m UN LIBRARY CALIFORNIA. i88 m K:%:V-- WORKS ON MENTAL PHILOSOPHY PUBLISHED BY WILLIAM BLACKWOOD & SONS. LECTURES ON METAPHYSICS. By Sir WILLIAM HAMILTON, Bart. Edited by the Rev. H. L. HANSEL, B.D., LL.D., Dean of St Paul's; and JOHN VEITCH, M.A., Professor of Logic and Rhetoric in the University of Glasgow. Fourth Edition, Revised. Two Volumes, Octavo, 24s. LECTURES ON LOGIC. By Sir WILLIAM HAMILTON, Bart. Edited by the Rev. H. L. HANSEL, B.D., LL.D., Dean of St Paul's ; and JOHN VEITCH, Professor of Logic and Rhetoric in the University of Glasgow. Second Edition. Two Volumes, Octavo, 24s. in. DISCUSSIONS ON PHILOSOPHY AND LITERATURE, EDUCATION AND UNIVERSITY REFORM. By SIR WILLIAM HAM- ILTON, BART. Third Edition. Octavo, 21s. INSTITUTES OF METAPHYSIC : The Theory of Knowing and Being. By JAMES F. FERRIER, B.A. Oxon., Professor of Moral Philo- sophy and Political Economv, St Andrews. Second Edition. Crown Octavo, 10s. 6d. LECTURES ON GREEK PHILOSOPHY AND OTHER PHI- LOSOPHICAL REMAINS OF JAMES F. FERRIER, B.A. Oxon., LL.D., Professor of Moral Philosophy, &c., in the University of St Andrews. Edited by Sir ALEX. GRANT, Bart., LL.D., and Professor LUSHINGTON. With a Bio- graphical Memoir. Two Volumes, Post Octavo, 24s. LECTURES ON GREEK PHILOSOPHY, being the First Volume of the above. Sold separately, price 12s. VII. SPECULATIVE PHILOSOPHY: An Introductory Lecture, de- livered at the Opening of the Class of Logic and Rhetoric, Nov. 1, 1864. By JOHN 'VEITCH. M.A., Professor of Logic and Rhetoric in the University of Glasgow. Is. vm. DESCARTES ON THE METHOD OF RIGHTLY CONDUCT- ING THE REASON, AND SEEKING TRUTH IN THE SCIENCES : with his Meditations, and Selections from his Principles of Philosophy. In One Volume, 4s. 6d. A DISCOURSE ON ETHICS 'OF THE SCHOOL OF PALEY. By WILLIAM SMITH, Author of < Thorndale.' Octavo, 4s. ON THE INFLUENCE EXERTED BY THE MIND OVER THE BODY, IN THE PRODUCTION AND REMOVAL OF MORBID AND ANOMALOUS CONDITIONS OF THE ANIHAL ECONOHY. Bv JOHN GLEN, M.A. Crown Octavo, 2s. 6d. XI. THORNDALE; or, The Conflict of Opinions. By WILLIAM SMITH, Author of 'A Discourse on Ethics,' &c. Second Edition. Crown Octavo, 10s. 6d. XII. GRAVENHURST ; or, Thoughts on Good and Evil. By WILLIAM SMITH, Author of ' Thomdale/ &c. In Crown Octavo, 7s. 6d. PREPARING FOR PUBLICATION, SYMBOLISM ; or, Mind, Matter, and Language, as the necessary Elements of Thinking and Reasoning. By JAMES HAIG, M. A. ii. SKETCHES OF THE HISTORY OF RELIGIOUS THOUGHT IN ENGLAND IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. By JOHN TUL- LOCH, D.D., Principal and Professor of Theology, St Mary's College, St Andrews. in. THE RELATIONS OF THE SCIENCES TO ONE ANOTHER, AND TO PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, AND MORALITY. By the REV. ROBERT FLINT, Professor of Moral Philosophy in the University of St Andrews. WILLIAM BLACKWOOD & SONS, Edinburgh and London. MEMOIR OP SIR WILLIAM HAMILTON, BART. ;.Armytage LWOOD & SOWS, EDINBtTHGH &LO.NDON . MEMOIR OF SIR WILLIAM HAMILTON, BART. PROFESSOR OF LOGIC AND METAPHYSICS IN THE UNIVERSITY OF EDINBURGH BY JOHN VEITCH, M.A. PROFESSOR OF LOGIC AND RHETORIC IN THE UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW [UNIVERSITY WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS EDINBURGH AND LONDON MDCCCLXIX E THE following Memoir was undertaken at the request of the family of Sir William Hamilton. I have been furnished by them with the private letters and docu- ments of which use has been made in this volume. I am also mainly indebted to the members of the family for the facts relating to Sir William's private life as here recorded. To the same source, especially to Mr Hubert Hamilton, I owe numerous suggestions, which have served to make the Memoir more complete than it would otherwise have been. To others besides the members of Sir William's family I am under obligations for materials supplied. These will be found duly acknowledged in the course of the Memoir. Where it appeared fitting, I have given narrative and description of facts and circumstances in the language of those communicating them, believing that the impressions of a man's personality are usually best conveyed in the words of those who felt them. The present Work professes to be merely biographical. It was, at the same time, impossible, from the nature VI PREFACE. of the life portrayed, to do justice to the man without a general reference to his philosophical opinions. 1 have also thought it right to point out, in the interest of historical truth, what appear to me to be incorrect representations of certain of Sir William Hamilton's philosophical doctrines. It was, however, no part of my design to expound his Philosophy, far less to attempt a critical estimate of it. I have sought only to portray the man as he lived, thought, taught, and wrote. J. VEITCH. THE COLLEGE, GLASGOW, April 1869. CONTENTS. CHAPTEE I. EARLY PERIOD BOYHOOD : 1788-1807. PAGE Birth Parentage Glasgow of last century The College The Hamiltons of Airdrie Dr Robert Hamilton His grandfather, Dr Thomas Hamilton His father, Dr William Hamilton His mother Boyhood and earliest edu- cationHis brother, Thomas Hamilton Dr Dean and school at Bromley Enters the College of Glasgow Dr Sommers of Midcalder Character at this period Notice of his brother Pursues his arts studies at Glasgow Professors of the period Letters of Dr Sommers Attends medical classes Taste for collecting books Goes to Edinburgh to pursue his medical studies Letters to his mother, . . . . ' . ' . 1-27 CHAPTER II. OXFORD PERIOD : 1807-1811. Goes to Oxford as Snell Exhibitioner Letters to his mother Oxford friends and associates Alexander Scott John Gibson Lockhart Letters of Lock- hart about Hamilton Impressions he made at Oxford Mr Christie's remi- niscencesMr Traill's reminiscences Catches the tutor eavesdropping The mulberry -tree exploit His Oxford life and studies What influence the place had upon him The list of books given up by him for the final examination Character of his examination As given by Dr Jenkyns, Mr Villers, Rev. Alexander Nicoll His own reference to it, . . 28-61 CHAPTER III. EDINBURGH PERIOD AT THE BAR : 1811-1820. Abandons medicine for the law Visits to Oxford Illness and death of his friend A. Scott Notice of Scott Researches into his own connection with the family of Preston Passes advocate Assumes the baronetcy of Preston Sketch of the House of Preston His experience at the bar Knowledge of law Amount of employment Literary tastes The Advocates' Library Vlll CONTENTS. Political views State of Scotch politics ' Edinburgh Review ' His re- lations to the political parties of the times a barrier to professional advance- ment Edinburgh society in 1812 and subsequent years The old and the new literary impulses Sir Walter Scott Francis Jeffrey His relations with Jeffrey Dr Thomas Brown Sketch of Hamilton's appearance at this time by De Quincey His intercourse with strangers Intimacy with Lock- hart * Blackwood's Magazine ' His brother, Captain Thomas Hamilton First visit to Germany, 1817 The noted poodle Hermann Second visit to Germany, 1820 Systematic study of German commenced Zeal for the in- terests of the Advocates' Library Letter on the subject to the Members of the Faculty, ........ 62-95 CHAPTER IV. AT THE BAB, AND IN THE UNIVERSITY : 1820-1829. Sir William a candidate for Moral Philosophy Chair Supported by Mr Dugald Stewart His testimonials Election turns on political considerations Letter of Lord A. Hamilton Probable character of his ethical teaching Letter of Dr Parr Chair of Civil History vacant Appointment of Hamil- ton Subjects of his lectures At St Andrews in summer of 1823 Small commonplace-book His studies at this period Modern Latin poets, Buch- anan, Balde, and others Papers read before Eoyal Society on Greek verb Phrenology His investigation of its pretensions Conclusions regarding the cerebellum Animal magnetism and mesmerism His friends R. P. Gillies Thomas Carlyle's reminiscences Captain Hamilton Sir William's repu- tation for reading, and readiness to impart information Death of his mother His marriage, ........ 96-137 CHAPTER V. CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE ' EDINBURGH REVIEW : ' 1829-1836. Period after marriage Friends Personal and social characteristics 'Edin- burgh Review ' and its new editor First article contributed to the ' Review,' on the ' Cours de Philosophic ' of M. Cousin General aim and character of the contribution M. Cousin's interest in the author Correspondence be- tween Cousin and Hamilton Article on Perception Letter of the author regarding it to M. Cousin Articles on Logic On the ( Epistolse Obscuro- rum Virorum 'On the State of the English Universities in 1831 Subse- quent articles On Oxford On Right of Dissenters to Admission into the English Universities On Patronage and Superintendence of Universities generally Influence on public opinion of articles on Oxford Lord Radnor and his Bill in the House of Lords Oxford Commission of 1850 Testi- monies of Rev. S. H. Johnson, Rev. A. P. Stanley, Rev. F. D. Maurice- Article on the Patronage and Superintendence of Universities Its influence Further contributions to the 'Review' Review of Cousin on German schools On the Study of Mathematics Letter of Mr Napier Made Soli- citor to Teind Court Letter from Professor Mylne- Physiological experi- ments, . . . . . . 138-182 CONTENTS. IX CHAPTER VI. APPOINTMENT TO LOGIC CHAIR, AND COMPOSITION OP LECTURES : 1836-1839. Resignation of Dr Ritchie University patronage in Edinburgh Candidates for the Logic Chair Correspondence between Professor Pillans and M. Cousin Letter of Sir William to M. Cousin Reply and testimonial : Opposition to Sir William His declinature to canvass Alleged obscurity of his writings Theological objection Result of the election Preparation of lectures Introductory lecture Lectures of first session on Metaphysics How composed Commencement of edition of Reid Lectures of second session on Logic Place of the lectures as an exposition of the author's philosophical doctrines Their general characteristics and influence Tes- timony of Rev. Dr Cairns Correspondence with M. Cousin Controversy with Town Council about fees and senior class, . . . 183-246 CHAPTER VII. IN THE LOGIC CHAIR : 1839-1844. Work of the class Record of honours Mechanical contrivances in connection with the class Relations with his colleagues Graduation in arts Exa- mination for honours Reid Fund Elected Member of the Institute of France Letters to Lord Melbourne and Lord Advocate Rutherfurd His brother's death Pamphlet on the Disruption controversy Theological in- terest Dr Cairns's reminiscences of intercourse with Sir William Corre- spondence with Cousin, . . . . . . 247-277 CHAPTER VIII. ILLNESS, AND LAST YEARS OP LIPE ' 1844-1856. Illness Dr Maclagan's notes Effect on his health Mind unimpaired Soli- citude of his friends Conduct under his illness Application for a pension And result Completion of Reid's Works Contemplated Works on Logic and Luther Correspondence with Dr Cairns Domestic life and habits Mr Baynes's reminiscences of conversations Letters to Lieutenant Hamil- ton in India Researches in connection with Luther The ' Discussions ' Letters relative to them Tests in the Scottish universities Visits of strangers Editing of Stewart's Works Letters from home Last illness General remarks, . . . 278-374 CONCLUDING CHAPTER. READING, COMMONPLACE-BOOK, AND LIBRARY. Importance attached to reading by Hamilton Reading and non-reading phi- losophersLeibnitz and Hamilton Relation between his reading and thinking Value of historical knowledge in his time Characteristics of his reading The Large Commonplace- Book Works of reference Bibliogra- phies Formation of library Mechanical skill Sizing Contents of library Acute dicta General remarks Fellowship Bust, . ; . 375-430 CONTENTS. APPENDIX. NOTE A. ON THE REVIEW OF COUSIN, AND ALLEGED CONTRADICTION IN SIR W. HAMILTON'S PHILOSOPHY, ...... 404-420 NOTE B. ON THE INFLUENCE OF SIR W. HAMILTON'S WRITINGS IN AMERICA, . 421-428 NOTE C. SIR W. HAMILTON ON HUME, LEIBNITZ, AND ARISTOTLE, . . 429-448 INDEX, . 419 E K E A T A. Page 91, line 19, for " Dante " read Boccaccio. " 103, 32, for "They" read "The Faculty." 107, ,, 34, after "been" insert "among." ,, 135, ,, 13, after "was," delete comma. ,, 185, ,, 18, after "man," delete comma. 291, note, line 6, for "Thompson," read Thomson. 332, line 32, after "rental" insert colon. X CONTENTS. APPENDIX. NOTE A. ON THE REVIEW OF COUSIN, AND ALLEGED CONTRADICTION IN SIR W. HAMILTON'S PHILOSOPHY, ...... 404-420 NOTE B. ON THE INFLUENCE OF SIR W. HAMILTON'S WRITINGS IN AMERICA, . 421-428 UNIVERSITY ME M IE OF SIR WILLIAM HAMILTON CHAPTER I. EARLY PERIOD BOYHOOD : 1788-1807. BIRTH PARENTAGE GLASGOW OP LAST CENTURY THE COLLEGE THE HAMILTONS OP AIRDRIE DR ROBERT HAMILTON HIS GRANDFATHER, DR THOMAS HAMILTON HIS FATHER, DR WILLIAM HAMILTON HIS MOTHER BOYHOOD AND EARLIEST EDUCATION HIS BROTHER, THOMAS HAMILTON DR DEAN AND SCHOOL AT BROMLEY ENTERS THE COL- LEGE OP GLASGOW DR SOMMERS OF MIDCALDER CHARACTER AT THIS PERIOD NOTICE OP HIS BROTHER PURSUES HIS ART STUDIES AT GLASGOW PROFESSORS OP THE PERIOD LETTERS OP DR SOM- MERS ATTENDS MEDICAL CLASSES TASTE FOR COLLECTING BOOKS GOES TO EDINBURGH TO PURSUE HIS MEDICAL STUDIES LETTERS TO HIS MOTHER. WILLIAM HAMILTON was bom on the 8th of March 1788, in the College of Glasgow. His father was Dr William Hamil- ton, Professor of Anatomy and Botany in the University. Of him we shall presently have occasion to speak at length. His mother was/Elizabeth, daughter of Mr William Stirling, merchant, whose /amily had for several generations been settled in Glasgow, where they occupied an influential position. They traced their descent from the Stirlings of Bankeir and Lettyr, and through them claimed to represent the distinguished house of Cadder, oldest of the name of Stirling. I I A // 2 PARENTAGE GLASGOW. William was the eldest surviving child of his parents, a brother and sister having died in infancy. The only other issue of the marriage was a son, Thomas, afterwards Captain Thomas Hamilton, and well known as the accomplished author of ' Cyril Thornton ' and other works. The name which the subject of our memoir received in baptism, and which he continued to use for some time, was William Stirling. As he grew up, however, he omitted Stir- ling, and continued to the end of his life to write merely " W. Hamilton." In this trifling circumstance there appears something of his characteristic distaste for the superfluous in expression. In the postscript of a letter to his mother from Edinburgh, 8th March 1807, he says: "You need not direct to me by my full names ; you may always omit Stirling. It is nonsense having three long names." The city of young Hamilton's birth, boyhood, and education, had not in 1788 attained to anything like its present magni- tude. Though the tide of its commercial greatness had un- mistakably set in, Glasgow still retained many of the character- istics of an ancient university town. The " tobacco lords," as its first traders of note were called, from the article they im- ported, had no doubt developed a great commerce from 1707 until the breaking-out of the American war. They had amassed large fortunes ; they occupied a marked place in the social life of the city ; and they appeared very conspicuously on the streets in their picturesque costume of scarlet cloak, curled wig, cocked-hat, and gold-headed cane recalling the princely exclusiveness and splendour of the past days of Venice and Genoa.* But the University still held its place as the pecu- liar boast and ornament of the city ; and there subsisted much intercourse and cordiality between the citizens and the pro- fessors of the College, as was shown by their fusion in the social clubs of the period. Wealthy and important as might be many of the newly-risen commercial aristocracy, the historical lustre of the University was still that by which Glasgow was best * See Strang's Clubs of Glasgow, p. 34. THE COLLEGE. 3 and most widely known ; and in spite of a system of profes- sorial patronage, whose commonest results were nepotism and the preference of the obscure local candidate, the names of its past and existing professors especially Carmichael, Hutche- son, Adam Smith, Moore, Black, Eeid, Cullen, Thomas and William Hamilton had made the University respected in Scotland, and not unknown in England and on the continent of Europe. The houses in the Professors' Court, in one of which young Hamilton was born that now marked No. 1 flank the north side of the College, and were built for the most part between 1720 and 1730. To the east of them lay an open space of forty acres, forming the College gardens and grounds, through which the historic Molendinar wended its way. In front is the College itself, commenced in 1632 and completed in 1662 a fine specimen of the modification of classical architecture which prevailed in Scotland at that period, and replete with interesting and inspiring associations. Towards the end of last century it was but partially surrounded by the houses of the city, and to the east commanded views of outlying green fields and rising grounds. The edifice was fresher in appearance, too, than now ; for the eighty years that have since elapsed had not contributed their quota of smoke and atmospheric impurity to dim roof and tower. Its immediate surroundings were also of a different character; the High Street and the adjoining local- ities, less densely peopled than now, were the places of busi- ness, and even of residence, of many of the principal merchants and shopkeepers ; and from the College to the Cross tower the ancient thoroughfare looked quaint and picturesque, with crow- stepped gables abutting on the line of vision, such as may still be seen along the quays of Antwerp and in the streets of Ghent. Among the advantages which the College is said to have possessed in 1794 is that of " local situation, in the neighbour- hood of an industrious city, and at some distance from the capital, by which it is not exposed to the dissipation arising from a number of amusements, nor too remote from the topics 4 THE HAMILTONS OF AIKDR1E. of speculation, suggested by the progress of philosophy and the interesting business of society." * In 1788, and for some years afterwards, Thomas Reid was still alive in a green old age, Professor of Moral Philosophy, though the duties of the Chair were discharged by an assist- ant. Occupying one of the official residences, the figure of the venerable originator of that line of speculation which William Hamilton was destined to take up, recast, and am- plify, was to be met with in the College quadrangle, where his appearance had been a familiar sight for more than a quarter of a century. Dr William Hamilton, the father Professor of Anatomy and Botany was sprung from a good old Scottish stock. He was a cadet of the Hamiltons of Airdrie, near Glasgow ; they again were a branch of the Hamiltons of Preston and Fingal- ton, and the tradition was that since the extinction of the direct male line of that more ancient house they were entitled as its representatives to bear its title and honours. No at- tempt had, however, been made to prove this claim, which was of the less importance as it did not include the lands of Preston, these having been disposed of by their last owner. Meanwhile the embarrassed circumstances of the successive proprietors of Airdrie had compelled them gradually to part with the whole of the estate. The head of the family at the time we speak of was Dr Hamilton's cousin, Eobert Hamilton, who might have been thought likely to restore it to its former position, having realised a considerable fortune as a mer- chant in China. This cousin, however, died unmarried on his way home in 1799, and left the bulk of his means to the University of Glasgow. The traditional connection of the family of Airdrie with that of Preston was destined to influ- * 'Statistical Account of the University of Glasgow,' attributed to Dr Thomas Eeid. "Local situation" is, it is to be feared, not now one of the attractions of the College ; but there is a probability that the plea will be again available through the munificence of the citizens, when, with mingled feelings of complacency and regret, the alumni of the University will abandon local associations for present amenity. THE HAMILTONS OF AIKDRIE. 5 ence the imagination of young William Hamilton ; and it was left to him, as we shall see, to trace the precise descent, and assume the hereditary honours, of the historical house of Preston. The Hamiltons of Airdrie could boast of not undistinguished members. The first of the line, John, second son of Sir Kobert Hamilton of Preston, was slain at Flodden ; the third, Gavin, gallantly espoused the interests of the unfortunate Mary, and was engaged in the capture of the King's party in Stirling (1571). Another Gavin, the fifth of the family, accompanied William Duke of Hamilton, and his kinsman, Sir Thomas Hamilton of Preston, in the disastrous expedition into Eng- land under Charles II. in 1651, and involved his estate by his exertions in the cause of the Covenant and the King. His second son, William, acquired a high reputation among his contemporaries for theological erudition as Professor of Divinity in the University of Edinburgh, and died in the office of Principal of that seat of learning in 1732. His elder son, Eobert, sympathising with his kinsman, Sir Eobert Hamilton of Preston, in his hostility to the religious persecu- tion of the Government, took part in the western rising of 1679, and was made prisoner at Both well Bridge. This Eobert Hamilton was the laird of Airdrie when the extinction of the direct line of the Preston family took place, by the death without issue in 1701 of Sir Eobert Hamilton, the Covenanting leader at Drumclog. Eobert Hamilton had a son named William, who succeeded him in the estate, and was minister of Bothwell. The eldest son of the minister of Bothwell also a Eobert Hamilton studied medicine and graduated M.D. in Glasgow. He rose to be Professor of Anatomy (1742-56), and exchanged this Chair for that of the Practice of Medicine (1757-66). With Dr Eobert Hamilton commenced the connection of the family with the pro- fession of medicine and its close relationship to the University of Glasgow, which subsisted down to the end of the century. The ' Glasgow Journal ' of the 4th May 1747, informs us 6 DR ROBERT HAMILTON. that, " Oil Monday last Dr Eobert Hamilton, Professor of Anatomy and Botany in the University of Glasgow, was married to Miss Molly Baird, a beautiful young lady with a handsome fortune/'* " I lived this winter [1743-44] in Glas- gow," says the Eev. Dr Carlyle in his Autobiography, " in the same house with Dr Eobert Hamilton, Professor of Anatomy, an ingenious and well-bred man ; but with him I had little intercourse, except at breakfast now and then, for he always dined abroad. . . . After Dr Eobert Hamilton's death, which was premature, a younger brother succeeded him in the ana- tomical Chair, who was very able.-)- He dying young also, his son was advanced, who was said to have surpassed all his pre- decessors in ability. They were descended from the family of Hamiltons of Preston, a very ancient branch of Duke Hamil- ton's family." Some unfortunate speculations in which Dr Eobert Hamilton engaged, obliged him to alienate a great part of what still remained of the family estate, and the last fragment of the property was sold during the minority of his eldest son. Dr Thomas Hamilton, the younger brother here referred to, and grandfather of the subject of this memoir (born 1st Octo- ber 1728, died 2d August 1781), held the Chair of Anatomy and Botany, afterwards occupied by his son, from 1757 to 1781. His wife was Isobel, daughter of the Eev. Dr William Anderson, at one time Professor of Church History in the University of Glasgow. She survived her husband, and died in November 1795. The name of Dr Thomas Hamilton is traditionally associated with that of Dr Cullen as one of the founders of the medical school of Glasgow, and one of the great advancers of medical science in Scotland during last century. Joseph Black, and the two Hunters, William and John, were also his intimate * Quoted in ' Notices of the Literary History of Glasgow/ Maitland Club Pub. xiv. p. 9 ; * Old Glasgow and its Environs,' by Senex (Robert Reid). f The younger brother succeeded on the appointment of Dr R. Hamilton to the Chair of Practice of Medicine. DE THOMAS HAMILTON. 7 friends. He was assumed as a partner in practice by Dr John Moore (the father of the distinguished soldier, Sir John Moore), a man of considerable literary and professional distinction in last century, and still known to those interested in literary history as the author of * Zeluco ' and other works. Dr Thomas Hamilton joined to his capacity for his profession certain liberal tastes and accomplishments. We find his name, along with those of Joseph Black, James Moor, Dr Leechman, and others, in the list of members of a literary society that met weekly in connection with the University. His genial nature, vivacity, and genuine humour seem, moreover, to have made him as notable socially as he was dis- tinguished professionally. With the rapid influx of commer- cial prosperity into the city during last century, there arose a fuller tide of social life, which showed itself in the formation of a series of clubs. These clubs, containing generally repre- sentatives both of the College and the commerce of the city, appear to have been instituted with a certain vague purpose of literary cultivation, but in the course of their existence they certainly did much more for the worthy end of good- fellowship than for literature. Dr Thomas Hamilton was a foremost member in succession of two of them the Ander- ston and the Hodge Podge. The former, which was the oldest and the most distinguished of all, originated with no less a person than Eobert Simson, the celebrated Professor of Mathematics, and the restorer of ancient geometry. Simson presided over it until his death in 1758, preserving unimpaired " his ardour in study, his relish for social relaxation, and his amusing singularities of humour."* The Anderston Club met in a hostelry, in what was then a suburban village of that name, every Saturday at two o'clock, when dinner was served. In such a reunion, for Simson was a man of high classical culture, and was nearly as familiar with Greek poetry as with Greek geometry, the banquet of hen broth was no doubt well seasoned with Attic salt. Around the president there * Stewart's Account of Reid, p. 10. 8 DR THOMAS HAMILTON. assembled weekly such accomplished associates as Dr James Moor, the Professor of Greek ; George Kosse, the Professor of Humanity, "a very Cicero in Eoman literature ;" Drs Cullen, Thomas Hamilton, and Adam Smith. There seem to have been no limits to the topics of con- versation and discussion, except the bonds of good-fellowship. The Hodge Podge, which was apparently of a freer and less classical type than the Anderston, was enlivened by the wit and pleasantry of Dr John Moore, then a young man, who, as poet- laureate of the Club, has left us sketches of its character, and a graphic limning of its principal members, among others of Dr Thomas Hamilton as he appeared in hours of social relaxation : " A club of choice fellows each fortnight employ An evening in laughter, good humour, and joy ; Like the national council, they often debate, And settle the army, the navy, and state. In this Club there's a jumble of nonsense and sense, And the name of Hodge Podge they have taken from thence ; If, in jumbling verses, this ditty I frame, Pray be not surprised if a Hodge Podger I am. If you choose to know more of this merry class, Like the kings in Macbeth they shall one by one pass : The man that can't bear with a good-humoured rub, I am sure is not worthy a place in this Club. He who leads up the van is stout Thomas * the tall, Who can make us all laugh, though he laughs at us all ; But entre nous, Tom, you and I, if you please, Must take care not to laugh ourselves out of our fees." Dr William Hamilton was born on the 31st July 1758. He held the Chair of Anatomy and Botany from 1781 to 1790. He died in 1790, before completing his thirty-second year; "his constitution, somewhat enfeebled by early and intense application to study, being worn out with the toil of business and thought in which he was continually engaged." f The * Dr Thomas Hamilton. t See Account of Professor William Hamilton in the ' Transactions of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, 1792,' by Dr Robert Cleghorn of Glasgow. DR WILLIAM HAMILTON. 9 reputation which, at the close of his brief career, Dr Hamilton left behind him, sufficiently shows to what distinction he might have been expected to attain had longer life been granted him. William Hamilton, being but two years old at his father's death, retained only one or two childish recollections of him. We are fortunate, however, in possessing a short sketch by him of his father, drawn apparently from the information of those who had known him, and from a biographical memoir in the ' Transactions of the Eoyal Society of Edinburgh ' for 1792. This fragment was part of a memoir of his brother, which fraternal regard induced him to commence shortly after Captain Hamilton's death, but which was never completed. "His [Captain Thomas Hamilton's] father, William, was Professor of Anatomy and Botany in the University of Glas- gow; who survived the birth of his second son only two months. Though cut off prematurely- 1 almost, indeed, in the outset of his career (he died in his thirty-second year) no one, perhaps, ever departed more respected and beloved. After pursuing his liberal and professional studies in the Universities of Glasgow and Edinburgh, he completed his medical educa- tion in London under the celebrated William Hunter. By this great anatomist he was treated almost with paternal kindness ; was received into his house, and intrusted with the care of the anatomical department of his school but this expressly on the ground of merit ; for after the warmest praises of his head and heart, he assures his father that ( he has profited more for the time than any young man I ever knew/ With an ardent love of his profession, distinguished talents, an appearance and manners the most engaging, and supported by the Hunters and others of the highest medical influence in the metropolis, his ultimate success in London, the great field of professional ambition, seemed almost assured. But though London remained always the ulterior goal, he was induced to establish his repu- tation and commence his professional career in Glasgow, where his connections promised him a more immediate introduction to practice ; and, in his twenty-third year, he was nominated 10 DR WILLIAM HAMILTON. by the Crown to the Chair of Anatomy as his father's suc- cessor William Hunter, who was consulted on the occasion, declaring to the Chancellor that ' it was the interest of Glasgow to give him, rather than his to solicit, the appointment/ Here his success was decided and immediate, both as professor and as practitioner. The medical, and, in particular, the anatomi- cal, school of the University continued steadily to increase ; and such, notwithstanding his youth, was the general confi- dence placed in his prudence and skill that, though he died at a period of life when few, even the most successful, are beyond the first steps of their ascent to medical practice, he had already for years stood at the head of his profession. As an author, besides some occasional papers of great merit, he pub- lished nothing, having occupied himself in preparing the ma- terials for those systematic works he had in view." Dr Hamilton's early and strong predilection for the study of anatomy had been for some not obvious reason discouraged by his father. The enthusiasm of the youth was not, however, to be checked, and he seems to itave given himself to the study with an all-absorbing devotion. Dr William Hunter, writing of him in 1778, said, "Of all the young men I have ever known, he appears to me to be one of the most promising, cheerful, amiable, modest, ingenious, and keen and persever- ing in the pursuit of knowledge." All the notices which refer to him point him out as a' man who inspired strong affection by his singularly pure, warm, and generous nature, as well as admiration for his remarkable professional skill. A sagacious and most accurate observer, particularly noted for the calmness and skill of his surgical operations ; with an ex- treme sensibility to suffering, which manifested itself in his countenance, and the sympathy and tenderness of his manner towards his patients, he was drawn to his profession both by a scientific and a human interest. A regular and temperate life enabled him to indulge a marked taste for general knowledge, to which he usually allotted some hours of each day. In the father of the author of ' Cyril Thornton/ we should not omit DE WILLIAM HAMILTON. to notice that he had inherited no small share of the of " stout Thomas the tall," a humour so quick and kindly as to present to him only the grotesque side of the small, though often irritating, disagreeables of life, and thus turn them into sources of pleasantry for himself and his friends. The pre- mature death of one who had united so many of the best qual- ities of head and heart was naturally deeply lamented in the city. When his funeral passed along, many among the crowd, as was noted by an eyewitness, were observed to shed tears. " As a lecturer," says Dr Cleghorn, " Dr Hamilton was re- markably free from pomp and affectation. His language was simple and perspicuous, but so artless that it appeared flat to those who place the beauty of language in the intricacy of man- agement, or the abundance of figures. His manner of speaking corresponded with his style, and was such as might appear uninteresting to those who think it impossible to be eloquent without violent gestures and frequent variations of tone. He used merely the tone of ordinary conversation, as his preceptor, Dr Hunter, did before him, aiming at perspicuity only, and trusting for attention to the importance of the subjects he treated. These he selected with great judgment. Holding in contempt all hypotheses unsupported by fact, and inapplicable to the improvement of practice omitting or passing slightly over facts remarkable for curiosity more than utility he demonstrated with great distinctness and precision those parts which it is necessary to know accurately ; accompanying his demonstrations with specimens of morbid parts, and with every remark, physiological and practical, which he was able to collect from extensive reading, and careful reflection on his own part." * Dr Hamilton was buried in the cathedral of his native city, where there is a monument to his memory. The epitaph fittingly closes with the words : Heu ! tales terris quod monstrant fata, nee ultra esse sinunt.f * Account, p. 28, 29. f Altered from Virgil, .En. vi. 869. 12 HIS MOTHER MRS HAMILTON. William Hamilton was thus, by His birth and immediate descent, closely connected with the life and habits of a Scot- tish university, and with the profession of medicine, circum- stances which naturally affected the tenor of his subsequent life and studies. Having lost his father when he himself was scarcely two years old, the charge of his education devolved en- tirely on his mother. His father left no near relations, but the boy grew up among a large circle of connections on the mother's side, with most of whom he remained intimate during life. Mrs Hamilton was of a family noted for good looks, and her own appearance was handsome and striking. In figure she was stately, with fine eyes, though her face was somewhat spoiled by traces of smallpox. As is not unfrequently the case with distinguished sons, William resem- bled his mother in appearance, and probably, also, in cer- tain mental peculiarities. She was a woman of considerable strength of character, well read, and of cultivated mind, but with more natural ability than careful early education. She was warmly affectionate, very much attached to her children, and solicitous, even to an extreme, about their education, health, and general welfare. There was withal, in her strong, kindly, even indulgent nature, a degree of severity that occa- sionally amounted to harshness. The attachment between her eldest son and herself was exceedingly deep, and no son could cherish greater regard or a more loyal affection for a mother than he did through life. As a child, William took great delight in the natural and graphic picturing of the ' Pilgrim's Progress/ and in the scenes of the Apocalypse the two books which, above all others, had a charrn for him. He read the ' Pilgrim's Progress ' in an old copy, with illustrations of what would now be called a sen- sational type. This childish predilection has some interest as indicating a taste for the marvellous and highly coloured in romance which remained with him through life. In subsequent years he would find relaxation from the severity of abstract EARLY BOYHOOD AND EDUCATION. 13 thought in the ' Arabian Nights/ and would readily abandon' a schoolman for Mrs Kadcliffe, and the hard dry precision of the ' Organon' for the weird story of 'Frankenstein/ At a somewhat later period of his childhood he is known to have read with lively interest the ' Ancient History ' of Kollin, and the ' Natural History ' of Buffon. The reminiscences of his early boyhood are few, and not in any way singular. There was, apparently, no remarkable in- tellectual precocity about him; a young lad, with an overflow- ing, healthy boyishness, loving pets of all kinds dogs, birds, &c. intensely; fond of active outdoor sports; given decidedly to practical jokes and fun; and remembered chiefly by a cousin who, as a girl, was one of the circle of his early associates for the kindness, protection, and generosity which the strong bold boy used to extend to the little and weak ones among his companions. A youth, in fine, with an untold and ever-increasing amount of vital force about him, which had not yet found a precise outlet, and which its pos- sessor did not very well know how to relieve himself of, a very difficult fellow for elderly ladies to manage, as his aunts discovered when he and his brother were occasionally left in their charge. His mother usually at this time divided the year between the country and the town, and his earlier education was thus partly private and partly public. " In the summer," to use Sir William's own words in the notes for a memoir of his brother, "he [Thomas] and his brother [himself], after they had outgrown the control of female discipline, were placed under a domestic tutor. In the winter they also attended the Glasgow public schools/' The elder brother appears about this time to have been at school, under Mr Angus, a well-known teacher of English, in Glasgow. In 1797 he entered the Grammar-school, joining the fourth or lowest class under Mr James Gibson, whose duty it was, according to the arrangements of the period, to carry his pupils through a four years' course of classical study. 14 AT SCHOOL IN ENGLAND. The dux of the class in the years 1797 and 1798 was James Watson, afterwards Doctor of Medicine, who still survives. In 1799 and 1800 the dux was Hugh Stewart. The younger brother entered the Grammar-school in his ninth year, and joined the class of the Rev. Daniel Macarthur. William must have made at an early age respectable progress in his classical studies, as he attended the junior Latin and Greek classes of the University when only twelve years old (1800). In October 1801 both brothers were removed to school in England William being in his thirteenth, and Thomas in his eleventh year. They were first of all placed in a school at Chiswick, kept by the Eev. Dr Home, a man of some re- putation. Here, however, they remained only till the Christ- mas vacation, after which Thomas was placed at the school of the Rev. Dr Scott of Hounslow, while William was re- moved to the school of the Rev. Dr Dean at Bromley. Dr Scott's reputation, more especially as a classical scholar and disciplinarian, was deservedly high. At Hounslow Thomas continued for three years ; and " here obtaining what in his earlier career he mainly stood in need of a firm, steady, and unavoidable control he made rapid progress in all his studies, particularly in languages."* William, the gownsman of twelve, as he himself used laughingly to relate in after years, felt not unnaturally con- siderable disappointment and indignation at being removed from college and sent back to school. But maternal authority was judicious and inexorable, and there was nothing for it but submission. He remained under the care of Dr Dean at Bromley from Christmas 1801 to Midsummer 1803, when he returned to Scotland, much more capable, no doubt, both from age and attainments, of entering with profit on his uni- versity course than when he left home. Only two of his letters written from Bromley have been preserved. From these w gather that Dr Dean's pupil did not greatly like the school-life there, and was not very well * MS: notice of Captain Hamilton by Sir "William. LETTER FROM BROMLEY. 15 pleased to stay in England. The cause of these feelings was probably in a great measure home-sickness. He writes a great many letters to his friends, recurs fondly to his pet dogs, Cato and Fanny, and is far from being satisfied with Dr Dean's habit of reading the letters he received. The follow- ing affords us a glimpse of his school-life at Bromley. In it we have an indication of a constitutional shyness, and shrink- ing from public appearances, which remained with him more or less through life : BROMLEY, 18th November 1802. DEAR MOTHER, I hope that you have got my last letter. Public night will be in about a month hence. I intend to ask Mr Dean not to insist on my speaking, as I hate and execrate it. I hope you will let me have the allowance, for I can buy all my own things very well. I hope everybody and everything is well with you. I don't know how it is, but I like to write letters to you. I have written in [all] about ten letters to know if Cato received the collar which I sent to him. Tell me if you have had much fruit in the orchard of Bindmuir. I intend to write this the longest letter I ever wrote. Give my love to Andrew Stirling and everybody else. I hope Andrew Buchanan is well. I am very anxious to know where I am to stay this Christmas holidays, but pray don't speak about this on any .'."*. I hate England worse and . . . [part torn off]. I have not heard anything from Tom. Will you write me once a-week, and I will be much obliged to you 1 I want a box to put things in, and I have a cargo of books which will be spoiled in my desk, as I don't use them ; therefore, dear mother, if you would have the goodness to let me have one it would not cost more than half a guinea ; and you also promised me one before you left London, if you remember right. When will you send me Burns's book ? . . . I am, dear mother, your affectionate son, W. HAMILTON. The tone of dissatisfaction with Bromley, apparent in his letters, brought down on the writer a sharp rebuke from his mother. We find her writing to him, on the 22d January 1803, in these terms : " I hope to have the satisfaction to hear that you will attend to all that I have said in my late letters, that you will weigh its import- 16 DR, SOMMERS -t>F MIDC ALDER. ance, and that you will strive more than ever to do your duty, and submit cheerfully to what I require. Do this heartily and cordially, and I shall then perhaps think of seeing you soon in the spring." At Midsummer 1803 he left Bromley and returned to Scot- land, with the view of entering the University of Glasgow. The period that intervened before the opening of the College session was spent at the manse of Midcalder, a secluded spot near the foot of the Pentland Hills, about twelve miles from Edinburgh. Here he resided under the care of the esteemed minister of the parish, the Eev. John, afterwards Dr, Sommers. During this and the two following summers the period of the College vacation he, along with his brother, some of his cousins, and other boys, enjoyed the advantage of the minister's guidance and superintendence in their studies. Dr Sommers was a man of very considerable accomplishments, and of excellent sense and tact in dealing with boys. To his instructions, and the pervading spirit of the quiet country manse, the two youths owed much, both in the way of education and in the general growth of character. To the worthy clergyman " they," says Sir William, speak- ing of himself and his brother " (in common with his other pupils) remained in after life ever warmly and gratefully attached."* The two brothers who were thus placed together in the quiet seclusion of a Scottish manse were contrasted both in appear- ance and character. The elder, though he had not yet reached his full development, was powerful in frame, while the younger, who grew up an exceedingly handsome man, was of lighter and more graceful make, and rather stooping in figure. The elder, whose character was naturally more fully formed, had greater strength of resolution than his brother, and a certain under- current of sedateness. The younger brother was of a highly volatile temperament, and abounded in fun and mischief. William, however, was not without his dash of genuine boy- ishness. He is remembered by some who knew him at the * MS. notice of Captain T. Hamilton by Sir \V. Hamilton. LIFE AT MIDCALDEft. 17 manse "as a wild boy and fond of sport" quick-tempered, yet warmly affectionate. His spirits were extremely buoyant his love of outdoor pastimes unbounded ; and speedily the lead among the boys of the manse was spontaneously and cheerfully accorded to him, on account of the generous in- spiration which he threw into all the sports of the place, as well as of his indisputable superiority in all feats of physical strength and dexterity whether running, leaping, swimming in the Calder, or daringly diving into the linn pool of a wood- land burn, " the glory of headers." " If touched by him, The inglorious football mounted to the pitch Of the lark's flight, or shaped a rainbow curve, Aloft, in prospect of the shouting field." His interest in the manse and its inmates continued after he ceased to be under Dr Sommers's care. While in Edinburgh in 1806-7 he made frequent runs out to Midcalder, and he gen- erally spent part of the long vacation there during the Oxford period of his life. He was* cherished in the memory of the boys as the soul of the athletic Sports of the place, and his arrival was always hailed with the greatest enthusiasm. In particular his feats of bodily strength excited the wondering admiration of the inmates of the manse. One of them relates that Hamilton has taken him upon his right hand, and allowed him to stand upon it as he held it out. Another of them remembers the kindly interest which the Oxonian took in the younger boys and their concerns. His sonorous reading of Homer, on one occasion, entranced a little fellow who knew no Greek. Ob- serving the attention and eagerness of the youngster, who sat spellbound by his side, Hamilton took the trouble to teach him to repeat four or five of the odes of Anacreon. The following is his first letter from Midcalder to his mother : MIDCALDER, 1803. DEAR MOTHER, . . . Mother, you have lost your wager, for I asked Mr Sommers and Mr Cruickshanks both, who both wore 18 NOTICE OF HIS BROTHER. astonished at me asking such a question, as any child of ten years old knows that the sun is nearer us in winter than in summer ; but to convince you still more, I, when I was looking over a French geography, saw this, which I shall copy to you : " En hiver le soleil est plus pres de nous qu'en e"te" de plus d'une million de lieues ;" which, for your information for perhaps you have forgot your French is this, " In winter the sun is nearer to us than in sum- mer "by more than a million of leagues." So, if you please, you may enclose the half-crown with the rest in my box, remembering to pay the carriage, for I am growing poorer, having only lls. I had forgot I wrote Tom with the letter before the last. ... Your affectionate son, W. S. HAMILTON. After spending the latter portion of the summer at Mid- calder, William," along with his brother, entered the Univer- sity of Glasgow in session 1803-4. The younger brother attended as a regular student the Arts classes for three winters. "In his academical career," to borrow the words of the MS. notice already referred to, " he was more remarkable for ability than application, and the honours he carried off were in general those won by vigorous rather than continued effort. In the ' Blackstone examination ' of his first year he distinguished himself by giving up an un- precedented complement of Latin authors, trusting, it must be confessed, to his general command of the language to carry him over more than one which he had never read. His powder of Latin composition, both in verse and prose, which he owed in part to his English education, enabled him to obtain some easy triumphs in the language classes; in that^of logic, the excellence and irregularity of his English essays obtained for him both the praise and the reprobation of the venerable professor. At this period he and another able and somewhat idle student were drawn together by a secret affinity of genius, and became inseparable companions. Their different destinations soon divided them, and they hardly ever met again in after life. This was Michael Scott, the author of ' Tom Cringle's Log/ &c." The inclination of the younger brother was towards the AT GLASGOW COLLEGE. 19 army as a profession ; but this was opposed by his mother. He accordingly entered a mercantile house, first in Glasgow, and then in one of its branches in Liverpool. But for com- mercial life he had no taste or aptitude; and after a short trial of it, he was at length allowed to follow the bent of his inclina- tion and enter the army. In 1810 he obtained, by purchase, a commission in the 29th Eegiment, and had hardly joined when it was ordered out to Portugal, where he was immedi- ately engaged in active service. In the battle of Albuera in the following May, the most sanguinary engagement which occurred during the war, the 29th was the leading regiment, and suffered in proportion. In this action a musket-bullet passed through his thigh, and for a time his life was in serious danger.* After being a second time in the Peninsula, and also, on occasion of the war with the North American States, in Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, his regiment was sent to France as part of the army of occupation. About 1818 he retired on half-pay, after which he lived chiefly in or near Edinburgh, and devoted himself to literature. The elder brother having, before his removal to school in England, attended the junior Latin and Greek classes at the University, now, as a second-year student, joined the senior classes in those departments, and also the classes of Logic and Moral Philosophy. The Faculty of Arts in Glasgow at this period possessed several distinguished names. The Latin Chair was filled by Professor Eichardson, whose predilection, how- ever, was more towards polite letters than accurate scholar- ship. According to Captain Hamilton, speaking from his own early impressions in 'Cyril Thornton/ " Eichardson's mind was thoroughly imbued with the beauties of Eoman literature, and he was happy in the mode of communicating his instructions. ... In the ' Characters of Shake- speare's Plays' he has left behind him a work which may serve as a model of elegant and philosophical criticism, and which, notwithstanding all that has since been written on the * Sir W. Hamilton's notes. 20 PROFESSORS OF THE PERIOD. subject, still maintains its place in our literature."* The Greek Chair was occupied by John Young, a man of fine taste and ardent genius, in whom a verse or phrase of a Greek poet would suddenly enkindle a flame of enthusiastic eloquence. The younger of the two brothers appears to have been won- derfully impressed by the powers of the Greek Professor. Kef erring to his early enthusiasm ^for Young, he says : "He it was who made the strongest and most vivid impression on my youthful mind, and it is his image which is still imprinted there the most deeply and inefifaceably. That he was a pro- found and elegant scholar, I believe, has never been denied. No master ever ruled with more despotic sway the minds of his pupils. None ever possessed the art of communicating his knowledge so beautifully and gracefully, of transferring the glowing enthusiasm of his own mind into that of his audience. . . . Nothing could be more captivating than the eloquence with which he treated of the liberty, the litera- ture, and the glory of ancient Greece, while tears of enthu- siasm rolled down his cheeks. He was naturally a great and effective orator ; and had his powers been called into action in a different field, he might have added something to our scanty and imperfect records of national eloquence. It has always seemed to me that his mind bore some resemblance to that of Burke. . . . Like Burke, he felt all the influence of the spells he cast on others, and his own heart trembled at the images of dread or beauty which he conjured up from the depth of his imagination.'^ That the elder brother caught some- thing of Young's spirit, and imbibed from him a taste for the study of the Greek language and literature, we may infer from what he says in his letters from Oxford. J The Chair of Logic was occupied by George Jardine, whose teaching, though not dealing much with the proper questions of philosophy, was well * Cyril Thornton, vol. i. chap. vii. t Ibid. J The epitaph on the monument to Professor Young in the Cathedral of Glasgow was, at the request of his family and friends, composed by Sir William Hamilton, in 1824. *, AT MIDCALDER. 21 fitted to awaken and discipline the powers of young minds, and afford general education and culture. Professor Jardine's careful practical training, especially in the composition of essays and exercises, gave a distinctive character and reputa- tion to the Logic Chair in Glasgow for more than a quarter of a century. Hamilton always referred to Professor Jardine with respect, and acknowledged with gratitude the benefit he had derived from his instructions. When he himself was appointed to the Chair of Logic in Edinburgh, his early class arrangements were, to some extent, professedly modelled on those of his former teacher.* In the Chair of Moral Philo- sophy, vacated by Eeid in 1796, James Mylne discoursed with clearness and force of a sensational philosophy and an utilitarian ethic. Mylne was an able expounder of the doc- trines he taught, and by him Hamilton was first introduced to the theories of Condillac and De Tracy. In the classes of Logic and Moral Philosophy Hamilton was greatly distinguished, having in each carried off the highest honour of the year, which was then, as now, awarded by the votes of the members of the class. In the summer of 1804, after leaving College, we find him, as usual, residing at Midcalder. In the following letter of Dr Sommers to his mother, we have a glimpse of the character of the young student, and of the nature and order of the studies which he pursued in the holidays. These seem to have been chiefly supplementary to the work at College: MIDCALDER, 21st May 1804. DEAR MADAM, . . . As he [Andrew Stirling] is further advanced in figures than William, I am persuaded that it will be a material- advantage to make him exert himself to get up with him ; and William has no small share of emulation about him, although I have not yet been able to make him give his whole mind to this study. In his other studies he seems to have much more pleasure. Andrew and he are, for some time at least, to go on together accord- * See Lectures, vol. i. p. 389. 22 STUDIES AT MIDCALDER. ing to the following arrangement. From 7 to 9 in the morning they are to read history; from 10 to 11 translate English into French ; from 1 1 to 1 write English exercises, and improve them- selves in adding and multiplying with facility and exactness ; and from 6 till near 8 in the evening they are to be employed with Mr Cruickshanks in arithmetic, till such time as he thinks they are sufficiently qualified for bookkeeping. There is one thing I have had occasion to speak about more than once, and that is their extravagance in clothes and needless absurd expenses. You may therefore, if you think proper, say that no- thing of that kind will be attended to without my approbation and consent. They have forgot their French very much, and we have been revising it. William, I see, is very anxious to become his own master, which has rendered it necessary for me to be excessively pointed and strict in everything I require of them all. He, in particular, is very much inclined to be idle, although more studious than at first. I have no doubt whatever that in a short time I shall have no reason for complaint on that head. . . . I remain, most respectfully, dear madam, your most obedient servant, J. SOMMERS. Dr Sommers has recorded his final impressions of his young charge in the following letter, written in 1820, on occasion of Sir William's unsuccessful candidature for the Moral Philo- sophy Chair in the University of Edinburgh : / " For some time during the early part of his life I was in- trusted with the superintendence of his education, both before and after he commenced his academical career in the Univer- sity of Glasgow ; and it was during the time of his residence with me that he began his first essays on subjects of philosophy, in which, even at that early period, I could not fail to discover striking marks of an acute and vigorous understanding. My expectation of his rising to future distinction in literary attain- ments was fully realised ; and during the progress of his studies at the University, his efforts were frequently rewarded by his obtaining the first prizes in the philosophical classes at Glas- gow. From my intimate knowledge of Sir William's studies COMMENCES THE STUDY OF MEDICINE. 23 at that period, as well as from my subsequently having had the best opportunities of attending to his progress in literary pursuits, it is doing him no more than justice to say, that I consider his talents and attainments to be of the highest order ; and that for perseverance and depth of research into any sub- ject that has occupied his mind, as well as for ingenuity of conception, I have perhaps never met with any one that equalled, and certainly have never known any one that ex- celled, him. . . ' '* ; "Kespecting his moral and religious conduct, so far as I know, it has uniformly been such, even from his earliest years, as would do honour to the purest heart, and such as the most scrupulous could not fail to approve." In the winter of 1804-5 he again attended College. He appears now to have commenced a course of medical study ; for to the profession of medicine he was probably destined by his friends, and to it he was himself obviously disposed. The taste, however, for philosophical studies, which was partially awakened at Glasgow, and afterwards greatly quickened at Oxford, finally prevailed over his medical predilections. During the session, besides studying mathematics under James Millar, he attended the class of chemistry under Dr Cleghorn, and set about experimenting for himself. In the summer of 1805 he commenced the study of botany and anatomy, attend- ing the class of Botany. Part of this summer was spent at Midcalder. In 1805-6 he again attended College in Glasgow, continuing his medical studies, and attending, besides, the classes of Natural Philosophy and Chemistry. In the summer of 1806 we find him studying at the Infirmary, and attending the class of Botany. In 1804 we have the earliest indications of a taste for collecting books, which gained strength with his years, and issued in the bringing together of one of the most valu- able and carefully selected private philosophical libraries in Britain. The books at first purchased by him were neces- ^! TASTE FOR COLLECTING BOOKS. sarily a good deal connected with his medical studies. We find at the same time, however, the names of volumes of a more general interest, both philosophical and classical. As throwing light on his early tastes and studies, we give the names of the principal works purchased at this period. In 1804 we find the following : Quintilian's Institutes, Stew- art's Outlines of Moral Philosophy, the Encyclopaedia Britan- nica, Monro on the Bones. In 1805 the taste and expenditure increase. We find him now possessing himself of Carn- wath's Memoirs, Buchanan's History, Irish Heraldry, "Udal's History of Mary of Scotland, Bacon's Novum Organum, Spot- tiswood's History, Millar on Fluxions, Euripides, Prints of Trajan's Pillar, Moore's Greek Grammar, Bergman's Chem- ical Essays, Haller's Physiology, Tourneroy's Chemistry, 3)uncan's Medical Cases and Lectures, Williams's Eeports, Coke on Lyttleton, Lee's Botany, &c. In 1806 we find Plutarch's Lives, Aristophanes, Harrington's Works, Whar- ton's Works, Machiavelli's Works, Macpherson's Introduction to Scotland, Euddiman's Grammar, Livy, Tacitus, &c. In the purchases of those years are to be included a set of mathe- matical instruments, a botanical case, an electric machine, and chemical apparatus and materials. The winter of 1800-7 was spent in Edinburgh, and devoted to the study of medicine. The following letters give an ac- count of his habits and occupations at this period : EDINBURGH, Saturday night [November 1806]. MY DEAR MOTHER, . . . After walking out to Midcalder, I stayed there till Monday night, when I came in to attend the classes next day. I spent my time very happily .there, and, among other things, employed myself once a- day in swimming in the river. I have advised all the boys to continue the practice every day during the whole year. I, am convinced if people plunged once a-day into the cold bath, colds and consumptions, and all other complaints of that nature, would be rarce aves in terris. It is impossible to ex- press the pleasure it gives you after coming out of the water; you feel a glow of heat warming you to the very bones, which is evinced by smoke and vapour arising from the surface of the body. It is LETTERS FROM EDINBURGH. 25 . best to ' stay very short in the water. If I was not so completely engaged in the forenoon, or ,if .there were any water near me in Edinburgh, I should assuredly bathe every day, good, bad, or in- different. Mr Bell and some of the boys of Midcalder are fully convinced of the utility of the custom, and are determined to per- severe. The minister, too, was threatening to begin. I wholly forgot to remind you in my last letter of the care your duty calls on you to bestow on Vindex ; dumb animals are not able to express their wants, and should therefore be more carefully attended to than human animals. I am afraid the sheet won't hold all I have to say, or I should give you a long string of advices on this subject. . . . N/I have been buying a good number of books, but chiefly the books I am immediately needing. From nine in the morning till three in the afternoon I have not a single moment to spare out of one class into another. I keep a regular account of my expenses. I am hesitating whether to enter a member of the Eoyal Medical Society this year or not. I won't, I believe. They have a most elegant building belonging to it. I wish you would write me soon. I suppose you have been busy moving from your house. Send me my skates by the first opportunity. I am, dear mother, your affectionate son, W. S. HAMILTON. [EDINBURGH,] BANK STREET, Saturday [November 1806]. MY DEAR MOTHER, I don't wish to be introduced to any more people this winter. I shall be pestered to death with invitations, &c., which cannot be done without loss of time. . . . The books necessary for my studies cost me some money; for example, Fyfe's Compend of Anatomy, being a complete set of anatomical plates, cost me five guineas ; and even here I save two guineas by taking a plain copy and colouring it myself the price of the coloured copy being <7, 7s. You may depend on it I will be as little expense as possible. ... I wish you would give me a genteeler appellation on the back of your next letter. . . . I shall now bid you farewell. Your affectionate son, "W. S. HAMILTON, Esq. Eemember that. EDINBURGH, Friday \2Qth December 1806]. MY DEAR MOTHER, ... I have had nothing to say to you this week past, and have been so busy that I have not been in 26 LETTERS FROM EDINBURGH. bed before two or half-past it for these six weeks, and am up every morning by a quarter-past eight. . . . I am, &c., WM. STIRLING HAMILTON. EDINBURGH, S^lnday [26th January 1807]. MY DEAR MOTHER, I yesterday received the parcel and letter, and was very sorry to see Tom had had cynanche maligna so ill, though I very much doubt but it was cynanche tonsillaris, or com- mon sore-throat, in which there is no danger, though some pain. The grounds on which my opinion rests are: 1st, That as he com- plained of much pain attending it, it looks like cynanche tonsillaris, or common swelled throat, in which there is no danger whatever; 2d, As from the frequent attacks he formerly had of this common swelled tonsils, he has induced a diathesis or proneness to repeated attacks of the same complaint. On these grounds there is some reason to think that his complaint was mistaken from not knowing his constitutional diathesis. However, so be it he has recovered, they may have it any way they like. Thank you for your lecture on books in your last j however, to ease your mind I must tell you that my purchases are chiefly con- fined to medical and classical books which I immediately want. I have bought most of them at a third or half of their shop price. . . . Remember me to all my friends in Glasgow, and my love to Christy.* W. H. EDINBURGH, Thursday [January 1807]. DEAR MOTHER, ... I do not know whether it was by intention or neglect you directed to me without any adjunct either before or after my name. You'll please to remember, that if you don't give me all my dignities, I shall direct my next letter to you, Elizabeth Hamilton, without any ceremony. With love to all my friends, W. HAMILTON. EDINBURGH, Tuesday [April 1807]. MY DEAREST MOTHER, I just now received your letter, and lose no time in answering it. I ain much obliged to you for being so gentle with me, as I had just summoned up all my resolution to bear a hearty scold, which would have been the more ungrateful as I had given you some cause for it. I indeed confess that I find I have spent more money than I should, and would have been very Miss Mackay, a cousin who lived for many years with his mother. LETTERS FROM EDINBURGH. 27 sorry to have laid out so much money on any frivolous or unneces- sary articles; but the money has only changed its shape. What was a little ago bank-notes, is now metamorphosed into the more respect- able appearance of rare and cheap books ; and from the monotonous repetitions, "The Bank of Scot, promise to pay to the bearer on demand," &c., they have now suffered the glorious metamorphosis of being converted into historians, and philosophers, and poets, and orators, and, though last not least, into physicians. If I am able I shall be very willing to give you any money I can save when I am at Oxford. I saw Mrs Grey to-day, and am going to-morrow with her to the Abbey (not for debt), and afterwards will dine at her house. Hoping to see you soon, I remain, dear mother, &c. "W. HAMILTON. These letters, and others which will follow, in themselves of no great importance, have an interest as throwing light on the relation that subsisted between Hamilton and his mother. Though never wanting in filial respect and affection, he writes to her with the familiarity of an equal in point of years, with- out reserve, and often strongly. Down to this time, indeed, there was no one but herself with whom he was on terms of confiding friendship ; and though others were subsequently admitted to a share of his affections, his mother to the last re- tained the hold which she had acquired over him. She seems, moreover, early to have discerned in him indications of those qualities of mind which became afterwards so remarkable, and to have resolved to give him every advantage of educa- tion which lay within her power. This explains the solicitude which, it would appear, she felt that he should go to Oxford a solicitude by no means shared by some of the members of her family, who saw in young Hamilton a lad of no very extraordinary abilities, and who, we may add, conceived that the training of an English university could be of little use to one destined, as he then was, to the profession of medicine. CHAPTER II. OXFORD PERIOD: 1807-1811. GOES TO OXFORD AS SNELL EXHIBITIONER LETTERS TO HIS MOTHER OXFORD FRIENDS AND ASSOCIATES ALEXANDER SCOTT JOHN GIBSON LOCKHART LETTERS OF LOCKHART ABOUT HAMILTON IMPRESSIONS HE MADE AT OXFORD MR CHRISTIE'S REMINISCENCES MR TRAILL'S REMINISCENCES CATCHES THE TUTOR EAVESDROP- PING THE MULBERRY -TREE EXPLOIT HIS OXFORD LIFE AND STUDIES WHAT INFLUENCE THE PLACE HAD UPON HIM THE LIST OF BOOKS GIVEN UP BY HIM FOR THE FINAL EXAMINATION CHAR- ACTER OF HIS EXAMINATION AS GIVEN BY DR JENKYNS, MR VILLERS, REV. ALEXANDER NICOLL HIS OWN REFERENCE TO IT. IN May 1807 Mr Hamilton left Scotland for Oxford, and entered on residence at Balliol College. His distinguished career at the University of Glasgow had secured for him one of the Snell Exhibitions. These Exhibitions, which have served to bring the University of Glasgow into pecu- liarly closo relationship with that of Oxford, were founded in 1677 by John Snell of Uffeton, in Warwickshire, a native of Scotland, and formerly a student in Glasgow. Mr Snell devised to trustees a considerable estate in England for edu- cating Scottish students at Oxford. This provision has enabled many of the most distinguished students of the University of Glasgow to add to the training of their native school the advantages of an Oxford education. The list of Snell Exhibi- tioners in the last and present centuries embraces many names of distinction, but none that can be placed alongside of William Hamilton, saving only that of Adam Smith. I LETTERS FROM OXFORD. 29 From the time of his entrance at Balliol, Hamilton con- tinued his academical studies without interruption, until he completed the requisite numher of terms. He took the Bachelor of Arts degree in November 1810. During the period of his Oxford course he usually spent the long vacation in Scot- land. In the summer of 1809 he was for some time in Wales, at Aberystwith, along with his mother and brother. While here he was studying Aristotle, and was in the habit of carry- ing one of the large folio volumes of Duval's edition to the top of a neighbouring eminence, where he read, and enjoyed the sea-breezes. The sight of the tomes in later years always recalled the memories of this pleasant time to his mind. He remained at Oxford during the whole winter of 1809, and the summer and autumn of 1810, reading with much assiduity, in view of the final examination for the degree, in which he acquitted himself with almost unparalleled distinc- tion. Of his life at Oxford, the subjects of his studies, and his academical habits, we have some glimpses in his letters from that place to his mother. We learn further particulars on these points, and also the singular impression which he made, both by his public career and his private character and habits, during his residence at Balliol, from the reminiscences of a few men who either were his contemporaries, or went to Oxford shortly after he had left the University. The following letters, and extracts from letters, relating to this period, will be read with some interest : BALL. COLL. OXON., Wednesday, IBth May 1807. MY DEAR MOTHER, You need put yourself in no anxiety about my health, as I was never better in my life, and could not have worn my greatcoat though I had brought it with me in the coach. I like Oxford very well, and find all my lectures very easy to prepare, thanks to my studying Greek so hard in Scotland for these three years. When I came here first I called on my friends the M'Cauls, and next day was introduced to a tutor, who carried me to the Master of this College ; and after reading a number of regulations, and pro rnising to accede to them, I was admitted a member of Ball. Coll. 30 LETTERS FROM OXFORD. I was then taken to the Vice-Chancellor's, where I entered my name, and subscribed the Thirty-nine Articles. I also got a cap and gown. No boots are allowed to be worn here, or trousers or pantaloons. In the morning we wear white cotton stockings, and before dinner regularly dress in silk stockings, &c. After dinner we go to one another's rooms and drink some wine, then go to chapel at half- past five, and walk, or sail on the river, after that. In the morning we go to chapel at seven o'clock, breakfast at nine, fag all the fore- noon, and dine at half-past three. There are a great many curious customs which, as they take up time in writing, I shall defer telling of till I see you in Scotland. I remain, dear mother, &c. "W. S. HAMILTON. [OXFORD,] 5th Nov. [1807]. MY DEAREST MOTHER, I just now received your letter, which I have been expecting for a fortnight, and was beginning to grow uneasy lest something had prevented you writing me. I could not but smile at your idle apprehensions, and assure you they are without the smallest foundation. I was never better in my life. ... If you have got a letter for Sir Christopher Pegge* send it off immedi- ately, as I want it before the llth of this month. I will write my aunt as soon as I can command time it is not for want of inclina- tion. I have nothing new to tell you of. I am going to attend Sir Christopher Pegge. . . . Give my love to all my friends you see. Tell me soon if you are going west. . . . God bless you. I am, your affectionate son, W. HAMILTON. + OXFORD, Sunday, 15th Nov. [1807]. MY DEAR MOTHER, ... It [introduction to Sir C. Pegge] was too late for the purpose, as I have introduced myself to him as a medical student, and he was very civil. ... I am so plagued by these foolish lectures of the College tutors that I have little time to do anything else Aristotle to-day, ditto to-morrow ; and I believe that if the ideas furnished by Aristotle to these numbskulls were taken away, it would be doubtful whether there remained a single notion. I am quite tired of such uniformity of study. Farewell, my dear mother. I wish you to write me as often as you can. I am, dear mother, your affectionate son, W. S. HAMILTON. * Regius Professor of Medicine (1801), Professor of Anatomy (1803). LETTERS FROM OXFORD. BA.LLIOL COLLEGE, 27th N* MY DEAREST MOTHER, I received your letter of the 22d to-day. I am very sorry to find you were angry at my last letter, and am very sorry if I allowed any things to slip in that might give you uneasiness. I wrote it, I suppose, when I was fagged and tormented with work. I hope you will pardon me, and believe me, my dear mother, nothing was ever farther from my wishes than to see you uneasy, either on iny account or any other. I hope, therefore, you will forget what is past. . . . We have a very nice course of Anatomy here. I will tell you more some other time about these matters. Michaelmas term will end in about a fortnight, and I intend going up to London then for a week or so to visit my uncle. I want to buy some books I require, and a skeleton also, in London. I find Oxford a very comfortable place. I have had very little occasion to use much wine, there being but few men up this term. ... If you could send the micro- scope I should like very well. . . . The whole country round Oxford is under its annual overflow. I have famous exercise every day in rowing up and down the river, and shall in a few days have glorious skating, and the safest in the world, the meadows being no more than a foot or so deep. . . . To put you out of fear as to my health, I must tell you that I am quite well as far as eating, sleeping, and sensation go. I am, &c., your affectionate son, W. HAMILTON. BALL. COLL., 19^ December [1807]. MY DEAR MOTHER, I have been so busy with Collections at the end of last term that I had no time to answer your letter when it arrived, and have allowed one thing or another to prevent me doing 1 it since vacation commenced. I hope you do not feel the cold sea air affecting you at this time of year. I always was against your staying there [at Newhaven] in the winter. We have had very fine weather here for a long time. I have at present my whole time to myself, it being vacation. I go up to London for a day or two at Christmas. . . . I don't think I shall find Oxford more expensive than any other place, with my Exhibition. . . . I had a letter from Tom, in which he tells me Reekie is dead, and that his books will come to the hammer in a week or two. Tell Tom to send me a catalogue in time to write him back before the sale begins, as I will delay buying some books which I intend tak- 32 LETTERS FROM OXFORD. ing up at my examination in hopes of getting them much cheaper there. I never saw to what a price books of classical learning are getting up here and in London, . . . I am, dear mother, yours, &c. W. HAMILTON. LONDON, 5th January 1808. MY DEAREST MOTHER, ... I have applied for a Warner Exhibition.* I have made some wonderful purchases of cheap books, and, what is more wonderful, just the books I was obliged most to buy. But of all the bargains and curiosities in the book way I ever made, I made t'other day. I paid 0, 4s. Od. for oh, incredible ! a MS. volume, which, on my examining it at home, I found to be most beautiful illuminated manuscripts of the Rhetoric and the book on Invention of Cicero, and another MS., at the end of the volume, of Macrobius. . . . Books sell most wonderfully high here. I bought my MSS. in an old shop near St Giles's. The man was completely ignorant of the treasure he possessed. They are at least six centuries old. ... I can't write here any longer, so many tongues going about me, for I am writing in the drawing-room. I am, &c., W. HAMILTON. OXFORD, 26th January 1808. MY DEAR MOTHER, ... I shall certainly be down in Scotland next long vacation, but we do not break up till July this year, so that we shall have little more than three months. Our next term is very long. It commences the 1st of February. Is Christy with you now 1 Give my love to her and Mrs Stark, and all my other friends. I wish you to tell Tom to write me soon. My microscope, &c., has arrived safe. I wish I had told you to enclose my thermometer. We have had the most intense frost I ever saw here, and most beautiful weather. Our chief amusement at present is shooting larks and fieldfares. I hope to have another excursion into the Highlands next summer on the Perthshire side. Give my love to all my Midcalder friends. . . Since I began this letter I have been at the schools seeing the celebrated Eussel, organist of the Foundling, take a Bachelor's degree in music. His compositions for this purpose are accounted very fine. I am no judge of these things. I am, dear mother, your affectionate son, W. HAMILTON. * The four Warner Exhibitions were founded (1666 or 1667) by John Warner, Bishop of Rochester, for natives of Scotland. It does not appear that this ap- plication was successful. . LETTERS FROM OXFORD. 33 OXFORD, YIth February 1808. MY DEAREST MOTHER, ... I wish you to tell Tom to write me. I have not seen his signature for this month or more. My love to all my friends, which being premised, I proceed. There was an auction of books (I think I see you beginning to look blue) here t'other day, the property of a Mr Walker, surgeon I bought some medical works very cheap, at a fifth part of the price in the shops, though quite new. I also bought Dr Eeid's Works, in 4to, in two vols., and the celebrated translation and commen- tary of Mr Murphy on Tacitus, in four vols. 4to all very cheap. I would not have bought the Tacitus, but as it was a book I take up on my examination, I thought it better to buy it now at half-price than at whole price in six months after. I am beginning to read very hard at Aristotle, and Pindar, and Sophocles, whose works I intend taking up at my examination, being the most respectable books in Greek, as the most difficult ; and as to Latin, I shall take up six or seven of the crampest and longest authors. I intend, however, to begin to fag soon. . . . I am, dear mother, &d, W. HAMILTON. OXFORD, Id April 1808. MY DEAR MOTHER, I must beg pardon for having so long de- layed writing you. I have been so busy with Collections, which are public examinations, at the end of each term, on all the books we have read during the continuance of the term, before the master and public lecturers. These commonly take us up a few days to review the subjects of examination. This has kept me rather busy for the past week. Our vacation has begun, and continues to the 7th of May. Then two short terms and then long vacation, when I shall have the happiness to see you. . . . I hope Tom is continuing to do right. I intend to be very busy during the summer. . . . I am, dear mother, &c., W. HAMILTON. BALL. COLL., 25(h Ajyil. MY DEAR MOTHER, I yesterday received your last letter, but was prevented answering it then from some causes needless to name. . . . Upon my word, I think very little can be done now in the way of commerce ; the mercantile interest of the kingdom seems going fast on to ruin. I cannot, therefore, think it would be any loss if Tom were to change his views, and enter into some other line of life than what he at first intended. However, that is C 34 LETTERS FROM OXFORD. [as] it may be. A gentleman of our College is determined to go to Scotland to spend the summer. I am afraid that I will be obliged to accompany him in a pedestrian excursion to the Highlands, though I had rather stay at home. We shall see, however, when the time comes nearer. I am certain of being able to live next year at Oxford cheaper than I could anywhere else. It is all nonsense the notion of the great expense, &c., that people have of Oxford. They here repay our Scotch universities by thinking them the hotbeds of infidelity and atheism. . . . "Write me soon. I am, dear mother, your afiectionate son, W. HAMILTON. OXFORD, 5th inst. [June ? ]. MY DEAREST MOTHER, ... I wish you would tell me more news about my friends, and how they all are, when you write. Here you cannot expect \Q hear anything of that kind. You seem to think that I do not tell you that I am quite well : I never was better in my life. For instance, did you ever hear of a sick man eating every morning four eggs, twopence worth of bread, and three cups of tea, which is my general quantum ? . . . Aunt James sent me t'other day the most terrible philippic in de- fence of the existence of women's souls. Write me soon ; and hoping to see you soon, I am, dear mother, your afiectionate son, W. HAMILTON. OXFORD, lOtk November. MY DEAR MOTHER, I have been prevented from answering your letter, which I received the day before yesterday, before, on account of business and twenty other things. I have nothing earthly to tell you, and nothing heavenly. I have bought Crabbe's Poems. If you like I will bring them down next summer. Has the new * Edinburgh Eeview ' come out ? I do not think Tom seems to think the counter an eligible place ; and, after all, I don't see so much encouragement to spend so many years in learning it, and with all the chance of getting no settlement after all. I have told him to write you about it. I am afraid that my going up to town in winter will cost some money ; but as the ex- hibitions are to be so much increased, I think I may be allowed to exceed a little in so necessary an expense. I am afraid of being tempted with books, but I am determined not to buy any. I have r LETTERS FROM OXFORD. 35 only now ' one or two to make out all the books needed for my studies of these two years. I was never in better health in my life than I have been since I came up. Oxford always agrees with my appetite, and I have been getting up at six ! in the morning for this week past, and I shall continue it all my life through. You will say this was a change devoutly to be wished. I wish I had my manuscript here. I wonder if you could find an opportunity of sending it up. I must leave off, as I must attack my Greek for lecture in an hour hence ; so I remain, dear mother, your affectionate son, W. HAMILTON. OXFORD, 25th [February 1808 or 1809]. . . . I am just going down to the Anatomy School, where the Professor is so kind as to let me dissect. . . . .OXFORD, 25^[1809]. . . . The night before last we were wakened, at the request of the Vice-Chancellor, to go down and give our assistance at Christ Church, which had taken fire. I was working away from one till five in the morning, handing buckets and working at the engines ; and at last the fire was put down, after consuming a great part of the great quadrangle, and the hall was with difficulty saved. . . . [OXFORD,] Thursday [5th April 1810]. . . . I don't think I can possibly come up to town this vaca- tion. My time has been so miserably spent latterly, that when I look back I can only hope by great attention to make up my leeway. . . . BALL. COLL. [August 1810]. . . . An answer has appeared to the last number of the ' Edinburgh Review ' against Oxford, and Mr Copleston has all the argument on his side. The blunders of the last number are exposed very well, and Playfair cuts the shabbiest figure ever man did. Mr Knight seems to know less Greek than a schoolboy - } and the abuse of Sydney Smith (Copleston's personal enemy) redounds on his own head. . . . [August 1810.] . ... .. I send you up the reply to the Edinburgh Reviewers. It is a very complete answer, and has all the truth on its side. You 36 LETTERS FROM OXFORD. must expect not to understand above one-half of it, as the other is on classical niceties. The author is Mr Copleston. Sydney Smith is the reviewer of Edgeworth, and, I believe, of Falconer's Strabo ; and Playfair is the reviewer of La Place, where he introduces some abuse against Oxford equally illiberal as false, and shows his own thorough ignorance of Greek. Sydney Smith was a fellow of New College, so that his apostasy was the more shameful, as he was the more indebted to alma mater* . . . Mrs HAMILTON to Mrs BANNATYNE. HAMPTON, MIDDLESEX, 5th September 1810. MY DEAR SISTER, . . . William has got what he was very anxious to obtain permission to reside in Balliol during the long vacation. He left us so full of ardour, saying he would study so much when he now would meet with no interruptions, and have the full use of the library, &c. ; but his letters describe him quite tired of being alone. . . . W. HAMILTON TO HIS MOTHER. BALL. COLL., Friday \lst September 18101. . . . I believe you are. now a letter in my debt. You may think little of a letter from me, for you can hear nothing interesting from hence ; but as you are the centre of all my information of any moment, and living this monastic life, every letter I receive gives me not only the pleasure to hear that you are well, but also con- tributes to ease me of some of that weariness too apt to interrupt the dull happiness of my present life. In fact, I am heartily tired of living by myself, and am now looking forward to the end of vacation with some hope. . . . However dull, I find this life very useful, and go through more now than when interrupted by other inducements. . . . Around Hamilton, while at Oxford, there gathered a con- siderable number of associates and friends. The principal of these were : Mr J. H. Christie, barrister ; Mr James Traill, * The references in these extracts appear to be to the articles on the ' M6- chanique Celeste' of La Place (Jan. 1808); on Falconer's 'Strabo' (July 1809) ; and on ' A Reply to the Calumnies of the Edinburgh Review against Oxford ' (April 1810). OXFORD FEIENDS. 37 barrister, and now stipendiary magistrate, London ; Mr Alex- ander Scott, son of Mr George Robertson Scott, of Benholme ; and Mr John Gibson Lockhart. He was also on terms of intimacy with Mr Alexander Nicoll, a Snell Exhibitioner, who became Sub-Librarian of the Bodleian, and finally Begins Professor of Hebrew, and Canon of Christ Church. Mcoll was a singularly amiable and unassuming man, and a most diligent and accomplished student of Oriental literature. He died at an early age about 1827.^ To these should be added the Eev. Dr Hawkins, the present Head of Oriel ; the Rev. William Villers, of Balliol ; and the Rev. James Yonge, Fellow of Exeter. Archdeacon Williams, late of the Edin- burgh Academy, and the Rev. G. R. Gleig, Chaplain- General to the Forces, made his acquaintance at Oxford during the later period of his residence. Of those named, his most endeared friend beloved as a brother was Alexander Scott, whose premature death, which took place in 1812, was to him the source of bitter grief.* Along with Scott, Mr Traill and Mr Christie appear to have been his most chosen companions during the greater part of his Oxford life ; for John Gibson Lockhart, who was some years his junior, did not come into residence till 1809. With Lockhart, after Scott's death, his friendship was more close, and his intercourse more familiar and constant, than with any other man, until about 1818, when, owing to some unfortunate circumstances, a breach that was never healed took place be- tween them.-|- The following extracts from Lockhart's letters to his father give us glimpses of his friend Hamilton : 1st November 1808. I don't know how I should have managed here at all had it not been for W. Hamilton. Ever since we met, I am sure he has behaved to me with all th/ affection of a brother. Since papa left us I have been always with him or he with me at breakfast, tea, &c. He makes me carry my book over after evening prayers, and read it beside him all night. His advice has been, I think, of * See below, p. 64. t See below, p. 90. 38 LOCKHART'S LETTERS. great use to me ; for lie, knowing the characters and dispositions of all the men beforehand, can of course advise me with whom I should associate, and whose acquaintance I should rather decline. He and Hardwick and Hannah are almost the only men in the College I could wish to have much to do with. . . . To-night there is to be a great ball here connected with the jubilee. The " Penny-farthing Lane " people pressed Hamilton and me much to gallant Miss ****, and some coun- try Jennies they have brought up on the occasion ; but no no no no guineas to be spent either by him or me on any such miserable purposes. I got a Scapula very good edition for 2, 10s., and a Herodotus for thirty shillings. Hamilton is a famous adviser in the purchasing of books. 21st October 1810. Hamilton has been in College all summer read through Aris- totle's Organon, and all the works of Hippocrates. I wish I could say I had done as much, but I hope to make up for my idle summer by my diligent winter. Uth November 1810. Hamilton is going up for his examination to-morrow. I dare- say he will make a fine figure ; but in the mean time he is sadly " funcked," as they call it. You will see him next month, for he intends being in Scotland for some time, as soon as he has kept this term. 26*A November 1810. Our term will now be over in a short time not quite three weeks. By the by, you will see Hamilton ere that time, for he is going down with his mother very soon. He passed his examina- tion in the highest style imaginable took up more of Aristotle than ever was done, or is likely to be done again and I daresay will receive all the honours. I have been asking him about the medical matters, and will be able to write you next time. 13th November 1811. Hamilton arrived here last night. He intends only to stay for a day or two, and then proceed to London for the winter. His friend Scott is in a very bad way. ... I wish H.'s stay were to be longer ; but I flatter myself he will be here in spring for some months. His brother is expected home every day. MR CHRISTIE'S REMINISCENCES. 39 The impression which Hamilton's personal appearance, char- acter, and habits of study made on the fellow-students with whom he came into contact was very remarkable. The few men now surviving who knew him at Oxford, all concur in testifying to the warm feelings of admiration and love which he excited, at once by the manly beauty of his person, his courteous and agreeable manners, the kindness and gentleness of his demeanour, the force of his intellect, and the extra- ordinary character of his attainments. We are fortunate in being able to present two sketches of him at Oxford, drawn from personal recollections. These are given entire, and will be found to afford a picture singularly harmonious in its details. The features noted are such as those who knew him in after years will readily recognise as permanently characteristic ; and as the writers had almost no intercourse with him after leaving Oxford, the vividness of their impressions is a proof of the remarkable force and in- dividuality of his character even at this early period of his life. The following is by Mr J. H. Christie, one of the small number of Hamilton's Oxford friends who still survive : " Some time since I was asked to furnish any particulars which I imagined might be useful in the preparation of a memoir which was then projected of Mr John Gibson Lock- hart. In the paper I wrote on that occasion I find the follow- ing passage : " ' But though Lockhart was an excellent scholar, and a man of great and various knowledge, he was not, I apprehend, what would be called a learned man. We had only one learned man in our (in those days) small College I mean the late Sir William Hamilton. He was already (about 1810) pursuing those studies which ultimately gave him a high place among those who dwell in the higher regions of human speculation. It will give some idea of the extent of his knowledge to men- tion that, while yet an undergraduate, he was (as I well re- member) quite familiar with so obscure a bit of literary his- tory as the authorship, occasion, and object of the Epistolse 40 MR CHRISTIE'S REMINISCENCES. Obscurorum Yirorum then was. Hamilton's intellectual eminence has been acknowledged by the world, but I do not happen to have met with any adequate appreciation of the qualities of the man. He was, as I knew him, the most noble-minded, the most generous, and the most tender-hearted of men. Lockhart and he were fast friends, and filled with mutual admiration. I know not what miserable provincial differences ultimately broke their friendship. Lockhart more than once began to tell me the story, but the subject was too painful to him, and he always broke off without finishing. Hamilton, as far as I know, was the only friend that Lockhart ever lost ; but his admiration and his real affection for him, I well know, never ceased.' " The above extract will show to what extent the impres- sions made* on my mind fifty years ago by the character of Sir William Hamilton still remain. After I left off resi- dence at College (about the year 1813, 1 think), I never saw him but once, and that for a few hours only, above forty years ago. The remainder of his life was occupied in studies, the general nature of which is known to the world, while I was too busy with wholly different pursuits to attempt to follow him. The only subsequent intercourse between us was his sending me a pamphlet of a controversial nature. This was after he had been struck by that malady which, I believe, permanently affected his bodily health. In the paper in question I saw no decay of intellectual vigour, but saw, or fancied I saw, a change in the temper of the man. There was something of acrimony, and a tenacity about matters which his noble nature, when I knew him, would have dis- dained to care for. I notice this because I am not writing a panegyric on Hamilton, but the recollections and impressions in regard to him which rest in my mind. Old men recall the scenes of their early days with mixed emotions. The process is attended with a flush of pleasure, instantly fol- lowed by the saddening reflection that they cannot be re- called that they who gave those hours their gladness are MR CHRISTIE'S REMINISCENCES. 41 either in their graves, or by years unfitted to bear the parts they then bore. Hamilton was my senior at College, I think about two years, and my senior in age a few years more. All marks of boyhood had left him, if they ever be- longed to him: he was in appearance completely a man, though a young man. The dress of these days showed to advantage his singularly finely-formed limbs. There was an apparent looseness in his figure, proceeding, I think, from a certain carelessness in his gait, and certainly not from any imperfection of form, for he was admirably formed ; and still less indicating any defect of muscular power, for he was very strong, and excelled in running and leaping, and all other athletic exercises, to which, moreover, he was much given. I wish I were able to convey a just notion of the singular beauty and nobleness of his most intellectual countenance. His oval face, perfectly-formed features, deep-set black eyes, olive complexion, his waving black hair, which did not con- ceal his noble forehead, combined as happily to give the result of perfect manly beauty as it is possible to imagine. "The studies which Hamilton pursued were perfectly in harmony with the Oxford studies of those days; but it so happened that he owed little to the actual teaching of Oxford. He was the only pupil of a Fellow of the College, who was himself a singular, if not a remarkable, character.* This gen- tleman lived in rooms in the tower over the gateway of the College, and led the life of a hermit. He never attended hall or chapel, nor held any intercourse with any of the authorities of the College. He was a powerfully-made man, with rather a striking countenance, who appeared to have totally seques- trated himself from his fellow- creatures. No one but his servant ever entered his rooms. He walked out frequently, but always alone. He was never seen to speak to any one. It seems, however, that he had accepted Hamilton as a pupil, but the pupil and tutor soon discovered that they were by no * His name was Powell. He is sketched by Lockhart in ' Reginald Dalton ' under the appellation of Daniel Barton, book ii. c. vi. 42 MR CHRISTIE'S REMINISCENCES. means necessary to each other, and in fact, before I came to the College, had ceased to have any intercourse. He must, however, have been a man of some mark, for he had inspired Hamilton (who was not given to overrate men) with respect. It thus happened that Hamilton had no teacher, and was strictly a solitary student ; for though it was not unusual for us to join in our readings, Hamilton had no companion in his studies. When, however, the term of his examination for his degree came round, besides the ordinary books which can- didates for the first class took up (as the expression is, or then was), including the Mcomachean Ethics, Ehetoric, and Poetics of Aristotle, he took up the whole works of Aristotle, not excepting, if my memory serves me, the Zw/xj} /, . I thought I had told you that I have finally fixed on the law. I have been reading in it for some time, and like it very much. If you suppose I am in the Museum for no better purpose than finding out old books on the Covenant, you are much in the wrong. I picked up that book at a divinity shop. I recollected that we had it, but we must have been fools not to have collected more out of it than I can remember to have done After his return to Scotland, Mr Hamilton seems to have spent his time chiefly at a small country-house in Lanarkshire, which his mother then occupied. In July 1813 he passed Advocate, and thenceforward Edinburgh was his permanent place of residence. During the winter of 1813-14 we find him, though now a member of the Bar, attending a law class in the University. His leisure at the Bar allowed him ample time to prosecute his researches into the history of his family, and his title to the Preston baronetcy, as appears from the following letter : [EDINBURGH,] 37 FREDERICK STREET, Monday [24th Dec. 1813]. MY DEAREST MOTHER, I am ashamed that my silence has con- tinued so long. I hope in a few days, perhaps a fortnight hence, to come and see you. Nothing keeps me here but that confounded law class. I have been working a good deal in the Register Office. This is a very laborious business, and at the same time very expensive both of money and time. I have accumulated a great mass of curious information about the house of Preston. I have found above a 1 score of deeds establishing the baronetage of Sir William, three 68 THE HAMILTONS OF PRESTON. or four of them public deeds, that is, charters under the great seal, the oldest in the year 1675; but I have not looked for older, and he may be a year or two before this. I have been also able to prove that Eobert, his brother, succeeds him, otherwise it would have been to little purpose to know that he was a baronet, without knowing that the designation was to heirs-male in general. As to the con- nection of the Airdrie and Preston families, I think I shall in a few days, from the books of Session, which are astonishingly voluminous, make that out by deeds which now only rests on tradi- tion and family histories. There are of these generally two or three volumes to the year ; so that, in making searches for thirty years about the 1520, I have to look, perhaps, through forty or fifty vol- umes of an old, close, difficult hand. I have, however, picked out of the few I have read over some curious anecdotes, and cleared up several descents and marriages. Have you heard of Tom's leaving Cadiz yet ? There is little to be done by a young lawyer. I have not had the apparition of one fee yet. . . . Your affectionate son, "W. HAMILTON. These researches occupied a considerable portion of his time during the following three years. In prosecuting them he was fortunate in being aided by the late Mr John Kiddell, the eminent antiquarian lawyer, his lifelong intimacy with whom dates from this period. Mr Hamilton's first cousin, Mr Wil- liam Stirling, and his more distant relative, Sir James Home, Bart., were engaged, at the same time, in making inquiries into the history of their respective families. Besides the zest of an antiquarian hunt, they had the pleasures of co-operation and mutual aid. The routine of Eegister House research was agreeably varied by raids to places in the country where they expected to light on an old charter or record ; still more frequently by supper-parties, at which they met and discussed the plan of their campaign. " John Lockhart," says Mr Kid- dell, speaking of this coterie of friends, "was also of the party, and being anxious in all points of family history, and possessed of much ready wit, he was hailed as a welcome addition to their social circle." THE HAMILTONS OF PRESTON. 69 After much careful research, Mr Hamilton, in 1816, was able to present such a case to a jury before the Sheriff of Edinburgh, that he was by them adjudged heir-male in general to Sir Eobert Hamilton of Preston, the head of that house, who died in 1701 ; and declared thenceforward entitled to bear the name and style of Baronet of Preston and Fingalton. In thus vindicating his right to assume the rank which his ancestors had held, although it was now separated from the estates of the family, Sir William was probably not indif- ferent to the social position which, especially in Scotland, it warranted the holder as possessing. Besides this motive, there was doubtless another impulse much more characteristic of the moral nature of the man a very strong family and national feeling, which led him to link himself, by a species of formal service, to the past history of his country, and to the noble associations more immediately connected with his own kindred just as in his intellectual life we find him fascinated by the past, and turning for inspiration to the great thinkers of bygone times. And certainly the house of Preston was one of inspiring memories ; and on the nature of William Hamilton this in- fluence was not likely to be lost. Let us glance for a moment at the history of the family, with every point of which he was thoroughly familiar. The Hamiltons of Preston, Fingalton, and Eoss or Eossavon, carry us back through the whole course of Scottish history, and are illustrious in descent, in politics, and in arms. The first of the name in Scotland appears, accord- ing to the popular account, to have been a Sir Gilbert de Hamilton in the thirteenth century, the elder of whose sons, Sir Walter, was the founder of the ducal family of Cadzow, while the younger, Sir John, was the immediate ancestor of the Hamiltons of Eossavon, Fingalton, and Preston. The house of Preston is thus the eldest of the junior branches of that of Hamilton. Originally possessed of the lands of the Eoss or Eossavon, the family had its earliest seat in an old peel-tower perched on the wooded promontory encircled by the 70 THE HAMILTONS OF PRESTON. Avon, where, after a long descent from the upland moors of Drumclog, it pours its tribute into the Clyde. To these lands was soon added the barony of Fingalton in Renfrew- shire, and, at a later period, that of Preston in East Lothian. A family of such territorial importance readily formed alli- .ances with the principal houses in the country ; and we find, accordingly, that it was connected by marriage with the families of Wyntoun, Somerville, Annandale, Carnwath, Lam- ington, and Ormiston. Looking back on the more eminent members of the family, we find its head in the time of Eobert Bruce notable for deeds of arms. Again, in the sixteenth century, Sir David, the ninth representative of the family, was greatly distin- guished for his courage, wisdom, piety, and moderation. He was an early and steady adherent of the doctrines of the Reformers, and a prominent member of the Parliament by which the Eeformation was established (1560). On the other hand, he stood by the cause of the queen in her ex- tremity, and suffered attainder for his share in the battle of Langside. The attachment to civil and religious liberty which was manifested by Sir David,- blended, as far as cir- cumstances would permit, with devotion to the throne, remained a marked feature of succeeding representatives of the family. In this cause they spent blood and treasure for many generations, until, indeed, the family estates were exhausted. The life of George, the tenth of Preston, forms a quiet episode in the hurrying activity of the family history. At first an active partisan of the queen's faction, he subsequently withdrew from the bustle of military service, and set himself to promote the interests of religion and learning in his town of Preston. In this work he was greatly aided by Mr Alex- ander Davidson, a theologian of great note in his time. Davidson became the first minister, and Alexander Hume, " the most celebrated grammarian of his age and country," the first schoolmaster of Preston on the new foundation. In SIR ROBERT HAMILTON. 71 a poem of David Hume of Godscroft inscribed to George Hamilton occur the following lines : " Patre pio proles, patrisque pii pater idem ; Fota patri, prolem fovit et ipse pater. Ille dedit ludoque locum temploque perennem, (Hospitium Musis, hospitiumque Deo)." In the person of his son Sir John, the head of the house of Preston is once more found taking an active and memorable part in national politics. With unflinching firmness, and at great personal risk, he withstood the aggressions of the Crown on civil and religious liberty in the reigns both of James and Charles. As a Lord of the Articles, he resisted single-handed the preliminary approbation of the Five Articles of Perth, and spurned the intimidations of the Court, by which it was attempted to obviate his opposition to their final ratification in Parliament (1621). During the troubles that arose when Charles sought arbitrarily to impose a form of religious wor- ship on the country, Sir John stood by the popular cause, and lent it important aid. He died in 1644. The wonderful hereditary energy of the family was not yet exhausted. There are still three names of note among its heads. Sir Thomas, the twelfth of Preston, maintained the political and religious principles of his house, and was at the same time a lt constitutional cavalier." A very distinguished soldier, he commanded a body of horse at the battle of Dun- bar ; after which his estates were ravaged and the Castle of Preston was burnt. Abandoning the extreme party among the Covenanters, he afterwards accompanied his kinsman William Duke of Hamilton in his expedition into England, and led with great gallantry that nobleman's troop of horse at the disastrous battle of Worcester. Sir William, his son, was created a Baronet of Nova Scotia in 1673. After suffering exile in Holland for his political opinions, he returned to England in the expedition of the Prince of Orange, but died suddenly at Exeter on the march to London. 72 ASSUMES THE BAROXETCY. The last and most popularly known of the family was Sir Robert, the brother of the preceding, who was born in 1650. Thoroughly imbued with the deep religious fervour of the time, and possessing the impulsive character of the popular leader, Sir Eobert became the head of the Scottish Presby- terians, when, goaded to desperation by misrule and oppres- sion, they rose in arms against the Government. At the head of their forces he gained the battle of Drumclog, and suffered defeat at Bothwell Bridge. He then fled to Holland, to escape the consequences of his part in the rising. Identified in opinion with a very narrow orthodoxy that was intolerant of all beyond its pale, brave without prudence or much capacity, inflexible in his convictions, and uncompromising in action, Sir Robert was the idol of the extreme party among the Covenanters. He returned to Scotland after the Revolution of 1688, but, disapproving of the freedom of the latitudinarian principles on which it was conducted, refused to acknowledge the king, as being "an uncovenanted sove- reign of these covenanted nations." Even after the Revolu- tion, his extreme political views brought him into trouble. He was, however, finally left to an unmolested protest against the universal declension of the times, and died in 1701. With the death of Sir Robert, who was unmarried, closed the main line of the house of Preston, and the family fell to be represented by Robert Hamilton of Airdrie, fifth in the male line from John, second son of Sir Robert Hamilton, the seventh of Preston, who died before the year 1522. Robert Hamilton of Airdrie, as has been mentioned, did not assume the baronetcy, and his claim to the inheritance of what re- mained of the Preston estates had been cut off by settlements made by Sir William, the first baronet, on his daughters, in preference to the remoter heirs-male. It was as representing the laird of Airdrie that Sir William Hamilton claimed and obtained the family honours of Preston, being the twenty- fourth head of that house, and the twelfth male representa- EXPERIENCE AT THE BAR. 73 tive of the family of Airdrie.* The old tower of Preston, with a small piece of ground surrounding it, was acquired by pur- chase by Sir William in 1819. Sprung from such a stock, and the heir of so many notable names, it is no mere prompting of fancy which leads us to recognise in the late distinguished representative of the house of Preston a certain summing up of many of the greatest qual- ities of his ancestors. The courageous high-souled men who manifested a lifelong resistance to courtly aggression, who risked their lives and stood unblenched in most of the great battle-fields of Scottish history, found a worthy successor in the ardent speculator of the nineteenth century who, though spending his strength in a sphere of activity unlike theirs, had yet as manly a soul as any of them, a spirit as independent, courage, energy, and devotion to high and ennobling pursuits as great, and who, it may be added, in his unsparing polemical dialectic, dealt as heavy a home-thrust as any Cavalier or revo- lutionary Whig, and showed as keen a blade as the sword that gleamed at Langside, Worcester, or Drumclog. And yet with all these claims to " long descent/' may not we say of the representative of the Prestons what Heinsius said of Joseph Scaliger, after noticing his traditional connec- tion with the Princes of Verona : " Plus tamen invenies quicquid sibi contulit ipse, Et minimum tantae nobilitatis eget ? " After passing at the Bar, Sir William naturally had his permanent residence in Edinburgh. In 1815 Mrs Hamilton removed to Edinburgh, where, during the rest of her life, she had her home along with her elder son. They occupied houses successively in Hill Street, Howe Street, and finally in Great King Street. Soon after Mrs Hamilton had settled in Edin- burgh, a young niece, Miss Janet Marshall, came to live with her, and during the next ten years generally formed one of * The authority chiefly relied on in the foregoing notice of the Preston family is Anderson's ' Memoirs of the House of Hamilton.' The account of the Preston family appears to have been revised by Sir W. Hamilton. 74 REPUTE AS A LAWYER. the little family circle. Miss Marshall afterwards became, as we shall see, the wife of Sir William. His life under his mother's roof was one of simple and even tenor of quiet domesticity divided between his books, his profession, and a certain amount of social intercourse with his friends and the more eminent literary men of the period. After passing as Advocate, his experience of the profession proved no exception to the usual unfeed career, the dull wait- ing for something to do, of the young Advocate. Writing to his mother (20th November 1813), he says : " I have had my time sadly consumed in pacing these vile Parliament House boards nothing to do which I am not sorry at in the present state of my legal acquirements." Sir W. Hamilton's career at the Bar was not a brilliant success, nor was it an absolute failure. His general legal acquirements were far from being inconsiderable ; even a very ordinary amount of application of such powers of mind as he possessed to law was certain to give him a fair hold of it. As might have been expected, however, he was attracted by the more recondite and less trodden departments of the profes- sion rather than by the more immediately useful and profitable. He acquired a very thorough acquaintance with civil law. His opinion in antiquarian and genealogical cases was highly thought of, and he was well versed in the subject of teinds. His unwearying habit of research, power of luminous arrange- ment, and acuteness, stood him in good stead in the drawing up of legal papers. Certain papers of his on fishery cases were regarded as exceedingly remarkable. Altogether, his capaci- ties as a lawyer were of good repute. On the other hand, he was not, and constitutionally could not be, a ready and fluent speaker. This operated against him in some measure, though, from the extent to which written pleadings were then in use, not so decidedly as it would now. Further, his fastidious temperament was never satisfied without elaborate study and preparation, whatever might be the subject in which he was engaged. This element in his character was connected REPUTE AS A LAWYER. 