 
 
 1 In Berakh., 28 a, R. Joshua reproaches R. Gamaliel : Woe to the 
 generation whose Parnas you are ; you do not know the sorrow of the 
 scholars, how they maintain themselves. The reference to the condition 
 of the scholars does not prove that a Parnas is meant who had to look 
 after the poor. He is the head of the central school and of the Jewish 
 community in Palestine, and in this capacity he ought to take cognizance 
 of the hard struggle of the scholars. In the Baraitha in Horay., 13 b, an 
 anonymous Tanna said : If sons of a scholar who is appointed d:id 
 TQiTT hs t are able to understand the lecture, they sit in front of their 
 father with their backs to the people. If the definition given is correct, this 
 statement could refer to the patriarch only. In fact R. Johanan refers it 
 to the times of R. Simon b. Gamaliel II and to his Beth-din in 'Usha. 
 The parallel in Tos. Synh., VII, 9, has instead corn 'TttSm &B3R »33j and 
 extends the privilege to the heads of all schools. 
 
 2 In 'Arakh., 17 a there is reported a controversy between Jehuda II 
 and the contemporary scholars as to whether the people are according to 
 the Parnas or the Parnas according to the people. It is obvious that the 
 patriarch himself is meant by the Parnas (Bacher, Palaest. Amoriier, 
 I, 533, 8). 
 
 8 In Si/re Deut., 162, on Deut. xvii. 20 we read : When the king dies, his 
 son succeeds him. The same applies to all the 'w-ra' >D2"\D, their sons 
 succeed them. This can hardly refer to scholars who could not be 
 compared to kings, whereas the patriarchs descending from David actually 
 ruled over the people. In R. Johanan's statement in Sabb., 114 a 
 tqsh *& D2"iD ini« paao D3n Tnbn JHw, Who is the scholar that could be 
 appointed the leader of the community ? probably the head of an individual 
 community is meant, as in R. 'Akiba's advice given to his son in Pesah., 
 112 a : Do not live in a town the head of which is a scholar. 
 
 * In Ruth rab., i. 1, § 4 : 'Elimelekh was one of the great men of the city 
 
l6 THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL LEADERS OF 
 
 R. Jehuda I in Sepphoris in years of drought opened 
 his stores and invited all scholars and even those 
 possessed only of some knowledge, to take food (Baba 
 ftathra, 8 a). He must have been one of the Parnasim, as 
 both his predecessors and his successor were, as we have 
 seen. Now we find that the support of the poor in times 
 of famine was considered the duty of the Bouleutes. 1 
 This would suggest that Parnas was sometimes used to 
 denote a member of the council of the city. Since these 
 councillors were considered the most important persons 
 of the population, 2 it is not improbable that the compre- 
 hensive title ' Parnas ' was applied to them. Sepphoris 
 had Jewish Bouleutai in the third century, 3 and their 
 position is characterized by the fact that at the court 
 receptions of the patriarch they had the precedence 4 ; 
 a fact that at the same time points very strongly to the 
 high function of the patriarch as the official representa- 
 tive of the Palestinian Jews. 
 
 All these leading members of the Jewish community 
 in Sepphoris constituted the Jewish nobility in that city. 
 From several passages of the second century it seems 
 that there lived in Sepphoris members of the Jewish 
 
 and of the Parnasim of the time. When the years of famine came, he 
 was afraid lest all the Israelites would come begging with their baskets, 
 and to escape this he fled abroad. 
 
 1 In Ruth rab., i. i, § 4 : Of a Bouleutes living in the city the in- 
 habitants thought he would be able to supply food in the years of 
 drought for the city. 
 
 2 R. Helbo and the scholars discuss in jer. Nedar., VI, 13, 40 a, 53 the 
 meaning of 13DD1 win in 2 Kings xxiv. 14 ; R. Helbo said, these denoted 
 the scholars ; his opponents said, they meant the Bouleutai. 
 
 3 Jer. Pea, I, 1, 16 a, 34. Sabb., XII, 3, 13 c, 69 : There were two families 
 in Sepphoris, one descending from Bouleutai and the other from private 
 people. They went every day to greet the patriarch, and the Bouleutes 
 had the precedence in going in and coming out. About the middle 
 of the third century we find R. Simon Bouleuta reporting in the name 
 of R. Hanina of Sepphoris in jer. Pesah., IV, 1, 30 c, 69; he must also 
 have been the son or grandson of a councillor. 
 
 4 R. Johanan, in Synh., 8a, terms Joshua "»rr, leader: Moses said to 
 Joshua, You will act with the elders ; God said to Joshua : one leader 
 and not two leaders at the same time. 
 
THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF SEPPHOEIS 1 7 
 
 royal family. 1 The references to them are all incidental 
 and only mention some minor details of their luxurious 
 and easy life. 2 No traces of their relations to the Jewish 
 community have been preserved, and it is impossible to 
 state whether they were children of Agrippa II (according 
 to Schurer, I 3 , 600 he probably had none,) or distant 
 relatives of his. 
 
 3. Whether there was any intercourse between the 
 Jewish nobles of Sepphoris and the scholars, is not 
 reported expressly. But several teachers of the third 
 century criticize the haughty (rmn *D5) in a manner which 
 suggests that the object of attack was the political 
 leaders of the community. B,. Hanina of Sepphoris said 
 (Syrih. 98 a) : The Messiah will not come ere the haughty 
 
 1 In Tos. Sota, III, 16, K. Jose b. Halaftha of Sepphoris said : 'Abshalom 
 cut his hair every Friday, which not even mcs ill NnntD 113, people of 
 Tiberias and Sepphoris do. If the average men of these two greatest 
 cities of Galilee were meant here, there would be no climax expressed 
 in R. Jose's statement, for 'Abshalom was a prince. They were un- 
 doubtedly people of very high position, at least equal to 'Abshalom. They 
 could have been either descendants of Agrippa II, who continued living 
 in Galilee, or members of a non-Jewish nobility, Palestinian or Roman. 
 The parallel in Nazir, 5 a, runs : R. Jose says, 'Abshalom cut his hair 
 every Friday, as we find that the princes do so every Friday. (The same 
 in Mekhiltha on Exod. xv. 2, p. 36 a, except that the author is Rabbi ; 
 obviously the name Jose has dropped out.) That they were Jews, follows 
 from Berakh., I, 2, where, concerning the latest time when the Sh'ma 1 
 may be said in the morning, R. Joshua said, Till the third hour, for 
 it is the custom of princes to get up at the third hour. Similarly 
 Jewish princes are referred to in Sabb., VI, 9 : on the Sabbath, boys may 
 go out with knots and princes with bells ; this latter permission applies 
 to everybody, only the teachers deal with actual occurrences. 
 . 2 Sabb., XIV, 4 : On the Sabbath princes may smear their wounds with 
 rose oil, since princes are accustomed to do so on week days ; R. Simon 
 said : All Jews are in this respect princes. Sabb., 129 b, Tos., XV, 3, jer., 
 XVIII, fin., 16 c, 70 : R. Simon b. Gamaliel said : Princesses may hide the 
 after-birth on the Sabbath in vessels of oil, rich ladies in tufts of wool, 
 poor women in hackled wool. In Sabb. , 80 b, Rabh said : Jewish girls 
 who have reached puberty, but not the legal age, if poor, apply lime 
 as a depilatory, if rich, flour, princesses apply myrrh oil. Here the 
 introductory words clearly prove that the princesses were Jewesses. 
 Rabh lived for several years in Sepphoris. R. Meir in Lev. rab., vii. 3 
 said : It is a custom with princes to invite their brothers and sisters 
 to dine with them. 
 
 fc 
 
1 8 THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL LEADERS OP 
 
 disappear from Israel. Since he does not give any further 
 description, it is not certain that he is referring to the 
 nobility; he may just as well be alluding to haughty 
 scholars. But the same rabbi said (Zebah., 102 a) : The 
 dignity given by God to a man is given to him also 
 for his children ; but haughtiness is the cause that God 
 humiliates him. This inclines one to the conclusion 
 that R. Hanina's attack is directed against the nobility 
 and not against teachers. For besides the dignity of the 
 patriarch no other hereditary position is known to have 
 been held by a scholar, whereas political leadership and 
 membership of the council depended on property and 
 wealth and was therefore hereditary. R. Hanina's re- 
 proach refers to an honorary position of this kind, 
 although he clearly characterizes it as one which for 
 some exceptional reason could be withdrawn. 1 The 
 hereditary line of the patriarchs continued for a long 
 
 1 They are probably the same dignitaries of whom R. Simon b. 
 Jehosadak in Joma, aa b said : Only he should be made Tasn by d:id from 
 whose back a basket of unclean insects is hanging, in order that, in case 
 he should become overbearing, he might be told : look behind your back ! 
 (Cf. the -msn br ruunnn d:id in the Baraitha in Hagiga, 5 b.) This strange 
 characterization of the leaders agrees with R. Johanan's statement 
 concerning the "iiin »Vru in Kiddush., 71a, jer., IV, 1, 65 d, 47, that they had 
 intermarried with people whose descent had been open to blame. 
 R. Jonathan b. Eleazar of Sepphoris in a long interpretation of Num. xxi. 
 37-30 in B. bathrarffth, blames immoral and haughty people who deny God. 
 These points apply best to the G-nostics, of whose school in Sepphoris 
 there are traces in the Talmudic literature. In 'Arakh., 16 a, the same 
 R. Jonathan said : There are seven kinds of sin for which leprosy is 
 the punishment : denunciation, bloodshed, false oath, immorality, 
 haughtiness, robbery and grudging. It would be unfair to refer this 
 enumeration of vices to one single class of the Jewish population in 
 Sepphoris, although we shall find that several of these points applied 
 to the rich. R. Alexander in Sota, 5 a said : He in whom haughtiness 
 prevails, is confounded by the weakest wind. It may be that this refers 
 to a man in high position. R. Johanan in Sota, 4 b said : The haughty 
 will ultimately fall and commit even the sin of adultery. R. Hama 
 b. Hanina, the son of R. Hanina of Sepphoris, said in Sota, 4 b : Haughti- 
 ness is as great a sin as incest, both are termed abominations, Lev. xviii. 
 27, Prov. xvi. 5 ; cf. R. Simon b. Johai in Sota, 4 b : A haughty man is like 
 an idolater, of both the Bible speaks as an abomination. 
 
THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF SEPPHORIS 1 9 
 
 time after E. Hanina in the same family, so that when 
 he refers to the cessation in the hereditary dignity, he 
 cannot have alluded to the patriarchs; hence he must 
 have had in mind the nobles in their official position. 
 These and similar strictures on the Galilean nobility are 
 to be found only in the third century 1 ; this indicates 
 that some changes in the relations between the leaders 
 of the community and the teachers took place which 
 occasioned the complaints of the rabbis. 
 
 With even greater persistence scholars were assailed 
 when they exhibited any degree of haughtiness. Although 
 it was a rare case, yet it happened that the knowledge they 
 had acquired made teachers proud and their colleagues 
 had to suffer from their conceit. Already in the school of 
 Jamnia or Lydda in B,. 'Akiba's times there was occasion 
 to denounce this failing, 2 but in Sepphoris the complaint 
 is more persistent. Several scholars not only reprehend 
 it most emphatically, but also demand humility of 
 a student of the Torah as an indispensable quality. 3 
 
 1 The only scholar of the end of the second century who deals with the 
 same failing of men, is, as far as I see, E. Simon b. Eleazar in Aboth R. 
 Nathan, IX, 21 a.b, Sifra, 73 a, 9, Tanhuma, StTSO B. 8 : for denunciation and 
 haughtiness leprosy is the punishment. But this is identical with 
 R. Jonathan's statement, so that both must have had the same occasion 
 for this blame. Similar is Derekh 'eres, II, Aboth R. Nathan, 2nd version, 
 XXXV, 43 a, ivtm nrrto num ^m a>2D >wi dwtcti pnmm praam pnnwr 
 roiiiDn D'Sffii rwm '3 "imN, those who terrify, act overbearingly, who 
 are haughty, presumptuous, insolent and violent, will be crushed. 
 
 3 In Aboth R. Nathan, XI, 23 b, R. 'Akiba said : Whoever acts overbear- 
 ingly on account of his learning, is like a carcass thrown away in the 
 street ; everybody passing holds his nose and runs away from it. 
 
 3 R. Jose b. Halaftha in Aboth R. Nathan, XI, 23 b, said : He who is 
 overbearing on account of his learning, will ultimately be humiliated ; 
 and he who humiliates himself on account of his learning, will ultimately 
 be raised. R. Hanina b. 'Idi, about 200, said in Ta'anith, 7 a : Just as the 
 water descends from the height to the lower regions, so the knowledge 
 of the Torah is preserved only in the humble. In an anonymous 
 Baraitha in Berakh., 43 b, it was considered discreditable for a scholar 
 to walk erect in the street. R. Jannai in Midrash Psalm v. 1 said : Only 
 he who makes himself similar to the pasture on which all tread, will 
 acquire Torah ; but, if he becomes haughty, chastisement will come 
 upon him. R. Hanina in Deut. rab., viii. 6, said : The Torah was given 
 
 B % 
 
20 POLITICAL AND SOCIAL LEADERS 
 
 The sentences glorifying humility and self-denial 
 generally and denouncing arrogance most strongly are 
 so numerous that it must have been the public audience 
 that required to be taught the lesson. The heads of the 
 Jewish community in Sepphoris looked down upon the 
 teachers, as will be seen later on, and the wealthy middle 
 class followed suit in considering the scholars below them. 
 The only weapon in the hands of the learned was to 
 preach humility and to denounce pride and haughti- 
 ness. The general results of their objective fight are 
 not known, though several details of the unequal struggle 
 have come down to us. 
 
 together with all the tools required for it : modesty, justice, straight- 
 forwardness and its reward. R. Johanan in Sota, 21 b, said : Learning 
 remains only with him who regards his own person as nothing. And in 
 'Erub., 55 a he said : Torah is not to be found with the haughty, nor with 
 the merchants, nor with the traders. 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 JEWISH OFFICIAL JUDGES IN SEPPHOEIS IN 
 THE SECOND AND THIED CENTURIES. 
 
 i. It may be assumed as very probable that the Jews 
 of Judaea and Galilee had autonomous courts of their own 
 after the complete dissolution of the Jewish state in the 
 year 70, and that they continued bringing their civil 
 cases before these Jewish courts. 1 But very little is 
 known about these autonomous institutions. Only in- 
 cidental references in the Talmudic literature give 
 scanty information, and even those merely report occa- 
 sional decisions and judgments by individual rabbis in 
 their schools or by three scholars constituting a formal 
 court for that one occasion. 2 But it is not with these 
 that we have to deal in our investigations as to the 
 leaders of the community in Sepphoris, but with the 
 official Jewish judges, recognized by the Roman govern- 
 ment, whether their appointment was by the city or by 
 a Jewish authority. This is a point which to my know- 
 ledge has so far not been examined by historians, though 
 for the internal life of the Jewish community in Sep- 
 phoris and Galilee at large it is of no little moment. 
 
 The official judges were as a rule not scholars, but, in 
 accordance with the early organization of the Israelites 
 in biblical times, were the heads of the cities or towns, 
 i.e. the nobles. Their decisions and judgments were 
 therefore not based on Rabbinical law, which they had 
 
 1 Gittin, 88 b, R. Tarfon's statement, Midrash TannaHm on Deut., p. 96, 
 Tank. D'EBtJO 6, Yalkut Mekhiri on Isa., p. 12 ff. 
 
 2 The data were collected by H. P. Chajes in Revue des Etudes Juives, 
 
 1899, xxxix, 39-52. 
 
22 THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL LEADERS OF 
 
 not learnt, but, in all probability, on precedent and 
 common sense. Before schools of rabbis existed in the 
 Galilean cities, nobody questioned the principle from 
 which the nobles derived their judgments ; at most the 
 individual decision was considered unjust. When after 
 the war of bar-Cochba the school of Jamnia was trans- 
 ferred to 'Usha and scholars settled in different towns 
 and places, especially in Sepphoris, the principles com- 
 menced to be examined by the rabbis and we suddenly 
 hear them complain of injustice in courts, admonishing 
 the judges from the pulpits to be just, and urging upon 
 their minds the importance of careful judgment. All 
 this information has to be derived from incidental 
 remarks the close and detailed examination of which 
 will therefore not be deemed superfluous. 
 
 2. Two scholars of the second half of the second 
 century are reported to have been in the service of the 
 Roman authorities in Galilee in some capacity or other, 
 R. Ishmael b. R. Jose and R. Eleazar b. R. Simon (Bdba 
 meda, 83 b). But the exact nature of their respective 
 positions it is difficult to state. 1 Now we find R. Ishmael 
 also acting as judge, and as such he was extremely par- 
 ticular as to his judgments being in the slightest way 
 influenced by any personal considerations (MaJcJcoth, 24 a). 
 Whether he was appointed as such by the Roman 
 authorities, is not reported. One of his judgments is 
 incidentally quoted 2 : he assigned alimony to a woman 
 
 1 See Jastrow in Gratz* Monatsschrift, 1882, XXXI, 185 ff., Gratz in 1884, 
 XXXIII, 490, Krauss in 1894, XXXVIII, 151 ff. 
 
 2 Jer. Kethub. ,XIII, 1, 35 d, 3 : .mDsn '\>W2 rrvxb m:ira pew? bwryar »ani »a maro 
 ,rn rron nSvd rvb -idn jno nb rimo vfw n ,: ? ion jnq -ioi *n yo» /pura no 
 K. Ishmael assigned alimony (from the estate of an absent husband) to 
 a woman, in the market of Sepphoris. Rabbi, when hearing of it, said : 
 Is it not possible that the husband has been sending alimony to his wife 
 or left her means (before going away)? In Kethub., 107b we read: It 
 happened that Rabbi assigned alimony to a woman from the estate 
 in beth-She'arim, the case came then before R. Ishmael in Sepphoris and 
 he assigned no alimony to the woman. R. Johanan, the 'Amora, could 
 not account for R. Ishmael's decision. 
 
THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF SEPPHORIS 23 
 
 in the market of Sepphoris and the patriarch R. Jehuda I 
 disapproved of it. The way in which the patriarch 
 criticized the decision shows that R. Ishmael was not yet, 
 as later on, a member of R. Jehuda's school, and the 
 latter had no means of reversing the judgment. 1 This 
 happened when R. Ishmael was not yet a rabbi, but 
 a judge. The principle on which he based his decision 
 was evidently not the Eabbinical law applied in the 
 schools of the rabbis. Again, the judgment was given 
 in the market. Although we could interpret this to 
 refer to the Basilica of the forum in Sepphoris, it is 
 certain that the rabbis would not have chosen this place 
 for their sitting. This, too, confirms the explanation 
 that R. Ishmael was a judge of the city of Sepphoris or of 
 the Roman government, giving judgment in the forum. 2 
 R. Ishmael was the son of R. Jose b. Halaftha of Sep- 
 phoris and must have had a fair knowledge of Rabbinical 
 law when he became a Roman official and afterwards 
 a judge. His father had been his teacher, as the many 
 halakhic utterances quoted by R. Ishmael in R. Jose's 
 name show. Therefore when, in spite of this, the decision 
 of his quoted above differed essentially from the law 
 adopted by the central authority, we must assume that 
 either his own conviction forced him to differ from it, or 
 the law by which he had to judge was different from the 
 
 1 Later on R. Ishmael completely submitted to the patriarch, Synh., 
 24 a, Kohel. rab., i. 7, § 9. 
 
 2 This may be meant in the warning to judges by R. Ishmael' s con- 
 temporary, R. Eleazar haKappar in Aboth R. Nathan, and version, 
 XXXIV, 38 b : -]22i *m pro rrayi -pn "rra Nirra >n vzb nth b*n p"> pipt >nn ">n 
 Do not engage in judgment, be not afraid of a man greater than you, and 
 make the forum your enemy. This would indicate that scholars were 
 offered the office of judge. Thus R. Ishmael himself in Aboth, IV, 7 (in 
 Aboth R. Nathan, 2nd version, XXXIV, 38 b, R. Eliezer haKappar, Eleazar 
 haKappar's son) said : He who refrains from giving judgment, frees 
 himself from enmity, robbery and false oath ; but he whose heart is bold 
 in giving decisions, is a fool, wicked and overbearing. Judge not alone, 
 for none may judge alone save One. The authorities in Sepphoria 
 allowed one judge to decide, contrary to the Jewish law, and therefore 
 the greatest possible care was required. 
 
24 THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL LEADERS OF 
 
 Rabbinical. 1 If he was in the Roman service, he cer- 
 tainly had to apply the Roman or the general Palestinian 
 law. That some of the rabbis knew the Roman or the 
 Palestinian law even before the year 135 in the schools 
 of Judaea and later in Galilee, is evident from several 
 passages. When a Jew and a non-Jew brought a case 
 before R. Ishmael b. 'Elisha',he applied either the Jewish 
 or the non-Jewish law, whichever was most in favour of 
 the Jew. He appeased his scruples by referring to 
 Deut. i. 16. R. Simon b. Gamaliel II said: This verse 
 does not justify that procedure ; and he applied that law 
 for which the parties asked him. 2 The same non- Jewish 
 law we see referred to by R. Hiyya of Sepphoris, a friend 
 of R. Ishmael b. R. Jose, and by R. Hosha'ya, a scholar of 
 the first half of the third century who lived in Caesarea 
 and in Sepphoris. 3 It is possible that the Roman govern- 
 ment conceded to the Jews the application of their 
 native civil law only on the condition that they should 
 
 1 In jer. Synh., VII, 2, 240,56, it is reported that when the Roman 
 government deprived the Jews of civil justice, R. Simon b. Johai ex- 
 claimed : May God be praised that I do not understand judging ! Does it 
 mean that Jewish scholars knowing non-Jewish law were forced to 
 become members of courts under Roman authority, and R. Simon, having 
 no knowledge of that law, was glad to be disqualified ? 
 
 2 Si/re Deut., 16. The same is found in Baba Kamma, 113 a in a Baraitha : 
 If a Jew and a non-Jew come before you for judgment, judge them accord- 
 ing to Jewish law, if you can do so in favour of the Jew, and tell the non- 
 Jew : that is our law. If you cannot give judgment in favour of the 
 Jew except by non-Jewish law, do so, and tell the non-Jew : that is your 
 law. If this is not possible, use subtle ways. All this is R. Ishmael's 
 view. R. 'Akiba said : Do not use subtle ways, for the sake of the sanctifica- 
 tion of God's name. 
 
 3 Jer. Baba Kamma, IV, 3, 4 b, 26, R. Hiyya taught : If the ox of 
 a non-Jew gores that of another non-Jew, although they agree to submit 
 to Jewish law, the judgment should in any case be full damages. In 
 Bekhor., 13 a, R. Hosha'ya said : If a Jew has given to a non-Jew money 
 for his cow, then he has according to non- Jewish law acquired possession 
 of it even without having drawn the animal to himself, and he is liable 
 to give its firstborn male to the priest. If a non-Jew has given money 
 to a Jew for his cow, then according to non-Jewish law even without 
 drawing it he has acquired possession of it and is free from the duty 
 of giving its firstborn male to the priest. 
 
THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF SEPPHORIS 25 
 
 apply non- Jewish, law in case the parties desired to be 
 judged by it. 1 
 
 3. The Jewish judges in the second and third cen- 
 turies, whether appointed by the Roman officials or 
 in the service of the Jewish community, 2 gave occasion 
 for very serious charges of injustice, the acceptance of gifts 
 and other illegal practices. These charges deserve all the 
 more credit and attention, as the two scholars, R. Ishmael 
 b. R. Jose and R. Eleazar b. R. Simon, who had been in 
 the Roman service and the first of whom had been 
 a judge, use the strongest possible language concerning 
 the duties of judges. R. Ishmael said (Kethub., 105 b): 
 Woe to those who accept gifts! Since my due rent 
 brought to me by my tenant-farmer impressed me so 
 favourably, how much more must those (judges) be 
 impressed by gifts who actually accept such ? R. Eleazar 
 has the following accusations against Jewish judges and 
 judgments (Synh., 98 a): The Messiah will not come 
 before judges and executive officers have ceased in 
 Israel, as Isa. i. 26 says : I will restore thy judges as at 
 the first. And interpreting Isa. xiv. 5, he said (Sabb., 139 a) : 
 1 The Lord has broken the staff of the wicked ' refers to 
 the judges who became a staff in support of their ushers ; 
 1 the sceptre of the rulers ' refers to the scholars in the 
 families of the judges. It would almost seem that 
 R. Eleazar meant, by these scholars, himself and other 
 teachers of the same position, who were indispensable to 
 judges who owed their nomination only to their wealth 
 and their position in the community, but had not the 
 
 1 I. Lewy in Verkandlungen der 33. Philologen-Versammlung (Leipzig, 1879, 
 p. 86) expresses the opinion that Koman courts established in Pales- 
 tine were accessible to the Jews and, as can be seen from some instances, 
 were actually resorted to by Jews, although they were not deprived of 
 their own courts except for a very short time. It would, then, be possible 
 that R. Ishmael in Sepphoris was a judge in the Jewish service who, when 
 required by the parties, applied non-Jewish law. 
 
 a An incidental reference to the judges of Sepphoris (msx VI) is 
 contained in Baba bathra, VI, 7, where they define the area of the ground 
 near the grave required for comforting the mourners. 
 
26 THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL LEADERS OF 
 
 knowledge requisite for their office. In addition the 
 judges had to depend on the guidance of their inferior 
 officials, who availed themselves of the ignorance of 
 their superiors and abused their helplessness for their 
 own interests. 1 Another scholar of the same period, 
 R. Jose b. 'ElishaV said: When you see an age upon 
 which great visitations come, examine the judges in 
 Israel ; and God will not cause his presence to dwell 
 upon Israel, ere the judges and officers cease from 
 Israel. A fourth teacher of the school of the patriarch 
 R. Jehuda I, viz. R. Simon b. Halaftha, said (Sota, 41 b) : 
 From the day on which the fist of flattering prevailed, 
 justice has become perverted and deeds have been con- 
 fused, and nobody can say to his fellow man : my deeds 
 are greater than yours. The reproach of this scholar 
 sees the main part of the evil in the dependence of the 
 judge on the influential people who, when parties to a 
 suit, rely on his favour ; proofs and facts are of no avail. 3 
 4. The unworthy dealings of the Jewish judges were 
 attributed by the preachers in their usual way to Biblical 
 judges of reprehensible character, and therefore it is quite 
 justifiable to infer the actual state of affairs from such 
 Agadas. Different scholars level different reproaches 
 at the sons of the prophet Samuel as judges, reading into 
 1 Sam. viii. 3, ' They turned aside after lucre ' their own 
 experiences with contemporary judges. 4 R. Meir said : 
 They asked their due with their mouths 5 ; R. Jehuda 
 
 1 E. Eleazar haKappar in Synh., 7 b, discoursed : From the juxtaposition 
 of the laws of judgment in Exod. xxi, and the prohibition of having steps 
 leading up to the altar in Exod. xx. 26, the rule is to be derived : ' be 
 careful in giving judgment.' 
 
 2 Baraitha in Sabb. , 139 a. Probably identical with Jose b. Saul in Nidda, 
 26 b ; Moed Katan, 22 a. 
 
 * An anonymous Baraitha in Sota, 47 b, mentions a similar corruption of 
 justice : Since worldly people increased in number, justice has been per- 
 verted and deeds confused, and there is no quietness in the world. 
 
 * In the Baraitha in Sabb., 56 a, Tos. Sota, XIV, 6. 
 
 * This being no sin in the proper sense, Rashi thinks that R. Meir 
 does not reproach them with wresting judgment. But being the 
 
THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF SEPPHORIS 27 
 
 said : They forced goods on private men ; E. 'Akiba 1 said : 
 They took with force an additional basket of tithes ; 
 E. Jose said : They took with force priestly dues. 2 The 
 most striking censure, namely that of E. Jehuda, of 
 forcing goods upon private people is proved to have been 
 a fact by the continuation of the statement of E. Simon 
 b. Halaftha quoted above 3 : ' Since those increased in 
 number who forced goods upon private people, bribery 
 has spread and wresting of judgment, and good has 
 ceased.' Judges who were wealthy farmers themselves 
 and wanted to sell their produce, forced merchants and 
 farmers to take and sell it when exporting their own. 
 To refuse to do so would have meant the loss of the 
 favour of the influential judge. In their capacity of 
 Aaronites they extorted tithes and dues of every kind, 
 leaving the farmer no free choice between the poor 
 Aaronite and the dangerous, revengeful judge. All this 
 fits in best with Galilean circumstances ; for here alone do 
 we know of Aaronites constituting a considerable portion 
 of the Jewish population, and of land-owners who exported 
 produce. This sad state of justice accounts for E. Nathan's 
 statement, 4 that the judge who accepts gifts and wrests 
 judgment, will not leave this world before one of three 
 
 explanation of the verse quoted, it must imply blame ; perhaps they asked 
 the dues of those who had a case to bring before them. In jer. Sota, I, 4, 
 16 d, 75, R. Hiyya said that the sons of Samuel did not walk in their father's 
 ways, for they accepted tithe and acted as judges in the cause of those 
 who had given them the tithe. 
 
