GIFT or Mary Tmhr SELECT ORATIONS OF M. T. CICERO, &c. &c. SELECT ORATIONS M. TULLIUS CICERO, FROM THE TEXT OF JO. CASP. ORELLIUS, NOTES, CRITICAL AND EXPLANATORY, FOR THE USE OP SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES. BY The Rev. MAURICE M'KAY, M. A., MASTER OF THE KINSALE ENDOWED SCHOOL. DUBLIN: PRINTED FOR W. F. WAKEMAN, 9, D'OLIER-STREET ; AND SOLD BY SIMPKIN AND MARSHALL, AND R. GROOMBRIDGE, LONDON. MDCCCXXXIII. $* Printed by R. Graisberry. PAW?? ftM33 PREFACE f\fcM The want of a useful edition of the Orations of Cicero which are usually read in schools and colleges, has long been felt and acknowledged. The Delphin edition, the only one available to the gene- rality of students, was, perhaps, of all the Delphin classics, the least deserving of the patronage of the learned. The text was corrupt, the annotations were not drawn from the best sources, and the principal difficulties left unnoticed. When to this it is added, that typographical errors had been permitted to accumulate in the successive editions, so as, in many instances, to render the meaning of passages either un- intelligible or exceedingly obscure, it will readily be ad- mitted, that a favourable opportunity was afforded for the publication of a new edition, which should at least attempt to supply the deficiencies, and avoid the glaring errors of its predecessors. This task has been attempted in the present publication. The text of Orellius has been adopted ; whose elaborate edition of the works of Cicero, published at Zurich, 1826, 1830, displays the strictest attention to sound critical princi- ples; avoiding equally an obstinate adherence to ancient but unauthorized readings on the one hand, and reckless in- novation on the other. ^5039' vi PREFACE. The next care of the Editor has been to supply the want of copious explanations of the difficult passages with which these Orations abound. The Editor is aware that some have objected to copiousness of annotation, as tending to prevent research in the student, and have urged the pro- priety of merely giving references to the proper sources of information ; and no doubt such a plan would be highly deserving of adoption, if these sources were always accessi- ble to the student. But as this is not the case, the Editor hopes to be excused for having laboured to make his expla- nations as full as possible. Another important subsidiary element in the study of Cicero, is the observing the minute but elegant turns of thought with which he abounds ; the amazing force and pro- priety of the expressions, even where his mind would appear to be carried away with the rapid flow of his eloquence. These never fail to strike an examiner, and require that the attention of the student should be directed to them wherever they occur. This, it is hoped, the Editor has not failed to effect. Closely connected with this attention to the niceties of the Author, is the careful observation of the mutual dependence of the various arguments, which, being obviously necessary to a comprehensive view of the whole, has been carefully point- ed out. Historical Introductions have been prefixed to the Orations, with analyses of the contents. In these, the Edi- tor has adopted the plan, and, in many instances, the matter, of the argumenta, given by Schiitz, in his edition of Cicero. And here, perhaps, the Editor's task should have closed, and all the apparatus of history, antiquities, &c, should be left to be derived from the authors who professedly treat of these subjects; but, aware that very many students are so cir- cumstanced as to be unable to command the perusal of these PREFACE. vii authors, the Editor felt bound not to omit brief notices of such points of history, antiquities, &c, as occur. Still, how- ever, he would not have it supposed, that these ought to su- persede the perusal of the proper treatises, from which alone, masterly views on these subjects can be obtained. With this object, and conceiving that there may be some, " quibus artebenigna Et meliore luto finxit praecordia Titan," the Editor has not failed to mark the various references to the works from which his facts and explanations are de- rived ; and he has frequently referred to passages which might confirm or illustrate the view which he has taken ; to enable such students as enjoy the requisite facilities, to com- pare the passages themselves, and form their own opinion. With regard to the sources from which the annotations have been derived, they are so varied, and the alterations which it was found necessary to make, in adapting the matter which they supplied to the design of the work, so great, that the names have been generally omitted, except where it seemed necessary for the Editor, in confirmation of his own opinion, to avail himself of the argumentum ad anctorita- tem. He must not, however, omit to state, that many of the notes of Valpy's edition of the select orations of Cicero, anticipating, as they often did, his own views, have been in- serted and duly acknowledged. The Editor has only to express his hopes that this Edition will be found useful, as well for collegiate purposes, as also in those schools where the Orations of Cicero form a part of the course of study. With this view, principally, the notes have been written in English rather than in Latin, and vari- ous explanations of the less obvious words and phrases in- serted for the benefit of the junior class of students. It will be observed, that the Orations against Catiline, viii PREFACE. should have followed the Oration for the Manilian law ; but to suit the convenience of those students who are obliged to make these and the Philippics the object of study for a par- ticular examination, they have been removed to their present place. CONTENTS PACE, Introduction to the Oration for the Manilian law, .... xi Oration for the Manilian law, 1 Introduction to the Oration for the poet Archias, 45 Oration for the poet Archias, 47 Introduction to the Oration for T. Annius Milo, , 73 Oration for T. Annius Milo, 77 Introduction to the Oration for Q. Ligarius, 159 Oration for Q. Ligarius, 163 Introduction to the Oration for king Deiotarus, 189 Oration for king Deiotarus, 193 Introduction to the Orations against Catiline, 227 First Oration against Catiline, 233 Second, 255 Third, 277 Fourth, 297 Introduction to the Orations against M. Antony, 313 First Philippic Oration, 321 Second, 349 Ninth, 433 b2 THE FOLLOWING CONTRACTIONS OP THE NAMES OF COMMENTA- Orel. for Orellius. Manut. Manutius. Forcel. Forcellinus. (See his Lexk Sch. Schiitz. Abram. Abramius. Em. Ernesti. Gretv. Graevius. V. E. the Valpy Edition or Editor. Sylv. Sylvius. Hottom. Hottomanus. Delph. the edition by the Dauphin editor, Merouille. &c., &c., &c. ERRATUM. In some copies, p. 100, line 7, supply ad after Lunuvium. INTRODUCTION TO THE ORATION FOR THE MANILIAN LAW. 1. In the year of Rome 687, Cicero, then elected praetor, pro- nounced this oration in favour of a law proposed by C. Manilius, tribune of the people, which had for its object the appointment of Pompey to the command of the Mithridatic war. The fortunes of this war, therefore, and the character of Pompey, being* the chief subject of the oration, it may be of use to state them more in detail than could be expected from the orator, within the limits of a popular address. 2. Mithridates the great, who succeeded to the throne of Pon- tus, a. u. 634, was the son of Mithridates, surnamed Evergetes, a monarch of considerable abilities, who, by his services in the war with Aristonicus,* gained the friendship of the Roman peo- ple, and a grant of Phrygia Major. The resumption of this terri- tory from the son during his minority, laid the foundation of that hatred to the Romans, which became the ruling principle of his life, and gained him the appellation of a second Hannibal. The first evidence of it appeared in his procuring the assassination of Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia, their old ally, and seizing on his kingdom. This violent act demanded the interference of the Romans, who expelled him from Cappadocia, and declared the country free. Finding, however, that the people preferred a * Aristonicus was the illegitimate brother of Attalus, king of Pergamus, who bequeathed his kingdom to the Roman people. To this kingdom he laid claim, and the senate was obliged to send a consular army under Crassus to support their pretensions. This army was routed by Aristonicus ; but Perpenna, the consul for the following year, a. u. 623, retrieved the honour of the Roman arms, and took Aristonicus prisoner. xii INTRODUCTION. monarchy,* they appointed Ariobarzanes, a noble of the country, king. But the same intrigues which had effected the murder of the former king, proved no less successful in accomplishing the dethronement of his successor. Accordingly, a. u. 661, we find Sylla employed in restoring Ariobarzanes to his throne. 3. In the mean time, Mithridates, with a view to extend his influence, gave his daughter in marriage to Tigranes, king of Armenia, who, at his instigation, expelled Ariobarzanes a second time. Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, shared a similar fate; and the senate of Rome being appealed to by the monarchs, appointed a commission, at the head of which was M. Aquilius, a man of consular rank, to reinstate them in their respective dominions ; a proceeding to which Mithridates offered no opposition. 4. The rapacious spirit of the Romans, and perhaps, the ambi- tion of Mithridates, soon provoked a war. The king was every where victorious ; he expelled the monarchs once more ; and ex- tending his conquests to Asia Minor,f finally captured the Roman leaders, Oppius, Cassius, and Aquilius, of whom Aquilius was put to death, being forced to swallow melted gold as a stigma on the Roman avidity. At the same time he directed, by circular letters, a general massacre of the Italians throughout Asia. He then car- ried the war into Macedon and Greece, a great part of which he overran with his troops before the arrival of Sylla, (a. u. 666,) the general appointed to oppose him ; Murena and Lucullus, who af- terwards signalized themselves against Mithridates, being among Sylla's officers. This war, of which Greece was the principal theatre, and in which Athens suffered most, after a series of vic- tories by Sylla, terminated in a peace, by which the monarchs were again restored, and Asia evacuated. This is reckoned by Appian the first Mithridatic war. 5. In the mean time, the Marian faction, during the absence of Sylla, being triumphant at Rome, appointed the consul Valerius as his successor in the province, who, on his arrival in Asia, was killed by his lieutenant, Fimbria, in a mutiny of the troops. Fimbria, whose bravery was equal to his villany, for some time prosecuted the war against Mithridates with vigour ; but finding his troops deserting to Sylla, he stabbed himself to avoid falling * This choice of the Cappadocians is supposed to be alluded to by Horace. 'Mancipiis locuples eget aeris Cappadocum rex.' Epist. li. 6. 39. t Asia Minor, now Anatolia or Anadoli, (from avaToXrj, the east,) was a name adopted in the middle ages, for the countries lying between the Euxine and Mediterranean seas. At this time it comprised only the countries along the Propontis and ^Egean, of which Pergamus was the Capital. INTRODUCTION. xiii into the hands of his enemy. This army formed the Valerian or Fimbrian legions, whose turbulence afterwards proved the ruin of Lucullus, and which were now intrusted to Murena, on the de- parture of Sylla for Rome, a. u. 670, whither the exigencies of the state called him. On his arrival there he obtained a tri- umph. 6". Murena soon found a pretext for renewing the war, to which he was prompted by avaricious views, in the warlike preparations of Mithridates against the Bosporani, a people of the Cimmerian Bosporus ; which, after it had continued for three years without any action of importance, terminated by a general engagement, fought on the river Halys, in which both parties claimed the vic- tory. For Sylla, who was now dictator, ordered a cessation of hostilities and a renewal of the peace. He then recalled Murena, and honoured him with a triumph, a. u. 672 ; and thus ended, according to Appian, the second Mithridatic war. 7. Sylla dying, a. u. 67.5, before the treaty was ratified, Mithridates, encouraged by the success of Sertorius, and by the disorders which the remaining Marians, under Lepidus, had ex- cited in the state, resolved to renew the war. Tigranes led the way, by invading Cappadocia, and carrying off the inhabitants of twelve Greek cities to people his favourite capital, Tigranocerta. In the mean time the king of Bithynia dying, bequeathed his kingdom to the Roman people, which they proceeded to reduce into the form of a province. To prevent this, Mithridates at- tacked it by sea and land, and at the same time sent to Sertorius, then in Spain, offers of an alliance, and received in return some experienced officers to command his fleets. 8 . The generals sent to oppose him were the consuls of the year, (679,) Lucullus and Cotta. Lucullus had the command of the Fimbrian legions ; Cotta, of the fleet. The land forces of the king amounted to 180,000 men ; the fleet reckoned 400 ships. Cotta, who had proceeded to Bithynia, suffered a defeat which obliged him to retreat to Chalcedon, one of its maritime cities, and there sustain a siege. Lucullus forced Mithridates to raise the siege of this city, as also of Cyzicum, a town of the Propontis. Still he was able to despatch a large fleet to Italy, to the assist- ance of Spartacus ; but being met by Lucullus, near Tenedos, it was intercepted and sunk. The king was soon after obliged to evacuate Bithynia, and fall back on Pontus, whither he was pur- sued by Lucullus : his cities taken, his armies routed, himself driven out of his native kingdom, and Pontus opened to the Ro- man legions. On this occasion he narrowly escaped falling into the hands of Lucullus's cavalry ; who, tempted, however, by the xiv INTRODUCTION. booty which the king abandoned to them in his flight, gave up the pursuit. 9. An asylum was now afforded him by Tigranes, whose do- minions Lucullus invaded, and invested Tigranocerta. Two splen- did victories over the combined forces of the kings, left Armenia at the mercy of the Roman general, who was proceeding to at- tack Artaxata, the old capital of Armenia, and depository of the treasures of Tigranes, when a spirit of insubordination manifested itself among the legions, especially the Fimbrian. They refused to march, and forced Lucullus to retire to winter quarters at Nisi- bis in Mesopotamia. The kings returned to their respective do- minions, collected their forces, and while Tigranes confined Fan- nius, one of Lucullus's lieutenants, in a castle of Armenia, and collected his forces to invade the province, Mithridates, in Pontus, defeated, in turn, two others, Fabius and Triarius. To complete the disaster, Glabrio, the consul of the year (686), whom the tribune Gabinius, at Rome, by false representations of the wealth and avarice of Lucullus, had procured to be appointed his successor, arrived in Bithynia; and, by a decree, commanded the soldiers no longer to obey Lucullus, now reduced to the rank of a private citizen. The decree was obeyed ; the Fimbrian veterans received their discharge ; and the remaining troops were sent to Glabrio. 10. In the mean time the example of Gabinius was followed at Rome by the tribune Manilius, who, wishing to ingratiate himself with the people by flattering their favourite, Pompey, proposed the law in question. Equally interested were the views of Cicero in supporting it, who hoped for Pompey 's patronage in obtaining the consulship to which he now aspired. The law was carried, and Pompey, who was then in Cilicia, extinguishing the remains of the piratical war, immediately assumed the command. Lucul- lus returned to Rome, and having with difficulty obtained a triumph, retired from public life, and passed the remainder of his days in philosophic ease. 11. Pompey, who had thus, by the influence of turbulent tribunes, (as Cicero himself subsequently owned, Phil. viii. 13,) succeeded to the command of all Asia, was now in his fortieth year. He was the son of Pompeius Strabo, a distinguished general in the Italic war, in whose army, while yet a boy, he learned the military art; and, after his father's death, served for some years under Cinna.* On the return of Sylla from Asia, a. u. 670, Pompey, * Plut. (Pomp. 5,) says, that the mutiny of Cinna's troops, in which he was killed, arose from a suspicion of his having murdered Pompey. INTRODUCTION. xv then about twenty-three years of age, joined him with three legions, which he had credit to raise in Picenum. Having, on his march, defeated Brutus, a Marian leader, Sylla rose up at his approach and saluted him, Imperator. 12. The following year, he defeated two large armies of Carbo, the successor of Cinna, at Praeneste and Clusium ; and pursuing Carbo, himself, who fled to Sicily, he took the island, and put him to death. He then, in the short space of forty days, reduced Africa, which was held by Domitius, the son-in-law of Cinna, as- sisted by Hiarbal, king of Numidia. Being thus conqueror of Africa at the age of twenty-four, he was recalled to Rome, and, according to Plutarch, saluted by Sylla with the title of Magnus,* and obtained a triumph, being still a Roman knight. 13. Sylla now resigned the dictatorship, and Pompey used his influence in promoting Lepidus to the consulship, who revived the Marian cause, and was declared a public enemy. M. Brutus, the father of the Tyrannicide, f was now in Cisalpine Gaul, and de- clared for Lepidus. Pompey being sent thither, defeated and slew him in time to join Catulus, the other consul, in an attack upon his colleague, Lepidus, who was driven into Sardinia, where he died of grief. Pompey, contrary to the wishes of Catulus, delayed disbanding his army till he was commissioned, in prefer- ence to the consuls of the following year, Junius Brutus and Mam. iEmilius, to proceed to Spain, against Sertorius, the only remaining Marian leader, and then opposed by Metellus Pius. 14. Here Pompey found his equal in the great abilities of Ser- torius ; who, after two unsuccessful campaigns, obliged him to retire into Gaul. The treachery of Perpenna effected what the arms of Pompey were unequal to. Sertorius was slain at a ban- quet; and as his talents had long supported, so his death proved the ruin of the Marian cause. Perpenna was soon defeated by Pompey and slain. In the mean time, Crassus had just given the Servile army of Spartacus a final defeat, and a party of the fugi- tives falling into the hands of Pompey, as he returned from Spain, afforded him a pretext for claiming the extinction of that war. For these achievements he was decreed a second triumph, though still of equestrian rank. \5. The law which required the consul to be forty-three, was then dispensed with, in favour of Pompey, now only in his thirty- * It is uncertain when this title was conferred. Appian makes it after the Mithridatic war, but Cicero applies it to him, a. v. 690. Agrar. ii. 20. Liv. xxx. 45, attributes it to the flattery of his friends. t Cicero uses the Greek word, Fam. xii. 22, ' nostri rvpavvoKTuvoi longe absunt.' xvi INTRODUCTION. fifth year ; and, a. u. 683, he was raised not only to be a senator, but to be president of the senate. Pompey was busily employed in forwarding such measures as would extend his popularity ; particularly the restoration of the tribunes of the people to the privileges of which Sylla had de- prived them, up to his appointment, by the Gabinian law, to the command of the piratical war, which he despatched in forty-nine days ; not without sullying his fame, by his intrigues with the Cretans, and his mean opposition to Metellus Creticus. The fol- lowing year, as has been stated, he obtained the command of the Mithridatic war, with large discretionary powers ; and it is but justice to add, that, in that difficult commission, he sustained his former high character, and brought it to a speedy and decisive issue. 