Ohio Valley Historical Series. 
 
 NUMBER FIVE. 
 
 SMITH S 
 
 Captivity with the Indians. 
 
AN ACCOUNT 
 
 Remarkable Occurrences 
 
 IN THE LIFE AND TRAVELS OF 
 
 COL. JAMES SMITH, 
 
 DURING HIS CAPTIVITY WITH THE INDIANS, IN THE YEARS 
 1755. 56, 57, 5 8 & 59- 
 
 An Appendix of Illustrative Notes. 
 BY WM. M. DARLINGTON, 
 
 OF PITTSBURGH. 
 
 CINCINNATI: 
 
 ROBERT CLARKE & CO. 
 1870. 
 
Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1870, 
 
 BY ROBERT CLARKE & CO., 
 
 In the Clerk s Office of the District Court of the United States in and for the 
 Southern District of Ohio. 
 
 OHIO VALLEY PRESS, 
 ROBERT CLARKE A CO. 
 
 CINCINNATI, O. 
 
PREFATORY. 
 
 E select this as one of the reprints of our OHIO VALLEY 
 HISTORICAL SERIES, believing that in it the Indian "Cus- 
 
 toms, Manners, Traditions, Theological Sentiments, 
 f 
 
 Mode of Warfare, Military Tactics, Discipline, and 
 
 Encampment, Treatment of Prisoners, etc., are better explained 
 and more minutely related than has been heretofore done/ as the 
 author expresses himself in his title page. His vivid" pictures of 
 the vagrant, precarious lives of the Indians, little more than a 
 century "ago, in the then unbroken wilderness which has given 
 place to the prosperous State of Ohio, written without any 
 pretense to style or learning, bear every impress of truthfulness; 
 and as a faithful record of an eye-witness of their condition, 
 habits, etc., it deserves to be perpetuated. It has been several 
 times reprinted, with more or less accuracy, but all the editions 
 may now be classed among the scarce books. 
 
 James Smith was born in 1737, in Franklin county, Pennsyl- 
 
 M67295 
 
vi Prefatory. 
 
 vania, at that time the backwoods frontier, the extreme limit of 
 civilization. As might be expected, he received but a limited 
 education in book-learning, but, as befitted a backwoods boy, he 
 was well versed in wood-craft, active in the hunt, and inured to 
 all the hardships and trials of a frontier life. At the age of 
 eighteen, in 1 755, he was taken captive by the Indians, was adopted 
 into one of their families, and accompanied them in all their 
 wanderings, till his escape in 1759. He returned to Conoco- 
 cheague early in 1760, and was received with great joy by his 
 family and friends. 
 
 He settled himself at his old home in the ordinary routine of 
 pioneer farming, and in May, 1763, married Miss Anne Wilson, 
 by whom he had seven children four sons, Jonathan, William, 
 James, and Robert ; and three daughters, Jane, Elizabeth, and 
 Rebecca. His subsequent adventures, as a leader of the Black- 
 boys, in 1763 and 1769; his service as a lieutenant in Bouquet s 
 expedition against the Ohio Indians in 1764; his exploring 
 excursion into southern Kentucky in 1766, and his services 
 during the Revolutionary war, in which he earned and received 
 the rank of colonel, are sufficiently detailed in his own narra 
 tive. 
 
 After the temporary peace made with the Indians in 1778, he 
 removed to Westmoreland county, Pennsylvania, and settled on 
 a farm on Jacob s creek. Here his wife died. [Of her we 
 know little, except that she was a good woman, and a devoted 
 wife and mother. In 1785, he spent most of the summer in 
 Kentucky, looking after some land claims ; there he married his 
 
Prefatory. vii 
 
 second wife, Mrs. Margaret Irvin,* nee Rodgers, widow 
 of Mr. Abraham Irvin, a woman of cultivated mind, with whom 
 he lived happily until her decease in 1800. They had no chil 
 dren. She had five by her former marriage. 
 
 Of Mr. Smith s affection for his first wife, the following inci 
 dent bears witness. It was communicated to us by Rev. J. M. 
 Smith, son^of Mr, Smith s youngest son, Robert. 
 
 "My father s earliest recollections related to the habits 
 of his father, which he told about as follows : His mother was 
 buried on the farm, on a hill at some distance from the house, 
 where some large oak trees had been left standing to mark and 
 shade the family burying ground. Under the shade of these 
 trees my grandfather had constructed a kind of booth, some 
 what after the form of an Indian wigwam, but small in size. 
 
 * The following account is given of Mrs. Irvin in the edition of 
 this work, published by Grigg & Elliot, in 1834: 
 
 "She was born in the year 1744, in Hanover county, Virginia. She was of a re 
 spectable family ; her father and the Rev. Dr. Rodgers, of New York, were brothers 
 children. Her mother was sister to the Rev. James Caldwell, who was killed by the 
 British and tories at Elizabeth Point, New Jersey. Her father removed, when she was 
 a child ,to what was then called Lunenburg, now Charlotte county, Virginia. She never 
 went to school but three months, and that at the age of five years. At the expiration 
 of that term the school ceased, and she had no opportunity to attend one afterward. 
 Her mother, however, being an intelligent woman, and an excellent scholar, gave her 
 lessons at home. On the 5th of November. 1764, she was married to Mr. Irvin, a 
 respectable man, though in moderate circumstances. In the year 1777, when every 
 true friend of his country felt it his duty to render some personal service, he and a 
 neighbor, by the name of William Handy, agreed that they would enlist for the term 
 of three years, and each to serve eighteen months; Irvin to serve the first half, and 
 Handy the second. Mr. Irvin entered upon duty, ; n company with many others from 
 that section of the country. When they had marched to Dumfries, Va., before they 
 joined the main army, they were ordered to halt and inoculate for the small-pox- 
 Irvin neglected to inoculate, under the impression he had had the disease during infancy 
 The consequence was, he took the smallpox in the natural way, and died, leaving Mrs- 
 Irvin, and five small children, four sons and a daughter. 
 
viii Prefatory. 
 
 In this he had made a couch, upon which he would lie upon his 
 back and read. To this retreat he was accustomed to take his 
 little son, and there to read to him from the Holy Scriptures, 
 and point out to him the grave of his mother. Their last visit 
 to this hallowed spot made a very deep impression upon the 
 mind of my father ; he never referred to it without tears, even 
 when he was an old man. They were about to remove to the 
 State of Kentucky, and all other matters having been arranged, 
 he took his little boy and repaired to the grave of his wife, 
 which he was soon to leave forever, and there the two kneeled, 
 side by side, and the widowed husband offered up his last prayer 
 on behalf of his orphan child over the grave of the departed 
 wife and mother. This done, leading his little son by the hand, 
 he followed his family, who had already started from their old 
 home to seek a new one in the wilds of Kentucky." 
 
 This was in 1788. He took with him, his wife and her chil 
 dren, and of his own children, James, William, Robert, and 
 Rebecca, and settled on Cane Ridge, in Bourbon county, Ken 
 tucky, about seven miles from Paris. 
 
 Col. Smith was a man of very quiet and taciturn character, a 
 reader and a thinker, and much given to religious reading and 
 meditation. In him, however, the courage of opinion was fully 
 developed, and when roused, he had more than ordinary talent 
 
 In the fall of 1782, Mrs. Irvin removed, in company with a number of enterprising 
 Virginians, to the wilds of Kentucky; and three years afterward intermarried with 
 Col. Smith, by whom she had no issue. She died about the year 1800, in Bourbon 
 county, Kentucky, in the 56th year of her age. She was a member of the Presby 
 terian church, and sustained through life an unblemished reputation. In early life she 
 wrote but little, most of her productions being the fruits of her maturer years, and while 
 she was the wife of Col. Smith. But little of her composition has ever been put to 
 press ; but her genius and taste were always acknowledged by those who had access to 
 the productions of her pen. She had a happy talent for pastoral poetry, and many 
 fugitive pieces ascribed to her will long be cherished and admired by the children of 
 song. 
 
Prefatory. ix 
 
 in debate, so that among his new neighbors he soon became a 
 man of mark. He was elected the same year a member of the 
 convention which sat at Danville to confer about a separation 
 from the State of Virginia, and afterward represented Bourbon 
 county in the General Assembly of the State. 
 
 In religious matters Col. Smith was an enthusiast, and for 
 some time took an active part in the Stoneite movement, which 
 so excited the early church in Kentucky, for an account of 
 which we must refer our readers to Davidson s History of the 
 Presbyterian Church In Kentucky. He finally, however, returned 
 to the Presbyterian church, and receiving licensure, or perhaps 
 ordination, he spent much of his time in his later years as a 
 missionary among the Indians, for which work his familiarity 
 with Indian character eminently fitted him. 
 
 In 1802 he lived with his son James, to whom he had conveyed 
 the copyright and the remaining copies of his work, and also 
 twenty acres of land, for which the son had agreed " to decently 
 support his father during his lifetime." 
 
 On his return from one of his missionary excursions into Ten 
 nessee, he found that his son James had during his absence joined 
 the Shakers, and had gone with his family to a settlement which 
 that sect had just formed on Turtle Creek, Ohio (near Lebanon). 
 He followed, "to see what sort of people they were," lived with 
 them only a short time, but long enough to be disgusted with the 
 whole fraternity. His son James, who before joining the Shakers 
 "was naturally friendly, a dutiful son, a kind husband and a 
 tender father," seems to have changed his whole nature, and 
 
Prefatory. 
 
 u appeared to be divested of natural affection toward his wife 
 Polly and other connections." She, on going to visit some 
 relatives with her father-in-law, was advertised by her husband 
 as having left his "house and board without any just cause ;" 
 and on her return, at the instigation of the elders, he refused to 
 receive her, or allow her to see her children, " without she would 
 receive their testimony/ Thus driven from the settlement, and 
 from her husband and children, she returned to her friends in 
 Kentucky. Col. Smith was greatly exasperated at the conduct 
 of his son, and opened his batteries on the leaders of the Shakers, 
 exposing them socially, theologically, and politically, in a pamphlet 
 entitled 
 
 " REMARKABLE OCCURRENCES lately discovered among the 
 People called SHAKERS: of a Treasonable and | barbarous 
 nature ; or, SHAKERISM DEVELOPED. By James Smith. Paris 
 (Ky.) Printed by Joel R. Lyle." (1810.) pp. 24. 
 
 This brought out a rejoinder by Richard McNemar, one of 
 their leaders, and Col. Smith again appeared in print, in a pamphlet 
 of 44 pages, entitled 
 
 " SHAKERISM DETECTED ; their Erroneous and Treasonable 
 Proceedings, and FALSE PUBLICATIONS contained in Different 
 Newspapers, Exposed to Public View, by the depositions of ten 
 different persons living in various parts of the State of Kentucky 
 and Ohio, accompanied with remarks. By Col. James Smith, 
 of Kentucky. Paris, Kentucky. Printed by Joel R. Lyle. 
 1810." 
 
 These, however, had no result so far as the son was con 
 cerned : he remained with the Shakers ; and Col. Smith spent 
 the remainder of his days, thus embittered by the unnatural con- 
 
Prefatory. xi 
 
 duct of his son, chiefly with his step-children, the Irvins, in 
 Washington county, Kentucky, where he died in 1812. 
 
 The Indians had again become very troublesome in 1811, and 
 a general Indian war was expected. Col. Smith, now too old 
 for actual service,* but still having considerable of the old leaven 
 of patriotism in him, wrote out and published a treatise on 
 Indian warfare, of which the following is the title page : 
 
 " A Treatise on the Mode and Manner of Indian War, their 
 Tactics, Discipline and Encampment, the various Methods they 
 Practise, in order to obtain the Advantage, by Ambush, Surprise, 
 Surrounding, &c. Ways and Means proposed to Prevent the 
 Indians from obtaining the Advantage. A Chart, or Plan of 
 Marching, and Encamping, laid down, whereby we may undoubt 
 edly Surround them, if we have Men Sufficient. Also A Brief 
 Account of Twenty-three Campaigns, carried on against the 
 Indians with the Events since the year 1755; Gov. Harrison s 
 included. By Col. James Smith. Likewise Some Abstracts 
 selected from his Journal, while in Captivity with the Indians, 
 relative to the Wars : which was published many years ago, but 
 few of them now to be found. Paris Kentucky. Printed by 
 Joel R. Lyle. 1812." pp I, 59. 
 
 There is not much new matter in this volume. It is little x 
 more than those portions of his " captivity " relating to Indian 
 warfare, rearranged and connected. No one could read it with 
 out being convinced of the wisdom of the tactics he suggests 
 and even of their applicability to Indian warfare in these latter 
 days. * 
 
 *He made the attempt, however. In Niles* Register for September 26, 1 8 12, he Is 
 said to have ll gone to join the army, when he heard of the surrender of Hull." His 
 son Robert raised a company of volunteers in Washington county, Ky. He was a 
 tanner, and in order to uniform his company he tanned all their pantaloons in his vats. 
 
xii Prefatory. 
 
 We must express our obligations to Miss Sarah M Quaid, of 
 Elizabeth, Pennsylvania, who was brought up in Jonathan 
 Smith s family, and Rev. J. M. Smith, of McKeesport, Pennsyl 
 vania, for much of the material of this sketch ; and also to Rev. 
 Joel K. Lyle, of Lexington, for the use of the two Shaker 
 pamphlets ; and Mr. S. B. Elliott, of Cincinnati, for the pamphlet 
 on Indian warfare. 
 
 Since the narrative was printed we have been favored by Mr. 
 "Wm. M. Darlington of Pittsburgh with the valuable Notes 
 printed in the Appendix on the localities, etc., mentioned by Col. 
 Smith. They will be found to be of considerable interest, and 
 add very much to the value of this republication. We regret 
 that they were received too late to refer to them in the text, 
 but the pages are given with the Notes referring back to the 
 Narrative, and the Index will be a ready reference to both the 
 text and notes. 
 
AN ACCOUNT 
 
 OF THE 
 
 REMARKABLE OCCURRENCES 
 
 IN THE LIFE AND TRAVELS OF 
 
 COL. JAMES SMITH, 
 
 (Now a Citizen of Bourbon County, Kentucky,) 
 
 DURING HIS CAPTIVITY WITH THE INDIANS, 
 IN THE YEARS 1755, 56, 57, 58, & 59, 
 
 In which the Cuftoms, Manners, Traditions, Theological Sen 
 timents, Mode of Warfare, Military Tactics, Difcipline and 
 Encampments, Treatment of Prifoners, &c. are better ex 
 plained, and more minutely related, than has been heretofore 
 done, by any author on that fubjecl:. Together with a De- 
 fcription ( of the Soil, Timber and Waters, where he travel 
 led with the Indians, during his captivity. 
 
 TO WHICH IS ADDED, 
 
 A Brief Account of fome Very Uncommon Occurrences, which 
 tranfpired after his return from captivity ; as well as of the 
 Different Campaigns carried on againft the Indians to the 
 weftward of Fort Pitt, fince the year 1755, to the prefent 
 date. 
 
 WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 
 
 LEXINGTON: 
 PRINTED BY JOHN BRADFORD, ON MAIN STREET, 
 
 1799. 
 
COPT RIGHT SECURED ACCORDING TO ACT OF CONGRESS. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 T WAS ftrongly urged to publifh the following work, 
 A immediately after my return from captivity, which 
 was nearly forty years ago but, as at that time the 
 Americans were fo little acquainted with Indian affairs, 
 I apprehended a great part of it would be viewed as 
 fable or romance. 
 
 As the Indians never attempted to prevent me either 
 from reading or writing, I kept a Journal, which I 
 revifed fhortly after my return from captivity, and 
 which I have kept ever fince : and as I have had but a 
 moderate Englifh education, have been advifed to 
 employ fome perfon of liberal education to tranfcribe 
 and embellim it but believing that nature always 
 outmines art, have thought, that occurrences truly and 
 plainly ftated, as they happened, would make the beft 
 hiftory, be better underfttood, and moft entertaining. 
 
 In the different Indian fpeeches copied into this work, 
 I have not only imitated their own ftyle, or mode of 
 
4 Preface. 
 
 fpeaking, but have also preferved the ideas meant to be 
 communicated in those fpeeches In common conver- 
 fation, I have ufed my own flyle, but preferved their 
 ideas. The principal advantage that I expect will refult 
 to the public, from the publication of the following 
 meets, is the obfervations on the Indian mode of warfare. 
 Experience has taught the Americans the neceflity of 
 adopting their mode, and the more perfect we are in 
 that mode, the better we mail be able to defend ourfelves 
 againfl them, when defence is neceflary. 
 
 JAMES SMITH. 
 
 Bourbon County, June 1st, 1799. 
 
REMARKABLE 
 
 OCCURRENCES, ETC 
 
 IN May 1755, the province of Pennfylvania, agreed 
 to fend out three hundred men, in order to cut a 
 waggon road from Fort Loudon, to join Braddock s 
 road, near the Turkey Foot, or three forks of Yoho- 
 gania. My brother-in-law, William Smith efq. of Cono- 
 cocheague, was appointed commiflioner, to have the 
 overfight of thefe road-cutters. 
 
 Though I was at that time only eighteen years of 
 age, I had fallen violently in love with a young lady, 
 whom I apprehended was pofleffed of a large mare of 
 both beauty and virtue ; but being born between Venus 
 and Mars, I concluded I muft alfo leave my dear fair 
 one, and go out with this company of road-cutters, to 
 
 * (v) 
 
Col. James Smith. 
 
 fee the event of this campaign ; but ftill expecting that 
 fome time in the courfe of this fummer, I mould again 
 return to the arms of my beloved. 
 
 We went on with the road, without interruption, 
 until near the Allegheny Mountain ; when I was fent 
 back, in order to hurry up fome provision waggons that 
 were on the way after us; I proceeded down the road as 
 far as the croffings of Juniata, where, rinding the wag 
 gons were coming on as fail as poflible, I returned up 
 the road again towards the Allegheny Mountain, in 
 company with one Arnold Vigoras. About four or 
 five miles above Bedford, three Indians had made a 
 blind of bufhes, iluck in the ground, as though they 
 grew naturally, where they concealed themfelves, about 
 fifteen yards from the road. When we came oppofite 
 to them, they fired upon us, at this fhort diftance, and 
 killed my fellow traveller, yet their bullets did not 
 touch me ; but my horfe making a violent ftart, threw 
 me, and the Indians immediately ran up, and took me 
 prifoner. The one that laid hold on me was a Cana- 
 fatauga, the other two were Delawares. One of them 
 could fpeak Englifh, and afked me if there were any 
 more white men coming after? I told them not any 
 near, that I knew of. Two of thefe Indians ftood by 
 me, whilfl the other fcalped my comrade : they then fet 
 off and ran at a fmart rate, through the woods, for 
 about fifteen miles, and that night we flept on the Ale- 
 gheny Mountain, without fire. 
 
Remarkable Occurrences^ Etc. 
 
 The next morning they divided the laft of their pro- 
 vifion which they had brought from Fort DuQuefhe, 
 and gave me an equal mare, which was about two or 
 three ounces of mouldy bifcuit this and a young 
 Ground-Hog, about as large as a Rabbit, roafted, and 
 alfo equally divided, was all the provifion we had until 
 we came to the Loyal-Hannan, which was about fifty 
 miles; and a great part of the way we came through 
 exceeding jocky Laurel-thickets, without any path. 
 When we came to the Weft fide of Laurel Hill, they 
 gave the fcalp halloo, as ufual, which is a long yell or 
 halloo, for every fcalp or prifoner they have in porTeflion; 
 the laft of thefe fcalp halloos was followed with quick 
 and fudden, fhrill fhouts of joy and triumph. On their 
 performing this, we were anfwered by the firing of a 
 number of guns on the Loyal-Hannan, one after an 
 other, quicker than one could count, by another party 
 of Indians, who were encamped near where Ligoneer 
 now ftands. As we advanced near this party, they 
 increafed with repeated fhouts of joy and triumph; but 
 I did not fhare with them in their exceffive mirth. 
 When we came to this camp, we found they had plenty 
 of Turkeys and other meat, there ; and though I never 
 before eat venifon without bread or fait, yet as I was 
 hungry, it relifhed very well. There we lay that night, 
 and the next morning the whole of us marched on our 
 way for Fort DuQuefne. The night after we joined 
 another camp of Indians, with nearly the fame cere- 
 
Col. James Smith. 
 
 mony, attended with great noife, and apparent joy, 
 among all, except one. The next morning we continued 
 our march, and in the afternoon we came in full view of 
 the fort, which ftood on the point, near where Fort Pitt 
 now {lands. We then made a halt on the bank of the 
 Alegheny, and repeated the fcalp halloo, which was 
 anfwered by the firing of all the firelocks in the hands 
 of both Indians and French who were in and about the 
 fort, in the aforefaid manner, and alfo the great guns, 
 which were followed by the continued fhouts and yells 
 of the different favage tribes who were then collected 
 there. 
 
 As I was at this time unacquainted with this mode 
 of firing and yelling of the favages, I concluded that 
 there were thoufands of Indians there, ready to receive 
 General Braddock; but what added to my furprize, I 
 faw numbers running towards me, ftripped naked, ex 
 cepting breech-clouts, and painted in the moft hideous 
 manner, of various colors, though the principal color 
 was vermillion, or a bright red; yet there was annexed 
 to this, black, brown, blue, &c. As they approached, 
 they formed themfelves into two long ranks, about two 
 or three rods apart. I was told by an Indian that 
 could fpeak Englifh, that I muft run betwixt thefe 
 ranks, and that they would flog me all the way, as I 
 ran, and if I ran quick, it would be fo much the better, 
 as they would quit when I got to the end of the ranks. 
 There appeared to be a general rejoicing around me, 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 
 
 yet I could find nothing like joy in my breaft; but I 
 ftarted to the race with all the refolution and vigor I 
 was capable of exerting, and found that it was as I had 
 had been told, for I was flogged the whole way. When 
 I had got near the end of the lines, I was ftruck with 
 fomething that appeared to me to be a flick, or the 
 handle of a tommahawk, which caufed me to fall to the 
 ground. On my recovering my fenfes, I endeavored to 
 renew my race; but as I arofe, fome one cad fand in 
 my eyes, which blinded me fo, that I could not fee 
 where to run. They continued beating me mofl into!-; 
 erably, until I was at length infenfible; but before I 
 loft my fenfes, I remember my wifhing them to ftrikes 
 the fatal blow, for I thought they intended killing me, 
 but apprehended they were too long about it.j, 
 
 The firft thing I remember was my being in the fort, 
 amidft the French and Indians, and a French doctor 
 {landing by me, who had opened a vein in my left arm : 
 after which the interpreter afked me how I did, I told 
 him I felt much pain ; the doctor then warned my 
 wounds, and the bruifed places of my body, with 
 French brandy. As I felt faint, and the brandy fmelt 
 well, I afked for fome inwardly, but the doctor told 
 me, by the interpreter, that it did not fuit my cafe. 
 
 When they found I could fpeak 3 a number of Indians 
 came around me, and examined me with threats of cruel 
 death, if I did not tell the truth. The firft queflion 
 they afked me, was, how many men were there in the 
 
 2 
 
io Col. James Smith. 
 
 party that were coming from Pennfylvania, to join 
 Braddock ? I told them the truth, that there were 
 three hundred. The next queftion was, were they well 
 armed ? I told them they were all well armed, (mean 
 ing the arm of flefh) for they had only about thirty 
 guns among the whole of them; which, if the Indians 
 had known, they would certainly have gone and cut 
 them all off; therefore I could not in confcience let 
 them know the defencelefs fituation of thefe road-cut 
 ters. I was then fent to the hofpital, and carefully 
 attended by the doctors, and recovered quicker than 
 what I expected. 
 
 Some time after I was there, I was vifited by the 
 Delaware Indian already mentioned, who was at the 
 taking of me, and could fpeak fome Englifh. Though 
 he fpoke but bad Englifh, yet I found him to be a man 
 of conflderable underftanding. I afked him if I had 
 done any thing that had offended the Indians, which 
 caufed them to treat me fo unmercifully ? He faid no, 
 it was only an old cuftom the Indians had, and it was 
 like how do you do ; after that he faid I would be well 
 ufed. I aiked him if I mould be admitted to remain 
 with the French? He faid no and told me that as 
 foon as I recovered, I muft not only go with the In 
 dians, but muft be made an Indian myfelf. I afked 
 him what news from Braddock s army ? He faid the 
 Indians fpied them every day, and he mewed me by 
 making marks on the ground with a ftick, that Brad- 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 1 1 
 
 dock s army was advancing in very clofe order, and that 
 the Indians would furround them, take trees, and (as 
 he expreffed it) ftioot urn down all one pigeon. 
 
 Shortly after this, on the 9th day of July 1755, in 
 the morning I heard a great ftir in the fort. As I could 
 then walk with a ftaff in my hand, I went out of the 
 door which was juft by the wall of the fort, and flood 
 upon the wall and viewed the Indians in a huddle be 
 fore the gate, where were barrels of powder, bullets, 
 flints &c., and every one taking what fuited ; I faw 
 the Indians alfo march off in rank intire likewife the 
 French Canadians, and fome regulars, after viewing the 
 Indians and French in different portions, I computed 
 them to be about four hundred, and wondered that 
 they attempted to go out againfl Braddock with fo 
 fmall a party. I was then in high hopes that I would 
 foon fee them flying before the Britim troops, and that 
 General Braddock would take the fort and refcue me. 
 
 I remained anxious to know the event of this day; 
 and in the afternoon I again obferved a great noife and 
 commotion in the fort, and though at that time I could 
 not understand French, yet I found it was the voice of 
 Joy and triumph, and feared that they had received what 
 I called bad news. 
 
 I had obferved fome of the old country foldiers 
 fpeak Dutch, as I fpoke Dutch I went to one of them 
 and afked him what was the news ? he told me that a 
 runner had juft arrived, who faid that Braddock would 
 
Col. James Smith. 
 
 certainly be defeated; that the Indians and French had 
 furrounded him, and were concealed behind trees and in 
 gullies, and kept a conftant fire upon the Englifh, and 
 that they faw the Englifh falling in heaps, and if they 
 did not take the river which was the only gap, and 
 make their efcape, there would not be one man left 
 alive before fun down. Some time after this I heard a 
 number of fcalp halloo s and faw a company of Indians 
 and French coming in. I obferved they had a great 
 many bloody fcalps, grenadiers caps, Britifh canteens, 
 bayonets &c. with them. They brought the news that 
 Braddock was defeated. After that another company 
 came in which appeared to be about one hundred, and 
 chiefly Indians, and it feemed to me that almoft every 
 one of this company was carrying fcalps; after this came 
 another company with a number of waggon-horfes, and 
 alfo a great many fcalps. Thofe that were coming in, 
 and thofe that had arrived, kept a conftant firing of 
 fmall arms, and alfo the great guns in the fort, which 
 were accompanied with the moft hedeous fhouts and 
 yells from all quarters ; fo that it appeared to me as if 
 the infernal regions had broke loofe. 
 
 About fun down I beheld a fmall party coming in 
 with about a dozen prifoners, ftripped naked, with their 
 hands tied behind their backs, and their faces, and part 
 of their bodies blacked thefe prifoners they burned to 
 death on the bank of Alegheny River oppofite to the 
 fort. I flood on the fort wall until I beheld them begin 
 
Remarkable Occurrences., Etc. 13 
 
 to burn one of thefe men, they had him tied to a flake 
 and kept touching him with fire-brands, red-hot irons 
 &c. and he fcreeming in a moft doleful manner, the 
 Indians in the mean time yelling like infernal fpirits. 
 As this fcene appeared too mocking for me to behold, 
 I retired to my lodging both fore and forry. 
 
 When I came into my lodgings I faw RufTel s Seven 
 Sermons, which they had brought from the field of 
 battle, which a Frenchman made a prefent of to me. 
 From the beft information I could receive there were 
 only feven Indians and four French killed in this 
 battle, and five hundred Britifh lay dead in the field ; 
 befides what were killed in the river on their retreat. 
 
 The morning after the battle I faw Braddock s artilery 
 brought into the fort, the fame day I alfo faw feveral 
 Indians in British-officers drefs with fafh, half-moon, 
 laced hats &c. which the Britifh then wore. 
 
 A few days after this the Indians demanded me and 
 I was obliged to go with them. I was not yet well able 
 to march, but they took me in a canoe, up the Alegheny 
 River to an Indian town that was on the north fide of 
 the river, about forty miles above Fort DuQuefne. 
 Here I remained about three weeks, and was then taken 
 to an Indian town on the weft branch of Mufkingum, 
 about twenty miles above the forks, which was called 
 Tullihas, inhabited by Delawares, Caughnewagas and 
 Mohicans. On our rout betwixt the aforefaid towns, 
 the country was chiefly black-oak and white-oak land, 
 
14 Col. James Smith. 
 
 which appeared generally to be good wheat land, chiefly 
 fecond and third rate, intermixed with fome rich bottoms. 
 The day after my arrival at the aforefaid town, a 
 number of Indians collected about me, and one of them 
 began to pull the hair out of my head. He had fome 
 afhes on a piece of bark, in which he frequently diped 
 his fingers in order to take the firmer hold, and fo he 
 went on, as if he had been plucking a turkey, until he 
 had all the hair clean out of my head, except a fmall 
 fpot about three or four inches fquare on my crown ; 
 this they cut off with a pair of fciffors, excepting three 
 locks, which they drafted up in their own mode. Two 
 of thefe they wraped round with a narrow beaded garter 
 made by themfelves for that purpofe, and the other they 
 platted at full length, and then fluck it full of filver 
 broches. After this they bored my nofe and ears, and 
 fixed me off with ear rings and nofe jewels, then they 
 ordered me to ftrip off my clothes and put on a breech- 
 clout, which I did; then they painted my head, face 
 and body in various colors. They put a large belt of 
 wampom on my neck, and filver bands on my hands 
 and right arm ; and fo an old chief led me out in the 
 ftreet and gave the alarm halloo, coo-wigh, feveral times 
 repeated quick, and on this all that were in the town 
 came running and flood round the old chief, who held 
 me by the hand in the midft. As I at that time knew 
 nothing of their mode of adoption, and had feen them 
 put to death all they had taken, and as I never could 
 
Remarkable Occurrences^ Etc. 
 
 find that they faved a man alive at Braddock s defeat, I 
 made no doubt but they were about putting me to 
 death in fome cruel manner. The old chief holding 
 me by the hand made a long fpeech very loud, and 
 when he had done he handed me to three young fquaws, 
 who led me by the hand down the bank into the river 
 until the water was up to our middle. The fquaws 
 then made figns to me to plunge myfelf into the water, 
 but I did not understand them ; I thought that the 
 refult of the council was that I mould be drowned, and 
 that thefe young ladies were to be the executioners. 
 They all three laid violent hold of me, and I for fome 
 time oppofed them with all my might, which occafioned 
 loud laughter by the multitude that were on the bank 
 of the river. At length one of the fquaws made out 
 to fpeak a little Englifh (for I believe they began to be 
 afraid of me) and faid, no hurt you; on this I gave 
 myfelf up to their ladyfhips, who were as good as their 
 word ; for though they plunged me under water, and 
 warned and rubbed me feverely, yet I could not fay 
 they hurt me much. 
 
 Thefe young women then led me up to the council 
 houfe, where fome of the tribe were ready with new 
 cloths for me. They gave me a new ruffled mirt, which 
 I put on, alfo a pair of leggins done off with ribbons 
 and beads, likewife a pair of mockafons, and garters 
 drefTed with beads, Porcupine-quills, and red hair alfo a 
 tinfel laced cappo. They again painted my head and face 
 
1 6 Col. James Smith. 
 
 with various colors, and tied a bunch of red feathers to 
 one of thefe locks they had left on the crown of my 
 head, which flood up five or fix inches. They feated 
 me on a bear fkin, and gave me a pipe, tomahawk, and 
 polecat fkin pouch, which had been fkined pocket 
 fafhion, and contained tobacco, killegenico, or dry 
 fumach leaves, which they mix with their tobacco, alfo 
 fpunk, flint and fheel. When I was thus feated, the 
 Indians came in drefTed and painted in their grander! 
 manner. As they came in they took their feats and for 
 a confiderable time there was a profound filence, every 
 one was fmoking, but not a word was fpoken among 
 them. At length one of the chiefs made a fpeech which 
 was delivered to me by an interpreter, and was as fol- 
 loweth: "My fon, you are now flefh of our flefh, and 
 bone of our bone. By the ceremony which was per 
 formed this day, every drop of white blood was warned 
 out of your veins ; you are taken into the Caughne- 
 wago nation, and initiated into a warlike tribe; you are 
 adopted into a great family, and now received with great 
 ferioufnefs and folemnity in the room and place of a 
 great man ; after what has paffed this day, you are now 
 one of us by an old ftrong law and cuftom My fon, 
 you have now nothing to fear, we are now under the 
 fame obligations to love, fupport and defend you, that 
 we are to love and defend one another, therefore you 
 are to confider yourfelf as one of our people." At this 
 time I did not believe this fine fpeech, efpecially that of 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 17 
 
 the white blood being wafhed out of me ; but fince that 
 time I have found that there was much fincerity in faid 
 fpeech, for from that day I never knew them to make 
 any diftinftion between me and themfelves in any refpect 
 whatever until I left them. If they had plenty of 
 cloathing I had plenty, if we were fcarce we all fhared 
 one fate. 
 
 After this ceremony was over, I was introduced to 
 my new kin, and told that I was to attend a feaft that 
 evening, which I did. And as the cuftom was, they 
 gave me alfo a bowl and wooden fpoon, which I carried 
 with me to the place, where there was a number of large 
 brafs kettles full of boiled venifon and green corn ; 
 every one advanced with his bowl and fpoon and had 
 his mare given him. After this, one of the chiefs made 
 a fhort fpeech, and then we began to eat. 
 
 The name of one of the chiefs in this town was Tec- 
 anyaterighto, alias Pluggy, and the other Afallecoa alias 
 Mohawk Solomon. As Pluggy and his party were to 
 ftart the next day to war, to the frontiers of Virginia, 
 the next thing to be performed was the war dance, and 
 their war fongs. At their war dance they had both 
 vocal and instrumental mufic. They had a fhort holow 
 gum clofe in one end, with water in it, and parchment 
 fhretched over the open end thereof, which they beat 
 with one ftick, and made a found nearly like a muffled 
 drum; all thofe who were going on this expedition col 
 lected together and formed. An old Indian then began 
 
 3 
 
1 8 Col. James Smith. 
 
 to fing and timed the mufic by beating on this drum, 
 as the ancients formerly timed their mufic by beating 
 the tabor. On this the warriors began to advance, 
 or move forward in concert, like well difciplined 
 troops would march to the fife and drum. Each war 
 rior had a tomahawk, fpear or war-mallet in his hand, 
 and they all moved regularly towards the eafl, or the 
 way they intended to go to war. At length they all 
 ftretched their tomahawks towards the Potomack, and 
 giving a hideous fhout or yell, they wheeled quick 
 about, and danced in the fame manner back. The next 
 was the war fong. In performing this, only one fung 
 at a time, in a moving poflure, with a tomahawk in his 
 hand, while all the other warriors were engaged in call 
 ing aloud he-uh, he-uh, which they conftantly repeated, 
 while the war fong was going on. When the warior 
 that was ringing had ended his fong, he flruck a war 
 poft with his tomahawk, and with a loud voice told 
 what warlike exploits he had done, and what he now 
 intended to do, which was anfwered by the other wari- 
 ors, with loud fhouts of applaufe. Some who had not 
 before intended to go to war, at this time were fo ani 
 mated by this performance that they took up the toma 
 hawk and fung the war fong, which was anfwered with 
 fhouts of joy, as they were then initiated into the pref- 
 ent marching company. The next morning this com 
 pany all collected at one place, with their heads and 
 faces painted with various colors, and packs upon their 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 
 
 backs ; they marched off all filent, except the com 
 mander, who, in the front fang the travelling fong, 
 which began in this manner: hoo caught ainte heegana. 
 Juft as the rear pafled the end of the town, they began 
 to fire in their flow manner, from the front to the rear, 
 which was accompanied with fhouts and yells from all 
 quarters. 
 