75 with in fact, partly the cause of a want of regularity and punctuality in the performance of his work, which was really one of the main drawbacks to his success at the Bar. There is no doubt, moreover, that his interest in legal studies was subordinate to his zeal for learning. The study of the technicalities and minutiae necessary to direct and successful practice was distasteful to him. " His mother," says a friend, himself a member of the Scottish Bar,* "has frequently told me, that he could not bring himself to attend to the paltry trifles which must occupy the attention of every young lawyer who tries to get into practice." Law was, in fact, but a secondary pursuit with him. His ardent intellect, insatiable intellectual curiosity, and cultivated tastes carried him far beyond the limits of a professional study. His real interest lay among the problems of abstract thought and in the wide domain of liberal literature. With his well-known intel- lectual pursuits and his scholarly repute, he was not likely to attract the attention and favour of the agents, who have in a measure the making of the young Advocate ; and though his practical sagacity was really not injured by his speculative tendencies, he had certainly little or none of those worldly aptitudes and practical habits which go a great way to secure success at the Bar. The result was, that his legal employment, though considerable, was not extensive ; and his name came to be associated rather more with researches in the Advocates' Library than with practice in the Courts. The library contained a collection of books, in nearly all de- partments of literature, which was not surpassed, if equalled, by any other in Scotland. At this period, moreover, many of its choice treasures lay entombed in dark and hidden places that had been undisturbed for generations. These, in particular, were the nooks of Hamilton's daily resort and peculiar interest. The wearisome pacing to and fro of the great hall of the Parliament House was abandoned, and with it the best chance of a brief, for those underground recesses * Rev. J. Hamilton Gray. 76 STATE OF SCOTCH POLITICS. of forgotten lore, with their dust-covered schoolmen, musty German theses, and rare editions of classical and historical authors, which were sought out with the avidity of the book- hunter, and conned with the ardour and intelligence of the student. His political views, again, and his relations to the political parties of the time, excluded him from any share of those legal appointments which are open to the Advocate, and are legiti- mate objects of his ambition. Though practically an unob- trusive politician, his views were not those of the party in power during his more direct connection with the Bar. Sir .W. Hamilton was a Whig, and that during the period of the Melville and Tory ascendancy in Scotland. How much was implied in this ascendancy, politically and socially, it is very difficult for the present generation to realise. Such was the state of things, that Dugald Stewart confessed to despair for his country. The whole of the first thirty years of the century, particularly the period dating from the cessation of the Con- tinental war, was a time of special conflict between the old and the new political tendencies of conservation and of change. The dread shadow of the French Eevolution lay heavily on the minds of those in power, and party interest and existence were identified by them with the maintenance of the constitution. Every change was therefore deemed revolutionary, and every novelty dreaded as a fatal innovation. .The political spirit which in other times had issued in civil war, found outlet and relief in bitter personalities, social hatred, and exclusion. " Corruption and arrogance," says a writer whose political leanings may probably have added a little intensity to the description, " were the characteristics of the party in power in power in a sense of which in these days we know nothing ; a cowering fear covered all the rest. The people of Scotland were absolutely without voice either in vote or speech. Par- liamentary elections, municipal government, the management of public bodies, everything was in the hands of a few hundreds of persons. In Edinburgh, for instance and the HIS RELATIONS TO THE WHIG PARTY. 77 capital was even too favourable an instance the member of Parliament was elected and the government of the city carried on by thirty-two persons, and almost all these thirty -two took their directions from the Government of the day or its pro- consul. . . . Efforts at reform and liberation were sup- pressed either by an abuse of the law, as in the cases of Muir, Gerrald, and others, or more generally and effectively by a rigorous social prosecution ; the man who questioned whether all things were for the best was socially, professionally, and commercially discredited. The Whig landed gentry, a small but powerful body, and a brilliant band of Whig lawyers, almost alone maintained a good testimony." Through the efforts chiefly of this band of young lawyers conspicuous among whom were Brougham, Jeffrey, Cranstoun, Thomas Thomson, Murray, Cockburn, and others the cause of liberal- ism in politics gradually progressed. In the period between the establishment of the 'Edinburgh Keview' in 1802 and the resignation of the editorship by Lord Jeffrey in 1829, religious toleration had been advanced in the removal of disabilities alike from Protestant Dissenters and from Eoman Catholics ; the severity of the penal code had been miti- gated ; and the way had been prepared for the extension of the franchise in 1832. But these triumphs were gained very gradually, and amid the bitterest political strife a state of feeling which existed, if possible, in greater intensity in the metropolis of Scotland, where office-holders and their opponents met face to face, than in any other part of the kingdom.* Sir William was to some extent associated with this band of lawyers, and so identified with the political party of which several of his forefathers had been zealous members, and which had received the adherence of most, if not all, of his predeces- sors in the path of Scottish speculation especially Hutcheson, Smith, Ferguson, Eeid, and Stewart; for one practical fruit * See Cockburn's Memorials, chaps, iv. v. ; Life of Lord Jeffrey, voL i. p. 248, 297. 7.8 HIS RELATIONS TO THE WHIG PARTY. of abstract thought in Scotland has been a liberal theory of politics, and the gradual diffusion among the educated classes of liberal principles, both political and economical. Thus, by family history, philosophical antecedents, and personal predilec- tion, Sir William was a man of progress in politics. This was enough to put an arrest on any professional appointment ; and it proved strong enough also to bar his election to a Univer- sity Chair. For at this period, and for long afterwards, the most moderate capacity, or even absolute incompetency, if only joined with political orthodoxy, had nothing to fear from the most eminent abilities and the most transcendent attain- ments, if these were weighed down by political disfavour. On the other hand, Sir William had just as little to look for in the way of official promotion, and to the end received as little, from the Whig party to which he belonged, and to which he carried a certain amount of historical prestige and personal influence. His political opinions were, at least before 1 820, fully developed, and strongly, even sternly, made up. He took, however, no active or conspicuously public share in the proceedings of his party. He was not, in the received sense of the term, a useful man to his side in politics. Public meetings and public appearances generally were the objects of his extreme dislike.* The bustle of ordinary political life, its small details and temporary interests above all, the artifices of party jarred on his life of abstract thought, and were alien to the wide and lofty interests which absorbed him. In his soul he abhorred all jobbery; he was quite too erect, in- flexible, and scrupulous to stoop to the kind of tactics com- monly enough employed for the ends of a political party ; he * On one critical occasion, indeed, he seems to have accompanied Cranstoun to a Lanark county meeting (January 13, 1821), where a successful opposition was made to a motion intended to support the Ministry of the day, who had been active in the prosecution of the Queen. The report of the proceedings communicated to the ' Scotsman ' was by Hamilton. This meeting took place the day after the Fox dinner of that year, and a few weeks after the famous Pantheon Meeting in Edinburgh (16th December 1820), at which a petition had been adopted praying the King to dismiss his Ministers, and which is referred to as the first great purely political meeting of the century. THE EDINBURGH LITERARY SOCIETY. would have scorned to give service as a partisan that he might obtain the reward of place. What many men would have looked upon as politically fair, he would have indignantly de- nounced as dishonourable. In the circumstances of the Whig party at this period, fighting as they were for important in- terests and against a powerful opposition, Sir William was thus not of any considerable public service to them. They did not, in fact, find it remunerative enough to patronise him. Posi- tions, the duties of which he could have competently, even ably discharged, were, when his party came into power, given to others. And so he was left, in his unpatronised dignity and integrity, to his books and his speculations for five-and-twenty years, until his attainments raised him, in the face of consider- able opposition, to the Professorship of Logic in the University, and to the enjoyment of the very moderate competency which that office brought him. Amid all the political strife and bitterness which prevailed in Edinburgh at this time, and for several years to come, we must not suppose that the city was not, after all, a genial and pleasant place of abode for a man of letters. The first twenty years of this century were the transition period, particularly in the metropolis, between what Lord Cockburn calls " the last purely Scotch age that Scotland was destined to see," and that in which we now live, when the new forces, then only begin- ning to operate, have developed so many changes in habits, institutions, and manners. " Enough of the generation that was retiring survived to cast an antiquarian air over the city, and the generation that was advancing was still a Scotch pro- duction." * " In 1811 our Edinburgh society still continued unchanged in its general character. Napoleon's Continental padlock still sent us good English youths and families ; society and literature adorned each other ; the war sparkled us with military gaiety and parade ; London had not absorbed the whole of our aristocracy, either of wealth or of rank ; and not- withstanding several important emigrations, we still retained * Coekbnrn's Life of Jeffrey, i. 160. 80 EDINBURGH LITERARY SOCIETY. far more native talent and reputation than could be found in any other town in the empire except London." * All was not as yet squared down to the dead level of modern formality ; the raciness, the homeliness, and the flavour of in- dividual character that had grown up in many an old Scottish home in far-away glens, were readily to be met with in the circles of Edinburgh. The native Scottish speech was not extinct, and might be heard from the lips of graceful and re- fined gentlewomen of the highest rank. Several representa- tives of the best Scottish families lived at least in winter in the city, and gave a tone to the social life of the place. We were less distant by half a century than now from departed state, and courtly manners, and royal residence. Certain fad- ing gleams of " the old Scottish glory " still lingered on the metropolis. With all this there mingled a strong regard for the names and persons of the many distinguished men in the University, at the Bar, and on the Bench, who had from the early part of the previous century so markedly advanced philosophy, science, and literature. During that century in Scotland and nowhere more than in Edinburgh there had sprung up a wonderful growth of reflective thought and historical lite- rature, which, while thoroughly Scotch in character, was yet catholic in the range of its questions. Hume had gone to the core of all the deep and vital questions of speculative philosophy, morals, and theology. Blair and Kames had in- vestigated with success the first principles of taste and literary criticism. Adam Ferguson and Dugald Stewart had elo- quently discussed the ground principles of ethical and political science. Hume, Eobertson, and Henry were distinguished as historians. The stores of native manners and scenery had been newly, though only partially, unfolded by Mrs Elizabeth Hamilton and Mrs Grant of Laggan. These, and others be- longing to the Bar and the Church, with literary tastes and accomplishments, had mixed freely in the society of the city, * Memorials, p. 264. SIR WALTER SCOTT. 81 and through them the true refinement of letters and culture had served to subdue the somewhat natural roughness of our national manners. There still survived in Edinburgh in 1812, as representatives and upholders of the old traditions and culture, Henry Mackenzie, Sir James Hall, Dugald Stewart, Dr James Gregory, the second Monro, John Playfair, Lord Woodhouselee, Lord Glenlee, and others. At the same time, new impulses in literature and philosophy were represented by Scott, Jeffrey, and Dr Thomas Brown. Already, in 1812, the greatest literary name in Edinburgh, or indeed in Britain, was undoubtedly that of Walter Scott. He was as yet only famous for his poetry ; but he had struck out a new line, and this was so fresh and pictorial came home so thoroughly to his country's heart and imagination as to be the most popular and powerful literary influence of the time. The poetry was the first-fruits in his own fertile mind of the * Minstrelsy' which he had collected and published in 1802. But the weird and romantic spirit which, born partly of old story and partly of the solitude and pathos of the moor- land, communed with him in the Border Land, was destined once more to bear fruit in the imagination of this the last and greatest of the minstrels, and the later growth was even fuller and richer than the early one ; for before ' Waverley ' (1814) and its successors that came so copiously for seventeen years even the poetry paled, just as the first spring growths of the braeside and the wimpling burn, however fresh, fair, and fragrant, are not once to be compared with the heather bloom on the Border hills as they flush full in the purple beauty of mid-autumn. Scott, as he now mixed in Edin- burgh society, divided the opinion of his admirers, as Lord Cockburn tells us, as to the greater excellence of his poetry or of his rich and racy talk. In the subjects of his poetry and prose there was a region so high above ordinary practical in- terests, that there at least all his countrymen could meet in harmonious delight, all wretched political differences having shrunk out of sight. F 82 FRANCIS JEFFREY. Though they often met in society, Sir William's personal intercourse with Sir Walter Scott never was more than that of ordinary acquaintance. The fact that Scott used his politi- cal influence against Hamilton at the time of the candida- ture for the Moral Philosophy Chair is not surprising, if we consider the spirit which characterised the times, and the strength of Scott's party feelings. At a somewhat later period, Sir William's brother, Captain Hamilton, became intimate with Sir Walter and his family. Francis Jeffrey was the other great literary influence of the time. The ' Edinburgh Eeview/ commenced in 1802, was now in 1812 well established approaching, indeed, to the meridian of its fame. The brilliant literary criticism of Jeffrey, which was poured out with fertility so remarkable, and which lost none of its sparkle, grace, and fire during the seventeen suc- ceeding years, gave the tone in great measure to the taste of the time. That remarkable outburst of popular literature especially poetry which characterised the first quarter of this century, had begun ; and Campbell, Crabbe, Southey, Scott, Byron, Moore, Coleridge, and Wordsworth, were all in due course brought to the bar of his critical judgment. Notwith- standing the great value of his example of independence as a literary critic, and much that is elevating and instructive in his criticisms themselves, we can hardly accept his somewhat formal and conventional canons as either the highest or the ulti- mate laws of taste. The importance of his judgment is much more negative than positive ; he repressed licence, but there was high and true excellence which he could not see or feel. Any theory, poetical or sesthetical, that may be deduced from his essay on " Beauty" (1816), with its meagre doctrine of association or from other writings of the same school (as those of Brown or Alison) will certainly not yield us principles of literary criticism in which we can rest with satisfaction. And it may be added, that canons of poetical art which could not find room for a full appreciation of the divine utterance of Wordsworth, may be quietly laid aside DR THOMAS BROWN. 83 as local and temporary " of the earth, earthy." In Hamil- ton's lectures on the Feelings,* there are some hints not much developed certainly, but still most fruitful regarding the laws of imaginative action, which, if fully followed out, and conjoined with Coleridge's most suggestive fragments, would yield a more thorough theory of the beautiful than any other course of sesthetical speculation yet pursued in British literature. Hamilton, though concurring generally in the political prin- ciples of the ' Review,' and holding by those principles with thorough consistency, does not appear, somewhat singularly, to have been asked to write for it during Jeffrey's editorship ; at least he made no contribution during that period.-f The two men had indeed little in common save their political creed, and though latterly well acquainted, do not for some time seem to have known much of each other personally. " Lord Jeffrey," says Mr George Moir, " while admitting Sir William's vast erudition, seemed to know little or nothing of him besides ; and used to call him an unpractical person meaning, in other words, that he kept extremely aloof from party demonstrations of any kind. On the other hand, Sir William, though he admired Lord Jeffrey's abilities as an Advocate, and the grace and polish of his style, had no high reverence for his criticisms. Bred himself in a more catholic school, he thought them frequently narrow and one- sided. I do not know whether he had any great admiration of Wordsworth, but he exceedingly disliked the flippancy and unfairness with which he had been treated in the ' Edinburgh Review.' " The third great power in Edinburgh, and in Scotland, at this period, was Dr Thomas Brown, who had recently succeeded Stewart, and who, in the Moral Philosophy Chair, was lectur- * Lectures, vol. ii., Lect. XLI. et seq. t The name of Sir William Hamilton is incorrectly given "by Lord Cockburn in the list of contributors to the Review ' during the period of Jeffrey's editor- ship. Life of Jeffrey, vol. i. p. 300. 84 DE QUINCEY'S SKETCH. ing with much brilliancy and acceptance. I am not aware whether Brown and Hamilton were personally acquainted. Every one knows that Hamilton's thinking was in no way formed by that of Brown or his school ; that, on the contrary, it assumed the form of a direct antagonism to Brown's conclu- sions on such of the fundamental points of speculative phi- losophy as the latter discussed. We have the example in Hamilton, during the period from 1812 to 1820, of a youthful thinker living in a circle in which certain philosophical dogmas were generally received for Brown's short and easy method of dealing with the great problems of metaphysics speedily became popular and accepted in Edinburgh and yet in no degree sympathising with the current of opinion, but silently following a course of study, the result of which was that, at a day not very far distant, he was able wholly to turn the tide of popular conviction regarding speculative subjects. It was amid political, social, and literary influences of the kind we have described that Hamilton lived and thought taking on, however, very little from them not intermeddling much with them contributing nothing to the busy periodical literature around him very much in contrast with a good deal of the talk that was going on reading and thinking alone on questions which, though apparently far removed from concrete interests, are in reality the most human of all. The new generation of the cultivators of literature and phi- losophy which began to be known in Edinburgh during the second decade of the century principally consisting of the friends Lockhart, Hamilton, Wilson, and De Quincey were no unworthy successors and contemporaries of the three names above mentioned. The torch of letters did not pass from the notables of the previous time into ignoble hands. It was shortly after passing as Advocate that Sir W. Hamil- ton and Mr De Quincey became acquainted. The latter has given us a very graphic and characteristic sketch of Hamilton as he appeared at this time among his Edinburgh contem- poraries : " In the year 1814 it was," says De Quincey, " that DE QUINCEY'S SKETCH. 85 I became acquainted with Sir William Hamilton, the present Professor of Logic in the University of Edinburgh. I was then in Edinburgh for the first time, on a visit to Mrs Wilson, the mother of Professor Wilson. Him who, at that time, neither was a professor, nor dreamed of becoming one (his intention being to pursue his profession of Advocate at the Scottish Bar), I had known for a little more than five years. Wordsworth it was, then living at Allan Bank, in Grasmere, who had intro- duced me to John Wilson ; and ever afterwards I was a fre- quent visitor at his beautiful place of Elleray, on the Winder- mere, not above nine miles distant from my own cottage in Grasmere. In those days Wilson sometimes spoke to me of his friend Hamilton as one specially distinguished by manli- ness and elevation of character, and occasionally gazed at as a monster of erudition. Indeed the extent of his reading was said to be portentous in fact, frightful, and to some extent even suspicious; so that certain ladies thought him 'no canny/ If arithmetic could demonstrate that all the days of his life ground down and pulverised into ' wee wee ' globules of five or eight minutes each, and strung upon threads, would not furnish a rosary anything like corresponding, in its sepa- rate beads or counters, to the books he was known to have studied and familiarly used, then it became clear that he must have had extra aid in some way or other must have read by proxy. Now, in that case we all know in what direction a man turns for help, and who it is that he applies to when he wishes, like Dr Faustus, to read more books than belong to his allowance in this life." Of his personal appearance Mr De Quincey says : "I was sitting alone, after breakfast, when Wilson sud- denly walked in with his friend Hamilton. So exqui- sitely free was Sir William from all ostentation of learning, that unless the accidents of conversation made a natural opening for display, such as it would have been affectation to evade, you might have failed altogether to suspect that an extraordinary scholar was present. On this first inter- 86 FOREIGN VISITORS. view with him I saw nothing to challenge any special attention beyond an unusual expression of kindness and cor- diality in his abord. There was also an air of dignity and massy self-dependence diffused over his deportment, too calm and unaffected to leave a doubt that it exhaled spon- taneously from his nature, yet too unassuming to mortify the pretensions of others. Men of genius I had seen before, and men distinguished for their attainments, who shocked every- body, and upon me in particular, nervously susceptible, inflicted horror as well as distress, by striving restlessly, and almost angrily, for the chief share in conversation. Some I had known who possessed themselves in effect pretty nearly of the whole without being distinctly aware of what they were about. ... In Sir William, on the other hand, was an apparent carelessness whether he took any conspicuous share or none at all in the conversation. ... In general my conclusion was, that I had rarely seen a person who manifested less of self-esteem under any of the forms by which ordinarily it reveals itself whether of pride, or vanity, or full-blown arrogance, or heart-chilling reserve." Sir William, besides mixing to some extent in the ordinary society of Edinburgh, had a very considerable amount of in- tercourse with strangers who came to visit the city, and whom his reputation, even at this early period, attracted to his mother's house. Among these, many of whom became his friends, were Baron Schwarzkopf, a young Prussian noble- man ; G. H. Bernstein, afterwards Professor of Oriental Litera- ture at Breslau ; Mr Edward Everett, afterwards editor of the * North American Eeview,' and Minister in London from the United States. At a somewhat later period (1826) Count Davidoff (now Count Orloff Davidoff), the representative of a well-known Eussian noble family, spent two or three years in Edinburgh with his tutor, Mr Colyar, and was much with Sir William and his brother. The young Count carried with him to his native country very vivid and permanent im- pressions of Edinburgh social life and feeling, and set him- LOCKHART AND BLACKWOOD's MAGAZINE. 87 self, on his return to his large estates, to ameliorate as far as he could the condition of his numerous serfs. Sir Wil- liam, in his intercourse with foreigners, habitually assumed the attitude of an inquirer, and thus contrived to obtain a great deal of information regarding the state of foreign litera- ture, politics, and social life. He also continued for a time to have pretty frequent opportunities of keeping up his Oxford friendships. Mr Yonge and Mr Villers were in Edinburgh for a considerable period Mr Traill came occasionally; but as Sir William never left Scotland, these opportunities gradually ceased through the changes of life, and for many years before his death he had no intercourse with any of these early associates. One, however, of his Oxford friends had, like himself, settled in Edinburgh as a member of the Scottish Bar. This was J. G. Lockhart. His intimacy with Lockhart was a marked feature in his life, hardly a day passing that they did not meet. Through Lockhart he seems to have been a good deal associ- ated with the set of young men who became connected with ' Blackwood's Magazine.' He has even been mentioned as a contributor to the early numbers of the Magazine, about 1817. Of this in itself unlikely there is no proof. There is a tra- dition that he was one of the memorable party in Mrs Wilson's house (53 Queen Street) when the Chaldee MS. was concocted, and that he even contributed a verse. This is not at all improbable, as both Wilson and Lockhart were his intimate friends, and he figures in the MS. as "the black eagle of the desert." Widening difference of political opinion, how- ever, gradually disengaged him from this connection. Sir William had certainly nothing to do with the Magazine after its political principles were fully and emphatically declared, and no part whatever in the personalities by which the early numbers were disfigured. About this time Captain Hamilton retired from the army on half -pay, and came to Edinburgh. He walked lamely from a wound in the leg, which, as already noticed, he had 88 CAPTAIN HAMILTON. received at Albuera. " But his tall and noble military figure, his finely-cut and expressive features, gave him a distinguishep air, to which no one could be insensible. In many things the brothers were contrasted, but there were also many points of resemblance between them. Captain Hamilton possessed the highest sense of the ludicrous, and a power of humour which was irresistible. Sir William was a recipient rather than a creator." * Captain Hamilton naturally became acquainted with Lock- hart, and thus was associated with the early contributors to ' Blackwood's Magazine/ in which he wrote occasionally under the nom de plume of " Ensign and Adjutant O'Doherty." Hogg believed him to have helped Lockhart to deck " The Odontist " in his borrowed plumage. He says : " I suspect Captain Tom Hamilton, the original O'Doherty, had also some hand in that ploy at least he seemed to enjoy it as if he had ; for though he pretended to be a high and starched Whig, he was always engaged with these mad-cap Tories, and the foremost in many of their wicked contrivances." *f* Captain Hamilton was one of the earliest among the Edin- burgh literary men who appreciated and sympathised with the poetry of Wordsworth, in opposition to the tone of sneer- ing and superficial criticism with which it was habitually greeted in the ' Edinburgh Eeview/ In this Sir William agreed with his brother, and was an early reader and admirer of the poet. The merits of Wordsworth formed an occasional subject of discussion between them. Sir William thought he saw traces of an acquaintance with Kant in the magnificent passage of the Wanderer's discourse, beginning " And what are things eternal ? " J But it would seem that this was a case in which the poet and philosopher had reached the same great truth independently * Mr Moir's Reminiscences. t Hogg's Autobiography, Col. Works, vol. ii. p. 467. + Excursion, Book iv. FIRST VISIT TO GERMANY. 89 and by different approaches. " I asked Wordsworth," says Captain Hamilton, writing from the Lakes, where he resided latterly, " about that passage in the ' Excursion ' which Wil- liam says contains the doctrine of Kant. Wordsworth says he is utterly ignorant of everything connected either with Kant or his philosophy. So that it could not have come from that source, but is a casual coincidence." Sir William, though an assiduous student of German and Continental literature, paid only two short visits to the conti- nent of Europe. The first of these took place in the autumn of 1817. At the request of the Faculty of Advocates, and accompanied by Mr Lockhart and Mr John Hyndman, he proceeded to Leipsic to examine an extensive library there for sale, which he had recommended the Faculty to acquire. At this time Sir William had only begun to study German, and his acquaintance with it was not very thorough. The party held communications chiefly by means of Latin. At Leipsic he met the learned Godofred Hermann, who was then professor in the university of that city. There is no record of the other places visited. The party had crossed to Hamburg in a Leith smack. Among the passengers was Major (afterwards Major-General) Mitchell, a distinguished officer, subsequently well known as the author of the ' Life of Wallenstein,' the ' Fall of Napoleon/ &c. The acquaintance which Sir William thus formed with Major Mitchell, continued through life, and was the origin of a close and warm friendship with his father and sisters, who, about 1819, took up their residence in Edinburgh. Mr Mitchell, the father, was a man of unusual intellectual powers, who had occupied influential positions abroad. The ladies of the family were highly accomplished, and from their long residence on the Continent well acquainted with foreign literature. Their society was very agreeable to Sir William, and many a summer evening's walk would end at their tea-table, in the enjoyment of the cheerful intelli- gent conversation which went on around it. Popular educa- 90 BREACH WITH LOCKHART. tion in Germany, in which Sir William took great interest, was, in particular, a subject which he often discussed with them. It was on this occasion that Sir William brought home a large white poodle-dog, long a companion of its master, which, in honour of the great philologist, he named Hermann. Her- mann was quite a character a very knowing dog, indeed if not the mysterious prodigy of learning and the familiar of Dr Faustus, reappearing in the nineteenth century, which Mr De Quincey hinted he might possibly have been. Hermann knew all his master's haunts, and when seeking him would visit them successively until he was found going, perhaps, first to the Advocates' Library, and then to the various book- shops which he frequented. Hermann was sometimes put to uses of a grotesque sort. On one occasion the young cousin who stayed in the house confided to Sir William her distress that his mother insisted on her continuing to wear a pelisse and hat of which she was tired. Hermann's master at once hit on a happy device. Hermann was dressed in the pelisse and hat, of which he very speedily made short work, amidst the laughter of the two onlookers, and the mingled delight and fright of the owner at so daring an expedient for securing the desired new dress. It seems to have been not long after they were together in Germany that the friendship between Sir William and Mr Lockhart came to an end. The breach probably was caused by circumstances connected with ' Blackwood's Magazine,' and by the bitterness of political feeling at that time in Edinburgh. But it is vain to seek to fix more accurately the time or occa- sion of this unfortunate occurrence; for, in fact, it was a subject so painful to Sir William that he hardly ever spoke of it at the time or afterwards. One thing we know, that those who had been such close friends in youth still retained, in spite of outward coldness and estrangement, warm feelings towards one another. The friendly intercourse which Sir William and Lady Hamilton kept up for many years with Mr SECOND VISIT TO GERMANY. 91 Lockhart's only sister was felt as a link between them. And Mr Lockhart's continued interest was shown, as we shall see, by the anxious inquiries which the news of his old friend's illness called forth from him. Thus, by the death of Scott and the estrangement from Lockhart, Sir William had already lost the two chief friends of his early days and none ever seems to have come exactly into their place. Sir William again visited Germany, in 1820, in company with Mr James Mackenzie, son of the author of ' The Man of Feeling/ and Mr Miller, a brother Advocate. The purpose of the journey was to procure evidence in a legal case. They sailed from Leith to Hamburg remained some days both at Hamburg and Berlin, visiting Wittenberg on the way and then proceeded to Dresden, their place of destination. Sir William, characteristically enough, spent what of his time was not occupied with the business on hand in the libraries of Berlin and Dresden. While in Berlin he solved a minor, but to him interesting, question in bibliography. A copy of Dante had just been sold at the Duke of Eoxburghe's sale to Lord Blandford (afterwards Duke of Marlborough) as unique, for 2000. It was surmised that the library of Berlin contained a similar copy ; but it turned out that the copy there was of a different edition, and the Eoxburghe one was proved a true unique. During a cessation of the inquiry on which they had been despatched, Mr Mackenzie and his friend Mr Miller took the opportunity of making a run into Bohemia as far as Prague ; but Sir William declined accompanying them, pre- ferring the library and picture-gallery of Dresden. The only excursion from Dresden on which Sir William seems to have accompanied his party was a short one into the highlands of Saxony, when they spent a few days at Schandau. The season having broken up early, they returned hurriedly by the route they had gone. Owing to the circumstances of their visit, communications were generally made in English by means of an interpreter. It would appear, moreover, that Sir William's 92 ADVOCATES' LIBRARY. power of conversing in German at the period of this visit, as on the previous occasion, was but limited. It was probably, in- deed, about this time that he commenced the systematic study of that language. He was his own teacher, and his method of studying it or any other foreign language was to take a ver- sion of the Bible or some book with which he was familiar in English, and thus quickly make himself acquainted with the vocabulary and construction of the language to be acquired. It was also part of his plan in learning German to read at an early stage of his progress a number of reviews and works of that class, and so obtain at once a knowledge of the language and a general acquaintance with the literature. Sir William was one of a small club which was formed about this time for the purpose of procuring and circulating German periodicals. Among the other members were Dr J. H. Davidson, Mr E. P. Gillies, Professor Duncan, Professor Jamieson, Dr (afterwards Sir) David Brewster, Mr J. C. Colquhoun, &c. It was through Sir William's exertions that the " Dieterichs " collection of Tracts and Pamphlets was secured for the Ad- vocates' Library. " This extensive series," says Edwards in his 'Memoirs of Libraries/ "comprises a wide range of subjects, and includes many works of Luther, Melanch- thon, and other leaders of the Eeformation, most of them being the original editions. Sir William Hamilton, a most zealous curator, acquired the collection for the library at the trivial outlay of eighty pounds. He estimates its contents as extending to 100,000 distinct pieces. But by some strange oversight, the collection was permitted for several years to lie in a ' damp cellar.' Under the present energetic librarian, Mr Halkett, it has been 'taken out, aired, and dried,' and proves, we are told, to be 'one of very considerable value.' " * The former possessor of the collection George Septimus Dieterichs valued the collection highly, and had the half of it catalogued. The preface to his catalogue is dated " Eatis- ponse die xvi. Decembris MDCCLX." This series seems to have * Memoirs of Libraries, vol. ii. p. 9, b. iii. c. 19. EXTRACTS FROM HIS LETTER. 93 been procured for the library by Sir William about 1820. It is not improbable that the purchase was made during his second visit to Germany. Sir William's zeal for the interests of the Advocates' Library was further strongly shown on occasion of a vacancy in the office of principal librarian in 1820. He addressed a letter to the members of the Faculty, in which he pointed out what he considered to be the prominent defects of management, and the more pressing wants of the library. A well -equipped and well-managed library appeared, to one of Sir William's tastes and habits, to be the greatest of a student's wants. With a view to remedy existing evils, and secure increased efficiency of management, he strongly urged the Faculty in his letter to obtain, if possible, the services of the learned Dr Benecke, then professor and librarian in the University of Gottingen. Dr Benecke had been associated with the great scholar Heyne in the management of the Gottingen library; and its organisation, due in large measure to the latter, was regarded as the most perfect in Europe. Sir William's pleading is exceedingly able and characteristic of the writer. Dr Benecke appears, however, to have declined the proposal to come to this country, and the appointment was conferred on the late Dr Irving, whose attainments as a scholar and bibliographist Sir William in his letter most fully acknowledges. The letter contains one or two paragraphs of general inter- est, which merit being preserved. Of competition for literary offices in Germany he says : " In no other country is the choice among literary competitors so wide, nor the standard of learned eminence so high. Even the civil vices of the constitution have contributed to this. For if the roads to political distinction are few, and have been seldom open but to the ambition of the privileged orders, the paths of literary emulation have thereby become more crowded, and the con- test has been more keen. If the separation into petty states has oppressed the industry and sunk the importance of the 94 EXTRACTS FROM HIS LETTER. nation, it has, at the same time, proved the most effectual means to the encouragement of literature, by the increase in the number, and by the impartial dispensation, of literary rewards. Where every prince maintained his university, no such institution could flourish if not superior to other academies in the ability of its teachers nor even exist, if not their equal. A useful competition thus arose between the dif- ferent governments of Germany, in attracting and in retaining men by whom their universities might be promoted ; and the emulation of learning was most effectually encouraged when its remunerations, even though small, were always the prizes of honour, and the sure marks of excellence. In this competi- tion the Hanoverian Government has certainly been the most active; and Gottingen, even from its foundation, has been able, by the liberality of the ministry, to maintain its rank as the first university in Europe for the number and celebrity of its professors." His conception of bibliography of the comparative state of the science in Britain and Germany of the qualifications of a librarian, and of what is required of an author in the way of preparatory reading, is thus given : " Although Bri- tain be anything but inferior to other countries in works of original speculation, and, on some subjects, has been at least their equal in works of profound erudition, still there is one department of learning, however useful and even necessary to any extensive progress in knowledge, that may boldly be said not to have been cultivated amongst us at all. I mean the study of bibliography in its nobler sense, and in its useful application ; that is, the science which teaches us what are the books existing on each subject of knowledge, and by each several nation, and what are their nature, contents, and value. Bibliography, on the contrary, considered merely as conversant in literary rarities, typographical curiosities, &c., has been fondly cultivated in England ; and we have indigen- ous works on every department of the subject, and pampering every fashion and caprice. Our general ignorance in this pre- EXTRACTS FROM HIS LETTER. 95 liminary study is seen, indeed, in every branch of our literary labours which supposes an acquaintance with the history of opinions ; and it is seldom that such a publication appears in Britain whatever may be its other merits which does not manifest its author to be unprepared in a great part of the literature of his subject. As a concomitant effect of this ignorance, although itself reacting as a most principal cause of its continuance, is the comparatively defective state of all British public libraries, both in their complement of useful books, and in those arrangements which facilitate the use of their collections. ... In all this the case is precisely reversed among the Germans. In the erudition of that nation the principle seems established, that before a writer can come forward to instruct the world, he ought himself to have learned all that has been already taught upon his sub- ject ; that the surest method of making new advances in knowledge is, first to ascertain what has been previously effected. Accordingly, along with other branches of literary history, the history and science of books, in all their useful application, have been prosecuted in Germany to an extent of which there is no parallel among other nations. Indeed, with the exception of a very few works of some import in France, and of one or two despicable attempts in classical bibliography among ourselves, we owe everything on the sub- ject which exists and how much does exist ! of any general interest to the labours of the countrymen of Fabricius, Struvius, and Meusel. But the cultivation of the science of books sup- poses, or rather is identical with, the art of the librarian ; and among a people like the Germans, fondly devoted to the pur- suits of erudition, a library is esteemed the most important of all literary institutions. The librarian, with them, is a most important character, and supposes most extensive acquire- ments. Their libraries are, indeed, always superintended by persons of eminent qualifications ; frequently by men even of the first talents and the most transcendent learning." CHAPTER IV. AT THE BAR, AND IN THE UNIVERSITY: 1820-1829. SIR WILLIAM A CANDIDATE FOR MORAL PHILOSOPHY CHAIR SUPPORTED BY MR DUGALD STEWART HIS TESTIMONIALS ELECTION TURNS ON POLITICAL CONSIDERATIONS LETTER OF LORD A. HAMILTON PRO- BABLE CHARACTER OF HIS ETHICAL TEACHING LETTER OF DR PARR CHAIR OF CIVIL HISTORY VACANT APPOINTMENT OF HAMILTON SUBJECTS OF HIS LECTURES AT ST ANDREWS IN SUMMER OF 1823 SMALL COMMONPLACE-BOOK HIS STUDIES AT THIS PERIOD MODERN LATIN POETS, BUCHANAN, BALDE, AND OTHERS PAPER READ BEFORE ROYAL SOCIETY ON GREEK VERB PHRENOLOGY HIS INVESTIGATION OF ITS PRETENSIONS CONCLUSIONS REGARDING THE CEREBELLUM ANIMAL MAGNETISM AND MESMERISM HIS FRIENDS R. P. GILLIES THOMAS CARLYLE's REMINISCENCES CAPTAIN HAMILTON SIR WILLIAM'S REPUTATION FOR READING, AND READINESS TO IMPART INFORMATION DEATH OF HIS MOTHER HIS MARRIAGE. ON the 2d of April 1820, Dr Thomas Brown, the Professor of Moral Philosophy in the University of Edinburgh, died in his early manhood. Dr Brown, during his brief but brilliant career, had held the Chair as colleague to Mr Dugald Stewart. The latter was now again the sole Professor; but from the state of his health and his advanced age, it was not at all likely that he would resume the active duties of the Chair. The successor of Dr Brown would, therefore, require to discharge the entire work, as Dr Brown himself had done, whether in the capacity of colleague to Mr Stewart or as sole Professor. Mr Stewart, however, before the office was again filled up, had placed his resignation in the hands of the electors. Among the candidates for the position there appeared, CANDIDATE FOR MORAL PHILOSOPHY CHAIR. 97 shortly after Dr Brown's death, Mr John Wilson, Advocate, known as the author of the ' Isle of Palms/ and as a leading contributor to 'Blackwood's Magazine/ then recently estab- lished. The public had already received the first-fruits of his fine sensibility, and fervid imaginative genius. He certainly stood out as the young man of the highest literary promise of the time. Sir W. Hamilton did not appear early in the field as a can- didate. This delay arose from a delicacy of feeling regarding the yet unannounced determination of Stewart, who had not formally declared his intention not to resume lecturing. Sir William, however, after communicating with Mr Stewart and his friends, finally declared himself a candidate for the appoint- ment. The circumstances of the case from the first indicated that the contest lay between the two friends, Wilson and Hamilton. Hamilton prosecuted his candidature under the disadvantage of not having as yet appeared before the public as an author. At the same time, his opponent's writings, whatever their other merits, could not be regarded as indicating the kind of talent or training necessary for an efficient ethical analyst and teacher. The election was in the hands of the Town Council of Edin- 9 burgh. In Scotland the bodies intrusted with the uni- versity patronage did not at that time, nor do they now, as in Germany and France, take upon themselves the initiative of inquiring into the merits of candidates, with a view to select and call to the office the man they might deem best fitted for it. The due exercise of a function of this sort implied a degree of educated intelligence and special qualifica- tion which no municipal body could be expected to possess.* * It is right, however, to state that on this occasion a majority of the Council took the very exceptional step of offering the Chair to Sir James Mackintosh. His friends prevailed on him to decline it. Lord Cockburn, on whose authority this statement rests, adds, speaking of Mr Napier's subsequent candidature for the Chair: "By this time the Town Council had relapsed into its true self. Its invitation to Mackintosh had excited great alarm, and it was soon made plain that that dangerous experiment would not be repeated, and that no Whig need be hopeful." Memorials, p. 370. G 98 SUPPORTED BY DUGALD STEWART. The candidates were therefore in this, as in other instances, left to seek the opinions of those understood to be qualified to judge of their pretensions, and to present those opinions to the electing body the Town Council in the form of testimonials. Of the relative value of the testimonials, and generally of the merits and character of the candidates, it was the part of the Council to judge.* In April Hamilton announced his intention to stand to Mr Stewart, with whom he was then only slightly acquainted. Mr Stewart, in reply (writing from Kinneil, 10th April 1820), stated that his own recommendation was already promised to an old friend (Mr Macvey Napier), " to whom," he says, " from my perfect conviction of his fitness for the situation, I had myself suggested the idea of his becoming a candidate." He continues, " This, however, is no reason why you should not bring forward your own pretensions, accompanied with all the testimonials which you can command." And he adds, " Whatever may be the result of the present competition, I trust that what has now passed between us will give a com- mencement to a friendship which, for many reasons, it will always give me the greatest pleasure to cultivate." Mr Napier does not appear to have pressed his canvass for the Chair. After his withdrawal as a candidate, Mr Stewart gave his support, as far as the circumstances of his position allowed him, to Sir W. Hamilton. In a letter, of date 19th June 1820, to Mr James Wedderburn, the Solicitor-General for Scotland, Mr Stewart says : " I have read with the greatest pleasure the testimonials in favour of Sir William Hamilton. Those from his friends of the University of Oxford are more flattering than anything of the kind I remember to have seen ; and when added to the warm testimonies to his learning, talents, and character from some of the most respectable names in Scotland, * How our system of application by testimonials is viewed by foreigners may be gathered from the following: "Cette espece de concours qui, dans 1'ordre scientifique, cheque un peu nos idees en France, est tout-a-fait conforme aux habitudes Anglaises, et n'y a rien que de tres nature!." Peisse, Fragments de Philosophic, Preface, p. 71. OTHER SUPPORTERS. 99 cannot fail to make a strong impression on the public mind. In reading them I could not help regretting that I had not an earlier opportunity of forming his acquaintance, as I have no doubt that I should have profited greatly by his assistance in the prosecution of my favourite studies. Indeed, I am already indebted to him for much curious and valuable information about the later philosophers of Germany, whose merits and defects he seems to me to have appreciated with great candour and discrimination ; and I look forward with peculiar satisfac- tion to my future connection with him, if, fortunately for the University, he should succeed in obtaining the object of his present ambition/' * That the superiority of qualifications was on this occasion on the side of Hamilton, will hardly be disputed by any one who dispassionately considers the previous training and habits of study of the two candidates, or the evidence presented by them. Of force of intellect, philosophical culture and learn- ing, special attainments in the study of intellectual and ethical philosophy, Hamilton adduced the most ample and conclusive testimony. We have seen what was Mr Stewart's opinion of his testimonials. When they were shown to Mr Cran- stoun (afterwards Lord Corehouse), then at the head of the Scottish Bar, he exclaimed, " I would rather have failed with such credentials than have gained with any others." Of his honourable and elevated character, his self-respecting dignity, and his delicacy of feeling, there never was any ques- tion. His opponents tried hard to make him out politically unsafe; and of course he was suspected by the usual tribe of weak and noisy alarmists of theological unsoundness. But both of these suspicions he was able satisfactorily to put down. The Master of Balliol, Dr Jenkyns, unhesitatingly supported Hamilton on the ground of his superior claims; and his Oxford contemporaries testified in the most em- phatic manner to his habits of philosophical research, his well-grounded reputation for learning, and his unparalleled * Testimonials in favour of Sir ~W. Hamilton, Bart. 1820. 100 POLITICAL ELEMENT IN THE ELECTION. appearance at the examination for the degree. He had the hearty support, moreover, of Drs John Barclay and John Thomson, Drs Thomas M'Crie and Samuel Parr, and of Francis Jeffrey. But the truth is, there was little need of adducing evidence as to philosophical attainments or special fitness for the office. The temper of Edinburgh was at that time too violently political to allow a calm consideration of the real merits of candidates, even for an office so catholic as the Chair of Moral Philosophy. The Town Council showed that it did not possess the virtue and intelligence necessary to raise it above party feeling, and enable it to exercise its function of election purely with the dignity of a sacred trust. The two elements of Whig and Tory came into play. Hamilton, though a very unobtrusive politician, was yet a Whig. His opponent was a Tory, and one who thoroughly secured the support of his party. The Tories were in the majority in the Council, and the result of the election, accordingly, was that Wilson was appointed to the Chair. The state of the vote was twenty-one to eleven. It may be proper here to add that, to the credit of both the rival candidates, nothing in the course of the canvass or in the result of the election was allowed to interrupt their friendly relations. To the close of life Wilson and Hamilton retained a cordial regard for each other. How completely the election on this occasion was deter- mined by political considerations is proved by an overture made to Hamilton in the course of the contest, to which he thus refers as late as the year 1840, in showing the sacrifices he had made for his political convictions : " I had the best prospects of success (however worthy my opponent) pro- vided the contest were not made a political one. In these circumstances, it was intimated to me from a most influ- ential quarter that if I would allow it simply to be said that I was not a Whig not a political opponent of the then dominant party the election would be allowed to take its natural course. I refused ; and in refusing I knew that the LETTER OF LORD A. HAMILTON. 101 Chair was lost, for the Tory electors were to the Whigs as three to one, and every individual voted according to his party." And so high philosophical talent, patient investigation, and profound research animated by love and enthusiasm, failed of their public reward. The possessor of these quali- ties had yet to wait for sixteen long years ere he found a befitting sphere for the exercise of his powers. The following letter from Lord Archibald Hamilton ex- presses the opinion entertained at the time, at least by Sir W. Hamilton's friends and supporters, regarding the character of the election for the Moral Philosophy Chair : PANSHANGER, IZtk August [1820]. MY DEAR SIR WILLIAM, I received your letter of the 29th ult. just as I was leaving London for the interval of Parliamentary pro- ceedings, and have neglected to acknowledge it longer than I in- tended or can justify. The nattering way in which you mention my letter to Mr Stewart in your favour is indeed highly gratifying to me ; and that that letter expressed my real opinion, you can have no doubt, from the circum- stance that it was not intended by me that you should know of it at all. I am much pleased, too, that you followed Mr Stewart's advice in excluding me and my letter wholly from your testimonials. My name would probably have been hurtful to your pretensions : my authority would have been of no benefit, and the appearance of either among such learned company would have been deemed, perhaps, unwarrantable intrusion. But here my satisfaction ends. I regret the result most sincerely, and nearly as much on public as on private grounds, because it has been proved, in this instance at least, that political feelings can supersede all other motives in the disposal of an honourable and important trust, at the place where of all others merit should exclusively prevail This impression, however, abates somewhat of the regret I should otherwise feel on the score of your comparative failure. In all competitions for honourable distinction, the parties may derive honour from the merits of each other, except where the judges decide under some sinister influence, in which case success ceases to be victory, and failure ceases to be defeat. 102 MORAL PHILOSOPHY CHAIR. In hopes of meeting you in the autumn, I remain, my dear Sir William, with regard and esteem, most truly and faithfully yours, ARCHD. HAMILTON. It is somewhat idle to speculate regarding the probable effect on the course of Hamilton's studies, had the result of the election to the Moral Philosophy Chair been different. The tendency of his mind was unquestionably more to the abstract side of philosophical questions than to the concrete more metaphysical and logical than ethical or practical. And probably this natural bent would not have been marked- ly checked by close and special attention to ethical studies, though it might have been rendered less exclusive and pre- dominant. To himself the chief advantage of the appointment would have been that it would have afforded a field for his powers of dealing with young minds while he was yet compara- tively youthful and fresh, and thus more ready to accom- modate himself to the practical work of teaching than he pos- sibly could be at a later period of life. It would also have given him an immediate stimulus to studied composition an effort which he was always prone to defer in the interest of research and reflection, and to which, from his fastidious habits and temperament, he felt a positive repugnance. So far as the interests of the Chair were concerned, there can be no doubt that Hamilton would have supplied certain of the deficiencies in the treatment of moral philosophy in the Scottish universities. He would have given to the science a more definite sphere than had been assigned to it in our teaching and literature, and would thus have checked the diffuseness of treatment which has so greatly enfeebled its growth. Above all, he would have looked at ethical questions in the light of their history linked on to the past of ancient Greece and Eome the isolated and exclusive efforts of Scottish inquirers and given them scientific completeness and vitality, by setting both questions and solutions in the light of modern Continental speculation. APPOINTMENT TO THE CHAIR OF CIVIL HISTORY. 103 This latter point did not escape the sagacity of the learned and philosophic Dr Parr. " Will you pardon me," he says, writing to Mr Stewart about Hamilton previously to the elec- tion, " for telling you my own judgment ? In my opinion Sir W. Hamilton is exactly the man who should follow you and Brown. He is a man who will supply what is wanting, and what you and your successor had no opportunity of stating with the precision which the subject required. Your attention was necessarily confined to modern systems of philosophy, and you have left very few gleanings. We now look for a man who should unlock the stores of ancient metaphysics, and that man is presented to you in Sir W. Hamilton." * Before the contest for the Moral Philosophy Chair took place, the appointment of a colleague to Mr William Fraser Tytler, the Professor of Civil History, had been spoken of. For this office Sir William had thought of becoming a candi- date ; and he had then, for the first time, formally declared his attachment to Whig principles. The Chair finally became vacant through the resignation of Mr Tytler early in 1821. The subject of this professorship was congenial to Sir W. Hamilton's tastes, and had fallen within the scope of his multifarious studies. It was known that Sir William would not be indisposed to accept the office, though he never actually became a candidate for it. The appointment lay virtually with the Faculty of Advocates. His political views, which had been so fatal to his success in the contest for the Moral Philosophy Chair, might here, too, have been expected to stand in his way ; for Whig principles were far from being in the ascendant in the Parliament House. To the honour of the Faculty, however, his politics were not allowed to overweigh his indisputable qualifications for the office. They appear even to have virtually secured for him the appointment. The mode of procedure in the election to this Chair was for the Advocates to choose a leet of two candidates, and * Testimonials in favour of Sir W. Hamilton, Bart. 1820. 104 SUBJECTS OF HIS LECTURES. forward it to the Town Council, who appointed one of the number generally the first on the leet. At a meeting of the Faculty held March 7, 1821, "it was moved by Mr William Erskine, and seconded by Mr Pringle, that the motion made by Mr Solicitor-General at the meeting on the twenty- first day of February last be put viz., that Sir William Hamilton be first on the leet, along with Mr Fraser Ty tier " (the retiring Professor). The motion was carried by a large majority. The Faculty further intimated to the Town Coun- cil that they gave their consent and authority to the joint- nomination of Sir W. Hamilton and Mr Tytler, with a right of survivorship, if the Council should see fit to adopt this course. The Council made the appointment in terms of the recommendation of the Faculty. The office to which Sir William was now nominated did not bring with it great remuneration, or imply very onerous duties. The class formed no part of the course of study for the degrees in Arts, and attendance on it was not required by any of the learned professions. The number of students was accordingly very limited. In fact no previous professor had succeeded in forming a regular class. Under a predecessor of Sir William's, indeed, the History class gained the distinction of having reached the absolute minimum of attendance, for in one ses- sion there was but one pupil ; and professor and student very judiciously agreed to discuss the subject of the lecture in a walk round the Meadows in preference to the class-room. The salary attached to "the Chair was only 100 a-year, payable out of a local duty on ale and beer. Owing to the embarrass- ments of the city, even this pittance was not paid with unin- terrupted regularity during Sir William's tenure of office. The circumstances of the Chair were thus hardly of a nature to stimulate its occupant to much exertion. The Professor's inspiration had to spring entirely from interest in the subject which he was called upon to teach. Fortunately of this Sir William had no lack, and so, after a little of his habitual procrastination in the work of composition, he set himself SUBJECTS OF HIS LECTURES. 105 energetically to prepare a course of lectures. The subject which he discussed, after an introduction on the sphere of history and the advantages of its study, was the modern history of Europe down to the outbreak of the French Eevo- lution. This he viewed as commencing with the formation of a system of states connected with each other on the principle of the balance of power. Accordingly he devoted several preliminary lectures to developing the causes through which, about the close of the fifteenth century, the previously isolated states of Europe came to constitute such a system. Among the causes specified were the decline of feudalism and the simultaneous rise of towns and of a middle class, the decline of the Papal power, and the concentration of national author- ity in the hands of the kings. He next proceeded to give an account of the fundamental principles and historical origin of the system of the balance of power, which he compared with two other plans for adjusting international relations viz., the theory of a universal monarchy, and the theory of an inter- national confederation and congress. He then entered upon the history which formed the proper subject of his lectures. This he divided into two periods the first extending from the end of the fifteenth century to the majority of Louis XIV. (1492-1661) ; the second, from the latter date to the commencement of the French Eevolution (1661-1789). Ee- garding the general system of the European states as consist- ing of a northern and a southern, he divided the history of the southern system during the first period into four intervals. Under the second of these there were lengthened remarks on the Eeformation and its influence. In showing how it acted as a powerful stimulus to the energies of Europe, he stated its effects on the organisation of society as follows : 1st, A change in the condition of the clergy and in the relation of the ecclesiastical to the civil authority ; 2d, That religion now became formally established as a basis of the political constitutions ; 3d, The extension and consolidation of monarchical authority. He took a general survey of the his- 106 CONDUCT OF THE HISTORY CLASS. tory of the northern system of states during the first period, and then, proceeding to the second, carried on the history of both systems separately till about the middle of the eighteenth century, when, by the rise of Prussia under Frederick the Great, he regarded them as blended into one. The course terminated with an account of Maria Theresa and Frederick the Great, and of the partition of Poland. To the history of each period was annexed an account of the colonies of the different European states. In addition to the above, Sir William was in the habit of giving a short course on the history of European literature, which embraced the following topics : General characteristics of modern literature as compared with that of antiquity ; influence of events on its course ; remarks on national litera- ture ; history of the literature (chiefly poetry) of Italy, Spain and Portugal, France, England and Scotland, Germany. Occasionally, also, he delivered detached lectures on the political economy of the ancients, Aristotle's analysis of the forms of government, the theory of an original civil contract, the political institutions of the ancient Germans, the feudal system, the Papal supremacy; also on the literature of the middle ages, &c. Sir William seems to have intended to 'deliver a course of lectures on ancient history, consisting of "general specula- tions, and of discussions on interesting and obscure points of historical research;" but probably there was not sufficient encouragement to induce him to carry out this design. The number of loose papers preserved in connection with this course, and their contents, show with how much diligence and zeal he entered into the historical and political subjects which fell within the range of the professorship. The first course of the lectures on history was composed chiefly in the summer of 1822, at Burntisland. " Compara- tively few, however," Lady Hamilton tells us, " were fully written out before the commencement of the session, and many were not composed till the night before they were delivered, AT ST ANDREWS IN 1823. 10*7 Sir William's mother and myself acting as amanuenses, either writing to dictation or copying, according as preparation had been made. Sir William was very much dissatisfied with the lectures, and when, on the opening of the class, a number of his brethren at the Bar wished to attend the course, he en- deavoured to exclude them by positively declining to give them tickets of admission at least, which was tantamount to the same thing, to accept of a fee ; and all who attended the iirst year as actual students were invited to return on the same ticket the following year, by which time the lectures had been to some extent added to and improved." In the Chair of History Sir William attracted for some years what, in the circumstances, was a very considerable class, numbering, as it did, from thirty to fifty. Several of his auditors were of course non-professional students, while others had already gone through the usual curriculum. After a few years the numbers appear to have diminished. Latterly Sir William delivered lectures only in alternate years; and when the salary ceased to be paid, through the bankruptcy of the city, he did not lecture at all. Though this was not the sphere in which he was destined to achieve a high or general reputation, he yet made on the few who listened to him a very powerful impression. " In 1829," says Mr Archibald Russell, writing from New York in 1864, " I attended his course of lectures on History, and still remember the earnestness with which he described the Thirty Years' War and the changes of public opinion in Germany." " The most distinguished students of the University," said Professor Wilson, "spoke with enthusiasm of the sagacity, learning, eloquence, and philosophical spirit of those lectures." In the same year in which he was appointed to the History Chair, Sir William was elected a Foreign Member of the Society for the Study of the German Language at Berlin. This seems to have been the first of the many honours which he received from foreign countries. A portion of the summer of 1823 was passed at St Andrews. 108 HIS PURSUITS AT ST ANDREWS. In those days the ancient city had not become a place of fashionable resort in summer. Access to it was not so easy as now. It was the old university town primitive in char- acter with a society peculiarly its own. Modern improve- ment, in the form of excellent pavements and the demolition of historical monuments, had fortunately not yet come near it. Sir William's delight in the relics of the past and their associations was there fully gratified. During his stay he was, moreover, deeply immersed in the study of the poetry and life of his favourite author, George Buchanan ; and we may imagine the special interest which the residence and place of teaching of the great Scottish scholar had in his eyes. It does not appear that he took any part in the exciting pastime of the links, but he had an opportunity of gratifying his marked taste for a fine expanse of sea and coast-line. In the very agreeable society connected with the University, Sir William found several congenial spirits, with whom ever after- wards he kept up friendly relations. The usages of this society were no less primitive than the appearance of the old town. The dinner-hour was four o'clock, the evenings were generally spent in playing long commerce, which was pretty often kept up till midnight, after which there was the walk home along the unpaved street with the lass and the lantern, varied on rainy evenings by the transport in succession of the ladies of the party in the solitary sedan-chair which the city then boasted. The library of the old University held out for Sir William a powerful attraction. It contained certain folios not readily, or even at all, to be met with elsewhere in Britain among others, Durandus on the Sentences. A rare schoolman was to him simply irresistible ; and thus the greater part of his time was spent in the library in the engrossing study of a commentator on Peter Lombard, or in an arduous hunt through the various works of John Major. A commonplace-book of this period, formed on no very definite principle, contains the fruits of his researches during the summer. The chief STUDY OF MODERN LATIN POETRY. 109 topics investigated appear to have been the scholastic doctrine of Species, and the distinction of Intuitive, Eepresentative, and Abstractive Knowledge, as given by Durandus and other schoolmen ; a notice of traces of Idealism in the older philo- sophers, and of those philosophers who held an intuitive and representative knowledge of external objects. It is interest- ing to find in this coimnonplace-book distinct evidence of his having already thought out that doctrine of Intuitive Percep- tion which was given to the world seven years afterwards in the ' Edinburgh Eeview ' of April 1830. The other points touched upon are the Infinite, Common Sense, and Beauty. The jottings on these subjects are probably of later date. The study of Buchanan, which he prosecuted with so much interest at St Andrews, had begun even in his Oxford days, and was continued during his lifetime. Buchanan was, in- deed, only the favourite author in a line of reading to which he was enthusiastically devoted, and to which about this time especially he gave much attention. This was the Latin poetry of the fifteenth, sixteenth, and seventeenth centuries. Sir William's collection of the poets of this period was both ample and rare, and his acquaintance with them very thorough. There are in the library upwards of two hundred volumes of the modern Latin poets, including individual authors and col- lected editions. With Buchanan he was peculiarly conversant. He has left an annotated copy of Euddiman's quarto edi- tion of his works, which, for the number and quality of the illustrative quotations and references to ancient and modern Latin poetry, is a monument worthy of a classical scholar of the highest distinction. The materials which he gathered, with a view to a life of the poet, were also very ample. These labours were expended in pursuance of the scheme of a com- plete edition of Buchanan's poems. The work was never finished; but the portion overtaken is very great, and, with a little careful revision and superintendence, would, if pub- lished, form a valuable contribution to the poetic literature of that period. Visitors at Great King Street will remember the 110 MODERN LATIN POETS. excellent portrait of " old George" so he was spoken of in the family which hung on the wall of the library. It was an early purchase of Sir William's the only one of the kind he ever made and was considered by him as an original picture. Another favourite Latin poet was James Balde* (born 1603, died 1668) the " Vates Boiorum," the Horace of Alsace eulogised by Herder and A. W. Schlegel. Herder's enthusiasm for Balde breaks out in the strongest manner : " Starke Gesinnungen, erhabene Gedanken, goldne Lehren, vermischt mit zarten Empfindungen furs Wohl der Mensch- heit und fur das Gliick seines Vaterlandes, stromen aus seiner vollen Brust, aus seiner innig bewegten Seele."-f- "Highly as Sir William admired the grace and beauty of Buchanan's lyrjcs, I almost think," says Mr George Moir, " that the racy vigour of Balde was more in harmony with his own masculine tastes. How often have I heard him recite with enthusiasm the noble stanzas on the death of Tappenheim (killed at Lutzen, 1632, just as he was bringing his celebrated corps into action to the aid of Wallenstein against Gustavus Adolphus) : * Jacet ille magnus Qui cadit magnus ; celebrat ruina, Non premit fortem ; titubatque pulchra Truncus in ira. Vulnus arniatum decorat cadaver, Comit hoc rupti sacer oris horror ; Et cicatrices et adhuc ferocis Rudera viiltus.' " J In addition to Buchanan and Balde, Sir William seems to have had a marked preference for the three authors "the famous triumvirate " who adorned the first half of the six- teenth century, an epoch distinguished for its Latin poetry. * Balde (Jacobi) Poemata, 2 vols., Colonise Ubiorum, 1660. Opera Omnia Poetica, 8 vols., Monachii, 1729. Carmina Selecta (ed. J. 0. Orelli), Zurici, 1805. Carolina Selecta (ed. Rohn), Viennse et Cremisfe, 1824. Carrnina Lyrica (ed. Muller), Monachii, 1844. The above are all in Sir William's library. f See Miiller's edition, ' Herder an den Deutschen Leser. ' $ Carmina Lyrica, 1. i. od. 19. MODERN LATIN POETS. Ill These were Sannazarius, Vida, and Fracastorius. Sannazarius (1458-1530) has a high repute for the purity of his Latinity and the harmony and variety of his versification. These char- acteristics, apart even from his purely poetical power, were congenial to Sir William's tastes. The ' De Partu Virginis ' of Sannazarius is regarded as one of the most finished of modern Latin poems. Mr Hallam says of his Piscatory Eclogues " that they seem to breathe the beauty and sweetness of that fair bay they describe," and that " his Elegies are such as may compete with Tibullus." * Vida of Cremona (1480-1566), who took Virgil for his model, has left us, among other pieces, the 'De Arte Poetica' and the ' Eclogse.' [ In the former lie treats of the education of the poet, of invention, and of elocution. The ' De Arte Poetica ' has been frequently trans- lated into other languages, and has influenced the views of the French critics on the subject of epic poetry. Mr Hallam says of Vida that, "notwithstanding some Brilliant passages, among which the conclusion of the second book 'De Arte Poetica' is prominent, he is far inferior to San- nazarius." The third of the triumvirate is Fracastorius { (1483-1553), distinguished by the universality of his attain- ments and the rare vigour of his intellect. Critics are divided in opinion as to the relative superiority of the two great works of Sannazarius and Fracastorius. Fracastorius, in Mr Hallam's opinion, is " the greater poet ; " Sannazarius " the better author of Latin verses." Besides the names already mentioned, Sir William relished the racy invectives against the Church of Baptista Mantuanus, * Literature of Europe, i. p. 597. The library contains Saunazarii (Actii Sinceri) Opera Latina, omnia et integra, Amstelodami, 1689. There is also the edition of Broukhusius, Amstel., 1728. The 'Arcadia' of Sannazarius passed through sixty editions in the sixteenth century. Tiraboschi speaks of it in terms of high encomium. t Vidae (Marci Hieronymi) Poemata (ed. Tristram), Oxonii, 1722. De Arte Poetica, libri iii. (ed. Klotzius), Altenburgi, 1766. Fracastorii (Hieronymi) Syphilis sive Morbus Gallicus (ed. Choulant) ; Lipsise, 1830. Also the second and third Juntine editions of his Opera Omnia. 112 MODERN LATIN POETS. once very celebrated, but now nearly forgotten.* Janus Douza,-f OwenJ (in Latin Audoenus, 1560-1622, of New College, Oxford), and the two Scaligers were also favour- ites. Sir William's proficiency in the department of learning of which we have now been speaking, is shown in a characteris- tic way in the following anecdote. Dr Parr, when in Edin- burgh, some time before 1820, met Sir William at the house of Dr John Thomson, the distinguished Professor of Patho- logy in the University. " Sir William astonished the colos- sal philologist by evincing a range and accuracy of scholarship not inferior to his own. The erudite doctor, probably in gracious condescension to the society in which he found him- self, had at first discoursed of Greek philosophy, his know- ledge of which was certainly extensive, but finding he did not achieve any decided superiority in this chosen walk, be- took himself to an obscurer field of learning, where he natu- rally expected to reign alone ; he led the conversation to- wards the later and less known Latin poets, with their imita- tors at the revival of letters, and in still more recent times, but he soon discovered that even here his companion was at home ; until at length, finding that, turn where he would, the young Advocate before him could not only follow step by step, but was actually able to continue his quotations and correct his references, his imperturbable superiority gave way, and he * The poems of Mantuan were first collected and published about the eud of the fifteenth century. In Sir William's library, among other editions, is Mantuani (Baptistse) Opera Omnia, 4 vols., Antverpiae, 15/6. t Douzse (Jani) Poemata pleraque selecta (ed. Scriverius), Lugd. Bat., 1609. J Oweni (Joannis) Epigrammata, Vratislavise, 1680. The library contains also the Basle edition, with MS. notes, 1766 ; Renouard's edition, 1794 ; and that of Ebert, Leipsic, 1824. Owen's epigram against the simony of the Court of Rome, which cost the author his uncle's estate, is worth quoting : " An fuerit Petrus Romse sub judice lis est; Simonem Romse nemo fuisse negat." Scaligeri (Jul. Cses.) Poemata Divina, In Bibliop. Commeliniano, 1600. Poetices, libri vii., 1617. Scaligeri (Jos. Justi) Poemata Omnia, ex Museo Pet. Scriverii; Ex offic. Plantin., Raphelengii, 1615. PHRENOLOGY. 113 was startled into the sudden inquiry, ' Why, who are you, sir ? ' The doctor, as afterwards appeared, did not forget Sir William Hamilton, nor lose the impression his extraordinary acquire- ments had made upon him."* Besides modern Latin poetry, the various points in the theory of Greek and Latin grammar had a special attraction for Sir William ; and this study he prosecuted, as usual, with great historical thoroughness. A special nook of the library contains his collection of grammarians, ancient and modern an exceedingly rare and curious one. His interest in the subject was quickened about 1823 by the ingenious specu- lations of the late learned Principal Hunter of St Andrews, which were communicated to the Eoyal Society of Edinburgh (20th January of that year), and published in its Trans- actions under the title of " Conjectures on the Analogy ob- served in the Formation of some of the Tenses of the Greek Verb." Sir William, in two papers read before the same body, reviewed the grounds of Dr Hunter's opinion under the title of "A Theory in regard to the original approxima- tion of the First and Second Aorists of the Greek Verb." Coinciding generally in Dr Hunter's view, he yet criticised with great learning and acuteness the steps of the Doctor's reasoning in refutation of the hypotheses of other gram- marians and in support of his own doctrine. The papers are characterised by the author's usual nicety and refinement of distinction, and prodigality of reference to authorities. He cites the grammarians from Apollonius Dyscolius of the second century, down through Herodian, Zonaras, Eustathius, Macrobius, Prisciau, Sanctius, Lascaris, Linacer, to Matthias and Hermann most of them "nomina non prius audita" in Scotland, and particularly in the Koyal Society of Edin- burgh. The pretensions of phrenology commenced shortly before 1820 to attract attention in Scotland, especially in Edinburgh, through the zealous efforts of Mr George Combe. Sir William * Edinburgh Essays Sir W. Hamilton ; by Professor Baynes. H 114 PHYSIOLOGICAL RESEARCHES. was led, through his interest in anatomy and physiology the studies of his youth and through his views of psychological science, to sift carefully the claims of the new doctrine of mind, and method of investigating the mental phenomena, propounded by Gall, Spurzheim, and their followers. It had been not uncommon to meet the phrenological doctrines by reasoning to their supposed consequences, and seek- ing to show these to be hurtful to the interests of morality and religion. Sir William had too just an appreciation of scientific method to admit the legitimacy of such a proced- ure. "That the results of phrenology are repugnant to those previously admitted, is but a sorry reason for not in- quiring into their foundation. . . . This doctrine pro- fesses to be founded on sensible facts. Sensible facts must be shown to be false, not by reasoning, but by experiment ; for as old Fernelius has well expressed it, ' Insipientis arro- gantise est argumentationis necessitatem sensuum testimonio anteponere.' " He set himself accordingly, with characteristic zeal and care, to examine the alleged grounds of fact on which the new science was based. He addressed himself to the investigation of its principal general doctrines particularly those respecting the function of the cerebellum, and the existence and extent of the frontal sinuses. This was the first thorough scrutiny of the science on its proper grounds which was made in this country. His observations and experiments, which were carried out with his own hand, were conducted in a singularly careful, sagacious, and method- ical manner. They resulted in conclusions that are entirely subversive of the phrenological allegations on the points at issue ; in the correction of certain prevailing physiological errors ; and in discoveries of very considerable importance both in physiology and anatomy. His conduct of these re- searches shows very conclusively, that if he usually gave but little attention to the investigation of physical phenomena it was not from want of capacity, but because of his stronger interest in other pursuits. CONTROVERSY WITH PHRENOLOGISTS. 115 The first results of his researches on this subject were given in a paper which he read before the Eoyal Society in Decem- ber 1826, under the title of " Practical Consequences of the Theory of the Functions of the Brain of Dr Gall." This was followed by another paper in 1827. He also read two lectures on the subject in the Chemistry class-room of the University, before a crowded audience of supporters and opponents of phrenology. " They sparkled," says one who heard them, " with fine irony, and abounded in facts which a goodly array of real skulls fully confirmed." * Sir William was recognised at this period as the most formidable opponent whom the phrenologists had to en- counter. Nor was it only in public that he was called upon to combat phrenology. " I was invited/' says Archdeacon Sinclair, "by a zealous phrenologist, Mr Hamilton, to meet at dinner Sir William and the celebrated George Combe. ' I hope/ said Mr Hamilton, ' to have a great phrenological field-day, by securing an equal number of phrenologists and anti-phrenologists to back these two champions, Sir William and Mr Combe. You must come to support Sir William. I can easily bring together as many well-informed phreno- logists as I please to support Mr Combe; but I can hardly find a single anti-phrenologist who is not wholly ignorant on the subject/ I accepted the invitation. The discus- sion lasted the whole evening, and was extremely interest- ing. Sir William, as our host apprehended, had not his full quota of supporters, but he had at his command a sur- prising battery of arguments and references which never failed him." The papers read before the Koyal Society led to a contro- versial correspondence with Mr Combe, and afterwards with Dr Spurzheim, on his visit to Edinburgh in 1828. Dr Spurz- heim was desirous of a public oral discussion on the points at issue, with a view to obtain a decision upon them by the vote * He afterwards gave the substance of these papers as lectures in the class of Logic and Metaphysics. 116 RESULTS OF HIS RESEARCHES. of the audience. Sir William very decidedly declined both the discussion and the tribunal.* His final conclusion regarding phrenology is forcibly ex- pressed probably in his own words in the following state- ment of his friend Mr George Moir, who first became ac- quainted with him about this period : " So tolerant was Sir William of all opinions, that I may say phrenology was the only doctrine he could not tolerate. He had studied it with care, and mastered very completely the anatomy of the brain. . . . The result was, he had come to look on phrenology as a mischievous humbug." The physiological and anatomical inquiries thus commenced in connection with phrenology were continued for many years subsequent to 1826, and extended to points which Sir William had not originally intended to embrace, such as the weight and relative proportions of the brain in man and animals under varying circumstances. The results of his inquiries were published at different times in Dr Monro's 'Anatomy of the Brain' (1831), 'Edinburgh New Philoso- phical Journal,' vol. xlviii. (1850), 'Medical Times,' 1845.-(- On the subject of the cerebellum and the brain generally, his researches were most careful and extended. "It was cer- tain discoveries," he tells us, "which I made in regard to the laws of development and the function of this organ [the cerebellum], and the desire of establishing these by an induc- tion from as many of the species as possible of the animal kingdom, that led me into a more extensive inquiry than has hitherto been instituted by any professional physiolo- gist. . . . My tables extend to above 1000 brains of above 50 species of animals, accurately weighed by a delicate balance." J * See a voluminous correspondence between Hamilton and Combe, &c., in the Phrenological Journal, vol. iv. p. 377-407 (1827), and vol. v. p. 1-82 (1828). t Collected and reprinted in Lectures on Metaphysics, voL L Appendix. Lectures on Metaphysics, vol. i. Appendix, p. 408. ANIMAL MAGNETISM. 117 His conclusions regarding the development and real func- tion of the cerebellum are curious and important. He held it to be " the intra-cranial organ of the nutritive faculty," and " the condition of voluntary or systematic motion." * He conducted his numerous experiments with his own hand sawing open skulls, dissecting, and testing the weight of brains. His juvenile friends, of whom he had always an attached following, were employed in scouring the fields for animals on which to experiment ; and the yard of his house at Manor Place was filled with rabbits, poultry, &c., which ate, slept, and moved about with their heads transfixed with needles in different directions, in defiance of phrenological and physiological predictions that these functions must thereby be instantly arrested. " There was," says Lady Hamilton, " a constant succession of young animals about the house, for the purpose of being experimented on. Pins or wires were passed in various directions through their heads by Sir Wil- liam, and the consequent effects on their powers of motion, sight, taking of food, &c., were not only considered by him scientifically valuable, but sometimes were so comical as to afford us much amusement, indeed to watch these vagaries was a favourite diversion of Sir William's. When we made a visit in the country, he took his instruments with him, and would get hold of fowls and chickens, which he left with wires sticking in their heads, and which were sometimes sent to him months afterwards to show how well they had thriven, notwithstanding this unusual treatment." While opposed to phrenology, he was much interested in animal magnetism, and disposed apparently to believe in the more general facts on which it is founded at least to regard them as matter for careful scientific investigation. To one who was indisposed to accept the apparent phenomena of mesmerism, he remarked, " Before you set aside the science of the mesmerist, you ought to read the evidence in its favour * See Lectures, vol. i. Appendix, p. 410. 118 MR GILLIES'S REMINISCENCES. given by all the greatest medical authorities in Germany.' "Sir William had no doubt," says a friend, "of the power of mesmerism in nervous temperaments to produce sleep and other cognate phenomena ; but he utterly disbelieved clair- voyance : and when Mr Colquhoun used to bring forward instances to that effect, he would remind him of the story of the 1000 bank-note which had been lying sealed up for years, ready to be delivered to any clairvoyant who, without opening the envelope, could read its contents." Sir William had frequent experiments at his house in mes- merism, along with the friend just mentioned, Mr J. C. Colquhoun, a brother advocate, and for many years Sheriff of Dumbartonshire. Mr Colquhoun was the author of ' Isis Ee- velata,' a work which contains a singularly extensive collec- tion of facts and testimonies on the subject of animal magnet- ism. He had studied at GOttingen, where his interest had been excited in the subject of his book, and where he had laid the foundations of a wide acquaintance with German literature. This degree of community in their interests helped to foster the constant and affectionate intimacy which sub- sisted between him and Sir William. Another of Sir William's friends at this period was Mr E. P. Gillies. Gillies was a man of talent and considerable accomplishments, thoroughly familiar with the lighter kinds of German literature. His poetical ability was respectable. He contributed to ' Blackwood's Magazine,' from its com- mencement up to 1827, a series of papers entitled "Horse Germanicse" and "Horae Danicse." These were the means of first making known to the British public the works of Milliner, Grillparzer, Houwald, and others. In 1826 ap- peared his ' German Stories, selected from the works of Hoff- mann, De la Motte Fouque, Pichler, Kruse, and others.' With all his attainments Gillies was eccentric to the last degree. Sir William did every justice to his talent. He considered the ' German Stories/ as translations, fully equal to anything done by Carlyle. But he had at the same time an exceed- MR GILLIES'S REMINISCENC ingly keen perception of Gillies's absurdities, him, as lie said, " a kind of inspired idiot." * The following extract from the ' Memoirs of a Literary Veteran/ published by Gillies in 1851, throws light on Sir William's habits at this period : " Among impressions of this epoch [1823-25], few are more pleasant in retrospection than those of long pedestrian excursions, in company with two near neighbours, numbered still among the few surviv- ing friends who have not changed their conduct towards me during the chance and change to which I have been subjected I mean Sir William Hamilton and Mr J. C. Colquhoun. Dissimilar as were the members of this petit comite, there was, at all events, one point on which we quite agreed namely, in a hearty liking for long walks out of town, reckless whether the season was that of wintry storms or summer sunshine. Numberless were the subjects broached in these rambles, and numberless as the changes in Dr Brewster's kaleidoscope, the lights and shades which they assumed under our desultory discussions. Sir William Ham- ilton's researches in literature generally, but especially in that of the middle ages, had already been almost unprecedented, and I suppose have continued to progress up to the present date. But the conclusions at which he arrived (if such they could be called) were somewhat eccentric, for according to him, all that might now be projected had already been ; there was mutation without any real progress. In his estimation, the chateaux en Espagne of which I dreamed had woefully little chance. They were scarcely allowed to have their poor transitory being among the clouds. It was impossible to table any literary plan which he did not immediately smother by numberless references and citations, to show how much had been already done towards it without effect, his purpose seemingly being to evince that nothing of any real importance could be effected. In reality, perhaps, his object was very different. At all events, the consequences were very pleasant * Mr George Moir's notes. 120 MR CARLYLE'S REMINISCENCES. and profitable ; for by a merciless application of the principle of contradiction (Satz des Wider spruchs), topics religious, political, ethical, and sesthetical, were discussed and investi- gated in a manner of which otherwise there would have been no chance. Many animated debates yet linger on my remem- brance, of which the objective matter was too serious to be fitted for these hasty pages. I think Sir William Hamilton was (and perhaps is) as much inclined as the late Malcolm Laing to use the said principle of contradiction this being necessary towards the conclusions of logic as well as of mathe- matics. In those days, having leisure time, he derived much amusement from the prevalent rage at Edinburgh for the doc- trines of Gall and Spurzheim, and, for pastime, he entered into a series of experiments, measurements, and dissections, to prove how erroneous were their dicta. I remember how heartily he was diverted one morning, when, on comparing Voltaire's head with mine, he found by his craniometrical process that the stupid dolt, who never uttered a bon mot in his life, nevertheless possessed a bump of wit much more pro- nonctf than that of the far-famed Frenchman." * The following reminiscences by another of Sir William's associates at this period will be read with much interest. The name of Thomas Carlyle is identified, more than that of any man now living, with the best and freshest intellectual and moral influences of the last thirty-five years. And amid cer- tain outward differences of form, there may be traced a real unity in the characters and life-aims of Hamilton and Carlyle. Both stand out in the history of those past years conspicuous for fervour, simplicity of purpose, noble -heartedness, and a resolute adherence to their respective self-chosen, somewhat isolated, tracks of thought and conviction ; sustained alike by the unwavering belief that, whatever the world around them might think, the best thing for it was the sense of the absolute worth the absolute inconvertibility with any other earthly good of a love of truth as truth, in thought and action. * Memoirs of a Literary Veteran, vol. iii. p. 93-95. MR CARLYLE'S REMINISCENCES. 121 "I have in my memory nothing that is worth recording about Sir William Hamilton ; pleasant as all my recollections of him are, they cover but a small space, and that not in the conspicuous or famous portion of his life ; and can have no- thing new to those that had the honour of any acquaintance with him. Here, nevertheless, they are, tales quotes. " Well onward in my student-life at Edinburgh I think it may have been in 1819 or 1820 I used to pass, most morn- ings, on my way college-ward, by the east side of St Andrew Square, and a certain alley or short cut thereabouts called Gabriel's Road, which led out to the very end of Princes Street, directly opposite the North Bridge close by the place which afterwards became famous as Ambrose's Tavern. Both Gabriel and Ambrose, I find, are now abolished, and the locality not recognisable; but doubtless many remember it for one reason or another, as I do for the following. " Somewhere in Gabriel's Eoad, there looked out on me, from the Princes Street or St David Street side,* a back window on the ground -floor of a handsome enough house ; window which had no curtains ; and visible on the sill of it were a quantity of books lying about, gilt quartos and con- spicuous volumes, several of them ; evidently the sitting room and working room of a studious man, whose lot, in this safe seclusion, I viewed with a certain loyal respect. ' Has a fine silent neighbourhood,' thought I ; ' a fine north light, and wishes to save it all/ Inhabitant within I never noticed by any other symptom; but from my comrades soon learned whose house and place of study this was. u The name of Sir William Hamilton I had before heard ; but this was the first time he appeared definitely before my memory or imagination ; in which his place was per- manent thenceforth. A man of good birth, I was told, though of small fortune, who had deep faculties and an insatiable appetite for wise knowledge; was titularly an * There is an inaccuracy here respecting the locality of the house. At this period Sir William was living in Howe Street. 122 MR CARLYLE'S REMINISCENCES. advocate here, but had no practice, nor sought any ; had gathered his modest means thriftily together, and sat down here, with his mother and sister (cousin, I believe, it really was), and his ample store of books ; frankly renouncing all lower ambitions, and indeed all ambitions together, except what I well recognised to be the highest and one real ambi- tion in this dark ambiguous world. A man honourable to me, a man lovingly enviable ; to whom, in silence, I heartily bade good speed. It was also an interesting circumstance, which did not fail of mention, that his ancestor, Hamilton of Preston, was leader of the Cameronians at Bothwell Brig, and had stood by the Covenant and Cause of Scotland in that old time and form. ' This baronetcy, if carried forward on those principles, may well enough be poor,' thought I ; ' and beautifully well may it issue in such a Hamilton as this one aims to be, still piously bearing aloft, on the new terms, his God's-Banner intrepidly against the World and the Devil ! ' " It was years after this, perhaps four or five, before I had the honour of any personal acquaintance with Sir William ; his figure on the street had become familiar, but I forget, too, when this was first pointed out to me ; and cannot recollect even when I first came to speech with him, which must have been by accident and his own voluntary favour, on some slight occasion, probably at The Advocates' Library, which was my principal or almost sole literary resource (lasting thanks to it, alone of Scottish institutions !) in those obstructed, neglectful, and grimly-forbidding years. Perhaps it was in 1824 or 1825. I recollect right well the bright affable manners of Sir William, radiant with frank kindliness, honest humanity, and intelli- gence ready to help ; and how completely prepossessing they were. A fine firm figure of middle height ; one of the finest cheerfully-serious human faces, of square, solid, and yet rather aquiline type ; a little marked with smallpox marked, not deformed, but rather the reverse* (like a rock rough -hewn, * This impression is not correct. Sir William's face had no marks of smallpox. MR CARLYLE'S REMINISCENCES. 123 not spoiled by polishing) ; and a pair of the beautifullest kindly-beaming hazel eyes, well open, and every now and then with a lambency of smiling fire in them, which I always remember as if with trust and gratitude. Our conversation did not amount to much, in those times ; mainly about Ger- man books, philosophies and persons, it is like; and my usual place of abode was in the country then. Letter to him, or from, I do not recollect there was ever any ; though there might well enough have been, had either of us been prone that way. " In the end of 1826 I came to live in Edinburgh under circumstances new and ever memorable to me : from then till the spring of 1828 and, still more, once again in 1832-33, when I had brought my little household to Edinburgh for the winter must have been the chief times of personal intercourse between us. I recollect hearing much more of him, in 1826 and onward, than formerly : to what depths he had gone in study and philosophy ; of his simple, independent, meditative habits, ruggedly athletic modes of exercise, fondness for his big dog, &c. &c. : everybody seemed to speak of him with favour, those of his immediate acquaintance uniformly with affectionate respect. " I did not witness, much less share in, any of his swimming or other athletic prowesses. I have once or twice been on long walks with him in the Edinburgh environs, oftenest with some other companion, or perhaps even two, whom he had found vigorous and worthy : pleasant walks and abundantly enlivened with speech from Sir William. He was willing to talk of any humanly-interesting subject ; and threw out sound observations upon any topic started : if left to his own choice, he circled and gravitated, naturally, into subjects that were his own, and were habitually occupying him; of which, I can still remember animal magnetism and the German revival of it, not yet known of in England, was one that frequently turned up. Mesmer and his ' four Academicians/ he assured us, had not been the finale of that matter; that it was a 124 MR CARLYLE'S REMINISCENCES. matter tending into realities far deeper and more intricate than had been supposed ; of which, for the rest, he did not seem to augur much good, but rather folly and mischief. Craniology, too, he had been examining ; but freely allowed us to reckon that an extremely ignorant story. On German bibliography and authors, especially of the learned kind Erasmus, Kuhnken, Ulrich von Hutten he could descant copiously, and liked to be inquired of. On Kant, Eeid, and the metaphysicians, German and other, though there was such abundance to have said, he did not often speak; but politely abstained rather, when not expressly called on. "He was finely social and human, in these walks or in- terviews. Honesty, frankness, friendly veracity, courageous trust in humanity and in you, were charmingly visible. His talk was forcible, copious, discursive, careless rather than otherwise ; and, on abstruse topics, I observed, was apt to become embroiled and revelly, much less perspicuous and elucidative than with a little deliberation he could have made it. ' The fact is/ he would often say : and then plunging into new circuitous depths and distinctions, again on a new grand, ' The fact is,' and still again, till what the essential ' fact ' might be was not a little obscure to you. He evidently had not been engaged in speaking these things, but only in think- ing them, for his own behoof, not yours. By lucid questioning you could get lucidity from him on any topic. Nowhere did he give you the least notion of his not understanding the thing himself; but it lay like an unwinnowed threshing-floor, the corn-grains, the natural chaff, and somewhat even of the straw, still unseparated there. This sometimes would befall, not only when the meaning itself was delicate or abstruse, but also if several were listening, and he doubted whether they could understand. On solid realistic points he was abun- dantly luminous ; promptitude, solid sense, free-flowing intel- ligibility always the characteristics. The tones of his voice were themselves attractive, physiognomic of the man : a strong, carelessly-melodious, tenor voice, the sound of it be- MR CARLYLE'S REMINISCENCES. 125 tokening seriousness and cheerfulness ; occasionally something of slightly remonstrative was in the undertones, indicating, well in the background, possibilities of virtuous wrath and fire ; seldom anything of laughter, of levity never anything : thoroughly a serious, cheerful, sincere, and kindly voice, with looks corresponding. In dialogue, face to face, with one he trusted, his speech, both voice and words, was still more en- gaging ; lucid, free, persuasive, with a bell-like harmony, and from time to time, in the bright eyes, a beaming smile, which was the crown and seal of all to you. "In the winter 1832-33, Captain Hamilton, Sir William's brother, was likewise resident in Edinburgh ; a pleasant, very courteous, and intelligently-talking man, enduring, in a cheery military humour, his old Peninsular hurts, and printing his Peninsular and other books. At his house I have been of literary parties, of one, at least, which I still remember in an indistinct but agreeable way. Of a similar party at Sir William's I have a still brighter recollection, and of his fine nobly simple ways there ; especially of one little radiancy (his look and his smile the now memorable part of it) privately addressed to myself on the mode of supping I had selected ; supper of one excellent and excellently-boiled potato, of fair size, with salt for seasoning, at an epoch when excellent potatoes yet were. This evening was altogether pleasant, the talk lively and amusing: the Captain, I remember, quizzed me, and obliquely his brother, in a gay good-natured tone on Goethe's ' Last Will ' : the other Edinburgh figures I have entirely forgotten, except a Mr * * *, newspaper editor, author of some book on the Highlands, whom I otherwise knew by sight and rumour (called at that time ' Captain Cloud ' from his occasionally fabulous turn), and who died not long after. " I think, though he stood so high in my esteem as a man of intellect and knowledge, I had yet read nothing by Sir William, nor indeed did I ever read anything considerable of what has sent his name over the world ; having years before, 12G MR CARLYLE'S REMINISCENCES. for good reasons of my own, renounced all metaphysical study or inquiry, and ceased altogether (as a master phrases it) to ' think about thinking! One evening I recollect listening to a paper on Phrenology, read by him in the Royal Society ; in deliberate examination and refutation of that self-styled science. The meeting was very much larger than usual ; and sat in the deepest silence and attention, and, as it gradually appeared, approval and assent. My own private assent, I know, was complete ; I only wished the subject had been more important or more dubious to me. The argument, grounded on cerebral anatomy (osteology), philosophy, and human sense, I remember, went on in the true style of vires acquirit ; and the crowning finish of it was this : ' Here are two skulls ' (or rather, here were, for the experiment was but reported to us), ' two noteworthy skulls ; let us carefully make trial and comparison of them. One is the skull of a Malay robber and cut-throat, who ended by murdering his mistress and getting hanged ; skull sent me by so-and-so ' (some principal official at Penang) ; ' the other is George Buchanan's skull, preserved in the University here. One is presumably a very bad speci- men of a nation reckoned morally and intellectually bad ; the other a very good, of a nation which surely reckons itself good. One is probably among the best of mankind, the other among the worst. Let us take our callipers, and measure them bump after bump. Bump of benevolence is so-and-so, bump of ideality, and in result, adding all, and balancing all, your callipers declare the Malay to transcend in goodness the Buchanan, by such and such a cipher of inches. A better man, in intellect and heart, that Malay, if there be truth in arithmetic and these callipers of yours ! ' Which latter im- plement, it seemed to me, was finally closed and done for. I said to Sir William next time we met, ' Were I in your place I would decline to say another word on that subject. Malay cut-throat versus Buchanan ; explain me that ; till then I say nothing/ "In April 1833 we left Edinburgh; next year went to MR CARLYLE'S REMINISCENCES. 127 London ; and I think Sir William and I never met again. For the next thirty and odd years I rarely came to Edinburgh, and then only in transit, and usually at a season when all my friends (of whom he surely was among the chief there) were out of town. From time to time there passed little mementos between us ; sometimes accidental, unintentional, and of a mute nature, which to me were very precious, from a fellow- soldier whom I took to be on the same side with me, and always well assured of my regard as I was of his. In Fife once or twice I heard with regret that his health was failing ; once that he had been lately within reach of where I now was, but had left and was gone. We were to meet in this world no more." "CHELSEA, 19th February 1868." The following characteristic letter from Mr Carlyle to Sir William was written shortly after the date at which these per- sonal reminiscences terminate : 5 GREAT CHEYNE Eow, CHELSEA, LONDON, 8th July 1834. MY DEAR SIR, The hope of ever seeing you at Craigenputtock has now vanished into the infinite limbo. We have broken up our old settlement, and, after tumult enough, formed a new one here, under the most opposite conditions. From the ever-silent whinstones of Nithsdale to the mud-rattling pavements of Piccadilly there is but a step. I feel it the strangest transition j but one uses himself to all. Our upholsterers, with all their rubbish and clippings, are at length handsomely swept out of doors. I have got my little book-press set up, my table fixed firm in its place, and sit here awaiting what time and I, in our questionable wrestle, shall make out between us. The house pleases us much ; it is in the remnant of genuine old Dutch- looking Chelsea ; looks out mainly into trees. We might see at half a mile's distance Bolingbroke's Battersea ; could shoot a gun into Smollett's old house (at this very time getting pulled down), where he wrote ' Count Fathom,' and was wont every Saturday to dine a company of hungry authors, and then set them fighting together. Don Saltero's coffee-house still looks as brisk as in Steele's 128 MR CARLYLE'S REMINISCENCES. time ; Nell Gwynn's boudoir, still bearing her name, lias become a gin-temple, not inappropriately ; in fine, Erasmus lodged with More (they say) in a spot not five hundred yards from this. We are encompassed with a cloud of witnesses, good, bad, indifferent. Of London itself I must not begin to speak. I wish you would come and look at it with me. There is a spare bed here, ample room and verge enough ; and, for welcome, I wish you would under- stand that to be for you infallible at all times. Literature seems dying of thin diet and flatulence, but it is not quite so near dead as I had calculated. In all human things there is the strangest vitality. Who knows how long even bookselling may last 1 ? Ever, too, among these mad Maelstroms swims some little casket that will not sink. God mend it ! Mrs * * * often speaks of you, but seems to have no recent news. She has got much deeper into the vortex than when I saw her last ; dines with Chancellors ; seems to sit berattled all day with the sound of door-knockers and carriage-wheels, and the melody of drawing-room commonplace, perennial as that of the spheres: for the rest, a most lovable loving woman, to whom I could wish a better element. There is some uncertain talk here about founding a new periodi- cal, on another than the bibliopolic principle, with intent to show Liberalism under a better than its present rather sooty and ginshop aspect. I was asked whether your co-operation might be possible. I answered, Possible. If it go on, you will let me write to you farther about it. Meanwhile, I am actually going to write a book, and perhaps publish a booklet already written : the former is my enterprise till perhaps spring next. Wish me well through it. Will you ever send me a sheet of Edinburgh news? It were very welcome from your hand. Pray tell Moir also where I am, and give my hearty love to him. Think kindly of me ; there are few in Scotland I wish it more from. With kind regards to Lady Hamilton, in which my wife, were she here at the moment, would cordially unite, I remain, my dear Sir William, yours most faithfully, T. CARLTLE. Captain Hamilton, who had married in 1820, lived, during the years referred to in this chapter, at least in winter, in Edinburgh or its neighbourhood. Sir William was much with his brother and his wife, the latter of whom was a CAPTAIN HAMILTON'S WORKS. 129 person of very pleasing manners and accomplishments. Cap- tain Hamilton resided for several summers at Chiefswood, a villa near Melrose, on the Abbotsford property, which he rented from Lockhart, and where his intercourse with Scott was very constant. Sir William would occasionally make a raid on Chiefswood, along with one or two friends. " On one occasion," says Mr George Moir, " Sir William and I started from Edinburgh in company with Gillies, who left us at Abbotsford, his object being, I believe, to try to enlist Sir Walter Scott as a contributor to the ' Foreign Quarterly Keview,' which Lad just been started under the auspices of Gillies as editor. We went on to Chiefswood, and I was charmed with the quiet and beauty of the place. Before dinner we walked to Melrose Abbey, where Sir William pointed out to me the inscription which so deeply interested Washington Irving, ' Here lies the race of the House of Yair.' Sir William sympathised with the feelings of the accom- plished American on the subject." It was at Chiefswood that the greater part of ' The Life and Manhood of Cyril Thornton' was written. It appeared in 1827, and was most favourably received. The sketches of college, military, and civic life are drawn with great vividness. The portraiture, in particular, of former Glasgow manners, is, whether overdrawn or not, one of the raciest bits of writing in the language. " With little of plot for it pursues the desultory ramblings of military life through various climes it possesses a wonderful truth and reality, great skill in the observation and portraiture of original character, and a pecu- liar charm of style, blending freshness of movement with classic delicacy and grace."