16. The plan of this oration is extremely simple. The ex- ordium consists in a statement of the orator's reasons for not hav- ing hitherto spoken from the Rostra, c. 1. Then follows a triple division of his subject : 1. the kind of the war ; 2. its magnitude ; 3. the choice of a general. The first is enlarged on, c. 2 7 ; the second, c. 8. 9; the third, c. 10 17. The orator then addresses himself to the ' refutation ;' i. e. to reply to the objec- tions of Q. Hortensius and Q. Catulus. The former is answered, c. 18. 19; the latter, 20 23. He then concludes with an ex- hortation to C. Manilius, to persevere in his motion, in defiance of threats or violence, promising him his assistance and entire sup- port, c. 24. M. TULLII CICERONIS PRO LEGE MANILIA ORATIO. I. Quamquam mihi semper frequens 2 conspectus 1 ves- ter, multo jucundissimus ; hie autem 3 locus,* ad agen- 1. Conspectus] We find in every language the same terms used to ex- press the act and the object of any of the senses : thus we say * acute vision' (the act) ; ' the vision of the prophet' (the object). So ' aKot)' hearing report. Hence ' conspectus,' im- porting the object seen, when that object is a people, may imply, as here, ' an assembly.' 2. Frequens] is, 1. a repetition of time ; 2. of number. As the sense of the passage requires the second mean- ing here, it serves to limit ' conspec- tus' to the sense given above. Or the phrase may be resolved thus, ' Al- though the sight of you crowded together, &c.' 3. Autem] ' and though, &c.' ; used in continuation, like the Greek particle Si. 4. Locus] Cicero had never before addressed the people from the Rostra. This did not arise from negligence or VOL. I. dislike, for he had always thought it the most delightful and honourable task but from the high idea which he had formed of the talents and learning requisite for such an under- taking. This is at once compli- mentary to the people, and serves to constitute the prbemiumof his speech. It may be here remarked, that at Rome, those only who were Magis- trates, or were introduced by Magis- trates, had liberty to address the people ; whereas, at Athens there was no such restriction, respect being merely had to age. ^Esch. in Ctes. 1. Att. iv. 2. f Cum subito Clodius in concionem ascendit quam Appius el dedit.' Appius was then praetor. Hence at Rome we at no time find that ' harvest of demagogues/ (<popa ptjToptuv novTjpuiv, /Esch. in Ctes. 86.) which sprang up at Athens, and, no doubt, accelerated its fall. 2" M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO dum 5 amplissimus, 6 ad dicendumornatissimus 7 estvisus, Qui- rites : tamen hoc aditu 8 laudis, qui semper optimo cuique 9 maxime patuit, 10 non mea me voluntas, sed meae vita? rati- ones 11 ab ineunte aetate susceptee, prohibuerunt. 12 Nam, quum 13 antea per aetatem 14 nondum hujus auctoritatem loci attingere auderem; statueremque, 15 nihil hue, nisi perfec- tum ingenio, 13 elaboratum industria, afferri oportere : omne meum tempus amicorum temporibus 17 transmittendum 18 5. Ad agendum"] The commen- tators here inform us, from A. Gell. xiii. 1 5. that ' cum populo agere' sig- nifies to address the people, soliciting their votes for or against a certain measure ; ' concionem habere,' ha- ranguing them without having that object ; which, however true, is here quite irrelevant. For Cicero does not say, ' ad agendum cum populo' ' concionem habere ;' but simply ' ad agendum' * ad dicendum ;' and by declaring that he always thought the Rostra the most honourable place for these exercises, he plainly intimates that they were not limited to it alone, but prevailed, though in a lower de- gree, in the private courts. Besides he often joins the words elsewhere as synonymous. ' Mentem qua haec ipsa agimus ac dicimus.' Mil. 31. We must therefore translate them ge- nerally, ' to conduct business,' ' to harangue.' - 6. Amplissimus] * Amplus' im- ports 1. wide, capacious; 2. dignified, honourable ; which is the meaning here. So Arch. 10. ipsis populis de quorum rebus scribitur haec ampla sunt.' The Delph. incorrectly ex- plains it, ' commodissimus.' 7. Ornatissimus] ' honorificus' conferring honour. Forcel. Others, admitting the highest oratorical em- bellishment ;' which, if the interpre- tation of ' amplus' be right, must be incorrect,, nothing being more com- mon with Cicero than two synonymous epithets. 8. Aditu] the Rostra, the grand entrance to glory and fame at Rome. 9. Optimo cuique] ' every man of merit.' Sail. Cat. 8. ' Optumus quis- que facere quam dicere, malebat.' 10. Maxime patuit] He means with the magistrate's permission ; or when he became a magistrate ; a dis- tinction open 'optimo cuique.' Supr. 4. 11. Mea: vita: rationes] ' pleading causes.' By ineunte state' he means the ' dawn of youth,' not ' boy- hood.' At the age of twenty-six he pleaded a private cause for Quintius ; and a year after a public one for Rose. Amerinus. 12. Prohibuerunt] i.e. though he had been quaestor, and anlile ; and therefore duly qualified. 13. Nam, quum,fyc.] T 1 >rce causes deterred him from the Ko^tra : 1. his plans of life, 2. his modesty, 3. the talents and industry requisite for such an undertaking. 14. Per atatem] 'youth;' which the Romans extended to forty years. Cicero was now in his forty- first year ; and had been pleading causes for nearly twenty. 15. Statuerem] sc apud animum. De Orat. iii. 22. * vix statuere apud animum meum possum.' 16. Perfectum ingenio] Ingenium res invenit ; inventas industria perficit. Manut. Cicero's expression then is not strictly correct. 17. Temporibus] Cicero uses ' tempora' for ' pericula' and ' peri- cula,' again, for ' lites.' Mil. 36. ' Bona, fortunas meas ac libererum meorum in communionem tuorum tem- porum contuli.' And Arch. 2. 'In ejusmodi persona quae minime in ju- PRO LEGE MANILIA, Cap. 1 3 putavi. Ita 19 neque hie locus vacuus 20 unquam fuit ab iis, qui vestram causam defenderent : et mens labor, in privatorum 21 periculis caste 22 integreque versatus, ex ves- tro judicio fructum 23 est amplissimum consecutusV Nam quum, propter dilationem 24 comitiorum, 25 ter praetor 26 pri- mus centuriis cunctis 27 renunciatus sum, facile intellexi, Quirites, et quid de me judicaretis, et quid aliis pra?scri- beretis. 28 Nunc quum et auctoritatis in me tantum sit, quantum vos honoribus 29 mandandis 30 esse voluistis : et ad diciis periculisn : tractata est.' 18. Transmittendum] ' to be spent according to the exigencies of my friends.' Manut. Rather ' to be devoted to.' Operi transmittere noctes. Stat. Theb. iii. 287. 19. Ita] 'Ita' is not to be re- ferred merely to ' omnemeum pu- tavi,' the words immediately preced- ing, as Cicero's attention to the concerns of his friends is no reason why the people should have cham- pions of their cause ; though it is, why ' meus labor fructum est am- plissimum consecutus.' Refer it also then to the remote clause ' optimo cuique maxime patuit.' 20. Vacuus ab] Ab maybe omitted. Divin. ii. 11. Animus curis vacuus. 21. Privatorum] which were not brought forward to the Rostra. 22. Caste, tyc] Castus propria sacerdotis ; integer, judicis et patroni, Marcil. Here, however, they both import 'immunis,' and allude to the Cincian law, a. u. 549, against fees for pleading. Liv. xxxiv. 4. 23. Fructum] the pra;torship. 24. Dilationem] This adjourn- ment was usually caused either by the intercession of the tribunes or the inspection of the magistrates. Phil, ii. 32. Here it arose from the fer- ment in which the city was kept by the promulgation of the Gabinian, Roscian, and other laws. The co- mitia was twice dissolved as informal. In these, as well as the third, Cicero was declared first praetor. This, how- ever, gave him no superiority of rank or jurisdiction, but was merely a tes- timony of public favour. Hence his boast, Brut. 93, ' et praetor primus et incredibili populari voluntate sum factus.' 25. Comitiorum] sc. ' centuriato- rum ;' at which the higher magis- trates were appointed. 26. Preetor] (from pre ire) any leader, civil or military ; but a. u. 389, the name was restricted to the magistrate who presided over the ad- ministration of justice. The first praetor was the son of the great Ca- millus, Liv. vii. 1, and the praetors continued for thirty years to be chosen from the patricians. The praetor pe- regrinus was appointed a. u. 510, ' qui inter cives Romanos et peregrinos jus diceret.' Liv. xxii. 35. The number was now eight. 27. Cunctis] qu. ' conjunctis' all without exception ; whereas a majority only was necessary. 28. Quid aliis pra:scriberetis] sc. de me judicandum. Si/lv. Rather, ' what line of conduct you marked out for others to pursue,' namely to devote their time to the exigen- cies of their friends. 29. Honoribus] the aedileship and praetorship ; for the quacstorship was not considered a magistracy or an honour. Hor. Certat tergeminis tol- lere honoribus. These were the aedileship, praetorship, and consulship. 30 Mandundis] Al : mandan- dum, to be annexed to, &c Transl. 1 as you wished me to have by con- ferring your honours upon me j' or, 4 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO agendum facultatis tantum, quantum homini vlnilanti ex ibrensi usuprope quotidiana dicendi exercitatio potuitaflerre : certe, et, si quid auctoritatis in me est, ea apud eos utar, qui earn mihi dedenmt : et, si quid etiam dicendo conse- qui possum, iis ostendam potissimum, qui ei quoque rei 31 fructum suo judicio tribuendum esse Censuerunt. Atque illud in primis mihi laetandum jure esse video, quod in hac insolita mihi ex hoc loco ratione dicendi, causa talis oblata est, in qua oratio deesse nemini potest. Dicendum est enim de Cn. Pompeii 32 singulari eximiaque virtute : hu jus autem orationis difficilius est exitum, quam principium in- venire. Ita mihi non tarn copia, quam modus in dicendo quaerendus est. II. Atque, ut inde oratio mea proficiscatur, unde ha?e omnis causa ducitur : bellum grave et periculosum vestris vectigalibus 1 atque sociis 2 a duobus potentissimis 3 regibus infertur, Mithridate et Tigrane ; quorum alter relictus, 4 alter lacessitus, 5 occasionem sibi ad occupandam Asiam 6 oblatam ' by intrusting me with your magis- tracies.' 31. Ei rei] sc. quid dicendo consequi possum ;' the attainments of eloquence ; not as Ilott. ' dicendi facultati' ability in speaking ; i. e. it was on his industry in pleading the causes of his friends, not on his talents as an orator, that the rewards were bestowed. 32. Cn. Pompeii'] emphatic, ' of a Cneius Pompey.' Sec. II. 1. Vectigalibus] ' Vec- tigal,' from veho,' is 1 . a duty on imports and exports ; 2. the tax laid by the Romans on the lands and produce of conquered countries. Hence ' vectigalis,' one paying this tax, a tributary ; op- posed to 2. Sociis] who were joined in alliance with the llomans. Here particularly is meant Ariobarzanes, of whom infr. c. 5. Rex, socius populi Rom., atque amicus. 3. Potentissimis] Cic. in Lucul. pronounces Mithridates the greatest king after Alexander. Tigranes had obtained considerable victories over the Parthians, and established Greek colonies in Media. 4. Relictus] Cic insinuates that Lucullus gave up the pursuit of Mithridates, in quest of plunder ; but vid. Introd. 9. 5. Lacessitus] This word is in- vidiously chosen, as if Lucullus had wantonly provoked Tigranes to the fight, and then retreated. Introd. 9. 6. Ad occupandam Asiam] The usual construction is ' occupandam Asia?.' Asia was first reduced into the form of a Roman province, a. u. 620, after Attalus had bequeathed his kingdom to the Roman people. The Delph. dates it 137 (it should be 124) years before this period, when Scipio conquered Antiochus ; but the coun- try of which he was deprived, sc. Asia cis Taurum, was not reduced to the form of a province ; being partly given to Eumenes and the Rhodiaris, partly made free. Introd. 4. note c. PRO LEGE MANILLA, Cap. 2. arbitratur. Equitibus Romanis, 7 honestissimis viris, afteruntur ex Asia quotidie litera?, quorum magna? res 8 agimtar, in vestris vectigalibus exercendis 9 oecupata? ; 10 quiad me, pro necessitudine, 11 quaemihi est cum illo ordine, causam reipublica? 1 * ])ericulaque rerum suiirum detulerunt: Bithvnia\ lj quae nunc vestra provincial 4 est, vicos exustos complines : regnum Ariobarzanis, 15 quod finitimum est vestris vectigalibus, totum esse in hostium potestate : Lu- culliim, magnis rebus gestis, ab eo bello discedere: huic qui successerit, 16 non satis esse paratum ad tautum bellum administrandum : unum ab omnibus sociis et civibus ad id bellum impcratorem deposci atque expeti : cundem hunc unum al) hostibus metui, praeterea 17 neiniucm. Causa qua; sit, vidctis : nunc, quid agendum sit, consi- derate. Primum urihi videtur de genere belli; deinde de mainiitudine; turn dc hnperatore deligendo esse dicendum. 7. Equitibus Romani$~\ These had formed themselves into companies (' societates.' Muren. 33.) which farmed the public revenues hence called ' publicani.' The auction was held by the censors in March, and the highest contractor was called magis- ter, who had a deputy called pro- magister. 8. Magna: res~\ i. e. opes, facultates. 9. Exercendis] collecting. Inf. * aut eos qui exercent atque exigunt.' They collected tithes (decuma?) from the husbandmen; rents (scriptura) from the pastures, and customs (por- toriura) from the ports. 10. Occupata] a Mithridate et Tigrane. Sylv. But it merely means embarked in business.' So Verr. iii. i ccunias occuparat apud popu- los, et syngraphas fecerat. 11. Necessitudine] a strong tie of friendship or intimacy. So avaytci) in Greek. Pliny, xxxiii. 8, explains it j ' M. Cicero demum stabilivit equestre nomen in consulatu suo,3 x eo se ordine profectum esse celebrans., et ejus vires peculiari popularitate quaerens.' 12. Causam reip., fc] He con- nects the public interest with that of the knights, lest he might seem to sacrifice public duty to private friend- ship. 13. BitAt/ni<e] Introd. 7. It was anciently called Bebrycia, and re- ceived the name of Bithynia, from the Bithyni or Thyni, a Thracian natioi which settled there. 14. Que? nunc vestra provincial This is added for the information of the people ; an assembly of whom he was now addressing. The senate were, no doubt, aware of the fact. It was now about ten years since its es- tablishment. 15. Regnum Ariob.] sc. Cappado- cia. Introd. 9. It must have been after Lucullus withdrew to Nisibis that Mithridates seized on this king- dom, as up to that time the Roman general was master of every country in his rear. 16. Huic qui successerit] Introd. 9. Al. succui-rerit which, according to Ilottom., intimates the too great eagerness of Glabrio in seizing on a command for which he was not re- markably adapted ; being, in Cicero's opinion, ' socors ipsius natura, negli- gensque.' Brut. b'8. 17. Prtfterea] prater hunc. B 2 6 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO Genus est 18 belli ejusmodi, quod maxime vestros animos excitare atque inflammare ad studium persequendi 19 de- beat ; in quo agitur populi Romani gloria, qua? vobis a ma- joribus, quum magna in rebus omnibus, turn summa in re militari 20 tradita est: agitur salus socioram atque amico- rum, pro qua multa majores vestri magna et gravia bella ges- serunt: aguntur certissima 21 populi Romani vectigalia et maxima; quibus amissis, et pacis ornamenta 22 et subsidia belli requiretis r 23 aguntur bona multorum civium, quibus est a vobis 24 et ipsorum et reipublica? causa consulenduni. III. Et quoniam semper appetentes gloria? 1 prater cete- ras gentes, atque avidi laudis fuistis, delenda vobis est ilia macula, 2 Mithridatico bello superiore 3 suscepta, qua? peni- tus jam insedit, atque inveteravit in populi Romani nomine : quod is, qui uno die, tota Asia, tot in civitatibus, uno nun- tio, atque una literarum significatione cives Romanos necan- dos trucidandosque denotavit, non modo adhuc poenam nul- lam suo dignam scelere suscepit, sed ab illo tempore 4 annum 18. Genus est] Al. Genus est enim. If so. enim is used for tran- sition as if he said, ' Now the, &c.' 19. Ad studium persequendi] Grsev. inserts these words, which are omitted in the Delph. 20. In re militari] Floras (Prol. Hist.) says, that whoever reads the military history of the Romans must learn not the actions of a single peo- ple, but of all mankind. 21. Certissima] He must mean in peaceable times. When consul, two years afterwards, the Campanian were, in his opinion, the only sure revenues. Agr. ii. 29. 22. Et pacis ornamentum, fyc] So Agr. ii. 29, Pacis ornamentum, sub- sidia belli, fundamentum vectigalium. 23. Requiretis] ' feel the loss of. Requiro ; amissum sentio. Ascon. 24. A vobis] Here a is necessary, otherwise we might have translated ' which must provide for you.' Schel- ler's Lat. Gram. vol. 2. p. 233. Inf. 8. n. 4. Sec. HI. 1. Appetentes gloria:'] This is illustrated by the fact, that from the building of Rome to the siege of Veii, nearly 350 years, the Roman soldiers served without pay. Liv. v. 2. 2. Ilia macula] Introd. 4. The circular was directed to the pracfects of Asia, and extended to men, women, and children freemen and slaves. The property of the slain was divided between the assassins and the trea- sury. Plutarch, Syll. 24, states the number that perished at 150,000. Val. Max. ix. 2. 3. at 80,000. And Appian remarks, that the strictness with which the command was ex- ecuted displayed more hatred to the Romans than fear of the king. Introd. 5. 3. Bello superiore] Not the for- mer war ; for that was the war of Murena, in which the Romans re- ceived no ' stain.' The first war, therefore is meant ; and it is probable that Cic. did not separate the war of Murena from that of Sylla ; a dis- tinction which it hardly deserves, either from its continuance, its dan- ger, or the abilities of its general. Introd. 6. 4. Ab illo temp.] sc. a. u. 665. PRO LEGE xMANILIA, Cap. 4. 7 jam tertium et vicesimum regnat : et ita regnat, ut se non Ponto, 5 neque Cappadociae latebris 6 occultare velit, sed emergere 7 e patrio regno, atque in vestris vectigalibus, hoc est, in Asiae luce 8 versari. Etenim adhuc ita vestri cum illo rege contenderunt imperatores, 9 ut ab illo insignia victo- ria?, 10 non victoriam reportarent. Triumphavit L. Sulla, triumphavit L. Murena de Mithridate, duo fortissimi viri, et summi imperatores: sed ita triumpharunt, ut ille pulsus superatusque regnaret. Verumtamen illis imperatoribus laus est tribuenda, quod egerunt : 11 venia danda, quod reli- querunt : 12 propterea quod ab eo bello Sullam 13 in Italiam respublica, Murenam 14 Sulla revocavit. IV. Mithridates autem omne reliquum tempus, 1 non ad oblivionem veteris belli, sed ad comparationem novi contulit : qui posteaquam maximas aedificasset ornassetque classes f ex- ercitusque permagnos, quibuscunque ex gentibus potuisset, comparasset, et se Bosporanis, 3 finitimis suis, bellum in- Cic. is speaking in 687. The differ- ence, reckoning inclusively, is twenty- three years. 5. Non Ponto~\ his hereditary king- dom. 6. Cappadociaz latebris] Cappado- cia lay between the Halys, the Eu- phrates, and the Euxine. 7. Occultare emergere lace] The metaphor here is borrowed from the changes in the heavenly bodies. 8. Asia luce] An English trans- lator, Duncan, renders this ' The rich and fertile country of Asia.' But Gesner (Thesaur. ling. Lat.) notices a common meaning of ' in luce,' sc. ' in publico civium convictu.' So ad Quint. Frat. i. Ep. i. 2. Istam virtutem non latere in tenebris ; sed in luce Asiae, in oculis clarissimre provincial esse positam.' And this meaning agrees with Mithridates leaving the dark retreats (latebrae) of Cappadocia, and dwelling in the pub- lic view (luce) of Asia. Vid. Eng. Trans. 9. Imperatores] Sylla, Murena, Lucullus. 10. Insignia victoria] ' Trium- phos,' Ilotlom. But Manut. objects to thi3 meaning; as not agreeing with ab illo reportarent ;' and explains it 'signa,' indicia.' 11. Quod egerunt] i. e. quantum ad illud attinet quod, &c. Hott ; ex eo quod, &c. Manut. Eng. for what.' 12. Quod reliquerunt] sc. Mithrida- tem : quod is here a conj. Matth. V. E. If so, we would expect it to be the same before ' egerunt,' which it evidently is not. 13. Sullam] Introd. 