 This evening I was invited to another fort of dance, 
 which was a kind of promifcuous dance. The young 
 men flood in one rank, and the young women in 
 another, about one rod apart, facing each other. The 
 one that raifed the tune, or flarted the fong, held a fmall 
 gourd or dry fhell of a fquafh, in his hand, which con 
 tained beads or fmall flones, which rattled. When he 
 began to fing, he timed the tune with his rattle ; both 
 men and women danced and fung together, advancing 
 towards each other, ftooping until their heads would be 
 touching together, and then ceafed from dancing, with 
 loud fhouts, and retreated and formed again, and fo 
 repeated the fame thing over and over, for three or four 
 hours, without intermiffion. This exercife appeared to 
 me at firfl irrational and infipid ; but I found that in 
 ringing their tunes, they ufed ya ne no boo wa ne &c. y 
 like our fa Jo I la y and though they have no fuch thing 
 as jingling verfe, yet they can intermix fentences with 
 their notes, and fay what they pleafe to each other, 
 and carry on the tune in concert. I found that this 
 was a kind of wooing or courting dance, and as they 
 
2O Col. James Smith. 
 
 advanced {looping with their heads together, they could 
 fay what they pleafed in each other s ear, without difcon- 
 certing their rough mufic, and the others, or thofe near, 
 not hear what they fay. 
 
 Shortly after this I went out to hunt, in company with 
 Mohawk Solomon, fome of the Caughnewagas and a Del 
 aware Indian that was married to a Caughnewaga fquaw. 
 We travelled about fouth, from this town, and the firft 
 night we killed nothing, but we had with us green corn, 
 which we roafted and ate that night. The next day we 
 encamped about twelve o clock, and the hunters turned 
 out to hunt, and I went down the run that we encamped 
 on, in company with fome fquaws and boys, to hunt 
 plumbs, which we found in great plenty. On my 
 return to camp I obferved a large piece of fat meat: the 
 Delaware Indian that could talk fome Englim, obferved 
 me looking earnestly at this meat, and afked me what 
 meat you think that is ? I faid I fuppofed it was bear 
 meat; he laughed and faid, ho, all one fool you, beal now 
 elly pool, and pointing to the other fide of the camp, he 
 faid look at that Jkin, you think that beal Jkin? I went and 
 lifted the fkin, which appeared like an ox hide : he then 
 faid, what Jkin you think that? I replied that I thought 
 it was a buffaloe hide ; he laughed and faid you fool 
 again, you know nothing, you think buffaloe that colo? I 
 acknowledged I did not know much about thefe things, 
 and told Tiim I never faw a buffaloe, and that I had not 
 heard what color they were. He replied by and by you 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 21 
 
 flialljee gleat many buff aloe; He now go to gleat lick. That 
 Jkin no buffaloe Jkin, that Jkin buck-elk Jkin. They went 
 out with horfes, and brought in the remainder of this 
 buck-elk which was the fatteft creature I ever faw of the 
 tallow kind. 
 
 We remained at this camp about eight or ten days, 
 and killed a number of deer. Though we had neither 
 bread or fait at this time, yet we had both roaft and 
 boiled meat in great plenty, and they were frequently 
 inviting me to eat, when I had no appetite. 
 
 We then moved to the buffaloe lick, where we killed 
 feveral .buffaloe, and in their fmall brafs kettles they 
 made about half a bufhel of fait. I fuppofe this lick 
 was about thirty or forty miles from the aforefaid town, 
 and fomewhere between the Muikingum, Ohio and 
 Sciota. About the lick was clear, open woods, and 
 thin white-oak land, and at that time there were large 
 roads leading to the lick, like waggon roads. We 
 moved from this lick about fix or feven miles, and 
 encamped on a creek. 
 
 Though the Indians had given me a gun, I had not 
 yet been admitted to go out from the camp to hunt. At 
 this place Mohawk Solomon afked me to go out with 
 him to hunt, which I readily agreed to. After fome 
 time we came upon fome frefh buffaloe tracks. I had 
 obferved before this that the Indians were upon their 
 guard, and afraid of an enemy; for, until now they and 
 the fouthern nations had been at war. As we were fol- 
 
22 Col. James Smith. 
 
 lowing the buffaloe tracks, Solomon feemed to be upon 
 his guard, went very flow, and would frequently ftand 
 and liften, and appeared to be in fufpenfe. We came 
 to where the tracks were very plain in the fand, and I 
 faid it is furely buffaloe tracks ; he faid hufli, you know 
 nothing, may be buffaloe tracks , may be Catawba. He 
 went very cautious until we found fome frefh buffaloe 
 dung: he then fmiled and faid Catawba can not make fo. 
 He then ftopped and told me an odd ftory about the 
 Catawbas. He faid that formerly the Catawbas came 
 near one of their hunting camps, and at fome diftance 
 from the camp lay in ambum, and in order to decoy 
 them out, fent two or three Catawbas in the night, pail 
 their camp, with buffaloe hoofs fixed on their feet, fo as 
 to make artificial tracks. In the morning thofe in the 
 camp followed after thefe tracks, thinking they were 
 Buffaloe, until they were fired on by the Catawbas, and 
 feveral of them killed; the others fled, collected a party 
 and purfued the Catawbas; but they, in their fubtilty 
 brought with them rattle-fnake poifon, which they had 
 collected from the bladder that lieth at the root of the 
 makes teeth ; this they had corked up in a fhort piece of 
 cane-ftalk ; they had alfo brought with them fmall cane 
 or reed, about the fize of a rye flraw, which they made 
 jfharp at the end like a pen, and dipped them in this 
 poifon, and ftuck them in the ground among the grafs, 
 along their own tracks, in fuch a pofition that they 
 might flick into the legs of the purfuers, which anfwered 
 
Remarkable Occurrences^ Etc. 23 
 
 the defign ; and as the Catawbas had runners behind to 
 watch the motions of the purfuers, when they found 
 that a number of them were lame, being artificially 
 fnake bit, and that they were all turning back, the Ca 
 tawbas turned upon the purfuers, and defeated them, 
 and killed and fcalped all those that were lame. When 
 Solomon had finimed this ftory, and found that I 
 understood him, concluded by faying, you dont know, 
 Catawba velly bad Indian^ Catawba all one Devil Catawba. 
 Some time after this, I was told to take the dogs 
 with me and go down the creek, perhaps I might kill a 
 turkey ; it being in the afternoon, I was alfo told not 
 to go far from the creek, and to come up the creek 
 again to the camp, and to take care not to get loft. 
 When I had gone fome diftance down the creek I came 
 upon frefh buffaloe tracks, and as I had a number of dogs 
 with me to flop the buffaloe, I concluded I would follow 
 after and kill one ; and as the grafs and weeds were 
 rank, I could readily follow the track. A little before 
 fundown, I defpaired of coming up with them : I was 
 then thinking how I might get to camp before night ; 
 I concluded as the buffaloe had made feveral turns, if I 
 took the track back to the creek, it would be dark 
 before I could get to camp ; therefore I thought I 
 would take a near way through the hills, and ftrike 
 the creek a little below the camp ; but as it was cloudy 
 weather, and I a very young woodfman, I could find 
 neither creek or camp. When night came on I fired 
 
24 Col. James Smith. 
 
 my gun feveral times, and hallooed, but could have no 
 anfwer. The next morning early, the Indians were out 
 after me, and as I had with me ten or a dozen dogs, and 
 the grafs and weeds rank, they could readily follow my 
 track. When they came up with me, they appeared to 
 be in a very good humor. I afked Solomon if he 
 thought I was running away, he faid no no, you go too 
 much clocked. On my return to camp they took my gun 
 from me, and for this rafh flep I was reduced to a bow 
 and arrows, for near two years. We were out on this 
 tour about fix weeks. 
 
 This country is generally hilly, though intermixed 
 with confiderable quantities of rich upland, and fome 
 good bottoms. 
 
 When we returned to the town, Pluggy and his party 
 had arrived, and brought with them a confiderable num 
 ber of fcalps and prifoners from the South Branch of 
 Potomack : they alfo brought with them an Englifh 
 Bible, which they gave to a Dutch woman who was a 
 prifoner; but as me could not read Englifh, me made 
 a prefent of it to me, which was very acceptable. 
 
 I remaind in this town until fome time in October, 
 when my adopted brother called Tontileaugo, who had 
 married a Wiandot fquaw, took me with him to Lake 
 Erie. We proceeded up the weft branch of Mufkin- 
 gum, and for fome diftance up the river the land was 
 hilly but intermixed with large bodies of tolerable rich 
 upland, and excellent bottoms. We proceeded on, to 
 
Remarkable Occurrences , Etc. 25 
 
 the headwaters of the weft branch of Mufkingum. On 
 the head waters of this branch, and from thence to the 
 waters of Canefadooharie, there is a large body of rich, 
 well lying land the timber is am, walnut, fugar-tree, 
 buckeye, honey-locuft and cherry, intermixed with fome 
 oak, hickory, &c. This tour was at the time that the 
 black-haws were ripe, and we were feldom out of fight 
 of them : they were common here both in the bottoms 
 and upland. 
 
 On this route we had no horfes with us, and when 
 we ftarted from the town, all the pack I carried was a 
 pouch, containing my books, a little dried venifon, and 
 my blanket. I had then no gun, but Tontileaugo who 
 was a firft rate hunter, carried a rifle gun, and every 
 day killed deer, racoons or bears. We left the meat, 
 excepting a little for prefent ufe, and carried the fkins 
 with us until we encamped, and then ftretched them 
 with elm bark, in a frame made with poles ftuck in the 
 ground and tied together with lynn or elm bark ; and 
 when the fkins were dried by the fire, we packed them 
 up, and carried them with us the next day. 
 
 As Tontileaugo could not fpeak Englifh, I had to 
 make ufe of all the Caughnewaga I had learned even to 
 talk very imperfectly with him : but I found I learned 
 to talk Indian fafter this way, than when I had thofe 
 with me who could fpeak Englifh. 
 
 As we proceeded down the Canefadooharie waters, 
 our packs encreafed by the fkins that were daily killed, 
 4 
 
16 Col. James Smith. 
 
 and became fo very heavy that we could not march 
 more than eight or ten miles per day. We came to 
 Lake Erie about fix miles weft of the mouth of Canefa- 
 dooharie. As the wind was very high the evening we 
 came to the Lake, I was furprized to hear the roaring 
 of the water, and fee the high waves that darned againft 
 the more, like the Ocean. We encamped on a run near 
 the lake ; and as the wind fell that night, the next 
 morning the lake was only in a moderate motion, and 
 we marched on the fand along the fide of the water, fre 
 quently refting ourfelves, as we were heavy laden. I 
 faw on the ftrand a number of large iim, that had been 
 left in flat or hollow places ; as the wind fell and the 
 waves abated, they were left without water, or only a 
 fmall quantity ; and numbers of Bald and Grey Eagles, 
 &c. were along the more devouring them. 
 
 Some time in the afternoon we came to a large camp 
 of Wiandots, at the mouth of Canefadooharie, where 
 Tontileaugo s wife was. Here we were kindly received: 
 they gave us a kind of rough, brown potatoes, which 
 grew fpontaneoufly and is called by the Caughnewagas 
 ohnenata. Thefe potatoes peeled and dipped in ra 
 coon s fat, tafte nearly like our fweet-potatoes. They 
 alfo gave us what they call caneheanta, which is a kind 
 of hominy, made of green corn, dried, and beans mixed 
 together. 
 
 From the head waters of Canefadooharie to this place, 
 the land is generally good ; chiefly firft or fecond rate, 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 27 
 
 and, comparatively, little or no third rate. The only 
 refufe is fome fwamps, that appear to be too wet for 
 ufe, yet I apprehend that a number of them, if drained, 
 would make excellent meadows. The timber is black- 
 oak, walnut, hickory, cherry, black-am, white-am, water- 
 am, buckeye, black-locuft, honey-locuft, fugar-tree, and 
 elm: there is alfo fome land, though, comparatively, but 
 fmall, where the timber is chiefly white-oak or beach 
 this may be called third rate. In the bottoms, and alfo 
 many places in the upland, there is a large quantity of 
 wild apple, plumb, and red and black-haw trees. It 
 appeared to be well watered, and a plenty of meadow 
 ground, intermixed with upland, but no large prairies 
 or glades, that I faw, or heard of. In this route, deer, 
 bear, turkeys, and racoons, appeared plenty, but no 
 buffaloe, and very little fign of elks. 
 
 We continued our camp at the mouth of Canefadoo- 
 harie for fome time, where we killed fome deer, and a 
 great many racoons; the racoons here were remarka 
 bly large and fat. At length we all embarked in a large 
 birch bark canoe. This veflel was about four feet wide, 
 and three feet deep, and about five and thirty feet long: 
 and tho it could carry a heavy burden, it was fo 
 artfully and curiouily conftrudled that four men could 
 cary it feveral miles, or from one landing place to an 
 other, or from the waters of the Lake to the waters of 
 the Ohio. We proceeded up Canefadooharie a few 
 miles and went on more to hunt; but to my great 
 
28 Col. James Smith. 
 
 furprife they carried the veflel that we all came in up 
 the bank, and inverted it or turned the bottom up, 
 and converted it to a dwelling houfe, and kindled a 
 fire before us to warm ourfelves by and cook. With 
 our baggage and ourfelves in this houfe we were very 
 
 DO O J 
 
 much crouded, yet our little houfe turned off the rain 
 very well. 
 
 We kept moving and hunting up this river until we 
 came to the falls ; here we remained fome weeks, and 
 killed a number of deer, feveral bears, and a great many 
 racoons. From the mouth of this river to the falls is 
 about five and twenty miles. On our paflage up I was 
 not much out from the river, but what I faw was good 
 land, and not hilly. 
 
 About the falls is thin chefnut land, which is almoft 
 the only chefnut timber I ever faw in this country. 
 
 While we remained here, I left my pouch with my 
 books in camp, wrapt up in my blanket, and went out 
 to hunt chefnuts. On my return to camp my books 
 were miffing. I enquired after them, and aiked the 
 Indians if they knew where they were; they told me 
 that they fuppofed the puppies had carried them off. I 
 did not believe them; but thought they were difpleafed 
 at my poring over my books, and concluded that they 
 had destroyed them, or put them out of my way. 
 
 After this I was again out after nuts, and on my 
 return beheld a new erection, which were two white oak 
 faplings, that were forked about twelve feet high, and 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 29 
 
 ftood about fifteen feet apart. They had cut thefe fap- 
 lings at the forks and laid a ftrong pole acrofs which 
 appeared in the form of a gallows, and the pofts they 
 had fhaved very fmooth and painted in places with ver 
 milion. I could not conceive the ufe of this piece of 
 work, and at length concluded it was a gallows, I 
 thought that I had difpleafed them by reading my 
 books, and that they were about puting me to death. 
 The next morning I obferved them bringing their {kins 
 ail to this place and hanging them over this pole, fo as 
 to preferve them from being injured by the weather, 
 this removed my fears. They alfo buried their large 
 canoe in the ground, which is the way they took to pre 
 ferve this fort of a canoe in the winter feafon. 
 
 As we had at this time no horfes, every one got a 
 pack on his back, and we fteered an eaft courfe about 
 twelve miles, and encamped. The next morning we 
 proceeded on the fame courfe about ten miles to a large 
 creek that empties into Lake Erie betwixt Canefadoo- 
 harie, and Cayahaga. Here they made their winter 
 cabbin, in the following form. They cut logs about 
 fifteen feet long, and laid thefe logs upon each other, 
 and drove pofts in the ground at each end to keep them 
 together; the pofts they tied together at the top with 
 bark, and by this means raifed a wall fifteen feet long, 
 and about four feet high, and in the fame manner they 
 raifed another wall oppofite to this, at about twelve feet 
 diftance; then they drove forks in the ground in the 
 
jo Col. James Smith. 
 
 centre of each end, and laid a ftrong pole from end to 
 end on thefe forks ; and from thefe walls to the poles, 
 they fet up poles inftead of rafters, and on thefe they 
 tied fmall poles in place of laths ; and a cover was made 
 of lynn bark which will run even in the winter feafon. 
 
 As every tree will not run, they examine the tree firfr., 
 by trying it near the ground, and when they find it will 
 do, they fall the tree and raife the bark with the toma 
 hawk, near the top of the tree about five or fix inches 
 broad, then put the tomahawk handle under this bark, 
 and pull it along down to the butt of the tree; fo that 
 fome times one piece of bark will be thirty feet long; 
 this bark they cut at fuitable lengths in order to cover 
 the hut. 
 
 At the end of thefe walls they fet up fplit timber, fo 
 that they had timber all round, excepting a door at 
 each end. At the top, in place of a chimney, they left 
 an open place, and for bedding they laid down the afore- 
 faid kind of bark, on which they fpread bear {kins. 
 From end to end of this hut along the middle there 
 were fires, which the fquaws made of dry fplit wood, 
 and the holes or open places that appeared, the fquaws 
 flopped with mofs, which they collected from old logs ; 
 and at the door they hung a bear fkin; and notwith- 
 ftanding the winters are hard here, our lodging was 
 much better than what I expected. 
 
 It was fome time in December when we finifhed this 
 winter cabin; but when we had got into this compara- 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 31 
 
 tively fine lodging, another difficulty arofe, we had 
 nothing to eat. While I was travelling with Tontil- 
 eaugo, as was before mentioned, and had plenty of fat 
 venifon, bears meat and racoons, I then thought it 
 was hard living without bread or Salt; but now I began 
 to conclude that if I had anything that would banifh 
 pinching hunger, and keep foul and body together I 
 would be content. 
 
 While the hunters were all out, exerting themfelves 
 to the utmoft of their ability, the fquaws and boys (in 
 which clafs I was) were fcattered out in the bottoms, 
 hunting red-haws, black-haws and hickory-nuts. As it 
 was too late in the year, we did not fucceed in gather 
 ing haws, but we had tolerable fuccefs in fcratching up 
 hickory-nuts from under a light fnow, which we carried 
 with us left the hunters mould not fucceed. After our 
 return the hunters came in, who had killed only two 
 fmall turkeys, which were but little among eight hun 
 ters and thirteen fquaws, boys and children; but they 
 were divided with the greateft equity and juftice every 
 one got their equal mare. 
 
 The next day the hunters turned out again, and killed 
 one deer and three bears. 
 
 One of the bears was very large and remarkably fat. 
 The hunters carried in meat fufficient to give us all a 
 hearty fupper and breakfaft. 
 
 The fquaws and all that could carry turned out to 
 bring in meat, every one had their mare afligned them, 
 and my load was among the leaft; yet, not being accus- 
 
32 Col. James Smith. 
 
 tomed to carrying in this way, I got exceeding weary, 
 and told them that my load was too heavy, I muft 
 leave part of it and come for it again. They made a 
 halt and only laughed at me, and took part of my load 
 and added it to a young fquaw s, who had as much 
 before as I carried. 
 
 This kind of reproof had a great tendency to excite me 
 to exert myfelf in carrying without complaining, than if 
 they had whipped me for lazinefs. After this the hunters 
 held a council and concluded that they muft have horfesto 
 carry their loads; and that they would go to war even 
 in this inclement feafon, in order to bring in horfes. 
 
 Tontileaugo wifhed to be one of thofe who mould 
 go to war; but the votes went againft him, as he was 
 one of our beft hunters ; it was thought neceflary to 
 to leave him at this winter camp to provide for the 
 fquaws and children; it was agreed upon that Tonti 
 leaugo and three others mould ftay and hunt, and the 
 other four go to war. 
 
 They then began to go through their common cere 
 mony. They fung their war fongs danced their war 
 dances &c. And when they were equipped they went 
 off ringing their marching fongs and firing their guns. 
 Our camp appeared to be rejoicing; but I was grieved 
 to think that fome innocent perfons would be mur 
 dered not thinking of danger. 
 
 After the departure of thefe warriors we had hard 
 times, and tho we were not altogether out of provifions 
 we were brought to fhort allowance. At length Tonti- 
 
Remarkable Occurrences , Etc. 33 
 
 leaugo had considerable fuccefs ; and we had meat 
 brought into camp fufficient to laft ten days. Tonti- 
 leaugo then took me with him in order to encamp fome 
 diftance from this winter cabbin, to try his luck there. 
 We carried no provision with us, he faid we would 
 leave what was there for the fquaws and children, and 
 that we could fhift for ourfelves. We Steered about a 
 fouth courfe up the waters of this creek, and encamped 
 about ten or twelve miles from the winter cabbin. As 
 it was Still cold weather and a cruSt upon the fnow, 
 which made a noife as we walked and alarmed the deer, 
 we could kill nothing, and confequently went to Sleep 
 without fupper. The only chance we had under thefe 
 circumftances, was to hunt bear holes ; as the bears 
 about ChriStmas fearch out a winter lodging place, 
 where they lie about three or four months without 
 eating or drinking. This may appear to fome incred 
 ible; but it is now well known to be the cafe, by thofe 
 who live in the remote weStern parts of North America. 
 The next morning early we proceeded on, and when 
 we found a tree fcratched by the bears climbing up, and 
 the hole in the tree fufficiently large for the reception of 
 the bear; we then fell a fapling or fmall tree againSt or 
 near the hole ; and it was my bufmefs to climb up and 
 drive out the bear, while Tontileaugo flood ready with 
 his gun and bow. We went on in this manner until 
 evening, without fuccefs; at length we found a large 
 elm fcratched, and a hole in it about forty feet up; but 
 no tree nigh fuitable to lodge againft the hole. Tonti- 
 5 
 
34 Col. James Smith. 
 
 leaugo got a long pole and fome dry rotten wood which 
 he tied in bunches, with bark, and as there was a tree 
 that grew near the elm, and extended up near the hole ; 
 but leaned the wrong way; fo that we could not lodge it 
 to advantage ; but to remedy this inconvenience, he 
 climed up this tree and carried with him his rotten 
 wood, fire and pole. The rotten wood he tied to his 
 belt, and to one end of the pole he tied a hook, and a 
 piece of rotten wood which he fet fire to, as it would 
 retain fire almoft like fpunk; and reached this hook 
 from limb to limb as he went up; when he got up, with 
 this pole he put dry wood on fire into the hole, after 
 he put in the fire he heard the bear muff and he came 
 fpeedily down, took his gun in his hand and waited 
 until the bear would come out; but it was fome time 
 before it appeared, and when it did appear he attempted 
 taking fight with his rifle, but it being then too dark to 
 fee the fights, he fet it down by a tree, and inftantly 
 bent his bow, took hold of an arrow, and mot the bear 
 a little behind the moulder; I was preparing alfo to 
 moot an arrow, but he called to me to flop, there was 
 no occafion; and with that the bear fell to the ground. 
 Being very hungry we kindled a fire, opened the 
 bear, took out the liver, and wrapped fome of the caul 
 fat round and put it on a wooden fpit which we ftuck 
 in the ground by the fire to roaft, we then fkinned the 
 bear, got on our kettle, and had both roaft and boiled, 
 and alfo fauce to our meat, which appeared to me to be 
 
Remarkable Occurrences , Etc. 35 
 
 delicate fare. After I was fully fatisfied I went to fleep, 
 Tontileaugo awoke me, faying, come eat hearty, we 
 have got meat plenty now. 
 
 The next morning we cut down a lynn tree, peeled 
 bark and made a fnug little fhelter, facing the fouth 
 eaft, with a large log betwixt us and the north weft ; we 
 made a good fire before us, and fcaffolded up our meat 
 at one fide. When we had rimmed our camp we went 
 out to hunt, fearched two trees for bears, but to no 
 purpofe. As the fnow thawed a little in the afternoon 
 Tontileaugo killed a deer, which we carried with us to 
 camp. 
 
 The next day we turned out to hunt, and near the 
 camp we found a tree well fcratched ; but the hole was 
 above forty feet high, and no tree that we could lodge 
 againft the hole ; but finding that it was very hollow, 
 we concluded that we would cut down the tree with our 
 tomahawks, which kept us working a confiderable part 
 of the day. When the tree fell we ran up, Tontileaugo 
 with his gun and bow, and I with my bow ready bent. 
 Tontileaugo mot the bear through with his rifle, a little 
 behind the moulders, I alfo mot, but too far back ; and 
 not being then much accuftomed to the bufinefs, my 
 arrow penetrated only a few inches thro the fkin. 
 Having killed an old me bear and three cubs, we 
 hawled her on the fnow to the camp, and only had time 
 afterwards, to get wood, make a fire, cook &c. before 
 dark. 
 
36 Col. James Smith. 
 
 Early the next morning we went to bufinefs, fearched 
 feveral trees, but found no bears. On our way home 
 we took three racoons out of a hollow elm, not far from 
 the ground. 
 
 We remained here about two weeks, and in this time 
 killed four bears, three deer, feveral turkeys, and a 
 number of racoons. We packed up as much meat as 
 we could carry, and returned to our winter cabin. On 
 our arrival, there was great joy, as they were all in a 
 ftarving condition, the three hunters that we had left 
 having killed but very little. All that could carry a 
 pack repaired to our camp to bring in meat. 
 
 Some time in February the four warriors returned, 
 who had taken two fcalps, and fix horfes from the fron 
 tiers, of Pennfylvania. The hunters could then fcatter 
 out a confiderable diftance from the winter cabin, and 
 encamp, kill meat and pack it in upon horfes ; fo that 
 we commonly after this had plenty of provifion. 
 
 In this month we began to make fugar. As fome of 
 the elm bark will ftrip at this feafon, the fquaws after 
 finding a tree that would do, cut it down, and with a 
 crooked ftick broad and fharp at the end, took the bark 
 off the tree, and of this bark, made veflels in a curious 
 manner, that would hold about two gallons each : they 
 made above one hundred of thefe kind of vefTels. In 
 the fugar-tree they cut a notch, {looping down, and at 
 the end of the notch, ftuck in a tomahawk; in the place 
 where they ftuck the tomahawk, they drove a long chip, 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 37 
 
 in order to carry the water out from the tree, and under 
 this they fet their veflel, to receive it. As fugar trees 
 were plenty and large here, they feldom or never notched 
 a tree that was not two or three feet over. They alfo 
 made bark veflels for carrying the water, that would 
 hold about four gallons each. They had two brafs 
 kettles, that held about fifteen gallons each, and other 
 fmaller kettles in which they boiled the water. But as 
 they could not at all times boil away the water as fafl as 
 it was collected, they made veflels of bark, that would 
 hold about one hundred gallons each, for retaining the 
 water ; and tho the fugar trees did not run every day, 
 they had always a fufficient quantity of water to keep 
 them boiling during the whole fugar feafon. 
 
 The way that we commonly ufed our fugar while en 
 camped, was by putting it in bears fat until the fat was 
 almoft as fweet as the fugar itfelf, and in this we dipped 
 our roafted venifon. About this time fome of the 
 Indian lads and myfelf, were employed in making and 
 attending traps for catching racoons, foxes, wild cats, &c. 
 
 As the racoon is a kind of water animal, that fre 
 quents the runs, or fmall water-courfes, almoft the 
 whole night, we made our traps on the runs, by laying 
 one fmall fapling on another, and driving in ports to 
 keep them from rolling. The upper fapling we raifed 
 about eighteen inches, and fet fo, that on the racoons 
 touching a firing, or fmall piece of bark, the fapling 
 would fall and kill it ; and left the racoon mould pafs 
 
3 8 Col. James Smith. 
 
 by, we laid brufh on both fides of the run, only leaving 
 the channel open. 
 
 The fox traps we made nearly, in the fame manner, 
 at the end of a hollow log, or oppofite to a hole at the 
 root of a hollow tree, and put venifon on a flick for 
 bait : we had it fo fet that when the fox took hold of 
 the meat, the trap fell. While the fquaws were em 
 ployed in making fugar, the boys and men were engaged 
 in hunting and trapping. 
 
 About the latter end of March we began to prepare 
 for moving into town, in order to plant corn : the 
 fquaws were then frying the lafl of their bears fat, and 
 making veffels to hold it : the veffels were made of deer 
 fkins, which were fkinned by pulling the fkin off the 
 neck, without ripping. After they had taken off the 
 hair, they gathered it in fmall plaits round the neck and 
 with a ftring drew it together like a purfe: in the centre 
 a pin was put, below which they tied a firing, and while 
 it was wet they blew it up like a bladder, and let it re 
 main in this manner, until it was dry, when it appeared 
 nearly in the fhape of a fugar loaf, but more rounding 
 at the lower end. One of thefe veffels would hold 
 about four or five gallons ; in thefe veffels it was they 
 carried their bears oil. 
 
 When all things were ready we moved back to the 
 falls of Canefadooharie. In this route the land is 
 chiefly firfl and fecond rate, but too much meadow 
 ground, in proportion to the up land. The timber is 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 39 
 
 white-afh, elm, black-oak, cherry, buckeye, fugar-tree, 
 lynn, mulberry, beech, white-oak, hickory, wild apple- 
 tree, red-haw, black-haw, and fpicewood bufhes. There 
 is in fome places, fpots of beech timber, which fpots 
 may be called third rate land. Buckeye, fugar-tree, 
 and fpicewood, are common in the woods here. 
 There is in fome places, large fwamps too wet for any 
 ufe. 
 
 On our arrival at the falls, (as we had brought with 
 us on horfe back, about two hundred weight of fugar, a 
 large quantity of bears oil, fkins, &c.) the canoe we 
 had buried was not fufficient to carry all; therefore 
 we were obliged to make another one of elm bark. 
 While we lay here a young Wiandot found my books: 
 on this they collected together; I was a little way from 
 the camp, and faw the collection, but did not know 
 what it meant. They called me by my Indian name, 
 which was Scoouwa, repeatedly. I ran to fee what 
 was the matter, they mewed me my books, and faid 
 they were glad they had been found, for they knew I 
 was grieved at the lofs of them, and that they now re 
 joiced with me becaufe they were found. As I could 
 then fpeak fome Indian, efpecially Caughnewaga (for 
 both that and the Wiandot tongue were fpoken in this 
 camp) I told them that I thanked them for the kind- 
 nefs they had always fhewn to me, and alfo for finding 
 my books. They afked if the books were damaged ? I 
 told them not much. They then mewed how they lay, 
 
40 Col. James Smith. 
 
 which was in the beft manner to turn off the water. In 
 a deer-ikin pouch they lay all winter. The print was 
 not much injured, though the binding was. This was 
 the firft time that I felt my heart warm towards the 
 Indians. Though they had been exceeding kind to me, 
 I ftill before detefted them, on account of the barbarity 
 I beheld after Braddock s defeat. Neither had I ever 
 before pretended kindnefs, or expreffed myelf in a 
 friendly manner ; but I began now to excufe the Indians 
 on account of their want of information. 
 
 When we were ready to embark, Tontileaugo would 
 not go to town, but go up the river and take a hunt. 
 He afked me if I choofed to go with him ? I told him 
 I did. We then got fome fugar, bears oil bottled up 
 in a bear s gut, and fome dry venifon, which we packed 
 up, and went up Canefadooharie, about thirty miles, 
 and encamped. At this time I did not know either the 
 day of the week or the month ; but I fuppofed it to be 
 about the firft of April. We had confiderable fuccefs 
 in our bufinefs. We alfo found fome ftray horfes, or a 
 horfe, mare, and a young colt ; and though they had 
 run in the woods all winter, they were in exceeding 
 good order. There is plenty of grafs here all winter, 
 under the fnow, and horfes accuftomed to the woods 
 can work it out. Thefe horfes had run in the woods 
 until they were very wild. 
 
 Tontileaugo one night concluded that we muft run 
 them down. I told him I thought we could not ac- 
 
Remarkable Occurrences^ Etc. 41 
 
 complim it. He faid he had run down bears, buffaloes 
 and elks : and in the great plains, with only a fmall 
 fnow on the ground, he had run down a deer ; and he 
 thought that in one whole day, he could tire, or run 
 down any four footed animal except a wolf. I told him 
 that though a deer was the fwifteft animal to run a 
 mort diftance, yet it would tire fooner than a horfe. 
 He faid he would at all events try the experiment. He 
 had heard the Wiandots fay, that I could run well, and 
 now he would fee whether I could or not. I told him 
 that I never had run all day, and of courfe was not 
 accuftomed to that way of running. I never had run 
 with the Wiandots more than feven or eight miles at 
 one time. He faid that was nothing, we muft either 
 catch thefe horfes or run all day. 
 
 In the morning early we left camp, and about funrife 
 we ftarted after them, ftripped naked excepting breech- 
 clouts and mockafons. About ten o clock I loft fight 
 of both Tontileaugo and the horfes, and did not fee 
 them again until about three o clock in the afternoon. 
 As the horfes run all day, in about three or four miles 
 fquare, at length they paffed where I was, and I fell in 
 clofe after them. As I then had a long reft, I endeav 
 ored to keep ahead of Tontileaugo, and after fome 
 time I could hear him after me calling chakoh, chako- 
 anaugh, which fignifies, pull away or do your beft. We 
 purfued on, and after fome time Tontileaugo pafled me, 
 and about an hour before fundown, we defpaired of 
 6 
 
42 Col. James Smith. 
 
 catching thefe horfes and returned to camp where we 
 had left our clothes. 
 
 I reminded Tontileaugo of what I had told him; he 
 replied he did not know what horfes could do. They 
 are wonderful flrong to run; but withal we made them 
 very tired. Tontileaugo then concluded, he would do as 
 the Indians did with wild horfes, when out at war: which 
 is to moot them through the neck under the mane, and 
 above the bone, which will caufe them to fall and lie 
 until they can halter them, and then they recover again. 
 This he attempted to do; but as the mare was very 
 wild, he could not get fufficiently nigh to moot her in 
 the proper place; however he mot, the ball pafTed too 
 low, and killed her. As the horfe and colt flayed at 
 this place, we caught the horfe, and took him and the 
 colt with us to camp. 
 
 We flayed at this camp about two weeks, and killed 
 a number of bears, racoons, and fome beavers. We 
 made a canoe of elm bark, and Tontileaugo embarked 
 in it. He arrived at the falls that night; whilfl I, 
 mounted on horfe back, with a bear fkin faddle, and 
 bark flirrups, proceeded by land to the falls: I came 
 there the next morning, and we carried our canoe and 
 loading pafl the falls. 
 
 The river is very rapid for fome diflance above the 
 falls, which are about twelve or fifteen feet nearly per 
 pendicular. This river, called Canefadooharie, inter 
 locks with the Wefl branch of Mufkingum, runs nearly 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 43 
 
 a north courfe, and empties into the fouth fide of Lake 
 Erie, about eighty miles eaft from Sandufky, or betwixt 
 Sandufky and Cayahaga. 
 
 On this laft route the land is nearly the fame, as that 
 laft defcribed, only there is not fo much fwampy or 
 wet ground. 
 
 We again proceeded towards the lake, I on horfe 
 back, and Tontileaugo by water. Here the land is 
 generally good, but I found fome difficulty in getting 
 round fwamps and ponds. When we came to the lake 
 I proceeded along the ftrand, and Tontileaugo near the 
 more, fometimes paddling and fometimes polling his 
 canoe along. 
 
 After fome time the wind arofe, and he went into the 
 mouth of a fmall creek and encamped. Here we ftaid 
 feveral days on account of high wind, which raifed the 
 lake in great billows. While we were here Tontileaugo 
 went out to hunt, and when he was gone a Wiandot 
 came to our camp; I gave him a moulder of venifon 
 which I had by the fire well roafted, and he received it 
 gladly, told me he was hungry, and thanked me for my 
 kindnefs. When Tontileaugo came home, I told him 
 that a Wiandot had been at camp, and that I gave him 
 a moulder of roafted venifon : he faid that was very 
 well, and I fuppofe you gave him alfo fugar and bears 
 oil, to eat with his venifon. I told him I did not; as 
 the fugar and bears oil was down in the canoe I did not 
 go for it. He replied you have behaved juft like a 
 
44 Col. James Smith. 
 
 Dutchman.* Do you not know that when ilrangers 
 come to our camp, we ought always to give them the 
 beft that we have? I acknowledged that I was wrong. 
 He faid that he could excufe this, as I was but young; 
 but I muft learn to behave like a warrior, and do great 
 things, and never be found in any fuch little actions. 
 
 The lake being again calm,f we proceeded, and arrived 
 fafe at Sunyendeand, which was a Wiandot town, that 
 lay upon a fmall creek which empties into the Little 
 Lake below the mouth of Sandufky. 
 