* Another work, 'Annals of the Peninsular Campaign/ appeared in 1829. In 1829 Captain Hamilton went to Italy, where his wife died at the end of the year. He then visited America, and the result of the observations made in his travels was given * Notice of Captain Hamilton in ' Blackwood's Magazine,' February 1843, understood to be by Mr George Moir. I 130 SIR WILLIAM CONSULTED BY AUTHORS. to the world in ' Men and Manners in America/ which was published in 1833. Its author had anything but sympathy with either the manners or the government of the Americans, and is occasionally exceedingly caustic. " Of this work," says Mr Moir,* "one French and two German translations have already appeared, a work eminently characterised by a tone of gentlemanly feeling, sagacious observation, just views of national character and institutions and their reciprocal influ- ence, and by tolerant criticism." Though Sir William had hitherto published nothing, his reputation for wide and varied learning was now well estab- lished in Edinburgh ; and the amplitude of his attainments was only equalled by the generosity with which he imparted his stores to all comers. His readiness to aid the humblest seeker in any department of learning, and that in the simplest and most unassuming manner, was indeed one of the most striking and interesting features of the man. When con- sulted by any one be he friend or stranger on a literary, historical, or philosophical point, for the subject mattered little, such applications found him always prepared ; " nor," as Mr De Quincey remarks, "did it seem to make any difference whether it were the erudition of words or things that was needed." His friends, indeed, looked upon him as a kind of living encyclopaedia, to whom resort might at any time be made for information on any subject, literary, philosophical, or theological. If the books he recommended for reference were not readily to be obtained, his own copies were at once placed at the disposal of the applicant, One would have ima- gined that a knowledge of Etruscan history and antiquities was tolerably wide of his range ; yet we find Mrs Hamilton Gray saying : " I went to the great scholar in fear and trem- bling, believing, in the first place, that he would ridicule the undertaking [the proposed History of Etruria], and, in the second, that he would not give himself trouble upon a woman's account. I received from him the most cordial greeting and * Blackwood's Magazine, February 1843. MR GEORGE MOIR. 131 the most careful attention. He asked me many questions as from an equal to an equal, and then said that he would think the matter over and give me his advice. Upon a second inter- view he pointed out to me how much the knowledge upon so obscure a subject must be inferential, derived from hints in Latin or Greek history from the evidence of Etruscan com- merce, coins, relics or from words and customs adopted from other nations or imported to them ; and then he recommended to me several historical and critical works, all German, and all of which he lent me. This he continued to do for a series of years, placing his rich library at my disposal. ... It is easy to conceive how nattered I felt at the encouragement of my undertaking by such a man. Without his help I do not think that I could have pursued it." A literary consultation was the occasion of the commence- ment of the warm and lifelong friendship which subsisted between Sir William and Mr George Moir. In 1824 Mr Moir, then a young man preparing to pass advocate, was engaged on an article for the ' Edinburgh Keview' on the ancient ballad poetry of Spain, and was encouraged by a mutual friend, Mr Thomson of Banchory, to apply to Sir William for information on the subject, and on the numerous books that had appeared in Germany in reference to it. It was arranged that Mr Moir should meet Sir William one morning at the Advocates' Library. " I confess," says Mr Moir, " the interview appeared to me beforehand rather a formidable one. I had heard of Sir William's almost unequalled examination at Oxford, and of his universal erudition both in philosophy and languages. There was something also in his appearance which had powerfully impressed me. When in repose, indeed, his look was somewhat stern. The massive though well-cut features, the firm, compressed mouth, and the eagle-looking eye, of which the whole pupil was visible, created a feeling akin to awe. But in proportion to this apparent sternness was the charm of his smile, and of his whole manner when animated. To myself he was most indulgent ; and I had not 132 ARCHDEACON SINCLAIR. been ten minutes in his company when my anxiety vanished, and I felt an assurance that, however little I might deserve it, we were destined to become not merely acquaintances but friends an assurance which I rejoice to think was verified by the event. He not only took a warm interest in my review, but, as I did not then understand German, explained to me the meaning of passages in the German works bearing on the subject." When Mr Moir, some years later, was engaged on his trans- lation of Wallenstein, Sir William kindly "revised and cor- rected the sheets with as much patience and care as if they had been his own composition, till the illness of his mother obliged him to give up the task when nearly completed. His advice always was : translate as literally as possible avoid periphrastic expression ; even roughness is better than any departure from the original."* To consult Sir William about a book that was meditated was frequently easier than to follow his advice or meet his criticisms. His friend Archdeacon Sinclair was preparing a work on Episcopacy (afterwards published in 1836). He con- sulted Sir William on the subject. "When I had explained to him," says the Archdeacon, " my line of argument, he said : ' Besides the ordinary English authorities on Episco- pacy, you must get Petavius on the one side, and Salmasius and David Blondel on the other. To read Blondel's treatise "De Sententia Hieronymi," in some few hundred closely- printed pages of dry Latin, will make no bad beginning. When you think you can refute Blondel, bring your essay to me and I shall be glad to hear it.' Some time elapsed," con- tinues the Archdeacon, " before I had sufficiently executed the prescribed task, to be ready for the proposed argumen- tation. At length, however, having satisfied myself, I spent two evenings in Manor Place, reading my essay and hearing all his comments and objections. The result was that I had no small difficulty in devising fresh arguments and collect- * Mr Moir's MS. notes. VON SCHEEL'S REMINISCENCES. 333 ing fresh authorities. But I made my base of operations more secure." The kind of impression which he made on educated for- eigners, many of whom came to visit him even before his contributions to the 'Edinburgh Eeview' made him generally known abroad, may be gathered from the following notice of him by Dr Albert Von Scheel, Gentleman of the Bedchamber to the King of Prussia, who met him in Edinburgh in 1827 : " I must say it gave me considerable surprise to meet in Scotland a gentleman of Sir William Hamilton's peculiar talents and acquirements. ' Can any kind of genius or ac- quirement be surprising in the country of Sir Walter Scott ? ' you will ask. ... Of a high order as Sir Walter Scott's talents are, yet they are peculiarly Scottish ; they are fed and matured and exercised on Scottish objects, and most com- monly applied to them. This is not the case with Sir William Hamilton. Born in Scotland, but educated at Oxford, and afterwards prosecuting his studies on his journeys on the Continent, he has collected a greater store of knowledge than most men I ever met with either in Great Britain or else- where. His reading is immense, for he has considered no branch of science entirely foreign to his pursuits, and his memory is admirable. He undoubtedly is one of the first classical scholars living in Great Britain, and one of the few now living in that country who in Germany would be con- sidered as eminent ones. With a singularly good taste and choice he has studied our own literature, and he is perfectly well acquainted with all that there is best and most solid in it, and, in particular, with our most eminent philosophers. He perhaps is the only Briton who can claim any acquaintance with them at all. After such a description you will conceive that my surprise at meeting with such a gentleman in Scot- land was not ill founded. His views are bold, comprehensive, original, like those of a German, yet his judgment clear, and his discourse refined, like that of an Englishman. Every respectable German who arrives in Edinburgh has a home in 134 DEATH OF HIS MOTHER. his house, and even in intellectual respects he here feels him- self at home." * In January 1827 Sir William's mother died. His home had always been under his mother's roof, and since 1815 they had lived together in Edinburgh. The home-circle, with his mother as the principal figure, had been one that well suited him, and round which his affections had gathered with a peculiar tenacity and interest. Keen student as he was, he could never at any time bear a solitary life. An outlet in the higher regions of abstract thought was a necessity of his nature, and here he was indifferent to the sympathy of his fellows the more remote, indeed, from the ordinary beat and from commonplace interests was the line of inquiry, the more thorough was his intellectual enjoyment. But the deep social nature of the man yearned for perpetual companionship and sympathy in practical life ; and even in his studies he liked to be with his home-circle, and to have its members aiding him in the mechanical subsidia of fetching books or copying, and performing the numerous offices which affection finds to do for the assiduous scholar who chances to be both rever- enced for his power and loved for his gentleness. With the breaking up of his home-circle there was a severance of the quiet continuity of his past life. To a nature like his so truly social, and at the same time so keenly sensitive, with little self-dependence, moreover, or tact in matters of practical routine, and accustomed to lean on others in this particular, the blow he now experienced was a very severe one for a time, indeed, overwhelming. The two years that immediately followed his mother's death were doubtless the unhappy period of his life. Writing of himself at this time he says : [No date, but probably May 1827.] Things here go on as usual. I feel the horrors of solitude with daily-increasing bitterness. I suppose I will get accustomed to my fate by degrees, at last. ... I dine at General Cuninghame's to-day, and was last night at Mrs Fitzmaurice's to a dance. I shall * Reise in Gross Britaimien im Sommer, 1827. Berlin, 1829. DEATH OF HIS MOTHER. 135 get quite gay again, for I cannot feel happy by myself; and all is melancholy in its associations about me in this house. . . . Tom and Annette go off at the beginning of next week for Chiefs- wood. I shall then be far more forlorn. 16 GREAT KINO STREET, 3d June 1827. Once dining out was the greatest of all bores ; now it is a refuge from the recollection of happy days, and the sad contrast of the present with the past. So greatly was he prostrated by his mother's death that for some time he appears to have been without energy or spirit to make any exertion. Contrary to his usual methodical habits, he even neglected to return his books to their shelves, or to keep them in any sort of order. The result was, the ne- cessity of a somewhat ludicrous emigration from room to room of the house ; for an accumulation of confusion ensued in one apartment, from which he could free himself only by taking refuge in another. This in like manner was abandoned when it had reached a similar state of disorder. At length he established himself in a large room in the upper story of the house, which commanded a view of the opposite coast and of the Fifeshire hills. He thought it less dismal than any of the usual sitting-rooms, associated as they were in his mind with more cheerful days. In the following year (1828) he removed to a smaller house in Manor Place, in which he con- tinued to reside until 1839. Mr De Quincey, who was in Edinburgh at this period, used kindly to break in on Sir William's evening solitude, accompanied generally by his eldest son and daughter, children of about eight or ten years of age. While the two philosophers discoursed till the small hours of the morning, the two children would be lying asleep on a chair. Two years after his mother's death on the 31st March 1829 Sir William married his cousin, Miss Marshall, who, as has been noticed, had been an inmate of his mother's family during the last ten years of her life. On this event the character of his subsequent life, and in many respects the HIS MARRIAGE. ilding of the inner nature of the man, turned in a way and in extent which those only who knew husband and wife can understand. From the first, Lady Hamilton's devotion to her husband's interests was untiring, and her identification with his work complete. Her rare practical ability was her husband's never-failing ally. This was shown in a pnw?r ^ guidance and counsel, in the womanly its way through difficulties where mere in and in the extent to which she relieved her husband of the practical concerns that would, as a matter of course, have fallen to him, but for the details of which he lacked patience and capacity. To the labour involved in this and in the ordi- nary duties of her position, which she admirably fulfilled, was added the nearly constant work of amanuensis to her husband ; for there was hardly, even from the first, anything of im- portance that Sir William wrote that had not also to be copied by Lady Hamilton. (The number of pages in her hand- writing filled with abstruse metaphysical matter, original and quoted, and bristling with prepositional and syllogistic formulae that are still preserved, is perfectly marvellous. Everything that was sent to the press, and all the courses of lectures, were written by her either to dictation or from a copy?) This work she did in the truest spirit of love and devotion. She had a power, moreover, of keeping her hus- band up to what he had to do. She contended wisely against a sort of energetic indolence which characterised him, and which, while he was always labouring, made him apt to put aside the task actually before him, sometimes diverted by subjects of inquiry suggested in the course of study on the matter in hand, sometimes discouraged by the difficulty of reducing to order the immense mass of materials which he had accumulated in connection with it. Then her resolute and cheerful disposition sustained and refreshed him, and never more so than when, during the last twelve years of his life, his bodily strength was broken, and his spirit, though languid, yet ceased not from mental toil. The truth is, that HIS MARRIAGE. 137 Sir William's marriage, his comparatively limited circum- stances, and the character of his wife, supplied to a nature that would have been contented to spend its mighty energies in work that brought no reward but in the doing of it, and that might never have been made publicly known or available, the practical force and impulse which enabled him to accom- plish what he actually did in literature and philosophy^ It was this influence, without doubt, which saved him from utter absorption in his world of rare, noble, and elevated, but ever- increasingly unattainable ideals. But for it the serene sea of abstract thought might have held him becalmed for life, and in the absence of all utterance and definite knowledge of his conclusions, the world might have been left to an ignorant and mysterious wondering about the unprofitable scholar. CHAPTEE V. CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE EDINBURGH REVIEW: 1829-1836. PERIOD AFTER MARRIAGE FRIENDS PERSONAL AND SOCIAL CHARACTER- ISTICS EDINBURGH REVIEW AND ITS NEW EDITOR FIRST ARTICLE CONTRIBUTED TO THE REVIEW, ON THE ' COURS DE PHILOSOPHIE ' OF M. COUSIN GENERAL AIM AND CHARACTER OF THE CONTRIBUTION M. COUSIN'S INTEREST IN THE AUTHOR CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN COUSIN AND HAMILTON ARTICLE ON PERCEPTION LETTER OF THE AUTHOR REGARDING IT TO M. COUSIN ARTICLES ON LOGIC ON THE * EPISTOL^E OBSCURORUM VIRORUM ' ON THE STATE OF THE ENGLISH UNIVERSITIES IN 1831 SUBSEQUENT ARTICLES ON OXFORD ON RIGHT OF DISSENTERS TO ADMISSION INTO THE ENGLISH UNIVERSITIES ON PATRONAGE AND SUPERINTENDENCE OF UNIVERSITIES GENER- ALLY INFLUENCE ON PUBLIC OPINION OF ARTICLES ON OXFORD LORD RADNOR AND HIS BILL IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS OXFORD COMMISSION OF 1850 TESTIMONIES OF REV. S. H. JOHNSON, REV. A. P. STANLEY, REV. F. D. MAURICE ARTICLE ON THE PATRONAGE AND SUPERINTENDENCE OF UNIVERSITIES ITS INFLUENCE FURTHER CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE REVIEW REVIEW OF COUSIN ON GERMAN SCHOOLS ON THE STUDY OF MATHEMATICS LETTER OF MR NAPIER MADE SOLICITOR TO TEIND COURT LETTER FROM PROFESSOR MYLNE PHYSIOLOGICAL EXPERIMENTS. AFTER their marriage Sir William and Lady Hamilton lived for some years in Manor Place a sunny, pleasant row of houses, then at the extreme west end of Edinburgh, which looked into the grounds of the old manor-house of Coates, and afforded easy access to the country. Sir William's quiet student-life and habits continued as before. The great pro- blem of keeping his books and papers in order, which, as we have seen, he himself had given up in despair, was now grap- PERIOD AFTER MARRIAGE. 139 pled with in a highly practical, energetic fashion, as we may gather from the following : " Before his brother and sister-in-law left town, in 1828," says Lady Hamilton, " they assisted Sir William to remove his library, and settle himself in his house in Manor Place. But the arranging of the books was a matter in which no one could give him much help, and to himself it was a very tedious occupation, both because it required a great effort to set himself to the labour, and because he was very apt, when about to place a book on the shelf, to open it, and, being at- tracted by something on which his eye lighted, to continue its perusal (frequently standing all the while on the steps of the ladder); and thus the work of putting the library in order, being often interrupted, advanced very slowly. His young friends, Francis and John Kussell, who often tried to assist Sir William in putting his books in the shelves, used to describe the pro- gress made, after perhaps several hours had been devoted to the work, as so small as to be altogether without effect in diminishing the confusion 'for either Sir William begins to read, or he tells us about the author, which again leads to his speaking of something else, till it is time for us to leave/ " This being the state of matters with regard to the arrange- ment of the library, when we arrived at home after our mar- riage (1829) I found the house in a sad state of disorder (as, indeed, I had been warned would be the case); and for the first week there was nothing for it but to set energetically about the business of reducing the confusion. As soon, however, as some progress became visible, and room after room began to assume a more comfortable appearance, Sir William who was essentially orderly, and, in particular, liked to have his library well arranged now relieved from despair, worked diligently at placing the books on the shelves. They were all minutely classified and arranged according to size and sub- jects. The progress of the work was often retarded by books requiring to be mended, or washed, or varnished. 140 HIS FRIENDS. " When we returned to King Street in 1839, the same labour in arranging the library had, of course, to be repeated, and on a larger scale, the books having become much more numerous in the interval. After their removal from the one house to the other had been accomplished, they lay for a long time piled up in confusion while the bookcases were being prepared for their reception. This was a task after Sir William's own heart, and he entered into it con amore. He superintended in general, and planned the arrangement of cases such as would best suit the economy of the library. There were a number of ingenious contrivances in the con- struction of the shelves, which were of his devising ; and all such work as fastening on curtains to protect the books, he executed with his own hand, after a very elaborate fashion. " It may be noticed, generally, that with Sir William every fit of hard study was succeeded by a fit of manual work, both by way of relaxation and in order to provide for the due ar- rangement of the MSS. which had come into being." As his friends Mr Eiddell and Mr Colquhoun resided in the immediate neighbourhood of Manor Place, they were much with him. A walk on Sunday afternoons with Mr Colquhoun was a regular practice for many years. In this they were frequently joined by Mr George Moir and Captain Hamilton, who, both before and after his visit to America in 1830 and 1831, spent a considerable time in Edinburgh, generally living in his brother's house. A walk into the country was frequently with Sir William a means of relief after intense and long- continued study. On these occasions he liked to have a companion, but the con- versation was usually rather scanty, at least on his part the train of thought in which he had been engaged continuing apparently to occupy him. The truth is, it was rather his way when on a walk with the more intimate of his friends, to set them off on their respective hobbies it might be gene- alogy or mesmerism while he himself, though putting in his word now and then, followed the bent of his own thoughts. HIS SOCIAL INTERCOURSE. 141 He would then be seen walking considerably in advance, or on the opposite side of the road from his companion per- haps repeating aloud to himself some Greek, Latin, or Eng- lish verses, quite unconscious of what he was sounding forth. Some lady friends who often met Sir William and his com- panion returning in this fashion from their stroll, would natur- ally enough ask whether the two had had a quarrel. Sir William's friendship with the late Eev. Dr Welsh com- menced when the latter, on his appointment to the Chair of Church History in the University, settled in Edinburgh in 1831, as it happened, close to Manor Place. They had not known each other before this time ; and on two of Sir William's strong points Dr Brown and Phrenology they were entirely at variance. But the intimacy of Lady Ham- ilton and Mrs Welsh, and the genial nature and refined in- tellect of Dr Welsh, soon drew Sir William to him. They became very warm friends, esteeming each other highly, and, with all their differences of opinion, taking constant pleasure in each other's society. Mr Leonard Homer and his family spent some years in Edinburgh, and were a most agreeable addition to the little coterie of friends among whom Sir Wil- liam and Lady Hamilton found themselves settled in Manor Place. About this time also, Mr J. W. Semple, the translator of Kant's ' Metaphysic of Ethics, ' Mr J. H. Burton, Mr George Moir, and Mr Patrick Eraser Tytler, were frequent visitors at Manor Place. Mr Terrier, then a young man, was first at- tracted towards Sir William at this period, and soon came to be very intimate with him. At this period Sir William mixed a good deal in society, in which he took real pleasure when it was not merely formal. He had no pretensions to shine as a talker in fact, would have despised such a rdle. Whether he spoke much de- pended on a subject being started in which he felt an interest. Then he became animated and fluent. If a question were asked him and he were in the vein, he would pour forth a stream of information one thing suggesting another, and 142 HIS SOCIAL INTERCOURSE. calling forth the wonderfully comprehensive and minute knowledge which he had stored on almost every subject of his reading. He did not by any means accommodate himself to the prevailing opinions of the company ; but rather took delight in running atilt against them in a good-humoured way. He had great pleasure in stating and defending some paradox or startling opinion (of which he would perhaps afterwards make a joke), not because it exactly represented his own opinion, but sometimes merely for the sake of argument, and more frequently with the wish to uphold the unpopular side of a question under discussion. The prevailing opinion on a subject, when strongly put, had a tendency to arouse in him a feeling of opposition, which led him to present quite as strongly that side of the case which he thought unfairly dealt with or overlooked. As might have been expected, in Edinburgh society these novel opinions frequently related to theological and ecclesiastical topics. "He was exceedingly jealous," says Archdeacon Sinclair, " lest I should not do justice to the opinions of Koman Catholics, Geologists, and other parties opposed to the Church of England ; and would frequently demand, What have you to say to this argument of Dr Wiseman ? or to that quotation from Semler, Paulus, or Wegscheider?" It was, however, in a limited circle of friends above all, in a two-handed discussion that his social character and con- versational powers were fully displayed. A certain natural diffidence and reserve disappeared, and he spoke freely, at least before his illness had impaired his power of utterance. Owing to his wonderful range of reading, few topics could be started with which he was unacquainted ; and on subjects in which he took a special interest his talk was fluent, copious, and impetuous. So thorough and accurate was his reading, that he was a match for most men even on subjects which they had made matter of special study. We have already seen how he surprised Dr Parr on the Doctor's chosen theme of , HIS SOCIAL INTERCOURSE. 143 Modern Latin Poetry. The following is a case of a similar kind : Shortly before Dr Abercrombie published the second edition of his 'Intellectual Powers/ Sir George Sinclair in- vited him and Sir William to dinner. " There was no other company," says Archdeacon Sinclair, who was present, " and the Doctor naturally related to us all the anecdotes of insanity, spectral illusions, vast powers of memory, &c., which he was about to introduce in the next edition of his book. He added other interesting illustrations ; and, under the circumstances, might have been expected to enjoy a monopoly of the conver- sation. But Sir William was not at all disposed to be a mere listener. On the contrary, throughout the evening, he was ready to exchange anecdote for anecdote, and illustration for illustration, as if he had been studiously preparing himself for the occasion." At another time he would astonish a controversial opponent by the extent, readiness, and aptness of his references to theo- logical and ecclesiastical authorities. To excursions into this province he was through life addicted ; and his acquaintance with the history of the Church and of theological opinions, espe- cially in the less-trodden departments, was very considerable. In Scotland, certainly, he was entitled to rank as a learned theologian. Quotations from Fathers and Councils came so freely in the course of a debate, that these might almost appear to have been his special study. The period of the Reforma- tion was a choice morceau, and he was always ready to mar- shal his authorities at a moment's notice. There was frequently in his manner of conversation an au- thoritativeness which amounted to dogmatism. This, however, was so obviously the natural outcome of the strength and honesty of the man, and of the fulness of his knowledge, that it did not offend. Open, straightforward, and generous, he spoke his opinions and feelings strongly, because he thought and felt strongly. And no one was more ready than he to acknowledge his ignorance on a point to which he had not given his attention. The following sketch from the pen of the authoress of the 144 MRS H. GRAY'S REMINISCENCES. ' History of Etruria '-Airs Hamilton Gray-^-gives a graphic picture of him, as he appeared in a congenial circle, while still in his vigorous prime : " I first saw Sir William Hamilton at a small party about the year 1832. His name was already celebrated all over Europe as one of the greatest metaphysicians ever produced by metaphysical Scotland ; and therefore I was aware of the mental standing of the illustrious guest whom I was about to meet. Presently he entered the room, and he was in my eyes the handsomest and grandest figure there tall of stature and strongly built, with a large, noble-looking head, a firm mouth, and magnificent black eyes. His brow was mas- sive and heavy, producing upon me something of the same effect as Walter Scott's when perfectly quiet. His mouth, too, had a little touch of satire and severity about it which some- times held me in awe ; but all the severity and all the heavi- ness vanished when once he began to speak, dispelled by the fire of his eye and the kindliness of his smile. I never en- joyed an evening more, from the perfect ease of his conversa- tion. Sir William's language was fluent, his manner ener- getic, and his humour irresistible. I laughed heartily at the fun of the great lion of the evening, and the more so, perhaps, that he struck me at first as solemn and imposing.// " It shows how deep must have been the impression then made upon me, that after the lapse of so many years I am able to recall the two leading topics of that evening's conversation the heresies of Edward Irving, and the questionable reality of mesmerism. In connection with the former I well remember the animation with which Sir William declared, 'There is no great and voluminous theological author whatever out of whose works you may not substantiate any heresy you please, if you will only separate extracts from their context, and both from your knowledge of the man's principles and character.' The other discussion, that about mesmerism, interested me extremely. The subject, as in any degree a serious one, was new to me, and I expected to hear Sir William dismiss it with SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS. 145 contempt. Quite the reverse. 'What mesmerism is/ he said, 'I do not know; but there is a reality in it which deserves far more investigation than it has hitherto received at the hands of men of science. It appears to be a phase of the imagination, or an influence upon the nerves, so subtle and so powerful as for the time to absorb and overcome every mental power. In the strength of its illusions it has all the force of madness, without in any way leading to it. And it seems only to affect certain constitutions ; for though multi- tudes are amenable to it, multitudes are not. Nervous people are more liable than others, but it is by no means confined to them, and some very nervous people are not impressible at all. It is rife at this moment in Germany, and a very curi- ous book has recently been published upon it, called "Die Seherin von Prevorst,"* by Dr Kerner, a man of high repu- tatkai amongst his brethren, and of unblemished honour.' f* In all the intercourse I ever had with Sir William Hamil- ton/' adds Mrs Gray, " his kindness, his simplicity, and his apparent unconsciousness of his own superiority, were the leading characteristics. I knew his supereminence, but I never felt it.' 3 ^ Sir William, with all his multifarious reading and thinking, had as yet given none of the results of his reflection to the world. The truth is, that although, under compulsion, he could write with great rapidity, he took up his pen with the utmost reluctance, and required an outward stimulus to engage him in composition. This peculiarity had been for some time matter of regret to his friends. A sufficient inducement was now, how- ever, to come into play, arising partly from the need which he felt, after his marriage, of doing something to add to his limited income, but still more from the very strong pressure put upon him by the new editor of the ' Edinburgh Eeview/ Professor Macvey Napier. Mr Napier had from early life been distin- guished by the interest which he took in questions of specula- tive philosophy; and now that he occupied the position of editor * Stuttgart, 1829. A translation by Mrs Crowe appeared in 1845. K 146 MR NAPIER AND EDINBURGH REVIEW. of the ' Review/ he sought at once to gratify his own taste and to do justice to subjects which appeared to him to have been too much neglected in that leading periodical. He accordingly applied to his friend Hamilton for a philosophical article, to appear in the first number of the ' Eeview ' under his editor- ship. The subject suggested was the introductory book of the ' Cours de Philosophic ' of M. Cousin, then in the midst of a very brilliant career as Professor in the Faculty of Letters at Paris, and the head of the new philosophical movement in France which, inspired from Scotland, had begun early in the century under the auspices of Degerando and Laromiguiere, and been sustained by Eoyer Collard and Jouffroy. Sir William, as he tells us, personally felt averse from the task. " I was not un- aware," he says, " that a discussion of the leading doctrine of the book would prove unintelligible not only to ' the general reader/ but, with few exceptions, to our British metaphysi- cians at large. But, moreover, I was still farther disinclined to the undertaking, because it would behove me to come forward in overt opposition to a certain theory, which, however power- fully advocated, I felt altogether unable to admit ; whilst its author, M. Cousin, was a philosopher for whose genius and character I already had the warmest admiration an admiration which every succeeding year has only augmented, justified, and confirmed. . . . Mr Napier, however, was resolute ; it was the first number of the ' Eeview ' under his direction ; and the criticism was hastily written." * Such was the origin of the afterwards famous essay on the Philosophy of the Uncondi- tioned, the first of a series of contributions to the ' Edinburgh Eeview/ which, for force and keenness of dialectic, depth of thought, and extent of learning, have not in this century been surpassed, if equalled, by any writings on the subjects to which they refer. Mr Napier showed both enlightenment arid firm- ness in encouraging the author of those articles to their com- position ; and when, some seven years afterwards, their merits began to be recognised even in this country, and testimonies * Discussions, p. 1. REVIEW OF COUSIN. 147 came in from men of high name on the Continent where from the first they were duly appreciated the courageous editor had his reward. " I confess," he says, writing to Sir William in 1836, "that I have a sort of selfish joy in this splendid approbation of those papers which I have been instrumental in drawing forth from you, and for the doing of which I have been blamed by those who should have known better what a journal like the 'Edinburgh Review' owes to science and the world." If we except the earnest and impassioned but fragmentary utterances of Coleridge, the review of Cousin, written thirty- nine years ago, was the first indication that any one in Britain had become aware of the true import of the highest philosophi- cal thought of this century. The ' Critique of the Pure Reason' (1781) had revolutionised intellectual philosophy, and the best minds of Germany had long been at work on the great ques- tion of the analysis of human knowledge and its metaphysical bearings, ere in England men knew aught of the movement, or had risen above vague and assumptive theories about sensa- tion and association, which leave the whole investigation of the nature of thought and knowledge at the very threshold, and serve only to delude people with the belief that the problem has been solved when it is not even reached. For some time immediately preceding the review of Cousin there had been imported into Scotland, with much rhetorical adornment but little genuine earnestness, the leading doctrines of this super- ficial psychology, which really avoided the deeper logical and metaphysical questions. Reid and Stewart, indeed, recognised other elements in knowledge than those allowed by the sensa- tional school, and thus laid the foundation of a firmer meta- physical doctrine regarding the three great objects of inquiry Man, the World, and God. But both philosophers were in the main merely observational and psychological. Their great merit lay in a resolute opposition to all attempts at constructing a theory of reality deductively out of notions or assumptions, such as had been constantly made by metaphysi- 148 AIM AND CHARACTER OF THE ARTICLE. cians from Descartes downwards. But the anti-deductive reactionary impulse which characterised them led to an ex- cessive deference for what was called the Inductive Method of studying mental philosophy ; but which with them really meant the reflective observation of the facts of consciousness, with little attempt at finding their genesis, even when this was possible. They were thus more ready to accept a fact of mind as a whole, and to point to it as not having been previously or adequately recognised, than to seek to analyse it into its simpler elements, or even to sum up a series of phenomena in a higher generalisation. Questions to which an observational study of the mind naturally leads were thus left unsolved ; yet some theory of these was needed to give the inductive method completeness. If, as the Scottish thinkers maintained, all true philosophy is restricted to experience, or the phenomena of mind and matter, with the dim inferences or suggestions which these necessitate, and all comprehensive deductive theories of the world and Deity are impossible, we might naturally have expected some attempt on their part to ground this doctrine on a thorough-going analysis of the nature and laws of our powers of knowing. But this, in any real or systematic way, they did not essay. Their philosophy, therefore, had nothing truly valid to oppose to the pretensions of absolutist or deductive theories of being, for it had never marked out the true limits of knowledge, or determined the question of the conceivableness of infinite as opposed to finite reality. Now, what Hamilton set himself to do in his review of the philosophy of Cousin was to grapple with this point in other words, to show, from the essential nature and conditions of human knowledge, that a science of other than finite or phenomenal reality is impossible, and, consequently, that deductive theories of the universe, founded on a conception of what is alleged to be higher than experience call it Infinite or Absolute, or the Infinite-absolute are ab initio illegitimate and delusive. The attempt was made in the spirit of Kant ; the analysis of the conditions of thought on which it proceeds is in the main Kantian ; AIM AND CHARACTER OF THE ARTICLE. 149 and it may be described as a carrying out, with important modifications and corrections, of principles which were for the first time announced in the Critical philosophy. This was a line of thought new to British speculation ; the style and phraseology of the article were unlike anything that had be- fore appeared in our philosophical literature ; and the solution of the profound questions opened up carried with it moral and theological consequences of the most important kind. " In this country/' we find the author saying, "the reasonings were, of course, not understood, and naturally, for a season, declared incomprehensible." The exceedingly condensed and abstract style of the essay, the usual absence of sympathy with such discussions, and the want of acquaintance on the part of the reading public with the writings of Kant, or with the course of Continental speculation that flowed from the ' Kritik/ were the causes that so few men in Britain at the time were able to grasp the full purport of the discussion. The same causes are still, though to a less extent, in force ; and in as far as their influence is now less than it was thirty-nine years ago, this is due in great measure to the interest awakened by Hamilton's Essay, and to the growth of a speculative taste which it and his other writings have helped materially to foster.* On the Continent the review, immediately on its publication, was recognised and proclaimed, both by those who agreed with its conclusions and by those who differed from them, as the work of a powerful thinker of one entitled to be regarded as occupying a foremost place among the originators of the spec- ulative impulses of the time; and it was speedily translated into French and Italian. But by no one was the merit of the essay more fully recognised than by M. Cousin himself, whose main philosophical doctrine was passed through so scorching a fire of criticism. A literary friend of M. Cousin, Mr Austin, the distinguished jurist, had informed him that the ' Edinburgh Review/ then just published, contained " a bitter attack " on him. M. Cousin wrote in reply : " How * On the Review of Cousin see Note A. 150 M. COUSIN'S INTEREST IN THE AUTHOR. could an Englishman approve of a French work, especially a work of philosophy, and still more of speculative philoso- phy? I was therefore prepared for an article more than severe on the part of the ' Edinburgh Eeview/ and said so to one of my English friends. He has read it this terrible article ! and from what he tells me, I conclude that it is very polite towards me personally, and written in full knowledge of the cause. One extract from it, which I have received, has singularly struck me. I did not believe that there was an individual beyond the Channel capable of interesting himself so deeply in metaphysics, and I regard this article as an ex- cellent augury for philosophy in England. I am therefore thankful to the author, and wish he knew it. You will please me by information as to his true name, for it is here doubted whether you are correct in the person you have mentioned as the writer ; and I request of you on this point all the informa- tion you may be able to collect. I think he is wrong in his objections to my doctrine; but I must do him the justice to say that he has profoundly studied and perfectly understood me. I should wish him to read my Lectures of 1829, the second volume of which contains ten lectures on Locke, which might interest an Englishman." After having read the article and learned the author's name, he says : " Sir William Hamilton's article has arrived, and I have read it. It is a masterpiece. . . . Mr Brougham has good reason to speak of it highly. For my part, I have done the same here, and I affirm that the article is so excellent that there cannot be fifty persons in England competent to understand it. It is truly to be regretted that such talents have not produced more. You seem to speak to me of other articles from the same hand. Where are these articles, and what are they ? . . . I shall send M. Hamilton my ' Examen de Locke/ and wish that some partisan of Locke would be roused to answer it." Subsequently he says : " The information you are to send me regarding Sir W. Hamilton and his writings is expected with so much the more impatience as I wish to push my chivalry towards him LETTER TO MRS AUSTIN. 151 to the point of having his article translated ; and a few lines on the writings, age, employments, and course of life of the author would suitably accompany this translation." M. Cousin's chivalrous interest in his critic, thus awakened, led to a warm friendship between him and Sir William. The two distinguished representatives of French and British specu- lation never met in person, but they kept up a pretty regular correspondence. Mrs Austin, to whom M. Cousin had applied for information regarding the author of the article, addressed a letter to Sir William, though not personally acquainted with him. This communication elicited the following reply: SIR W. HAMILTON TO MRS AUSTIN. EDINBURGH, 18th March 1830. MADAM, In consequence of an absence of some days from town, I did not receive your letter till last night. I need not say how highly flattered I felt by the -contents, as there is no one of whose good opinion I should be more ambitious than that of M. Cousin. If anything could have added to my admiration of his character, it is the generous praise with which he has been pleased to honour a criticism the views of which he must regard as so erroneous. I should certainly be proud to think that I was really entitled to a tithe of the encomium he so liberally bestows. To one merit (un- fortunately too rare) I may, indeed, lay claim that I have endeav- oured to state and to canvass a philosophical doctrine fairly ; and am gratified to find that, in M. Cousin's own opinion, I have suc- ceeded. But I am conscious that this is almost the only merit of my paper, and am afraid he has gratuitously extended to the execu- tion the approbation due only to the good intention. The paper has, indeed, some reason to claim indulgence. M. Cousin's Lectures were put into my hands by my friend Professor Napier, with the request (which, from the way it was made, I could not possibly refuse) that I would review them for the first number to be pub- lished under his editorship. Other business, however, interfered : the article, delayed to the last, was written and corrected in the greatest haste ; when printed, it was found too long, and, in my absence, was summarily shortened in the proof by omissions which 152 LETTERS OP HAMILTON AND COUSTN. left obscurity in some places, and the transition in others abrupt and awkward. In these circumstances I should have wished that my name had not transpired, even if the article, when it appeared, had not been universally voted unintelligible. I am now, however, less inclined to be ashamed of it by finding the opinion of the most competent judge so favourable, and shall certainly be the more nat- tered if M. Cousin may continue to think it not unworthy of his notice. In regard to myself, I have nothing to state but that I am a graduate of Oxford, and a member of the Scottish bar; and in reply to M. Cousin's inquiries touching my works, I ought to be ashamed to acknowledge that I have as yet written almost nothing. You must have been misinformed in regard to other articles of mine. I have to answer for nothing in any English review, and of the insignificant occasional trifles of which I may have been guilty, there is nothing which would be at all interesting for M. Cousin to hear of, and not irksome for me to confess. . . . I am very impatient to see M. Cousin's Lectures for 1829. I am sure that if any work of metaphysical discussion would succeed at present in England, a translation of M. Cousin's Lectures on Locke would. But, in fact, in this country there is no thought now be- stowed on any abstract speculation ; and no nation, absolutely, in Europe, thinks or cares so little about Locke as his own countrymen. If the English could be brought to read philosophy at all, M. Cousin is just the author to inspire them with a zeal for the study ; but, I am sorry to say, I am afraid that, addressed to a British public, even his eloquence would be only "as the voice of one crying in the desert." . . . Any part of this letter which you may consider interest- ing to M. Cousin I shall feel obliged by your communicating ; and I remain, with the greatest respect, your much obliged W. HAMILTON. The following correspondence relates chiefly to the subject of the article now mentioned : M. COUSIN TO SIR W. HAMILTON. 20 Mars 1834. . . . Je m'attendais bien que la nouvelle Preface des Fragmens ne vous convertirait pas ; mais je me permets d'appeler votre attention sur la the"orie de la Raison, et vous prie de la bien me'diter avant de LETTERS OF HAMILTON AND COUSIN. 153 la rejeter definitivjement ; car toute la question du scepticisme y est engagee, et je crois que si je vous tenais la, je vous prouverais que vous etes sur la route du scepticisme. II ne faut pas avoir peur du mot dUdbsolu. Admet-on, ou n'admet-on pas, de la verite, c'est-a-dire, de la verite absolue, et sur quel fondement 1 On ne le pent que sur la foi de quelque chose en nous qui soit objectif comme son objet meme, et ce quelque chose c'est la Eaison. Au reste, je vous envoye aujourd'hui meme le volume de M. de Eiran, auquel j'ai mis une Introduction purement psychologique, et sans aucune conclusion ontologique et systematique, mais ou vous apercevrez pourtant la base d'un systeme entier. Cette introduction se lie a celle des Fragmens, et toutes deux s'eclairent reciproque- ment. Mais voila bien des personnalites, quand je n'aurais du vous parler que de M. de Biran. Le dessein que vous avez de traduire mes argumens de Platon me touche veritablement ; mais il est sage de 1'ajourner tout au moins jusqu'a ce que j'ai fini ou presque fini cette traduction. La mort de Schleiermacher me prive d'un guide utile et que nul autre ne peut remplacer. C'etait, avec Hegel, mon meilleur ami de Berlin ; il ne me reste plus en Allernagne que Schelling, dont la sante est loin d'etre [bonne]. Je rec,ois en ce moment la 7^ me edition de Brown. Mon Dieu ! Luttez, mon cher Monsieur, luttez sans cesse centre cette funeste popularite. En vous sont toutes mes esperances pour la philoso- phic en Angleterre. Dieu done vous soit en aide, et vous donne ce que je souhaite a tous mes amis et a moi-meme : courage et Constance. C'est mon perpetuel refrain. M. COUSIN TO SIR W. HAMILTON. 21me A 0^1834. Avez-vous enfin regu M. de Biran 1 et que vous semble de mes eloges et de mes critiques'? Ma preface vient au secours de celle des Fragmens, qui ne vous a point converti, et je crains bien que celle-ci ne vous convertisse pas davantage. Cependant plus je vais, plus je refle'chis et plus je m' attache a ma the'orie de la raison, et comme e*tant 1'expression la plus vraie de ce qui se passe dans 1' esprit humain dans 1'acquisition de toute verite", et comme e*tant le seul moyen d'e"chapper au scepticisme. Prenez garde, je vous prie, de ne pas laisser de'gene'rer la philoso- 154 LETTERS OF HAMILTON AND COUSIN. phie ecossaise dans un scepticisme nouveau qui ne vaudrait guere mieux que 1'ancien. Que la philosophic ecossaise soit circonspecte des qu'il s'agit d'ontologie, a la bonne heure ; mais en psychologic, elle ne pent pas ne pas se prononcer sur le caractere de la faculte qui nous de"couvre la verite. Si cette faculte est purement subjective, alors reviennent les objections de Kant, centre lesquelles 1' expedient de M. Schelling et de M. Hegel, a savoir de placer la perception ou intuition de 1'etre hors de la conscience, est a mon sens une hypo- these inintelligible et en opposition avec la condition de toute vraie connaissance, d'etre accompagne"e de la conscience. Entre Kant et la philosophie de la nature, je ne vois de salut que dans la theorie de la raison, subjective et objective tout ensemble. Quant a Eichte, je crois 1'avoir assez bien refut dans la personne de M. de Biran, et j'appelle votre attention sur cette partie de ma preface. Mais c'est assez vous occuper de moi. Parlez-moi de vos projets et de la philosophie en Ecosse. J'ai congu avec M. Pillans 1'espe'rance que vous serez bieiit6t Professeur de philosophie a la place du bon M. David Ritchie. utinam ! Dites-moi de qui est 1'article du dernier nume'ro d'Edinburgh Review sur mon compte ; je crois que 1'auteur m'accuse a tort d' avoir mesin- terpre"te" les opinions de Locke ; entre autres son opinion sur 1'espace. Dites a 1'auteur, si vous le connaissez, que ce n'est pas moi, un Francais, mais Reid lui-meme qui a convaincu Locke d'avoir trop assimil^ 1'espace et le corps. On m'apporte a 1' instant une traduc- tion anglaise, que 1'infatigable Thomas Taylor a public a Londres, de deux Merits de Proclus sur la providence et sur la nature humaine, dont le texte a pe"ri, et dont j'ai le premier publie^ la traduite latine un peu barbare faite par Guillaume Moore. SIR "W. HAMILTON TO M. COUSIN. EDINBURGH, 14^ Nov. 1834. . . . I have received your edition of Biran, and I know not whether to admire most the originality of the author or the more commanding universality of his editor. I was delighted to find you estimating Brown at his proper value. I have also recently received (what I had ordered from Germany) the translation of your new Pre- face, &c. I have not, however, yet got the treatise on Secondary Instruction. I am much disappointed at this. May I beg you to offer my best acknowledgments to M. Poret for his translation of Sir James Mackintosh's Dissertation 1 ? I received much pleasure LETTERS OF HAMILTON AND COUSIN. 155 from the perusal of the excellent Preface. Your letter by Mr Pillans, having been mislaid by him, I did not receive till long after his return. . . . I have spoken to Napier about an article on your Preface, and Schelling's remarks. As the editor of a popular journal, he has a perfect horror of the Absolute. Nor is he to be blamed, perhaps, for I do not believe there are five readers of the ' Review ' who are qualified to comprehend anything above the superficial psychology dignified in this country with the name of Metaphysic, far less to understand the merits of your philosophy arid that of Schelling. He has, however, agreed to an article in the number after next next being already full. Personally, however, I am under far greater difficulties. I am loath to place myself in opposition again to the doctrine of one whom I so sincerely admire and respect, and whose authority as a philosopher is entitled to so great deference ; and yet the more I meditate, the more am I compelled to believe that the human mind is unable to form even a rational conception of the Unconditioned ; nor, if it could, do I see how this subjective notion of the Absolute-Infinite could afford a real knowledge of the ovru$ ov. I am, on the one hand, neither able to reject, nor to rise above, nor to overlook, nor, with Hegel, iiberwinden, the contradic- tions which are involved in every philosophy of the Absolute (the principles of Contradiction and Exclusi Medii I cannot get rid of) ; and, on the other, I find that the great law that the conceivable is always intermediate between two extremes, each equally incompre- hensible, and yet each contradictory of the other affords a simpler solution than has yet been proposed of some of the most difficult and important problems of mental philosophy e. g., the laws of Causality and Substance. I am quite aware that this doctrine is not ^aX/;ra xar' su%Jiv, and admit that it is a virtual scepticism in regard to the possibility of an Ontology, but I cannot help it. It is only because you wish a discussion on the subject of your differ- ence from Schelling that I would attempt an article of the kind ; and if I could, I would wholly avoid interposing my own views in treating of your philosophy in contrast to that of Germany. Per- haps you will tell me what you think of the matter. I trust that the change in your Ministry may not deprive France and Europe of your invaluable services to the great cause of civilisa- tion. May it only enable you to promote with greater effect your benevolent and enlightened plans. I hope before long to congratu- late ourselves on your nomination as Minister of Instruction. 156 ARTICLE ON THE PHILOSOPHY OF PERCEPTION. Sir William continued to contribute philosophical and other articles to the 'Review' annually until 1836. In the October number of 1830 appeared the essay on the Philosophy of Per- ception, having for its text the French edition of the works of Eeid by M. Jouffroy, which had recently appeared. This essay is the natural and logical sequel to that on the Unconditioned. In the former, Hamilton had sought to show the grounds on which human thought is to be held as necessarily limited to a phenomenal knowledge of reality. Its scope, in fact, was negative. In the latter, he sought to point out and vindicate a principle on which an observational or experiential know- ledge of things might be based a principle, therefore, which would yield positive results. This was the authority of con- sciousness, viewed as testifying to certain ultimate facts which are to be sifted by definite analytic criteria. The hint of this ground is no doubt to be found in Reid's principle of Com- mon Sense, and in many previous writers. Hamilton, how- ever, has carried it out to such proportions, and given it so much precision, not only in the essay on Perception, but sub- sequently in the Dissertations appended to Reid's Works,* that in his hands it has assumed a new and specific character. It forms, in fact, the salient feature in the positive or construc- tive side of his philosophy. The main fact to which he regards consciousness as testifying the synthesis in knowledge of self and not-self, and their antithesis in reality has, since the time of this essay, become the great central point round which speculative discussions on the question of finite reality have turned, just as the conclusions maintained in the review of Cousin form the sphere of debate in regard to infinite or tran- scendent being. It might very easily be shown that the view adopted by the late accomplished author of the ' Institutes of Metaphysic' is but a modification of the doctrine of Hamil- ton on this point, and that it arose naturally and by historical sequence out of the essay on the Philosophy of Perception. Without, meanwhile, entering into any discussion of the * See especially Note A. LETTER TO COUSIN. 157 conclusions of the article, we may safely affirm that, in the mode of treatment of this central psychological and meta- physical problem, it shows an immense advance on anything that had previously been done on the same question by any British thinker all the difference, in fact, between a partial, confused, and isolated handling of this and that side of the problem, and a catholic comprehension of it in its various bearings, with a rare power of clear, refined, and un- deviating analysis. The discussion, moreover, manifests, as strikingly as any of his writings, the author's power of making his enlarged philosophical reading the pabulum of his own re- flection ; of raising forgotten distinctions, in which an ordinary mind would see nothing to note, to the rank of fruitful and luminous principles ; and of giving to the speculations of indi- vidual thinkers their due place in the order of philosophical theory. The following letter refers to the article on Perception : SIR "W. HAMILTON TO M. COUSIN. EDINBURGH, 23d Oct. 1830. SIR, ... As there is no one whose character and genius I more ardently admire, I need not say how greatly flattered I am by the expressions of your esteem, though I could wish they had a worthier object than the crude and hasty production to which they relate. In return for your admirable work (brass for gold), I have the presumption to send you a copy of an article of mine which appears in the present number of the ' Edinburgh Beview.' It was so long that I found it necessary to eject everything not absolutely essential. It thus, in many places, wants development and the in- troduction, in which I had availed myself of your authority, is ren- dered awkward and abrupt. Of this part I send you the sheets as they ought to have appeared, and this is the curtailment that I most regret. I enclose two other copies, which, if you think the article of any interest, I would request you to present to M. Eoyer-Collard and M. Jouffroy; I can hardly, I think, take the liberty of present- ing it to these gentlemen in my own name. In regard to your inquiry touching the present state of metaphysical philosophy in this country, the reply is easy we have nearly none. The works on this subject of late published in Britain (independently 158 ARTICLE ON LOGIC. of the last volumes of Mr Stewart and Sir James Mackintosh's Disserta- tion) are, as far as I know (but I must confess that I am very im- perfectly acquainted with them), too insignificant to merit notice. If, however, you are desirous of closely " spying the nakedness of the land," I shall have great pleasure in obtaining for you any information in my power. "With sentiments of the greatest respect, I have the honour to remain, sir, your most obedient servant, W. HAMILTON. Two years after the date of the article on Perception, Sir William made his third important philosophical contribution to the ' Keview/ This was the article on Logic, which appeared in 1833 being a review of the recent English treatises on that science, especially Dr Whately's ' Logic.' Like the essays on the Unconditioned and on Perception, this article inaugurated a new era in the mode of dealing with its subject, by showing, for the first time in this country, the true place of formal logic in the range of the philosophical sciences. The spirit of philo- sophising which had turned away from the higher metaphysical problems, had also proscribed formal logic. Although Eeid wrote an able summary of the Aristotelic logic, the science it- self had no proper place in his philosophy. Stewart referred to " the logic of the Schools " only with contempt, and desired to put in its stead a " rational logic," or theory of scientific method. Bacon had bequeathed this contempt of the Aristotelic logic to philosophy in Britain, and the course of thought had been suffi- ciently true to his spirit. The science itself was persistently contemned or ignored because of its too exclusively deductive applications during the scholastic period. Men had reasoned too much then, or rather had put reasoning in the place of observation and induction, and we were therefore called upon to omit as useless, or positively hurtful, any scientific study of the laws of reasoning itself. This has been, in the main, the spirit of the cultivators of the sciences of obser- vation and analysis from the Baconian epoch to the present day. The theoretical result is the omission from its rightful place of one most important element of the body of human ITS AIM AND CHARACTER. 159 knowledge, and the consequent marring of the symmetry of the philosophical sciences. The practical consequence is, an undue estimate of the mere possession of so-called facts, how- ever crudely arranged or digested, and the substitution, in a liberal education, of information for culture the evil results of which are seen in many departments of our literature, but nowhere more than in scientific writing, which is, as a rule, conspicuous for want of definition, subordination, consecution, and generally all the qualities of good method.* Dr Whately had done something to turn attention to the value of the Aristotelic logic, both as a test of valid reasoning and as a mental discipline. But with all his acuteness and practical ability, Whately, while clearing the science of logic from much that is extraneous to it, yet failed to ground it on any thorough- going scientific principle. In particular, his limitation of logic to the theory of reasoning or syllogism was fatal to the com- pleteness and symmetry of the science ; for a correct theory of syllogism must have its ground in a doctrine of notions and propositions, the laws of which only find a higher application in reasoning. In his review of Whately, Hamilton laid down a principle by which logic, as the science of the form of thought, may be distinguished alike from psychology and from the other sciences which assume and apply its rules. Thus also was the science of formal logic marked off from the logic of induction, with which, to the great detriment of both, the former had been confounded. In the article on Logic we may trace very decidedly the in- fluence of the long-continued study of the Organon of Aristotle both on the mental habits and the opinions of the author. With the Organon he was familiar as daily food ; and he revelled in its curt, compact, and precise thought and style as in a con- genial atmosphere in the " lumen siccum," which, in formal logic at least, is the best light. The various difficulties with * M. Peisse has some very valuable remarks on the neglect of logical train- ing which prevailed till lately in the French Universities. See his Fragmens,' Preface, p. cxix. 160 ITS AIM AND CHARACTER. which commentators had wrestled afforded him a familiar and delightful arena. Here, as in everything, he might have taken as his motto, " res severa est verum gaudium." In this essay he vindicated his title to be regarded as an authoritative expositor of the text, on fundamental points where before its true im- port had been misapprehended.* The ' Logik ' of Kant had also, it is obvious, a large share in the formation of his views on the nature of the science of logic, and its place among the other branches of philosophy. But the contents of this essay even, to say nothing of his subsequent logical theories, show that with all his admiration for Aristotle, and his high esti- mate of Kant as a thinker, he was faithful to the spirit of the words : " Qui ante nos ista moverunt non domini nostri, sed duces sunt. Patet omnibus veritas, nondum est occupata; multum ex ilia etiam futuris relictum est." It was from the 'Review' article that Hamilton's subse- quent speculations on Logic took their direction and colour- ing. Nor did he ever fairly pass, in his actual treatment of the science, beyond the bounds of the formal division of it to inductive or material logic the theory of scientific method. This he has left to others to prosecute. The por- tion of logic which he took up in the article, and subse- quently, has a very obvious connection with the discussion on the Unconditioned ; for it is in the formal department of logic that we find an analysis of the nature and laws of thought the doctrine of the formally conceivable points which have an immediate bearing on the question of the reach and limits of our faculties, in dealing with what is regarded as Infinite or Absolute. Thus these three essays on the Unconditioned, on Per- ception, and on Logic though apparently isolated, and con- tributed at intervals of time to a periodical, in which the greater part of the writing necessarily falls out of view and memory very speedily, have yet a real philosophical unity; * See particularly the remarks on the Inductile Syllogism, 'Discussions,' p. 156. LETTER OF NAPIER. and each supplied a marked want in the speculative literature^ of the time. They are not likely to be forgotten in British philosophical literature. Yet impressive as is the suggestion which they give of power and learning, it is melancholy to think that those accomplishments appeared so late in the lifetime of their possessor appeared, too, almost by accident ; and that even after they were revealed, they were kept by him in a reserve, which stayed his hand from completing the edifice designed one so rare in conception, so grand in its ideal pro- portions, that even the tracings of its first lines stir the soul which ponders them with emotions akin to those inspired by the fragments of the stateliest architecture, or by the partly- shrouded form of a far-reaching, undefined, mountain height.* In the following letter to Sir William, Mr Napier refers to the article on Logic, and notices, among other things, certain of its peculiarities of style. MR NAPIER TO SIR W. HAMILTON. April 1833. MY DEAR SIR WILLIAM, ... I hope you will contrive, on after occasions, to be ready in such time as not to be so hurried with the important business of correcting. This is more particularly neces- sary in regard to such subjects as those you handle. Had there been a little more time at present, I would have requested you to try to enlighten some dark spots, the sight of which may chance to turn away the impatient readers of this fastidious age from the whole ; and I would also have begged you to soften various expressions, which wear a more harsh and jeering aspect than is perhaps neces- sary in such discussions. As it is, I have only softened one or two places. The primary responsibility falls on the editor ; and Whately and Hampden may fairly think that so many hard blows were not to be expected from one who had been in intercourse with them, and been benefited by their assistance. You have made a very remarkable article, both in respect of learning and thought. The learning, indeed, is altogether surpassing. No other man in Britain I question if anywhere could match it. As to the philosophy, I am not sure that I have been able to follow * On the influence of these essays, and generally of Hamilton's philosophical writings, in America, see Note B. L 162 EPISTOL.^ OBSCURORUM VIRORUM. you, or that I should be able, even with the benefit of a more leisurely perusal. I think you are wrong, I confess, in imagining that such discussions do not admit of a more intelligible style. Philosophy is brought down to a mere squabble about terms when it expresses itself in terms that require a special lexicon for their interpretation. Hutcheson, Smith, Campbell, Reid, and Stewart may often be wrong, but they are always clear, and never speak in a language peculiar to themselves or to any school. The Oxford doctors will no longer scoff at our Scotch ignorance of Greek, &c. I should suppose you have fairly beat them with their own weapons. They will, however, take the merit of having taught you, and will very probably say that if your training had been pure Scottish training you would have been nothing. We shall leave them to make a syllogism of this. Ever most faithfully yours, M. NAPIER. The history and literature of the fifteenth and sixteenth cen- turies had been a favourite subject of study with Sir William from his Oxford days. The universality of attainment, and the cultured completeness of the men of that epoch, were features of character entirely according to his own heart. Further, their arduous struggles for the revival of learning, the noble efforts of several of them for the reform of the Church, even their per- sonal literary controversies which, however, generally typified vital interests and principles roused the polemic spirit within him as keenly as the ballad of Otterbourne ever stirred the soul of chivalry that was in Sir Philip Sidney. The display of high critical acumen, and the figure of the literary athlete standing well in the fight, had a charm for him in themselves; and this was greatly enhanced if a moral interest were in- volved. Hence he entered thoroughly into the spirit and lit- erature of that stirring controversial period which witnessed the production of the ' De Subtilitate ad Cardanum/ the ' De Causis Linguae Latinse/ and the ' Epistolas ' of Julius Caesar Scaliger, and the even fiercer polemical writings of his son. He was familiar with the ' Adagia/ the ' Apothegmata/ the ' Encomium Morise ' of Erasmus ; with whose subtle, refined, INTEREST IN UNIVERSITIES. 163 and scholarly spirit he sympathised not the less, perhaps, that it was too fastidious for much of the practical work of the time. With the lives and writings of Eeuchlin and Hutten he was especially conversant. He admired the rare philological attain- ments of the former as the prince of Hellenists, and as almost the only Hebraist of his time ; while the accomplishments of Hutten as wit, poet, orator, and theologian, formed attractions for him, which were enhanced by the prominent part that he took in the struggles of the period for the revival of letters, and the large share that he had in the composition of the ' Epistolse Obscurorum Yirorum.' It was from his stores of reading on this important period of the literary history of Europe that Sir William contributed to the ' Eeview ' (1831) the article on the authorship of the famous national satire of Germany. In it he explains the circumstances of the period, entering thoroughly into the spirit of the time, and giving a graphic sketch of the character of Eeuchlin, the difficulties with which he had to contend, and the aid furnished to his cause by the remarkable ' Epistolse/ written by some of his friends in the assumed character of his opponents. Eor the first time the authorship of the 'Epistolae' was definitely ascertained, and assigned to the co-operation of three distinguished literary men of the time Hutten, Crotus, and Buschius. This article was translated into German the year after it appeared. Sir William's decision of the question raised has been generally accepted as final by German critics. Eor many years Sir William had been silently engaged in the study of the literature connected with the constitution and history of the European universities. The one great practical interest of his life lay in the higher education of the country ; and this led him, in his usual comprehensive way of dealing with a subject, io penetrate on all sides to the utmost bounds of its literature. The result was a wonderful accumulation of knowledge regarding the university systems of Europe, and the opinions of the best writers on the higher 164 ARTICLES ON OXFORD. education. His researches moreover, had ripened into de- finite thought, and on no subject were his convictions more fully formed, pointed, and intense, than on the proper con- stitution and government of universities as a means of pro- moting liberal education. His interest in these subjects had hitherto been that merely of a student; but public at- tention was now being turned to the actual condition of the British universities, and Mr Napier, being well aware of his friend's mastery of the whole subject, used his in- fluence to get him to take it up in the ' Eeview.' The result was the very remarkable series of articles on the Universities and University Eeform, with which commenced Sir William's practical influence on the machinery for the higher education of the country an influence which has proved hardly less powerful and commanding than that of his speculative writings on the philosophical thought of the times. The learning with which these essays were illustrated, the information that was conveyed regarding the history of universities, Continental and British, and regarding the perversions of constitution through which they had passed, above all, the singularly rigorous and elevated ideal of what university instruction should aim at the scorn, even little measured, of mere professional attainments, and the lofty view of the intellectual man as an end in himself, and not an instrument, served to quicken and elevate the general thought and feeling of readers, and to impart new and de- finite conceptions of the direction which true progress in university reform ought to take. Accordingly, in the 'Review' of June 1831, appeared the first of the articles on " The State of the English Universities, with more especial reference to Oxford/' This was followed in December by a second article on the same subject, supple- mentary to, and in vindication of, the first. Subsequently, in 1834 and 1835, Sir William contributed to the ' Review' two articles " On the Right of Dissenters to Admission into the English Universities;" and one, in the former of those ARTICLES ON OXFORD. 165 years, on the " Patronage and Superintendence of Universities generally." In the articles on Oxford, Sir William advocated in a very powerful way the restoration of the public or university element, which, though in the constitution of the university the main and original one, had almost entirely disappeared, through the rise and encroachments of the collegiate interest. He showed that one principal result of this usurpation by the colleges of the function of the university proper had been the abandonment of certain essential and statutory branches of academical education, and the lowering of the teaching, even in those retained, to the average level of tutorial competency which he by no means rated high. Subsequently, on occasion of the republication of the articles contributed to the ' Eeview ' (1852), he added an Appendix on " A Eeform of the English Universities, with especial reference to Oxford, and limited to the Faculty of Arts/' The tone of the articles on Oxford has been censured as severe even to an extreme. Feeling that he was fighting single-handed, and at desperate odds, against what he con- ceived to be flagrant abuses, firmly intrenched in usage and self-interest, he rises to the full height of that critical and controversial vehemence which was part of his nature, and which those who knew him only in his public relations were apt very erroneously to regard as the main or salient point in the character of the man. It was his peculiarity to throw the whole force of his nature into whatever he took in hand ; and, in controversy particularly, its manifestation might very aptly be described in the words of Seneca, " Quemadmo- duin flamma surgit in rectum, jacere et deprimi non potest, non magis quam quiescere ; ita noster animus in motu est, eo mo- bilior et actuosior, quo vehementior fuerit." " When Sir William published his severe attack on Oxford in the 'Edinburgh Eeview,'" says Archdeacon Sinclair, "I expressed surprise that he did not treat his own venerable Alma Mater with more filial indulgence. 'Indulgence!' he 166 ARTICLES ON OXFORD. exclaimed ; ' Oxford does not require indulgence, and that is the very reason why I chose it for the subject of my article. There is hardly any university against which I have not more to say. I am not so great a coward as to select the weakest antagonist.' " In the two articles of 1834 and 1835, " On the Eight of Dissenters to Admission into the English Universities," he put the question on a new and proper footing. Having shown in the previous articles that the university was in fact the original element, he maintained the general right of all to demand the restoration of this element, especially in the form of public instruction, to its legal or statutory condition. That the university existed only through the colleges the staple argument of the opponents of the bill then before Par- liament he had shown to be untenable. The supporters of the bill of 1834 had not known or proceeded on this ground. They had sought admission into the university through the colleges, and thus rested their case on a much weaker ground than was open to them. The interest, opposition, and discussion excited by these articles proved most salutary. They served to impart much- needed information regarding the constitution and history of the English universities, to correct prevalent misconceptions, and to direct attention to proved abuses. They attracted the notice, among others, of Lord Eadnor, who took an active interest in university reform ; and a correspondence ensued between him and Sir William on the subject. Lord Eadnor was strongly impressed by Sir William's views. In one of his letters he says : " The perusal of your different articles in the 'Edinburgh Eeview' of 1831 and of last year has very much enlarged my views on the subject; and my object is now, if possible, to throw open the university altogether. With this view, at the suggestion of a friend, I am preparing a string of resolutions, to be submitted to the Lords, stating historically the fact that the benefits of the university education have been gradually confined within TESTIMONIES TO THEIR VALUE. 167 narrower and narrower limits, and showing how they may be still further limited, till there shall not be a single stu- dent not belonging to some foundation; and praying that the king will take steps for causing such a visitation as shall lead to the alteration of the statutes in such a manner as will again open the university at least to all the king's subjects/' * Besides thus throwing open the university, Lord Eadnor was desirous also of "restoring the old practice of public lectures and professorial education." His lordship at length determined to proceed by bill rather than by resolu- tions. After some further correspondence with Sir William, particularly on the question of the utility of tests, the bill was brought forward and discussed in the House of Lords on 14th July 1835. It was made a question of party and of support of the Church, and thrown out by 163 to 57. Notwithstanding the defeat of Lord Eadnor's bill, Sir Wil- liam lived to see his criticism of Oxford bear fruit, and to receive an acknowledgment of his services in the cause of English university reform from several members of the Oxford Commission of 1850. Several of the leading changes intro- duced into that university by the bill founded on the Ee- port of the Commissioners, were in the direction which Sir William had indicated as desirable ; in particular, the revival, in part at least, of the university or professorial element, and the reconstitution of the governing body of the university. Writing to Sir William (April 1852) the Eev. G. H. John- son (now Dean of Wells), one of the Commissioners on Oxford University Eeform, says : . . . " Many of your essays have had a most beneficial influence (in my opinion) upon university affairs, and have been of the utmost use in preparing the world for the Eeport of the Commission, which I am going to deliver in to-day. I fear that no opportunity occurred to mention our obligations to you as they deserved ; the articles in question have been so long before the world, and so commonly read, that they have * Lord Radnor to Sir W. Hamilton, March 10, 1835. 168 TESTIMONIES TO THEIR VALUE. become in some sort public property ; and, without some re- flection, one does not consider to whom the original account of the Oxford constitution is owing." The Eev. A. P. Stanley, now Dean of Westminster, writes, 5th June 1852 : " It gives me much pleasure to receive from you so flat- tering a tribute to our Eeport. I can only repeat our regret that we were unable to refer more directly to the name of one who has so powerfully contributed towards it by advocacy of reform at a time when its need was less acknowledged than at present, and by the stores of information which the articles in the ' Edinburgh Eeview ' supplied on a subject till then almost unknown." Similar testimony is given by the Eev. F. D. Maurice : " The form which this proposition has taken is certainly not that which it would have taken twenty or thirty years ago. Then it was supposed that the old universities required to be reformed according to modern maxims ; that they ought to abandon as much as possible their original character, which was presumed to be a narrow one. What has been attempted in this bill, successfully or unsuccessfully, has been to restore part of their original character which had been lost, to bring back the most ancient idea of the university, partly because this was also found to be the most comprehensive. This change in the direction of our thoughts and plans is owing, I conceive, very principally to the writings of an eminent Scotch- man, Sir W. Hamilton. In his articles in the ' Edinburgh Eeview/ about twenty years ago, he showed very clearly that the universities, properly so called, had been merged in the colleges that the reform which was most demanded was to restore them to life. He endeavoured to support this import- ant doctrine by charges against the conduct of the colleges, some of which I think were not supported by evidence, and have been disproved by subsequent investigations. He ap- peared to regard the whole scheme of colleges with a suspi- cion and dislike in which I cannot participate. Eespect for PATRONAGE OF UNIVERSITIES. 169 the name of Balliol, and for the benefits which have proceeded out of the society bearing that name from the fourteenth cen- tury to the present day, would alone prevent me from adopt- ing that opinion. But this difference does not make me less sensible of the obligation under which Sir W. Hamilton has laid us all, by asserting the necessity of giving prominence and efficiency to the university, and not suffering the discipline of the colleges, valuable as that may be, to overshadow it. It is this consideration which has led many, who have exceed- ingly disliked the thought of legislative interference with the bodies from which they have derived some of the greatest blessings of their lives, to acquiesce in the necessity of the present measure even to desire that a more comprehensive one had been adopted."* In April 1834 appeared the article on the "Patronage and Superintendence of Universities," which had for its text the ' Eeport of the Eoyal Commission of Inquiry into the State of the Universities of Scotland/ printed in 1831. Here Sir William seeks, first of all, to lay down the general principles and conditions of an efficient scheme of university patronage a matter which, in this country at least, has proved so difficult to realise. Bringing his rare acquaintance with the history of the universities of Europe to bear on the subject, he gives an account of that form of patronage and superintendence which had been found to work best in the universities of Italy, Hol- land, and Germany. This was an extra-academical board of curators specially constituted for the purpose small, intelli- gent, responsible, and conditionally permanent. He supports this system by direct argument, by the facts of academic his- tory, and by a trenchant and severe review of the modes of university patronage then subsisting in this country viz., the municipal, professorial, and regal. The province of this limited body of curators would be " to discover, to compare, to choose, to recommend, and to specify the grounds of their preference to the Minister of State, with whom the definite * Learning and Working, p. 10 etseq. 170 PATRONAGE OF UNIVERSITIES. nomination would remain a nomination, however, which would be only formal if the curators conscientiously fulfilled the duties of their trust." * The subject of academical patron- age, with especial reference to the University of Edinburgh, is further prosecuted in the Appendix to the ' Discussions.' ( This article was the first attempt in this country to grapple in a competent and intelligent manner with the vexed sub- ject of university patronage. It and the articles on the English universities must be referred to as affording the prime impulse and direction to that spirit of discussion and inquiry regarding the constitution and patronage of the universi- ties of Scotland, which resulted in the Universities Act of 1858. The views advocated by Sir William in those con- tributions to the 'Keview' influenced very considerably the Keport of the Burgh Commissioners (1835), in so far as it referred to the universities. This Eeport recommended a small extra-academical board of curators (five in number), as a substitute for the Town Council in the case of the Uni- versity of Edinburgh, thus adopting the principle of the scheme advocated in the 'Eeview.' Sir William subsequently says of the comparatively simple method of the Burgh Com- missioners, that it would be " a marvellous improvement on the present reign of ignorance, favour, passion, and caprica"J " The University Court " of Lord Advocate Inglis's bill is, in certain of its features, analogous to the schemes recommended by Sir William and the Burgh Commissioners. It still remains for experience to show whether, by the pre- sent constitution of the university courts, we have secured the most efficient system of academical patronage possible in the circumstances of the country whether, in fact, we have solved the difficult and delicate problem of the best mode of appoint- ment to professorial chairs. In a body so limited, and with no check save a conflicting and often ill-informed public opinion, nearly all depends on securing men who are at once edu- * Discussions, p. 396. t Appendix III. A., p. 708 et seq. f Discussions, p. 399. OTHER ARTICLES. 171 cated, courageous, and upright the conscious holders of a high and sacred trust for the country. In this case, but in this case only, we shall find electors willing and able to look beyond the alumni of the local university ; to put a very modified trust in mere testimonials ; to discourage the insulting process of a personal canvass by interested parties ; to despise secta- rian clamour ; and actively to seek out and sift evidence of qualification even among men who, in the absence of special interest in the town and neighbourhood of the university, are deterred from coming forward as candidates. The necessity for securing these conditions of an efficient and impartial pat- ronage will lead to the enlargement of the present electing body ; and probably the best mode of doing this, and thereby effectually annihilating powerful local influences in favour of particular candidates, would be to fuse the four bodies at pre- sent separately intrusted with the patronage into one general body for the appointment of professors in the whole of the universities. Sir William's exposure and vehement censure of the pre- vailing system of examination for degrees, alike in arts and in medicine, and his suggestions as to the propriety of intro- ducing extra -academical examiners, and generally elevating the standard for both degrees,* served materially to pave the way for the regulations on these subjects of the recent Uni- versities Act. In 1832 Sir William contributed two articles to the ' Eeview,' one in July, on " The Revolutions of Medicine, in reference to Cullen ; " the other in October, on " Johnson's Translation of Tennemann's Manual of Philosophy." In July 1833 appeared the review of Cousin's Eeport on German Schools. Eeference to this article is made in the following letter: MY DEAR SIR, When I received your letter, about a month ago, I had been reproaching myself for having delayed so long thanking you for the two editions of your ' Eapport,' &c. Your letter, how- * Discussions, Appendix III. A. 172 STUDY OF MATHEMATICS. ever, caused me to defer writing you till I could collect the pieces necessary to afford you the information you wished in regard to our Scottish parochial schools. These I sent about a fortnight since to Mrs Austin, to be transmitted through your ambassador, or in any other way she might think better. ... I regret that you will find the information so scanty, and the schools themselves so over- praised. Our Scottish system of education for the people only merits commendation by contrast to the English. I trust that the example of France, of which you have been the principal author, may shame our Government out of their negligence. I have been, indeed, deeply gratified to see you obtaining so great and merited an influence in the councils of your country ; and this not so much on your own account (however interested I feel in all that concerns your honour), as for the pledge it affords for the welfare of France and Europe. In your letter you mention a brochure on the state of popular education in Prussia. This I have not received, and I regret it, as it would (I imagine) have enabled me to make a more elegant epitome of your 'Rapport' than is given in the article wholly unworthy of the subject in the last number of the 'Edinburgh Review.' This (of which you will believe me guilty) was, from una- voidable causes, delayed till near the moment of publication, and then written against time. I am much gratified to hear that philosophy prospers so well in France under your auspices. I look with impatience for the new edition of your ' Fragmens,' and its Preface. I shall certainly be highly flattered by any notice on your part, however unworthy I am of the honour. Nothing can be more melancholy than the state of philosophy with us. Two articles of mine in the ' Edinburgh Re- view ' on the English translation of Tennemann's * Grundriss,' and on the recent writers on 'Logic' in England, may afford some illustration of this. . . . Believe me, &c. &c., W. HAMILTON. POETENCROSS, 1st August 1833. The articles on University Reform and Patronage of 1834 and 1835 have already been noticed. In July 1835 appeared the essay " On the Deaf and Dumb History of their Instruc- tion, in reference to Dalgarno." In January 1836 appeared the famous article " On the Study of Mathematics as an Exercise of Mind." In the course of the discussion its LETTERS OF NAPIER. 173 author lays down much that is valuable on the subject of the nature and conditions of liberal education. The limited utility which he is disposed to attribute to mathematics as a mental discipline has of course given rise to much comment and criticism. This article has been translated into French, German, and Italian. In the following letter, which refers to the article on Mathe- matics, we have a glimpse of the troubles of the editor from the irregular habits of composition and procrastination of the contributor. The grounds of complaint appear to have been pretty constant. At length the wrath of the editor has reached its height. Satwday night (very late) [1836]. MY DEAR SIR WILLIAM, I will not disguise from you that I felt at first exceedingly provoked, as well as difficulted, by the ex- orbitant length of your article, which exceeds the utmost limit you yourself asked by nearly a sheet and a half ! This mode of pro- ceeding on your part has happened so often, and is so obviously incompatible with those fixed arrangements which every editor is entitled, and in fact is necessitated, to make, as to compel me to say, that if you are to continue to favour me with your assistance and I need not, I presume, say how much I value it you must comply with those necessary conditions which no man connected with the ' Review,' however high, but yourself, sets altogether at naught. I have taken an hour to deliberate what course to pursue ; and there is so much risk of delaying the publication, to the great detri- ment of the proprietor and the work, by following the only course I can take, consistently with the insertion of your article in this number, that it really has not been easy for me to make up my mind. However, as I had, perhaps incautiously, notified that an article on Mathematical Study was forthcoming, and as my own views coincide entirely with your most able and valuable article, I have resolved to print it as it stands to postpone another article in consequence and to set up from MS. (and hence the risk of delay) a shorter one, in order to enable me to get yours inserted without mutilation. If I fail in getting all ready in time, I shall have much cause to regret the resolution I have come to. ... Let me beg of you to change some of those phrases which will be 174 LETTERS OF NAPIER. called pedantic and scholastic recollecting that we cannot change the taste of the age, and that we ought, in addressing ourselves to it, to have some regard to its tastes. Such phrases, too, as " the Plato of later times," " the Dictator of Letters," &c., belong entirely to a bygone age. Excuse me for these remarks. I have in this article and on other occasions de- ferred to your wishes and tastes more than to those of any other contributor ; and it is not, I hope, too much in me to ask that I may not be subjected, as editor, to certain critical charges which I do not wish to incur. I would have wished all the authorities in the type of the text, but the number and the length of the article render this impossible. . . . Ever most truly yours, , M. NAPIER. CASTLE STREET, Feb. 1 [1836J. MY DEAR SIR WILLIAM, ... I do not know whether you would like to see all the criticisms I have got on this article. In one respect they would please you, namely, that all of them allow it to display great talent and learning. But the observations on style, obscurity, &c. &c., would not be so palatable. One criti- cism, I confess, I was not quite prepared for viz., that the argu- ment is injured by the " cloud of witnesses," which, it is said, has been huddled together without discrimination, and without any rational view of the value of authorities. Lord Brougham, in a let- ter I received yesterday among others, makes this remark, and adds, that he is sorry the writer, whom he praises for ability and learning, should have adopted a tone in regard to mathematics so widely different from that of the cautious and philosophical D. Stewart. If you are to write an article on classical education we must settle about it immediately. And you must allow me to say that, after reasonable limits are fixed, they must be adhered to ; and further, that the article must be given me in such time as to admit of deliberate revision, instead of being sent at the close when all is hurry. Do, then, make up your mind deliberately, and let me know the result as soon as possible. I must arrange the articles, spaces, &c., for next number in a very few days. . . . Ever most truly yours, M. NAPIER. In the October number of the 'Beview' of this year (1836) appeared the article " On the Conditions of Classical Learning, relative to the Defence of Classical Education by Professor LETTER TO MRS AUSTIN. 1"75 Pillans." Sir William's regular contributions to the ' Keview' now ceased, owing to his appointment to the Logic Chair, which, as we shall see, took place this year, and to the occu- pation of his time in the preparation of his Lectures. After a lapse of three years (April 1839) he contributed a short article " On Idealism with reference to the scheme of Arthur Collier." This was his last contribution to the ' Be view.' The following probably refers to Mr Carlyle's letter already given, and the proposal which it contained that Sir William should become a contributor to the new periodical* : SIR W. HAMILTON TO MRS AUSTIN. EDINBURGH, November 26, 1834. . . . What has become of the new Review? I am afraid there is hardly much to be expected for the success of a periodical on the same plan (however different the principles) as the old reviews. I am much nattered in being thought worth asking as a contributor, but could hardly promise to be more than an occasional ally (supposing always a harmony of views), as I am too much occu- pied with matters apart from all popular interest, and have in the 'Edinburgh Review' an outlet more than sufficient for any super- fluous energy with which I may be distressed. I meant to have enclosed a letter for our friend Mr Carlyle along with this, as I have mislaid a letter of his with his address in London, but find that I am already late enough for the post. I shall take the liberty of doing so in a day or two, and beg you would address it. ... How are we all thrown back by this disastrous exercise of royal will ! I trust, however, it will be a useful lesson to the Whigs, t The preparation of the contributions to the ' Review/ re- ferred to in this chapter, necessarily formed Sir William's prin- cipal occupation during the period from 1829 to 1836 ; and he was now evidently looking rather to philosophy than to law as the main work of his life. In 1832, however, he had received from the Crown a minor legal appointment (the Solicitorship of Teinds), which required his attendance in the Parliament House once or twice a-week. The function of the Teind * Supra, p. 127. "t* The reference is probably to the dissolution of the Melbourne Ministry. 176 LETTER OF PROFESSOR MYLNE. Court is to consider and determine applications by ministers of the Church of Scotland for augmentation of stipend out of a fund set apart for this purpose at the Eeformation. It is the duty of the Solicitor of Teinds, along with the Lord Advocate and Solicitor-General, to watch over the interests of the Crown in the matter of applications to the Court. Sir William was well versed in the subject of teinds, which implies considerable antiquarian and legal attainments. This office, the salary of which is inconsiderable, was the only piece of legal promotion which he ever received. Sir William's contributions to the 'Edinburgh Keview,' coupled with the remembrance of his career in the University of Glasgow, had attracted towards him the attention of the venerable Professor Mylne, his former teacher. The follow- ing letter contains a proposal of much interest, which, if it had been carried out, must have very materially affected the course of philosophical instruction and opinion in the west of Scotland : PROFESSOR MYLNE TO SIR W. HAMILTON. FAIRLIE, BY LARGS, AYRSHIRE, August 22, 1834. MY DEAR SIR, I beg leave to state to you a proposal to which I beg you will give your deliberate and serious consideration. I pre- face it only by saying that I feel a deep interest in it, and that your concurrence with it will be highly gratifying to me, and, I trust, may eventually contribute materially to your honour and advantage. You probably know that, for reasons which I need not now detail, I have for some time past meditated my retirement from the Chair which I have held in the University of Glasgow for thirty-seven years ; and that above eighteen months ago I formed, and proposed to the Faculty, a plan by which I thought this purpose could be effected in a way easy to myself and beneficial to the University. But that plan, though it received the cordial approbation of the greater number of my colleagues, encountered an opposition which I did not anticipate, and which, as, I see no means of conquering it but such as neither prudence nor my sincere concern for the advancement of sound and enlightened philosophy permit me to adopt, I shall no longer contend against. LETTER OF PROFESSOR MYLNE. 177 My failure, however, in this instance has not abated the earnestness of my desire to secure, as soon as I can, the great objects for which my plan was formed. I am still anxious to obtain my immediate and speedy release from the professional duties incumbent on me, and for the due discharge of which I feel myself becoming daily more and more unfit. I long to see them transferred from me to one whose acknowledged talents and acquirements, whose known pursuits and predominating propensities towards philosophical and accurate inquiry, and whose confirmed habits of severe and persever- ing study, eminently qualify him for the trust. I am still eagerly desirous that, during the probably short remainder of life that may be allowed to me, I may enjoy the pleasure of witnessing the fidelity and success with which such a person, my appointed substitute and successor, shall acquit himself in my stead ; and that when I am called to quit the world, I may leave it with the high satisfaction of thinking that I have contributed something to establish in our Chair of Ethical and Political Science a person worthy of its im- portance, and who, during a life that, it may be hoped, will be long and happy, shall nobly emulate and sustain the merited honours which some of my illustrious predecessors have brought by their genius and exertions on themselves, on the University, and particu- larly on that Chair. With these objects in view, my proposal to you is that you should heartily concur with me in the attempt to bring about immediately or speedily the appointment of yourself to be my assistant, or rather my substitute during my life, and successor when I die. I am sorry that I must thus subject you as well as myself to a course of exer- tion which, though I cannot believe it will be fruitless, yet I cannot represent as very easy or agreeable in itself, and which might be found by some so repugnant to their tastes and feelings that they would rather reject my proposal at once and altogether than engage in it. If I could I would include in the act of resignation an express clause that you were to be appointed my successor as the condition of its fulfilment on my part ; and if my resignation, so stated, were to be recognised and admitted by the patrons of the Chair, I would certainly, without hesitation or delay, put it into their hands. But I am sure that a resignation so limited would not be indeed, for very obvious and strong reasons, I think it ought not to be received by them. All, therefore, that I can do to promote your appointment is, to give you, as I now do, my full warrant and authority to offer yourself as a candidate for my office, and my M 178 LETTER OF PROFESSOR MYLNE. deliberate promise that, as soon as you shall receive the assured support of a sufficient number of the electors, I shall make way for your admission to my Chair by an explicit and full resignation of it, on the terms that shall have previously been agreed on between us and fixed by the concurrence of the Faculty. I need not add, that nothing that I can do, or that is within the reach of such influence as I can with propriety employ with the electors, shall be wanting on my part to advance your success. The terms on which I am willing to resign may be generally and briefly stated as follows : First, That during my life I retain the whole salary payable to the Professor of Moral Philosophy ; Secondly, that I relinquish to you the whole of the other emolu- ments arising from the discharge of the duties connected with the Chair. I readily and cheerfully consent that from the beginning of your career you shall draw the whole of the emoluments arising from the devotion of your time, your talents, and your exertions to the duties of the Chair that is to say, the fees or honorariums you may receive, not only from students attending the public and the private Ethic classes, but also from those who attend classes in which you give lectures, or otherwise communicate instruction on subjects that come within the line prescribed for the Professor of Moral and Political Philosophy by the statutes of the College, or that have been sanctioned by former custom and practice of the Ethical Chair, or that may be chosen by your own taste and judgment, allowed and authorised by the permission of the Faculty. Of such subjects there is a great variety, and of these several which I believe will be found to harmonise with those inquiries to which your studies have been specially directed, and on which, of course, you will find it easy to give highly useful and popular prelections such, for instance, as jurisprudence ; the origin and progress of human society, and of the modifications of social and civil institutions; the prin- ciples of government and its different forms philosophy, political and economical ; ancient philosophy, physical and ethical a subject the adoption of which by you will, I doubt not, be greatly encouraged by our two professors of languages, and by all who are desirous of promoting in the Scottish universities a more diligent cultivation of these languages, &c. &c. &c. I will anxiously look for your deliberate and well-considered reply to my proposal. If, after carefully pondering it yourself, and con- PHYSIOLOGICAL EXPERIMENTS. 179 suiting with your most confidential friends respecting it (to whom only I request your communications on the subject may for the pre- sent be made), you should determine to decline, be so good as to let me know your rejection ; but I shall be much more desirous to learn from you soon your concurrence with me in it. I would be happy to enjoy a personal communication with you on the subject, and would be glad if you could for that purpose make me a visit here. That visit it will be in all respects both convenient and gratifying to me to receive; and the sooner the more gratifying. Believe me to be with sincere esteem and regard, my dear sir, yours faithfully, J. MYLNE. Sir William appears to have declined this proposal. The appointment lay with the Senate of the University ; and he probably judged that the influence which, in accordance with the habits of the place, was certain to be put forth in favour of the local candidate, was likely to be too strong even for the reviewer of Cousin and author of the essays on Percep- tion and Logic. Another consideration that weighed with him was the prospect of his becoming a candidate for the Chair of Logic in Edinburgh, which was likely soon to be vacant by the resignation of its holder, Dr David Kitchie. Along with the preparation of the articles for the ' Review/ which was the most important occupation and the chief visible result of the years referred to in this chapter, Sir William was of course carrying on his usual studies in their various branches. Among these he continued to pursue those physio- logical researches which have been alluded to. One of the outlets which he found for his interest in this direction was in a series of experiments on his children, the results of which remain recorded in very elaborate tables. In refer- ence to this matter Lady Hamilton says : " The children be- came victims to his love of investigation and experiment, being subjected from the day of their birth to a process of weighing and measuring which does not often fall to the lot of such little creatures. The matter to be ascertained was the rate of growth of the body, especially the head, during the 180 EXPERIMENTS WITH MORPHIA. first few weeks of life. For the purpose of this inquiry which was connected with Sir William's investigations on the brain elaborate measurements were taken (with callipers, tape, and flexible leaden bands) of the head of each of our children in succession ; drawings being also made to show the varying configuration of the skull. The other part of the process was of a somewhat novel kind. The child, stretched on a wooden board, was placed on one balance of a pair of (Degrave's) scales, while on the other, in order to supply a deficiency of proper weights, were laid two volumes of the quarto edition of Mon- taigne's ' Essais ' (the weight of which, as well as of the board and child's clothes, had been previously ascertained) ; and in this way, with the assistance of an old nurse, who cordially entered into his scientific ardour, Sir William proceeded to satisfy himself of the child's weight, of which on each occa- sion he took an accurate note. During the first few weeks, when the rate of growth was very rapid, these observations were made almost daily. Afterwards the weighing and meas- uring operations became less frequent, and were subsequently gone through only at intervals of a month or two. Nor were the observations on the growth of the head confined to our own children : those of our most intimate friends were made the subjects of a scarcely less minute examination. " When his eldest boy grew too big to be weighed on scales, a handkerchief was tied round his waist, and he was sus- pended in mid-air from a steelyard which was generally made fast to a step of the library ladder." Sir William also more than once experimented on himself after a somewhat bold fashion. His purpose was to test the effect of morphia on his system, which he had found to possess the remarkable peculiarity of insensibility to the action of nar- cotics. " For the facts connected with this," says Dr Douglas Maclagan, his medical attendant, " I am indebted to my col- league Dr Christison, who has been in the habit of noticing them in his lectures. It seems that when at Oxford Sir William had suffered from toothache, and had sought relief EXPERIMENTS WITH MORPHIA. 181 from a dose of laudanum ; but he found that it produced on him no effect whatever. He afterwards made some experi- ments on himself with laudanum of known excellence, and found that he could take 450 drops without the production of any effect on him except a little headache. This may be roughly stated to be equal to ten average doses of this drug for a person who, like him, was totally unaccustomed to its use." We have in the following rough jottings a record of one such experiment, made about 1836 : 22d December. 5 o'clock. Just before dinner, pulse 65. | -past 5. After hearty dinner, and some half-dozen glasses of light wine, pulse 74. | past 5. After dinner, 76. J-past 7. (Having slept an hour) pulse 84. (N.B. Having eaten salt herrings to dinner, drank three or four tumblers of water.) 10 o'clock. Pulse 88 or 89. Took 150 drops of morphia at 10 minutes past 10 o'clock, ^-past 10 o'clock. Pulse 80 perhaps fuller; for last quarter of an hour feeling as it were of fulness in head. At present very slight feeling of nausea, and very slight pain in stomach ; a slight feeling of languor in muscles. 1 1 o'clock. Pulse 82 ; sense of fulness rather less ; languor, or rather feeling of placidity, not increased ; slight feeling of warmth in face and over surface of body, especially in feet. No confusion or somnolency. Altogether not more effect apparent than when only 50 drops taken. Have been, since taking dose, occupied in reading. ^-past 11. Pulse 78 or 79 full; feeling of fulness less; no real languor, and feeling of less ; warmth continues ; quite alert indeed very. 12 o'clock. Pulse 70 not so full; all symptoms nearly off; very wakeful and alert ; feeling of full muscular vigour. -past 12. Pulse 75 ; still feeling of slight warmth, especially in hands and feet ; mouth not dry, but saliva not so abundant as usual, but no thirst felt. Now, as all along, a slight feeling of surd headache ; and in turning suddenly, a slight symptom of giddiness, or rather swimming, was observed, but not deserving of either name, so slight. 182 EXPERIMENTS WITH MORPHIA. 1 o'clock. Pulse 69 ; headache very slight, but still a feeling in head ; and slight giddiness or swimming occasionally on turn- ing conies on more easily than usual. |-past 1. Pulse 64 ; no somnolence ; now and then a slight noise in ears ; rather mawkish feeling this, indeed, all along ; mouth not moist, but not dry as before ; skin warm (prickly glow) ; not feverish. 2 o'clock. Pulse 60 not full ; no somnolence ; glow still in skin, especially hands, feet, and ears ; mawkishness, but not a nega- tion of appetite ; have eaten nothing since dinner ; slight sound in ears like distant sound of a carriage, now heard and now not heard (but this might have been, independently of morphia, from hour of night) ; surd headache not better. J-past 2. Pulse 62 ; quarter of an hour ago ate three apples bread and cheese as usual ; [am now] reading quite as well as usual. J from 4. Pulse 68 ; had been asleep, or rather in a sort of dreamy slumber ; awoke naturally, indeed voluntarily. Slept not deeply, but, on the contrary, perhaps more lightly than usual ; often awoke ; dreaming. Next morning about J-past 10, fully awake, but with rather bad taste in mouth, and with feeling of giddiness, as if bile ; oddish all over, but nothing worth notice, if not looked for. J from 11. Pulse 63; got up and breakfasted ; now, at | -past 11, feel nearly as usual; pulse 65 ; perhaps not so alert as ordinary i.e., not so disposed for exertion of body. 1 o'clock P.M. Pulse 69. These experiments, on his children and himself, were con- ducted as much in the way of pastime and relaxation from severe pursuits as from a purely scientific interest, which, however, he had pretty strongly. They serve to show the wonderful activity of his intellect at this period, which, when most hardly taxed, sought relaxation, not in repose, but in a change of work : " Alit lectio ingenium ; et studio fatigatum, non sine studio, tamen reficit." CHAPTER VI. APPOINTMENT TO LOGIC CHAIR, AND COMPOSITION OF LECTURES : 1836-1839. RESIGNATION OF DR RITCHIE UNIVERSITY PATRONAGE IN EDINBURGH CANDIDATES FOR THE LOGIC CHAIR CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN PROFESSOR PILLANS AND M. COUSIN LETTER OF SIR WILLIAM TO M. COUSIN REPLY AND TESTIMONIAL OPPOSITION TO SIR WILLIAM HIS DECLINATURE TO CANVASS ALLEGED OBSCURITY OF HIS WRITINGS THEOLOGICAL OBJECTION RESULT OF THE ELECTION PREPARATION OF LECTURES INTRODUCTORY LECTURE LECTURES OF FIRST SESSION ON METAPHYSICS HOW COMPOSED COMMENCEMENT OF EDITION OF REID LECTURES OF SECOND SESSION ON LOGIC PLACE OF THE LECTURES AS AN EXPOSITION OF THE AUTHOR'S PHILOSOPHICAL DOC- TRINES THEIR GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS AND INFLUENCE TES- TIMONY OF REV. DR CAIRNS CORRESPONDENCE WITH M. COUSIN CONTROVERSY WITH TOWN COUNCIL ABOUT FEES AND SENIOR CLASS. AT the close of the College session of 1836, Dr David Kitchie, after a career by no means brilliant, resigned the Professorship of Logic and Metaphysics in the University of Edinburgh. Sir William Hamilton, as the outstanding man in the department of speculative philosophy, not only in Scotland, but in Britain, might naturally have been expected to obtain the vacant Chair without difficulty, if not even without solicitation. He had already contributed to the ' Edinburgh Eeview ' those articles which had made him known on the Continent of Europe as the man of highest philosophical genius and greatest philo- sophical learning in Britain. He had also proved his remark- able, if not unique, acquaintance with the history and consti- tution of universities at home and abroad, and explained the 184 EDINBURGH UNIVERSITY PATRONAGE. high aims of all university training. As in Germany and France the custom was for the patrons of university ap- pointments to seek the man most fitted for the office, and not to leave it to every one who fancied himself qualified to seek ihe office, it was never doubted by the distinguished members of foreign universities, such as Brandis and Cousin, but that the vacant Chair would be readily offered to Sir William Hamilton. Nothing of the kind, however, took place, or was at all likely to occur. Foreigners were not aware that the patronage of the University of Edinburgh lay with the Town Council (Stadtrath), and that University appointments were decided, among other city transactions, by the burgomaster and councillors in the Eathhaus or Hotel de Ville a body, however useful and respectable, not to be supposed capable of judging directly of attainments in abstract philosophy, or of the qualifications necessary for teaching it from a professor's chair. Philosophical merit, like other accomplishments, had thus to be made clear by varied and laborious processes, and to approve itself to the respectable body of citizens chiefly engaged in trade and commerce who constituted the Town Council. These men were supposed to act as jurymen, to sift and determine on, the evidence brought before them regarding the qualifi- cations of rival candidates. Whether evidence of the pecu- liar nature suitable in such a case should ever have been submitted to the judgment of a jury so constituted, how far, as a rule, they succeeded in selecting the best man, and what were the countervailing checks against abuse and pre- ventives from mistake, are points which it is here unneces- sary to discuss. The fact was so ; and a candidate for the Chair of Intellectual Philosophy, be he a Plato or an Aristotle, was under the necessity, at this period, of addressing himself, with proof of his qualifications, to this body of electors, thirty- three in number. Sir William, in particular, had written, and written powerfully, against the continuance of the patronage of the University in the hands of the Council, and he did OTHER CANDIDATES. 