 1 It is obvious that in the series of scholars of 'Usha after 135 R. 'Akiba 
 is a mistake. We find R. Jacob in personal intercourse with R. Jehuda 
 in Tos. Themura, I, 17, with R. Nehemia in Tos. Zebah., XII, 8, and he 
 discusses questions with R. Simon, R. Jose, and R. Meir (Bacher, Tannaiten, 
 H> 395) ; and it seems quite certain that «ypy has to be changed into zips* 
 as elsewhere (Bacher, II, 396, 3). The same correction must be made in 
 the Baraitha in Nidda, 20 a. 
 
 2 The sons of Samuel who were Levites are here supposed to have 
 taken with force priestly dues, just as the priests of higher rank of the 
 last decade before the destruction of the Temple appropriated all priestly 
 and levitical dues (Josephus, Antiquit., XX, 9, 2, 206 ff. ; 8, 8). 
 
 3 Sota, 47 b, Tos. Sota, XIV, 5. 
 
 * Mekhiltha on Exod. xxiii. 8, p. 100 a, Si/re Deut, 144. 
 
28 THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL LEADERS OF 
 
 things have overcome him : confusion in his knowledge 
 of the Torah, so that he will make mistakes in his 
 decisions, dependence on the support of other people, or 
 blindness. Praise had to be bestowed on a just judge. 
 To a judge who, judges properly, and to collectors of 
 charity Daniel xii. 3 refers: 'And they that be wise, 
 shall shine as the brightness of the firmament.' 1 All 
 these passages reflect the very unsatisfactory state of the 
 Jewish courts in Sepphoris and in Galilee in the second 
 century. 
 
 No change for the better had as yet taken place in the 
 third century in the state of the law-courts in Sepphoris. 
 Moreover, even stronger reproaches were levelled against 
 the Jewish judges. R. Jonathan b. Eleazar, commenting 
 on the sons of the prophet Samuel as judges, said 
 (Sabb., 56 a) : Unlike their father who went on circuit 
 to all places, they stayed at home in order to increase the 
 fees of their officials and scribes. Further he said 
 (Synh.j 7 a) : A judge who gives proper judgment causes 
 God's presence, to dwell upon Israel; by judging im- 
 properly he causes God's presence to leave Israel. From 
 a judge that takes away from one party and gives to 
 the other unjustly, God takes away the soul. R. Johanan, 
 interpreting Eccl. ix. 16, said it refers to an elder who 
 teaches: 'Ye shall not respect persons in judgment/ 
 
 1 Baraitha in Baba bathra, 8 b. Reference must be made to two state- 
 ments of R. Simai in Sepphoris about the year 200 on justice and peace. In 
 Midrash TannaHm on Deut. xvi. 19, p. 97, he said : He who wrests judg- 
 ment, appears to be a lover of peace ; in fact, however, he is more distant 
 from peace than anybody ; but more than that, he throws Israel on the 
 sword. And in Mekhiltha R. Simon b. Johai, p. 90, R. Simai said : He who 
 judges properly appears to cause jealousy between men ; in fact, however, 
 he brings about peace between them. These exhortations refer to the great 
 and prolonged discussion between R. Simon b. Gamaliel, R. Eliezer son of 
 R. Jose the Galilean and R. Joshua b. Karha concerning the admissibility 
 and praiseworthiness or justice of a compromise by the judge himself 
 (Tos. Synh., I, 2 ; jer., 1, 1, 18 b 11, b. 6 a.b). We do not know whether the 
 principle of compromise was suggested to the scholars by foreign judges 
 in Galilee, or whether quarrels between Jews and non-Jews had suggested 
 it as a means to avoid the law-courts of the Romans. 
 
THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF SEPPHORIS 29 
 
 and does so himself; 'thou sha.lt take no gift,' and 
 does so himself; 'thou shalt not lend on interest,' 
 and does so himself. 1 This is undoubtedly taken from 
 actual life in Sepphoris or Tiberias, and reflects three 
 points in the private and the official dealings of the 
 judges. Yet the strongest accusation is that read by 
 E. Simon b. Lakish into Isaiah lix. 3 : ' Your hands are 
 defiled with blood ' refers to the judges ; ' and your 
 fingers with iniquity ' refers to the scribes of the judges ; 
 1 your lips have spoken lies ' refers to the lawyers 5 ' and 
 your tongue has muttered perverseness ' refers to the 
 parties to the lawsuit (Sabb., 139 a). Even if exaggerated, 
 it reveals the corruption of the minds of all the people 
 who had any dealings with the judges in Sepphoris. 
 And though some might style these strictures generaliza- 
 tions of rabbis prejudiced on account of personal ex- 
 periences, yet they remind us of similar censures by the 
 
 1 Kohel rab. f IX, 16. R. Johanan in Baba bathra, 15 b, commenting on 
 Ruth i. 1, said : In the days when people judged the judges, when the 
 judge said : Take the chip from between your eyes, the man replied : 
 Take you the beam from between yours. When the judge said : Your 
 silver has become dross, the man replied : Your wine is mixed with 
 water. In Pesiktha, p. 123 a, R. Johanan illustrates Isa. ^. 23 : When 
 a certain man went up with his cause to Jerusalem, the judges ordered him 
 to split wood and draw water, so that the man's money was meanwhile 
 spent and he had to return home without any result. A widow met 
 him on the way and, on inquiring how he fared in Jerusalem, learnt the 
 result. This induced her to give up her cause. The story is, of course, 
 made up, but its elements were borrowed from Galilean occurrences. 
 And R. Eleazar b. Pedath composed the following story about the judges 
 of Jerusalem, though he probably had in view the judges of Sepphoris : 
 When a man died in Jerusalem and guardians were appointed for the 
 orphans, the widow who asked for her marriage settlement, and the 
 orphans who contested her claims, found, on going to a judge, that this 
 latter was in conspiracy with the tutor. An actual instance of Jewish 
 judges in Caesarea in the first half of the third century is preserved in 
 Kohel. rab., ii. 17 : R. Hosha'ya was informed that his judges were drink- 
 ing wine in public ; at first he did not believe it, but when he convinced 
 himself of the truthof the statement he wished to die. It seems as though 
 R. Hosha'ya himself had appointed those judges, since he feels so very 
 much grieved. But it may be that they had been selected by some 
 public authority, and he was their president in the sittings. 
 
30 THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL LEADERS OF 
 
 prophets of the unjust and violent, selfish and unscrupulous 
 judges and nobles in ancient Israel and Judah. 
 
 5. From the judges, the strictures of the scholars 
 turned against those who were responsible for the selec- 
 tion and the appointment of such judges. According 
 to a passage of the second century, it seems that in 
 Galilee the nomination of the judges was then in the 
 hands of one man, and that in his choice of men for this 
 highly responsible position he was guided by considera- 
 tions of relationship and wealth and by similar grounds. 1 
 In the third century R. Simon b. Lakish of Sepphoris 
 and Tiberias said : He who appoints an unjust judge is 
 as though he would plant an idolatrous tree. 2 In those 
 times it was the patriarch R. Jehuda II or III who 
 appointed ignorant judges, and the scholars laughed 
 at them in public. 3 This prerogative of appointing 
 judges he, no doubt, enjoyed with the consent of the 
 Roman authorities. It seems that he was not the first 
 to possess this right, for we find that R. Jehuda I ap- 
 pointed rabbis as judges. 4 Yet these hardly had the 
 
 1 Sifri Deut, 17 : ' You shall not respect persons in judgments ' (Deut. 
 i. 17), refers to him who is appointed to appoint judges ; he should not 
 say : A. is a handsome man, B. is a valiant man, C. is my relative, D. has 
 lent me money, or E. knows many languages, I shall appoint him judge. 
 It leads to injustice, he acquits the wicked and condemns the righteous, 
 not from wickedness, but from ignorance. In Midrash Tanna'im on Deut. i. 
 17, p. 9, the same passage differs in two respects : F. is rich, I shall appoint 
 him judge, pn "ortDiH Dm d^:m ; this is added, on the other hand *yftc utn 
 poo Kefon is missing. Hoffmann suggested the reading D'OD^bN = knows 
 Greek, and that poo ^Vn is a corruption of it. The emendation is not 
 probable, since the knowledge of all foreign languages is already stated. 
 
 2 Synh., 7 b, 'Aboda zara, 52 a, on Deut. xvi. 18-21. 
 
 3 Synh., 7 b, jer. Bikkur., Ill, 3, 65 d, 14. Bank, in Revue des Etudes Juives, 
 XXXVIII, 53, expressed the opinion that the Romans restored to the 
 Jews of Palestine in the times of R. Jehuda II their autonomous justice, 
 and that the patriarch appointed as the first judges unworthy men. 
 Since the government supported the patriarch, there was no possibility 
 for the scholars to prevail. This is hardly correct, for we have found the 
 same complaints in the second century, and it will be seen at once that 
 R. Jehuda I appointed judges at least fifty years before this time. See 
 Gratz in his Monatsschrift, 1885, XXXIV, 441. 
 
 4 In jer. Jebam., XII, 13 a, 15, it is reported that the inhabitants of 
 Simonia in Galilee requested Rabbi to send them a man idd Jim pn ^-n 
 
THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF SEPPHOEIS 3 1 
 
 same rights as the judges in Sepphoris, and their judg- 
 ments did not have the same force as the decisions 
 of those appointed by the government or by the com- 
 munity. 1 The material offered by the Talmudic literature 
 does not expressly state upon whom the authorities used 
 to confer the right of appointing Jewish judges before 
 the times of the patriarch Jehuda II 2 ; but we can feel 
 certain that he was a Jew, because the rabbis would have 
 only felt justified in attacking a Jew for appointing un- 
 worthy men for judges. 
 
 6. Before the year 136 the Galilean Jews knew little 
 about Rabbinical law, for there were only few schools 
 and a small number of scholars in Galilee. The political 
 leaders, as was shown, were at the same time the judges, 
 to the detriment of impartial justice. This state of affairs 
 continued, even after the war of bar-Cochba had caused 
 the transfer of the central school from Jamnia to 'Usha 
 and rabbis had settled everywhere in Galilee. The 
 nobles took no notice of the presence of the scholars and 
 continued applying the rules and laws of their courts as 
 
 pms to f) inn pjrra who could preach, judge, read prayers (?), teach chil- 
 dren the Bible, teach Mishna and minister to all the religious needs of the 
 congregation. In this passage ' judging ' might perhaps be taken to apply 
 to the decision of religious questions. But the parallel in Genes, rah., lxxxi, 
 2, "03n nM pi t:m« rfewi WW *npQ shows clearly that the reference is to 
 the decisions of lawsuits. Origen's exaggerated account of the patriarch's 
 power in his letter to Julius Africanus in defence of the authenticity 
 of the story of Susanna (§ 14) does not prove that the patriarch possessed 
 the power of nominating judges. 
 
 1 Only if the parties to the lawsuit agreed to bring their cause before 
 such judges, were these entitled to decide civil matters {Codex Theodosianus, 
 II, 1, 10 : ex consensu partium in civili dumtaxat negotio, in an edict by 
 the emperors Arcadius and Honorius in the year 398, Schurer, III, 77, 
 note 75). 
 
 3 R. Banna'a in Sepphoris was denounced by people, whose claims 
 he had dismissed, to the Roman authorities for having given judgment 
 without hearing witnesses (Baba bathra, 58 a. b). He was put in prison, 
 yet through his great cleverness he not only was released, but also 
 appointed public judge. Although the whole report is full of legendary 
 details, the main facts may be trustworthy and show that a judge of the 
 synagogue or of the school could be called to account by the Roman 
 authorities, although his appointment was not due to them. 
 
32 THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL LEADERS OF 
 
 heretofore. The rabbis, however, soon got into touch 
 with the average man, won his confidence and were often 
 approached by Jewish litigants to decide their cases. 1 
 They soon learnt of the anomalies prevailing in the 
 Galilean Jewish courts, and started an energetic warfare 
 against the procedure in them and against the utter 
 ignoring of the later developments of Jewish law. They 
 easily discovered serious mistakes and great injustice in 
 the decisions of the Jewish judges. The frequent recur- 
 rence of judgments given in favour of the class of the 
 nobles only enhanced the moral strength of their cause. 
 A very characteristic incident shows a stage of transition 
 in the struggle carried on in Sepphoris. Two men came 
 before E. Jose b. Halaftha with a cause and made the 
 condition that- he should judge them according to the law 
 of the Torah. 2 E. Jose replied : ' I do not know the 
 law of the Torah ; may God who knows your intentions, 
 punish you ! ' It seems that they refused to submit to 
 the law of the rabbis and requested to be judged by 
 biblical law, as though they were Sadducees. No doubt, 
 the official judges in time took notice of the rabbis and 
 their teachings and applied their laws more carefully 
 and more judicially. Yet the constant denunciations 
 by the scholars down to the end of the third century 
 clearly show that they failed in bringing about an im- 
 provement of the system itself. 3 It was too deeply rooted 
 not only in early usage, but also in the privileges of the 
 hereditary nobility. And since the Eoman government 
 
 1 See Chajes in Revue des Etudes Juives, XXXIX, 43 ff. 
 
 2 Jer. Synh., 1, 1 , 18 a, 37. R. Johanan in Bdba mesi'a, 30 b, said : Jerusalem 
 was destroyed only because of judging according to the law of the Torah. 
 This is explained in the Talmud to mean strict law, as opposed to equity. 
 Cf. Moses Kunitz in wm> p, VI, 80. 
 
 s There are a few passages denouncing judges for taking payments for 
 their decisions : The judgments of him who takes payment for judging, 
 are invalid (Bekhor., IV, 6) ; differently in one of the Baraithas in Kethub., 
 105 a : The judge who takes payment, is to be blamed, but his decision is 
 valid. Whether this discussion was occasioned by the dealings of the 
 Jewish judges, does not appear from these passages, but is very probable. 
 
THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF SEPPHORIS 33 
 
 had a vital interest in protecting the wealthy for the 
 maintenance of the state, the moral strength of the rabbis 
 not being supported by equal wealth, proved too weak 
 to displace the judges and the law of the nobility. They 
 incurred the hatred of the leading classes of the com- 
 munity and won only the confidence of the lower sections 
 of the population in Sepphoris. 
 
CHAPTEK III 
 
 THE WEALTHY MEMBEES OF THE JEWISH 
 COMMUNITY IN SEPPHOEIS. 
 
 i. There are no reports preserved of the number 
 of Jews living in Sepphoris in the second and third 
 centuries, nor any references to the wealth possessed by 
 the nobles with whose official position the preceding 
 chapters have dealt. Only incidentally a passing refer- 
 ence is made to the riches of one or two inhabitants 
 of Sepphoris ; but this offers no safe basis for further in- 
 ferences. It is reported that bar-Lufiani in Sepphoris 
 gave away his daughter to a man in 'Akko. For this 
 occasion he erected on the whole way from Sepphoris to 
 Akko booths, in which wine was offered, and set up golden 
 lamps on both sides of the road. 1 When the patriarch 
 R. Jehuda I was honouring one Bonias for his wealth, 
 R. Ishmael b. E. Jose of Sepphoris remarked that Bonias' 
 father owned a thousand ships on the sea and as many 
 villages on the land. 2 When this Bonias, son of Bonias, 3 
 came to visit the patriarch, the latter said : Make room 
 for the man of ioo minas ; then another man entered 
 and the patriarch said : Make room for the man of 200 
 
 1 'Esther rab., ii. 4, 3. Krauss in Lehnworter, II, 311 b, identifies this lyzrh 
 with DMWfo in Hullin, 87 a, who was one of the great men of the generation 
 in Sepphoris (p. 8) ; (Midrash haGadol on Lev. xvii. 13, reads D'jwvb). 
 
 2 'Erub., 86 a. The same exaggerated description of the wealth of the 
 high priest Eleazar b. Harsom in Joma, 35 b. 
 
 3 For the different forms of the name see Rabbinowicz and Jehuda b. 
 Barzilai in cviyn -idd, p. 136. 
 
THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF SEPPHORIS 35 
 
 minas. Bonias once sent to him a piece of linen which 
 could be put into a nutshell. 1 This patriarch himself was 
 a very rich man, possessed of fields and of many hundreds 
 of cattle ; his house steward was said to have been richer 
 than Shabur the Persian king. 2 Apart from these few 
 very wealthy people, the important citizens of Sepphoris 
 consisted of landowners of smaller wealth. 3 
 
 2. The wealthy were often asked by the administrators 
 of charity to contribute to the support of the poor, and 
 it may be assumed that, as a rule, they responded to the 
 appeal. In connexion with such appeals we see them in 
 intercourse with scholars in synagogues and schools, 4 
 
 1 Gittin, 59 a. In jer. Kil'ay., IX, 1 , 32 a, 8, it is Hillel b. R. DVn who had 
 a garment worth three hundred thousand denars and who gave it to 
 R. Jehuda I. The latter found that it was made of wool mixed with linen 
 and burnt it. 
 
 2 Sabb., 113 b. In jer. 'Aboda zara, II, 10, 42 a, 35, R. Hanina refers to 
 the ships of the patriarch. 
 
 8 The patriarch asked R. Ishmael b. R. Jose (Sabb., 119a) by what acts 
 of merit the rich people of Palestine deserved their wealth, and R. Ishmael 
 answered: By observing the law of tithes. This shows that wealth 
 consisted in the first instance in fields. R. Simon b. Lakish of the third 
 century, who first studied and taught in Sepphoris and later on in 
 Tiberias, said in Hullin, 92 a : t tSVQ %2 fJM row nrnoi fifwtt {Btt f\ noi« 
 hn t pae o*ap*i inn row rrupiap ,ynsn na» ink row f&, own »TBftn ib« row mVowN, 
 Our people is compared to the vine: the branches are its landowners 
 (not Hausvater, as Bacher translates in Paltist. Amoraer, I, 371), the 
 clusters are the scholars, the leaves the peasants, the thin branches are 
 the empty ones in Israel. This division of the population of a country 
 or a city is not based on the degree of learning or observance, but on 
 wealth ; therefore the n^pn must have stood at the bottom of the ladder, 
 as the dtq *tfl stood on the top. R. Simon b. Lakish uses the same word 
 in 'Erub., 19a, and parallels: poro n«D D^bo "pD D^pn Vtdn, Even the 
 empty ones in thy midst are as full of religious deeds as the pomegranate. 
 It is true that there he explains in another statement -jnpn to mean 
 brw »ywir, the empty ones in respect of religion, as others explain it in 
 Cant, rab., iv. 4, prmisn . . . d^i:2 . . . fpn, although in a favourable sense. 
 But just as pMO or originally meant the farmer and then the uncultured, 
 so avpn first meant the poor and then the lacking in religion ; and so 
 R. Jonathan b. Eleazar of Sepphoris in Genes, rab., xxxii. 10, Cant, rab., iv. 2, 
 Deut. rab., iii. 6, applies the word to his ass-driver who gave a clever 
 answer to a mocking Samaritan. 
 
 * A rich man, a member of the family bar-Selen§, was present in the 
 school of Tiberias when R. Hiyya b. 'Abba appealed for contributions to 
 
 C 2 
 
36 THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL LEADERS OF 
 
 since when appeals were required, they were from early- 
 times made in those public meeting-places, e.g. for re- 
 deeming captives, for marrying poor girls, especially 
 orphans, and for exceptional help to a poor individual. 1 
 This was done, as a rule, on Sabbath, when all, rich and 
 poor, came to synagogue ; whereas on weekdays only few 
 came and among these hardly the wealthy. 2 Only ex- 
 ceptionally, when urgent need required speedy help, did 
 scholars appeal in their schools also on a weekday. 3 Of 
 
 charity (jer. JSoray., Ill, 7, 48 a, 62). The foreign name and the mention 
 of the family indicate a man of high standing, since some leaders of the 
 community had foreign names, viz. Bonias b. Bonias in 'Erub., 85 b, 
 bar-Levianus in Hullin, 87 a, bar-Lufiani in 'Esther rab. 7 ii. 4, 3. 
 
 1 Tos. Baba bathra, VIII, 14 ; Tos. Theruma, I, 10. prescribes concerning the 
 rights of a guardian of orphans to use the property of his pupils : JTND }>n 
 rmnrr jo msp wwd in rea&n n*o rip-is \Tvbs j»pDiD |*»n |"intt? ur\b, they are not 
 allowed to spend money on redeeming captives, nor must they promise in 
 the synagogue a contribution to charity on behalf of their pupils, these 
 being amounts not fixed in the Torah. In jer. Dammai, III, 1, 23 b, 33, in 
 a Baraitha (Tos. Shebiith, VII, 9 and Te'a, IV, 16, with instructive 
 variants) : pro pw JW nm mbo \rro fDts p* "os? "wro inw n^a© ina >:r\ 
 pa&ua ^n roa^n nm u*sA np-12 Drra ppDiD po peiton jrra petoo pro nwawiw 
 ion mVea to 121 jrrj, produce of the seventh year and of the second tithe 
 must not be used amongst other things for charity promised in the 
 synagogue. Of special interest is the prohibition in Tos. Sabb., XVI, 22, 
 wwrrt irom neon raa uvssh nfpn ppmo p« toim -wto« p pro© *ai rrrr pi 
 ,pn>rm y?n rvai mira nVinrr to pfccno p*o vwvh ur» p piwo pwi noirm mrr 
 B. Simon b. Eleazar reports that the Shammaiites forbade to promise 
 a contribution to charity in the synagogue on Sabbath, or even to enable 
 an orphan to marry (see Tos. Megilla, III, 4). All this proves that 
 contributions to charity were promised in the synagogue on Sabbath. 
 
 2 The dealing with matters of charity on Sabbath in the synagogue 
 in Galilee, either as the prevailing custom or as a rule to be introduced, 
 was opposed in the second half of the second century as not befitting the 
 Sabbath by B. Simon b. Eleazar in the name of the Shammaiites. And 
 in Sepphoris the question was not yet settled even in the second half of 
 the third century, since E. Eleazar b. Pedath in Sabb., 150 a stated, as 
 though it were a new question : It is permitted to promise a contribution 
 to charity on Sabbath. B. Johanan said : All matters of rescuing life 
 and of public weal may be discussed on Sabbath, and people may go to 
 the synagogues to discuss public affairs on Sabbath. B. Jonathan b. 
 Eleazar of Sepphoris in the first half of the third century even allows 
 going on Sabbath to the theatre, the circus and the basilica to discuss 
 public matters. 
 
 8 A poor blind man came to the place where B. Eliezer b. Jacob lived 
 
THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF SEPPHORIS 37 
 
 course, the amount promised on a Sabbath, probably even 
 that promised on a weekday, was not paid on the spot ; 
 otherwise there would have arisen no occasion for com- 
 plaint that people did not pay the charity promised in 
 the synagogue. 1 
 
 For we find a very strange complaint against the 
 wealthy people of Sepphoris. R. Johanan said: Rain 
 fails to come down on account of those who promise con- 
 tributions to charity in public and do not pay them. 2 
 And in a similar way his colleague R. Joshua b. Levi 
 denounces the same fault. It must have been an in- 
 
 in the middle of the second century (jer. Shekal.,V, 6, 49 b, 27), and asked for 
 assistance. R. Eliezer placed him in his school on a higher seat than his 
 own, in order that the people should think him to be a scholar ; and in fact 
 a greater amount was provided on account of this (ipw hdoid n ,l j p"Q2>). 
 R. Hiyya b. 'Abba about the year 300 w T as appealing for promises of con- 
 tributions in the school of Tiberias (jer. Horay., Ill, 7, 48 a, 62) ; a member 
 of the family bar-Selene who was present, promised a litra of gold ; for 
 his liberality R. Hiyya honoured him by asking him to sit next to him, 
 and applied to him Prov. xviii. 16 : ' The man's gift makes room for 
 him.' A Jew of Babylonia came to Tiberias and asked R. Berekhya for 
 assistance (Lev. rab., xxxii. 7) ; the rabbi told him to come next day when 
 he would arrange for him a ap^D in the congregation. The stranger 
 came and found R. Berekhya preaching. At the end of the lecture the 
 teacher said : Brethren, do charity to this man ! 
 
 1 Although F. Perles, in his criticism of Bousset's Religion des Judentums, 
 p. 17, emphasized this point, Bousset still writes in the second edition 
 of his work, p. 208, the following : ' There can be no doubt that it was 
 a custom in the times of the New Testament to collect alms in the 
 synagogue on Sabbath (Matt. vi. 2). Some have adduced against 
 this the fact that already according to Philo (Legatio ad Caium, 23), the 
 handling of money on the Sabbath was prohibited. But I cannot 
 consider this objection cogent, see my essay, Volksfrommigkeit und Schrift- 
 gelehrsamkeit, 30.' Bousset obviously had no knowledge of the general 
 custom of merely promising contributions in the synagogue ; this 
 accounts for his persistence. Besides, the meaning of Matt. vi. 2 has 
 not been properly understood, see my note in the Journal of Theol. Studies, 
 1909, X, 266 ff. 
 
 2 Ta'aniih, 8 b. In jer. Ta'anith, III, 4, 66 c, 29, Kiddush., IV, 1, 65 b, 76, 
 in a similar but anonymous statement, the same failing is put side 
 by side with the greatest sins : rain fails to come down for four kinds 
 of sins : for idolatry, unchastity, bloodshed and for not paying contri- 
 butions promised in public. R. Joshua b. Levi refers Eccl. v. 1 : ' Suffer 
 not thy mouth to cause thy flesh to sin,' to the same class of people, 
 (Lev. rab., xvi. 5, Kohel. rab., v. 5). 
 
38 THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL LEADERS OF 
 
 veterate sin and a part of the more comprehensive failure 
 of the Gralilean Jews to keep their vows, too often and 
 too hastily uttered. For a Baraitha, remarkable for several 
 details, levels the same reproach against an earlier genera- 
 tion. 1 It runs : ' For four reasons are the properties 
 of landowners handed over to the Roman government : 
 because they retain for a long time bonds which have 
 been paid, because they lend money on interest, because 
 they did not prevent things to prevent which they had 
 the means, and because they promise contributions to 
 charity in public and do not pay them. And for four 
 reasons the properties of landowners pass to the Roman 
 treasury : because they defer paying the wages to hired 
 people, because they withhold their wages of hired 
 people, because they remove the yoke from their own 
 necks and shift it on to their fellow men, and for haughti- 
 ness ; and this last sin is the heaviest of all.' Here the 
 persons neglecting to pay their contributions to charity, 
 promised in synagogues, are explicitly called landowners 
 (DTD ^yn). As will be shown presently, those of the 
 two great cities of Galilee, of Sepphoris and Tiberias, 
 are meant in the first instance. The preachers of the 
 synagogues, who had no means whatever to exact from 
 them the money promised to charity, accounted, in the 
 usual way of the prophets and the Agadists, for the con- 
 fiscations of the property of the landowners by their 
 failure to fulfil their promises. 2 
 
 1 Sukka, 29a.b, Tos., II, 5 : to? jTOtob jnoea ova ^n 'D32 cnn rrynN tawai 
 □7D1DHJ ton irpo vbi mrrab dti pED rrrro toi rva-a nVn ton d^i-ib nrnow ttoo 
 tM? hjiid to? ^veje 1 ? pre? D»ni *to?i , D33 onn nyrw tonsni .pm: ppm o*ru np-12 
 nroai rmn noa ton frrnan to? fwra\ pn»is to?o Vw pjrntHJ ton tdw iqid *pimy to?i raw 
 jVtt 1333 rmn. The editions of the Talmud give as author of the second series 
 of sins, Rabh ; but all the literary witnesses adduced by Rabbinowicz 
 and in addition Yalkut Mekhiri on Ps. xxxvii, p. 114 b, § 16, contain no name 
 whatever, but give the second part as a continuation of the Baraitha. 
 In Aboth R. Nathan, 2nd version, XXXI, 34 a, the last sentence reads : 
 vm arrton ,D*V : own pwawm C"ttn to? ooni \vn pnw orrtora ^r pjniBB ton 
 dto >to?i ** ,n«m ntm toi rw D>p> n 1 ? ton -ma -iov. 
 