 The town was about eighty rood above the mouth of 
 the creek, on the fouth fide of a large plain, on which 
 timber grew, and nothing more but grafs or nettles. In 
 fome places there were large flats, where nothing but 
 grafs grew, about three feet high when grown, and in 
 other places nothing but nettles, very rank, where the 
 foil is extremely rich and loofe here they planted corn. 
 In this town there were alfo French traders, who pur- 
 chafed our {kins and fur, and we all got new clothes, 
 paint, tobacco, &c. 
 
 After I had got my new clothes, and my head done 
 off like a red-headed wood-pecker, I, in company with a 
 number of young Indians, went down to the corn field, 
 
 * The Dutch he called Skoharehaugo, which took its derivation from 
 a Dutch fettlement called Skoharey. 
 
 (The lake when calm, appears to be of a Iky blue colour; though 
 when lifted in a veflel, it is like other clear water. 
 
Remarkable Occurrences^ Etc. 45 
 
 to fee the fquaws at work. When we came there, they 
 afked me to take a hoe, which I did, and hoed for fome 
 time. The fquaws applauded me as a good hand at the 
 bufinefs; but when I returned to the town, the old men 
 hearing of what I had done, chid me, and faid that I 
 was adopted in the place of a great man, and muft not 
 hoe corn like a fquaw. They never had occasion to 
 reprove me for any thing like this again; as I never 
 was extremely fond of work, I readily complied with 
 their orders. 
 
 As the Indians on their return from the winter hunt, 
 bring in with them large quantities of bears oil, fugar, 
 dried venifon, &c., at this time they have plenty, and 
 do not fpare eating or giving thus they make way 
 with their provifion as quick as poffible. They have 
 no fuch thing as regular meals, breakfaft, dinner or 
 fupper; but if any one, even the town folks, would go 
 to the fame houfe, feveral times in one day, he would 
 be invited to eat of the beft and with them it is bad 
 manners to refufe to eat when it is offered. If they 
 will not eat it is interpreted as a fymptom of difpleafure, 
 or that the perfons refuting to eat were angry with thofe 
 who invited them. 
 
 At this time homony, plentifully mixed with bears 
 oil and fugar; or dried venifon, bears oil and fugar, 
 is what they offer to every one who comes in any time 
 of the day; and fo they go on until their fugar, bear s 
 oil and venifon is all gone, and then they have to eat 
 
46 CoL James Smith. 
 
 homony by itfelf, without bread, fait, or any thing elfe; 
 yet, fbill they invite every one that comes in, to eat 
 whilft they have any thing to give. It is thought a 
 mame, not to invite people to eat, while they have any 
 thing; but, if they can in truth, only fay we have got 
 nothing to eat, this is accepted as an honorable apology. 
 All the hunters and warriors continued in town about 
 fix weeks after we came in: they fpent this time in 
 painting, going from houfe to houfe, eating, fmoking, 
 and playing at a game refembling dice, or huflle-cap. 
 They put a number of plumb-Hones in a fmall bowl; 
 one fide of each ftone is black, and the other white; 
 they then make or huftle the bowl, calling, hits, hits, hits, 
 honefey, honefey, rago, rago; which fignifies calling for 
 white or black, or what they wim to turn up ; they then 
 turn the bowl, and count the whites and blacks. Some 
 were beating their kind of drum, and finging; others 
 were employed in playing on a fort of flute, made of 
 hollow cane; and others playing on the jewf-harp. 
 Some part of this time was alfo taken up in attending 
 the council houfe, where the chiefs, and as many others 
 as chofe, attended ; and at night they were frequently 
 employed in finging and dancing. Towards the laft of 
 this time, which was in June, 1756, they were all en 
 gaged in preparing to go to war againft the frontiers of 
 Virginia: when they were equipped, they went through 
 their ceremonies, fung their war fongs, &c. They all 
 marched off, from fifteen to fixty years of age; and 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 47 
 
 fome boys only twelve years old, were equipped with 
 their bows and arrows, and went to war; fo that none 
 were left in town but fquaws and children, except my- 
 felf, one very old man, and another about fifty years of 
 age, who was lame. 
 
 The Indians were then in great hopes that they would 
 drive all the Virginians over the lake, which is all the 
 name they know for the fea. They had fome caufe for 
 this hope, becaufe at this time, the Americans were alto 
 gether unacquainted with war of any kind, and confe- 
 quently very unfit to ftand their hand with fuch fubtil 
 enemies as the Indians were. The two old Indians afked 
 me if I did not think that the Indians and French would 
 fubdue all America, except New England, which they 
 faid they had tried in old times. I told them I thought 
 not : they faid they had already drove them all out of 
 the mountains, and had chiefly laid wafte the great val 
 ley betwixt the North and South mountain, from Poto- 
 mack to James River, which is a confiderable part of 
 the befl land in Virginia, Maryland, and Pennfylvania, 
 and that the white people appeared to them like fools ; 
 they could neither guard againft furprife, run, or fight. 
 Thefe they faid were their reafons for faying that they 
 would fubdue the whites. They afked me to offer my 
 reafons for my opinion, and told me to fpeak my mind 
 freely. I told them that the white people to the Eaft 
 were very numerous, like the trees, and though they 
 appeared to them to be fools, as they were not 
 
48 Col. James Smith. 
 
 acquainted with their way of war, yet they were not fools; 
 therefore after fome time they will learn your mode of 
 war, and turn upon you, or at leaft defend themfelves. 
 I found that the old men themfelves did not believe 
 they could conquer America, yet they were willing to 
 propagate the idea, in order to encourage the young 
 men to go to war. 
 
 When the warriors left this town we had neither 
 meat, fugar, or bears oil, left. All that we had then 
 to live on was corn pounded into coarfe meal or fmall 
 homony this they boiled in water, which appeared like 
 well-thickened foup, without fait or any thing elfe. For 
 fome time, we had plenty of this kind of homony ; at 
 length we were brought to very fhort allowance, and as 
 the warriors did not return as foon as they expected, 
 we were in a ftarving condition, and but one gun in 
 the town, and very little amunition. The old lame 
 Wiandot concluded that he would go a hunting in a 
 canoe, and take me with him, and try to kill deer in the 
 water, as it was then watering time. We went up San- 
 dufky a few miles, then turned up a creek and en 
 camped. We had lights prepared, as we were to hunt 
 in the night, and alfo a piece of bark and fome bufhes 
 fet up in the canoe, in order to conceal ourfelves from 
 the deer. A little boy that was with us, held the light, 
 I worked the canoe, and the old man, who had his gun 
 loaded with large mot, when we came near the deer, 
 fired, and in this manner killed three deer, in part of 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 49 
 
 one night. We went to our fire, ate heartily, and in 
 the morning returned to town, in order to relieve the 
 hungry and diftrefled. 
 
 When we came to town, the children were crying bit 
 terly on account of pinching hunger. We delivered 
 what we had taken, and though it was but little among 
 fo many, it was divided according to the ftridleft rules 
 of juftice. We immediately fet out for another hunt, 
 but before we returned a part of the warriors had come 
 in, and brought with them on horfe-back, a quantity of 
 meat. Thefe warriors had divided into different parties, 
 and all flruck at different places in Augufta county. 
 They brought in with them a confiderable number of 
 fcalps, prifoners, horfes, and other plunder. One of 
 the parties brought in with them, one Arthur Campbell, 
 that is now Col. Campbell, who lives on Holflon River, 
 near the Royal-Oak. As the Wiandots at Sunyende- 
 and, and thofe at Detroit were connected, Mr. Camp 
 bell was taken to Detroit ; but he remained fome time 
 with me in this town : his company was very agreeable, 
 and I was forry when he left me. During his ftay at 
 Sunyendeand he borrowed my Bible, and made fome 
 pertinent remarks on what he had read. One paflage 
 was where it is faid, "It is good for a man that he bear 
 the yoke in his youth." He faid we ought to be re- 
 figned to the will of Providence, as we were now bear 
 ing the yoke, in our youth. Mr. Campbell appeared 
 to be then about fixteen or feventeen years of age. 
 7 
 
50 Col. James Smith. 
 
 There was a number of prifoners brought in by thefe 
 parties, and when they were to run the gauntlet, I went 
 and told them how they were to act. One John Savage 
 was brought in, a middle-aged man, or about forty 
 years old. He was to run the gauntlet. I told him 
 what he had to do; and after this I fell into one of the 
 ranks with the Indians, fhouting and yelling like them; 
 and as they were not very fevere on him, as he patted 
 me, I hit him with a piece of pumpkin which pleafed 
 the Indians much, but hurt my feelings. 
 
 About the time that thefe warriors came in, the green 
 corn was beginning to be of ufe; fo that we had either 
 green corn or venifon, and fometimes both which was 
 comparatively high living. When we could have plenty 
 of green corn, or roafting-ears, the hunters became lazy, 
 and fpent their time as already mentioned, in ringing 
 and dancing &c. They appeared to be fulfilling the 
 fcriptures beyond thofe who profefs to believe them, in 
 that of taking no thought of to-morrow: and alfo in 
 living in love, peace and friendfhip together, without 
 difputes. In this refpect they mame thofe who profefs 
 Chriftianity. 
 
 In this manner we lived, until October, then the 
 geefe, fwans, ducks, cranes, &c. came from the north, 
 and alighted on this little Lake, without number or 
 innumerable. Sunyendeand is a remarkable place for 
 fifh, in the fpring, and fowl both in the fall and fpring. 
 
 As our hunters were now tired with indolence, and 
 
Remarkable Occurrences , Etc. 51 
 
 fond of their own kind of exercife, they all turned out 
 to fowling, and in this could fcarce mifs of fuccefs ; fo 
 that we had now plenty of homony and the beft of 
 fowls; and fometimes as a rarity we had a little bread, 
 which was made of Indian corn meal, pounded in a 
 homony-block, mixed with boiled beans, and baked in 
 cakes under the ames. 
 
 This, with us was called good living, though not 
 equal to our fat, roafted and boiled venifon, when we 
 went to the woods in the fall ; or bears meat and beaver 
 in the winter; or fugar, bears oil, and dry venifon in 
 the fpring. 
 
 Some time in October, another adopted brother, older 
 than Tontileaugo, came to pay us a vifit at Sunyende- 
 and, and he afked me to take a hunt with him on Cay- 
 ahaga. As they always ufed me as a free man, and gave 
 me the liberty of choofing, I told him that I was at 
 tached to Tontileaugo had never feen him before, and 
 therefore, aiked fometime to confider of this. He told 
 me that the party he was going with would not be along, 
 or at the mouth of this little lake, in lefs than fix days, 
 and I could in this time be acquainted with him, and 
 judge for myfelf. I confulted with Tontileaugo on this 
 occafion, and he told me that our old brother Tecaugh- 
 retanego, (which was his name) was a chief, and a better 
 man than he was ; and if I went with him I might ex 
 pect to be well ufed, but he faid I might do as I pleafed ; 
 and if I flaid he would ufe me as he had done. I told 
 
52 Col. James Smith. 
 
 him that he had acted in every refpect as a brother to 
 me ; yet I was much pleafed with my old brother s con 
 duct and converfation ; and as he was going to a part of 
 the country I had never been in, I wifhed to go with 
 him he faid that he was perfectly willing. 
 
 I then went with Tecaughretanego to the mouth of 
 the little lake, where he met with the company he in 
 tended going with, which was compofed of Caughne- 
 wagas, and Ottawas. Here I was introduced to a 
 Caughnewaga fitter, and others I had never before feen. 
 My fitter s name was Mary, which they pronounced 
 Maully. I afked Tecaughretanego how it came that me 
 had an Englifh name ; he faid that he did not know 
 that it was an Englifh name ; but it was the name the 
 prieft gave her when me was baptized, which he faid was 
 the name of the mother of Jefus. He faid there were 
 a great many of the Caughnewagas and Wiandots, that 
 were a kind of half Roman Catholics ; but as for him- 
 felf, he faid, that the prieft and him could not agree ; 
 as they held notions that contradicted both fenfe and 
 reafon, and had the aflurance to tell him, that the book 
 of God, taught them thefe foolifh abfurdities : but he 
 could not believe the great and good fpirit ever taught 
 them any fuch nonfenfe: and therefore he concluded 
 that the Indians old religion was better than this new 
 way of worshiping God. 
 
 The Ottawas have a very ufeful kind of tents which 
 they carry with them, made of flags, plaited and ftitched 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 53 
 
 together in a very artful manner, fo as to turn rain, or 
 wind well each mat is made fifteen feet long and about 
 five feet broad. In order to erect this kind of tent, 
 they cut a number of long, ftraight poles, which they 
 drive in the ground, in form of a circle, leaning inwards; 
 then they fpread the matts on thefe poles beginning 
 at the bottom and extending up, leaving only a hole in 
 the top uncovered and this hole anfwers the place of a 
 chimney. They make a fire of dry, fplit wood, in the 
 middle, and fpread down bark mats and ikins for bed 
 ding, on which they fleep in a crooked pofture, all 
 round the fire, as the length of their beds will not admit 
 of ftretching themfelves. In place of a door they lift 
 up one end of a mat and creep in, and let the mat fall 
 down behind them. 
 
 Thefe tents are warm and dry, and tolerable clear of 
 fmoke. Their lumber they keep under birch-bark ca 
 noes, which they carry out and turn up for a fhelter, 
 where they keep every thing from the rain. Nothing 
 is in the tents but themfelves and their bedding. 
 
 This company had four birch canoes and four tents. 
 We were kindly received, and they gave us plenty of 
 homony, and wild fowl, boiled and roafted. As the 
 geefe, ducks, fwans, &c. here are well grain-fed, they 
 were remarkably fat efpecially the green necked ducks. 
 
 The wild fowl here feed upon a kind of wild rice, 
 that grows fpontaneoufly in the mallow water, or wet 
 places along the fides or in the corners of the lakes. 
 
54 CoL James Smith. 
 
 As the wind was high and we could not proceed on 
 our voyage, we remained here feveral days, and killed 
 abundance of wild fowl, and a number of racoons. 
 
 When a company of Indians are moving together on 
 the lake, as it is at this time of the year often danger 
 ous failing, the old men hold a council ; and when they 
 agree to embark, every one is engaged immediately in 
 making ready, without offering one word againft the 
 meafure, though the lake may be boifterous and horrid. 
 One morning tho the wind appeared to me to be as 
 high as in days paft, and the billows raging, yet the call 
 was given yohoh-yohoh, which was quickly anfwered by 
 all ooh-ooh which fignifies agreed. We were all in- 
 ftantly engaged in preparing to ftart, and had conlider- 
 able difficulties in embarking. 
 
 As foon as we got into our canoes we fell to paddling 
 with all our might, making out from the more. Though 
 thefe fort of canoes ride waves beyond what could be 
 expected, yet the water feveral times darned into them. 
 When we got out about half a mile from more, we 
 hoifled fail, and as it was nearly a weft wind, we then 
 feemed to ride the waves with eafe, and went on at a 
 rapid rate. W T e then all laid down our paddles, except 
 ing one that fteered, and there was no water darned into 
 our canoes, until we came near the more again. We 
 failed about fixty miles that day, and encamped fome 
 time before night. 
 
 The next day we again embarked and went on very 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 55 
 
 well for fome time ; but the lake being boifterous, and 
 the wind not fair, we were obliged to make to more, 
 which we accomplimed with hard work and Tome diffi 
 culty in landing. The next morning a council was held 
 by the old men. 
 
 As we had this day to pafs by a long precipice of 
 rocks, on the more about nine miles, which rendered it 
 impoflible for us to land, though the wind was high 
 and the lake rough ; yet, as it was fair, we were all or 
 dered to embark. We wrought ourfelves out from the 
 more and hoifted fail (what we ufed in place of fail 
 cloth, were our tent mats, which anfwered the place very 
 well) and went on for fome time with a fair wind, until 
 we were oppofite to the precipice, and then it turned 
 towards the more, and we began to fear we mould be 
 caft upon the rocks. Two of the canoes were confid- 
 erably farther out from the rocks, than the canoe I was 
 in. Thofe who were fartheft out in the lake did not let 
 down their fails until they had patted the precipice; but 
 as we were nearer the rock, we were obliged to lower 
 our fails, and paddle with all our might. With much 
 difficulty we cleared ourfelves of the rock and landed. 
 As the other canoes had landed before us, there were 
 immediately runners fent off to fee if we were all fafely 
 landed. 
 
 This night the wind fell, and the next morning the 
 lake was tolerably calm, and we embarked without diffi 
 culty, and paddled along near the more, until we came 
 
56 Col. James Smith. 
 
 to the mouth of Cayahaga, which empties into Lake 
 Erie on the fouth fide, betwixt Canefadooharie and 
 Prefq Ifle. 
 
 We turned up Cayahaga and encamped where we 
 ftaid and hunted for feveral days ; and fo we kept mov 
 ing and hunting until we came to the forks of Cayahaga. 
 
 This is a very gentle river, and but few riffles, or 
 fwift running places, from the mouth to the forks. 
 Deer here were tolerably plenty, large, and fat; but 
 bear and other game fcarce. The upland is hilly and 
 principally fecond and third rate land. The timber 
 chiefly black-oak, white-oak, hickory, dogwood, &c. 
 The bottoms are rich and large, and the timber is wal 
 nut, locuft, mulberry, fugar-tree, red-haw, black-haw, 
 wild-appletrees, &c. The Weft Branch of this river in 
 terlocks with the Eaft Branch of Mufkingum ; and the 
 Eaft Branch with the Big Beaver creek, that empties 
 into the Ohio about thirty miles below Pittfburgh. 
 
 From the forks of Cayahaga to the Eaft Branch of 
 Muikingum, there is a carrying place, where the Indians 
 carry their canoes &c. from the waters of Lake Erie, 
 into the waters of the Ohio. 
 
 From the forks I went over with fome hunters, to 
 the Eaft Branch of Mufkingum, where they killed fev 
 eral deer, a number of beavers, and returned heavy 
 laden, with fkins and meat, which we carried on our 
 backs, as we had no horfes. 
 
 The land here is chiefly fecond and third rate, and 
 
Remarkable Occurrences^ Etc. 57 
 
 the timber chiefly oak and hickory. A little above the 
 forks, on the Eaft Branch of Cayahaga, are confiderable 
 rapids, very rocky, for fome diftance ; but no perpen 
 dicular falls. 
 
 About the firft of December, 1756, we were preparing 
 for leaving the river: we buried our canoes, and as ufual 
 hung up our fkins, and every one had a pack to carry: 
 the fquaws alfo packed up their tents, which they carried 
 in large rolls, that extended up above their heads; and 
 though a great bulk, yet not heavy. We fleered about 
 a fouth eafl courfe and could not march over ten miles 
 per day. At night we lodged in our flag tents, which 
 when erected, were nearly in the fhape of a fugar loaf, 
 and about fifteen feet diameter at the ground. 
 
 In this manner we proceeded about forty miles, and 
 wintered in thefe tents, on the waters of Beaver creek, 
 near a little lake or large pond, which is about two 
 miles long, and one broad, and a remarkable place for 
 beaver. 
 
 It is a received opinion among the Indians, that the 
 geefe turn to beavers and the fnakes to racoons; and 
 though Tecaughretanego, who was a wife man, was 
 not fully perfuaded that this was true ; yet he feemed 
 in fome meafure to be carried away with this whimfical 
 notion. He faid that this pond had been always a plen 
 tiful place of beaver. Though he faid he knew them 
 to be frequently all killed, (as he thought;) yet the next 
 winter they would be as plenty as ever. And as the 
 8 
 
58 Col. James Smith. 
 
 beaver was an animal that did not travel by land, and 
 there being no water communication, to, or from this 
 pond how could fuch a number of beavers get there 
 year after year? But as this pond was alfo a confider- 
 able place for geefe, when they came in the fall from the 
 north, and alighted in this pond, they turned beavers, 
 all but the feet, which remained nearly the fame. 
 
 I faid, that though there was no water communication, 
 in, or out of this pond; yet it appeared that it was fed 
 by fprings, as it was always clear and never ftagnated; 
 and as a very large fpring rofe about a mile below this 
 pond, it was likely that this fpring came from this pond. 
 In the fall, when this fpring is comparatively low, there 
 would be air under ground fufficient for the beavers to 
 breathe in, with their heads above water, for they can 
 not live long under water, and fo they might have a fub- 
 terraneous paflage by water into this pond. Tecaugh- 
 retanego, granted that it might be fo. 
 
 About the fides of this pond there grew great abund 
 ance of cranberries, which the Indians gathered up on 
 the ice, when the pond was frozen over. Thefe berries 
 were about as large as rifle bullets of a bright red 
 colour an agreeable four, though rather too four of 
 themfelves; but when mixed with fugar, had a very 
 agreeable tafte. 
 
 In converfation with Tecaughretanego, I happened to 
 be talking of the beavers catching fifh. He afked me 
 why I thought that the beaver caught fim? I told him 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 59 
 
 that I had read of the beaver making dams for the con- 
 veniency of fiming. He laughed, and made game of 
 me and my book. He faid the man that wrote that 
 book knew nothing about the beaver. The beaver 
 never did eat flem of any kind; but lived on the bark 
 of trees, roots, and other vegetables. 
 
 In order to know certainly how this was, when we 
 killed a beaver I carefully examined the interlines, but 
 found no appearance of fifh; I afterwards made an 
 experiment on a pet beaver which we had, and found 
 that it would neither eat fim or flem; therefore I ac 
 knowledged that the book I had read was wrong. 
 
 I afked him if the beaver was an amphibious animal, 
 or if it could live under water ? He faid that the beaver 
 was a kind of fubterraneous water animal, that lives in 
 or near the water; but they were no more amphibious 
 than the ducks and geefe were which was conftantly 
 proven to be the cafe, as all the beavers that are caught 
 in fteel traps are drowned, provided the trap be heavy 
 enough to keep them under water. As the beaver does 
 not eat fifh, I enquired of Tecaughretanego why the 
 beaver made fuch large dams? He faid they were of 
 ufe to them in various refpecls both for their fafety 
 and food. For their fafety, as by raifing the water over 
 the mouths of their holes, or fubterraneous lodging 
 places, they could not be eafily found : and as the 
 beaver feeds chiefly on the bark of trees, by raifing the 
 water over the banks, they can cut down fapplings for 
 
60 Col. James Smith. 
 
 bark to feed upon without going out much upon the 
 land: and when they are obliged to go out on land for 
 this food they frequently are caught by the wolves. As 
 the beaver can run upon land, but little fafter than a 
 water tortoife, and is no fighting animal, if they are any 
 distance from the water they become an eafy prey to 
 their enemies. 
 
 I afked Tecaughretanego, what was the ufe of the 
 beaver s ftones, or glands, to them ; as the me beaver 
 has two pair, which is commonly called the oil ftones, 
 and the bark ftones? He faid that as the beavers are 
 the dumbeft of all animals, and fcarcely ever make any 
 noife ; and as they were working creatures, they made 
 ufe of this fmell in order to work in concert. If an 
 old beaver was to come on the bank and rub his breech 
 upon the ground, and raife a perfume, the others will 
 collect from different places and go to work: this is alfo 
 of ufe to them in travelling, that they may thereby 
 fearch out and find their company. Cunning hunters 
 finding this out, have made ufe of it againft the beaver, 
 in order to catch them. What is the bate which you 
 fee them make ufe of, but a compound of the oil 
 and bark ftones ? By this perfume, which is only a 
 falfe fignal, they decoy them to the trap. 
 
 Near this pond, beaver was the principal game. Be 
 fore the waters froze up, we caught a great many with 
 wooden and fteel traps: but after that, we hunted the 
 beaver on the ice. Some places here the beavers build 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 61 
 
 large houfes to live in; and in other places they have 
 fubterraneous lodgings in the banks. Where they lodge 
 in the ground we have no chance of hunting them on 
 the ice; but where they have houfes we go with malls 
 and handfpikes, and break all the hollow ice, to prevent 
 them from getting their heads above the water under it. 
 Then we break a hole in the houfe and they make their 
 efcape into the water; but as they cannot live long 
 under water, they are obliged to go to fome of thofe 
 broken places to breathe, and the Indians commonly 
 put in their hands, catch them by the hind leg, haul 
 them on the ice and tomahawk them. Sometimes 
 they moot them in the head, when they raife it 
 above the water. I afked the Indians if they were 
 not afraid to catch the beavers with their hands ? 
 they faid no : they were not much of a biting crea 
 ture ; yet if they would catch them by the fore foot 
 they would bite. 
 
 I went out with Tecaughretanego, and fome others a 
 beaver hunting: but we did not fucceed, and on our 
 return we faw where feveral racoons had pafTed, while 
 the fnow was foft ; tho there was now a cruft upon 
 it, we all made a halt looking at the racoon tracks. As 
 they faw a tree with a hole in it they told me to go and 
 fee if they had gone in thereat ; and if they had to hal 
 loo, and they would come and take them out. When 
 I went to that tree I found they had gone pafl ; but I 
 faw another the way they had went, and proceeded to 
 
61 Col. James Smith. 
 
 examine that, and found they had gone up it. I then 
 began to holloo, but could have no anfwer. 
 
 As it began to fnow and blow mofl violently, I re 
 turned and proceeded after my company, and for fome 
 time could fee their tracks ; but the old snow being 
 only about three inches deep, and a cruft upon it, the 
 prefent driving fnow foon filled up the tracks. As I 
 had only a bow, arrows, and tomahawk, with me, and 
 no way to flrike fire, I appeared to be in a difmal fitu- 
 ation and as the air was dark with fnow, I had little 
 more profpect of fleering my courfe, than I would in 
 the night. At length I came to a hollow tree, with a 
 hole at one fide that I could go in at. I went in, and 
 found that it was a dry place, and the hollow about 
 three feet diameter, and high enough for me to fland in. 
 I found that there was alfo a confiderable quantity of 
 foft, dry rotten wood, around this hollow : I therefore 
 concluded that I would lodge here; and that I would 
 go to work, and flop up the door of my houfe. I 
 flripped off my blanket, (which was all the clothes that 
 I had, excepting a breech-clout, leggins, and mocka- 
 fons,) and with my tomahawk, fell to chopping at the 
 top of a fallen tree that lay near and carried wood and 
 fet it up on end againfl the door, until I had it three 
 or four feet thick, all round, excepting a hole I had left 
 to creep in at. I had a block prepared that I could 
 haul after me, to flop this hole : and before I went in I 
 put in a number of fmall flicks, that I might more 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 63 
 
 effectually ftop it on the infide. When I went in, I 
 took my tomahawk and cut down all the dry, rotten 
 wood I could get, and beat it fmall. With it I made a 
 bed like a goofe-neft or hog-bed, and with the fmall 
 fticks flopped every hole, until my houfe was almoft 
 dark. I ftripped off my mockafons, and danced in the 
 centre of my bed for about half an hour, in order to 
 warm myfelf. In this time my feet and whole body 
 were agreeably warmed. The fnow, in the mean while, 
 had flopped all the holes, fo that my houfe was as dark 
 as a dungeon ; though I knew it could not yet be dark 
 out of doors. I then coiled myfelf up in my blanket, 
 lay down in my little round bed, and had a tolerable 
 nights lodging. When I awoke, all was dark not the 
 leaft glimmering of light was to be feen. Immediately 
 I recollected that I was not to expect light in this new 
 habitation, as there was neither door nor window in it. 
 As I could hear the rtorm raging, and did not fuffer 
 much cold, as I was then fituated, I concluded I would 
 ftay in my neft until I was certain it was day. When I 
 had reafon to conclude that it furely was day, I arofe 
 and put on my mockafons, which I had laid under my 
 head to keep from Freezing. I then endeavored to find 
 the door, and had to do all by the fenfe of feeling, which 
 took me fome time. At length I found the block, but 
 it being heavy, and a large quantity of fnow having 
 fallen on it, at the firfl attempt I did not move it. I 
 then felt terrified among all the hardships I had 
 
64 Col. James Smith. 
 
 fuftained, I never knew before, what it was to be thus 
 deprived of light. This, with the other circumftances 
 attending it, appeared grievous. I went ftraightway 
 to bed again, wrapped my blanket round me, and lay 
 and mufed awhile, and then prayed to Almighty God 
 to direct and protect me, as he had done heretofore. I 
 once again attempted to move away the block, which 
 proved fuccefsful : it moved about nine inches. With 
 this a considerable quantity of fnow fell in from above, 
 and I immediately received light ; fo that I found a 
 very great fnow had fallen, above what I had ever feen 
 in one night. I then knew why I could not eafily 
 move the block, and I was fo rejoiced at obtaining the 
 light, that all my other difficulties feemed to vanifh. I 
 then turned into my cell, and returned God thanks for 
 having once more received the light of Heaven. At 
 length I belted my blanket about me, got my toma 
 hawk, bow and arrows, and went out of my den. 
 
 I was now in tolerable high fpirits, tho the fnow 
 had fallen above three feet deep, in addition to what 
 was on the ground before ; and the only imperfect guide 
 I had, in order to fleer my courfe to camp, was the 
 trees ; as the mofs generally grows on the north-weft 
 fide of them, if they are ftraight. I proceeded on, 
 wading through the fnow, and about twelve o clock (as 
 it appeared afterwards, from that time to night, for it 
 was yet cloudy,) I came upon the creek that our camp 
 was on, about half a mile below the camp ; and when I 
 
Remarkable Occurrences , Etc. 65 
 
 came in fight of the camp, I found that there was great 
 joy, by the fhouts and yelling of the boys, &c. 
 
 When I arrived, they all came round me, and re 
 ceived me gladly ; but at this time no queftions were 
 afked, and I was taken into a tent, where they gave me 
 plenty of fat beaver meat, and then afked me to fmoke. 
 When I had done, Tecaughretanego defired me to walk 
 out to a fire they had made. I went out, and they all 
 collected round me, both men, women, and boys. Te 
 caughretanego afked me to give them a particular ac 
 count of what had happened from the time they left me 
 yefterday, until now. I told them the whole of the 
 ftory, and they never interrupted me ; but when I made 
 a ftop, the intervals were filled with loud acclamations 
 of joy. As I could not, at this time, talk Ottawa or 
 Jibewa well, (which is nearly the fame) I delivered my 
 ftory in Caughnewaga. As my fifter Molly s hufband 
 was a Jibewa and could underftand Caughnewaga, he 
 acted as interpreter, and delivered my ftory to the 
 Jibewas and Ottawas, which they received with pleafure. 
 W T hen all this was done, Tecaughretanego made a fpeech 
 to me in the following manner: 
 "Brother, 
 
 "You fee we have prepared fnow-fhoes to go after 
 you, and were almoft ready to go, when you appeared; 
 yet, as you had not been accuftomed to hardfhips in 
 your country, to the eaft, we never expeded to fee you 
 alive. Now, we are glad to fee you, in various refpects ; 
 9 
 
66 Col. James Smith. 
 
 we are glad to fee you on your own account; and 
 we are glad to fee the profpect of your filling the place 
 of a great man, in whofe room you were adopted. 
 We do not blame you for what has happened, we 
 blame ourfelves; becaufe, we did not think of this 
 driving fnow filling up the tracks, until after we came 
 to camp. 
 
 " Brother, 
 
 "Your conduct on this occafion hath pleafed us 
 much: You have given us an evidence of your forti 
 tude, {kill and refolution : and we hope you will always 
 go on to do great actions, as it is only great actions 
 that can make a great man/ 
 
 I told my brother Tecaughretanego, that I thanked 
 them for their care of me, and for the kindnefs I always 
 received. I told him that I always wifhed to do great 
 actions, and hoped I never would do any thing to dis 
 honor any of thofe with whom I was connected. I 
 likewife told my Jibewa brother-in-law to tell his 
 people that I alfo thanked them for their care and kind 
 nefs. 
 
 The next morning fome of the hunters went out on 
 fnow-fhoes, killed feveral deer, and hauled fome of them 
 into camp upon the fnow. They fixed their carrying 
 firings, (which are broad in the middle, and fmall at 
 each end,) in the fore feet and nofe of the deer, and 
 laid the broad part of it on their heads or about their 
 moulders, and pulled it along; and when it is moving, 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 67 
 
 will not fink in the fnow much deeper than a fnow-fhoe; 
 and when taken with the grain of the hair, flips along 
 very eafy. 
 
 The fnow-moes are made like a hoop-net, and 
 wrought with buck-fkin thongs. Each fhoe is about 
 two feet and an half long, and about eighteen inches 
 broad, before, and fmall behind, with crofs-bars, in 
 order to fix or tie them to their feet. After the fnow 
 had lay a few days, the Indians tomahawked the deer, 
 by purfuing them in this manner. 
 
 About two weeks after this, there came a warm rain, 
 and took away the chief part of the fnow, and broke up 
 the ice; then we engaged in making wooden traps to 
 catch beavers, as we had but few fteel traps. Thefe 
 traps are made nearly in the fame manner as the racoon 
 traps already defcribed. 
 
 One day as I was looking after my traps, I got be 
 nighted, by beaver ponds intercepting my way to camp ; 
 and as I had neglected to take fire-works with me, and 
 the weather very cold, I could find no fuitable lodging- 
 place, therefore the only expedient I could think of to 
 keep myfelf from freezing, was exercife. I danced and 
 halloo d the whole night with all my might, and the 
 next day came to camp. Though I fuffered much more 
 this time than the other night I lay out, yet the Indians 
 were not fo much concerned, as they thought I had fire 
 works with me; but when they knew how it was, they 
 did not blame me. They faid that old hunters were 
 
68 Col James Smith. 
 
 frequently involved in this place, as the beaver dams 
 were one above another on every creek and run, fo that 
 it is hard to find a fording place. They applauded me 
 for my fortitude, and faid as they had now plenty of 
 beaver- {kins, they would purchafe me a new gun at De 
 troit, as we were to go there the next fpring; and then 
 if I mould chance to be loft in dark weather, I could 
 make fire, kill provifion, and return to camp when the 
 fun mined. By being bewildered on the waters of Mus- 
 kingum, I loft repute, and was reduced to the bow and 
 arrow; and by lying out two nights here, I regained my 
 credit. 
 
 After fome time, the waters all froze again, and then, 
 as formerly, we hunted beavers on the ice. Though 
 beaver meat, without fait or bread, was the chief of our 
 food this winter, yet we had always plenty, and I was 
 well contented with my diet, as it appeared delicious 
 fare, after the way we had lived the winter before. 
 
 Some time in February, we fcaffolded up our fur and 
 fkins, and moved about ten miles in queft of a fugar 
 camp or a fuitable place to make fugar, and encamped 
 in a large bottom, on the head waters of Big Beaver 
 creek. We had fome difficulty in moving, as we had 
 a blind Caughnewaga boy about 15 years of age, to 
 lead; and as this country is very brufhy, we frequently 
 had him to carry; We had alfo my Jibewa brother-in- 
 law s father with us, who was thought by the Indians to 
 be a great conjurer his name was Manetohcoa this 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 69 
 
 old man was fo decrepit, that we had to carry him this 
 route upon a bier, and all our baggage to pack on our 
 backs. 
 
 Shortly after we came to this place the fquaws began 
 to make fugar. We had no large kettles with us this 
 year, and they made the froft, in fome meafure, fupply 
 the place of fire, in making fugar. Their large bark 
 veffels, for holding the flock-water, they made broad 
 and mallow ; and as the weather is very cold here, it 
 frequently freezes at night in fugar time; and the ice 
 they break and cart out of the veflels. I afked them if 
 they were not throwing away the fugar ? they faid no ; 
 it was water they were carting away, fugar did not freeze, 
 and there was fcarcely any in that ice. They faid I 
 might try the experiment, and boil fome of it, and fee 
 what I would get. I never did try it ; but I obferved 
 that after feveral times freezing, the water that remained 
 in the veflel, changed its colour and became brown and 
 very fweet. 
 