185 not much relish the prospect before him of having to persuade that body of his superior qualifications. The other principal candidates for the Chair were Mr Isaac Taylor, Mr George Combe, and Mr Patrick Campbell Mac- dougall. Mr Taylor was acceptable to a considerable body of electors on account of his religious views. He had recently written ' The Natural History of Enthusiasm/ the first of that series of works on questions that lie in the border-land be- tween philosophy and theology, by which he has deservedly achieved a high reputation. He had also given to the world a small work entitled 'Elements of Thought/ in which he sought to give an explanation of various philosophical terms, with, however, but indifferent learning and success. Mr Combe was the representative of the phrenological doctrines, which, chiefly through his influence, had at this time a con- siderable hold of some portions of the public. Mr Macdougall, who afterwards became Professor of Moral Philosophy in the University of Edinburgh, was then a young man, of very varied and brilliant accomplishments. It soon became obvious that the final victory must lie either with Sir William or Mr Taylor. With a body such as the Town Council, the chances might seem rather in favour of the popular author than of the abstract thinker. And there is a tolerable degree of probability that, but for the overwhelming evidence of superior attainments that came from men like Cousin and Brandis, the small majority by which Sir William carried his election would have been converted into a minority. Sir William's testimonials were by design few and select, but stronger evidence of capacity and attainments was never pre- sented to a body of electors. I have already quoted M. Cousin's remarks on the first article in the 'Keview' that on his own writings. He had also unsolicitedly said, " Sir William Hamilton is the fittest person to be Professor of Logic in the University of Edinburgh at the first vacancy. He is pointed out for this situation by the peculiar bent of his mind, and by his pre-eminence above all his Scotch and 186 CORRESPONDENCE WITH M. COUSIN. English contemporaries." This was part of the notes of a conversation between M. Cousin and Professor Pillans during a visit which the latter made to Paris in May 1834. On Dr Ritchie's resignation of the Chair, Mr Pillans wrote to M. Cousin, transmitting a copy of the notes, with a request that he would either formally sanction their accuracy or return a more authentic expression of his opinion. Owing to the severe indisposition of M. Cousin, two months elapsed before a reply was received. In the mean time Sir William had addressed to him the following letter : SIR W. HAMILTON TO M. COUSIN. EDINBUEGH, 23d May 1836. MY DEAR SIR, I. have a long letter soon to write you of acknow- ledgments, apologies, and explanations in particular, to justify my- self for not yet having performed my promise regarding a review of the prefaces of yourself and Schelling a non-performance for which, when you know the circumstances, I am sure you will not think me in fault. At present, however, I write only on a matter wholly personal to myself, and that briefly and hurriedly, as time is now of great importance in the affair. I therefore go at once to the business. As the communication was thought better from another person than from myself, Professor Pillans wrote you above five weeks ago, requesting that you would have the goodness to state in writing your opinion of my qualifications for the Chair of Logic and Meta- physics, now vacant, in this University, and for which I have ap- plied. As so long an interval has elapsed, we are apprehensive that the packet may not have reached you. In case it should be lost, I have shortly to say that a testimony from so distinguished an authority as you will have the greatest influence in my favour. It may seem, indeed, superfluous to trouble you again for such a testimony after the too flattering expression of your good opin- ion of me to Professor Pillans in a conversation of which he kindly secured notes. But my friends think that your opinion, given by yourself in writing, would be of greater weight and a more authentic evidence. At the same time it would be better to avoid dwelling so much on the obscurity of my articles (which arises, I hope, only from the abstruseness of their subjects and the limited space into which the discussions must, in a journal like LETTER OF M. COUSIN. 187 the 'Edinburgh Review,' be compressed), as this the obscurity of my writings is the only objection of any consequence made to my claims. This I know with you arose in reply to Mr Pillans, who was probably not prepared to understand them. I do not know whether you are aware of an article of mine on " Logic," in the ' Edinburgh Review,' No. 115. There is another on the " Study of Mathematics" in No. 126, in which, I am afraid, you will think me very heretical. There are various others to which it is needless to refer you. Among the competitors there is no one from whom I have to fear anything on the score of any knowledge of the subject of the Chair. But the electors, who are the municipality of the city (thirty-three in number), are a good deal under the influence of the clergy and the fanatical party, who, of course, always wish for some friend of their own ; and I have also recently irritated the bourgeoisie of the municipality by an article " On the Patronage of Universities," in the 119th number of the 'Edinburgh Review,' and by my evi- dence before a Parliamentary Commission, in which I treated their capacity for academical patrons with the contempt it merited. In these circumstances I shall feel deeply grateful to you for anything you can candidly say in my behalf. And if you could procure any opinions to the same effect from any of your distinguished philoso- phers, you would add to the obligation, for our honest magistracy count as well as weigh the testimonies. Perhaps M. Royer-Collard and M. Jouffroy may have read my article " On the Philosophy of Percep- tion " which I sent them, and perhaps may be able to say something favourable of it. But you are the best judge. I must request your kind indulgence for this egotistical epistle, as for many other peccata, and I must abruptly subscribe myself, with the highest regard, my dear sir, ever most faithfully yours, W. HAMILTON. At length the following weighty letter reached Mr Pillans, and was submitted to the electors : M. COUSIN TO PROFESSOR PILLANS. (Translation.) MY DEAR MR PILLANS, A severe indisposition, which has for some time confined me to bed, has compelled me not to answer your letter so speedily as I would have desired, especially in the matter to which it relates. My first care is to do so the moment I have been able to hold a pen. I perfectly recognise in the paper accompanying your letter the 188 LETTER OF M. COUSIN. heads of a conversation which we had together two years ago in the presence of your young friend. He has very faithfully interpreted my thought, and has even rather weakened than overstrained it in what regards the merit of Sir W. Hamilton. I will by-and-by recur to the points in which it seems to me the accuracy of your friend is somewhat at fault ; but permit me previously to recall to you my own position in this affair. As some small value has been attached to my testimony, it is necessary to make known how I stand dis- posed, and what it is that determines my opinion. I have no personal connection with Sir W. Hamilton. You are the only individual I have seen who knows him. It was from read- ing an article in No. 99, Oct. 1829, of the 'Edinburgh Review/ that I became desirous of knowing who was its author ; and it was Mr Austin, the learned and profound jurist, who informed me of Sir W. Hamilton's name. The article to which I allude, although polite in manner, was in substance very severe ; and it has served for the text to all the ob- jections which have subsequently been made to what is called my philosophy, in America, and even in France. This article remains, of what has been written against me, that of principal account. From reading all that Sir W. Hamilton has done, I am convinced that we are not perfectly at one except in the matter of public education, and that in philosophy, under much ap- parent similarity, there subsist between us fundamental differences. You are therefore clearly aware, my dear sir, that my esteem for Sir W. Hamilton is very disinterested. It is not a partisan that I am desirous of supporting. No ; it is an adversary of the most elevated order to whom I render an honest tribute of respect. What, then, is the difference of opinion between Sir W. Hamilton and me ? Without here treating you to metaphysics, I will only say that, professing the highest regard and the most grateful ac- knowledgment to the Scottish philosophy, out of which the new philosophy of France has arisen, and without deserting the prin- ciples of that excellent philosophy, I have believed it possible to bestow on these a development that somewhat surpasses the boundary which Reid and Dugald Stewart have assigned to human reason. This development, is it legitimate 1 ? or is the circumspec- tion of your illustrious countrymen to be preferred 1 That is the question. Now, on this question Sir W. Hamilton is the man who, before all Europe, has, in the ' Edinburgh Review/ defended the Scottish LETTER OF M. COUSIN. 189 philosophy, and posted himself its representative. In this relation the different articles which he has written in that journal are of infinite value ; and it is not I who ought to solicit Scotland for Sir W. Hamilton ; it is Scotland herself who ought to honour by her suffrage him who, since Dugald Stewart, is her sole representa- tive in Europe. In truth, what characterises Sir W. Hamilton is precisely the Scottish intellect ; and he is only attached to the philosophy of Reid and Stewart because their philosophy is the Scottish intellect itself applied to metaphysics. Sir "W. Hamilton never deviates from the highway of common sense, and at the same time he possesses great ingenuity (esprit) and sagacity ; and I assure you (I know it from experience) that his dialectic is by no means comfortable to his adversary. Inferior to Reid in invention and originality, and to Stewart in grace and delicacy, he is perhaps superior to both, and certainly to the latter, by the vigour of his dialectic ; I add, and by the extent of his erudition. Sir W. Hamilton knows all systems, ancient and modern, and he examines them by the criticism of the Scottish intellect. His independence is equal to his knowledge. He is, above all, emi- nent in logic. I would speak to you here as a philosopher by profession. Be assured that Sir W. Hamilton is the one of all your coun- trymen who knows Aristotle the best ; and were there in all the three kingdoms of his Britannic Majesty a Chair of Logic vacant, do not hesitate make haste give it to Sir W. Hamilton. I say it sincerely, that my obligations to Scotland obligations recently enhanced by the honourable title which your learned Aca- demy has been pleased to confer upon me have inspired me with a lively desire of seeing Scotland again represented in the congress of European philosophers. If you think it expedient, I will write to Lord Lansdowne, whom I have the honour to know a little. Were M. Jouffroy here, he would be eager to add his testimony to mine ; but M. Jouffroy is in Italy for his health, and M. Royer-Collard has just set off for the country. But have you not the suffrage of M. Eoyer-Collard ? My illustrious master is wholly Scotch ; he is Reid and Stewart in flesh and bone. And Reid and Stewart, if they were electors, would choose Sir W. Hamilton. Now for the two points where the accuracy of your young friend might have been greater : 190 LETTER OF M. COUSIN. 1 . That Sir W. Hamilton has, perhaps, less originality than Reid, Stewart, and Brown. Sir W. Hamilton is very superior to Brown, especially as a logician. Were the articles of Sir W. Hamilton col- lected, we should have a "book infinitely more distinguished than the writings very ingenious, but superficial and diffuse of Brown. 2. Sir W. Hamilton has not even the very slightest appearance of obscurity. His style is substantial and severe, but of a perfect plainness for every one acquainted with the subject and not incap- able of attention. No one is more opposed to, no one is more de- void of, the vagueness and obscurity of the German philosophy in several of its most celebrated authors. To be popularly clear, there is only wanting to Sir W. Hamilton the space requisite fairly to develop his thought ; and that space is not found in a review it is only fully obtained in a course of lectures. In short, my dear Mr Pillans, were there not too much of pretension and arrogance in the request, I would entreat of you to say in my name to the person or persons on whom depends this nomination, that they hold, perhaps, in their hands the philosophical future of Scotland, and that it is a foreigner, exempt from all spirit of party or of coterie, who conjures them to recollect that what they are now engaged in is to give a successor to Eeid and to Dugald Stewart. Let them consult the opinion of Europe. Several of the articles of Sir W. Hamilton three especially, in No. 99, No. 103, No. 115 of the 'Edinburgh Review ' have made the strongest impression on all regular philo- sophers. I have just received from America a work of Mr Henry, entitled 'Elements of Psychology.' The following is what this praiseworthy author says of the article in No. 103 : "By those who are acquainted with the article referred to remarkable alike for philosophical learning and ability of the very first order a higher authority cannot well be imagined." I know not who are the com- petitors of Sir W. Hamilton ; but I wish, for Scotland, that there may be one who has received public eulogies of equal value from disinterested and learned foreigners. Adieu, my dear sir. When anything is decided, do not fail to let me know ; and believe me always yours very devotedly, V. COUSIN. PARIS, 1st June 1836. The other testimonials were from M. Angrand, the French consul at Edinburgh, a pupil of Royer-Collard, Cousin, and Jouffroy ; Professor Brandis of Bonn, the editor of the Berlin OPPOSED TO CANVASSING. 191 Academy edition of Aristotle; Mr Leonard Horner, Lord Jeffrey, Eev. Archibald Alison, Professor Macvey Napier, Pro- fessor George Moir, Archdeacon Williams, Sir David Brewster, and Professor Wilson. Certain of the testimonials that had been used for the Moral Philosophy Chair were reprinted. The evidence was strong, pertinent, and select. The opposition, however, was formidable, and there were personal difficulties of various sorts to be overcome. Though desirous of the office, Sir William characteristically declined entering on any personal canvass of the electors. In this he was not, he said in a letter to the Lord Provost of the 8th April, actuated by any want of respect for the electors ; he declined to canvass simply because he regarded the dispen- sation of academical patronage as the exercise of a sacred trust, and consequently felt that such a proceeding would be at once insulting to them and degrading to himself. His de- clining this mode of address was in fact, he maintained, " the most unequivocal proof" he could give "of the confidence he reposed in the integrity and intelligence of the present patrons." This strong view of the matter indicated, however, a height of virtue which was not destined to be appreciated. Sir William's more worldly-wise friends shook their heads about it. This was to fly in the face of all time-honoured tradition, to refuse the dues of the genii loci. That a councillor should give his vote for a man who did not solicit it privately in person, or by his friends, was a thing not to be looked for unless in a very exceptional case of appreciation of his position. Where was the importance of having a vote, if the deference of a persistent solicitation was not ac- corded to its holder ? Why, unless this were done, it was not in municipal human nature to give it failure is certain if the principle of no canvass be persisted in. His opponents, again, said, and said strongly, that he could not be very anxious to obtain the Chair, seeing that he did not employ the ordinary means of success to wit, this same private canvass. On this Sir William waxed tolerably wroth. In a second letter to the 192 OBSCURITY OF STYLE. Lord Provost of 23d April, he thus comes out : " I alluded to this matter [the declining to canvass] in my original letter to the Lord Provost, but I must now be allowed to speak on it plainly and openly. I am assuredly most anxious to obtain this Chair ; but I am ambitious of it not as a boon granted, but as a right recognised. I only ask I would only accept the appointment on the ground of superior qualification. To mendicate the votes of the patrons by the private solicita- tion of myself or friends, and to forestall an unbiassed decision of the body, on a full and final estimate of the evidence, by a private preliminary canvass of the individual electors, are pro- ceedings which I not only scorn, but of which, as morally dishonest, I trust I am incapable. But if I will not disgrace myself, neither shall I presume to insult the Council by such a conduct. As patrons of the University, they must view that patronage in the light of a sacred trust. They will con- sequently administer it with the rigour and impartiality of judges; and, like judges, spurn as the worst indignity all attempts at privately influencing their decision." Whether, as the contest waxed hotter, his friends abstained from all personal canvass, I cannot say : seeing that he finally suc- ceeded in his candidature, I should think it extremely un- likely. Another prejudicial allegation which he had to meet was, that his philosophical writings were obscure, and his success as a lecturer, therefore, hopeless. This was, of course, the popular objection, and it was a formidable one. M. Cousin no doubt scotched it when he said : " Sir W. Hamilton has not even the very slightest appearance of obscurity. His style is substantial and severe, but of a perfect plainness for every one acquainted with the subject and not incapable of attention. No one is more opposed to, no one is more devoid of, the vagueness and obscurity of the German philosophy in several of its most celebrated authors. To be popularly clear, there is only wanting to Sir W. Hamilton the space requisite fairly to develop his thought ; and that space is not found in a OBSCURITY OF STYLE. 193 review, it is only fully obtained in a course of lectures." But it seems difficult to lead some persons, even when they are in the official position of adjudicators, to surmise that they may not be able without previous training to judge of an abstract discussion, and that its apparent obscurity may arise mainly from their own lack of visual power. And so the ob- jection survived to the day of election, and was duly produced by more than one of the speakers, but particularly by a seri- ously dull elector, who, descending to minutiae of style, declared he could not for the life of him understand the phrase " em- phatic evidence," and was absolutely floored this time not without ground by the aim of a teacher of philosophy being set down as the " determination of students to a vigorous and independent self-activity." The way in which Sir William him- self met the allegation of obscurity is curiously characteristic and complete. " It is," he says, " truly humiliating to be com- pelled to meet such an allegation by any detailed explanation or defence. Yet, in the circumstances, it may be proper to mention that there are two of the philosophical essays which I have contributed to the ' Edinburgh Keview ' of such a de- scription as to be incomprehensible by ordinary readers. But is the inference, therefore, just, that my writings are generally obscure ? or is the fact of the obscurity of these two disquisi- tions any fault of mine ? There are, I may be allowed to say, two kinds of obscurity ; one the fault of the writer the other, of the reader. If the reader, from want of preparation, be not competent to a subject, that subject, though treated as lucidly as is possible, will to him be dark or unintelligible. This is the case of the two articles in question. The first, that on the ' Philosophy of the Absolute/ in relation to M. Cousin's ' Cours de Philosophic/ is on the subject of all others the most difficult and abstruse a subject which, whilst it forms the cardinal point of the recent Continental philosophy, was one with which no British metaphysician had yet ventured to grapple ; and to the discussion of which, accordingly, even the philosophical language of this country is wholly inadequate. N 194 THEOLOGICAL OBJECTION. The article also behoved to be comprised in some twenty or twenty - five pages. Within such limits I had to give an account of M. Cousin and his philosophy to show the rela- tions of his system to those of the great German metaphy- sicians and also to trace the latter to their sources ; while, as my aim was no less than a fair and fundamental refutation of the entire ' Philosophy of the Absolute/ I had to explain on an opposite doctrine the whole intellectual phenomena of which that notion was supposed to afford the only solution. In such circumstances it was utterly impossible to bring up the unlearned reader to a level with the question ; it was im- possible even to argue it, for those already competent to its consideration, with the requisite details. It was necessary to carry the discussion of this, the most abstract problem in philosophy, to its highest possible generalisation, and where an explanation was most wanted, an indication could often hardly be afforded. The article was therefore calculated for the very smallest number of readers in this country ; for those only (and those how few !) who were already versed in the higher speculations of the German schools. It was, in fact, principally intended for the philosophers abroad. It might be supposed that such an article would be allowed to pass uncensured by those confessedly unable to comprehend it; nor is it easy to see why a metaphysician, more than a mathe- matician or a philologer, should be required to bring down the highest problems of his science to the comprehension of the ' general reader/ " To this he adds : " A journal like the ' Edinburgh Review ' is not the place for elementary expatia- tion. ... Its philosophical articles are addressed not to learners but to adepts. ... A good philosophical review is thus often the converse of a good philosophical lecture ; but a capacity for the more difficult achievement does not surely infer inability for the easier." There was, however, still another objection to Sir William, of which he personally could not take notice ; this was the usual religious or theological objection. Not one word was THEOLOGICAL OBJECTION. whispered against the purity of his moral character, his scrupulous honour as a high-minded gentleman. That would have been in vain. But there was a lack of evidence, it was said, in regard to his Christian character ; he had not ad- duced testimonials as to his being a religious man ; though, in regard to this, one councillor, with a better appreciation of the evidence of a man's religion, said he would not have voted for him if he had. Nay, it was even insinuated, though not boldly asserted, that he was an infidel. For look to the positive presumption on this point : he was a contributor to the 'Edinburgh Eeview;' and was the tone of that journal sound or to be commended? were there not articles there which were not only not orthodox, but not Christian? Sir William was a principal contributor, and thus it was likely that he was of the mind of the ' Keview/ and no better than his neighbours. And then, to make the presumption a certain- ty, he had not only studied, but was alleged to be profoundly versed in, the " German philosophy," that fount of all theo- logical heresy, which left room neither for the possibility of miracles nor for the being of God. This was not a man to be put into a chair to train the youth of Scotland. All this was urged; and it is quite certain that herein lay the greatest difficulty with which he had to contend in his appli- cation for the professorship, and against which he made his way to the Chair in a spirit of dignified and contemptuous silence towards his detractors. An insinuation or allegation of this kind, which has very commonly been urged against the advancement of originators of new views in intellectual philosophy, is with some men an honest, though an unintelligent, ground of opposition. The traditional spirit which is contented with accredited results, will always set itself against the spirit of analysis, examina- tion, and inquiry into received opinions. It is well that these two opposing tendencies should take note of each other, so that we may not, on the one hand, lose the life of intel- lectual progress in the mere symbols of thoughts and things, 196 THEOLOGICAL OBJECTION. or, on the other hand, allow the spirit of reverence for past efforts and historical conclusions to die in the tumult of rest- less doubts. In the opposition, however, to Sir William at this juncture, it is to be feared that there was more of the impulse of sect and of party purpose than of higher consid- erations. For the special insinuations made there were no just grounds. Supposing the worst that was said against the 'Edinburgh Review' to be true, it is obvious that Sir William, as well as each individual contributor, was respon- sible only to the extent of his own contributions. Again, to those who really had education arid intelligence enough to appreciate the character and tendencies of the philosophy which he sought to develop in the articles in the ' Review/ the general charge against him must have appeared passing strange. The doctrines which he laid down were in har- mony not only with the purest ethical theories, but with the most profound and reverential theological convictions, and with the consistency of natural and revealed religion. So far from being tainted with those foreign dogmas, of which there was so much ignorant talk, he was the most skilled and powerful antagonist then living of unlicensed speculation seeking, as he did, to oppose the Absolutism of Schelling and Hegel by the conclusions of a Philosophy of Experience. But the truth is, the men who made the objection did not know, in their narrowness of spirit and blindness of fanatical zeal, their friends from their foes, and were incapable of discrim- inating good and evil in the matter.* * It is somewhat curious to find even now that the theological objection is still made to play its part against the same person. This time, however, it is not that Hamilton has no religion quite the reverse ; he gives undue import- ance and improper influence to it. For, according to a recent critic (Mr Mill, 'Examination,' p. 549), "the whole philosophy of Sir W. Hamilton seems to have had its character determined by the requirements of the doctrine of Free- Will ; and to that doctrine he clung, because he had persuaded himself that it afforded the only premises from which human reason could deduce the doc- trines of natural religion." Hamilton is also adduced as an example of the practice " of bribing the pupil to accept a metaphysical dogma by the promise or threat that it affords the only valid argument for a foregone conclusion," THEOLOGICAL OBJECTION. 197 The religious objection was duly brought forward on the day of election. It did one good service, however ; it quickened to an eloquent indignation the manly spirit of Mr Adam Black, then City Treasurer. In a few vigorous sentences, he denounced the too common crime of making religion a stalking-horse in the disputes of the day, and for party purposes ; said pretty plainly that he felt disgusted with men who suddenly assumed a zeal for religion on an occasion of this sort, while nothing of the kind was mani- fest in their conduct at other times; challenged those who had not dared openly to allege Sir William's infidelity to the proof of the insinuation by producing passages from his articles, which from their nature must afford evidence on this point, if evidence were to be procured at all. To this there was no reply. He concluded a pointed and animated speech by adverting to the unworthy manner in which this ground- less objection had been made to operate on the minds of councillors. The election took place on Friday the 15th of July. Sir W. Hamilton was nominated by the Lord Provost (Mr, afterwards Sir James, Spittal), and seconded by Mr Hugh Bruce. As the result of the voting, Sir William was elected by a majority and as seeking " to create a religious prejudice in favour of the theory he patronises." (Ibid. p. 490, 491.) This later criticism may justly be placed on the same level of fairness and intelligence with the earlier one. There is neither proof nor probability for the allegation that Sir W. Hamilton held the doctrine of Free- Will, or any of his opinions, on any other ground than that he thought it supported by the evidence proper to establish it, and therefore true in itself. If he further believed, as he did, that with the fact of Free- Will stood or fell the proof of the reality of Deity, he was not only at liberty but he was bound to' state this, and to offer proof of the connection of the two points, which he has done. For a critic who differs from him in the matter, it is a perfectly fair thing to assail this proof, and show it, if he is able, to be invalid. But to accuse an author of ** bribing" his pupils in the way specified, and of seeking " to create a reli- gious prejudice in favour of the theoiy he patronises," merely because he held and affirmed a logical connection between two speculative doctrines, is critically as unworthy as logically it is unwarrantable. If there be here "a grave offence against the morality of philosophical inquiry," it lies not with the person upon whom it is charged, but with the person who makes the charge. 198 LETTER TO M. COUSIN. of four eighteen members of Council voting for him, and fourteen for Mr Isaac Taylor. " I need not tell you the joy," writes Mr Macvey Napier, " which the success of your election gave me, mixed, however, with very indignant feelings at the small majority, and the conduct of some individuals, and the un- easiness occasioned by seeing to what terrible risks the Uni- versity stands exposed under the present system of patronage. I had received gloomy accounts a day or two before the news of your success arrived, and this made those news the more acceptable." SIR W. HAMILTON TO M. COUSIN. EDINBUKGH, 19tk July 1836. MY DEAR SIR, I have delayed writing you until the election for the Chair of Logic and Metaphysics was determined, which Mr Pillans will have informed you was in my favour ; and now, when I sit down to do so, I find myself wholly unable to express to you my feelings in relation to -yourself. To you, indeed, I cannot say Avhat I would find it so easy to say of you to another. You have overwhelmed me with honour, and in so noble a spirit, that were I not humbled by the consciousness that I owe my eulogy more to a generous illusion on your part than to any merit of my own, I might be, indeed, the proudest of mortals. Such a testimony from such a witness (as yours in my favour on this occasion) could hardly fail of commanding success even in such a country as this, and with such a body of electors as our Edinburgh municipality. But the accident of success is, in my eyes, as nothing in comparison to the honour of being so recommended by you ; and I should be equally gratified by your good opinion, and equally grateful for its expression, had the result been different from what it is. I send you a copy of my testimonials. You will find yourself there asso- ciated with many distinguished individuals ; but, however flattered by the commendation of others, I value no other testimony as I value yours. But I must confess that I value its paramount autho- rity, its consummate talent, and its (too) transcendent praise, even less than the kindness that made you send it from a sickbed. I am, indeed, most anxious to hear that you have completely recovered from your indisposition. . . . With this you will LETTER TO M. COUSIN. 199 receive two books. One is a complete edition, recently published, of the ' Dissertations ' of Stewart, Mackintosh, Playfair, and Leslie ; the other a translation of Kant's ' Metaphysik d. Sitten.' Mr Semple, the translator, is, as you will soon see, a mere Kantian, and wants the knowledge necessary to deal properly with his subject, and the taste requisite to obtain for his work, in this country at least, any success. He is otherwise an able and estimable man. I send you his translation as I know you are cosmopolitically interested in every indication of the progress of philosophy. I have many acknowledgments to make for the many valuable works you have been so kind as to send me especially for your own. I am delighted to see that Aristotle has already in part received, and is soon about to obtain in full, the benefit of your genius and erudition. I admire your ' Eapport sur le Concours ' as absolutely an ideal model. With so many recent distractions I have not yet been able to study your * Cours ' by Gamier, who seems a disciple not unworthy of his master. Besides the documents you sent me, I have made a collection of all that appeared in Germany relative to your ' Preface ' and that of Schelling, by Krug, Marbach, and J. H. Fichte. In obedience to my promise, I fifteen months ago attempted an article on the question at issue between you and the German philosophy. I agree wholly with you ; but Mr Napier thought that, as written, the discussion would be utterly beyond the comprehension of the public in this country, and I was prevented from trying to re- elaborate it by an attack of rheumatic fever, which kept me for three months to bed. Since that, one thing or another has always intervened to prevent me from renewing the attempt. However, I am now in a situation in which it will be my duty, as it is truly my wish, to make your philosophical writings better known to the British nation ; and I hope to do this in a more effectual manner than by reviews. For some considerable time, however, I must wholly devote myself to the labour of my new class : it is no very easy task to write a course of about a hundred lectures with so short a time for preparation. Believe me, my dear sir, ever grate- fully and sincerely yours, "VV. HAMILTON. P.S. 2$th July. On my return to town, after an absence of some days, I found lying for me your ' Introduction to the undis- covered works of Abelard.' I had heard of this some time ago, and am delighted to find that you make Abelard a Conceptualist like 200 LETTER OF M. COUSIN. Occam. I admire your industry hardly less than your genius. It would have been inappropriate had Abelard fallen into other hands than yours the modern Abelard. M. COUSIN TO SIR W. HAMILTON. 7 Novemln-e 1836, Je vous assure que j'ai e"te sur les Opines, avant de recevoir la bonne nouvelle que contient votre derniere lettre. Je me reprochais de n'avoir point ecrit a M. Brougham ou a M. Lansdowne. Mais, grace a Dieu, vous etes nomine ; vous voila a votre place et dans votre element. Une immense carriere d'utilite publique est devant vous, et je serais heureux de pouvoir penser que mon te'moignage a contribue en quelque chose a vous rouvrir. Ayez la bonte", je vous en prie, de me mander si vous avez ouvert votre cours, quel audi- toire vous avez, quelle marche vous suivez, sur quel auteur vous vous appuyez, et quels succes vous obtenez. Yos legons doivent sans doute absorber tout votre temps. Trouvez pourtant quelques heures pour penser a moi et pour m'ecrire. Je vous menage une ovation, et une ovation a mes de"pens. Je fais traiuire quatre de vos articles par un de mes amis, homme tres- capable, excellent logicien, ecrivain habile, auquel j'ai fait faire votre connaissance et dont vous avez fait la conquete au point qu'il ne veut plus me suivre dans 1'ontologie par la psychologie. Vous avez en lui un admirateur fervent, un disciple, et je vous assure que ce disciple-la, a lui tout seul, en vaut cent autres. Bref, M. Peisse vous a traduit, il vous commente, et il va bientot vous publier. Je ne manquerai pas d'en envoyer un exemplaire au tres-honorable Lord Maire de la ville d'Edinburgh, et ces dignes niarchands entre les mains desquels est place" le sort de la philosophic en Ecosse. Entre nous, si votre nouvel article ine"dit sur M. Schelling et moi etait a peu pres fini, vous seriez bien aimable de rn'en envoyer une copie. M. Peisse le traduirait et ajouterait cette piece aux quatre autres. Ce serait un grand ornement pour son recueil, et nous vous en serions tous deux tres-oblige"s. Je vous remercie beaucoup du volume des Introductions a 1'En- cyclop^die d'Edinburgh. II m'est fort agreable de posseder cette collection. Je mets de cote la traduction de M. Semple pour rn'en servir dans Toccasion. Voulez-vous bien prendre la peine de vous informer si 1'Acade'mie d'Edinburgh a regu mon gros in -4 sur Abelard 1 Je n'ai demande PREPARATION OF LECTURES. 201 an Gouvernement pour tout salaire de ce long travail que d'en envoyer un exemplaire aux Academies qui ont eu la bonte de m'admettre dans leur sein. J'aurais bien voulu vous en donner le volume entier ; mais j'ai craint en verite de vous ennuyer de ma p^danterie de Benedictin. D'ici a quelques niois je quitte la philosophic pour 1'instruction publique. Pour me delasser de mes travaux sur la scholastique, je suis alle faire un tour en Hollande, et j'en rapporte une moisson pour M. Pillans et pour vous. les belles ecoles de village ! c'est tout aussi beau qu'en Prusse. Ce voyage m'a tres-fatigue, mais il m'a fait aussi grand plaisir, et j'espere que vous ne serez pas faches, mes tres-chers amis, de voir mes descriptions, malheureusement faites t la hate, mais fideles et impartiales. Si Edinburgh n'etait pas si loin et si j'e"tais plus jeune, j'irais en causer avec vous. Nous verrons. En attendant je vous fais & tous deux mes com- plimens. Shortly after his appointment to the Logic Chair, Sir Wil- liam, with a view to the preparation of his course of lectures for the coming winter, removed with his family to Porten- cross, a retired watering-place near the mouth of the Clyde. The College session would commence early in November, and now was the time for preparatory labour. It would seem, however, that Sir William, during this period, did very little to the actual composition of his lectures. As usual, he read and thought a great deal, but made little progress in writing. This arose, in part at least, from what was to him the novelty of the kind of composition which was required. In accord- ance with the practice of the University, he was called upon to give a course of written lectures extending over a period of five months, in which he had to combine elementary instruc- tion in Logic and Metaphysics with at least some adequate treatment of the higher and more abstract questions of those sciences. The Logic class is usually made up of comparatively young students, in the second year of their university studies. To lead the minds of students gradually from the simpler to the higher questions of philosophy in a single session, and at the same time to treat the subject according to its proper 202 PREPARATION OF LECTURES. requirements, is, to any one with an adequate conception of speculative philosophy, an exceedingly difficult, if not an im- possible, task. Sir William had hitherto dealt only with the highest and most abstract of philosophical problems ; and there can be no doubt that he felt or anticipated a more than usual difficulty in suiting his style and mode of treatment to the supposed wants and capacity of his class ; for, with all his authoritativeness of statement and apparently dogmatic turn of thought, he had a strong element of personal diffidence. As the result proved, this feeling was the consequence rather of a distrust in his own abilities for the particular kind of work, than of any real incapacity. To this anticipation of unusual difficulty must be added his singularly high ideal of philo- sophical composition, and his extreme fastidiousness both of thought and style. Composition was with him always a care- ful and laborious work. A rough draft was first of all thrown off, and then it was revised and corrected until the blurred page presented nothing legible of the original. His manuscripts have the appearance of palimpsests of a manifold order. The following letter to Lady Hamilton from her brother-in- law, Captain Hamilton, refers to the small progress that had been made with the lectures, and also contains a hint about style : ELLERAT, 5tk September 1836. MY DEAR JANET, I rejoice to find by your letter that you are so comfortably settled at Portencross. I wish, however, that William had made greater progress with his lectures than you seem to say he has. Sure I am that if he does not start with a very large stock at the commencement of the session, both you and he will be kept uncomfortable all the winter. But, above all, I anxiously trust that in writing them he will always keep in view the character of his audience, and study simplicity. At his age, and with his stand- ing as a philosopher, anything like display before boys would he sadly infra dig. He is above this, I am sure ; hut of one thing I may assure him, and that is, that in writing, every Latinism he can displace by a Saxonism is a defect avoided, if not a beauty gained. I shall certainly come down to hear William's opening lecture. INTRODUCTORY LECTURE. 203 The work of composition had thus made little progress be- fore the commencement of the session. As the time of opening approached, with little work done, Sir William began to feel some degree of nervous uneasiness. The subject of the intro- ductory lecture was changed more than once, and altogether the state of mind of the lecturer was unpromising. He thought now of putting tiff the opening of the class for a few weeks beyond the usual period, to afford time for more ample pre- paration. But his friends were strongly against this. It was, they said, certain to be instantly appealed to by the adverse parties of all descriptions as showing how much he still had to learn, and how incapable he was of meeting his practical duties, as others, if chosen, would have met them. Abandoning, then, the thought of any lengthened postponement, he returned to Edinburgh, resolved to gird up his strength for the coming campaign. He began to lecture shortly after the commence- ment of the session, and the work suffered no interruption until its close. Sir William delivered the introductory lecture of the course on Monday the 21st November, before a numerous audience one of the largest class-rooms in the University and the pas- sages leading to it being crowded almost to suffocation. The lecture was very characteristic in tone and doctrine. After a short introductory notice of the recent history of speculative philosophy in Scotland, and its relations to the course of German and French thought now so well known as to be matter of the merest commonplace, but then an absolute nov- elty he took up the subject of the uses of intellectual phi- losophy. Then were revealed the peculiarities of the thinker and the man ; the play of the most orderly logical power and of the finest acumen, a style of rare lucidity, a deep, grave eloquence, abounding in wonderfully felicitous turns of expres- sion. These qualities, along with the novelty and elevation of the thought, and the earnestness of the man as he evidently spoke the familiar things of his mind made a powerful im- pression on his audience. The reflective listener felt that a 204 INTRODUCTORY LECTURE. new power had arisen in the intellectual world that the key- note of a higher strain of abstract inquiry than had been heard before in our Scottish universities was now struck. The expectations which had been excited by the somewhat mysterious repute of his writings began to take a definite shape and clearer ground. It had often been made matter of reproach to abstract philosophy that it was a thing truly apart, not connecting itself with definite practical interests. But here, in the principal points of this first lecture of the course now inaugurated, a hand was laid at once on the ab- stract and on the concrete sides of truth. The "useful" was finely analysed, and the popular abusive restriction of the term to certain professional pursuits was challenged. The useful branches of knowledge, it was shown, are not those merely " which tend to qualify a human being to act the lowly part of a dexterous instrument," but those chiefly which form the arena of liberal culture. The native dignity of man was vindicated. He is to be regarded as an end in himself as a being with powers which must be thoroughly quickened and developed through all their breadth, and not to be looked upon merely as a thing with consciousness that is capable of being educated to this or that professional aptitude of be- coming an intelligent machine. Abstract philosophy, without abating a jot of its integrity, carne charged with a moral lesson, which the highest and most earnest poetry of the time had sought to inculcate : " Our life is turned Out of her course wherever man is made An offering or a sacrifice, a tool Or implement, a passive thing employed As a brute mean." Then it was refreshing, in an age of facts, and practical appli- cations, and narrow utilitarian aims, to find the cultivation of the mind declared to be a higher end than the stocking of it with information, and the apparent paradox of the superiority of the quest of truth to the attainment of it unhesitatingly SCHEME OF THE COURSE OF LECTURES. 205 proclaimed. It was shown that knowledge itself is princi- pally valuable as a means of intellectual cultivation ; and that an individual may possess an ample magazine of know- ledge, and still be properly described as an " intellectual bar- barian." Hamilton regarded this doctrine as countenanced by Plato, and in this Mr Grote is at one with him. " The life of the philosopher, as Plato here conceives it (in the Theaetetus), is a perpetual search after truth."* "At the time when most of his dialogues were composed, he con- sidered that the search after truth was at once the noblest occupation and the highest pleasure of life. Whoever has no sympathy with such a pursuit whoever cares only for results, and finds the chase in itself fatiguing rather than attractive is likely to take little interest in the Platonic dialogues." ( Whatever may be the needed qualification of this view in the interest of moral earnestness, its proclamation at the time was an important service to the cause of the higher educa- tion, the aim of which is assuredly not the mere conveying of universal information, but the creation and keeping alive of intellectual power in the individual, through the direction of his mind for a time to a class of subjects fitted above all others to stimulate and develop it. In the inquiries of in- tellectual philosophy we find material eminently suitable for this end. For while our efforts after speculative truth are often, and often necessarily, unsuccessful, our feeling of despair is mitigated by finding that while we miss the treasure sup- posed to be hid in the ground, a full harvest of the true good, all unlocked for, has grown up in the wake of our efforts, and that we are the richer for our toil, just as faith was beginning to waver and hope to grow faint. In the first or early scheme of the course, Sir William ap- pears to have proposed to divide his Lectures into four series. " I shall commence," he says, in a deleted paragraph, " with Mental Philosophy, strictly so called ; with the science which is conversant with the Manifestations of Mind Phsenomen- * Crete's Plato, ii. p. 391. f Ibid., p. 393. 206 PREPARATION OF LECTURES ON METAPHYSICS. ology or Psychology. I shall then proceed to Logic, the science which considers the Laws of Thought ; and, finally, to Ontology, or Metaphysics proper, the philosophy of Kesults. ^Esthetic, or the theory of the Pleasurable, I should consider subsequently to Logic, and previously to Ontology."* This scheme was never, however, carried out with anything like completeness. He subsequently adopted a twofold division of the course giving one series of lectures on Psychology and Mental Philo- sophy in general, and another on Logic, or " the Laws of the Cognitive Faculties in particular. "(- We have, in the volumes of the courses since published, occasional lectures on the branches indicated in the first scheme some of them glimpses into the subject of great value but we fail to find any regular systematic discussion of all the four heads. At first he de- signed to lecture, during the same session, at different hours, on both of those departments. This intention he carried out for a short time ; but, owing to circumstances, to which we shall refer in the sequel, he finally delivered the courses in alternate years. The course given during the first session after his appointment (1836-37) was that on Psychology, or Metaphysics. This first course of lectures was composed during the cur- rency of the session of five months. He gave three lectures a-week, and each lecture was, as a rule, written on the night preceding its delivery. The lecture-hour was one o'clock in the afternoon, and the lecturer seldom went to bed before five or six in the morning. He was generally roused about ten or eleven, and then hurried off to the College, portfolio under arm, at a swinging pace. Frequently, notwithstanding the late hour of going to bed, he had to be up before nine o'clock, in time to attend the Teind Court. All through the session Lady Hamilton sat up with her husband each night until near the grey dawn of the winter morning. Sir William wrote the pages of the lecture on rough sheets, and his wife, * Lectures on Metaphysics, vol. i. p. 128. t Ibid. COMMENCEMENT OF EDITION OF REID. 20*7 sitting in an adjoining room, copied them as he got them ready. On some occasions the subject of the lecture would prove less easily managed than on others, and then Sir William would be found writing as late as nine o'clock of a morning, while his faithful but wearied amanuensis had fallen asleep on a sofa. Sometimes the finishing touch to the lecture was left to be given just before the class-hour. In the midst of the strain of this winter's hard work on them both, Sir William and Lady Hamilton suffered their first domestic bereavement in the death of an infant son, which took place after a short illness at the close of the year 1836. It was while engaged in the composition of his first course of lectures that he commenced, and to some extent carried on, the edition of Eeid's works, which was destined to occupy so much of his time and thought, and to be the receptacle of his elaborate erudition. The taking up of Keid was a matter almost entirely of accident, and had its origin in an occasion as slight as the conversation among some private friends to which, as Locke informs us, his essay may be traced. One afternoon in October of the year in which Sir William was appointed to the Chair, he, along with Lady Hamilton, turned into the shop of Mr Tait, bookseller, then in Hanover Street. Sir William made some inquiry about the number of copies of Eeid's works on hand, with a view to adapting portions as a text-book for his students in the forthcoming session. Mr Tait suggested that Sir William should write a preface for a new issue. To this he agreed. Setting himself to write the preface, and to revise the sheets of the issue as they passed through the press, he grew interested in the work, added footnotes, and, his concep- tion of the whole matter widening, promised appendices in the form of supplementary dissertations. Any time that he could spare from his lectures during the winter was given to this task, and he continued his editorial labours during the following years until the winter of 1839, the work gradually expand- ing under his hands, until it promised to assume its present 208 PREPARATION OF LECTURES ON LOGIC. form and dimensions. In 1839, however, it came to a stop, owing to a difficulty in the arrangements for publication. Sir William had originally made no bargain with Mr Tait ; and as the terms which the latter subsequently proposed were rejected by him as entirely inadequate remuneration for his labours, he took the work out of the publisher's hands. This course in- volved him in expenses for printing, stereotype plates, &c., to the amount of nearly 500. As he did not succeed in making immediate arrangements with any other publisher, the edition of Eeid was abandoned for seven years, then resumed, and finally published for the first time in 1846. The second course of lectures those on Logic was com- posed under circumstances similar to the first that is, during the currency of the session. Very little, if any, progress was made in their composition during the summer of 1837. The time he devoted to study was occupied with the edition of Reid's works. " He has got," writes Lady Hamilton (4th Sep- tember), " for his edition of Reid a great deal of unpublished matter and letters from the Alisons and Gregorys, which he seems to think valuable; and he is himself making numer- ous notes. ... I look forward to another winter of hard work both to him and me, although he declares I am to have nothing to do." After the commencement of the session, 7th December, Lady Hamilton writes to Captain Hamilton as follows : " The lectures have been going on prosperously. The num- bers at the College have very much decreased this winter, and all the other Professors are grumbling exceedingly ; but William has no reason to complain. His class is the best attended of any of the literary classes, and he has above forty more students than last winter. . . . For the first three weeks he gave some of his old introductory lectures ; but he has now commenced on Logic, which he did not enter upon last winter. The lectures will now be all new, and not one of them is written, so that there will be as hard work^this year as last. If William keeps well, I have no fear of his PLACE OF THE LECTURES. 209 breaking down. He is much interested in his class, and likes the subject; so, now that he is obliged, he works cheerfully. The sitting up all night is, however, very trying to us both ; but I have not had any writing except the first lecture to do tiU now." Farther on in the session (22d February) we find Lady Hamilton saying : " We are going on in our usual quiet way, generally dining out every Friday or Saturday by way of refreshment to .William's mind, after the exertion of writing his three weekly lectures. He finds that he will require the whole of the session to finish the course of Logic, so none of last year's lectures will be of any avail for this year ; however, six or seven weeks will soon pass away, and now that he has got into the habit of regular daily, or rather nightly, work, he does not seem to feel it any very great drudgery. His stu- dents are taking great interest in the business of the class, and, since Christmas, William meets them two hours daily." It is perhaps necessary here to say a word regarding the place of the Lectures as an exposition of their author's philo- sophical doctrines, and in relation to his other writings. What has been already said of the circumstances under which they were composed, and the purpose which they were designed to subserve, is sufficient to show their special and exceptional character as expositions of their author's opinions. This was pretty fully explained in the Preface to the first edi- tion of the Lectures (p. ix. et seq.) But as a recent critic, who professes " to anticipate the judgment of posterity on Sir W. Hamilton's labours," has yet represented the Lectures as " the fullest and only consecutive exposition of his philoso- phy," * and has very elaborately criticised the author's opin- ions on this assumption, it may be proper again to state the matter at greater length. Though written subsequently, in point of time, to the Articles in the ' Edinburgh Eeview ' on Cousin (the Unconditioned), on Perception, and on Logic, the Lectures were yet prior to nearly all the footnotes on * Mill's Examination, p. 3. 210 THE LECTURES AS AN EXPOSITION OF Eeid, to all the Dissertations supplementary to the same author, and to the development of Sir William's special logical doctrine of a Quantified Predicate with its consequences prior, in fact, to all that can fairly be regarded as the published authoritative expositions of his philosophical doctrines, ex- cepting only the articles in the ' Review.' In the Lectures, in- deed, we find the subject of Perception treated with somewhat greater detail, and certainly with more diffuseness, than in the article on the same subject in the ' Review ;' but we must have recourse to the Dissertations supplementary to Reid (Notes B, C, D, and D*) for the full and final development of Sir William's own doctrine of Perception. To these, as he himself tells us in a footnote to the article on Perception, republished in the 'Discussions,' he gives references "when the points under discussion are more fully or more accurately treated." * These Dissertations were published for the first time in 1846> ten years after the ' Lectures on Metaphysics ' were written. Again, the doctrine of the limitation of human knowledge of the Conditioned and Unconditioned is formally expounded only in the article on M. Cousin's writings, republished in the 'Discussions' (1852), and in the new matter contained in Appendix I. A and B. In the ' Lectures on Metaphysics ' (L. xxxviii., xxxix., xl.) he states the doctrine with some illus- trations, and seeks to show its application to the principle of causality. But this exposition is slighter and looser in manner than that in the article on Cousin, and earlier in time than the consideration of the same point in the Appendix to the ' Discussions/ where, as he says, a " more matured view of the conditions of thought " is to be found than that given in the review of Cousin.^ The Lectures on Consciousness contain, among other matters, the distinctive doctrine which he de- veloped under the designation of the Argument from Common Sense ; but here, too, we must refer for the latest and most pre- cise exposition of the doctrine to Note A of the supplementary Dissertations to Reid's works. The ' Lectures on Logic ' contain, * Discussions, p. 39. t Ibid., p. 18. THE AUTHOR'S PHILOSOPHY. 211 of course, the fullest exposition of his views of the details of that science from the Aristotelic and Kantian stand-points. But his new and special logical doctrines (with the exception of that of Comprehension in Concepts, Judgments, and Rea- sonings) are only cursorily and incidentally treated in two lectures, which he occasionally interposed in the middle of the course on Logic, and which are to be found in the Appendix to the second volume of the Logic Lectures (p. 255 (c), first edition). The latest and fullest development of his special logical theory is to be found in the ' Discussions/ second edi- tion, Appendix II. A and B. On many topics especially the distinctive doctrines in the philosophy of their author the Lectures on Metaphysics and Logic can in fairness be taken merely as the point from which he started in his course of philosophical investigation ; and where there may appear, as there must do in the career of every man of vitality of thought and activity of research, any difference or discrepancy be- tween the earlier and the later form of opinion as, for exam- ple, in his theory of association the later view, especially if it be also that published by himself, is that which ought, in common fairness, to be attributed to the author, and dealt with as his. What renders this the more imperative in the present case is, that Sir William did not find it necessary or expedient to embody the fuller or more advanced state- ment in his series of Lectures, which were already sufficient to occupy the whole time of each session, and most ade- quately to fulfil the wants of university instruction. For the more elaborate and more advanced discussions of certain ques- tions he was content to refer his students to his published writings. After their first composition, indeed, the Lectures were never substantially changed; they received only occa- sional verbal alterations. Though amply sufficient for the purposes of class instruction, they were always spoken of by their author as falling far short of complete or adequate courses, whether of Metaphysics or of Logic as forming, in fact, only introductions to a full and thorough-going discussion of the 212 THE LECTURES AS AN EXPOSITION OF principal topics of those sciences. In the Lectures he certainly introduces and briefly discusses a number of subjects upon which he has not otherwise given anything to the world. But these are taken up always and only with a view to class instruction, and do not receive at his hands (as, in the time allotted to each course, they could not) that prolonged or de- liberate treatment which is accorded to the subjects of the ' Discussions ' or of the ' Dissertations on Eeid,' published in his lifetime. On the more elementary and trite parts of philosophy and logic, Sir William, moreover, was content to piece together expositions from authors who had clearly stated current or received opinions. This practice he car- ried to a greater extent than was desirable or commendable ; the only consideration that could even temporarily excuse it being the pressure under which the Lectures were origin- ally written for which, however, he had ample time subse- quently to apply a remedy. Whatever degree of censure may be awarded on this ground, it is a matter of positive unfairness in any critic who professes to discuss Sir W. Hamil- ton's opinions, to deal with these Lectures written early, hastily, for a special and temporary purpose, never revised for publication by their author, not containing either the most authentic or the most complete statements of his peculiar doc- trines as of co-ordinate authority with his other published writings ; and, keeping all this out of view, actually to re- present them as "the fullest exposition of his philosophy." This they are not, in any true or pertinent sense of those words ; they are simply offhand expositions of a series of philosophical questions, and are in many respects of style and treatment in absolute contrast to the author's published writings. What a knight in undress was to himself armed cap-d-pie, this Sir William is in the loose robes of the Lectures compared with himself in his usual formal and guarded man- ner. The spirit of ancient chivalry would have disdained to draw the sword at a vantage, and would have sought a foe when his armour was on ; but the modern philosophical knight- THE AUTHOR'S PHILOSOPHY. 213 errant is of a different type ; he strikes his home-thrusts through the loose robe, and withal loudly proclaims that his opponent was armed to the teeth. As to the other statement, that they are " the only consecu- tive exposition of his philosophy," it is hardly better founded than the preceding. Though the Lectures, especially those on Logic, show great clearness and power of arrangement of a certain number of philosophical topics for purposes of aca- demical instruction, and are thus " consecutive," they are far from being a "consecutive exposition of his philosophy;" for a consecutive development of his distinctive theories in Metaphysics and Logic he has not anywhere given, unfortu- nately enough for the interests of those sciences, but especially for a competent comprehension of his views by his critics.* Sir W. Hamilton's appointment to the Logic Chair in Edin- burgh was the inauguration of a new era in the philosophical thought and education of the country. Through his writings, few and limited in quantity as they were, his general in- fluence on the course of reflection was already beginning to make itself felt. But his academical position gave him the means of a more intimate, intense, and systematic influence * To show the occasional carelessness with which Mr Mill has dealt with his materials, I may refer to the extraordinary blunder on a matter of the order of Sir "W. Hamilton's writings which he commits at p. 172 of his 'Examination ' (first edition). We are there informed that " much " of the paper on Brown the second in the ' Discussions ' was " transcribed from our author's Lectures " that is, an article which appeared in the 'Edinburgh Review' in 1830, and which is reprinted (with the restoration of a few introductory paragraphs deleted for want of space) almost verbatim as it appeared originally, was transcribed from Lectures which were written six years afterwards ! But Mr Mill, as usual, had found an "inconsistency," and Sir W. Hamilton himself, Mr Mill goes so far as to allow, had, in an exceptional moment, become aware of it, and had therefore substituted another "argument" in room of the one that conflicted with his own principles. Unfortunately for the explanation, there is nothing needing to be explained, the facts of the case being precisely the reverse of what is supposed. If there was any transcribing in the matter, the Lectures on Perception must have been taken from the paper since published in the * Discussions,' and not contrariwise. It is right to add that, in the third edi- tion of the * Examination/ Mr Mill silently reverses his first statement on the point referred to in this note. 214 INFLUENCE AS A TEACHER. than he could otherwise exercise. He was now to speak his doctrines to other minds ; and what was personal in the man was to have its full weight on young and ingenuous minds. The subjects and style of the lectures, not less than the tone of the lecturer, were new to the time. Fresh active thought on philosophical themes had ceased as a power in Scotland philosophy lived only in books. The impetus which Hume and Eeid had given to speculation, and which Stewart and Brown had propagated, was apparently spent. The tide had at any rate ebbed below the level of the universities of the country. Logic, beyond the ordinary elements, had ceased to be taught in the Chairs assigned to it. As for the high problems of metaphysics, these were entirely strange. No teacher of philosophy knew or felt anything of their mean- ing or reality. The youth of one university had been treated to a dull retail of the nomenclature and more superficial doc- trines of Eeid. In another, some elementary account of logic was usually given, to the complete exclusion of all vital meta- physical inquiry ; and the highest aim of philosophical teach- ing was traditionally regarded as a discipline of the faculties by means of composition on general themes that lay on the outskirts of the proper work of the Chair. In this way stu- dents acquired some culture and accomplishment ; but they were never brought even within view of the true problems of philosophy never confronted with their own necessary ignorance. The questions of philosophy had thus, so far as academi- cal teaching was concerned, ceased to penetrate to the moral and spiritual life of the country. Without further help, phi- losophy must have died of inanition. Even at the best, Scot- tish speculation had been too ignorant both of ancient and modern philosophy to know its relations either to the past or the present. It had been carried on rather in the way of an arbitrary selection of topics, in accordance with the tastes of the individual thinker often able and ingenious than from any knowledge and previous determination of the great INFLUENCE AS A TEACHER. 215 catholic questions of philosophy. Many questions were thus altogether omitted ; and no attempt was made to determine the order or mutual relation of the various branches of philo- sophical investigation. The discussions even of the topics thus singled out by individual preference, or forced upon the thinker by circumstances, though frequently able contributions to speculative inquiry, had seldom been carried to the highest point of which they were capable, or indeed pushed farther than served to satisfy the objections of an antagonist. Speculation in Scotland, though powerful and intense, had not been full, systematic, learned, or exhaustive. With the already published writings of Hamilton the spring-time of a new life in Scottish speculation had begun. A more profound analysis, a more comprehensive spirit, a learning that had surveyed the philosophical literature of Greece and Germany, and marked the relative place in the in- tellectual world of the sturdy growths of home thought, were the characteristics of the man who had now espoused the cause of Scottish speculative philosophy. The speculation of the country had been raised above its comparatively low level, and brought face to face with the highest metaphysical prob- lems. The modified doctrine of Experience of the Scottish school had been marshalled with the skill of a great general against the positions of the highest representatives of modern Absolutism. Hamilton had shown that he knew the strength and the deficiency of the line of speculation which had been pursued in Scotland. Now that he was called upon to devote his energies in an academical position to the study and the teaching of philosophy, a keen sifting, purification, and ampli- fication of preceding doctrines were to be looked for at his hands. In his Lectures, accordingly, we find, for the first time in the history of British speculation, an appreciation of the nature and number of the departments of intellectual philosophy, of their mutual relations, and of the questions appropriate to each, a restoration to their proper place of neglected branches of the study, and a thorough and service- 216 INFLUENCE AS A TEACHER. able acquaintance with the literature of the subject. These points are now familiar among us; but they were un- known thirty years ago : and adherents and opponents of the views then inculcated are alike indebted for their know- ledge of the departments of philosophy, and of the attempted solutions of many of its higher problems, to the writings of Hamilton. In the Lectures the spheres of Psychology, Logic, and Meta- physics were for the first time in this country clearly defined, and their mutual relations established. The much-despised and much- misunderstood Logic of the schools, after centuries of neglect, was revived and reinstated in its proper place as a true and vital science, and valuable academical discipline. Adventitious matter that had been suffered to deform its symmetry and impede its progress was detected and thrown aside. Its value as an analysis and development of the ultimate laws and processes of human thought was vin- dicated ; and the bearing of the fact that human thought is subject to formal necessary law on systems which allege the virtual omniscience of man, was luminously declared. In Psychology a new, simple, and beautiful general analysis of the intellectual powers was propounded ; original views were afforded of special departments of psychological inquiry, espe- cially the laws of association, imagination, and feeling. In Metaphysics there was a reassertion, coupled with a new and profound analysis, of the principles which Eeid and Stewart had maintained as ultimate laws of belief, and which they had advanced as a valid defence against the Nihilism of Hume. The theory of Perception, involving the questions of Realism and Idealism, was investigated with a rare skill, learning, and subtlety. The problem of the nature and extent of human knowledge, and its relation to the infinite and absolute in ex- istence, which had been discussed in the article on Cousin with matchless power, and in a way entirely new to British speculation, was not omitted in the course of instruction. The Lectures, while thus containing the more important INFLUENCE AS A TEACHER. 217 problems of philosophy, yet by no means embraced all the topics, metaphysical and logical, which a thoroughly complete course in both departments should comprise. Only small space was given to the questions of applied or inductive logic; and several of the discussions, both on logical and metaphysical points, were slight and hasty. To this no one was more fully alive than their author. In realising the pur- poses of philosophical instruction, for which alone they were intended, they were, however, eminently successful. In seve- ral points they have been superseded by subsequent writings of their author ; but they adequately enough represented the state of his views at the time they were written ; and amid much elementary and general matter that was pieced together from books whose very titles were then unknown in Britain, they contained the results of his own fresh and vigorous thought on the topics of philosophy to which he had given special attention. A lecturer of less power might have given more complete courses, but we should then probably have had a more elaborate formality of system, instead of the visible workings of a great mind, and the charm of original thought and unparalleled learning. From the commencement of his career as a lecturer, and during the twenty years that he occupied the Chair, Sir W. Hamilton was the means of inspiring and impressing young minds opening up to them new fields of thought and vision giving principles and convictions which passed into their intellectual, moral, and religious life to a degree and an extent which has very rarely been equalled by any academic teacher. And this he did not accomplish through any elab- orate system of class drilling and general mental discipline. He was not ready as an examiner on lectures or text-books, did little by interrogation, and had not at any time much power of oral explanation or illustration. The advantage de- rived from the mere exercises of the class was comparatively subordinate. In all this he has been excelled by men otherwise vastly his inferiors. The power which passed as the shock of a 218 INFLUENCE AS A TEACHER. new life into many minds lay primarily in the man, the mat- ter of his teaching, and his felt personal relation to his subject. The feeling he inspired was that of one who did not teach from the low level of a professional accomplishment, but who had naturally, spontaneously, and with full simplicity of heart, found in his high theme the nourishment of his thought and life. He had been " By love of truth Urged on ; or haply by intense delight In feeding thought wherever thought could feed." Philosophy was not a thing appended to him, which he could take up and lay down use for pleasure or profit an ele- gant accomplishment far less a thing which he could bend according to changing circumstances, or the shifts of an immoral expediency or mould after the unhealthy dimen- sions of popular beliefs and prejudices ; but it was a body of convictions, definite, thorough, real a living growth from the depths of his nature part and parcel of the man himself. To reflect and to inquire on the great questions regarding matter, mind, freedom, God the finite and the infinite had obvi- ously been not the business of his life, but his very life. And now this man, subtle in thought, vehement in argumen- tation, precise in speech, ardent in nature, disdainful of all practical narrowness, came to tell what meaning he found in the words which indicated those great ideas what of reality he had been able to rescue from it all. No wonder that to young minds it appeared as the revelation of a new world. So firm and close was his hold of the world of consciousness, so distinct the utterance of what he himself saw therein, that its invisible and impalpable phenomena came, for the time that the student was under the influence of this teacher, actually to supersede the interests and impressions of tKe world of sense, and appeared indeed the only abiding and real present. It was thus that by words " Which spoke of nothing more than what we are," he won his hearers to " noble raptures," and INFLUENCE AS A TEACHER. 219 " Bred such, fear and awe As fall upon us often when we look Into our minds into the mind of man." The qualities of the lectures which enabled their author, in the same course, to combine elementary instruction with an adequate discussion of the higher philosophical questions, were mainly the extreme exactness of the definitions, the clearness of the divisions, the remarkable orderliness of the development of the thoughts, and the extraordinary precision and perspicu- ity of the language. His method was a purely synthetic one he was careful to mark out in the most general form the limits and the various departments of the science he was treat- ing, and to develop his doctrines under each head in complete obedience to the natural laws and instincts of the understand- ing. He thus made a strong demand on the attention of every student ; but, when once this was given and an interest awak- ened, the listener was readily and naturally carried on from the more elementary to the more advanced parts of the science. It was thus that, while any ordinary student who was able and willing to give the requisite attention could follow the lecture, those who had an aptitude for the subject were quickened and captivated, and even roused to enthusiasm. The stately ratiocination of the more polemical parts was impressive and overawing, as the tread of an armed host marching to the onset. Th*e symmetry of the argumentative array the ease, variety, and compass of the movement filled the mind as the harmony of a grand music fills the sense. The style, at least of the metaphysical lectures, was not so condensed as that of the author's published writings. It was novel and peculiar in many of its turns of expression often resolutely and most exactly technical always clear, precise, nervous, pregnant. It was such a style as one felt the thought had shaped for itself. Amid all this array of exact but never overpowering distinc- tions and orderly argumentation, there came ever and anon passages of a grave and impressive eloquence original, or it might be quotations from Plato, Pascal, or Malebranche 220 INFLUENCE AS A TEACHEK. from Boetliius or Sir John Davies apt and beautiful : when the eye and countenance that had before been keen as the keen logic of the thought would " Even like an altar lit by fire from heaven, Kindle before us ; " and the voice, always clear, deep-toned, and full, would swell and fall in a pathetic cadence the outflow of profound emotion. Curiously blended with all this power of the teacher there was a wonderful fascination about the man. His personal appearance in the Chair was to the end exceedingly impres- sive ; at first, when he lectured standing, it must have been singularly striking. " It was impossible," says a distinguished pupil,* " not to be impressed with the commanding expression of that fine countenance and noble bust ; the massive well- proportioned head, square and perfectly developed towards the front ; the brows arched, full, and firmly bound together, with short dints of concentrated energy between; the nose pure aquiline, but for its Roman strength ; and a mouth beau- tifully cut, of great firmness and precision, with latent sarcas- tic power in its decisive curve. But the most striking feature of all to a stranger was Sir William's eye ; though not even dark hazel, it appeared from its rare brilliancy absolutely black, and expressed beyond any feature I have ever seen, calm, piercing, sleepless intelligence. . . . Though naturally most struck with this at first, one soon found that it but harmonised with the perfect strength and finish of every feature nothing being weak, nothing undeveloped in any." The dignity, earnestness, and simplicity of his character showed themselves in his manner as a lecturer. Though felt to be so high above the student in intellect and learn- ing, he was withal so unaffected, so courteous, so kind in his dealings with the members of his class so ready to explain difficulties and answer inquiries that love and reverence for the man were blended with enthusiastic admiration for the * Prof. Baynes of St Andrews, 'Edinburgh Essays' (1856) "Sir W. Hamilton." INFLUENCE AS A TEACHER. 221 teacher. Hamilton was, as I know, deeply and warmly loved by students who never saw him, except in the Chair, and never perhaps exchanged with him more than a few unim- portant words. The mode in which Sir William conducted the business of the class had its peculiar features, and was closely connected with the kind of influence which he exercised as a lecturer. He did not observe the usual practice of ascertaining by inter- rogation, whether oral or written, how far the student had mas- tered the lecture. The student who submitted to examina- tion had to prepare the lecture or lectures that had been pre- viously delivered by Sir William in such a way as to be able without interrogation to give an unbroken account of any part which might be selected. The salient feature of the examina- tion thus consisted in the student making to the Professor and the class a statement of the contents of the written lectures without the prompting of consecutive questions. This method had its advantages : it was an admirable dialectical discipline, accustoming the reciter to the orderly connection and arrange- ment of his thoughts; it was a training in public speaking; and, above all, in the course of the five months during which it was continued, the mind of the zealous student was thoroughly imbued with the mode of thought of his teacher, and acquired certain valuable intellectual habits which remained with him as permanent possessions. It implied, however, nearly entire devotion to the work of the one class, and while it succeeded admirably with the few who submitted to the process, it can- not be said to have been useful to the many who did not undergo it as the method of oral questioning may readily be made or to be the most effectual means of reaching and quickening the minds of the majority of a class. The follow- ing highly graphic account of the system is given by one who himself passed through the training : " The active discipline of the class," says Professor Baynes,* "consisted of exercises and examinations, the latter of two * " Sir W. Hamilton" in ' Edinburgh Essays.' 222 INFLUENCE AS A TEACHER. kinds compulsory and voluntary. The compulsory, which generally occurred four or five times during the session, was an examination (in the lectures) of the whole class, when any member was liable to be called up, and generally before the end of the session all were actually questioned once or twice at least. Latterly, however, this fell rather into disuse, so that often the voluntary, which had always been the prin- cipal, remained the exclusive form of examination during the session. This examination was of two kinds, or rather in two subjects, the lectures, and what was called " additional information" i. e., subjects connected with the lectures. The examination derived its name from the fact that it was quite optional whether the students took it or not ; the order in which those who offered themselves were examined being de- termined in the most impartial manner in fact, by lot as follows : On the examination days, which were Tuesday and Thursday Monday, Wednesday, and Friday being lecture days the members of the class were requested to sit in alphabetical order according to their names, the benches being lettered for this purpose. On the table before the Professor, at the commencement of the hour, was placed a jar (by cour- tesy a vase or urn) containing the letters of the alphabet printed in large type on rounds of millboard ; in fact, a child's alphabet, with highly-coloured pictures at the back of the letters, from ' A was an apple ' to ' Z was a zebra/ These Sir William mixed thoroughly together in the jar, and then taking the uppermost one, say W, held it before the class, inquiring whether any gentleman in W was prepared to undertake the examination; whereupon Mr Walker, or Watson, or whatever the name might be, rose, bowed to the Chair, and commenced at the point where the last examination left off. The work of preparing for these examinations was by no means slight to those who did it regularly and well. For the lectures being so full of condensed matter, a mere outline would not do some important points being necessarily left out in any ab- stract the student might attempt. There were always three INFLUENCE AS A TEACHER. 223 or four, and generally five or six, lectures in arrear, any part of which he must be prepared to take up at a moment's notice, as it was of course impossible to know when or where he should be called, or whether he should be called at all. Finally, the lectures he was thus required to have at his finger-ends often contained long series of minute and ex- tremely subtle discriminations, such as the thirty-three dis- tinctions between mediate and immediate knowledge in Note B, and the thirty-one between the primary and secondary qualities of body in Note D, of Sir William's edition of Eeid, both of which, I remember, were included in the lectures the year I attended the metaphysical course, to say nothing of exercises in syllogistic, such as concrete examples of every valid mood under the old and new systems, and the like, which naturally occurred in the logical course. It was useless for any one to attempt the examination trusting to memory alone, as some men are said to do with Euclid ; for in the first place it was almost impossible to remember the lectures with- out understanding them ; and in the second, one's knowledge was continually tested by cross-examination on the more diffi- cult points, in which the mere memoriter men were sure to break down altogether. The effort of thorough preparation was, however, a most invigorating one to those who made it, not only from the mastery of the subject induced, but from the habits of clear mental discrimination and exact verbal precision it necessarily helped to form. The second voluntary examination in subjects connected with the lectures, though not so arduous as the first, was a very useful, pleasant, and at times even entertaining one. The subjects brought before the class in the space of an hour were often miscellaneous enough, as the only restriction imposed that the ' additional informa- tion* should refer to points touched upon in the previous lectures still left a large margin for the diversities of indi- vidual choice. The pupil might, for example, give the views of any philosophic writer on questions directly or indirectly discussed in the lectures, such as the division of the mental 224 INFLUENCE AS A TEACHER. powers, the distinction between art and science, the theories of perception, &c. ; the history of a philosophic word, such as category, predicament, concept, consciousness, &c. ; the dis- tinction between related terms, as hypothesis and theory, dis- covery and invention, observation and experiment ; a short biography of any philosopher, poet, critic, historian, or cele- brated man mentioned in the lectures ; or, finally, state diffi- culties and speculations of his own on points arising out of the previous exposition. Sir William strongly encouraged all such manifestations of interest in the subject of the prelections, especially, perhaps, the last; and from the greater freedom thus allowed, this examination brought the students more directly into contact with the Professor than any other class exercise. After the student had finished his account, what- ever it might be, Sir William would inquire what books he was reading, give valuable hints as to the best course of study, and often supply the information brought by particulars de- rived from the vast storehouse of his own learning. The examination thus acted as a powerful stimulus and guide during the whole course of philosophic study. The exercises of the class were short essays, restricted, like the foregoing examination, to subjects connected with the lectures, and generally prescribed every fortnight or three weeks. Extracts from these essays were regularly read to the class by the writers, each student being allowed five minutes (measured by a sand-glass) for this purpose the time being extended at the option of the Professor, who generally criticised the more important exercises. While only a fourth, or at most a third, of the class attempted the voluntary examinations, a large majority of the members wrote essays of some sort or other. In addition, however, to the regular class exercises, essays on special subjects were now and then prescribed to the com- petitors for prizes, which were also, of course, read to the class. Indeed it was part of Sir William's system that all the class work should be done in public ; and as the essays were read in public, so the examinations were all viva voce, and before DR CAIRNS'S REMINISCENCES. 225 the whole class. Each member had thus an opportunity of deciding the relative position of the prize competitors; and at the end of the session the honours of the class were awarded to the successful candidates by the votes of their fellow- students." Of the nature and intensity of the influence of Hamilton as an instructor in philosophy, no more pertinent evidence could be adduced than that contained in the following passage, written by one who attended his early courses of lectures, and who powerfully describes what he and others of that time experienced : " So rich a treasure of thought and learning," says Dr John ^Cairns,* " brought to light in a succession of lectures at once profound and luminous, adventurous and sober-minded, full of exact distinctions and criticisms, yet per- vaded by a grave academic earnestness and eloquence, could not but be hailed by all students of speculative tendencies with sympathy and admiration, while, in the more congenial spirits, these feelings were kindled into passion and enthu- siasm. Many are now living who have experienced this shock in a high degree of intensity, and who connect it with a wide and definite enlargement of their intellectual horizon, which has remained, and cannot disappear, though the excitement has long passed away. . . . "Willingly do I recall and linger upon these days and months, extending even to years, in which common studies of this abstract nature bound us together. It was the romance the poetry of speculation and friendship. All the vexed questions of the schools were attempted by our united strength, after our higher guide had set the example. The thorny wilds of logic were pleasant as an enchanted ground ; its driest technicalities treasured up as unspeakably rare and pre- cious. We stumbled on, making discoveries at every step, and had all things common. Each lesson in mental philosophy opened up some mystery of our immortal nature, and seemed to bring us nearer the horizon of absolute truth, which again * Memoir of the Rev. John Clark, by the Rev. Dr Cairns of Berwick, p. 21. P 226 DR CAIRNS'S REMINISCENCES. receded as we advanced, and left us, like children pursuing the rainbow, to resume the chase. In truth, we had much of the character of childhood in these pursuits light-heartedness, wonder, boundless hope, engrossment with the present, care- lessness of the future. Our old world daily became new; and the real world of the multitude to us was but a shadow. It was but the outer world, the non-ego, standing at the mercy of speculation, waiting to be confirmed or abolished in the next debate ; while the inner world, in which truth, beauty, and goodness had their eternal seat, should still survive and be all in all. The play of the intellect with these subtle and un- worldly questions was to our minds as inevitable as the stages of our bodily growth. Happy was it for us that the play of affection was also active nay, by sympathy excited to still greater liveliness and that a higher wisdom suffered us not, in all these flowery mazes, to go astray. The fascination of these hours of wandering in the morning twilight few can sympathise with. To those who have loved them most they cannot return ; and they awaken only tears of regret that those who shared them, and could best understand them, are gone with them. But it is wrong to complain of the laws of mental and moral progress. These days, too, had their cares, their sorrows, and their sins ; and the true golden age lies not be- hind, but before us." In the following notes, which Dr Cairns has kindly fur- nished for this Memoir, he refers more particularly to the sub- ject which he has noticed generally in the foregoing extract. The statement will be read with interest by every one who has any concern in the higher education of the country. " I was in the second year of my studies when I entered the Logic class in November 1837 ; but I had been absent from College for two years, and I knew little or nothing of the im- pression which Sir William had made by his first course on Metaphysics in 1836. I was but indifferently prepared for such a style of instruction as he brought with him to the Chair. I had given a good deal of attention to classics, and read DR CAIRNS'S REMINISCENCES. 227 widely enough in miscellaneous literature, but I had never gone to any extent into mental philosophy or logic. Such questions I had perplexed myself with as the freedom of the will, the reality of moral distinctions, and the ultimate grounds of certainty. I had struggled through Butler's Analogy and other less difficult books on the evidences of Christianity, and had read some systems of divinity ; but I had not taken up the study of mind with any warmth or deep interest, the only works that I had gone through having any express connection with it being Watts on the Improvement of the Mind, and, if I remember rightly, Keid's Inquiry. As for logic, all that I knew was gathered from Duncan's, and a hasty perusal of an early edition of Whately's, sufficient only to make me see that they contradicted each other, and that the latter gave a place to the Aristotelian scheme, which the former denied. Scanty as this furnishing was, it is not likely that many of the class most of the members of which were still, like myself, in their teens had much more ; and one can thus understand the difficulties under which Sir William submitted to us his profound and elaborate investigations into the most abstruse questions of mental and logical science. " I need not speak of the substance of his lectures ; for these were materially the same as in the published volumes on logic. As published, however, they hardly give an idea of the manner of his delivery ; for the paragraphs or principal statements, which, as numbered, amount to one hundred and thirteen, were slowly dictated in the German fashion, while the suc- ceeding illustrations were simply read over. The moment that he entered he began, without sitting down, to read, often waving his hand to stay the applause with which he was greeted, and thus continued throughout the hour during which the lecture lasted, his standing attitude giving him the appear- ance of being taller than he really was an impression which was confirmed by the flowing gown which he always wore and the high desk behind which he stood, and above which, as if belonging to a more gigantic frame, rose his truly Olympic 228 DR CAIRNS'S REMINISCENCES. head, massive but finely chiselled in forehead, nose, mouth, and chin, and with a dark eye looking out from beneath the shaggy eyebrows with a concentrated depth and penetration that could not be surpassed. His gesture had little variety, his appearance presenting from first to last a look of solid and impregnable conviction; and this was also reflected in the clear and emphatic tones of his deep-set voice, which, however, could be quickened into true rhetorical grandeur, and deliver poetical quotations or highly- wrought passages with a peculiar roll such as I have not heard in any other speaker. " The fascination of so commanding a personality for young and susceptible minds can easily be understood. It was as- sisted by the novelty of the lectures, and by the sense of novelty even on the part of the lecturer, which had its stimu- lating effect on the audience as they strove to march with him through the unexplored regions of a first course. If I may judge from myself, it must have cost even those who at all succeeded a great effort. The style was wholly new in our philosophical literature. It was replete with technical terms, and bristled with Latin and even Greek words and quotations. It carried with it a constant load of definitions and distinc- tions, and involved, even in its elementary statements, difficult processes of analysis and criticism which could only be fully mastered at an advanced stage. It was liker stretches of Aristotle and steppes of Kant than the flowery field opened out in Stewart and Brown. After the border of the wilderness was passed in the introductory lectures, I well remember the sense of difficulty and even desperation that seemed to fall upon the class as the definition of logic was unrolled in all its formidable proportions ' the science of the laws of thought as thought, or of the forms of thought, or of the formal laws of thought/ Another slough of despond was the enunciation of the fundamental laws of thought ; and many a shuffle of the feet entreated the lecturer to pause upon and repeat, for the enlight- enment of a wholly bewildered audience, such dark formulas as that of the law of contradiction, 'A A=0/ I do not DR CAIRNS'S REMINISCENCES. 229 think, indeed, that I ever saw more blank dismay upon any countenances than that which sat upon the majority of the class during this lecture. Some, perhaps many, abandoned the effort henceforth ; but to a select minority, and that by 110 means inconsiderable, the sense of difficulty acted with the force of inspiration. In the throes and struggles of the unwonted exercise an altogether new power of thought was created, and the frowning and rugged cliffs, at the base of which some sank to rise no more, became to others the means of ascent to the command of a wide and unsuspected horizon of land and sea. Gradually, to those who waited for it, day broke upon the extensive prospect, and the toil of climbing, with the horror of darkness, gave place to exhilaration. " It soon appeared, by a decisive test, that a fair contingent were able to follow the lecturer. Sir William adopted a sys- tem of examination on alternate days which revealed the exact impression which his lectures had made. After the example of his own teacher, Professor Jardine of Glasgow, he resolved to put the decision of the prizes at the end of the session into the hands of the class ; and in order to give them opportuni- ties of judging, he encouraged, in addition to the regular oral examination to which the whole class was successively liable, a more lengthened voluntary recapitulation of the substance of his lectures on the part of the more enterprising or ambitious. Sitting quietly in his chair on examination days, he would, after sticking for a time to the questioning of selected names, the questions being rather elementary, open a wider field by looking over upon the benches before him, each of which had its set of occupants arranged according to the alphabet, and offering the challenge, ' Will any gentleman in A give an ac- count of my last lecture V If A was unfruitful, the challenge went through B, or C, or D, till some one was adventurous enough, amidst general cheering, to rise and make the effort. Ere long all the competitors came to the front, and their rising, sometimes to the number of two or three under one letter, could be anticipated as certainly as the utterance of the summons, 230 DK CAIRNS'S REMINISCENCES. ' Any gentleman in X ? ' The extent to which these rehearsals were carried was really surprising. Sometimes a student would recapitulate for fifteen or twenty minutes ; and though some deviated into new tracts, the general strain was that of minute reproduction of all the technicalities and peculiar phrases that had been employed, including, of course, the substance of the lecture. A more invigorating exercise could hardly be ima- gined, and the class in general had the advantage, if not of much variety, at least of some light and shade, from the dif- ferent parts remembered and restored by different minds, and these of their own order. Besides, independent thinking and style were helped by written exercises, and these were read, at least in selected instances, in the class. Altogether, the amount of mental impulse given has probably never been exceeded in the history of any Scottish university, and the youthful enthusiasm excited took a somewhat irregular form, for it was proposed and carried at large meetings of the class to present Sir William with a testimonial, which, however, he immediately and firmly declined. " During the session it was the custom of Sir William to invite his students in parties to his house, which was then in Manor Place, as afterwards in Great King Street. I recollect nothing of the conversation on the fiifet occasion when I thus met him, except the general impression of unaffected kindness and simplicity, which was increased by every subsequent in- terview. The immense library also, as venerable in its look as striking in its size, could not be forgotten. I believe I was not the only one who, during the summer recess, returned once and again to Manor Place, simply to take a look at the out- side of the house which recalled the excitement of the past session, and held out the promise of the future. " The second course of lectures that on Metaphysics (since published) delivered in 1838-39, at a separate hour from his Logic course, was to me still more interesting than the first ; and those who attended it were attracted only by the love of the study, as it was not required for graduation. In connec- DR CAIRNS'S REMINISCENCES. 231 tion with it there arose an unwelcome controversy with the Town Council, who had then the superintendence of the Uni- versity. Into the merits of this I cannot enter, as I only remember the circumstances imperfectly. There was some demur to Sir William's disjoining Metaphysics (or Psychology) from Logic, and charging for the two simultaneous courses separate fees ; and he, on his part, resented the interference all the more, that in regard to the ordinary fees, some prefer- ence, which he considered unjust, had been given to the Medi- cal and Legal Chairs over those in the Faculty of Arts. In a pamphlet written by him on the subject, and containing his correspondence with the Town Council, I remember his indig- nant quotation of the lines ' Dat Galenus opes, dat Justinianus honores, At nos philosophi turba misella sumus.' " Besides the qualities of vehemence and energy which Sir William carried with him into all his literary controversies, this correspondence was conducted with all the formal divi- sions and elaborate definitions with which he would have reviewed and exploded an erroneous opinion in philosophy, so that, as Professor Macdougall once wittily remarked to me, ' He answered the Edinburgh Town Council as if he had been refuting Porphyry.' This misunderstanding, which had the unfortunate effect of leading Sir William to retrench afterwards his separate course, and to give his different lectures only in alternate years, had no disturbing influence on our- class. We were quietly engaged in our discussions as to the existence of the external world while the storm was raging without, and only felt it to be another form of the non-ego; while the contrast between the singular gentleness and simplicity of our teacher in his dealings with his pupils, and his more impassioned qualities in controversy, became more remarkable. In addi- tion to his other labours, Sir William, throughout this winter, held meetings with a voluntary class for reading in Aristotle's Khetoric ; and this hour was entirely free. I well remember 232 DE CAIRNS'S REMINISCENCES. that during the private gatherings of this season, discussions between Sir William and his more advanced students took a larger compass ; that some difficulties in regard to his philo- sophy of perception, and other points, which have since been abundantly urged, were proposed, and that he endeavoured to meet them with the greatest candour and fairness. I can distinctly recall one evening in Great King Street, when suc- cessive groups of querists assailed him, not with objections so much as with difficulties calling for explanation ; and when, I believe for hours, with his back leaning against the shelves of his library, he met all comers with the most perfect good- nature, and with that unconsciousness of his own greatness, which was the charm of his friendly intercourse. "Another fruit of his influence was the formation by his advanced students in 1838-39 of a Metaphysical Society, which, for a considerable series of years, held its place in the list of College societies, for which Edinburgh is so hon- ourably distinguished. Few agencies contributed more to give currency to his views and speculations ere they were fully laid before the world ; and the delightful meetings prolonged to midnight, of which not a few still survive to retain the recollection, were almost as much marked by freedom of discussion as by natural deference to his authority.* " I may state, before leaving my account of Sir W. Hamilton as a professor, that having occasion to study for a winter in Berlin the year being 1843 I had the opportunity of com- paring him with some of the most eminent professors of phi- losophy there, including his great contemporary, who was also the subject of his criticism, Schelling. But in this last case there was no comparison possible. Schelling was striving in his last period to recover himself from his pantheistic aberra- tions, but without abandoning his a priori or speculative * Besides Dr Cairns himself, the following were among the members of this Society : A. C. Eraser, now Professor of Logic in the University of Edin- burgh ; John A. "Wood, advocate ; David Masson, now Professor of Rhetoric in the University of Edinburgh ; Andrew Wilson, afterwards minister of the Abbey Church, Paisley ; John Clark, afterwards minister in Glasgow. CORRESPONDENCE WITH COUSIN. 233 method; and though, there were gleams of unextinguished genius, with the revelation of power, there was neither the clear vigour nor the progressive march of Sir William's style of lecturing ; and the impression on the class was mixed and doubtful. Michelet and Beneke the one a high Hegelian, the other a disciple of experience had their merits and their interest. But the most Hamiltonian in his professorial man- ner, in which grave authority mingled with vast philosophical learning, was Trendelenburg, though the kindling and quick- ening element was less conspicuous. The only man, however, of the same moulding power was Neander, who, in another de- partment, and with many other differences, breathed the like breath of vital enthusiasm into the immense body of his ma- terials, and united the solidity of research and the originality of thinking with the glow of passionate and even dogmatic conviction." In the following letters of this period between Sir William and M. Cousin, we have references to the lectures and other subjects "of interest common to the two philosophers. SIR W. HAMILTON TO M. COUSIN. EDINBURGH, 21st May 1837. MY DEAR SIR, I am deeply ashamed that I allowed your kind letter which I received at the commencement of winter to remain so long unacknowledged; but for five months I was so occupied with writing lectures from day to day for I had not been able from indisposition to do anything in that way last summer that I was too easily induced to procrastinate this among other duties. . . . I have read M. St Hilaire's preface to his translation of the Politics of Aristotle, and some of the translation itself and notes. It ap- pears to me a work of great accuracy and ability, and puts to shame any attempts of the kind that have been made in this country. I trust, however, that M. St Hilaire's translation will not prevent you from proceeding with your half-promised work on the Organon and Metaphysics of Aristotle : that would be a disappointment in- deed. Among my collections relative to Aristotle I have a copy of the Organon, with MS. notes and collations by Isaac Casaubon, not contained in his edition of the * Opera Aristotelis ; ' and also 234 CORRESPONDENCE WITH COUSIN. notes and a collation of the 'Codex Argentoratensis' of the Ehetoric of Aristotle by Franciscus and Aemilius Portus, not contained in their edition of that book. If these could be of any possible interest to you or to M. St Hilaire, it will give me great pleasure to send them to you. By the by, I may notice what has escaped all the editors, that on the margin of the first edition of the Organon by Pacius (Lugd. 1584) there is the collation of a MS. In the sub- sequent editions, though the result of a collation of five MSS., there are no various readings given. The first edition is very rare ; you must have it in the Parisian libraries, otherwise my copy is at your service. Buhle could not obtain it, and the Berlin academicians have made no use of its varice lectiones. Can you answer the following questions without any trouble, when you again favour me with a letter 1 ? 1, I am desirous to know whether the Greek verses corresponding to ' Barbara, Cela- rentj i.e. r^a/^ara, "Eypa-vj/g, x. r. X., are to be found in any Greek logician prior to M. Psellus, in whose ' Synopsis Organi ' (published by Ehinger 1597), I presume (for I have not been able to obtain the work), they appear; and whether from them Petrus Hispanus (whose ' Summulse ' are chiefly taken from the Synopsis of Psellus) took the hint which he improved in the ' Barbara, CelarentJ &c. The verses in question are not, I know, to be found in Alexander Aphrodisiensis (to whom they are erroneously attributed by Nun- nesius), nor in any of the subsequent Greek commentators on the Organon (Ammonius, Philoponus, Magentinus, &c.) prior to Psel- lus. 2, These diagrams illustrative of the syllogism FIG. I. Fm. II. FIG. III. P M S M PS PS M are they to be found prior to Faber Stapulensis ? Is there any trace of them in the MSS. of the Greek commentators on the Organon before the end of the fifteenth century? Now I should not have mentioned these doubts if they were to give you the slightest trouble ; but it is probable you may be able to satisfy me, from what you know of the subject, without the cost of any in- quiry ; and it is only in the hope you can do so that I take the liberty to request your solution.* * On the points here referred to, see Discussions, p. 669, note. CORRESPONDENCE WITH COUSIN. 235 I am superintending a collected edition of Reid's Works, more complete than has yet been made, and shall add a few notes. Were the work not beneath your consideration I mean as far as my share extends I should have been anxious to have requested that you would allow me to inscribe it to you. I have got through my first course, upon the whole, with tolerable satisfaction. I am happy that, though I did not give a very elementary view of the philosophy of mind, my auditors did not find it unintelligible I am much gratified by hearing that you are engaged in profound study of the scholastic philosophy. What you have already done in that department only excites the desire that you should do more. The separation of the gold from the dross requires a workman like your- self. I am afraid you will find the deciphering of my execrable handwriting more than your patience can submit to, and I shall therefore desist for the present. You kindly ask about the plan of my lectures. I have been hitherto solely occupied with psy- chology, next session I shall commence with logic proper. The course will contain psychology, logic, metaphysic, and aesthetic. I mean to have a text-book made out soon for certain parts, and I shall, of course, send you a copy when printed.* Believe me, with the highest respect, ever most truly yours, W. HAMILTON. M. COUSIN TO SIR W. HAMILTON. 1 Sept. 1837. II y a long temps que j'aurais du repondre a votre lettre du 21 Mai dernier. Mais j'en ai e"te empeche par mille occupations, dont la plus pressante etait la publication de mon livre sur la Hollande. L'avez vous regu, ainsi que mon Ecole Normale ? Je vous ai fait passer ces deux ouvrages par des voies si peu sures que je ne sais s'ils vous sont parvenus : et je le desire beaucoup, car vous etes du petit nombre de ceux auxquels je pense en e"crivant, et il m'importe que vous preniez la peine de me lire. Mandez-moi done si vous avez regu ces deux Merits. . . . Parlons maintenant de la philosophic. Combien je suis ravi du succes de votre cours ! et combien j'en approuve la division ! Vous commencez done aussi par la psychologic. Dans ce cas, je suis im- patient de voir quelle valeur vous attribuez aux lois de la logique. Si elles sont purement relatives, vous aurez affaire a Aristote ; si vous les croyez et les etablissez comme vraies en elles-memes, et non pas * This design of a Text- Book was never realised. 236 CORRESPONDENCE WITH COUSIN. seulement par rapport a nous, il vous faudra bien revenir a line philosophic quelconque de Fabsolu, sauf le mot que je vous aban- donnc. Enfin vous preparez un Manuel. Je le lirai avec la plus grande attention. Vous 6tes fort aimable de m'offrir votre nouvelle edition de Eeid. Je 1'accepte volon tiers, car je respecte infiniment Reid auquel je do is beaucoup ; et je compte bien 1'appeler a mon secours contre le scepti- cisme qui commence a sortir de tons cotes de notre chere philosophie Ecossaise. Est-ce la ce qu'avait voulu Reid et la philosophie du sens commun] Ou il n'a pas compris la portee de ses principes, ou vous leur donnez, mon tres-cher ami, une signification qu'ils n'ont point. Vous voyez que je suis fort entete de ma philosophie. Mais je vous 1'avoue, autant le doute en beaucoup de points me parait sage et force autant le scepticisme ge'ne'ral sur la raison et les realties qu'elle nous decouvre, me semble, plus j'y renechis, arbitraire, artificiel, et dangereux. Je suis bien aise que vous estimez le travail de M. St Hilaire. II vient de remporter le prix de notre Academic sur T Organon. II n'a rien a voir avec. la famille de notre celebre zoologiste. II vous e"crira lui-meme pour vous remercier de vos aimables propositions. Nous avons cause ensemble de vos questions, et voici notre commune re- ponse. 1. Les mots' techniques, rga^ara/E/ga-xj/e, K. r. X., ne sont ni dans aucun logicien grec avant Psellus, ni dans Psellus lui-meme. Avant Pierre d'Espagne, on ne les trouve que dans Mce'phore Blemmidas, abrege* de T Organon. S'ils remontent plus haut, toute trace est per- due, et, jusqu'a nouvelle decouverte, on pent tres-bien les considerer comme un fruit de la scholastique constantinopolitaine. 2. Les figures explicatives FIG. I. FIG. II. FIG. III. P M S M PS M n'appartiennent point a la scholastique latine ; et sont de petites inventions grecques du bas Empire. Us sont d'un usage general dans les MSS. du 13^ me siecle, et ils doivent remonter plus haut, peut-etre meme a 1'ancienne e"cole peripaticienne, dont le chef a joint plus d'une fois des dessins explicatifs a son texte. Ce n'est la qu'une conjecture probable ; le certain est qu'on rencontre ces figures CORRESPONDENCE WITH COUSIN. 237 a chaque pas dans les MSS. grecs anterieurs a la graiide scliolas- tique latine. M. COUSIN TO SIR "VV. HAMILTON. 10 Fevrier 1838. Et bien, mon clier Monsieur, que faites-vous, et oh en etes-vous 1 Je n'ai plus de nouvelles d'Ecosse, et 1'Edinburgh Review ne m'ap- porte aucun article de philosophic qui trahisse la main de M. Hamil- ton. Songez done que pour moi la philosophic de la Grande Bretagne, c'est vous, et que je ne sais plus rien des que vous vous taisiez. Sans cesse je vous demanderai des nouvelles de votre cours, de votre futur Manuel, et de votre edition de Reid. M. COUSIN TO SIR W. HAMILTON. 