5. 14. Murenam Sulla] Introd. 6. Sylla might want his troops in Italy. 1 Mithridatem quern L. Murena pa- ter hujusce vehementissime vigilan- tissimeque vexatum, repressum mag- na ex parte, non oppressum, reliquit.' Muren. 15. Sec IV. 1. Omne reliquum tem- pus] sc. from the recall of Murena, a. u. 672, to the appointment ofLu- cullus in 679. Introd. 7. 8. 2. Maximas classes, c] Introd. 8. 3. Bosporanis] The Delph. er- roneously considers this a Thracian people. Introd. 6. Appian makes these preparations to precede the re- call of Murena. Mithr. 64. There may have been preparations on both occasions. Mithr. 67. 8 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO ferre simulasset: usque in Hispaniam 4 legatos 5 ac litems" misit ad eos duces, 7 quibuscum turn bellum gerebamus : ut, quum, duobus in locis disjunctissimis 8 maximeque diversis, uno consilio, a binis hostium copiis bellum terra marique 9 gereretur, vos ancipiti contentione districti, de imperio dimi- caretis. Sed tamen alterins partis periculum, 10 Sertorianae atque Hispaniensis, quae multo plus firmament] ac roboris habebat, Cn. Pompeii divine- consilio ac singular] virtute de- pulsum est: in altera parte ita res a L. Lucullo, summo viro, est administrata, ut initia ilia 11 gestarum rerum mauna at- que praeclara, non felicitati ejus, sed virtuti ; ha?c autem extrema, 12 quae nuper acciderunt, non culpae, sed fortunae tribuenda esse videantur. Sed de Lucullo dicam alio loco, 13 et ita dicam, Quirites, ut neque vera laus ei detracta actione nostra, neque falsa afficta 14 esse videatur. De vestri 15 imperii dignitate atque gloria, quoniam is est exor- sns orationis mea?, 16 videte, quem vobis animum suscipien- dum putetis. V. Majores vestri 1 saepe, mercatoribus ac naviculariis injuriosius 2 tractatis, bella gesserunt: vos tot civium Ro- 4. Usque t'w Hisp.] to Sertorius. Introd. 7. For the particulars of this embassy, vide App. Mithrid. 68; or Plutarch, in Sert. 23. 5. Legatos] named L. Magius, and L. Fannius ; banished Marians. App. 68. 6. Ac literas] Usually read Ec- batanis, the name of the capital of Media Major ; now, Hamedan, or, according to some, Ispahan. But it is impossible that Mithrid. could have been there at this time ; and im- probable that he was ever there at all. 7. Eos duces~\ Sertorius and per- haps Perpenna. 8. Locis disjunctissimis] Spain and Pontus were nearly at the opposite extremities of the Roman empire. 9. Terra marique] For Mithri- dates covenanted to send Sertorius a fleet of forty ships. 10. Alterins partis periculum'] Vid. Introd. 14. where it will appear that the treachery of Perpenna had some share in dispelling this danger. Hooke, viii. 3. 11. Initia illu] Introd. 8. 12. Extrema^ The defeat of his lieutenants. Introd. 9. 13. Alio loco] Inf. 8. 14. Afficta] 'affigo' fixed to, as- cribed to. 15. De vestri, S\c] Al. Sed pro. In order to see the connexion here, we must consider from ' Etenim adhuc, &c.,' c 3., as a digression to the pre- vious management of the war. Cic. now returns to his first argument (quoniam semper appetentes gloria, &c.) their thirst for glory, and the stain on their fame, which required to be effaced. This he enforces by showing how their ancestors had acted on less urgent occasions. 1 6. Is exorsus me&] * I began my speech with that,' sc. gloria. Sec. V. 1. Majores vestri] ' Ves- tri' was more complimentary than ' nostri,' and therefore used in ad- dressing the people. 2. Injurioiius] i. e. ' so.newhat PRO LEGE MANILIA, Cap. 5. 9 manorum millibus 3 uno nimtio atque uno tempore neca- tis, quo tandem animo esse debetis? Legati 4 quod erant appellati superbius, Corinthum patres vestri, 6 totius Graeciae lumen, 6 exstinctum 7 esse voluerunt: vos eum re- gem inultum esse patiemini, qui legatum populi Romani consularem, 8 vinculis ac verberibus, atque omni supplicio excruciatum necavit? Illi libertatem civium Romanorum imminutam non tulerunt : vos vitam ereptam negligetis ? Jus legationis verbo violatum 9 illi persecuti sunt: vos legatum, omni supplicio interfectum, relinquetis ? 10 Videte, ne, ut illis pulcherrimum fuit, tantam vobis imperii gloriam relinquere; sic vobis turpissimum sit, id, quod accepistis, tueri et conservare non posse. Quid I quod salus sociorum summum in periculum ac discrimen vocatur ? Regno expul- sus est Ariobarzanes, rex, socius populi Romani atque ami- cus: 11 imminent duo reges toti Asia?, non solum vobis wrongfully,' a dimin. of the positive injuriose ; as inf. 'superbius.' 3. Tot millibus] supr. 3, n.2. 4. Legati] The ' legati' were Aurelius, Orestes, and other senators. Their commission was to settle the differences between the Achaean con- federacy and Lacedasmon. With re- gard to the insult, Livy and Asconius say, * quod pulsati ac violati essent,' and Strabo, ' quod sordes e tectis in eos conjecerint.' But Cic, who wished to lower the provocation as much as possible, omits to state that, after this, Metellus, the proconsul of Macedonia, fought a bloody battle in Locris and Mummius another, at the Jsthmus, before Corinth was destroyed. Nor does it appear, that Mummius acted by the orders of the senate, though his conduct afterwards met their approval. Cic. elsewhere states the real cause of its demolition, namely, ' specie utili- tatis.' Off.iii. 11. Agr. ii.3'2. 5. Patres vestri] ' Maj ores' is ap- plied to the more ancient ; patres,' to the more recent. Corinth was de- stroyed a. v. 607. exactly eighty years before this time. 6. Lumen] alluding to Leptines's calling Athens and Corinth ' the eyes of Greece.' Bottom* 7. Exstinctum] Al. exstinctam ; for Corinthus' is foem. But it is, no doubt, referred to ' lumen.' 8 Legatum consular em] M. Aqui- lius, consul with Marius a. u. 651. He had been his lieutenant in the Cimbric war, and suppressed the re- volt of the slaves in Sicily. It is hard to account for his being a commis- sioner on this occasion, unless we sup- pose that he was prompted to under- take it by avaricious views ; to which indeed his subsequent punishment gives some countenance. Introd. 4. 9. Verbo violatum] supr. n. 4. 10. Relinquetis] Delph. inultum relinquetis ; but unnecessary. ' Re- linquo' opposed to persequi' is ' to neglect the wrongs of.' ' Cur inju- rias tuas reliquisti - !' Verr. i. 33. 11. Socius atque amicus] the highest title the Romans could bestow. Liv. xxxi. 11. * Nominis ejus honorem pro magnis erga se re- gum meritis dare populum Rom. con- suesse.' It was usual for the senate to present such kings with a crown of gold, a golden cup, an ivory curule 10 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO inimicissimi, sed etiam vestris sociis atque amicis : civitates autem omnes, cuncta Asia atque Graecia 12 vestmm auxi- lium exspectare propter periculi magnitudinem coguntur: imperatorem a vobis certum deposcere, quum praesertim vos alium 13 miseritis, neque audent, neque se id facere summo sine periculo posse arbitrantur. Vident et sentiunt hoc idem, quod vos, 1 * unum virum esse, in quo summa sint omnia, et eum prope esse, (quo etiam carent aegrius : 15 ) eujus adventu ipso atque nomine, tametsi ille ad maritimum bellum 16 venerit, tamen impetus hostium repressos esse in- telligunt ac retardatos. Hi vos, quoniam libere loqui non licet, 17 tacite rogant, ut se quoque sicut ceterarum provin- ciartim socios, dignos existimetis, quorum salutem tali vlro commendetis : atque hoc etiam magis, 18 quam ceteros, quod ejusmodi in provinciam homines cum imperio mitti- mus, ut, etiam si ab hoste defendant, tamen ipsorum adven- tus m urbes sociorum non multum ab hostili expugnatione different. Hunc audiebant 19 antea, nunc pnesentem vi- dent, tanta temperantia, co tanta mansuetudine, tanta huma- riitate, ut ii beatissimi esse videantur, apud quos ille diutis- sime commoratur. chair, an ivory sceptre, an em- of the Asiatic states. broidered toga, and a striped tunic. 17. Quoniam libere loqui non licet] 12. Cuncta Gracia] In the ab- for Glabrio was already there. lat. as ' tota Asia,' supra, 3. Weiske, 18. Atque hoc etiam magis] If the V.E. But this seems very doubtful ; ellipsis is supplied from the preceding for ' tota Asia' is there followed by words, it will be ' atque rogant ut 'in civitatibus,' here preceded by ' ci- se etiam magis dignos existimetis, c. vitates,' with which it is obviously quam cacteros hoc quod, &c.,' i. e. in apposition. ' nay, they ask you to think them 13. Alium] Glabrio. Introd. 9. more deserving, 6cc, because, &c.' 14. Quod vos] A compliment to But as this seems too presuming for the sagacity of the Romans. those silent petitioners, we may sup- 15. Quo etiam carent crgrius] ply it thus : atque eos etiam magis Delph. ' quern magis desiderant cum dignos existimare debemus quam cae- summa auctoritate.' But, ' quo' teros, &c. ;' and we should deem refers to ' prope esse,' the want of them even more deserving than other any good, being more felt the more provincials, in as much as nearly it is within our reach. Tusc. 19. Audiebant] while he was waging i. 36. * Carere' est ' egere eo quod the Italian, Sicilian, African, and habere velis ;' inest enim velle in ca- Spanish wars. rendo. 20. Temperantia] named first as 16. Maritimum bel.] This, ex- being most opposed to the rapacity of tending to Cilicia and Mount Ama- other generals. Manut. nus, placed Pompey within the reach PRO LEGE MANILIA, Cap. 6. 11 VI. Quare, si propter so-cios, 1 nulla ipsi injuria lacessiti, ma j ores vestri cum Antiocho, 2 cum Philippo, 3 cum ^Eto- lis, 4 cum Poenis 5 bella gesserunt : quanto vos studio con- venit, injuriis provocates, sociorum salutem una cum imperii vestri dianitate defendere j prsesertim quum de vestris max- imis vectigalibus agatur ? Nam ceterarum provinciarum Sec. VI. 1. Propter socios] Ac- cording to Polybius ii. 12, the first intercourse between the Greeks and Romans took place on the conclusion of the first Illyrian war, a. u. 525, when the latter sent ambassadors to Corinth and Athens. The Corin- thians admitted the Romans to the Isthmian games; the Athenians de- clared them citizens of Athens. Zon. viii. 2. Antiocho'] Antiochus the Great was descended from Seleucus Nicator, one of the generals of Alexander the Great. He possessed all the countries of Asia, from Media to vEolis and Ionia, including Cuele-Syria, Phoe- nicia, and the coast of the Mediter- ranean, as far as /Egypt. 1 1 is first appearance in Europe was at Lysi- machia, a city of Thrace, which he claimed in right of its founder, Seleu- cus, and proposed to make the capital of a kingdom for his son. At the same tin-.j the .Etolians, dissatisfied at ti: peace between Philip and the Romans, (v. next note) instigated Na- bis, the tyrant of Lacedaemon, to at- tack the Achaeans, then headed by the celebrated Philopcemon ; and inviting Antiochus into Greece, constituted him general of the /Etolians. The Romans, of course, were applied to on the part of the confederates, and a. u. 562. sent Ac. Glabrio against Antiochus, who, having destroyed his whole army at Thermopylae, obliged himself to retreat to Asia, and the -<Etolians to surrender at discretion. The following year his dominions were invaded by Scipio, who forced him to accept cf an iguominious peace. 3. Philippo] Philip was descend- ed from Antigonus, one of the cap- tains of Alexander the Great. His power and abilities made him an antagonist worthy of the Komans, to whom he had rendered himself ob- noxious during the second Punic war, by making a league with Hannibal. Subsequently he came to an agree- ment with Sempronius, (who had landed a large army in Greece, a.u. 549,) which was ratified by the senate. But the Athenians, having put to death two Acarnanians for violating the mysteries of Certs, Philip, a. u. 552, joined the latter in invading Atti- ca. The Athenians, in conjunction with Attalus and the Rhodians, sent deputies to Home : Philip did the same. The senate decided in favor of the confederates, and the following year sent the consul, P. Sulpicius Galba, into Greece. This general and his successor, Flamininus, obliged Philip, at the end of four years, to accept of a peace, whereby full liberty was secured to the Grecian cities. 4. JEtolis] Vide penult, note. It was the year following, a. u. 564, that Fulvius, the patron of Ennius, (Arch. 11.) reduced them finally, harder terms of peace being imposed upon them than on any of the other states of Greece. 5. Poznis] What Punic war he alludes to is not specified. If we take the first, the allies will be the Mamer- tines, who had seized on the town of Messina, in Sicily, and invited the Romans to their support. If the second, the allies will be the Sagun- tines. on whom Hannibal made war. It M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO vectigalia, Quirites, tanta 6 sunt, ut iis ad ipsas provincias tutandas vix contend esse possimus: Asia vero tam opi- ma 7 est et fertilis, ut et ubertate agrorum, et varietate fruc- tuum, et magnitudine pastionis, et multitudine earum rerum, qua3 exportantur, 8 facile omnibus terris antecellat. Itaque ha?c vobis provincia, Quirites, si et belli utilitatem et pacis dignitatem sustinere vultis, non modo a calamitate, 9 sed etiam a metu calamitatis est defendenda. Nam ceteris in rebus, 10 quum venit calamitas, turn detrimentum 11 accipi- tur: at in vectigalibus non solum adventus mali, sed etiam metus ipse affert calamitatem. Nam quum hostium copia? non longe absunt, etiam si irruptio facta nulla sit, tamen pe- cora relinquuntur, agricultura deseritur, mercatorum navi- gatio conquiescit. Ita neque ex portu, 12 neque ex decu- mis, 13 neque ex scriptura 14 vectigal conservari potest ; quare saepe totius anni fructus uno rumore periculi, atque uno belli terrore amittitur. Quo tandem animo esse existi- matis ant eos, qui vectigalia nobis pensitant, aut eos, qui exercent atque exigunt, quum duo reges cum maximis copiis pro|)e adsint ? quum una excursio equitatus perbrevi tempore 6. Tanta] so trifling ; such and no more. ( ' Tantus' tam parvus ; vel certe non augens. Forcel.) ' Pra?- sidii tantum est; ut ne murus qui- dem cingi potest. Caes. B. G. vi. 35. 7. Opima] from ' ops' and ' uber- tas' from ' uber' ovOap. 8. Ubertate exportantur.] Al- luding again to the triple produce decumae scriptura portorium. 9. Calamitate] from ' calamus' the effects of a storm on the stulks of corn. 10. Ceteris in rebus] such as ship- wreck, fire, &c. 11. Detrimentum'] 1. Loss by fric- tion ; from ' detero ;' 2. Any loss or damage. 12. Ex portu] sc. ' vectigal ;' i.e. 'portorium,' and the collectors ' por- titores.' As this was a highly op- pressive tax, the ' portitores' were very unpopular among the pro- vincials. It is they who in Scrip- ture are called TtXuivai publi- cans, of whom St. Matthew was one. Cic, Verr. ii. 75, speaks of ' portorii vicesima ;' which seems to intimate that the customs amounted to one- twentieth, or five per cent, on the capital. 13. Decumis] sc. ' partibus ;' i. e. a tenth of the produce. Hence ' decu- manus,' the farmer and collector of ' decumae ;' and as agriculture was the most respectable employment among the Romans, so the ' decumani' were * principes et quasi senatus publicano- rum.' 14. Scriptura] ' the revenue aris- ing from the public pastures ;' so called from the written arrangements entered into by the owners with the farmers, or ' pecuarii.' ' Neque ex scriptura' therefore refers to ' pecora relinquuntur' preceding. ' Scriptura,' it should be observed, at first included the whole three classes of revenue. So. Verr. ii. 70. ' In scriptura Si- cilian pro magistro estquidam L. Car- pinatius.' The pasture-tax, however, retained the name, when the others acquired distinctive appellations. PRO LEGE MANILIA, Cap. 7. 13 totius anni vectigal auferre possit ? quum publicani fami- lias 15 maximas, quas in salinis 13 habent, quas in agris, quas in portubus atque custodiis, 17 magno periculo se ha- bere arbitrentur ? Pntatisne vos illis rebus frui posse, nisi eos, qui vobis fructuosi sunt, conservaveritis, non solum (ut an- tea dixi) calamitate, sed etiam calamitatis formidine libe- rates ? VII. Ac ne illud quidem vobis negligendum est, quod mihi ego extreminn proposueram, quum essem de belli ge- nere dicturus, quod ad multorum bona civium Romanorum pertinet: quorum vobis pro vestra sapientia, Quirites, ha- benda est ratio diligenter. Nam et 1 publicani, homines et honestissimi et ornatissimi, 3 suas rationes 3 et copias in illam |)rovinciam contulerunt: 4 quorum ipsorum per se res et fortunae curae vobis esse debent. Etenim si vectigalia, nervos esse rei publico, semper duximus ; eum certe ordi- nem qui exercet ilia, firmamentum 5 ceterorum ordinum recte esse dicemus. Deinde ceteris ex ordinibus 6 homines 15. Fumilias] ' Familia' means, properly, the slaves belonging to one master ;' here, * the establish- ment' of a single ' publicanus.' 16. Salinis] sc. ' fodinis.' This is the reading of all the MSS. Yet it is hard to conceive why the great Fa- milies here spoken of, should be so employed, even admitting the exist- ence of salt-pits in Asia, of which there is no proof. V. E. suggests that the manufacture of salt by eva- poration would probably employ many hands, and Pliny, xxxi. 7, shows that that process was known to the ancients. But it is in reference to the taxing, not the manufacture, of salt that Cic. speaks, which surely would not require many hands : besides, he appears to keep in view the preceding division of revenues, in which in sali- nis' must answer to 'scriptura' or pas- tures. Hence, Turneb., Manut., and Hott., suggest silvis, salictis, and salti- bus. The first seems the most probable. So Mil. 9. ' servi quibus silvus pub- lir.as depopulatus erat.' It may be added, that during the time of the kings, salt was sold by license ; but VOL. I. on their expulsion this was abolished. A new tribute was imposed, a. u. 549, by T. Livius, hence called Sa- linator ; but we read of no such tax in Asia. Liv. xxix. 37. 4 17. Custodiis'] Places where the slaves of the ' publicani' kept guard, lest any goods should pass without paying custom. Sometimes it ap- pears to stand for the officers them- selves. De prov. con. 5. Skct. VII. 1. Nam et] This et is answered by 'deinde,' inf. 2. Honestiss. ornatiss.] Primum ad aestimationem ; alterum ad rem fa- miliarem refertur. Manut. 3. Rationes] 'resources,' ' pro perty' not ' accounts,' as explained by some. 4. Contulerunt] Either ' actually conveyed,' or, (as 'collocate' su- jrr. 2.) ' embarked in business.' 5. Firmamentum] Plane. 9. ' Flos equitum Rom., ornamentum civitatis, firmamentum reip. publicanorum, or- dine continetur.' 6. Ceteris ex ordinibus] Sc. the patrician and plebeian. Some of the former might at this time follow the c 14 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO gnavi et industrii partim ipsi in Asia negotiantur, quibus vos absentibus consulere debetis : partim eorum in ea provincia pecunias magnas collocatas 7 habent. Erit igitur humani- tatis vestrae, magnum eorum civium numerum calamitate prohibere : sapient* ae, videre, multorum civium calamita- tem 8 a republica sejunctam esse non posse. Etenim illud primum parvi refert, 9 vos publicanis amissa vectigalia pos- tea victoria recuperare ; neque enim iisdem redimendi 10 fa- cultas erit, propter calamitatem, neque aliis voluntas, propter timorem. Deinde, quod nos eadem Asia, atque idem iste Mithridates initio belli Asiatici 11 docuit ; id quidem certe calamitate docti memoria retinere debemus. Nam turn, quum in Asia res magnas permulti amiserant, scimus, Romae, solutione impedita, fidem 12 concidisse. Non enim possunt una in civitate multi rem atque fortunas amittere, ut non plures secum in eandem calamitatem trahant. A quo peri- culo prohibete rempublicam ; et mihi credite, (id quod ipsi videtis,) haec fides, atque haec ratio pecuniarum, quae Ro- nw, quae in foro versatur, 13 implicita est cum illis pecuniis Asiaticis, et cohaeret. Ruere ilia non possunt, ut haec non eodem labefactata motu concidant. Quare videte, num du- bitandum vobis sit, omni studio ad id bellum incumbere, in quo gloria nominis vestri, salus sociorum, vectigalia max- im#fortunae plurimorum civium cum republica defendantur. VIII. Quoniam de genere belli dixi, nunc de magnitudine pauca dicam. Potest enim 1 hoc dici : belli genus esse ita lucrative employment of traffic. the bills given by the ' publicani' to 7. Collocatas] This was often the Roman bankers. done by lending on usury, as we find 13. 