 About the time we were done making fugar the fnow 
 went off the ground ; and one night a fquaw raifed an 
 alarm. She faid me faw two men with guns in their 
 hands, upon the bank on the other fide of the creek, 
 fpying our tents they were fuppofed to be John- 
 fton s Mohawks. On this the fquaws were ordered to 
 flip quietly out, fome diftance into the bufhes; and all 
 who had either guns or bows were to fquat in the bufhes 
 near the tents; and if the enemy rufhed up, we were to 
 
jo Col. James Smith. 
 
 give them the firft fire, and let the fquaws have an op 
 portunity of efcaping. I got down befide Tecaughre- 
 tanego, and he whifpered to me not to be afraid, for he 
 would fpeak to the Mohawks, and as they fpake the 
 fame tongue that we did, they would not hurt the 
 Caughnewagas, or me: but they would kill all the Jibe- 
 was and Ottawas that they could, and take us along 
 with them. This news pleafed me well, and I heartily 
 wished for the approach of the Mohawks. 
 
 Before we withdrew from the tents they had carried 
 Manetohcoa to the fire, and gave him his conjuring 
 tools; which were dyed feathers, the bone of the moulder 
 blade of the wild cat, tobacco, &c., and while we were 
 in the bumes, Manetohcoa was in a tent at the fire, 
 conjuring away to the utmoft of his ability. At length 
 he called aloud for us all to come in, which was quickly 
 obeyed. When we came in, he told us that after he 
 had gone through the whole of his ceremony, and ex- 
 peded to fee a number of Mohawks on the flat bone 
 when it was warmed at the fire, the pictures of two 
 wolves only appeared. He faid though there were no 
 Mohawks about, we muft not be angry with the fquaw 
 for giving a falfe alarm ; as me had occafion to go out 
 ai^d happened to fee the wolves, though it was moon 
 light; yet me got afraid, and me conceited it was In 
 dians, with guns in their hands, fo he faid we might all 
 go to fleep, for there was no danger and accordingly 
 we did. 
 
Remarkable Occurrences , Etc. 71 
 
 The next morning we went to the place, and found 
 wolf tracks, and where they had fcratched with their 
 feet like dogs; but there was no fign of mockafon 
 tracks. If there is any fuch thing as a wizzard, I think 
 Manetohcoa was as likely to be one as any man, as he 
 was a profeffed worfhipper of the devil. But let him 
 be a conjuror or not, I am perfuaded that the Indians 
 believed what he told them upon this occafion, as well 
 as if it had come from an infallible oracle; or they 
 would not, after fuch an alarm as this, go all to ileep in 
 an unconcerned manner. This appeared to me the mofl 
 like witchcraft, of any thing I beheld while I was with 
 them. Though I fcrutinized their proceedings in bufi- 
 nefs of this kind, yet I generally found that their pre 
 tended witchcraft, was either art or miftaken notions, 
 whereby they deceived themfelves. Before a battle they 
 fpy the enemy s motions carefully, and when they find 
 that they can have considerable advantage, and the great- 
 eft profpecl of fuccefs, then the old men pretend to con 
 jure, or to tell what the event will be, and this they 
 do in a figurative manner, which will bear fomething of 
 a different interpretation, which generally comes to pafs 
 nearly as they foretold; therefore the young warriors 
 generally believed thefe old conjurors, which had a 
 tendency to animate, and excite them to pufh on with 
 vigor. 
 
 Some time in March 1757 we began to move back to 
 the forks of Cayahaga, which was about forty or fifty 
 
72 Col. James Smith. 
 
 miles ; and as we had no horfes, we had all our baggage 
 and feveral hundred weight of beaver fkins, and fome 
 deer and bear fkins all to pack on our backs. The 
 method we took to accomplifh this was by making 
 fhort days journies. In the morning we would move 
 on with as much as we were able to carry, about five 
 miles, and encamp; and then run back for more. We 
 commonly made three fuch trips in the day. When we 
 came to the great pond we ftaid there one day to reft 
 ourfelves and to kill ducks and geefe. 
 
 While we remained here I went in company with a 
 young Caughnewaga, who was about fifteen or feventeen 
 years of age, Chinnohete by name, in order to gather 
 crannberries. As he was gathering berries at fome dis 
 tance from me, three Jibewa fquaws crept up undifcov- 
 ered and made at him fpeedily, but he nimbly efcaped, 
 and came to me apparently terrified. I afked him what 
 he was afraid of? he replied did you not fee thofe 
 fquaws ? I told him I did, and they appeared to be in a 
 very good humor. I afked him wherefore then he was 
 afraid of them? He faid the Jibewa fquaws were very 
 bad women, and had a very ugly cuftom among them. 
 I afked him what that cuftom was ? he faid that when 
 two or three of them could catch a young lad, that was 
 betwixt a man and a boy, out by himfelf, if they could 
 overpower him, they would ftrip him by force in order 
 to fee whether he was coming on to be a man or not. 
 He faid that was what they intended when they crawled 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 73 
 
 up, and ran fo violently at him, but faid he, I am very 
 glad that I fo narrowly efcaped. I then agreed with 
 Chinnohete in condemning this as a bad cuftom, and 
 an exceeding immodeft aclion for young women to be 
 guilty of. 
 
 From our fugar camp on the head waters of Big 
 Beaver creek, to this place is not hilly, and fome places 
 the woods are tolerably clear: but in moft places exceed 
 ing brufhy. The land here is chiefly fecond and third 
 rate. The timber on the upland is white-oak, black- 
 oak, hickory and chefnut: there is alfo in fome places 
 walnut up land, and plenty of good water. The bottoms 
 here are generally large and good. 
 
 We again proceeded on from the pond to the forks of 
 Cayahaga, at the rate of about five miles per day. 
 
 The land on this route is not very hilly, it is well 
 watered, and in many places ill timbered, generally 
 brufhy, and chiefly fecond and third rate land, inter 
 mixed with good bottoms. 
 
 When we came to the forks, we found that the {kins 
 we had fcaffolded were all fafe. Though this was a 
 public place, and Indians frequently patting, and our 
 fkins hanging up in view, yet there was none flolen; and 
 it is feldom that Indians do fteal anything from one 
 another; and they fay they never did, until the white 
 people came among them, and learned fome of them to 
 lie, cheat and fteal, but be that as it may, they never 
 did curfe or fwear, until the whites learned them ; fome 
 10 
 
74 Col. James Smith. 
 
 think their language will not admit of it, but I am not 
 of that opinion; if I was fo difpofed, I could find lan 
 guage to curfe or fwear, in the Indian tongue. 
 
 I remember that Tecaughretanego, when fomething 
 difpleafed him, faid, God damn it. I alked him if he 
 knew what he then faid? he faid he did; and mentioned 
 one of their degrading expreffions, which he fuppofed to 
 be the meaning or fomething like the meaning of what 
 he had faid. I told him that it did not bear the leaft 
 refemblance to it ; that what he faid, was calling upon 
 the great fpirit to punim the object he was difpleafed 
 with. He ftood for fometime amazed, and then faid, if 
 this be the meaning of thefe words, what fort of people 
 are the whites ? when the traders were among us thefe 
 words feemed to be intermixed with all their difcourfe. 
 He told me to reconfider what I had faid, for he thought 
 I muft be miflaken in my definition ; if I was not mis 
 taken, he said, the traders applied thefe words not only 
 wickedly, but often times very foolifhly and contrary to 
 fenfe or reafon. He faid he remembered once of a tra 
 der s accidentally breaking his gun lock, and on that 
 occafion calling out aloud God damn it furely faid he 
 the gun lock was not an object worthy of punimment 
 for Owaneeyo, or the Great Spirit: he alfo obferved 
 the traders often ufed this expreffion, when they were in 
 a good humor and not difpleafed with anything. I 
 acknowledged that the traders ufed this expreffion very 
 often, in a moil irrational, inconfiftent, and impious man- 
 
Remarkable Occurrences,, Etc. 75 
 
 ner ; yet I ftill afTerted that I had given the true mean 
 ing of thefe words. He replied, if fo, the traders are 
 as bad as Oonafahroona, or the under ground inhabit 
 ants, which is the name they give the devils ; as they 
 entertain a notion that their place of refidence is under 
 the earth. 
 
 We took up our birch-bark canoes which we had 
 buried, and found that they were not damaged by the 
 winter ; but they not being fufficient to carry all that 
 we now had, we made a large chefnut bark canoe ; as 
 elm bark was not to be found at this place. 
 
 We all embarked, and had a very agreeable pafTage 
 down the Cayahaga, and along the fouth fide of Lake 
 Erie, until we pafled the mouth of Sandufky; then the 
 wind arofe, and we put in at the mouth of the Miami 
 of the Lake, at Cedar Point, where we remained feveral 
 days, and killed a number of Turkeys, geefe, ducks and 
 fwans. ( -The wind being fair, and the lake not extremely 
 rough, we again embarked, hoifted up fails, and arrived 
 fafe at the Wiandot town, nearly oppofite to Fort De 
 troit, on the north fide of the river. Here we found a 
 number of French traders, every one very willing to 
 deal with us for our beaver. 
 
 We bought ourfelves fine clothes, amunition, paint, 
 tobacco, &c. and according to promife, they purchafed 
 me a new gun: yet we had parted with only about one- 
 third of our beaver. At length a trader came to town 
 with French Brandy: We purchafed a keg of it, and 
 
y 6 Col. James Smith. 
 
 held a council about who was to get drunk, and who 
 was to keep fober. I was invited to get drunk, but I 
 refufed the propofal then they told me that I muft be 
 one of thofe who were to take care of the drunken peo 
 ple. I did not like this ; but of two evils I chofe that 
 which I thought was the leaft and fell in with thofe 
 who were to conceal the arms, and keep every danger 
 ous weapon we could, out of their way, and endeavor, 
 if poffible to keep the drinking club from killing each 
 other, which was a very hard tafk. Several times we 
 hazarded our own lives, and got ourfelves hurt, in pre 
 venting them from flaying each other. Before they had 
 rmifhed this keg, near one-third of the town was intro 
 duced to this drinking club ; they could not pay their 
 part, as they had already difpofed of all their fkins; but 
 that made no odds, all were welcome to drink. 
 
 When they were done with this keg, they applied to 
 the traders, and procured a kettle full of brandy at a 
 time, which they divided out with a large wooden 
 fpoon, and fo they went on and never quit while they 
 had a tingle beaver fkin. 
 
 When the trader had got all our beaver, he moved 
 off to the Ottawa town, about a mile above the Wiandot 
 town. 
 
 When the brandy was gone, and the drinking club 
 fober, they appeared much dejeded. Some of them 
 were crippled, others badly wounded, a number of their 
 fine new fhirts tore, and feveral blankets were burned : 
 
Remarkable Occurrences,, Etc. 77 
 
 a number of fquaws were alfo in this club, and neglected 
 their corn planting. 
 
 We could now hear the effects of the brandy in the 
 Ottawa town. They were ringing and yelling in the 
 moft hideous manner, both night and day; but their 
 frolic ended worfe than ours; five Ottawas were killed 
 and a great many wounded. 
 
 After this a number of young Indians were getting 
 their ears cut, and they urged me to have mine cut like- 
 wife; but they did not attempt to compel me, though 
 they endeavored to perfuade me. The principal argu 
 ments they ufed were its being a very great ornament, 
 and alfo the common fafhion The former I did not 
 believe, and the latter I could not deny. The way they 
 performed this operation was by cutting the flefhy part 
 of the circle of the ear clofe to the grifhle quite through. 
 When this was done they wrapt rags round this flefhy 
 part until it was entirely healed; then they hung lead to 
 it and ftretched it to a wonderful length: when it was 
 sufficiently ftretched, they wrapt the flefhy part round 
 with brafs wire, which formed it into a femicircle about 
 four inches diameter. 
 
 Many of the young men were now exercifing them- 
 felves in a game refembling foot ball; though they com 
 monly ftruck the ball with a crooked {lick, made for 
 that purpofe; alfo a game fomething like this, wherein 
 they ufed a wooden ball, about three inches diameter, 
 and the inftrument they moved it with was a ftrong ftaff 
 
7 8 Col. James Smith. 
 
 about five feet long, with a hoop net on the end of it, 
 large enough to contain the ball. Before they begin 
 the play, they lay off about half a mile diftance in a clear 
 plain, and the oppofite parties all attend at the centre, 
 where a difinterefled perfon cafts up the ball then the 
 opofite parties all contend for it. If any one gets it 
 into his net, he runs with it the way he wifb.es it to go, 
 and they all purfue him. If one of the oppofite party 
 overtakes the perfon with the ball, he gives the flaff a 
 ftroke which caufes the ball to fly out of the net; then 
 they have another debate for it; and if the one that 
 gets it can outrun all the oppofite party, and can carry 
 it quite out, or over the line at the end, the game is 
 won ; but this feldom happens. When any one is run 
 ning away with the ball, and is like to be overtaken, he 
 commonly throws it, and with this inflrument can caft 
 it fifty or fixty yards. Sometimes when the ball is al- 
 moft at the one end, matters will take a fudden turn, 
 and the oppofite party may quickly carry it out at the 
 other end. Oftentimes they will work a long while back 
 and forward before they can get the ball over the line, 
 or win the game. 
 
 About the firfl of June, 1757, the warriors were pre 
 paring to go to war, in the Wiandot, Pottowatomy, and 
 Ottawa towns; alfo a great many Jibewas came down 
 from the upper lakes ; and after finging their war fongs 
 and going through their common ceremonies, they 
 marched off againft the frontiers of Virginia, Maryland 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 79 
 
 and Pennfylvania, in their ufual manner, ringing the 
 travelling fong, flow firing, &c. 
 
 On the north fide of the river St. Laurence, oppofite 
 to Fort Detroit, there is an iiland, which the Indians 
 call the Long Ifland, and which they fay is above one 
 thoufand miles long, and in fome places above one hun 
 dred miles broad. They further fay that the great river 
 that comes down by Canefatauga and that empties into 
 the main branch of St. Laurence, above Montreal, orig 
 inates from one fource, with the St. Lawrence, and 
 forms this ifland. 
 
 Oppofite to Detroit, and below it, was originally a 
 prairie, and laid off in lots about fixty rods broad, and 
 a great length: each lot is divided into two fields, which 
 they cultivate year about. The principal grain that the 
 French raifed in thefe fields was fpring wheat and peas. 
 
 They built all their houfes on the front of thefe lots 
 on the river fide ; and as the banks of the river are very 
 low, fome of the houfes are not above three or four feet 
 above the furface of the water; yet they are in no dan 
 ger of being difturbed by frefhes, as the river feldom 
 rifes above eighteen inches ; becaufe it is the communi 
 cation, of the river St. Laurence, from one lake to 
 another. 
 
 As dwelling-houfes, barns, and ftables are all built on 
 the front of thefe lots ; at a diftance it appears like a 
 continued row of houfes in a town, on each fide of the 
 river for a long way. Thefe villages, the town, the river 
 
8o Col. James Smith. 
 
 and the plains, being all in view at once, affords a moft 
 delightful profpect. 
 
 The inhabitants here chiefly drink the river water ; 
 and as it comes from the northward it is very whole- 
 fome. 
 
 The land here is principally fecond rate, and compar 
 atively fpeaking, a fmall part is firft or third rate; tho 
 about four or five miles fouth of Detroit, there is a 
 fmall portion that is worfe than what I would call third 
 rate, which produces abundance of hurtle berries. 
 
 There is plenty of good meadow ground here, and a 
 great many marmes that are overfpread with water. 
 The timber is elm, fugar-tree, black-am, white-am, 
 abundance of water-am, oak, hickory, and fome walnut. 
 
 About the middle of June the Indians were almoft 
 all gone to war, from fixteen to fixty; yet Tecaughre- 
 tanego remained in town with me. Tho he had for 
 merly, when they were at war with the fouthern nations 
 been a great warrior, and an eminent counfellor ; and I 
 think as clear and as able a reafoner upon any fubjedl 
 that he had an opportunity of being acquainted with, as 
 I ever knew ; yet he had all along been againft this war, 
 and had ftrenuoufly oppofed it in council. He faid if 
 the Englim and French had a quarrel let them fight 
 their own battles themfelves ; it is not our bufinefs to 
 intermeddle therewith. 
 
 Before the warriors returned we were very fcarce of 
 provifion: and tho we did not commonly fteal from one 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 
 
 another; yet we ftole during this time any thing that 
 we could eat from the French, under the notion that it 
 was juft for us to do fo ; becaufe they fupported their 
 foldiers; and our fquaws, old men and children were 
 fuffering on the account of the war, as our hunters 
 were all gone. 
 
 Some time in Auguft the warriors returned, and 
 brought in with them a great many fcalps, prifoners, 
 horfes and plunder ; and the common report among the 
 young warriors, was, that they would intirely fubdue 
 Tulhafaga, that is the Englifh, or it might be literally 
 rendered the Morning Light inhabitants. 
 
 About the firft of November a number of families 
 were preparing to go on their winter hunt, and all 
 agreed to crofs the lake together. We encamped at 
 the mouth of the river the firft night, and a council 
 was held, whether we would crofs thro by the three 
 iflands, or coaft it round the lake. Thefe iflands lie 
 in a line acrofs the lake, and are juft in fight of each 
 other. Some of the Wiandots or Ottawas frequently 
 make their winter hunt on thefe iflands. Tho except 
 ing wild fowl and fifh, there is fcarcely any game here 
 but racoons which are amazingly plenty, and exceed 
 ing large and fat ; as they feed upon the wild rice, 
 which grows in abundance in wet places round thefe 
 iflands. It is faid that each hunter in one winter will 
 catch one thoufand racoons. 
 
 It is a received opinion among the Indians that the 
 ii 
 
82 Col. James Smith. 
 
 fnakes and racoons are tranfmutable ; and that a great 
 many of the fnakes turn racoons every fall, and racoons 
 fnakes every fpring. This notion is founded on ob- 
 fervations made on the fnakes and racoons in this ifland. 
 
 As the racoons here lodge in rocks, the trappers make 
 their wooden traps at the mouth of the holes; and as 
 they go daily to look at their traps, in the winter fea- 
 fon, they commonly find them filled with racoons; but 
 in the fpring or when the froft is out of the ground 
 they fay, they then find their traps filled with large 
 rattle fnakes. And therefore conclude that the racoons 
 are transformed. They alfo fay that the reafon why 
 they are fo remarkably plenty in the winter, is, every 
 fall the fnakes turn racoons again. 
 
 I told them that tho I had never .landed on any of 
 thefe iflands, yet from the unanimous accounts I had 
 received, I believed that both fnakes and racoons were 
 plenty there; but no doubt they all remained there both 
 fummer and winter, only the fnakes were not to be feen 
 in the latter ; yet I did not believe they were tranfmu 
 table. 
 
 Thefe iflands are but feldom vifited ; becaufe early in 
 the fpring and late in the fall it is dangerous failing in 
 their bark canoes; and in the fummer they are fo infefted 
 with various kinds of ferpents, (but chiefly rattle fnakes,) 
 that it is dangerous landing. 
 
 I mall now quit this digreffion, and return to the 
 refult of the council at the mouth of the river. We 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 83 
 
 concluded to coaft it round the lake, and in two days we 
 came to the mouth of the Miami of the Lake, and 
 landed on cedar point, where we remained feveral days. 
 Here we held a council, and concluded we would take a 
 driving hunt in concert, and in partnerfhip. 
 
 The river in this place is about a mile broad, and as 
 it and the lake forms a kind of neck, which terminates 
 in a point, all the hunters (which were fifty-three) went 
 up the river, and we fcattered ourfelves from the river 
 to the lake. When we firft began to move we were not in 
 fight of each other, but as we all raifed the yell, we could 
 move regularly together by the noife. At length we 
 came in fight of each other and appeared to be marching 
 in good order ; before we came to the point, both the 
 fquaws and boys in the canoes were fcattered up the 
 river, and along the lake, to prevent the deer from 
 making their efcape by water. As we advanced near the 
 point the guns began to crack flowly; and after fome 
 time the firing was like a little engagement. The fquaws 
 and boys were bufy tomahawking the deer in the water, 
 and we mooting them down on the land: We killed in 
 all about thirty deer: tho a great many made their 
 efcape by water. 
 
 We had now great feafting and rejoicing, as we had 
 plenty of homony, venifon, and wild fowl. The geefe at 
 this time appeared to be preparing to move fouthward 
 It might be afked what is meant by the geefe preparing to 
 move? The Indians reprefent them as holding a great 
 
84 Col. James Smith. 
 
 council at this time concerning the weather in order to 
 conclude upon a day, that they may all at or near one 
 time leave the Northern Lakes, and wing their way to 
 the fouthern bays. When matters are brought to a 
 conclufion and the time appointed that they are to take 
 wing, then they fay, a great number of expreffes are fent 
 off, in order to let the different tribes know the refult of 
 this council, that they may be all in readinefs to move 
 at the time appointed. As there is a great commotion 
 among the geefe at this time, it would appear by their 
 actions, that fuch a council had been held. Certain it 
 is, that they are led by inftinct to ad in concert and to 
 move off regularly after their leaders. 
 
 Here our company feparated. The chief part of 
 them went up the Miami river, that empties into Lake 
 Erie, at cedar point, whilft we proceeded on our journey 
 in company with Tecaughretanego, Tontileaugo, and 
 two families of the Wiandots. 
 
 As cold weather was now approaching, we began to 
 feel the doleful effects of extravagantly and foolifhly 
 fpending the large quantity of beaver we had taken in 
 our laft winter s hunt. We were all nearly in the fame 
 circumftances fcarcely one had a fhirt to his back; but 
 each of us had an old blanket which we belted round us 
 in the day, and flept in at night, with a deer or bear fkin 
 under us for our bed. 
 
 When we came to the falls of Sandulky, we buried 
 our birch bark canoes as ufual, at a large burying place 
 
Remarkable Occurrences^ Etc. 85 
 
 for that purpofe, a little below the falls. At this place 
 the river falls about eight feet over a rock, but not per 
 pendicular. With much difficulty we pufhed up our 
 wooden canoes, fome of us went up the river, and the 
 reft by land with the horfes, until we came to the great 
 meadows or prairies that lie between Sandufky and 
 Sciota. 
 
 When we came to this place we met with fome Ottawa 
 hunters, and agreed with them to take, what they call a 
 ring hunt, in partnership. We waited until we expected 
 rain was near falling to extinguifh the fire, and then we 
 kindled a large circle in the prairie. At this time, or 
 before the bucks began to run a great number of deer 
 lay concealed in the grafs, in the day, and moved about 
 in the night ; but as the fire burned in towards the cen 
 tre of the circle, the deer fled before the fire: the Indians 
 were fcattered alfo at fome diftance before the fire, and 
 mot them down every opportunity, which was very fre 
 quent, efpecially as the circle became fmall. When we 
 came to divide the deer, there were above ten to each 
 hunter, which were all killed in a few hours. The rain 
 did not come on that night to put out the out-fide cir 
 cle of the fire, and as the wind arofe, it extended thro 
 the whole prairie, which was about fifty miles in length, 
 and in fome places near twenty in breadth. This put 
 an end to our ring hunting this feafon, and was in other 
 refpects an injury to us in the hunting bufinefs; fo that 
 upon the whole we received more harm than benefit by 
 
86 Col. James Smith. 
 
 our rapid hunting frolic. We then moved from the 
 north end of the glades, and encamped at the carrying 
 place. 
 
 This place is in the plains betwixt a creek that emp 
 ties into Sandufky, and one that runs into Sciota: and 
 at the time of high water, or in the fpring feafon, there 
 is but about one half mile of portage, and that very 
 level, and clear of rocks, timber or ftones; fo that with 
 a little digging there may be water carriage the whole 
 way from Sciota to Lake Erie. 
 
 From the mouth of Sandufky to the falls is chiefly 
 firft rate land, lying flat or level, intermixed with large 
 bodies of clear meadows, where the grafs is exceeding 
 rank, and in many places three or four feet high. The 
 timber is oak, hickory, walnut, cherry, black-afh, elm, 
 fugar-tree, buckeye, locuft and beech. In fome places 
 there is wet timber land the timber in thefe places 
 is chiefly water-am, fycamore, or button-wood. 
 
 From the falls to the prairies, the land lies well to 
 the fun, it is neither too flat nor too hilly and chiefly 
 firft rate. The timber nearly the fame as below the 
 falls, excepting the water-afh. There is alfo here, fome 
 plats of beech land, that appears to be fecond rate, as 
 it frequently produces fpice-wood. The prairie appears 
 to be a tolerable fertile foil, tho in many places too 
 wet for cultivation; yet I apprehend it would produce 
 timber, were it only kept from fire. 
 
 The Indians are of the opinion that the fquirrels 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 87 
 
 plant all the timber; as they bury a number of nuts 
 for food, and only one at a place. When a fquirrel is 
 killed the various kinds of nuts thus buried will grow. 
 
 I have obferved that when thefe prairies have only 
 efcaped fire for one year, near where a {ingle tree flood, 
 there was a young growth of timber fuppofed to be 
 planted by the fquirrels ; but when the prairies were 
 again burned, all this young growth was immediately 
 confumed; as the fire rages in the grafs, to fuch a pitch, 
 that numbers of racoons are thereby burned to death. 
 
 On the weft fide of the prairie, or betwixt that and 
 Sciota, there is a large body of firft rate land the tim 
 ber, walnut, locuft, fugar-tree, buckeye, cherry, am, elm, 
 mulberry, plumb trees, fpicewood, black-haw, red-haw, 
 oak and hickory. 
 
 About the time the bucks quit running, Tontileaugo 
 his wife and children, Tecaughretanego, his fon Nun- 
 gany and myfelf left the Wiandot camps at the carrying 
 place, and crofTed the Sciota river at the fouth end of 
 the glades, and proceeded on about a fouth-weft courfe 
 to a large creek called Ollentangy, which I believe in 
 terlocks with the waters of the Miami, and empties 
 into Sciota on the weft fide thereof. From the fouth 
 end of the prairie to Ollentangy, there is a large quan 
 tity of beech land, intermixed with firft rate land. Here 
 we made our winter hut, and had confiderable fuccefs in 
 hunting. 
 
 After fome time one of Tontileaugo s ftep-fons, (a 
 
88 Col. James Smith. 
 
 lad about eight years of age) offended him, and he gave 
 the boy a moderate whipping, which much difpleafed 
 his Wiandot wife. She acknowledged that the boy was 
 guilty of a fault, but thought that he ought to have 
 been ducked, which is their ufual mode of chafhifement. 
 She faid me could not bear to have her fon whipped like 
 a fervant or (lave and me was fo difpleafed that when 
 Tontileaugo went out to hunt, me got her two horfes, 
 and all her effects, (as in this country the hufband and 
 wife have feparate interefts) and moved back to the 
 Wiandot camps that we had left. 
 
 When Tontileaugo returned, he was much disturbed 
 on hearing of his wife s elopement, and faid that he 
 would never go after her were it not that he was afraid 
 that me would get bewildered, and that his children that 
 me had taken with her, might fuffer. Tontileaugo went 
 after his wife, and when they met they made up the 
 quarrel, and he never returned ; but left Tecaughretan- 
 ego and his fon, (a boy about ten years of age) and 
 myfelf, who remained here in our hut all winter. 
 
 Tecaughretanego who had been a firft rate warior, 
 ftatefman and hunter ; and though he was now near 
 iixty years of age, he was yet equal to the common run 
 of hunters, but fubjecl: to the rheumatifm, which de 
 prived him of the ufe of his legs. 
 
 Shortly after Tontileaugo left us, Tecaughretanego 
 became lame, and could fcarcely walk out of our hut for 
 two months. I had confiderable fuccefs in hunting and 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 89 
 
 trapping. Though Tecaughretanego endured much 
 pain and mifery, yet he bore it all with wonderful 
 patience, and would often endeavor to entertain me 
 with chearful converfation. Sometimes he would ap 
 plaud me for my diligence, (kill and activity and at 
 other times he would take great care in giving me in- 
 rtructions concerning the hunting and trapping bufinefs. 
 He would alfo tell me that if I failed of fuccefs, we 
 would fuffer very much, as we were about forty miles 
 from any one living, that we knew of; yet he would 
 not intimate that he apprehended we were in any dan 
 ger, but flill fuppofed that I was fully adequate to the 
 tafk. 
 
 Tontileaugo left us a little before Chrifhmas, and 
 from that until fome time in February, we had always 
 plenty of bear meat, venifon, &c. During this time I 
 killed much more than we could ufe, but having no 
 horfes to carry in what I killed, I left part of it in the 
 woods. In February there came a fnow, with a cruft, 
 which made a great noife when walking on it, and 
 frightened away the deer ; and as bear and beaver were 
 fcarce here, we got entirely out of provifion. After I 
 had hunted two days without eating any thing, and had 
 very fhort allowance for fome days before, I returned 
 late in the evening faint and weary. When I came into 
 our hut, Tecaughretanego aiked what fuccefs ? I told 
 him not any. He afked me if I was not very hungry? 
 I replied that the keen appetite feemed to be in fome 
 
 12 
 
90 Col. James Smith. 
 
 meafure removed, but I was both faint and weary. He 
 commanded Nunganey his little fon, to bring me fome- 
 thing to eat, and he brought me a kettle with fome 
 bones and broth, after eating a few mouthfuls my ap 
 petite violently returned, and I thought the victuals had 
 a moil agreeable realifh, though it was only fox and wild 
 cat bones, which lay about the camp, which the ravens 
 and turkey-buzzards had picked thefe Nunganey had 
 collected and boiled, until the finews that remained on 
 the bones would ftrip off. I fpeedily finifhed my allow 
 ance, fuch as it was, and when I had ended my Jweet 
 repair., Tecaughretanego afked me how I felt ? I told 
 him that I was much refrefhed. He then handed me 
 his pipe and pouch, and told me to take a fmoke. I 
 did fo. He then faid he had fomething of importance 
 to tell me, if I was now compofed and ready to hear it. 
 I told him that I was ready to hear him. He faid the 
 reafon why he deferred his fpeech till now, was becaufe 
 few men are in a right humor to hear good talk, when 
 they are extremely hungry, as they are then generally 
 fretful and difcompofed ; but as you appear now to 
 enjoy calmnefs and ferenity of mind, I will now com 
 municate to you the thoughts of my heart, and thofe 
 things that I know to be true. 
 
 < Er other, 
 
 " As you have lived with the white people, you have 
 not had the fame advantage of knowing that the great 
 being above feeds his people, and gives them their meat 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 91 
 
 in due feafon, as we Indians have, who are frequently 
 out of provisions, and yet are wonderfully fupplied, and 
 that fo frequently that it is evidently the hand of the 
 great Owaneeyo* that doth this : whereas the white 
 people have commonly large flocks of tame cattle, that 
 they can kill when they pleafe, and alfo their barns and 
 cribs rilled with grain, and therefore have not the fame 
 opportunity of feeing and knowing that they are fup- 
 ported by the ruler of Heaven and Earth. 
 "Brother, 
 
 cc I know that you are now afraid that we will all 
 perim with hunger, but you have no juft reafon to fear 
 this. 
 
 " Brother, 
 
 " I have been young, but am now old I have been 
 frequently under the like circumftance that we now are, 
 and that fome time or other in almoft every year of my 
 life; yet, I have hitherto been fupported, and my wants 
 fupplied in time of need. 
 "Brother, 
 
 " Owaneeyo fome times fuffers us to be in want, in 
 order to teach us our dependance upon him, and to let 
 us know that we are to love and ferve him : and like- 
 wife to know the worth of the favors that we receive, 
 and to make us more thankful. 
 
 * This is the name of God, in their tongue, and fignifies the owner 
 and ruler of all things. 
 
92 Col. James Smith. 
 
 "Brother, 
 
 (( Be aflured that you will be fupplied with food, and 
 that juft in the right time ; but you muft continue dili 
 gent in the ufe of means go to fleep, and rife early in 
 the morning and go a hunting be ftrong and exert 
 yourfelf like a man, and the great fpirit will direct your 
 way." 
 
 The next morning I went out, and fleered about an 
 eaft courfe. I proceeded on flowly for about five miles, 
 and faw deer frequently, but as the cruft on the fnow 
 made a great noife, they were always running before I 
 fpied them, fo that I could not get a moot. A violent 
 appetite returned, and I became intolerably hungry ; 
 it was now that I concluded I would run off to Penn- 
 fylvania, my native country. As the fnow was on the 
 ground, and Indian hunters almoft the whole of the 
 way before me, I had but a poor profpect of making my 
 efcape; but my cafe appeared defperate. If I {laid here 
 I thought I would perim with hunger, and if I met with 
 Indians, they could but kill me. 
 
 I then proceeded on as faft as I could walk, and when 
 I got about ten or twelve miles from our hut, I came 
 upon frefh buffaloe tracks, I purfued after, and in a 
 fhort time came in fight of them, as they were pairing 
 through a fmall glade I ran with all my might, and 
 headed them, where I lay in ambulh, and killed a very 
 large cow. I immediately kindled a fire and began to 
 roafl meat, but could not wait till it was done I ate it 
 
Remarkable Occurrences^ Etc. 93 
 
 almoft raw. When hunger was abated I began to be 
 tenderly concerned for my old Indian brother, and the 
 little boy I had left in a perifhing condition. I made 
 hafte and packed up what meat I could carry, fecured 
 what I left from the wolves, and returned homewards. 
 
 I fcarcely thought on the old man s fpeech while I 
 was almoft diftracted with hunger, but on my return 
 was much affected with it, reflected on myfelf for my 
 hard-heartednefs and ingratitude, in attempting to run 
 off and leave the venerable old man and little boy to 
 perifh with hunger. I alfo confidered how remarkably 
 the old man s fpeech had been verified in our provi 
 dentially obtaining a fupply. I thought alfo of that 
 part of his fpeech which treated of the fractious difpofi- 
 tions of hungry people, which was the only excufe I 
 had for my bafe inhumanity, in attempting to leave 
 them in the moft deplorable fituation. 
 
 As it was moon-light, I got home to our hut, and 
 found the old man in his ufual good humor. He 
 thanked me for my exertion, and bid me fit down, as I 
 muft certainly be fatigued, and he commanded Nunganey 
 to make hafte and cook. I told him I would cook for 
 him, and let the boy lay fome meat on the coals, for 
 himfelf which he did, but ate it almoft raw, as I had 
 done. I immediately hung on the kettle with fome 
 water, and cut the beef in thin flices, and put them in : 
 when it had boiled awhile, I propofed taking it off 
 the fire, but the old man replied, " let it be done 
 
94 Col. James Smith. 
 
 enough." This he faid in as patient and unconcerned 
 a manner, as if he had not wanted one fingle meal. He 
 commanded Nunganey to eat no more beef at that time, 
 leaft he might hurt himfelf ; but told him to fit down, 
 and after fome time he might fup fome broth this 
 command he reluctantly obeyed. 
 
 When we were all refrefhed, Tecaughretanego deliv 
 ered a fpeech upon the neceffity and pleafure of receiving 
 the neceflary fupports of life with thankfulnefs, knowing 
 that Owaneeyo is the great giver. Such fpeeches from 
 an Indian, may be tho t by thofe who are unacquainted 
 with them, altogether incredible ; but when we reflect 
 on the Indian war, we may readily conclude that they 
 are not an ignorant or ftupid fort of people, or they 
 would not have been fuch fatal enemies. When they 
 came into our country they outwitted us and when we 
 lent armies into their country, they outgeneralled, and 
 beat us with inferior force. Let us alfo take into con- 
 fideration that Tecaughretanego was no common perfon, 
 but was among the Indians, as Socrates in the ancient 
 Heathen world ; and it may be, equal to him if not 
 in wifdom and learning, yet, perhaps in patience and 
 fortitude. Notwithstanding Tecaughretanego s uncom 
 mon natural abilities, yet in the fequel of this hiftory 
 you will fee the deficiency of the light of nature, unaided 
 by revelation, in this truly great man. 
 
 The next morning Tecaughretanego defired me to go 
 back and bring another load of buffaloe beef: As I 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 95 
 
 proceeded to do fo, about five miles from our hut I 
 found a bear tree. As a fapling, grew near the tree, and 
 reached near the hole that the bear went in at, I got dry 
 dozed or rotten wood, that would catch and hold fire 
 almoft as well as fpunk. This wood I tied up in 
 bunches, fixed them on my back, and then climbed up 
 the fapling, and with a pole, I put them touched with 
 fire, into the hole, and then came down and took my 
 gun in my hand. After fome time the bear came out, 
 and I killed and fkinned it, packed up a load of the 
 meat, (after fecuring the remainder from the wolves) 
 and returned home before night. On my return my 
 old brother and his fon were much rejoiced at my fuc- 
 cefs. After this we had plenty of provifion. 
 