30 Juillet 1838. Voici, mon cher Monsieur, une troisieme edition de mes Fragment. Le libraire m'a fait violence pour donner cette edition ; j'ai ce"de a regret, n'y pouvant mettre qu'un mot d'Avertissement, oil vous jouez un role que j'aurais fort agrandi, si 1'espace ne m'eut manque". Je n'espere pas vous convertir, mais je desire ardemment et j'espere bien n' avoir pas dit un seul mot qui vous puisse choquer. Soyez asse bon pour me re"pondre a cet egard. . . . . Mais votre cours ? Grace a Dieu, j'en ai des nouvelles et d'excellentes par M. Homer, qui est ici, et avec lequel je cause beaucoup de notre cher professeur de logique de I'llniversite d'Edin- burgh. II est certain que vos legons sont saisies et goutees, et je m'en rejouis comme d'un evenement tres-heureux pour la philo- sophic. Toutefois comme je suis tres exigeant, je me permets de de"sirer aussi que les succes du professeur ne nous privent pas des articles de I'ecrivain. A propos d' articles, je vous avais annonce" qu'un de mes amis, M. Peisse,dont vous verrez le nom dans monAvertissement, avait traduit plusieurs articles sortis de votre plume. II se decide enfin a les publier, k mon instante priere. Je ne crois pas qu'a aucune e"poque, depuis la vogue de la philosophic de Condillac, il y ait eu en France autant de zele sincere et serieux pour nos cheres etudes. Le cours de M. St Hilaire est suivi de pen d'auditeurs, mais par des audi- teurs choisis et laborieux. Celui de M. Damiron sur la philosophic moderne a un succes plus brillant; et si la sante" de M. Jouifroi lui interdit k peu pres 1'enseignement, ses ecrits lui font partout un nombreux auditoire. Son Introduction a Reid serait tres-bonne sans 238 CORRESPONDENCE WITH COUSIN. cette facheuse tendance au scepticisme que Reid n'approuveroit guere, et que je vous reproche a vous aussi, mon tres-cher monsieur. Dans ce siecle de foible croyance, est-il digne de vous d'avoir 1'air de fa- voriser le moins du monde un scepticisme que ses consequences me feraient redouter, quand ses principes me tenteraient 1 Yous voyez avec quelle franchise je vous parle ; c'est la mesure de la haute es- time que je professe pour vous et de 1'affection que je vous porte, a travers les deux cents lieues et plus qui nous Be" parent. . . . Ne manquez pas de me tenir au courant de tout ce qui se fait d'un peu important en Ecosse, en philosophic et en pedagogic. SIR W. HAMILTON TO M. COUSIN. EDINBURGH, 18th Sept. 1839. MY DEAR SIR, ... I have read with the greatest interest (and, I need not add, admiration) the papers with which I was pre- viously unacquainted, and which appear for the first time in the new edition of the Fragments. Will you allow me to answer a question you put in note (1), at p. 297 of the second volume 1 ? It was the ' Opera Yaria' of Joannes Michael Brutus to which Leibnitz refers, and the editor of the Berlin edition of 1698 (which I have), though his name is not given, was Johann Friedrich Cramer, as appears from the article "Brutus" in the ' Zedlerisches Lexicon.' I trust you will not desist from your labours on Aristotle, though Plato may claim your attention for a time, and though a Peripatetic School has sprung up under your auspices. I have the intention which I hope I may before long be able to realise of attempting an article on the recent works on the philosophers of antiquity in France, Germany, and Holland. Of course you and your Sieves will constitute the central group. I rejoice also to hear of the flourish- ing state of philosophy in your country. M. Peisse's intention of translating some of my papers is extremely flattering, but if he execute his purpose I could have wished that some errors in the original were corrected. With M. Peisse's reputation I was ac- quainted from M. Damiron's History, before I had heard of him from your letters and preface. I see he was engaged in opposition to Gall's doctrine in an able polemic. I have had a long series of experiments in relation to that doctrine, which completely dis- prove its most fundamental positions, lying by me for above ten years, half forgotten. The account you give of M. St Hilaire's success as a professor gives me much pleasure. SENIOR CLASS OF LOGIC. 239 I trust your health, is now completely restored, which I was grieved to learn had not been such as to allow you to engage in the more arduous functions of the Ministry of Instruction. You have been employing your summers in journeys into Switzerland and Holland. Would you not be induced to visit us in this remote region 1 I can promise you that no one would be more honourably received by all ; and nothing could, to me personally, afford a higher satisfaction than such an event. Do think of it, and magnify any objects of interest we may possess that may concur in affording you a temptation. Of Reid I am ashamed to speak. The work has been nearly ready for a year and a half, but having been obliged to change my publisher, I have allowed the publication to be delayed without any good reason for it longer than it ought. I mean to set about finishing it in the course of a few days, and hope to have it out in about six weeks, when I shall send it for your indulgent criticism your ap- probation of such a production I cannot hope for. I shall at the same time thank M. St Hilaire for the present of his valuable work on the Organon. I had a letter from Mrs Austin lately, and a well-deserved reproach for my epistolary delinquencies. Believe me, my dear sir, with the highest regard, most truly yours, "W. HAMILTON. Sir William, as we have seen, speedily excited an ardent enthusiasm in the youth by whom he was surrounded in his class-room. The daily hour of formal prelection i. e. } read- ing a prepared discourse on the different topics of the course was soon found not to be sufficient. Closer contact and keener questioning between student and professor became ne- cessary. The study in which they were engaged had passed from its previous state of dull stagnation and formality, and become a living and quickening mental discipline. Sir William, therefore, instituted hours of oral examination, dis- cussion, and exercise, over and above the prescribed five hours a -week. Before the third session of the new order of things, a strong desire was felt on the part of many of the students for a higher and more advanced course than the ordinary one, which should deal chiefly with metaphysical problems. These could be discussed more adequately after 240 CONTROVERSY WITH TOWN COUNCIL the preliminary training of the ordinary class, and with more ease before an unmixed audience of senior students. Sir William, accordingly, in 1838-39, instituted, or rather revived, a senior class of speculative philosophy ; and during the ses- sion added considerably to his stock of lectures. It was at- tended by a number of highly-interested students. Any one at all acquainted with the*subject of speculative philosophy must be aware of the difficulty of combining its two great branches Logic and Metaphysics in one course of instruc- tion, and must be aware also of the quickened but unsatis- fied craving for further progress and instruction with which the better students necessarily terminate the first year's attend- ance. These wants Sir William, in his love for his science and interest in his students, sought to meet ; and he would have suc- ceeded, but for the prompt interference and determined opposi- tion of the patrons of the University. This involved him in a controversial correspondence of six months' duration. The controversy regarding the institution of a second and advanced class was connected, and to some extent mixed up, with another regarding the amount of fee exigible in the philosophical classes (Logic, Moral Philosophy, and Natural Philosophy), in which Sir William took a prominent part. The Town Council, by a resolution of llth September 1838, had declared that the fee which the literary and philoso- phical professors were authorised to exact from all students without distinction was three guineas. They still, however, allowed the fee of four guineas to subsist in the classes of Law and Medicine. Sir William very strongly opposed this resolution, pointing out the invidiousness of the distinction which it made in the different Faculties. In an elaborate circular letter* addressed to the Town Council, he main- tained the right of the philosophical professors to receive * Afterwards printed, along with the correspondence relative to the second class of Logic and Metaphysics, under the title, ' Correspondence relative to certain proceedings of the Town Council of Edinburgh, affecting the philoso- phical Professors of the University, and in particular the Professor of Logic and Metaphysics.' Edinburgh : pp. 41 : 1839. ABOUT FEES. 241 two different rates of fee a minimum of three, and an (op- tional) maximum of four guineas, from different classes of students. Previously to 1812 the fees were simply honoraria given by the students, and not payments strictly exigible ; hence they varied in different classes. By a resolution of the Town Council of that year, proceeding upon a memorial from the Senatus, the fee of two guineas (received as a minimum in the philosophical classes) was raised to three, and that of three guineas (established in certain other classes) to four; but as in the memorial of the Senatus the term minimum had been omitted in referring to the fee of two guineas, the Council now maintained that by the resolution of 1812 the maximum fee was abolished, and that thenceforward only one fee of three guineas was exigible from all students of litera- ture and philosophy without distinction. This interpreta- tion was put on the resolution of 1812 by the Council only in September 1838, and in face of the fact that the professors of Mathematics, Ehetoric, Moral Philosophy, and Natural Philosophy, had all along, from 1812, been accustomed, with- out interference, to accept a higher optional fee or honorarium of four guineas. It was done, moreover, with a special and avowed reference to the case of the new Professor of Logic, who in the session 1837-38 had, in the exercise of what he maintained to be his right, accepted the higher fee. The Council by their resolution of September 1838 not only maintained this maximum fee to be abolished in the philoso- phical classes, but, in the classes of law and medicine, con- firmed the fee of four guineas made exigible by the resolu- tion of 1812, or authorised this amount to be exacted where hitherto it had been drawn only by custom. " While all the other classes are thus," says Sir William, "continued on the same or placed on a better footing, the philosophical classes alone are degraded to a worse." Against all this Sir William, in the circular, reclaimed in a very emphatic manner. He maintained the right of the philoso- phical professors to the higher fee as an honorarium ; and Q 242 CONTROVERSY WITH TOWN COUNCIL alleged that the resolution of the Council involved an in- dignity and an injustice : an indignity, inasmuch as it placed them on a lower level than their colleagues in respect of emoluments, and implied that they had been drawing fees to which they had not as good a title as the other professors who were authorised to continue to exact the same ; an injustice, because the fees of the philosophical professors, which even before were not equal to those of their colleagues, were now still further reduced. He argued further, very pertinently, that if a difference of fee were to be made, the literary and philo- sophical chairs are those to which the higher fee should be allowed, on the ground that chairs of law and medicine fur- ther the professional success of the holders, while the occu- pants of the other chairs depend exclusively on these for their subsistence ; " or if they do pursue an extra-academical profession, the mere fact of holding an academical position is an impediment to professional success, an impediment which augments precisely as the professor distinguishes him- self for assiduity in the performance of his university duties." The Council adhered to their resolution of September ; which, while it abolished the somewhat invidious distinction among students caused by the payment of a lower and higher fee, constituted and perpetuated the inequality complained of be- tween the classes of arts on the one hand, and those of law and medicine on the other. This controversy did not leave the Town Council very ami- cably disposed towards the new Professor of Logic, who, besides, had long been known to be the most powerful antagonist to their position as administrators of the affairs of the Uni- versity. Unluckily the institution of the second or ad- vanced class of Logic and Metaphysics took place while the controversy about the fees was pending, and while both parties were considerably exasperated. Sir William, in this second dispute, avowed his decided impression that the prompt and unexampled interference of the Council with his new class was due to the fact that he had advocated against them UNIVERSITY ABOUT SECOND CLASS. the claims of the philosophical professors. This imp and what appeared to him to be the unintelligent character of the opposition to his plans for furthering his favourite science, may account for the tone of his communications to the Council, which certainly was far from conciliatory. He was throughout caustic, elaborate, even scornful ; stimulated, but not overmastered, by a certain white heat of passion, which shone through a dialectic far too keen and fine for the occasion. The Council alleged that the institution of the new class, without their sanction having been previously asked or ob- tained, was an interference with their rights as patrons of the University, which they held to extend to the control and regu- lation of the courses of study therein. Sir William, while admitting a general right of administration on the part of the Council, punctiliously refused to acknowledge their authority to determine the manner in which a professor should carry on the teaching of his class, or subdivide his subject. He pointed out, moreover, that in delivering two courses of lectures, a higher and a lower, he introduced no novel practice into the conduct of the chair, for which it was necessary he should show cause ; for " down to the demise of Professor Finlayson two separate courses, at two different hours, viz., a First and Second Logic, were regularly advertised." Then, in reply to the charge that he had " divided his lectures into two courses one on Logic and the other on Metaphysics," his answer was that he had not divided into two courses lectures which he had de- livered as one, or which ought to be delivered as one, but that he taught in separate courses the two departments of science which he was specially commissioned to teach, and that this was a necessity arising from the extent, and from differences in the matter and order, of those departments themselves. His more recent predecessors had met this difficulty by cutting it ; they in fact omitted, and that without observation, at least without censure, from the now zealous patrons, one of the departments of the chair ; " and as Logic was of the two the easier, and 244 CONTROVERSY WITH TOWN COUNCIL only lucrative, department, being the one of the more popular attractions and the one alone protected, as alone compulsory on students of theology, Metaphysics was allowed to drop from the lectures of the professor, and, as a natural conse- quence, from the title of the chair. . . . Had I chosen the same alternative," he continues, "the practice of my prede- cessors might have well excused me in its adoption ; but the other was the one which better accorded both with my inclina- tions and my notions of duty. I determined, therefore, at least to make the experiment whether a more advanced course of mental philosophy, principally though not exclusively con- versant with Metaphysics, could not maintain itself in effici- ency, along with another of a more elementary character, chiefly, but not solely, occupied with Logic." These sentences should have been sufficient to obviate the only reasonable objection to Sir William's proposal of a second class, that he apparently departed from the terms of his commission, in not giving in one course lectures on both departments of the chair. From first to last, however, this objection was maintained by the patrons in the most dogged and unintelligent manner, and in the face of all explanations. In vain Sir William showed that his ordinary course was actually fuller and at least as long as that of his predecessors' that, in fact, he gave more hours' instruction than had been customary; and that, so far from the one series of lectures be- ing insufficient, as was insinuated, to satisfy the Faculty of Arts and the Church, the science of Logic that specially prescribed to intending students of Divinity was more fully taught by him than by " any at least of his latter predecessors, or by any con- temporary professor whatever in any Scottish University." All that Sir William's very elaborate argumentation elicited from the patrons was a series of curt replies, in which they simply reiterated their unchanged opinion on the points in dispute. The subtle pleadings of the advocate of the higher Meta- physics were thrown away on a body which, after listening to all that could be said in their behalf, still looked on the ABOUT SECOND CLASS. 245 science as relating to " an abstruse subject, not generally con- sidered as of any great or paramount utility." * To this they graciously added : " It will be specially observed that they did not refuse their sanction to the course altogether ; but only provided that a second fee should not be charged in the mean time for a course which could only be looked upon in the light of an experiment."* It would probably have been more technically regular had Sir William asked the sanction of the Council to the charge of a separate fee for the second class ; but this he maintained he had a complete right to make, in accordance with the practice in other chairs, where junior and senior classes existed ; and it may be added that, as the class was optional, the fee was after all a voluntary and conditional payment. It is proper to mention that throughout this controversy Sir William had the support of the Senatus, who, when the Council proceeded to the extremity of deleting the announcement of the second class of Logic and Meta- physics from the programme of classes for session 1839-40, protested against the step, " because it superseded an act of Senatus, hitherto unchallenged, and because it expunged the announcement of an important course of lectures proposed to be delivered." Professor Macvey Napier's opinion of the con- troversy is given in the following letter : Thursday night [1839]. MY DEAK SIR WILLIAM, I am much obliged by your sending the enclosedt for my perusal. It is a profound and satisfactory view of your plan, and must give satisfaction to all who, like myself, antici- pated everything good from your appointment, and who looked to it as one of the best hopes of a philosophy honourable to Scotland, though shamefully neglected in the present age. I am not sure that I have a precise idea of some of your distinctions, or that I would agree in them all ; but that is nothing to the purpose. The plan shows profound acquaintance with the subject, and honourable zeal to promote it. This makes me deeply regret that you did not follow a different course. Had you presented your plan to the * Report of the College Committee of the Town Council, September 1839. t Probably a detailed outline of the courses of Lectures. 246 CONTROVERSY WITH TOWN COUNCIL. Council, and solicited their sanction, they would not have dared to gainsay it ; but your taking the matter of fees into your own hands is a great mistake and misfortune. Your argument fails there ; for wherever a plan calls for a double fee, clear it is that, in order to prevent abuse, it should have the sanction of a competent tribunal. However, I hope the storm will blow over. Keep yourself calm, and don't allow yourself to be disgusted by this opposition. Ever yours truly, M. NAPIER. Although at the conclusion of the correspondence Sir William intimated his intention of still, as circumstances required, giving two courses, the second class was not again resumed ; the lectures remained during his further occupation of the chair as they were now written ; and, the stimulus of the advanced class beings withdrawn, the University and the world were deprived of a regular and systematised series of lectures on the higher questions of Metaphysics.* During the remainder of his career, he delivered a course of Logic and one of Metaphysics in alternate years. * Thirty years have surely made great changes in the views of men, or the new authority in tlie University of Edinburgh is of a different spirit from the old, for in 1865 the present distinguished Professor of Logic in that University instituted or rather revived an advanced class of philosophy, of precisely the same character as Sir William proposed, without interference from the govern- ing body. CHAPTER VII. IN THE LOGIC CHAIR: 1839-1844. WORK OF THE CLASS RECORD OF HONOURS MECHANICAL CONTRIV- ANCES IN CONNECTION WITH THE CLASS RELATIONS WITH HIS COLLEAGUES GRADUATION IN ARTS EXAMINATION FOR HONOURS REID FUND ELECTED MEMBER OF THE INSTITUTE OF FRANCE LETTERS TO LORD MELBOURNE AND LORD ADVOCATE RUTHERFURD HIS BROTHER'S DEATH PAMPHLET ON THE DISRUPTION CONTRO- VERSY THEOLOGICAL INTEREST DR CAIRNS'S REMINISCENCES OF INTERCOURSE WITH SIR WILLIAM CORRESPONDENCE WITH COUSIN. BESIDES carrying on the ordinary work of the class in the manner already described, Sir William gave special oppor- tunities of prosecuting philosophical studies, which were en- tirely novel in the conduct of the Logic Class in Edinburgh. He instituted courses of Heading and prescribed subjects of Essay for the summer vacation. To eminence in these de- partments, the taking up of which was of course optional, he attributed great importance, as indicating a special and continued interest in the work on the part of the competi- tors. Prizes in the form of books were given in the three departments of ordinary class -work, summer reading, and essays. In a lecture on Academical Honours which Sir Wil- liam delivered at the commencement of his first course, he thus explains the practice which he adopted in reference to the awarding of prizes in his own class : " In the first place, I am convinced that excitement and rewards are principally required to promote a general and continued diligence in the ordinary business of the class. I mean, therefore, that the prizes should with us be awarded for general eminence, as shown in the examinations and exercises ; and I am averse on principle from proposing any premium during the course of 248 RECORD OF CLASS HONOURS. the sessional labours for single and detached efforts. The effect of this would naturally be to distract attention from what ought to be the principal and constant object of occupa- tion ; and if honour is to be gained by an irregular and tran- sient spirit of activity, less encouragement will necessarily be afforded to regular and sedulous application. Prizes for in- dividual essays, for written analyses of important books, and for oral examination on their contents, may, however, with great advantage, be proposed as occupation during the summer vaca- tion ; and this I shall do. But the honours of the winter session must belong to those who have regularly gone through its toils. " In the second place, the value of the prizes may be greatly enhanced by giving them greater and more permanent pub- licity. A very simple mode, and one which I mean to adopt, is to record upon a tablet each year the names of the success- ful competitors ; this tablet to be permanently affixed to the walls of the class-room. " In the third place, the importance of the prizes for general eminence in the business of the class may be considerably raised by making the competitors the judges of merit among themselves. This, I am persuaded, is a measure of the very highest efficacy." * Sir William carried out the plan of memorial tablets here referred to. At the close of each session there was placed on the wall of the class-room, immediately behind the chair, a board painted green, on which were inscribed in golden let- ters the names of those students who, by the votes of their fellows, had been adjudged worthy of a place on the prize- list. These boards in course of time covered the entire line of wall behind the chair, and caught the eye of all in the class-room. The wall facing the chair displayed in a similar manner the names of those who had carried off the prizes for summer reading and essays, and also of those graduates who in mental philosophy had gained first or second class honours. Above the tablets behind the chair were inscribed the following mottoes, also on a green board, in golden letters : * Lecture I., Appendix I. A. RECORD OF CLASS HONOURS. 249 " ON EARTH, THERE IS NOTHING GREAT BUT MAN ; IN MAN, THERE IS NOTHING GREAT BUT MIND." U6vov T)$VV Ka.fj.arov rf fVKafj.a.TOV Zx l ^ .emment sur vos atiaires religieuses,une brochure qui avait eu un immense succes. Yous etes un inechant homme de ne pas me 1'avoir envoyee. Je lis avec le plus grand inte"ret tout ce qui sort de votre plume, et je ne vous tiens pas quitte de cette brochure. . . . ... On songe a Paris a fonder une Revue philosophique, mais le libraire re"siste beaucoup. Pourrait-on avoir quelques souscripteurs en Ecosse? II faut que d'un bout de 1'Europe a 1'autre tons les amis de la bonne philosophic, independante a la fois et vraiment morale et religieuse, se soutiennent et forment un certain ensemble, devant des attaques aussi concertees que celles des plusieurs clerge"s. Pensez a cela, mon tres-cher confrere. Notre Academic des Sciences Morales et Politiques re"sistera, et moi je ne me rendrai pas. La bonne philosophic du 19 me siecle ne peut-elle done pas s' entendre CORRESPONDENCE WITH COUSIN. 277 pour se defendre legitimement, comme la mauvaise philosophic du 18 me siecle s'est entendue pour attaquer 1 Le temps est venu de chercher nos ressernblances plus que nos differences. Vous verrez comme dans mon Rapport je parle de la philosophie Ecossaise. Peu-a-peu je me degage davantage de la philosophie AUemande, et je m'enfonce de plus en plus dans la psychologic. Vous, raccom- modez-vous un peu avec 1'eclecticisme, comme methode historique. Enfin, aimons et servons la philosophie selon nos convictions, qui sans se confondre peuvent se rapprocher. Surtout, ecrivez-moi par la poste, et donnez-moi de longs details sur 1'etat de la philosophie dans cette Ecosse que j'aime infiniment et que je voudrais bien voir. CHAPTER VIII. ILLNESS, AND LAST YEARS OF LIFE: 1844-1856. ILLNESS DR MACLAGAN'S NOTES EFFECT ON HIS HEALTH MIND UN- IMPAIRED SOLICITUDE OF HIS FRIENDS CONDUCT UNDER HIS ILL- NESS APPLICATION FOR A PENSION AND RESULT COMPLETION OF REID'S WORKS CONTEMPLATED WORKS ON LOGIC AND LUTHER CORRESPONDENCE WITH DR CAIRNS DOMESTIC LIFE AND HABITS MR BAYNES'S REMINISCENCES OF CONVERSATIONS LETTERS TO LIEU- TENANT HAMILTON IN INDIA RESEARCHES IN CONNECTION WITH LUTHER THE DISCUSSIONS LETTERS RELATIVE TO THEM TESTS IN THE SCOTTISH UNIVERSITIES VISITS OF STRANGERS EDITING OF STEWART'S WORKS LETTERS FROM HOME LAST ILLNESS GENERAL REMARKS. IN July 1844, without any premonitory symptoms, Sir William was struck down by paralysis. During the immediately pre- ceding year he had been working very hard, first on his edition of Eeid's Works, and then on the course of inquiry, opened up by his interest in the Disruption, into the original constitution of the Scottish Church. This latter subject had led him into an investigation about the Books of Discipline, the results of which are recorded in a large body of manu- scripts. Through his absorption in these occupations his usual late hours of study were at this period protracted, so that it was not uncommon for him to be going to bed when other people were about to rise. There can be little doubt that this imprudent disregard of the laws of health had much to do in bringing on the paralytic attack. HIS ILLNESS. 279 The following account of the illness is furnished by Dr Douglas Maclagan, Sir William's medical attendant : " I wish that I could comply in a more satisfactory man- ner with the request made to me that I would give some account of Sir William Hamilton's illness in 1844, but the unfortunate loss of a note - book compels me to write from memory, and prevents me from furnishing some particulars which I would like to give. It is, however, not requisite to give a clinical history of the case, which would have no interest for any but medical readers, and my recollection of the salient points is sufficiently vivid to enable me to state them accurately. " Sir William's illness, as is well known, was an attack of paralysis (in technical language, hemiplegia) of the right side. The seizure was sudden and severe. Not merely were the arm and leg paralysed, and the muscles of the tongue so much affected that speech was rendered extremely difficult, but the power of swallowing was so completely lost that I had for three or four days to feed him with the stomach-pump. This piece of practice was suggested by himself, specially with a view to relieving the thirst from which he suffered. He was well aware of the fact that thirst can be relieved by fluids being introduced into the stomach though they do not touch the mouth and throat to which the sensation is referred. " The marked feature in the case was the retention by him of his mental faculties. Such paralytic attacks are sometimes by non-professional people erroneously called apoplectic, but the true characteristic of apoplexy the loss of consciousness was entirely awantiug here. The gigantic intellect of the man was at work throughout the whole illness, and made itself manifest in a striking manner on the day after his seizure. He had been thinking over the phenomena of his own case, and making a physiological study of himself. The difficulty of articulation, of which he was painfully conscious, had evidently been uppermost in his mind, and 280 ITS EFFECTS. upon this subject lie began to question me, or rather to dis- course to me, on the occasion referred to. He spoke of the views of Sir Charles Bell and other modern physiologists, and referred to a paper in the transactions of one of the older scientific academies Belgian, according to my recollection in which was enunciated the connection of the ninth pair of nerves with the movements of the tongue, a subject on which he had himself written. Of this old memoir, whatever it was, I never had heard, nor can I now guess what it was. The fact in question was known to men of science long before the time of those modern inquiries which have given so much precision to our knowledge of the nervous system, and may readily have been noticed in some early scientific writing, which none but a person of Sir William's extensive reading was likely to know or remember. The interest which attaches to his quoting it lies in the evidence which was thus afforded of the integrity of his intellectual powers under this severe illness. I need not say that all exertion on his part, either of mind or muscle, was discouraged in the strongest possible manner, both by myself and by Dr Davidson, who saw him in consultation with me. But though Sir William was an ex- cellent patient, so far as submission to medical treatment was concerned, it was not easy to obtain compliance with our in- junction regarding mental exertion. I was particularly struck with the eagerness with which he entered upon this physiolo- gical topic, and questioned me with regard to theoretical points involved in his own case an eagerness intensified no doubt in appearance by the efforts which he required to make to overcome the difficulty of articulation. His recovery from the primary dangers of the attack was steady and satisfac- tory, but the injury done to the brain was so considerable that he never completely regained the power of the paralysed limbs." The stroke was sudden, and heavy to bear. He was yet in his prime, and up to the day of his seizure had been active and athletic beyond most men. The illness which followed was ITS EFFECTS. 281 tedious ; and it left him broken in health and vigour. His intellect, however, was entire, active, and acute as before; and his wonderful memory remained unimpaired. He himself, indeed, considered that his memory was even better and more reliable after his illness than before, that he could now more securely trust to it in making quotations; an improvement for which he accounted by his being liable to fewer out- ward distractions than formerly. But the body had suffered severely. The right hand was powerless, the right leg im- paired, and the articulation was often indistinct, in a word, there was much physical weakness, which made all bodily exertion laborious and painful. His vision also was affected. Though there was, strictly speaking, no failure of eyesight, there was an appearance of motion in small objects before the eye, which was very unpleasant, and compelled him when reading to use an obscured right eye in his spectacles. Still he carried on his congenial work; brought out his edition of Reid's Works, and republished with additions his articles in the ' Edinburgh Review.' He also during the College session, with the excep- tion of that of 1844-45, appeared regularly in his class-room, read a portion of the hour's lecture, having an assistant who read the remainder. As might have been looked for from the nature of the illness, there was a good deal of nervous feeling, especially in walking ; and his early friends noted that he had now a tendency to irritability and occasional warmth and vehemence of temper in a degree which they had not before observed. His illness served to show the intensity of affection with which he was regarded. During the night that followed the seizure, and before it was known whether the sufferer would rally, the greatest solicitude was felt by his friends on the spot. One of them, with a loyalty of affection which is hon- ourable to both, might have been seen pacing to and fro on the street opposite the bedroom window of the invalid, during the whole of the long anxious night, watching for indications of his condition, yet unwilling to intrude on the attendants, 282 HIS CONDUCT and unable to tear himself from the spot where his friend was possibly passing through the last agony. This was his old friend, amid much speculative difference and debate, James Ferrier. On hearing of Sir William's illness, Mr John Cay had sent a brief note to Lockhart, whose heart, despite the unfortunate misunderstanding of recent years, still beat warmly towards his early friend. Lockhart writes in reply : Aug. 8, 1844. MY DEAR CAY, Your short and not very clear account of poor Hamilton's seizure afflicts me to the inmost heart. You don't say whether he was struck with paralysis or apoplexy or what, but I fear it was something very terrible, and beg you will let me hear what you know. . . . James Traill was the last person who had seen Sir W. H., and it was, I believe, a year ago. He told me he had been grieved with the change in his appearance the body heavy, and complexion not healthy, and the temper seemingly much affected. He came away with the impression that there must be something far wrong in his worldly affairs pressing him down and irritating him. I have nobody now in Edinburgh that I could write to. How changed are all things since the days you allude to ! I need hardly say that there was not the slightest ground for the surmise regarding Sir William's worldly circumstances expressed by Mr Traill. The manly, heroic, and unselfish spirit which Sir William manifested under his grievous affliction was truly touching and admirable. Naturally at first he found the condition of restraint and dependence to which he was reduced hard to bear. It was especially a calamity to a man of his time of life, who had always delighted and excelled in bodily exercises, and who, painfully conscious of his own helplessness, was sensitive of its being noticed by others yet he was never heard to murmur or complain, and in general was very cheerful. " In those first days of his recovery," says Miss Craig, who from a child had known and loved him, " how unchanged he was in mind, though so sadly stricken in body ! How in- UNDER HIS ILLNESS. 283 stantly he made you feel at home in his sick-room made you join in all that was doing, whether in mechanical contrivances to assist him in his helplessness, or in writing for him when he was able to resume his work ; and how completely he en- gaged you in what he was doing himself, taking it quite for granted that you were to be so, and by his own intense interest creating yours, till you felt, even in the plenitude of your ignor- ance, as much interest as he did in the subject he was dis- cussing, whether it were the exegetical works of Luther or the syllogisms of Aristotle ! " From the commencement of his illness, as we have seen from Dr Maclagan's account, he was in the habit of making its symptoms a subject of careful observation. He could not help smiling at the first awkward attempts he made at using his legs, and resolutely set about practising the way of walk- ing straight in spite of missing nerves. He also at once began to acquire the habit of writing with his left hand. Sir Wil- liam was confined to his room for some months, and during the whole of the winter of 1844-45 continued to be more or less of an invalid. The winter, too, was saddened by the loss of a little girl, whose beauty and sweetness of disposition had greatly endeared her to her parents. It was not long, however, before he resumed study, de- voting himself particularly to logic, and filling with his re- searches a Common-Place Book, which remains as the record of this winter's employment. Some of the results of this winter's work are to be found in the Appendix to the second volume of the ' Lectures on Logic.' Sir William was unable to undertake the work of his class, and there was some talk of his spending the winter at St An- drews a plan which was not carried out. Mr Terrier acted as his substitute in the class-room reading Sir William's lec- tures and conducting the business of the class. From the time of his illness, Sir William's physical vigour was, as we have seen, greatly impaired. It was painful to see how terribly broken-down was the powerful man the com- 284 APPLICATION FOR PENSION. manding form and great athlete of former years. While still below sixty, his physical vigour had given way under the strain of so many years of intellectual labour; and when he resumed his College work, he was assisted daily in ascending the stairs which led to the class-room, where he still continued to prelect to a class that increased in numbers yearly to the close of his career. Especially during the last years of his life, it was evident that the unfailing mind and resolution alone sustained the bodily effort. Still the business of the class was to the end efficiently con- ducted. Had the circumstances of his position allowed it, there can be no doubt that he would have withdrawn from the active duties of the Chair, and confined himself to phi- losophical writing. He was in every point of view well entitled to retire from his public office, especially after a professional term of service which commenced in 1820, and the latter part of which had been so distinguished and labori- ous. But his personal means were very limited. The income from the Chair did not average 500 a -year, and out of this, for the first seven years of his professorship, he had paid to his predecessor, Dr Eitchie, an annuity of 100. Then there was no retiring allowance not even the meagre proportion of income which has been recently provided in the case of professorships in the Scottish universities, and arranged on a principle so evidently unjust and inconsiderate as to defeat the end for which it was originally proposed. In these circumstances, it was felt by many men of influence in Edin- burgh that, considering Sir William's philosophical eminence and learning, the great services he had rendered to the higher education of the country by his writings and instruction, and the state of his bodily health, his was a case in which it would be proper and becoming in the Government to proffer some pecuniary recognition. It had been the custom lately for the Government to recognise and reward eminence in phy- sical science, in literature, and in other departments of in- tellectual effort, merely as such where there existed no APPLICATION FOR PENSION. 285 bodily affliction and even where the person thus singled out occupied a position of emolument, or still continued to discharge the duties of a university chair. Sir William's was thought to be a strong case compared with these, even on the ground of intellectual eminence and services : the state of his health added to this seemed to render it irresistible. What had been given to Mr Dugald Stewart, to say nothing of lesser men, could not surely be withheld from Sir W. Hamilton. He had spent a lifetime in the quest of philosophical erudi- tion, and in the exercise of abstract thought, impelled by as strong an enthusiasm, and in a spirit as little worldly, as any man who ever devoted himself to intellectual pursuits. His learning was unparalleled in his time. He had grappled with the profoundest philosophical questions ; he had set them in new lights ; he had originated views that would confessedly affect the course of abstract thought for generations to come. His writings had carried the name of the university with which he was connected and of his country over the continents of Europe and America. He had discussed, moreover, with a learning which only he could display, and a force of thought in which he was not surpassed by any writer of his time, the questions of the Higher Education and University Eeform. Finally, he had taught with singular success and power for a considerable period, and made luminous to his students the abstrusest philosophical problems. True, he had not appealed directly to the popular intelligence. He had not been a scientific discoverer or a popular author. He had worked in a quarter where he did not expect, and did not re- ceive, general sympathy. His philosophy, though profoundly religious, was the natural growth of a free and simple mind not squared to the dimensions of any prevailing form of unthinking dogmatism, and therefore commanding no wide interest. Still his work was a good in the commonwealth a rare good, even a blessing, which men worthy of occupying the position of heads of the state might have been expected to appreciate. Now that he was paralysed in limb and 286 APPLICATION FOR PENSION. broken in health, it would be but becoming to afford him at least what had been given to others who were still unimpaired in powers, and had been rewarded for their services alone. To give to them and refuse to him were an act simply of the grossest injustice. Means were accordingly taken, at first entirely unknown to Sir William himself, by his friends in Edinburgh, who were of all political parties, to bring his case before the Ministry of the day, at the head of which was Sir Eobert Peel. As the Peel Ministry, however, was evidently about to fall, it was not thought desirable to press the matter, and it was not brought before the Government until Lord John Eussell succeeded to power. How the application was dealt with by the head of the Whig Ministry, the following brief narrative will show. In 1846, Lord Advocate Eutherfurd having brought Sir William's services and claims before Lord John Eussell, his lordship's reply, as communicated by the Lord Advocate, was as follows : " I found that of 1200 pension, 900 had been distributed by Sir Eobert Peel. I have advised pensions of 200 ; there remains only 100. But I will recommend 100 a-year to Sir William Hamilton, if he thinks proper to take that sum. I can only say that it is all that is left." The Lord Advocate, in his letter to Sir William (22d August 1846), adds : " I trust you will accept it though I wish it had been more adequate to your merits and position. His means for this year are exhausted, and I did not expect him to give any engagement for the future. But I shall bring the matter again before him. in due time, and I hope the same considerations which have led him to give you all he now has to bestow will enable him to enlarge the grant from the fund of next year." Sir William, in a letter to the Lord Advocate, declined Lord John Eussell's offer, on the ground mainly of its obvious inadequacy as a recognition of his claims. Some of his friends, among whom was Lord Jeffrey, at first thought that in this he was wrong, as the Government had offered him all that was then at their disposal the terms of APPLICATION FOR PENSION. 287 the otter even implying a sense of the inadequacy of the sum. On this Sir William wrote a second letter to the Lord Advocate as follows : SIR W. HAMILTON TO THE LORD ADVOCATE. EDINBURGH, 3d September 1846. MY DEAR EUTHERFURD, I have for the last three days been suffer- ing from a smart feverish attack ; and as Mr Gibson-Craig, whom I saw on Monday, bid me write you at my leisure, I have allowed the irritation to subside before doing so. Since Mr [now Sir William] Gibson-Craig spoke to me, I have been favoured with a second note from Lord Jeffrey, in which he says : " The element of publicity, or rather defective publicity, had not occurred to me, and that cer- tainly is a consideration not to be overlooked." I am thus confirmed in my conviction that, if the present grant is to be published, and that without explanation, I have no alternative but the painful one of respectfully declining that for which I feel most grateful to all concerned ; for it would appear to the world as if this were an estimate of my claims, and that by a Government of my own party an estimate, independently of the consideration of my illness, I should be mortified to think correct. But if Mr Gibson-Craig is right in his belief that there is no necessity for the matter to be published hoc statu, unless a return be called for in Parliament, I should most gladly avail myself of your kindness, and beg you to hold my former letter pro non scripto. For I have full reliance, in- dependently of the terms of his lordship's letter to you, that neither Lord John Kussell nor any other Minister would allow me to remain on the pension-list in an inferiority to others of inferior claims, so soon as he had the usual means at his disposal ; whilst it would greatly pain me to do aught that might possibly be con- strued into any want of gratitude for what was so kindly intended. I hope you will indulgently excuse the writing of this note, which I trust you will be able to read. Believe me, my dear Eutherfurd, most gratefully yours, W. HAMILTON. P.S. I see that I have not begged you, as I ought, to offer on my behalf my most grateful acknowledgments to Lord John Eus- sell. This I earnestly request that you would do. 288 APPLICATION FOR PENSION. The Lord Advocate appears to have thought it for Sir William's interest not to bring before Lord John Eussell this conditional acceptance of the pension ; and though zealous in Sir William's behalf, he omitted to send a reply to this letter. In the end of September it turned out that the pen- sion-fund was entirely exhausted. Sir William's friends still hoped that, in the following year, a sum not unbecoming his services and position might be offered. But on July 2, 1847, the Lord Advocate wrote : " I am under the necessity of announcing that Lord John Eussell has found it impossible to include your name among those who are to share in the distribution of the pension -list of this year. He is very sensible of your great merits, and of the high position you hold in literature and learning, and deeply laments the circumstances which render important the assistance he is unable to afford. But the funds he has to dispose of fall very much short of answering what he would otherwise con- sider just objects of the country's grateful acknowledgment, and other claims have been pressed upon him to which he feels himself compelled to postpone yours, more especially as he could not have proposed now a larger sum than was last year rejected as inadequate and unbecoming, though it was all he then had to bestow." This conduct of the First Lord of the Treasury caused very great dissatisfaction in Edinburgh, among both his political supporters and others. Lord Cuninghame writes to Lady Ham- ilton (July 14, 1847) : " I return you the Lord Advocate's letter, which Lord Jeffrey had for some days, and tells me he perused with great pain. That Lord John has taken some offence at the refusal last year is plain ; and I own I am shocked at the unreasonableness and littleness of the feeling. It has produced the deepest condemnation among all classes of Liberals, and justice must and will be done to Sir William next year, without any effort. That I and all our friends are confident of." In the following year Sir William addressed a letter to Lord APPLICATION FOR PENSION. 289 John Eussell, of part of which a copy has been preserved. It ran as follows : SIB "W. HAMILTON TO LORD J. EUSSELL. [ 1848. ] MY LORD, It is with extreme reluctance that I venture to ob- trude my claims upon your lordship's consideration ; and nothing has overcome my repugnance to the step but a conviction that this is a duty which I owe to the public, to my family, and to myself I mean my own usefulness and reputation and that your lord- ship's is the judgment by which they ought to be considered. But, first of all, I must speak on what is to me a very painful matter. I am informed that I have given offence by declining the pension which your lordship two years ago was pleased through the Lord Advocate to offer me. On this I am only anxious that your lordship should be fully aware of the facts, for I have no apology to allege, but am humbly confident that your lordship in the circumstances will not think that any is required. On partially recovering from a severe attack an attack of paralysis some distinguished members of the Conservative party did me the honour of thinking that, though a Whig, I was, independently of party considerations, worthy of a public pension. When informed of the proposed application, I expressed, as I felt, and feel, my grateful sense of the sympathy, compliment, and intended benefit, and only required that no secret might be made of my political opinions. Of this precaution, however, there was no need ; for though ignorant of what the memorial contained, I know that it was signed as in- tended by a few high names of either party, and that it was only drawn up by the Lord Justice-Clerk [Hope] on Lord Jeffrey being, from an attack of illness, obliged to delegate the task. This was soon before your lordship's administration commenced. The Lord Justice-Clerk deemed it proper not to transmit the application dur- ing the final struggle of the parties ; but he has written me that he made no doubt that Sir Robert Peel, had he remained in office, would at once have granted what was asked. On your lord- ship's becoming Prime Minister, my case was brought under your consideration by the Lord Advocate [Eutherfurd], and when your lordship was pleased to say (I quote from the Advocate's letter to me) that " I will recommend 100 a-year to Sir William Hamilton, if he thinks proper to take that sum," I received this intimation with T 290 APPLICATION FOR PENSION. every feeling of gratitude to your lordship, for having done and said all that in the circumstances was possible or proper on my behalf. Still, as is more fully stated in my letters to the Advocate (a copy of the second is subjoined), I felt that, if the grant to me of a pension of that amount were published without explanation, I should appear to the world on a lower level than was my due. And, from the terms of your lordship's letter, I even thought that it was not ex- pected of me to accept. With these sentiments, I at first wrote to the Advocate, begging him, for the reasons given, to express to your lordship my sincere gratitude, and the regret I had in declining the offered pension. But after a conversation with Mr Gibson-Craig, and two notes from Lord Jeffrey, I wrote to the Lord Advocate, requesting to withdraw my previous letter; and if Mr Gibson- Craig were correct in his supposition, that publication in ordinary circumstances was unnecessary accepting of the proposed grant, and begging through him to express my most grateful acknow- ledgments to your lordship. The pension -list of 1848, however, appeared without Sir William's name ; on which Professor George Moir writes to him as follows : MY DEAR HAMILTON, Your note of to-day grieves and annoys me very much. Not that I was not in some degree prepared for it, from seeing several pensions awarded some of them I believe worthily though none, as far as I can see, on grounds of literary or scientific eminence, which could be mentioned beside yours with- out exciting ridicule ; and the last which I have seen mentioned, to some entomological personage, a dissector of fleas and embalmer of beetles, is really beyond measure indefensible. . . . You know very well, my dear Sir William, that though a strong Tory, I have a perfect contempt for the introduction of political opinions into any questions connected with literature and science ; and though I regret, more than I can express, the present state of things (as you explain it) as to the result of the application, which your friends felt themselves honoured in making, it is a great satis- faction to me to think that the first move in the matter was made by those who, differing from you, toto ccelo, in mere political opinion, admired and respected your great abilities at least as much as those who had entertained congenial political opinions. Nor can I really believe that the matter is to rest here. . ; - r . ' Ever very affectionately yours, GEO. MOIR. APPLICATION FOR PENSION. 291 In 1849, Lord John Russell, who had again been induced to consider Sir William's claims, renewed the offer of 100. This was communicated by the Lord Advocate Eutherfurd to Mr James Gibson-Craig (July 28th, 1849) in the following terms : MY DEAR CRAIG, I have a letter from Lord John Russell, in which he says, " The Queen has sanctioned a pension of one hun- dred pounds a-year to Sir W. Hamilton. This is all that can be spared, hut it may be increased next year, if there are the means of doing it." Will you have the goodness to ascertain whether Sir William Hamilton will accept the pension ? I wish Lord John had been enabled to propose a larger sum. I trust he may be able, as I be- lieve he will be inclined, to increase it next year. But I shall be very sorry if anything again occurs to prevent Sir William accepting it, as it is again offered, even though his friends should think it inadequate to his claims. Sir William still declined to accept the sum of 100 as for himself; but he concurred in an arrangement, brought about through the friend to whom the above letter was addressed, in virtue of which, with Lord John Russell's consent, the pension was bestowed on Lady Hamilton. The expectation of an in- crease to this pension during Sir William's lifetime proved de- lusive ; and it may be added that an application for an addition to it, made shortly after his death, to Lord Palmerston, though largely and influentially supported,* met with no success. Philosophical genius and rare learning, such as appear once * The names attached to the representation to Lord Palmerston were as fol- low : Principals Lee and Macfarlane, the Lord Justice-General (M'Neill), Lord Dunfermline, Sir David Brewster, the Lord Justice-Clerk (Hope), Lords Murray, Wood, and Cowan, Sir W. Gibson- Craig, Bart, the Dean of Faculty (Inglis), Bonamy Price, Esq., the Dean of Carlisle (A. C. Tait), the Dean of St Paul's (H. H. Milman), Professor Jowett Rev. Dr Thompson, Provost of Queen's, Oxford, the Dean of Wells (G. H. S. Johnson, M.A.), Rev. Dr Haw- kins, Provost of Oriel, Rev. H. L. Hansel, Right Hon. T. B. Macaulay, Rev. A. P. Stanley, Rev. Dr Scott, Master of Balliol, Adam Black, Esq., M.P., the Duke of Argyll, the Lord Advocate (Moncreiff), Sir Charles Lyell, Henry Hallam, Esq., Lord Panmure. 292 APPLICATION FOR PENSION. in two hundred years, were apparently viewed in high places as but of second-rate importance. Abstract thought was not to be weighed in the same balance with physical discoveries or imaginative talent. These latter were appreciable by the men in power ; the other was to be looked on merely as a curious eccentricity ; for in this nineteenth century are we not bent mainly on the useful, the pleasurable, and the spasmodic ? So long as the profoundest speculative power had not become palpable to that enlightened, deep-seeing, and infallible judge of all true good, popular opinion ; so long as there were none to applaud it on hustings or throw up their hats in the air for it, it was not worth the recognition of the great political leaders. So John Locke worked out the idea of toleration not only without any official recognition, but with a good deal of obloquy and persecution. Adam Smith, too, quietly elaborated his doctrine of free-trade ; and though it was a great deal above the popular and statesman intelligence of the time, its author did not fare so badly in respect of social recognition and reward as might have been expected. But probably his better fortune was due more to the accident of his connection with the Buccleuch family than to any appreciation of his merits. Francis Hutcheson developed his elevating theory of morals, and Thomas Keid made his grand protest in behalf of the noble and inspiring in human hopes and destiny. All this work was done apart from general sympathy and appre- ciation; and thus it is that while scientific discoverers men who can make their work palpable to eye, ear, and touch and even intriguing local politicians who can manage a borough or county, are rewarded, we do not find even the most ordinary provision made for men of abstract thought or learning. They may live for ever, where to the popular mind they find their life's pleasure, in their abstract sphere, the " domos Ditis vacuas et inania regna." Yet these men of abstract studies, while working far away in their time from public sympathy and immediate understanding, and therefore to purblind politicians as nothing, have proved the really RESUMES WORK. 293 influential forces at work in society, in that very sphere over which statesmen are called upon to preside. Their thoughts fall unheeded at the time, so far as general effect is concerned, as the rains on the high mountains, which, however, quite certainly in the end come down in streams to the plains. A distinguished colleague of Hamilton's in the University, John Wilson, became ill, and was understood to be desirous of retiring from active work. The same Minister who offered Hamilton 100, bestowed on Wilson a pension of 300 a -year, a gift in itself well merited, and begrudged by no one. This act of Lord Eussell's was regarded as exceedingly magnanimous ; and probably it was, for politically Wilson had been the violent foe of all Whigs and all Whig Ministers for nearly half a century, and would, if he could, have put them in a position in which they should have had no State patronage to dispense. It would, however, have been pleasing to be able also to record that the same Minister showed not only magnanimity to a political foe, but justice, and intelli- gence somewhat proportioned to this magnanimity, in regard to one who happened to be a political adherent, and whose claims to advancement had been sacrificed, when they were undoubtedly the first, by his declared attachment in evil times to a party whose leaders never showed him either gratitude or appreciation. Sir William, as we have seen, had so far recovered from his illness in the winter of 1844-45 as to be able to resume his studies, and he continued the work of reading and thinking with but slight interruptions till a few days before his death in May 1856. The editing of Eeid, which had suffered so much from interruptions, was resumed. The work was finally pub- lished though without being completed in November 1846. The supplementary dissertations D * * and D * * * had been written before his illness. The latter was given in an unfinished state breaking off, in fact, in the middle of a sentence. The edition of Reid's works has recently been 294 EDITION OF REID. completed, as far as it was possible to do so, from the papers and fragments of dissertations which were left by Sir William at the time of his death, under the able and learned superin- tendence of the Eev. H. L. Mansel, D.D., late Canon of Christ Church, and Professor of Ecclesiastical History in the University of Oxford, and now Dean of St Paul's. M. COUSIN TO SIB W. HAMILTON. 1 Dtcembre 1846. . . . Vous faites mieux que me repondre : vous m'envoyez un cadeau inappreciable dans votre edition de Reid. Je 1'ai 169116 le jour meme ou je corrigeais mes dernieres epreuves. C'est un grand travail, et j'ai bienregrette de ne 1'avoir pas eu sous les yeux, en corrigeant la premiere et defectueuse edition de mes Ie9ons sur la philosophic e'cossaise. Les voici moins indignes de vous etre offertes. . . . Puisse votre sante etre enfin retablie entieremeiit et vous permettre de me donner de vos cheres nouvelles ! Sm W. HAMILTON TO M. COUSIN. EDINBURGH, December 16, 1846. MY DEAB SIB, . . . I have forgotten, I find, to speak of the additions you wished to Jouffroy's list.* This, with the inquiries about Stewart and Ferguson, was a part of your letter which I could not read. As to my making any additions to that list, from that list I learned the existence of many professors of philosophy of whose being I, and the Scottish public in general, were not aware names unknown to fame, men who wrote nothing, or authors unworthy to be read. By the by, you complain of having found me backward in sending you notices of works on philosophy appearing in this country ; but in truth this is no fault of mine, for either there are no books to write about, or they are so poor that I should be sorry to attract your attention to them. As an exception, being a work of merit, I may mention Burton's ' Life of Hume,' lately published. If you have not got it, I shall have much pleasure in sending it to you. I beg leave to offer my best thanks for the volumes of the new * List of Scottish philosophical authors in Jouffroy's ' Traduction des (Euvres de Thomas Reid,' t. i. p. cxxv. et seq. CORRESPONDENCE WITH COUSIN. 295 edition of your works. I have read with much interest and admir- ation your speech in the Chamber of Peers upon the new law in regard to the Council of Instruction. I have as yet been dis- appointed in getting the numbers of the ' Journal des Savans ' con- taining your articles on what the French are pleased to call the Scottish school of philosophy. I have, however, read again with much gratification what you say of us Scotch in the sheets you kindly sent from the fourth volume of your works. These I have sent as you had addressed them. How much you know of this obscure corner of Europe ! The only inaccuracy I noticed was in your spelling of the name Shaftesbury, which you write as a German word Scliaftesbury. Such a spelling occurs in no English word. It would afford me the most sincere pleasure should you realise your intention of visiting Scotland ; though I am now, unfortun- ately, debarred from offering you the services which I should other- wise have been so happy in performing as cicerone, &c., by my great lameness. No public man in France, I am sure, would be more hailed than yourself in this country, for there is no one more generally and more highly admired. As I have not yet had the gratification of seeing you personally, I have endeavoured to supply that want by a portrait. The one I have is a lithograph of Delpechi after a picture of Maurer. This is a very pleasing print ; but if there is any better likeness, you would oblige me greatly by telling me of it. . . . I remain, my dear sir, with the greatest regard, most truly yours, W. HAMILTON. . . . I should like very much to know what you think of the emendations which I have proposed on Aristotle's text of the De Memoria, &c., in Dissertation D * *. M. COUSIN TO Sm W. HAMILTON. UFSvrierlStf. . . . De mon cot j'ai recu votre excellente lettre du 16 Decembre 1846 et un peu auparavant les epreuves de votre edition de Reid, ou il ne manque qu'une preface et une fin. Je me suis plonge dans vos notes et vos dissertations, et j'y ai trouve mille ehoses dont j'aurais fait mon profit, si je les eusse connues plus tot. II est impossible d'accumuler sur un moindre espace plus de connais- 296 MR NAPIER'S LETTER. sances exactes et profondes. Je vous relirai quand j'aurai regu votre ouvrage des mains de Monsieur Mitchell. . . . Soyez persuade que je desire que vous teniez de nioi tous mes Merits, comme un gage de ma profonde estime. . . . Adieu : soignez bien votre saute", ecrivez-moi le plus souvent possible, et aimez-moi un peu pour toute 1'affection que je vous ai voue"e. M. COUSIN TO SIB W. HAMILTON. 7 DScembre, 1847. . . . Nous sommes ici dans la plus vive admiration de votre edition de Reid. Exactitude, sagacite, profondeur, tout y est. Aussi nous soupirons apres la fin de ce grand travail qui me"riterait vos preferences. Le monument que vous e"levez a Eeid portera a jamais votre nom. Je connais votre predilection pour la logique. Mais passez-moi la mienne pour la psychologic. MR NAPIER TO SIR W. HAMILTON. CASTLE STREET, December 28, 1846. MY DEAR SIR WILLIAM, I was truly happy to see the great and important volume of Reid's ' Works,' with your additions, completed, and before the public. The appearance of such a volume, amidst that flood of flimsy literature which seems to threaten the destruction of all grave and manly exercises of the mind, is, indeed, a spectacle most worthy to behold ; and I wish, with all my heart, that I could see it hailed as such in the countries which produced Locke and Reid, and some deserved reward bestowed upon so worthy a successor. I wish I had health and strength, and leisure and mind enough, to renew my acquaintance with these idols of my early devotion, and to let the world know how precious is the volume which you have laid before it ; but these are vain thoughts, and I hope that some one may be found in all respects qualified for the task, which I can only wish that I were able adequately to perform. Most sincerely yours, MACVEY NAPIER. SIR W. HAMILTON TO MR G. L. CRAIK.* June 1, 1846. MY DEAR SIR, I have to apologise for my procrastination in answering your letter, for which I will not trouble you with stating * Afterwards Professor of the English Language and Literature in Queen's College, Belfast. PROMISED WORKS. 297 any of the excuses I might allege. In reply to your question about the acute dictum of Bacon, "Antiquitas seculi juventus mundi," I have never met with the two placed in contrast in any previous author ; and of this I am sure, for my attention would have "been arrested by it in relation to Bacon. There are numerous sayings in which the present is talked of as the only age of the world. I am glad to hear that you are about a work on Bacon ; a selec- tion and arrangement of whose happiest thoughts I have long con- sidered a desideratum. I had myself got a couple of waste copies of his works for the purpose of clipping out and placing under com- mon heads his sententice illustriores, but never carried this purpose into effect. Most of the translations I have seen of the Latin writings are worthy of all abomination none worse than those in Basil Montagu's edition. I am also delighted to hear what you tell me of Mr Spedding's labours. Ever most truly yours, W. HAMILTON. In 1846, appended to the edition of Reid's '"Works/ appeared the prospectus of ' Essay towards a new Analytic of Logical Forms/* This Essay was designed to contain the author's new logical doctrines, especially the theory of the Quantifica- tion of the Predicate, with its developments and results. The prospectus contains the principal heads of the essay. It is to be regretted that Sir William did not carry out his promise, and give a complete and systematic view of his proper logi- cal theory. As it is, we have only fragmentary discussions of certain of the heads indicated in the prospectus, and these scattered through his various writings, the Appendices to the ' Lectures on Logic,' his ' Letter ' to Professor De Morgan, and the Appendices to the ' Discussions.' In September 1846 commenced the correspondence between Professor De Morgan and Sir William on certain points in the theory of the Syllogism, which ultimately led to a serious con- troversy. The correspondence was interrupted by a tedious inflammatory attack under which Sir William suffered for fully two months in the winter of 1846-47. As soon as his health permitted, he resumed communication with Mr De * See Lectures on Logic, vol. ii., Appendix V., p. 249 (1st edition). 298 LUTHER AND ARCHDEACON HARE. Morgan, and the result was that he published ' A Letter to Augustus De Morgan, Esq., on his claim to an independent Eediscovery of a new Principle in the Theory of Syllogism/ in April 1847. The same prospectus which promised the logical essay also contained the intimation of a work on Luther, entitled ' Contributions towards a true History of Luther and the Lutherans. Part First: Containing Notice of Archdeacon Hare and his Polemic/ In the article on the Eight of Dis- senters to admission into the English Universities (' Edinburgh Keview/ October 1834), Sir William, in discussing the question, Do religious tests insure religious teachers? had referred to certain opinions of Luther on points in Speculative and Practical Theology and Biblical Criticism. The reference was relevant enough. Mr Pearson, whose arguments in favour of religious tests he was combating, had regarded the theological novelties and heresies taught in the German Universities as the result of the removal of academic religious tests. Sir William maintained the "alleged licentious speculation to be the natural result of a vigorous and unimpeded Protestantism ; " and cited the example of Luther as, " though personally no rationalist, yet affording a warrant to the most audacious of rationalistic assaults/' Sir William's reference to Luther and statement of his opinions drew forth from Archdeacon Hare a very elaborate criticism, in his work entitled ' The Mission of the Comforter/ vol. ii., note iv., published in 1846. The note, from the nature of its animadversion and its tone, was not likely to pass with- out a tolerably sharp retaliatory notice by Sir William. And this it certainly received. At first Sir William appears to have designed, as is manifest from the prospectus already noticed, to go fully into the whole subject of Luther and his opinions; and from 1847, for some years, he resumed his Lutheran studies, which had long had an interest for him, and devoted a great deal of his time to the subject. As usual, however, with him, in formally attempting a systematic work, the subject widened out before him so greatly, and his re- LETTER FROM MR CAIRNS. 299 search became so extended, that it was not brought to an end. He has left a large mass of papers on the subject of Luther and his opinions, carefully arranged under different heads, the fruit of long and elaborate research. These we shall notice in the sequel. His reply to Archdeacon Hare's attack was given in notes to the first and second editions of the 'Discussions ' (1852-53).* The second edition of the 'Discussions' also contains a notice of an article in the 'British and Foreign Evangelical Eeview,' June 1853, with the ad captandum title of ' Sir W. Hamilton's Attack on the Apocalypse ; ' the fact being that the question related not to Sir William's opinion of the book, but to the correctness of his representation of the opinions regarding it of others, such as Calvin. Now and then a letter from a former student reached Sir William, showing an affectionate interest in him. The fol- lowing is from his pupil and friend, Mr (now Dr) Cairns of Berwick : BERWICK, Nov. 16, 1848. MY DEAR Sm WILLIAM, I herewith enclose the statement re- specting the Calabar Mission of our Church, which I take blame to myself for having so long delayed to send. My avocations are very numerous, and a habit of procrastination, where anything is to be written, has sadly grown on me with time. I cannot even send you this brief note without testifying, what I could not so well utter in your presence, my unabated admiration of your philosophical genius and learning, and my profoundly grateful sense of the important benefits received by me both from your in- structions and private friendship. I am more indebted to you for the foundation of my intellectual habits and tastes than to any other person, and shall bear, by the will of the Almighty, the impress of your hand through any future stage of existence. It is a relief to my own feelings to speak in this manner, and you will forgive one of the most favoured of your pupils if he seeks another kind of relief a relief which he has long sought an opportunity to obtain the expression of a wish that his honoured master were one with him- self in the exercise of the convictions, and the enjoyment of the * P. 524. 300 LETTER FROM MR CAIRNS. comforts, of living Christianity, or as far before himself as he is in all other particulars. This is a wish, a prayer, a fervent desire often expressed to the Almighty Former and Guide of the spirits of men, mingled with the hope that, if not already, at least some time, this accordance of faith will be attained, this living union realised with the great Teacher, Sacrifice, and Restorer of our fallen race. You will pardon this manifestation of the gratitude and affection of your pupil and friend, who, if he knew a higher, would gladly give it as the payment of a debt too great to be expressed. I have long ago been taught to feel the vanity of the world in all its forms to re- nounce the hope of intellectual distinction, and to exalt love above knowledge. Philosophy has been to me much ; but it can never be all, never the most ; and I have found, and know that I have found, the true good in another quarter. This is mysticism the mysticism of the Bible the mysticism of conscious reconciliation and intimacy with the living persons of the Godhead a mysticism which is not like that of philosophy, an irregular and incommunicable intuition, but open to all, wise and unwise, who take the highway of humility and prayer. If I were not truly and profoundly happy in my faith the faith of the universal Church I would not speak of it. The greatest increase which it admits of is its sympathetic kindling in the breasts of others, not least of those who know by experience the pain of speculation, the truth that he who increaseth knowledge in- creaseth sorrow. I know you will indulge these expressions to one more in earnest than in former years, more philanthropic, more con- fident that he knows in whom he has believed, more impressed with the duty of bearing everywhere a testimony to the convic- tions which have given him a positive hold at once of truth and happiness. But I check myself in this unwonted strain, which only your long-continued and singular kindness could have emboldened me to attempt : and with the utterance of the most fervent wishes for your health, academical success, and inward light and peace, I remain your obliged friend and grateful pupil, JOHN CAIRNS. SIR W. HAMILTON TO MR CAIRNS. Dec. 4, 1848. MY DEAR SIR, I reproach myself for not having sooner thanked you for the very interesting account of the mission in Calabar, and LETTERS TO MR CAIRNS. 301 for your accompanying letter. Mr Waddell's statement was read here by old and young, and by all with almost equal interest. It seems to me a good model for such accounts, and Mr Waddell him- self to be admirably fitted for the great service to which he has so zealously devoted himself. Africa is surely the field in which mis- sionary enterprise has been as yet most successful ; and no people stand more in need of the change which Christianity and gospel truth so blessedly determine. I feel deeply obliged to you for the kindness of your letter, and trust that I shall not prove wholly unworthy of the interest you take in me. There is indeed no one with whom I am acquainted whose sentiments on such matters I esteem more highly, for there is no one who I am sure is more earnest for the truth, and no one who pursues it with more independence, and at the same time with greater confidence in the promised aid of God. May this promised aid be vouchsafed to me ! Your brother stood up on last examination-day for the first time. If I had looked a moment, far less heard him speak, I would at once have recognised him. There is a strong family likeness ; and I could not wish him better than to resemble you in the zeal and abil- ity with which he pursues his studies. I hope in a day or two to become personally acquainted with him. I hope soon to see you in town, and remember that you promised to take a quiet dinner with us when you came in. Believe me, my dear sir, ever truly yours, W. HAMILTON. The following are letters to Mr Cairns of a somewhat later date, which explain themselves. SIR W. HAMILTON TO MR CAIRNS. Feb. 9, 1850. MY DEAR SIR, I return you my best thanks for your article on Julius Miiller's philosophical theology, who is for me quite a new hero, for I have read little or nothing in German divinity for some years. Your essay, which I perused with great interest, both on your personal account and for the importance of the subject, struck me not only for the ability and learning which it exhibits, but for the wisdom and charity and unsectarian spirit which pervade it. I trust that this is only the commencement of your contributions on such subjects, for I am sorry that in the criticisms on German the- 302 LETTERS TO MR CAIRNS. olo*gy that have fallen in my way in the journals of this country the writers have usually shown rather their own ignorance and bigotry than the one-sided views of those whom they set themselves to com- bat. Made animi. Believe me that as much is expected from you by all your friends, no one will be more rejoiced as you gradu- ally fulfil these expectations than myself. I remain, my dear sir, ever truly yours, W. HAMILTON. SIR W. HAMILTON TO ME CAIRNS. April 15, 1851. MY DEAR SIR, I must needs beg for your kind indulgence in having been so long in returning you my thanks for the Memoir of Mr Clark. I read it, you may be sure, with the greatest interest, and I need hardly say that it is equally honourable to your heart and head. I was certainly not prepared for the opposition he en- countered from a part of his congregation ; for there are few of whom I would so confidently have anticipated more than harmony between flock and pastor. Indeed, I would have expected that Mr Clark, from his talents, his zeal, and his amiable dispositions, would have been an especial favourite with all his congregation ; and his example is indeed to me a confirmation of Seneca's doctrine argumentum 2Mssimi lurba. I have read likewise your very able article in the ' North British Review ' on Ethics and Christianity. I feel much gratified by your expressions in regard to myself both in that article and in the Memoir, and not the less that I must attribute them far more to the personal par- tiality of an old pupil and friend than to any desert of my own. Your review of ethical systems interested me very much, more especially the accounts you give of the more recent theories, of which I was wholly ignorant. The foundation of ethics, connected as it is with moral freedom, has always appeared to me the most difficult, as the most important, problem in philosophy ; and I confess that I see not how the discrepancies of opinion on this point could be avoided by merg- ing philosophical ethics in Christian theology. The problems, I still conceive, ought to be treated separately ; the first asking, What do we know of the moral nature of man apart from all positive revelation ? the second asking, What do we learn of the moral nature of man from the Christian dispensation ? But waiving this, would there not LETTER TO PROFESSOR CRAIK. 303 be as much controversy in regard to morality and accountability if ethics were taught only as a Christian doctrine, as there is when they are taught apart from revelation ? For some theologians would hold that man can do something for himself, whilst others would main- tain that he can do nothing, in the words of Dr Chalmers, that God worketh all in all (the words of St Paul touching supernatural gifts), and that man has no more freedom of operation than the particle of flying dust or the drop of running water. Believe me, my dear sir, ever truly yours, W. HAMILTON. Sir William's curious out-of-the-way reading comes out in the following : SIR W. HAMILTON TO PROFESSOR CRAIK. EDINBURGH, Dec. 22, 1851. MY DEAR SIR, I have been time out of mind reproaching myself for not having thanked you in my own and Lady Hamilton's name for all the volumes of your ' Romance of the Peerage,' which were read as they arrived with the greatest interest. And now I have also to acknowledge the receipt of your admirable little book on the English language. By the by, if you are at all curious about the matter, there is a very characteristic account of the duel between Stuart and Wharton by a foreign contemporary, the famous Jesuit Latin poet Baldi. It is principally in the form of an inscription, and is of course full of points and antitheses. One of these I recol- lect is very good, it being said that, in this case, "The point of honour drew the line of death." . . . Ever truly yours, W. HAMILTON. The patience and cheerfulness which Sir William exhibited during these last twelve years of his life struck every one who came into contact with him. " Latterly, " says his daughter, " he was much more subject to depression of spirit ; he dreaded the failure of his mental powers, and this thought of course was inconceivably bitter to him. The reality, thank God, was spared him. With all the infirmity of his body 304 CONDUCT UNDER ILLNESS. never was there any cloud over his great mind. It seemed indeed to be in its very height of vigour and acuteness during the nine years that followed his paralytic seizure. . . . Perhaps during the last two or three years of his life there was less power of working his brain, mental exertion was more of a toil, but that, with sometimes a suspicion of a little failure of memory, was all ; and I suppose it was inevitable along with the decline of physical tone which we observed in him from the end of 1853. During the years that he suf- fered from the effects of paralysis, the excellence of his general health was remarkable, and testified to the original strength and soundness of his constitution. He hardly ever had a headache or a trifling ailment." His comparative helplessness was to draw forth and be alleviated by the most devoted love and care which it was in the nature of a woman and wife to bestow. Lady Hamilton had all along been peculiarly helpful to her husband in his work and life. Of this we have had glimpses in the course of the Memoir. She had been much to him before; now that he was so struck down by illness, she became well- nigh all to him. " She made it the business of her life to wait upon and tend him, and by every means in her power to promote his comfort and ease. He now more than ever required the assistance of her pen, and for some years she almost alone wrote to his dictation. Except to consult and acquaint him with everything that went on, she never let him be troubled with matters that her sound sense and general faculty for business enabled her to manage instead of him. In all things he had in her a wise and reliable counsellor, and he knew it. Nor was it only what she did for him. She was so cheerful and buoyant of spirit that her presence was a brightening, quickening influence. When he was depressed or put out and annoyed, she often did him good with a little playfulness. She understood his nervous irritability, and never minded it. More and more as years went on, and his strength declined, and illness again DOMESTIC LIFE AND HABITS. 305 attacked him, did he lean upon her and seek to have her con- stantly beside him, and with ever- increasing care and assi- duity did she to the last moment fulfil her life's labour of love, to smooth and cheer and remove all outward hin- drances from the path of her husband ; feeling, when she could no longer do this, that her occupation was gone. She had the only reward for which she cared, in the one life which she and her husband in their several spheres lived, in the perfect confidence which he reposed in her, in the depth of his affec- tion and appreciation. Those who knew them both will not be slow to believe that without her he would never have done what he did." From the date of his illness Sir William's life was neces- sarily one of retirement, spent entirely at home. There is thus in this latter period nothing beyond two or three simple facts that are patent to an outside observer. Yet these were among the most fruitful and laborious years of his life, and witnessed the publication of all the independent works which bear his name. The materials, accordingly, of most use for their history, are those which can lift the curtain from his home- life, and show how under bodily infirmity he still carried on unceasingly the pursuits to which his life was devoted, and what he was when withdrawn from personal intercourse with the world. For the following interesting picture of Sir William's ordinary life at this period, and notice of his read- ing for relaxation, and his relation to his children, we are indebted to his daughter. The description of the day's routine here given may be regarded as applicable to the entire period after his illness. It should be kept in mind that the college session extended over the winter half-year, and that he was free from college duties during the six months of summer. " When my father went to the college, he came down just in time to let him be up there by one o'clock, latterly a little before it, so as to be in the retiring-room before the students assembled. In vacation-time he was often later of rising. u 306 DOMESTIC LIFE AND HABITS. He had always been in the habit of rising late, as might have been expected from his hour of going to bed. " In summer, from the time when he came down-stairs till near dinner-time, the day was in general devoted to study and writing, subject to the interruption of a short walk, or a drive, or of visitors. He sat in a parlour on the ground-floor, in which, though it did not contain the bulk of his library, he had about him the books which he habitually used. A number of these he kept quite at hand in a large desk of his own contriv- ance which stood by his sofa. Although in this apartment all his study was carried on, it was also the one most* used by the family his power of concentration on his work being so great, that he ordinarily felt no distraction from what went on around him. Here also he received such visitors as came specially to see him. Having established himself on the sofa, a desk was placed before him, and with pencil and paper, and books laid all around within easy distance on desk and chairs and floor, he began his work. Of course he had constant need of assist- ance, and every now and then some one would be summoned to hand him something, or to go for a book, or to write to his dictation. He pretty often had letters to write. He dictated rather slowly, often repeating the clause, but fluently some- times, however, altering expressions on the way, and having read over to him what he had written. He had a way which amused us of very often spelling words, without trusting to the knowledge of his amanuensis. My father's manner of composition was, I think, to make with his own hand a rough pencil jotting of his ideas, and then to dictate an amplified and accurate expression of them, in which again he would frequently make alterations. His power of abstraction was very great ; sometimes he would become so absorbed in the subject he was thinking of that we had to speak to him over and over again before we could make him hear. " Often, on his way down-stairs for the day, he would go into one of the upper rooms and see some books taken out which he wished to use that day, a glance at the book- DOMESTIC LIFE AND HABITS. 307 shelves perhaps suggesting others which he had not previ- ously thought of. Sometimes also, in the course of the after- noon, he would make a journey up-stairs for a similar purpose. But most frequently when a book was wanted he would call one of us into the parlour, and there give us directions where to find it. He never had a catalogue ; yet from his excel- lent memory, and the order in which his library was kept, there was hardly a volume about which he could not tell the shelf where it lay, and the other books near it, or give such directions that, unless from stupidity, we could soon find it. "After dinner he returned to his sofa. Sometimes he did a little work then, at other times he at once composed himself to sleep, with some one reading aloud to him. I don't think he almost ever passed an evening without a nap, though it varied in length ; indeed, his late hour of going to bed made this refreshment necessary. After tea he was quite brisk, and when we were alone resumed serious occupations, with which he generally went on till far on in the morning. Even in bed I fancy he sometimes read. " My father had others to read to him solely for relaxation ; he always read himself books which he used in the way of study or reference. This was indeed almost a necessity, as the latter were mostly in dead or foreign languages. Latterly when newspapers came to be daily, and when, during the Crimean campaign, they were of an absorbing interest, they supplied the staple of his reading for relaxation ; and he would generally have them read pretty much straight through. I don't think he was much in the way of speak- ing on political questions, at least in the family. He was always more or less in the habit of indulging in light literature as a recreation, and many is the novel, story, and book of travel which we have read to him. The Waverley Novels, Dickens's and Thackeray's serials in their monthly parts, Charlotte Bronte's ' Jane Eyre ' and ' Shirley/ ' Sintram,' 308 DOMESTIC LIFE. * Caleb Williams ' (which I think was a favourite with him), < Mary Barton/ ' Cranford/ ' Uncle Tom's Cabin/ ' The House of the Seven Gables/ 'Hypatia/ Curzon's 'Monas- teries of the Levant/ Laing's ' Norway/ and very many other books of fiction and description, are recalled to my mind in thinking of those days. Eeview articles, too, were frequently read. The kind of books which my father en- joyed for relaxation brings out a feature of his mind in which his simplicity and freshness of nature strikingly showed it- self. This was his love for works of the imaginative type in fiction the more strongly tinged with the fantastic, or weird, or horrible, the better he liked them. Mrs Radcliffe's stories, for instance, he used laughingly to confess, he had enjoyed. ' Frankenstein' he had liked. ' The Ancient Mariner' was a favourite with him. On the other hand, he had not patience for the ordinary society or domestic novel, unless there was in it much of intellect, or pathos, or wit. ' Causes Celebres/ I believe, were favourite reading with him. None of us children were fonder of fairy tales than he was. He would now and then order them for us, and then he took a reading of them himself. I remember a parcel arriving, among which was a translation of Tieck's * Phantasus ' (which was read to him), and also of the 'Shadowless Man/ of which he had a lively recollection, and which he now listened to again with pleasure. Then I remember a volume of German legends and fairy tales which we had in the country the last summer of his life. We thought it a very indifferent collection, yet my father had a number of the stories read aloud chiefly I think because, not being well then, he was glad to be soothed to sleep by the sound of something which made no demand on his attention ; still the choice was charac- teristic. He was easily moved by anything pathetic, and latterly could not help showing it outwardly. And how he did enjoy humour! He would be quite overcome with laughter ; nor was it difficult to make him laugh. He readily saw the comic side of things, while not himself possessing DOMESTIC LIFE. 309 much power of making humour, though here and there in his writings I think there are real gleams of it brightening the general gravity of the style. " When any one was reading to him, he would, in general, every now and then, make some remark to give a piece of information which the book suggested, or to explain a word or passage. Often, too, he would make corrections in pro- nunciation, which, as some of his readers were juvenile, was very often necessary. It was marvellous how he had something to tell about every sort of subject his stores of knowledge being not only vast, but so well ordered as to be always available. And he gave forth from them so kindly, so ungrudgingly, perhaps with even more liberality when it was spontaneous, though he was always ready to answer kindly his children's questions. And I am sure no one ever made his children feel more that they could go to him freely, or let them be on a simpler, more familiar footing with him. He might be to others a great and learned man to us he was but our dear affectionate father, whose position and fame in the world we only understood so far as to make us proud of him, and value the more his kindness to us. There was in him a tenderness which enhanced his even slight words and acts of affection ; they went from the heart to the heart, and drew those around wonderfully to him. People who stayed in the house were always fond of my father, and felt him to be very kind. Even those who had begun by being shy and afraid of him soon became quite at their ease. For almost all young people he had an attraction he himself was fond of children. His consideration for animals was remarkable ; and nothing made him more angry than ill- treatment of them : in driving, for instance, he was always very careful of horses. He had always been fond of dogs." His sense of humour and perception of the grotesque ap- propriately referred to in a notice of his domestic life was cer- tainly a very remarkable feature in his character. The con- trast which this trait offered to the general solidity, almost sol- 310 SENSE OF THE LUDICROUS. enmity of his character, probably heightened the effect. But there it was, strongly marked and continually cropping out. Strange to say, in the manuscripts of some of his most abstract writings, such as the articles on Cousin, Brown, and Whately, we find that every now and then the writer had apparently relieved the pressure of his thoughts, and indulged an unsus- pected side of his nature, by rapidly dashing off on the mani- fold corrected page a grotesque face, which had suddenly risen on his fancy, much as the architects of our great cathedrals have flanked the grand creation by the grinning ape and the distorted countenances of the animal and human grotesque. His reading, too, had supplied him with some rich bits of bathos, which he was fond of repeating with intense enjoy- ment of their absurdity. In the class-roorn his sense of the ludicrous not unfre- quently threatened to compromise professorial dignity. The fine face would occasionally be observed striving hard to re- strain the internal emotion from overcoming the expected decorum of the chair, not always with success. And if the sense of the ludicrous proved too powerful, the fit of laughter was for a time absolutely uncontrollable. Among those friends who, at this period, were on intimate terms with the family in Great King Street, was Mr Thomas Spencer Baynes, the present Professor of Logic and Ehetoric in the University of St Andrews. Mr Baynes, who was then attending College at Edinburgh, and had attracted Sir William's notice by his abilities and zeal in logical research, would fre- quently drop in of an evening at Sir William's house, where he ever was a welcome visitor. He has fortunately kept notes of some of his interviews with Sir William; when the latter would pour out the stores of his reading in kindly and easy talk. The beginning of Mr Baynes's intimacy with Sir William, to which reference is made in the notes, is very charac- teristic, and is an example of the kindness and courtesy which he displayed to his students. These notes may be taken as faithful indications of Sir William's manner of inter- MR BAYNES'S REMINISCENCES. 311 course and conversation at this period with his more familiar friends, who at the same time had an interest in the studies he pursued. " One of the first evenings I ever spent with Sir William Hamilton was in the early weeks of Session 1846-7. Sir William was accustomed to prescribe annually some standard work in philosophy to be read by candidates for honours in connection with the work of the class, and that year the ' De Anima ' of Aristotle had been selected for this purpose. Soon after the commencement of the session, Sir William having intimated to the class that he would be glad to see any stu- dents who were reading the book, and answer any question they might wish to ask, I went to his room at the close of the lecture hour, mainly to inquire what edition he recommended for critical study. He mentioned Trendelenburg's as the best, adding, that of the older commentaries on the ' De Anima/ that of Philoponus was of the greatest interest and value. It would be of great service in helping to clear up the obscurities of the text ; and he promised, if I would call in the evening, to lend me an excellent Latin version of the Commentary to keep at hand for reference while reading the book. On calling ac- cording to my appointment, Sir William entered almost at once into an interesting conversation about the ' De Anima ' and its author, giving a number of particulars which so impressed themselves on my memory that I can even now distinctly recall them. He spoke of the 'De t Anima' as the earliest purely psychological work we possess, the first sys- tematic attempt at the inductive study of the mind, and one which, curiously enough, had only in recent times been fol- lowed up with anything like success: that a number of treatises formed on the same model had been produced by the Arabians, the Schoolmen, and their successors, which, though in many instances marked by acute and original observation, did not carry the investigation of mental phenomena much beyond the point that Aristotle had reached. He then referred to the influence of Aristotle generally, as being of a wider and more 312 MR BAYNES'S REMINISCENCES. permanent kind than that of any single thinker. While his direct and acknowledged influence was apparent enough in the earlier periods of revived philosophical activity, the indirect but powerful effect of his writings might be discovered even in modern times, and that too in quarters where it would be least expected. Hobbes, for example, is justly regarded as the type of a shrewd, original, and intrepid thinker, acknowledging no authority in philosophy, and hardly referring to any of his predecessors except in the way of disparagement. But it is clear from his writings that he not only diligently studied Aristotle, but was largely indebted to the Stagirite for hints and illustrations, which he turned to good account in his philosophical writings, especially in his Psychology, which is usually regarded as peculiarly his own. How carefully he had studied Aristotle, his ' Brief of the Art of Khetoric/ contain- ing in substance all that Aristotle had written in his three books on that subject, sufficiently attests. The early thinkers of the Scottish School, again, were more remarkable for their homely sagacity and independence of thought than for scho- larship or learning of any kind. Several of them were, how- ever, well acquainted with Aristotle's writings. This was true of Alexander Gerard, Professor of Logic in Aberdeen, and author of two Essays, one on ' Taste/ the other on ' Genius/ published about the middle of the last century ; not to men- tion Ferguson the historian, and Gillies, whose acquaintance with Aristotle was of a loose and uncritical kind. It was true also of Hutcheson. And that the practice of reading Aristotle was partially kept up among Hutcheson's successors was seen in Adam Smith's Essays, and even in Keid's very imperfect ' Account of Aristotle's Logic.' But the Scottish writer of the last century most profoundly versed in the Peripatetic philo- sophy was the curious and eccentric author of 'Ancient Meta- physics,' Lord Monboddo, who, in his devotion to the ancient ' science of universals/ and admiration of the Peripatetic prin- ciples of nature, stoutly opposed the results of modern re- search, and in particular Sir Isaac Newton and his discoveries. MR BAYNES'S REMINISCENCES. 313 In relation to Lord Monboddo, Sir William went on to add, that the first volume of his ' Ancient Metaphysics ' abounded in references to the 'De Anima/ and might usefully be re- ferred to in reading the book ; that his discussion of difficult points was always acute, and his exposition of Aristotle's meaning generally accurate, though he had fallen into some mistakes, especially in illustrating the four kinds or categories of motion. With regard, for instance, to the mental change involved in the acquisition of knowledge, and the growth of habits, good or bad, he not only mistakes Aristotle's text, but contradicts the explicit statements of his chief commentator, Philoponus. Lord Monboddo was one of the few moderns, however, who had carefully studied not only Aristotle but his Greek commentators, whose writings, though abounding in interesting matter, in original discussions, and acute criticism, had in recent times fallen into unmerited neglect, Harris, the author of ' Hermes,' being perhaps the only other modern writer who showed any minute or critical acquaintance with the Greek commentators of the Peripatetic school. Eecurring to Philoponus, Sir William highly praised his interpretation of the ' De Anima ' as luminous and acute, referring especially to the introduction as discussing and deciding some curious points left obscure or doubtful in the text ; in particular, the question as to the threefold division of the vital principle not simply into distinct functions, but into separate entities or souls. While Aristotle constantly speaks of the vegetable, animal, and rational soul, he leaves it doubtful whether he regarded them as substantially distinct or as various energies of the same simple principle. Philoponus, however, decides in favour of three separate souls, adducing in support of this view cases in which the hair and nails have continued to grow after death, the vegetable soul thus remaining present and operative after the animal and rational souls had fled. " After a conversation of more than an hour I bore away the coveted version of Philoponus, a thin folio in limp vellum, 314 MR BAYNES'S REMINISCENCES. which I found copiously underlined with blue and red inks. On a subsequent evening, when I called by invitation to con- sult some other volumes, the conversation turned on the prac- tice of underscoring books of study. Sir William spoke highly of the practice, as attended with many advantages, especially in the saving of time and labour. Intelligent underlining gave a kind of abstract of an important work, and by the use of different coloured inks to mark a difference of contents, and discriminate the doctrinal from the historical or illustra- tive elements of an argument or exposition, the abstract be- came an analysis very serviceable for ready reference. He mentioned that this principle had been carried to a ludicrous extreme in the publication of a coloured New Testament by an Anglicised German, Wirgmann by name, the author of some articles on philosophy in the ' Encyclopaedia Londinensis.' In this book, entitled ' Divarication of the New Testament into Doctrine and History,' the pages were all coloured, most of them parti-coloured, the doctrine being throughout visually separated from the history by this device ; the doctrine being, if I remember rightly, blue, and the history red. The author expressed his belief that all the sects of Christendom had arisen from a confusion of these elements, and that his grand discovery in the ' Divarication ' would annihilate sects, estab- lish pure Christianity as a sacred science, and become here- after a Euclid in Theology. Wirgmann, Sir William added, had also published a ' Grammar of Mental Philosophy,' illustrated with coloured diagrams, designed to represent to the eye the categories and distinctions of the Kantian philosophy. The author was evidently a simple-minded enthusiast, with a touch of fanaticism in his nature ; but if I remember rightly, Sir William spoke of some of his papers on the Kantian philosophy with praise, as giving in some respects a better outline of Kant's system than had appeared in English at the time of their publication. " The memoranda of conversations now referred to I ex- tract from my note-book, with only such slight alterations of MR BAYNES'S REMINISCENCES. 315 expression as may be necessary to render the more condensed jottings intelligible. "Friday evening, June 1848 (early in June, probably the first week). Went to Sir William Hamilton's about eight o'clock, and found him busy re-covering with blue leather an old quarto copy of Buchanan's Poems, Lady Hamilton help- ing, evidently in a most efficient manner. Sir William, refer- ring to Buchanan's Poems, said they were perhaps the very best to be found in the whole circle of modern Latin poetry. They had been widely and systematically plagiarised by later writers, especially the Epigrams, in which he was often pecu- liarly happy. One of the most celebrated poems, that on the Calends of May, rose quite out of the region of poetical com- monplace, and had passages of the rarest beauty and sub- limity. A part of the poem was, however, borrowed, at least in idea, from Joannes Secundus. Eeferring to the different editions, he said that Kuddiman's was the most complete, though still defective in not having some of the best read- ings ; that the Basel was also good, but that in all the edi- tions there were numerous mistakes of words and letters, especially in the interchange of u and n, as leuis for lenis, and the like. Sir William then spoke of Buchanan's intimate friend, the poet Eonsard, who had imitated in French verse some of Buchanan's best poems ; and also of his friend and colleague Muretus, who, from the same college in which they had taught together at Paris, went to Italy to become the de- fender of the Massacre of St Bartholomew, while Buchanan came to Scotland to take a leading part in the northern Eefor- mation, and become ultimately a violent Presbyterian. " From Buchanan the conversation turned to Scottish scho- lars and men of genius who had gained a reputation abroad, and amongst others the ' Admirable Crichton ' was men- tioned. Sir William said that although he had been a good deal depreciated by some writers in modern times, he was in fact a most accomplished gentleman and scholar, and in the rare union at an early age of physical and intellectual dexteri- 316 MR BAYNES'S REMINISCENCES. ties of almost every kind and in the highest degree of per- fection, with wide and solid attainments in literature and philosophy, might fairly be regarded as a great wonder as ' admirable ' in the old and etymological sense. That ample testimony to his varied powers had been given by an eye- witness of his performances (I think an Italian poet-laureate), and also by a Scottish contemporary [Johnston ?]. " In connection with Latin poetry, elegiac and epigram- matic, Sir William spoke in very high terms of the epigrams of the Welsh scholar Owen, who lived in the reign of James I., and whose works seem to have been published in all the countries of Europe. He remarked that the Latin poems of Englishmen were for the most part far from good ; that Addi- son's were decent, those of Crashaw, the Catholic poet, and of Vincent Bourne, decidedly good, but that perhaps Milton's were the best of all. " A lady came to tea [Miss Mitchell], whose father was for many years consul at Hamburg, and who had a brother in the army, author of some works, amongst others, a ' Life of Wallenstein/ ' The Fall of Napoleon/ etc. The eldest sister, Sir William said, was remarkably accomplished, and talked French and Italian with the accent and fluency of a native, while all the family talked German and Danish, the latter at home amongst themselves. " Some discussion arose as to hydropathy and the general value of the water-cure. Sir William thinks highly of its usefulness in cases of chronic rheumatism, gout, and kindred affections, and generally that in moderation it is good as a tonic to the system. From hydropathy and other medical heresies he referred to the Medical Faculty in general as strongly marked by the spirit of caste, the majority of the adult members being almost inaccessible to new ideas. He said that on the whole we perhaps derive more harm than good from the Faculty, fewer people dying of sickness probably where there are no doctors than where they abound. He quoted on this head the maxim or rule laid down by Hoffman, MR BAYNES'S REMINISCENCES. 317 ' Fuge medicos et eorum medicamenta, si vis esse salvus/ add- ing, that medicine had made no advance in modern times, its most recent theories being simply a return to the doctrines of Hippocrates. Surgery, on the other hand, was a most impor- tant branch of the curative art, and had rapidly advanced in our own day. Sir William mentioned a curious fact in regard to himself, that he can take laudanum in almost any amount without being sensibly affected at all. He had on one occa- sion taken 500 drops, but this enormous dose had produced no effect in any way ; other narcotics, again, such as snuff and tobacco, have a powerful effect. "The other evening's conversation, of which I find some record in the same note-book, occurred nearly a year later, and is fully dated. " Thursday evening, April 12, 1849. Went to Sir William Hamilton's and found him asleep on the sofa, Lady Hamilton working, and their little girl reading by the fire. He was soon awake, however, and began talking of Trendelenburg, one of whose works I had recently been reading. Sir William spoke of him as an acute man, well versed in the history of philosophy, and comparatively orthodox in his philosophical views. He writes a good deal against Hegel, especially in his work on Logic, but amidst the widespread influence of Hegel- ianism is little listened to is in fact almost like St John, ' the voice of one crying in the wilderness/ He is in the same university with Beneke, who, unlike the Germans in general, is a thorough sensualist in philosophy, and stands almost alone. Beneke writes to Sir William, however, to the effect that he has no misgivings, and is a thorough-going believer in his own system. "Showed Sir William, Franck's ' Esquisse d'une Histoire de la Logique,' recently published, which he had not yet seen. Observing in the work a notice of Carpentarius (Car- pentier), Sir William said that he wrote fiercely and at great length -against Eamus, rarely, however, mentioning his name, but designating him by some assumed or descriptive name or 318 ME BAYNES'S REMINISCENCES. epithet. In his persistent polemic against his opponent and rival, Carpentarius went into such a number of biographical details that a good account of Eamus might be obtained from Carpentaria's controversial writings. He was, however, so bitterly opposed to Eamus, that he is said to have hired assassins to murder him on the night of St Bartholomew. Eamus was a good subject for a biography, still open, as his life, though often attempted, had never been well written. There was a good deal of incident, and something of adventure, in his history. He boldly opposes Aristotle, and rouses the Aris- totelians to a pitch of the highest excitement ; travels in Ger- many, Italy, and other countries ; and tries to effect reforms in the current systems of education. He is a theologian, moreover, and church reformer, holding, with Morelli [Jean Morel], that the people ought to possess the power of the keys, and is blamed by the Calvinists for supporting such a doctrine. Eamus, Valla, and Vives were free-thinkers in logic and philosophy, who did good service in stimulating a spirit of enquiry, and provoking a reaction against the dominant influence of traditionary systems. Vives was perhaps on the whole the best, but he would be considered now a very good Aristotelian. Beza was strongly prejudiced against Eamus, and there seems to be even a touch of personal spite in his references to him. He speaks somewhere of ' that beast Eamus.' Beza also writes in offensive terms against Buch- anan and Goveanus.* Eeferring to Govea, Sir William said that he had translated Porphyry's Introduction into beautiful Latin, but that the translation was extremely scarce, not being included in the collected edition of Govea's works. * Govea, Anthony, must be the brother here referred to, not Andrew, who was Buchanan's intimate friend and colleague in the College of Guienne at Bourdeaux, and who induced him to accompany him to Coimbra as Professor in the College which John III. had just established there. Andrew died the year after his settlement at Coimbra ; but his younger brother Anthony also taught at Bourdeaux, and was no doubt well acquainted with Buchanan. He was a distinguished scholar and man of letters, and had probably excited Beza's wrath by replying with spirit to the charges of heterodoxy which Calvin had urged against him. MR BAYNES'S REMINISCENCES. 