7/i foro versatur] The bankers Brutus did to the Cyprians. Att. vi. had their offices in the forum. Hence 1.3. Cic. calls it * circumforaneum aes ;' 8. Multorum calamitatem, $c] and Liv., xxvi. 11., (Hannibal), ta- Off. iii. 15. * Singulorura facultates et bernas argentarias, quae circa forum copiae, divitiae sunt civitatis.' Romanum tunc essent, jussit venire. 9. Parvi refert] It is of little use. Skct. VIII. 1. Enim] i. e. For 10. Redimendi] Often simply, some may admit the necessity of the 1 farming ;' hence * redemptores,' war, yet deny its danger and im- undertakers. So ' frequens redemp- portance. Cic, therefore, employs tor.' Hor. Yet the force of re may be the two following sections in answer- well introduced here, sc. ' farming ing this objection ; i. e. in pointing anew.' out the principal causes of the war 11. Belli Asiat.] i. e. 'Mithri- being so dangerous ; and very proper- datici.' Vid. Introd. ly concludes, c. 10., that it is mag- 12. Fidem] public credit; which nitudine periculosum.' Guthrie, how- now failed, from the non-payment of ever, (whom Duncan follows,) renders PRO LEGE MANILIA, Cap. 8. 15 necessarium, ut sit gerendum ; non esse ita magnum, ut sit pertimescendum. In quo 2 maxime laborandum est, 3 ne forte ea vobis, quae diligentissime providenda 4 sunt, contem- nenda esse videantur. Atque, ut omnes intelligant, me L. Lucullo 5 tantum impertire laudis, quantum forti viro, et sa- pientissimo homini, et magno imperatori debeatur : dico, ejus adventu 6 maximas Mithridatis copias, omnibus rebus omatas atque instructas fuisse ; urbemque Asia? clarissimam, nobisque amicissimam, Cyzicenorum, 7 obsessam esse ab ipso rege maxima multitudine, et oppugnatam vehementissime ; quam L. Lucullus virtute, assiduitate, consilio, summis ob- sidionis periculis liberavit: ab eodem imperatore classem magnam et ornatam, quae ducibus Sertorianis 8 ad Italiam studio inflannnata raperetur, 9 superatam esse atque depres- sam : magnas hostium praeterea copias multis prceliis esse de- letas: patefactumque nostris legionibus esse Pontum, qui ante populo Romano ex omni aditu clausus esset: Sino- pen 10 atque Amisum, 11 quibus in oppidis erant domicilia it : ' and this I will venture to say, that though its nature renders it ab- solutely necessary, yet its greatness can never render it formidable ;' and this he conceives Cic. to urge as a reason why the greatest general ever Rome had then seen, should be sent to conduct it ! 2. In quo'] i. e. in making out which point, sc. the importance of the war. 3. Laborandum est] sc. mihi. He wishes to rouse their attention to his statement. 4. Ea qua providenda'] These he sums up, inf. c. 9, under five par- ticulars ' quod conjungant reges potentissimi, &c.' A\. a vobis. But the prep, is unnecessary. Vid. supr. 2. n. 24. 5. Lucullo] Cic. conceived that the best introduction to his statement of the dangers of the war would be, an apparent candour in detailing the exploits of Lucullus, the difficulties which he had surmounted, and the causes which had prevented his final success. Vid. Arch. 9. 6. Ejus adventu] Introd. 8. 7. Cyziccn.] Cyzicum was a small island of the l'ropontis, which Alex- ander joined to the continent by two bridges ; at which junction is built the town of that name. Its founder, it is said, was Cyzicus, who was killed by Jason, in an engagement with the Argonauts. 8. Sertorianis] Introd. 7. 8. 9. Ad Italiam raperetur] That this fleet was destined to invade Italy, is asserted by Cic. also in Mur. 15. The policy of Mithridates, no doubt, was, like Hannibal, to fight the Ro- mans on their own soil. The his- torians do not notice this, and they place the sea-fight at Lemnos, in- stead of Tenedos. Arch. 9. But we may suppose with Graav., that the battle at Tenedos was followed by a general engagement at Lemnos, where Marius, the senator of Serto- rius, was taken prisoner. 10. Sinopen] The capital of Pontus, and birth-place of Diogenes, the Cynic. 11. Amisum] Now Samsoun, a 16 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO regis, omnibus rebus ornata atque referta ; ceterasque urbes Ponti et Capadociae permultas, uno aditu atque adventu esse captas : regem spoliatum regno patrio atque avito, 12 ad alios se reges 1J atque ad alias gentes supplicem contulisse : atque haec omnia, salvis populi Romani soeiis u atque in- tegris vectigalibus esse gesta. Satis opinor hoc esse laudis ; atque ita 15 Quirites, ut hoc vos intelligatis, a nullo isto- rum qui huic obtrectant 16 legi atque causae, L. Lucullum similiter ex hoc loco esse laudatum. IX. Requiretur fortasse nunc, quemadmodum, quum haec ita sint, reliquum possit esse magnum bellum. Cognoscite, Quirites ; non enim hoc sine causa quaeri videtur. Primum ex suo regno sic Mithridates profugit, 1 ut ex eodem Ponto Medea ilia quondam profugisse dicitur : quam praedicant in fuga, fratris sui 2 membra in iis locis, qua 3 se parens per- sequeretur, dissipavisse, ut eorum collectio dispersa,* moe- rorque patrius, celeritatem persequendi retardaret Sic Mithridates fugiens, maximam vim 5 auri atque argent i, pul- cherrimarumque rerum omnium, quas et a majoribus acce- perat, et ipse bello superiore ex tota Asia direptas in suum regnum congesserat, in Ponto omnem reliquit. Haec dum nostri colligunt omnia diligent his, rex ipse e manibus ef- fugit. Ita ilium 6 in jwrseqiiendi studio mceror, hos l.Ttitia retardavit. Hunc in illo timore et fuga Tigrancs, rex Ar- menius, excepit ; diffidentemque rebus suis confiimavit; et afflictum erexit, perditumque recreavit. Cujus in peg- maritime city of Pontus, on the east Lucullus. of the river Halys. This city and Sect. IX. I. Profugit] The proper Sinope Lucullus declared free. term for ' going into exile.' So ' fato 12. Regno avito] Pontus. profugus,' Virg. Profugi incertis sedi- 13. Reges] Tigranes, alone ; un- bus vagabantur. Sail. Cat. 6. less Cic. alludes to an embassy which 2. Fratris sui] called Absyrtus Mithridates sent to the king of Parthia. or /Egialeus. He had accompanied 14. Salvis sociis] Except the Medea as far as Pontus, when a ship slaughter made in Phrygia by Eu- being descried from Colchis, Medea, machus, a general of Mithridates, suspecting it to carry her father, fled, during the siege of Cyzicus. App. and strewed the limbs of Absyrtus in Mithr. 75. the way. Ovid Trist. iii. 9. 27. 15. Ita] sc. 'Satis.' Enough for 3. Qua] per quae loca. this purpose. Or, ' ita dice ut, &c.' 4. Eorum collectio dispersa] i. e. 16. Obtrectant] The principal op- dispersorum. ponents of the law were Catulus and 5. Naiimam vim, c\;c] Introd. Hortensius, who had enlarged in 8. App. 82. Plut. Lucull. 17. their speeches on the merits of 6. Ilium] JEetes, Medea's father. PRO LEGE MANILIA, Cap. 9. 17 num 7 posteaquam L. Lucullus cum exercitu venit, plures etiam gentes 8 contra imperatorem nostrum concitata? sunt. Erat enim metus injectus iis nationibus, quas nunquam po- pulus Romanus neque lacessendas bello, neque tentan- das 9 putavit. Erat etiam alia gravis atque vehemens opi- nio, quae per animos gentium barbararum pervaserat, fani M locupletissimi et religiosissimi diripiendi causa in eas oras nostrum exercitum esse adductum. Ita nationes multa? atque magna? novo quodam terrore ac metu concitabantur. Noster autem exercitus, etsi urbem 11 ex Tigranis regno ceperat, et prceliis usus erat secundis, tamen nimia longinquitate loco- rum ac desiderio 12 suorum commovebatur. Hie jam plura non dicam : fuit enim illud extremum, 13 ut ex iis locis a militibus nostris reditus magis maturus, quam processio lon- gior quaereretur. Mithridates autem et suam manum 14 jam confirmarat, et eorum, qui se ex ejus regno collegerant, et 7. Cujus in regnxim, $fc.] In- trod. 9. 8. Plures gentes] Arabes, Gor- dyeni, Albani, &c. These were bar- barous tribes lying to the north of Armenia and Media. 9. Bello tentandas] to be menaced with war. ' Tentamini leviter, quo animo libertatis vestrae diminutionem ferre possitis.' Agrar. ii. 7. V. E. 10. Fani] There was a celebrated temple of Bellona at Comana in Cap- padocia, containing six thousand at- tendants, and whose high priest ranked next to the king. This temple was plundered by Murena, in the second Mithrid. war, (App. Mithr. 65,) and therefore can hardly be here intended. Besides Cappadocia was now under the sway of Ariobarzanes, an ally of Rome ; but ' eas oras' seems to intimate barbarous tracts about Armenia, where the Roman army then was. This too prevents us from supposing Comana Pontica, the site of another temple of Bellona, to be meant. Cic, therefore, either refers to some temple about which we are not informed, or talks widely on a subject of which he knew the people were ignorant. 11. Urbem] Tigranocerta. It was built on a hill, a little above the Tigris, and was so wealthy that Lu- cullus (according to Plut.) found in it eight thousand talents of gold. Some suppose it alluded to by Hor. Epist. ii. 2. 30. Artaxata, the old capital, stood on the Araxes. Plut. Lucul.26.29. 12. Nimia longinquitute deside- rio, $c] He does not mention the disaffection which Gabinius, the crea- ture of Pompey, and Clodius, the unprincipled brother-in-law of Lucul- lus, had diffused through the army. Hams. R. 20. exercitu Luculli sol- licitato, &c. 13. Fuit illud extremum'] Introd. 9. 14. Et warn manum] Graev. suum animum, which is far preferable, as it is not easy to see how ' suam manum,' Mithridates's own army and ' eo- rum qui collegerant,' the forces collected out of his dominions differ. Hottom. suggests that the former was given him by Tigranes. Neither is it clear whether ' eorum' is governed by ' manum' or copiis,' though the c 2 18 M. T. CICER0N1S ORATIO magnis adventitiis multorum regum et nationum 15 copiis juvabatur. Hoc jam fere 16 sic fieri solere accepimus, ut regum afflictae fortunae facile multorum opes alliciant ad misericordiam, maximeque eorum, qui aut reges sunt, aut yivunt in regno: quod regale iis nomen magnum et sanc- tum 17 esse videatur. Itaque tantum victus efficere potuit, quantum incolumis nunquam est ausus optare. Nam quum se in regnum recepisset suum, non fuit eo contentus, quod ei praeter spem acciderat, ut illam, posteaquam pulsus erat, terram unquam attingeret : sed in exercitum vestrum, 18 cla- rum atque victorem, impetum fecit. Sinite hoc loco, Qui- rites, (sicut poetae solent, qui res Romanas scribunt,) prae- terire 19 me nostram calamitatem : quae tanta fuit ut earn ad aures L. Luculli non ex proelio nuntius, 20 sed ex sermone rumor afferret. Hie in ipso illo malo, gravissimaque belli offensione, L. Lucullus, qui tamen aliqua ex parte iis incom- modis mederi fortasse potuisset, vestro jussu coactus, quod imperii diuturnitati 21 modum statuendum veteri exem- pt o 2i putavistis, partem militum, qui jam stipendiis con- latter is perhaps the better construc- tion. 15. Regum et nationum] Medes, Adiabenians, Iberians, from the Cas- pian Sea ; Arabians, from the Per- sian Gulf, and Nomades, or Tar- tars, from the Araxes. 16.. Hoc jam fere, #c] Similarly yEschyl. Supplic. rote i)toooi yap nag rig ivvoiaq <p'tpn. Senec. Mi- sericordia non causam sed fortunam spectat. Vid. also, Val. Max. v. 3.3. 17. Sunctum] ' a sancio,' i. e. de- fended by a sanction ; though not de- voted to a god. So ' sancti legati,' sanctac leges,' and, Arch. 8. ' sancti poetae.' 18. In exercitum ve$trum~\ Introd. 9. This statement was calculated to mislead. It was not the victorious army of Lucullus, who was then at Nisibis, in Mesopotamia, that was defeated, but the troops which had been intrusted to Fabius, to garrison Pontus, and the hasty reinforcements of Triarius. 19. Preeterire'] The law of ora- tory differed from that of history ; ' ne quid veri dicere non audeat.' De Or. ii. 15. 20. Non ex pralio nuncius'] An exaggeration. Had not Mithridates been wounded in the action it would have been more nearly the fact. The slain amounted to seven thousand men. It was fought near Ziela. 21. Diuturnitati] Lucullus had held the command sevrn years. The practice of the Romans, heretofore, was not uniform in this respect. 1 hus Pompey was allowed, by the Ga- binian law, three years to subdue the pirates ; Verres had Sicily three years ; Caesar, Gaul ten years ; yet he afterwards limited the praetorian provinces to one, and the consular to two years. Phil. i. 8. 22. Vetere eiemplo'] Sc. from the expulsion of the kings. Liv. iv. 24. Maximam ejus (hbertatis Rom.) custodiam esse, si magna imperia diuturna non essent ; et temporis modus imponeretur, quibus juris im- poni non posset. PRO LEGE MAN1LIA, Cap. 10. 19 fectis 23 erant, dimisit, partem Glabrioni 24 traclidii. Multa prsetereo 25 consulto : sed ea vos conjectura perspi- citis,- 6 quantum illud bellum factum' 27 putetis, quod con- jungant reges potentissimi, renovent agitatae nationes, sus- cipiant integral gentes, novus imperator 28 vester accipiat, vetere pulso exercitu. X. Satis mihi multa verba fecisse videor, quare hoc bellum esset genere ipso necessarium, magnitudine periculo- sum : restat, 1 ut de imperatore ad id bellum deligendo ac tantis rebus praeficiendo, dicendum esse videatur. 2 Utinam, Quirites, virorum fortium atque innocentium copiam tantam haberetis, ut haec vobis deliberatio diffici- lis esset quemnam potissimum tantis rebus ac tanto bello praeficiendum putaretis! Nunc vero quum situnus Cn. Pom- peius, qui non modo eorum hominum, qui nunc sunt, gloriam, sed etiam antiquitatis memoriam virtute superarit: quae res est quae cujusquam animum in hac causa dubium f'acere pos- sit ? E<ro enim sic existimo, in summo imperatore quatuor has res inesse oportere, scientiam rei militaris, virtutem, auc- toritatem, felicitatem. Quis igitur hoc homine scientior un- 23. Stipendiis confectis] Every Roman citizen was obliged, between the age of seventeen and forty-five, to make nine campaigns. The Fim- brian legions are here intended. 24. (Jluhrioni] Pro-consul of Bi- thynia. Introd. 9. 25. Malta pratereo] To spare the character of Lucullus. 26. Sed ea vos perspicitis~\ Al. perspicite. * Ea' refers generally to the preceding statement, and com- prizes ' quae diligentissime provi- denda sunt,' (c. 8.) ; which he sums up in 'quantum, &c.' as if he had said : ' 1 have intentionally avoided entering fully into the subject; but, by putting together what has been said, (conjectura), you all see clearly these points ; sc. how great a war must have resulted from the junction of powerful kings from the renewal of it by excited hordes the under- taking of it by fresh tribes -from its command being assumed by a general new to it at the critical time when your old army had sustained a de- feat. All this, to be sure, is but one point, but being so extensive it may well be called ea. 27. Factum'] Al. futurum. 28. Novus imperator] Glabrio, and not 'qui ad hoc bellum mitten - dus est,' as the Eelph. For this might be Pompey, who surely would not contribute to make the war dan- gerous. Neither is pulso' ' dimis- so' as the Delph. explains it, the de- feat of Triarius being obviously al- luded to. Sect. X. 1. Restat] Used for tran- sition to the second part of the ora- tion. 2. Esse videatur] Quint, x. 2. says, " Noveram quosdam qui se pul- chre expressisse genus illud ccelestis hujus in dicendo viri viderentur, si in clausula possuissent * esse videatur.' " Vid.also ix. 4. Forcel. confesses that ' videatur' is here pleonastic, yet non sine vi et elegantia.' This force and elegance he has not thought pro- I 20 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO quam aut fuit, aut esse debuit ? qui e ludo 3 atque pueritiae disciplina, bello 4 maximo atque acerrimis hostibus, 5 ad pa- tris exercitum, atque in militiae disciplinam profectus est : qui extrema pueritia 5 miles fuit summi imperatoris, 6 ine- unte adolescentia maximi ipse exercitus imperator ; 7 qui saepius cum hoste conflixit, quam quisquam cum inimico concertavit ; plura bella gessit, quam ceteri legerunt, plures provincias confecit, 8 quam alii concupiverunt ; cujus adole- scentia ad scientiam rei militaris non alienis praeceptis, sed suis imperiis; non offensionibus belli, sed victoriis ; non sti- pendiis, sed triumphis est erudita. Quod denique genus belli esse potest, in quo ilium non exercuerit fortuna reipub- licae ? Civile, 9 Africanum, Transalpinum, 10 Hispaniense, mixtum ex civitatibus 11 atque ex bellicosissimis nationibus, per to explain. Perhaps the term ex- presses a doubt as to his own ability to do justice to the subject, or a modest deference to the people. 3. E ludo] Cic. omits here that Pompey pleaded causes for some time in the forum ; but in Brut. 68. he notices his eloquence. 4. Bella] The Social. Introd. 10. 5. Acerr. hostibus'] The Samnites, &c. 5. Extrema pueritia] Various di- visions of the age of man prevailed at Rome. A. Gell. x. 28. notices that of Ser. Tullius, viz. ' pueritia,' up to seventeen ; youth to forty-six ; and then old age. Varro allows fifteen years for each step : pueritia,' up to fif- teen ; ' adolescentia,' to thirty ; ' ju- ventus,' to forty-five ; * seniores,' to sixty ; and ' then senectus ;' and this is followed by Latin writers in general. 6. Summi imperatoris] Pompeius Strabo. The Delph. erroneously ; Sylla. Introd. 11. 7. Maximi ipse exercitus] Three legions. Dio, in the speech on the passing of the Gabinian law, which he attributes to Pompey, enumerates his early achievements ; to which may be added a passage in the Afric. war of Hirt. where Cato reproaches the younger Pompey with his father's early glories. 8. Confecit] 'Administravit' quan- quam plus quiddam est ; nam exitum rei significat, Manut. And so Forcel. ' governed more provinces.' But it does not appear that Pompey was re- markable for the number of provinces which he had governed. Before his first consulship, a. v. 683, he was pro-praetor of Cis. Gaul ; afterwards pro-consul of Spain ; then city prae- tor (not a province) the year preced- ing his consulship, after which we find no pro-consular office up to the present time. Neither can it mean subjugavit plures nationes,' as the Delph.. if new conquests be intended, for he had made none. Perhaps the explanation may be had , inf. 1 1 , where he asks ' Quam provinciam tenuistis a praedonibus liberam V All the coun- tries lying on the Mediterranean, com- prising numerous provinces, were in the hands of the pirates ; by the con- quest of whom these provinces were recovered, and, as it were, received their completion from Pompey. 9. Civile, %c] Introd. 12. 15. 10. Transalpinum] vid. inf. 1 1 . n. 4. 11. Mixtum ex civitatibtis] i. e. states in Spain which had Roman in- PRO LEGE MANILIA, Cap. II. 21 servile, navale bellum, varia et diversa genera, et bellorum et hostium, non solum gesta ab hoc uno, sed etiam confecta, imllam rem esse declarant in usu militari positam, quae hujus viri scientiam fugere possit. XI. Jam vero virtuti 1 Cn. Pompeii qua? potest par oratio inveniri ? quid est, quod quisquam ant dignum illo, aut vo- bis novum, aut cuiquam inauditum possit afferre ? Neque enim illoe sunt s:Ase 2 virtutes imperatoria?, qua? vulgo existiman- tur, labor in negotiis, fortitudo in periculis, industria in agen- do, celeritas in conficiendo, consilium in providendo : qua? tanta sunt in hoc uno, quanta in omnibus reliquis imperato- ribus, quos aut vidimus, aut audivimus, non i'uerunt. Tes- tis est 3 Italia, quam ille ipse victor, L. Sulla; hujus virtute et subsidio confessus est liberatam. Testis est Sicilia, quam multis undique cinctam periculis, non terrore belli, sed cele- ritate consilii, explicavit. Testis est Africa, qua? magnis op- pressa hostium copiis, eorum ipsorum sanguine redundavit. Testis est Gallia, 4 per quam legionibus nostris in Hispani- am iter, 5 Gallorum internecione patefactum est. Testis est Hispania, qua? sa?pissime plurimos hostes ab hoc superatos prostratosque conspexit. Testis est iterum 6 et sa?pius Italia, quae, quum servili bello tetro periculosoque premeretur, ab stitutions ; opposed to ' nationibus ;' 4. Testis est Gallia'] Introd. 