 We remained here until fome time in April 1758. 
 At this time Tecaughretanego had recovered fo, that he 
 could walk about. We made a bark canoe, embarked, 
 and went down Ollentangy fome diftance, but the water 
 being low, we were in danger of fplitting our canoe upon 
 the rocks : therefore Tecaughretanego concluded we 
 would encamp on fhore, and pray for rain. 
 
 When we encamped, Tecaughretanego made himfelf 
 a fweat-houfe ; which he did by flicking a number of 
 hoops in the ground, each hoop forming a femi-circle 
 this he covered all round with blankets and fkins ; he 
 then prepared hot ftones, which he rolled into this hut, 
 and then went into it himfelf, with a little kettle of 
 water in his hand, mixed with a variety of herbs, which 
 
96 Col. James Smith. 
 
 he had formerly cured, and had now with him in his 
 pack they afforded an odoriferous perfume. When he 
 was in, he told me to pull down the blankets behind 
 him, and cover all up clofe, which I did, and then he 
 began to pour water upon the hot flones, and to ring 
 aloud. He continued in this vehement hot place about 
 fifteen minutes : all this he did in order to purify him- 
 felf before he would addrefs the Supreme Being. When 
 he came out of his fweat-houfe, he began to burn to 
 bacco and to pray. He began each petition with oh, ho, 
 ho, ho, which is a kind of afpiration, and iignifies an 
 ardent wifh. I obferved that all his petitions were 
 only for immediate, or prefent temporal bleffings. He 
 began his addrefs by thankfgiving, in the following 
 manner: 
 
 <c O great being! I thank thee that I have obtained 
 the ufe of my legs again that I am now able to walk 
 about and kill turkeys, &c. without feeling exquifite 
 pain and mifery: I know that thou art a hearer and a 
 helper, and therefore I will call upon thee. 
 
 "Oh, ho, ho, ho, 
 
 " Grant that my knees and ancles may be right well, 
 and that I may be able, not only to walk, but to run, 
 and to jump logs, as I did laft fall. 
 
 "Oh, ho, ho, ho, 
 
 " Grant that on this voyage we may frequently kill 
 bears, as they may be eroding the Sciota and San- 
 dufky. 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 97 
 
 "Oh, ho, ho, ho, 
 
 cc Grant that we may kill plenty of Turkeys along 
 the banks, to flew with our fat bear meat. 
 
 "OA, ho, ho, ho, 
 
 "Grant that rain may come to raife the Ollentangy 
 about two or three feet, that we may crofs in fafety down 
 to Sciota, without danger of our canoe being wrecked 
 on the rocks; and now, O great being! thou knoweft 
 how matters ftand thou knoweft that I am a great 
 lover of tobacco, and though I know not when I may 
 get any more, I now make a prefent of the laft I have 
 unto thee, as a free burnt offering; therefore I expect 
 thou wilt hear and grant thefe requefts, and I thy fervant 
 will return thee thanks, and love thee for thy gifts." 
 
 During the whole of this fcene I fat by Tecaughre- 
 tanego, and as he went through it with the greateft 
 folemnity, I was ferioufly affected with his prayers. I 
 remained duly compofed until he came to the burning 
 of the tobacco, and as I knew that he was a great lover 
 of it, and faw him caft the laft of it into the fire, it 
 excited in me a kind of meriment, and I infenfibly 
 fmiled. Tecaughretanego obferved me laughing, which 
 difpleafed him, and occafloned him to addrefs me in the 
 following manner. 
 "Brother, 
 
 "I have fomewhat to fay to you, and I hope you 
 will not be offended when I tell you of your faults. 
 You know that when you were reading your books in 
 3 
 
98 Col. James Smith. 
 
 town, I would not let the boys or any one diflurb 
 you ; but now when I was praying, I faw you laughing. 
 I do not think that you look upon praying as a foolifh 
 thing ; I believe you pray yourfelf. But perhaps you 
 may think my mode, or manner of prayer foolifh ; if 
 fo, you ought in a friendly manner to inftru6l me, and 
 not make fport of facred things." 
 
 I acknowledged my error, and on this he handed me 
 his pipe to fmoke, in token of friendfhip and recon 
 ciliation; though at that time he had nothing to fmoke, 
 but red-willow bark. I told him fomething of the 
 method of reconciliation with an offended God, as re 
 vealed in my Bible, which I had then in poffeffion. 
 He faid that he liked my ftory better than that of the 
 French priefts, but he thought that he was now too old 
 to begin to learn a new religion, therefore he mould 
 continue to worfhip God in the way that he had been 
 taught, and that if falvation or future happinefs was to 
 be had in his way of worfhip, he expected he would 
 obtain it, and if it was inconfiftent with the honor of 
 the great fpirit to accept of him in his own way of wor 
 fhip, he hoped that Owaneeyo would accept of him in 
 the way I had mentioned, or in fome other way, though 
 he might now be ignorant of the channel through which 
 favor or mercy might be conveyed. He faid that he 
 believed that Owaneeyo would hear and help every one 
 that fincerely waited upon him. 
 
 Here we may fee how far the light of nature could 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 99 
 
 go ; perhaps we fee it here almoft in its higheft extent. 
 Notwithstanding the juft views that this great man en 
 tertained of Providence, yet we now fee him (though he 
 acknowledged his guilt) expecting to appeafe the Deity, 
 and procure his favor, by burning a little tobacco. We 
 may obferve that all Heathen nations, as far as we can 
 find out either by tradition or the light of Nature, 
 agree with Revelation in this, that facrifice is neceflary, 
 or that fome kind of atonement is to be made, in 
 order to remove guilt, and reconcile them to God. 
 This, accompanied with numberlefs other witnefles, is 
 fufficient evidence of the rationality the truth of the 
 Scriptures. 
 
 A few days after Tecaughretanego had gone through 
 his ceremonies, and finifhed his prayers, the rain came 
 and raifed the creek a fufficient height, fo that we parTed 
 in fafety down to Sciota, and proceeded up to the car 
 rying place. Let us now defcribe the land on this route, 
 from our winter hut, and down Ollentangy to the Sci 
 ota, and up it to the carrying place. 
 
 About our winter cabbin is chiefly firft and fecond rate 
 land. A confiderable way up Ollentangy on the fouth- 
 weft fide thereof, or betwixt it and the Miami, there is 
 a very large prairie, and from this prairie down Ollen 
 tangy to Sciota, is generally firft rate land. The timber 
 is walnut, fugar-tree, am, buckeye, locuft, wild-cherry, 
 and fpice-wood, intermixed with fome oak and beech. 
 From the mouth of Ollentangy on the eaft fide of Sciota, 
 
ioo Col. James Smith. 
 
 up to the carrying place, there is a large body of firft 
 and fecond rate land, and tolerably well watered. The 
 timber is am, fugar-tree, walnut, locuft, oak, and beech. 
 Up near the carrying place, the land is a little hilly, but 
 the foil good. 
 
 We proceeded from this place down Sandufky, and 
 in our pafTage we killed four bears, and a number of 
 turkeys. Tecaughretanego appeared now fully per- 
 fuaded that all this came in anfwer to his prayers and 
 who can fay with any degree of certainty that it was 
 not fo ? 
 
 When we came to the little lake at the mouth of San 
 dufky we called at a Wiandot town that was then there, 
 called Sunyendeand. Here we diverted ourfelves fev- 
 eral days, by catching rock-rim in a fmall creek, the 
 name of which is alfo Sunyendeand, which fignifies 
 Rock-Fim. They timed in the night, with lights, and 
 ftruck the fifh with giggs or fpears. The rock-rim here, 
 when they begin firft to run up the creek to fpawn, are 
 exceeding fat, and fufficient to fry themfelves. The 
 firft night we fcarcely caught fifh enough for prefent 
 ufe, for all that was in the town. 
 
 The next morning I met with a prifoner at this place, 
 by the name of Thompfon, who had been taken from 
 Virginia: he told me if the Indians would only omit 
 difturbing the fifh for one night, he could catch more 
 fifh than the whole town could make ufe of. I told 
 Mr. Thompfon that if he was certain that he could do 
 
Remarkable Occurrences , Etc. 101 
 
 this, that I would ufe my influence with the Indians, to 
 let the fifh alone for one night. I applied to the chiefs, 
 who agreed to my propofal, and faid they were anxious 
 to fee what the Great Knife (as they called the Virgin 
 ian) could do. Mr. Thompfon, with the afliftance of 
 fome other prifoners, fet to work, and made a hoop net 
 of Elm bark : they then cut down a tree acrofs the 
 creek, and ftuck in flakes at the lower fide of it, to pre 
 vent the fifh from pafling up, leaving only a gap at the 
 one fide of the creek: here he fat with his net, and 
 when he felt the fifh touch the net he drew it up, and 
 frequently would hawl out two or three rock-fiih that 
 would weigh about five or fix pounds each. He con 
 tinued at this until he had hawled out about a waggon 
 load, and then left the gap open, in order to let them 
 pafs up, for they could not go far, on account of the 
 fhallow water. Before day Mr. Thompfon fhut it up, 
 to prevent them from paffing down, in order to let the 
 Indians have fome diverfion in killing them in daylight. 
 When the news of the fifh came to town, the Indians 
 all collected, and with furprize beheld the large heap of 
 fifh, and applauded the ingenuity of the Virginian. 
 When they faw the number of them that were confined 
 in the water above the tree, the young Indians ran back 
 to the town, and in a fhort time returned with their 
 fpears, giggs, bows and arrows, &c. and were the chief 
 of that day engaged in killing rock-fifh, infomuch that 
 we had more than we could ufe or preferve. As we had 
 
IO2 Col. James Smith. 
 
 no fait, or any way to keep them, they lay upon the 
 banks, and after fome time great numbers of turkey- 
 buzzards and eagles collected together and devoured 
 them. 
 
 Shortly after this we left Sunyendeand, and in three 
 days arrived at Detroit, where we remained this fum- 
 mer. 
 
 Some time in^May we heard that General Forbes, 
 with feven thoufand men was preparing to carry on a 
 campaign againfl Fort DuQuefne, which then flood near 
 where Fort Pitt was afterwards erected. Upon receiv 
 ing this news a number of runners were fent off by the 
 French commander at Detroit, to urge the different 
 tribes of Indian warriors to repair to Fort DuQuefne. 
 
 Some time in July 1758, the Ottowas, Jibewas, Poto- 
 watomies and Wiandots rendezvoufed at Detroit, and 
 marched off to Fort DuQuefne, to prepare for the en 
 counter of General Forbes. The common report was, 
 that they would ferve him as they did General Brad- 
 dock, and obtain much plunder. From this time, until 
 fall, we had frequent accounts of Forbes s army, by 
 Indian runners that were fent out to watch their motion. 
 They fpied them frequently from the mountains ever 
 after they left Fort Loudon. Notwithftanding their 
 vigilence, colonel Grant with his Highlanders ftole a 
 march upon them, and in the night took pofTefTion of a 
 hill about eighty rod from Fort DuQuefne : this hill 
 is on that account called Grant s hill to this day. The 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 103 
 
 French and Indians knew not that Grant and his men 
 were there until they beat the drum and played upon 
 the bag-pipes, juft at day-light. They then flew to 
 arms, and the Indians ran up under covert of the banks 
 of Allegheny and Monongahela, for fome diftance, and 
 then fallied out from the banks of the rivers, and took 
 porTeffion of the hill above Grant ; and as he was on 
 the point of it in fight of the fort, they immediately 
 furrounded him, and as he had his Highlanders in ranks, 
 and very clofe order, and the Indians fcattered, and con 
 cealed behind trees, they defeated him with the lofs only 
 of a few warriors: moil of the Highlanders were killed 
 or taken prifoners. 
 
 After this defeat the Indians held a council, but were 
 divided in their opinions. Some faid that general 
 Forbes would now turn back, and go home the way 
 that he came, as Dunbar had done when General Brad- 
 dock was defeated : others fuppofed he would come on. 
 The French urged the Indians to ftay and fee the event: 
 but as it was hard for the Indians to be abfent from 
 their fquaws and children, at this feafon of the year, a 
 great many of them returned home to their hunting. 
 After this, the remainder of the Indians, fome French 
 regulars, and a number of Canadians, marched off in 
 queft of General Forbes. They met his army near 
 Fort Ligoneer, and attacked them, but were frustrated 
 in their defign. They faid that Forbes s men were be 
 ginning to learn the art of war, and that there were a 
 
IO4 Col. James Smith. 
 
 great number of American riflemen along with the red 
 coats, who Scattered out, took trees, and were good 
 marks-men; therefore they found they could not accom- 
 plifh their deflgn, and were obliged to retreat. When 
 they returned from the battle to Fort DuQuefne, the 
 Indians concluded that they would go to their hunting. 
 The French endeavored to perfuade them to flay and 
 try another battle. The Indians faid if it was only the 
 red-coats they had to do with, they could foon fubdue 
 them, but they could not withftand Aflialecoa, or the 
 Great Knife, which was the name they gave the Virgin 
 ians. They then returned home to their hunting, and 
 the French evacuated the fort, which General Forbes 
 came and took pofleffion of without further oppofition, 
 late in the year 1758, and at this time began to build 
 Fort Pitt. 
 
 When Tecaughretanego had heard the particulars of 
 Grant s defeat, he faid that he could not well account 
 for his contradictory and inconflftent conduct. He faid 
 as the art of war conflfts in ambufhing and furprizing 
 our enemies, and in preventing them from ambufhing 
 and furprizing us; Grant, in the firft place, acted like a 
 wife and experienced officer, in artfully approaching in 
 the night without being difcovered ; but when he came 
 to the place, and the Indians were lying afleep outride 
 of the fort, between him and the Allegheny river, in 
 place of flipping up quietly, and falling upon them 
 with their broad fwords, they beat the drums and played 
 
Remarkable Occurrences , Etc. 105 
 
 upon the bag-pipes. He faid he could account for 
 this inconfiftent conduct no other way than by fuppofmg 
 that he had made too free with fpirituous liquors during 
 the night, and became intoxicated about day-light. But 
 to return : 
 
 This year we hunted up Sandufky, and down Sciota, 
 took nearly the fame route that we had done the laft 
 hunting feafon. We had confiderable fuccefs, and re 
 turned to Detroit fome time in April 1759. 
 
 Shortly after this, Tecaughretanego, his fon Nungany 
 and myfelf, went from Detroit, (in an elm bark canoe) 
 to Caughnewaga, a very ancient Indian town, about 
 nine miles above Montreal, where I remained until 
 about the firft of July. I then heard of a French fhip 
 at Montreal that had Englim prifoners on board, in 
 order to carry them over fea, and exchange them. I 
 went privately off from the Indians, and got alfo on 
 board; but as general Wolfe had ftopped the River St. 
 Laurence, we were all fent to prifon at Montreal, where 
 I remained four months. Some time in November we 
 were all fent off from this place to Cr6wn Point, and 
 exchanged. 
 
 Early in the year 1760, I came home to Conoco- 
 cheague, and found that my people could never afcer- 
 tain whether I was killed or taken, until my return. 
 They received me with great joy, but were furprifed to 
 fee me fo much like an Indian, both in my gait and 
 geflure. 
 
106 Col. James Smith. 
 
 Upon enquiry, I found that my fweet-heart was mar 
 ried a few days before I arrived. My feelings I muft 
 leave on this occafion, for thofe of my readers to judge, 
 who have felt the pangs of difappointed love, as it is 
 impoffible now for me to defcribe the emotion of foul I 
 felt at that time. 
 
 Now there was peace with the Indians which lafted 
 until the year 1763. Sometime in May, this year, I 
 married, and about that time the Indians again com 
 menced hoftilities, and were bufily engaged in killing 
 and fcalping the frontier inhabitants in various parts of 
 Pennfylvania. The whole Conococheague Valley, from 
 the North to the South Mountain, had been almoft en 
 tirely evacuated during Braddock s war. This ftate was 
 then a Quaker government, and at the firft of this war 
 the frontiers received no affiftance from the ftate. As 
 the people were now beginning to live at home again, 
 they thought hard to be drove away a fecond time, and 
 were determined if poffible, to make a ftand: therefore 
 they raifed as much money by collections and fubfcrip- 
 tions, as would pay a company of rifle-men for feveral 
 months. The fubfcribers met and elected a committee 
 to manage the bufinefs. The committee appointed me 
 captain of this company of rangers, and gave me the 
 appointment of my fubalterns. I chofe two of the moft 
 active young men that I could find, who had alfo been 
 long in captivity with the Indians. As we enlifted our 
 men, we drefled them uniformly in the Indian manner, 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 107 
 
 with breech-clouts, leggins, mockefons and green fhrouds, 
 which we wore in the fame manner that the Indians do, 
 and nearly as the Highlanders wear their plaids. In 
 place of hats we wore red handkerchiefs, and painted our 
 faces red and black, like Indian warriors. I taught them 
 the Indian difcipline, as I knew of no other at that 
 time, which would anfwer the purpofe much better than 
 Britim. We fucceeded beyond expectation in defending 
 the frontiers, and were extolled by our employers. 
 Near the conclufion of this expedition, I accepted of an 
 enfign s commirlion in the regular fervice, under King 
 George, in what was then called the Pennfylvania line. 
 Upon my refignation, my lieutenant fucceeded me in 
 command, the reft of the time they were to ferve. In 
 the fall (the fame year) I went on the Sufquehannah 
 campaign, againft the Indians, under the command of 
 General Armftrong. In this route we burnt the Dela 
 ware and Monfey towns, on the Weft Branch of the 
 Sufquehannah, and deftroyed all their corn. 
 
 In the year 1764, I received a lieutenant s commirlion, 
 and went out on General Bouquet s campaign againft 
 the Indians on the Mufkingum. Here we brought 
 them to terms, and promifed to be at peace with them, 
 upon condition that they would give up all our people 
 that they had then in captivity among them. They 
 then delivered unto us three hundred of the prifoners, 
 and faid that they could not colled: them all at this time, 
 as it was now late in the year, and they were far feat- 
 
io8 Col. James Smith. 
 
 tered; but they promifed that they would bring them 
 all into Fort Pitt early next fpring, and as fecurity that 
 they would do this, they delivered to us fix of their 
 chiefs, as hoftages. Upon this we fettled a ceflation of 
 arms for fix months, and promifed upon their fulfilling 
 the aforefaid condition, to make with them a permanent 
 peace. 
 
 A little below Fort Pitt the hoftages all made their 
 efcape. Shortly after this the Indians ftole horfes, 
 and killed fome people on the frontiers. The king s 
 proclamation was then circulating and fet up in various 
 public places, prohibiting any perfon from trading with 
 the Indians, until further orders. 
 
 Notwithftanding all this, about the firft of March 
 1765, a number of waggons loaded with Indian goods, 
 and warlike ftores, were fent from Philadelphia to Henry 
 Pollen s, Conococheague, and from thence feventy pack- 
 horfes were loaded with thefe goods, in order to carry 
 them to Fort Pitt. This alarmed the country, and Mr. 
 William Duffield raifed about fifty armed men, and met 
 the pack-horfes at the place where Mercerfburg now 
 {lands. Mr. Duffield defired the employers to ftore up 
 their goods, and not proceed until further orders. They 
 made light of this, and went over the North Mountain, 
 where they lodged in a fmall valley called the Great 
 Cove. Mr. Duffield and his party followed after, and 
 came to their lodging, and again urged them to ftore up 
 their goods: He reafoned with them on the impro- 
 
Remarkable Occurrences > Etc. 109 
 
 priety of their proceedings, and the great danger the 
 frontier inhabitants would be expofed to, if the Indians 
 fhould now get a fupply: He faid as it was well known 
 that they had fcarcely any amunition, and were almoft 
 naked, to fupply them now, would be a kind of murder, 
 and would be illegally trading at the expence of the 
 blood and treafure of the frontiers. Notwithftanding 
 his powerful reafoning, thefe traders made game of what 
 he faid, and would only anfwer him by ludicrous bur- 
 lefque. 
 
 When I beheld this, and found that Mr. Duffield 
 would not compel them to ftore up their goods, I col 
 lected ten of my old warriors, that I had formerly dis 
 ciplined in the Indian way, went off privately, after 
 night, and encamped in the woods. The next day, as 
 ufual, we blacked and painted, and waylayed them near 
 Sidelong Hill. I fcattered my men about forty rod 
 along the fide of the road, and ordered every two to 
 take a tree, and about eight or ten rod between each 
 couple, with orders to keep a referve fire, one not to 
 fire until his comrade had loaded his gun by this 
 means we kept up a conftant, flow fire, upon them from 
 front to rear: We then heard nothing of thefe trader s 
 merriment or burlefque. When they faw their pack- 
 horfes falling clofe by them, they called out pray gentle 
 men^ what would you have us to do? The reply was, 
 colleft all your loads to the front ^ and unload them in one 
 place; take your private property^ and immediately retire. 
 
no Col. James Smith. 
 
 When they were gone, we burnt what they left, which 
 confifted of blankets, fhirts, vermillion, lead, beads, 
 wampum, tomahawks, fcalping knives, &c. 
 
 The traders went back to Fort Loudon, and applied 
 to the commanding officer there, and got a party of 
 Highland foldiers, and went with them in quefl of the 
 robbers, as they called us, and without applying to a 
 magiflrate, or obtaining any civil authority, but barely 
 upon fufpicion, they took a number of creditable perfons 
 prifoners, (who were chiefly not in any way concerned in 
 this action) and confined them in the guard-houfe in Fort 
 Loudon. I then raifed three hundred riflemen, marched 
 to Fort Loudon, and encamped on a hill in fight of the 
 fort. We were not long there, until we had more than 
 double as many of the Britifh troops prifoners in our 
 camp, as they had of our people in the guard-houfe. 
 Captain Grant, a Highland officer, who commanded 
 Fort Loudon, then fent a flag of truce to our camp, 
 where we fettled a cartel, and gave them above two for 
 one, which enabled us to redeem all our men from the 
 guard-houfe, without further difficulty. 
 
 After this Captain Grant kept a number of rifle guns, 
 which the Highlanders had taken from the country peo 
 ple, and refufed to give them up. As he was riding out 
 one day, we took him prifoner, and detained him until 
 he delivered up the arms; we alfo deftroyed a large 
 quantity of gun-powder that the traders had ftored up, 
 left it might be conveyed privately to the Indians. The 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 1 1 1 
 
 king s troops, and our party, had now got entirely out 
 of the channel of the civil law, and many unjuftifiable 
 things were done by both parties. This convinced me 
 more than ever I had been before, of the abfolute neces- 
 fity of the civil law, in order to govern mankind. 
 
 About this time the following fong was compofed by 
 Mr. George Campbell (an Irifh gentleman, who had 
 been educated in Dublin) and was frequently fung to 
 the tune of the Black Joke: 
 
 1. Ye patriot fouls who love to fmg. 
 What ferves your country and your king, 
 
 In wealth, peace and royal eftate ; 
 Attention give whilft I rehearfe, 
 A modern fa&, in jingling verfe, 
 How party intereft ftrove what it cou d, 
 To profit itfelf by public blood, 
 
 But juftly met its merited fate. 
 
 2. Let all thofe Indian traders claim, 
 Their juft reward, inglorious fame, 
 
 For vile bafe and treacherous ends. 
 To Poliins, in the fpring they fent, 
 Much warlike {lores, with an intent, 
 To carry them to our barbarous foes, 
 Expeding that no-body dare oppofe, 
 
 A prefent to their Indian friends. 
 
 3. Aftonim d at the wild defign, 
 Frontier inhabitants combin d, 
 
 With brave fouls, to flop their career, 
 
112 Col. James Smith. 
 
 Although fome men apoftatiz d, 
 Who firft the grand attempt advis d, 
 The bold frontiers they bravely flood, 
 To a& for their king and their country s good, 
 In joint league, and ftrangers to fear. 
 
 4. On March the fifth, in fixty-five, 
 Their Indian prefents did arrive, 
 
 In long pomp and cavalcade, 
 Near Sidelong Hill, where in difguife, 
 Some patriots did their train furprize, 
 And quick as lightning tumbled their loads, 
 And kindled them bonfires in the woods, 
 
 And moitly burnt their whole brigade. 
 
 5. At Loudon, when they heard the news, 
 They fcarcely knew which way to choofe, 
 
 For blind rage and difcontent ; 
 At length fome foldiers they fent out, 
 With guides for to conduct the route, 
 And feized fome men that were traveling there, 
 And hurried them into Loudon where 
 
 They laid them faft with one confent. 
 
 6. But men of refolution thought, 
 
 Too much to fee their neighbors caught, 
 
 For no crime but falfe furmife ; 
 Forthwith they join d a warlike band, 
 And march d to Loudon out of hand, 
 And kept the jailors prif ners there, 
 Until our friends enlarged were, 
 Without fraud or any difguife. 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 113 
 
 7. Let mankind cenfure or commend, 
 This ram performance in the end, 
 
 Then both fides will find their account. 
 Tis true no law can juftify, 
 To burn our neighbors property, 
 But when this property is defign d, 
 To ferve the enemies of mankind, 
 
 It s high treafon in the amount. 
 
 After this we kept up a guard of men on the fron 
 tiers, for feveral months, to prevent fupplies being fent 
 to the Indians, until it was proclaimed that Sir William 
 Johnfon had made peace with them, and then we let the 
 traders pafs unmolefled. 
 
 In the year 1766, I heard that Sir William Johnfon, 
 the king s agent for fettling affairs with the Indians, 
 had purchafed from them all the land weft of the Appa 
 lachian Mountains, that lay between the Ohio and the 
 Cherokee River; and as I knew by converfing with the 
 Indians in their own tongue, that there was a large body 
 of rich land there, I concluded I would take a tour weft- 
 ward, and explore that country. 
 
 I fet out about the laft of June, 1766, and went in 
 the firft place to Holftein River, and from thence I 
 travelled weftward in company with Jofhua Horton, 
 Uriah Stone, William Baker, and James Smith, who 
 came from near Carlifle. There was only four white 
 men of us, and a mulatto (lave about eighteen years of 
 
ii4 Cl- James Smith. 
 
 age, that Mr. Horton had with him. We explored the 
 country fouth of Kentucky, and there was no more fign 
 of white men there then, than there is now weft of the 
 head waters of the Miffouri. We alfo explored Cum 
 berland and Tenneffee Rivers, from Stone s* River down 
 to the Ohio. 
 
 When we came to the mouth of Tenneffee my fellow 
 travellers concluded that they would proceed on to the 
 Illinois, and fee fome more of the land to the weft: this 
 I would not agree to. As I had already been longer from 
 home than what I expected, I thought my wife would be 
 diftreffed, and think I was killed by the Indians; there 
 fore I concluded that I would return home. I fent my 
 horfe with my fellow travellers to the Illinois, as it was 
 difficult to take a horfe through the mountains. My 
 comrades gave me the greateft part of the amunition 
 they then had, which amounted only to half a pound of 
 powder, and lead equivalent. Mr. Horton alfo lent me 
 his mulatto boy, and I then fet off through the wildernefs, 
 for Carolina. 
 
 About eight days after I left my company at the 
 mouth of Tenneffee, on my journey eaftward, I got a 
 cane ftab in my foot, which occasioned my leg to fwell, 
 and I fuffered much pain. I was now in a doleful fitu- 
 
 * Stone s River is a fouth branch of Cumberland, and empties into 
 it above Nafhville. We firft gave it this name in our journal in May 
 1767, after one of my fellow travellers, Mr. Uriah Stone, and I am 
 told that it retains the fame name unto this day. 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 1 1 5 
 
 far from any of the human fpecies, excepting 
 black Jamie, or the favages, and I knew not when I 
 might meet with them my cafe appeared defperate, and 
 I thought fomething muft be done. All the furgical 
 instruments I had, was a knife, a mockafon awl, and a 
 pair of bullit moulds with thefe I determined to draw 
 the fnag from my foot, if poffible. I fluck the awl in 
 the fkin, and with the knife I cut the flem away from 
 around the cane, and then I commanded the mulatto 
 fellow to catch it with the bullit moulds, and pull it 
 out, which he did. When I faw it, it feemed a mock 
 ing thing to be in any perfon s foot; it will therefore be 
 fuppofed that I was very glad to have it out. The black 
 fellow attended upon me, and obeyed my directions 
 faithfully. I ordered him to fearch for Indian medi 
 cine, and told him to get me a quantity of bark from 
 the root of a lynn tree, which I made him beat on a 
 ftone, with a tomahawk, and boil it in a kettle, and with 
 the ooze I bathed my foot and leg: what remained 
 when I had finifhed bathing, I boiled to a jelly, and 
 made poultices thereof. As I had no rags, I made ufe 
 of the green mofs that grows upon logs, and wrapped it 
 round with elm bark: by this means (fimple as it may 
 feem) the fwelling and inflamation in a great meafure 
 abated. As ftormy weather appeared, I ordered Jamie 
 to make us a melter, which he did by erecting forks and 
 poles, and covering them over with cane tops, like a 
 fodder-houfe. It was but about one hundred yards 
 
1 1 6 Col. James Smith. 
 
 from a large buffaloe road. As we were almoft out of 
 provifion, I commanded Jamie to take my gun, and I 
 went along as well as I could, concealed myfelf near the 
 road, and killed a buffaloe. When this was done, we 
 j irked* the lean, and fryed the tallow out of the fat 
 meat, which we kept to ftew with our jirk as we needed 
 it. 
 
 While I lay at this place, all the books I had to read, 
 was a Pfalm Book, and Watts upon Prayer. Whilft in 
 this fituation I compofed the following verfes, which I 
 then frequently fung. 
 
 j. Six weeks I ve in this defart been, 
 
 With one mulatto lad, 
 Excepting this poor ftupid flave, 
 No company I had. 
 
 2. In folitude I here remain, 
 
 A cripple very fore, 
 No friend or neighbor to be found, 
 My cafe for to deplore. 
 
 3. I m far from home, far from the wife, 
 
 Which in my bofom lay, 
 Far from my children dear, which ufed 
 Around me for to play. 
 
 *Jirk is a name well known by the hunters, and frontier inhabitants, 
 for meat cut in fmall pieces and laid on a fcaffold, over a flow fire, 
 whereby it is roafled till it is thoroughly dry. 
 
Remarkable Occurrences , Etc. 117 
 
 4. This doleful circumftance cannot 
 
 My happinefs prevent, 
 While peace of confcience I enjoy, 
 Great comfort and content. 
 
 I continued in this place until I could walk {lowly, 
 without crutches. As I now lay near a great buffaloe 
 road, I was afraid that the Indians might be pafling that 
 way, and difcover my fire-place, therefore I moved off 
 fome diftance, where I remained until I killed an elk. 
 As my foot was yet fore, I concluded that I would ftay 
 here until it was healed, left by travelling too foon it 
 might again be inflamed. 
 
 In a few weeks after, I proceeded on, and in October 
 I arrived in Carolina. I had now been eleven months 
 in the wildernefs, and during this time I neither faw 
 bread, money, women, or fpirituous liquors; and three 
 months of which I faw none of the human fpecies, except 
 Jamie. 
 
 When I came into the fettlement my clothes were 
 almoft worn out, and the boy had nothing on him that 
 ever was fpun. He had buck-fkin leggins, mockafons, 
 and breech-clout a bear-fkin drefled with the hair on, 
 which he belted about him, and a racoon-fkin cap. I 
 had not travelled far after I came in before I was 
 ftrictly examined by the inhabitants. I told them the 
 truth, and where I came from, &c. but my ftory 
 appeared fo ftrange to them, that they did not believe 
 
1 1 8 Col. James Smith. 
 
 me. They faid they had never heard of any one coming 
 through the mountains from the mouth of TennefTee ; 
 and if any one would undertake fuch a journey, furely 
 no man would lend him his flave. They faid that they 
 thought that all I had told them were lies, and on fus- 
 picion they took me into cuftody, and fet a guard over 
 me. 
 
 While I was confined here, I met with a reputable 
 old acquaintance, who voluntarily became my voucher; 
 and alfo told me of a number of my acquaintances that 
 now lived near this place, who had moved from Penn- 
 fylvania On this being made public, I was liberated. 
 I went to a magiflrate, and obtained a pafs, and one of 
 my old acquaintances made me a prefent of a fhirt. I 
 then caft away my old rags, and all the clothes I now had 
 was an old beaver hat, buck-fkin leggins, mockafons, and 
 a new fhirt; alfo an old blanket, which I commonly car 
 ried on my back in good weather. Being thus equipp 
 ed, I marched on, with my white fnirt loofe, and Jamie 
 with his bear-fkin about him : myfelf appearing white, 
 and Jamie very black, alarmed the dogs where-ever we 
 came, fo that they barked violently. The people fre 
 quently came out and afked me where we came from, 
 &c. I told them the truth, but they, for the moft part 
 fufpected my fbory, and I generally had to mew them 
 my pafs. In this way I came on to Fort ChifTel, where 
 I left Jamie at Mr. Horton s negro-quarter, according 
 to promife. I went from thence to Mr. George Adams s, 
 
Remarkable Occurrences., Etc. 1 1 9 
 
 on Reed Creek, where I had lodged, and where I had left 
 my clothes, as I was going out from home. When I 
 drefled myfelf in good clothes, and mounted on horfeback, 
 no man ever afked me for a pafs ; therefore I concluded 
 that a horfe-thief, or even a robber, might pafs without 
 interruption, provided he was only well-drefTed, whereas 
 the fhabby villain would be immediately detected. 
 
 I returned home to Conococheague, in the fall 1767. 
 When I arrived, I found that my wife and friends had 
 defpaired of ever feeing me again, as they had heard 
 that I was killed by the Indians, and my horfe brought 
 into one of the Cherokee towns. 
 
 In the year 1769, the Indians again made incurfions 
 on the frontiers ; yet, the traders continued carrying 
 goods and warlike ftores to them. The frontiers took 
 the alarm, and a number of perfons collected, deflroyed 
 and plundered a quantity of their powder, lead, &c. in 
 Bedford county. Shortly after this, fome of thefe per 
 fons, with others, were apprehended and laid in irons in 
 the guard-houfe in Fort Bedford, on fufpicion of being 
 the perpetrators of this crime. 
 
 Though I did not altogether approve of the conduct 
 of this new club of black-boys, yet I concluded that 
 they mould not lie in irons in the guard-houfe, or 
 remain in confinement, by arbitrary or military power. 
 I refolved therefore, if poflible, to releafe them, if they 
 even mould be tried by the civil law afterwards. I col 
 lected eighteen of my old black-boys, that I had feen 
 
12O Col. James Smith. 
 
 tried in the Indian war, &c. I did not defire a large 
 party, left they fhould be too much alarmed at Bedford, 
 and accordingly prepare for us. We marched along the 
 public road in day-light, and made no fecret of our 
 defign : We told thofe whom we met, that we were 
 going to take Fort Bedford, which appeared to them 
 a very unlikely ftory. Before this I made it known to 
 one William Thompfon, a man whom I could truft, 
 and who lived there : him I employed as a fpy, and 
 fent him along on horfe-back, before, with orders to 
 meet me at a certain place near Bedford, one hour before 
 day. The next day a little before fun-fet we encamped 
 near the croffings of Juniata, about fourteen miles from 
 Bedford, and erected tents, as though we intended ftay- 
 ing all night, and not a man in my company knew to 
 the contrary, fave myfelf. Knowing that they would 
 hear this in Bedford, and wifhing it to be the cafe, I 
 thought to furprize them, by ftealing a march. 
 
 As the moon rofe about eleven o clock, I ordered 
 my boys to march, and we went on at the rate of five 
 miles an hour, until we met Thompfon at the place 
 appointed. He told us that the commanding officer 
 had frequently heard of us by travellers, and had ordered 
 thirty men upon guard. He faid they knew our num 
 ber, and only made game of the notion of eighteen men 
 coming to refcue the prifoners, but they did not expect 
 us until towards the middle of the day. I alked him if 
 the gate was open ? He faid it was then fhut, but he 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 121 
 
 expected they would open it as ufual, at day-light, as 
 they apprehended no danger. I then moved my men 
 privately up under the banks of Juniata, where we lay 
 concealed about one hundred yards from the fort gate. 
 I had ordered the men to keep a profound {ilence, until 
 we got into it. I then fent off Thompfon again to fpy. 
 At day-light he returned, and told us that the gate was 
 open, and three centinels were {landing on the wall 
 that the guards were taking a morning dram, and the 
 arms {landing together in one place. I then concluded 
 to rufh into the fort, and told Thompfon to run before 
 me to the arms, we ran with all our might, and as it 
 was a inifty morning, the centinels fcarcely faw us until 
 we were within the gate, and took porTeffion of the arms. 
 Juft as we were entering, two of them difcharged their 
 guns, though I do not believe they aimed at us. We 
 then raifed a mout, which furprized the town, though 
 fome of them were well pleafed with the news. We 
 compelled a black-fmith to take the irons off the pris 
 oners, and then we left the place. This, I believe, was 
 the firft Britifh fort in America, that was taken by what 
 they called American rebels. 
 