319 " Buchanan suggested some reference to Scottish professors abroad, and, amongst others, Mark Duncan was mentioned, and one professor, if not more, at Geneva, whose name or names escaped. From these references Sir William went on to speak of the great intercourse formerly kept up between France and the Continent generally and Scotland ; that for a long time it was the custom for students intended for the Scottish Church to finish their education at some foreign university. Latterly they had gone very much to Holland, until studying abroad was forbidden by the General Assembly, and, in consequence of this prohibition, learning had very much declined in the Church. He then asked how the English Congregationalists do with regard to the education of their ministers ; in what way, since they are un- justly excluded from the national universities, the standard of clerical attainment is kept up amongst them. The best means, he said, of keeping up a good standard was to have accredited examiners, who should test the attainments and qualifications of candidates for the ministry by a fair and impartial examina- tion. The existing machinery for this purpose in the national churches north and south of the Tweed was practically almost worthless, the Presbytery examinations being inept, and the Bishops' examinations in the Church of England no better. Eeturning to the English dissenters, Sir William said that in modern times the Baptists had been the first to send out mis- sionaries, and that many of them, such as Carey, and Ward in India, were able men, who, apart from their directly religious labours, had done good service in preparing the way for a better understanding between the English governing class and the natives. He went on to add that missionary societies should be more united, that the various Churches and de- nominations should, in their missionary efforts, combine to teach the rudiments of Christianity, which do not involve doctrinal differences, inculcating common truths without insisting on their distinctive symbols. In recent times Dr Winslow had remarked that the main thing for missionary 320 MR BAYNES'S REMINISCENCES. societies to do was to translate and circulate the Scriptures and religious tracts ; but this was a mistake, for though the people would take them readily enough, they often regarded them as mere waste paper, without attempting to read or un- derstand them. Missionaries were necessary, and in modern times perhaps some of the German missionaries were amongst the best. Swartz, for example, was a man of singularly high character and devoted life, and Sir William said he had heard him spoken of in terms of the highest praise by persons from India who had known him intimately. The early Jesuit mis- sionaries, again, went to the other extreme, and became too much all things to all men, adopting the habits, manners, and to a certain extent even the religious usages of the natives amongst whom they laboured. It was a poor religion they taught, but they excused or justified themselves by saying that it was necessary first to teach a rude form of Christianity and then the more perfect. " Henry Martyn the missionary was then referred to. Sir William said he was a fine noble character, but that in his 1 Persian Controversies ' he had fallen into strange mistakes. His Persian opponents argue well, and are in relation to Mahommedanism very much what the Hegelians are to Christi- anity. They ingeniously divide miracles into three kinds magical, medical, and rhetorical ; the magical, those of Moses at Pharaoh's court, the medical, those of Christ, and the rhetorical, those of Mahomet in the production of the Koran, which is itself a standing miracle, so beautifully eloquent and perfect in style throughout, that it must be divine. Martyn in his reply says that magic was unknown in the time of Moses, while in fact the Pentateuch abounds in references to it, which show that it must have been quite common. He says further, that medicine was not practised in Judaea in the time of Christ, and was indeed virtually unknown. This was a most incredibly ignorant statement, as the Gospels abound with references to medicine and physicians. The woman with the issue of blood, for example, who had spent her substance on MR BAYNES'S REMINISCENCES. the doctors without any good result, 'had things of many physicians, and was nothing bette: rather grew worse ' a satire on the Faculty of medicine as true now as it was then. The whole controversy between Henry Martyn and his Persian opponents was very interesting, and had been well translated by Professor Lee. The Asiatics are peculiar in their philosophy, and their religion is directly connected with their philosophy. They are Absolutists, Hegelians ; the main sources of information respecting their speculations are Colebrooke, Saisset, Tholuck, and the rising French school of Oriental scholars who are studying in the original the great movements of Eastern thought. Curiously enough there is a complete Oriental system of logic, and the Indian syllogism has the peculiarity of beginning with the quaesitum or question, after which come the conclusion and then the premises in order. "The conversation then turned on forgotten scholars, and books of life and interest no longer read or even remembered. Sir William mentioned as an example the Epistles of Clen- ardus [Nicholas Clenard or Cleynserts]. They are full of lively description and incident, and many of the stories and adventures he relates are quite as good as things in Gil Bias. He was for some years in Spain as Professor of Oriental Languages in the University of Salamanca ; and in his letters, which were not written for publication, referring to the poverty and wretchedness of the country, he says, ' Blessed are they that have not seen and yet have believed.' In another letter he gives an account of a grand Spanish barber, whose man lathered the customers, while he himself, as a superior artist, condescended to shave them. Clenardus went from Spain to the coast of Africa as a teacher and missionary, and died there.* It would be well worth while to translate the Epistles, * He went mainly for the purpose of acquiring a mastery of Arabic, in which language he intended to write a refutation of the Koran, to be circulated amongst the Mohammedans with a view to their conversion. He died on his way back to Spain. X 322 MR BAYNES'S REMINISCENCES. and give some account of the author. This led to a general reference to men of thought and action, whose lives afford in- teresting materials for a biography. Sir William mentioned Lord Herbert of Cherbury and Ulrich von Hutten as examples. They were men of keen intellect, high courage, and chival- rous character cavaliers and philosophers whose lives com- bine literary and philosophical interest with a good deal of action and adventure. Hutten, though a little man, fought like a game-cock, on one occasion defending his life against three [five?] Frenchmen well armed, and defeating them. Other good subjects for biographies were Erasmus, the Scali- gers, Barclay the author of 'Argenis,' Mark Duncan and his son, and Sir K. Digby." Sir William's eldest son, having obtained an appointment in the Indian army, sailed for India in February 1849. From that period the letters to him from home form a domestic chronicle, from which interesting glimpses of Sir William in his daily life and habits may be obtained. From these, and letters to other members of the family, selections will now and again be made, with a view to illustrate his character as it appeared in his family, the tenor of his life during his latter years, and his idiosyncrasies in reading and working. During 1848, 1849, and 1850 he was busy with Logic, Luther, and the points of controversy between himself and Archdeacon Hare. The following extracts give us a glimpse of his manner of working : LADY HAMILTON TO WILLIAM HAMILTON. 22rf August 1848. . . . Your papa has been rather idle this last week ; he has, I think, finished what he was writing about the Book of Discipline, so he has taken a few days at his logical problems and been wash- ing and mending his books. To - day we had a visit from the American Ambassador to this country, Mr Bancroft, who is making a tour in Scotland at present. He is the author of the best History LETTERS TO LIEUTENANT HAMILTON. 323 of America. He remembers meeting your papa at Berlin seven-and- twenty years ago. 5th October 1848. I do not wonder that you have been daily expecting to hear from me. I think I was never so long of writing to you not, you will easily believe, from forgetfulness, but your papa has kept me con- stantly writing for him, and I have not had a minute I could call my own for these three weeks past. As soon as he was able, after his attack of erysipelas, he took to answering a letter from Mr Thomson of Oxford, on some of his logical theories, and last night we despatched a second letter of twenty-two folio pages of close writing, all of which I had to write twice over. Within this last fortnight I have written seventy folio pages, besides letters and notes and other things, so you may understand that I have had little leisure. These ample letters to Mr Thomson contained an account of the principal novelties in Sir William's logical system, particularly the doctrine of Comprehension and Extension, and that of Quantification of the Predicate. His method of Nota- tion was also explained. Uth March 1849. We have all been going on very much as usual since you left us, your papa working for a while at his Latin poetry, of which I think he is now tired, and amusing himself in sizing your present [Waitz's edition of Aristotle's Organon], and getting it interleaved and arranged according to his own notions. It has been bound, and you would be quite amused if you saw it with all its various coloured marks to distinguish the different divisions and subjects. Certainly you could not have given him a book which he would have liked better, or one which he is more likely to use frequently. He is quite taken up with it, and every day, almost every hour, something is to be done or written in this wonderful book ! 17A May 1849. We are all well your papa particularly so, and working away at Luther, which he says he must finish this summer. Most truly do I hope so. Mr Maclachlan [the publisher of Reid's Works] came down the other evening to speak to him about finishing Reid, and above all bringing out a Logic ; but your papa would promise nothing, and 324 LETTERS TO LIEUTENANT HAMILTON. said he must do Luther first. Mr Maclachlan was also speaking of making a collection of your papa's contributions to the * Edin- burgh Review,' and publishing them in one volume with a few additions and notes. Your papa seems to like the idea of this, and it will probably be done this summer. 16th June 1849. Your papa is still working away at the old subject [Luther]. If he ever publishes, the materials he has collected and prepared will, I am sure, be sufficient for many thick volumes, instead of one small one, as originally intended. \7thJnlyISW. Your papa still works indefatigably at the old subject, but I don't see much progress made towards the completion of the work. If I could only see any prospect of his ever finishing his intended book, I would work night and day to get it off hands. He says it is to be completed this summer ; but, as long as he has the volumes of Luther's works beside him, he will go on translating and adding to his materials till he will disgust himself with the whole subject, and be driven distracted by such an overwhelming quantity of matter as he will not know how to get arranged. You will be glad to hear he is very well and strong. 7th January 1850. As Hubert, I believe, told you, your father has been making a fine Tower of Babel to represent some of his logical notions ; * we have done little else but dress it for the last fortnight with various coloured ribbons and fine cut-out letters that have been the plague of Hu- bert's life and mine, for you know your papa is not easily pleased. I think it will afford some amusement to the students. 13^ February [1850]. Your father is very busy at present with Logic, some new views or discoveries which have troubled him a good deal to arrange ; but he seems to think he has now hit upon it. ... He is read- ing at present the ' Life and Correspondence of Southey,' written by his son. If you can meet with it, you will find it pleasant reading. The logical points here referred to are probably those em- bodied in the note appended (p. 153) to Mr Baynes's ' Essay on * The nature and relations of Extension and Comprehension in Concepts noticed above at p. 153. LETTERS TO LIEUTENANT HAMILTON. 325 the New Analytic of Logical Forms/ published in May 1850. They are the reduction of hypothetical reasoning to imme- diate inference; the division of the syllogism into figured and unfigured; new canons of inference; and emendations on the propositional and syllogistic tables. HUBERT HAMILTON TO HIS BROTHER. 16th March 1850. Poor Luther has for a long time been laid aside indeed he ap- pears to have enjoyed a sort of serpentine torpidity all winter ; and papa is now bent upon what do you think 1 skulls ! All our heads have been callipered, taped, and all the rest of it : in fact, he is speaking of sending out to you directions so as to enable you to measure your own skull and send the dimensions home. He has purchased a lot of millet-seed, and has had out all the array of scales, shot, blacking-bottles full of sand, and other articles, and is evidently meditating some grand operations, which I am rather afraid of. As I have said, we are to have the full benefit of book-sizing to-day, and Mr Baynes is coming down to act as a kind of lieutenant under papa, while I will be the middy who runs about carrying messages and bringing all that is required. . . . Mr Colquhoun still comes on Sundays and talks to papa, the subject on his side being mes- merism ; while papa generally entertains him with Luther. LADY HAMILTON TO W. HAMILTON. ISth March. . . . We are all going on much as usual, except that your father has taken to a new hobby. He desires me to ask you if you think there are any callipers to be found in Lucknow, and if you could manage to send him the measurements of your head 1 He has been induced to look into his papers on this subject by Professor Jameson asking him for some remarks upon a paper he is publishing in his journal ; and your papa has taken the opportunity of correcting some animad- versions and attacks which had been made on some discoveries of his, published long ago byDr Monro.* This has set him to measur- ing of heads and weighing of brains for the last week. . . . Your father sends you his kindest love, and says he will dictate a letter to you next time. His class will now soon be over, and then he talks * See above, p. 113 et seq. 326 LETTERS TO LIEUTENANT HAMILTON. of being very busy. He is using galvanism at present daily, and thinks himself more supple in consequence. This interruption had been of short duration, as very soon after we find Sir William again engrossed with Logic. 18th April 1850. Your father is working hard at Logic at present, making out some new syllogistic tables ; but he talks of resuming Luther soon, and also of reprinting his articles from the 'Edinburgh Review,' and publishing them in a single volume. 18th June 1850. This is the anniversary of Waterloo, and you will be surprised when I tell you where we have been at a review in the Queen's Park. I have not been at anything of the kind for thirty-six or thirty-seven years ; and, except one that he saw at Berlin some thirty years ago, when there were about 40,000 reviewed, your papa says it is even longer since he has been so it was as novel a sight to us as to the children. You will wonder how we came to go. Last night I incidentally mentioned that the chil- dren had been speaking of it and wishing to go. "You had better take them." " No," I answered, " unless you will go." Papa, of course, said he could not ; but I saw that he rather liked the notion, and would have no great objection to being pressed. Well, this morning was beautiful, and papa wakened much earlier than usual, and in great good-humour, so I asked him if he would take a drive and let them see the review ; and seeing, although at first he said "No," that he wished to go, I sent Hubert, who had got a holi- day, to see if we could have an open carriage, which we got, and off we all set by eleven o'clock. And greatly delighted we were, for the day was lovely, and the views, you know, from the Queen's Drive are exquisite. Your father had not been there before, so he was much pleased. Indeed I cannot conceive anything finer than the whole scene was. 5th July. Your papa is quite well, and still enamoured with Logic, and ne- glecting Luther. 18th July 1850. . . . Your father desires me to give you his kindest love, and says you must not think him less interested in you that he does not LETTERS TO LIEUTENANT HAMILTON. 327 write ; but you know how lazy he is about writing a letter, and at present he is spell-bound by Logic, and everything is allowed to lie over. It is really quite vexing, as he himself says, for he ought to be doing other things. 7 Ik August 1850. Your papa is busy cutting up De Morgan, and has had a great many people calling for him. [A meeting of the British Association was then being held in Edinburgh.] I think, however, he has rather enjoyed it, and you will be surprised to hear he dined out on Monday to meet some of the savans, and went all alone. NORTH BERWICK, \lth September 1850. Your papa has recommenced working at Luther, but I think he has rather begun to tire of the subject, and is actuated more by a sense of duty than inclination in resuming the work. To-day he is answering a letter from a gentleman in China, who wrote to him to ask his opinion upon the rendering of the words which express Su- preme Being the missionaries who are translating the New Testa- ment into Chinese having got into a controversy on the subject. th October. Your father has been reading Macaulay's History, and was so pleased with it that he read incessantly till he finished the two volumes. He even lay awake all night perusing the fascinating pages. Luther gets on very slowly. I think your papa is tired of it, and it is not unlikely that all his work for years will be thrown away. It is very provoking. The chief employment he has had of late is answering letters from Mr Ferrier, who has taken to study Logic in the most energetic way, and is continually writing to your papa to ask explanations or to controvert some opinion which offends him. I am sure there have been more than a dozen letters from him this last month. The following are interesting as evincing Sir William's intense solicitude and affection for his son : SIR W. HAMILTON TO LIEUTENANT W. HAMILTON. GREAT KINQ STREET, 5th June 1849. MY DEAREST BOY, Your letters, which we have duly received, have afforded us the greatest pleasure, not only for the interesting 328 SIR WILLIAM'S LETTERS accounts they give of what you saw, but for the evidence they contain (and this is even far more agreeable) that you are thinking of home at every step of your removal from those to whom you are so dear. Your last letter that to me was particularly delightful for the minute details it gave concerning yourself and what you had seen in Egypt and Ceylon. It is not so much the things themselves as that they have been noticed by you which makes them welcome here. Follow the plan of jotting down whatever occurs to you from time to time ; and any journal of your proceedings you send us will be the more pleasing the minuter it is. You are naturally of a reserved and diffident disposition. You must be on your guard against this, especially to us, for you may rely upon it that though you may tire yourself you can never tire us. This I have said once and again. Your mother will tell you any news to be told, though in fact there has occurred nothing to inform you of since she last wrote. We are all looking forward to your next letter, which we trust will contain an account of your safe and happy arrival at Calcutta. God bless you, my dear Billy ! and believe that there is no object on earth dearer to me than you are. I trust He will take you into His holy keeping, and that you may always fulfil all the duties which are now incumbent on you to perform. His blessing you may be sure will accompany you in this, and I need not remind you that the chief duty which a man has upon earth is his duty to God. Your ever affectionate father, W. HAMILTON. 18th January 1850. MY DEAREST BILL, Your mother will have told you all that I can say in the shape of news and information ; I only add a word to assure you of my kindest love and blessing, wishing you all health and happiness now and hereafter. It most sincerely rejoices me to hear nothing but good in regard to you ; and your letters, which are excellent in themselves, delight me principally by the evidence they bear that the love which we all feel towards you is fully reciprocated on your part. I am sure that no distance and no length of absence will ever weaken the affection which we bear towards each other. At home here, Billy, Billy is more spoken of from Tommy upwards than any other name, and I am sure that no name is connected with warmer feelings than your own. My dearest boy, continue to write us all that interests you. You may rely upon it that it will interest us as much. Of course we cannot suppose TO LIEUTENANT HAMILTON. 329 that you will always be equally able to write at every return of the mail, but I am sure that nothing but necessity will prevent us hearing from you, be the letter shorter or longer. We are all happy in thinking that you have been sent to so pleasant a station, and one that in every respect seems so favourable. But in what- ever place, in whatever relation, you may be, I trust confidently that you will do your duty ; and be certain that an anxiety on your part to perform all the duties which Providence may make incum- bent on you, is the way to gain the favour of God and man. God bless you, my dear boy ! and though I may not always express to you what I feel, devolving as I must the details of correspondence on those around me, it surely requires no declaration on my part to make you believe that no one is nearer or dearer to me than your- self. Ever your affectionate father, "W. HAMILTON. NORTH BERWICK, September 5, 1850. MY DEAREST BILLY, I leave your mother to tell you all our news. I have only to express to you, what I am sure you do not require to be told, the deep affection and anxious interest with which you are regarded by me and all others here. My dear boy, your letter to me afforded the greatest gratification ; and indeed all your letters to us display both your excellent feelings and your good sense and observation. I trust that next arrival will bring us good accounts of your examination. I trust that you may obtain every honour competent; but at any rate it is most gratifying to be assured that you are doing everything in your power to deserve them. That is the principal matter. There is in these things always a good deal of accident, favourable and unfavourable ; and if at one time you may obtain more, at another you may obtain less, than you merit. The great thing is to do always as well as you can ; and you may be sure that if you do not succeed so well as you are entitled to expect at present, another time will set it all right. I am delighted to see that you are anxious about, and that you are taking an interest in, matters which, while they afford you a relief against ennui, will greatly add to your happiness, and in the long run certainly to your external prosperity. . . . No sugar was ever so sweet as yours, at least so it seems to all here, and your rice, &c., tastes better from the recollection of him from whom it comes. I must not, however, occupy more of the paper, as your mother has a great deal, as usual, 330 SIR WILLIAM'S LETTERS TO LIEUT. HAMILTON. to tell you of. I shall merely add that I should like this place far better if you were here along with the rest of us, and you may be assured that you are never absent from the kindest thoughts of your mother and myself. May God bless you, my dearest Billy, and keep you in His care and fatherly protection ! Believe me ever your very affectionate father, W. HAMILTON. ELIE, FIFESHIRE, 17 th September 1851. MY DEAREST BILL, Though I depend upon your mother to ex- press to you from post to post my unceasing affection for you, I cannot allow the return of your birthday to pass by without in my own person saying a few words of love and endearment. I need not say how much gratification your letters afford to all of us : they are equally creditable to your head and heart. You may be sure that every the smallest particular of what you see, and feel, and think, is of interest at home, and I rejoice that you also are confident of this. I have nothing, my dear boy, to say to you in the way of re- monstrance j you seem to be acting as those most interested in you would have you to act. Go on improving yourself to the utmost of your power, and with the blessing of God you will not be without reward in the end, and all the while you will have the approval of your own conscience. I am glad to see that you are applying yourself with assiduity to the languages. This is an indispensable qualifica- tion for ever rising above the routine promotion of your particular department ; and I trust you will steadily persevere in the study. I suppose that you have all kind of books more peculiarly adapted for Indian pursuits provided and accessible ; otherwise you have only to mention the work and it would be sent to you. I thank God that you have not only given us no anxiety about your conduct, but that your health has been so uniformly good. I trust that this blessing may be continued to you ; and though I am unable to write to you frequently myself, there is no one who is more constantly in my dearest thoughts. God bless you, my dearest Billy ! Your ever affectionate, W. HAMILTON. From notices in some of the foregoing letters it is evident that the subject of Luther occupied Sir William's time very much during the years referred to. In fact he would ever and LUTHER AND HIS WRITINGS. 331 anon, down to the close of his life, go off into investigations on points connected with the life and doctrines of Luther. He had a strong impression that the character of Luther had been unfairly represented that its excellences had been exclusively emphasised and idealised by his admirers, while its defects had been kept in the background. In dealing with the subject, Sir William's honest and ardent desire was to present a picture of Luther that should be histori- cally accurate. And as the balance of exaggeration seemed to him to lie with the admirers of the Eeformer, he thought himself called upon in the interests of historical truth to pre- sent chiefly the other side of the picture. There can be no doubt that any representation of an historical character, such as Luther, that Sir William might present, would be distin- guished by completeness and great literal accuracy. It is doubtful, however, whether he would make due allowance for exaggeration of statement arising from intensity of conviction ; and be able quite to put himself in the position of one whose nature was so little, as Luther's, that of the mere scholar and man of thought, and so much that of the ardent worker and practical innovator. The passionate nature of Luther was not one to tarry to weigh statements or balance periods or reconcile contradictory opinions ; it overleapt the barriers of theory, scorned speculative limitations, and found satisfaction only in the substitution of what appeared to be the true and real, for the false and insincere. His work was a moral, not a speculative one, and it was probably wider and better than any theory he himself ever gave of it. Luther's positions, if occasionally extreme, were adopted not under the calm in- spiration of mere reflective thought, but under the pressure of an antagonistic power, the struggle with which was an issue of life or death. But we shall allow Sir William to speak for himself. The following is an extract from what appears to have been designed as a preface to the work on Luther. The purpose which Sir William had in view, and his general feeling towards Luther, are at least indicated. 332 LUTHER AND HIS WRITINGS. " Under every changeful phasis of opinion, in every country of Germany, Catholic and Protestant, Luther is still the man of the nation. His general intellectual ascendancy is decided. All endeavour, if not to enlist, at least to disarm, his authority. In theology, Eationalist and Supernaturalist both adduce his declarations. In philosophy he is regarded as the emblem of regulated, as of independent, thought. In politics, the con- servative and revolutionary appeal, the one to his precept, the other to his example. Nor is his surpassing greatness unac- knowledged even in those countries of the empire which have remained constant to the faith which he assailed ; and in the Valhalla of Munich, Luther and Arminius stand as the two liberators of Germany from the two dominations of Eome. The painter, in fine, and sculptor venerate in the friend of Cranach the protector of art against the iconoclasm of his followers ; whilst the Eeformer has bequeathed to the most musical of all nations, not only its most celebrated religious hymn, but its most popular convivial catch. Luther, in short, is to his countrymen what no countryman has been to any other people of Europe. He alone is a one concrete reality, living in the heart of every German ; whilst other nations have only at best the precarious memories of dead and jostling ab- stractions. Luther, in fact, supplies to the people of other countries what they want among themselves ; his coarse but characteristic features are familiar to every European; and there is no observer of the Eeformation, Catholic or Protes- tant, from Erasmus to Carlyle, who has not recognised in Luther the veritable hero. Of Luther, indeed, pre-eminently may it be said with St Paul that 'he being dead yet speaketh;' or, in the language of Homer, Ofy vfirvvffdal rol Se, ffKial aiffffovffi. ' He, he alone from Pluto's silent glades, Warns wisely back, the others flit as shades. ' Yet it is not so much the doctrine as the doctor that survives and teaches. For of Luther's letter and Luther's spirit we LUTHER AND HIS WETTINGS. 333 may too truly say that 'the letter killeth, but the spirit maketh alive.' " With all his faults and frailties, Luther stands alone in this he exercised a greater influence over a greater number of his fellow-men than any human agent in the history of the world. Herein Mohammed is his only rival ; but the influ- ence of the Arabian was far more limited during life than the influence of the German. No one, indeed, in modern times has ever established so extensive and permanent a glory. Other of the reformers have perhaps exerted a higher scien- tific authority over the learned, but no other name is so popular as Luther's, not in Germany only, but in Europe. In Germany, even where the doctrine of the theologian has faded or never flourished, the fame of the man is perennial. But whilst the Lutheran doctrine stood entire, who was ever glorified like Luther the theologian ? Countless dissertations have been devoted to evince the reality of all (and more than all) of Luther's dreams. Books upon books have been written to show that his advent was miraculously foretold. The Apocalypse alone (the canonicity of which, by the way, he himself denied) afforded four such prophecies to his followers. To them he was there prefigured either J>y 'the two wit- nesses ' (xi.) ; or by ' the man child who was to rule all nations with a rod of iron ' (xii.) ; or by ' the angel with the everlasting gospel' (xiv.) ; or by 'the angel calling mightily, "Babylon the great is fallen, is fallen'" (xviii). To them also he was foretold in the pretended vaticinations of Huss, of Hilten, of the Elector Frederic the Sage, &c. Many and elaborate are the treatises in exposition of Luther's own prophecies, and to prove him a veritable prophet; to prove his title to the style of evangelist and apostle, of saint and worker of miracles, of confessor and martyr, of hero and conqueror, of the Megalander or Great Man, by pre-eminence, &c. Much likewise has been written touching his similitude with the sun and with the morning-star; with Abel, with Noah, with Abraham, with Moses, with Samuel, with Elias 334 LUTHER AND HIS WRITINGS. with Jeremiah, with St John the Baptist, with St John the Evangelist, with Ananias, with St Paul ; to say nothing of St Christopher the Great, St Martin of Tours, St Benno, Wick- liffe, Huss, &c. But if the real Luther be lost in a flood of panegyric, he is equally lost in a counter-flood of invective. I know a hundred portraitures of Luther the Angel, and a hundred pendants of Luther the Devil; but I know not a single true likeness of Luther the Man. One party seem to have ignored his real features, another to have been ignorant of them ; and yet there they stand, painted in all the vivacity of truth by his own powerful pencil a pencil more graphic for the inner man than that of his friend Cra- nach for the outer. No one can know Luther who does not know him in his writings, writings, however, hardly more deserving of study as reflecting their illustrious author, than as interesting and instructive in themselves. All in all, they are among the most engaging of works ; and whilst the rapidity with which they were thrown off by Luther, in writing or in speech, is adverse to condensation, a full and fair selection would prove an invaluable contribution to the history of human strength and weakness, that is, to the true history of man. I regret that the extracts here made are principally limited to the latter phasis ; for I am at present called on to antagonise and correct the one-sided and erroneous repres~enta- tions, exclusively given of Luther under the former. I there- fore earnestly caution my reader that he do not mistake the proof which I now adduce, that Luther is not impeccable, for a demonstration that Luther does nothing but err. Such a conclusion would, indeed, be greatly farther from the truth than the prevalent delusion against which I here contend. In these I make no pretension to a full portraiture of Luther. I merely call into relief certain neglected features, which ought to be taken into account in any veritable picture of the Eeformer. Luther I not merely admire but love. My love is, however, limited to the real Luther, and hirn I love with all his faults and weaknesses nay more, perhaps, that he is no LUTHER AND HIS WETTINGS. 335 ' monster of perfection/ * As to the ideal Luther, angel or devil, for such I care no more than for any other fancy which folly, ignorance, prejudice, or perfidy may engender. I look to truth alone." A great deal of time and research was spent by Sir William on Luther. There was much reading, and not a little think- ing. The results are given in some thirty separate parcels of papers, which, if published, would occupy a large volume. These are carefully arranged under various heads, seemingly exhaustive of the subject. A 1. Biography and personal anecdotes alphabetical. 2. Luther, various references to, from Walch's Index and various works. (a.) Notes from Luther's letters. (b.) Varia Ecclesiastica. (c.) Varia Ecclesiastica Anglicana. 3. Various extracts from various books, chiefly in reference to Luther and the Reformation. Leaves. List of errors in D'Aubigne, . * . ; ''. 2 Audin's Luther references to, : ^. . . . 1-10 D'Aubigne" and Audin, varia upon . "-i .- >; '.. Michelet and Luther, . . - * ; .<. #1.* 11-13 Fabricii Centifolium, ^,- .. * ;. . . ,- . . . 15-21 Acta Eruditorum, . . . * . . . 23-25 Extracts from disputations in German universities, 27 Observationes Hallenses, . . :-;;T. . 28 History of Church for Religious Tract Society, . 29-31 Ward's Ideal, . . i*. *--- . .' . 33-39 Chatelain Synod of Dort, . ;-^/ : . -. Laing's German Catholic Church, Spalatine Chronicon from 1513 to 1526, . ,. 41-49 Chronicon Torgoviae, . . . . . 52, 53 Bonnechose, Les Reformateurs, &c., . / ' , ' 55, 56 Ancillon, - . . . i. : ^ 4. Luther in general being extracts from his own works. i. Manner of Life ; and of, in general, . J. 1-4 * "Monstrum perfectionis " is the expression of Julius Caesar Scaliger. Pope, who was a curious reader, copies but spoils the saying in his famous line, " A faultless monster that the world ne'er saw." 336 LUTHER AND HIS WRITINGS. ii. Virtues, . ~ - - ,; V> . . . 5-8 iii. Ignorance and Learning, . ,-- : f.,.?. . 9-12 iv. Doctrines in general, . . , , . ... 13-18 v. Special doctrines (a.) Prayer, . . . , * / . 19-22 (ft.) Devil and Superstition, . " *"' . 23-30 (c.) Marriage, Polygamy, &c., . . 31-34 vi. Inconsistency, . . . . ' i'^ 35-40 vii. Theory of government, .... 41-44 viii. Varia Ecclesiastica, ..... 45, 46 ix. Varia Philosophica, . . . . 47, 48 x. Varia Historica, ..... 49, 50 xi. Acute Dicta, -* ; ; * . . . 51,52 xii. Aristotle, Aquinas, &c., . ~ -. , . 53, 54 B 1. Luther's moral imperfections extracts from himself. 2. Luther's opponents extracts from himself. i. Opponents in general, * . .21 (a.) In general. (b.) Individuals. v. Other sects Anabaptists, &c., . . . .25 vi. Jurists, ..... ' ^ . . 27 3. Fragments by me on Luther. C 1. Varia Lutherana unarranged. 2. Leaves from Politica. &.u 2. / Principles of Luther with regard to Marriage, Polygamy, &c. 3.J E 1. \ Corollaries (practical consequences of principles) in himself 2. J and others. F 1. Polygamy, inter alia, Henry VIII. 2. Do. Landgrave of Hesse. 3. Do. do. 4. Do. Landgrave's bigamy, testimonies of third parties to. LUTHER AND HIS WRITINGS. 337 G 1. } 2. ' Corollaries with regard to Religious Vows, Demoralisation, 3. t German and Swiss Reformations, &c. 4. J Two packets with Lutherana unarranged. Others labelled as fol- lows : Political Doctrines Peasants, Princes, &c. Diabolic Agency. Theological Inconsistency Antiiiomianism, Agricola, Weller, &c. Want of Charity and Toleration. Luther on Biblical Books. Appendix Hare. D'Aubigne* and Audin in general Huss. 'A. Opinions of Lutheran divines, chiefly Luther and Melanchthon, from 1525 to 1554. B. Lutheran Church Constitutions as estab- lished : Strasburg. Lutheran Church Denmark. Hanau. Mecklenburg. Wirtemberg, Techt, and Montbelliard. Brunswick and Lunenburg and Wolfen- biittel Hanover. Nether Saxony or Saxe Laueiiburg. East Friesland. CEttingen. C. German ecclesiastical jurists and systematic theologians : Jurists Finkelthauss. B. Carpzovius. Brunnemannus. Strykius. Boehmer. Divines Gerhard. Balduinus. 338 THE DISCUSSIONS. In January 1851, Sir William commenced to look over his contributions to the ' Edinburgh Keview,' with a view to their collection and publication in a separate form. The thing was to be done speedily ; only a few notes were to be added, and the book was to be out, Sir William thought, in a few months. But, like the edition of Eeid, which he hoped would be pub- lished in a few weeks as far back as 1837, the new volume did not appear at the time contemplated. He felt the need of making additions to the articles as originally published ; and accordingly, the design of writing appendices on points in philosophy, as well as on education and university reform, gradually grew and strengthened. From his extraordinarily careful, thorough-going, and elaborate manner of working at a subject, these appendices took up his time and strength in such a way that all calculation as to when the volume would appear was completely baffled. The more he laboured, the more did there appear to be done. Those around him began to think, as date after date fixed for the publication of the volume passed without its appearing, that it might possibly never be finished. However, after more than a year's almost constant labour the greater part of the work being done after midnight the ' Discussions on Philosophy and Literature, Education and University Keform/ appeared in March 1852. The lengthened notes and appendices that were added to the original articles, and their quality, showed how the time had been employed, and made it appear wonderful that such a body of thought, at once compact and profound, had been pro- duced in the limited period of fifteen months. The ' Discussions' reached a second edition in 1853. And now since his death there has appeared a third edition in 1867. The following letter acknowledging a presentation copy of the 'Discussions' is from one with whom Sir William had most elaborate controversy : LETTERS RELATIVE TO THE DISCUSSIONS. 339 REV. DR WHEWELL TO SIR W. HAMILTON. TRINITY LODGE, CAMBRIDGE, April 23, 1852. DEAR SIR, I have had the pleasure of receiving your * Discus- sions on Philosophy and Literature/ and as a present from yourself. This I accept as a mark of your goodwill, and value it much on that account ; and also on account of the matter of the book, with much of which I am already familiar, and know its interest and value. I had the fortune to differ with you on various points which are discussed in these pages, and may possibly still have something to say on such points ; but if so, I hope that it will only produce some farther " shaking of the torch of truth," which, as your motto says, makes it shine the brighter. And all we who venture to write on philosophical subjects must feel fresh obligations to you, who have done so much to keep alive and to extend the interest felt in this country respecting such speculations. I hope you will long find pleasure in the prosecution of such studies ; the subject of philo- sophy is sure to gain as long as you do so. The notice which you have taken of a short paper of mine (though you think me in error), induces me to send you a few other papers which I have published in the like manner. They will at least show you that I continue to speculate about such matters ; and I hope you will accept them as a token that I am, with great esteem, your faithful and obedient servant, W. WHEWELL. The following contains a reference to Sir William's views on Oxford: REV. C. P. CHRETIEN* TO SIR W. HAMILTON. ORIEL, 26th April 1852. MY DEAR SIR WILLIAM HAMILTON, Will you allow me to thank you very much for your kindness in sending me your philosophical and educational ' Discussions "J Independently of their separate value, they claim, and must receive, renewed attention in their col- lected form and with your second imprimatur. I have read the last Discussion with much interest, and find in it much to which I assent willingly ; some things too, to which I must give a more reluctant adhesion. I fear that we have departed too far from our * Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford, and author of ' Essay on Logical Method.' 340 LETTERS RELATIVE TO THE DISCUSSIONS. original model to think of really returning to it as a whole ; and its dead forms are often painful mockeries. What parts will bear re- viving, what will not, is a question of detail, on which there will be differences of opinion. Excuse me if I say that, on some points which you mention, the divergence of the college practice from the university theory does not seem so wide to me as it appears to you. And perhaps I may add that the statistical estimate of the colleges, though true in fact, and useful in your hands, might be made the ground of very false inferences. . . . Believe me, very faith- fully yours, CHARLES P. CHRETIEN. MR JAMES BROUN * TO SIR W. HAMILTON. HARCOURT BUILDINGS, 19^ May 1852. MY DEAR SIR WILLIAM, I have to thank you for the present of your ' Discussions.' I trust that you will not wholly abandon your design of giving a sketch of the Scaligers. I should not willingly see your thoughts withdrawn from the completion of the Notes to Reid, but you might surely give a sketch, and indicate the sources of information. The most interesting parts of the history of philosophy at that time would lie in your way. Muretus must have owed much to the earlier Scaliger, and in a finer spirit than he afterwards showed, for now the earlier " Julius Csesar" is contrasted with the later syco- phant orations before the Papal chair, and his impudence in offering the whole soil of Scotland to the Pope. I am not quite clear that mathematics are so easy to study ; in reading thoroughly good mathematicians as James Bernoulli, or Maclaurin, or Lagrange there is quite enough for energy of the intellect. Bad mathematicians obscure their no-meaning with com- plicated signs ; but to the better class of them the signs are an incumbrance in some respects, though an aid in others. Nor is it quite so straight a road to walk in. Poor Joseph Scaliger got off the narrow path right into the ditch, and over the boots in mud. Of course a pedant in geometry will be stupid in business, but other exclusive pursuits lead the same way Dominie Sampson was no geometer. There is a saying of Pascal, about eight years before his death, of * Barrister of the Inner Temple. LETTERS RELATIVE TO THE DISCUSSIONS. 341 M. Mere : " II a tres bon esprit, mais il n'est pas geometre c'est, comme vous savez, un grand defaut. I am pretty well convinced in my own mind that logical quantity is not a whit different from algebraic. I can't see any difference between and "all" for four-fourths of a number of things is clearly all of them. I have half a mind to write a note to the 'Athenaeum' to draw more attention to this, and let it be refuted if that can be done. With kind remembrances to Lady Hamilton, I remain, my dear sir, yours most truly, JAMES BROUN. REV. DR W. LINDSAY ALEXANDER * TO SIR W. HAMILTON. PINKIE BURN, BY MUSSELBURGH, IQth October 1853. DEAR SIR WILLIAM, On my return home from London a few days ago, I found waiting me a copy of the second edition of your 'Discussions on Philosophy and Literature,' "From the author." For so valuable a gift, and so nattering a token of regard, I beg to convey to you my sincerest acknowledgments. I have not now for the first time to make myself acquainted with the rich stores of thought and learning which that volume contains. More than twenty years ago, the perusal, in the ' Edinburgh Review,' of the first two of these Discussions produced on me effects which have influenced my habits of thought ever since, and given a pre- vailing tendency to my studies and opinions in philosophy. If I may without presumption appropriate language which Kant uses of himself, I would say that your article on the Philosophy of Percep- tion "meinen dogmatischen Schlummer unterbrach, und meinen Untersuchungen im Felde der speculativen philosophic cine andere Richtung gab." I had, up to that period, been a kind of som- nolently acquiescent follower of Brown, and had very nearly relin- quished philosophical studies under an idea that his four volumes contained the ne plus ultra of speculative science. After repeated perusals of your Discussions, I found out my mistake pretty dis- tinctly, and awoke to the conviction that I had yet to begin philo- sophical pursuits in the right direction. I cannot pretend that I have made much progress in these ; still I feel that I have gained something, and I cannot but seize this opportunity of expressing to you my grateful sense of the advantages I have reaped from the study of your philosophical writings. * Minister of Augustine Church, Edinburgh. 342 LETTERS RELATIVE TO THE DISCUSSIONS. Of the additions to the present edition of the ' Discussions' I have as yet only had time to read your reply to the writer in the ' Evan- gelical "Review.' I felt exceedingly offended at the tone and style of the article to which you have replied, and therefore enjoyed not a little your castigation of the author. As to the point at issue, I think there can be no reasonable doubt that your statement as to the judgment of Calvin and Beza concerning the Apocalypse is strictly correct. Beza's own language in the Prolegomena to the Apocalypse, in his edition of the New Testament, is sufficient to show how hesi- tatingly he came to admit its canonicity, how uncertain he remained as to its author, and how deeply he felt its obscurity. His advice also to all " to venerate the mysteries of God contained in this book, rather than pollute them with their fanatical comments," shows pretty clearly that he was no friend to the free exposition of it. But I must not further intrude with such remarks. I remain, dear Sir William, yours most respectfully and faithfully, W. LINDSAY ALEXANDER. PROFESSOR BOOLE TO SIR W. HAMILTON. CORK, 27th May 1852. MY DEAR SIR, I beg you to accept my cordial thanks for your kind and valuable present of your new volume of collected essays. Though I have long been familiar with several of the essays and reviews, it has afforded me sincere pleasure to read them again, and there are portions of them to which I yet purpose to recur. For whether I agree with you in opinion or not (and there are far more points upon which I do agree with you than upon which I differ), it is impossible not to be instructed by the very learning and ability with which you support and adorn your cause. . . . Will you forgive me for adding that I do not think that upon all points you have manifested that freedom from prejudice which is essential to the formation of a right judgment ? Much of what you say upon the study of mathematics appears to me to be only applicable to an exclusive study of the science. The evils of which you speak are due, I conceive, not to the direct and positive influence of the study of the relations of quantity and of the methods proper to that study upon the mind, but to the absence of those influences of gene- ral literature and human intercourse which the very preoccupation of the mind in extreme instances occasions. Would not, then, the very same, or a strictly parallel observation, apply to the exclusive LETTERS RELATIVE TO THE DISCUSSIONS. 343 study of any other department of knowledge, psychology for example ? Are not all one-sided men (intellectually speaking) defi- cient in general strength and aptitude of mind ? I think so. The sole question which remains is, whether there is anything in the nature of mathematical science which specially tends to make the study of it exclusive. Is there anything in the interest attaching to mathematical pursuits and objects which is specially unfriendly to other interests which demands to rule alone ? Now, while I admit it to be true that many minds have been absorbed to a very injurious extent in mathematical pursuits, I can- not, judging from the nature of the case and from individual experi- ence, believe that such is a necessary or a proper result. I do not see why a man, because he feels an interest in mathematical specula- tions, should therefore not feel an interest in moral, or philosophical, or social inquiries. I should rather suppose that the effect of the former study would be, not to destroy the intellect in question, but to add to it a disposition to pursue the particular studies with a refer- ence to general laws, as the end of investigation. And such a dispo- sition is not in itself to be reprehended. Undoubtedly it may, how- ever, be carried too far the immediate value of facts may be too little regarded ; but all this only brings us to the same position as before viz., that any mental disposition suffered to gain an undue predominance becomes injurious. I have in my own case (which I mention only by the way) observed that every period of sustained mathematical eifort has been followed by, and has been, I believe, productive of, an opposite state of mind a state in which the mind appeared to assert its un- willingness to be too long subject to one set of ideas, and to demand for itself " fresh fields and pastures new." I cannot doubt that when- ever this indication is neglected, this call refused, great mental injury must result. And in this way it seems to me probable that the rewards which universities hold out to ambitious minds for special attainments may often be productive of irreparable and most melan- choly evils. But the result is not properly chargeable upon mathe- matics as a study, nor is it solely chargeable upon the abuse of mathematical studies. Some men have been warped by philology, some crazed by metaphysics ; and the whole history of the pursuit of learning stimulated by other incentives than the love of learning, would, I suppose, if truly written, tell of the ruin of many noble minds, and make large deductions from the general benefits which the world owes to academical institutions. 344 LETTERS RELATIVE TO THE DISCUSSIONS. Now this leads me to say that I do not think that you have suffi- ciently discriminated between the use and the abuse of mathematical studies. May I add too, and in the same spirit of candour and of respect, that I think you are unjustifiably severe upon my friend Mr De Morgan. He is, I believe, a man as much imbued with the love of truth as can anywhere be found. When such men err, a calm and simple statement of the ground of their error answers every purpose which the interests either of learning or of justice can require. The peculiarities of Mr De Morgan's system of logic I have not made an object of study, and I do not feel competent therefore to pass any opinion upon the correctness or mutual consistency of his views. I hope that it is not needful to offer any apology for the freedom of some of my observations. Merely to have thanked you for your very valuable work would not have conveyed my real feelings or convictions as to its great merits, and to have confined my remarks to points of entire agreement would not have been strictly candid. In the following correspondence, Mr Collyns Simon * raises a point of considerable speculative importance in reference to Perception : MR T. COLLYNS SIMON TO SIR W. HAMILTON. LONDON. MY DEAR SIR, Nothing could be more agreeable to my feelings than your very kind recollection of me. The gift of your most valuable work is an honour of which I cannot but feel myself quite unworthy, and which I shall never cease to esteem. I trust that a few months of repose and recreation will restore your strength, which must have been heavily taxed in the production of such a volume. On looking into it I am surprised that you should think that there is anything respecting Berkeley to be discussed between you and me, even if you had leisure for it. I see, with a great deal of gratification, that, until now, I had sadly misunderstood you, having considered you one of what you very appropriately call the Hypo- thetical Realists. We differ, I see, more than I can well understand respecting Reid, but that is at present of less consequence. The only thing that I would beg of you is to mention to me the point in * Author of 'The Nature and Elements of the External World,' 'Hamil- ton versus Mill,' &c. &c. LETTERS RELATIVE TO THE DISCUSSIONS. 345 which you consider that your views differ from Berkeley's. I am thinking of publishing a second edition of my work with additions, and propose to decorate it with a few quotations from both your works, though neither of them allow me to speak of you as a Berkeleian ; and it could not fail to be matter of great interest to the public to know what point of difference there is between you ; for that you consider there is some I infer, though I look for it in vain in what you have written. What you describe at p. 54 as your own views, under the name of Natural Realism, represents exactly those of Berkeley. The matter of which we have intuitive knowledge the reality of the reciprocal independence or antithesis between this matter and the percipient the unconditional admission of everything of which we are conscious he agrees in all this. Even when you assert (in the same page) a " co-originality " between this matter and the percipient, I do not think you mean by this term anything denied by Berkeley. Do you mean by it that the cause of this matter is also the cause of the mind ? He did not deny this. Or do you mean it as a mere syn- onyme of "reciprocal independence 1 ?" Then in this also he agrees with you. Or do you mean (as the word " genetic " there used seems to indicate) that neither the mind educes the phenomenal world of which it is conscious, nor the phenomenal world the mind which is conscious of it ? I need not say that there is no difference between you upon this point. Or, lastly, do you mean that we have it among the facts of consciousness that the mind does not begin to exist until or does not exist afterwards except when it is con- scious of its material world 1 ? If so, there would be a difference between you and Berkeley, inasmuch as he clearly considered (which appears to me to be the fact given in consciousness upon this point) that every individual mind must have existed prior to its own indi- vidual world of phenomena. But after all, this is at best but a mere corollary of Berkeley's doctrine, and not a portion of it ; for those who hold his doctrine may (as far as it is concerned) look upon each mind as beginning to exist either prior to, or simultaneously with, its own world of phenomena which two are, I think, the only possible alternatives ; for would it not be absurd to suppose that the existence of the mind supervenes upon its own phenomena ? You speak in the page I refer to of materialism as being distinguishable by this last-mentioned supposition. But I think, on reflection, you will see that though materialism teaches that the " otiose " substra- tum (as you justly term it) exists prior to the mind, it does not 346 LETTERS RELATIVE TO THE DISCUSSIONS. assign this priority to the world of phenomena, at least I have not fallen in anywhere with that statement. The first tenet of materi- alism assumes a substratum world of which we are not conscious, besides the phenomenal world of which we are ; and thence derives, I think very naturally, all its other tenets. But without this matter of which we are not conscious, and the substitution of this in their doctrine for the matter of which we are, they could not argue the priority of matter, and still less (if less in such a case were possible) the " eduction," as you there call it, of the percipient from the thing perceived. I have prolonged this remark because I sometimes fancy that it is a fear lest Berkeley's doctrine should lead to confu- sion in this respect that makes some writers unwilling to identify their views with his ; and from p. 54 I could almost imagine that this might be your case. Even the idea there expressed in the term "co-originality" exhibits no difference between your views and Berke- ley's. Pardon me, therefore, I beg of you, the trouble that I give, when I ask you to tell me the particular term which you consider to express the difference between you to which you occasionally allude. I perfectly agree with you that the Berkeleian question is one of common-sense alone. With the sincerest wish that you may long enjoy the fame which you have so gallantly earned, I remain, my dear sir, most faith- fully yours, T. C. SIMON. MEMORANDA OF SIR W. HAMILTON'S EEPLY. If Berkeley held that the Deity caused one permanent material universe (be it supposed apart or not apart from His own essence), which universe, on coming into relation with our minds through the medium of our bodily organism, is, in certain of its correlative sides or phases, so to speak, external to our organism, objectively or really perceived (the primary qualities), or determines in us certain sub- jective affections of which we are conscious (the secondary qualities) ; in that case I must acknowledge Berkeley's theory to be virtually one of natural realism, the differences being only verbal. But again, if Berkeley held that the Deity caused no permanent material uni- verse to exist and to act uniformly as one, but does Himself either infuse into our several minds the phenomena (ideas) perceived and affective, or determines our several minds to elicit within consci ousness such apprehended qualities or felt affections ; in that case I can recognise in Berkeley's theory only a scheme of theistic ideal- LETTERS RELATIVE TO THE DISCUSSIONS. 347 ism in fact, only a scheme of perpetual and universal miracle, against which the law of parcimony is conclusive, if the Divine interposition be not proved necessary to render possible the facts. For " non Deus intersit, nisi dignus vindice nodus " holds good in philosophy as in poetic. Noticed that egoistic idealism, therefore, more philosophical than theistic \ because the former postulates only a great miracle once for all, whereas the latter supposes the Deity to perform a petty miracle on each representation of each several mind. Noticed also that in the place referred to (Disc. p. 54) I only had in view the proximate sources of idealism and materialism, and did not allude to the first cause of both sources in the word Genetic ; nor is idealism there distinguished into its two species as at pp. 193, 194, &c. &c. I also noticed the ambiguity of the terms object and objective, subject and subjective, in relation to and as discriminating the material and mental worlds. MR COLLYNS SIMON TO SIR W. HAMILTON. ROSSTREVOR, IRELAND, Jan. 22, 1853. MY DEAR SIR, Your kind offer induces me to trouble you with one or two remarks. It is to me a great satisfaction to hear that you have seen nothing in Berkeley that appears to you irreconcilable with your own views. Of this I became convinced upon reading your * Discussions,' and the first page of your letter is to the same effect. But when you defend, as you do in your letter (or rather seem to do), a correl- ative and hypothetical universe over and above that universe of qualified sensations of which we are conscious, I begin again to fear that your views and Berkeley's are irreconcilable. What I would ask you is, when you have leisure, to have the kindness to explain to me what use you see in supposing a universe of which we are not conscious, correlative to that of which we are. The phenomena called " sensations " (in your letter " subjective affections ") exhibit in themselves all the primary qualities. When we see a square green object, its form is evidently in its colour and delineated by it ; what more need, then, is there of a prototype for the one set of qualities than for the other for the primary than for the secondary *? or am I mistaken in thinking that you mean "a universe" when you speak of something unsensational and correlative connected with our universe of qualified sensations 1 Another question suggested by your letter is this : In what re- 348 LETTERS RELATIVE TO THE DISCUSSIONS. spect do you fear that Berkeley's views infringe that principle of parcimony on which you cite " non Deus intersit nisi dignus vindice nodus," and in which I fully acquiesce 1 How can it be said that his views involve more miracle than the ordinary theory 1 You suppose his doctrine to imply an intermittent universe, and that such a universe calls for more of the " Deus vindex " than a per- manent universe would do ; but on both these points allow me to offer a few suggestions, for I neither look upon the universe as inter- mittent, nor can I see that an intermittent miracle would involve more of the Deus vindex than a permanent one. 1. Even if we are not to consider each so-called "act" of the material world as an act of the present power and direct present attention of the Deity, how can it be said that a mass of continuous petty miracles is a greater display of miraculous power, or a more complex display of it a less parsimonious display of it than one great isolated miracle comprehending all these petty ones? To create and to set going in a moment a huge institution of future miracles which shall hereafter take effect of themselves and without the present agency of the Deity, involves quite as stupendous a dis- play of the Divine power as to suppose all this done in successive acts instead of in one act, and in a million of years instead of in a single minute. How can length of time be supposed to augment the miraculous display ? Surely if there is any difference it is in favour of Berkeley ; for is not Babbage's calculating machine a larger display of mental power a less parsimonious display of it than all the results it ever gave or ever could give 1 and the same principle holds in all such cases. But after all, no one with whom we now have to do considers the so-called "acts" of the material world as anything else but acts of the present power and direct present attention of the Deity; so that in this respect Berkeley's views involve nothing new. The apple falls by laws of gravitation established 6000 years ago ; but no modern writer seems to think (not even the author of the 'Vestiges') that it would do so if that which originally founded the law was not there to enforce the law, or that Divine interposi- tion is unnecessary to preserve Divine law. All admit that a law cannot enforce itself. 2. As to the "permanence " of the universe, in the ordinary sense of this permanence, Berkeley has nothing new. When educated people say or think that the light, or sound, or colour, or any other such element of nature of which we are conscious, is permanent, they do not mean that such things are not intermittent sensations. LETTERS RELATIVE TO THE DISCUSSIONS. 349 They only mean the same thing as when we say that knowledge is permanent or an idea permanent, although we know that, in one sense, it can only exist when we are conscious of it. The inter- mission of the things of the mind does not break their " perma- nence ; " and in all this Berkeley thought but as other educated men. The attempt made by some to explain this permanence in colours, sounds, and other such things of which we are conscious, by sup- posing other correlative colours, sounds, &c., of which we are not conscious, is of no use. The supposition does not answer the in- tended purpose. On this the learned are now agreed. The colours in the furniture of a room to-day and these colours yesterday are the same. We are conscious that they are so, and yet education teaches us that they are not numerically the same. Berkeley has added nothing to and taken nothing from this fact ; for, as I have said, the hypothesis of a correlative universe does not explain the permanence in question. But besides, what permanence is, after all, assigned by Berkeley's opponents even to their supposed correlative universe? Xone whatever. They admit that its particles are constantly shifting their position that no part of it remains one hour the same that all the " primary qualities " in it, as well as those which create the " subjective affections " are for ever changing, and might be wholly changed without affecting its permanence and identity and that the only really permanent creation originally effected was a creation of laws of those laws which we can perceive only in the sensational universe, but which these parties attribute also to their supposed correlative and unsensational one. Thus, neither in re- spect of permanence nor of miraculous display is the Berkeleian sys- tem inferior to that of our opponents. You speak of Berkeley's doctrine as a theistic one, as if the op- posite one were not also theistic. But all the theistic portion of his doctrine he has merely adopted from the ordinary belief of men. In reality his doctrine has nothing theistic in it, for it does not re- late to the cause of the universe but to the contents of the universe his problem being not, what is the origin of the universe ? but, what does the universe elementally consist of 1 I shall greatly value any remarks with which you will have the goodness to favour me upon these points. Believe me, my dear sir, with the greatest esteem, ever most truly yours, T. C. SIMON.* * It is much to be regretted that Sir William's letters to Mr Simon on this and other speculative points were lost. 350 TESTS IN THE SCOTTISH UNIVERSITIES. SIR W. HAMILTON TO PROFESSOR CRAIK. HUNTFIELD HOUSE, BiGGAR, 26th Aug. 1852. MY DEAR SIR, Before leaving town I received your last kind note, and am much obliged to you for stating the opinion of your ingenious friend touching the vexed question of causality. This is a point on which I am very anxious to receive objections the weightier the better ; for I have endeavoured in vain to find diffi- culties to the theory which do not admit of an easy solution, whilst at the same time the theory itself seems to me more favourable to our moral interests than any other that has been proposed. If, therefore, you or your friend would state what appear its weak points I should be indebted ; not, however, that I would ask you to take any trouble in the matter, for I myself have too strong a ten- dency to inertion to think of requesting others to do what I should be too willing to avoid myself. Believe me, my dear sir, yours very truly, W. HAMILTON. The tests that were exigible from persons appointed to pro- fessorships in the Scottish universities, consisting of a declara- tion of adherence to the Westminster Confession of Faith and other standards of the Church of Scotland, besides having proved useless for the end which they were designed to secure, had been found, especially of late years, to operate very injuriously on the interests of the universities, as well as unjustly on many candidates for the chairs. Certain lay members of the Church of Scotland, persuaded of the impolicy of a continuance of these tests with respect to non-theological chairs, subscribed a Declaration affirming this, and recording their desire that an appeal should be made to the Legislature for their removal. Among the names appended to the document were those of Lords Belhaven, Lauderdale, and Kuthven ; Professors Chris- tison, Campbell Swinton, More ; Dean of Faculty Inglis (now Lord Justice-General), David Mure (now Lord Mure), E. S. Gordon (late Lord Advocate), &c. The paper was sent to Sir William for his signature. In reply he sent the following letter: DOMESTIC LIFE. 351 SIR W. HAMILTON TO PROFESSOR CAMPBELL SWINTON. EDINBURGH, 25th January 1853. I feel quite at one with you and those who sign the Declara- tion, in so far as it goes. The exclusion of men of merit from the lay chairs of our universities, in consequence of any secta- rian differences of opinion, appears to me an evil which ought to be removed. But, in the circumstances of our Edinburgh Univer- sity, I am firmly convinced, by reasoning corroborated by recent experience, that an abolition of the religious test, without depositing the academical patronage in more worthy hands, would only tend greatly to aggravate the evil. Professors would then be here selected merely because they belong to this or that sect; in fact, there would be a division of the chairs among the preponderant religious bodies ; and merit would then have far less chance of success even than it has at present. With this conviction, I am sorry that I cannot append my name to your Declaration, though I am happy to think that there is no essential difference between my opinion and that of yourself and the other eminent individuals by whom it is signed. These tests were finally abolished in 1853. Sir William's illness very much cut him off from society, and thenceforth his intercourse was almost entirely confined to those whom he saw in his own house. He had, especially latterly, rather a dread of having to appear and speak in com- pany. But his native kindliness and genuine hospitality (along with Lady Hamilton's influence) led him to over- come this nervous feeling, to the extent at least of having quiet gatherings of friends occasionally of an evening. And to the last he kept up the kindly practice of having students' parties. It was very pleasant and touching to see him on such occasions, established in an arm-chair by the fireplace of the drawing-room, which also contained his library, listen- ing to the conversation around him, and joining in it on any topic that interested him, the old "lion-like look" about the face, now softened and made more attractive by illness, 352 DOMESTIC LIFE. and ever and anon beautified by a kindly smile or sudden flash of animated interest. He was pleased with ladies' talk, and he would take fancies to people, or sometimes the reverse. Except that he did not move from his chair, and that with a slight hesitation in speech there was apparent a certain feebleness of voice which, to those who had known him formerly, contrasted with his old tones, there was little visible trace of the illness through which he had passed. Among Sir William's intimate friends at this period was Mr John Shank More, Professor of Scots Law in the University. Mr More occupied a house nearly opposite Sir William's, and between the families there was very frequent intercourse. We are indebted to one of Mr More's daughters for the following most graphic and truthful picture of Sir William and his sur- roundings in this latter period of his life : If the houses in our street [Great King Street] were outwardly uniform, the interiors were abundantly varied, and always character- istic of the inhabitants; and, as might be expected, Sir William Hamilton's was pre-eminently distinguished for individuality. The rooms in which he and his family usually sat were surrounded by books ; and how clearly does one in which we passed many a pleasant hour rise to mind ! In it, from floor to roof, the book- shelves mounted one above the other, almost entirely covering the walls. The books were of all sorts and sizes, but the brown folios and great volumes clothed in vellum, which were level with the eye, inspired us at an early period with profound respect, from seeing them so near, and yet feeling they contained treasures of wisdom and knowledge which we would never reach. Above the black marble mantelpiece the picture of a strikingly handsome man (Sir William's brother) looked grandly down, and at his side the wall was occupied by fine engravings of the Italian poets Dante's earnest face always seeming to catch the eye, and to be reminding one that the way to paradise is steep and long. Beneath these, on a table inlaid with brass, stood two handsome malachite vases, some pieces of old china, and usually a glass with flowers all looking like homage offered to the immortals above. The room was lighted by one large window, and in its embrasure stood a great Indian jar covered with strange devices, which must VISITS OF STRANGERS. 353 have had a charmed life, since it had survived many generations of children unscathed. Outside the window, the top of a tall poplar (planted in the court below) swayed to and fro with every breath of air. At the farther end of the room, two pillars supported a beam which crossed the roof. By some inexplicable combination of ideas, these always reminded us of the two middle pillars in the temple of Dagon. Without doubt, the impression which the pil- lars in themselves first conveyed was afterwards confirmed, by Sir William in his latter years being almost invariably seated near them at the side of the fire; the sight of the strong man, shorn of his strength by the mysterious malady which had laid hold of him, almost naturally suggesting thoughts of Samson. What a brave spirit his was, which, in a form of such massive mould that physical strength seemed its right, endured with patience being held captive and bound with fetters which no effort of his will could break ! His grand appearance was adorned with that essential and most ethereal attribute of beauty colour ; and the gleam of the silvered hair, with the deep, dark fire in the eyes, and the delicate carmine which often mounted to the cheek, produced a combination which pleased indescribably. Time and increasing feebleness only made the spirit shine out more visibly from its house of clay, and the sharp distinction between the mortal and immortal part always grew more vivid and interesting. If the spirit of Queen Constance seemed held against her will in a bodily prison, with him it rather seemed as if the shattered tabernacle was held together by force of will and mental strength until his work was done. Dr Samuel Johnson has said that " he hoped he never passed unmoved over any spot dignified by suffering bravery or virtue ;" and to those who, sympathising with the moral- ist's feeling of " religio locorum," saw or can imagine the painful faltering steps necessarily made when the limbs had become no longer willing servants but lifeless drags, the heroism of Sir Wil- liam Hamilton's daily exits to the College must ever make his threshold dignified. At this period strangers frequently came to see Sir William, attracted by the fame of his genius and learning. The visits were sometimes of an odd character. One evening there arrived at Cordale, in Dumbartonshire, where Sir William was z 354 DR PORTER'S NOTES. spending the summer, a gentleman, who described himself as engaged in trade in South Shields. Disappointed of finding Sir William in Edinburgh, he had ascertained where he was living, and taken the long journey for the sole purpose of see- ing him, and getting him to write his name in a copy of the 'Discussions.' This object attained, he took his departure next day, without caring to visit Loch Lomond, or any of the scenes of interest into the midst of which his zeal had brought him. The spread of Sir William's philosophical opinions in Amer- ica brought a number of visitors from that quarter. Professor Porter, of Yale College, who has furnished an in- teresting account of the influence of Sir William's writings in America (printed in the Appendix), visited him in Edinburgh in 1853. He thus records his impressions : " The writer of these lines had a slight personal acquaintance with Sir William Hamilton, the remembrance of which he will ever cherish with unalloyed satisfaction. In June 1853 he spent a few days in Edinburgh, when on his way to Ger- many to prosecute his studies. Though at that time he had for a few years taught in philosophy, he felt all the timidity of a novice in the presence of the very eminent scholar and critic, whose writings he had read with so much interest and respect. I was of course impressed by his commanding pre- sence and his wonderful eye, but even more by the simplicity of his manners, and the cordiality of his personal feelings. The combination of commanding dignity and winning sweet- ness was remarkable more remarkable, with one or two exceptions, than in any man whom I have known. His look and manner, his thought and speech, gave the impression of an intellect and character of singular and irrepressible fire and energy, which would always command respect and enforce compliance. But to a stranger, his unaffected simplicity and sympathetic kindness were quite as noticeable, especially when set off against such gigantic power and volcanic energy. He entered at once into all my plans with the interest and DR PORTER'S NOTES. 355 warmth of an old friend, answered all my questions with the greatest readiness, talked to me about books and men with unwearied patience, and treated my comparative illiteracy with the utmost consideration. His infirmity evidently sat heavily upon him, most sadly and painfully impeding his powers of speech and locomotion. He did not seem, however, annoyed by his slow and imperfect utterance, but quietly and gracefully sought to remove from my own mind all the sense of disquiet or discomfort which I might feel from sympathy with himself. In order, as it seemed to me, to remove any such feeling, he spoke to me freely of this infirmity, and of his varying condition on different days, depending on the changing condition of his nervous system. He expressed a warm interest in the scholarship of my own country, repeated his surprise at having read in the ' Methodist Quarterly Eeview ' a series of very able papers upon the philosophy of Comte, and spoke in flattering terms of the high position which the country would soon occupy in his own favourite sciences. He talked freely and emphatically, in what, I presume, was his usual vein, of the Scottish University system, and of its effects upon the scholarship of the country. He spoke very familiarly and freely, in answer to my questions, of his courses of instruc- tion ; and when I expressed a very strong desire to attend the course in Psychology, he replied that I should find it com- paratively worth but little, and very incomplete, intimating most distinctly that the course upon Logic was far more fin- ished and satisfactory to himself. I sent him a few trifling pamphlets on my return from Germany, and afterwards from America, and received a very courteous letter in reply an attention which, considering his infirmity, and the very slight claim I had upon him, I regarded as illustrating the kindness and simplicity of his nature." The following fragments of letters refer to elementary in- quiries about the doctrine of Association. They were written by Lady Hamilton to dictation : 356 LETTERS ON ASSOCIATION. Nov. or Dec. 1852. The Lectures on Association were written previously to a more accurate consideration, especially of Aristotle's doctrine on the sub- ject, which you will find in the two last printed Dissertations upon Eeid. Professor * * * * seems to think that what Sir William calls the Law of Redintegration may be reduced to the principle of custom or habit. But this, Sir William says, is not correct, because custom is more than one action, being a repetition of the same. Custom, therefore, supposes the principle of redintegration, but the principle of redintegration does not suppose custom. There is an old English proverb, "Once is no custom;" but the German adage is better, being rhyme " Einmal ist Keinmal" Sir William says that his emendation of Aristotle's text, 8 " from the absurd and impertinent " is well illustrated by the French proverb, " Apropos des bottes." I5tk Dec. 1852. The question is, whether what Sir William calls the Law of Redintegration be the primary or most generic law of Association. On this see Dissertations on Reid, p. 897 et seq. The tendency to redintegrate cannot be called custom, though it be the basis of custom ; for custom, the result of which is habit, supposes a plurality of redintegrations, that is a repetition of it. This the proverbs which I wrote you in last letter recognise; the English adage, " Once is no custom" the German, "Einmal ist Keinmal." We ought, therefore, Sir William says, to keep redintegration distinct from habit or custom. Custom is, in fact, the association itself that is, the consecution of thought on thought, through a psychological tendency in opposition to logical necessity. This you will see frequently stated on p. 894 and 895, especially, of the Dissertations. In Garnier's new work, at p. 251 et seq. is a doctrine of association. You will see (p. 270-278 more particu- larly) that Garnier makes, without reference to any previous writer, the Law of Redintegration the principal condition of Association.* " Previous coexistence" may be called the law (that is, the sub- jective rule or reason) or the cause (that is, the objective principle or determination) or the condition (that is, the limitation under which alone the phenomenon emerges) ; but Sir William does not think that it can be called the occasion : for why? the occasion is that which is now present ; but, ex hypothesi, " previous coexist- ence" is not now present it is a past cause of a present effect. * Facultes cie 1'Ame, t. II. 2, c. 1. EDITING OF STEWART'S WORKS. 357 In 1853, Sir William was requested by the trustees of Miss Stewart to undertake the superintendence of a collected edition of Mr Dugald Stewart's Works, for the publication of which, in fulfilment of her instructions, they were making arrangements. Miss Stewart had herself named Sir William as the editor whom she would prefer above all others. He agreed to the proposal, and this task mainly occupied his time from this date onwards. The purely editorial part of the task did not imply much labour, as Sir William was not expected to do more than revise the text, and arrange generally the order of the Works. The Lectures on Political Economy, however, which had not been printed before, gave him a good deal of thought and trouble. To this portion of the work, which consisted of two volumes, Sir William wrote a short but very excellent preface. This was the last composition which he gave to the world. The issue of the Works was intended to comprise a Memoir of Mi- Stewart by the Editor; but this Sir William did not live to accomplish. The Messrs Black of Edinburgh, while bringing out the last edition of the 'Encyclopaedia Britannica/ were desirous that Sir William should contribute to the work a Disserta- tion on the History of Metaphysical and Ethical Philosophy, carrying on the subject from the points at which the Dis- sertations of Stewart and Mackintosh had left off, and thus supplying an account of the more modern systems of specula- tion, especially in Germany and France, during the first half of this century. This task, as also a subsequent proposal that he should contribute the article " Logic" to the same work, Sir William, with much regret, was constrained to decline, on account of the prospect of the full occupation of his time and strength by the editing of Stewart's Works. The letters from home to Lieutenant Hamilton give us further continuous glimpses of Sir William, and form the chief materials for illustrating his life from this period on- wards to the close: 358 LETTERS FROM HOME. LADY HAMILTON TO W. HAMILTON. 7th June 1852. . . . Your papa is quite well, and speaks of setting to work to finish his notes to Reid ; but as yet he has done nothing. A great accumulation of letters have required answering, and as that is an employment he does not like, he does not make much progress. 17 th August 1852. We have been trying to persuade him to finish the notes to Reid, but he seems to be frightened to begin. To H. HAMILTON. Jan. 1853. There is a long and complimentary article on your papa's Reid and ' Discussions/ in the * North American Review.' I send it, and you will return it on Monday. As usual, your papa says in some points he has been altogether misunderstood. 5th Fehuary 1853. . . The greatest piece of news that I have to tell you this letter is what I consider something of a misfortune ! that your papa has found out that he can attend an auction, which he has not done since his illness, more than eight years ago ! The induce- ment to this unusual proceeding has been the sale of the valuable library of the late Lord Glenlee. The books were in beautiful order, and of the best editions. However, the greater part were mathematical, and, of course, they did not tempt your papa ; never- theless he has bought a good many volumes. He seems well pleased with his purchases. To W. HAMILTON. 2d July 1853. There will be one advantage in going out of town so early we shall escape the strangers who are continually invading us. Already we have had several Americans, and the other night we had quite a brilliant little party a Sicilian prince and his friend, a Polish nobleman, whom Count Krasinski asked leave to introduce to your papa. Fortunately, several people who speak French and Italian well were here, so we got on very well, and the prince was most agreeable and affable. LIFE IN THE COUNTRY. 359 The somewhat unvarying tenor of Sir William's life was a little broken in upon in the summer months by an annual migration to the country. The place of temporary sojourn was generally on the sea-coast. Occasionally we find the family located in an inland residence. Sir William liked bracing air, especially of the sea ; and as latterly he never otherwise left home, he found himself benefited by the yearly change, though the actual moving from his usual haunts was a trou- blesome exertion, which he would not of himself have under- taken. When in the country, he generally accompanied his family in expeditions and picnics, which he enjoyed as much as the youngest. A characteristic feature of him came out very markedly in those summer sojourns, the readiness and zest with which he entered into his children's pursuits and amuse- ments rejoicing, and, as far as he was able, taking part, in every youthful pastime. A round game with his family de- lighted him at any time. But the country afforded scope for another form of pastime. His mechanical turn had, from his own early boyhood, found an outlet in the construction of kites, for which among juveniles he was famous. Two of his productions in this line had a traditional fame, and were always reported as marvels of art ! The one was an immense fellow, and the other a very small one, but of elaborate construction. One of intermediate size was regularly carried to the country. When it rose in successful flight from the sands of Leven, or the uplands of Lanarkshire, amid the plaudits of the young- sters, it was difficult to say whether they or the constructor himself had the greater enjoyment. This was but the outcome of a part of his character, which was not so generally known or understood as the sterner side. There was, indeed, a lov- ableness and a depth of tenderness in Sir William's strong, hard-knit nature which those who knew him only as the ab- stract thinker, or as the fierce polemic keen, unsparing, and impatient of contradiction did not dream of. So may we find in the massive mountain, which towers high, immovable, 360 ACCIDENT AT LARGO. and grim against the sky, that all is not as in the distance appears ; for, in the shadowy recesses of its bosom there are pure founts and streams, deep as it is high, which are ever flowing, beautiful, bountiful, and blessed. To W. HAMILTON. LARGO, 17th September 1853. ... At length I am happy to announce to you that the new edition of the ' Discussions ' is finished and sent off to London. . . . I wish I could also tell you that the preparations for the edition of Stewart's collected writings were commenced ; for I fear it will require all (and more than) the time allowed for the completion of the publication ; but you know it is always a difficult matter to get your papa to bring his mind to the work he ought to do ; and as yet we have not been successful in persuading him to begin to look over the MSS. and other materials whilst he has Hubert at home to assist him, and whilst he is free from the interruptions to which he is exposed in town. Our time here is now' drawing to an end, which we are all sorry for, as we have enjoyed our summer very much, notwithstanding our poor accommodation. At Largo (Fifeshire), in the autumn of 1853, he met with a very alarming and serious accident. In walking up-stairs alone, as he was at this time accustomed to do, he fell and broke his right arm. The doctor of the place was very skil- ful, and, under his care, Sir William recovered wonderfully quickly from the accident; but it was afterwards surmised that in the shock to the brain by this fall on his head lay the first cause of an illness which he had in the following winter, and after which he never recovered his former vigour. Just before the commencement of the session, Lady Hamil- ton writes : To W. HAMILTON. 25*/i October 1853. Your papa is very well. He has not yet commenced with Stewart, but will I suppose be obliged to do so next week ; in the mean time he is absorbed in some logical speculations. LETTERS FROM HOME. 361 Only some weeks later, however, Sir William was taken ill. During his recovery Lady Hamilton thus writes to her son : Gtk January 1854. I did not write by Southampton, thinking it better to give you the latest accounts of your papa. I am glad to tell you he is con- siderably better since my last, and for the* past week he has been in the drawing-room for several hours every day. He sleeps well, eats well, and looks well, and I think has been more cheerful since he has been down -stairs; but he is so extremely nervous about falling, it is very difficult to persuade him to take any exercise, so his walking does not improve so much as we could wish. How- ever, the weather has been so extremely cold, I daresay his diffi- culty in walking has been very much the result of the cold, and we hope when the hard frost takes its departure he will feel less stiff. Yesterday the thermometer was ten degrees higher, and he seemed much more comfortable in respect to heat. What vexes us most is that he does not attempt to resume work ; indeed the very thought of applying himself to anything like work makes him quite nervous ; and, except occasionally looking over a proof, he has not had a book in his own hand since he was laid up. We read to hi constantly. He is much interested in the newspapers, of which we have always a plentiful supply. I think it is fortunate that your papa has got the editorship of Mr Stewart's Works to do, as I trust it will not give him a great deal of trouble, and yet it will be an inducement to exertion. But I have little hope of his being able to write the Memoir, for it would require more mental exertion than he seems now equal to. However, I trust he will be quite able to superintend the printing of the Works, as Miss Petre and I can. do a good deal of the drudgery of looking over the various editions, &c. 2d Feb. 1854. . . You will be glad to learn that for the last three days your papa has been going up to his class. He has certainly been much better this last fortnight, but he feels the fatigue of going to the College very much. Kobertson, the porter (whom you will remember), goes with another man to carry your papa up the stairs in a chair, as he finds it too fatiguing to walk up the long stair when none of his own family are there to afford him the accustomed assistance. By another session we must try and have matters better arranged, and, if possible, get a class-room on the ground-floor. 362 LETTERS FROM HOME. 18th March 1854. . . . My report of your papa must be very much the same as it has been for some letters back. He continues to go to the College and to take a short walk after his return ; but he is still timid about walking a step alone, and he never attempts to rise off his chair or sofa without assistance. He complains of being weak, yet I don't think he is really so, unless it is in his limbs ; and this is induced, I have no doubt, by want of exercise. The printing of Stewart's Works goes on, and affords him occupation and interest exactly suited to his present state of health ; for this we cannot be sufficiently thankful for he could not be contented without some mental employment, and yet I do not think he" is able at present for original thought, so this is just the thing for him. To H. HAMILTON. 27th April 1854. I daresay you will be looking to receive another letter from home ; so, as Miss Petre and papa are busy reading over a " proof," I may as well take a little chat with you. The sheet they are reading is the last of the second volume ; to-morrow the third volume will be commenced ; so you see the work is getting on. ... In regard to Mr Thomson's [Archbishop of York] question as to which is the best * Manual of Psychology/ your papa says he is totally unable to answer it ; for he considers one such book good in this respect, another in that, but he cannot name any one which he would recommend as absolutely and pre-eminently the best. He has seen, he cannot say read, the principal modern manuals of the kind written in Germany, France, Italy, Holland, and Denmark, besides those of British authors, but he finds it difficult to make a selection indeed, does not feel a,ble for it at present, when his mind is occupied with other matters, and he has little strength to spare. . . . Your papa desires me to return upon Mr Thomson's inquiry to supply what I had omitted to state, that he might mention Garnier's book, ' Traite des Facultes de 1' Ame,' as affording one of the most recent digests of the kind from France, though he does not think it very profound. A portion of the summer of 1854 was spent at Cordale, in Dumbartonshire, on the banks of the Leven. Sir William's health was not so good as in the preceding summer, the ill- AT CORDALE. 363 ness of the previous winter having told on him, and he was busy with his edition of Stewart's Works. But both he and Lady Hamilton had spent many pleasant days of their youth in this spot, and there was a quiet happiness in again so- journing for a little amid the former scenes of life. Since the time of his boyhood, the past had been nobly used, and the near close of the future was unseen. " He would often stop in his wheel-chair," says his daughter, " to gaze on the beauty of the views from the walks near the house. The pretty old- fashioned garden he enjoyed, and was often in it, sitting on a shady seat near the river, or walking on the grassy paths. He and Miss Petre * used to sit out of doors making the index to one of the volumes of Stewart's Works, and looking quite picturesque, as well as happy, in their combination of labour with enjoyment. He had a swing put up, which he would come and watch us using. During this summer we were seldom without visitors, whom he was always glad to see, particularly as they were often old friends with whom of late he had not had the opportunity of holding much intercourse." To W. HAMILTON. CORDALE, llih June 1854. I am sure you will be pleased to receive a letter dated from Cordale, and to know that we are so comfortably settled for the summer, as we find ourselves in this sweet place, which has to me at least the pleasing associations of the home of my early days. The house is much improved, but, I am glad to say, little changed in external appearance ; and the garden and grounds remain the same I have ever known them, except that the trees are nearly fifty years older ! CORDALE, 2d August 1854. . . . We are all well, and now all gathered together, except your dear self ; and that you were with us is, I think, all that is wanted to make us perfectly happy in this sweet quiet place, which seems * Miss Petre had resided for several years in Sir "William's family as governess to his daughter, and now assisted him in his labours on Stewart's Works with a zeal and intelligence of which he always expressed a grateful sense. 364 LETTERS FROM HOME. so much of a home to me. For some time past we have had very fine weather, and have enjoyed our drives very much ; and on Saturday last we accomplished a great thing in taking your papa round the Loch [Lomond] in the steamer; and having made out this expedition to his satisfaction, I hope we shall be able to get him to undertake some others. I think he has been very much better and happier since we have been having more people with us, especially friends with whom he is on no ceremony. CORDALE, llth Sept. 1854. . . . It is a year to-day since your papa broke his arm ; and although I think it has told upon him in many respects, and he is much more infirm and helpless than he was some two or three years ago, we have reason to be thankful he is upon the whole so well. He is looking very well at present, and is walking better, and more than when we came here ; but as the time draws on for our return to Edinburgh, he is beginning to be troubled about the class, and how he is to get on in the winter. I have long been anxious on this point, but as he never mentioned the subject, I refrained from speaking to him. My own opinion is that he ought to have resigned last spring, and applied to Government to grant him a retiring allowance. We shall leave this the end of the month, and I am sure we shall all leave it with great regret and with much gratitude to our kind cousins, who have enabled us to spend such a comfort- able and pleasant summer. All the party have had great enjoyment. . . . Your papa and I have been all the better of the variety of seeing a number of old friends, who have seemed to find pleasure in coming here to visit us. The following were written after the family returned to town : ISth October 1854. . . . The house is now at last in tolerable order, and we are settled down into our old ways. Your papa is kept busy by the printer sending him "proofs" every evening. . . . Yesterday Mr Terrier and two or three other gentlemen dined here, which was something of an event, as your papa, for a long period before we left town, thought himself quite unable to have company. He enjoyed himself, however, last night very much, although he did not speak much, except when enticed into a discussion on the " Absolute " by Mr Terrier, whose book is at length on the eve of publication.* * Institutes of Metapliysic. LETTERS FROM HOME. 365 2d Nov. 1854. Tfj ; V . You will be glad to hear we are all well here, and that your papa was able to commence his lectures yesterday, and to get through the fatigue and worry more comfortably than we expected. . . . Your papa has just got Mr Terrier's book, which he has been so long engaged in writing. It is a very nice-looking volume outwardly, but your papa does not appear to think so much of its contents ; but he and Mr Terrier have differed on " the Absolute," the subject of the book, for the last twenty years, so it is not to be expected that they will agree now. 23d Nw. 1854. . . . You will be glad to hear we are all well, and particu- larly that your papa continues to get on comfortably with his College duties. He is decidedly much better than he was last year ; he walks up and down stairs, and reads at least half an hour ; nor does he feel tired with his exertions, but is generally ready to take his walk when he comes home. Still the nervous dread of falling remains, and he never attempts to walk a step alone, or to use his stick. To H. HAMILTON. 15ft Feb. 1855. Bill's kind and generous offer has quite overcome his father and me ; of course we could never think of accepting it ; but that does not diminish the gratification which we feel, that he should have wished to make so great a sacrifice of his own income to increase ours. I do not remember having expressed any anxiety that your papa should give up his professorship ; but since I did, it must have been previous to the commencement of the session, when, of course, it was a matter of doubt and anxiety how he was to get on. To his own feelings, and to ours, it is certainly very painful, that when so unable for his work, he should be compelled to go on with it for the sake of income ; but at the same time in many respects it is good for him, particularly in causing him to make the bodily exertion, and in giving him the variety of occupation, which is needful, and which it is always difficult to persuade him to take ; and, for these reasons, it is well that he should retain his professorship as long as he can at all fulfil its duties. 4th Apj-il 1855. Your papa is pretty well, though he complains much of feeling weak, and I think is walking ill. The class will not finish till next 366 LETTERS FROM HOME. week. The index to the Active Powers is well advanced ; indeed, Miss Petre expects it will be finished in a few days, so the seventh volume of the Works will soon be out. To W. HAMILTON. 2d April 1855. . . . Your papa is well ; he intended to have dictated a few lines to you, but he was tired, and having been much agitated with the news of your letter, I persuaded him to go to bed, promising I would give you his kindest love and blessing, and tell you how thankful and proud he is of his son. The incident here referred to was a nocturnal attack by a party of hill-men on the tent of Lieutenant Hamilton. They were in considerable number, and well provided with arms, while he, suddenly aroused, had nothing but a partially-loaded revolver with which to protect himself. After a struggle, in which he showed great presence of mind and courage, he drove off his assailants. Another similar attack, which had proved fatal to the person assailed, and the news of which reached Edinburgh at the same period, increased the emotion with which Sir William regarded the fortunate issue of the assault on his son. An accidental reference in the class, shortly after he had learned Lieutenant Hamilton's escape, to a case in which danger was similarly warded off by personal bravery, caused Sir William to give way to strong emotion. To W. HAMILTON. 24^ May 1855. . . . Your papa is now busy printing the eighth volume of Stewart's Works, which is to contain the Lectures on Political Economy ; and as they are in MS., and require a great deal of arrangement, he has been a good deal bothered ; but he finds a most efficient assistant in Miss Petre. 13*A June 1855. . . . Your papa is in his usual health, only very nervous at the thought of writing the Memoir of Stewart. I don't know what to do, whether to urge him to give it up altogether or not. AT AUCHTEKTOOL. 367 He thinks he is unable to do it, yet I think he would be sorry to give it up, and I always hope, if it were once begun, he would find he was getting on better than he anticipated. The autumn of 1855, when he left home for the last time, was spent at Auchtertool, an inland and retired spot in Fifeshire. At this time Sir William frequently felt both ill in health and depressed in spirits, and there was about him an unusual want of tone and vigour. This was apparently the beginning of that decline of strength which ended fatally the following year. The thought of the Memoir of Mr Stewart weighed heavily on his mind. The kind of composi- tion was comparatively new to him, and in his present health and spirits he had no courage to look forward to the task. He seemed, however, to derive benefit from his stay at Auchtertool, which suited him extremely well. He was much in the open air, the neighbourhood being so quiet that, in a little wheel-chair drawn by his sons, he was able to share in the walks of the rest of the party, which he thoroughly enjoyed, and from which he would come home braced and cheered. Some fragments on the Scottish Philosophy (printed in the Appendix to his metaphysical lectures), which were written in connection with the Memoir of Mr Stewart, and were his last philosophical compositions, date from this time. LADY HAMILTON TO W. HAMILTON. AUCHTERTOOL, 1st Sept. 1855. . . . It is well I had written so much of my letter before going out, for we have had such a long expedition I am quite worn out and can scarcely keep myself awake. Your papa's chair-carriage is really invaluable to him. I wish you saw the road we took him to-day, and the two hills he mounted. You would be astonished both at what he can accomplish in the way of walking, and what Hubert, Bessy, and Tommy can do in the way of drawing him. I think papa is certainly better since my last ; but still his work is not 368 AT AUCHTERTOOL. begun. He has been doing a little at other things, though the Memoir has received no attention ; but every day I hope he will commence. It is vexing that already so much time has been lost. We have had one or two visitors of late. The first was an American gentleman, who has been studying in Germany for two years, and can talk of nothing but German philosophy. He is translating a History of Philosophy from German into English, and wished papa's opinion upon it. He came quite unexpectedly one day, and stayed till next morning. AUCHTERTOOL, 17th Sept. 1855. . . . Your papa sends you his blessing, and fondest and best good wishes [on his birthday]. Letter-writing is such a burden to him, he hopes you will excuse him, and believe that it is from no want of affectionate interest that he does not express his feelings except through me. This place has agreed with him remarkably well, and in every way suits him, and his general health has much improved ; but his spirits are still much depressed, and his work does not get on. How it is to be got through I don't know, but we hope he is getting a little more interested in it, and that, when the pres- sure of necessity comes, he will set to work in earnest. After the family had returned to town for the winter, Lady Hamilton writes : To W. HAMILTON. 2d Nov. 1855. . . Your father was very nervous and feeling very weak last week, but I think he is better again. The anticipation of the class beginning upsets him, but I hope he will not find it so unpleasant after the first few days are over. To H. HAMILTON. 16th Nov. 1855. I am sure you are wearying to hear again how your papa gets on at the College ; and for these some nights past I have fully intended to write, but there has been so much to do, and I have been so tired, I have been quite unable to fulfil my intention. I am happy to tell you your father keeps well, and, from all I can hear, gets on as well at the College as last year. At home we think he is speaking LETTERS FROM HOME. 369 better. One evening we had Mr * * * at tea, and we were all struck with your papa speaking so well and distinctly ; indeed, we all think him better since the class commenced. The printing of the second volume of the ' Political Economy ' goes on rapidly a proof almost every night, which is hard work for him and Miss Petre. To W. HAMILTON. 7th Dec. 1855. . . . Since my last, both your papa and I have had a good deal of worry and annoyance he, from having to write a Preface to the first volume of Stewart's * Political Economy ' hurriedly and unexpectedly, as the publisher had not intended to bring out that volume until the second was ready, but found occasion to change his mind, somewhat inconveniently for papa, who has little leisure or strength for extra work during the College session. Fortunately, some of it had been written whilst we were in the country, but it is curious how the strength comes when exertion is requisite, and we have all been surprised to see how well he has got through the hurry, and written really a very good advertisement perhaps the best he has composed for Stewart's Works. He gets on also in the class much better than we anticipated, reading generally about half an hour ; and, altogether, we think him happier and more cheerful since the class commenced. 19th Dec. 1855. . . . "Within these few days your papa has got one load off his mind by the publication of the first volume of Stewart's * Political Economy,' and the satisfaction which his Preface has given to the Trustees, and to those more immediately concerned in the publica- tion. As the contents of this volume have not been printed before, and as it has cost an immense amount of trouble to arrange the MSS., it will be a pleasant thing if the volume is well received by the public ; we shall therefore be looking out anxiously for notices of it in the reviews and newspapers. 13th Feb. 1856. . . . When I said to your papa on the 12th, " This is the seventh anniversary of Billy's leaving us," he burst into tears at the thought that he might never be allowed to see you again in this world. . . . He is pretty well, and has not missed a day in going to his class, but he reads very little of the lecture himself. The second volume 2 A 370 LETTERS FROM HOME. of Stewart's * Political Economy ' is now completed, as far as your father is concerned, so now the only portion of the undertaking which is to do is the Memoir, to which I suppose he will not do anything till the College session is over. Indeed he has neither leisure nor strength for it at present. 19th March 1856. . . . I am glad to say we are all very well your papa holding out wonderfully, though now looking forward to the termination of the College session with some impatience, and counting the days, like a schoolboy those to the commencement of his holidays. We are to have the first students' party to-morrow evening. The Banna- tynes have given us a very kind and pressing invitation to pay them a visit as soon as the class is over. ... I should like it very much, and so I think would your papa, but I fear he will not be able to make up his mind to the exertion, he is so very nervous and unwill- ing for any change. It would, however, I am sure, be a refresh- ment to us all, and with the Bannatynes he might do as he likes and feel under no restraint. I think one thing that might tempt him is the wish to see the Glasgow Cathedral, which has been undergoing a complete repair and restoration. 3d April 1856. . . . Your papa is just off to the College ; next week his class will close, which will be a relief to him.* ISth April 1856. We have been reading a deeply interesting memoir of an officer who was killed last spring in the Crimea, as truly pious as he was brave, and the latter years of whose life were spent in the most zeal- ous efforts to do good to all who came within his influence [Captain Hedley Vicars]. . . . Your papa has been much interested in it, and as we read it to him many times the tears were running down his cheeks. The College session came to an end about the 10th or 12th of April. Sir William was daily in his class-room to the * The following is a list of the number of students who attended the class during Sir William's occupancy of the Chair : In 1836-7, 117 ; 1837-8, 172 ; 1838-9, 155; 1839-40,128; 1840-1,117; 1841-2, 108 j 1842-3, 105; 1843-4, 129; 1844-5, 110; 1845-6,174; 1846-7, 104; 1847-8,122; 1848-9,111; 1849-50,159; 1850-1, 146 ; 1851-2, 166j 1852-3, 150 ; 1853-4, 157 ; 1854-5, 132 ; 1855-6, 143 ; making an average each year of 135. There was thus, on the whole, an increase of the attendance during the latter years of Sir William's professorship. LAST ILLNESS. 3*71 last ; and after the work of the session was over, he took leave, as usual, of the class with the simple but heartfelt and impressive words " God bless you all." It was noticed that on no former occasion had he spoken the words with more emphasis. There was, as we have seen, a little plan, in which he him- self was interested, of going to Glasgow to visit his cousins, Mrs Stark and the Misses Bannatyne ; and it was proposed to proceed thence to Eairlie in Ayrshire, to spend a short time with his friend and relation Miss Home, who was ill. Evi- dently he was far from well, and it was thought that a change might do him good. Shortly after the close of the session he had attacks of giddiness and headache. With care and quiet these passed away for a time; then .they recurred so as to cause considerable anxiety. The proposed journey was accordingly given up. The end was now very soon to come. On Monday, the 28th April, Sir William was down-stairs for the last time. He employed himself in looking over and correcting the proof of a short account of Heyne, written by him for a former edition of the 'Encyclopaedia Britannica/ with the view of making a few alterations rendered necessary by lapse of time. He seemed so much better that there was again some talk of leaving home. But during the night a tem- porary confusion of mind seemed to come over him, which alarmed his family. He lay in bed for the next few days, not suffering, and able to listen to reading. A friend had lent him the Life of Dr Kitto, in which he was much interested. On 2d May Lady Hamilton wrote to her eldest son : Your papa sends you his blessing. He seldom speaks of you that the tears do not come into his eyes. I hope I shall be able to give you a better account of him when I next write. The same day he attempted to rise but found himself unable. From that time he gradually became worse. The illness was pronounced congestion of the brain, and the physician's aid 372 GENERAL REMARKS. was in vain. On Monday, the 5th, he fell into a state of unconsciousness, yet with lucid intervals, in which he was able to recognise and faintly speak to those about him. As night drew on the unconsciousness became more profound, and early next morning life ceased. " A simpler and a grander nature never arose out of darkness into human life : a truer and a manlier character God never made. How plain and yet how polished was his life in all its ways ; how refined, yet how robust and broad his intelligence in all its workings ! . . . His contributions to philosophy have been great ; but the man himself was greater far." So wrote one who, knowing him long, and loving him well, and, un- biassed by assent to the conclusions of his philosophy, was well fitted to appreciate him.* No one could come into con- tact with Hamilton without feeling that in him simplicity was blended with the truest manliness. The ground of his nature was simplicity ; its strength was sustained and nourished from this root. All through life there was a singleness of aim, a purity, devotion, and unworldliness of purpose, and a childlike freshness of feeling, which accompanied, guided, and in a great measure constituted his intellectual greatness. To the vulgar ambitions of the world he was indifferent as a child ; in his soul he scorned the common artifices and measures of compro- mise by which they are frequently sought and secured. To be a master of thought and learning, he had an ambition; in this sphere he naturally and spontaneously found the outlet for his powers. But this craving, passionate as it was, never did harm to the moral nature of the man. The increase of years, the growth of learning and fame, took nothing away from the simplicity of his aim, his devotion to its pursuit, or his freshness of heart. No sordid covering ever gathered over his soul to restrain the warmth, the quickness, the chival- rousness, the generosity of his early emotions ; no hardened satisfaction with the routine of the world settled down on a * Professor Ferrier. GENERAL REMARKS. 