 1 This had not yet changed in the course of the third century ; for 
 
THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF SEPPHORIS 39 
 
 3. To exonerate partly at least the rich landowners 
 of Sepphoris, we must point out the heavy burdens which 
 the Eoman system of taxes imposed upon them. They 
 were one of the two sections of wealthy citizens who 
 were held responsible by the Eoman government in the 
 second and third centuries for the full amount of the 
 different public burdens. 1 These two classes were known 
 in Palestine as the Boule and Strategia (corresponding 
 to the Curiae elsewhere in the Eoman empire), and are 
 mentioned incidentally in connexion with an extraordin- 
 ary levy in Tiberias about the year 200. 2 Crown money 
 was once imposed by the emperor upon the Boule and the 
 Strategia ; and Eabbi decided that each section had 
 to pay a half of the amount required. Such taxes had 
 to be raised by the members of the constituted body 
 of the wealthy citizens among themselves and among 
 the people of some, though lesser, means. The taxes must 
 have been very heavy, especially in the middle of the 
 third century, when E. Johanan advised people to flee 
 when nominated for the Boule 3 ; because it was intended 
 
 R. Eleazar b. Pedath of Sepphoris said (Baba bathra, 9 a) : When the Temple 
 stood, the Jew contributed his shekel to the Temple and was atoned for 
 (through the sacrifices paid out of the shekels) ; now that the Temple 
 does not stand, if people give alms, it is well, if not, the non-Jews come 
 and take the money by force. Here the confiscations are still explained 
 as punishments for not giving alms. An anonymous statement in Lev. 
 rab., xxxiv. 13, interprets Isa. lviii. 7, TO N'ln dhtid D"2yi, to refer to the 
 landowners who had lost their honourable position and their property, 
 because they had not supported the poor and not fulfilled God's will. 
 Note that the landowners are men of high standing. 
 
 x See Seeck, Geschichte des Untergangs der antiken Welt, II, 182 ff., 186, 
 Pauly-Wissowa Realencyclopadie, 2343 ff. 
 
 2 Baba bathra, 143 a, report brought by R. Isaac b. Joseph from Palestine 
 to the Babylonian schools ; (the different forms of the two foreign words 
 see in Rabbinowicz). In jer. Joma, I, 2, 39 a, 8, we find : The Boule and 
 the Strategia had a difference of opinion and brought the matter before 
 Rabbi ; he decided that the Boule" was not included in the Strategia. It 
 is not quite clear what the point was ; perhaps the crown money was 
 imposed by the local government upon the Strategia and they claimed 
 that the Boule should participate in the burden, whereas the Boule 
 protested that the tax was not imposed upon them. 
 
 3 Jer. Moed Katan, II, 3, 81 b, 33 : &i pnwi HTT» 'Vi2b -|W3irr QM pnv »m "ion 
 
40 THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL LEADERS OF 
 
 by the Romans not as an honour, but as the means to 
 make its bearer undertake duties for the empire involving 
 heavy costs. 1 It was the emperors Septimius Severus 
 (193-21 1) and Caracalla (211-217) who bestowed upon 
 the Jews the right and at the same time the duty of 
 holding honorary offices, as far as their religious life was 
 not interfered with. 2 The complaints of the Jewish 
 scholars therefore belong to the third century. 3 
 
 'Van l&srti mim pfcip }ir\v "an "io» >"pOi$ People get permission to be exempt 
 from serving on the Boule". Pauly-Wissowa, RE., 2347 ff. The Strategia 
 denoted the whole body of the officials of the city. 
 
 1 R. Johanan, in Genes, rab., lxxvi. 6 says of the Roman rule that 
 it casts an envious eye upon man's property and says : A. is rich, let us 
 make him Archon, B. is rich, let us make him Bouleutes. Already Bacher 
 (Pal&st. Amoraer, I, 232, 2) remarks on this : ' It refers to the costly offices 
 of the magistracy to which wealthy citizens were appointed by force.' 
 In jer. Taanith, IV, 8, 69 a, 27, Threni rab., ii. 2, the same procedure is 
 attributed to the councillors of Jerusalem before the destruction, probably 
 by R. Johanan himself ; when a man came on pilgrimage to Jerusalem, 
 they told him : We have heard that you would like to become Archon or 
 Bouleutes. 
 
 2 Ulpian, Be off. procons., Ill, 3 ; Bigesta, XXVII, 1, 15, 6 ; L, 2, 3, 3. 
 
 3 The date is important in connexion with what actually occurred to 
 R. Eliezer b. Hyrkanos in Tanhuma, B. (-r? "T<, 10). R. Eliezer b. 
 Hyrkanos was the son of a tdVvd and his father was charged with a duty 
 by the government and with matters of jnainofrlDDKn. Once the father 
 moved to another place, and when he noticed that they (the government) 
 had found him, he fled with all his servants, his household and his family 
 on asses and camels. The foreign word tqVvd is explained to be a shorter 
 form of Politeuomenos = Decurio. The present wording of the story 
 must belong to the third century at the earliest. When brothers lived 
 on the undivided estate left to them by their deceased father, only one 
 of them had to serve on the Boule, and then the question arose whether 
 the expenses incurred by the office should not be paid from the common 
 estate. R. Nahman b. Samuel b. Nahman was caught by the Boule (had 
 to serve on it) after his father's death and R. 'Ammi decided (Jer. Baba 
 bathra, IX, 6, 17 a, 15), that, if he had private means, he had to defray all 
 expenses involved from his own property ; otherwise the common estate 
 of all brothers should be burdened with the costs. The same rule prevailed 
 already in the second century in case of another public burden (Baba bathra, 
 IX, 4) : If one of brothers living on the common inherited estate fell 
 to m:oiN of the government, the expenses have to be borne by all ; cf. the 
 Baraitha in^'er. Baba bathra, IX, 6, 17 a, 13, b. 144 b, Tos., X, 5 : yrn*n p inn 
 "ins:sr? toss r.nno dk pro* 1 ? pro* norm c« dycdiqtib in "nn^ "irumw if one of the 
 brothers was appointed tax collector or Polemostos ( = Politeuomenos = 
 
THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF SEPPHORIS 41 
 
 The Roman officials living among the Jews of Sep- 
 phoris, Tiberias and other towns of Galilee 1 soon 
 found out the wealthy, and were unscrupulous in laying 
 hold on them. People did their utmost not to betray 
 their wealth, and the preachers cautioned their audience 
 not to draw the attention of the Soman officials to other 
 people's means. 2 Fines of every kind were imposed and 
 sudden raids were made 3 on some pretext or other, and 
 there was no way of escaping them ; and all this was done 
 
 Decurio), as one of the brothers, all of them have to contribute ; if as an 
 individual, he alone has to pay the expenses. In cases of this kind the 
 patriarch R. Jehuda I had to decide when the burden should be divided 
 among members of a family, jer. Kethub., X, 5, 34 a, 14, n:i2"i*« ui VRX* 
 
 1 The difference between the past and the present time as to the hard- 
 ships of the Roman rule is very forcibly expressed by R. Simon b. Gamaliel 
 in the middle of the second century (Cant, rab., iii. 4) : Our ancestors 
 only smelled the hardships from the heathen powers and yet lost courage ; 
 we who have been swallowed in their bellies for many years and periods, 
 how much more should we lose courage. The Romans were by now 
 actually living on Jewish soil. 
 
 2 An anonymous scholar explained Shema'ya's warning in Aboth, 
 I, 10 : Do not make thyself known to the ruling power {Aboth R. Nathan, 
 XI, 23 b), or Hillel's sentence in Aboth, I, 13 : He who increases his name, 
 his name perishes (Aboth R. Nathan, XII, 28 b), by the following words : 
 One's name should not be known to the government, else they cast an 
 envious eye upon him and kill him and take away all his property. And 
 XI, 24 a : One should not boast of his being the first or the second leader 
 in the city, else his property is endangered. 
 
 3 In Lev. rab., xxxiv. 12 R. Simon b. Johai dreamt that his nephews would 
 be ordered by the Roman government to give them 600 denars ; (the reading 
 quoted by Levy in Neuhebr. Worterbuch, s. v. >Ol that it happened to 
 R. Johanan b. Zakkai, matters nothing as to the point at issue). R. Joshua 
 b. Levi in Lev. rab., xix. 6, picturing King Jehoiakim with the colours of 
 a Roman emperor, said : He set up an official (?) who killed the wealthy 
 landowners, violated their wives and confiscated their properties. The 
 patriarch in Sepphoris asked R. Simon b. Lakish to pray for him that the 
 Roman rulers should not take away all that they liked at his house 
 (Genes, rab., lxxviii. 12). R. Gamaliel b. R. Hanina in Sepphoris asked 
 R. Mana the interpretation of Eccl. v. 12, ' riches kept for the owners 
 thereof to their hurt,' and R. Mana replied : When the government 
 imposes a fine upon a man, he may have to pay any amount (Kohel. rab., 
 v. 12 ; Bacher, Palasl. Amor., Ill, 444). R. Hanina of Sepphoris in 
 Megilla, 1 1 a, explains the name Ahasuerus to be derived from the fact that 
 in the times of this king everybody was reduced to poverty by taxes. 
 
42 THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL LEADERS OF 
 
 in the form of strict justice. 1 Bribes were offered by the 
 Jews and accepted by the officials without hesitation, 
 but proved of no avail. 2 And when taxes, regular or 
 extraordinary, were imposed, the representatives of the 
 government were merciless in exacting them from the 
 landowners 3 ; and the members of the Boule who were 
 held responsible for the amount fixed, had to fear for their 
 property and also for their lives. In order to lighten their 
 own share, the wealthy landowners, when apportioning 
 these burdens to each of the taxpayers, put more than a 
 fair share on the less wealthy inhabitants and even on 
 the poor, as the Baraitha quoted explicitly states and the 
 parallel passage clearly extends their wrongdoing to the 
 most wretched poor. 4 Nobody had the power to check 
 
 1 R. Simon b. Pazzi in Genes, rab., Ixv. i said : The Roman government 
 robs, takes by violence and at the same time pretends to do justice. In 
 Pesiktha rab., xliv. 183 a, a man is tried by a Roman court and his property 
 is confiscated. 
 
 2 R. Johanan in Pesah., 118 b interpreted Ps. lxviii. 31 to be applic- 
 able to the Roman government : The beast of the reed (calamus) is Rome, 
 that writes all its documents with the same pen ; it stretches out its hand 
 to take money, but does not fulfil the request of the giver (see Midr. Cant, 
 ed. Grtinhut, p. 3 a). 
 
 3 Num. rab., xvii. 5, Tanhuma, nV© 15, Yelammdenu to Num. xv. 37 
 ('Arukh., s. v. -jen) : »n van 1 1 ? in** ,nvac« amai nroiyw Vpro miro rvin brab Swa 
 ;ru pre yrw nvaDM vm nn, This is like the case of a landowner who 
 is weighing annona and writing receipts ; his father tells him : Be care- 
 ful with the receipts, for your life depends upon them (cf. Seeck in 
 Beitrage zur alten Geschichte, I, 185). bp'w seems to be a technical term for 
 delivering taxes ; in Mekhiltha, 61 b, R. Johanan b. Zakkai said of the Jews 
 of his times : You were not willing to pay (bipiub) a beka for each head, 
 now you have to pay (e^pw) fifteen shekels under the rule of your 
 enemies. In Tos. Dammai, VI, 3 : He who hires a field from a Samaritan, 
 gives him his hire in kind after having separated the tithes n^wS Vpvi'i 
 1*5 jmai ten jtlCffc bpiir, he pays the taxes in kind to the imperial stores, to 
 the centurio, after having separated the tithes. VI, 4 : A Jew must not 
 ask a heathen or a Samaritan or any Jew who is not trustworthy as 
 to tithes, to receive from him 200 Zuz and to pay the taxes for him (cf. 
 'Aboda zara, 71 a). 
 
 4 The Jewish authorities imposed public work even upon scholars, 
 as can be derived from the very characteristic statement of R. Eleazar 
 b. Pedath in Nedar., 32 a : Why was our father Abraham punished and 
 why were his descendants enslaved for 210 years? For he made scholars 
 do Angaria (Gen. xiv. 14). Cf. Raba's statement in Sota, 10 a : King 'Asa 
 
THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF SEPPHORIS 43 
 
 the arbitrary allotting of the taxes, and whosoever had 
 the courage to offer resistance was threatened with 
 denunciation to the Roman authorities. 1 The preachers 
 only had the courage to denounce these unjust dealings in 
 the synagogues and openly called the wealthy ' men of the 
 arm', i.e. of violence. 2 They tried to relieve by their 
 strong words the burden of the poor, but succeeded only 
 in incurring the hatred of the landowners and the other 
 leaders of the community. 
 
 4. We find that the rabbis of the second century in 
 several instances speak of robbers and violent men 
 (pjoenm pjinan). They disqualify them for judges and 
 witnesses, 3 and institute special laws in order to guard 
 the property of the weaker against their violence. 4 
 
 was punished for he had made scholars do Angaria ; and the story about 
 Eleazar b. Harsom in Joma, 35 b. 
 
 1 The wealthy landowners as pillars of the Roman system of taxes had 
 naturally access to the high officials and sometimes availed themselves of 
 this privilege to the detriment of the other people. Thus Tos. Baba mesi'a, 
 XI, 23 says : The members of the town may decide that whoever is seen 
 at A.'s house or at the government, shall be fined a certain sum. 
 
 2 In a Baraitha, jer. Nedar., Ill, 4, 38 a, 37, Tos. II, 7 : One should not, for 
 the purpose of rescuing goods from the hands of unscrupulous, violent 
 people (i. e. tax farmers), say that the goods belonged to Jews of high 
 standing, for jm %3 are apt to fall and (the Talmud adds) perchance 
 drag others with them, and the duties saved by attributing the ownership 
 of the goods to them would be collected from the deceiver. R. Pinhas b. 
 Ja'ir in Sota, 49 a complained : Since the destruction of the Temple 
 pir? ^m ym >?ri roai mryn *V3M Vnbin dwi icm Dmn mi nnan wu, the 
 scholars and nobles are put to shame and cover their heads, the men of 
 (pious) deeds have gone down and the people of the arm and of the tongue 
 prevail. In Aboth R. Nathan, 2nd version, XXXV, 43 a, Derekh'eres, II : Those 
 who terrify others and the presumptuous, the insolent and the violent 
 (mi ,! ?yn) will be crushed. In Gems, rab., xiii. 9, R. Samuel b. Nahman of 
 Tiberias said : For four reasons God decided that the earth should get 
 water only from above : ... on account of the violent men (who would, if 
 they could, withhold the water from the weaker). R. Eleazar b. Pedath in 
 Synh., 58 b said : Fields are given only to the men of the arm. It implies 
 that only such could hold them safely ; the landowners using their power, 
 not against the Romans, but against the weaker of their own nation. 
 
 3 Synh., 25 b, Mekhiltha on Exod. xxiii. 1, p. 98 b. 
 
 4 Gittin, 49 b. It is especially R. Simon b. Johai who deals with them. 
 'Alfasi and 'Asheri read here R. Simon b. Eleazar; in Tos. Kethub., XII, 2, 
 and jer. Gittin, V, 1, 46 c, 38, the statement is anonymous. 
 
44 THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL LEADERS OF 
 
 Nothing was safe from them and they intruded even 
 into the privacy of the family, as a very characteristic 
 statement of R. Meir implies : God has given to each 
 individual a different face and voice and different thoughts 
 in order to protect his wife and his property from violent 
 men and from robbers. 1 An anonymous Baraitha says : 
 Why was only one man created first and not two? 
 Because of the violent men and the robbers (Tos. 
 JSynh., VIII, 4). Who these men were can be gathered 
 from the power attributed to them in the passages 
 quoted ; but also from the fact that robbers of this kind 
 are mentioned together with moneylenders, 2 which proves 
 them to have been wealthy people. 3 R Simon b. Rabbi 
 in the beginning of the third century in Sepphoris once 
 preached about the robbers and explained that the re- 
 ward for abstaining from robbery extends over several 
 generations. 4 This exaggeration clearly shows that the 
 vice was frequently practised, and the prospects of great 
 reward were considered by the preacher to be an induce- 
 ment for those concerned to give up the practice. 
 
 What the Rabbis denounced in Sepphoris as violence 
 (Don) can be inferred from their comments on the 
 violence of the generation of the flood. R. Hanina 
 said 5 : 'The earth was full of violence' (Gen. vi. 13) 
 
 1 Tos. Synh., VIII, 6, b. 38 a, jer., IV, 13, 22 b, 74, see Bacher, Tannaiten, 
 II, 14 ff. 
 
 2 Baba Kamma, 94 b. R. Simon b. Johai in Mekiltha R. Simon, p. 152, 
 26 said : Lovers of money like each other, robbers, violent men and those 
 who lend money on interest like each other. 
 
 3 R. Isaac of Tiberias about the year 300 said (Pesiktha, 95 b, Tanh., nKi, 
 10, B. 6, Exod. rab., xxxi. n) : the envious man in Prov. xxviii. 22 is he 
 who does not lend money without interest ; poverty will come upon him. 
 He who increases his wealth by interest, collects it for him who favours the 
 poor (v. 8). This refers to the Roman government whose Epitropoi go out to 
 the country and rob the farmers, and on their return to the city assemble 
 the poor and distribute alms derived from robbery. Cf. Lev. rab., iii. 1. 
 
 4 Si/re Deut, 286, p. 125 a, Makkoth, III, 15 : If man is rewarded for 
 abstaining from eating blood, which he loathes, how much more will ab- 
 staining from robbery and unchastity, for which he has a desire, bring 
 him a reward for many generations. 
 
 5 Genes, rab., xxxi. 5, jer. Baba men a, IV, 2, 9 c, 60. 
 
THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF SEPPHORIS 45 
 
 means, they committed no real robbery, but were guilty of 
 cunning illegal appropriation of other people's property in 
 small quantities, which could not be qualified as robbery 
 and therefore not be punished by the courts. This full 
 description of imaginary dealings indicates that 
 R. Hanina thereby fought against similar abuses in 
 Sepphoris. His colleague R. Johanan dealt with the 
 same points with very great emphasis. He said : Come 
 and see how heavy a sin violence is ; although the 
 generation of the flood had committed all kinds of sins, 
 the sentence was passed on them only after they had 
 stretched out their hands after robbery (Synh., 108 a). 
 When God punishes, he punishes in the first instance 
 for the violent appropriation of other people's property. 
 Imagine a vessel full of sin, robbery in it is the one 
 which causes the accusation. 1 The prophet Ezekiel 
 enumerated 24 sins, but he selected robbery to conclude 
 therewith his strictures. 2 And the same point is em- 
 phasized by R. Simon b. Johai of the middle of the second 
 century. He blamed the robbers and the violent men in 
 several of his sayings, as shown above, and in another 
 statement of his : How particular the Torah was as to 
 robbery, can be gauged from the fact that Deut. xxiii. 26 
 found it necessary to condemn people for ' moving the 
 sickle ' ; for the generation of the flood perished only on 
 
 1 Lev. rab., xxxiii. 3, Kohel. rab., i. 13. 
 
 2 It is noteworthy that in the last two passages dishonest gain is 
 interpreted as robbery. In Baba Kamma, 1 19 a, Lev. rab., xxii. 6, R. Johanan 
 said : He who deprives a man by violence only of one farthing, will 
 be punished as though he had taken his life. K. 'Abahu in Baba mesi'a, 
 59 a said : There are three sins before which God's curtain never closes : 
 cheating, robbery and idolatry. Here the extraordinary emphasis shows 
 that he had to fight sins prevalent in some sections of the population 
 of Caesarea or Tiberias. R. 'Ammi of Tiberias in Ta'anith, 7 b, said : Rain 
 is withheld by God only for the sin of robbery. R. 'Abba b. Kahana 
 in Midrash Samuel, xiv. g, said : The sin of robbery is a very heavy one, since 
 two great men, Moses and Samuel, found it necessary in their self- 
 justification to declare themselves free from it. Cf. the anonymous 
 statement in Lev. rab., iii. 1 : Better is he who works and gives alms, than 
 he who robs and uses violence and gives alms from them. Hullin, 91 a. 
 
46 THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL LEADERS OF 
 
 account of robbery. 1 And lie makes God say : My chil- 
 dren should learn from me to refrain from robbery 
 (SukJca, 30 a). It was naturally only the weak and 
 poorer class that suffered from the dishonest dealings 
 of the wealthy; they were powerless when confronted 
 with the selfishness of the powerful and had to refrain 
 from reproaches or complaints. And again the rabbis 
 stepped in, fearlessly denouncing .the moral sin of dis- 
 honesty coupled with violence and abuse of power, and 
 exposing themselves to the hatred of the ruling class in 
 Sepphoris. 
 
 5. But a much more serious charge was brought by the 
 scholars against the same people, 2 viz. immoral life. 
 It was mainly the population of Sepphoris which was 
 censured on account of their unchastity. When once 
 a plague killed many people in Sepphoris and the Jewish 
 inhabitants complained about it to E. Hanina, he ex- 
 plained to them that the pestilence was due to their 
 sins, there being in their midst many Zimris. 3 That he 
 referred to their immorality, may be concluded from 
 another statement of his about a pestilence : Once in 
 60 or 70 years God sends a plague which carries off from 
 Israel all bastards ; but along with them also some blame- 
 less persons, in order that the disgrace of the bastards 
 should not be revealed. 4 E. Simlai, a disciple of 
 E. Hanina, perhaps with reference to the same pestilence 
 in Sepphoris, said : "Where there is immorality, a plague 
 comes upon people, carrying off good and bad. 5 That 
 such was the moral state of Sepphoris, is confirmed by 
 earlier reports concerning some changes introduced 
 by E. Jose b. Halaftha when settling shortly after the 
 
 1 Jer. Ma'aser sheni, II, 6, 50 a, 23. 
 
 2 See R. Meir's statement, p. 44, that God gives to each individual 
 a different face and voice and different thoughts, in order to protect his 
 wife and his property from violent people and robbers. 
 
 8 Jer. Ta'anith, III, 4, 66 c, 45, Num. xxv. 6, 14. 
 
 4 Jer. Jebam., VIII, 3, 9 c, 64. Cf. Lev. rab., xxxii. 7. 
 
 6 Jer. Sota, I, 5, 17 a, 11, Genes, rab., xxvi. 5, Lev. rab., xxiii. 9. 
 
THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF SEPPHORIS 47 
 
 year 135 in Sepphoris as a rabbi. 1 His colleague 
 B,. Simon b. Gamaliel, who for a time at least lived in 
 Sepphoris, states that (even the observant) Jews observe 
 only unwillingly such commandments as they have 
 once accepted under protest; for instance, the laws of 
 chastity (Sabb., 130 a). Several scholars of Sepphoris, all 
 belonging to the school of B,. Jehuda I about the year 
 200, discuss the importance of the prohibition of lewd- 
 ness. R. Ishmael b. B. Jose said : When the Israelites 
 indulge in lewdness, God's presence leaves them. 2 Bar- 
 Kappara said : God forgives everything except lewdness. 3 
 In a sermon dealing with several weak points of his 
 generation he declared: Four merits made Israel in 
 Egypt worthy of redemption : they had not changed 
 their names or their language, they were not informers 
 or lewd. 4 An anonymous Baraitha says: God praises 
 every day in a loud voice the single man who, in spite 
 of his living in a city, is not lewd. 5 B. Simon b. Babbi 
 
 1 In Synh.j 19 a, Rami b. 'Abba reported : Owing to an occurrence, 
 R. Jose instituted in Sepphoris that no woman should allow her son 
 to walk behind her in the street, but in front of her, and that women 
 should talk to each other when in a privy, in order that no man should 
 enter it. The occurrence is described by Rashi, no doubt, from an early 
 source : scoundrels had kidnapped a boy walking behind his mother and 
 taken him to a house. When the mother, not seeing her child, cried, 
 a man offered to show her the house, she entered it and the scoundrels 
 denied her. In jer. Berakh., Ill, 4, 6 c, 54, a personal experience of R. Jose 
 gives evidence of cases of adultery in the lower sections of the population. 
 In Kethub., I, 10, R. JosS reported that a girl was violated when descend- 
 ing to the well to draw water. That this happened in Sepphoris, is 
 expressly stated by Rabh in Kethub., 15 a, jer. I, 10, 25 d, 37. 
 
 2 Abofh R. Nathan, XXXVIII, 58 a, Num. rab., vii. 9 ; Si/re Deut, 254, 258. 
 
 3 Tank., NTi, B. 14 ; Genes, rab., xxvi. 5. 
 
 * Pesiktha, 83 b ; Lev. rab., xxxii. 5; Cant, rab., iv. 12 ; Mekhiltha, p. 5 a. 
 In the caso of the last Mekhiltha reads: They were not suspicious of 
 lewdness. In Baba mesi'a, 85 a, Rabbi inquired about a son of R. Eleazar 
 b. R. Simon and a grandson of R. Tarfon and learnt that they lived an 
 immoral life (cf. Pesiktha, 97 a). R. Eleazar b. R. Simon in his capacity 
 of a Roman official had an insolent Jew put in prison (Baba mesi'a, 83 b). 
 When he felt pangs of conscience over it, people told him that he should 
 not worry, as the man DniDOT Dt*a nDTiND my: ttfca 1:21 wn. 
 
 5 InPesah., 113 a, according to Rabbinowicz, a Baraitha ; in our editions 
 
48 THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL LEADERS OF 
 
 explained in a sermon that abstaining from robbery and 
 lewdness will be rewarded for many generations. 1 
 Several sayings indicate that the rabbis had to fight 
 even adultery. 2 
 
 6. None of all these references points conclusively to 
 the higher classes in Sepphoris and it may be that they 
 concern the lower strata of the population only ; although 
 bar-Kappara's reproaches concerning the changes of 
 names and language tend to prove that the censure 
 for lewdness in the same sentence aims at the wealthy 
 and not at the poor. And in this connexion it must be 
 pointed out that the non-Jewish population of Sepphoris 
 exhibited instances of extreme licentiousness and in- 
 cest. 3 And their low state of morality hardly tended 
 to raise the standard of Jewish life in those sections 
 
 attributed to R. Johanan, in Aboth R. Nathan, 2nd version, XXXV, 39 b, to 
 R. Re'uben b. 'Istrobulos. 
 
 1 Sifre Deut, 286, p. 125 a ; Makkoth, III, 15. 
 
 2 R. Simon b. Menasya in Hagiga, I, 7, b. 9b; Kohel. rob., i. 15, 2, 
 interpreting Eccl. i. 15 said : ' The crooked that cannot be made straight ' 
 applies to a man who had incestuous intercourse with a woman from 
 which a child proceeded. R. Joshua b. Levi in the name of the men of 
 Jerusalem quoted the warning (Pesah. } 113 a) : Be not too often on the 
 roofs considering what happened there ; when thy daughter is mature, 
 free thy slave and give her to him, and guard thy wife against her first 
 son-in-law. The men of Jerusalem were very probably members of 
 a union in Sepphoris identical with the Holy Congregation (see my Priester 
 und Cultus, p. 40). R. Hanina said (Baba mesi'a, 58 b) : for three sins 
 people go down to hell and cannot ascend from it: for adultery, for 
 putting to shame a man in public and for using offensive names. Rabh 
 who lived for many years in Sepphoris, said (Sota, 4 b): He who commits 
 adultery will not escape hell, even if he has the merits of Abraham ; (but 
 see Rashi's reading and Rabbinowicz). 
 
 3 R. Ishmael b. R. Jose was asked by a non- Jew (Berakh., 56 b, jer. Ma'aser 
 sheni, IV, 9, 55 b, 58, Threni rab. } i. 1, 14) to interpret a dream and he saw in 
 it -[ruBN . . . nD-naan my: to ns . . torwr rro» to mi . . imnM to » . . ion to hi 
 una DnMMD nm incest and adultery. R. Eliezer the son of R. Jose the 
 Galilean in Tos. Sota, VI, 6, says, Abraham's son, Ishmael, nuan mm ©nan 
 D'TOrr n« n;?oi, took possession of the roofs and defiled women, and thus 
 applies to a biblical person his observations of the lives of some non- Jews 
 in Galilee. In the same way R. Johanan (Baba bathra, 16 b, and parallels) 
 says of Esau, the representative of Rome and of the violent, merciless non- 
 Jews, that he violated a betrothed girl. An actual case of the lowest 
 
THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF SEPPHOKIS 49 
 
 of the population to which our material refers. 1 Up to 
 the year 136 there was hardly anybody in Sepphoris who 
 would care to give his attention to the task of raising the 
 low morality of the average man. There were indeed 
 very few teachers at all in Galilee before 135 ; and even 
 as to these it is not reported that they attended to this 
 matter, nor is any statement of theirs preserved from 
 which it might be concluded that they did so. Only after 
 the year 136, when R. Jose b. Halaftha returned from the 
 school in Jamnia to his home in Sepphoris and a school 
 was founded there, did the state of morality force itself 
 upon the attention of E-. Jose and his colleagues. They 
 had to do their utmost to protect the schools from the 
 poison ; and we may assume that, by constantly censuring 
 immorality and praising a pure life, they succeeded in 
 many cases in educating the moral sense. But their un- 
 ceasing fight contributed little towards their winning the 
 sympathy and friendship of the influential and wealthy 
 people of Sepphoris. 
 
 bestiality and human depravity is reported by R. Hanina in 'Aboda zara j 
 22 b ; see also jer. Synh., VI, 6, 23 b, 75. 
 