 Some time after this I took a journey weftward, in order 
 to furvey fome located land I had on and near the You- 
 hogany. As I pafled near Bedford, while I was walk 
 ing and leading my horfe, I was overtaken by fome men 
 on horfe-back, like travellers. One of them afked my 
 name, and on telling it, they immediately pulled out 
 16 
 
122 Col. James Smith. 
 
 their piftols, and prefented them at me, calling upon me 
 to deliver myfelf, or I was a dead man. I ftepped back, 
 prefented my rifle, and told them to ftand off. One of 
 them fnapped a piftol at me, and another was preparing 
 to moot, when I fired my piece : one of them alfo 
 fired near the fame time, and one of my fellow travel 
 lers fell. The affailants then rufhed up, and as my gun 
 was empty, they took and tied me. I charged them 
 with killing my fellow traveller, and told them he was 
 a man that I had accidentally met with on the road, that 
 had nothing to do with the public quarrel. They as- 
 ferted that I had killed him. I told them that my gun 
 blowed, or made a flow fire that I had her from my 
 face before me went off, or I would not have miffed 
 my mark; and from the pofition my piece was in when 
 it went off, it was not likely that my gun killed this 
 man, yet I acknowledged I was not certain that it was 
 not fo. They then carried me to Bedford, laid me in 
 irons in the guard-houfe, fummoned a jury of the 
 oppofite party, and held an inqueft. The jury brought 
 me in guilty of wilful murder. As they were afraid to 
 keep me long in Bedford, for fear of a refcue, they fent 
 me privately through the wildernefs to Carlifle, where 
 I was laid in heavy irons. 
 
 Shortly after I came here, we heard that a number of 
 my old black-boys were coming to tear down the jail. 
 I told the meriff that I would not be refcued, as I knew 
 that the indictment was wrong; therefore I wifhed to ftand 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 123 
 
 my trial. As I had found the black boys to be always 
 under good command, I expected I could prevail on 
 them to return, and therefore wifhed to write to them 
 to this the meriff readily agreed. I wrote a letter to 
 them, with irons on my hands, which was immediately 
 fent ; but as they had heard that I was in irons, they 
 would come on. When we heard they were near the 
 town, I told the meriff I would fpeak to them out of 
 the window, and if the irons were off, I made no doubt 
 but I could prevail on them to defift. The fheriff 
 ordered them to be taken off, and juft as they were 
 taken off my hands, the black boys came running up to 
 the jail. I went to the window and called to them, and 
 they gave attention. I told them as my indictment 
 was for wilful murder, to admit of being refcued, would 
 appear difhonorable. I thanked them for their kind 
 intentions, and told them the greater! favor they could 
 confer upon me, would be to grant me this one requeft, 
 to withdraw from the jail, and return in peace-, to this they 
 complied, and withdrew. While I was fpeaking, the 
 irons were taken off my feet, and never again put on. 
 
 Before this party arrived at Conococheague, they met 
 about three hundred more, on the way, coming to their 
 affiftance, and were refolved to take me out ; they 
 then turned, and all came together, to Carlifle. The 
 reafon they gave for coming again, was, becaufe 
 they thought that government was fo enraged at me 
 that I would not get a fair trial ; but my friends and 
 
124 CL Jawes Smith. 
 
 myfelf together again prevailed on them to return in 
 peace. 
 
 At this time the public papers were partly filled with 
 thefe occurrences. The following is an extract from the 
 Pennfylvania Gazette, number 2132, November 2d, 
 1769. 
 
 cc Conococheague, October i6th> 1769. 
 " MESS. HALL & SELLERS, 
 
 " Pleafe to give the following narrative a place in 
 your Gazette, and you will much oblige 
 " Your humble fervant, 
 
 "WILLIAM SMITH." 
 
 "Whereas, in this Gazette of September 28th, 1769, 
 there appeared an extract of a letter from Bedford, Sep 
 tember 1 2th, 1769, relative to James Smith, as being 
 apprehended on fufpicion of being a black boy, then 
 killing his companion, &c. I look upon myfelf as 
 bound by all the obligations of truth, juftice to char 
 acter and to the world, to fet that matter in a true light ; 
 by which, I hope the impartial world will be enabled to 
 obtain a more juft opinion of the prefent fcheme of act 
 ing in this end of the country, as alfo to form a true 
 idea of the truth, candor, and ingenuity of the author 
 of the faid extract, in ftating that matter in fo partial a 
 light. The Hate of the cafe (which can be made appear 
 by undeniable evidence,) was this: "James Smith, 
 (who is ftiled the principal ring leader of the black boys, 
 
Remarkable Occurrences^ Etc. 125 
 
 by the said author) together with his younger brother, 
 and brother-in-law, were going out in order to furvey 
 and improve their land on the waters of Youghoghany, 
 and as the time of their return was long, they took with 
 them their arms, and horfes loaded with the neceflaries 
 of life : and as one of Smith s brothers-in-law was an 
 artift in furveying, he had alfo with him the inftruments 
 for that bufmefs. Travelling on the way, within about 
 nine miles of Bedford, they overtook, and joined com 
 pany with one Johnfon and Moorhead, who likewife 
 had horfes loaded, part of which loading was liquor, and 
 part feed wheat, their intentions being to make improve 
 ments on their lands. When they arrived at the parting 
 of the road on this fide of Bedford, the company fepa- 
 rated, one part going through the town, in order to get 
 a horfe mod, were apprehended, and put under confine 
 ment, but for what crime they knew not, and treated in 
 a manner utterly inconfiftent with the laws of their 
 country, and the liberties of Englishmen : Whilft the 
 other part, viz. James Smith, Johnfon and Moorhead, 
 taking along the other road, were met by John Holmes 
 efq. to whom James Smith fpoke in a friendly manner, 
 but received no anfwer. Mr. Holmes hafted, and gave 
 an alarm in Bedford, from whence a party of men were 
 fent in purfuit of them ; but Smith and his companions 
 not having the leaft thought of any fuch meafures being 
 taken, (why mould they ?) travelled (lowly on. After 
 they had gained the place where the roads joined, they 
 
126 Col. James Smith. 
 
 delayed until the other part of their company fhould 
 come up. At this time a number of men came riding, 
 like men travelling ; they afked Smith his name, which 
 he told them on which they immediately aflaulted him 
 as highway-men, and with prefented piftols, commanded 
 him to furrender, or he was a dead man ; upon which 
 Smith ftepped back, afked them if they were highway 
 men, charging them at the fame time to Hand off, when 
 immediately, Robert George (one of the aflailants) 
 fnapped a piftol at Smith s head, and that before Smith 
 offered to moot, (which faid George himfelf acknowl 
 edged upon oath;) whereupon Smith prefented his gun 
 at another of the aflailants, who was preparing to moot 
 him with his piftol. The faid aflailant having a hold 
 of Johnfon by the arm, two mots were fired, one by 
 Smith s gun, the other from a piftol fo quick as juft to 
 be diftinguifhable, and Johnfon fell. After which Smith 
 was taken and carried into Bedford, where John Holmes, 
 efq. the informer, held an inqueft on the corpfe, one of 
 the aflailants being as an evidence, (nor was there any 
 other trouble about the matter) Smith was brought in 
 guilty of wilful murder, and fo committed to prifon. 
 But a jealoufy arifing in the breafts of many that the 
 inqueft, either through inadvertency, ignorance or fome 
 other default, was not fo fair as it ought to be ; Wil 
 liam Deny, coroner of the county, upon requifition 
 made, thought proper to re-examine the matter, and 
 fummoning a jury of unexceptionable men, out of three 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 127 
 
 townfhips men whofe candor, probity and honefty, is 
 unquestionable with all who are acquainted with them, 
 and having raifed the corpfe, held an inqueft in a folemn 
 manner, during three days. In the courfe of their 
 fcrutiny they found Johnfon s fhirt blacked about the 
 bullit-hole, by the powder of the charge by which he 
 was killed, whereupon they examined into the diftance 
 Smith flood from Johnfon when he fhot, and one of the 
 afTailants being admitted to oath, fwore to the refpective 
 fpots of ground they both ftood on at that time, which 
 the jury meafured, and found to be twenty-three feet, 
 nearly ; then trying the experiment of mooting at the 
 fame fhirt, both with and againft the wind, and at the 
 fame diftance, found no effects, not the leaft ftain from 
 the powder, on the fhirt : And let any perfon that 
 pleafes, make the experiment, and I will venture to 
 affirm he fhall find that powder will not ftain at half the 
 diftance above mentioned, if fhot out of a rifle gun, 
 which Smith s was. Upon the whole, the jury, after 
 the moft accurate examination, and mature deliberation, 
 brought in their verdict that fome one of the afTailants 
 themfelves muft necefTarily have been the perpetrators 
 of the murder. 
 
 " I have now reprefented the matter in its true and 
 genuine colors, and which I will abide by. I only beg 
 liberty to make a few remarks and reflections on the above 
 mentioned extract. The author fays cc James Smith, 
 with two others in company, pafled round the town, 
 
128 Col. James Smith. 
 
 without touching/ by which it is plain he would infin- 
 uate, and make the public believe that Smith, and that 
 part of the company, had taken fome bye road, which 
 is utterly falfe, for it was the king s high-way, and the 
 ftraighteft, that through Bedford, being fomething to 
 the one fide, nor would the other part of the company 
 have gone through the town, but for the reafon already 
 given. Again, the author fays that cc four men were 
 fent in purfuit of Smith and his companions, who over 
 took them about five miles from Bedford, and com 
 manded them to furrender, on which Smith prefented 
 his gun at one of the men, who was ftruggling with his 
 companion, fired it at him, and mot his companion 
 through the back." Here I would juft remark again, 
 the unfair and partial account given of this matter, by 
 the author; not a word mentioned of George s fnapping 
 his piftol before Smith offered to moot, or of another 
 of the aflailants actually firing his piftol, though he con- 
 fefled himfelf afterwards, he had done fo ; not the leaft 
 mention of the company s baggage, which, to men in 
 the leaft open to a fair inquiry, would have been fuffi- 
 cient proof of the innocence of their intentions. Muft 
 not an effufive blufti overfpread the face of the partial 
 reprefenter of fads, when he finds the veil he had thrown 
 over truth thus pulled afide, and ftie expofed to naked 
 view. Suppofe it fhould be granted that Smith fhot 
 the man, (which is not, and I prefume never can be 
 proven to be the cafe) I would only afk, was he not on 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 129 
 
 his own defence ? Was he not publicly afTaulted ? Was 
 he not charged at the peril of his life, to furrender, 
 without knowing for what ? No warrant being fhown 
 him, or any declaration made of their authority. And 
 feeing thefe things are fo, would any judicious man, 
 any perfon in the leafl acquainted with the laws of the 
 land, or morality, judge him guilty of wilful murder ? 
 But I humbly prefume every one who has an opportu 
 nity of feeing this, will by this time be convinced that 
 the proceedings againft Smith were truly unlawful and 
 tyranical, perhaps unparalleled by any inftance in a civ 
 ilized nation; for to endeavor to kill a man in the 
 apprehending him, in order to bring him to trial for a 
 fad, and that too on a fuppofed one, is undoubtedly 
 beyond all bounds of law or government. 
 
 cc If the author of the extrad thinks I have treated 
 him unfair, or that I have advanced any thing he can 
 controvert, let him come forward as a fair antagonift, 
 and make his defence, and I will, if called upon, vindi 
 cate all that I have advanced againft him or his abettors. 
 
 "WILLIAM SMITH." 
 
 I remained in prifon four months, and during this 
 time I often thought of thofe that were confined in the 
 time of the perfecution, who declared their prifon was 
 converted into a palace. I now learned what this 
 meant, as I never fince, or before, experienced four 
 months of equal happinefs. 
 
i jo Col. James Smith. 
 
 When the fupreme court fat, I was feverely profecu- 
 ted. At the commencement of my trial, the judges in 
 a very unjuft and arbitrary manner, rejected feveral of 
 my evidences ; yet, as Robert George (one of thofe 
 who were in the fray when I was taken) fwore in court 
 that he fnapped a piftol at me before I mot, and a con 
 currence of corroborating circumftances, amounted to 
 ftrong prefumptive evident that it could not pofTibly be 
 my gun that killed Johnfon, the jury, without hefita- 
 tion, brought in their verdict, NOT GUILTY. One 
 of the judges then declared that not one of this jury 
 mould ever hold any office above a conftable. Not- 
 withftanding this proud, ill-natured declaration, fome 
 of thefe jurymen afterwards filled honorable places, and 
 I myfelf was elected the next year, and fat on the board* 
 in Bedford county, and afterwards I ferved in the board 
 three years in Weftmoreland county. 
 
 In the year 1774, another Indian war commenced, 
 though at this time the white people were the aggrerTbrs. 
 The profpect of this terrified the frontier inhabitants, 
 infomuch that the greater part on the Ohio waters, 
 either fled over the mountains, eastward, or collected 
 into forts. As the ftate of Pennfylvania apprehended 
 great danger, they at this time appointed me captain 
 over what was then called the Pennfylvania line. As 
 
 * A board of commiffioners was annually elefted in Pennfylvania, to 
 regulate taxes, and lay the county levy. 
 
Remarkable Occurrences^ Etc. 131 
 
 they knew I could raife men that would anfwer their 
 purpofe, they feemed to lay afide their former invete 
 racy. 
 
 In the year 1776, I was appointed a major in the 
 Pennfylvania aflbciation. When American inde 
 pendence was declared, I was elected a member of 
 the convention in Weftmoreland county, date of 
 Pennfylvania, and of the afiembly as long as I propofed 
 to ferve. 
 
 While I attended the affembly in Philadelphia, in 
 the year 1777, I faw in the ftreet, fome of my old boys, 
 on their way to the Jerfeys, againft the Britim, and 
 they defired me to go with them I petitioned the 
 houfe for leave of abfence, in order to head a fcouting 
 party, which was granted me. We marched into the 
 Jerfeys, and went before General Wafhington s army, 
 way-laid the road at Rocky Hill, attacked about two 
 hundred of the Britim, and with thirty-fix men drove 
 them out of the woods into a large open field. After 
 this we attacked a party that were guarding the officers 
 baggage, and took the waggon and twenty-two Heffians; 
 and alfo re-took fome of our continental foldiers which 
 they had with them. In a few days we killed and took 
 more of the Britim, than was of our party. At this 
 time I took the camp fever, and was carried in a ftage 
 waggon to Burlington, where I lay until I recovered. 
 When I took fick, my companion, Major James 
 M Common, took the command of the party, and had 
 
ij 2 Col. James Smith. 
 
 greater Tuccefs than I had. If every officer and 
 his party that lifted arms againft the Englifh, had 
 fought with the fame fuccefs that Major M Common 
 did, we would have made fhort work of the Britifh 
 war. 
 
 When I returned to Philadelphia, I applied to the 
 aflembly for leave to raife a battallion of riflemen, which 
 they appeared very willing to grant, but faid they could 
 not do it, as the power of raifing men and commiffion- 
 ing officers was at that time committed to General 
 Washington, therefore they advifed me to apply to his 
 excellency. The following is a true copy of a letter of 
 recommendation which I received at this time, from the 
 council of fafety : 
 
 "IN COUNCIL OF SAFETY, 
 
 "Philadelphia, February ioth> 1777. 
 "SIR, 
 
 " Application has been made to us by James Smith 
 efq. of Weftmoreland, a gentleman well acquainted with 
 the Indian cuftoms, and their manners of carrying on 
 war, for leave to raife a battallion of marks-men, expert 
 in the ufe of rifles, and fuch as are acquainted with the 
 Indian method of fighting, to be dreffed entirely in 
 their fafhion, for the purpofe of annoying and harraffing 
 the enemy in their marches and encampments. We 
 think two or three hundred men in that way, might be 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 133 
 
 very ufeful. Should your excellency be of the fame 
 opinion, and direct fuch a corps to be formed, we will 
 take proper meafures for raifing the men on the frontiers 
 of this ftate, and follow fuch other directions as your 
 excellency mall give in this matter. 
 
 " To his excellency General Wafhington" 
 
 " The foregoing is a copy of a letter to his excellency 
 General Wafhington, from the council of fafety. 
 
 "JACOB S. HOWELL, 
 
 "Secretary" 
 
 After this I received another letter of recommenda 
 tion, which is as follows: 
 
 "We, whofe names are under written, do certify that 
 James Smith (now of the county of Weftmoreland) was 
 taken prifoner by the Indians, in an expedition before 
 General Braddock s defeat, in the year 1755, and 
 remained with them until the year 1760: and alfo that 
 he ferved as enfign, in the year 1763, under the pay of 
 the province of Pennfylvania, and as lieutenant, in the 
 year 1764, and as captain, in the year 1774; and as a 
 military officer he has fuftained a good character. And 
 we do recommend him as a perfon well acquainted with 
 the Indian s method of righting, and, in our humble 
 opinion, exceedingly fit for the command of a ranging 
 or fcouting party, which we are alfo humbly of opinion, 
 
134 Col* "James Smith. 
 
 he could (if legally authorized) foon raife. Given under 
 our hands at Philadelphia, this I3th day of March, 
 
 1777. 
 
 Thomas Paxton, capt. John Proffer, col. 
 
 William ~Duffield, esq. Jonathan Hoge, esq. 
 
 David Robb, esq. William Parker ; capt. 
 
 John Piper, col. Robert Elliot, 
 
 William M Comb. Joseph Armstrong, col. 
 
 William Pepper, lieut. col. Robert Peebles, lieut. col. 
 James MClane, esq. Samuel Pat ton, capt. 
 
 William Lyon, esq." 
 
 With thefe, and fome other letters of recommenda 
 tion, which I have not now in my pofleffion, I went to 
 his excellency, who lay at Morriflown. Though Gen 
 eral Wafhington did not fall in with the fcheme of 
 white men turning Indians, yet he propofed giving me 
 a major s place in a battallion of riflemen already raifed. 
 I thanked the general for his propofal; but as I enter 
 tained no high opinion of the colonel that I was to ferve 
 under, and with him I had no profpect of getting my 
 old boys again, I thought I would be of more ufe in 
 the caufe we were then ftruggling to fupport, to remain 
 with them as a militia officer, therefore I did not accept 
 this offer. 
 
 In the year 1778, I received a colonel s commirlion, 
 and after my return to Weflmoreland, the Indians made 
 an attack upon our frontiers. I then raifed men and 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 
 
 purfued them, and the fecond day we overtook and de 
 feated them. We likewife took four fcalps, and recov 
 ered the horfes and plunder which they were carrying 
 off. At the time of this attack, Captain John Hink- 
 fton purfued an Indian, both their guns being empty, 
 and after the fray was over he was miffing: While we 
 were enquiring abput him, he came walking up, feem- 
 ingly unconcerned, with a bloody fcalp in his hand he 
 had purfued the Indian about a quarter of a mile, and 
 tomahawked him. 
 
 Not long after this I was called upon to command 
 four hundred riflemen, on an expedition againft the 
 Indian town on French Creek. It was fome time in 
 November before I received orders from General M ln- 
 tofh, to march, and then we were poorly equipped, and 
 fcarce of provifions. We marched in three columns, 
 forty rod from each other. There were alfo flankers 
 on the outride of each column, that marched a-breaft in 
 the rear, in fcattered order and even in the columns, 
 the men were one rod apart and in the front, the vol 
 unteers marched a-breaft, in the fame manner of the 
 flankers, fcouring the woods. In cafe of an attack, the 
 officers were immediately to order the men to face out 
 and take trees in this pofition the Indians could not 
 avail themfelves by furrounding us, or have an oppor 
 tunity of fhooting a man from either fide of the tree. 
 If attacked, the center column was to reinforce what 
 ever part appeared to require it the moft. When we 
 
136 Col. James Smith. 
 
 encamped, our encampment formed a hollow fquare, 
 including about thirty or forty acres on the outfide of 
 the fquare there were centinels placed, whofe bufinefs it 
 was to watch for the enemy, and fee that neither horfes 
 or bullocks went out: And when encamped, if any 
 attacks were made by an enemy, each officer was imme 
 diately to order the men to face out and take trees, as 
 before mentioned ; and in this form they could not take 
 the advantage by furrounding us, as they commonly had 
 done when they fought the whites. 
 
 The following is a copy of general orders, given at 
 this time, which I have found among my journals: 
 
 "AT CAMP OPPOSITE FORT PITT, 
 
 "November lyth, 1778. 
 "GENERAL ORDERS: 
 "A copy thereof is to be given to each captain and subaltern^ 
 
 and to be read to each company. 
 
 "You are to march in three columns, with flankers 
 on the front and rear, and to keep a profound iilence, 
 and not to fire a gun, except at the enemy, without par 
 ticular orders for that purpofe; and in cafe of an attack, 
 let it be fo ordered that every other man only, is to moot 
 at once, excepting on extraordinary occafions. The one 
 half of the men to keep a referve fire, until their comrades 
 load ; and let every one be particularly careful not to 
 fire at any time without a view of the enemy, and that not 
 at too great a diftance. I earnestly urge the above cau- 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 137 
 
 tion, as I have known very remarkable and grevious 
 errors of this kind. You are to encamp on the hollow 
 fquare, except the volunteers, who, according to their 
 own requeft, are to encamp on the front of the fquare, a 
 fufficient number of centinels are to be kept round the 
 fquare at a proper diftance. Every man is to be under 
 arms at the break of day, and to parade oppofite to their 
 fire places, facing out, and when the officers examine their 
 arms and find them in good order, and give necefTary 
 directions, they are to be difmifTed, with orders to have 
 their arms near them, and be always in readinefs. 
 cc Given by 
 
 "JAMES SMITH, Colonel." 
 
 In this manner we proceeded on, to French Creek, 
 where we found the Indian town evacuated. I then 
 went on further than my orders called for, in queft of 
 Indians; but our provifions being nearly exhaufted, we 
 were obliged to return. On our way back we met with 
 confiderable difficulties on account of high waters and 
 fcarcity of provifion; yet we never loft one horfe, 
 excepting fome that gave out. 
 
 After peace was made with the Indians, I met with 
 fome of them in Pittfburg, and enquired of them in their 
 own tongue, concerning this expedition, not letting 
 them know I was there. They told me that they 
 watched the movements of this army ever after they had 
 left Fort-Pitt, and as they parTed thro the glades or bar- 
 18 
 
Col. James Smith. 
 
 rens they had a full view of them from the adjacent hills, 
 and computed their number to be about one thoufand. 
 They faid they alfo examined their camps, both before 
 and after they were gone, and found, they could not 
 make an advantageous attack, and therefore moved off 
 from their town and hunting ground before we arrived. 
 In the year 1788 I fettled in Bourbon county, Ken 
 tucky, feven miles above Paris; and in the fame year 
 was elected a member of the convention that fat at Dan 
 ville, to confer about a feparation from the ftate of Vir 
 ginia; and from that year until the year 1799, I repre- 
 fented Bourbon county, either in convention or as a 
 member of the general aflembly, except two years that I 
 was left a few votes behind. 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 
 
 ON THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF 
 THE INDIANS. 
 
 The Indians are a flovenly people in their drefs. 
 They feldom ever wafh their fhirts, and in regard to 
 cookery they are exceeding filthy. When they kill a 
 buffaloe they will fometimes lafh the paunch of it round 
 a fapling, and caft it into the kettle, boil it and fup the 
 broth ; tho they commonly make it about in cold water, 
 then boil and eat it. Notwithstanding all this, they are 
 very polite in their own way, and they retain among 
 them, the efTentials of good manners; tho they have few 
 compliments, yet they are complaifant to one another, 
 and when accompanied with good humor and difcretion, 
 they entertain ftrangers in the beft manner their circum- 
 ftances will admit. They ufe but few titles of honor. 
 In the military line, the titles of great men are only 
 captains or leaders of parties In the civil line, the 
 titles are only councilors, chiefs or the old wifemen. 
 Thefe titles are never made ufe of in addreffing any of 
 their great men. The language commonly made ufe of 
 in addreffing them, is, Grandfather, Father, or Uncle. 
 They have no fuch thing in ufe among them, as 
 Sir, Mr. Madam or Miftrefs The common mode of 
 
140 Col. James Smith. 
 
 addrefs, is, my Friend, Brother, Coufin, or Mother, Sis 
 ter, &c. They pay great refpect to age ; or to the aged 
 Fathers and Mothers among them of every rank. No 
 one can arrive at any place of honor, among them, but 
 by merit. Either fome exploit in war, muft be per 
 formed, before any one can be advanced in the military 
 line, or become eminent for wifdom before they can 
 obtain a feat in council. It would appear to the 
 Indians a moft ridiculous thing to fee a man lead off a 
 company of warriors, as an officer, who had himfelf 
 never been in a battle in his life : even in cafe of merit, 
 they are flow in advancing any one, until they arrive at 
 or near middle-age. 
 
 They invite every one that comes to their houfe, or 
 camp to eat, while they have any thing to give ; and it 
 is accounted bad manners to refufe eating, when invited. 
 They are very tenacious of their old mode of dreffing 
 and painting, and do not change their fafhions as we do. 
 They are very fond of tobacco, and the men almofl all 
 fmoke it mixed with fumach leaves or red willow bark, 
 pulverized ; tho they feldom ufe it any other way. 
 They make ufe of the pipe alfo as a token of love and 
 friendfhip. 
 
 In courtfhip they alfo differ from us. It is a com 
 mon thing among them for a young woman, if in love, 
 to make fuit to a young man ; tho the firft addrefs may 
 be by the man ; yet the other is the moft common. 
 The fquaws are generally very immodeft in their words 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 141 
 
 and adlions, and will often put the young men to the 
 blufh. The men commonly appear to be pofleffed of 
 much more modefty than the women ; yet I have been 
 acquainted with fome young fquaws that appeared really 
 modefl: genuine it mufl be, as they were under very 
 little reftraint in the channel of education or cuftom. 
 
 When the Indians meet one another, inftead of faying, 
 how do you do, they commonly falute in the following 
 manner you are my friend the reply is, truly friend, 
 I am your friend, or, coufin, you yet exift the reply 
 is certainly I do. They have their children under toler 
 able command : feldom ever whip them, and their com 
 mon mode of chaftifing, is by ducking them in cold 
 water ; therefore their children are more obedient in the 
 winter feafon, than they are in the fummer; tho they 
 are then not fo often ducked. They are a peaceable 
 people, and fcarcely ever wrangle or fcold, when fober; 
 but they are very much addicted to drinking, and men 
 and women will become bafely intoxicated, if they can, 
 by any means, procure or obtain fpirituous liquor ; and 
 then they are commonly either extremely merry and 
 kind, or very turbulent, ill-humoured and diforderly. 
 
142 Col. James Smith. 
 
 ON THEIR TRADITIONS AND RELIGIOUS 
 SENTIMENTS. 
 
 As the family that I was adopted into was intermar 
 ried with the Wiandots and Ottawas, three tongues were 
 commonly fpoke, viz. Caughnewaga, or what the French 
 call Iroque, alfo the Wiandot and Ottawa; by this 
 means I had an opportunity of learning thefe three 
 tongues; and I found that thefe nations varied in their 
 traditions and opinions concerning religion ; and even 
 numbers of the fame nations differed widely in their 
 religious fentiments. Their traditions are vague, whim- 
 fical, romantic and many of them fcarce worth relating; 
 and not any of them reach back to the creation of the 
 world. The Wiandots comes the nearer! to this. They 
 tell of a fquaw that was found when an infant, in the 
 water in a canoe made of bull-rufhes : this fquaw became 
 a great prophetefs and did many wonderful things; me 
 turned water into dry land, and at length made this 
 continent, which was, at that time, only a very fmall 
 ifland, and but a few Indians in it. Tho they were 
 then but few they had not fufficient room to hunt ; 
 therefore this fquaw went to the water fide, and prayed 
 that this little ifland might be enlarged. The great 
 being then heard her prayer, and fent great numbers of 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 143 
 
 Water Tortoifes, and Mufkrats, which brought with 
 them mud and other materials, for enlarging this ifland, 
 and by this means, they fay, it was encreafed to the fize 
 that it now remains; therefore they fay, that the white 
 people ought not to encroach upon them, or take their 
 land from them, becaufe their great grand mother made 
 it. They fay, that about this time the angels or heav 
 enly inhabitants, as they call them, frequently vifited 
 them and talked with their forefathers ; and gave direc 
 tions how to pray, and how to appeafe the great being 
 when he was offended. They told them that they were 
 to offer facrifice, burn tobacco, buffaloe and deer bones; 
 but that they were not to burn bears or racoons bones 
 in facrifice. 
 
 The Ottawas fay, that there are two great beings that 
 rule and govern the univerfe, who are at war with each 
 other ; the one they call Maneto, and the other Matche- 
 maneto. They fay that Maneto is all kindnefs and love, 
 and that Matchemaneto is an evil fpirit, that delights in 
 doing mifchief ; and fome of them think, that they are 
 equal in power, and therefore worfhip the evil fpirit out 
 of a principle of fear. Others doubt which of the two 
 may be the moft powerful, and therefore endeavor to 
 keep in favor with both, by giving each of them fome 
 kind of worfhip. Others fay that Maneto is the firft 
 great caufe and therefore muft be all-powerful and fu- 
 preme, and ought to be adored and worfhipped; whereas 
 Matchemaneto ought to be rejected and difpifed. 
 
144 Cl- Jawes Smith. 
 
 Thofe of the Ottawas that worfhip the evil fpirit, 
 pretend to be great conjurors. I think if there is any 
 fuch thing now in the world as witchcraft, it is among 
 thefe people. I have been told wonderful {lories con 
 cerning their proceedings; but never was eye witnefs to 
 any thing that appeared evidently fupernatural. 
 
 Some of the Wiandots and Caughnewagas profefs to 
 be Roman-catholics; but even thefe retain many of the 
 notions of their anceflors. Thofe of them who reject 
 the Roman-catholic religion, hold that there is one great 
 firfl caufe, whom they call Owaneeyo, that rules and 
 governs the univerfe, and takes care of all his creatures, 
 rational and irrational, and gives them their food in 
 due feafon, and hears the prayers of all thofe that call 
 upon him; therefore it is but juft and reafonable to 
 pray, and offer facrifice to this great being, and to do 
 thofe things that are pleafing in his fight ; but they 
 differ widely in what is pleafing or difpleafing to this 
 great being. Some hold that following nature or their 
 own propenfities is the way to happinefs, and cannot be 
 difpleafing to the deity, becaufe he delights in the hap 
 pinefs of his creatures, and does nothing in vain; but 
 gave thefe difpofitions with a defign to lead to happi 
 nefs, and therefore they ought to be followed. Others 
 reject this opinion altogether, and fay that following 
 their own propenfities in this manner, is neither the 
 means of happinefs nor the way to pleafe the deity. 
 
 Tecaughretanego was of opinion that following nature 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 145 
 
 in a limited fenfe was reafonable and right. He faid 
 that moft of the irrational animals by following their 
 natural propensities, were led to the greatefl pitch of 
 happinefs that their natures and the world they lived in 
 would admit of. He faid that mankind and the rattle 
 fnakes had evil difpofitions, that led them to injure 
 themfelves and others. He gave inftances of this. He 
 faid he had a puppy that he did not intend to raife, and 
 in order to try an experiment, he tyed this puppy on a 
 pole and held it to a rattle fnake, which bit it feveral 
 times; that he obferved the fnake Shortly after, rolling 
 about apparently in great mifery, fo that it appeared to 
 have poifoned itfelf as well as the puppy. The other in- 
 ftance he gave was concerning himfelf. He faid that when 
 he was a young man, he was very fond of the women, and 
 at length got the venereal difeafe, fo that by following 
 this propenfity, he was led to injure himfelf and others. 
 He faid our happinefs depends on our ufing our reafon, 
 in order to fupprefs thefe evil difpofitions ; but when 
 our propensities neither lead us to injure ourfelves nor 
 others, we might with fafety indulge them, or even pur- 
 fue them as the means of happinefs. 
 
 The Indians generally are of opinion that there are 
 great numbers of inferior Deities, which they call Car- 
 reyagaroona, which Signifies the Heavenly Inhabitants. 
 Thefe beings they fuppofe are employed as affiStants, in 
 managing the affairs of the univerfe, and in infpecting 
 the actions of men : and that even the irrational animals 
 
146 Col. James Smith. 
 
 are engaged in viewing their adtions, and bearing intel 
 ligence to the Gods. The eagle, for this purpofe, with 
 her keen eye, is foaring about in the day, and the owl, 
 with her nightly eye, perched on the trees around their 
 camp in the night ; therefore, when they obferve the 
 eagle or the owl near, they immediately offer facrifice, 
 or burn tobacco, that they may have a good report to 
 carry to the Gods. They fay that there are alfo great 
 numbers of evil fpirits, which they call Onqfahroona, which 
 fignifies the Inhabitants of the Lower Region. Thefe 
 they fay are employed in disturbing the world, and the 
 good fpirits are always going after them, and fetting 
 things right, fo that they are constantly working in op- 
 pofition to each other. Some talk of a future ftate, but 
 not with any certainty: at beft their notions are vague 
 and unfettled. Others deny a future ftate altogether, 
 and fay that after death they neither think or live. 
 
 As the Caughnewagas and the fix nations fpeak nearly 
 the fame language, their theology is alfo nearly alike. 
 When I met with the Shawanees or Delawares, as I 
 could not fpeak their tongue, I fpoke Ottawa to them, 
 and as it bore fome refemblance to their language, we 
 underftood each other in fome common affairs, but as 
 I could only converfe with them very imperfectly, I can 
 not from my own knowledge, with certainty, give any 
 account of their theological opinions. 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 147 
 
 ON TKEIR POLICE OR CIVIL GOVERN 
 MENT. 
 
 I have often heard of Indian Kings, but never faw 
 any. How any term ufed by the Indians in their own 
 tongue, for the chief man of a nation, could be ren 
 dered King, I know not. The chief of a nation is 
 neither a fupreme ruler, monarch or potentate He can 
 neither make war or peace, leagues or treaties He can 
 not imprefs foldiers, or difpofe of magazines He can 
 not adjourn, prorogue or diflblve a general afTembly, 
 nor can he refufe his aflent to their conclufions, or in 
 any manner controul them With them there is no fuch 
 thing as heriditary fucceffion, title of nobility or royal 
 blood, even talked of The chief of a nation, even with 
 the confent of his aflembly, or council, cannot raife one 
 {hilling of tax off the citizens, but only receive what 
 they pleafe to give as free and voluntary donations. 
 The chief, of a nation has to hunt for his living, as any 
 other citizen How then can they with any propriety, 
 be called kings ? I apprehend that the white people 
 were formerly fo fond of the name of kings, and fo 
 ignorant of their power, that they concluded the chief 
 man of a nation muft be a king. 
 
148 Col. James Smith. 
 
 As they are illiterate, they confequently have no 
 written code of laws. What they execute as laws, are 
 either old cuftoms, or the immediate refult of new 
 councils. Some of their ancient laws or cuftoms are 
 very pernicious, and difturb the public weal. Their 
 vague law of marriage is a glaring inftance of this, as 
 the man and his wife are under no legal obligation to 
 live together, if they are both willing to part. They 
 have little form, or ceremony among them, in matri 
 mony, but do like the Ifraelites of old the man goes 
 in unto the woman, and me becomes his wife. The 
 years of puberty and the age of confent, is about four 
 teen for the women, and eighteen for the men. Before 
 I was taken by the Indians, I had often heard that in 
 the ceremony of marriage, the man gave the woman a 
 deer s leg, and me gave him a red ear of corn, Signifying 
 that me was to keep him in bread, and he was to keep 
 her in meat. I enquired of them concerning the truth 
 of this, and they faid they knew nothing of it, further 
 than that they had heard that it was the ancient cuftom 
 among fome nations. Their frequent changing of 
 partners prevents propagation, creates difturbances, and 
 often occafions murder and bloodihed; though this is 
 commonly committed under pretenfe of being drunk. 
 Their impunity to crimes committed when intoxicated 
 with fpirituous liquors, or their admitting one crime as 
 an excufe for another, is a very unjuft law or cuftom. 
 