373 nature which had looked so long and so steadily at the point where definite human knowledge merges in faith : " Time, which matures the intellectual part, Had tinged the hairs with grey, but left untouched the heart." The elevated intellectual sphere in which he lived carried with it a corresponding elevation and purity of moral atmo- sphere; the ideals of philosophy had been to him far more than the world of the real. We might .reasonably expect that a prolonged meditation of the great metaphysical questions about this universe of which we are a part, would have a tendency, as a sense of their vastness and ultimate insolubility grew in the mind, to touch the moral and spiritual soul within, to quicken awe, and thus to take from the keenness of the intellectual question- ing, by teaching the hopelessness of an adequate speculative comprehension of them. The imperfection of theory would thus remain as the last result, as at once the sign of per- sonal reverence, and the moral tribute of a great intellect to the ultimate reach of a theme which is felt to surpass the bounds alike of individual intelligence and of the experience of the race, as far as that has yet been unfolded. Those who were familiar with the daily life of Hamilton through the greater part of its course, observed towards the close, and while his intellect was vigorous as ever, that there appeared in him an increasing feeling of that mysterious side of things, the recognition of which it was the purport of his philosophy to show to be rationally unavoidable on any view of human experience that may be taken. In the questionings of his prime, he reached what seemed to him the insuperable limi- tations of thought regarding transcendent being ; gathering withal gleams of faith and hope from the very barrier that arrested speculative advance. If at that time he seemed to dwell mainly on the limitation of knowledge, and merely to indicate the suggestions of our natural faith regarding what is beyond all that we definitely know, in the subsequent period of his life he felt more strongly the force of the latter, and 374 INSCRIPTION ON TOMBSTONE. what had appeared the lesser light at noon grew gradually greater and brighter as the shadows fell. In the one hour of consciousness that preceded the close, he found expression for his feelings in these words : " Thy rod and thy staff, they comfort me." On the tombstone in one of the vaults of St John's Chapel, Edinburgh, where Sir William was laid, the following words are inscribed : En JWtemora of SIR WILLIAM HAMILTON, BARONET, PROFESSOR OF LOGIC AND METAPHYSICS IN THE UNIVERSITY OF EDINBURGH, WHO DIED 6TH MAY 1856, AGED 68 YEARS. HIS AIM WAS, BY A PURE PHILOSOPHY, TO TEACH THAT NOW WE SEE THROUGH A GLASS DARKLY, NOW WE KNOW IN PART : HIS HOPE THAT, IN THE LIFE TO COME, HE SHOULD SEE FACE TO FACE, AND KNOW EVEN AS ALSO HE IS KNOWN. CONCLUDING CHAPTER READING, COMMONPLACE-BOOK, AND LIBRARY. IMPORTANCE ATTACHED TO READING BY HAMILTON READING AND NON- READING PHILOSOPHERS LEIBNITZ AND HAMILTON RELATION BE- TWEEN HIS READING AND THINKING VALUE OP HISTORICAL KNOW- LEDGE IN HIS TIME CHARACTERISTICS OF HIS READING THE LARGE COMMONPLACE - BOOK WORKS OF REFERENCE BIBLIOGRAPHIES FORMATION OF LIBRARY MECHANICAL SKILL SIZING CONTENTS OF LIBRARY ACUTE DICTA GENERAL REMARKS FELLOWSHIP BUST. SIR WILLIAM HAMILTON'S writings are obviously distinguished by an extraordinary acquaintance with the literature of their subjects, and a ready command of his stores of learning. It may therefore be interesting to give some account, in a con- cluding chapter, of his general habits of reading and study, of his library, and of the modes by which he succeeded in amassing, and making readily available, his minute, ample, and varied learning. His habits of study, and the helps which he used in reading, and conserving what he read, form matter of general description rather than of narrative, characteristic as they were of the man all through his life, from his college days onwards. Nor can these points be properly described without a reference to certain of the more prominent charac- teristics of his mind. To the mastery and treatment of a subject, the essential pre- liminary with Sir W. Hamilton was reading. He must know, in the first place, what had been thought and written by others 376 LEIBNITZ AND HAMILTON. on the point which he proposed to consider. In this respect he may be taken as the extreme contrast of many men who have given their attention to speculative questions. Hobbes, Locke, Brown to say nothing of writers nearer the present time were content with a very limited knowledge of the conclusions of others on the subjects which they discussed. Hamilton's writings show how little he sympathised with men of the non-reading type how he was even blinded, to some extent, to their proper merits as in his references to Brown and Whately. In the universality of his reading, and knowledge of philosophical opinions, he is to be ranked above all those in Britain who have given their attention to specula- tive questions since the time of Bacon, with the exception, perhaps, of Cudworth. Dugald Stewart was probably his superior in acquaintance with general literature, but cer- tainly far from his equal in philosophical learning. On the Continent, the name which in this respect can be placed most fittingly alongside of Hamilton during the same period is Leibnitz. Between Leibnitz and Hamilton, indeed, amid essential differences in their views of what is within the compass of legitimate speculation, there are several points of resemblance. The predominating interest of each lay in the pursuit of purely intellectual ideals and wide- reaching general laws, especially in the highest departments of metaphysics. Both were dis- tinguished by rare acuteness, logical consecution, deductive habit of mind, and love of system. They were greater think- ers than observers ; more at home among abstract concep- tions than concrete realities. Both had a deep interest in the important intellectual and moral questions that open on the vision of thoughtful men in the highest practical sphere of all the border-land of metaphysics and theology ; both had the truest sympathy with the moral side of speculation. In each there was a firm conviction that our thoughts and feelings about the reality and nature of Deity, His relation to the world, human personality, freedom, responsibility, man's rela- LEIBNITZ AND HAMILTON. 377 tion to the Divine, were to be vitalised, to receive a meaning and impulse, only from reflection on the ultimate nature and reach of human thought. To grasp, as far as possible, the entire domain of knowledge at least, to be found absolutely ignorant in nothing was their common intellectual ambition ; and yet, with all their love of completeness and of system, the way in which each gave to the world the results of his thought and erudition was exceed- ingly desultory and fragmentary, and far short of the extremely fastidious ideal mode which he had proposed to himself. Both were learned classical scholars ; both were well read in Greek philosophy; and if Leibnitz was more Platonic, Ham- ilton was by far the greater Aristotelian. Both were deeply versed in scholastic philosophy; zealous in historical anti- quities; and a similar curiosity impelled them to fields of out-of-the-way research fields untrodden in their generation save by themselves. They had a like interest in ecclesiastical history and theological controversies ; and both viewed with a catholic and tolerant feeling the differences of the sects. If Leibnitz was interested in physical research, and helped to advance mathematics, Hamilton had the specialty of a thoroughly scientific acquaintance with medicine, and was a discoverer in physiology. In the matter of philosophical reading, they were exceedingly alike. Their learning sus- tained and coloured their thought. In philosophical com- position that is at the same time distinctively original, the nearest parallel to the prodigality of the learned references in Hamilton's ' Beid,' is to be found in the ' Theodicee ' of Leib- nitz : and the miscellaneous papers of the latter show how, like Hamilton, he could extract unappreciated germinative princi- ples from the 'De Anima' or the 'Metaphysics' of Aristotle, and give life, colour, and fruitfulness to scholastic distinctions which to other minds appeared only as barren subtleties. Each, in a word, had the power of detecting the catholic forms of human thought in the varied clothing and terminology which they assume in different reflective epochs, and of making ap- 378 IDEAL IN HEADING. plications of them to the discussion of the problems of their own time. And, to add to the parallel, both aimed at more than they accomplished ; both had to regret unrealised ideals. " Leibnitz," says Gibbon, " may be compared to those heroes whose empire has been lost in the ambition of universal con- quest." This is not with any completeness applicable to Hamilton; but it is at least true that he too would have done vastly more had he aimed at less. He would have left results of at least greater bulk, had he been satisfied to work more within the sphere of what he really knew, and yielded less to that noble but somewhat fruitless restlessness which carries the high minds of the race to the outmost cir- cumference of human knowledge. Sir W. Hamilton's ideal appears, indeed, to have been the impossible one of mastering all all at least of any im- portance that had been written on a given subject. To exhaust the literature of a subject on which a man pro- posed to write, appeared to him so completely a natural pre- requisite that he regarded any shortcoming on this score as quite a disgraceful deficiency one not to be tolerated.* The terms in which he denounced it were among the strongest in his vocabulary : " I have heard him," says Archdeacon Sinclair, " charge an eminent soholar with ' brutal ignorance ' for not being acquainted with some apposite passage in an obscure author of the middle ages." Underrating, moreover, as a rule, his own extraordinary attainments, he considered other men shamefully deficient in knowledge if they betrayed inferiority to himself in acquaintance with a subject. An amusing example of this is given by Archdeacon Sinclair. Speaking of Archbishop Whately's 'Khetoric,' Sir William said: " The Archbishop is a clear, bold, powerful thinker ; but he is a plagiarist. He fancies himself original, when he is anything but original ; and delivers as his own remarks and opinions which he should have known belonged to other men." The Archdeacon inquired of Sir William the names of the authors * See above, p. 95 Letter to Faculty of Advocates. IDEAL IN READING. 379 from whom Dr Whately had borrowed without due ac- knowledgment. He mentioned several books and treatises, most of them long ago forgotten. His friend replied that in all probability the Archbishop had never seen nor heard of the obsolete authorities in question. " So much the worse," replied Sir William. " Why did he undertake to write a trea- tise on rhetoric without knowing all that had been written before upon the subject ?" Sir William's critical habit of mind, and wonderful power of systematising opinions, found in this wellnigh universal read- ing their natural nourishment. That this insatiable appetite for books this totalising, as it might be called, of the literature of a subject absorbed intellectual power somewhat unduly, and frequently led him to postpone, and even finally to aban- don, a special definite handling by himself of the subject of his reading, may frankly be admitted. He, probably as much as any man devoted to this mode of working out intellectual questions, was led into a hurtful extreme. But it would be a very great misconception to suppose that he looked upon reading as anything but a means to the end of thinking, or that he really substituted the opinions with which he thus became acquainted for his own final and definite conclusions on the great questions of philosophy. In his Lectures, as already noticed,* he certainly made a liberal use of his reading for purposes of elementary instruction, and too frequently allowed others to speak for him, especially on the more trite parts of rudimentary logic and psychology. But this temporary application of the results of his reading finds no parallel in any of his deliberate writings.-)* All of these show how thoroughly he made the results of his reading subordinate to the efforts of his thought ; * See above, p. 212. t In a footnote to Reid's "Works, p. 632, on the Scientia Media, lie has, I notice, unwittingly given the substance, and to a great extent the words, of a passage from the ' Theodice'e ' of Leibnitz (Partie I. 39, 40). Anything of this sort, however, in the writings published by himself, is, I am convinced, extremely rare. 380 IDEAL IN READING. and how it was his habit powerfully to vitalise the passive process of reception by the ardent activity of intelligence. " My own direct acquaintance with Sir William Hamilton," says Mr De Quincey, " soon apprised me that, of all great readers, he was the one to whom it was most indispensable that he should react by his own mind on what he read." What he read he mastered, appreciated, subordinated, by his great powers of comprehension and judgment. His progress through the literature of philosophy is at one time as the advance of a great light which brightens the obscure ; at another, it is the presence of a quickening power which fruc- tifies the unproductive; and, again, the touch of a master's hand which gives completeness and symmetry to the frag- mentary. Then he has none of that littleness of assump- tion which, disregardful of anything but a superficial knowledge of the past, rests in the narrow world of its own individual impressions dignifying it with the name of ex- perience. Men of this habit of mind are great in elaborate rediscoveries of elementary psychological facts, which they fondle as novel and important. The discoveries of some of those writers remind one of what Johnson said of Gold- smith's project of going abroad in order to acquire a know- ledge of arts peculiar to the East, and introduce them into Britain that the trophy of novelty he would in all proba- bility carry home with him would be a " grinding-barrow," which was to be seen in every street in London. Parallels to Goldsmith's grinding-barrow in the logical and pyscho- logical line are not far to seek. As a rule, such investi- gators know nothing of the breadth and bearings of the really vital speculative questions. We may rest assured of this, however, that philosophical speculation will be nothing but a series of novel beginnings and fruitless endings of petty nibblings at this or that side of a wide problem so long as it does not recognise the worth of past speculative efforts, and fails to seek and to see, in the course of reflective thought, a true progress towards unity amid apparent variety. Of the POWER OF REPRESENTING OPINIONS. 381 two extremes now noted the limited superficial acquaintance with the forms of past thought, and the vain desire to know and conquer even all that vast region the former is emi- nently the more hurtful to the cause of philosophical truth, and morally it is much the less respectable. This spirit, in conceitedly neglecting the historical aspects of philosophical questions, simply throws away data essential for a solution of the questions themselves, and misses the only means of ascertaining the true origin and import of present abstract thought and expression. The horizon the experience of any one individual must indeed be a wide one, if it can be substituted for the whole sphere of the past thought of our race. And we may further note on this point that, in the cir- cumstances of the place and time in which Hamilton worked and wrote in an island whose speculative writers, how- ever distinguished for force and originality of conception, have never been pre-eminent either for catholicity of view or for learning he accomplished the one thing that was needed for speculative philosophy, by connecting the best reflective thought of the country with that of the past and the surrounding present ; thus freeing it from its insularity, and, in the words of one than whom there was no more com- petent judge in our day, " forming a bond between the Scotch, Greek, and German philosophy." * Of the literal accuracy, of the reach and variety, of Sir W. Hamilton's philosophical reading there can be no question. He stands out as the learned philosophical thinker of Britain. This is admitted even by the one or two men who are most for- ward to disparage his philosophical merits. But, as a foil to this acknowledgment, it is alleged, that while " he knew with extraordinary accuracy the or/ of every philosopher's doctrine, he gave himself little trouble about the diort." The same author adds : " I imagine he would have been much at a loss if he had been required to draw up a philosophical estimate of the mind * Professor Brandis. 382 POWER OF REPRESENTING OPINIONS. of any great thinker. .;' ;/. He is weak as to the mutual relations of philosophical doctrines." * There are two points in this criticism. The one refers to what may be called the historical imagination as exercised in philosophy. This is the power of entering into the mind of a thinker, and seeing his system from his own point of view, ex- hibiting its mutual bearings and relations, and making allow- ance for the aspect or colouring under which the circumstances of the times in which he lived led him to regard the problems of philosophy. For this power Sir W. Hamilton does not appear, from his writings, to have been especially remarkable ; he has not left very much, indeed, from which we can form a fav- ourable judgment of his capacity, and he has left just as little to lead us to form a conclusion of his incompetency. In his notice of the ' Epistolse Obscurorum Virorum' there is evidence of con- siderable historical imagination ; and this power is not without its manifestation in his more abstract discussions, in which, however, as the relevant point was the consideration of doc- trines rather than of men or entire systems, little pertinent evidence can be looked for. With regard, however, to the totally different point of the mutual relations of philosophical doctrines, in the apprehen- sion of which he is said to be weak, there can be nothing more thoroughly the reverse of the fact. If strong in any- thing, he was strong in this strong in the power of logi- cal consecution, ready to apprehend the mutual connections of doctrines ready to deduce their consequences, and able to grasp a system in its logical coherence and entireness. No one who reads with any intelligence either the article on Cousin, or that on Perception, especially the latter part, can doubt this. In regard to Hume, Eeid, and Brown, he has certainly apprehended, and for the first time in this country, their mutual relations, from the historical point of view. The connection of their doctrines he has seized and emphasised with clear, thoroughgoing, and resistless power. To show * Mill, Examination, p. 554. HIS LITERAL ACCURACY. on historical grounds that he has failed in this, would be to adduce relevant evidence of his incapacity. Until this is done, we must hold the charge unsupported by proof.* Sir William Hamilton's method of reading and study was exceedingly persistent, concentrative, and minute. The mo- ment a book or subject was taken up, his whole mind was given to it, whatever it might be. No amount of labour or trouble was spared, so long as any point did not appear thoroughly determined, or seemed capable of improvement or emendation. No note was taken by him of the lapse of time ; the hours of sleep were systematically disregarded, and a task commenced in the evening would very frequently hold him long past midnight to early morning. He was careful and fastidious about literal accuracy in everything to an extraordinary degree. Great as were his intellectual powers, and wide and high as was their range, he felt no constraint, apparently, in descending to the minutest details of matters of fact. He seems, indeed, even to have de- lighted in the minutise of style and editorship. This was espe- cially shown in his labours on the Works of Keid and Stewart. Proof-sheets were read and re-read, quotations searched out and verified, punctuation corrected. The placing of a comma or the division of a sentence occupied him as thoroughly as if he had never risen to any higher mental exercise discussed either absolute or infinite. With regard to punctuation he was exceedingly careful, and used to say, " One must either punctuate very much or very little." That he himself greatly favoured the former mode, is obvious. In these lighter labours his ardour diffused itself over his household, and enlisted in the work all the available hands of the family. Even in his later days, when illness had shattered his bodily strength and frame, this peculiarity continued. " He seemed always to enjoy," says one-f- who knew him well, and cheerfully aided him in his researches, " the lighter task of * For a criticism of the grounds of the opinions contained in the quotations in the text, see Note C, on Hume, Leibnitz, and Aristotle, t Miss Petre. 384 CHARACTER OF HIS MEMORY. revising and correcting, and seldom required much persua- sion to engage in it. Even when sitting out of doors in the country, though by no means insensible to the dolce far niente apt to be induced by this practice, he was always ready to read a proof or prepare a portion of an index ; and once at work, gave his attention as undividedly as if sitting in his parlour at home. Indeed I do not think he could do anything by halves, except, as Lady Hamilton used to say, listen to the reading of the newspapers." Besides the exhaustiveness already noticed, a peculiarity of Sir William's mode of reading and study was, as might have been expected from his extremely logical cast of intellect, his thorough love of order and system. This was mani- fested in dealing with particular subjects, the various points of which he carefully divided and arranged in his mind, generally before commencing his researches. The orderli- ness of his reading reflected the character of his memory, which was singularly retentive, precise, and accurate, as well as ready in reproducing what had been stored up in it. In some memories that are even powerfully retentive, impressions are yet so dim, and so overlie each other the more remote buried under the more recent that what is sought is not easily and promptly recalled. Then they arise vague and inaccurate, the general outlines only being preserved, the details faded. With Hamilton it was not so. Intense attention and thought, the power of referring each thing to its class and place, had been at work in the first pro- cess of storing : it was not a mere passive recipiency, but an active effort, an appreciation and digestion ; and hence the facts or points noted remained clear and distinct, the more recent not obscuring the more remote, but all lying, as it were, side by side, capable of ready recall and immediate appli- cation. This faculty was little, if at all, impaired, even to the end of life ; and many of his students, even during the latter years of his teaching, will remember the vast range, the accuracy, the promptitude, of memory which he displayed on LARGE COMMONPLACE-BOOK. 385 those occasions when, as was the practice in the class, students rose to give historical accounts of men or doctrines, of the subjects of which he was beforehand totally unaware. But this feature of his method of working was especially shown in the large Commonplace-Book which he constructed, and which contained in orderly arrangement the results of his varied reading. From a very early period of his studies he appears deliberately to have adopted the principle of a com- monplace-book, and formed one after the model of Locke. The volume known as the " Large Commonplace-Book " is as old as 1813 ; it was probably preceded by others of a less elaborate arrangement. " I think," he says, writing in 1853, with his unfailing courtesy, in reply to the inquiry of a stranger Mr H. W. Chandler, of Pembroke College, Ox- ford " that Locke's plan of a commonplace - book is the most convenient ; but on this matter I may perhaps be pre- judiced, for having first become familiar with his method, to me it may appear the best. His distribution of the index is very good, but I would allow double space for his sub- divisions by the vowels. Another recommendation is to have the volume (which I suppose you to get made up) bound with catches, so as to admit of insertions ; and especial care should be taken never to place different matter on the opposite sides of a leaf. This allows you, when necessary, to transfer pages from one place to another. I have likewise found it useful to state a problem, leaving room for the insertion of the authori- ties who maintain the pro and the contra" Locke's plan of a commonplace-book, which he himself practised for twenty-five years, is fully stated by him. He thus explains the principle of the index : " I divide the two first pages that face one another by parallel lines into five- and-twenty equal parts, every fifth line black, the others red. I then cut them perpendicularly by other lines that I draw from the top to the bottom of the page. I put about the middle of each five spaces one of the twenty letters I design to make use of, and a little forward in each space the five 2 B 386 LARGE COMMONPLACE-BOOK. vowels one below another in their natural order. This is the index to the whole volume, how big soever it may be. " The index being made after this manner, I leave a margin in all the other pages of the book, of about the largeness of an inch in a volume in folio, or a little larger, and in a less volume smaller in proportion. "If I would put anything in my Commonplace-Book, I find out a head to which I may refer it. Each head ought to be some important and essential word to the matter in hand, and in that word regard is to be had to the first letter, and the vowel that follows it, for upon these two letters depends all the use of the index." * Sir William's Large Commonplace-Book the treasure-house of his stores of learning is a folio of some twelve hundred pages, of which about eight hundred are devoted to psycholo- gical and metaphysical topics, and four hundred to logical to say nothing of numerous slips inserted between the paged leaves. He had also several smaller commonplace-books, arranged on less rigid principles. The entries in the large volume are brief statements of general and special heads, with the names of authorities who had maintained the various opinions, and references to their works. There are also, pretty frequently, statements more or less extended of personal opin- ions. The divisions and subdivisions are planned on prin- ciples of exact logical order so much so, that in the portion devoted to logic itself, we have the skeleton outline of a thoroughgoing and exhaustive logical treatise, with most of the points illustrated by an ample array of opinions and authorities. The book was made up and bound in black leather with his own hands ; the arrangement, divisions, and subdivisions of the topics were entirely the contrivance of his active and methodical intellect. The heads of " Attention " and " Expectation of Constancy of Nature " have been selected as affording specimens of the con- * For fuller details of the plan and its working, reference may be made to Locke's Works, vol. iii. p. 431 et seq. (ed. 1714). LARGE COMMONPLACE-BOOK. 387 tents of the folio. The part on Attention fills one folio (f. 359) of the Commonplace-Book ; that on the Expectation of the Constancy of Nature is distributed over two folios (ff. 284-5). Attention. ( Reflection Observation.} On, in general. Vives, De Anima, p. 54. Steeb, II. 675. Tiedemann, Unters. I. 98. Psych. Irwing, II. p. 209. That Attention constitutes 1. Analysis. Condillac, Log. c. 2 (implicite). Fracastor., De Intell., Opera, f. 2. Abstraction. Bilfinger, Dil. 262, p. 258 (explicite). S' Gravesande, Introd. pp. 3, 111 (implicite). Daube, He'd. p. 19. Bonnet, Essai Anal. I. p. 180. Essai de Psych. 208, 209. Tiedemann, Psych, p. 121. Cams (F. A.), Psych. II. 254. Laromiguiere, II. p. Mazure, I. p. 385. Ernesti, Init. Doct. Solid, p. 131, 132. N.B. That exclusive Attention to one thing constitutes Absence to others. Examples of Carneades and Cardan (Steeb, II., 671), Tiedem. Unt. I. 59, 103. 3. Reflection. Wolf, Psych. Emp. 257 (R. to W. not merely on self). Denzinger, Log. Ernesti, I. D. S. 130 (and Consideration). 4. Observation. Thurot, II. p. That Attention involves Will and active faculty. Occam in Sent. L. ii. qu. 15. Augustin, De Trin. L. ii. c. 2 (Fromondus, 558). Wolf, Psych. Emp. 256. 388 LARGE COMMONPLACE-BOOK. Attention. (Ref. Obs.) Darjies, Metaph. II. p. 8, 78. Gruyer, Ess. iii. p. 334. Daube, Ideol. p. 23 (against Condillac). Laromiguiere. Mazure, I. pp. Cousin on Laromiguiere in Biran's (Euvres. That Attention involves desire and passive power. Brown, Lect. p. Pestutt Tracy, Ideol. I. p. 425, 441, &c. Bonnet, Ess. Anal. I. 38, 133. That Attention the condition of genius, &c. Garve in Scheidler Hod. p. 186, sq. Stewart, Elena. I. p. 107. G&ruzez, p. ; .; Ponelle, p. 370. Cuvier in Toussaint, p. 218 (= Patience). Reid, A. P., p. 81. v. Dr Simpson's Address to Students (1842), p. 11. Bonnet, Essai Anal. I. Pre"f. p. viii. My Lectures (Met.) [Slip stuck in.] Attention made a sep. fac. by giving it a bit of Consciousness and a bit of Will. Must distinguish the will and the consciousness. We do not walk without will, but who ever makes will in ana- lysing the locomotive fac. except as a preliminary condition ? Make a power out of an impotence of the mind. LARGE COMMONPLACE-BOOK. 389 Expectation of Constancy of Nature. (See above, pp. 35, 157, 215, Adv. Log. 32 &.*) Founded oil 1. Habit (v. infra Association, No. fy. Wolf, Phil. Pract., . Hobbes, H. N. ch. 4, p. 26. 2. Conclusion of Reasoning. a. Conscious one. Dainiron, Psych., I. 165 (result of generalisation). Princ. Campbell (v. Stewart, Essays, 75, 76) ; (from analogical experience and generalisation.) 6. Unconscious confused one (= Association ?). Wolf, Ps. Emp. 503-508, v. Canzii Psychol. p. Jacob, Psychol. p. 192. 3. Original Principle. Reid Inq. c. vi. 24 (inductive principle) ; Ess. I. P. p. 603. Stewart, El. Ess. p. 78. Brown, Lect. p. 34, 51, 53. 4. Effect of Imagination. Wetzel, Psychol. II. p. 64. Fries, N. Kr. I. p. . Gesch. d. Ph. 5. Association of Ideas (v. supra Habit, No. 1). Hume (v. Stewart, Ess. p. 75). Priestley, 86. ? Leibnitz, Monadol. 26. Kirwan, Metaph. Essays, p. 390. Fries, Anthrop. I. p. 70, 2d ed. E. Reinhold, Lehrb. d. prop. Psychol. p. 87, * Another of his commonplace-books. 390 LARGE COMMONPLACE-BOOK. Expectation of Constancy of Nature. Recognised as a Principle or Law by Aristotle. Names given to it : " Expectation or Presumption of the Future." Hobbes, H. N. ch. 4. On this Principle, v. Leibnitz (on Nizol.), Opera, iv. p. i. p. 62. Monadol., 26 (Poley on L. p. 146). Royer Collard. Krug, Lex. II. 460. Lossius, Lex. v. Erfahrung. Stewart's Elem. II. p. 220, alibi. Berkeley, Siris. 252 sq. (Reiffenberg, Log. p. 207.) Mendelssohn, Morgenstunde, p. LARGE COMMONPLACE-BOOK. 391 This opus magnum was his constant companion ; in the end it became to him almost an object of affection. It was a part of the man, as far as any object that did not participate in his own sentiency could be. Is there any wonder that he prized the old folio, and prized it increasingly as life waned ? It was to him the symbol of the unresting energy of a whole life ; of physical and mental powers such as are seldom granted to man, spent nobly, ungrudgingly, self-sacrificingly, delight- edly. Days, nights, years, had poured their contributions into this treasure-house. It was with him when he was young, arid his powers went forth in the abounding delight of their first fresh vigour ; it carried with it the memories and associations of youth and of manhood down through the declining years of life. Its pages bear the record of a course of reading as varied, inquisitive, and resolute, as was ever accomplished by any man in the history of literature or philosophy. There are indications in this folio of the thoughts of the men of nearly all times and nations, who have risen above the common routine of life to an interest in the great questions of speculative philosophy. In a true, though not a literal sense, we may say of him : noXXw tfavdgw'X'uv 'ib&v affrea, KO.I VMV 'iyvca. There is no part of the world of speculation which seems to have been unvisited ; no height of Greek or German meta- physics is unsealed ; no forest - brake of tangled medieval logic untrod. Self-reliant, unwavering, courage, belief in his work, had sustained him in many a solitary arid track, where he had gone, beyond the sight and sympathy of men, in search of the far-away fountain-heads of knowledge as little known or visited as the sources of the Niger or the Nile. And here he had before him the tracings of his explorations. Magician -like, he had but to turn the wizard page of his " Book of Might," and the forms of the dead of two thousand years rose before his vision; he heard their words and read their thoughts ; and what to most men were simply names 392 OTHER AIDS IN READING. the mere shadows of the past entered with him into living and intelligible communion on every high problem of human interest, on every point of subtle questioning which human thought had pursued for the sake of the effort, or had wrestled with for the sake of the truth, from the formal niceties of logic to the realities of psychology and metaphysics the mind, the world, and God. In the same letter to Mr Chandler, Sir William alludes to another mode of reference to his reading which he practised very extensively. " I must confess," he says, " that I have been very lazy about my commonplaces, having latterly [chiefly after his illness] adopted the mode of distinguishing the more im- portant passages in any author worthy of the trouble. This I generally do by scoring with red ink, so as to obtain for the eye a good analysis of the treatise. If you choose to be more particular, differently coloured inks may be employed for differ- ent kinds of notation. This supposes that you have the book in property." He was also in the habit of jotting on the fly-leaves and on the margin of the printed pages of a book the subject of particular passages, but especially references to parallel or apposite passages, in the same and other books. Many of the volumes in the library bristle with such refer- ences. This, added to the frequent motley appearance of the text, the result of the application of " differently coloured inks," hardly leaves need for the overt suggestion made above, that, should any one put in practice these memorial devices, the volume to be operated upon should be his own. Besides the Commonplace - Book, his mechanical skill found other means of preserving the results of his reading. His MSS. had a tendency to multiply at an enormous rate, and the problem was to keep them in order and available for reference. His contrivances for this purpose were various and admirable. " Sometimes the MSS. were distributed in pockets of strong paper, very neat and convenient in their construc- tion ; sometimes in trays of pasteboard, which served the pur- pose of drawers. In each case labels frequently two, one WORKS OF REFERENCE. 393 general and one particular were attached to tell the nature of the contents ; and this was also done when the drawers of a cabinet were used as receptacles. Sometimes written papers were preserved and arranged by being pasted into books of no value. The complicated yet orderly way in which a number of slips, containing insertions, additions, &c., were pasted to- gether, often excites admiration." The number of references which Sir William made to au- thors and their opinions, and the abundance of apt quotations with which he usually illustrated, sometimes overloaded, his compositions, are marked peculiarities of his style. His wide reading and careful noting of passages which struck him, contributed to the general stores from which he drew his quotations. He was, however, greatly aided by books of reference, of which he made constant use. These contained summaries of opinions on philosophical and other questions, quotations of pregnant passages, and sayings in prose and poetry. The works of this class most frequently consulted by him were the ' Florilegia' of Langius,* Gruter,f and Magirus,J the 'Adagia' of Erasmus, and the 'Encyclopaedia' of Alste- dius.|| To these books of reference should be added the lexicons, medieval and modern, of which he had a large collection and made much use. Among these may be mentioned the follow- ing: Goclenius ('Lexicon Philosophicum Latinum'); Chauvin (' Lexicon Philosophicum ') ; Faber ( Lexicon Eruditionis Scholastics ') ; Hofmann (' Lexicon Universale ') ; Walch and Krug (' Philosophisches Lexicon ') ; the ' Dictionnaire des Sciences Philosophiques ' ; the ' Allgemeine Encyclopedic ' of Ersch and Gruber ; above all, the rare Zedlerian Lexicon. * Langii (Joseph!) Florilegium Magnum. Francof., 1621. t Gruteri (Jani) Florilegium, sen Polyanthea. Argentorati, 1624. i Magiri (Tobise) Polymnemon, seu Florilegium Locorum Communium Ordinatum. Francof., 1628. A great favourite with Sir William. The copy which he was in the habit of using (second ed. of 1661) is full of MS. additions. The edition chiefly used by Sir William was the folio of 1629. H Alstedii (J. H.) Eiicyclopsedia. Herbornae Nassov., 1630. 394 BIBLIOGRAPHIES. " I well remember the delight/' says Mr Hubert Hamilton, " with which the late Count Krasinski, the accomplished author of the ' History of Poland/ &c., while looking round the library, lighted upon the thirty-four vellum-clad volumes of this ponderous work. He wished to consult it on some point of historical interest, but having in vain searched for it in the public libraries of Great Britain, where the very existence of the book was at that time unknown, he little expected to fmd that it had a place in a private collection. There are now copies in the Edinburgh University and Advocates' libraries." Of bibliographies there was none which he consulted more frequently than the ' Allgemeines Gelehrten Lexicon ' of Jocher, of which Mr Hill Burton says : " As to bibliographies of the present century aiming at "universality, the ' Allgemeines Ge- lehrten Lexicon' of Jocher when accompanied by Adelurig's Supplement, which is its better half for scholarship and com- pleteness casts into shade anything produced either in France or here. It is a guide which few people consult without pass- ing a compliment, either internally or aloud, on the satisfac- tory result. That it contains an account of every or nearly every book is at once contradicted by its bulk ; yet it is often remarked that no one appeals to it in vain a specialty which seems to have arisen from the peculiar capacity of its editors to dive, as it were, into the hearts of those likely to seek their aid."* Collecting books was a habit of Sir William's life second only to the reading of them a relation between the two habits that does not, however, always prevail. The foundation of his library was laid at Oxford ; but the really valuable and characteristic part of it was not acquired until a subsequent period from about 1820 dow r nwards. With Nestler and Melle of Hamburg he kept up a correspondence from about 1818, getting from them at least one large parcel every year. He was also in the habit of sending orders, though less frequently, to booksellers at Augsburg, Leipsic, Frankfort, and Leyden. * Book-Hunter (2d ed.), p. 231. FORMATION OF LIBRARY. 395 He was probably the only person in Britain at the time who had any systematic acquaintance with the current philosophical literature of Germany, or who kept up a regular correspondence with the booksellers in this department. In Edinburgh second- hand book-shops were places of pretty constant resort ; and of course he was ever and anon, with the true book-hunter's com- placency, getting most wonderful bargains at public auctions. When the purchase happened to be a larger one than usual, and he was put on his defence for " extravagance/' of course the rarity and value of the tomes rose so greatly as he de- fended his purchase, that he would end by declaring he had really " got quite a present of them." Considerable additions were made to his collection during the first four or five years of his occupancy of the Logic Chair. At his death it num- bered from 9000 to 10,000 volumes. Occasionally friends or old students would send him books which they knew would interest him. One acquisition made in this way was a collection of MSS. (in fifty-eight volumes) from the library of the Carthusian Monastery at Erfurt, which he owed to the kindness of a former student, Mr John Broad. These MSS. (which for the most part consisted of medieval sermons and theological treatises by writers of no great fame, together with some of the works of Aquinas) had a somewhat curious history. From a short notice prefixed to a catalogue of them by Mr Broad, we learn that " they were preserved at Erfurt until 1805, when the library was broken up and dis- persed on the occupation of the city by the French army, who stabled their horses in the place where the books were depo- sited, and burned many of them for fuel, while others were carried away and secreted with a view to their safety." Some of the latter were bought by the Count de Buelow, on whose death they were purchased from the subsequent possessors by Mr Broad. After Sir William's death they were presented to the Bodleian Library, where they now are.* The books were disposed in two rooms on the second floor * Macruy's Annals of the Bodleian Library (1868), p. 285. 396 MECHANICAL SKILL. of the house, the larger of the two being the back drawing- room, facing the north, the smaller, a sort of recess from this room. There was also a considerable number of volumes, chiefly historical, in the large front drawing-room. In a small room down-stairs, which Sir William usually occupied as a study, were about 300 volumes, being books in more constant use. The room which contained the main part of the library was filled from floor to ceiling. The volumes were arranged mainly according to subject, and subordinately according to size from folio through the various gradations to duodecimo. His mechanical skill, which was very remarkable, and which showed itself readily in repairing a damaged article of furniture or a broken toy of the children, found full scope in providing accommodation for his books. He set about this, as was his habit with everything he took in hand, whether mental or mechanical, in a very elaborate way, and on a large and com- prehensive scale. The size and structure of the bookcases, their order and position, were entirely of his own devising. A great deal even of the manual work was done with his own hand. " In the mending and renovating of his books he found both amusement arid occupation. On the arrival of a new pur- chase, his first care (after ascertaining that each volume was complete) was to make a thorough examination of the binding, and if it betrayed any signs of weakness, the glue-pot and other apparatus were got out, and the defect was at once made good. Sometimes the process of restoration was very elaborate, and would form the work of a whole day ; one of us young- sters generally assisting in the best way we could, and glad if we escaped without being scolded for our awkwardness and stupidity. The neatness with which he executed such repairs, and the ingenuity with which he turned all kinds of materials to use, was very remarkable. Paper to match that of old books was always kept in store ; old leather chair- covers were carefully preserved ; even pieces of dark-coloured SIZING. 397 silk or velvet were rescued from destruction, and (it might be) used to adorn the back of an Aristotelian commentator." * A large number of the volumes in the library have titles written or printed with Sir William's own hand, and with exceeding neatness. Where several treatises were bound together in a single volume, or where the contents of a volume were well marked off as referring to distinct subjects, the commencement of each treatise or new subject was usually indicated by a narrow strip of coloured paper pasted on the leaf. " An operation with which he sometimes occupied a leisure day, was that of sizing to enable him to write upon the unbound books which he got over every year from Ger- many. The size was made by boiling down glue, and adding a little alum. While still hot, this liquid was put into a large stoneware jar or greybeard, where it soon congealed, and by means of an antiseptic (corrosive sublimate) was kept for years. From time to time, as required, a small quantity of the gelatine was taken out, and mixed and diluted with warm water in a common foot-pan. In this the books were one by one immersed, care being taken to let the size soak thor- oughly through the paper ; they were then put under a mode- rate pressure, and the extra size squeezed out. Before being sent to the binder the sized sheets were spread on a rack to dry."* Sir William's library had the peculiarity of being not simply the result of his tastes as a book-collector, but the reflex of his various mental tendencies and favourite studies. His intellectual and moral interests led to the collection, and this, in its turn, nourished the likings which had formed it ; for no man could possibly make a more thorough use of his books than Sir William did; and in his library there was a certain completeness of character that gave an insight into the whole life-studies of the man. The following heads, being titles of drawers containing * Mr Hubert Hamilton. 398 CONTENTS OF LTBRAKY. unbound tracts, give a good idea of the contents of the library generally, and of Sir William's system of arrangement : I. Philosophia in genere : cum Hist. Philos. Propped. Bibliogr. II. Philosophia Theoretica. III. Philosophia Practica. IV. Theologia Positiva, cum Hist. Eccles. Patrum Doctr. V. Historia et Antiquitates. Polit. Artium. Morum, &c. VI. Biographia. VII. Paedagogia a) Superior. Universitates Litterariae, &c. VIII. Paedagogia b) Inferior. Gymnasiae Scholae triviales, &c. IX. Quodlibetica Farrago ad Epist. Obs. Vir. X. Grammatica : Generalis. Graeca Latina Barbara. XI. Philologia: a) Comment, in Auctores Veteres. b) Auctores Ipsi. Naturally, the department in which the library was most rich was that of Philosophy. In particular, there was a great number of the older metaphysical works, and of modern psy- chologies, German and other. The collection of logics was probably unequalled in this country. It numbered over 400 volumes, and, in addition to the older and rarer treatises (of Hispanus, Duns Scotus, Blemmidas, Agricola, Eamus, Valla, Melanchthon, &c.), included every logical work of importance that had recently appeared in Germany or elsewhere abroad. Very many of the volumes contain MS. notes and red-ink markings by Sir William, showing how thorough had been his study of their contents. Of works on ^Esthetics and the History of Philosophy there was also a large number. Befittingly placed in a central compartment of the room which contained the principal portion of the library, several rows of folios, in picturesque old bindings, attracted the eye ; CONTENTS OF LIBRARY. 399 these were the early commentaries on Aristotle with Hamil- ton, the greatest name in philosophy, and the greatest power in moulding his thought to whom he most appropriately ap- plied the line : " Ficta pedum pono pressis vestigia signis." The principal of these works had been purchased by him at Heber's sale in 1834. The collection was very full probably the most complete in Britain. Glancing along the shelves one could readily note the names of Alexander Aphrodisiensis, Joannes Grammaticus, Simplicius, Ammonius HermiaB, Eus- tratius, &c. A more careful examination showed that the collection under each name was wellnigh complete, and that the editions were, with few exceptions, Venetian and Aldine. Of other departments a very large space was occupied by the Ancient Classics, and by works on the Greek and Latin language and literature. Most of these books were acquired while Sir William was a student at Oxford ; but the collec- tion was constantly being added to, for to the last he retained and indulged his scholarly tastes. The collection of modern Latin poets has already been noticed. The Latin authors of the classical period whom he preferred were Lucretius, Cicero, and Seneca. His other favourite au- thors of antiquity were Galen and Hippocrates, and, among the fathers, Gregory Nazianzen, St Chrysostom, and St Augus- tine. Of more modern authors, Bacon, Sir Thomas Browne, Pascal, and Ancillon, were greatly prized. In English poetry, among his preferences were, besides Milton and Shakespeare, Sir John Davies, Butler, Pope, Prior, and Gray. Wordsworth and Scott, also, came in for a large share of his liking. His interest in educational matters was shown in the collec- tion of works known as Pedagogics, which, especially the de- partment that related to the educational systems of Germany, was peculiarly rich and valuable. Then there was the historical collection, civil and ecclesi- 400 CONTENTS OF LIBRARY. astical, one of considerable bulk, the tracts relating to the Reformation period being of special value and interest. Of works in Medical literature and in Theology there was a tolerable gathering. Biographical works, especially those relating to men whose lives had left a mark on the literary or philosophical history of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, formed a noticeable feature in the library. Sir William's interest in this period was a good deal connected with his inquiries regarding Buchanan and the Scaligers. He at one time meditated a work, ' De Vita, Genere, et Genio Scaligerorum.' In Barclay, also, the author of ' Argenis/ he took a keen interest. Another department of reading, analogous to the biographi- cal, in which Sir William had a strong interest, and for which he was known among his friends, was that of the Ana, or books consisting of the table-talk or gathered opinions of men of note generally pointed and sententious. Of this class of works he had a large selection. Along with the A no, may be noticed a curious collection of letters of men of note, among others of Petrarch, Melanchthon, Clenardus, Camerarius, Mu- retus, Koger Ascham, Joseph Scaliger, Erasmus. The library was also rich in miscellanies, including 'Dis- sertationes Academics,' 'Orationes,' 'Melanges/ &c., out of which he gathered curious and interesting biographical facts, and hints of the origin and history of philosophical and gen- eral opinions unknown often to professed biographers and historians. Sir William was at all times enamoured of Acute Dicta. To him the interest of a thought was greatly enhanced if it were embodied in a terse, lucid, and pointed form. This arose from his appreciation of force in thought and word, his very remarkable sense of harmony between a thought and its ex- pression, and his love of symmetry in style. His collections of acute dicta are very large I should think in this country unique. The choice of mottoes for his own writings was always a matter of consideration and interest ; and any friend ACUTE DICTA. 401 who chanced to want a motto, was sure, on application to Sir William, to be provided with something appropriate. His own composition, which has a tendency to run in a strongly antithetical groove, shows the great, sometimes lavish, use which he made of his stores of acute dicta. At one time Sir William seems to have thought of indicat- ing the value which. he attached to particular books in the library, by means of a printed label, to be pasted on the title- page of each, bearing, in addition to the name " Gulielmi Hamiltonii," the words " Liber servandus," " Liber rarus, bonus, servandus," or " Adnotationibus manuscriptis," as the case might be. Of these labels a great many were thrown off, but beyond this, unfortunately, the design was not carried into execution ; and thus we are deprived of what would have been an interesting record of Sir William's opinion in regard to the value of the contents of his library. So far as can be dis- covered, the only book to which the label " Liber servandus " is attached, is the edition of the ' Organon ' by Pacius, which was his favourite companion from his Oxford days, and with which he was so familiar, that, when fatigued by arduous reading or thinking, he would frequently take it up merely for relaxation. The great public libraries of the city the College and Ad- vocates' were laid by him under constant contribution. Books which no other person read were taken out by him, and on many of them the dust has lain undisturbed since his death. If tradition is to be credited, the number of volumes which he sometimes had out of the Advocates' Library was quite unpar- alleled in its history. He was also familiar with the rarer works in the College libraries of St Andrews and Glasgow, and occasionally obtained books from them for purposes of consultation. From what has been said, it is obvious that there have been few men at any time who have united so great width and variety with so much minuteness and accuracy of learning, 2 c 402 GENERAL REMARKS. or brought such intensity and penetrative power to bear on so vast a field of research. "The demon of energy," says one who knew him, " was powerful within him ; and had it not found work in the conquest of all human learning, must have sought it elsewhere. You see in him the nature that must follow up all inquiries, not by languid solicitation, but hot pursuit. His conquests as he goes are rapid, but complete. Summing up the thousands upon thousands of volumes upon all matters of human study in many languages which he has passed through his hands, you think he has merely dipped into them, or skimmed them, or, in some other shape, put them to superficial use. You are wrong ; he has found his way at once to the very heart of the living matter of each one ; between it and him there are henceforth no secrets ! " * When to these capabilities of acquisition we add his mar- vellous powers of thought, his acuteness, his comprehensive- ness of grasp, his force and lucidity an individuality of intellect which, amid all his familiarity with the opinions of others, ever stood out clear-cut and persistent the fervour, the native force of will and purpose, little sustained and as little deflected by outward circumstances, which inspired and directed the course of his life-studies, the profound and catholic nature of the subjects of his speculations, and the mark which he has left on them, we may fairly claim for Sir W. Hamilton, without considering how far the conclusions of his philosophy are to be accepted as final, a position among the thinkers of metaphysical Scotland at once high, peculiar, and permanent. No man in this century has lived more completely in the realm of past thought than Hamilton, and at the same time set more conspicuously in the light of historical reflection ques- tions that in themselves are of an interest to man too pressing and constant to have only a past. He has entered the order of abstract thinkers, taken up the course of their thought, and continued their work ; and his name will go down to posterity * Mr Hill Burton Book-Hunter, p. 119, 2<1 ed. HAMILTON FELLOWSHIP. 403 with the best known of them. No one could more truly than he have appropriated to himself these words, to indicate what he was when he lived, and what he would be in memory : " My days among the dead are past ; Around me I behold, Where'er these casual eyes are cast, The mighty minds of old : My never-failing friends are they, With whom I converse day by day. " My hopes are with the dead ; anon My place with them will be, And I with them shall travel on Through all futurity ; Yet leaving here a name, I trust, That will not perish in the dust." Nine years after Sir William's death, a subscription was commenced with the view of raising a fund to found a Philoso- phical Fellowship in honour of his memory. This movement was mainly carried through by Dr John Muir of Edinburgh, to whom our universities are indebted for the Shaw Philoso- phical Fellowship, and to whose zeal the cause of the higher education in Scotland owes much. The sum raised, along with the amount added to it by the Association for the Better Endowment of the University of Edinburgh, has been set apart to form the fund of " The Hamilton Philosophical Fellowship." The annual proceeds of it are given to the Master of Arts of the University of Edinburgh of not more than three years' standing, who passes the best competitive examination in Logic, Metaphysics, and Moral Philosophy. The competition takes place once in three years. Out of the fund collected for the Fellowship a sum was set apart for providing a bust of Sir William. The execution of this work was intrusted to Mr William Brodie, RS.A. The bust, which is considered to be an excellent likeness, was, on its completion, presented by the subscribers to the Senatus Aca- demicus of the University, and was placed in the Senate Hall of the College in December 1867. APPENDIX. NOTE A. ON THE REVIEW OF COUSIN; AND ALLEGED CONTRADICTION IN SIR w. HAMILTON'S PHILOSOPHY. THE nature and limits of the present work do not permit of any adequate consideration of the philosophical doctrines of Sir W. Hamilton, or extended examination of the criticisms to which they have been recently subjected by Mr Mill and others. These criti- cisms, even when most adverse, may fairly be taken as evidence of the strength of the impulse which Hamilton has given to specu- lative thought in eminently materialistic times. I cannot, how- ever, even in the present work, omit referring generally to what appears to me the gross, even ludicrous, misrepresentation of Hamil- ton's doctrines especially on the subject of the review of Cousin which Mr Mill has given to the world.* It was obvious, from the first edition of the ' Examination,' that Mr Mill's acquaintance with the questions which Hamilton dis- cussed in the review of Cousin did not extend beyond what he obtained from the author he was criticising, and that he had not reached any adequate conception of the real drift of the Essay. The alterations and modifications, avowed and silent, of the third edi- tion, still show the same perfervid eagerness to demolish ; but they do not evince any increased acquaintance with the real points of the philosophy assailed. * In regard, indeed, to the doctrine of the Conditioned, a minute examination of these criticisms is the less called for after the admirably clear, acute, and powerful exposure of Mr Mill's misconceptions of Sir W. Hamilton's doctrines by Mr Mansel, in his ' Philosophy of the Conditioned.' APPENDIX. 405 Thus we find him persistently representing the main question of the article as being whether we have, or have not, " an immediate (!) intuition of God." * The truth is, that it is nothing of the sort ; the question is not primarily or mainly this at all. The nature and limits of our knowledge of Deity are, no doubt, points involved ; but only indirectly. But the question as to whether our knowledge of Deity is or is not immediate, is irrelevant to the real question of the article. That question is, Does the alleged notion of the Infinito- absolute, or the notion of the Absolute, or the notion of the Infi- nite, afford us a knowledge of any object possible or real? Can we realise in thought a concrete object that shall be at once infinite and absolute, or either the one or the other 1 This question, in so far as it relates to Deity at all, refers not to the process or mode by which we know Deity whether immediate or inferential but to the nature and degree of our conception of Deity. The question, What is the amount of our knowledge of God ? still remains to be asked, whether we hold that our knowledge of Deity is obtained by intui- tion or by inference ; for the process by which we reach the reality of Deity does not necessarily determine the extent of our know- ledge of His nature and attributes ; that is, whether we know Him in the fulness of His being, or, only partially, in certain of His mani- festations. Further, the central question of the discussion does not neces- sarily refer to Deity at all. We may settle it, even affirmatively, without conceiving an object that is identical with Deity. For suppose we found and proved, as Mr Mill thinks he has proved, a positive conception of time without end, or of space and time as absolutely completed, we should have determined affirmatively the question of the capacity of the mind with regard to an object infinite or absolute, but surely not with regard to an object convertible with Deity. Or, to refer to other aspects of the question, we may main- tain such a knowledge of self, of our own being, or of the world around us, as is altogether independent of their phenomenal mani- festations that is, an absolute knowledge, in the strict historical usage of the word. Theories of this nature were implied in the dogmatic systems of metaphysics before Kant ; and they have been explicitly held since his time. In discussing such doctrines we are dealing with the question as to the nature and extent of our know- ledge of reality, finite and infinite, but not properly or directly with the reality of Deity. * Examination, p. 43, 3d ed. 406 APPENDIX. Then, again, we may hold with some philosophers that it is com- petent for the human mind to reach a conception of what is called pure being being above space and time, that is neither one nor many out of all relation, above every form or mode in which our ordinary consciousness contemplates finite or relative existence, ?'.e., the Unconditioned or Absolute, as it has been called. We actually have in this one form of answer to the question of the Essay on the Unconditioned ; yet we should hardly regard this as identical with the notion of Deity, or think that we were now discussing any ques- tion about our knowledge of Him or His reality.* No doubt the decision of the question of the article in the nega- tive affects by implication the view we take of the nature and extent of our knowledge of Deity; for if we cannot conceive any object of thought as infinite or absolute, Deity as an object of thought cannot be conceived as either infinite or absolute. And this is really the way in which the decision of the general question of the discussion is brought to bear on M. Cousin's alleged notion of the Absolute, which he identifies with God. M. Cousin not only maintains that we are able, under the laws of our ordinary thought and consciousness, to conceive God as absolute, but holds also that He is directly pre- sented to us as absolute in our conscious experience. Hamilton maintains, on the other hand, that M. Cousin's Absolute is not a genuine conception of an absolute object that no such conception is possible in human consciousness that he mistakes what is merely a relative notion for the idea of an absolute object, and consequently that he deceives himself in supposing that any object corresponding either to the Absolute or the Infinite is directly given as a reality in our conscious experience. The confusion on this point has arisen chiefly from Mr Mill and other critics not keeping in view the twofold application of the terms, " the Absolute " and " the Infinite," when employed in a wider and narrower meaning an application which it was one special merit of Hamilton to detect and unfold. " The Absolute" and " the Infinite " may each be employed to indicate the alleged union of two contradictory notions, or alleged notions. These opposite notions, or, as Hamilton calls them, "counter-imbecilities of the * See Schelling's treatise, Vom Ich als Prinzip der Philosophic, oder liber das unbedingte im menschlichen Wissen.' Schelling, speaking of this treatise, says : " Die erste zeigt den Idealismus in seiner 'frischesten Erscheinung, urid vielleicht in einem Sinn, den er spaterhin verlor. Wenigstens ist das Ich noch uberall als absolutes, oder als IdentUat des Subjectiven mid Objcctiven tcJileckthin. nicht als subjectives genommen." Vorrede, p. v. APPENDIX. 40T human mind," * he distinguishes as "the unconditional negation of limitation " the Infinite proper, and " the unconditional affirma- tion of limitation" the Absolute proper.t The fictitious union of these two opposites he names " the Unconditioned," or, as in the title of the essay, " the Infinite-absolute." Now, what Hamil- ton alleges against Cousin and others is, that they did not observe this twofold application or extension of the terms Absolute or In- finite, when used as they are by them as synonymous with " the Unconditioned ; " that the terms Absolute or Infinite which they used to indicate one supposed notion, really indicated the sum of two contradictions an Infinite-absolute and, therefore, a mere zero, which is incapable of being the predicate of anything in the sphere of reality. What can be more explicit on this point than the following? " It is the crowning irrationality of the Infinite- absolutists that they have not merely accepted as objective what is only subjective, but quietly assumed as the same what are not only different but connective, not only connective but repugnant." J Again : " The Unconditioned is self- contradictory, because it is not a notion, either simple or positive, but only a fasciculus of negations negations of the Conditioned in its opposite extremes. . . . (The Unconditioned is merely a common name for what tran- scends the laws of thought for informally illegitimate.)" Such a pseudo-conception can of course be predicated neither of God nor of any real object. This is an important point, which Hamilton was the first to apprehend and analyse. The gist of Mr Mill's complaint against him is that he did not perceive that the expres- sions "the Absolute" and "the Infinite," when used as synonymous with " the Unconditioned," were unmeaning. || Hamilton certainly did not perceive them to be unmeaning, and that for the simple reason that they are not so ; for we have an intelligible conception of what are their requisites as notions i. e., of their meaning as we have of what would form the notion of a square circle, though such a conception is not actually realisable by us ; but they are, or rather the Unconditioned is, as Hamilton has shown, inconceivable unthinkable as a notion for the simple reason that it would involve contradictory predicates in one object of thought. But leaving this sense of the Unconditioned, or fictitious union of two contradictories the Infinite and the Absolute we may ask whether either of these by itself is possible to thought? for * Discussions, p. 21, note. t Ibid., p. 28. t Ibid., p. 21, note. Ibid., p. 17. || Examination, p. 70, compare p. 21, note. 408 APPENDIX. though both cannot be united in one notion, one or other may possibly be conceivable. It is here that the salient point of Hamilton's doctrine comes out. He maintains that while an Infinite - absolute is an impossibility, because a contradiction in thought, an infinite or an absolute object is, while inconceivable, yet not an impossibility in thought on the ground of contradiction. Each inconditionate is by itself simply inconceivable as violating the law of Kelativity, which is a mere restraint on our thought, pre- venting us from comprehending how a thing can be otherwise than in some particular relation. Now, this mere inconceivability of each Infinite or Absolute does not prove it to be really impossible as the contradictory nature of the Infinite-absolute does. .For, according to Hamilton, the non-fulfilinent of the law of Relativity only shows that we from our constitution are unable to think the possibility of an object, which nevertheless may really be.* Hence an absolute commencement, or an endless regress, may be predicable of existence in time, though we may be unable positively to conceive the possi- bility either of the one or of the other ; while we may have inde- pendent grounds for supposing the one to be credible rather than the other. The doctrine of the Conditioned, as taught by Hamilton, is not without its difficulties, but thus to misrepresent it does not help us in any way to a solution of them. How very far Mr Mill is from getting at anything like a conception of the nature of the discussion is further shown by his references to the terms " Conditioned " and " Unconditioned," which Hamilton employs, and which are to be met with everywhere in German philosophy since the time of Kant. In Hamilton's use, "the Conditioned" is a more general term than "the Finite" or "the Relative," as including both; and "the Unconditioned" embraces the two extremes, "the Infinite" and " the Absolute " the latter as indicating " what is out of relation, as finished, perfect, complete, total," being diametrically opposed to, or contradictory of, " the infinite." t Mr Mill, utterly neglecting to seek the historical meaning and application of these terms, yet complains that Hamilton has given us 110 "definition" of them. Hamilton, he says, " tells us what (in logical language) the terms de- note, but not what they connote. An examination of things called by * Discussions, p. 603, and Appendix I. (A.) passim. t Discussions, p. 14. J That is, in Mr Mill's perverted sense of the term connote, to express the APPENDIX. 409 a name is not a definition."* "The Conditioned," as employed by Hamilton, indicates the element common to every conceivable proposition or notion in a word, to every positive thought ; and this in his view is some kind of relation between a plurality of terms. This differs in no essential way from Kant's conception of the Conditioned (das Bedingte) as that which depends on some- thing else for its being ; for if there be no object of thought apart from a relation to another no not-self without a self no attri- bute without a subject no now without a then no here without a there no this without a that, then is the thinking of the one term i.e., its being as a thought dependent upon or condi- tioned by the other. It is obvious, also, how the Conditioned necessarily involves limitation, or restriction. As thus : the summum genus of the conceivable, the Conditioned, is incapable of logical definition, and can be shown to be what it is, only, as in the case of the notion being, and others of the same class, by point- ing to individual propositions or classes of propositions which em- body it that is, by referring to the things which the term denotes, not to what it connotes. And this Hamilton has done partly in the essay on the Unconditioned, but especially in a full and explicit manner in the ' Discussions,' Appendix I., ' On the Conditions of the Thinkable.' He there develops and classifies the essential forms or relations in which existence is conceivable by us e.g., those of subject and object, of subject and attribute, of cause and effect, &c., which make up the Conditioned for human thought. If the Conditioned be thus in strictness indefinable, so also must be the Unconditioned ; for this is an expression for the negation of relation i.e., it is not a conception at all has no subjective reality but is "a name for two counter-imbecilities of the human mind, ille- gitimately transmuted into properties of the nature of things, "t To desiderate a " definition " of such terms is simply to request a logi- cal impossibility, and to show that the person who seeks it has not even a rudimentary conception of the nature of the matter with which he is dealing. Mr Mill, besides misconceiving the true question of the essay, misrepresents the scope of the argument. He alleges that Hamil- comprehension as distinguished from the extension of a notion. On this see Mr Hansel's Aldrich, ' Artis Logicae Eudimenta,' 3d ed., p. 16. On the various meanings of denotative and connotative, see Arriaga, ' Cursus Philosophicus,' Dis. I. In Summ., iv. * Examination, p. 67. t Discussions, p. 21, note. 410 APPENDIX. ton's proof is only directed and valid against the abstractions, " the Absolute," " the Infinite," but fails when viewed in relation to the concrete something infinite or absolute. The first part of the statement is an assumption that is wholly groundless, and in the very face of the facts. Hamilton's proof is directed against the positive comprehension alike of a concrete Infinite and Absolute ; and he tests the question of the conceivability of both by reference to concrete reality, more particularly space and time. Any other course of argument would have been totally idle and irrelevant. The expressions " the Absolute" and "the Infinite," which Mr Mill thinks to be especially " meaningless " and " self-contradictory," and therefore not requiring to be proved " unknowable/' are used by Hamilton with perfect propriety as compendious expressions to indicate negations of different fundamental relations in which objects stand to the intelligence, just as the expressions "the Relative" and " the Finite " are used to indicate the various relations in or under which objects are conceivable by us. "The Absolute" and "the Infinite," as thus employed, are as necessary and proper expressions as "the Relative" and " the Finite;" and the former no more necessarily mean only one thing or being, because of the article prefixed, than do the latter just as we may speak of " the unknowable " and " the knowable " without being lawfully held to mean only one thing of either sort. Nor is any one of the former terms a whit more self-contradictory than either of the latter. We cannot, as Mr Mill says, conceive one object answering to " the Absolute," for it would necessarily involve contradictory predicates ; but we cannot any more conceive one object answering to "the Finite," for it too must contain contradictory predicates seeing that the Finite takes in the mental and the material, the organised and the unorganised, the vertebrate and the invertebrate, &c. This proves nothing against the possible application of the terms in suc- cession to the different relations or negations of relations which they may happen to represent. The real question still remains : Whe- ther we can think or imagine an object or attribute that is Infinite- or Absolute, or both, as we can an object that is Finite or Relative ? Can we, for example, conceive " the Infinite " in time or space as we can " the Finite" in those quantities 1 This is the main question to which Hamilton addresses himself in the review of Cousin. The further and higher ontological inquiries viz., whether there can be conceived one being with attributes infinite or absolute, and whether, if we can conceive such a being, it is exclusive of all others are, APPENDIX. 411 of course, points which will be settled in accordance with the con- clusion to which we may come regarding the conceivability of the Infinite or Absolute, in the case of the alleged relations to which these terms are considered applicable. The only thing in the shape of an argument by which Mr Mill attempts to establish against Hamilton the actual cognition of the Infinite in the concrete is the merest trifling. " To know space," says Mr Mill, " as greater than anything finite, is not to know it as finite;" we can know it as such, therefore we can know infinite space. As is the case with most of his metaphysical premises, this is ambiguous ; and it is not sufficient to prove that we actually or in point of fact conceive or represent to ourselves space without end, or infinite space. "To know space as greater than anything finite" may mean that we can actually represent space without end in the concrete, in which case the point to be proved is assumed ; or it may mean that we believe that space always extends beyond any finite part of it which we may realise in conception, in which case we have proved nothing to the point. This only shows that there is an infinite of space to be reached; it does not prove (what is the only point at issue) that we have, in our conception, actually grasped its infinity. Space is thus thought merely as that which cannot be finished as the unfinishable and this so far from being actually conceived is necessarily known or thought by us only as that which passes the bounds of comprehension. It is obvious, from what Mr Mill says on this whole matter, that, notwithstanding the confident asseverations of his third edition, he has not mastered the distinc- tion between the Infinite and the Indefinite. His definition of the Indefinite as " that which has a limit, but a limit either variable in itself or unknown to us," is entirely beside the point. It is utterly unessential to the indefinite whether the quantity in which we find it actually has a limit or not ; what is essential to the indefinite in any thing or quantity is that we do not actually reach a limit, and can still add to the sum of what we conceive or represent. In a word, the indefinite expresses the relation of our thought to an object or quantity, when conception merely fails to grasp it in its entireness, or leaves something of it beyond what we compass in the single act of thought. There is therefore with the indefinite the possibility of addition. The infinite, on the other hand, refers to the character of the thing, as actually without end or limit ; and, there- fore, from its nature incapable of addition either in reality or in conception. The indefinite indicates a subjective failure to grasp 412 APPENDIX. that which may or may not have a limit in reality ; the infinite in- dicates that which has no limit objectively or in fact, and which, therefore, always appears in positive thought not as it actually is, but as an indefinite. Besides, if the indefinite be " that which has a limit, but a limit either variable in itself or unknown to us," how can we think either time or space as indefinite ? For these quantities are surely supposed and believed by us to be without limit ; if, how- ever, the indefinite be that which has a limit, there can be for us no indefinite of space or time. The fact that the limit is said to be variable in itself or unknown to us will not help us in this case, for these qualifications must, from the definition, be held to apply only to the limited which space and time are not.* The burden of Mr Mill's ' Examination of Sir W. Hamilton's Philosophy ' is the contradictory nature of Sir William's philoso- phical opinions. After what we have seen of the character of Mr Mill's representation of the most fundamental point in Sir Wil- liam's philosophy, we may well doubt his capacity to exhibit truly any inconsistencies or contradictions which it may contain. The first requisite to the judgment that two opinions are inconsistent or con- tradictory, is to be able to apprehend each by itself. It will be found that, while Mr Mill has misrepresented Hamilton's doctrine of the Absolute, he has as thoroughly missed the point of the doctrine which he regards as inconsistent with it that of Natural Realism. The principal charge which Mr Mill makes against Sir W. Hamilton's philosophy is that his doctrine of the Absolute, and that of Natural Realism, are inconsistent or contradictory that in the one he denies, and in the other affirms, a knowledge of more than the relative. Let us look at the matter for a little. The gist of Mr Mill's proof of this point is to be found in the following passage. Refer- ring to what Sir W. Hamilton calls our immediate knowledge of the qualities of the external world, Mr Mill says : "What, according to Sir W. Hamilton, is this knowledge 1 Is it a knowledge of some- what in the thing merely in its effects on us, or is it a knowledge of somewhat in the thing ulterior to any effect on us ? He asserts in the plainest terms that it is the latter. Then it is not a knowledge wholly relative to us. If what we perceive in the thing is some- thing of which we are only aware as existing and as causing impres- * On Mr Mill's confusion of the infinite with the indefinite, see some pointed remarks by Mr Mausel in the ' Contemporary Review ' for September 1867, xxi. p. 24 et scq. APPENDIX. 413 sions on us, our knowledge of the thing is only relative. But if what we perceive and cognise is not merely a cause of our subjective impressions, but a thing possessing in its own nature and essence a long list of properties Extension, Impenetrability, Number, Magni- tude, Figure, Mobility, Position all perceived as 'essential attributes 1 of the thing as ' objectively existing ' all as ' modes of a not-self J and by no means as an occult cause or causes of any modes of self, then I am willing to believe that, in affirming this knowledge to be entirely relative to self, such a thinker as Sir W. Hamilton had a meaning, but I have no small difficulty in discovering what it is." * Further, he tells us that, if what Sir W. Hamilton says of the direct knowledge of the primary qualities of matter be true, " our faculties, so far as the primary qualities are concerned, do cognise and know matter as it is in itself, and not merely as an unknowable and incomprehensible substratum ; they do cognise and know it as it exists absolutely, and not merely in relation to us ; it is known to us directly, and not as a mere inference from phenomena" t We may note, first of all, in regard to this passage, that Sir W. Hamilton would not have applied the term immediate to the know- ledge of an occult cause, gained simply from its impressions on us ; he would have regarded, and properly so, the impression as the object immediately known the supposed or inferred cause as known mediately, or in and through the effect on us. Mr Mill might therefore have saved himself the trouble of assuming, even for a moment, the possibility of Sir W. Hamilton meaning by immediate knowledge any inferential knowledge of a cause from its effects. As regards the second alternative, Sir W. Hamilton nowhere asserts, as Mr Mill alleges, but would have explicitly denied, that immediate know- ledge is " a knowledge of somewhat in the thing ulterior to any effect on us." Such a statement is simply in flagrant contradiction with Sir W. Hamilton's definition of immediate knowledge, and with his express illustrations of it ; and it shows that Mr Mill has a very confused apprehension of the distinction between immediate and mediate knowledge. But, secondly, while Mr Mill is wrong in his premise, he is not less astray in his inference. "A knowledge of somewhat in the thing ulterior to any effect on us," even if asserted, does not neces- sarily imply a knowledge other than relative to us, as Mr Mill infers. This proceeds on the assumption that the only notion of relativity which is proper or allowable is that of our being " only aware of an * Examination, p. 21, 3d ed. t Ibid., p. 25. 414 APPENDIX. object as existing and as causing impressions on us." If this be the extent of our knowledge of the object, then, according to Mr Mill, " our knowledge of the thing is only relative." Now this is not the sense in which the expression is generally employed by Sir W. Hamilton ; it is not the only, or the proper, or the primary, sense of the relativity of knowledge ; and it is not the only important sense. In fact, Sir W. Hamilton has expressly repudiated this narrow sense of the term relative, which is common to Reid and Brown, from the latter of whom Mr Mill no doubt borrowed it. Hamilton has censured Reid for so employing it, when he re- stricts it to our knowledge of the secondary qualities, as the occult causes of impressions on us. Referring to Reid's statements, Ham- ilton says : " By the expression * what they are in themselves ' in reference to the primary qualities, and of * relative notion 1 in refer- ence to the secondary, Reid cannot mean that the former are known to us absolutely and in themselves that is, out of relation to our cognitive faculties ; for he elsewhere admits that all our knowledge is relative."* Again, when Reid remarks that " our notion of body or matter, as distinguished from its qualities, is a relative notion," Sir "W. Hamilton says : " That is, our notion of absolute body is relative. This is incorrectly expressed. We can know, we can con- ceive, only what is relative. Our knowledge of qualities or pheno- mena is necessarily relative, for these exist only as they exist in rela- tion to our faculties. The knowledge, or even the conception, of a substance in itself, and apart from any qualities in relation, and therefore cognisable or conceivable by our minds, involves a contra- diction. Of such we can form only a negative notion that is, we can merely conceive it as inconceivable. But to call this negative notion a relative notion, is wrong : 1st, Because all our (positive) notions are relative ; and, 2d, Because this is itself a negative notion i.e., no notion at all simply because there is no relation. The same improper application of the term relative was also made by Reid when speaking of the secondary qualities." t These passages alone clearly show that Sir W. Hamilton's sense of relative was very much wider than that in which it is employed by Mr Mill. The latter seeks to force on Sir W. Hamilton the meaning which he has beforehand expressly repudiated. Whatever the import of relativity with Hamilton may be, it is at least not that which Mill assumes that it is, and on which he grounds his * Reid's Works, p. 313, note*. t Ibid., p. 322-3, note. APPENDIX. 415 charge of contradiction. Sir W. Hamilton holds, and holds properly, that knowledge may be relative, although we know more of the ob- ject than that it is the occult cause of impressions on the mind.* In its proper and primary sense, the phrase "relativity of know- ledge" indicates a relation (of various kinds) between the mind knowing and the object known. Whatever relations between these the mind and the object can be shown to be necessary or essen- tial to the act of knowledge to be its conditions, in fact are, properly speaking, the relations of knowledge, and constitute the relativity of knowledge. JSTo relation can properly be regarded as constituting the relativity of knowledge, in the absence o.f which knowledge would be possible. Now, measured by this test, Mr Mill's view of the relativity of knowledge is neither primary nor essential. It is not primary; for in supposing an object to be known as the cause of impressions, it supposes the prior relation of mind and object ; it supposes also the conceptions of one and many, of self and not-self, of cause and effect, and of many simi- lar relations. It is a secondary or derivative relativity, which supposes and is rendered intelligible only by the assumption of deeper and prior relations that is, of a more essential relativity. It is these deeper and essential relations which Hamilton indi- cates by the expression relativity of knowledge. But, further, Mr Mill's relativity is not essential to knowledge. There may be, and is, knowledge, by us, in the absence altogether of the relation be- tween an unknown or supposed cause and its impression on the mind. And this knowledge is still properly called relative. We know the acts and states of our own mind ; but these are known not as occult causes of impressions on our consciousness, but as the forms of our consciousness itself not through the medium of an effect or impression which they cause in us, but directly, immedi- ately in themselves. Yet our knowledge of mind is relative, and is declared to be so by Hamilton, as expressly as is our knowledge of matter,' and in the very same sense ; so that either there is a true relativity of knowledge which is not comprehended in Mr Mill's sense of these words, or our knowledge of our own minds is not a relative but an absolute knowledge. The alternatives are obvious ; either we have an absolute knowledge when we directly know the states of our own mind, or Mr Mill's definition of relative know- * On the true import of the term relativity in Hamilton, Mr Mansel has some very pertinent remarks. See, especially, 'Contemporary Review,' K"o. xxi. p. 21. 416 APPENDIX. ledge is narrow and misleading. Must our knowledge of our own mental phenomena be absolute, or more than relative, if we know them otherwise than as the causes of impressions on the consciousness if we know them directly or immediately 1 If not, why should our knowledge of material phenomena be held to be absolute, or more than relative, when it is spoken of in the same language as direct or immediate, or as a knowledge of the thing in itself 1 The obvious inference is, that Mr Mill's measuring-line stops far short of the depths which he seeks to fathom. In fact, Mr Mill's relativity of knowledge is not in any funda- mental or crucial sense a relativity at all. For there may be know- ledge and thought of objects apart altogether from the particular relation that of supposed cause from known effects. To think or know objects as merely the occult causes of known impressions is not essential to thinking or knowledge. We may think and know apart altogether from this particular mode of thinking. To suppose an occult cause is only necessary in particular circumstances, or as one out of several relations; and while, in these circumstances, we are constrained to think it, we may think and know objects apart alto- gether from this relation, and yet think and know them in essential relations. There are relations apart from which we cannot know or think an object, but that fixed on by Mr Mill is not of them. His relativity is neither primary nor essential. But Mr Mill further maintains that Hamilton explicitly contra- dicted his doctrine of relativity by holding that we have a "direct" or "immediate" knowledge of the qualities of body a knowledge of these qualities " as they are in themselves" a knowledge of them as "essential attributes," as "modes of a not-self." He interprets these and similar expressions as implying that we "know matter as it is in itself, and not merely as an unknowable and incompre- hensible substratum," "as it exists absolutely and not merely in relation to us," " as known directly and not as a mere inference from phenomena." But this interpretation is utterly unwarranted. It is putting into words a meaning which they do not naturally bear. To allege that Hamilton maintained a doctrine of Natural Eealism on the subject of material existence is entirely irrelevant to establish the charge of abandoning the relativity of knowledge. In order to prove this, it must be shown that his doctrine implied that sensible reality reality as we perceive it by any one of the senses, is identical with super-sensible reality i.e., reality per se; for in this case sensible or APPENDIX. 417 perceived reality would have an existence, whether we perceive it or not, and as we perceive it. In other words, our relative knowledge of it would be convertible with its absolute existence, or being per se. The lawfulness of asserting the convertibility of sensible and super-sensible reality, while directly opposed to the whole scope of Hamilton's philosophy, is besides denied by him whenever he chances to come across the doctrine. Hamilton has beforehand repudiated Mr Mill's interpretation of his words, both implicitly and in express terms. Reid, as already noticed, asserts that our knowledge, both of mind and matter, is relative, and at the same time he speaks of a " direct knowledge" of the primary qualities a knowledge of them " as they are in themselves." And, curiously enough, Hamilton notices the ap- parent inconsistency, and says that Eeid cannot here mean that things are known "absolutely and in themselves"* that is, "out of relation to our cognitive faculties" and, therefore, as apart from and above their conditions of knowledge in time, space, &c., or as the things might appear to other intelligences not subject to such conditions. Hamilton thus perceives and admits that the term "absolute," or " in themselves," cannot be applied to any knowledge which we have of qualities or objects in time and space, in the sense of importing that the knowledge is of the object per se or of the object as it exists apart from our perception, if it Tiave such an existence. He has, moreover, expressly repudiated the doctrine that, be- tween knowing things in time and space merely through the im- pressions which they make on the mind i.e., "merely as a cause of subjective impressions" and perceiving or knowing "a thing as possessing in its own nature and essence a long list of properties," there is no intermediate position. " When," he says, " I perceive a quality of the non-ego, of the object - object, as in immediate relation to my mind, I am said to have of it an objective knowledge, in contrast to the subjective knowledge I am said to have of it when supposing it only as the hypothetical or occult cause of an affection of which I am conscious, or thinking it only mediately through a subject-object, or representation in, and of, the mind."t Again, he tells us that he uses the expressions "immediate knowledge" of a quality or object, and a knowledge of the quality "as it is in itself," as convertible ; he tells us expressly that knowledge is regarded as immediate, "in contrast to the knowledge of a thing in a representation or mediately ;" and he denies that it means a know- * Hamilton's Reid, p. 313, note*. t Reid, p. 846. 2 D 418 APPENDIX. ledge of the object " in its absolute existence that is, out of relation to us."* He thus denies in toto that to perceive properties as "essen- tial attributes" of the thing as " objectively existing" as "modes of a not-self," and " by no means as an occult cause or causes of any modes of self" at all implies that the thing possesses, or is known to possess, in its own nature and essence, these properties. His doctrine is, that of the nature and essence of the thing per se we know nothing, and that these properties are the forms in which the thing is known by and exists for us as a finite object i.e., an object of time and space. On the nature of its existence or pro- perties per se, or apart from its appearances to our faculties, he refuses to dogmatise. With regard to absolute existence i.e., being that is not temporal or spatial Hamilton would say that we have reasons for believing or supposing that it exists ; but that we have no warrant for attributing to it temporal or spatial properties. In fact, the absolute, the positive knowledge of which Hamilton denies, is that which negates time, or space, or both which transcends them ; and the error he points out is the confusion of thought which, while it deludes itself with the belief that it has reached this absolute, yet clothes it in finite i.e., temporal or spatial, qualities. Now what precisely does he mean by saying that the thing is known immediately or in itself, and yet not absolutely, but relatively to us, the knowers ? In regard to external objects, he explains this by saying, "On this doctrine an external quality is said to be known in itself, when it is known as the immediate and necessary cor- relative of an internal quality of which I am conscious. Thus, when I am conscious of the existence of an inorganic volition to move, and aware that the members are obedient to my will ; but, at the same time, aware that my limb is arrested in its motion by some external impediment \ in this case, I cannot be conscious of myself as the resisted relative, without at the same time being con- scious, being immediately percipient, of a not-self as the resisting correlative. In this cognition there is no sensation, no subjectivo- organic affection. I simply know myself as a force in energy, the not-self as a counter-force in energy." t From this passage, which contains his most matured doctrine of the perception of an external reality, taken along with the state- ments before quoted, we gather : 1, That by the apprehension of a thing in itself, as applied to external reality, Hamilton means an immediate (non-representative) *Reid, p. 866. t Ibid., p. 866. APPENDIX. 419 knowledge of the thing, i.e., as he elsewhere explains, the appre- hension of the thing as existing now, or now and here, in time, or in time and space. 2, That this existence of the thing in itself, in time, or in time and space, is not identical with the absolute existence of the thing, whatever that may mean. That while the thing may have an absolute reality, this, its immediately apprehended .existence, is not forthwith to be identified with that absolute existence. 3, That nevertheless the quality of an external object may be and is apprehended by us i.e., something more than a mere sensation or form of our consciousness, or "impression on the mind." And that the apprehension or immediate knowledge of this quality, or knowledge of it in itself i.e., not in and through any mode of the mind is a knowledge of a reality different from the mind, from any one of its sensations, and, generally, its modes of being. 4, That our knowledge of such a quality is always relative is the correlative of some consciousness on our part of a state of the mind, in this case an effort of locomotion, which is found to meet with resistance. There is thus in our knowledge relation between a quality in time and space, such as a resisting force, and another quality in time, such as a resisted mental effort or nisus. And further, this quality known in time, or known in space, will in itself be relative ; for time is a relation of succession, as space is a relation of coexistence ; so that there may be and is, in perfectly intelligible language, a twofold relation, even if the quality known be supposed to be an existence or reality in space and time. There is the relation be- tween the quality perceived and the percipient the relation, to wit, of resistance and there is the relation in the quality itself as succeeding other qualities in time, and as existing along with other qualities in space. Our knowledge is thus relative, and of the rela- tive. These relations are altogether independent of that supposed to hold between (unknown) objects and the impressions which they make on the mind or consciousness i. e., consciousness may embrace more than its mere impressions ; while our knowledge is still only of the real and of the relative. Our knowledge, accordingly, or experience as we find it, is made up of a real which is not ourselves, and of a real which is ourselves. We do not know the real which is not ourselves apart from the real which is self or ourselves as modified i. e., our knowledge of the ex- 420 APPENDIX. ternal real, as of the internal real, is relative, or a relation. Hamil- ton's relative is not opposed to the real, as has been well remarked ; it is opposed to the absolute of certain speculators, such as Schel- ling and others. The absolute knowledge against which Hamilton contends is the knowledge of an object that transcends time and space, that transcends the conditions of human thought and con- sciousness; the knowledge which is claimed by Schelling in his intellectual intuition, and by others of the absolutist school, and made by them the basis of deductive theories of knowledge and being in Hamilton's view at once presumptuous, visionary, and illegitimate. Mr Mill's parade of " contradictions " in regard to this and other parts of Hamilton's philosophy may, in the great majority of cases, be shown to arise from the critic's misconception of the doctrines with which he is dealing, from his overlooking the nature of the higher speculative questions, which necessarily present apparently contradictory aspects, and from his extracting meanings from state- ments which they do not contain. Mr Mill's method of destruction by "contradictions" reminds one of the savage war instrument known as the boomerang, which when it hits its object is exceed- ingly deadly, but when unskilfully employed is not less fatal in its rebound on the person using it. Of Mr Mill's remarks on the philosopher I shall say nothing, except that they are, in general, very happy specimens of the art of disparagement, which consists in damning by praise for second-rate feats, when higher were attempted and accomplished, and that they are worthy of the writer who regards Brown and Hartley as possessing an insight "into the heart of great psychological questions which had never been fathomed before," * while Hamilton had none ; who even rates Whately as a thinker above Hamilton, and whose canons of philosophic merit lead him to rank the latter with Mr Dugald Stewart. * Examination, p. 620. APPENDIX. 421 NOTE B. ON THE INFLUENCE OF SIR W. HAMILTON'S WRITINGS IN AMERICA. THE following interesting communication on the influence of Sir William Hamilton's writings in America is by Noah Porter, D.D., Professor of Moral Philosophy and Metaphysics in Yale College : " Sir William Hamilton was first known in the United States by his articles in the * Edinburgh Review,' particularly by the two entitled 'Philosophy of Perception' (October 1830), and 'Logic, &c.' (April 1833). The article published previously on 'The Philosophy of the Unconditioned,' &c. (October 1829), did not at first attract general attention, because the writers to which it refers were as yet scarcely known, even to our best scholars, and the sub- jects treated of were strange to our speculations at least in the form and phraseology in which they are there presented. This article was afterwards often referred to and read with great interest. The two articles named were extensively read in this country, and were considered the most remarkable contributions to the history and criticism of metaphysical science which had appeared in the English language for that generation. The astounding erudition, the vigorous thought, the masterly analysis, the acute criticism, and the self-relying independence by which they were distinguished, made a profound impression upon the many readers whom they at once excited and astonished. There were not a few of these many more than the writer himself would have suspected, or any person who was not intimately conversant with the tastes and tendencies of our thinking men, or had founded his conclusions upon the amount of philosophical learning possessed by those who gave in- struction in philosophy, or upon the knowledge possessed by their most advanced pupils. Ill-provided as our country was at that time with learned philosophers, it was furnished with a considerable number of thinkers, who were prepared to accept with gratitude these solid contributions of Hamilton to philosophical knowledge 422 APPENDIX. who could follow with interest his novel and subtle analyses, and were competent to criticise his boldest positions. The fact is un- questioned that Hamilton was not obliged to train among us an interested audience or appreciating critics, but he found already provided many readers who were prepared to study his speculations with a keen interest, and to profit by the stimulus and instruction which he so freely imparted. . . . " Nearly up to the time when the writings of Hamilton began to be read, the English and Scottish writers had been our only teachers from abroad. The German and French metaphysicians were almost unknown and unread. The ancient philosophers were known only here and there to a classical student, and read in parts chiefly for purely linguistic or philological purposes. The logicians of the scholastic period rested in quiet on the shelves of a few old libraries. The chief interest in speculative questions was excited by their direct application to current theological discussions and controver- sies. The principles recognised and the authorities referred to were derived from the school of Locke and the Scottish metaphysicians. Reid was known familiarly by some of our philosophical teachers. Dugald Stewart had been very generally studied in our leading colleges for a few years, and was admired for his cautious prudence and his careful elegance of style. The lectures of Dr Thomas Brown had passed through several editions, and their author had excited a temporary furore of admiration by his subtle ingenuity, his confi- dent criticism, and his affluent declamation. His treatise on Cause and Effect had both puzzled and aroused our theologians. For several years previous a very active and earnest controversy had been agitating the entire New England school of theology, which turned entirely upon the application of certain mooted psychological and philosophical principles to the received evangelical doctrines. This controversy continued for nearly thirty years, beginning about 1820, and effected some important ecclesiastical changes. It was in- cidental to this controversy that the Presbyterian organisation was rent in twain. The discussions of this controversy were conducted with great earnestness, and excited the minds of thinking men of all classes to look closely at the foundation principles of all faith and all philosophy. In 1830, about the time when this controversy was rising to its fever-heat, the philosophical writings of Mr S. T. Coleridge were introduced to our country by a very earnest advocate, James Marsh, D.D., one of our very best scholars and profoundest thinkers. Dr Marsh was an earnest and patient student of the APPENDIX. 423 ancient philosophers, and had thoroughly acquainted himself with the later German philosophy. Cousin's critique upon Locke's Essay was translated by Dr Henry, and published in 1833. Eev. George Eipley, then a Unitarian clergyman in Boston, had introduced some novel philosophico-theologieal opinions into the very cultivated cir- cles of that always active-minded city. These were but the result of his very strong interest in the modern speculations of Germany, of which he was an earnest student. The discussions connected with this controversy served to increase the rising interest in speculative studies, and prepared the way for the translation of important philo- sophical papers, and some very earnest philosophical criticism. Mr E. W. Emerson began at this time to express his dissent from the received philosophies, and to advance opinions or to give expression to utterances which served at least to increase the general excite- ment in respect of the loftiest and the most difficult themes of theo- logical inquiry and philosophical speculation. It was just begin- ning to be the fashion with us to study the German language, and many an ardent youth looked forward with eagerness to the time when he should be able to read Kant in the original, or penetrate the secret of Schelling and Hegel, by hearing these writers inter- preted through a German professor. " There was probably never a time in our history which could more truly or appropriately be termed a period of fermentation and almost of revolutionary anarchy in our philosophical thinking, than the time when the articles of Sir William Hamilton began to be read among us. It was most opportune for a truly great teacher to gain a hearing, and to produce a strong and lasting impression. Each of these articles treated of a special topic, it is true, but each of the topics was fitted to interest many earnest thinkers ; while the learn- ing, acuteness, and strength which were so lavishly expended on the discussion of each, could not fail to be responded to by the appreciat- ing regard of many youthful students who were just waking to the sublime but critical attractions of philosophical inquiry. The first article, on the Philosophy of the Unconditioned, was, as has been explained, a year or two before its time for American readers, for Cousin was known only to a few before his criticism of Locke was translated by Dr Henry. The article on the Philosophy of Percep- tion attracted attention among all our philosophical students, and established at once the highest reputation for its then unknown author. There were hundreds teachers and students who had studied this subject very carefully in Eeid, Stewart, and Erown, 424 APPENDIX. and the reputation of Dr Brown was too recent and too dear with many to permit so bold and damaging an attack upon his ac- curacy and acuteness to pass by without the closest scrutiny. This article became at once a classical treatise on the subject, which it was necessary for every thorough student to read and master. The brief exposure of the defects of Johnson's trans- lation of Tennemann's Manual (1832) was very timely in Ame- rica, for just at this time the attention of our students in philo- sophy was directed to German authors, and the double caution was greatly needed not to confide in the competence of every translator, and especially not in every case to interpret what might be the sound sense of the original by the bad sense or the non-sense which a translator made of his meaning. The article on Logic also made a strong impression, for Whately was beginning to be our popular idol, and his treatise on Logic had been generally regarded as com- prehending all that was attainable or desirable in the art of all arts. The critic who could so readily expose his limited knowledge of the history of the science which he expounded, and who elaborated the results of his own surprising erudition with such power of critical judgment, was placed highest among English logicians. Henceforth Hamilton was regarded as the greatest writer and teacher among living Englishmen. It was not at all surprising that his reputation should be fixed at once with a people of so decided an interest in speculative studies, but of limited reading, whose teachers had been accustomed to look to Scotland and Edinburgh for their authorities in philosophy, and who had no local traditions or prejudices to pre- vent them from accepting, as the most worthy of their confidence, the writer who could best instruct them. Henceforward all the writings of Hamilton were eagerly sought for. His edition of the works of Dr Reid was well known, though never reprinted. The notes and dissertations in the Appendix, so far as they were com- plete, as well as the most important of Hamilton's philosophical articles, were collected into a volume by Mr 0. W. Wight, and edited with notes, &c., by him in 1853, under the title of 'The Philosophy of Sir William Hamilton.' In 1853 the * Discussions on Philosophy and Literature ' were reprinted, with an Introductory Essay by R. Turnbull, D.D. The ' Lectures on Metaphysics and Logic' were promptly reprinted in the years 1859 and 1860, and have been very extensively circulated and read. They were adopted as text-books in many of the colleges and higher seminaries. Both these works have been abridged for the special uses of instruction APPENDIX. 425 the l Lectures on Metaphysics/ by Professor Francis Bowen of Har- vard University (1861), and the 'Lectures on Logic' (1863), by Professor Henry N. Day, formerly of the Western Reserve College in Ohio. Not a few articles have been published in our reviews and literary journals, for the exposition and criticism of Hamilton's philosophy. " The influence which Hamilton has exercised in America has been almost exclusively by means of his writings. Very few, if any, native Americans are known to have been his pupils, certainly none who have been at all conspicuous as teachers or writers upon philo- sophical topics, or who have been ardently devoted to the propaga- tion of his opinions. And yet there is no part of the country where his writings have not produced a deep and permanent impression, and where he is not revered as one of the greatest thinkers of our times. He has greatly enlarged the knowledge of multitudes in regard to the reach and importance of the discussions which are recorded in the history of philosophy. He has redeemed the history itself from the contempt and reproach under which it had fallen, as being but a dry catalogue of the disputes of learned triflers and the subtleties of pedantic logomachists. Locke, Reid, Stewart, and Brown had all taught their readers the same lesson, and that was to despise the researches and results of the great philosophers of antiquity and of the middle ages, as occupied about questions which were either entirely beyond the reach of the human intellect, or as fatally embarrassed by defective methods. The study of them, in their view, was only an investigation of the curiosities of the human intellect, promising little solid utility to the enlightened scholars'of the nineteenth century, who had been trained in the school of Bacon after the maxims of the inductive method. Hamilton taught us just the opposite, and he enforced his lesson by the splendid ex- ample of the value of historical studies which he furnished in him- self. He showed us most clearly that the questions which still stimulate our curiosity and baffle our efforts to resolve them were the same which at once excited and disappointed the great thinkers of other generations ; and that some of them had been more justly conceived and more wisely answered by them than by those who boasted of their training in the school of Bacon and of Locke. He has, in fact, done more than any and than all of the writers of his time to waken the historic spirit among our philosophers. At the same time he has guided it most wisely and to the most solid results, teaching it to be critical as well as curious, to be self-reliant as well 426 APPENDIX. as reverent. The clearness of his own judgment, the candour of his temper, the sagacity of his interpretations, the vigour and indepen- dence of his own critical estimates, as they were constantly exem- plified in his treatment of the writers to whom he so often referred, and from whom he so largely quoted, were most salutary to his American readers, who were in danger of being blindly credulous or ignorantly self-reliant either too contemptuous or too irreverent of the past either excessively conceited or excessively partisan. He was also most useful as an example of what a philosopher should be, at a time when such an example was greatly needed, in the then forming period of our philosophy. The clearness and strength of his own thinking were at once an example and a reproof to not a few who were tempted to substitute imaginative vagaries for dis- criminating analysis. The conciseness and strength of his diction acted like a charm upon those who affected rhetorical diffuseness and ambitious declamation. The moral tone and spirit of his writ- ings were invariably pure and invigorating, and the impression of these characteristics could not but be felt, although his treatment of ethical questions and his recognition of moral truth were only in- cidental and indirect. His simple love of truth and his frank and outspoken utterance of his convictions were of themselves an effi- cient ethical discipline. His believing spirit was never called in question, though many of his readers belonged to a class who are proverbially suspicious of the influence of all metaphysics as neces- sarily anti-Christian. His very decided assertion that Faith is re- quired by men as the supplement and condition of philosophy, went far towards making favour with many for his doctrine of the Un- conditioned. "If it was Hamilton's distinguishing merit to have reanimated philosophy in Great Britain, when it was near to breathing out its life under the hands of its guardians and devotees if it will be re- membered to his honour that he restored it to a position of higher dignity than it had enjoyed for centuries before, and this at a time when the prevailing devotion to material interests had wellnigh materialised philosophy itself, and when the splendid triumphs of physical discovery might naturally render men indifferent to those less obtrusive metaphysical truths on which all discovery depends, it was his privilege in America to act upon the rising philosophical spirit which had never been discouraged or suppressed, and at a critical moment when it most needed wise direction, and a stimu- lating as well as a safe example. Hamilton found us just as we APPENDIX. 427 were becoming interested in what the French and Germans could teach us, and when not a few were ready to be dazzled by systems that were largely imaginative and fantastic, provided that erudition and genius made them plausible. Hamilton was so learned that he could not but command respect. He was critical enough to inspire confidence. He was daring enough to satisfy the aspirations of the most adventurous. He was wise and solid enough to quietly dis- place pretentious assertion by well-reasoned truth, and to effectually set aside ambitious rhapsody by discriminating logic. While he has not by any means been the only teacher of this generation while his own writings have directed and encouraged us to study the phi- losophers of the Continent yet his influence has been most potent to repress what might otherwise have been magniloquent pretension, and to stimulate those who but for him would have been discour- aged by uncertainty and bewildered by scepticism. " Some of the peculiar opinions of Hamilton have not been gen- erally accepted among us. There have been no very earnest advo- cates, though there have been a few faithful adherents, of his doctrine of the Unconditioned and the necessary limitations of religious thought. His doctrines on these points have 'not been canvassed or criticised in our journals so earnestly and often as would be desirable. But there are thousands living at this moment who cherish a grateful and reverent sense of the service which he has rendered in their training, and who feel as greatly indebted to him as to any writer living or dead. Indeed it may be asserted with truth, that the intellectual and moral respect which his writ- ings have inspired cannot be weakened by the efforts of critics to expose inconsistencies in his doctrines or flaws in his reasonings. His opinions must of course be subjected to the ordeal of criticism and of time. Whatever results, however, this trial may evolve, it cannot shake the esteem of his American pupils for his eminent in- tellectual power, for his sincere faith in and hearty love of philosophi- cal truth, and for his earnest devotion to the higher interests of man. " I may add that I have used his ' Lectures on Metaphysics ' ever since they were published, as a text-book for daily examination or recitation in my classes ; and though I have not always been able to agree with him, and have greatly regretted that some of the more important topics for an elementary course of instruction were treated so briefly, yet I have preferred this to any other book for its stimu- lating and invigorating effect upon the minds of my pupils. Of more than 1000 pupils whom I have conducted through this course, 428 APPENDIX. many have failed to master all his doctrines or to appreciate all his thought ; but I believe the number to be very small of those who, however stupid and negligent, have not been impressed by his mental superiority. I am confident that the number is large of those who have been excited and instructed by his comprehension of the aims of philosophy, by his liberal culture, and by the strength and acuteness of his arguments and elucidations. His influence in all these respects will long live, as I trust. I am confident that no critic can weaken these impressions in the mind of any earnest student of Hamilton ; and however successful any such critic may seem to be in setting aside any of his teachings, he will not add force to his own arguments by attempting to depreciate his surpass- ing excellence, or to lower the estimate of his distinguished services to philosophy and to man." Among those who in America have come under the influence of Hamilton, and by their writings have contributed to spread the knowledge of his doctrines, Dr Samuel Tyler, the well-known jurist, is especially deserving of notice. Dr Tyler is the author of a work, 'The Progress of Philosophy in the Past and in the Future,' in which he gives an able account of the philosophical opinions of Hamilton, and manifests a remarkable insight into the logical co- herence of his philosophy. APPENDIX. 