 1 R. Hanina, in Synh., 58 b, explained that the laws of chastity of 
 married life, especially the prohibition of adultery, are binding also on 
 the non-Jew. The object of the statement is to impress upon the Jew 
 the fact that even their non-Jewish neighbours will be punished for 
 lewdness, how much more the Jews. 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 THE POPULATION OF SEPPHOEIS AND 
 THE SCHOLAES. 
 
 i. The accusations brought against the leaders and the 
 wealthy people of Sepphoris by scholars were, naturally, 
 not left without answer. Not that they were simply 
 denied, this was probably quite impossible; but they 
 were, as far as the circumstances allowed, turned upon 
 the scholars. First, all doings of the rabbis were criti- 
 cized, 1 and they were suspected of the same vices of which 
 they accused others, viz. of immorality and dishonesty. 
 This is implied by a statement of 'Isi b. Jehuda of the 
 second century in Galilee who said : Why do scholars die 
 young ? Not for adultery, nor for robbery, but because 
 they do not regard themselves, or (according to the 
 parallel) because they interrupt the study of the Torah 
 and occupy themselves with talk. 2 That the same 
 aspersions were made in Sepphoris also, follows with 
 great probability from complaints attributed by E. Jona- 
 than b. Eleazar to Moses in an Agadic interpretation 
 of Numb. xvi. 4 : ' When Moses heard it, he fell upon his 
 
 1 In Si/re Deut, xii, an anonymous Tanna puts into the mouths of Moses' 
 contemporaries, whom he calls epicureans, disparaging utterances about 
 Moses ; and no doubt only pictures his own times. He says : When 
 Moses left his tent earlier than usual, the Israelites said: Why does 
 'Amram's son come out earlier ? Perhaps he feels uneasy at home. If 
 Moses came out later than usual, they said : Why does 'Amram's son 
 come out later ? You know, he is planning all kinds of plans against 
 you ; he would be much worse, if he were of 'On's family, because then 
 his wife would advise him. This characterizes them as epicureans. 
 
 2 Aboth E. Nathan, XXIX, 44 b. In XXVI, 41 b, in a sentence intro- 
 duced by noiN mn Kin, and thus, obviously without any foundation, 
 ascribed to K. 'Akiba. 
 
THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF SEPPHORIS 5 1 
 
 face,' for he heard himself suspected of adultery. 1 And 
 E. Eleazar b. Pedath reads into Jer. xviii. 22, * they have 
 dug a pit to catch me,' the complaints of the prophet 
 that he was suspected of adultery. 2 The interpretation 
 was in neither case suggested by the wording of the 
 verses, since in the second instance there is not even 
 the ambiguity of expression as in Ps. cvi. 16 a about 
 Moses. It was suggested by actual charges against 
 scholars by people of Sepphoris and of Galilee in general. 
 There may have been some younger scholars who, for- 
 getting for a moment their position and their moral 
 obligations, yielded to their sensual passions, as is im- 
 plied by the warning of the school of R. Ishmael. 3 
 A member of this said : "When you see "a scholar 
 committing a sin at night, do not think badly of him 
 next day, as he may have repented in the meantime. 
 But it is necessary and only fair to add that such students 
 were rare exceptions. 4 There were temptations lurking 
 on all sides, especially from non-Jewish women of high 
 standing, 5 and an anonymous Baraitha praises those who 
 prevail over temptations. 6 The same school of R. Ishmael 
 recommended to the scholars continuous study of the 
 Torah as remedy for lust. 7 To satisfy sensuous desires, 
 was considered a desecration of God's name, as R. Hanina 
 of Sepphoris said with reference to immorality: 8 It is 
 better to commit a sin in secret than desecrate the name 
 of God in public. The school of E. Jannai taught 9 that 
 desecration of God's name is caused by a scholar who 
 is ill reputed, so that his fellow students have to be 
 
 1 Synh., 1 10 a. 2 Baba Kamma, 16 b. 
 
 3 Berakh., 19 a, Midrash Psalm, cxxv. 5. 
 
 * See the case of the rich scholar in Si/re Num., 115, end, MenaJi., 44 a. 
 
 6 Kiddush., 39 b, 40 a. 
 
 6 Kiddush., 40 a : He who meets with immorality and saves himself 
 from it, will be vouchsafed a miracle. 
 
 7 Sukka, 52 b, Kiddush. , 30 b, in a Baraitha : My son, if that ugly man 
 (evil spirit) should meet you, drag him to the school ; if he is of stone, 
 he will melt, if he is of iron, he will split into pieces. 
 
 8 Kiddush., 40 a. 9 Joma, 86 a, see Rabbinowicz. 
 
 D 2 
 
52 THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL LEADERS OF 
 
 ashamed of him. And a prayer recommended by the 
 same school for the morning after awakening 1 refers 
 to the same kind of scholars. It runs : Give us a humble 
 mind and a humble spirit; may thy name not become' 
 desecrated by us and make us not the talk of all. On 
 account of such occurrences of immorality R. Hanina 
 taught 2 : ' The fear of God is pure ' (Ps. xix. 10) refers 
 to one who studies the Torah in purity, having married 
 first and studying afterwards. And his colleague in 
 Sepphoris, R. Jonathan b. Eleazar, explained the pure 
 offering of Mai. i. n in the same sense. 3 In order 
 to remove every occasion for suspicion of immorality, 
 a teacher in an anonymous Baraitha 4 strongly advised 
 the students, among other rules of conduct, to refrain 
 from several minor points in everyday life. He said: 
 Six things are considered a disgrace in the case of 
 a scholar : he should not go in the street perfumed, nor 
 go out alone at night, nor go out in patched shoes, nor 
 speak in the street to a woman, 5 nor take part in the 
 meal of an ' Amha'ares and not come last to the school ; 
 some added : not walk with an erect stature. Such pre- 
 cautions were necessary, because if a case of immoral 
 
 1 Jer.Berakh., IV, 2, 7 d, 52. a Joma> 72 b. 
 
 3 Menah. , 1 10 a. Cf. Tosafoth to Kiddush. , 29 b. The school of E. Ishmael, 
 probably mainly with reference to scholars, taught (Kiddush., 29 b) : To 
 remain unmarried is allowed only till twenty years of age ; he who does 
 not marry then, provokes God's anger. In Aboth, V, 21, the age of eighteen 
 years is fixed as the age of marriage for scholars. K. Jehuda b. 'Il'ai in Tos. 
 Bekhor., VI, 10, Kiddush. , 29 b, said : The duty to study the Torah precedes 
 that of taking a wife ; but if a man cannot live unmarried, let him first 
 marry and study afterwards. 
 
 4 Berakh.f 43 b. Several of these points are emphasized by E. Johanan 
 in Sabb., 114 a, and by E. 'Abahu in Hullin, 91 a.b. 
 
 ? For the same reason a Baraitha in 'Erub., 18 b, enjoins that a scholar 
 should not walk behind a woman in the street, not even if she is his 
 wife ; if one meets a woman on a bridge, he should let her pass on the 
 side ; one who crosses a river behind a woman will have no share in the 
 world to come. Another Baraitha there says : He who counts money 
 into the hand of a woman, or receives from her money in the same way 
 in order to behold her, will not escape hell, even if he were like our 
 teacher Moses who received the Torah on Sinai. 
 
THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF SEPPHORIS 53 
 
 conduct of a scholar became known, the people of Sep- 
 phoris were eager to spread the news and to generalize 
 as to the character of the scholars. 
 
 2. The attitude of the Jewish population of Sepphoris 
 towards the scholars betrayed itself on a very sad occa- 
 sion. 1 There was once about the middle of the third 
 century a pestilence in this city which caused a great loss 
 of life, but did not invade the street where E. Hanina 
 lived. The people of Sepphoris said : What is the matter 
 with this scholar ? Although he lives among us, he and 
 his neighbourhood are well, whilst the town is suffering. 
 E. Hanina came out and addressed them : One single 
 Zimri lived in his generation and yet he caused the death 
 of twenty thousand people ; how many Zimris are there 
 in our generation and yet you complain? E. Hanina 
 was a native of Sepphoris and, being probably one of the 
 very few scholars born here, was already in the times 
 of the patriarch E. Jehuda I called the man of Sepphoris 
 by his own people. 2 There could therefore be no sus- 
 picion of strained personal relations between the Jewish 
 population and E. Hanina, and the tone which they 
 adopted towards him clearly shows their general feeling 
 towards the scholars. The same is shown by another 
 incident reported in the same place where they implied 
 that the rabbi was either an egotist in protecting only 
 himself against the plague, or incapable of obtaining 
 mercy for his city by his prayer. Once a drought pre- 
 vailed and a fast for rain was necessitated ; E. Hanina 
 ordered a public fast (and prayed), but rain failed to come 
 down. E. Joshua b. Levi's fast in the Darom was 
 successful. Hearing of this the people of Sepphoris said : 
 E. Joshua b. Levi brings rain to the men of the Darom, 
 but E. Hanina keeps it off the men of Sepphoris. When 
 
 1 Jer. Ta'anith, III, 4, 66 c, 45, see p. 46. 
 
 2 He was refused ordination by this patriarch (according to R. Derosa) 
 because the people of the city cried out against him in Sepphoris (jer. 
 Ta'anith, IV, 2, 68 a, 29). <• 
 
54 THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL LEADERS OF 
 
 another occasion arose for a public fast, the people 
 of Sepphoris invited E. Joshua b. Levi to pray for them ; 
 but he asked E. Hanina to join him. "When even the 
 joint prayers of both scholars proved of no avail, 
 E. Joshua stepped forth and said to the assembly : ' It 
 is not E. Joshua who brought down rain to the people 
 of the Darom, nor has E. Hanina kept off the rain from 
 the people of Sepphoris ; but the hearts of the men of the 
 Darom are tender and, on hearing words of the Torah, 1 
 they humiliate themselves, whereas the hearts of the 
 men of Sepphoris are hard and, on hearing the words 
 of the Torah, they do not humiliate themselves.' It was 
 only in times of distress that they thought of the rabbi 
 in their midst, expecting him to relieve them from their 
 troubles; and if he disappointed them in their hopes, 
 they abused him. 
 
 They were not concerned at or grieved by the death 
 of a scholar and had no tears for him, as can be seen 
 from some observations of teachers of Sepphoris. Bar- 
 Kappara said : God counts and accumulates in his stores 
 
 1 It means words of reprimand based on interpretation of the Bible, 
 such as we find in Ta'anith, II, in both Talmuds. They are here not 
 reproached with having no sense for the sometimes very imaginative and 
 bold Agadas of the preachers ; this would have been quite pardonable. 
 In Pesiktha, 136 b, we find that R. Johanan once preached in the great 
 synagogue of Sepphoris that God will once make the Eastern gate of the 
 Temple and its two side doors of one pearl. There happened to be 
 present ync *irb or DrfljpW who interposed that the words of the rabbi 
 contained an impossibility, since there were no pearls even of the size 
 of a turtle-dove's egg. This sceptic once travelled by boat and, on being 
 shipwrecked, was shown in a miraculous way, in the depth of the sea, 
 a pearl of that size prepared by the angels for the gate of the Temple. 
 When he again attended K. Johanan's lecture and the preacher repeated 
 his former statement, the sceptic said the characteristic words : Eabbi, 
 you may now talk as much as you like and glorify as much as you can ; 
 if my eyes had not seen it, I would not have believed it. (In Baba bathra, 
 75 a, in the same story, it is told of a disciple of R. Johanan.) In Seder 
 'Olam, III, the Baraitha in Bosh haShana, 17 a, Tos. Synh., XIII, 5, on 
 apostates and traitors is enlarged by the addition, among other persons, 
 of those who scorn the words of the scholars ; cf. Ratner's edition, p. 9 a, 
 note 40. 
 
THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF SEPPHORIS 55 
 
 the tears of him who sheds them for a pious man. 
 And an anonymous Baraitha said : Why do the sons and 
 daughters of some die young? In order that they should 
 weep and mourn for a righteous man (who dies at the 
 same time) ; whoever weeps for a righteous man will be 
 forgiven all his sins on account of the honour which 
 he has paid. E. Johanan said : All who show neglect at 
 the mourning for a scholar do not live long. 1 E. Joshua 
 b. Levi in a sermon emphasized the same duty. 2 He 
 said : We do not find elsewhere in the Bible the name 
 Har-Ga'ash where, according to Joshua xxiv. 30, Joshua 
 was buried. The name indicates that the Israelites proved 
 neglectful in paying due honour to the deceased leader ; 
 every one was engaged in his work and had no time for 
 taking part in Joshua's funeral. Therefore God decided 
 to shake the earth over its inhabitants. When Samuel 
 died, the whole of Israel gathered together to mourn for 
 him (1 Sam. xxv. 1) in accordance with the proverb : He 
 who was bitten by a serpent, is afraid even of a rope. 
 This forcible bit of imaginative Agada proves that the 
 Jews of Galilee, and especially those of Sepphoris, had no 
 respect for the scholars in their midst. An anonymous 
 Baraitha 3 indicates a case of neglect in paying due 
 honour even to a leading member of the central Beth-din 
 in Galilee at his funeral ; and an eclipse of the sun coin- 
 ciding with this occurrence is accounted for by the lack 
 of esteem for the great man. And even if the Jews 
 came to join in the funeral of a scholar, they always 
 found something for which to blame the deceased ; for 
 E. Joshua b. Levi said : 4 Whoever speaks evil behind 
 the bier of a scholar will fall into hell. What they were 
 saying of the teachers is not mentioned, but will be sug- 
 gested by some passages to be quoted later on, 
 
 1 Sabb. f 105 b. 3 Midrash Samuel, xxiii, § 7. 
 
 3 Sukka, 29 a : On account of four things the sun is smitten (eclipsed), 
 on account of an 'Abh-beth-din not being duly mourned for, &c. Gratz in 
 his Monatsschrift, 1884, XXXIII, 542, suggests that it refers to R. Jehuda b. 
 Babha, the martyr. * Berakh., 19 a. 
 
56 THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL LEADERS OF 
 
 3. These people not only slighted, but also felt con- 
 tempt and even hatred for the scholars; and again it 
 is in the first instance Sepphoris where the rabbis were 
 treated in that way, as an utterance of R. Hanina and 
 Rabh proves. They define an epicurean as one who 
 contemns a scholar. 1 A private prayer said every morn- 
 ing by R. Eleazar b. Pedath of Sepphoris 2 reflects the 
 feeling prevailing in this place between the Jewish 
 population and the scholars. It runs : ' May it be thy 
 will, Lord, my God and God of my fathers, that 
 hatred against us may not enter anybody's heart, nor 
 hatred against anybody our hearts, and that envy of 
 us may not enter anybody's heart, nor envy of others 
 our hearts, and that thy Torah may be our occupation 
 through all our lives, and that our words may be prayers 
 before thee.' And a contemporary of R. Eleazar in 
 Sepphoris, R. Isaac b. Marion, 8 said : He who is insolent 
 to scholars and to great men of the generation, is like 
 him who is insolent to a king (2 Sam. xx. 21). This 
 statement can be fully understood only as the reflection 
 of not unfrequent occurrences which the rabbis denounced 
 in their sermons, since they had no other means to meet 
 them. It must have been soon after the settling of the 
 schools in Galilee that the teachers experienced such 
 treatment ; for we find that the great assembly of scholars 
 in 'Usha discussed and adopted a law as to the fine of one 
 who offends a scholar and strikes him. 4 
 
 1 Synh., 99 b : >r\ .D3n T©Vn nnnrr m lmnn now wun *yn an omp'DM 
 can I'd'jd *3B3 run n^yon n HOM *ti ]2 tovv *3"ii japr. In jer. Synh.,X, 1, 
 2 7 d, 65, R. Johanan and R. Eleazar, both disciples of R. Hanina, discuss 
 the same point ; one says, an epicurean is he who says : look at this 
 teacher ; according to the othei'j it is he who says : look at these scholars. 
 The expression implies contempt. 
 
 2 Jer. Berakh., IV, 2, 7 d, 43. 3 Kohel. rob., ix. 18, § 2. 
 
 4 Jer. Kethub., IV, 8, 28 d, 60, Baba kamma, VIII, 8, 6 c, 13 : R. Simon 
 b. Lakish in the name of R. Jehuda b. Hanina said : It was decided by 
 taking votes that he who offends a scholar (}pt) and strikes him, should 
 pay him as fine the full amount for having put him to shame. Once 
 a man offended a scholar and struck him and had by the judgment 
 
THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF SEPPHORIS 57 
 
 Also E. Meir, a leading scholar of the Beth-din of 
 'Usha, had, when temporarily staying in Sepphoris, to 
 experience the slighting criticism of the people. The 
 reason for it is nowhere suggested 1 ; only the defence 
 of E. Meir by E. Jose b. Halaftha of Sepphoris that 
 he was a great, saint and chaste man, implies serious 
 allegations or suspicions advanced against him and his 
 character. Also E. Jose's other statement 2 that those 
 who hate the scholars and their disciples, the false 
 prophets and the calumniators will have no share in the 
 world to come, indicates very strong feelings against 
 the teachers of his town. And an anonymous saying 
 of the second century 3 reads freely into the wording 
 of the Bible experiences of the time of the author, and 
 derives from the sequence of verses the principle : he who 
 does not learn (the Torah) or practise it and despises 
 others (who do so), will in the end hate the scholars. It 
 also seems very probable that the urgent warnings by 
 rabbis of the 1 second century in Galilee concerning un- 
 founded hatred mean the hatred against scholars. 4 
 
 of R. Simon b. Lakish to pay the full amount ; it is reported that it 
 was R. Jehuda b. Hanina (see Bacher, Pal. Amor., I, 420, 3, who suggests 
 R. Jose b. Hanina). Such experiences probably account for R. Hanina' s 
 insisting that everybody should stand up before him when passing, jer. 
 Bikkur., Ill, 3, 65 c, 64. 
 
 1 For the offence which he gave by once greeting mourners on a Sabbath 
 against the rule prevailing in Sepphoris, can hardly have been more 
 than the occasion for criticizing, jer. Berakh., II, 7,5 b, 56, Genes. rob., 
 c. 7. 
 
 2 Derekh Ves, XI. s In Sifra, p. in b, II, 3, on Lev. xxvi. 14, 15. 
 4 For instance, R. Nehemia's sentence in Sabb., 32 b, in the Baraitha : 
 
 For the sin of unfounded hatred, quarrel prevails in a man's house, his 
 wife miscarries and his sons and daughters die very young. Or the 
 anonymous Baraitha in Sabb., 33 a : There are four kinds of indications : 
 dropsy shows immorality ; jaundice indicates gratuitous hatred ; poverty, 
 haughtiness ; croup, calumny. And in Joma, 9 b, about the reasons of 
 the destruction of Jerusalem : it was destroyed because gratuitous 
 hatred was to be found in it. Hence one can learn that gratuitous 
 hatred is the greatest sin. In Aboth R. Nathan, XVI, 32 b, an anonymous 
 warning addressed to scholars and non-scholars alike similarly shows 
 the mutual hatred of both sections : We should not say, love the 
 scholars and hate the disciples, love the disciples and hate the ignorant 
 
58 THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL LEADERS OF 
 
 4. The people of Sepphoris who exhibited contempt 
 and hatred of the scholars, were undoubtedly the un- 
 learned, the same whom the rabbis of Galilee called 
 'Amha'ares. Of these an anonymous Baraitha of the 
 second century expressly states * that they hate the 
 scholars more than the non- Jews hate the Jews, and that 
 their wives' hatred is even greater than theirs. Natur- 
 ally the rabbis reciprocated the feeling ; but it found 
 expression only in burlesque exaggerations addressed to 
 scholars, which betrayed their incapacity of doing harm 
 and, I think, the insincerity of their hatred. E. Johanan 
 of Sepphoris said 1 : An 'Amha'ares may be rent like 
 a fish. Similarly his colleague E. Eleazar b. Pedath : 
 An 'Amha'ares may be stabbed on the day of Atonement 
 which falls on a Sabbath. Do not travel in the company 
 of an 'Amha'ares; he takes no care of his own life, how 
 much less of the life of somebody else. E. Eleazar 
 further said 2 : Upon one who has no knowledge, you 
 must have no compassion ; whoever gives his bread to 
 a man of no knowledge, will be visited by chastisement. 
 The 'Amha'ares 3 will not participate in the resurrection 
 (Isa. xxvi. 14). When E. Eleazar noticed that E. Johanan 
 was grieved by this statement, he added : Master, I have 
 found in the Bible a remedy for the 'Amha'ares, that they 
 should support the scholars. About sixty years before 
 these two teachers, the patriarch E. Jehuda I in Sepphoris 
 said : 4 God's punishment comes upon the world only on 
 account of the 'Amha'ares. Only such as study Torah 
 should eat meat ; but it is forbidden to those who do not 
 study it. 5 There was once a famine, and the patriarch 
 when opening all his stores of victuals to the people 
 announced : Those who know Bible or Mishna or Talmud 
 or Halakha or Haggada, may enter, but the 'Amha'ares 
 
 people ; but love all of them and hate the Minim, the apostates and the 
 informers. 
 
 1 Pesah., 49 b. a Synh., 92a 3 Kethub., nib. 
 
 4 Baba bathra, 8 a. 6 Pesak., 49 b. 
 
THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF SEPPHORIS 59 
 
 shall not enter. One of his disciples, pretending to be 
 an 'Amha'ares, asked for assistance, in order to prove 
 to his master the injustice of this measure. 1 And his 
 contemporary bar-Kappara, who studied, preached and 
 lived in Sepphoris for a time, said : Prohibit to thyself, 
 by vow, intercourse with him who has no share in the 
 study of Bible, or Mishna or culture, for to him apply 
 the words in Psalm i. 1, ' Happy is he who does not sit in 
 the seats of scoffers.' 2 
 
 5. The strained relations between the Jewish popula- 
 tion and the scholars account for two occurrences of 
 haughty and harsh demeanour on the part of two scholars. 
 R. Simon b. Eleazar 8 came slowly riding on an ass along 
 the sea-shore from Migdal-'Eder from his teacher's school ; 
 he was in high spirits and very proud of his learning. 
 A very ugly man met him and saluted him ; but the 
 scholar did not return the greeting, but said instead : 
 Beka, how ugly are you ! Are all the inhabitants of your 
 town as ugly as you ? The man replied : I do not know, 
 but go and tell the Master who formed me how ugly the 
 vessel is which he made. The scholar, now aware of his 
 sin, alighted from the ass, fell down at the man's feet 
 and begged him to pardon and to forgive him. Yet the 
 man said : I will not forgive you, unless you go to the 
 Master who made me, and tell him how ugly the vessel is 
 
 1 Baba bathra, 8 a. 
 
 2 Kiddush., 40 b, ft*. The same statement is quoted in Aboth R. Nathan, 
 and version, XXXV, 44 a, in the name of R. Eliezer b. Jacob of the 
 second century in Galilee in a slightly varied form : Have two handles, 
 one of learning Thora and another of culture, for he who is not possessed 
 of Bible, or Mishna, or culture, does not belong to human society 
 (Mishna Kiddush., I, 10 b). The meaning of culture is not quite clear 
 in the context. Were there Jews in Galilee, especially in Sepphoris, 
 who had no knowledge of the Hebrew literature whatever and no culture, 
 and therefore had too much time for scoffing at the scholars? There 
 were probably even men who did not observe the Jewish law at all ; for 
 R. Eleazar b. Pedath explains in Sota, 46 b, Hagiga, 14 a, cnr: in 2 Kings ii. 
 23, and Isa. iii. 4, to mean people who were void of all religious deeds 
 and were of poor faith. 
 
 3 Ta'anith, 20 a (see Rabbinowicz), in a Baraitha, Aboth R. Nathan, XLl, 
 66 a, Derekh 'eres, IV. 
 
60 THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL LEADERS OF 
 
 which he made. He followed the scholar to his town, 
 where the people came out to meet E. Simon b. Eleazar, 
 and they greeted him : Peace be with you, Rabbi, master, 
 master ! The man interposed : If this is a master, may 
 such not increase in Israel ! When he told his case, the 
 people asked him to forgive the scholar ; and he did 
 so only for the sake of the people. R. Simon then went 
 to the school and taught : one should always be soft like 
 the reed and not unbending like the cedar ; that is why 
 the reed was distinguished and used for a pen to write 
 therewith scrolls of the Torah, Tefillin and Mezuzas. 
 
 R. Jannai of Sepphoris * once met in the street a man 
 whom on account of his neat dress he thought a scholar 
 and invited him to his house ; the man accepted the 
 invitation. After dinner R. Jannai tested his knowledge 
 of Bible, Mishna, Agada, Talmud, all in vain, for the 
 stranger had no knowledge whatever. When asked to 
 say grace and he refused to do so, R. Jannai called him 
 a dog. The man got up, seized the scholar and said: 
 You withhold my inheritance ! When the scholar inquired 
 what it was, the stranger said : According to Deut. xxxiii. 
 4, a verse which I have heard children say in a school, the 
 Torah is not Jannai's, but every Jew's property. And 
 then he went on explaining to R. Jannai that he had 
 never repeated to the slandered man any calumny he 
 heard, and never had seen people quarrelling without 
 having made peace between them. Then R. Jannai 
 said : You have so high a moral sense and I called you 
 dog ; great is your merit ! 
 
 In both cases the man, although ignorant, has a sound, 
 moral mind and insists on his superiority of character, 
 and after persisting is acknowledged to be in the right. 
 The scholars admit the wrong which they have inflicted 
 upon common, ignorant men, and willingly recognize the 
 good qualities of their opponents. The attitude of the 
 rabbis suggests that such qualities were, as a rule, not 
 
 1 Lev. rab., ix. 3. , 
 
THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF SEPPHORIS 6 1 
 
 expected to exist in the average man of Sepphoris and 
 other parts of Galilee. And the first stage of the conflict 
 clearly shows that there was no intercourse between 
 rabbis and the people, and that the scholars despised 
 the 'Amha'ares, obviously in return for the hatred ex- 
 hibited by the wealthy against them. 
 
 6. There were to the minds of the scholars themselves 
 other reasons why they were criticized, why little respect 
 was felt for them and why they failed to win the people 
 at large for scholarship and religious observance. Several 
 incidental sentences of leading scholars indicate that 
 there were in Sepphoris members of the schools who gave 
 offence by not observing the . laws taught or learnt by 
 them. The patriarch E. Jehuda I asked E. Besal'el : 
 Did Hosea, in ii. 7, mean to say that our mother Sarah was 
 a harlot ? E. Besal'el replied : God forbid ; it only implies 
 that the words of the Torah become despicable like a harlot 
 in the eyes of an 'Amha'ares, when their possessors (i. e. 
 the scholars) despise the Torah. 1 A friend of the same 
 patriarch, E. Simon b. Halaftha, said : The punishment 
 of one who has learnt the Torah and does not observe it, 
 is heavier than that of one who has not learnt anything. 2 
 Another colleague of E. Jehuda I, E. Hiyya, said : For 
 him who learns without the intention to practise the 
 law, it would have been better that he should not have 
 been created. 3 And in the generation preceding that of 
 
 1 Ruth rab., i. 1. § 2. It would seem from R. Johanan's comment on 
 this that the saying referred to unworthy judges, as R. Simlai in his 
 interpretation of the same verse in Deut. rab., ii. 19, said : They put their 
 own words to shame with the 'Amha'ares, when the scholar teaches 
 in public not to lend money on interest but does so himself, not to steal 
 or rob, but does so himself. But other passages show that the plain 
 meaning of the statement refers to scholars generally and that R. Johanan 
 only gave one striking instance from his own times. 
 
 a Deut. rab., vii. 4, interpreting Isa. xxvi. 10. 
 
 3 Lev. rab., xxxv. 7, Sifra on Lev. xxvi. 3, p. 110 c, § 5, jer. Berakh., I, 3, 
 3 b, 25. Cf. the strong language used by R. Simon b. Eleazar (in Yalkut 
 Mekhiri on Ps. xlix. § 18, quoted from the Si/re, now included in 
 Hoffmann's Midrash TannaHm, p. 8, in his statement : nrsn ngvp 13 "ft jn* 
 'w tub 1 d'Mpt rjme »a to>*:» a:n^b nfra nanna m>sr bin Dirrfi n:oo p»w, There 
 
62 THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL LEADERS OF 
 
 the patriarch, E. Ishmael b. E. Johanan b. Beroka said : 
 He who learns with the view to teach, to him the means 
 will be vouchsafed both to learn and to teach ; but he 
 who learns in order to practise, to him the means will be 
 vouchsafed to learn and to teach, to observe and to 
 practise. 1 And in the first half of the third century two 
 teachers of Sepphoris point to the contradiction between 
 study and practice in the lives of students. 2 E. Jonathan 
 b. Eleazar called out: "Woe to the scholars who study 
 the Torah and have no fear of God in them ! And 
 E. Jannai said with reference to such students: "Woe 
 to him who has no dwelling and makes a gate to a 
 dwelling ! 3 The predominance of mere study of the 
 Torah unattended by fear of G-od and pious deeds was 
 the cause of E. Jannai's outburst ; it must have been 
 occasioned by the actual state of affairs in the schools of 
 his time. And his pupil E. Johanan said : For him who 
 learns without practising the Torah, it would be better 
 that he had died before his birth. 4 He who endangers 
 his teaching by doing things which contradict it, is 
 poor. 5 If the teacher (in his conduct) is like an angel of 
 
 is no school in which there are none to go down to hell. It may have 
 referred to the same anomaly in a scholar's religious practice. 
 