 The extremes they run into in dividing the necefla- 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 149 
 
 ries of life, are hurtful to the public weal ; though their 
 dividing meat when hunting, may anfwer a valuable 
 purpofe, as one family may have fuccefs one day, and 
 the other the next ; but their carrying this cuftom to 
 the town, or to agriculture, is ftriking at the root of 
 induftry, as induftrious perfons ought to be rewarded, 
 and the lazy fuffer for their indolence. 
 
 They have fcarcely any penal laws: the principal 
 punimment is degrading: even murder is not punimed 
 by any formal law, only the friends of the murdered 
 are at liberty to flay the murderer, if fome atonement is 
 not made. Their not annexing penalties to their laws, 
 is perhaps not as great a crime, or as unjuft and cruel, 
 as the bloody penal laws of England, which we have fo 
 long mamefully prac~tifed, and which are in force in this 
 ftate, until our penitentiary houfe is finifhed, which is 
 now building, and then they are to be repealed. 
 
 Let us alfo take a view of the advantages attending 
 Indian police : They are not oppreffed or perplexed 
 with expenfive litigation They are not injured by 
 legal robbery They have no fplendid villains that 
 make themfelves grand and great on other people s 
 labor They have neither church or ftate erected as 
 money-making machines. 
 
150 Col. James Smith. 
 
 ON THEIR DISCIPLINE, AND METHOD 
 OF WAR. 
 
 I have often heard the Britifh officers call the Indi 
 ans the undifciplined favages, which is a capital miftake 
 as they have all the eflentials of difcipline. They are 
 under good command, and punctual in obeying orders : 
 they can act in concert, and when their officers lay a 
 plan and give orders, they will chearfully unite in put 
 ting all their directions into immediate execution ; and 
 by each man obferving the motion or movement of his 
 right hand companion, they can communicate the 
 motion from right to left, and march abreaft in concert, 
 and in fcattered order, though the line may be more 
 than a mile long, and continue, if occafion requires, for 
 a considerable diflance, without diforder or confufion. 
 They can perform various neceflary manceuvers, either 
 (lowly, or as faft as they can run : they can form a cir 
 cle, or femi-circle : the circle they make ufe of, in order 
 to furround their enemy, and the femi-circle if the 
 enemy has a river on one fide of them. They can alfo 
 form a large hollow fquare, face out and take trees : 
 this they do, if their enemies are about furrounding 
 them, to prevent from being mot from either fide of 
 
Remarkable Occurrences , Etc. 151 
 
 the tree. When they go into battle they are not loaded 
 or encumbered with many clothes, as they commonly 
 fight naked, fave only breech-clout, leggins and mocke- 
 fons. There is no fuch thing as corporeal punifhment 
 ufed, in order to bring them under fuch good difcipline : 
 degrading is the only chaftifement, and they are fo unan 
 imous in this, that it effectually anfwers the purpofe. 
 Their officers plan, order and conduct matters until they 
 they are brought into action, and then each man is to 
 fight as though he was to gain the battle himfelf. Gen 
 eral orders are commonly given in time of battle, either 
 to advance or retreat, and is done by a fhout or yell, 
 which is well underftood, and then they retreat or 
 advance in concert. They are generally well equipped, 
 and exceeding expert and active in the ufe of arms. 
 Could it be fuppofed that undifciplined troops could 
 defeat Generals Braddock, Grant, &c ? It may be faid 
 by fome that the French were alfo engaged in this war : 
 true, they were ; yet I know it was the Indians that laid 
 the plan, and with fmall affiftance, put it into execution. 
 The Indians had no aid from the French, or any other 
 power, when they befieged Fort Pitt in the year 1763, 
 and cut off the communication for a confiderable time, 
 between that poft and Fort Loudon, and would have 
 defeated General Bouquet s army, (who were on the way 
 to raife the fiege) had it not been for the affiftance of 
 the Virginia volunteers. They had no Britifh troops 
 with them when they defeated Colonel Crawford, near 
 
152 Col. James Smith. 
 
 the Sandufky, in the time of the American War with 
 Great Britain ; or when they defeated Colonel Lough- 
 rie, on the Ohio, near the Miami, on his way to meet 
 General Clarke : this was alfo in the time of the Britim 
 war. It was the Indians alone that defeated Colonel 
 Todd, in Kentucky, near the Blue licks, in the year 
 1782 ; and Colonel Harmer, betwixt the Ohio and 
 Lake Erie, in the year 1790, and General St. Clair, in 
 the year 1791 ; and it is faid that there was more of 
 our men killed at this defeat, than there were in any one 
 battle during our conteft with Great Britain. They had 
 no aid when they fought even the Virginia rifle-men 
 almoft a whole day, at the Great Kanhawa, in the year 
 1774; and when they found they could not prevail 
 againft the Virginians, they made a moft artful retreat. 
 Notwithftanding they had the Ohio to crofs, fome con 
 tinued firing, whilft others were crofting the river ; in 
 this manner they proceeded until they all got over, 
 before the Virginians knew that they had retreated ; and 
 in this retreat they carried off all their wounded. In 
 the moft of the foregoing defeats, they fought with an 
 inferior number, though in this, I believe it was not 
 the cafe. 
 
 Nothing can be more unjuftly reprefented than the 
 different accounts we have had of their number from 
 time to time, both by their own computations, and that 
 of the Britim. While I was among them, I faw the 
 account of the number, that they in thofe parts gave to 
 
Remarkable Occurrences , Etc. 153 
 
 the French, and kept it by me. When they in their 
 own council-houfe, were taking an account of their 
 number, with a piece of bark newly ftripped, and a fmall 
 flick, which anfwered the end of a flate and pencil, I 
 took an account of the different nations and tribes, 
 which I added together, and found there were not half 
 the number which they had given the French; and 
 though they were then their allies, and lived among 
 them, it was not eafy finding out the deception, as they 
 were a wandering fet, and fome of them almoft always in 
 the woods hunting. I aiked one of the chiefs what was 
 their reafon for making fuch different returns ? He 
 faid it was for political reafons, in order to obtain greater 
 prefents from the French, by telling them they could 
 not divide fuch and fuch quantities of goods among fo 
 many. 
 
 In year of General Bouquet s laft campaign, 1764, I 
 faw the official return made by the Britifh officers, of the 
 number of Indians that were in arms againft us that 
 year, which amounted to thirty thoufand. As I was 
 then a lieutenant in the Britifh fervice, I told them I 
 was of opinion that there was not above one thoufand 
 in arms againft us, as they were divided by Broadftreet s 
 army being then at Lake Erie. . The Britifh officers 
 hooted at me, and faid they could not make England 
 fenfible of the difficulties they labored under in fighting 
 them, as England expeds that their troops could fight 
 the undifciplined favages in America, five to one, as 
 
 20 
 
1 54 Col. James Smith . 
 
 they did the Eaft-Indians, and therefore my report 
 would not anfwer their purpofe, as they could not give 
 an honorable account of the war, but by augmenting 
 their number. I am of opinion that from Braddock s 
 war, until the prefent time, there never were more than 
 three thoufand Indians at any time, in arms againft us, 
 weft of Fort Pitt, and frequently not half that number. 
 According to the Indians own accounts during the 
 whole of Braddock s war, or from 1755, till 1758, they 
 killed or took, fifty of our people, for one that they 
 loft. In the war that commenced in the year 1763, they 
 killed, comparatively, few of our people, and loft more 
 of theirs, as the frontiers (efpecially the Virginians) had 
 learned fomething of their method of war: yet, they, 
 in this war, according to their own accounts, (which I 
 believe to be true) killed or took ten of our people, for 
 one they loft. 
 
 Let us now take a view of the blood and treafure that 
 was fpent in oppofing comparatively, a few Indian war 
 riors, with only fome affiftance from the French, the firft 
 four years of the war. Additional to the amazing de- 
 ftrudion and daughter that the frontiers fuftained, from 
 James River to Sufquehanna, and about thirty miles 
 broad; the following campaigns were alfo carried on 
 againft the Indians: General Braddock s, in the year 
 1755: Colonel Armstrong s againft the Cattanyan town, 
 on the Alleghany, 1757: General Forbes , in 1758: 
 General Stanwick s, in 1759: General Monkton s, in 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 155 
 
 1760: Colonel Bouquet s, 1761 and 1763, when he 
 fought the battle of Bufhy Run, and loft above one 
 hundred men ; but by the affiftance of the Virginia vol 
 unteers, drove the Indians; Colonel Armftrong s, up 
 the Weft Branch of Susquehanna, in 1763: General 
 Broadftreet s, up Lake Erie, in 1764: General Bou 
 quet s, againft the Indians at Mufkingum, in 1764: 
 Lord Dunmore s, in 1774: General M Intofh s, in 
 1778: Colonel Crawford s, fhortly after his, General 
 Clarke s in 1778 1780: Colonel Bowman s, 1779: 
 General Clarke s, in 1782 againft the Wabafh, in 
 1786: General Logan s againft the Shawanees in 
 
 1786: General Wilkinfon s in : Colonel Harmer s 
 
 in 1790: and General St. Clair s, in 1791; which, in 
 all, are twenty-two campaigns, befides fmaller expedi 
 tions, fuch as the French Creek expedition, Colonels 
 Edward s, Loughrie s, &c. All thefe were exclufive of 
 the number of men that were internally employed as 
 fcouting parties, and in creeling forts, guarding ftations, 
 &c. When we take the foregoing occurrences into con- 
 fideration, may we not reafonably conclude, that they 
 are the beft difciplined troops in the known world? Is 
 it not the beft difcipline that has the greateft tendency 
 to annoy the enemy and fave their own men ? I appre 
 hend that the Indian difcipline is as well calculated to 
 anfwer the purpofe in the woods of America, as the 
 Britifh difcipline in Flanders : and Britifh difcipline in 
 the woods, is the way to have men flaughtered, with 
 fcarcely any chance of defending themfelves. 
 
156 Col. James Smith. 
 
 Let us take a view of the benefits we have received, 
 by what little we have learned of their art of war, which 
 coft us dear, and the lofs that we have fuftained for want 
 of it, and then fee if it will not be well worth our while 
 to retain what we have, and alfo to endeavor to improve 
 in this neceflary branch of bufinefs. Though we have 
 made confiderable proficiency in this line, and in fome 
 refpecls out-do them, viz. as markfmen, and in cutting 
 our rifles, and in keeping them in good order; yet, I 
 apprehend we are far behind in their manoeuvres, or in 
 being able to furprize, or prevent a furprize. May we 
 not conclude that the progrefs we had made in their art 
 of war, contributed considerably towards our fuccefs, in 
 various refpects, when contending with great Britain for 
 liberty? Had the Britim king, attempted to enflave us 
 before Braddock s war, in all probability he might read 
 ily have done it, becaufe, except the New-Englanders, 
 who had formerly been engaged in war, with the Indians, 
 we were unacquainted with any kind of war; but after 
 fighting fuch a fubtil and barbarous enemy as the Indi 
 ans, we were not terrified at the approach of Britim 
 red-coats. Was not Burgoyne s defeat accomplime d in 
 fome meafure by the Indian mode of fighting? and did 
 not Gen. Morgan s rifle-men, and many others, fight 
 with greater fuccefs, in confequence of what they had 
 learned of their art of war? Kentucky would not have 
 been fettled at the time it was, had the Virginians been 
 altogether ignorant of this method of war. 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 157 
 
 In Braddock s war, the frontiers were laid wafte, for 
 above three hundred miles long, and generally about 
 thirty broad, excepting fome that were living in forts, 
 and many hundreds, or perhaps thoufands, killed or 
 made captives, and horfes, and all kinds of property 
 carried off: but, in the next Indian war, though we had 
 the fame Indians to cope with, the frontiers almoft all 
 flood their ground, becaufe they were by this time, in 
 fome meafure acquainted with their mancevres ; and the 
 want of this, in the firft war, was the caufe of the lofs of 
 many hundred of our citizens, and much treafure. 
 
 Though large volumes have been wrote on morality, 
 yet it may all be fummed up in faying, do as you would 
 wifh to be done by: fo the Indians fum up the art of 
 war in the following manner: 
 
 The bufinefs of the private warriors is to be under 
 command, or punctually to obey orders to learn to 
 march a-breaft in fcattered order, fo as to be in readinefs 
 to furround the enemy, or to prevent being furrounded 
 to be good markfmen, and active in the ufe of arms 
 to practice running to learn to endure hunger or hard- 
 fhips with patience and fortitude to tell the truth at 
 all times to their officers, but more efpecially when fent 
 out to fpy the enemy. 
 
 Concerning Officers. They fay that it would be abfurd 
 to appoint a man an officer whofe {kill and courage had 
 never been tried that all officers mould be advanced 
 only according to merit that no one man mould have 
 
158 Col. James Smith. 
 
 the abfolute command of an army that a council of 
 officers are to determine when,, and how an attack is to 
 be made that it is the bufinefs of the officers to lay 
 plans to take every advantage of the enemy to ambufh 
 and furprize them, and to prevent being ambufhed and 
 furprized themfelves it is the duty of officers to pre 
 pare and deliver fpeeches to the men, in order to anni- 
 mate and encourage them; and on the march, to prevent 
 the men, at any time, from getting into a huddle, be- 
 caufe if the enemy mould furround them in this pofi- 
 tion, v they would be expofed to the enemy s fire. It is 
 likewife their bufinefs at all times to endeavor to annoy 
 their enemy, and fave their own men, and therefore 
 ought never to bring on an attack without confiderable 
 advantage, or without what appeared to them the fure 
 profpect of victory, and that with the lofs of few men : 
 and if at any time they mould be miftaken in this, and 
 are like to lofe many men by gaining the victory, it is 
 their duty to retreat, and wait for a better opportunity 
 of defeating their enemy, without the danger of lofing 
 fo many men. Their conduct proves that they act upon 
 thefe principles, therefore it is, that from Braddock s 
 war to the prefent time, they have feldom ever made an 
 unfuccefsful attack. The battle at the mouth of the 
 Great Kanhawa, is the greater! inftance of this; and even 
 then, though the Indians killed about three, for one 
 they loft, yet they retreated. The lofs of the Virgin 
 ians in this action, was feventy killed and the fame 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 159 
 
 number wounded: The Indians loft twenty killed on 
 the field, and eight, who died afterwards, of their 
 wounds. This was the greateft lofs of men that I ever 
 knew the Indians to fuftain in any one battle. They 
 will commonly retreat if their men are falling faft they 
 will not ftand cutting, like the Highlanders, or other 
 Britifh troops : but this proceeds from a compliance 
 with their rules of war, rather than cowardice. If they 
 are furrounded, they will fight while there is a man of 
 them alive, rather than furrender. When Colonel John 
 Armftrong furrounded the Cattanyan town, on the Alle 
 gheny river, Captain Jacobs, a Delaware chief, with 
 fome warriors, took porTeffion of a houfe, defended 
 themfelves for fome time, and killed a number of our 
 men. As Jacobs could fpeak Englifh, our people called 
 on him to furrender : he faid that he and his men were 
 warriors, and they would all fight while life remained. 
 He was again told that they mould be well ufed, if they 
 would only furrender ; and if not, the houfe mould be 
 burned down over their heads: Jacobs replied he could 
 eat fire : and when the houfe was in a flame, he, and 
 they that were with him, came out in a fighting pofition, 
 and were all killed. As they are a fharp, active kind 
 of people, and war is their principal ftudy, in this they 
 have arrived at confiderable perfection. We may learn 
 of the Indians what is ufeful and laudable, and at the 
 fame time lay afide their barbarous proceedings. It is 
 much to be lamented that fome of our frontier rifle-men 
 
160 Col. James Smith. 
 
 are prone to imitate them in their inhumanity. During 
 the Britifh war, a confiderable number of men from be 
 low Fort Pitt, crofTed the Ohio, and marched into a 
 town of Friendly Indians, chiefly Delawares, who pro- 
 ferTed the Moravian religion. As the Indians appre 
 hended no danger, they neither lifted arms or fled. 
 After thefe rifle-men were fometime in the town, and 
 the Indians altogether in their power, in cool blood, 
 they marTacred the whole town, without diftinction of 
 age or fex. This was an act of barbarity beyond any 
 thing I ever knew to be committed by the favages them- 
 felves. 
 
 Why have we not made greater proficiency in the 
 Indian art of war? Is it becaufe we are too proud to 
 imitate them, even though it fhould be a means of pre- 
 ferving the lives of many of our citizens ? No ! We 
 are not above borrowing language from them, fuch as 
 homony, pone, tomahawk, &c. which is little or no ufe 
 to us. I apprehend that the reafons why we have not 
 improved more in this refpect, are as follows: no im 
 portant acquisition is to be obtained but by attention 
 and diligence; and as it is eafier to learn to move and 
 act in concert, in clofe order, in the open plain, than to 
 act in concert in fcattered order, in the woods; fo it is 
 eafier to learn our difcipline, than the Indian manoeuvres. 
 They train up their boys to the art of war from the 
 time they are twelve or fourteen years of age; whereas 
 the principal chance our people had of learning, was by 
 
Remarkable Occurrences, Etc. 161 
 
 obferving their movements when in action againft us. 
 I have been long aftonifhed that no one has wrote 
 upon this important fubject, as their art of war would 
 not only be of ufe to us in cafe of another rupture with 
 them ; but were only part of our men taught this art, 
 accompanied with our continental difcipline, I think no 
 European power, after trial, would venture to mew its 
 head in the American woods. 
 
 If what I have wrote mould meet the approbation of 
 my countrymen, perhaps I may publifh more upon this 
 subject, in a future edition. 
 
 END. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 Illustrative Notes. 
 
 BY WM. M. DARLINGTON. 
 
 Fort London page 5. 
 
 Fort Loudon was erected in the year 1756, near the site of 
 the present town of Loudon, in Franklin county, Pennsylvania. 
 It was named in honor of John Campbell, Earl of Loudon, 
 appointed on March 20, 1756, Commander-in-chief of all the 
 forces in North America. Penn. y/nr/6., vol. x ri, p. 395 ; London 
 Mag. for i757,/>. 504. 
 
 Early Provincial Roads page 5. 
 
 Braddock s road was opened in May and June, 1755, from 
 Fort Cumberland to the Great Crossings of the Youghiogheny 
 (now Smithfield), by nearly the same line as that of the present 
 National road. Smithfield is about four miles from the Turkey- 
 foot. 
 
 General Braddock and the Quartermaster General, Sir John 
 St. Clair, urgently solicited Governor Morris and the Council 
 of Pennsylvania to order the construction of a road from the 
 inhabited parts of the province westward toward the Ohio, to 
 facilitate supplies of troops and provisions, as there was no 
 
1 64 Appendix. 
 
 wagon road through the mountains west of Carlisle, " only a 
 horse-path used by the Indian traders." Accordingly, the Gov 
 ernor and Council directed a road to be made from Shippensburgh 
 to the Youghiogheny. James Burd, Adam Hoops, George 
 Croghan, William Smith (mentioned as " one of ye Commis 
 sioners of ye County" (Cumberland), and others, were 
 appointed Commissioners. They laid out the road ; but, owing 
 to the defeat of Braddock on the 9th of July, work on it was 
 suspended ; nor was it completed until a few years after the cap 
 ture of Fort Du Quesne, in November, 1758. It traversed the 
 present counties of Somerset, Bedford, Fulton, and part of 
 Franklin. For many years it was known by the name of 
 " Smith s road," from the circumstance of his capture on it 
 during its construction, as related in his narrative, and in the 
 letter of Colonel James Burd, one of the Commissioners, as 
 
 " FROM THE ALLEGHENY MOUNTAINS, | 
 "5th July, 1755. } 
 
 ** HONORED SIR : We have now got this far with the road, but at 
 present are under a very great dilemma, the cause of which is as fol 
 lows : We had thought it necessary to make use of an empty house, 
 47 miles from Anthony Thompson s, for a store-house for our pro 
 visions, and we sent a guard of seven men, armed, to said store-house. 
 They immediately fortified the house, and had received some of our 
 provisions. We were like to be short of meat, etc., and hearing that 
 there were wagons, and supposing cattle, upon the road, one Mr. Rob 
 ert McCay, who had the command of the store and the people there, 
 sent a boy called James Smith, about sixteen years of age, down the 
 road to hurry up the cattle and wagons. Said Smith meeting a 
 man sent up by Mr. Adam Hoops, at Ray s Town, received infor 
 mation that the wagons were just at hand, upon which the boy returned 
 with Mr. Hoops man hither, the wagons at this time being behind. 
 The wagons arrived at the store the 3d curr t, at noon. Inquiry was 
 made of the wagoners where Mr. Hoops man and the boy were, and 
 they replied that they had not seen them; upon which they went out 
 
Illustrative Notes. 165 
 
 to search for them. They first found the boy s hat, and then Mr. 
 Hoops man s (named Arnold Vigorous) gun, and about ten perches 
 from thence, Arnold lying dead, being shot through with two bullets 
 and scalped. Mr. McCay immediately dispatched an express to me to 
 the camp, about twelve miles from the store. I went down with 
 a party of twelve men of Captain Hogg s company, and saw the corpse 
 and got it buried, but can find nothing of the boy, only his horse we have 
 got. That night, being the evening of the 3d curr t, we mounted guard 
 at the store. About 9 o clock we were attacked by Indians ; their num 
 ber we could not know. Two of our sentinels fired at two of the Indians 
 which they saw, and I myself pursued singly the said two Indians, but 
 being dark amongst the trees, could not see them nor overtake them, but 
 heard them plainly about fifteen yards before me. The next day, 
 being the 4th curr t, I returned to our camp, and was under a necessity 
 to call the people together, and made use of all the arguments I could 
 to induce them to continue in the service until we had finished. But, 
 unfortunately, we had an alarm last night. One of the sentinels on 
 the picket guard challenged three times and fired his musket, which has 
 struch a great terror into the laborers ; thirty of them are gone home 
 this morning, and the remainder are very much dissatisfied, as they have 
 no arms, and I am really afraid we shall not be able to keep them 
 much longer. However, the Governor may depend upon my utmost 
 endeavors to carry on the work, and that I won t leave my duty while I 
 have ten men to work, or am recalled by your Honor. 
 
 " We are obliged to send off this morning a guard of twelve men 
 and a sergeant of Captain Hogg s Company for a covering party for 
 our returning wagons, and to bring up our provisions from the inhabit 
 ants, as we can t so much as hunt up our horses but with a guard. Our 
 roads are all waylaid in order to cut off our provisions and any strag 
 gling men they can. Mr. William Smith is likewise under a necessity s 
 to go home this morning, as the boy that is taken prisoner (as we sup 
 pose) is his brother-in-law. We have now about three days provisions. 
 
 " Please to excuse unconnections. 
 
 " 1 am, respectfully, your Honor s most obed t, h ble, servant, 
 
 "JAMES BURD." 
 
 " To THE HONORABLE GOVERNOR MORRIS." 
 
 Col. Recs. of Penn., vol. vl., p. 466, #W pp. 302, 318, 404, etc. ; 
 Shippen Papers, pp. 89 to 45. 
 
1 66 Appendix. 
 
 Ligoneer page 7. 
 
 The town of Ligonier, in Westmoreland county, on the 
 Loyalhanna creek and Philadelphia turnpike road, fifty miles 
 east of Pittsburg. Fort Ligonier was erected here in 1758. 
 
 Indian Town page 13. 
 
 The Kittanning villages, inhabited chiefly by Delawares. On 
 September 8, 1756, fourteen months after Smith s compulsory 
 visit, they were attacked and destroyed by the Provincial troops, 
 under the command of Col. John Armstrong. Now the site 
 of the flourishing town of Kittanning, the county seat of Arm 
 strong county, Pennsylvania. 
 
 \ 
 
 Tullihas page ij. 
 
 At or near the confluence of the Mohican and Owl creeks 
 (forming the Whitewoman or Walhonding), in the township of 
 Newcastle, Coshocton county, Ohio. On the map of Hutchins 
 there is an Indian village near that point marked Owl s T. 
 Among the Indians allied to the French, on the Upper Ohio, in 
 1754, a chief or warrior, named "The Owl," is mentioned 
 in the letter of Captain Stobo, from Fort Du Quesne, July 
 29, 1754. Penn. Col. Rec., vol. vi^ p. 143 ; Memoirs of Stobo, 
 p. 92. 
 
 Gook-bo-sing, or Habitation \ Capt. Hutchins Map, prefixed to the 
 
 of Owls. Heckwelder s Nar- 1 account of Bouquet s Expedition 
 
 rative, page 280; so called from ( against the Ohio Indians in 1764. 
 
 the quantity of these birds re- / Philadelphia and London, 1765-6. 
 
 sorting thither. Loskie s Mis- \ Republished by Robert Clarke & 
 
 sions, page 162. / Co., Cincinnati, 1868. 
 
 The celebrated Delaware chief, Captain Pipe, had his place of 
 residence in 1776 on the Walhonding, about fifteen miles above 
 
Illustrative Notes. 167 
 
 Coshocton, the " Forks of Muskingum." Heckwelder s Narra 
 tive, p. 143. 
 
 Adoption by the Indians page 15. 
 
 John McCullough, a boy, who was captured by the Indians, 
 near Fort Loudon, in 1756, underwent like transformation. He 
 was painted, feathered, and ducked in the Allegheny river, near 
 Fort Du Quesne, then clad in a new ruffled shirt and told he 
 had become an Indian. - Narrative in Border Life, Lancaster, 
 1841, p. 91. 
 
 Pluggypage 17. 
 
 A Mohawk chief, styled Captain Pluggy (probably son of Tecan- 
 yaterighto) appeared at the council held by Lord Dunmore 
 with the Indians at or near Fort Pitt, in the fall of 1774. 
 Am. Arch., \th series, vol. i, p. 486. 
 
 He became celebrated, leading many bloody forays into West 
 ern Pennsylvania, Virginia, and Kentucky. Patrick Henry, 
 Governor of Virginia in 1777, authorized an expedition to be 
 raised and directed exclusively against the u enemy of Plug- 
 gystown." It was abandoned, however, from the apprehension 
 it might cause a general Indian war. Letter of P. Henry to 
 John Neville and Col. Morgan, at Fort Pitt, and reply. Min 
 utes of the council of Virginia. 5 Penn. Arch., pp. 258, 260, 
 286. 
 
 Message of Killbuck to Col. Morgan. Id., p. 44. 
 
 Letters of Zeisberger and Gen. Hand. Id., pp. 443, 447. 
 
 Pluggy and his band defeated the whites near McClelland s 
 Station, now Georgetown, Kentucky, on Christmas day, 1776, 
 and again on Jan. I, 1777. McDonald s Sketches, p. 212. 
 
 Indian towns were often known to the whites by the name of 
 
1 68 Appendix. 
 
 a prominent chief or warrior. " Pluggystown " was also known 
 as Upper Chillicothe (Schoolcraf? s Ab. Arch., vol. iv, p. 632), and 
 as Old Chillicothe, four miles below Circleville, on the west 
 side of the Scioto, where the celebrated Logan resided, and 
 where he delivered his famous speech. Ch. Whittlesey s Essays, pp. 
 142 to 147 ; Howe s Hist, of Ohio, pp. 402 to 406. 
 
 Buffalo Lick page 21. 
 
 In Licking and Fairfield counties, now known as the Reser 
 voir or Licking Summit of the Ohio Canal, ten miles south of 
 Newark. The main Indian trail from the forks of the Ohio to 
 the Miami towns led by this swamp, then, no doubt, of vast 
 extent. Christopher Gist, agent of the Ohio Company (of 
 Virginia), sent out to examine the country, with George Croghan 
 and Andrew Montour, messengers, with presents from Governor 
 Hamilton, of Pennsylvania, to the Twightwees (Miamis), reached 
 this point and encamped on January lyth, 1751. On the next 
 day they "set out from the Great Swamp," as it is noticed by 
 Gist in his journal. 5 Col. Rec., p. 485; Evans Map of 1755, 
 and Evans and PownaWs Map of 1776; Hutchins Large Map, 
 1778; Pioneer Pamphlet No. 3, p. II, pub. by the Licking Co. 
 Pioneer Society, Newark, O., 1869. 
 
 Cat aw b as page 22. 
 
 This warlike tribe inhabited the Carolinas, chiefly in the 
 country adjacent to the Catawba river. They were the ancient 
 and inveterate enemies of the Iroquois or Six Nations, with 
 whom they were continually at war. The other tribes con 
 ceded to them the highest character for bravery, daring and sub 
 tlety. When South Carolina was first settled by the English, in 
 
Illustrative Notes. 169 
 
 1670, the Catawbas could muster fifteen hundred warriors; in 
 1836, the entire tribe numbered less than one hundred, who 
 occupied the fine tract of land, fifteen miles square, in the 
 counties of York and Lancaster, which was originally reserved 
 for them by the Proprietary Government. The few remaining 
 of this once formidable nation now reside in the western part of 
 North Carolina. 
 
 Some writers suppose that the Catawbas were the remnant of 
 the celebrated Eries, who were expelled from their ancient 
 country on the shores of Lake Erie and driven south by the 
 conquering Iroquois, in 1650. There is considerable evidence 
 in support of this view. Transac. Am. Antiq. SW., vol. //, p. 87; 
 Hist. Coll. of South Carolina, vol. i, pp. 49, 188 ; Am. Abor. 
 Arch., vol. / //, p. 288 ; Bishop Gregg s History of the old Cheraws, 
 pp. 3, 1 8, etc.; Mouzon s Map of the Carolina*, 1775. 
 
 Canesadooharie page 25. 
 
 The Black river, in Lorain county. The route of the 
 Indians with Smith appears to have been from the town of Tul- 
 lihas up along the lake fork of the Mohican creek to its source 
 in the northern part of Ashland county; thence a few miles 
 north-easterly to the head waters of Black river, in Lorain. 
 On the map published by Lewis Evans, in 1755, the " Guahad- 
 ahuri" is the only river laid down between the Cuyahoga and 
 the Sandusky, although it is placed too far west about the 
 locality of the Vermillion. On Captain Thos. Hutchins large 
 map of 1778, Black river is correctly laid down, and named 
 " Riviere en Grys" (Gray). See, also, Knapp s History of Ash 
 land Co., p. II , Taylors Ohio, pp. 88, 521, note. The latter 
 author and others have been misled by the misprint of 
 22 
 
i jo Appendix. 
 
 eight (in all the editions of the narrative excepting the original 
 and the present) instead of eighty miles, stated by Smith to be 
 about the distance between the Sandusky and Black rivers. 
 The correct distance does not exceed fifty-two miles. 
 
 The Falls of Black river, at Elyria, in Lorain county, are 
 doubtless the same mentioned in the Narrative (pp. 28 and 42) ; 
 their descent is. forty feet perpendicular. The reader will, of 
 course, make due allowance for the errors in the distances given 
 in the Narrative. Smith was young, and his means of taking and 
 preserving notes, either in the wigwam or the canoe, very 
 scanty. 
 
 Potatoes page 29. 
 
 Ogh-ne-an-ata. Mohawk Vocabulary, in Am. Abor. Arch., vol. 
 
 a, p. 487. 
 
 Large Creek page 29. 
 
 Rocky river in Medina, Lorain and Cuyahoga counties. 
 According to the distances given in the narrative their "winter 
 cabin" was probably erected on the east branch of the Rocky 
 river, either in the present township of Hinckley in Medina 
 county or in the adjoining township of Royalton in Cuyahoga. 
 Bear, deer and wolves were very abundant in this region so late 
 as the year 1818. Northrop s Hist, of Medina Co., p. no, etc. 
 
 Sunyendeand page 44. 
 
 Sir William Johnson, on his way home from Detroit in Sep 
 tember, 1761, crossed the Portage from the mouth of the river 
 at the site of the present town of Port Clinton. He then went 
 down the Bay to "the encampment" "where the block-house 
 
Illustrative Notes. 171 
 
 is to be built," about the location of Venice, three miles west 
 of Sandusky City. He mentions a Wyandot town as "almost 
 opposite the Carrying-place," and " another village of Hurons 
 about three miles distant" from the place of encampment. 
 Diary of Sir W?n. "Johns on , Appendix to Stone s Life and Times, vol. 
 //, p. 466. 
 
 Smith s description of the locality of this town "can only 
 apply to Pipe creek, and the big fields lying south-east of and 
 about a mile and a half from the present town of Sandusky." 
 Address of Hon. J. M. Root, Sept. 1862; Fire Lands Pioneer, 
 vol. iv, p. 22. " Junqueindundeh " is the name given to an 
 Indian village near the mouth of the Sandusky river, on Hutch- 
 ins Map in the account of Bouquet s Expedition in 1764; on 
 Evans Map of 1755 a Wyandot town is placed at the foot of 
 Sandusky bay on the south side; this it is very probable was 
 " Sunyendeand." 
 
 The Lake note to p. 44. 
 
 The color of the water is also noticed by the German Prince 
 Maximilian of Wied in his book of travels in North America 
 in 1833, p. 490. "Lake Erie. The splendid bluish-green 
 waters of which, like all the great Canadian lakes, are exactly of 
 the same color as those of Switzerland." 
 
 Arthur Campbell page 49. 
 
 Colonel Arthur Campbell of Washington county in South 
 western Virginia. He escaped from the Indians about three years 
 after meeting with Smith, and returned by way of Fort Pitt to 
 Virginia, where he afterward became distinguished in civil and 
 military life, particularly as commander in a successful expedition 
 
172 Appendix. 
 
 against the Cherokees in 1781. He was a delegate from Fin- 
 castle county to the Virginia Revolutionary Convention of 1776. 
 The Royal Oak ford of the Holston river is in the present 
 county of Smythe about three miles east of the town of Marion. 
 Colonel Campbell removed to Knox county, Kentucky, where he 
 died in 1816 in the 74th year of his age. Howes Virginia, p. 
 503; Mooris Diary of the Revolution, vol. ii, p. 372 ; Campbell s 
 History of Virginia, p. 690 ; Bishop Meade s Virginia, vol. i, p. 
 
 J 53- 
 
 fhe Caghnawagas pages 52 and 105. 
 
 An ancient tribe of the Mohawks in the interest of the French, 
 who early in the last century induced them to remove from 
 New York, and settle at the rapids of St. Louis near Montreal. 
 Doc. Hist, of New York, vol. i, p. 27 ; Golden s Hist, of the 
 Five Nations, vol. ii, p. 12 J ; New York Col. Hist., vol. vii, p. 15 ; 
 Hist. Mag., vol. x, p. 321. Called the Praying Indians. New 
 York Col. Hist., vol. v, pp. 728, 753. 
 
 Cuyahoga - page 56. 
 
 Ka-ih-ogh-ha. River, in the Mohawk tongue. Vocab. in 
 Am. Abor. Arch., vol. Hi. 
 
 Carrying -place page 56. 
 
 The old Indian Portage Path between the Tuscarawas branch 
 of the Muskingum river, and the Cuyahoga, in Portage and 
 Coventry townships in the present county of Summit. It was 
 about eight miles in length. On the Maps of Evans and 
 Hutchins it is laid down " I mile Portage." 
 
Illustrative Notes. 
 
 173 
 
 Rapids page 57. 
 
 The falls of the Cuyahoga river in Summit county four miles 
 north-east of Akron. The descent is about 200 feet in 2j miles. 
 
 Little Lake page 57. 
 
 One of the numerous Beaver Ponds on the head waters of 
 the Mahoning no doubt much diminished in extent since the 
 clearing of the forest, and the drainage of the land. It may be 
 found however in the southern part of Mahoning county. 
 
 Johnson s Mohawks page 69. 
 
 Sir William Johnson, Superintendent of the affairs of the Six 
 Nations, and other Northern Indians. The Mohawks adopted 
 him as a member of their nation, with the rank of war chief, in 
 1746. He resided near the Mohawk villages at Johnstown, now 
 in Fulton county, New York. Stone s Life of Sir U^m. Johnson, 
 vol. i,p. 209. 
 