429 NOTE C. SIR W. HAMILTON ON HUME, LEIBNITZ, AND ARISTOTLE. As Mr Mill refers particularly to Sir W. Hamilton's notices of the systems of Hume and Leibnitz, in support of the charges mentioned in the text, a few words are needed to show at once the worthless- ness of his criticism and the groundlessness of his inference. First, with regard to Hume. It appears to Mr Mill that Sir W. Hamilton " has misunderstood the essential character of Hume's mind." " Respecting the general scope and purpose, the pervading spirit, of Hume's speculations, Sir "W. Hamilton does give an opinion, and, I venture to think, a wrong one. He regards Hume's philosophy as scepticism in its legitimate sense. Hume's object, he thinks, was to prove the uncertainty of all knowledge. With this intent he represents him as reasoning from premises 'not established by himself,' but ' accepted only as principles univer- sally conceded in the previous schools of philosophy/ These premises Hume showed (according to Sir W. Hamilton) to lead to conclusions which contradicted the evidence of consciousness ; thus proving, not that consciousness deceives, but that the premises generally accepted on the authority of philosophers, and leading to these conclusions, must be false."* "This is certainly the use which has been made of Hume's arguments by Reid. . . . That Hume had any foresight of his arguments being put to this use, either for a dogmatical or a purely sceptical purpose, appears to me supremely improbable. I think that Hume sincerely accepted both the premises and the conclusions, "t Where, it may be asked, does Mr Mill obtain proof of this state- ment regarding Sir W. Hamilton's opinion of Hume's philosophy ? In the passage of the ' Discussions ' to which Mr Mill more imme- diately refers, Hamilton says : " Scepticism is not an original or * Discussions, p. 87, 88, and elsewhere (Mr Mill's reference), t Mill, p. 626, note, 3d ed. 430 APPENDIX. independent method, it is the correlative and consequent of dogma- tism ; and, so far from being an enemy to truth, it arises only from a false philosophy, as its indication and its cure. . . . The sceptic must not himself establish, but from the dogmatist accept his prin- ciples ; and his conclusion is only a reduction of philosophy to zero, on the hypothesis of the doctrine from which his premises are bor- rowed. . . . " As a legitimate sceptic, Hume could not assail the foundations of knowledge in themselves. His reasoning is from their subsequent contradiction to their original falsehood; and his premises, not established by himself, are accepted only as principles universally conceded in the previous schools of philosophy. On the assumption that what was thus unanimously admitted by philosophers must be admitted of philosophy itself, his argument against the certainty of knowledge was triumphant." * Hamilton elsewhere censures Reid for criticising Hume as a dog- matist as positively laying down certain principles, and for blam- ing him for not doubting of his premises "a part altogether incon- sistent with his vocation." t Hamilton is here, and elsewhere, speaking and speaking only, of Hume's system or mode of establishing the conclusions at which he arrived in a word, of the nature and method of his general argument. It is easy to adduce ample proof of the points that Hume so borrowed the principles from which he reasoned, that he showed that those principles led to conclusions inconsistent with the alleged instincts of sense and with the instincts leading us to believe in our own personality and identity, &c. in a word, with the testimony of consciousness, and, consequently, that on those principles we have no reasonable certainty ; and it may be further shown, on the assumption that these are the only pos- sible principles of philosophy, that our intelligence, as self-contra- dictory, is not to be trusted. J Hume himself thus sums up his reasoning regarding the notion of external reality : " The first philosophical objection to the evidence of sense, or to the opinion of external existence, consists in this, that such * Discussions, p. 87, 88. t Reid's Works, p. 129, note * ; compare p. 444, 457, 489. J See Hume's statement in a letter to Reid, Burton's Life, ii. p. 154, or n Stewart's Life of Reid, Reid's Works, p. 8 ; Treatise of Human Nature, Part ii., 26 ; iv., 26 ; Essay on the Academical Philosophy, p. 369, 370, 372, ed. 1758. APPENDIX. 431 an opinion, if rested on natural instinct, is contrary to reason; and if referred to reason, is contrary to natural instinct, and at the same time carries no rational evidence with it. ... The second objection goes further, and represents this opinion as contrary to reason, at least if it be a principle of reason that all sensible qualities are in the mind, not in the object."* Thus, what instinct prompts us to hold, reason rejects ; and what reason counsels, instinct repudiates. There is, therefore, no satisfactory ground of the opinion. We are under the necessity of acting on the belief, but we cannot rationally vindicate the grounds of our belief. That the hypothetical form of scepticism was the mode in which Hume presented the results of his reflection to the world, there can be no question. Hamilton, in the above passage in the 'Discus- sions ' and elsewhere, refers, with perfect accuracy, to this fact. The question as to whether Hume believed or was convinced that his borrowed premises were the only principles of philosophy, or the principles which we must accept if we reason on the matters to whi^h they refer, is wholly irrelevant to that of the manner in which he deals with the principles themselves, and the nature of the inferences which he draws from them. To maintain that Hume held the principles from which he reasoned " the common ones," as he himself says to be the only possible the principles of reason itself is, of course, to allege that he veiled an absolute scepticism regarding reason under the form of a relative or hypotheti- cal scepticism grounded on the principles of philosophers. Even if Hume did dogmatically accept those principles as the true and only principles of philosophy, the question as to the personal or social considerations that led him to adopt the hypothetical way of putting them is not less irrelevant to the nature of his argument than the supposed fact itself. At any rate, Sir W. Hamilton does not pro- nounce on this point, as for any pertinent appreciation and criticism of Hume's system of thought he was not required to do. And most certainly Hamilton nowhere says, as Mr Mill represents him, that Hume believed that he had proved " not that consciousness deceives, but that the premises generally accepted on the authority of philosophers, and leading to these [contradictory] conclusions, must be false." Hamilton, indeed, says that "Hume could not assail the foundations of knowledge in themselves. His reasoning is from their subsequent contradiction to their original falsehood." This is a statement simply of the way in which Hume invalidates the prin- * Acad. Phil., p. 369, 4to ed. 432 APPENDIX. ciples of reason. The meaning is, not that Hume held these premises to be false, because they contradicted instinct or con- sciousness, but that his reasoning ended in showing that instinct and reason were, as contradictory of each other, alike incapable of yielding certainty or a satisfactory ground of conviction. Mr Mill's groundless interpretation of Hamilton's words makes him represent Hume as maintaining the trustworthiness of our instinctive beliefs in an external world, and in our own personality, and thus as being no longer a sceptic, but a dogmatist i. e., not as denying the cer- tainty of all, but as affirming the certainty of some knowledge viz., that portion of it which is instinctive. If we take Mr Mill's account of Hamilton's view of Hume's opinions, Hamilton must regard Hume as seeking to prove " the uncertainty of all knowledge," and at the same time as doing the reverse, in having discovered by his method the falseness of the received principles of philosophers, and, there- fore, found for true the opinions (opposed to those principles) that are based on the instinctive feelings of mankind. But this account of Hamilton's view of Hume's philosophy is not even self-consistent ; and it is entirely opposed to Hamilton's repeated statements that Hume's position is that of a sceptic, not of a dogmatist. Hamilton further says that, in order to prove human knowledge ab- solutely or in itself uncertain, it must be assumed that the principles of the philosophers borrowed by Hume are also the only principles of philosophy. If Hume maintained an absolute scepticism, this was the assumption which he must be regarded as tacitly maintaining. Hamilton may perhaps be regarded as inclining to the view that this was the real conviction of Hume, though he cannot be held as having definitely asserted it. Mr Mill thus entirely fails to show that Hamilton has misunder- stood "the essential character of Hume's mind" a point which was really not in question. He only shows that he himself has mixed together two totally different points, and has misunderstood a per- fectly distinct view (be it a right or wrong one) of Hume's system of thought. It may be added with regard to the personal question of Hume's relation to his system, that a good deal might be adduced to show that Hume had at least "a foresight" of the use in a dogmatic interest to which his system might be, and actually was, put. First of all, he pronounces absolute scepticism, or the doctrine of the " absolute fallaciousness of the mental faculties," to be in itself not less absurd and contradictory, not less suicidal, than the APPENDIX. 433 reasonings of the dogmatism to which this scepticism is opposed. " Eeason," he says, " must remain restless and unquiet, even with regard to that scepticism to which she is led by these seeming absurdities and contradictions. . . . Nothing can be more scep- tical, or more full of doubt and hesitation than this scepticism itself." * And he shows a way out of the contradictions that lead to this universal scepticism. " It seems to me not impossible to avoid these absurdities and contradictions, if it be admitted that there is no such thing as abstract or general ideas," &c.t that is, in other words, if the principles of the philosophers be abandoned. Secondly, there are the practical lessons which he draws from Pyrrhonism, as teaching us to abjure dogmatism, on many ques- tions, and the need for "the limitation of our enquiries to such subjects as are best adapted to the narrow capacity of the human understanding." J If there be a sphere in which the exercise of human intelligence is illegitimate, there is necessarily a sphere in which the operation of the same faculty is legitimate, and yields reliable results. Thirdly, there are his letters to Reid and Hutcheson, in which he expressly forecasts the use which has actually been made of his spec- ulations. Hume, writing to Reid regarding the ' Inquiry,' says : " I shall only say that if you have been able to clear up these abstruse and important subjects, instead of being mortified, I shall be so vain as to pretend to a share of the praise ; and shall think that my errors, by having at least some coherence, had led you to make a more strict review of my principles, which were the common ones, and to perceive their futility" Again, writing to Hutcheson (1740), Hume says : " I assure you that icithout running any of the heights of scepticism, I am apt, in a cool hour, to suspect in general, that most of my reasonings will be more useful by furnishing hints and exciting people's curiosity, than as containing any principles that will augment the stock ofknowledge that must pass to future ages." || Several other statements to the same effect might readily be adduced. But nothing further is required to show that Mr Mill entirely fails in his assault on Hamilton, and is himself wrong in supposing that Hume had no "foresight" of his arguments being possibly turned to the use to which they were actually put. Hume's system, hypothetically taken, has led to all the important develop- * Essay on Academical Philosophy, p. 370. t Ibid. J Ibid., p. 373. Stewart's Account of the Life and Writings of Reid, Reid's Works, p. 8 ; Burton's Life, ii. 154. || Burton's Life, i. 118. 2E 434 APPENDIX. ments of philosophy since his time; the same system, absolutely taken, is the preliminary requirement of Comtism, that without which thoroughgoing Comtism is impossible, and from which such a system is legitimate and necessary. Hume, in this aspect, may be held as having done for Comte and his followers what they have never succeeded in doing for themselves. But, according to Mr Mill, it is in the case of Leibnitz that Sir W. Hamilton has shown his marked deficiencies in dealing with philosophical systems. The charge is given thus : " He [Sir W. Hamilton] never seems to look at any opinion of a philosopher in connection with the same philosopher's other opinions. Accordingly, he is weak as to the mutual relations of philosophical doctrines. He seldom knows any of the corollaries from a thinker's opinions, unless the thinker has himself drawn them; and even then he knows them, not as corollaries, but only as opinions. One of the most striking examples he affords of this inability is in the case of Leibnitz; and it is worth while to analyse this instance, because nothing can more conclusively show how little capable he was of entering into the spirit of a system unlike his own. "If ever there was a thinker whose system of thought could, without difficulty, be conceived as a connected whole, it was that of Leibnitz. Hardly any philosopher has taken so much pains to dis- play the filiation of all his main conceptions in a manner at once satisfactory to his own mind and intelligible to the world. And there is hardly any one in whom the filiation is more complete these various conceptions being all applications of one common principle. Yet Sir W. Hamilton understands them so ill as to be able to say, after giving an account of the Pre-established Harmony, that its ' author himself probably regarded it more as a specimen of ingenuity than as a serious doctrine.'* And again, 'It is a disputed point whether Leibnitz was serious in his Monadology and Pre-established Harmony.' t To say nothing of the injustice done by this surmise to the deep sincerity and high philosophic earnestness of that emi- nent man, it is obvious to those who study opinions in their relation to the mind entertaining them, that a person who could thus think concerning the Pre-established Harmony and the Monadology, how- ever correctly he may have seized any particular opinions of Leibnitz, had never taken into his mind a conception of Leibnitz himself as a philosopher. Tliese theories were necessitated by Leibnitz's other opinions. They were the only outlet from the difficulties of the * Lectures, i. 304. t Footnote to Reid, p. 309. APPENDIX. 435 fundamental doctrine of his philosophy, the principle of Sufficient Reason."* The proof, then, of this conspicuous inability of Hamilton to enter into the mind of Leibnitz and the spirit of his system to apprehend the filiation of his doctrines, &c. is made to rest on the two sentences here quoted. The first question that occurs is, Do they prove, or even really illustrate, this striking defect ? With regard to the note quoted from Reid's Works, it contains a statement simply of a matter of fact, and it would be quite rele- vant to prove it to be inaccurate, which Mr Mill does not do, and does not attempt to do. The statement is perfectly accurate, as any one may satisfy himself by referring to the ' Leibnitii Yita ' of Brucker (Opera, ed. Dutens, t. i. p. 128) ; to the ' Praefatio Generalis ' of Dutens himself (Opera, i. p. 7-12) ; and to 'Pfaffii Dissertationes Anti-Bay lianae,' Tubingse, 1720, Dissert, iii. p. 9; to say nothing of Gibbon's < Antiquities of the House of Brunswick,' p. 779, ed. 1837, and Stewart's 'Dissertation,' p. 130, ed. 1855, where the controversy is referred to. That Hamilton was aware of the controversy, and noted the fact of its having taken place, is a very astounding proof of his inability to enter into the mind of Leibnitz ! But the other sentence, in which Hamilton says that Leibnitz " probably regarded the theory [Pre-established Harmony] more as a specimen of ingenuity than as a serious doctrine," is perhaps more to the point. This sentence, be it observed, is from the Lectures ; but, as usual, it is quoted by Mr Mill as of co-ordinate authority with the note in Reid, which was published by Sir William himself. M"o allowance whatever is made for the fact that the sentence is an isolated one, that its substance is nowhere repeated in the author's writings that, in fact, it is a casual expression of opinion written on the spur of the moment, and under the exigency of getting up a lecture for delivery next morning, when he was not himself dis- cussing the doctrines of Leibnitz, but merely giving from Laro- miguiere an account of the scheme of Pre-established Harmony, along with other hypotheses. An expression of opinion in this manner on a point so important, though qualified as a mere probability, is certainly not to be approved. But it is one thing to censure this, and quite another to treat a sentence so given as if it were the writer's deliberate and conclusive utterance on the subject to which it refers. I have little doubt that when Hamilton wrote the sentence in * Examination, p. 627, 628. 436 APPENDIX. question, he was thinking of Leibnitz's letter to Pfaff, who had said to Leibnitz himself that he supposed him not to be serious in his Monadology and Pre-established Harmony. Leibnitz in reply to Pfaff who would seem to have been a theologian of the respect- able but dull type wrote, but, as has been shrewdly surmised, ironically, or as we now should say, in chaff: " Ita prorsus est, vir summe reverende, uti scribis, de Theodicea mea. Rem acu tetigisti, et miror, neminem hactenus fuisse, qui sensum hunc meuni senserit. JSTeque enim Philosophorum est rem serio semper agere ; qui in fin- gendis hypothesibus, uti bene mones, ingenii sui vires experiuntur. Tu, qui theologus, in refutandis erroribus Theologum ages." * The evidence appears to me to show that Leibnitz regarded the Pre-established Harmony as more than a specimen of ingenuity as, in fact, a serious doctrine. And accordingly, I think Sir William's statement is not accurate, and unfortunate in its phraseology. It should, however, be observed that Sir W. Hamilton's words do not imply that he concurred with those who believed and said that Leibnitz secretly agreed with Bayle while professing to reply to him.f What Hamilton really meant to convey was probably that Leibnitz proposed his theory rather as a plausible hypothesis as an ingenious possible solution of the difficulties of the problem than as convinced of its being the actual or only possible solution. This view of Hamilton's meaning is confirmed by what he says elsewhere when referring, among other theories, to the scheme of Pre-established Harmony as devised to meet the difficulty of a doctrine of Repre- sentative Perception that is, to explain how it is possible that the mind can represent or mediately know a real world which it does not, in the first instance, apprehend. " The mind," he says, " either blindly determines itself, or is blindly determined by an extrinsic and intelligent cause. . . . The absurdity of this supposition [the former alternative] has constrained the profoundest cosmothetic idealists, notwithstanding their rational abhorrence of a supernatu- ral assumption, to embrace the second alternative. To say nothing of less illustrious schemes, the systems of Divine Assistance, of a Pre-established Harmony, and of the vision of all things in the Deity, are only so many subsidiary hypotheses so many attempts to bridge, by supernatural machinery, the chasm between the repi*e- sentation and the reality, which all human ingenuity had found, by natural means, to be insuperable. . . . The hypothetical realist," he * Leibnitii Opera, Prsefatio Generalis, Dutens, i. 8. f Gibbon's Antiquities of the House of Brunswick, p. 779. APPENDIX. 437 adds, " in his effort to be * wise above knowledge,' like the dog in the fable, loses the substance in attempting to realise the shadow." " Les hommes " (says Leibnitz, with a truth of which he was not himself aware) " les hommes cherchent ce qu'ils savent, et ne savent pas ce qiiils cherchent"* This is Sir W. Hamilton's deliberate opinion of the theory of Pre-established Harmony and of the ground which led to its adoption. Had Mr Mill pondered this passage, he might have got both a truer view of Sir W. Hamilton's opinion on the point, and also a more correct appreciation of the necessity out of which the scheme of Pre-established Harmony arose, than, as we shall show, he has reached. Sir William's view of the theory, as now stated, is not very far from what Leibnitz himself says of the Pre-established Harmony, being all that he claims for it viz., that it was "a very possible hypothesis," i.e., conceivable, not self-re- pugnant, and that it rises to " something more than an hypothesis," by serving to explain, better than any other theory, the facts of the case, t But supposing Hamilton did hold it to be probable that Leibnitz gave forth the Pre-established Harmony "more as a specimen of ingenuity than as a serious doctrine," must he, therefore, be held not to have apprehended " the connection of this doctrine with the other opinions of Leibnitz," and to have failed " to enter into the spirit of the system," and "take into his mind a conception of Leibnitz as a philosopher"] Between having doubts of a philosopher's seriousness, and not apprehending his system as a whole, or the relations of its parts, there does not seem to be such a connection as to render the latter an inevitable corollary from the former. The supposition of want of seriousness may do injustice to the philosopher as a man it may even prevent a proper insight into the relation between the man and his opinions ; but it is surely compatible with an understanding of the filiation of his system of opinions of the logical connection of any particular opinion with all the others held by the same person, if there chance to be such a connection. This ground is but a sorry foundation for such an inference, even regarding Hamilton's view of Leibnitz ; to say nothing of the wide conclusion which we are invited to draw regarding his catholic incapacity of entering into the minds of philosophers generally. * Discussions, p. 67, 68. t See Systeme Nouveau de la Nature et de la Communication des Sub- stances, 15-17. 438 APPENDIX. Sir W. Hamilton has nowhere given a general exposition of the system of Leibnitz, and we have therefore no complete data for gathering his view of it, and pronouncing on the point as to whether he rightly comprehended it as a whole or not. But we have in the notes to Eeid a few isolated references to the main opin- ions of Leibnitz ; and it might have been to the point had Mr Mill fairly collected and noticed these statements, and shown from them, if he could, how badly Sir W. Hamilton understood the connection of the system of Leibnitz. He might possibly have found there some statements of Hamilton's views on parts of the system, which would have afforded material more relevant to the conclusion he was seeking to draw than the scraps he has quoted. Sir William there refers to the principle of Sufficient Eeason, and to the Pre-established Harmony. His views differ considerably from those of Mr Mill, both on the nature of the principle itself, and on the relation of the Pre- established Harmony to what Mr Mill regards as " the fundamental principle" of the philosophy of Leibnitz, and in both instances Hamilton, as appears to me, approaches the truth precisely in degree as he differs from Mill. Let us see how the matter stands. According to Mr Mill, Leib- nitz's " system of thought can, without difficulty, be conceived as a connected whole."* " He has taken pains to display the filiation of all his main conceptions in a manner at once satisfactory to Ms own mind and intelligible to the world. And there is hardly any philo- sopher in whom the filiation is more complete, these various con- ceptions being all applications of one common principle" " These theories [Pre-established Harmony and Monadology] were necessi- tated by Leibnitz's other opinions. They were the only outlet from the difficulties of the fundamental doctrine of his philosophy, the principle of Sufficient Reason" f Mr Mill then proceeds to expound the philosophy of Leibnitz as an evolution from this so-called fun- damental principle. The exposition may be taken as a specimen of what can be done by one who, unlike Sir W. Hamilton, can really enter into the mind of a philosopher. Now there are a few points that fall to be noted here. In the first place, it is not the fact that the principle of Sufficient Eeason is " the fundamental doctrine of the philosophy " of Leibnitz. The principle of Non-Contradiction is a doctrine of the philosophy of Leibnitz it is expressly laid down as such along with the principle of Sufficient Eeason and, from it's nature, it is more fundamental * Examination, p. 628. t Ibid. APPENDIX. 439 in that philosophy than the principle of Sufficient Eeason ; for while the violation of the law of Contradiction gives what is impossible in thought and in reality, and its fulfilment only the possible, the law of Sufficient Eeason comes after this to determine what is real among the possibilities. " Duobus utor in demonstrando principiis, quorum unum est : falsum esse quod implicat contradictionem ; alterum est : omnis veritatis (quae immediata sive identica non est) reddi possi rationem" * The law of Contradiction thus stands at the gateway of the knowledge of reality ; and Leibnitz by it marked off the bounds within which, according to his view, a science of reality is pos- sible, and in so doing gave a distinctive character to his philosophy, before even the law of Sufficient Eeason came into operation at all. And Leibnitz expressly excepts from the operation of the principle of Sufficient Eeason all immediate or identical truths, thus pointing to a body of knowledge that is of a more essential and fundamental character than the derivative truths determined by the principle of Sufficient Eeason. Secondly, Leibnitz recognises another principle of philosophy, co-ordinate with that of the Sufficient Eeason, which may fairly be regarded as not less influential in determining his principal opin- ions, and even several of his subordinate doctrines, than the latter. This is what he calls the Law of Continuity. This principle he explains in a letter to Bayle, an extract from which is given in Erdmann's edition, p. 104, entitled *Sur un Principe General, utile a 1'Explication des Lois de la Nature.' He regards himself as the discoverer of the principle.t He expressly places it on the same level with the principle of Perfection, one of his names for the Suffi- cient Eeason. " Les phenomenes actuels de la nature sont menages et doivent 1'etre de telle sorte, qu'il ne se rencontre jamais rien ou la loi de la Continuite (que j'ai introduite, et dont j'ai fait la premiere mention dans les Nouvelles de la Eepublique des Lettres de M. Bayle), et toutes les autres regies les plus exactes des Mathematiques soient violees. Et bien loin de cela, les choses ne sauroient etre rendues intelligibles que par ces regies, seules capa- bles, avec celles de Harmonie, ou de la Perfection, que la veritable Metaphysique fournit, de nous faire entrer dans les raisons et vues de 1'auteur des choses." * While the principle of Sufficient Eeason led Leibnitz to reject * De Scientia Universal!, Erdmann, p. 83. t Theod. 348, Opera, Dutens, i. 366. t RSplique aux Reflexions de Bayle, Erdmann, p. 189. 440 APPENDIX. the Cartesian notion, that the essence of body consists in exten- sion, because extension is not sufficient to render a reason of all the properties of body particularly natural inertia, or resistance to motion the principle of Continuity led him to the positive con- ception of the Monad as a self-developing power, and also to the conception of the subordinate gradations among the Monads them- selves. One principal point in the theory of Monadology, as laid down by himself, is " Que chacune de ces substances contient dans sa nature legem continuationis seriei suarum operationum, et tout ce qui lui est arrive" et arrivera."* To the law of Continuity we owe, besides, his doctrines of the impossibility of atoms or perfectly hard bodies of latent mental modifications and that the soul always thinks. A celebrated disciple of Leibnitz no doubt attempted, what he himself did not think of, to deduce the law of Continuity from that of the Sufficient Reason. But the only effect of this was to render the principle of Sufficient Reason somewhat more vague and elastic, and therefore more useless, than it was even in the hands of Leibnitz. The truth is, that it was only such specific principles as the law of Continuity that made the application of the law of Sufficient Reason possible, and put a definite meaning into it. Thirdly, to say that the philosophical opinions of Leibnitz flowed from the one common principle of the Sufficient Reason, is to state an utterly barren and unimportant commonplace, that throws no real light on his opinions or their connections. And, further, to maintain that these opinions were " necessitated " by this principle, and were " the only outlet " from its difficulties, and therefore were connected by it with a true logical coherence, is to maintain what can be shown not to be the case. The truth is, that the principle of Sufficient Reason, in the hands of Leibnitz, is as vague and indefinite a conception as possibly can be. Nay, it is not a single principle ; it is employed by him in meanings which virtually render it at least two different principles, one of which an opponent may admit, and, at the same time, fairly deny the other. It is used, moreover, in such a sense by Leibnitz in the so-called deduction of his opinions, as on the most essential points to involve a petitio principii. It is, therefore, utterly useless as the basis of any demonstrative system of philosophy ; it does not afford any true filiation of a system, and does not help us to conceive such, or to make it " intelligible." * Lettre a M. Arnauld, Erdmaun, p. 107. APPENDIX. 441 Reid, Stewart, Hamilton to say nothing of others have all noticed the vagueness of the principle of the Sufficient Reason.* Leibnitz himself tells us that it applies to the existence of things, the occurrence of events, and the notion of a truth, t It is thus a real or metaphysical principle that is, there must be a sufficient reason or cause of each thing and of each event; and it is a logical principle that is, there must be a reason or ground of every truth that is not immediate or identical. In each case the reason is such as, if known, to render intelligible or conceivable to us how the thing, event, or truth is, and is as it is. This is the element in the principle common to all the various cases or appli- cations of it. But Leibnitz did not maintain, as Mr Mill makes him do, that " the antecedent ground in reason " is always " cognis- able by reason," if by reason is meant human reason ; for Leibnitz expressly allows the existence of sufficient reasons of theological mysteries reasons which, if known, would render their how intel- ligible or conceivable but holds, at the same time, that these are cognisable by the Divine Reason alone. J It is pretty obvious, however, that a principle so general as this could hardly give a distinctive character to a philosophical system, beyond requiring it to be a reasoned one. The principle might be admitted by entirely opposite thinkers, and might give rise to en- tirely opposite conclusions on essential points such as the connec- tion of the mind and body, and the nature of Divine action ; for the essential point to be settled is as to what ought to be regarded as a sufficient reason in any given case, and this would fall to be determined by the other distinctive philosophical principles or canons which each party might hold. It was thus that Clarke could allow to Leibnitz the principle of Sufficient Reason, and yet legitimately dispute his inferences. In a word, it is the principles which regulate the application of the law of Sufficient Reason which must necessarily make a difference in the conclusions drawn from it. As a major premise, it is thoroughly vague and colourless, and may be made to guarantee conclusions of the most conflicting character regarding the reason or cause deemed sufficient. Hence it is that the distinctive theories of Leibnitz the Monadology and the Pre-established Har- mony arose directly not from the principle of Sufficient Reason, but from the assumptions of the law of Continuity of what is Perfect * Reid's Works, p. 624, n.t. Stewart, Dissertation, p. 130. t Monadologie, 32-36. J See Theodice'e, 60 et seq. Troisieme Replique de Mr Clarke, Erdmann, p. 753. 442 APPENDIX. and Imperfect in Divine action and from other subordinate laws that regulated the applications of the principle of Sufficient Reason. Negatively, the law of Sufficient Reason yielded no fair logical result. Supposing it admitted that we cannot conceive the how or possibility of physical influence, and of the action of mind on body, it by no means follows that that action is to be denied as a fact. Positively taken, it does not necessarily lead to the theory of Pre- established Harmony for, as Hamilton has well remarked, "this opinion of Leibnitz [Pre-established Harmony] stands apart alto- gether from his doctrine of the Sufficient Reason. That doctrine is equally applicable in the theory of Malebranche, who viewed the Deity as the proximate efficient cause of every effect in nature; and to the theory of Leibnitz himself, who held that the Deity operated in the universe once and for all." * And why 1 Obviously because Divine Power may equally well be conceived sufficient to produce the effect in question, whether the action itself is single, as with Leibnitz, or plural, as with Malebranche. It is the same agency in both cases, and therefore equally sufficient for the effect ; and so far as our being able to conceive the how or mode of the action is concerned, the general and single action is not a whit more con- ceivable or intelligible to us than the special and repeated action. So far as the principle of Sufficient Reason is concerned, we are perfectly free to adopt either hypothesis. Now it is here that the fatal ambiguity of the principle of Sufficient Reason comes out, which leads not to the demonstration but to the begging of the point at issue. " This hypothesis " [Occasional Causes or Divine Assistance], says Mr Mill, " as it supposed nothing less than a stand- ing miracle, was wholly inadmissible by Leibnitz. It was inconsist- ent with the idea which he had formed to himself of the perfections of Deity. . . . Leibnitz could not find in God any Sufficient Reason why so roundabout a mode of governing the universe should have been chosen by Him. He was thus thrown upon the hypo- thesis of a Pre-established Harmony as his only refuge ; and there can be no doubt that he accepted it with the full conviction of an intellect accustomed to pursue given premises to their consequences with all the vigour of geometrical demonstration." t If this be the reasoning of Leibnitz, the principle of Sufficient Reason has been made to assume a character that is not implied in its terms, and a character, moreover, that leads directly to the com- plete begging of the point at issue. The mere sufficiency of the * Eeid's Works, p. 626, note. t Examination, p. 730-31. APPENDIX. 443 cause or reason is equally fulfilled on the scheme of Divine Assist- ance as on that of Pre-established Harmony. The conceivableness of the one scheme is neither greater nor less than that of the other. But the assumption is made that the hypothesis of Pre-established Harmony gives us a conception of greater perfection in Deity, or in the Divine mode of action, than the other. The idea of greater per- fection, or of a more perfect mode of action, is tacitly assumed to be identical with an adequate or sufficient mode of action, reason, or cause ; and the Sufficient Reason thus disguised, or converted into the reason of greater perfection, is made the basis of the inference that the scheme of Pre-established Harmony is the true one. And thus the real question at issue between the upholders of the hypothesis of Divine Assistance and those of the Pre-established Harmony viz., as to which shows more fully the perfections of Deity is begged. The point begged is paraded as the Sufficient Reason, and we have " the necessary corollary," "the only outlet from the difficulties of the principle of the Sufficient Reason," in the theory of Pre-established Harmony. If this be " the filiation of the system" of Leibnitz if this be " the one common principle" from which his whole philo- sophy flows alas for the connection of the system and for the logic of its expounder ! Any critic of the system of Leibnitz who does not distinguish the really opposite meanings involved in the prin- ciple of Sufficient Reason, and holds it to be more than nominally the one and fundamental principle of the system, has but a sorry insight into the merely verbal coherency of the system itself. One point more, and we shall leave Mr Mill and his ' Examina- tion,' at least for the present. It refers to the subject of this note, Sir W. Hamilton's " inability to enter into the mind of another thinker," which of course means Mr Mill's view of the thinker's mind a view which is often quite peculiar to himself. Sir W. Hamilton held that, " considered as ends, and in relation to each other, the knowledge of truths is not supreme, but subordinate to the cultivation of the knowing mind." By "knowledge," he tells us, is meant " the mere possession of truths ; " and by " cultivation" "intellectual cultivation" he means "the power, acquired through exercise by the higher faculties, of a more varied, vigorous, and protracted activity."* He maintained this view in a practical interest that of the higher education. " According to the solution [of this question] at which we arrive, must we accord the higher or the lower rank to certain great departments of study ; and, what is * Lectures, i. 8, 9. 444 APPENDIX. of more importance, the character of its solution, as it determines the aim, regulates from first to last the method which an enlightened science of education must adopt."* Mr Mill represents Sir W. Hamilton's opinion as being " that not truth, but the search for truth, is the important matter; and that the pursuit of it is not for the sake of the attainment, but of the mental activity and energy developed in the search." t This statement leaves out the important qualification, that in regard to practical knowledge or truth moral, religious, and political Sir W. Hamilton makes its value depend, not on the mental exercise involved in its pursuit, but on its being put into exercise or practice. J But even in regard to speculative knowledge or truth, the state- ment is not correct. Sir W. Hamilton never said that " not truth, but the search for truth, is the important matter," as if truth were unimportant ; what he says is, that of the two the latter is the more important. Nor does he say " that the pursuit of truth is not for the sake of the attainment, but of the mental activity and energy developed in the search." For this would imply that the attain- ment is not to be a motive for the pursuit that truth is not to be sought for its own sake, but for the sake of a certain accompaniment viz., the mental exercise. What he does say is, that of the two ends, the attainment or possession of truth is not so important as the activity elicited by its pursuit. His statement is comparative, not absolute. To use his own words " Knowledge is itself princi- pally valuable as a means of intellectual education." Sir William cites Plato and Aristotle in support of the view which he takes. Mr Mill sees in this only another instance of his " inabil- ity to enter into the very mind of another thinker." || To discuss the whole question here raised would lead us much too far. With regard to Plato, Hamilton's view is substantially that countenanced by Mr Grote, whose authority on such a point may, to say the least of it, be very fairly set off against any mere ipse dixit of Mr Mill. IF With regard to Aristotle, it would not be at all difficult to show that, apart from any express statement by him on the subject, the opinion which Sir W. Hamilton attributes to him, is in harmony with the general tenor of his philosophy. The principles, psycho- logical and metaphysical, of Aristotle, are quite in the line of the alternative which Hamilton attributes to him. There can be no doubt that, according to Aristotle, energy or actuality (evegye/a,) is * Lect. i. 8, 9. t Examination, p. 632. J Lect. i. 9, 10. Ibid. i. 7. || Examination, p. 632. U See above, p. 205. APPENDIX. 445 higher than power, capacity (Suva/tig). In fact, the conception of the superiority of svsgyeia over dvva/j,i$ is at the root of his whole metaphysical system. Energy is superior to and more excellent than potentiality ; for what is potential may develop in either of two contrary modes, whereas the actual must subsist in one of the two at the same time.* Then he is at pains explicitly to distinguish between perfect and imperfect energy. The energy or activity which contains its end in itself is energy proper, as vision or cognition ; and it is higher than that activity whose end is external to itself, as the act of learning or motion. There is the difference here between what is completed and what is simply in the way of completion the becoming. t As knowledge, or " the possession of truth," is not necessarily more than simply a Suva/jug, for we may not always actually realise, or have present before the mind, the truths which we possess, as the contents of memory, the actuality or energy of cognition will be the higher perfection of the two. That, as Hamilton quotes, " the intellect is perfected by activity," may be regarded as even explicitly stated by Aristotle, for in the fol- lowing passages he makes both the reality and the perfection of intel- ligence consist in actuality or energy. A.vr(>v ds voel 6 vov$ xara XjAj//v rou voqrov" voqrbs yag ytyvsrai Qiyydvcav %a} vouv, uare vov$ xai voqrov. TO yag d&xrixbv rD vo?jrou xat rq$ ovfftas vovc. svegytT fie g%wi/.^ 'H yfy voD tvsgytia ^w^, exe?vo$ 6s i] svsoysia" evigysia ds j) xad' avrviv exst'vov &} ag/Vrj xai atdiog. "On 5' svigyttot, irgorsgov, fjt,a?rvgs7 ' Ava%ay6gu$ (6 ya^ vovg svegysiq). || Then his doctrine of the pleasurable in our mental life is com- patible only with the view that activity is superior to the simple possession of truths, even when we are actually conscious of the truth possessed. For if, as he maintains, the intellect reaches its reality and perfection in energy in the actual cognition of an object ; and if, as he further maintains, the power of cognition energises perfectly which is well disposed with respect to the best of all the objects that fall under it; and if perfect energy be that accompanied by the greatest feeling of pleasure, it will fol- low that the perfect condition of our intellectual life is that which avoids the pains of imperfect or overstrained energy. IT But cogni- tive energy continued beyond a certain period, however valuable the knowledge it may hold, will cause pain. Consequently, it will always be more desirable will conduce more to the perfect state of our * Met. viii. 9. f Ibid. viii. 6. J Ibid. xi. 7. Compare xii. 9. Ibid. xi. 7. II Ibid. xi. 6. H Nic. Ethics, x. 4, 5. 446 APPENDIX. intellectual life that we should have a change of energy, than that an energy, whatever it may be cognisant of, should remain constantly with us. A mere change, therefore, or series of successive energies, will be superior, as a state of our inteDectual life, to the continu- ance of the same energy in other words, activity will be more desirable as a condition of intelligence than the mere possession of knowledge. But, be the Aristotelic doctrine as it may, the point is chiefly interesting as illustrating Mr Mill's remarkable style of criticism, and showing what weight is to be attached to his premises, even when they relate to matters of fact. With reference to the circumstance that Hamilton cites Aristotle as supporting his view of the relative superiority of the quest of truth to the actual possession of it, Mr Mill remarks : " In Aristotle's case, the assertion rests on a mistake of the Aristotelian word svigyeia,, which did not signify energy, but fact as opposed to possi- bility actus to potential * The obvious inference from this state- ment is, that Sir "William Hamilton regarded m^e/a as signifying something different from actus in fact, power or forcible activity, the popular and abusive sense of the term energy. Now the truth is, that Sir William Hamilton interpreted svegyeia in no such sense, and was probably the first in Britain, in this century, at least, to point out its true Aristotelic significance. Take only the fol- lowing passage : " Poiver, faculty, capacity, disposition, habit, are all different expressions for potential or possible existence ; act, operation, energy, for actual or present existence. Thus the power of imagination expresses the unexerted capability of imagining ; the act of imagination denotes that power elicited into immediate, into present, existence. The different synonyms for potential existence are existence sv dvvd^si, in potentia, in posse, in power ; for actual existence, sv tvegysfq, or sv hriXs^stcf,, in actu, in esse, in act, in opera- tion, in energy. The term energy is precisely the Greek term for act or operation, but it has vulgarly obtained the meaning of forcible activity." t The person who makes this statement is represented as mistaking " the meaning of the Aristotelian word evsgyua, which did not sig- nify energy, but fact as opposed to possibility actus to potentia" ! This is Hamilton's explicit statement of the meaning of the term ; nor is there a single word in the whole of the discussion relative to the comparative superiority of the quest of truth over the possession * Examination, p. 632. t Lectures, i. 180. APPENDIX. 447 of it, which implies that the term evsgyeia, is understood in any other sense than that here given to it. Mr Mill adds in a note : " The very passage quoted in support of this representation of him [Aristotle] shows that he was using the word in his own and not in Sir W. Hamilton's sense. T&\og 5' jj mg/s/a, xal rourou %ag/v XafJbSdvsrai . . . Ka) rqv IftlglffgX^f (e%ovffiv) i'va dsueSjffw ov dsugovffiv Iva dsu^Tix.^ e%u(Hv" Now, in the first place, this passage is not " quoted "at all by Sir W. Hamilton, but by his editors ; and, in the second place, the passage does not prove what Mr Mill says it proves. Sir W. Hamilton is using the word svegysiu precisely in Aristotle's sense. " Every power," he says, " exists for the sake of action" i. e., not of forcible activity, but of an actual realisation of the power. It so happens that, in the case of contemplation, the present existence of the capability is also a state of activity ; and Mr Mill confounds this accidental coincidence with the essential meaning of the term. It may be added that the term " fact," by which Mr Mill translates s^ye/a, is about the most inap- propriate word in the English language that could have been selected. But Mr Mill proceeds : " One hardly knows what to say to a writer who understands TtXog od yvuffts aXXu Kgafys to mean ' The intellect is perfected, not by knowledge, but by activity.' " * Now there is absolutely no warrant for saying that Sir W. Hamil- ton understood these words in this meaning. Sir W. Hamilton quotes, as from Aristotle, the words, "The intellect is perfected, not by knowledge, but by activity." But he himself gives no reference to the original, or to the words Te\o$ ou yvuaiz dXXa TTPag/?. The words are adduced by the editors of his Lectures in a note to the text, for which Sir "W. Hamilton was just as little responsible as Mr Mill; a fact which is patent to any one who exercises ordinary fairness in dealing with the materials before him. The note appended to Sir W. Hamilton's statement is as follows : " Said of moral knowledge, Eth. Nic. L 3. TsXo$ ou yvuffis aXXa cr^ag/g ; Cf. Ibid., i. 7, 13 ; i. 8, 9 ; ix. 7, 4; xi. 9, 7 ; x. 7, 1; Met. xi. 7: 'H voD evegysia ^uyj. ED." This is a purely editorial statement. It does not amount to saying that the original of the quotation from Aristotle had been discovered ; it contains merely references to passages in Aristotle that bear on the statements of the text regarding the two points of moral or practical and speculative truth. It was perfectly open to Mr Mill to show that there is no passage in Aristotle that can fairly be * Examination, p. 632. 448 APPENDIX. translated as Sir "W. Hamilton's text implies ; that the editors were wrong in their statement regarding the import of the passage quoted ; and that the other references had no relevancy : but it is an utterly unwarrantable and gratuitous proceeding to charge Sir "W. Hamil- ton with understanding words which he does not quote, and to which possibly enough he did not even refer, in a sense opposed to their obvious meaning. I have nothing more to add on Mr Mill and his criticism. I have simply to ask How are we appropriately to characterise such criticism as that of which the foregoing is an average specimen 1 Far be it from me to suggest that Mr Mill is consciously and delib- erately unfair in his representation of Sir "W. Hamilton's opinions. But I shall say, what I think has been proved, that Mr Mill is from some cause, perhaps constitution of mind and habit of thought, a conspicuous example of what he is so ready to charge upon the person whom he criticises that is, " inability to enter into the mind of another philosopher." INDEX. ABERCROMBTE, Dr, and Sir William Hamilton, 143. Absolute, its twofold application, 406 its meaning with Hamilton, 410 et seq. Absolute knowledge, 405, 406. "Admirable Crichton," the, Hamil- ton on, 315. Advocate's Library at Edinburgh, the, 75 the Dieterichs collection se- cured for it by Hamilton, 92 his letter with regard to its manage- ment, 93. Albuera, Captain Hamilton wounded at, 19. Alexander, Rev. Dr W. Lindsay, let- ter from, 341. Analytic of Logical Forms, Sir Wil- liam's proposed work on, 297. Anderston Club at Glasgow, 7. Angus, Mr, Sir "William Hamilton under, 13. Animal magnetism, views of Sir Wil- liam Hamilton on, 117. Aristotle, his 'De Anima,' Sir Wil- liam Hamilton on, 311 cited by Hamilton in support of his view of the superiority of the quest of truth over the possession of it, and the citation vindicated, 444 et seq. quoted in reference to this point, 445 his theory of the pleasurable, 445 Hamilton's alleged mistake regarding the meaning of frepyfia, 446 et seq. Association, fragments of letters on, 356. Auchtertool, residence at, 367. Austin, Mrs, letter to, in connection with the review of Cousin, 151 letter from Sir William to, 175. Authors, Sir William Hamilton's kindness to, 130. BAILLIE, Dr, 62. Balde, James, Hamilton's admiration of his Latin poems, 110. 2 Balliol College, Oxford, Sir William Hamilton at, 28 et seq. Barclay, Dr John, 100. Bayle, 436, 439. Baynes, Professor, sketch of Sir W. Hamilton by, 220 account of the management and discipline of the class, 221 reminiscences of Sir William by, 310 et seq. ( Be not Schismatics. &c. , ' publication of, 267. Benecke, Dr, 93. Bibliography, Hamilton on, 94. Black, Adam, his denunciation of the religious objection to Sir W. Hamil- ton, 197. ' Blackwood's Magazine,' connection of Captain Hamilton with, 88. Boole, Professor, letter from, on the Discussions, 342. Bowen, Professor Francis, 425. Brain, the, Sir W. Hamilton's physi- ological researches on it in connec- tion with phrenology, 114, 116. Bromley, Sir W. Hamilton's school life at, 14. Broun, James, letter from, 340. Brown, Dr Thomas, 425 his influence in Edinburgh, 83 his death, 96 his influence in America, 422. Bruce, Hugh, 197. Brucker, 435. Buchanan, George, Hamilton's study of, 109 Hamilton on his poetry, 315. Burton, J. Hill, 141. CAIRNS, Dr, reminiscences of Sir W. Hamilton by, 225 et seq., 271 etseq. correspondence of Sir William with, 299 et seq. Carlyle, Dr, account of Dr Robert Hamilton by, 6. Carlyle, Thomas, 120 reminiscences of Sir William by him, 121 et seq. letter to Sir William from, 126. Cerebellum, researches into its func- tion, &c., 114, 116, 117. 450 INDEX. Chaldee MS., alleged contribution of Hamilton to, 87. Chiefswood, the residence of Captain Hamilton, 129. Chretien, Rev. C. P., letter from, on the Discussions, 339. Christie, J. H., his intimacy at Ox- ford with Sir W. Hamilton, 36 sketch of Sir W. by him, 39. Civil History, appointment of Sir W. Hamilton to the Chair of, 103 sub- jects of his lectures, &c., 104 et seq. Clark, Rev. John, 232 note. Class honours, Sir William's system of recording, 248. Classical learning, Hamilton's article on, 174. Cleghorn, Dr, 23 account of Dr W. Hamilton by, 11. Clenardus, the letters of, 321. Cockburn, Lord, his account of Edin- burgh politics, 76 on Edinburgh society in the early part of the cen- tury, 79. Coleridge, S. T., 422. Colquhoun, J. C., the author of ' Isis Revelata,' 118, 119. Combe, George, discussion between him and Sir William on Phrenolo- gy, 115 a candidate for the Logic Chair, 185. Commonplace-book, Sir W. Hamil- ton's, its arrangement, &c., 385. Conditioned, its use by Hamilton, 408, 409. Continent, the reception of the review of Cousin on, 149. Continuity, law of, as held by Leib- nitz, 439 et seq. Copleston, E., influence of, at Oxford, 55. Cordale, residence at, 362. Corehouse, Lord, on Sir W. Hamilton as candidate for the Moral Philo- sophy Chair, 99. Cousin, Victor, Sir W. Hamilton's review of his philosophy, 146 his reception of it, 149 friendship be- tween them, 151 letters between them regarding the review, 152 letter to, on the Philosophy of Per- ception, 157 his report on German schools, and letter on it, 171 letter to, regarding the Logic Chair, 186 his reply and testimonial, 187, 192 letter to, after the election to the Logic Chair, 198 his answer,200 letters between him and Sir Wil- liam, 233, 263, 275 correspondence with, after the publication of Reid, 294 review of his ' Cours de Philo- sophie,' 404 question involved, 405 et seq. Hamilton's charge against, that he did not perceive the double meaning of the Unconditioned, 407 Hamilton's criticism of, 407 et seq. See Hamilton, Infinite, Abso- lute, Conditioned, Unconditioned. Craig, Miss, account of Sir W. Ham- ilton during his illness by, 282. Craik, Professor, letters to, 296, 303, 350. 'Cyril Thornton,' publication of, 129. DAVIDOFF, Count, 86. Day, Professor Henry W. , 425. Deaf and dumb, article by Hamilton on the, 172. Dean, Dr, Sir W. Hamilton under, 14 et seq. Degrees, examinations for, Hamilton on the system of, 171. De Morgan, Professor, his controversy with Hamilton, 297. De Quincey, sketch of Sir "W. Ham- ilton by, 84. Deputy-keepership of the Great Seal, application for, 258. Dieterichs collection of tracts, &c., the, 92. Discussions, the, their publication, 338 letters relating to them, 339 Dissenters, their right of admission to the universities, Sir William's article on, 164, 166. Douza, Janus, the Latin poems of, 112. EDINBURGH, state of politics in, dur- ing the early part of the century, 76, 77 its literary society, 79 et seq. controversy of Sir W. Hamil- ton with the Town Council about fees, 240 et seq. and regarding his second class, 242. ' Edinburgh Review,' its influence on politics, 77 publication of Sir William's essay on Cousin in it, 146 of his article on the Philo- sophy of Perception, 156 and of that on Logic, 158 Sir William's papers on the universities, 164 et seq. articles on the deaf and dumb, and on the study of mathematics, 172 on classical learning, 174 and on idealism, 175 collection and publication of articles from the, 338. Edinburgh University, vacancy in the Moral Philosophy Chair, 96 elec- tion of Wilson, 100 Sir W. Ham- ilton appointed to the Chair of Civil History in, 103 vacancy in INDEX. 451 the Logic Chair, and Sir W. Hamilton's appointment, 183 et seq. the system of patronage, 184. Emerson, R. W., 423. Energy, its literal and abusive mean- ing, 446. England, state of philosophy in, at the time Sir William's review of Cousin appeared, 147. English Universities and University Reform, Sir William's articles on, 164 et seq. Erasmus, the Adagia, &c., of, 162. Epistolae Obscurorum Virorum, the, 162, 163. FAIRY tales, Sir William's fondness for, 308. Fees, controversy with the Edinburgh Town Council regarding, 241. Ferrier, Professor, 282, 283 char- acter of Sir W. Hamilton by, 372. Fracastorius, the Latin poems of, 111. Eraser, Professor, 232, note. GAISFORD, Mr, list of the books given up by Hamilton at Oxford by, 57. Gerard, Alexander, 311. German, Sir William's mode of study- ing, 92. German universities, Hamilton on, 94 the system of patronage in, 169. Germany, visits of Sir W. Hamilton to, 89, 91. Gibbon, 435. Gibson, James, Sir W. Hamilton under, 13. Gillies, R. P., 118 his reminiscences of Sir William, 119 et seq. Glasgow, sketch of, in 1788, 2 the university, ib. et seq. Glasgow Grammar- School, Sir W. Hamilton at, 13. Glasgow University, Sir W. Hamil- ton at, 18 the professors at this time, 19. Gleig, Rev. G. R., 37. Graduation, Sir W. Hamilton's views regarding, 254, 257. Grammar, Greek and Latin, Sir W. Hamilton's studies on its theory, 113. Gray, Rev. J. H. , anecdote of Hamil- ton by, 51. Gray, Mrs Hamilton, her introduc- tion to Sir William, 130 sketch of him by her, 144. Greek and Latin grammar, studies on the theory of, 113. Grote, George, referred to, 444. Gymnastics, Hamilton's fondness for, 46. HAMILTON, Lord Archibald, letter from, on the election to the Moral Philosophy Chair, 101. Hamilton, Sir John de, ancestor of the Hamiltons of Preston, 69. Hamilton, Sir Gilbert de, ancestor of the Hamiltons, 69. Hamilton, Dr Robert, Professor of Anatomy at Glasgow, 5. Hamilton, Sir Robert, the Covenanter, 572. Hamilton, Dr Thomas, 6. Hamilton, Captain Thomas, 2, 14 under Dr Sommers at Midcalder, his early character, &c., 16 at Glasgow University, 18 in the army, 19 his retirement from the army and residence in Edinburgh, 87 his connection with ' Black- wood's Magazine,' 88 his early appreciation of Wordsworth, ib. sketch of, by Carlyle, 125 resident in Edinburgh, 128 publication of 'Cyril Thornton,' &c., 129 visits America, ib. his ' Men and Man- ners ' there, 130 letter from him regarding Sir William's lectures, 202 his death, 266. Hamilton, Lieut., letters from home to, 322 et seq., 357, 360 et seq. Hamilton, Dr Wm., father of Sir Wil- liam, 1 his lineage, &c., 4 et seq. sketch of his life, &c., 8 et seq. Hamilton, Sir William, birth and lineage of, 1 sketch of his father by him, 9 his mother, 12 early life and habits, ib. at Glasgow Grammar-School, 13 removed to Dr Dean's, 14 letter to his mother from thence, 15 under Dr Som- mers at Midcalder, 16 his charac- ter, &c., there, 17 enters Glasgow University, and life there, 18 account of him by Dr Sommers, 21 taste for book-collecting, 23 studies medicine in Edinburgh, and letters from thence, 24 at Oxford, and his life there, 28 his friends there, 36 sketches of him at this time, 39 anecdotes of his college life, 47, 50 his character as thus illustrated, 51 teaching at Oxford during his residence, 53 et seq. his examination, and the books selected by him, 57 extracts from his Oxford testimonials, 59 aban- dons the study of medicine for the bar, 63 death of his friend Scott, 64 letter on his connection with the Preston family, 65 finally adopts the bar, 67 assumes the baronetcy, 69, 72 his experience 452 INDEX. at the bar, and residence in Edin- burgh, 73 his reputation as a lawyer, 74 his political views, and obstacles these presented to his advancement, 76 his position in relation to his own party, 78 sketch of him by De Quincey, 84 foreign visitors, 86 continued in- timacy with Lockhart, 87 alleged connection with ' Blackwood's Magazine,' ib. first visit to Ger- many, 89 his dog Hermann, 90 breach with Lockhart, 90 again visits Germany, 91 his exertions on behalf of the Advocates' Libra- ry, 92 extracts from his letter on its management, 93 a candidate for the Chair of Moral Philosophy, 96 et seq. his testimonials, 99 effect of politics in the election, 100 letter from Lord A. Hamil- ton, 101 appointed professor of Civil History, 103 his lectures in that capacity, 104 visit to St Andrews, 107 his study of modern Latin poetry, 109 anecdote of him and Dr Parr, 112 his studies in the theory of Greek and Latin grammar, 113 physiological re- searches in relation to phrenology, 114 his rejection of it, and con- troversies with Combe, Spurzheim, &c., 115 researches and experi- ments on the brain, 117 views on animal magnetism and clairvoy- ance, 118 R. P. Gillies's reminis- cences of him, 118 et seq. Thomas Carlyle's, 120 et seq. letter from the latter to him, 127 visits to his brother at Chiefswood, &c., 129 consulted by authors, and his kind- ness to them, 130 commencement of his intimacy with George Moir, 131 Archdeacon Sinclair, and his work on Episcopacy, 132 Dr Von Scheel's account of him, 133 death of his mother, and its effect on him, 134 marriage to his cousin, 135 his house in Manor Place, 138 his library, and its arrange- ment, 139, 394 et seq. friends and country walks, and his habits during these, 140 his character in society, 141, 142 Mrs Hamil- ton Gray's picture of him, 144 his views on mesmerism, 145 commencement of his contribu- tions to the 'Edinburgh Review,' 145 his article on Cousin, 146 et seq. letter from him to Mrs Aus- tin, 151 correspondence with Cousin, 152 article on the Phi- losophy of Perception, 156 letter to Cousin on it, 157 article on Logic, 158 connection of these three articles, 160 letter from Macvey Napier on the article on Logic, 161 his study of the litera- ture of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, 162 his interest in uni- versities, 163 articles on that of Oxford, 164 et seq. correspondence with Lord Radnor on university re- form, 166 influence of his articles on the subject, 167 letter from Rev. G. H. Johnson on the subject, ib. and from Dean Stanley and Maurice, 168 article on the patron- age of universities, 169 articles on the revolutions of medicine, Tenne- mann's Manual, and Cousin's Report on German Schools, 171 on the deaf and dumb, and on mathe- matics, 172 letters from Macvey Napier, 173 article on classical learning, 174 and on idealism, 175 letter to Mrs Austin, 175 appointed Solicitor of Teinds, ib. letter from Professor Mylne in regard to the Chair of Moral Philosophy in Glasgow, 176 physiological researches, 179 ex- periments with morphia, 181 vacancy in the Logic Chair, 183 mode of election, 184 the candi- dates for it, 185 letter to Cousin on it, 186 reply of the latter, 187 his other testimonials, 191 his refusal to canvass person- ally, ib. the charge of obscurity of style, 192 theological objection to him, 194 his election to the Chair, 197 letter to Cousin on it, 198 preparation of his lectures, 201 his introductory lecture, 203 its character and reception, 203, 204 general scheme of his course, 205 his Lectures on Metaphysics, and habits while preparing them, 206 death of a son, 207 commencement of his edition of Reid, 207 pre- paration of his Lectures on Logic, 208 their position as an exposition of his philosophy, 209 et seq. re- sults of his appointment as to phi- losophical thought and teaching, 213 his influence as a teacher, 214 et seq. his influence upon his stu- dents, 217 characteristics of his lectures, 219 his personal appear- ance, 220 his management of the business of the class, 221 Dr Cairns's reminiscences of him, 225 et seq. correspondence with Cousin, INDEX. 453 233 seniorclass of Logic, 239 con- troversy with the Town Council regarding fees, 240 and afterwards regarding his second class, 242 his system of awarding honours, &c., 247 record of these, 248 et seq. mechanical contrivances in the class-room, 250 et seq. his rela- tions with his colleagues in the Senatus, 252 his proposals regard- ing graduation in arts, 254 his system of extra graduation honours, ib. 255 its results, 256 contro- versy regarding the Reid Fund, 257 applications for legal appoint- ments, 258 letter to Lord Mel- bourne, 259 and to the Lord Ad- vocate, 262 elected member of the Institute of France, 263 letters from and to Cousin, 263, 275 made doctor of divinity, 264 his connection with the Royal Society, 265 -death of his brother, 266 his pamphlet on the Non-intrusion question, 267 his interest in theo- logical questions, 270 Dr Cairns's reminiscences of him, 271 et seq. his illness, 278 et seq. affection shown to him, 281 his conduct during it, 282 death of a daughter, 283 application fora pension, 284 et seq. his declinature of the amount offered, 286 conduct of Lord John Kussell in the matter, 288 letter to Lord John Russell in reference to pension, 289 pension to Lady Hamilton, 291 able to re- sume work, and publication of Reid, 293 correspondence with Cousin on it, 294 promised works, 297 con- troversy with De Morgan, ib. an- swer to Archdeacon Hare on Luther, 298 letter from Dr Cairns, 299 letters to him, 300 et seq. letter to Prof. Craik, 303 his conduct under illness, ib., 304 his domestic life and habits, 305 et seq. his sense of the ludicrous, 310 Prof. Bayne's reminiscences of him, ib. et seq. let- ters to his son, 322 et seq. Luther and his writings, 331 et seq. ex- tracts from preface to intended work on him, 332 et seq. collections made for it, 335 preparation and publi- cation of the Discussions, 338 let- ters relating to them, 339 letter on the proposed abolition of univer- sity tests in Scotland, 350, 351 students' parties, and social habits at this time, 351 visits of stran- gers, 353 Dr Porter's sketch of him, 354 letters on Association, 356 editing of Dugald Stewart's works, 357 letters from home, 358, 361 life in the country, 359 se- vere accident to him, 360 at Cor- dale, 362 et seq.&t Auchtertool, 367 return to Edinburgh, 368 his last illness, 371 his death, 372 general remarks on his character and work, ib. et seq. burial-place and epitaph, 374 importance at- tached by him to reading, 375 resemblances to Leibnitz, 376 his ideal in reading, 378 power of re- presenting opinions, 381, 382 his literal accuracy, 383 his love of order and system, and memory, 384 his large commonplace-book, 385 example of its arrangement, &c., 387 other aids in reading, 392 arrangement of papers, ib. works of reference, 393 bib- liographies, 394 formation of li- brary, 395 arrangement, mending, renovating, and sizing his books, 396 ct seq. contents of library, 398 et seq. his fondness for acute dicta, 400 general remarks, 402 the Hamilton Fellowship, and bust of him, 403 his review of the Cours de Philosophic of Cousin, 404 et seq. the question involved, 405, 406 his merit in analysing the meanings of the terms absolute and infinite, unconditioned, 406, 407 the sali- ent point of his doctrine regarding the infinite-absolute, 408 his use of the terms conditioned and un- conditioned, 408, 409 the contra- diction in his philosophy chal- lenged and rebutted, 412 et seq. his application of the phrase immediate knowledge, 413 his use of the term relative, 414 et seq. the true meaning of his doctrine of Natural Realism, 416 et seq. his influence in America, 421, 428 on Hume, Leibnitz, and Aristotle, 429, 448 his view of Hume's philosophy 429 et seq. vindicated from Mr Mill's criticism, 429, 434- charge against him of misunderstanding the philosophy of Leibnitz, 434 et seq. his true view stated, 436, 437 the grounds of the charge exa- mined, 437, 443 cites Plato and Aristotle in support of his view of the superiority of the quest of truth over the possession of it, 443, 444 Mr Mill's misrepresentations of his statements on this point of the superiority of the quest of truth over the possession, 444 his cita- 454 INDEX. tion of Plato supported by Mr Grote, 444 his citation of Aris- totle vindicated, 444 et seq. falsely charged by Mr Mill with quoting and misunderstanding passages in Aristotle on this subject, 446, 448. Hamilton, Mrs, mother of Sir Wil- liam, 1 her character, &c., 12, 13 letter from school to her, and her reply, 15 letters of Sir William to her, 17, 24 et seq. letters to her from Oxford, 29 et seq. letters to her on the Preston baronetcy, 66 et seq. she removes to Edinburgh, 73 death of, 134. Hamilton, Lady, and the preparation of Sir William's lectures, 206, 208, 209 pension to, 291 her devotion to Sir William, 304 letters to her son from, 322 et seq. Hamilton, Mr, the phrenologist, 115. Hamilton Fellowship, the, 403. Hamiltons of Airdrie, the 4, 5. Hamiltons of Preston, the, 4 letter of Sir William's on his connection with them, 65 his researches into it, 67 he assumes the baronetcy, 69 sketch of the family, ib. et seq. Hare, Archdeacon, controversy with, 298. Harris, the author of ' Hermes,' 313. Hawkins, Rev. Dr, 37. Hegel, 423. Henry, Dr, 423. " Hermann," Sir William Hamilton's dog, 90. History, Sir William Hamilton's lec- tures on, 104 et seq. Hobbes, Sir William Hamilton on, 311. Hodge Podge Club at Glasgow, the, 8. Homer, Leonard, 141. Hume, David, his philosophy as re- presented by Hamilton, 429 et seq. his personal relation to his sys- tem of thought, 432 et seq. ex- tracts from his letters to Reid and Hutcheson, 433 his relation to subsequent systems of philosophy, 433, 434. Hunter, Principal, paper read by Sir William Hamilton in reply to, 113. Hunter, William, the anatomist, Dr W. Hamilton a pupil of, 9, 10. Hutten, Hamilton's high estimate of, 163. Hydropathy, Hamilton's opinion of, 316. IDEALISM, Hamilton's article on, 175. Infinite- Absolute, 405. Infinite, its twofold application, 406 its meaning with Hamilton, 410 et seq. and indefinite distinction between, 411, 412. Institute of France, Sir William Hamilton elected a member of the, 263. Ireland, Mr, a friend of Hamilton's at Oxford, 50, 64. Irving, Edward, Sir William Hamil- ton on, 144. JARDINE, Professor, 20. Jeffrey, his literary influence, and character of his criticism, 82 Hamilton's opinion of him, 83. Jenkyns, Dr, Master of Balliol, 99 testimonial to Hamilton from, 59. Jesuit missionaries, Hamilton on the, 320. Johnson, Rev. G. H., 167. Johnson, his translation of Tenne- mann, 424. KANT, 423 his Critique of the Pure Reason, its influence on philosophy, 147. Kelland, Professor, 253. Knowledge, the quest and the pos- session of, their relative importance, 443 et seq. Krasinski, Count, 394. LARGO, Sir W. Hamilton at, and ac- cident to him there, 360. Latin poetry, modern, Hamilton's study of, 109. Leibnitz, parallel between, and Ha- milton, 376 his philosophy, 434 et seq controversy regarding his seriousness, 435 et seq. Hamilton's charge against, ib. et seq. Hamil- ton's true view of the Pre-established Harmony, 436, 437 the principles of his philosophy, 438 et seq. vagueness of the principle of Suffi- cient Reason, 441 et seq. Monadol- ogy, 440 Pre-established Harmony and Occasional Causes, 442, 443. Leslie, Mr, the Father Keith of ' Re- ginald Dalton,' 50. Literature, Hamilton on its encour- agement in Germany, 94 that of the fifteenth and sixteenth centu- ries, Hamilton's study of it, 162. Locke, 425 his plan of a common- place-book, 385. Lockhart, J. Gibson, early intimacy with Hamilton, 37 his continued intimacy with Hamilton, 87 the breach between them, 90 letter from, on Sir William's illness, 282. Logic, Sir William's article in the ' Edinburgh Review ' on, 158 its INDEX. 455 aim and character, 159 letter from Napier on its style, &c., 161 vacancy in the Chair at Edinburgh, 183 the system of patronage, 184 Sir W. Hamilton as candidate, ib. the other candidates, 185 his election to it, 197 Sir William Hamilton's Lectures on, 208 their relation to his philosophical sys- tem, 209 et seq. how taught in the Scotch universities at the time of Hamilton's appointment, 214 for- mation of a senior class, 239. Luther, Sir William Hamilton's in- tended work on, 298, 331 extracts from the preface, 332 collections made for it, 335. MACDOUGALL, P. C., a candidate for the Logic Chair, 185. Mackintosh, Sir James, the Moral Philosophy Chair offered to, 97 note. Maclagan, Dr Douglas, 180 account of Sir W. Hamilton's illness by, 279. M'Crie, Dr, 100. Malebranche, 442. Mansel, Dr, 294 his philosophy of " the Conditioned," 404 his refer- ence to Mr Mill's use of connotative, 408, 409 his reference to Mr Mill's confusion of Infinite and Indefinite, 412 referred to on the term rela- tivity, 415. Mantuanus, Sir W. Hamilton's ad- miration of, 111. Marsh, James, D.D., 422. Marshall, Miss Janet, afterwards Lady Hamilton, 73, 74 her mar- riage to Sir Wm. Hamilton, 135. Martyn, Henry, Hamilton on, 320. Masson, David, 232, note. Mathematics, article by Hamilton on their study, 172 letters from Na- pier on it, 173. Maurice, Rev. F. D., on university reform, 168. Medicine, the revolutions of, article by Sir W. Hamilton on, 171. Medicine, Sir W. Hamilton on its present state, 316. Melbourne, Lord, letter from Sir W. Hamilton to, 259. ' Men and Manners in America,' pub- lication of, 130. Mesmerism, Sir W. Hamilton on, 145. See Animal Magnetism. Metaphysics, SirW. Hamilton's Lec- tures on, mode of their preparation, &c., 206 et seq. how taught in Scotch universities at the time of Hamilton's appointment, 214 Lec- tures on, used in America as a text- book, 427. Metaphysical society, formation of a, 232. Midcalder, Sir W. Hamilton's school - life at, 16. Mill, J. Stuart, charges against Ham- ilton by, 196 note notices of his 'Examination' of Hamilton, 209, 213 note its character, 404 mis- states the question in the review of Cousin's Cours de Philosophic, 405, 406 origin of the mistake, 406, 407 absurdly requires a de- finition of Conditioned and Uncon- ditioned, 408 et seq. misrepresents the scope of Hamilton's argument in review of Cousin, 409-411 char- acter of his argument to prove the actual cognition of the Infinite, 411, 412 misses the point of the doctrine of Natural Realism, 412 gist of his argument on this subject, 412, 413 criticism of the argu- ment, 413, 414 proper and pri- mary sense of the phrase relativity of knowledge, 415 his relativity of knowledge is neither primary nor essentiaX 415, 416 his alle- gation of contradiction in Sir W. Hamilton's philosophy groundless, 416-420 his remarks on Hamil- ton as a philsopher, 420 his statement of Hamilton's view of Hume's philosophy, 429 shown to be erroneous, 430, 432 his view of Hume's personal relation to his system criticised, 432 - 434 his charge against Hamilton of misun- derstanding the philosophy of Leib- nitz, 434 his own view of that philosophy criticised, 434, 435 his grounds of proof of Hamilton's misunderstanding of Leibnitz stat- ed and criticised, 435 et seq. his view of the fundamental doctrine of the philosophy of Leibnitz criti- cised, 438-440 his view of the ground of the Pre-established Har- mony criticised, 442, 443 his misrepresentations of Hamilton's statements regarding Aristotle, 443, 446, 447, 448 the character of his criticism of Hamilton, 448. Millar, James, Sir W. Hamilton under, 23. Missions and missionaries, Hamilton on, 319. Mitchell, Major, author of the 'Life of Wallenstein,' 89. Moir, George, on Jeffrey and Hamil- 456 INDEX. ton, 83 on Hamilton's admiration of the poems of Balde, 110 notices of Sir William Hamilton by, 129 his introduction to Sir William, and subsequent intimacy, 131 his translation of Wallenstein revised by Sir William, 132 letter on the refusal of pension to Sir William, 290. Monadology of Leibnitz, its origin, 441, 442. Monboddo, Lord, 312, 313. Moore, Dr, the author of ' Zeluco,' 7,8. Moral Philosophy Chair at Edinburgh, vacancy in it, 96 Sir W. Hamil- ton's candidature for it, 97 elec- tion of Wilson, 100. More, Miss, sketch of Sir Win. Hamilton by, 352. Morphia, experiments on himself with, by Sir W. Hamilton, 180. Mylne, Professor, 21 proposal from him to Sir W. Hamilton, 176. NAPIER, Macvey, a candidate for the Moral Philosophy Chair, 98 be- comes editor of the * Edinburgh Re- view,' 145 Sir William's first con- tribution to it under him, 146 let- ter from him on the article on Logic, 161 suggests those on the univer- sities, 164 letters from, on the article on mathematics, 173 on the election to the Logic Chair, 198 letter on the controversy with the Town Council, 245 letter on the edition of Reid, 296. Narcotics, insensibility of Sir W. Hamilton to, 180. Natural Realism, Hamilton's doctrine of, falsely alleged to be inconsistent with his theory of the relativity of knowledge, 412 et seq. Mr Mill's misrepresentation of, 413 et seq. Hamilton's true doctrine of, stated, 418-420. New England school of theology, 422. Nicoll, Alex., afterwards Professor of Hebrew, 37 account of Hamilton's Oxford examination by, 60. Non-intrusion controversy, Sir W. Hamilton's pamphlet on, 267. Novels, favourite, 307. OCCASIONAL Causes, see Leibnitz. Owen, Joannes, the Latin poems of, 112. Oxford, Sir W. Hamilton at, 28 ct seq. its influence on Hamilton, 52 teaching there in his time, 53 rise of Copleston, Whately, &c., 55 the new examination statutes, 56 Sir William's articles on, 164 et seq. PALMERSTON, Lord, refuses increased pension to Sir William, 291. Parr, Samuel, 100 letter to Dugald Stewart on Sir W. Hamilton, 103 anecdote of him and Sir William, 112. Parsons, Dr, Master of Balliol, his opinion of Hamilton, 53. Patronage and superintendence of universities, Sir William's article on, 165, 169. Perception, Sir W. Hamilton's article on, 156 Hamilton's doctrine of, as developed in the notes to Reid, 210. Petre, Miss, 363. Pfaff, 435 -his letter to Leibnitz, 436. Philoponus, the commentator on Aris- totle, 311, 313. Philosophy, its state in England when Sir William's review of Cousin ap- peared, 147 its low position in the Scotch universities at the time of Hamilton's appointment to the Logic Chair, 214 its advance un- der him, 215 et seq. Philosophy of Perception, publication of Sir William Hamilton's article on, 156. Phrenology, investigations of Sir W. Hamilton in relation to it, 113 his rejection of it, and controversy with its supporters, 115 et seq. Pilgrim's Progress, early fondness of Sir W. Hamilton for, 12. Pillans, Professor, 185, 187. Plato, 444. Politics, state of, in Scotland dur- ing the early part of the century, 76 influence of, in the election to the Moral Philosophy Chair, 100. Porteucross, residence of Sir W. Ha- milton at, 201. Porter, Dr Noah, of Yale College, sketch of Sir W. Hamilton by, 354 his account of the influence of Sir W. Hamilton's writings in America, 421-428. Powell, the ' Daniel Barton ' of Regi- nald Dalton, 41. Pre-established Harmony, see Leib- nitz. Protestantism and Romanism, Sir W. Hamilton on, 273. Pyrrhonism, its use according to Hume, 433. INDEX, 457 RADNOR, Lord, on university reform, 166. Reading, importance attached by Sir /W. Hamilton to, 375 his ideal of it, 378. Reid, Dr Thomas, 4, 425 his influ- ence on philosophy, 147 com- mencement of Hamilton's edition of, circumstances which led to it, &c. , 207 the notes, &c., to it the latest development of Hamilton's philo- sophy, 210 et seq. its publication, 293 his statements about the rela- tivity of knowledge, 417 censured by Hamilton, ib. Reid Fund, discussions with the Senatus regarding the, 257. Relativity, law of, what its non-ful- filment implies, 408. Relativity of knowledge, Hamilton's doctrine of, stated, 414 et seq Mr Mill's doctrine of, stated and criti- cised, 415 et seq. Reuchlin, Hamilton's estimate of, 163. Richardson, Professor, 19. Riddell, John, 68. Ripley, Rev. George, 423. Ritchie, Dr David, his resignation of the Chair of Logic, 179, 183. Royal Society of Edinburgh, paper on the Greek aorists read before, 113 and on phrenology, 115 Sir W. Hamilton's connection with it, 265. RusseU, Archibald, on Sir W. Hamil- ton's Lectures on History, 107. Russell, Lord John, his reception of Hamilton's claim to a pension, 286 et seq. letter from Hamilton to him, 289 pension offered, 291. Rutherfurd, Lord Advocate, letter from Sir W. Hamilton to, 262 correspondence with, regarding pen- sion, 286, 287. ST ANDREWS, visit of Sir W. Hamil- ton to, and his pursuits there, 107 et seq. St Andrews University, the library of, 108. St Andrew's day, celebration of, at Oxford, 49, 50. St John's Church, tomb of Sir Wil- liam Hamilton in, 374. Sannazarius, the Latin poem of, 111. Scaligers, the Latin poems of the, 112 their works, 162. Scepticism, its character, 429, 430 Hume's view of absolute scepticism, 432, 433. Schelling, 423 quoted on Uncondi- tioned, 406. Scotch politics, state of, in the early part of the century, 76. Scott, Alexander, his intimacy with Hamilton at Oxford, 37 visit of Hamilton to, 63 his last illness and death, 64. Scott, Michael, author of 'Tom Cringle,' 18. Scott, Sir Walter, 81, 82. Scottish universities, the recent re- forms in their patronage, 70 Sir William Hamilton on the abolition of tests in them, 350, 351. Semple, J. W., 141. Senatus Academicus, Sir William Hamilton's discussions with, 253. Shaw, Rev. William, 256. Simon, T. C., correspondence with, on the Discussions, 344. Simson, Robert, the mathematician, the Anderston Club originated by, 7. Sinclair, Archdeacon, account of a phrenological discussion by, 115 his work on Episcopacy, and Sir William's counsels regarding it, 132, 142 on Hamilton's articles on Oxford, 165 on the Non-intru- sion controversy, 269 anecdote of Sir W. Hamilton by, 378. Smith, Adam, a Snell Exhibitioner at Oxford, 28. Snell Exhibitions, the, 28. Society, Sir William Hamilton's habits in, 141. Sommers, Dr, Sir W. Hamilton under, 16 sketch of Sir William by him, 21, 22. Spittal, Sir James (Lord Provost of Edinburgh), 197. Spurzheim, Dr, discussion between him and Sir William on phrenology, 115. Stanley, Dean, letter from, on uni- versity reform, 168. Stewart, Dugald, 425, 435 his re- tirement from the Moral Philosophy Chair, 96, 97 at first supports Napier and afterwards Hamilton, 98 his influence in philosophy, 147 Sir W. Hamilton's edition of his works, 357. Stirling, Elizabeth, mother of Sir William, her lineage, &c., 1. Stirlings of Bankeir, &c., 1. Sufficient Reason, principle of, its true place in the philosophy of Leibnitz, 438 et seq. See Leibnitz. Swartz the missionary, 320. TAIT, Mr, and Sir W. Hamilton's edition of Reid, 207. G 458 INDEX. Taylor, Isaac, a candidate for the Logic Chair, 185, 198. Teaching, defective state of, at Ox- ford in Hamilton's time, 52 et seq. Teinds, appointment of Hamilton to Solicitorship of, 175. 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" it contains genuine poetic ore, poems which win for their author a place among Scotland's true sons of song, and such as any man in any country might rejoice to have written. "-London Review. " We are delighted to welcome into the brotherhood of real poets a countryman of Burns, and whose verse will go far to render the rougher Border Scottish a classic dialect in our literature." John Bull. PUBLISHED BY W. BLACKWOOD AND SONS, WOKKS OF FICTION Tales from " Blackwood," Complete in Twelve Volumes, Bound in cloth, 18s. The Volumes are sold separately, Is. 6d., and may be had of most Booksellers, in Six Volumes, handsomely half-bound in red morocco. CONTENTS. VOL. I. The Glenmutchkin Railway. Vandefdecken's Message Home. The Floating Beacon. Colonna the Painter. Napoleon. A Legend of Gibraltar. The Iron Shroud. VOL. II. Lazaro's Legacy. A Story without a Tail. Faustus and Queen Elizabeth. How I became a Yeoman. Devereux Hall. The Metempsychosis. College Theatricals. VOL. III. 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" Captain Speke has not written a noble book so much as he has done a noble deed. The volume which records his vast achievement is but the minor fact the history of his discovery, not the discovery itself : yet even as a literary performance it is worthy of very high praise. It is wholly free from the traces of book manufacture. ... It is, however, a great story that is thus plainly told ; a story of which nearly all the interest lies in the strange facts related, and, more than all, in the crowning fact that it frees us in a large degree from a geographical puzzle which had excited the curiosity of mankind of the most illustrious emperors and communities from very early times. " Athenceum. Narrative of the Earl of Elgin's Mission to China and Japan. By LAURENCE OLIPHANT, Private Secretary to Lord Elgin. Illustrated with numerous Engravings in Chromo-Lithography, Maps, and Engravings on Wood, from Original Drawings and Photographs. Second Edition. In Two Volumes Octavo, 21s. "The volumes in which Mr Oliphant has related these transactions will be read with the strongest interest now, and deserve to retain a permanent place in the literary and historical annals of our time." Edinburgh Review. Russian Shores of the Black Sea in the Autumn of 1852, with a Voyage down the Volga and a Tour through the Country of the Don Cossacks. By LAURENCE OLIPHANT, Esq. Octavo, with Map and other Illustra- tions. Fourth Edition, 14s. Minnesota and the Far West, By Laurence Oliphant, Octavo, Illustrated with Engravings, 12s. 6d. ("It affords us increased knowledge of the extraordinary resources which await the emigrant- at the head of the Great American Waters, and is a lively forecast of the prosperity of the States just emerging into existence in the Heart of the Wilderness. Mr Oliphant has foreseen great future events with a clear eye." The Times. The Transcaucasian Campaign of the Turkish Army under Omer Pasha : A Personal Narrative. By LAURENCE OLIPHANT, Esq. With Map and Illustrations. Post Octavo, 10 S . 6d. Egypt, the Soudan, and Central Africa : With Explorations from Khartoum on the White Nile to the Regions of the Equator. By JOHN PETHERICK, F. R. G. S. , Her Britannic Majesty's Consul for the Soudan. In Octavo, with a Map, 16s. Three Months in the Southern States, April June 1863, By LIEUT. -CoL. FREMANTLE. With Portraits of PRESIDENT DAVIS, GENERALS POLK, LEE, LONGSTREET, BEAUREGARD, AND JOHNSTON. Crown Octavo, 7s. 6d. "The whole of the book is as well worth reading as that published extract. It conveys a very fair idea of what manner of men they are who are now fighting in the South for their indepen- dence ; and being written in a very unpretending style, it is both an agreeable and valuable glimpse of the interior of the Confederacy. " Spectator. EDINBURGH AND LONDON TRAVELS The Punjab and Delhi in 1857 : Being a Narrative of the Measures by which the Punjab was saved and Delhi recovered during the Indian Mutiny. By the Rev. J. CAVE-BROWNE, Chaplain of the Punjab Movable Column. With Plans of the Chief Stations and of the different Engagements, and Portraits of Sir J. Lawrence, Bart., Sir H. Edward es, Sir R. Montgomery, and Brig. Gen. J. Nicholson. Two Volumes, Post Octavo, 21s. " To those who wish to possess a condensed narrative of the siege of Delhi, but, especially of the heroic doings 01' the handful of Englishmen scattered throughout the Punjab, these volumes recommend themselves by their scrupulous accuracy, while to the future historian of the India of 1857 they will prove invaluable." Allen's Indian Mail. ft This is a work which will well repay the trouble of perusal. Written by one who was him- self present at many of the scenes he narrates, and who has had free access to the papers of Sir J. Lawrence, Sir R. Montgomery, and Sir H. Edwardes, it comes with all the weight of official authority, and all the vividness of personal narrative.'' Press. The Campaign of Garibaldi in the Two Sicilies : A Per- sonal Narrative. By CHARLES STUART FORBES, Commander, R.N. Post Octavo, with Portraits, 12s. " A volume which contains the best sketch hitherto published of the campaign which put an end to Bourbon rule in the Two Sicilies. It is accompanied with plans of the cljief battles ; and its honest unexaggerated record contrasts very favourably with the strained and showy account of the Garibaldians just published by M. Dumas." Examiner. Men and Manners in America, By Capt, Thos, Hamilton, With Portrait of the Author. Foolscap, 7s. 6d. Notes on North America : Agricultural, Economical, and Social. By Professor J. F. W. JOHNSTON. Two Volumes, Post Octavo, 21s. "Professor Johnston's admirable Notes. . . . The very best manual for intelligent emi- grants, whilst to the British agriculturist and general reader it conveys a most complete con- ception of the condition of these prosperous region than all that has hitherto been written." Economist. Journal of a Tour in &reece and the Ionian Islands. By WILLIAM MURE of Caldwell. Two Volumes, Post Octavo, Maps and Plates, 24s. A Cruise in Japanese Waters, By Capt, Sherard Osborn, C,B, Third Edition. Crown Octavo, 5s. life in the Par West, By &, F, Ruxton, Esq. Second Edition. Foolscap Octavo, 4s. " One of the most daring and resolute of travellers. ... A volume fuller of excitement is seldom submitted to the public." Athenaeum. Narrative of a Journey through Syria and Palestine. By Lieut. VAN DE VELDE. Two Volumes Octavo, with Maps, &c., 1, 10s. " He has contributed much to knowledge of the country, and the unction with which he speaks of the holy places which he has visited, will commend the book to the notice of all religious readers. His illustrations of Scripture are numerous and admirable." Daily News. PUBLISHED BY W. BLACKWOOD AND SONS, GEOGKAPHICAL WORKS NEW GENERAL ATLAS. DEDICATED BY SPECIAL PERMISSION TO HER MAJESTY. THE KOYAL ATLAS OF MODERN GEOGEAPHY IN A SERIES OF ENTIRELY ORIGINAL AND AUTHENTIC MAPS. BY A. KEITH JOHNSTON, F.E.S.E. F.R.G.S. Author of the " Physical Atlas," &c. With a complete Index of easy reference to each Map, comprising nearly 150,000 Places contained in this Atlas. Imperial Folio, half -bound in russia or morocco, 5, 15s. 6d. Athenaeum, August 10, 1861. Under the name of " The Royal Atlas of Modern Geography," Messrs Blackwood and Sons have published a book of maps, which for care of drawing and beauty of execution appears to leave nothing more to hope for or desire. Science and art have done their best upon this mag- nificent book. Mr A. Keith Johnston answers for the engraving and printing : to those who love clear forms and delicate bold type we need say no more. All that maps should be, these maps are : honest, accurate, intelligible guides to narrative or description Of the many noble atlases prepared by Mr Johnston and published by Messrs Blackwood and Sons, this Royal Atlas will be the most useful to the public, and will deserve to be the most popular. Saturday Review. The completion of Mr Keith Johnston's Royal Atlas of Modern Geography claims a special notice at our hands. While Mr Johnston's maps are certainly unsurpassed by any for legibility and uniformity of drawing, as well as for accuracy and judicious selection, this eminent geographer's Atlas has a distinguishing merit in the fact that each map is accompanied by a special index of remarkable fulness. The labour and trouble of reference are in this way reduced to a minimum. .... The number of places enumerated in the separate indices is enormous. We believe, indeed, that every name which appears in the maps is registered in the tables ; and as each place is indicated by two letters, which refer to the squares formed by the parallels of latitude and longitude, the method of using the index is extremely easy and convenient We know no series of maps which we can more warmly recommend. The accuracy, wherever we have attempted to put it to the test, is really astonishing. Morning Herald. The culmination of all attempts to depict the face of the world appears in the Royal Atlas, than which it is impossible to conceive anything more perfect. Guardian. This is, beyond question, the most splendid and luxurious, as well as the most useful and complete of all existing atlases. Examiner. There has not, we believe, been produced for general public use a body of maps equal in beauty and completeness to the Royal Atlas just issued by Mr A. K. Johnston. Scotsman. An almost daily reference to, and comparison of, it with others, since the publication of the first part some two years ago until now, enables us to say, without the slightest hesitation, that this is by far the most complete and authentic atlas that has yet been issued. EDINBURGH AND LONDON. GEOGBAPJIICAL WORKS Index ffeograpMcus : Being a List, Alphabetically ar- RANGED, of the PRINCIPAL PLACES ON THE GLOBE, with the COUNTRIES AND SUBDIVISIONS OF THE COUNTRIES IN WHICH THEY ARE SITUATED, and their LATI- TUDES AND LONGITUDES. Compiled specially with reference to KEITH JOHN- STON'S ROYAL ATLAS, but applicable to all Modern Atlases and Maps. In One Volume Imperial Octavo, pp. 676, price 21s. The Physical Atlas of Natural Phenomena, By Alex. KEITH JOHNSTON, F.R.S.E., &c., Geographer to the Queen for Scotland. A New and Enlarged Edition, consisting of 35 Folio Plates, 27 smaller ones, printed in Colours, with 135 pages of Letterpress, and Index. SUBJECTS TKEATED OF. Geography and Orography, .... 11 Plates. Hydrography, 6 Meteorology and Magnetism, . . ... 6 Botanical Geography, 2 Zoological Geography, 6 Ethnology and Statistics, 4 Imperial Folio, half-bound morocco, 8, 8s. "The Physical Atlas of Mr Keith Johnston a perfect treasure of compressed information." Sir John Herschel. " There is no map in this noble Atlas upon which we might not be tempted to write largely. Almost every one suggests a volume of reflection, and suggests it by presenting, in a few hours, accurate truths which it would be the labour of a volume to enforce in words, and by imprinting them, at the same time, upon the memory with such distinctness that their outlines are not likely to be afterwards effaced. The ' Physical Atlas ' is a somewhat costly work, reckoning it only by its paper ; but upon its paper is stamped an amount of knowledge that could scarcely be acquired without the reading of as many books as would cost seven times the price." Examiner. "This Atlas ought to have a place in every good library. . . . We know of no work con- taining such copious and exact information as to all the physical circumstances of the earth on which we live. " Quarterly Review. The Physical Atlas, By Alexander Keith Johnston, F.R.S.E., F.R.G.S., Geographer to the Queen for Scotland. Reduced from the Imperial Folio. This Edition Contains Twenty-Five Maps, including a Pal;e- ontological and Geological Map of the British Islands, with Descriptive Letter- press, and a very copious Index. In Imperial Quarto, half-bound morocco, 2, 12s. 6d. " Executed with remarkable care, and is as accurate, and, for all educational purposes, as valu- able as the splendid large work (by the same author) which lias now a European reputation." Eclectic Review. Atlas of Scotland, 31 Maps of the Counties of Scotland, coloured. Bound in roan, price 10s. 6d. Each County may be had separately, in Cloth Case, Is. A Geological Map of Europe, exhibiting the different Systems of Rocks according to the latest researches, and from Inedited materials. By Sir R. I. MURCHISON, D.C.L., F.R.S., &c., Director-General of the Geological Survey of Great Britain and Ireland ; and JAMES NICOL, F.R.S.E., F.G.S., Professor of Natural History in the University of Aberdeen. Constructed by ALEX. KEITH JOHNSTON, F.R.S.E., &c., Geographer to the Queen, Author of the "Physical Atlas," &c. Scale, -^^ of Nature, 76 miles to an inch. Four Sheets Imperial, beautifully printed in Colours. Size, 4 feet 2 inches by 3 feet 5 inches. In Sheets, 3, 3s ; in a Cloth Case, 4to, 3, 10s. PUBLISHED BY W. BLACKWOOD AND SONS, GEOGKAPHICAL WORKS Keith Johnston's School Atlases :- i. General and Descriptive Geography, exhibiting the Actual and Comparative Extent of all the Countries in the World, with their present Political Divisions. A New and Enlarged Edition. Corrected to the present time. With a complete Index. 26 Maps. Half-bound, 12s. 6d. II. Physical Geography, illustrating, in a Series of Original Designs the Elementary Facts of Geology, Hydrology, Meteorology, and Natural History. A New and Enlarged Edition. 20 Maps, including coloured Geological Maps of Europe and of the British Isles. Half-bound, 12s. 6d. in. Classical Geography: Comprising, in Twenty-three Plates, Maps and Plans of all the important Countries and Localities referred to by Classical Authors ; accompanied by a pronouncing Index of Places, by T. HARVEY,' M.A. Oxon. A New and Kevised Edition. Half-bound, 12s. 6d. xv. Astronomy. An Entirely New Edition. Notes and Descrip- tive Letterpress to each Plate, embodying all recent Discoveries in Astro- nomy. 20 Maps. Half-bound, 12s. 6d. v. Elementary School Atlas of General and Descriptive Geogra- phy for the Use of Junior Classes. A New and Cheaper Edition. 20 Maps, including a Map of Canaan and Palestine. Half-bound, 5s. " They are as superior to all School Atlases within our knowledge, as were the larger works of the same Author in advance of those that preceded them." Educational Times. " Decidedly the best School Atlases we have ever seen." English Journal of Education. "... The Physical Atlas seems to us particularly well executed. . . . The last gene- ration had no such help to learning as is afforded iu these excellent elementary maps. The Class- ical Atlas is a great improvement on what has usually gone by that name ; not only is it fuller, but in some cases it gives the same country more than once in different periods of time. Thus it approaches the special value of a historical atlas. . . . The General Atlas is wonderfully full and accurate for its scale. . . . Finally, the Astronomical Atlas, in which Mr Hiiid is respon- sible for the scientific accuracy of the maps, supplies an admitted educational want. No better companion to an elementary astronomical treatise could be found than this cheap and convenient collection of maps." Saturday Review. " The plan of these Atlases is admirable, and the excellence of the plan is rivalled by the beauty of the execution. . . . The best security for the accuracy and substantial value of a School Atlas is to have it from the hands of a man like our Author, who has perfected his skill by the execution of much larger works, and gained a character which he will be careful not to jeopar- dise by attaching his name to anything that is crude, slovenly, or superficial. "Scotsman. Atlas of Plans of Countries, Battles, Sieges, & Sea-Fights, Illustrative of the History of Europe from the Commencement of the French Revolution to the Battle of Waterloo. Constructed by A. KEITH JOHNSTON, F.R.S.E., &c. &c. With Vocabulary of Military and Marine Terms. 109 Plates, Demy Quarto, price 3, 3s. Another Edition, in Crown Quarto, 1, 11s. 6d. EDINBURGH AND LONDON. GEOGEAPHICAL WOKKS A New Map of Europe, By A, Keith Johnston, F.R.S.E,, F.R.G.S., Geographer to the Queen. The Map is fully coloured, and measures 4 feet 2 inches by 3 feet 5 inches. Price, mounted on Cloth and Mahogany Roller, Varnished, or Folded in Quarto in a handsome Cloth Case, 21s. Geological Map of Scotland. From the most Eecent Au- thorities and Personal Observations. By JAMES NICOL, F.R.S.E., &c., Profes- sor of Natural History in the University of Aberdeen. With Explanatory Notes. The Topography by ALEXANDER KEITH JOHNSTON, F.R.S.E., &c. Scale, 10 miles to an inch. In Cloth Case, 21s. A Small Geological Map of Europe, From Keith John- BTON'S School " Physical Atlas." Printed in Colours, Sixpence. A Geological Map of the British Isles, From the same. Printed in Colours, Sixpence. Hand Atlases : Being the Maps of Keith Johnston's School Atlases on Large Paper, and half-bound, full size, Imperial Quarto. Physical Geography : Illustrating, in a Series of Original Designs, the Elementary Facts of Geology, Hydrology, Meteorology, and Natural History. In Imperial Quarto, half-bound morocco, 25s. Classical Geography: Comprising, in Twenty-three Plates, Maps and Plans of all the important Countries and Localities referred to by Classical Authors. In Imperial Quarto, half-bound morocco, 25s. General and Descriptive Geography : Exhibiting the Actual and Comparative extent of all the Countries in the World, with their pre- sent political divisions. New and Enlarged Edition. In Imperial Quarto, half-bound morocco, 25s. Astronomy: Comprising, in Eighteen Plates, a Complete Series of Illustrations of the Heavenly Bodies, drawn with the greatest care from Original and Authentic Documents. By ALEX. KEITH JOHNSTON, F.R.S.E. &c. Edited by J. R. HIND, F.R.A.S., &c. In Imperial Quarto, half -morocco, 21s. " The Atlas is undoubtedly the most beautiful work of its class that has ever been published and in several respects the most instructive. " The Astronomer Royal. 11 To say that Mr Hind's Atlas is the best thing of the kind is not enough it has no com- petitor. " A thenceum. Geological and Palseontological Map of the British Islands, including Tables of the Fossils of the different Epochs, &c. &c., from the Sketches and Notes of Professor EDWARD FORBES. With Illustrative and Explanatory Letterpress. 21s. PUBLISHED BY W. BLACKWOOD AND SONS, AGKICULTUEAL AND KUKAL AFFAIRS The Book of the Farm. Detailing the Labours of the Farmer, Farm-Steward, Ploughman, Shepherd, Hedger, Cattle-man, Field-worker, and Dairymaid, and forming a safe Monitor for Students in Practical Agriculture. By HENRY STEPHENS, F.R.S.E. Two Volumes, Royal Octavo, 3, handsomely bound in cloth, with upwards of 600 Illustrations. "The best book I have ever met with." Professor Johnston. "We have thoroughly examined these volumes ; but to give a full notice of their varied and valuable contents would occupy a larger space than we can conveniently devote to their dis- cussion ; we therefore, in general terms, commend them to the careful study of every young man who wishes to become a good practical farmer. Times. The Book of Farm Implements and Machines, By James SLIGHT and R. SCOTT BURN. Edited by HENRY STEPHENS, F.R.S.E. Illus- trated with 876 Engravings. Royal Octavo, uniform with the "Book of the Farm," half-bound, 2, 2s. The Book of Farm Buildings : their Arrangement and Construction. By HENRY STEPHENS, F.R.S.E., and R. SCOTT BURN. Royal Octavo, with 1045 Illustrations. Uniform with the " Book of the Farm." Half- bound, 1, 11s. 6d. The Book of the Garden, By Charles M'Intosh, In Two large Volumes, Royal Octavo, embellished with 1353 Engravings. Each Volume may be had separately viz. I. ARCHITECTURAL and ORNAMENTAL. On the Formation of Gardens Con- struction, Heating, and Ventilation of Fruit and Plant Houses, Pits, Frames, and other Garden Structures, with Practical Details. Illustrated by 1073 Engravings, pp. 776. 2, 10s. II. PRACTICAL GARDENING-, Contains Directions for the Culture of the Kitchen Garden, the Hardy-fruit Garden, the Forcing Garden, and Flower Garden, includ- ing Fruit and Plant Houses, with Select Lists of Vegetables, Fruits, and Plants. Pp. 868, with 279 Engravings. 1, 17s. 6d. " In the construction of every kind of building required in a garden, the ' structural ' section of the work will be found to contain a large amount of information suitable alike for buildings and gardens. Mr M'Intosh being himself one of the most experienced garden architects of our time, minute details are given, so that the expense of even a pit, up to a garden replete with every necessary erection, may be at once ascertained, a matter of no small importance to gentle- men about either to form new gardens, or improve such as already exist. ... On the whole, this volume on structural gardening, both in compilation and artistical execution, deserves our warmest commendation. " The second volume is of a cultural character, and has been got up with great care and re- search. It embodies the opinions and practice of the older writers on Horticulture, and also, what is of more importance, the experience of our eminent modern gardeners on the subject, together with the opinions of our author, who has studied and practised the art for upwards of half a century, both in this country and on the Continent. ... We therefore feel justified in recommending Mr M'Intosh's two excellent volumes to the notice of the public." Gardeners' Chroniclf. EDINBURGH AND LONDON. AGRICULTURAL AND RURAL AFFAIRS Practical System of Farm Book-Keeping : Being that re- commended in the " Book of the Farm" by H. STEPHENS. Eoyal Octavo, 2s. 6d. Also, SEVEN FOLIO ACCOUNT-BOOKS, printed and ruled in accordance with the System, the whole being specially adapted for keeping, by an easy and accurate method, an account of all the transactions of the Farm. A detailed Prospectus may be had from the Publishers. Price of the complete set of Eight Books, 1, 6s. Od. Also, A LABOUR ACCOUNT OF THE ESTATE, 2s. 6d. "We have no hesitation in saying, that of the many systems of keeping farm-accounts which are in vogue, there is not one which wiU bear comparison with that just issuer! by Messrs Black- wood, according to the recommendations of Mr Stephens,, in his invaluable 'Book of the Farm.' The great characteristic of this system is its simplicity. When once the details are mastered, which it will take very little trouble to accomplish, it will be prized as the clearest method to show the profit and loss of business, and to prove how the soundest and surest calculations can be arrived at. We earnestly recommend a trial of the entire series of books they must be used as a whole to be thoroughly profitable for we are convinced the verdict of our agricultural friends who make such a trial will speedily accord with otu own." Bell's Messenger. Agricultural Statistics of Scotland, Report by the High- land and Agricultural Society of Scotland to the Board of Trade, for 1855, 1856, and 1857. Is. 6d. each. Ainslie's Treatise on land-Surveying, A new and enlarged Edition, edited by WILLIAM GALBRAITH, M.A., F.R.A.S. One Volume, Octavo, with a Volume of Plates in Quarto, 21s. " The best book on surveying with which I am acquainted." W. KUTHERFOKD, LL.D. ,F.R.A.S., Royal Military Academy, Woolwich. Reports of the Association for Promoting Improvement in the Dwellings and Domestic Condition of Agricultural Labourers in Scotland. Seven Reports, 1855-61. Is. each. The Forester : A Practical Treatise on the Planting, Rearing, and Management of Forest Trees. By JAMES BROWN, Wood Manager to the Earl of Seafield. Third Edition, greatly enlarged, with numerous Engrav- ings on Wood. Royal Octavo, 30s. " What we have often stated in these columns we now repeat, that the book before us is. the most useful guide to good Arboriculture in the English language. The Author is a man of great experience in Scotch forestry, and, moreover, is well grounded in the science of tree cultivation ; so that he does not fall into the mistakes which mere theorists, or mere practicals, have each committed on so large a scale, in too many great places. We will even add, that it has been to the advice and instruction given in two former editions of the ' Forester,' now exhausted, that the general improvement in timber management may be fairly ascribed. "Gardeners' Chronicle. "Beyond all doubt this is the best work on the subject of Forestry extant." Gardeners' Journal. Handbook of the Mechanical Arts concerned in the Con- struction and Arrangement of Dwellings and other Buildings ; Including Car- pentry, Smith-work, Iron-framing, Brick-making, Columns, Cements, Well-sink- ing, Enclosing of Land, Road-making, &c. By R. SCOTT BURN. Crown Octavo, with 504 Engravings on Wood, 6s. 6d. PUBLISHED BY W, BLACKWOOD AND SONS, AGRICULTURAL AND RURAL AFFAIRS The Year-Book of Agricultural Facts, 1859 and 1860, Edited by K. SCOTT BURN. Foolscap Octavo, 5s. each. 1861 and 1862, 4s. each. Practical Ventilation, as applied to Public, Domestic, and Agricultural Structures. By R. SCOTT BURN, Engineer. 6s. Dwellings for the Working Classes : their Construction and Arrangement ; with Plans, Elevations, and Specifications, suggestive of Structures adapted to the Agricultural and Manufacturing Districts. By R. SCOTT BURN. Quarto, with numerous Diagrams, 3s. The "West of Ireland as a Field for Investment, By James CAIKD, Farmer, Baldoon. Octavo, with a Map, 6s. The Practical Planter : Containing Directions for the Planting of Waste Land and Management of Wood, with a new Method of Rear- ing the Oak. By THOMAS CRUIKSHANK, Forester at Careston. Octavo, 12s. Elkington's System of Draining : A Systematic Treatise on the Theory and Practice of Draining Land, adapted to the various Situations and Soils of England and Scotland, drawn up from the Communications of Joseph Elkington, by J. JOHNSTONE. Quarto, 10s. 6d. Trigonometrical Surveying, Levelling, and Railway En- gineering. By WILLIAM GALBRAITH, M.A. Octavo, 7s. 6d. The Preparation of Cooked Food for the Fattening of Cattle, and the advantage of Using it along with Cut Straw, Hay, Turnips, or other Vegetables. By THOMAS HARKNESS. 6d. Journal of Agriculture, and Transactions of the Highland AND AGRICULTURAL SOCIETY OF SCOTLAND. OLD SERIES, 1828 to 1843, 21 vols 330 NEW SERIES, 1843 to 1851, 8 vols 220 The Rural Economy of England, Scotland, and Ireland. By LEONCE DE. LAVERGNE. Translated from the French. With Notes by a Scottish Farmer. In Octavo, 12s. "One of the best works on the philosophy of agriculture and of agricultural political economy that has appeared." Spectator. On the Management of landed Property in the Highlands of Scotland. By GEORGE G. MACKAY, C.E. Crown Octavo, Is. 6d. EDINBURGH AND LONDON. AGRICTJLTUKAL AND KURAL AFFAIRS Professor Johnston's Works : Experimental Agriculture. Being the Results of Past, and Suggestions for Future, Experiments in Scientific and Practical Agriculture. 8s. , Elements of Agricultural Chemistry and Geology. Eighth Edition, 6s. 6d. "Nothing hitherto published has at all equalled it, both as regards true science and sound common sense." Quarterly Journal of Agriculture. A Catechism of Agricultural Chemistry and Geology. Fifty- seventh Edition, Is. " The extent to which this little Catechism has been circulated at home, its translation into nearly every European language, and its introduction into the Schools of Germany, Holland, Flanders, Italy, Sweden, Poland, and South and North America, while it has been gratifying to the Author, has caused him to take additional pains in improving and adding to the amount of useful information, in the present edition." Preface. On the Use of Lime in Agriculture. 6s. Instructions for the Analysis of Soils. Fourth Edition, 2s. An Inquiry into the Nature and Cause of the Prevailing Disease and Present Condition of the Larch Plantations in Great Britain. By CHARLES M'lNTOSH, Associate of the Linnaean Society, &c. &c. In Crown Octavo, 5s. Yiew of the Salmon-Fishery of Scotland, With Observa- tions on the Nature, Habits, and Instincts of the Salmon, and on the Law as affecting the Eights of Parties, &c. &c. By the Late MURDO MACKENZIE, Esq. of Cardross and Dundonald. In Octavo, 5s. On the Management of Bees, By Dr Mackenzie, Eileanach, Foolscap, 4d. The Chemistry of Vegetable and Animal Physiology, By Dr J. G. MULDER, Professor of Chemistry in the University of Utrecht. With an Introduction and Notes by PROFESSOR JOHNSTON. 22 Plates. Octavo, 80s. The Qrasses of Britain, Illustrated by 140 Figures, Drawn and Engraved by the Author. By E. PARNELL, M.D., F.R.S.E. This work con- tains a Figure and full description of every Grass found in Britain, with their Uses in Agriculture. Royal Octavo, 42s. The Relative Value of Round and Sawn Timber, shown by means of Tables and Diagrams. By JAMES RAIT, Land-Steward at Castle- Forbes. Royal Octavo, 8s., hf.-bd. PUBLISHED BY W. BLACKWOOD AND SONS, AGRICULTUKAL AND ETJEAL AFFAIES Dairy Management and Feeding of Milch Cows : Being the recorded Experience of Mrs AGNES SCOTT, Winkston, Peebles. Second Edition. Foolscap, Is. Italian Irrigation : A Eeport addressed to the Hon. the Court of Directors of the East India Company, on the Agricultural Canals of Piedmont and Lombardy ; with a Sketch of the Irrigation System of Northern and Central India. By Lieut. -Col. BAIRD SMITH, C.B. Second Edition. Two Volumes, Octavo, with Atlas in Folio, 30s. The Architecture of the Farm : A Series of Designs for Farm Houses, Farm Steadings, Factors' Houses, and Cottages. By JOHN STAR- FORTH, Architect. Sixty-two Engravings. In Medium Quarto, 2, 2s. " One of the most useful and beautiful additions to Messrs Black wood's extensive and valuable library of agricultural and rural economy." Morning Post. The Tester Deep land-Culture : Being a Detailed Account of the Method of Cultivation which has been successfully practised for several years by the Marquess of Tweeddale at Yester. By HENRY STEPHENS, Esq., F.R.S.E., Author of the Book of the Farm.' In Small Octavo, with Engravings on Wood, 4s. 6d. A Manual of Practical Draining, By Henry Stephens, F.R.S.E., Author of the < Book of the Farm.' Third Edition, Octavo, 5s. A Catechism of Practical Agriculture, By Henry Stephens, F.R.S.E., Author of the 'Book of the Farm,' &c. In Crown Octavo, with Illus- trations, Is. " We feel perfectly assured that this Catechism is precisely the thing which at this moment is wanted in every rural and national school in England, more especially since the question has arisen, How is it possible to educate skilled agricultural labourers more in the direction of their art and occupation, and to render the school more subservient to the field and the farm- yard ? "Nottingham Guardian. A Handy Book on Property law, By lord St Leonards. A new Edition, enlarged, with Index, and Portrait of the Author. Crown Octavo, 3s. 6d. " Less than 200 pages serve to arm us with the ordinary precautions to which we should at- tend in selling, buying, mortgaging, leasing, settling, and devising estates. We are informed of our relations to our property, to our wives and children, and of our liabilities as trustees or executors, in a little book for the million, a book which the author tenders to the profanum vul- gus as even capable of ' beguiling a few hours in a railway carriage.' " Times. The Practical Irrigator and Drainer, By George Stephens. Octavo, 8s. 6d. EDINBURGH AND LONDON. AGBICULTURAL AND RURAL AFFAIRS The Planter's (hide. By Sir Henry Steuart, A Hew Edition, with the Author's last Additions and Corrections. Octavo, with En- gravings, 21s. Stable Economy : A Treatise on the Management of Horses, By JOHN STEWART, V.S. Seventh Edition, 6s. 6d. " Will always maintain its position as a standard work upon the management of horses." Mark Lane Express. Advice to Purchasers of Horses, By John Stewart, T,S, 18mo, plates, 2s. 6d. Agricultural Labourers, as they Were, Are, and Should be, in their Social Condition. By the Ilev. HARRY STUART, A. M., Minister of Oath- law. Octavo, Second Edition, Is. A Practical Treatise on the Cultivation of the Grape VINE. By WILLIAM THOMSON, Gardener to His Grace the Duke of Buccleuch, Dalkeith Park. Fifth Edition Octavo, 5s. 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