 1 Aboth, IV, 5 a. An earlier instance of the same criticism shows that 
 this strange inconsistency was an evil of the Galilean schools. Apart 
 from the singular behaviour of 'Elisha' b. 'Abuya of Tiberias, who in the 
 end gave up the religious practice of the commandments, a saying of 
 R. Hanina b. Dosa of 'Arab, near Sepphoris in the first century, reveals 
 the same spirit in contemporary scholars. He said (Aboth, III, 9, cf. the 
 identical sentence of R. Eleazar b. 'Azaria in Aboth, III, 17) : He in whom 
 the fear of sin comes before wisdom, his wisdom shall endure ; but he in 
 whom wisdom comes before the fear of sin, his wisdom will not endure. 
 He whose works exceed his wisdom, his wisdom shall endure ; but he 
 whose wisdom exceeds his works, his wisdom will not endure. In Aboth 
 E. Nathan, 2nd version, XXXII, 35 a, in an anonymous application of an 
 example illustrating Ps. 1. 16, God said to the wicked: You have no 
 good deeds, and you want to study the Torah ! You do not observe my 
 laws, how will you discuss them ? (In Hagiga, 15 b, this verse is applied 
 to 'Elisha' b. 'Abuya.) 
 
 3 Joma, 72 b. 3 Sabb., 31 b ; Bacher, Pal. Amoraer, I, 37. 
 
 4 Lev. rab., xxxv. 7. 5 Kohel. rab., ix. 16. 
 
THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF SEPPHORIS 63 
 
 the Lord of hosts, then and only then seek the Torah 
 from his mouth. 1 E. Simon b. Lakish said : A scholar 
 must be well versed in all the twenty-four books of the 
 Bible and be chaste and without blame. 2 A colleague of 
 both in Sepphoris, R. Eleazar b. Pedath, in describing 
 Doeg and 'Ahitofel's characters, said: Originally they were 
 not observant, and they remained the same even after 
 having acquired knowledge. 3 
 
 7. There were some scholars in Sepphoris who studied 
 the Torah not for its own sake. For R. Benaya of this city 
 about the year 200 said : The Torah proves a drug giving 
 life to him who occupies himself with it for its own sake ; 
 but it is a deadly drug to him who studies it not for its 
 own sake. 4 The same can be inferred as to Tiberias 
 or 'Usha in the middle of the second century from 
 R. Meir's strong praise of a man who devotes himself to 
 study for the sake of the Torah. 5 Of the teachers of the 
 beginning of the third century, R. Alexander said : He 
 who occupies himself with the Torah for its own sake, 
 effects peace with the hosts in heaven and also on earth. 
 R. Johanan adds : He who studies in that way, protects 
 by this merit the whole world. 6 And the discussion of 
 the healing and slaying power of the Torah, emphasized 
 by R. Benaya and continued throughout the whole of 
 the third century, clearly proves that some scholars were 
 not actuated by pure motives in taking up the study 
 of the Torah. So Jehuda, the son of R. Hiyya, said : 
 God's ways are not like those of man ; man gives to his 
 
 1 Hagiga, 15 b ; MoM Kat., 17 a, on Malachi ii. 7. 
 
 2 Cant, rab., iv. n. 3 Num. rab., xviii. 17. 
 
 * Baraitha in Ta'anith, 7 a. In Si/re Deut., 306, 131 b, the statement is 
 reported in a different form, inasmuch as it deals with the practice and 
 not the study of the Torah. 
 
 5 Aboth, VI, 1. In jer. Hagiga, II, 1, 77 c, 17, R. Jehuda I said with 
 reference to 'Elisha' b. 'Abuya : Since this scholar who studied the Torah 
 not for its own sake, produced a disciple of the greatness of R. Meir, how 
 much more may we expect from a scholar who studies the Torah for its 
 own sake. 
 
 6 Synh., 99 b. 
 
64 THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL LEADERS OF 
 
 fellow a drug which does good to one, but harm to 
 another; but God gave the Torah as a drug of life to 
 Israel. 1 E. Joshua b. Levi expressed the same idea in 
 a different way: Deut. iv. 44 teaches that the Torah is 
 a drug of life to him who proves good, but is a deadly 
 drug to him who does not prove good. E. Jonathan b. 
 Eleazar of Sepphoris said : ! The statutes of the Lord are 
 right, rejoicing the heart* (Ps. xix. 8) means: if the 
 student proves good, the Torah rejoices him, otherwise 
 it burns him. E. Simon b. Lakish said : If he proves 
 good, the Torah purifies him for life, otherwise for death. 2 
 All this was directed against those who in studying the 
 Torah did not allow it to permeate their actions. The 
 inconsistency between their scholarship and practice 
 forced itself upon the attention of the haters of the 
 teachers and counteracted the efforts of the rabbis 
 to win the people for the Torah. What the purpose 
 of their study was, it is difficult to state. If it was pure 
 interest in study and nothing else, it testifies to the great 
 attraction which the study of the Torah exercised even in 
 Galilee. But it is also possible that it was the ambition 
 to belong to the ranks of the scholars. For an anonymous 
 rabbi of the second century says emphatically : One should 
 not say, I will learn Bible to be called a scholar, I will 
 learn Mishna to be called master, and I will study to 
 become a member of the Beth-din ; but he should learn 
 for love, and honour will come in the end. 3 
 
 It seems that such scholars only attended the lectures 
 and discussions in the schools, but attached themselves to 
 no individual scholar for the purpose of acquiring the 
 practice of religion and culture. For E. Simon b. Johai 
 of the middle of the second century states ; More impor- 
 tant than study is intercourse (b^bs?) with a teacher, as 
 
 1 'Erub., 54 a ; Bacher, Tannaiten, II, 540, 3. See also Si/re Deut., 45; 
 Kiddush., 30 b, in a Baraitha. 
 
 2 Joma, 72 b. 
 
 8 Baraitha in Nedar. f 62 a ; Si/re Deut, 48, p. 84 b. 
 
THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF SEPPHORIS 65 
 
 we find expressly stated of 'Elisha' that he poured water 
 upon the hands of Elijah (2 Kings iii. n). 1 And E. Jacob 
 of the same date said : Also he who has no intercourse 
 with scholars, will have no share in the future world. 2 
 E. Jannai of Sepphoris declared : He who studies Bible 
 and Mishna and has no intercourse with scholars, is like 
 a Samaritan. 3 And E. Jose b. Hanina said : The sword 
 will come upon those scholars who sit and study sepa- 
 rately. 4 It was, therefore, natural that the rabbis had to 
 be careful in admitting students. E. Simon b. Eleazar 
 said: Prov. xxvi. 8 blames him who teaches a wicked 
 disciple ; he is like him who adds a stone to the heap 
 of Hermes, he is an idolater. 5 And E. Johanan taught : 
 The two kinds of trees in Deut. xx. 19 ff. represent worthy 
 and unworthy scholars ; eat of the first and do not cut it 
 down, destroy the other and cut it down. E. Hanina b. 
 Papa in reconciling Isa. xxi. 14, with lv, 1, said : ' Ho, every 
 one that thirsteth, go ye to the waters ' refers to the 
 unworthy disciple ; ' bring water to the thirsty ' refers to 
 the worthy student. 6 "Whether they succeeded in keep- 
 ing at a distance these zealous but irreligious disciples, 
 is not reported ; but we may see in them representatives 
 of the real Galilean Jews, obviously of the wealthier class, 
 who were attracted by scholarship, but, owing to the 
 negative spirit prevailing in Galilee, differed materially 
 from the bulk of the students by their lax observance of 
 the Torah. 
 
 1 Berakh., 7 b. 
 
 3 Aboth E. Nathan, XXXVI, 55 a. r'n can hardly mean E. 'Akiba after 
 R. Meir, but, as in other passages quoted above (p. 27, note 1), R. Jacob. 
 3 Sota, 22 a. * Berakh., 63 b. 5 Tos. 'Abodazara, VI, 18. 
 
 6 Taanith, 7 a. 
 
CHAPTEE V 
 
 THE MAINTENANCE OF THE SCHOLAES IN 
 SEPPHOEIS. 
 
 i. The great poverty of the teachers in Galilee in the 
 second and third centuries has often been described, and 
 it is not necessary to array the references here. But we 
 must mention the very instructive example of Sabbath 
 observance, which, if carried out according to the pre- 
 scription of the rabbis since Shammai, would have involved 
 considerable expense, but proved impossible in practice 
 on account of poverty. A great exertion to honour the 
 Sabbath by special garments and special meals 1 was 
 a characteristic feature of strict Jews, and excited, as 
 is well known, the taunts of Greek and Eoman writers. 2 
 E. Hanina of Sepphoris taught 3 : Two garments are 
 required, one for every day, the other for the Sabbath, 
 and this is also meant in Naomi's words in Euth iii. 3. 
 This statement was directed against people in Sep- 
 phoris failing to distinguish by special garments the 
 Sabbath from the weekday, as is implied by the follow- 
 ing incident. "When E. Simlai, a disciple of E. Hanina, 
 in his sermon 4 quoted his teacher's rule, the audience 
 wept, crying out : Master, we possess only one garment 
 for both the Sabbath and weekdays. He then taught 
 them to effect at least some change in the garment 
 in such a case. In another passage scholars of the 
 second half of the third century and the beginning 
 
 1 See Book of Jubilees, II, 91, 31, L, 9, 10. 
 
 2 Plutarch, Sympos., VI, 2 ; Persius Flaccus, Satir., V, 183. 
 
 3 Jer. Pea, VIII, 8, 21 b, 1 ; Ruth rab., iii. 3; Pesiktha rab., XXIII, 115b. 
 
 4 According to Pesiktha given in Tiberias. 
 
THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF SEPPHORIS 67 
 
 of the fourth complain that people sit without light 
 on Sabbath night and lack the conveniences of life which 
 were considered a proper preparation for receiving the 
 Sabbath. 1 The scoffs of the mimes on the stage of the 
 theatre in Caesarea, reported by R. 'Abahu, 2 that the Jews 
 had no fuel to cook their food for the Sabbath, is very 
 telling. To earn a living was declared by R. Eleazar 
 b. Pedath of Sepphoris 3 as great a miracle as Israel's 
 redemption from Egypt, and earlier, by R. Joshua b. 
 Levi, a greater miracle than the division of the Red Sea. 
 Great scarcity of money prevailed, 4 and people were 
 compelled to reap green stalks of corn for want of food. 5 
 
 2. Scholars in great poverty continued devoting them- 
 selves to the study of the Torah, while wealthy men 
 cared little or nothing for it. This is evident from 
 a Baraitha which for its peculiar style is worth quoting : 
 
 1 In Sabb., 25 b, Lam. iii. 17 is commented upon: 'And thou hast 
 removed my soul far off from peace, I forget prosperity,' R. 'Abahu said : 
 This refers to the lighting of a lamp on Sabbath ; ' I forget prosperity* refers, 
 according to R. Jeremiah, to a bath ; according to R. Johanan, to washing 
 hands and feet in warm water ; according to R. Isaac, to a nice couch and 
 nice covers on it ; according to R. 'Abba, to the spread couch and the wife 
 adorned for her husband who is a scholar. (The wording in Midr. Threni, 
 iii. 17, is utterly corrupt.) Some of these things are explicitly required 
 for the honour of the Sabbath in Sabb., 119 b, and 25 b ; cf. also Gittin, 38 b. 
 
 2 Threni rab., iii. 5. 3 Genes, rab., xx. 9. 
 
 4 R. Isaac in Pesiktha, 101 b, said : Formerly when a Peruta was always 
 to be had, people liked to hear learned points (in the synagogue), but at 
 present, when a Peruta is not always to be had, and especially as we 
 have to suffer from the Romans, people prefer to hear Bible, Agada and 
 consolations. Compare with this Si/re Deut., 326, p. 139 a, on Deut. xxxii. 
 36, ' when he seeth that their power is gone,' when the Peruta is at an 
 end in the purse. It shows that extreme poverty prevailed also in the 
 second century, and, as we know, as a sequel to the bar-Cochba war. 
 R. Johanan reports in Ta'anith, 19 b, that he remembered the time when 
 victuals were extremely dear and people died of starvation, caused by 
 want of money, in Tiberias. He himself had suffered terribly, probably 
 on that occasion, jer. Joma, VIII, 5, 45 b, 6. In the Gospel to the Hebrews 
 (in Origen, ad Malth., XIX, 16) Jesus said to the rich : ' Et ecce multi 
 fratres tui filii Abrahae amicti sunt stercore, morientes prae fame.' 
 
 5 R. Isaac in Genes, rab., xx. 10, said : God's curse upon the first man, 
 'Thou shalt eat the herb of the field' (Gen. iii. 18), applies to our own 
 time, as people pluck out the stalks when yet green, for want of corn. 
 
 E % 
 
68 THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL LEADERS OP 
 
 God weeps daily over three classes of men : over him 
 who could study the Torah and fails to do so, over him 
 who cannot study the Torah and yet does so, and over 
 a Parnas who behaves haughtily towards the congrega- 
 tion. 1 Most of the students had no means, and only few 
 were provided for. Wealthy young men were engaged 
 in farming or exceptionally in business, and it did not 
 occur to them to join a school for grown-up students. It 
 is they whom the quoted Baraitha blames. The same 
 reproach in the same words was advanced by E. Nehorai 
 of Sepphoris in the middle of the second century in his 
 interpretation of Num. xv. 31 : ( a despiser of the 
 word of God ' is he who could occupy himself with 
 the Torah but fails to do so. 2 Owing to the hard pres- 
 sure of poverty enhanced by the persecutions under the 
 emperor Hadrian, some scholars gave up partially the 
 study of the Torah. R Jehu da b. 'Il'ai, who before 
 the year 135 had been a disciple at the schools of Jamnia 
 and Lydda and after the persecutions settled in 'Usha in 
 Galilee as one of the leading teachers and members 
 of the central school, stated the essential differences as to 
 the time and care devoted to the study of the Torah 
 in the two generations before and after the Hadrianic 
 persecutions respectively. The former generation made 
 study their fixed work and business a secondary occu- 
 pation and they were successful in both. The present 
 generation make business their fixed work and study 
 a secondary occupation and they are successful in neither. 3 
 Accordingly his advice is : He who makes the words of 
 the Torah his primary task and the worldly life secondary, 
 will become important in the world to come ; but whoever 
 makes the words of the Torah secondary to the worldly 
 
 1 Hagiga, 5 b. Note the popular tone of the statement ; its extreme 
 anthropomorphism proves it to have been a part of a sermon addressed 
 to the people. 
 
 a Synh., 99 a. In Si/re Num., 112, it is quoted in the name of R. Nathan 
 of the same date differently : he who could learn and does not learn. 
 
 3 Berakh., 35 b. 
 
THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF SEPPHORIS 69 
 
 life, will become of minor weight in the world to come. 1 
 And therefore he advised his contemporaries to take the 
 middle course. His friend R. Meir had a more uncom- 
 promising view on the matter ; he taught : Do little 
 business and occupy thyself in the Torah and be of 
 humble spirit to every one. If you give up the Torah, 
 there will come many diversions against you (even in 
 your business), whereas if you study continually Torah, 
 there is great reward for you. 2 
 
 3. A colleague of E,. Jehuda and B,. Meir, E. Simon b. 
 Johai, held that the proper thing ought to be for every- 
 body to devote all his time to the study of the Torah. 
 But on account of Israel's neglect in fulfilling the will of 
 God, we have to do our own agricultural work ourselves 
 and even that of others, and this occupies our time 
 all the year round, and no time is left for study. 3 Only 
 the Israelites supplied with manna were able to study 
 the Torah ; but how can he do it who whilst sitting and 
 learning does not know from where he can get food, 
 drink, linen and clothes 4 ? Besides the Israelites pro- 
 vided with manna, only the descendants of Aaron, the 
 priests, who receive priestly dues, could study. In fact, 
 the priests in Galilee were as a rule wealthy, 5 and they 
 were justly expected to add to their birthright some 
 knowledge of the Torah in its comprehensive sense. Yet 
 most of them only claimed and received their various 
 dues, without exhibiting great zeal in joining the ranks 
 of the scholars or the schools. E-. Jehuda said with 
 
 1 Aboih R. Nathan, XXVIII, 43 b, Bacher, Tannaiten, II, 196, 4. 
 
 2 Aboth, IV, 10. Cf. R. Meir's other sentence reported by R. Simon b. 
 Eleazar in Aboth R. Nathan, XXIX, 44 a, on the same subject. 
 
 3 Si/re Deut., 42, Berakh., 35 b. 
 
 4 Mekhiltha on Exod. xvi. 4, p. 47 b, and on xiii. 17, p. 23 b. 
 
 5 Sifre Deut, 352 : citra .en q*y«» twnq 3fn nos }*oo .D'casa ,Vrn * -pi 
 prw to xm rn om irpio trw aisi p'ix w*o rfn ^rapt ca *n»n iy: wdn qnyi nun 
 Deut. xxxiii. n, 'Bless, O Lord, his substance/ with property; from 
 here it has been inferred that most priests are rich. In the name of 
 'Abba Doresh, it was reported that Ps. xxxvii. 25, refers to Aaron's 
 descendants. 
 
70 TEE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL LEADERS OF 
 
 reference to such Aaronites : Every priest who eats his 
 dues without being a scholar, will be no priest in the mes- 
 sianic times. 1 And two scholars of Sepphoris of the third 
 century confirm the general impeachment. One of them, 
 himself a descendant of Aaron, R,. Jannai, said : On the 
 grave of every priest who is no scholar, one may eat 
 priestly dues. And E. Johanan, interpreting ' Her priests 
 have violated my law and have profaned mine holy 
 things ' (Ezek. xxii. 26), said : If a priest is no scholar, 
 he does not know how to distinguish between holy and 
 common things. 2 Jose of Ma* on near Tiberias of the 
 third century preached in the synagogue of his place: 
 G-od will once call the Aaronites to account and ask them 
 why they did not devote themselves to the study of the 
 Torah, since they were receiving the dues of the priests. 3 
 And R. Jonathan b. Eleazar of Sepphoris deduced from 
 the Bible the prohibition to give priestly dues to an 
 ignorant priest, and R. Johanan added that he who 
 gives them to such a man, causes his death. 4 
 
 4. Neither the wealthy landowners, nor the descendants 
 of Aaron with a fair income, devoted, as a rule, their sons 
 to the study of the Torah ; only poor young men joined 
 the schools in Gralilee. Before the catastrophe in the 
 year 135, several men of Galilee had studied for years 
 and up to full manhood in Jamnia and Lydda ; but it is 
 not reported whether it was their own means which had 
 enabled them to devote themselves exclusively to study. 
 Incidentally reference is made to the great poverty of two 
 very able scholars at the school of Jamnia, Eleazar Hisma 
 
 1 Exod. rab., xxxviii. 3. In an anonymous statement in Si/re Num., 
 119, p. 39 b, it is said that a priest is like an angel of God (Mai. ii. 7), 
 if Torah comes forth from his mouth, otherwise he is like a beast and 
 cattle which do not know their master. The school of R. Eliezer b. 
 Jacob in Sepphoris or Tiberias taught (Synh., 90 b) that he who gives dues 
 to an ignorant priest, burdens him with the great sin involved in the 
 improper handling of the priestly dues. 
 
 1 Tanhuma, nrrnn 1. The commentator emends amiri *mp bv binb -imn 
 into Von 1 ? wb. 
 
 8 Jer. Synh., II, fin., 20 d, 2, Genes, rab., lxxx. 1. 4 Synh., 90 b. 
 
THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF SEPPHORIS 7 1 
 
 and Johanan b. Nuri, one a mathematician, the other an 
 astronomer, and E. Joshua b. Hananya expected the head 
 of the school, E. Gamaliel, to provide for them. 1 Again 
 we hear of the support given to poor students by a wealthy 
 scholar of priestly descent, E. Tarfon, through the inter- 
 vention of E. 'Akiba, 2 of a collection of money by E. 
 Eliezer, E. 'Akiba and E. Joshua for the students, 3 and of 
 the constant support of the scholars by Theodos, a wealthy 
 Jew in Eome. 4 Some of the young scholars in Judaea 
 may have been maintained by their parents living in 
 Galilee who were ready to make sacrifices for the religious 
 study of their sons. The war of bar-Cochba, however, 
 wrought a terrible change in this, and even the better 
 situated, deprived by the war of support from home, had 
 to give up studying and to look for some kind of living. 
 Even those who, in spite of these changes, remained 
 faithful to their study, in many cases required encourage- 
 ment to persevere. So E. Simon b. Johai said to his 
 disciples: When you see that the Torah is greatly 
 neglected, keep to it all the more steadfastly, and you 
 will receive the reward of all. 5 The teachers did their 
 utmost to strengthen the wavering, of whom there were, 
 no doubt, not few. E. Joshi'a and E. Matthia were study- 
 ing together ; when E. Joshi'a decided to turn to business, 
 E. Matthia told him : Why do you abandon the words of 
 the living God and indulge in worldly affairs ? Although 
 you are my teacher and I am your disciple, I still reproach 
 you with this. 6 E. Simon b. Johai said : ' The crooked 
 which cannot be made straight' (Eccl. i. 15) applies to 
 
 1 Homy., 10 a. b, Bacher, Tannaiten, I, 2nd edition, 368, 4. 
 
 2 Lev. rab., xxxiv. 16, Pesiktha rab., XXV, 126 b. 
 
 3 Jer. Horay., Ill, 7, 48 a, 44. 
 
 4 Jer. Pesah., VII, 1, 34 a, 59, b. 53 b, Vogelstein in Gratz Monatsschri/t, 
 XLIX, 1905, 440. 
 
 5 Jer. Berakh., IX, 8, 14 d, 3. 
 
 '' Aboth R. Nathan, I, 1 a ; about the chronological difficulties in the 
 alleged relation between the two teachers, see Bacher, Tannaiten, I, 
 2nd edition, 380, 6. 
 
72 THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL LEADERS OF 
 
 a scholar who abandons the study of the Torah. 1 B,. Simon 
 b. Gamalielll, the head of the central school in'Usha, said 2 : 
 To a scholar who abandons the study of the Torah, Pro v. 
 xxvii. 8 applies : ' Like a bird that wandereth from her 
 nest, so is a man that wandereth from his place.' An 
 anonymous scholar brought very strong pressure to bear 
 upon his disciples by telling them : A scholar who has 
 studied Mishna and abandons it will have no share in 
 the world to come, in accordance with Jer. ii. 5 : What 
 iniquity have your fathers found in me that they are 
 gone from me ? 3 All these sayings referred to scholars 
 of Galilee at large and to the first half of the second 
 century. 
 
 In Sepphoris there was in the second half of the second 
 century a society called The Holy Congregation, the learned 
 members of which divided their time between study of the 
 Torah, prayers and work. One of their principles, as the 
 patriarch R. Jehuda I in Sepphoris reported it, was : Learn 
 a craft along with the Torah. 4 And one of their rules, 
 quoted by E.. Johanan in Sepphoris, was : Make thy Sab- 
 bath (in food and drink) a weekday and do not depend on 
 other people. 5 The full independence at which they were 
 aiming, could only be realized by adopting a regular 
 
 1 Hagiga, I, 7. 
 
 2 Kohel. rab., i. 15, 2 ; cf. Hagiga, 9 b, Tos. Hagiga, I, 8, where R. Jehuda 
 b. Lakish is quoted as author, but probably was only the scholar who 
 reported the statement of R. Simon b. Gamaliel, as elsewhere. 
 
 3 Aboth B. Nathan, XXXVI, 55 a, onma DTMm, It is possibly the same 
 Baraitha as is quoted by R. Eleazar b. Pedath of Sepphoris in Kethub., 
 nib: Scholars who give up studying will not share in the resurrection ; 
 see also the Baraitha in Pesah., 49 b, that he who studies and gives it up, 
 is the worst of all, and Si/re Deut, 343, p. 143 a bottom. 
 
 * Kohel. rab., ix. 9 ; according to another tradition given there, they 
 studied in winter and worked in summer. The seat of the society is not 
 reported ; but it was undoubtedly Sepphoris, since R. Jehuda I and 
 R. Johanan were in communication with its members, and since R. Jose 
 b. Meshullam and R. Simon b. Menasya (Jer. Ma'aser sheni, II, 10, 53 d, 4, 
 Kohel. rab., ix. 9), the heads of the society about the year 200, were members 
 of the school of R. Jehuda I, which was in Sepphoris {Tos. Synh., XI, 8 ; 
 jer., XI, 4, p. 30 a, 55 ; Aboth, VI, 8, Bacher, Tannaiten, II, 85, 7 ff.). 
 
 5 Pesah., 113 a. 
 
THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF SEPPHORIS 73 
 
 handicraft. On the same grounds the patriarch himself 
 urged the necessity of a worldly occupation. He said : Of 
 a man who has no occupation, people speak unfavourably 
 and ask : Whence has this man his food ? * And before 
 his times R. Jose b. Halaftha of Sepphoris quoted the 
 same sentence of R. Gamaliel II, emphasizing the impor- 
 tance of a handicraft which enables a man to be in all 
 circumstances free from suspicion. 2 
 
 5. Yet most of the young scholars who joined the 
 schools had no occupation ; and even if they had, yet to 
 earn a living, as R. Jose b. Halaftha of Sepphoris put it, 
 was twice as difficult as giving birth. 3 Without support 
 it would have been impossible for those who came from 
 other places to study. An anonymous statement reports 
 that R. Meir gave a third of his small income, earned by 
 copying scrolls of the Torah, to support poor scholars. 4 
 The patriarch R. Jehuda I, who was very wealthy, invited 
 his disciples, as it seems, frequently to his house. 6 But 
 the means of the scholars would scarcely have been 
 sufficient to support the teachers and their disciples. 
 The only possible way out of the difficulty would have 
 been the offer of the wealthy Jews in Galilee to contribute 
 to the maintenance of the students. As the demand was 
 quite new to the people in Galilee, the mere fact of the 
 starving of the scholars did not suggest to the wealthy 
 to offer assistance ; it required a clear suggestion from 
 
 1 Aboth R. Nathan, 2nd version, XXI, 22 b. 
 
 2 Tos. Kiddush., I, 11. The assembly of the scholars in 'Usha discussed 
 the duty of a father to have his son trained for a handicraft (Kiddush,, 
 29 a), and K. Jehuda b. 'Il'ai, one of those scholars, said : He who teaches 
 his son no handicraft, teaches him to become a highwayman. He and 
 R. Meir discussed (Kiddush., IV, 14, b. 82 b) the kinds of arts and crafts 
 which a father should preferably teach his son ; and bar-Kappara, who 
 studied and preached in Sepphoris, also dealt with the question (Kiddush., 
 82 a). 
 
 8 Genes, rab., xcvii. 3. 4 Kohel. rab., ii. 18. 
 
 5 Lev. rab., xxxiii. 1 : When at a dinner given by Eabbi to his disciples 
 some of them selected the softest of the tongues set before them, the 
 patriarch made a remark on the disciples using their tongues about one 
 another. See also 'Erub., 73 a, and Sabb., 66 b. 
 
74 THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL LEADERS OF 
 
 the rabbis. In fact, the preachers availed themselves of 
 their opportunities in the synagogues and explained to 
 the public not directly, but by way of interpretation of 
 the Bible, the merit of supporting the scholars. R. 
 Nehemia of the first half of the second century dealt 
 with King Saul, whom the daughters of Israel mourned 
 (2 Sam. i. 24), and interpreted the latter to mean the 
 members of the Synedrion. "Whenever Saul observed 
 a group of scholars he gave them to eat and to drink, and 
 whenever he heard a learned saying from a scholar he 
 expressed his appreciation. 1 It sounds as a suggestion 
 offered to the patriarch of the time, R. Simon b. Gama- 
 liel II, to treat the members of the central Beth-din in 
 this way. But another statement by R. Simon b. Johai 
 addresses itself clearly to everybody; he said: The main- 
 tenance (of scholars) is a great thing, since it brings the 
 resurrection of the dead before its time. The woman of 
 Sareptha by feeding Elijah had her son revived ; the 
 woman of Shunem by feeding 'Elisha' had her son revived. 2 
 R. Eliezer b. Jacob said: He who entertains a scholar 
 in his house as guest and gives him a share of his 
 wealth, has the same merit as if he brought the daily 
 sacrifice. 3 And an anonymous Baraitha teaches that 
 2 Kings iv. 4a tells us that he who brings a present to 
 a scholar has the same merit as he who offers up first- 
 fruits. 4 And later on in Sepphoris we find R. Jehuda I 
 stating : He who supports the scholars, God guards him 
 to the thousandth generation. 5 And several decades later 
 his disciple R. Johanan said in a sermon : The prophecies 
 of salvation in the prophets refer to him who marries his 
 daughter to a scholar, does business for a scholar and 
 gives him a share of his wealth. 6 He who puts goods 
 
 1 Jer. Nedar., IX, fin., 41 c, 65; Midrash Samuel, xxv. I. As to the last 
 point, compare the anonymous statement in Makk., 24 a : King Jehoshaphat 
 when he saw a scholar, rose from his throne and embraced and kissed 
 him and called him father and master. 
 