13. warlike tribes. Sylv., followed by Cic. evidently does not mean Cisal. the Delph., considers the words 'mix- Gaul, where Pompey defeated Lepi- tum, &c.' as referred to ' servile.' ' Ci- dus ; and the historians supply us vitates,' are then, the Roman cities ; with no information about the ex- and ' nationes,' the Gauls and Ger- ploits of Pompey in Transalp. Gaul, mans. The accounts, however, which During the war of Sertorius he was we have of that war render this ex- obliged to retire from Spain into Gaul ; planation very improbable. on which occasion Ilottom. thinks that Sect. XI. 1. Jam vero virtuti] this slaughter of the Gauls took place. Having proved, c. 10., the military But it appears, from a letter of Pom- skill of Pompey, Cic. now proceeds pey to the senate (Sail. Hist, iii.) that to notice his ' virtue.' This admitted it occurred on his way to Spain. of a two-fold arrangement, 1. mili- 'Hostes in cervicibus 1 talis; agentes ab tary in the proper sense, comprising Alpibus in Hispaniam submovi ; per labor in negotiis, fortitudo in pericu- eas iter aliud atque Hanuibal nobis lis, &c.'; 2. moral, namely, * innocen- opportunius patefeci ; recepi Galliam, tia, temperantia, fides.' Inf. c. 13. Pyrenaeum, &c.' 2. Neque enim ilia: sunt solw] This 5. Iter] Appian says, that it lay exception is explained, inf. c. 13. between the sources of the Po and 'sed multae sunt artes eximiae, &c.' Rhone. 3. Testis est] Sc. that in impera- 6. Iterum] i. e. in the civil, and torial virtues he has no superior. then the servile war. 22 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO hoc auxilium absente expetivit : quod bellum exspectatione Pompeii attenuatum atque imminutum est, adventu sublatum ac sepultum. Testes vero jam omnes orae, atque omnes ex- terae Rentes ac nationes, denique maria 7 omnia, turn universa, turn in singulis omnes sinus atque portus. Quis enim toto mari locus per hos annos aut tarn firmum habuit presidium, ut tutus esset, aut tarn fuit abditus ut lateret ? Quis navi- gavit, qui non se aut mortis aut servitutis periculo commit- teret, quum aut hieme, aut referto 8 praedonum mari naviga- retur ? Hoc tantum bellum, 9 tarn turpe, tarn vetus, 10 tarn late dispersum, quis unquam arbitraretur aut ab omnibus im- peratoribus uno anno, aut omnibus annis 11 ab uno impera- tore confici posse ? Quam provinciam tenuistis 12 a praedo- nibus liberam per hosce annos ? quod vectigal vobis tutum fuit? quern socium defendistis? cui praesidio classibus ves- tris fuistis ? quam multas existimatis insulas esse desertas ? quam multas aut metu relictas, aut a praedonibus captas ur- bes 13 esse sociorum? XII. Sed quid ego longinqua 1 commemoro ? Fuit hoc quondam, fuit proprium populi Romani longe a domo bel- lare, et propugnaculis- imperii sociorum fortunas, non sua tecta defendere. Sociis vestris ego mare clausum per hosce annos dicam fuisse, quum exercitus nostri a Brundisio 3 nun- quam, nisi summa hieme, 4 transmiserint ? 5 Qui ad vos 7. Maria] The Mediter. Sea was acts of the pirates in distant regions, variously named, according to the ad- 2. Propugnaculis] Colonies planted joining coast, Tuscan, Sicilian, Ly- in conquered countries to maintain the bian, &c.,&c, in all which the pirates Roman authority and repress the were defeated. incursions of the barbarians. Em. 8. Rejerto] Re and farcio. Similarly 7rtretx^ftara tt}q x<**pac. 9. Hoc tantum bellum'] Introd.15. Dem. Phil. i. 5. Hor., Epod. 1., ap- 10. Vetus.] It was of upwards of plies it to ships. Ibis Liburnis inter twenty years standing, from a. u. 666 alta navium, Amice, propugnacula. to 687. Hence Guthrie's transl. ' floating 11. Omnibus annis] Through a bulwarks.' But it may be referred whole life ; yet Pompey despatched it generally to all the means of defence in forty days. which the empire could command. 12. Quam provinciam tenuistis.] 3. A Brundisio.] This city lay in Hence ' plures provincias confecit,' the usual route to Greece ; and armies supra, c. 10. n. 8 ; where, perhaps, were now marching to Asia, against these provinces are more particularly Mithridates. alluded to. 4. Summa hieme] Elegantly for 13. Captas urbes] According to ' bruma.' Plut., forty. 5. Transmiserint] i. e. ' miserint Sect. XII. 1. Longinqua] The se trans maria.' Nat. Deor. ii. 49. PRO LEGE MANILIA, Cap. 12. 23 ab exteris nationibus venirent, captos querar, quum legati populi Romani redempti 6 sint ? mercatoribus tutum mare non fuisse dicam, quum duodecim secures 7 in prsedonum potestatem pervenerint ? Cnidum 8 aut Colophonem, aut Samum, nobilissimas urbes, innumerabilesque alias, captas esse commemorem, quum vestros portus, atque eos por- tus, 9 quibus vitam 10 et spiritum ducitis, in praedonum fuisse potestate sciatis ? An vero ignoratis, portum Caietae cele- berrimum 11 atque plenissimum navium, inspectante prae- tore, 12 a praedonibus esse direptum ? Ex Miseno autem, ejus ipsius liberos, 13 qui cum praedonibus antea ibi bellum gesserat, a praedonibus esse sublatos ? Nam quid ego Os- tiense incommodum, 14 atque illam labem atque ignomini- am reipublicae querar, quum, prope inspectantibus vobis, classis ea, cui consul populi 14 Romani praepositus esset, a praedonibus capta atque oppressa est ? Pro dii immortales ! Grues quum loca calidiora petentes maria transmittant, triangulum fa- ciunt. 6. Redempti sint] It is not known to whom Cic. here alludes. 7. Duodecim secures] i. e. two prae- tors, sc. Sextilius and Bellinus, who proceeding to their provinces, were, with their lictors, seized hy the pirates. Plut. Pomp. 24. The praetor was at- tended by two lictors in the city j without the city, by six. 8. Cnidum] a city of Caria ; ' Co- lophon' of Ionia. * Samus,' the ca- pital of an island of the same name, which lies off the southern extremity of Ionia. JEn. i. 15. It was usual for the city and island to have the same appellation. So Corn. Nepos, in Milt. c. 7, speaks of the island and town of Parus. 9. Eos portus] Sc. (inf.) Caieta, Misenum, Ostia. It was in them that provision ships from Africa, Sicily, Sardinia, &c. collected. The first derives its name from the nurse of /Eneas: ' Tu quoque littoribus nostris, JEneVa, nutrix, /Eternam moriens fa- mam, Cajeta, dedisti.' The second, from his trumpeter, YEn. vi. 162. It was the station of the Roman fleet in per the Lower Sea ; the third was built by Ancus Martius, at the ostium Tiberis, about twenty miles from Rome. 10. Quibus vitam, fyc] These words, taken out of the figure, import 1 supplies of corn, &c.' 11. Celeberr im um ] thronged, po- pulous. Arch. 3. ' urbs Celebris ;' Mil. 24. ' in loco celebri.' Hor. Serm. i. 17, 28. ' Celeberrima loca vadet.' 12. Inspectante preetore.] Per- haps Antonius Creticus, the father of the triumvir, who had, before this, been unsuccessful in waging the pi- ratic war, and whose daughter was taken by the pirates. Plut. in Pomp. 24. And this agrees with the follow- ing, ' ejus liboros qui, Btc, 1 13. Ejus ij> ins liberos qui, &c] i. e. filiam ; so Phil. i. 1, 'liberos' for the son of M. Antony ; and Prov. Cons. 14, ad jucundissimos liberos,' i.e. Julia, the daughter of Caesar. 14. Ostiense in commodum.] Dio xxvi. relates that the pirates not only took and plundered the harbour, but made it a sort of depository for their spoils. 14. Consul populi.] He seems here to have omitted the names of the praetor 24 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO tantamne unius hominis incredibilis ac divina virtus tam brevi tempore lucem afferre 15 reipublicae potuit, ut vos, qui modo ante ostium Tiberinum classem hostium videbatis, ii nunc nullam intra Oceani 16 ostium praedonum navem esse audi- atis? Atque haec, qua celeritate gesta sint, quamquam vide- tis, tamen a me in dicendo praetereunda non sunt. Quis enim unquam, aut obeundi negotii, aut consequendi quaes- tus 17 studio, tam brevi tempore, tot loea adire, tantos cur- sus ls conficere potuit, quam celeriter, Cn. Pompeio duce, belli impetus 19 navigavit ? qui nondum tempestivo ad na- vigandum mari Siciliam adiit, Africam exploravit : inde Sardiniam cum classe venit, atque haec tria frumentaria'- subsidia reipublicae firmissimis praesidiis classibusque mu- nivit. Inde se quum in Italiam recepisset, duabus Hispa- niis 21 et Gallia Cisalpina 22 praesidiis ac navibus confirmata, missis item in oram Illyrici maris, 23 et in Achaiam omnemque and consul as being notorious, or per- haps through contempt. 15. Lucem afferre] <j>6<itQ 8' ira- poimv Wi,Ke. 11. vi. 6. Phil. i. 2. Lux quaedam...oblata. 16. Oceani] The Atlantic ' os- tium ;' sc. the straits of Gibraltar. 17. Obeundi negotio consequendi qiurstus.] By the former are meant ' negotiators ;' persons conducting business for others ; by the latter, merchants trading on their own ac- count. Hottom. 18. Cursus] navigationes. ' Quae proxima littora cursu Contendunt petere, &c.' Virg. 19. Belli impetus.] Cic, to in- gratiate himself with Pompey, be- stowed the utmost pains on this speech ; so that speaking, in a letter to Atticus, of Pompey's character, as herein depicted, he says ' omnibus, a me pictum et expolitum artis colo- ribus.' Hence he often rises to ex- pressions far above the range of mere oratory, and highly poetic. Such is ' belli impetus navigavit,' where ' belli impetus' is not, as Hottom. explains it, ' classis Pompeii,' but (like arofia nToXtfioio in Homer) put simply for 'bellum.' So Lucret. v. 20 1. ...quan- tum cceli tegit impetus ingens.' Si- milarly we might say, ' the thunder of war rolled along.' Gray. ' Sailing with supreme dominion, Through the azure depths of air.' Vid. Eng. Trans. 20. Tria frumentaria] i. e. which supplied ' frumentum ;' qu. 'frugi- mentum,' a generic word for all kinds of grain, lor Sardinia, Egypt is sometimes substituted. 21. Duabus Hispaniis] sc. Citerior or Tarraconensis ; and Ulterior, or Baetica and Lusitania ; said, but in- correctly, to be separated by the Ibe- rus ; whereas, a line drawn from Car- thago Nova, on the JMeditcrranean to the mouth of the Durius on the At- lantic would be the proper boundary. 22. Gallia Cisalpinu] sometimes simply called 'Gallia,' (Phil. xii. 4.) ; and by Caesar Citerior,' lay between the Alps and the Rubicon. So Lucan, i. 214. : et Gallica ceitus Limes ab Ausoniis disterminat arva colonis. 23. Illyrici maris] a part of the Adriatic washing the coast of lllvri- PRO LEGE MANILIA, Cap. 13. 25 Graeciam navibus, Italiae duo maria 24 maximis classibus iirmissimisque pra?sidiis adornavit : ipse autem, ut a Brun- disio profectus est, undequinquagesimo die totam ad im- perium populi Romani Ciliciam adjunxit : omnes, qui ubique praedones fuerunt, partim capti interfectique sunt, partim unius hujus imperio ac potestati se dediderunt. Idem Cre- tensibus, 25 quura ad eum usque in Pampbyliam 26 legatos deprecatoresque misissent, spem deditionis non ademit, obsi- desque imperavit. Ita tantum bellum, tarn diuturnum, tarn longe lateque dispersum, quo bello omnes gentes ac nationes premebantur, Cn. Pompeius, extrema hieme apparavit, ine- unte vere suscepit, media aestate confecit. XIII. Est haec divina atque ineredibilis virtus imperatorls. Quid i ceterae, quas paullo ante 1 eommemorare coeperam, quanta; atque quam multae sunt? non enim solum bellandi virtus in summo atque perfecto imperatore quaerenda est : sed multae sunt artes eximiae, bujus administrae comitesque virtutis. Ac primum quanta innocentia 2 debent esse im- peratoies? quanta deinde omnibus in rebus temperantia? quanta fide ( quanta facilitate ? 3 quanto ingenio v quanta humanitate ? Quae breviter, qualia sint in Cn. Pompeio, consideremus. Summa enim omnia sunt, Quirites : sed ea nia^is ex aliorum contentione, 5 quam ipsa per sese cognosci atque intelligi possunt. Quem G enim possumus imperato- 24. Duo maria] The Adriatic and limit of his commission in the pirati- Tuscan : cal war. Virg. 'An mare quod supra memorem, Sect. XIII. 1. Cetera, quas paulo quodque alluit infra.' ante] sec. 11. The second species, 25. Idem Cretensibus] Introd. 15. or moral qualities. As Pompey's commission extended to 2. Innocentia] rapacitati atque all the maritime provinces, he thought avaritiae opponitur. ForceL; ' disin- proper to receive certain ambassadors terestedness.' sent by the Cretans, then on the eve 3. Facilitate] Of what affability, of surrendering to Q. Metellus, and 4. Ingenio] This is explained in- by commanding him to raise the siege, fra, c. 34, by ' consilio...et dicendi appeared disposed to snatch the lau- gravitate et copia.' rels from his brow. Metellus, how- 5. Aliorum contentione] by corn- ever, despising his orders, took their parison with others. Si contentio city and punished the citizens, al- quaedam et comparatio fiat.' Off. i. though Octavius, Pompey's lieute- 17. V. E. nant, lent them assistance. Flor. 6. Quern imperatorem] Perhaps lii. 7. Lucullus, whom Gabinius and others 26. Usque in Famphyliam] the represented as avaricious : perhaps VOL. I. D 26 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO rem aliquo in numero 7 putare, cujus in exercitu veneant centuriatus 8 atque venierint? 9 quid hunc hominem magnum aut amplum de republica cogitare, qui pecuniam, 10 ex aerario depromptam ad bellum administrandum, aut prop- ter cupiditatem provincial magistratibus 11 diviserit, aut propter avaritiam Romae in quaestu 12 reliquerit? Vestra admurmuratio 13 facit, Quirites, ut agnoscere videamini, qui haec fecerint : ego autem neminem nomino ; quare irasci mihi 14 nemo poterit, nisi qui ante de se voluerit confiteri. Itaque, propter hanc avaritiam imperatorum, quantas cala- mitates, quocunque ventum sit, nostri exercitus ferant, quis ignorat ? Itinera, 15 quae per hosce annos in Italia per agros atque oppida civium Romanorum nostri imperatores feeerunt, recordamini : turn facilius statuetis, quid apud exteras nati- ones fieri existimetis. Utrum plures arbitramini per hosce annos militum vestrorum armis hostium urbes, an hibeniis, sociorum civitates esse deletas ? Neque enim 16 potest ex- ercitum is continere imperator, qui se ipsum non continet : Glabrio, to whose conduct ' veneant' are on sale,' seems better to ap- ply. 7. Aliquo in numero"] * Rank, esti- mation.' Phil. ii. '29. Post (Caesa- ris) ex Africa reditum, quo numero fuisti 1 8. Centuriatus.'] And yet the re- gular pay of a centurion, equal in rank to our captain, was but double in amount to that of a private. V. E. 9. Veneant venierint.] The Greek praeter- perfect, expressing a i ast con- tinued to the present, would super- sede the necessity of two verbs, as here. 10. Pecuniam] Money voted to the governor of a province, on his ap- pointment, and called ' attributa.' Vid. next note. 1 1 . Magistratibus.] These were, most probably, the tribunes of the people. That ' cupiditatem provincial alludes to the prorogation of a provincial com- mand, and not the first appointment, as the Delph. explains it, is obvious from the grant of the money being * ad bellum administrandum ;' which implies that the province was already granted ; unless, which seldom oc- curred, we suppose the war to be in- dependent of the command of a pro- vince ; in which case the military supplies might be disposed of as stated in the text. 12. In quastu] at interest ; apud argentarios. Hot torn. So Pis. 33. ' Xonne sestertium centies et octo- gies....ex aerario tibi attributura, Ro- mae in quaestu reliquisti.' 13. Admurmuratio] These ' whis- pers' are noticed by Cic. as a justifi- cation of his animadversions. The people acknowledged their truth, and made the proper application. 14. Quare irasci mihi] The Car- dinal Maury supposes that Cic. had met with some interruption from the adherents of Glabrio, or Lucullus ; that he waited till silence was restor- ed, and then availed himself of th interruption to hint, that ' the cap fitted.' V. E. 15. Itinera, fyc] Whether of armies proceeding to the provinces, or against Spartacus. 16. Neque enim, tyc] If these are not what rhetoricians call ' common PRO LEGE MANILIA, Cap. 14. 27 neque severus esse in judicando, 17 qui alios in se severos esse judices nonvult. Hie miramur, lmnc hominem tantum ex- cellere ceteris, cujus legiones sic in Asiam 18 pervenerunt, ut non modo manus tanti exercitus, sed ne vestigium quideni ouiquam pacato nocuisse dicatur? Jam vero, quemadmo- dum milites hibernent, quotidie 19 sermones ac literal perle- runtur. Non modo, ut sumptum faciat in militem, netnini vis aftertur : sed ne cupienti quidem cuiquam permittitur. Hi- emis enim,non avaritiae perfugiummajoresnostri in sociorum atque amicorum tectis esse voluerunt. XIV. Age vero ceteris in rebus qualis sit temperantia, 1 considerate. Unde illam tantam celeritatem, et tarn incre- dibilem cursum inventum 2 putatis? Non enim ilium cxhniu vis remigum, aut ars inaudita quaedam gubernandi, aut venti aliqui novi, tarn celeriter in ultimas terras 3 pertulerunt : sed eee res, quae ceteros remorari solent, non retardarunt: non avaritia ab instituto cursu ad praedam aliquam devocavit, non libido ad voluptatem, non amoenitas ad delectationem, non nobilitas urbis 4 ad cognitionem, non denique labor ipse ad quietem. Postremo signa, et tabulas, 5 ceteraque ornamenta Graecorum oppidorum, quae ceteri 6 tollenda esse arbitran- places,' they allude to Lucullus and Glabrio. 17. Severus in judicando] Ilirpog i$ETaort). Dem. 18. Sic in Asiam, b\c] i. e. ' To Cilicia and Pamphylia,' during the late war against the pirates. 1 9. Quotidie, c] Pompey was now in Cilicia, from which he pro- ceeded to assume the command, after the law passed. Sect. XIV. I. Qualis sit tempe- rantia] Cicero's distinctions are sometimes too nice. Thus ' tem- perantia' falls in very much with ' innocentia ;' as appears from his opposing both to 'avaritia.' By ' tem- perantia,' however, he means that virtue which keeps all the pas- sions within the bounds of reason, whereas ' innocentia' is rather limited to abstinence from rapacity and ava- rice. Supr. c. 13. n. 2. 2. Inventum] AI. initum. Sed est e Graeca conauetudine in verbo ivpitJKtiv, properare, consequi, &c. Era. 3. In ultimas terras'] Sc. Pamphy- liam. 4. Nobilitas urbis] Perhaps Athens is alluded to ; on visiting which, according to Plut., Pompey barely stayed to offer sacrifices, and proceeded on his march. Hottom. 5. Signa et tabulas, c] Cic. Verr. vii. notices this robbery more par- ticularly, and says that Athens, Per- gamus, Cyzicus, Chios, Samos, all Asia, Greece, and Sicily are to be seen in the environs of a few Roman vil- las. And writing to his brother, 1 Praeclarum est summo cum imperio fuisse in Asia triennium, sic ut nul- lum te signum, nulla pictura, nulla vestis, nullum mancipium, nulla for- ma cujusquam, nulla conditio pecu- niae ab summa continentia deduxerit. 6. Ceteri] e. g. Mummius. M. 28 If. T. CICERONIS ORATIO tur, ea sibi ille ne visenda quidem existimavit. Itaque om- nes quidem, nunc in his locis Cn. Pompeium, sicut aliquem non ex bac urbe missum, sed de coelo delapsum, 7 intuentur : nunc denique 8 incipiunt credere, fuisse homines Roma- nos 9 hac quondam abstinentia : quod jam nationibus exteris incredibile ac falso memoriae proditum videbatur. Nunc imperii vestri splendor illis gentibus lucet : nunc intelligent, non sine causa majores suos turn, quum hac temperantia ma- gistrate habebamus, servire populo Romano, quam im- perare aliis, maluisse. Jam vero ita faciles 10 aditus ad eum privatorum, ita liberae querimoniae de aliorum injuriis esse dicuntur, ut is, qui dignitate principibus excellit, facilitate par infimis esse videatur. Jam quantum consilio, 11 quantum dicendi gravitate et copia valeat, in quo ipso 12 inest quae- dam dignitas imperatoria, vos Quirites, hoc ipso in lo- co 13 ssepe cognostis. Fidem vero ejus inter socios quantam existimari putatis, quam hostes omnium gentium 14 sanctissi- mam 15 judicarint? Humanitate jam tanta est, ut difficile dictu sit, utrum hostes magis virtutem ejus pugnantes timu- erinl, mansuetudinem victi dilexerint. Et quisqnam dubita- bit, quin huic hoc tantum bellum transmittendum 16 sit, qui ad omnia nostras memoriae bella conficienda divino quodam consilio natus esse videatur '? XV. Et, quoniam auctoritas 1 multum in bellis quo- que 2 administrandis atque in imperio militari valet; certe Scaurus exhibited three thousand sta- vitate, &c.,' not as the translators tues at his shows, as aedile. ' Pompeio.' 