 Great River page 79. 
 The Ottawa. 
 
 Falls of Sandusky page 84. 
 
 Rapids at Fremont, Sandusky county, Ohio. 
 
 Prairies page 85. 
 
 Formerly known as the Sandusky plains ; now within the 
 counties of Crawford, Wyandot, Marion, and Hardin. Kil- 
 bourne s Ohio Gazetteer ; Hough and Eournis large Map of Ohio. 
 1816 ; Map in the first vol. of the Transactions of the dm. Antiq. 
 Society. 
 
174 Appendix. 
 
 Portage page 86. 
 
 By the Sandusky, Sciota, and Ohio rivers lay the route of the 
 Indians of Detroit and Lake Huron when going to war with the 
 Catawbas and other southern tribes. " They ascend the Sandus- 
 quet river two or three days, after which they make a small 
 portage, a fine road of about a quarter of a league. Some make 
 canoes of elm bark, and float down a small river [the Sciota] 
 that empties into the Ohio." Memoir of Vaudreuil, Governor of 
 Canada, to the Council of Marine, from Quebec, October 30, 1718, 
 Paris Documents, New York Col. Hist., vol. ix, p. 868 ; Pow- 
 nalfs Top. Disc, of North America, p. 42, and ?nap. " Through 
 these rivers lies the most common pass from Canada to the Ohio 
 and Mississippi." Morse s Am. Gazetteer of 1798, p. 497 ; Kil- 
 bourne s Ohio Gazetteer for 1817, p. 60 ; Carey s Atlas for 1812 
 This once important portage extended from the site of Garrett s 
 Mill, near the village of Wyandot, on the Sandusky river, in 
 Wyandot county; thence south, about four miles on a ridge, 
 through part of Dallas township in Crawford county, to the north 
 branch of the Little Sciota near Swinnerton, on the Old Fort 
 Ball and Columbus road in Grand Prairie township, Marion 
 county. The length of the portage varied according to the 
 stage of water. It was known as the u Four Mile Cross." In 
 high water the north branch of the Little Sciota could be navi 
 gated by canoes to a point about a mile distant from Garrett s 
 Mill, on the Sandusky. A cut has been made through the ridge 
 about half a mile east from the village of Wyandot, by which 
 the waters of both streams are united. \_Notes to the writer from 
 S. R. Harris, Esq., of Bucyrus, and Wm. Brown, Esq., of Spring 
 field. ] Mr. Brown settled near Wyandot in 1826, and surveyed 
 the Wyandot Indian Reservation for the U. S. Government. 
 
Illustrative Notes. 175 
 
 The Ollentangy pages 87 and 99. 
 
 By a law of the Legislature of Ohio, passed in 1833, "to 
 restore the Indian names to certain streams" this name is 
 incorrectly given to the Whetstone, the eastern affluent of the 
 Sciota, the Delaware Indian name of which was Keenhong-she- 
 con-sepung, or Whetstone creek, in English. John Brickeirs 
 Narrative In American Pioneer, vol. i, />. 55. Brickell had been 
 a prisoner with the Delawares, in Ohio, for over four years. 
 He spoke their language as well as his own. He resided in 
 Columbus from 1797 until his death in July, 1844. The 
 narrative is reprinted in Martin s History of Franklin County 
 (Columbus, 1858), omitting the part relative to the Whet 
 stone. Big Darby creek, which rises in Logan county and 
 flowing south-east empties into the west side of the Sciota in 
 Pickaway county, opposite Circleville, is the real Ollentangy; 
 this is clearly evident from Smith s description of his route from 
 the Sandusky portage to that stream, and of the country between 
 it and the waters of the Miami (or Mad river). 
 
 The u very large Prairie" is now embraced within the 
 counties of Madison, Clarke, Champaign, Fayette, Pickaway, 
 and Greene, between Darby creek and Mad river. See Hough 
 and Bourne s large Map of Ohio, published in 1816; also Kil- 
 bourne and Bourne s Map, of 1820, in Arch. Amer., vol. i; 
 Kilbourne s Gazetteer of Ohio, for 1819, p. 61. 
 
 Little Lake pages 50, 100, etc. 
 
 Sandusky bay. It is about twenty miles long and from one 
 to four miles wide. It was formerly "termed by the inhabit 
 ants the Little Lake." Brown s Views on Lake Erie, 1814, p. 73. 
 
 Sa-undustee, water, in the Wyandot tongue. Gallatirfs 
 
ij6 Appendix. 
 
 Synopsis and Vocab. in vol. it. of the Trans, of the Am. Antiq. Soc., p. 
 332 ; see also vol. i, p. 295. By changing the pronunciation the 
 meaning of this and other words in the Wyandot language, 
 expressing proper names, varied. Sah-un-dus-kee, clear water. 
 Sa-anduste, or water within water pools. John Johnston, in 
 Trans. Am. Antlq. Soc., vol. i, p. 297 ; J. M. Roots Address ; 
 Fire Lands Pioneer, vol. iv, for June, 1863, p. 21. The latter 
 signification is peculiarly applicable to Sandusky bay and the 
 extensive marshes on its borders, which are intersected in many 
 directions by pools and channels of open water. 
 
 Colonel Grant pages 1023. 
 
 Grant s defeat and capture took place on the I4th day of 
 September, 1758. He was a Major General in the British 
 service during the American Revolution. He was promoted to 
 the rank of Lieutenant General in 1782, and General in 1796, 
 and died " very old," at his seat at Ballendallock, near Elgin in 
 Scotland, about the I3th of May, 1806. Biog. Sketch in N. T. 
 Col. Hist., vol. x, p. 903. The court house in Pittsburg, front 
 ing on Grant street, stands near the western extremity of the 
 once beautiful eminence called "Grant s Hill," which long since 
 has been graded and covered with buildings. 
 
 Susquehannab Campaign page 107. 
 
 In September and October, 1763, the Indian villages destroyed 
 stood on the Great Island and on the banks of the Susquehannah 
 river, in the present counties of Clinton and Lycoming. Gor 
 don s Hist, of Penn., p. 399; Sculls Map, 1770; Howells Map, 
 1792. 
 
Illustrative Notes. 177 
 
 Gen. Bouquet s Campaign pages 107-8. 
 
 The hostages were fourteen in number ; two Mingoes, six 
 Delawares, and six Shawnees. Only the latter escaped on the 
 way to Fort Pitt. The others being unconfined afterward dis 
 appeared, excepting three. The prisoners held by the Shaw 
 nees were collected during the winter and brought to Fort 
 Pitt (in May, 1765), where five hundred and seventy-one chiefs 
 and warriors (besides women and children,) assembled and held 
 a friendly conference with Major Murray and the officers of the 
 garrison. The treaty made with Gen. Bouquet the preceding 
 November at the Muskingum was formally ratified. One hun 
 dred and nineteen Shawnee warriors were present. "Journal of 
 George Croghan, in Col. Rec., vol. ix, p. 250 to 264 ; Hist. Account 
 of Bouquet s Expedition, p. 88 ; Id. p. 239. 
 
 Katepacomen (or Simon Girty), was one of the Delaware 
 hostages. Col. Rec. vol. ix, p. 228. It appears that upon one 
 occasion, during the campaign, the Shawnees selected James 
 Smith to represent them. "Journal of Gen. Bouquet, Col. Rec., vol. 
 ix, p. 219. 
 
 In 1764 Colonel Bouquet erected a brick redoubt as an 
 addition to Fort Pitt. It is yet standing, and used for a dwelling 
 house. The stone tablet in the wall, bearing the inscription, 
 Coll. Bouquet, A. D. 1764, has been removed recently and 
 placed in the wall of the new city hall. This redoubt is the 
 only relic of British dominion in the Ohio valley. 
 
 The governor and council of Pennsylvania, uncertain of the 
 consequences of the escape of the Shawnee hostages, deferred 
 proclaiming the Indian trade opened according to the royal proc 
 lamation of October 7th, 1763, until notified by Sir William 
 Johnson that a general peace had been concluded with the 
 
 23 
 
1 7 8 Appendix. 
 
 Western Indians. Proceed, of Council, Jan. 21, 1765 ; Col.Rec., 
 vol. ix, p. 239. At the conferences at the Muskingum and Fort 
 Pitt the Indians expressed their anxiety for the beginning of 
 trade, and were displeased when it was refused. Id. pp. 261, 
 250, 251. General Gage was anxious to have the trade com 
 mence, fearing the Indians would again resort to the French. 
 Letters to Gov. Penn, id. p. 266, 268. Governor Penn s procla 
 mation declaring the Indian trade opened to licensed traders was 
 issued on June 4, 1765. 
 
 The Conococheague settlement, now Franklin county, Penn 
 sylvania, being on the extreme frontier, suffered repeatedly all 
 the horrors of Indian warfare. The settlers were Scots-Irish 
 Presbyterians, who " though neglected by the royal and provin 
 cial governments throughout all the Indian wars sustained nearly 
 the whole burden of defending the frontier." Gordon s Hist, of 
 Penn., p. 624 ; Rupp s Hist, of Franklin Co., p. 486 ; Chambers 9 
 Tribute to the Scots- Irish, Letters, p. 88 ; Parkmans Pontiac, chap, 
 xxiv. " Declaration and remonstrance of the distressed and 
 bleeding frontier inhabitants of the province of Pennsylvania." 
 Pamphlet, Feb. 13, 1764. Two hundred miles of an extended 
 frontier all so exposed to the incursions of the Indians, that no 
 man can go to sleep within ten or fifteen miles of the border 
 without danger of having his house burned and himself and 
 family scalped or led into captivity before the next morning." 
 Letter in Gordon s Penn., p. 624. 
 
 The policy of the governor and the commander-in-chief, 
 Gage, was not understood or appreciated by the people of the 
 frontier, and they determined on their only preventive course. 
 Their leader was James Smith, who (says Chambers, Tribute, p. 
 82) was " a man of resolution, of indomitable courage, and 
 
Illustrative Notes. 179 
 
 inflexible from any purpose which he deemed necessary for the 
 safety of the inhabitants." 
 
 His family were prominent in the county from its earliest 
 settlement. u Smith s," now Mercersburg, " was in early days 
 an important place for trade with the Indians and settlers on the 
 Western frontier." Rupp s Hist, of Franklin Co., p. 4.75. 
 
 The traders goods were destroyed, as related in the narrative 
 and in a letter from Colonel Reid commanding the district of 
 Fort Pitt. Col. Rec., vol. ix, p. 269. 
 
 The convoy was in charge of Captain Robert Callender, an 
 old trader. It consisted of eighty-one horse loads, sixty-three 
 of which were destroyed. 
 
 The affair caused a great sensation throughout the province. 
 The goods, valued at 3,000, belonged to Baynton, Wharton 
 and Morgan, who alleged they were destined for the Illinois 
 and to be stored at Fort Pitt. Sse Letters of Sir. Wrn. Johnson 
 to G JV. Penn, Penn. Arch., v)l. iv,pp. 2 1 6, 226. 
 
 He "greatly disapproved of the course of the traders in for 
 warding their goods before the trade was opened. 
 
 General Gage was likewise u of the opinion " that " the traders 
 had hopes of getting first to market by stealing up their goods 
 before the trade was legally permitted." Penn. Arch., vol. iv, p. 
 215. During this summer traders goods were not allowed to 
 go forward without a pass from William or James Smith. The 
 followiug is a copy of one from Penn. Arch., vol. iv, p. 220 : 
 
 " As the Sidling hill volunteers have already inspected these goods, 
 and as they are all private property, it is expected that none of these 
 brave fellows will molest them upon the road, as there is no Indian 
 supplies amongst them. Given under my hand, May 15, 1765. 
 
 " (Signed) JAS. SMITH," 
 
1 80 Appendix. 
 
 The governor by the advice of the council, on Jan. 15, 
 1766, removed William Smith from the magistracy, and directed 
 the chief justice to issue a writ for the apprehension of James, 
 Letter of Gov. Penn to Gen. Gage, Co!. Rec., vol. ix, pp. 293, 
 297; Rupp s Hist, of Bedford Co., p. 510. It does not appear 
 that any attempt was ever made to execute the writ, although it 
 was issued to the sheriff" of Cumberland county. 
 
 Sideling Hill page 109. 
 
 A low ridge of the Allegheny mountains in Fulton county 
 The foot of the hill is about sixteen miles east of the town 
 of Bedford. The road across it, seven miles in length, is well 
 remembered by travellers as tedious, and often dangerous. 
 
 Affairs at Fort London page 1 1 o. 
 
 Lieutenant Charles Grant of the 42d Highland regiment com 
 manded at Fort Loudon. The following characteristic letter 
 was sent to him by Smith : 
 
 Smith s Run, June 19, 1765. 
 
 Sir : The arms that are detained in Loudon you may keep them^ 
 keep them, keep them / / am, etc., 
 
 JAMES SMITH. 
 Arch., vol. iv, p. 229. 
 
 In November, Lieutenant Grant having taken more arms 
 from the country people, and being ordered to Fort Pitt to 
 compel a surrender of the guns, r the riflemen headed by Smith 
 besieged Fort Loudon for two days and nights, so closely, 
 that no one was permitted to go in or out of it. Firing 
 was kept up " upon all corners of the fort, so that the 
 centrys could not stand upright on the bastions." No one 
 was hurt on either side. On the loth of November the guns 
 
Illustrative Notes. 181 
 
 were surrendered to the custody of Wm. McDowell " until the 
 governor s pleasure respecting them should be known." The 
 arms were u five rifles and four smooth bored guns. Letters 
 and Depos. of Lt. Ckas. Grant and others ; Penn. Arch., vol. ry, 
 pp. 2 20 to 248. 
 
 Peace with the Indians page 113. 
 
 Sir William Johnston made peace with the Ohio Indians, 
 Mingoes, Shawnees, and Delawares, at Johnston Hall, July 
 13, 1765. New Tork Col. Hist., vol. vii, p. 754. 
 
 Tennessee page 1 1 4. 
 
 This exploration by Colonel Smith and his companions was, 
 with the single exception of that of Henry Scaggins, a hunter, the 
 first ever made of the country west of the Cumberland mountains 
 in Tennessee by any of the Anglo-Saxon race. Ramsay s Annals 
 of Tenn.,p. 70 ; Haywood s Civil Hist, of Tenn., p. 77. 
 
 Fort C hiss el page 1 1 8 . 
 
 Fort Chiswell was built by Colonel Byrd and his regiment from 
 Virginia in 1758 ; he stationed a garrison in it. Haywood, p. 
 28. It stood about nine miles east of the present town of 
 Wytheville in Wythc county. Howes Virginia, p. 514, 515; 
 Madison s Map of Virg. ; see Table of Distances in Poulsons Am. 
 Almanac for 1789. 
 
 Indians and Traders page 119. 
 
 Letters in the Pennsylvania Gazette, from Fort Pitt, dated 
 July 26 and 28, 1769, mention the great probability of another 
 war; "the Indians are so insolent, robbing houses, stealing 
 
1 8 2 Appendix. 
 
 horses, and threatening the inhabitants/ Penn. Gaz. for Aug. 
 17, 1769; Id. Aug. 31, 1769; Id. Oct. 5, 1769. 
 
 traders goods destroyed page 119. 
 
 Captain Robert Callender was the principal sufferer by the 
 destruction of traders goods at the crossings of the Juniata in 
 Bedford county in August, 1769. He afterward applied to the 
 legislature for relief, stating his losses at near =600. Petition^ 
 March, 6, 1775 ; Assembly ^Journals, p. 575. 
 
 Affray near Bedford pages 121 to 130. 
 
 Smith was committed to the jail in Carlisle on the 22d of 
 September, 1769, charged with shooting John Johnston on the 
 2oth of the same month. A large body of armed men assembled 
 to rescue him fearing (they said) he would be taken to Phila 
 delphia for trial. Col. John Armstrong, the Rev. John Steel, 
 and other leading citizens, endeavored to dissuade them from 
 their purpose, while the magistrates assisted the sheriff in raising 
 a guard to defend the jail. Smith sent his intended rescuers u a 
 candid letter declaring his desire to have a trial by the laws of 
 his country, begging them to return home," etc. They did not 
 desist, however, until from the windows of the prison he 
 " begged them in a solemn manner to return, and to shed no 
 innocent blood ;" this, with assurances that the prisoner should 
 be tried in the county and not elsewhere, turned them reluc 
 tantly from their design. Letter from Carlisle, Sept. 24, 1769, 
 in the Penn. Gazette for Oct. 5. 
 
Illustrative Notes. 183 
 
 Commissioner of Bedford and Westmoreland Counties page 
 130. 
 
 Colonel Smith had removed to his land on Jacob s creek, a 
 branch of the Youghiogheny, then in Bedford county, which 
 was erected in 1771, and included all of the Western part 
 of the province. From Bedford, Westmoreland county was 
 formed in 1773 ; it embraced within its limits all of the province 
 west of the Laurel Hill. This territory was claimed by Vir 
 ginia, whose jurisdiction over it the governor, Lord Dunmore, 
 attempted bv violent measures to enforce. Fort Pitt was seized 
 by a band of armed partizans, headed by Captain John Connolly, 
 and its name changed to Fort Dunmore. New counties were 
 formed from which delegates were sent to the Virginia legis 
 lature. Justices and other civil officers were commissioned by 
 the authorities of Virginia. Court-houses were erected and 
 Virginia courts reguhrly held within the limits of the present 
 counties of Allegheny and Washington in Pennsylvania. The 
 people were divided in their allegiance ; arrests, counter-arrests,, 
 and other violent acts, frequently occurred during this seven 
 years contest. The breaking out of the Revolutionary war in 
 1775 and a recommendation by Congress on the subject abated 
 the civil strife. The controversy ended in 1780 by mutual 
 agreement between the two states, Virginia yielding her claims 
 to the disputed territory. The completion of Mason and 
 Dixon s line in 1784, permanently settled the boundary. Penn. 
 Arch., vol. iv, pp. 435 to 633 ; Penn. Col. Rec., vol. A-, pp. 140 
 to 240 ; Hist, of Mason and Dixon s line, by "James Veech, Pittsburg^ 
 1857-, Report of the Surveyor General for 1865, Harrisburg, 
 1866. 
 
 For three years of these turbulent times James Smith was 
 
184 Appendix. 
 
 one of the commissioners of Westmoreland county ; Governor 
 John Penn doubtless was glad to have an adherent of his ability 
 and energetic character, and quite willingly overlooked past 
 differences. On the 8th of April, 1774, Joseph Beeler and 
 James Smith, commissioners, addressed a communication to the 
 governor stating "their disagreeable situation owing to the pre 
 sent disturbances," and that " the greater part of the people in 
 the back parts of the county absolutely refuse to pay their taxes 
 or serve in the office of collector. " They further allude to the 
 " disturbances of the court by a number of armed men," and 
 ask "his honor s advice and assistance," assuring him " that 
 every step shall be taken in their power for the benefit and 
 advantage of the province." Penn. Arch., vol. iv, p. 487. 
 
 In February, 1775, Smith was arrested and "bound over to 
 answer the court of Virginia, before Dorsey Pentecost, one of 
 their justices," who also issued "precepts" for the arrest of the 
 sheriff and other Pennsylvania officers, saying " they r were 
 imposters on the government and dominion of Virginia, and he 
 would have them confined." Deposition of "James Smith-, Arch., 
 vol. iv, p. 6 10 ; Col. Rec., vol. x, p. 235. 
 
 Another Indian War, 1774 page 130. 
 
 This was known as Dunmore s war. It ended with the 
 defeat of the Indians at Point Pleasant, October 10, 1774. 
 
 Indians Attack pages 134, 135. 
 
 The date of the year in the narrative is erroneous, it should 
 be 1777. "I have sent five Indian scalps taken by one of our 
 scouting party, commanded by Colonel Barr, Colonel Perry, 
 
Illustrative Notes. 1 8 5 
 
 Colonel Smith, and Captain Hinkston, being volunteers in the 
 action. The action happened near Kittaning, they retook six 
 horses the savages had taken from the suffering frontiers." 
 Extract of Letter from Arch. Locbry to President If/ hart on, dated at 
 ct Westmoreland, ye 6th December" 1/77; Penn. Arch., vol. vi, 
 p. 69. 
 
 French Creek Expedition page 135. 
 
 MINUTES OF THE SUPREME EXECUTIVE COUNCIL, 
 Philadelphia, March 20, 1786. 
 
 Comptroller General s reports upon the following accounts 
 read and approved, viz : Of Captain John Woods for pay of 
 his company of Westmoreland county militia, commanded by 
 Colonel Smith under orders from General Mclntosh, and for 
 arms lost on the expedition. 
 
 Of Captain John Kyle, for pay of his company employed 
 on the said expedition. 
 
 Of Colonel James Smith, for pay of the militia of West 
 moreland county, under his command, employed on the French 
 creek expedition in 1778. Col. Rec., vol. xlv, p. 662. 
 
 General Mclntosh page 135. 
 
 Brigadier General Lachlan Mclntosh of the Continental army 
 succeeded General Hand in command of the Western district ; 
 (head quarters at Fort Pitt) in May, 1778. In October follow 
 ing he built Fort Mclntosh, " upon the Indian side of the Ohio 
 river" (where the town of Beaver now stands), and in November 
 and December erected Fort Laurens on the west bank of the 
 Tuscarawas river, half a mile below the present town of 
 24 
 
Appendix. 
 
 Bolivar, Tuscarawas county, Ohio. /W. jfrcb., vol. vi, pp. 
 467, 564, 646; vol. vii, p. 132; /</. W. .v/V, pp. 382, 400; 
 Herring s Nat. Port. Gall, vol. Hi; Howe s Ohio Hist. Col., />. 
 
 FINIS. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Adams, George, 1 1 8. 
 Appalachian Mountains, 113- 
 Armstrong, General John, 107, 154, 159, 
 166, 182. 
 
 Baker, William, 113. 
 
 Barr, Colonel, 184. 
 
 Bear, 33. 
 
 Beaver. Transformation, 57 5 habits, 59. 
 
 Bedford, affray near, 121, 182. 
 
 Big Beaver River, 56. 
 
 Big Darby Creek, 175. 
 
 Black boys, 1 19, 179. 
 
 Black River, 169. 
 
 Boundary. Va. and Penn. 183. 
 
 Bouquet, General. Expedition into Ohio, 
 
 I0 7> 151, 1 K> 1 77- 
 Bourbon County, Ky. 138. 
 Braddock, General. Indians prepare to 
 
 attack, ii; return with prisoners, 125 
 
 defeat, 151, 154, 155. 
 Braddock s Road, 5, 163. 
 Bradstreet, General, 153, 155. 
 Buffalo, 21. 
 Buffalo Lick, 21, 168. 
 Burd, Colonel James, 164. 
 Burgoyne, General. Defeat, 156. 
 
 Caldwell, Rev. James, vii. 
 Callender, Captain Robert, 179, 182. 
 Campbell, Colonel Arthur, 49, 171. 
 Campbell, George. Song, ill. 
 Canesadooharie River, 25, 38, 40, 56, 
 
 169. 
 
 Carlisle, 122. 
 Caughnewaga, 105. 
 
 Cuyahoga River, 43, 56, 7i,?375 1 7*- 
 Cherokee River, 113. 
 Chillicothe. " Upper " and " Old," 1 68. 
 Clark, General G. R. 155. 
 Connolly, Captain John, 183. 
 Conococheague, 5, 105, 108, 119, 178. 
 Crawford, Colonel, 151, 155. 
 Croghan, George, 164, 1 68. 
 
 Cumberland River, 114. 
 
 Deny, William, 126. 
 Detroit, 49, 75, 79, 102, 105. 
 Duffield, William, 108, 134. 
 Dunmore, Lord, 155, 167, 183, 184. 
 
 Edwards, Colonel, 155. 
 Elk, 21. 
 
 Elliott, Robert, 134. 
 Elliott. S. B. xii. 
 
 Forbes, General, 102, 154. 
 
 Fort Bedford, 119, 122. 
 
 Fort Chissel, 118, 181. 
 
 Fort Dunmore, 183. 
 
 Fort Du Quesne, 7, 8, 102, 104, 164. 
 
 Fort Laurens, 185. 
 
 Fort Loudon, 5, 105, no, 151, 163, 180. 
 
 Fort Mclntosh, 185. 
 
 Fort Pitt, 136, 151, 177, 183. 
 
 Fox, 38. 
 
 French Creek, 135, 137, 185. 
 
 Gage, General, 178. 
 
 Garrett s Mill, 174. 
 
 Geese, 57, 83. 
 
 George, Robert, 126. 
 
 Girty, Simon, 177. 
 
 Gist, Christopher, 168. 
 
 Grant, Captain Charles, no, 180. 
 
 Grant, Colonel, 102, 151, 176. 
 
 Great River, 79, 173. 
 
 Hamilton, Governor, 168. 
 
 Handy, William, vii. 
 
 Harmar, General, 152, 155. 
 
 Henry, Patrick, 167. 
 
 Hinkston, Captain John, 135, 185. 
 
 Hoge, Jonathan, 134. 
 
 Hogg, Captain, 165. 
 
 Holmes, John, 125. 
 
 Holstein River, 113. 
 
 Hoops, Adam, 164. 
 
Index. 
 
 Horses, wild, 41. 
 Horton, Joshua, 113. 
 Howell, Jacob S. 133- 
 
 Indian Customs : running the gauntlet, 
 8 ; adoption of whites, 14, 167 ; war 
 dance, 18 ; courting dance, 19; songs, 
 19; food, 26, 38, 51, 139; canoes, 
 27 ; preparing skins, 295 winter cabins, 
 29; bear hunting, 335 sugar making, 
 37, 69 ; trapping raccoons, 37 ; fox, 38 ; 
 hospitality, 43, 1405 squaws at work, 
 45; games, 46,77; religion, 52, 98; 
 tents, 53 ; transformation of animals, 
 57, 82; speeches, 65, 90, 97; snow- 
 shoes, 67 ; immodesty of Jibewa girls, 
 72; swearing, 74; intemperance, 76; 
 sweat house, 95; prayer, 96; fishing, 
 100; general habits, 139; titles, 139; 
 courtship, 140; traditions, 142 ; police 
 or civil government, 147 ; marriage 
 laws, 148; penal laws, 149; discipline, 
 150; mode of war, 151, l6l. 
 
 Indian Language : 
 
 Ashalecoa, the great knife, 104. 
 Cancheanta, hominy, 26. 
 Carreyagaroona, inferior deities, 145. 
 Gookhosing, habitation of owls, 1 66. 
 KaiAogAAa, river, 172. 
 Maneto, the great spirit, 143. 
 Matchemancto, the evil spirit, 143. 
 Qhncnata or, Oghncanata, potatoes, 26, 
 
 170. 
 
 Oonasa&roona, the evil spirit, 75, 146. 
 Oiranugo, the great spirit, 75, 144. 
 Saundustce t water, 75. 
 Skoharchaugo, the Dutch, 44. 
 TuIAasago t the English, 81. 
 
 Indian Tribes : 
 Canasataugas, 6. 
 Catawbas, 22,168, 169. 
 Caughnewagas, 13, 39, 52, 70, 142, 
 
 i 46, 172. 
 
 Delawares, 6, 10, 13, 146, 160, 166. 
 Eries, 169. 
 Iroquois, 168. 
 Jibewas, 65, 78, 102. 
 Mohawks, 69, 173. 
 Mohicans, 13. 
 Miamis, 168. 
 
 Ottawas, 52, 65, 70, 78, 8 1, 85, 102, 
 142. 
 
 Pottowatamies, 78, 102. 
 
 Shawanees, 146. 
 
 Twightwees, 168. 
 
 Wiandotts, 26, 39, 44, 78, 81, 102, 
 
 142. 
 
 Indian Traders, 108. 
 Indian Town, 13, 1 66. 
 Indians. 
 
 Asallecoa (Mohawk Solomon), 17, 20, 
 
 21. 
 
 Chinnohete, 72. 
 
 Jacobs, Captain, 159. 
 
 Manetehcoa, 68, 70. 
 
 Maully, 52, 65. 
 
 Nungamy, 87, 90, 105. 
 
 Pipe, Captain, 166. 
 
 Tecaughretenego, 51, 57, 65, 80, 84, 
 
 88, 94, 104, 144. 
 Tecanyaterighto (or Pluggy), 17, 24, 
 
 167. 
 Tontileaugo, 24, 32, 35, 40, 51, 84, 
 
 88. 
 
 James, a mulatto boy, 114. 
 
 Jirk, 1 1 6. 
 
 Johnson, Sir William, 113, 170, 177, 1 8 1. 
 
 Johnston, John, 125, 182. 
 
 Juniata River, 120. 
 
 Kittaning Villages, 1 66. 
 Kyle, Captain John, 185. 
 
 Lake Erie, 24, 26, 43, 54, 75, 171. 
 
 Licking Summit, 168. 
 
 Ligonier, 7, 166. 
 
 Little Lake, 50, 57, 100, 173, 175. 
 
 Logan, General, 155. 
 
 Loughrie, Colonel, 152, 155- 
 
 Loyalhanna, 7. 
 
 Lyle, Joel R. Early Kentucky printer, 
 
 x, xi. 
 
 Lyle, Rev. Joel K. xii. 
 Lyon, William, 134. 
 
 McCay, Robert, 164. 
 McClane, James, 134. 
 McClelland s Station, Ky. 167. 
 McComb, William, 134. 
 McCommon, Major James, 131. 
 McCullough, John, 165. 
 McDowell, William, 181. 
 Mclntosh, General L. 135, 155, 185. 
 
Index. 
 
 189 
 
 McQuaid, Miss Sarah, xii. 
 Miami of the Lakes, 75, 83, 175. 
 Mohican Creek, 166. 
 Monkton, General, 154. 
 Montour, Andrew, 168. 
 Montreal, 79, 105. 
 Morgan, Colonel, 167. 
 Morris, Governor, 163. 
 Morristown, i 34. 
 Murray, Major, 177. 
 
 Muskingum River, 13, 25, 42, 56, 107, 
 167, 172. 
 
 Neville, John, 167. 
 
 North Mountain, 106, 108. 
 
 Ollentangy Creek, 86, 87, 99, 175. 
 Ottawa River, 79, 173. 
 Owl Creek, 166. 
 
 Parker, Captain William, 134. 
 
 Patton, Samuel, 134. 
 
 Paxton, Captain Thomas, 134. 
 
 Peebles, Lieut. Col. Robert, 134. 
 
 Pennsylvania Gazette, 124. 
 
 Pepper, Lieut. Col. William, 134. 
 
 Perry, Colonel, 184. 
 
 Piper, Colonel John, 134. 
 
 Pluggystown, 168. 
 
 Pollen, Henry, 108. 
 
 Portages, 170, 172, 174. 
 
 Potomack. Indian inroad on, 24. 
 
 Prairies, 85, 173, 175. 
 
 Presq Isle, 56. 
 
 Proctor, Colonel John, 134. 
 
 Quaker government of Penn. 106. 
 
 Raccoons, 27, 37, 57, 82. 
 Roads. Early in Penn. 5, 163. 
 Robb, David, 134. 
 Rocky River, 170. 
 Rodgers, Margaret, vii. 
 Rocgers, Rev. Dr. vii. 
 
 St. Clair, General A. 152, 155. 
 
 St. Clair, Sir John, 163. 
 
 St. Lawrence River, 79, 105. 
 
 Salt Lick, 21. 
 
 Sandusky, 43, 84, 100, 105, 171, 173, 
 
 i?4, 175- 
 Savage, John, 50. 
 
 25 
 
 Scaggins, Henry, 18 1. 
 
 Sciota River, 21, 85, 99, 105, 174, 175. 
 
 Shakers in Ohio. Smith s tracts on, x. 
 
 Sideling Hill, 109, 170, 180. 
 
 SMITH, COLONEL JAMES. Birth, v ; cap 
 ture, vi, 6, 164; first marriage, vi, 106; 
 family, vi ; second marriage, vii ; af 
 fection for his first wife, vii ; removal 
 to Kentucky, viii ; character, viii j 
 elected tepresentative, ix ; ordained, ix ; 
 visit to Shakers, ix ; publishes tracts 
 against them, x ; publishes work on 
 Indian warfare, x; death, x; taken 
 prisoner to Fort DuQuesne, 7 ; runs the 
 gauntlet, 8 ; witnesses preparations for 
 the attack on Braddock, 1 1 ; and arri 
 val of the prisoners, 12; taken toTul- 
 lihas, 135 ceremony of adoption, 14- 
 17; hunts with the Indians, 20; is 
 lost and reduced to bow and arrows, 
 24; starts for Lake Erie with his adopt 
 ed brother Tontileago, 24 ; reaches 
 Canesadoharie, 26 ; loses his books, 
 28; make their winter cabin, 29; 
 bear hunting, 33 ; sugar making, 36; 
 recovers his books, 39; chase after hor 
 ses, 41 ; arrive at Sunyendeand, 44; 
 meet Arthur Campbell, 49; adopted by 
 Tecaughrctanego, 1 1 ; at Cuyahoga, i6j 
 to Beaver Creek, 17; lost again, 62; 
 his reception on his return, 65 ; alarm, 
 69; conjuring, 70; back to Cuyahoga, 
 71-75; on the lake to Fort Detroit, 
 71 ; a big drunk, 76; return to Ohio, 
 84; winter at headwaters of Sandusky 
 and Scioto, S6; on the Ollentangy, 875 
 starvation, 89; tempted to escape, 92; 
 returns, 93 ; goes to Sunyendeand, 100; 
 to Detroit, 105 ; to Caughnewaga, 1055 
 escapes and returns home, vi, 105 ; ap 
 pointed Captain of Rangers, IODJ en 
 sign in the regular service, 107; joins 
 Bouquet s expedition as Lieutenant, 1075 
 leader of the Black boys, 109 ; releas 
 es prisoners from Fort Loudon, 110; 
 excursion into Tennessee, 113-19; ad 
 venture as leader of the Black boys, 119 
 22 ; captured and imprisoned, 1 22 ; trial 
 and release, 130; commissioner, 130, 
 183 ; with Washington s army in New 
 Jersey, 131; recommendations, 132, 
 134; receives Colonel s commission, 
 
190 
 
 Index. 
 
 134$ expedition to French Creek, I35> 
 
 185 ; settles in Kentucky, i 38. 
 His family. Jonathan, vi ; W.lliam, vi, 
 
 viii ; James, vi, viii, ix ; Robert, vi, 
 
 vii, viii, xi j Jane, vi ; Elizabeth, vi ; 
 
 Rebecca, vi, viii. 
 Smith, James, 113, 125. 
 Smith, Rev. J. M. vii, xii. 
 Smith, William, Commissioner of Roads, 
 
 5, 164; letter to Pennsylvania Gazette, 
 
 124. 
 
 Smith s Road, 164. 
 Snakes, 57, 82. 
 Snow Shoes, 67. 
 South Mountain, 106. 
 Stanwick, General, 154. 
 Steele, Rev. John, 182. 
 Stobo, Captain, 166. 
 Stone, Uriah, 1 13. 
 Stone River, Tennessee, 114. 
 Sunyendeand, 44, 49, 100, 170. 
 Susquehanna Campaign, 107, 176. 
 
 Tennessee River, 114, 181. 
 Thompson, Anthony, 164. 
 
 Thomson, Mr. a pioneer, 100. 
 
 Thomson, William, 120. 
 
 Todd, Colonel, 152. 
 
 Traders goods destroyed, no, 119, 182. 
 
 Tullehas, 13, 166. 
 
 Verses composed by Colonel Smith, 116. 
 Vigoras, Andrew, killed by the Indians, 
 6, 165. 
 
 Virginia, Indian raid on, 46, 49. 
 
 Walhonding Creek, 166. 
 Washington. General, 131, 134. 
 Whetstone Creek, 175. 
 Whitewoman s Creek, 166. 
 Wilkinson, General, 155. 
 Wilson, Anne, wife of Col. Smith, vi. 
 Wolfe, General, 105. 
 Wood, Captain John, 185. 
 Wyandott Village, 174. 
 
 Youghiogheny River, 5, 121. 
 Zeisberger, 167. 
 
 
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