 2 Cant, rab., ii. 5, § 3. 3 Berakh., 10 b. 4 Kethub., 105 b. 
 5 Midrash Tanna'im on Deut. xv. 8, p. 82. 6 Berakh., 34 b. 
 
THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF SEPPHORIS 75 
 
 into the bag of (i. e. does business for) a scholar, will have 
 a seat in the heavenly assembly. 1 And R. Eleazar b, 
 Pedath in Sepphoris said : He who does not give to a 
 scholar a share in his wealth will never see a sign of 
 blessing. 2 Furthering the business transaction of a 
 righteous man is as meritorious as observing the ten 
 commandments. 3 
 
 6. But, it seems, the people of Sepphoris were little 
 inclined to support the scholars. E. Hanina of Sepphoris 
 spoke of the people ' narrow-hearted to scholars ' who will 
 be punished for it in the future world. 4 And his friend 
 in Sepphoris, R. Jonathan b. Eleazar, in accounting for 
 the leprosy of some people by seven kinds of sins, men- 
 tions narrow-heartedness as the last of them. 5 R. Joshua 
 b. Levi, the friend of both these teachers of Sepphoris, 
 said : Even the birds recognize the narrow-hearted ; 
 anybody accepting anything from such a person trans- 
 gresses a prohibition ; the heifer in Deut. xxi. 1 had to be 
 brought only on account of the narrow-hearted. 6 Of 
 course, all the three rabbis had only in mind the mean- 
 ness of people to scholars. And it must be pointed out 
 that it is expressly stated of women that they hated 
 the scholars more than their husbands did. 7 In com- 
 paring St. Jerome's remark that Jewish women in 
 Palestine at the end of the fourth century^ in accordance 
 with Jewish custom, gave of their own means to scholars, 8 
 we have to assume that this was the general attitude 
 towards the rabbis in Judaea, and probably even in 
 Galilee in the times of the church-father. It is true, 
 
 1 Pesah., 53 b. Similarly R. Simon b. Lakish in Sabb., 63 a : It is better 
 to lend money to a needy man than to give him a donation ; but he 
 affords even greater help who puts goods into his bag. 
 
 2 Synh., 92 a. 
 
 3 Genes, rab., lviii. 8 ; cf. Levit. rab., xxxiv. 13 ; Aboth R. Nathan, 2nd 
 version, XIV, 17 b. 
 
 * Baba bathra, 75 a. 5 'Arakhin, 16 a. 6 Sota, 38 b. 
 
 7 Baraitha in Pesah., 49 b. 
 
 9 Liber I, adv. Iovin., ch. xxv (II, 277) : Mulieribus quae iuxta morem 
 Iudaicum magistris de sua substantia ministrabant. 
 
76 THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL LEADERS OF 
 
 we find women in Tiberias regularly attending the 
 lectures of R. Meir in a synagogue of Tiberias on Friday 
 night 1 about the middle of the second century ; and 
 in Sepphoris an old woman told R. Jose b. Halaftha, the 
 colleague of R. Meir, that she used to go every morning 
 to his synagogue. 2 Another regularly visited the syna- 
 gogue of R. Johanan in the second half of the third 
 century. 3 But these women may have belonged to the 
 poorer class, whereas the wealthier women in their hatred 
 against the scholars refused to contribute to the main- 
 tenance of the students. And since the hospitality and 
 the support expected by the teachers depended largely on 
 the mistress of the house, the scholars must have felt 
 their hatred very much. 
 
 7. To depend on the goodwill of such people must have 
 been very painful to many of the scholars. Even those 
 who contributed to the support of the schools gave their 
 contribution without love or goodwill. A preacher of the 
 end of the third century in Tiberias, R. Isaac, using 
 Exod. xxxiii. 8, as a text, put the following words into the 
 mouths of the Israelites in the wilderness against Moses : 
 Look at his thigh, look at his legs, he eats and drinks at 
 the expense of the Jews ; everything that he possesses 
 comes from the Jews. 4 Obviously this is taken from the 
 people's talk in the times of R. Isaac when men abused 
 their teachers in those terms. Several teachers, there- 
 fore, from the very beginning of the settlement of the 
 schools in Galilee, opposed the depending on the hos- 
 pitality of non-scholars. R. Jehuda b. 'IFai said : The 
 prophet Elijah carried with him on his journeys even 
 lamps and wicks, in order that he should not trouble 
 anybody. 5 The school of R. Jannai introduced a prayer 
 
 1 Jer. Sota, I, 4, 16 d, 45, Levit.rab., ix. 9, Num. rab., ix. 20, Deut. rab., v. 15. 
 
 2 Yelammdenu in Yalkut, I, 871, Grunhut, onffrpb "WG V, 131 a. 
 
 3 Sota, 22 a. 
 
 4 Jer. Bikkur., Ill, 3, 65 c, 45, Exod. rab., li. 6, Kiddush., 33 b, Tanhuma, B. 
 >TpE, 4, Bacher, Pal. Amor., II, 259, 8. 
 
 5 Cant, rab., ii. 5, § 3. 
 
THE JEWISH COMMUNITY OF SEPPHORIS 77 
 
 to be said every morning, including the sentence : Let us 
 not depend upon the gift of men and give not our 
 maintenance into the hands of men ; because what they 
 give is little, and great is the shame felt on account of it. 1 
 E-. Eleazar b. Pedath in Sepphoris said : How does the 
 scholar impress the ordinary man ? First he appears to 
 him as a vessel of gold ; after he has spoken to him, he is 
 like a vessel of silver ; when he has had any benefit from 
 him, he appears to him like an earthenware vessel which, 
 once broken, has no remedy. 2 R. Johanan and R,. Eleazar 
 said : As soon as one has to depend on other people's 
 assistance, his face changes like a worm. 3 Such were 
 the feelings of the scholars towards the population of 
 Galilee, caused by the repulsive and forbidding manner 
 in which everbody and everything connected with the 
 rabbis were received by the wealthy people of Sepphoris 
 and the whole of Galilee. The trend of Jewish thought 
 which the rabbis represented, taught and inculcated, was 
 clearly foreign to the leaders and the wealthy men 
 of Galilee, and the scholars had to suffer for the Torah 
 which they represented. 
 
 The main results of these lengthy investigations into 
 the community of Sepphoris are the following. The Jews 
 of this city in the second and third centuries were ruled 
 by a number of wealthy and noble Jews, called for their 
 power in the Hebrew sources the great ones and heads-, 
 while, in their official capacity as representatives of the 
 Jews before the Roman government, they were called 
 Parnasim. They were members of the town council 
 which consisted of Jews and non- Jews, and were as such 
 responsible for the full collection of regular and extra- 
 ordinary taxes and impositions. Of these heavy burdens, 
 
 1 Jer. Berakh., IV, 2, 7 d, 54. 
 
 2 Synh., 52 a. b. In Aboth E. Nathan, 2nd version, XXXI, 34 b, some 
 variants read : if he eats and drinks with him, he is like an earthenware 
 vessel. 
 
 3 Berakh., 6 b. 
 
78 POLITICAL AND SOCIAL LEADERS OF SEPPHORIS 
 
 due to the Roman system of taxes, they shifted a part 011 
 shoulders too weak to carry them, and made the ordinary 
 people feel their power and their position. But they 
 themselves also felt severely the drain of the taxes. 
 They were also the born judges of the Jews and, in 
 basing their decisions on some non-rabbinic law or other 
 and on the consideration of their own interests, were 
 sometimes guilty of injustice and corruption. By whom 
 they were appointed is not evident from the reports. In 
 their private dealings, the wealtlry and the land- owning 
 middle class were charged by the rabbis with violence, 
 dishonesty and immorality and with promising but not 
 paying charitable contributions. The leading and the 
 land-owning class received the great number of scholars 
 and disciples, who after the war of bar-Cochba settled in 
 Galilee, with little sympathy. This soon grew into 
 hatred -and contempt, owing to their persistent and justi- 
 fied criticism of the official and private dealings of the 
 wealthy part of the population. The latter not only 
 refused to support the mostly poor scholars and students, 
 but in return spread all kinds of slander about the 
 teachers. There were in Sepphoris scholars whose con- 
 duct afforded a basis for such generalizations and whose 
 religious practice was not in agreement with their know- 
 ledge of the Torah. The discussion of all these points 
 affords a fairly clear insight into the life of all the 
 sections of the Jewish population in Sepphoris and in 
 the whole of Galilee in the second and third centuries. 
 
INDEX 
 
 It. 'Abahu on conduct of scholars 
 52, 4 ; on dishonest dealings 45, 
 2 ; on Sabbath lamps and poverty 
 67, 1 ; on scoffs of mimes of 
 Caesarea at the Sabbath 67. 
 It. 'Abba on enjoying and honour- 
 ing the Sabbath 67, 1. 
 
 'Abba Doresh on wealthy priests 
 69,5. 
 
 B. 'Abba b. Kahana on dishonest 
 dealings 45, 2. 
 
 'Aboth : 1 10 : 41, 2 ; 1 13 : 41, 2 ; II 
 10rl2,4; 1119:62,1; III 17: 62, 
 1 ; IV 5 : 62, 1 ; IV 7 : 23, 2 ; IV 
 10 : 69, 2 ; V 21 : 52, 3 ; VI 1 : 63, 
 5 ; VI 8 : 72, 4. 
 
 'Aboth E. Nathan: I i a : 71, 6; 
 IX 21 a. b : 19, 1 ; XI 23 b : 19 
 2. 3 ; 41, 2 ; XI 24 a : 41, 2 ; XI 
 28 b : 41, 2; XVI 32 b : 57, 4 
 XXVI 41 b : 50, 2 ; XXVIII 43 b 
 69,l;XXIX44 a : 69, 2; 44 b : 50, 2 
 XXXVI 55 a : 65, 2 ; 72, 3 
 XXXVIII 58 a : 47, 2 ; XLI 66 a 
 59, 3. 
 
 'Aboth It. Nathan, 2nd version 
 XIV 17 b : 75, 3 ; XXI 22 b : 73, 1 
 XXXI 34 a : 38, 1 ; XXXII 35 a 
 62, 1 ; XXXIV 38 b : 23, 2 ; XXXV 
 39 b : 47, 5 ; 43 a : 19, 1 ; 43, 2 ; 44 
 59, 2. 
 
 Abraham imposed Angaria upon 
 scholars 42, 4. 
 
 'Abshalom, 17. 
 
 'Abtalyon, a great of his genera- 
 tion 10, 2. 
 
 Addresses of scholars at a public 
 fast in Sepphoris 53. 54 ; criticized 
 54, 1. 
 
 Adultery 18, 1 ; 47, 1 ; 48, 2. 
 
 Agada, Haggada, anthropomorph- 
 isms 68, 1; exaggerations criti- 
 cized 54, 1; liked by the people 
 as consolation 67, 4. 
 
 Agriculture interferes with study 
 of the Torah 69. 
 
 Agrippa II, his children or relatives 
 in Sepphoris 17 ; 17, 1. 
 
 It. 'Aha 12, 1. 
 
 'Ahitofel a non-observant scholar 
 
 63. 
 It. 'Akiba blames haughty scholars 
 19 ; 19, 2 ; on early death of 
 scholars 50, 2 ; 'Eshkol 14, 1 ; on 
 intercourse with scholars 65, 2 ; 
 intermediary in supporting scho- 
 lars 71 ; on judges 27 ; Parnas 14, 
 1 ; principles in judging non-Jews 
 24, 2 ; on a scholar as head of a 
 city 13, 2 ; 15, 3. 
 
 e Akk6 34. 
 
 K. Alexander on haughtiness 18, 
 1 ; study of Torah for its own 
 sake 63. 
 
 Alms of dishonest people 45, 2 ; not 
 collected, but only promised in 
 synagogue on Sabbath 37, 1. 
 
 'Amha'ares despises the Torah on 
 account of non-observant scholars 
 61 ; brings punishment upon 
 others 58 ; farmer 35, 3 ; good 
 moral qualities 60 ; hates scholars 
 58 ; how impressed by scholars 
 77 ; intercourse 59 ; to be loved 
 57, 4 ; low character 59 ; his 
 meals not to be attended by 
 scholars 52 ; remedy for his sins 
 support of scholars 58 ; refused 
 support 58 ; in Sepphoris and 
 Galilee 58 ; their wives hate 
 scholars most 58. 
 
 It. 'Ammi, decision in matters of 
 taxes 40, 3 ; on dishonest dealings 
 45, 2. 
 
 'Amram, Moses' father, a great of 
 his generation 9. 
 
 Angaria done by scholars 42, 4. 
 
 Annona 42, 3. 
 
 anthropomorphism in popular 
 Agada 68, 1. 
 
 apostates to be hated 54, 1 ; 57, 4. 
 
 'Arab in Galilee, place of E. Ha- 
 nina b. Dosa 62, 1. 
 
 Archon 40, 1. 
 
 arm, men of the arm = violent Jews, 
 unsafe position 43, 2. 
 
8o 
 
 INDEX 
 
 King 'Asa imposed Angaria upon 
 
 scholars 42, 4. 
 Ashkalon, Patroboule 8, 3. 
 assembly of scholars in 'Usha fines 
 
 for offending a scholar 56. 
 B. Assi on the great men of the 
 
 generation 10. 
 autonomous Jewish courts 21 ff. ; 
 
 30, 3. 
 
 □\-Q 'bjn landowners selfish 31 ; 38. 
 B. Banna'a of Sepphoris, judge 
 
 31, 2, = Benaya, on study of Torah 
 for its own sake 63. 
 
 bar-Cochba war caused great 
 poverty 67, 4 ; 71. 
 
 bar-Kappara : see Eleazar haKap- 
 par. 
 
 bar-Levianus, noble family in Sep- 
 phoris 8 ; 35, 4. 
 
 bar-Lufiani of Sepphoris 34 ; 35, 4. 
 
 bar- Selene, family of Tiberias 35, 
 4 ; 36, 3. 
 
 bastards in Sepphoris 46. 
 
 bath before Sabbath 67, 1. 
 
 ben-Sisith haKeseth councillor of 
 Jerusalem 8, 1. 
 
 B. Berekhya, appeals for charity in 
 the school of Tiberias 36, 3. 
 
 B. Besal'el in Sepphoris on non- 
 observant scholars 61. 
 
 Beth-din, central body of rabbis, 
 decrees a fast 10, 3 ; members 
 entitled elders or great of the 
 generation 10 ; members learned 
 64 ; deceased member not 
 mourned by people 55. 
 
 Beth-She'arim, seat of K. Jehuda I 
 22, 2. 
 
 bloodshed 18, 1 ; 37, 2. 
 
 bonds, paid, retained 38. 
 
 Bonyas, foreign name of a wealthy 
 Jew in Sepphoris 34 ; 35 ; 35, 4. 
 
 Boule", Roman honorary office a 
 heavy burden 39 ; 40, 3 ; duties 
 connected with taxes 40, 3 ; 42. 
 
 Bouleutes, of Jerusalem 8, 1 ; of 
 Sepphoris 8 ; 16, 3 ; etiquette in 
 Sepphoris 16, 3 ; of Sepphoris or 
 Tiberias 40, 1 ; supports the poor 
 16. 
 
 bribes accepted by Roman officials 
 in Galilee 42. 
 
 business of scholars before and 
 after the year 135, 68 ; taken up 
 by scholars 71 ; for scholars 74. 75. 
 
 Caesarea, Jewish unworthy judges 
 
 29, 1 ; mimes scoffing at Sabbath 
 observance, 67 : poverty of Jews 
 67. 
 
 calumniators 57. 
 
 calumny indicated by poverty 57, 
 4 ; sin 60. 
 
 charity, appealed for on Sabbath in 
 synagogues 36 ; not collected on 
 Sabbath 36. 37 ; collectors praised 
 28 ; contributions to all kinds 
 of charity 35 ; 36, 1 ; not paid 
 at once 37; promised and not 
 paid 37. 
 
 chastity applies also to non-Jews 
 49, 1. 
 
 Chilion, Khilion, a great of hia 
 generation and Parnas 9, 3. 
 
 civil court of rabbis 31, 1. 
 
 collection of money for students 
 of Jamnia 71. 
 
 community, autonomous govern- 
 ment, decisions 43, 1 ; dignitaries 
 9 ; community judged by God 
 according to its majority 10. 
 
 compromise, whether admissible 
 28, 1. 
 
 conduct of scholars in the street, 
 rules 52. 
 
 confiscation of property by Roman 
 officials 41, 2. 3 ; 42, 1 ; punish- 
 ment for neglect of religious 
 duties 38 ff. 
 
 contempt for scholars 56. 
 
 corn plucked out before ripe 67, 5. 
 
 courts, Jewish autonomous 21 ; 
 officials 25. 
 
 croup indicates sin of calumny 
 57,4. 
 
 crown money imposed upon 
 Tiberias 39. 
 
 culture pH -pi 59 ; acquired by in- 
 tercourse with one scholar 64 ff. 
 
 Dama b. Nethina, Patroboulos of 
 Ashkalon, a non-Jew 8, 8. 
 
 Daniel, a great of his generation 
 9, 3. 
 
 Darom = Lydda, character of the 
 Jews better than of those of Sep- 
 phoris 54 ; R. Joshua b. Levi 
 prayed for rain in, 53. 
 
 David, a great of his generation 9, 
 3 ; 14, 3 ; Parnas of Israel 14 ; 
 14, 3. 
 
 death of children punishment of 
 unfounded hatred 57, 4 ; of neg- 
 lect in mourning a scholar 55. 
 
 denunciation 18, 1 ; 19, 1. 
 
INDEX 
 
 81 
 
 depending on other people for 
 
 living 76. 
 fDA Tn culture 59. 
 Derekh 'eres : II : 19, 1 ; 43, 2 ; IV : 
 
 59,3; XI*: 57, 2. 
 despiser of observant people 57 ; of 
 
 God's word 68. 
 dignity inherited 18. 
 disciples worthy and unworthy 65. 
 dishonest dealings denounced 45, 
 
 2, as great sin 45, 2 ; of scholars 
 
 61, 1. 
 Doeg a non-observant scholar 63. 
 dreams interpreted by scholars 48, 
 
 3. 
 dropsy indicates sin of immorality 
 
 57, 4 
 drought, God's punishment 37, 2 ; 
 
 in Sepphoris 53. 
 
 earthquake punishment for neglect 
 of mourning for a scholar 55. 
 
 eclipse of sun punishment for neg- 
 lect to mourn for a scholar 55. 
 
 elders entitled great of the genera- 
 tion 10, 3 ; precedence before the 
 heads 13, 1 ; to observe the Torah 
 12. 
 
 Eleazar the high priest a great of 
 his generation 9. 
 
 R. Eleazar b. 'Azarya on fear of 
 sin of scholars 62, 1. 
 
 Eleazar b. Harsom, high priest 34, 
 2 ; forced to do Angaria 42, 4. 
 
 Eleazar Hisma, mathematician, 
 very poor scholar in Jamnia 70 ff . 
 
 R. Eleazar haKappar on failing to 
 mourn for a pious man 54 ff. ; on 
 preferable handicrafts 73, 2 ; on 
 ignorant men 59 ; on worthy 
 judges 23, 2 ; 26, 1 ; on lewdness 
 47 ; in Sepphoris 73, 2. 
 
 R. Eleazar b. Parta in Sepphoris 
 7,4. 
 
 R. Eleazar b. Pedath on Angaria 
 done by scholars 42, 4 ; appeals 
 for charity on Sabbath 36, 2 ; 
 dependence on others makes 
 blush 77 ; difficulty to earn a 
 living 67 ; Jeremiah suspected of 
 adultery 51 ; on unworthy judges 
 29, 1 ; neglect in giving alms 38, 
 2 ; non-observant people 59, 2 ; 
 Parnas of charity 14 ; his prayers 
 56 ; scholars give up study 72, 3 ; 
 scholars and 'Amha'ares 58. 77 ; 
 non-observant scholars 63 ; sup- 
 port of scholars 75. 77 ; scoffing at 
 
 scholars 56, 1 ; on violent men 
 43, 2. 
 
 R. Eleazar b. R. Simon denounces 
 judges 25 ; his son immoral 47, 4 ; 
 Roman official 22 ; 47, 4. 
 
 'Eli Parnas of Israel 14. 
 
 R. Eliezer b. Hyrkanos denounces 
 scholars 12, 4 ; Roman imposi- 
 tions 40, 3. 
 
 R. Eliezer b. Jacob appeals for 
 charity in synagogue 36, 3 ; no 
 intercourse with the ignorant 59, 
 2 ; support of scholars 74 ; his 
 school on dues to ignorant priests 
 70, 1. 
 
 R. Eliezer haKappar on refraining 
 from judging 23, 2. 
 
 R. Eliezer son of R. Jose the Gali- 
 lean on scholars 10, 2; immor- 
 ality of non-Jews 48, 3 ; com- 
 promise of judges 28, 1. 
 
 Elijah supported by the woman of 
 Sareptha 74 ; teacher of 'Elisha' 
 65 ; avoided being supported 76. 
 
 'Elimelekh, a great of his city, 8, 1; 
 15, 4; of his generation 9, 3 ; Par- 
 nas of his generation 9, 3 ; 15, 4. 
 
 'Elisha', intercourse with Elijah to 
 acquire culture 64 ff. ; supported 
 by the woman of Shunem 74. 
 
 R. 'Elisha b. 'Abuya non-observant 
 62, 1 ; R. Meir his disciple 63, 5. 
 
 empty ones of Galilee 35, 3. 
 
 enmity on account of judgment 
 23, 2. 
 
 'En-T'ena, R. Simon of, 7, 2. 
 
 epicurean criticizes R. Johanan's 
 Haggadah in Sepphoris 54, 1 ; 
 criticize Moses 50, 1. 
 
 equity in judgment 32, 2. 
 
 Esau, adulterer 48, 3. 
 
 'Eshkol, title of scholars 12, 4; 
 14, 1. 
 
 evil spirit = temptation, resisted by 
 study 51, 7. 
 
 executions of Jews by Roman 
 officials 41, 2. 3. 
 
 faith, poor 59, 2. 
 
 famine in Sepphoris 58 ; in Tiberias 
 
 67, 4. 
 farmers in Galilee, wealthy 68. 
 fast of leaders of the community 
 
 10, 3 ; in Sepphoris for rain 53 ; 
 
 R. Hanina and R. Joshua b. Levi 
 
 address the congregation at a 
 
 public fast 53. 
 father, title of scholar 74, 1. 
 
 F 
 
82 
 
 INDEX 
 
 fear of God and of sin not prevail- 
 ing in some scholars 62 ; 62, 1. 
 
 fine, for offending a scholar 56 ; im- 
 posed by Roman officials without 
 reason 41. 
 
 flattering denounced 26. 
 
 flight from Roman honorary offices 
 39 ff. 
 
 food scarce in Galilee 67. 
 
 Friday night sermon in a synagogue 
 of Tiberias 76. 
 
 Galilee, the great men of, 8 ; know- 
 ledge of Rabbinical law 31; organi- 
 zation of communities 7 ; priests 
 ignorant 70, and violent 27 ; 
 scholars and disciples non-obser- 
 vant 62 ff. ; students in Judaean 
 schools before the year 135 70. 
 
 R. Gamaliel b. Hanina in Sepphoris 
 41,3. 
 
 R. Gamaliel II of Jamnia head of 
 the school 71 ; emphasizes handi- 
 craft for living 73 ; Parnas of his 
 generation 14 ff. 
 
 garments in honour of Sabbath 66. 
 
 Gnostics in Sepphoris 18, 1. 
 
 God, name desecrated by immoral 
 scholars 51. 52 ; weeps over poor 
 scholars 68. 
 
 Gospel to the Hebrews on famine 
 67, 4. 
 
 great men (D^Tun), of Jerusalem 
 8 ; of Sepphoris 7 ; blamed as 
 poison 12 ff. ; fail to consult 
 the people 11,2; neglect duties 
 11, 3 ; non-observant 12 ; rela- 
 tions to people of Sepphoris 11; 
 reproached by teachers 11 ; re- 
 sponsibilities 11, 3. 5; suffer 
 voluntarily with their people 12, 
 1 ; great men of the city = 84tea 
 irpuiToi 8, non-Jews meet at the 
 house of a non-Jewish lady 8, 2 ; 
 representatives in matter of taxes 
 8, 3. Great of the country in Sep- 
 phoris 8. Great of the generation, 
 civil leaders 9 ; insolence to 9, 2 ; 
 intermarry with people of doubt- 
 ful descent 9, 2 ; 18, 1 ; members 
 of Beth-din 10; no scholars 9. 18 ; 
 title given to biblical persons 9, 
 to officials of the Temple 10; non- 
 Jewish 9. Great of Israel, respon- 
 sible for their nation 14 ; 14, 4 ; 
 title given to David and Moses 
 14, 3, to scholars 10, 2. Great of 
 the Torah, scholars 10, 2. 
 
 Greek writers on Sabbath obser- 
 vance 66. 
 grudging 18, 1. 
 
 Hadrianic persecutions 68. 
 
 haircutting, frequent in Sepphoris 
 and Tiberias 17, 1. 
 
 R. Hama b. Hanina on haughtiness 
 18, 1. 
 
 handicraft, necessary for living 73 ; 
 along with study 72 ; principle 
 of the Holy Congregation in Sep- 
 phoris 72 ; preferable crafts 73, 2. 
 
 R. Hanina b. Dosa, fear of sin and 
 religious observance of scholars 
 62, 1. 
 
 R. Hanina b. Hama, of Sepphoris 
 17 ; native of Sepphoris 53 ; blamed 
 by the people of the town 10. 53 ; 
 on adultery 48, 2 ; bestiality in 
 Sepphoris 48, 3 ; blames elders 
 13, 1 ; blames haughty leaders 
 17 ff., and scholars 19, 3 ; blames 
 people of Sepphoris for immor- 
 ality 53 ; on chastity of non-Jews, 
 49, 1 ; defended before the accus- 
 ing people of Sepphoris by R. 
 Joshua b. Levi 10. 53 ; on gar- 
 ments in honour of Sabbath 66 ; 
 on the great of the generation 9, 
 3 ; 14, 3 ; immorality in Sep- 
 phoris 46. 51 ; insists on being 
 honoured 56, 4 ; marriage of 
 scholars before studying 52 ; nar- 
 row-heartedness to scholars 75 ; 
 he a pupil of R. Jehuda I, 53, 
 who refused him ordination 53, 
 2 ; on offensive names 48, 2 ; pa- 
 triarch's ships, 35, 2 ; on putting 
 to shame 48, 2 ; on Roman con- 
 fiscations and impositions 41, 3 ; 
 robbery and violence 44 ff. 
 
 R. Hanina b. 'Idi blames haughty 
 scholars 19, 3. 
 
 R. Hanina b. Papa on leaders 9, 4 ; 
 unworthy disciples 65. 
 
 hatred of scholars 57 ff. 
 
 haughtiness and haughty 17 ff. ; 
 denounced 17. 18. 38 ; indicated 
 by poverty 57, 4 ; of scholars 19 ; 
 in Sepphoris 18 ; 43, 2. 
 
 heads (d^ni) of community 13. 
 
 heifer in Deut. xxi brought on ac- 
 count of narrow-hearted men 
 75. 
 
 R. Helbo 16, 2. 
 
 hell, predicted to men of lust 52, 5 ; 
 to men speaking evil of deceased 
 
INDEX 
 
 83 
 
 scholars 55 ; to unworthy scholars 
 61,3. 
 
 Hillel, Parnas 14, 1 ; on increasing 
 one's name 41, 2. 
 
 R. Hillel b. Aulus of Sepphoris 35, 1. 
 
 R. Hiyya of Sepphoris on judges 
 26, 5 ; on non- Jewish civil law 
 24 ; non-observant scholars 61. 
 
 R. Hiyya b. 'Abba appealed for 
 charity in the school of Tiberias 
 36, 3. 
 
 Holy Congregation in Sepphoris 
 48, 2 ; 72, 4 ; on work and im- 
 portance of handicraft 72. 
 