7. De caelo delapsum] Again, to 13. Hoc ipso loco] The Rostra, his brother, ' Graeci sic te intuebun- whence Pompey had frequently ad- tur....ut etiara e coelo divinum horni- dressed the people. nem esse in provinciam delapsum pu- 14. Gentium] Al. genenim, a tent. reading which would lead us to ima- 8. Nunc denique] Now for the first gine that by hostes omnium gen- time, tium' some understood ' enemies out 9. Fuisse homines Rom.] Curius of all nations.' But comp. note 9. c. Dentatus, Fabricius, &c/ Val. Max. sequent. iv. 3. 15. Sanctissimam judicarint] By 10. Faciles] C. 13, 'fides' is put unconditional surrenders. before ' facilitas' and ' ingenium,' 16. Huic transmittendum] Sc. but is here illustrated after them. being absent from Rome. 11. Consilio] Used for ingenio,' Sect. XV. 1. Auctoritas] 'High as being a high exertion of talent, and reputation.' Top. 19. Ad fidem fa - therefore more complimentary. ciendam auctoritas quaeritur. 12. In quo ipso] Sc. ' dicendi gra- 2. In bellis quoque] Not alone in PRO LEGE MANILIA, Cap. 15. 29 nemini dubium est, quin ea re idem ille imperator plurimum possit. Vehementer autem pertinere ad bella administranda, quid host.es, quid socii de imperatoribus vestris existiment, quis ignorat, quum sciamus, homines in tantis rebus, ut aut contemnant, aut metuant, aut oderint, aut anient, opinione non minus et fama,s quam aliqua certa ratione* commoveri? Quod igitur nomen unquam in orbe terrarum clarius fait ( eujus res gestae pares ? de quo homine vos, id quod maxime tacit auctoritatem, tanta et tarn praeclara judicia 5 fecistis ? An vero ullam usquam esse oram tarn desertam putatis, quo non illius diei 6 fama pervaserit, quum universus populus Romanus, referto foro, 7 repletisque omnibus templis, 8 ex quibus hie locus conspici potest, uiium sibi ad commune om- nium gent iu m helium 9 Cn. Pompeium imperatorem depo- pofecit i Itaque, ut plura non dicam, neque aliorum exem- plis confirmem, quantum [hujus] auctoritas valeat in hello ; ab eodem Cn. Pompeio omnium rerum egregiarum exempla Bumantur : qui quo die a vobia maritimo bello propositus 0g| imperator, tanta repente vilitas 10 annonas 11 ex summa inopia et caritate rei fhunentariae consecuta est, unius homi- nis spe et nomine, quantam vix ex summa ubertate agrorum diuturna pax efficere potuisset. Jam, accepta in Ponto calamitate, 12 ex eo prcelio, de quo vos paullo ante invitus civil affairs. Liv. xxvii. 36. 3. Opinione -fama] Al. opinione 8. Omnibus templis] The forum fanut ; i.e. ipsa fama ; vel potius ex- was surrounded by temples dedicated istimatio a fama nata. Orut. to different divinities. Mil. 1. It 4. Certa ratione~] ' Any sure rule.' was also a temple itself. Inf. 24. 5. Tanta judicia'] This term im- n. 2. plies the honours awarded to merit, as 9. Ad commune omn. gent. del.] explained, supr. c. 1, * ex vestrojudi- For the pirates were the common ene- cio fructum'. Plane. 39. ' Caesaris my of all ; as c. 14. ' hostes omnium laudibus cpaas...amplissimis judiciis gentium.' videam esse celebratas.' Here per- 10. Tanta repente fffilitdi] This haps the early triumphs and consulate is easily..conceived. The grain-mer- of Pompey are intended, if we do chant q\^i propriis condidit horreis not refer it to his appointment to the Quiccpxid de Lybicis verritur' areis Sertorian and piratical wars. anticipating a large supply from the 6. Illius diei] When the Gabinian foreign market, in consequence of the law was passed. seas being cleared of the pirates, was 7. Referto foro] He means the glad to dispose of his store before its Comitiutn, which is often confounded arrival. with the forum. It was at first an 11. Annonce] q. d. annuus cibus. open space near the Curia, but about 12. Accepta in Ponto calamitute] the time of Hannibal was roofed in. The defeat of Tiiarius. 30 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO admonui, quum socii pertimuissent, hostium opes animique crevissent, satis firmum praesidium provincia 13 non haberet : amisissetis Asiam, Quirites, nisi ipsum id temporis divini- tus 14 Cn. Pompeium ad eas regiones 15 fortuna populi Romani 16 attulisset. 17 Hujus adventus et Mithridatem insolita 18 inflammatum victoria 19 continuit, 20 et Tigra- nem 21 magnis copiis minitantem Asiae retardavit. Et quis- quam dubitabit, 22 quid virtute perfecturus sit, qui tantum auctoritate profecerit ? aut quam facile imperio atque exer- citu socios et vectigalia conservaturus sit, qui ipso nomine ac rumore defenderit? XVI. Age vero, 1 ilia res quantam declarat ejusdem ho- minis apud hostes populi Romani auctoritatem, quod ex locis tarn longinquis, 2 tamque diversis, tarn brevi tempore omnes uni huic se dediderunt? quod Cretensium legati, 3 quum in eorum insula noster imperator 4 exercitusque esset, ad Cn. Pompeium in ultimas 5 prope terras venerunt, eique se omnes Cretensium civitates dedere velle dixerunt ? Quid item ipse Mithridates ? 6 nonne ad eundem Cn. Pompeium, legatum usque in Hispaniam misit ? eum quern Pompeius legatum semper judicavit: ii, quibus 7 semper erat moles- tum ad eum potissimum esse missum, speculatorem, quam 13. Provincial Vid. c. 2. n. 6. He 22. Quisquam dubitabit] None; calls it Asia immediately after. for if the reputation of valour effected 14. Divinitus] Oeiq. ri>xy ; for so much, what will not valour itself Pompey was sent to the piratical war. effect 1 15. Ad eas regiones'] Cilicia and Sect. XVI. 1. Age vero] He pro- Pamphylia. ceeds to prove his ' authority,' by 16. Fortuna pop. Rom.] This is the fact of the Cretans and Mithrid. not inconsistent with ' divinitus,' be- having sent embassies to him. cause Cic. conceived fortune itself to 2. Tarn longinquis, fyc] As the depend on the divine allotment. Inf. pirates possessed. * divinitus adjuncta fortuna.' So 3. Cretensium legati.] Introd. 15. JEschyl. Ofov Sk Suipov Icrriv tvrv- and c. 12. Xtlv j3porowc. 4. Noster imperator] Metellus. 17. Attulisset] He had personified 5. Ultimas] Not in reference to 1 fortune*' Crete but Rome. 18. Insolita] For he had been 6. Item ipse Mithrid.] We are conquered by Sylla, Murena, and assured that Mithrid. sent an ambas- Lucullus. sador into Spain, to Sertorius, while 19. Victoria] That over Triarius. Pompey was there. That he ever 20. Continuit] This is appropriate sent one to Pompey is so improba- to Mithridates, who was near j as ' re- ble, that we need not wonder people tardavit' to Tigranes, who was at a thought him ' a spy,' Al. idem. distance. 7. Ii, quibus, <Sfc] The friends of 21. Tigranem] Introd. 9. Metellus, the senior general in Spain. PRO LEGE MANILIA, Cap. 16. 31 legatum judicari maluerunt. Potestis igitur jam constituere, Quirites, hanc auctoritatem, multis postea 8 rebus gestis, mag- nisque vestris judiciis 9 amplificatam, quantum apud illos reges, quantum apud exteras nationes valituram esse existi- metis. Reliquum est, ut de felicitate, (quam prsestare de se ipso nemo potest, 10 meminisse et commemorare de altero pos- sumus,) sicut aequum est homini de potestate deorum, timide et pauca dicamus. Ego enim sic existimo : Maximo, 11 Marcello, 12 Scipioni, 13 Mario, 14 et ceteris magnis imper- atoribus, 11011 solum propter virtutem, sed etiam propter for- tunam, sagpius imperia mandata, atque exercitus esse com- missos. Fuit enim profecto quibusdam sum mis viris quaedam ad amplitudinem et gloriam, et ad res magnas bene gerendas divinitus adjuncta fortuna : de hujus autem homin is felicitate quo de nunc agimus, hac utar moderatione dicendi, non ut in illius potestate Ibrtunam positam esse dicam, sed ut prae- terita meminisse, reliqua sperare videamur; ne aut in visa diis lj immortalibus oratio nostra, aut 1G ingrata esse videatur. Itaque non sum praedicaturus, Quirites, quantas ille res domi militia?que, terra manque, quantaque felicitate gesserit: ut 17 ejus semper voluntatibus non modo cives assense- rint, 18 socii obtemperarint, hostes obedierint, sed etiam venti tempestatesque 19 obsecundarint. Hoc brevissime di- 8. Posted] i. e. After the Spanish vading Africa, which he conquered, war. 14. Mario] The conqueror of Ju- 8. Vestris judiciis'] c. 15. Among gurtha, the Teutones, and Cimbri. them is, no doubt, the decree of Ga- He was seven times consul, binius. 15. lmisadiis] Sc. if he said, 'in 10. Nemo potest meminisse] Quam illius potestate fortunam positam esse.' aiitem are understood before ' memi- 16. Ingrata] If he failed, ' pra> nisse ;' ' but ivhich we may, &c.' terita meminisse, reliqua sperare.' 11. Mtxhmo] Sc. Fabio. He is 17. Ut ejus, fyc] ' Ut' for quam. usually called ' cunctator,' from his ' How, &c.' conquering Hannibal, cunctando.' 18. Assenserint] More frequently ' Unus qui nobis cunctando restituit deponent. Yet Sisenna (as Varro rem.' Enn. and Virg. Liv. xxx. 26. testifies) always in the senate said 12. Marcello] He was five times 'Assentio.' consul ; the conqueror of Gaul, of 19. Tempestates] If Cic. did not Syracuse, and of Hannibal, at Nola ; so frequently join together two sy- in an engagement against whom he nonyms, this might be translated fell. a. u. 545. 'calms.' Fam. xvi. 1. Et comites 13. Scipioni] Sc. Africano. He et tempestates, et navem idoneam obliged Hannibal to leave Italy by in- ut habeas, diligenter videbis. The 32 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO cam, neminem unquam tam impudentem fuisse, qui a diis immortalibus tot et tantas res tacitus auderet optare, quot et quantas dii immortales ad Cn. Pompeium detulerunt. Quod ut illi proprium ac perpetuum sit, Quirites, quum communis salutis atque imperii, turn ipsius hominis causa, sicuti faci- tis, 30 velle et optare debetis. Quare quum 21 et bellum ita necessarium sit, ut negligi non possit : ita magnum, ut accuratissime sit administran- dum : et quum ei imperatorem praeficere possitis, in quo sit eximia belli scientia, singularis virtus, clarissima auctoritas, egregia fortuna : dubitabitis, Quirites, quin hoc tantum boni, quod vobis a diis immortalibus oblatum et datum est, in rempublicam conseivandam atque amplificandam conferatis '( XVII. Quod si Romae Cn. Pompeius privatus esset hoc tempore : tamen ad tantum bellum is erat deligendus atque mittendus. Nunc, quum ad ceteras summas utilitates ha?c quoque opportunitas adjungatur, ut in iis ipsis locis adsit, ut habeat exercitum, ut ab iis, qui habent, accipere statini }>ossit: quid exspectamus? aut cur non, ducibus diis immor- talibus, eidem, cui cetera summa cum salute reipublicae com- missa sunt, hoc quoque bellum regium committimus \ At enim vir clarissimus, amantissimus reipublicae, vestris beneficiis amplissimis affectus, Q. Catulus; 1 itemque summis ornamentis honoris, fortunae, virtutis, ingenii praeditus, Q. Hortensius, 2 ab hac ratione dissentiunt : quorum ego auc- toritatem apud vos multis locis plurimum valuisse, et valere oportere confiteor ; sed in hac causa tametsi coanoscitis auctoritates contrarias fortissimorum virorum et clarissimo- rum, tamen, omissis auctoritatibus, 3 ipsa re et ration Dclph. quotes ^n. ix. which occurred a. u. 693, about the Unde hax tam clara repente formation of the first triumvirate. Tempestas. 2. Hortensius] was in the zenith 20. Sicuti facitis] Sc. by confer- of his fame when Cic, who was after- ring on him public employments. wards his great rival, came to the 21. Quare quum, fc] The general forum. He appears to have been more conclusion before proceeding to the remarkable for eloquence than integri- confutation. ty ; and the immense wealth which Sect. XVII. 1. Q. Catulus'] He he acquired gave a colour to the was consul with Lepidus, a. u. 675, charge of avarice. He was one of and opposed rescinding Sylla's acts, that knot of ' optimates' who con- It was he who pronounced Cicero sidered themselves the republic. He ' pater patriae.' He was fortunate, was consul with Ca*cilius Metellu*, Cic. thinks, as well in the splendour a. u. 684. of his life as the time of his death, 3. Omissis auctoritatibusl PRO LEGE MANILIA, Cap. 17. 33 quirere possumus veritatem : atque hoc facilius, quod ea omnia, quae adhuc a me dicta sunt, iidem isti vera essse eoncedunt, et necessarium bellum esse, et magnum, et in uno Cn. Pompeio summa esse omnia. Quid igitur ait Horten- sius ? " Si uni omnia tribuenda sint, unum dignissimum esse Pompeium : sed ad unum tamen omnia 4 deferri non opor- tere." Obsolevit 5 jam ista oratio, re multo magis quam verbis reiutata. JNam tu idem, Q. Hortensi, multa, pro tua summa copia ac singulari facilitate dicendi, et in senatu con- tra virum fortem A. Gabinium, 6 graviter ornateque dixisti, quum is de uno 7 imperatore contra praedones constituendo legem promulgasset : et ex hoc ipso loco permulta item contra legem earn verba fecisti. Quid ? . turn, per deos im- mortales ! si plus apud populum Romanum auctoritas tua, quam ipsius populi Romani salus et vera causa valuisset, hodie banc ^loriam atque hoc orbis terra? imperium tenere- mus ? An tibi turn imperium esse hoc videbatur, quum }X)puli Romani legati, praetores, quaestoresque capiebantur ( quum ex omnibus provinciis commeatu, 8 et privato, et pub- lico, prohibebamur I quum ita clausa erant nobis omnia ma- ria, ut neque privatam rem transmarinam, neque publi- cam 9 jam obire possemus ? XVIII. Qua? civitas antea unquam fuit, non dico Atheni- ensium, 1 quae satis late quondam mare tenuisse dicitur ; non De. i. 5. Non tarn auctoritates in dis- before he withdrew his opposition, putando quam rationum momenta 7. Be uno] For Pompey was not quaerenda sunt. Hottom. named in the law. 4. Ad unum omnia'] For, not only 8. Commeatu.] This word is from the army and province of Lucullus con and meo, i. e. eo; and imports, 1. were to be assigned to him, but also coming and going, free intercourse ; the naval forces which he had em- 2. annona quae commeando compor- ployed in the piratical war. tatur provisions. Forcel. But it may 5. Obsolevit] Ob soleo,q.d.' against well be taken in the first sense here ; use.' Tr. ' lost its value.' Phil. ii. 41. as it was not usual for Rome to get 6. A. Gabinium] Of this unprin- supplies of corn from all the provinces. cipled tribune Cic. (in Sen. p. Red. This, therefore, is not to be referred to 5.) says, that if he had not carried his caritate rei frumentariae' supr. c. 15. law he must have turned pirate him- as Hottom. and the Delph. think, self. And this accounts for his reso- 9. Publicum] i. e. The magistrates lution (virum fortem) in urging the did not venture to proceed to the pro- law, in defiance of the opposition of vinces. the senate and Trebellius, his col- Sect. XVIII. 1. Atheniensium] league, whom he had nearly deposed Diony. Hall. i. 1, informs us, that for from his office by a vote of the tribes, nearly seventy years the Athenians 34 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO Carthaginiensium, 1 qui permultum classe maritimisque rebus valuerunt; non Rhodiorum, 3 quorum usque ad nostram me- raoriam disciplina navalis et gloria remansit : quae civitas antea unquam tarn tenuis, quae tarn parva insula fuit, quae non portus suos, et agros, et aliquam partem regionis atque orae maritimae per se ipsa defenderet ? At, hercle, aliquot annos continuos ante legem Gabiniam illepopulusRomanus,cujus, usque ad nostram memoriam, nomen invictum in navalibus pugnis 4 permanserat, magna ac multo maxima parte non modo utilitatis,* sed dignitatis 6 atque imperii caruit : nos, quorum ma j ores Antiochum regem classe, Persenque 7 supera- runt, omnibusque navalibus pugnis 8 Carthaginienses, ho- mines in maritimis rebus exercitatissimos paratissimosque vicerunt, ii nullo in loco jam praedonibus pares esse potera- mus : nos [quoque], qui antea non modo Italiam tutamhabe- bamus, sed omnes socios in ultimis oris auctoritate nostri im- perii salvos praestare poteramus ; (turn, quum insula Delos, 9 tarn procul a nobis in ^Egeo mari posita, quo omnes undi< ine cum mercibus atque oneribus commeabant, referta divitiis, parva, sine muro, nihil timebat ; 10 ) iidem non modo provin- ciis, atque oris Italiae maritimis, ac portubus nostris, sed commanded the maritime coasts, ex- defeat, which is not directly mentioned tending even to the Euxine and Pam- by historians, from the naval triumph phylian seas. of Octavius. Liv. xlv. 42 ; which 2. Carthaginiensium'] The naval being ' sine captivis, sine spoliis,' power of the Carthaginians, which we may suppose the victory itself not combined the science of Phoenicia very splendid. with the prowess of Africa, was for a 8. Omnibus navalibus pugnis] Oro- long time unrivalled in the Mediter- nibus' here is only morally universal, ranean. Of this the islands which Thus, in the first Punic war, Adherbal they subjugated and colonized are destroyed nearly 100 ships in one en- offered by A ppian as a proof. gagement ; and soon after a storm and 3. Rhodiorum] Strabo, lib. xiv. Carthalo, the remainder of the fleet, testifies the excellent discipline and amounting to 120 ships. naval prowess of these islanders, par- 9. Delos] This island possessed an ticularly in checking the pirates. excellent harbour and situation, lying 4. In navalibus pugnis] Particu- in the route of those who traded be- larly the victories of Duilius and Re- tween Asia and Greece, or Italy, gulus in the first Punic war. and of Strab. lib. x. As usual, the capital Livius over the fleet of Antiochus, a. of the island was also so called. u. 562. Supr. 12. n. 8. 5. Util.] By the loss of its revenues. 10. Turn nihil timebat] Being 6. Dignitatis] By the capture of under the protection of Rome. It its praetors, ambassadors, &c. had, however, been taken by Mithri- 7. Persenque] We must infer this dates. PRO LEGE MANILIA, Cap. 19. 35 etiam Appia jam via 11 carebamus; et his temporibus non pudebat magistratus populi Romani, in hunc ipsum locum escendere, 12 quum earn vobis majores vestri exuviis nauticis et classium spoliis ornatum reliquissent. XIX. Bono te animo turn, Q. Hortensi, populus Roma- nus, et ceteros, qui erant in eadem sententia, dicere existi- mavit ea, qua* sentiebatis ; sed tamen in salute communi idem populus Romanus dolori 1 suo maluit, quam auctoritati vestra? obtemperare. Itaque una lex, unus vir, unus annus, non modo nos ilia miseria ac turpitudine liberavit: sed etiam eftecit, ut aliquando vere videremur omnibus gentibus ae nationibus terra marique imperare. Quo mihi etiam indig- nius videtur obtrectatuin esse adhuc Gabinio 2 dicam, anne Pompeio, an utrique? (id quod est verius :) ne legaretur A. Gabinius Cn. Pompeio expetenti ac postulanti. Utrum ille, qui postulat legatum ad tantum helium, quern velit, ido- ncusuonest, qui impetret, quum cetcri ad expilandos socios diri])iendas(jue provincias, quos volueruut legatos eduxerint : an ipse, eujus lege salus ac dignitas populo Romano atque omnibus gentibus constitute est, expers esse debet gloria? ejus imperatoris atque ejus exercitus, qui consilio ipsius atque periculo 3 est constitutus? An C. Falcidius, Q. Metellus, Q. Caelius Latiuiensis, Cn. Lentulus, (quos onmes honoris causa 1 nomino,) quum tribuni ])lebis fuissent, anno proximo 11. Appia via] Near Terracina, it DeOr.iii.6. Siveexinferioreloco, sive approached the sea, and therefore was ex aequo, sive ex superiore.. .loquitur, prohahly infested hy the pirates.Mil.7. By 'ex aequo' he means the senate. 12. Kscendere] For ' ascendere.' Sect. XIX. 1. Dolori] ^Kgri- The Rostra, it should be observed, tudo ex aliqua injuria concepta. Hot. was twofold, sc. * superior et in- 2. Indignius Gabinio'] Supr. 17. ferior locus.' Att. ii. 24. Postero n. 6. The return which was made autem die, Caesar qui olim, praetor for this uncalled for support of the cum esset, Q. Catulum ex inferiore worthless Gabinius can hardly be re- loco jusserat dicere, Vettium in Ros- gretted. He was consul a. u. 695, tra produxit ; eumque in eo loco con- the year in which Cic. was banished ; stituit quo Bibulo consuli, aspirare for his services in procuring which non liceret.' This inferior locus' banishment, he obtained, through Livy (xxxviii. 