 R. Hosha'ya on great men 11, 3. 6 ; 
 experience with Jewish judges in 
 Caesarea 29, 1 ; on non-Jewish 
 civil law 24. 
 
 humiliation, self-, on fasts 54 ; of 
 a scholar in repentance 59. 
 
 humility, everyday prayer for, 52 ; 
 required of scholars 19. 60. 
 
 idolatry 37, 2 ; 45, 2. 
 ignorant, see 'Amha'ares. 
 immorality, great sin 51 ; indicated 
 by dropsy 57, 4 ; in Sepphoris 
 
 46, 47. 53. 
 
 incest in Sepphoris 48, 3. 
 informers 47. 
 injustice of judges 25. 26. 
 insolent people 9, 2 ; 19, 1 ; 43, 2 ; 
 
 47, 4 ; to scholars 56. 
 intercourse with a scholar impor- 
 tant for religious practice and 
 culture 64 ff. 
 
 interest on money 3? ; 44, 2. 
 
 R. Isaac of Tiberias on confisca- 
 tions 44, 3 ; grudging support of 
 scholars 76 ; prevailing poverty 
 67, 4. 5 ; honouring and enjoying 
 Sabbath 67, 1. 
 
 R. Isaac b. Joseph on taxes 39, 2. 
 
 R. Isaac b. Maryon on insolence to 
 scholars 9, 2 ; 56. 
 
 Ishmael, Abraham's son, adulterer 
 
 48, 3. 
 
 R. Ishmael b. 'Elisha' judges by 
 non-Jewish law 24 ; his school on 
 immoral scholars 51 ; early mar- 
 riage of scholars 52, 3. 
 
 R. Ishmael b. R. Johanan on ob- 
 serving scholars 62. 
 
 R. Ishmael b. R. Jose, duties of 
 judges 23, 2; 25 ; interprets dreams 
 48, 3; he a judge 22; 25, 1; 
 judges by non-Jewish law 23 ff. ; 
 very particular 22 ; on lewdness 
 
 47 ; he a member of the school of 
 R. Jehuda I, 23, 1 ; Roman official 
 22. 23 ; scholar 23 ; son of R. 
 Jose b. Halaftha 23; on a rich 
 man of Sepphoris 34, and the 
 rich men of Galilee 35, 3. 
 'Isi b. Jehuda on early death of 
 scholars 50. 
 
 R. Jacob on importance of inter- 
 course with scholars 65 ; on judges 
 27, 1. 
 
 R. Jacob b. 'Aha, a great of his 
 generation 10. 
 
 Jamnia, Galilean students in its 
 school 70 ff. ; haughty scholars 
 19 ; poor scholars 68 ; 70 ff. ; school 
 transferred to 'Usha 5. 22. 31. 
 
 R. Jannai of Sepphoris, blames 
 haughty scholars 19, 3, and ig- 
 norant priests 70 ; treats haugh- 
 tily an 'Amha'ares 60 ; on impor- 
 tance of intercourse with scholars 
 65 ; he a priest 70 ; on scholars 
 without fear of God 62 ; his 
 school on immoral scholars 51 ; 
 its prayer for independence of 
 grudging people 76 ff., for humility 
 and to be saved from shameful 
 actions 52. 
 
 jaundice indicates unfounded hat- 
 red 57, 4. 
 
 Jehoiakim, King, pictured a Roman 
 emperor 41, 3. 
 
 Jehoshaphat, King, honoured scho- 
 lars 74, 1. 
 
 R. Jehuda I the patriarch on 
 'Amha'ares 58ff.; in beth- She'arim 
 22, 2 ; on Hosea 2, 7 : 61 ; Holy 
 Congregation of Sepphoris 72 ; 
 appoints a judge for Simonia 30, 
 4 ; judgment on alimony of a 
 woman 22, 2 ; on merit of sup- 
 porting scholars 74 ; necessity of 
 a worldly occupation 73 ; opens 
 his stores to all learned in a 
 famine 58 ff. ; his scholars invited 
 to meals 73 ; his school in Sep- 
 phoris 72, 4 ; on study of Torah 
 for its own sake 63, 5; wealthy 35. 
 
 R. Jehuda b. Baba not mourned 
 duly 55, 3. 
 
 R. Jehuda b. Hanina on fine for 
 offending a scholar 56, 4. 
 
 Jehuda, son of R. Hiyya on heal- 
 ing and slaying power of Torah 
 63 ff. 
 
 R. Jehuda b. 'Il'ai, blames judges 
 
 F 2 
 
8 4 
 
 INDEX 
 
 26 ff. ; 26. 5 ; on leaders 12 ; on 
 difference between past and pre- 
 sent in study and worldly occupa- 
 tion 68 ; ignorant priests 69 ff. ; 
 he studies in Jamnia and Lydda 
 68 ; on marriage of scholars 52 , 
 3 ; necessity of handicraft for 
 living 73, 2 ; against scholars de- 
 pending on support of others 76 ; 
 in 'Usha 10, 2 ; 68. 
 
 B. Jehuda b. Lakish, on scholars 
 who give up study 72, 2. 
 
 K. Jehuda b. Shammu'a, interven- 
 tion for the Jews in the Hadrianic 
 persecutions 8, 2. 
 
 B. Jehuda b. Simon on public 
 fasts 10, 3. 
 
 B. Jeremiah on bath before Sab- 
 bath 67, 1. 
 
 Jerome on scholars supported by 
 Jewish women 75. 
 
 Jerusalem, councillors 8 ; 40, 1 ; 
 destroyed for unfounded hatred 
 57, 4 ; the great of the city 8, 1, 
 and of the generation 10, 1 ; 
 judges unworthy 29, 1 ; judgment 
 by the law of Torah 32, 2 ; men 
 of J. in Sepphoris 48, 2. 
 
 B. Johanan, his Agada criticized 
 54, 1 j on 'Amha'ares 58 ; advice 
 to escape from Boule - 39 ; con- 
 duct of scholars 52, 4 ; confisca- 
 tions by Roman officials 40, 1 ; 
 contributions to charity promised 
 and not paid 37 ; dependence on 
 others makes blush 77 ; disciples 
 unworthy 65 ; dishonest dealing 
 45; famine in Tiberias 67, 4; the 
 great and the people 11, 4 ; honour 
 not paid to deceased scholars 55 ; 
 ignorant priests 70 ; independence 
 of support, a principle of the 
 Holy Congregation in Sepphoris 
 72 ; R. Ishmael b. R. Jose as 
 judge 22, 2 ; Joshua as leader 16, 
 4 ; judges in Jerusalem 32, 2 ; 
 judges unjust 28, unworthy 29, 1 ; 
 61, 1; merit of supporting scholars 
 74 ; morality of youths 47, 5 ; 
 Parnas 15, 1 ; preparations for 
 Sabbath 67, 1 ; he preached in the 
 great Synagogue of Sepphoris 54, 
 1; public affairs on Sabbath 36, 
 2 ; robbery 45 ; Roman officials 
 bribed 42, 2 ; scholars scorned 
 at 56, 1 ; non-observant 62 ; study 
 for its own sake 63 ; his syna- 
 gogue attended by women 76 ; 
 
 violation of women by non- Jews 
 48,3. 
 
 B. Johanan b. Nuri, a poor scholar 
 in Jamnia 71. 
 
 B. Johanan b. Zakkai, Parnas 14, 
 1 ; Roman impositions and taxes 
 41, 3 ; 42, 3. 
 
 B. Jonathan of beth-Gubrin calls 
 scholars the great of Israel 10, 2. 
 
 B. Jonathan b. Eleazar of Sepphoris 
 on 'Amha'ares 35, 3 ; early mar- 
 riage of scholars 52 ; the great 
 men and the people 11, 2 ; haughty 
 leaders 18, 1 ; 19, 1 ; ignorant 
 priests unworthy of dues 70 ; 
 unworthy judges 28 ; narrow- 
 hearted people 75 ; public affairs 
 on Sabbath 36, 2 ; scholars sus- 
 pected of immorality 50 ff., with- 
 out fear of God 62 ; Torah rejoices 
 or burns scholars 64. 
 
 B. Jose b. 'Elisha' on judges 26. 
 
 B. Jose b. Halaftha of Sepphoris 4. 
 49 ; his institutions against im- 
 morality in Sepphoris 46 ff. ; de- 
 fends R. Meir against the criticism 
 of people of Sepphoris 57; as judge 
 32 ; on calumniators 57 ; the diffi- 
 culty of earning a living 73 ; false 
 prophets 57; frequent hair-cutting 
 of nobles in Sepphoris and Tiberias 
 17, 1 ; hatred against scholars 57 ; 
 haughty scholars 19, 3 ; he and 
 R. Jacob 27, 1 ; necessity of handi- 
 craft for living 73 ; population and 
 scholars 57 ; a woman visiting 
 daily his synagogue 76. 
 
 B. Jos§ b. Hanina on scholars who 
 study by themselves 65. 
 
 B. Jose b. Saul probably identical 
 with R. Jose b. 'Elisha' 26, 2. 
 
 Jose of Ma'on on ignorant priests 70. 
 
 B. Jos§ b. Meshullam in Sepphoris 
 head of the Holy Congregation 
 72,4. 
 
 Josephus, Vita 13. 33. 57. 68 ; Wars 
 II 21, 9 : 8, 4 ; Antiquit. XX 8, 8 ; 
 9, 2 : 27, 2. 
 
 B. Joshi'a blamed for giving up 
 study 71. 
 
 Joshua, a great of the generation 9 ; 
 leader 36, 4 ; Parnas of the com- 
 munity 14, 1 ; Parnas of Israel 
 14 ; not properly mourned 55. 
 
 B. Joshua b. Hananya calls R. 
 Gamaliel II Parnas of the genera- 
 tion 14 ff. ; on poor scholars in 
 Jamnia 71 ; on princes 17, 1. 
 
INDEX 
 
 85 
 
 K. Joshua b. Karha on judges 28, 1. 
 
 R. Joshua b. Levi, great of the gene- 
 ration 10; on leaders 11, 5 ; 13, 1; 
 defends R. Hanina before the 
 people of Sepphoris 10 ; on adul- 
 tery and immorality 48, 2 ; criti- 
 cizing deceased scholars 55 ; diffi- 
 culty of earning aliving 67; honour 
 not paid to deceased scholars 55 ; 
 narrow-hearted people 75 ; when 
 invited to pray for rain, he ad- 
 dressed at a public fast the people 
 of Sepphoris 53. 54 ; on promising 
 and not paying contributions to 
 charity 37, 2 ; Roman unscrupu- 
 lous officials 41, 3 ; Torah healing 
 or killing the student 64. 
 
 Jubilees, book of, on Sabbath meals 
 66,1. 
 
 Judges, Aaronites extort dues 27 ; 
 appointed by some authority 
 30 ff., on unworthy considera- 
 tions 30, 1, by patriarchs 30 ff. ; 
 corrupt 26, 3 ; decisions based on 
 non-Rabbinical law 21 ff. 23. 24 ; 
 depend on their officials 26. 28 ; 
 duties 25. 28 ; force their business 
 upon people 27 ; gifts accepted 25 ; 
 in Jerusalem they made parties 
 work 29, 1 ; ignorant 25 ff. ; in- 
 justice 25. 29 ft; leaders 12, 3; 
 nobles 21; no scholars 21 ; officials 
 of judges 26. 28 ; one judge judges 
 23, 2 ; payment accepted for judg- 
 ing 32, 3 ; power 31 ; private 
 dealings 27 ff. 29 ; to be punished 
 by God 28 ; they are in Roman 
 service 22 ; unworthy judges 61, 
 1, in Caesarea 29, 1 ; wealthy 27 ; 
 scholars as judges, limited power 
 31, 1 ; imprisoned by Roman 
 official 31, 2. 
 
 judgment in the market 23 ; advice 
 to refrain from judgment 23, 2. 
 
 Julius Africanus 30, 4. 
 
 justice, civil, Jews deprived by 
 Romans of, 24, 1 ; justice and 
 peace compatible 28, 1 ; justice 
 required of scholars 19, 3. 
 
 Kabul in Galilee, the great men of, 
 
 7,3. 
 kidnapping in Sepphoris 47, 1. 
 
 landowners, apportion public bur- 
 dens unjustly 38. 42 ; denounce 
 disobedient Jews to the Govern- 
 ment 43 ; denounced for selfish- 
 
 ness 38 ; executed or fined by Ro- 
 mans 41, 2. 3 ; heavily taxed 39 ; 
 important part of population 35, 
 3 ; pillars of Roman government 
 43, 1 ; property confiscated 38 ; 
 41, 2 ; responsible for taxes 39. 42. 
 
 language changed 47. 
 
 law, applied in court of Sepphoris 
 non-Rabbinical 23. 24 ; civil law 
 of Torah 32 ; scholars know non- 
 Jewish law 24, 1. 2. 3. 
 
 leaders, see great, heads, judges, 
 Parnas ; denounced by scholars 
 43 ; of doubtful descent 18, 1 ; 
 haughty 17 ff. ; impose public 
 work upon scholars 42, 4 ; sepa- 
 rate in distress from the people 
 12, 1 ; violent 43. 
 
 learned addresses of rabbis not 
 liked in times of distress 67, 4. 
 
 leprosy, punishment for moral 
 failings 18, 1 ; 19, 1 ; for narrow- 
 heartedness 75. 
 
 R. Levi 9, 5 ; 10 ; 13, 1. 
 
 lewdness in Sepphoris 47. 
 
 light and lamps, none on Sabbath 
 67. 
 
 living to earn, very difficult 67. 73. 
 
 love of everybody demanded 57, 4. 
 
 Lydda, Galilean students 68. 70; 
 haughty scholars 19; poor scholars 
 68. 
 
 Mahlon, a great and Parnas of the 
 generation 9, 3. 
 
 R. Mana of Sepphoris on Roman 
 fines 41, 3. 
 
 market, place of judging 23. 
 
 marriage, age at and duty to study 
 52, 3 ; early marriage recom- 
 mended to scholars 52 ; marriage 
 feast in Sepphoris 34. 
 
 master, rabbi, title of scholars 74, 1. 
 
 Matthew 6, 2 : 37, 1. 
 
 R. Matthia gives up study for 
 business 71. 
 
 meals in honour of Sabbath 66. 
 
 meanness to scholars 75. 
 
 meat prohibited to 'Amha'ares 58. 
 
 R. Meir, on business and study 69 ; 
 character 57 ; copyist 73 ; with 
 R. Jacob 27, 1 ; on judges 26 ff. ; 
 poor 73 ; preached every Friday 
 night in a synagogue in Tiberias 
 76 ; preferable handicrafts 73, 2 ; 
 princes 17, 2 ; slighted by people 
 of Sepphoris 57 ; supported scho- 
 lars 73 ; on study of Torah for its 
 
86 
 
 INDEX 
 
 own sake 63 ; 65, 2 ; on unchastity 
 46, 2 ; on violent men 44. 
 
 Mekhiltha 2 a : 14, 3 ; 5 a : 47, 4 ; 23 b : 
 69, 4 ; 36 a : 17, 1 ; 47 b : 69, 4 ; 54 b : 
 12, 1 ; 61 b : 42, 3 ; 66 b : 14, 4 ; 98 b : 
 43,3; 100 a : 27,4. 
 
 Mekhiltha R. Simon 83 : 12, 1 ; 90 : 
 28, 1 ; 152, 26 : 44, 2. 
 
 Messiah 17. 25. 
 
 Midrash Genesis rabba 8, 8 : 11, 2 ; 
 13, 9 : 43, 2 ; 20, 9 : 67, 3 ; 20, 10 : 
 67, 5 ; 26, 5 : 12, 3 ; 46, 5 ; 47, 3 ; 
 31, 5 : 44, 5 ; 32, 10 : 35, 3 ; 42, 1 : 
 
 8, 1 ; 58, 8 : 75, 3 ; 65, 1 : 42, 1 ; 
 76, 6 : 40, 1 ; 78, 12 : 41, 3 ; 80, 1 : 
 70, 3 ; 81, 2 : 30, 4 ; 97, 3 : 73, 3 ; 
 100, 7 : 57, 1. 
 
 Midrash Exodus rabba 31, 11 : 44, 
 3 ; 38, 3 : 70, 1 ; 51, 6 : 76, 4. 
 
 Midrash Leviticus rabba 3, 1 : 44, 
 3 ; 45, 2 ; 7, 3 : 17, 2 ; 9, 3 : 60, 
 
 1 ; 9, 9 : 76, 1 ; 16, 5 : 37, 2 ; 17, 
 5: 10,2; 18,4: 11,6; 19,6: 41, 
 3 ; 20, 3 : 7, 3 ; 22, 6 : 45, 2 ; 23, 
 9 : 46, 5 ; 30, 7 : 8, 3 ; 10, 3 ; 32, 
 5: 47, 4 ; 32, 7 : 36, 3 ; 46, 4; 33, 1 : 
 
 73, 5 ; 33, 3 : 45, 1 ; 34, 12 : 41, 3 ; 
 34, 13 : 38, 2 ; 75, 3 ; 34, 16 : 71, 
 
 2 ; 35, 7 : 61, 3 ; 62, 4. 
 Midrash Numeri rabba 7, 9 : 47, 2 ; 
 
 9, 20 : 76, 1 ; 17, 5 : 42, 3 ; 18, 17 : 
 63, 3 ; 23, 1 : 7, 4. 
 
 Midrash Deut. rabba 1, 10 : 11, 3. 
 5 ; 2, 19 : 11, 7 ; 61, 1 ; 3, 6 : 35, 
 3 ; 5, 15 : 76, 1 ; 7, 4 : 61, 2 ; 8, 
 6 : 19, 3. 
 
 Midrash Cant, rabba 2, 5, 3 : 10, 2 ; 
 
 74, 2 ; 76, 5 ; 3, 4 : 41, 1 ; 4, 2 : 35, 
 3; 4, 4: 35, 3; 4, 11: 63, 2; 4, 12: 
 
 47, 4 ; 6, 5 : 10, 3 ; editio Griinhut 
 3 a : 42, 2. 
 
 Midrash Kuth rabba, Prooem. 6 : 
 11, 4; 1, 1, 2: 61, 1 ; 1, 1, 4: 
 
 8, 1 ; 15, 4 ; 16, 1 ; 3, 3 : 66, 3. 
 Midrash Threni rabba 1, 1, 14 : 
 
 48, 3 ; 1, 5 : 8, 1 ; 1, 6 : 10, 1 ; 2, 
 2: 40, 1; 3, 5: 67, 2; 3, 17: 67,1. 
 
 Midrash Kohel. rabba 1, 7, 9 : 23, 
 1 ; 1, 13 : 45, 1 ; 1, 15, 2 : 48, 2 ; 
 72, 2 ; 2, 17 : 29, 1 ; 2, 18 : 73, 4 ; 
 3, 2, 3 : 7, 2 ; 5, 5 : 37, 2 ; 5, 12 : 
 41, 3 ; 7, 11 : 8, 1 ; 9, 9 : 72, 4 ; 
 
 9, 16 : 29, 1 ; 62, 5 ; 9, 18, 2 : 9, 2 ; 
 56,3. 
 
 Midrash 'Esther rabba 1, 5 : 9, 4 ; 
 
 2, 4, 3 : 34, 1 ; 35, 4. 
 Midrash Samuel 14, 9 : 45. 2 ; 23, 
 
 7 : 55, 2 ; 25, 1 : 74, 1. 
 
 Midrash Psalms 5, 1 : 19, 3 ; 125, 
 5 : 51, 3. 
 
 Midrash Pesiktha 83 b : 47, 4 ; 88 a : 
 10 ; 95 b : 44, 3 ; 97 a : 47, 4 ; 101 b : 
 67, 4 ; 123 a : 29, 1 ; 136 a : 10 ; 
 136 b : 54, 1 ; 182 b : 8, 3 ; 183 a : 
 10, 3. 
 
 Midrash Pesiktha rab. XII 50 b : 12, 
 1 ; XXIII 115 b : 66, 3 ; XXV 
 126 b : 71, 2; XLIV 183 a : 42, 1. 
 
 Midrash Tanhuma dtobido 6 : 21, 
 1 ; iTOTin 1 : 70, 2 ; -nnx 22 : 
 8, 3 ; nto 15 : 42, 3 ; >?do 1 : 7, 4 ; 
 mo 10 : 44, 3 ; editio Buber, 
 -\b i«j 10 : 40, 3 ; *m 14 : 47, 3 ; 
 »TpB 4 : 76, 4 ; jrnsn 8 : 19, 1 ; 
 tim 6 : 44, 3. 
 
 Midrash Tanna'im ed. Hoffmann 
 8 : 12, 3 ; 9 : 30, 1 ; 82 : 74, 5 ; 
 96 : 21, 1 ; 97 : 28, 1. 
 
 M. YalkutMekhiri¥37,114 b : 38,1. 
 
 Midrash Yelammdenu 42, 3 ; 76, 2. 
 
 mimes in Caesarea scoffing at the 
 poverty and observance of Sab- 
 bath of the Jews 67. 
 
 Min in Sepphoris 54, 1 ; Minim 
 to be hated 57, 4. 
 
 miscarriage, punishment for un- 
 founded hatred 57, 4. 
 
 Mishna Berakh. 12: 17, 1 ; Sabb. 
 VI 9 : 17, 1 ; XIV 4 : 17, 2 ; Ha- 
 giga I 7 : 48, 2 ; 72, 1 ; Ta'anith 
 II : 54, 1 ; Kethub. I 10 : 47, 1 ; 
 Kiddush. 1 10 : 59, 2 ; IV 14 : 73, 
 2 ; Baba bathra VI 7 : 25, 2 ; IX 
 4 : 40, 3 ; Makkoth III 15 : 44, 4 ; 
 48, 1 ; Bekhor. IV 6 : 32, 3. 
 
 modesty required of scholars 19, 3. 
 
 money, lenders on interest 38 ; 44, 
 2, scholars 61, 1; lovers of money 
 44, 2 ; money scarce 67. 
 
 Moses criticized by epicureans 50, 
 1 ; grudged by Israelites 76 ; Par- 
 nas of Israel 14 ; 14,3; suspected 
 of adultery 50 ff. 
 
 mourning, for scholars neglected 
 55 ; on Sabbath in Sepphoris 57. 
 
 B. Nahman b. Samuel member of 
 Boul\s 40, 3. 
 
 Nakdimon b. Goryon, Bouleutes 
 and leader in Jerusalem 8, 1. 
 
 names, calling offensive n. 48, 2 ; 
 change of n. 47. 48 ; foreign n. of 
 nobles 35, 4. 
 
 narrow-hearted to scholars in Sep- 
 phoris 75 ; their support to be 
 refused 75. 
 
INDEX 
 
 8 7 
 
 B. Nathan on judges 27 ff. ; wealthy 
 
 who do not study 68, 2. 
 B. Nehemia, and R. Jacob 27, 1 ; 
 
 on merit of supporting scholars 
 
 74 ; unfounded hatred 57, 4. 
 B. Wehoraiof Sepphoris on wealthy 
 
 who do not study Torah 68. 
 nobles,foreign names 35,4 ; haughty 
 
 to scholars 17 ff. ; put to shame 
 
 43,2. 
 non- Jewish, lady's intercession for 
 
 Jews in Hadrianic persecutions 
 
 8, 2 ; women tempting scholars 
 
 51 ; non-Jews hate the Jews 58 ; 
 
 immoral 48 ; 49, 1 ; and scholars 
 
 48,3. 
 non- observant, men in Sepphoris 
 
 59, 2 ; leaders 12 ; scholars 61 ff. ; 
 
 non-observance denounced 57. 
 
 oath, false, denounced 18, 1 ; 23, 2. 
 Origen on power of Jewish pa- 
 triarch 30, 4. 
 overbearing, see haughty. 
 
 Parnas, councillor of city 16 ; de- 
 fends his people 14, 3 ; haughty, 
 God weeps over such 68 ; mean- 
 ing and position 14 ; the patri- 
 arch 15, 2 ; P. and people 15, 2 ; 
 title of scholars 14, 1 ; Parnasim 
 from Moses to Messianic times 
 
 14, 1 ; Parnas of community 14, 
 1 ; descent 18, 1 ; overbearing 18, 
 1. P. of the generation 9, 3 ; ex- 
 pected to assist the people in 
 famine 15 ff. ; not connected with 
 charity institutions 13, but poli- 
 tical affairs 15 ; wealthy 15 ff. 
 P. of Israel, dignity hereditary 
 15 ; title given to Moses, Joshua, 
 'Eli, David 14. 
 
 Patriarch, appoints judges 30. 30,3 ; 
 court reception 16 ; Parnas 15, 2 ; 
 official representative of Jews in 
 Sepphoris 16; position hereditary 
 18 ff., and in Origen's account 
 30, 4 ; strictures on him for ap- 
 pointing unworthy judges 30 ff. ; 
 seats of sons in school 15, 1 ; 
 Patriarch Gamaliel II, official 
 position 15 ff. ; Parnas of the 
 generation 14 ff. ; Simon b. Gama- 
 liel II Parnas of the community 
 
 15, 1 ; Jehuda I appoints judges 
 30 ; decides disputes about taxes 
 in Tiberias 39 ; in Sepphoris 40, 
 3 ; great of the generation 10 ; 
 
 honoured wealthy men 34 ; judge 
 23 ; on immoral life 47, 4 ; Par- 
 nas 16 ; rich 35 ; his scholars 47 ; 
 supports scholars in famine 15 ff. ; 
 his ships 35, 2 ; Jehuda II ap- 
 points unworthy judges 30 ; dig- 
 nity hereditary 15 ; neglect of 
 duty 11 ; Parnas 15 ; Roman 
 officials vex him 41, 3 ; sided 
 with wealthy men 11 ff. 
 
 peace making great merit 60 ; peace 
 brought about by judgment 28, 
 1 ; by study for its own sake 63. 
 
 peasants of Galilee 35, 3. 
 
 perfume prohibited to scholars 52. 
 
 Persius Flaccus on Sabbath meals 
 66,2. 
 
 pestilence in Sepphoris 46. 53. 
 
 Philo on handling money on Sab- 
 bath, 37, 1. 
 
 B. Pinhas b. Ja'ir denounces vio- 
 lent men 43, 2. 
 
 pious men go down after the year 
 70 : 43, 2. 
 
 plague in Sepphoris 46. 53. 
 
 Plutarch on Sabbath meals 66, 2. 
 
 politeuomenos, Roman official, a 
 Jew 40, 3. 
 
 poor, bear public burdens 38. 42 ; 
 cannot study 68 ff. ; only poor 
 study 70 ff. 
 
 population of Galilee, sections 35,3. 
 
 bn-v&> wid 35, 3. 
 
 poverty 66 ; caused by bar-Cochba 
 war 67, 4 ; by Roman impositions 
 41, 3 ; indicates haughtiness 57, 
 4 ; influence on subjects of ser- 
 mons 67, 4, on Sabbath obser- 
 vance 66 ; prevents study 69 ; 
 scholars and students 67 ff. 
 
 practice of religious law, is the aim 
 of its study 62 ; acquired by 
 intercourse with one scholar 64 ; 
 its healing power 63, 4 ; neglected 
 by scholars 61 ff., and contra- 
 dicting their teachings 62. 
 
 prayer, every day for a humble 
 mind, to be saved from desecra- 
 tion of God's name and from 
 shame 52 ; for independence of 
 grudging supporters 77; to be 
 saved from hatred and envy 56. 
 
 preaching, subjects vary 67, 4. 
 
 priests, dues given to ignorant p. 
 69. 70 ; denounced by rabbis 70 ; 
 take dues not due to them 27, 2 ; 
 landowners 27 ; numerous in 
 Galilee 27 ; do not study Torah 
 
88 
 
 INDEX 
 
 69 ff. ; scholarly p. praised 70, 1 ; 
 
 wealthy 69. 
 princes in Sepphoris, their private 
 
 life 17, 1 ; "in the Halakha 17, 
 
 1.2. 
 property in constant danger from 
 
 Roman officials 41. 
 prophets, false, denounced by R. 
 
 Jose 57. 
 public work imposed upon scholars 
 
 42,4. 
 punishment by God due to 'Amha- 
 'ares 58. 
 
 quarrel in the house a punishment 
 for unfounded hatred 57, 4. 
 
 Raba on Angaria imposed upon 
 scholars 42, 4. 
 
 Rabbinical law, civil, not known 
 in Galilee and opposed 31. 32. 
 
 rabbis see scholars. 
 
 Rabh in Sepphoris 17, 2 ; 38, 1 ; on 
 adultery 48, 2 ; on violation of 
 a girl in Sepphoris 47, 1. 
 
 Rami b. 'Abba on an incident in 
 Sepphoris 47, 1. 
 
 results of essay 77 ff. 
 
 resurrection, denied to 'Amha'ares 
 58, to scholars who give up 
 study 72 ; hastened by support- 
 ing scholars 74. 
 
 R. Re'uben b. 'Istrobulos on mora- 
 lity of single men 47, 5. 
 
 robbers and violent men = leaders 
 43 ff. ; disqualified for judges and 
 witnesses 44 ; robbery by judg- 
 ment 23, 2 ; of scholars 61, 1. 
 
 Roman, centurio for tax collecting 
 42, 3 ; confiscations of property 
 38. 41 ; courts 25, 1 ; 28, 1 ; 42, 
 1 ; decurio 40, 3 ; epitropoi rob 42, 
 1, and distribute alms 44, 3 ; 
 executions and confiscations 41, 
 2 ; fines 41 ; 41, 3 ; honours a 
 burden 39ff.40 ; impositions 11 ff., 
 distributed by Jewish leaders 
 unjustly 38 ; not prevented 38 ; 
 Jews deprived of autonomous 
 justice 24, 1 ; Jewish justice re- 
 stored 30, 3 ; Jewish Roman 
 judges appointed by non-Jews 22 ; 
 rabbis judges 31, 2 ; Roman jus- 
 tice a sham 41 ff. ; Roman offi- 
 cials accept bribes 42 ; Jews 22, 
 appointed to be taxed 40, 1 ; 
 politeuomenos 40, 3 ; R. Eleazar 
 b. R. Simon and R. Ishmael b. 
 
 R. Jose 22 ; 47, 4 ; patriarch's 
 property taken away 41, 3 ; Ro- 
 man rule, hardships 41 ; 67, 4 ; 
 threats in letters to the great 
 men 7, 4 ; served and supported 
 by Jews 43, 1 ; stores in Palestine 
 42, 3 ; Roman writers on Sabbath 
 observance 66. 
 
 wi, D^fcO political heads, charged 
 with cruelty 12 ff . ; of a town 13, 
 2. 
 
 royal family in Sepphoris 16 ff. 
 
 Sabbath, appeals, no collections for 
 charity made in synagogues on 
 Sabbath 36 ff. ; honoured by 
 special garments, light and meals 
 66 ; to make in this respect S. a 
 weekday and not depend on others 
 72 ; mourning on S. in Sepphoris 
 57, 1 ; poverty and S. observance 
 66 ff. ; scoffs of mimes at S. in 
 Caesarea 67. 
 
 Sadducees in Galilee 32. 
 
 Samaritans 35, 3 ; 42, 3. 
 
 Samuel deeply mourned 55 ; his 
 sons as judges 26. 28 ff. 
 
 R. Samuel b. Isaac, great of the 
 generation 10, 2. 
 
 R. Samuel b. Nahman on the great 
 men 11, 7 ; on violent men 43, 2. 
 
 sanctification of God's name 24, 2. 
 
 D'-nn leaders 13, 1. 
 
 Saul,King, honoured and supported 
 scholars 74. 
 
 scholars, admit mistakes towards 
 'Amha'ares 60 ; ambition 64 ; 
 'Amha'ares abused, exaggerations 
 58 ; he to support scholars as a- 
 tonement 58 ; s. appointed judges 
 by patriarch 30, 4 ; blamed 12, 4 ; 
 business to be done for s. 74 ; 
 conduct in street, rules 52 ; 
 contempt for s. in Sepphoris 
 58 ; criticized, reason 61, even 
 after death 55 ; degrees 64 ; de- 
 nounce dishonesty, immorality, 
 44-47 ; dependence for living 
 felt hard 77 ; descendants of s. 
 immoral 47, 4 ; deserve hell 61, 3 ; 
 die young 50 ; dishonest dealings 
 61, 1 ; dreams interpreted by s. 
 48, 3; dress neat 60; 'Eshkol, 
 title 12, 4 ; 14, 1 : no fear of God 
 62 ; give up study in poverty 68, 
 for business 71. 72 ; blamed for 
 it 72 ; harsh to 'Amha'ares 59 ff.; 
 hated by and hate 'Amha'ares 58 ; 
 
INDEX 
 
 89 
 
 hated by leaders 33. 56 ; haughti- 
 ness 19. 59 ; honoured by people 
 60 ; immoral 51 ; impression on 
 ' Amha'ares 77 ; insolence to s. 9, 
 2 ; intercourse with other scholars 
 neglected 65 ; invited to meals 
 60; judges 21; 23, 2 ; 31, 1; limit- 
 ed power 31, 1 ; assisting judges 
 25 ; forced to be official judges 
 23, 2; 24, 1; knowledge 58-60, of 
 non-Jewish law 24, 2. 3 ; leaders 
 14, 1 ; to love scholars, disciples, 
 'Amha'ares 57, 4 ; maintenance 
 difficult 15, 1 ; early marriage 52 ; 
 wealthy to marry his daughter 
 to scholar 74, or to marry scho- 
 lar's daughter 9, 1 ; at meals of 
 'Amha'ares 52 ; merits of support- 
 ing s. emphasized in synagogue 
 74 ; money-lending 61, 1 ; not to 
 go out at night 52 ; apply in judg- 
 ing non-Jewish law 24, 2. 3 ; non- 
 observant 61 ; not mourned 55 ; 
 offended and struck, fines 56 ; 
 offices held in town 30, 4 ; Parna- 
 sim 14, 1 ; s. and people 32 ; 
 blame patriarch for appointing 
 unworthy judges 30; perfume pro- 
 hibited to s. 52 ; poverty 67 ff. ; 
 pray and preach at public fasts 53 ; 
 forced to do public work 42, 4 ; 
 put to shame 43, 2 ; recognize 
 good qualities of 'Amha'ares 60 ; 
 requirements 63 ; rich 51, 4 ; shoes 
 52 ; side with people against 
 wealthy 12 ; slighted by nobles 20. 
 31. 56 ; students attending lec- 
 tures, but not attaching them- 
 selves to individual scholar 64 ; 
 supported by whom 71 ; sup- 
 port suggested by s. 74 ; suspected 
 of dishonesty and immorality 50 ; 
 titles, father and rabbi 74, 1 ; 60. 
 64 ; great of the generation, of 
 TorahlO, 2 ; tongues used for slan- 
 der 73, 5 ; tempted by non-Jewish 
 ladies 51 ; wavering in study 71 ; 
 ways of study, 50 ; worldly occu- 
 pation and study 68. 72. 73. 
 
 school, appeal for charity in, 36, 3 ; 
 dignitaries 9 ; of Jamnia trans- 
 ferred to 'Usha 31 ; of R. Jehuda I 
 in Sepphoris 72, 4 ; seats for dis- 
 tinguished visitors 36, 3 ; seats 
 for sons of Parnas 15, 1. 
 
 scorn at words of scholars 54, 1. 
 
 Seder 'Olam III : 54, 1 ; XIII : 14, 1 . 
 2. 
 
 Sepphoris 'Amha'ares 58 ff. ; bar- 
 Kappara 59 ; bar-Levianus, noble 
 family 8 ; bar-Lufiani 34 ; Bonias, 
 rich man 34 ; Bouleutai, council- 
 lors 16 ; calumniators 57 ; com- 
 munity, organization 7 ; contribu- 
 tions to charity promised but not 
 paid 37 ; courts 23 ; drought 53 ; 
 epicureans 54, 1 ; 56 ; famine 16. 
 58 ; fast, public, for rain 53 ff. ; 
 forum 23 ; Gnostics 18, 1 ; great 
 men 7. 11, of generation 9, 
 abused 11 ; haircutting frequent 
 17, 1 ; R. Hanina abused 10. 53 ; 
 haughty leaders 17 ff. ; R. Hillel 
 b. Aulus 35, 1; Holy Congregation 
 
 48, 2 ; immorality of population 
 46. 53 ; judges, Jewish, of the 
 city 23; 25, 2 ; 28 ; landowners 35 ; 
 leaders, Jewish and non-Jewish 
 
 10 ; luxury of rich 34 ; market 
 22, 2; 23 ; marriage feast 34 ; R. 
 Meir abused 57 ; men of Jerusa- 
 lem 48, 2 ; Min 54, 1 ; mourning 
 on Sabbath 57, 1 ; noble families 
 16; 16,3; non- Jews immoral 48 ; 
 
 49, 1 ; non-observant men 59, 2 ; 
 plague 10. 46. 53 ; population 34. 
 35. 53 ; its character 54 ; its lower 
 sections 48, and scholars 53 ; 
 poverty and Sabbath 66 ; privy 
 47, 1; prophets, false 57; rich men 
 contribute to charity 34. 35 ; Ro- 
 man officials 41 ; royal family 
 16 ff. ; scholars accused of immo- 
 rality 50 ff. 57, their death not 
 noticed 54, no fear of God 62, 
 study Torah not for its own sake 
 63 ; students 16, condemned 
 56 ff., and hated 57 ; school of R. 
 Jehuda 1 : 72. 74 ; great synagogue 
 54, 1 ; violation of women 47, 1 ; 
 women 47. 
 
 Septimius Severus and Caracalla 
 emperors grant the Jews right of 
 holding offices 40. 
 
 shame, putting to, heavy offence 
 48,2. 
 
 Shammai on Sabbath observance 
 66 ; Shammaiites forbid applying 
 for charity on Sabbath 36, 1. 2. 
 
 Shema'ya warns people not to be- 
 come known to the ruling power 
 41, 2 ; great of generation 10, 2. 
 
 ships owned by Jews of Sepphoris 
 34; 35, 2. 
 
 Sifra 73 a 9 : 19, 1 ; 110' 5 : 61, 3 ; 
 
 11 l b II 3 : 57, 3. 
 
9° 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Sifre Numbers 112 : 68, 2 ; 115 : 51, 
 4 ; 119 p. 39 b : 70, 1 ; 137. 138. 
 139. 141 : 14, 1. Deuter. 12 : 50, 
 1 ; 13 : 12, 3 ; 16 : 24, 2 ; 17 : 30, 
 1;26: 14, 1 ; 42 : 69, 3 ; 45: 64, 1 ; 
 48 b , 84 b : 12, 2 ; 64, 3 ; 144 : 27, 4 ; 
 162 : 15, 3 ; 254. 258 : 47, 2 ; 256, 
 125 a : 44, 4 ; 48, 1 ; 306, 131 b : 63, 
 4 ; 323 : 12, 4 ; 326, 139 a : 67, 4 ; 
 334 : 14, 1 ; 343, 143 a : 72, 3 ; 344 : 
 14, 3. 4 ; 352 : 69, 5 ; 357, 150 a : 
 14, 1. 
 
 R. Simai of Sepphoris on judges 
 28, 1. 
 
 B. Simlai on garments in honour 
 of Sabbath 66 ; immorality and 
 plague in Sepphoris 46 ; leaders 
 12, 3 ; unworthy scholars 61, 1. 
 
 Simon Bouleuta in Sepphoris 16, 3. 
 
 R. Simon b. Eleazar on appeals for 
 charity on Sabbath 36 ; treats 
 harshly an 'Amha'ares 59 ; on 
 haughty men 19, 1 ; unworthy 
 scholars 61, 3, and disciples 65 ; 
 giving up study 69, 2 ; violent 
 men 43, 4. 
 
 R. Simon b. Gamaliel II on hard- 
 ships of Roman rule 41, 1 ; head 
 of school in 'Usha 72 ; on judges 
 28, 1 ; Parnas 15 ; princesses 17, 
 2 ; principles in judging non- 
 Jews 24 ; scholars giving up study 
 72 ; to treat scholars better 74 ; on 
 unchastity 47. 
 
 R. Simon b. Halaftha of 'En-T'ena 
 7, 2 ; on judges 26 ff. ; non-obser- 
 vant scholars 61. 
 
 R. Simon b. Jehosadak on Parnas 
 18, 1. 
 
 R. Simon b. Johai blames dis- 
 honesty 45 ; encourages students 
 to persevere 71 ; on great men of 
 the generation 9 ; haughty men 
 18, 1 ; importance of intercourse 
 with a teacher 64 ff. ; he and R. 
 Jacob 27, 1 ; Jews in law all 
 princes 17, 1 ; he cannot judge 
 24 ; lawlessness of the great 12, 
 3 ; maintenance of scholars em- 
 phasized as duty 74 ; priests ought 
 to study Torah 69 ; Roman fines 
 41, 3, and justice 24, 1 ; scholars 
 giving up study blamed 71 ; study 
 of Torah every one's duty 69 ; on 
 violent men 43, 4 ; 44, 2. 
 
 R. Simon b. Lakish blames ap- 
 pointer of unworthy judges 30 ff.; 
 fine for offending a scholar 56, 4 ; 
 
 the great men and people 11, 4 ; 
 Jehuda II : 41, 3 ; he as judge, 56, 
 4 ; landowners and other sections 
 of population 35, 3 ; requirements 
 of scholars 63 ; on ways of sup- 
 porting scholars and the poor 75, 
 1; purifying and slaying power of 
 Torah 64. 
 
 R. Simon b. Menasya on bastards 
 48, 2 ; head of Holy Congregation 
 in Sepphoris 72, 4. 
 
 R. Simon b. Pazzi on Roman vio- 
 lence 42, 1. 
 
 R. Simon b. Rabbi in Sepphoris 
 on lewdness 47 ff.; robbers and 
 moneylenders 44. 
 
 Simonia in Galilee, R. Jehuda I 
 appointed Levi rabbi to S. 30, 4. 
 
 single man's morality praised 47. 
 
 slander 60; 73,5. 
 
 straightforwardness required of 
 scholars 19, 3. 
 
 Strategia and taxes 39. 
 
 study of Torah, its aim is teaching 
 and observing 61 ff. ; attraction 
 and ambition 64 ; everybody's 
 duty 69 ; for its own sake a great 
 merit, its effects 63 ff. ; s. and 
 marriage 52, 3 ; only occupation 
 56, and worldly occupation before 
 and after the year 135 : 68 ; prac- 
 tice or non-practice 62. 64 ; pre- 
 vented by agriculture 69 ; remedy 
 of temptations 51 ; non-study de- 
 nounced 57. 
 
 Synagogue, appeals for charity, 
 collections made on Sabbath 35. 
 36 ff ; on weekdays 36, 3 ; digni- 
 taries 9 ; R. Johanan's in Sep- 
 phoris 76, visited by women 76 ; 
 R. Meir preached every Friday 
 night in s. of Tiberias 76 ; sermons 
 in s. of Ma'on near Tiberias 70 ; 
 in great s. of Sepphoris 54, 1. 
 
 Synhedrion, members supported 
 by Saul 74. 
 
 Talmud, Berakh. 7 b : 65, 1; 10 b : 
 74,3; 19 a : 51; 55,4; 28 a : 15, 1; 
 34 b : 74, 6 ; 35 b : 68, 3 ; 69, 3 ; 
 43 b : 19, 3 ; 52, 4 ; 56 b : 48, 3 ; 
 63 b : 65, 4. Sabbath 25 b : 67, 1 ; 
 31 b : 62, 3 ; 32 b : 57, 4 ; 33 a : 57, 
 4 ; 54 b . 55 a : 13, 1 ; 56 a : 26. 28 ; 
 66 b : 73, 5 ; 80 b : 17, 2 ; 105 b : 
 55, 1 ; 113 b : 35, 2 ; 114 a : 15, 3 ; 
 52, 4 ; 119 a : 35, 3 : 119 b : 67, 1 ; 
 130 a : 47; 150* : 36,2. 'Erubinl8 b : 
 
INDEX 
 
 9 1 
 
 52, 5 ; 19 a : 35, 3 ; 54 a : 64, 1 ; 55 a : 
 19, 3 ; 73* : 73, 5 ; 85 b . 86 a : 34, 2 ; 
 35, 4. Pesahim 49 b : 9, 1 ; 58 ; 72, 
 3; 75, 7; 53 b : 71,4; 75,1; 112 a : 
 13,2; 15,3;113 a :47,5;48,2;72, 
 5; 118 b : 42, 2. Moed Katan 17 a : 
 63, 1 ; 22 a : 26, 2; 22 b : 10. Hagiga 
 5 b : 18, 1 ; 68, 1 ; 9 b : 48, 2 ; 72, 
 2 ; 14 a : 59, 2 ; 15 b : 62, 1 ; 63, 1. 
 Eosh haShana 17 a : 54, 1. Joma 
 9 b : 57, 4 ; 22 b : 18, 1 ; 35 b : 34, 
 2; 42, 4; 72 b : 52; 62, 2; 64,2; 
 86 a : 51, 9; 86 b : 14, 1. Sukka 
 29 a : 55, 3 ; 29 ab : 38, 1 ; 30 a : 46 ; 
 52 b : 51, 7. Ta'anith 7 a : 19, 3 ; 
 63, 4 ; 65, 6 ; 7 b : 45, 2 ; 8 b : 37, 
 2 j 10 ab : 10, 3; ll a : 12, 1; 
 18 a : 8,2; 19 b : 67,4; 20 a : 59,3. 
 Megilla ll a : 41, 3 ; 15 a : 14, 3. 
 Kethuboth 15 a : 47, 1 ; 105 b : 25; 
 32, 3; 74, 4; lll b : 72, 3; 74, 4. 
 Kiddushin 29 a : 73, 2 ; 29 b : 52, 
 3 ; 30 b : 51, 7 ; 64, 1 ; 33 b : 76, 4 ; 
 39 b , 40 a : 51,5; 40 b : 59,2; 71 a : 
 18, 1; 82 ab : 73, 2. Gittin 23 b : 
 10, 2 ; 38 b : 67, 1 ; 49 b : 43, 4 ; 59 a : 
 35, 1 ; 60 a : 9, 1 ; 88 b : 21, 1. 
 Nedarim 32 a : 42, 4 ; 62 a : 64, 3. 
 Nazir 5 a : 17, 1. Sota 4 b : 18, 1 ; 
 48, 2 ; 5 a : 18, 1 ; 10* : 42, 4 ; 
 12 a : 9; 22 a : 65, 3 ; 76, 3; 38 b : 
 75, 6 ; 41 b : 26; 46 b : 59, 2 ; 47 ab : 
 12, 4 ; 47 b : 26, 3 ; 27, 3 ; 49 a : 
 43, 2. Baba kamma 16 b : 51, 2 ; 
 94 b : 44, 2; 113 a : 24, 2; 119 a : 
 45, 2. Baba mesi'a 30 b : 32, 2 ; 
 58 b : 48, 2 ; 59 a : 45, 2 ; 83 b : 22 ; 
 47, 4; 85 a : 47, 4; 87 a : 9, 5. 
 Baba bathra 8 a : 16. 58. 59 ; 8 b : 
 28, 1 ; 9 a : 38, 2 ; 15 b : 29, 1 ; 
 16 b : 48,3; 58 ab : 31,2; 75 a : 54, 
 1; 75, 4; 78 b : 18, 1 ; 91 a : 9, 3 ; 
 13; 143 a : 39, 2; 144 b : 40, 3. 
 'Aboda zara 22 b : 48, 3 ; 52 a : 30, 
 2 ; 71* : 42, 3. Synhedrin 3 b : 
 9 ; 6 ab : 28, 1 ; 7 a : 28 ; 7 b : 26, 
 1;30, 2. 3;8 a : 12, 3; 16,4; 19 a : 
 47, 1 ; 24 a : 23, 1 ; 25 b : 43, 3 ; 
 38 a : 44, 1 ; 58 b : 43, 2 ; 90 b : 70, 
 1.4; 92 a : 58,2; 75, 2; 98 a : 17. 
 25 ; 99 a : 68, 2 ; 99 b : 56, 1 ; 63, 
 6 ; 108 a : 45 ; 110 a : 51, 1. Mak- 
 koth24 a : 22; 74,1. Horayothl0 ab : 
 71, 1 ; 13 b : 15, 1. Zebahim 
 102 a : 18. Menahoth 44 a : 51, 4 ; 
 110 a : 52, 3. Bekhoroth 13* : 24, 
 3. Hullin 87 a : 8, 5 ; 34, 1 ; 35, 
 4 ; 9i a : 45, 2 ; 91 ab : 52, 3 ; 92 a : 
 
 35, 3. 'Arakhin 16 a : 18, 1 ; 75, 
 5 ; 17 a : 15, 2. Nidda 20 a : 27, 
 1 ; 26 b : 26, 2. 
 Talmud Jerushalmi : Berakhoth I 
 
 3, 3 b 25 : 61, 3 ; II 7, 5 b 56 : 57, 
 
 I ; III 4, 6 C 54 : 47, 1 ; IV 2, 7 d 
 43 : 56, 2 ; 7 d 52 : 52, 1 ; 1X8, 14 d 
 
 3 : 71, 5. Pe'a I 1, 15 c 18 : 8, 3 ; 
 16 a 34 : 16, 3 ; VIII 7, 21 a 28 : 
 
 10 ; VIII 8, 21 b 1 : 66, 3. Dam- 
 mai III 1, 23 b 33 : 36, 1. Kil'ayim 
 IX 1, 32 a 8 : 35, 1. Ma'aser sheni 
 
 II 6, 50 a 23 : 46, 1 ; II 10, 53 d 4 : 
 72, 4 ; IV 9, 55 b 58 : 48, 3. Bik- 
 kuriin III 3, 65 c 45 : 76, 4 ; 65 c 
 64 : 56, 4 ; 65 d 14 : 30, 3. Sab- 
 bath XII 3, 13 c 69 : 8, 5 ; 16, 3 ; 
 XVIII fin. 16 c 70 : 17, 2. Pesa- 
 him IV 1, 30 c 69 : 16, 3 ; VII 1, 
 34* 59 : 71, 4. Joma I 2, 39 a 8 : 
 39, 2 ; VIII 5, 45 b 6 : 67, 4. 
 Shekalim V, 6, 49 b 27 : 36, 3. 
 Eosh haShana II 5, 58 b 58 : 11, 
 
 4. Ta'anith III 4, 66 c 29 : 37, 2 ; 
 66 c 45 : 46, 3 ; 53, 1 ; 66 c 61 : 10, 
 
 1 ; IV 2, 68 a 29 : 53, 2 ; IV 8, 69 a 
 26 : 8, 1 ; 69 a 27 : 40, 1. Hagiga 
 
 11 1, 77° 17: 63, 5. 'Moed 
 Katan II 3, 81 b 33 : 39, 3: Jeba- 
 moth VIII 3, 9 C 64 : 46, 4 ; XII 
 13 a 15: 30, 4. Sota I 4, 16 d 
 45 : 76, 1 ; 16 d 75 : 26, 5 ; I 5, 
 17* 11 : 46, 5 ; IX 10, 24 a 27 : 
 14, 1. Kethuboth I 10, 25 d 37 : 
 
 47, 1 ; IV 8, 28 d 60 : 56, 4 ; X 5, 
 34 a 14 : 40, 3; XIII 1, 35 d 3 : 22, 
 2. Nedarim III 4, 38 a 37 : 43, 
 
 2 ; VI 13, 40 a 53 : 16, 2 ; IX fin. 
 41 c 65 : 74, 1. Gittin V 1, 46° 
 38 : 43, 4. Kiddushin IV 1, 65 b 
 76 : 37, 2 ; 65 d 47 : 9, 2 ; 18, 1. 
 Baba kamma IV 3, 4 b 26 : 24, 3 ; 
 
 VIII 8, 6° 13 : 56, 4. Baba mesi'a 
 IV 2, 9 C 60 : 44. 5. Baba bathra 
 
 IX 6, 17 a 13. 15 : 40, 3. Synhed- 
 rin I 1, 18 a 37 : 32, 2 ; 18 b 11 : 
 28, 1 ; II 20 fin, 20 d 2 : 70, 3 ; IV 
 13, 22 b 74 : 44, 1 ; VI 6, 23 b 75 : 
 
 48, 3 ; VII 2, 24 b 56 : 24, 1 ; X 1, 
 27 d 65 : 56, 1 ; XI 4, 30 a 55 : 72, 
 4. 'Aboda zara II 10, 42 a 35: 
 35, 2. Horayoth III 7, 48 a 44 : 
 71, 3;48 a 62: 35, 4; 36, 3. Ill 
 9, 48 b 71; 48 c 4: 13, 1. 
 
 K. Tarfon on autonomous courts 
 21, 1 ; his grandson immoral 47, 
 
 4 ; the priest and rich, support 
 scholars 71. 
 
9 2 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Taxes, amount 42, 3 ; arrears col- 
 lected 8, 3 ; collected by centurio 
 in kind 42, 3 ; Jewish collectors, 
 cruel 13 ; 40, 3 ; exacted merci- 
 lessly 42 ; farmers unscrupulous 
 43, 2; landowners responsible 
 for taxes 39 ; questions on t. 
 decided by R. Jehuda 1 : 40, 3. 
 
 Temple of Jerusalem, future gates 
 miraculous 54, 1 ; officials en- 
 titled great of the generation 10. 
 
 temptations of scholars by non- 
 Jewish ladies, resistance praised 
 51. 
 
 terrifiers of the community 19, 1 ; 
 43,2. 
 
 Theodos of Rome supports scholars 
 in Palestine 71. 
 
 Tiberias, bar-Selend a noble family 
 
 35, 4 ; Boule and Strategia 39 ; 
 crown money imposed 39 ; great 
 men of the city = the first ten 8 ; 
 great men of the generation 9 ff. ; 
 haircutting of princes frequent 
 17, 1 ; poverty and Sabbath 66, 
 4 ; Roman officials 41 ; scholars 
 study Torah not for its own sake 
 63 ; school 35, 4 ; 36, 3 ; synagogue 
 where R. Meir preached every 
 Friday night 76. 
 
 tithes, given by rich men 35, 3 ; of 
 Samaritan produce 42, 3. 
 
 Torah despised by 'Amha'ares 61 ; 
 drug of life or poison 63 ; every- 
 body's property 60. 
 
 Tosiftha Pe'a IV 16 : 36, 1 ; Dammai 
 VI 3. 4 : 42, 3; Shebi'ith VII 9 : 
 
 36, 1 ; Sabbath XV 3 : 17, 2 ; XVI 
 22 : 36, 1 ; Hagiga I 8 : 72, 2 ; 
 Sukkall 5 : 38, 1 ; Megilla III 4 : 
 36, 1 ; Kethub. XII 2 : 43, 4 ; 
 Kiddush. I 11 : 73, 2 ; Nedar. II 
 
 7 : 43, 2 ; Sota III 16 : 17, 1 ; VI 
 6 : 48, 3 ; XIV 5 : 27, 3 ; XIV 6 
 26, 4 ; Baba mesi'a XI 23 : 43, 1 
 Baba bathra VIII 4 : 36, 1 ; X 5 
 40, 3 ; 'Abodazara IV 4 : 9, 3 ; 13 
 
 VI 18: 65, 5; Synh. I 2 : 28, 1 
 
 VII 9 : 15, 1 ; VIII 4, 6 : 44 ; XI 
 
 8 : 72, 4 ; XIII 5 : 54, 1 ; Zebahim 
 XII 8 : 27, 1 ; Themura I 17 : 27, 
 1 ; Bekhor.VIlO: 52, 3; Theruma 
 I 10 : 36, 1. 
 
 traitors 54, 1. 
 
 Ulpian on right of holding offices 40. 
 
 unchastity, abstaining praised 44, 
 4 ; punished by drought 37, 2 ; 
 in Sepphoris 46 ff. 
 
 'Usha, assembly of scholars decides 
 fine for offending a scholar 56 ; 
 discusses duty of father to train 
 son for handicraft 73, 2 ; scholars 
 study Torah not for its own sake 
 63 ; school transferred from Jam- 
 nia to U. 5. 22. 31 ; R. Simon b. 
 Gamaliel II head of the central 
 school 72. 
 
 violation of women by Roman 
 
 officials 41, 3 ; in Sepphoris 47, 
 
 1 ; by violent men 44. 
 violent men = leaders 43. 44 ff. 19, 
 
 1 ; intrude in families 44. 
 visitations accounted for by moral 
 
 sins 26. 
 vowing in Galilee 38. 
 
 wages deferred and withheld 38. 
 
 washing hands and feet before 
 Sabbath 67, 1. 
 
 wealth, consists of property and 
 cattle 35 ff. ; kept secret before 
 Roman officials 41. 
 
 wealthy contribute to charity 35 ; 
 farmers and business men 68 ; 
 God weeps over w. who do not 
 study Torah 67. 68; lewd 48; 
 narrow-hearted to scholars 75 ; 
 to support scholars in different 
 ways 74 ; taxed and exploited 41. 
 
 woman's alimony case before offi- 
 cial Jewish judge in Sepphoris 
 and a rabbi 22 ff. ; adorned for 
 Sabbath 67, 1 ; attends regularly 
 synagogue in Sepphoris and Ti- 
 berias 76 ; hates scholars 58. 75 ; 
 supports scholars in Judaea 75 ; 
 in Sepphoris 47, 1 ; wife of 'Am- 
 ha'ares 58. 
 
 world, no share in future, calum- 
 niators, false prophets, haters of 
 scholars 57 ; he who has no inter- 
 course with scholars 65 ; who 
 crosses a river behind a woman 
 52,5. 
 
 worldly occupation, necessity of 
 urged upon scholars 73 ; before 
 and after bar-Cochba war 68. 
 
 B. Zakkai of Kabul in Galilee 7, 3. 
 It. Zeira, great of the generation 
 
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