52.) calls ' sub rostris,' Clodius, the province of Syria. from which private men could ha- 3. Periculo'] Because if Pompey rangue; whereas tlie ' suggestum' that were unsuccessful, the odium would had been adorned with the beaks of the revert to the person who had promoted Antiatian ships, called by Cic. ' exit- his appointment. viis nauticis.' Liv. viii. 14., formed the 4. Honoris causa] ' out of respect,' ' locus superior,' and from it the magis- ' with all due respect.' Cic. generally trates haraugued. Hence ' ascendere.' employs this expression in speaking 36 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO legati esse potuerunt : in hoc uno Gabinio sunt tarn diligen- tes, 5 qui in hoc bello, quod lege Gabinia geritur, in hoc im- peratore atque exercitu, quern per vos 5 ipse constituit, etiam praecipuo jure esse deberet ? de quo legando spero consules ad senatum relaturos : qui si dubitabunt, aut gravabuntur, ego me profiteor relaturum ; 6 neque me impediet cujus- quam, Quirites, inimicum edictum, quo minus, fretus vobis, vestrum jus beneficiumque 7 defendam : neque, praeter intcr- cessionem, 8 quidquam audiam ; de qua, utarbitror, isti ipsi, qui minantur, etiam atque etiam, quid liceat, considerabunt. Mea quidem sententia, Quirites, unus A. Gabinius, belli maritimi rerumque gestarum Cn. Pompeio socius adscribi- of living characters, regarding whom there might be some suspicion of in- sult. Thus Antony uses it in speak- ing of Brutus. Phil. ii. 12. 5. Tarn diligentes] In enforcing the law, that tribunes should not be eligible to lieutenancies the year af- ter their magistracy. What this law was is not recorded ; perhaps it came in under the vEbutian and Licinian laws, ' ne ei qui de aliqua curatione ac potestate ferret, collegis, cognatis, af- finibus earn potestatem curationemve mandare liceret.' 5. Per vos~\ By your suffrages. 6. Ego me relaturum'] It would appear that the consuls, Mm. Lepi- dus and Volcatius Tullus, took part with the senate against Gabinius, whose law was highly displeasing to them. Cic. declares, that if the con- suls, whose proper business it was, should not lay the matter before the senate, he would do so himself. This could be done in two ways: 1. by calling a meeting of the senate for that especial purpose ; which, as praetor, he was competent to do ; and then ' inimicum edictum,' would be an edict of the consuls, forbidding a minor magistrate, sc. a prstor, to hold the senate ; and this is Hottoman's ex- planation. 2. By taking the oppor- tunity, when the senate was met for some ol her purpose, of bringing for- ward the affair, which it was com- petent for any senator to do. ' Ini- micum edictum' will then be the edict of the consul, determining the business in debate, and requiring no senator to introduce any extraneous matter, or what was called * egredi relationem ;' and this explanation Em. prefers. 7. Vestrum jut beneficiumque] As Hottom. explained * edictum' to be an edict directed against the authority of the praetor to hold the senate, so he makes 'jus' theright or privilege of the praetorship and ' beneficium' the fa- vour conferred by that office, which were ' vestrum' being derived from the people. But Em. makes 'jus' the right which the tribunes had of a lieutenancy, and * beneficium' the honour and rights of the tribuneship itself, which were peculiarly ' ves- trum,' the people's. And this seems preferable. 8. Prater intercetsionem] A com- pliment to the people, to whose tri- bunes he was ready to defer. The senate had, no doubt, gained over some of the tribunes, like Trebellius, who should interfere if Cicero's mo- tion were pressed. The Delph. quotes from A. Gell. xiv. 7., that a magis- trate to intercede must be of equal (or greater) authority with him who held the senate. This is true, but does PRO LEGE MANILIA, Cap. 20. 37 tur ; propterea quod alter uni 9 id bellum suscipiendum ves- tris suffrages detulit ; alter delatiim susceptumque confecit. XX. Reliquum est, ut de Q. Catuli auctoritate et senten- tia dicendum esse videatur ; qui quum ex vobis quaereret, si in uno Cn. Pompeio omnia poneretis, si quid eo factum es- set, 1 in quo spem essetis habituri ; cepit magnum sua? virtu- tis fruetum, ac dignitatis, quum omnes prope una voce, " in [eo] ipso vos spem habituros esse" dixistis. Etenim talis est vir, 2 ut nulla res tanta sit ac tarn difficilis, quam ille non et consilio regere, et integritate tueri, et virtute confieere possit. Sed in hoc ipso ab eo vehementissime dissentio, quod, quo minus certa est hominum ac minus diuturna vita, hoc magis respublica, dum per deos immortales licet, frui debet sum- mi hominis vita atque virtute. At enim 3 nihil novi fiat contra exempla atque instituta majorum. Non dico hoc loco, ma- jores nostros semper in pace consuetudini, in bello utilitati 4 paruisse, semper ad novos casus temporum, novorum consi- liorum rationes accommodasse : non dicam, duo bella max- ima, Punicum et Hispaniense, ab uno imperatore 5 esse con- fecta : duas urbes potentissimas, qua? huic imperio maxime minitabantur, Carthaginem atque Numantiam, 6 ab eodem Scipione esse deletas : non commemorabo, nuper ita vobis patribusque vestris esse visum, ut in uno C. Mario spes im- not apply here, where the veto of the of the city, on the field of battle, for tribunes only is referred to. their gallant resistance to the Cim- 9. Alter nt] The second clause brians ; and when told that it was il- ' alter delatum, &c.,' determines the legal, he replied, ' that the din of construction of the first ; sc. that arms drowned the voice of the laws.' ' uni' is governed by ' detulit,' and Plut. in Mar. 27. 4 suffrages, ' in the abl. case ; else it 5. Ab uno imperatore] P. Scipio would agree better with the wording ^Emilianus, who, being made consul of the law to refer ' uni' to'suscipien- ten years before the regular time, to dum.' 'Alter alter,' (jabinius and finish the Punic war, was afterwards, Pompey. notwithstanding a law which required Sect. XX. 1. Si quid factum ten years to intervene between each esset] Phil. i. 4. 'Si quid mihi hu- consulship, appointed to the Numan- manitus accidisset,' and Dem. Phil, tine war. i. 5. an ndOoi, are all euphemisms, 6. ffiniifWlJuiH] A city of Tarra- lor ' should (one) die.' Mil. 36. conensis in Spain, near the source of 2. Tulis estvir] Off. i. 22. the Durius, at the foot of the moun- 3. At enim] An objection. Vid. Sail, tains. It was razed by Scipio the Cat. c- 51, where Caesar refutes it. younger, after a siege of twenty years, 4. In bello utilituti] Thus Marius the inhabitants having previously de- too, in later times, presented two co- stroyed themselves. llor. ii. 18. hortsof Camertians, with the freedom Liv. Kpit. 47. 54., Sac. VOL. I. E 38 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO perii poneretur, ut idem cum Jugurtha, idem cum Cim- bris, 7 idem cum Theutonis bellum admin istraret : in ipso Cn. Pompeio, in quo novi constitui nihil vult Q. Catulus, quam multa sint nova summa Q. Catuli voluntate constituta, recordamini. XXI. Quidenim tarn novum, quam adolescentulum, 1 pri- vatum, exercitum difficili reipublica? tempore 2 conficere ? confecit : huic praeesse ? praefuit : rem optime ductu suo gerere ? gessit. Quid tarn praeter consuetudinem, quam ho mini peradolescenti, 3 cujus a senatorio gradu 4 aetas longe 5 ab- esset, imperium atque exercitum dari ? Siciliam permitti, at- que Af'ricam, bellumque in ea administrandum ? Fuit in his provinciis singulari innocentia, gravitate, virtute : bellum in Africa maximum confecit, victorem exercitum deportavit. Quid vero tarn inauditum, quam equitem Romanum triuni- phare? At earn quo que rem populus Romanus non modo vidit, sed etiam studio omni visendam et concelebrandam putavit. Quid tarn inusitatum, quam ut, qiuim duo con- sules 6 clarissimi fortissimique essent, eques Romanus ad bel- lum maximum 7 formidolosissimumque pro consule 8 mittere- tur ? Missus est. Quo quidem tempore, quum csset non- nemo in senatu, qui diceret, 'Non otx>rtere mitti hominem privatum pro consule ;' L. Philippus 9 dixisse dicitur, ' Non se 7. Cimbris] A people of Jutland, 5. Longe] Sc. about eight years, and ' Theutones,' of Germany. These 6. Duo coss.] D. Junius Brutus ations made an incursion into Gaul, and M. ..Emilius Lepidus, a. u. 676. a. r. 640, and conquered and de- 7. Bellum maximum] The Ser- Mroyed several Roman armies. Ma- torian or Spanish, i ius, in his absence, was appointed 8. Pro consule] The words ' pro- ueneral against them, and in con- consul, ''promagister,' 'pronepos,'&c. junction with Q. Catulus, destroyed were formed from the regular ' pro the entire army of the barbarians, consule,' &c; and the latter form Cic. seems to separate the wars with was still in use, with this limitation, these people (idem cum Theutonis) that it was never made the subject of and so does Livy, Epit lxvi., differ- the verb. E. g. ' Eques Rom. procon- ing in this respect from other his- sule missus est' was good Latin ; but torians. not ' proconsule decrevit haec fieri.' Sect. XXI. 1. Adolescentulum] This shows too, that the governor of a Introd. 1 1. 15. province was styled proconsul whether 2. Difficili reip. tempore] The he had been consul or not. Vid. Phil. Italic war. 38, where Brutus, the praetor, is 3. Peradolescenti] For ' adolescen- called proconsul of Crete. Hor. Sat. tissimus,' which is not in use. i. 7.18. 4. Senatorio gradu] Thirty-two. 9. L. Philippus] Who, with Cras- PRO LEGE MANILIA, Cap. 22. 39 ilium sua sententia pro consule, sed pro consulibus 10 mit- tere.' Tanta in eo reipublicae bene gerendae spes constitue- batur, ut duorum consilium munus unius adolescentis virtuti committeretur. Quid tarn singulare, quam ut ex senatus- consulto legibus 11 solutus, consul ante fieret, quam iillum alium magistratum 12 per leges capere licuisset ? quid tarn incredibile, quam ut iterum 13 eques Romanus ex senatuscon- sulto triumpharet ? quae in omnibus hominibus nova post hominum memoriam constituta sunt, ea tam multa non sunt, quam haec, quae in hoc uno homine vidimus. Atque haec tot exempla tanta, ac tam nova, profecta sunt in eundem hominem a Q. Catuli atque a ceterorum ejusdem dignitatis mplissimorum hominum auctoritate. XXII. Quare videant, ne sit periniquum et non ferendum, illorum auctoritatem de Cn. Pompeii dignitate a vobis com- probatam 1 semper esse ; vest rum ab illis de eodem homine judicium, populique Romani auctoritatem improbari: pra?- sertim quum jam suo jure 2 populus Romanus in hoc homine suam auctoritatem vel contra omnes, qui dissentiunt, possit defendere ; propterea quod, iisdem istis reclamantibus, 3 vos unuin ilium ex omnibus delegistis, quern bello praedonum praeponeretis. Hoc si vos temere fecistis, et reipublica? sus and Antony, formed the trium- torship was first, and had been omit- virate of early orators. De Or. iii. J . ted by Pompey. 10. Pro consul/bus] Metellus Pius 13. Iterum] On the conclusion of was then conducting the Sertorian the Sertorian and servile wars. war, with better intentions than sue- Sect. XXII. 1. A vobis eotnpro- cess. His regular successor should batam] Either by yourselves, or by have been a consul, and sometimes your tribunes. For the latter used to two were sent. Philip had so high sit on benches at the door of the an opinion of Pompey's abilities that senate, and examine the decrees of the he thought him worth the two ; ac- senate as they passed. Those ap- cordingly he was sent as an assistant proved were subscribed T. i. e. Tri- to Metellus, who was continued in buni ; those rejected, V. i. e. veto, the command. Val. Max. ii. 1. 1 1. Legibus] i.e. Lege, sc. Villia vel 2. Jam suo jure] i.e. ' nemine im- Annali. Mil. 9. n. on ' suum annum.' pediente,' * cum nemo prohibere pos- 12. Ullum alium magistratum] Sc. set.' Jam seems to intimate that since curule magistracy ; for being thirty- the decision of the people, in the case five years of age, he was eligible to of the Gabinian law, against the the quzestorship. Vid.c. 1. n. 29. The wishes of the senate, had proved so legal age for the curule aedile was proper, a fortiori they might exert thirty-seven. Some refer ' antequam,' their full authority on this occasion, not to the age of Pompey, but the 3. Istis reclamantibus] Hortensius, order of the offices, of which the quaes- Catulus, and their adherents. 40 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO ])arum consululstis ; recte isti studia vestra* suis consiliis* re- vere conantur : sin autem vos plus turn in republica vidis- tis ; vos, 6 his repugnantibus, per vosmet ipsos dignitatem huic imperio, salutem orbi terrarum attulistis : aliquando isti principes, et sibi, et ceteris, populi Romani universi auc- toritati parendum esse fateantur. Atque in hoc bello Asia- tico et regio, non solum militaris ilia virtus, quae est in Cn. Pompeio singularis, sed aliae quoque virtutes animi multae et magna? requiruntur. Difficile est 7 in Asia, Cilicia, Syria, regnisque interiorum 8 nationum ita versari vestrum impera- torem, ut nihil aliud, quam de hoste ac de laude, coiiitet. Deinde etiam si qui sunt pudore ac temperantia raoderati- ores, tamen eos esse tales, propter multitudinem cupidorum hominum nemo arbitratur. Difficile est dictu, Quirites, quanto in odio simus apud exteras nationes, propter eorum, quos ad eas per hosannos cum imperio misimus, injurias ac libidines. Quod enim fanum putatis in illis terris nostris magistratibus religiosum, quam civitatem sanctam, quam do- mum satis clausam ac munitam fuisse ? urbes jam 9 locuple- tes ac copiosae requiruntur, 10 quibus causa belli propter diri- ])iendi cupiditatem inferatur. Libenter ha?c coram cum Q. Catulo et Q. Hortensio disputarem, summis et clarissimis viris ; noverunt 11 enim sociorum vulnera : vident eorum calamitates : querimonias audiunt. Pro sociis vos contra hostes exercitum mittere putatis, an hostium simulatione, contra socios atque amicos? quae civitas est in Asia, quae non modo imperatoris, aut legati, sed unius tribuni militum 12 am- inos ac spiritus 13 capere possit ? XXIII. Quare, etiam si quem habetis, qui, collatis signis, 4. Studia vestra] Your views and inquiruntur.' Sail. Cat. 40. Legates wishes. Allobrogum requirat. 5. Consiliis~\ Just as Cic. was 11. Noverunt enim] Because they doing now; for the senators had no must have heard the complaints which control over the determinations of the were daily brought before the senate people, but by advice. by the provincials. 6. Vos] i. e. sin vos ; if you, &c. 11. Unus tribuni militum] The 7. Difficile est] Owing to the number of the ' tribuni' in a legion wealth and remote situation of those varied according to the number of countries. thousands of which it was composed, 8. Interiorum] Remote from the which being originally three, (tres,) sea. gave rise to the name. At this time 9. Jam] Even. there were six. 10. Requiruntur] i. e. ' diligenter 13. Animos acspiritus] Avarice. PRO LEGE MANILIA, Cap. 23. 41 exercitus regios superare posse videatur: tamen, nisi erit idem, qui se a pecuniis sociorum, qui ab eorum conjugibus ac liberis, qui ab ornamentis fanorum atque oppidorum, qui ab auro gazaque 1 regia, manus, oculos, animum cohibere possit ; non erit idoneus qui ad bellum Asiaticum regiumque niittatur. Ecquam putatis civitatem pacatam fuisse, quae locuples sit ? ecquam esse locupletem, qua3 istis pacata esse videatur i 2 Ora maritima, Quirites, Cn. Pompeium non solum propter rei militaris gloriam, sed etiam propter animi continentiam requisivit. Videbat enim populum Ronw- num 3 non locupletari quotannis pecunia publica, prseter* pau- cos ; neque nos quidquam aliud assequi classium nomine, nisi ut, detriments accipiendis, majore affici turpitudine vi- deremur. Nunc, qua cupiditate homines in provincias, qui- bus jacturis, 5 quibus conditionibus proficiscantur, ignorant videlicit isti, 6 qui ad uniim deferenda esse omnia non arbi- trantur ! Quasi vero Cn. Pompeium non qimm suis virtu- tibus, turn etiam alienisvitiis magnum esse videamus. Quare nolite dubitare, quin huic uni credatis omnia, qui inter an- nos tot unus inventus sit, quem socii in urbes suas cum exer- citii venisse naudeant. Quod si auctoritatibus hanc causam, Quirites, confirniandam putatis : est vobis auctor, vir bel- Sect. XXIII. 1. Gaza] A Per- loyalty, and the only security from sian word, signifying ' royal treasure.' oppression lay in poverty. Gaza, a city of Palestine, was so 3. Populum Rom.'] Al. populus. called, according to Mela, because With the reading in the text ' vide- Cambyses, when he was invading bat* refers to ' ora maritima,' yet it .fligypt, collected thither his royal is not clear why it felt so strongly treasures. Here it may allude to the about the abuses of the Roman treasures of Mithridates and Ti- government. If we read ' populus' granes. there is no apparent connexion with 2. Ecquam esse videatur"] He what precedes, makes two suppositions and deduces 4. Preeter] u e. ' nisi' ticroc, two consequences: 1. Admitting a 'save.' Caos. B. G. iv. 1. Neque state to be possessed of wealth, has it vestitus, praiter pelles, habeant. So in in any instance been reduced to a state English, besides is used for except. of tranquillity (pacatam) 1 No, but 5. Jacturis] 1. The throwing of goaded into rebellion. 2. If we sup- goods overboard in a storm. 2. Any pose the state to be, in their opinion, loss whatever. 3. Expense or lar- tranquillized (pacata), do you con- gess. Cass. B. G. vi. 11. 'Aliquem ceive it to be wealthy 1 No ; it magnis jacturis et pollicitationibus ad owes its tranquillity to its having se perducere.' nothing to tempt rapacity. In short, 6. Ignorant isti] Sc. Hortensius, in the eye of the Roman governors, &c. ironically ; for he had said before, wealth was the worst species ofdis- noverunt sociorum vulnera.' 42 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO lorum omnium maximarumque rerum peritissimus, P. Ser- vilius : 7 cujus tantae res gestae terra marique 8 exstiterunt, ut, quum de bello deliberetis, auctor vobis gravior esse nemo debeat : est C. Curio. 9 summis vestris beneficiis, maximis- que rebus gestis, summo ingenio et prudentia praeditus : est Cn. Lentulus, 10 in quo omnes, pro amplissimis vestris honori- bus, summum consilium, summam gravitatem esse cognovis- tis : est C. Cassius, 11 integritate, virtute, constantia singulari. Quare videte, num horum auctoritatibus illorum orationi, qui dissentiunt, respondere posse videamur. XXIV. Quae quum ita sint, C. Manili, primum istam tuam et legem, et voluntatem, et sententiam laudo, vehe- mentissimeque comprobo : deinde te hortor, ut, auctore populo Romano, maneas in sententia, neve cujusquam vim aut minas pertimescas. Primum in te satis esse animi per- severantiaeque arbitror : deinde quum tantam multitudinem cum tanto studio adesse videamus, quantam nunc iterum 1 in eodem homine praeficiendo videmus : quid est, quod aut de re, aut de perficiendi facultate dubitemus? Ego autem, quidquid in me est studii, consilii, laboris; in genii, quidquid hoc beneficio populi Romani, atque hac potestate praetoria, quidquid auctoritate, fide, constantia possum ; id omne ad banc rem conficiendam, tibi et populo Romano polliceor ac defero. Testorque omnes deos, et eos maxime, qui huic loco temploque 2 president, qui omnium mentes eorum, qui ad rempublicam adeunt, maxime perspiciunt, me hoc neque rogatu facere cujusquam, neque quo Cn. Pompeii gratiam mihi per banc causam conciliari putem, neque quo mihi ex cujusquam amplitudine, aut praesidia periculis, aut adjumen- ta honoribus quaeram : propterea quod pericula facile, ut hominem praestare oportet, 3 innocentia tecti repellemus : honores autem neque ab uno, neque ex hoc loco, sed eadem 7. P. Servilius~\ Sc. Isauricus, nus, consul a. r. 681. from his conquest of Isaurum in Ci- 11. C. Cassius] Sc. Varus, con- licia, consul a. u. 674, the year of sul a. u. 680. Div. xt. 14. JSylla's resignation. Si.ct. XXIV. 1. Nunc iterum] 8. Marique'] He had been success- The first was in passing the Gabinian ful in several engagements with the law. Al. non. pirates. 2. Temploq.] So called because 9. C. Seriboniu* Curio] Consul, a. consecrated by auguries. Rostraq. u. 677. He was father of Curio, the id templum appellatum. Liv. viii. 14. friend of Antony, who fell in Africa. 3. Prxstare oportet] Ought to do ; 1Q. Cn. Lentulm] Sc. Clodia- sc. ' pericula repellere.' PRO LEGE MANILIA, Cap. 24. 43 nostra ilia laboriosissima ratione vitae, si vestra voluntas feret, consequemur. Quamobrem, quidquid in hac causa mihi susceptum est, Quirites, id omne me reipublicae causa suscepisse confirmo : tantumque abest, ut aliquam bonam gratiam mihi quaesisse videar, ut multas etiam simultates par- tim obscuras, 4 partim apertas intelligam, mihi non neces- sarias, 5 vobis non inutiles, 6 suscepisse. Sed ego me hoc honore praeditum, tantis vestris beneficiis affectum, statui, Quirites, vestram voluntatem, 7 et reipublicae dignitatem, et salutem provinciarum atque sociorum, meis omnibus com- modis et rationibus praeferre oportere. 4. Partim obscuras] Alluding to good often accrues from the disputes the covert opposition of the partisans of political opponents, by reason of of Lucullus. the watch which they keep on each 5. Mihi non necessarias] A ' lito- other's actions. tes/ for ' very injurious ;' sc. by 7. Vestram voluntatem] ' Your in- alienating Lucullus and his party. clination ;' which was wholly in fa- 6. Non inutiles] Because public vour of Pompey. INTRODUCTION TO THE ORATION FOR THE POET ARCHIAS. 1. We know little more of Archias than what is contained in the oration of Cicero, pronounced in his defence. This informs us that he was a native of Antioch, and being early distinguished for poetical talent, came to Rome in the consulship of Marius and Catulus, a. u. 651. His first patrons in that city were the Lu- culli, whose gentile name, Licinius, Archias seems to have adopted, as was usually done by foreigners on receiving the freedom of the city.* About ten years after his arrival at Rome, he accompanied M. Lucullus to Sicily, and this brought him to Heraclea, a city of Magna Graecia, of which he was made a citizen. 2. During his absence from Italy, the famous Italic, or Social war had raged, which began a. u. 662, on the murder of the younger Drusus, (Mil. 6.,) the celebrated tribune who had es- poused the interests of the Italic states. It is well known that the senate was obliged to concede, in effect, the demands of the al- lies. For, by the Julian law, citizenship was conferred on such of the Latin and Italian states as had maintained their allegiance, or chose to lay down their arms; and, in the following year, 664, the law of Carbo and Silvanus was passed, by which all foreigners who were citizens of federate states were entitled to citizenship at Rome, provided they had, at that time, a residence in Italy, and registered their names with the Roman praetor within sixty days from the promulgation of the law. This law, of course, included Archias, who was lately enrolled in Heraclea, and had, for a long time, re- sided at Rome. Accordingly he registered his name with Metel- lus Pius, his intimate friend, within the appointed time, and thereby became a Roman citizen. * Ernesti, however, says ' civitate donatus a Crasso,' and we find L. Crassus enumerated among his patrons, c. 3., ' a L. Crasso colebatur.' But as the Luculli, as well as the Crassi, belonged to the ' gens Licinia,' iUeems more probable that Archias was so denominated from his first and constant patrons, than from Crassus. 46, INTRODUCTION. 3. In the following year he accompanied his patron, L. Lucullus, to Asia; and after following his fortunes for upwards of twenty years, returned with him to Rome, a. u. 688, on his recall from the Mithridatic war. In this very year, C. Papius revived an old law of Petronius ' that all foreigners should be expelled the city, who not being citizens, conducted themselves as such.' About four years after, one Gracchus, or Gratius, arraigned Archias under this law, and required him, in his old age, (for he was now in his 60th year,) to prove his right of citizenship. Cicero, his old pupil, ap- peared in his defence. It is doubtful who was the presiding praetor, because it is not ascertained whether the action was pleaded a. v. 691 or 692. If in the former, then Q. Cicero, the brother of the orator, is the most probable person ; if in the latter, C. Octavius, the father of the Emperor Augustus. 4. This cause is styled by rhetoricians 'judicial,' being pleaded before the prsetor, but it is also ' demonstrative,' inasmuch as it embraces the praises of Archias and learning. The exordium is simple, being founded on the gratitude which a pupil owes his in- structor in polite literature, c. 1.3. This is followed by a brief review of the life of Archias, wherein Cicero gives the history of his enfranchisement, and confutes the arguments by which it was sought to be invalidated, c. 3. 6. The remainder of the oration is occupied in the praises of learning and poetry, and in proving the claim which a man of learning and poetical talent, like Archias, had on the favour of the Roman people, inasmuch as on him de- pended the duration of their fame. The peroration is merely a summary of the preceding arguments. M. TULLII CICERONIS PRO A. LICIxMO ARCHIA POETA ORATIO. I. Si quid 1 ,, est in me ingenii, judices, quod sentio quam sit exiguum : aut si qua exercitatio dicendi, in qua me non infitior mediocriter esse 2 versatum ; aut si hujusce rei 3 ratio aliqua, ab optimarum artium studiis ac disciplina profecta, a qua ego nullum confiteor aetatis mea? tempus abhorruisse : earum rerum omnium vel in primis 4 hie A. Licinius 5 fructum Sect. I. I, Si (juid.fyc] Cic.here enumerates the three grand requisites for forming an orator ; talent, ex- perience in speaking, and theoretical skill. The more natural arrangement would be, talent theory practice; and this he adopts, inf. ' facultas inge- nii dicendi ratio disciplina. These agree nearly with Aristotle's requi- sites for forming the finished scholar, 2. In qua esse] It has been re- marked, by Hottom., Muret., and others, that Cic. here falls into a hex- ameter ; and Muret. says, ' Nonne videtur poetam poetice velle defende- re V But as harmonious prose dif- fers from verse, not in rejecting rythm, but the regular recurrence of the same rythm ; and as there is hardly a sen- tence in Cic. wherein many of the or- dinary poetic rythms may not be de- tected, it is surely too much to at- tribute this instance to art or inten- tion. 3. Hujusce rei] Sc. dicendi, Manil. c.i. n. 32. 4. Vel in primis] Because he had many other early guides. 5. A. Licinius] Graev., supported by two MSS., would subjoin Archius, but, perhaps in beginning to prove his client a Iloman, the omission of his Asiatic name is intentional. With regard to the praenomen Aulus, it is not clear whence it was derived to Archias, as the Luculli were Marc, and Luc, and the praenomen, in which the patron prided himself, was sure to be adopted by the client. gau- dent praenomine molles Auriculae. Hor. So of freedmen we meet Mar- 48 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO a me repetere prope suo jure debet. Nam quoad longissime potest mens 6 mea respicere spatium praeteriti temporis, et pu- eritiae memoriam 7 recordari ultimam, inde usque repetens, hunc video mihi principem 8 et ad suscipiendam, 9 et ad ingre- diendam rationem horum studiorum existitisse. 10 Quod si haec vox, hujus hortatu 11 praeceptisque conformata, 12 nonnullis aliquando saluti fuit : a quo id accepimus, quo ceteris opitu- lari et alios servare possemus, huic profecto ipsi quantum est 13 situm in nobis, et opem, et salutem ferre debemus. Ac, ne quis a nobis hoc ita dici forte miretur, quod alia quae- dam u in hoc 15 facultas sit ingenii, neque haec dicendi ratio aut disciplina, 16 ne nos quidem huic cuncti 17 studio penitus unquam dediti fuimus. Etenim omnes artes, 18 quae ad hu- cus Tullius Tiro, Luc. Corn. Chry- sogonus. Manut. conjectures that by an adoption which took place, of Marcus into the family of Varo, his praenomen, Aulus, might have been changed, but not until it had been first assumed by Archias. 6. Hens'] Animus quo volumus ; mens qua meminimus. Sylv. 7. Memoriam'] Tempus quod me- moria amplectimur, Sch. V.E. ; and ' ultimam,' ' primam, remotissimam.' 8. Principem] Auctorem, hortato- rem, ducem. Hott. My guide, phi- losopher, and friend. Pope. 9. Ad suscipiend., fyc] The meta- phor appears to be borrowed from a traveller who takes up his package and then enters on his journey. ' Ratio' here is nearly allied to ' via.' Hence * ingredior' is often joined with it. Epist. ii. ' Ingredior ad explicandam rationem sententiae mea?.' 10. Extitisse] Honestius, illustri- us, significantius verbum quam fuisse. C. 10. Nisi Ilias ilia extitisset. Passer. 11. Hortatu] Sc. 'ad suscipien- dam ;' and 'przeceptis,' ' ad ingredien- dam.' Em. 12. Conformata] Tlp formation or toning of the voice was an important part in the education of an orator at Home. Vid. de Or. iii. 60. Ad He- ren. iii. 15, he calls it ' figura vocis,' and adds ' ea dividitur in magnitudi- nem, firmitudinem, et mollitudinem.' According to Plut. Cicero's voice was weak and harsh ; and after pleading for Sext. Roscius, he travelled into Greece 'to form it.' Cic, however, attributes the whole to Archias ; and this is no more than Horace allows the poet : Os tenerum pueri balbum- que poeta figurat. Epist. ii. 1. 126. 13. Quantum est] i.e. ' Pro virili parte.' 14. Alia qua: dam] For ' poeta nascitur ; orator fit.' 15. In hoc] Archias. 16. Facuttas....disciplina] Supr. n. 2. 17. Cuncti] Al. vincti and uni, which latter Em. adopts without au- thority. But the difficulty of con- ceiving how ' cuncti' can be applied to an individual is not greater than to conceive how the audience understood by nos, Cic. himself. Manut. explains it ' toti penitus dediti.' Fest. says, * Cuncti,' qu. conjuncti, significat omnes sed congregati. 18. Omnes artes] Ars oratoria, poetica, historia...il/amif. But there is no reason to limit them to these few, as Gell. xiii. 17. shows that the Latins used 'humanitas' to import the 7raictia of the Greeks \ and therefore PRO ARCfflA POETA, Cap. 2. 49 manitatem 19 pertinent, habent quoddam commune vinculum, 2 et quasi cognatione quadam inter se continentur. 11. Sed ne cui vestrum mirum esse videatur, me in quacs- tione legitima, 1 et in judicio publico, 2 quum res agatur apud praetorem populi Romani, lectissimum 3 virum, et apud severissimos 4 judices, tanto conventu 5 hominum ac frequentia, hoc uti genere dicendi, quod non modo a consuetudine judi- ciorum, verum etiam 6 a forensi sermone 7 abhorreat : qua?so a vobis, ut in hac causa mihi detis banc veniam, accommoda- the arts which pertain to it must em- brace the whole circle of the sciences. This the Greeks called ty/ci'icAo- vaiCtia. Quint, i. 10. The argu- ments of Cic, however, show that poetry and history were particularly in his mind. 19. Ad humanitatem] ' Humanitas,' from 'homo,' imports: 1. The in- stinctive concern which human beings feel for each other as contradistin- guished from the brute creation. 2. Humanity, kindness, &c. 3. What- ever cherishes those feelings and keeps our species most distinct from brutes. Hence learning, polite literature, &c. Ovid. Pont. ii. 9. 47. ' Scilicet ingenuas didicisse fideliter artes Emollit mores nee sinit esse feros.' 20. Quoddam vinculum] De Or. iii. 6. ' est etiam ilia Platonis vera.... vox ; oronem doctrinam harum inge- nuaruin et humanarum artium uno quodarn societatis vinculo contineri.' Sect. 11. I. Quastione legitima] ' Quae sub legibus cadit et legibus di- rumtur;' a question of law, merely. 2. Judicio publico'] Caec. 2. ' Omnia judiciaaut distrahendarum controver- sial urn, aut puniendorum maleficiorum causa reperta sunt ;' i. e. were private or public ; or, as we say, civil or cri- minal. Under the latter was ranked any question ' de jure civitatis,' the least violation of which was consider- ed a ' maleficium.' And as the jus civitatis' belonged to the 'jus publi- cum,' Balb. 28, he here says 'judi- VOL. I. cio publico,' which in its very nature precluded the latitude of expression which might, perhaps, be pardoned in a panegyric on learning. 3. Lectissimum] (As we say) 'a picked man ;' a most superior lawyer ; who would think it strange if Cic. supplied him with declamation in- stead of legal pleading. 4. Severissimos] ' Severus,' applied to judges, generally means ' impar- tial.' Manil. 13. Here, perhaps, 'grave,' 'serious;' whom an advo- cate would not be likely to trouble with any disquisition irrelevant to the case in point. About ten years before this trial took place, Cotta had open- ed the judicial office to the three or- ders of the state, (Phil. i. 8,) the senators, knights, and ' tribuni a?ra- rii,' out of whom these judges were selected. The senators were usually one more than the equites, who again exceeded the ' tribuni aerarii' by the same number ; but a vote of each was of equal value. Mil. c. 1. n.4. 5. Tanto conventu] i. e. Corona eorum qui circum judicum subsellia stabant. Hott.UW. 1. 6. Non modo verum etiam] A pleader might vary a little from the routine of a trial, but to forget the very phraseology of the bar was very unusual was strange. 7. Forensi sermone] Cic, de Off. i. 1., contrasts' illud forense dicendi, ethoc quietum disputandi, genus.' Here he means that many phrases be- longing to the schools, and to litera- 50 M. T. CICERON1S ORATIO tarn huio reo, vobis, quemadmodum spero, non molestam : ut me pro summo poeta atque eruditissimo homine dicentem, hoc concursu 8 hominum literatissimorum, hac vestra humani- tate, 9 hoc denique praetore 10 exercente judicium, patiamini de studiis humanitatis ac literarum paullo loqui liberius, et in ejusmodi persona, 11 qua?, propter otium 12 ac studium, minime in judiciis periculisque tractata 13 est, uti prope novo quodam et inusitato genere dicendi. Quod si mihi a vobis tribui con- cedique sentiam, perficiam 14 profecto, ut hunc A. Licinium non modo non segregandum, quum sit civis, a numero civium, verum etiam, si non esset, putetis adsciscendum 15 fuisse. III. Nam ut primum ex pueris excessiti Archias, atque ab iis artibus, quibus aetas puerilis ad humanitatem informari 2 so- let, se ad scribendi 2 studium contulit : primum Antiochise 5 ture in general, which are new to the forum, will be found in this oration. 8. Hoc concursu] ' Hoc' is here cuKTiKuiQ and emphatic, * such as this ;' for the high fame both of the defendant and the advocate would naturally attract the literati of Rome to hear the trial. 9. Vestra hnmanitate] Literarum illarum scientia de quibus mihi sermo futurus est. Manut. 10. Hoc denique pretore] Hoc as above. This (fourth) closes his rea- sons for expecting an indulgent hear- ing ; drawn from the character of the defendant, of the audience, the judges, and the praetor. 11. Persona'] * Per' and ' sono :' 1. A mask. 2. A feigned character. 3. Any character. 4. Whatever up- holds a character ; a person ; an in- dividual. 12. Otium] Freedom from busi- ness ; ' studium,' a literary pursuit. Elsewhere he says, 'otium litera- tum ;' literary ease. 13. Tvactata] ' Tractare perso- nam,' signifying in Hose. Com. 7. to represent a character,' Passer, re- fers tractata' to the orator ; as if he said, ' and in a character of this de- scription, which 1 have rarely per- formed, &c.' So Hor. * partes mi- mum tractare secundas.' But to this is opposed ' propter otium ac studi- um,' which evidently belongs to Ar- chias. Transl. therefore, not at all versed or experienced,' &c. 14. Perficiam] Sc. by putting you in possession of the merits of Ar- chias. 15. Segregandum adsciscendum] These words are immediately opposed. Of ' scisco' Manut. says, ' migravit a foro ad omnes res.' Sect. 111. 1. Ex puerit excessit] Ter. And. * Nam is postquam ex ephebis excessit.' Archias was then about fifteen. 2. Informari'] I\ough-hew. 'Non absolutam formam sed inchoatam sig- nificat.' Manut. So Shakspeare : 'Tis the Divinity that shapes our ends. Rough-hew them as we will.' 2. Scribendi] ' Scribere' is ap- plied, kcit iioxnv, to poetical com- position. Ter. ' Poeta cum primum animum ad scribendum appulit.' Hor. ' Scriberis Vario fortis et hostium Victor, &c.' Passer. ' Scribendi recte sapere est et principium et fons.' Hor. 3. Antioehiir] Steph. savs that there were twelve cities of this name. This was built on the Orontes, in Sy- ria. It was afterwards the site of a PRO ARCHIA POETA, Cap. 3. 51 (nam ibi natus est loco nobili :) 4 celebri 5 quondam nrbe et copiosa, atque eruditissimis hominibus liberalissimisque stu- diis affluenti, celeriter antecellere omnibus ingenii glo- ria 6 contigit. Post in ceteris Asiae partibus cunctaeque Graeciae, sic ejus adventus celebrabantur, ut famam inge- nii 7 exspectatio hominis/ exspectationem ipsius adventus admiratioque superaret. Erat Italia 9 tunc 10 plena Graeca- rum 11 artium ac disciplinarum, studiaque haec et in Latio ve- hementius turn colebantur, quam nunc iisdem in oppidis, et hie Romse, propter tranquillitatem reipublicae, non neglige- bantur. Itaque hunc et Tarentini, 12 et Rhegini, et Neapoli- tan^ civitate ceterisque praemiis donarunt : 13 et omnes, qui aliquid de ingeniis poterant judicare, cognitione atque hos- Christian Church, and in it the fol- lowers of our Saviour were first called Christians. Its modern name is Antike. 4. Loco nobili] Of a distinguished family. Sail. Cat. 24. ' natus haud obscuro loco.' 5. Celebri] populous. Manil. c. 12. n. 11. 6. Ingenii gloria] Scriptis parta. Manut. 7. Famam ingenii] An ascending series. The fame of his talents was great ; but, as usual, was exceeded by the curiosity of seeing his personal appearance (hominis); and this again, his actual (ipsius) arrival, and the ad- miration which succeeded, threw com- pletely into the shade. 8. Exspectatio hominis] Sc. ' vi- sendi,' which is sometimes expressed. Nep. Ale. 6. ' Tanta fuit exspectatio visendi Alcibiadis.' 9. Erat Italia] Cicero states parti- cularly, the progress of Archias. From Asia he came to Greece; thence to Italy ; from Italy to Latium ; and thence to Home. It is observable that he bestows on Italy, i.e. on Magna Graecia, greater praise than on Lati- um, because the Greek schools of phi- losophy first flourished there ; and as they were extended to the Latian towns before they reached the city ; in the former, he says, ' colebantur,' in the latter, ' non negligebantur.' And even this slight attention, he hints, was owing to the tranquillity which the state enjoyed before the Social war. It is of the period suc- ceeding the Punic wars that Hor. says, ' Graecia capta ferum victorem. cepit et artes Intulit agresti Latio.' 10. Tunc] a.u.651. 11. Gra'carum artium] ./En. vi. 847, * Kxcudent alii, &c.' 12. Tarentini, c] Tarentum, a city of Calabria, on a gulf of that name, was founded by a colony of Spartans, under Phalantus, hence called Phalant6um. Rhegium, now Rheggio, was founded by a colony from Chalcis, in Euboea, near where Sicily was said to have been disjoined from the Continent by an earthquake. ^En. iii. 414. Strab. vi. 258, derives it a pr}yu>. Neapolis, i. e. Mew- town, anciently Parthenope, was founded by Cumaeans, from Chalcis, in Euboea. It is situate on the Sinus Puteolanus, one of the most beautiful bays in Europe. These were, at this time, federate states of Italy; after the social war they became Roman citizens. Hence Verr. vi. 60. ' Quid arbitramini Rheginos, qui jam cives Rom. sunt, merere velle, &c.' Inf. c. 5, ' in eorum municipiorum, &c. 13. Civitate donarunt] A man could be a freeman of several corpo- rate towns at one and the same time ; 52 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO pitio dignum existimarunt. Hac tanta celebritate famae quum esset jam absentibus notus, Romam venit, Mario consule et Catulo. 14 Nactus est 15 primum consules eos, quorum alter 16 res ad scribendum maximas, alter 17 quum res gestas, turn etiam studium atque aures 18 adhibere posset. Statim Luculli, 19 quum praetextatus 20 etiam turn Archias esset, eum domum suam receperunt. Sed [etiam] hoc non solum in- genii ac literarum, verum etiam naturae atque virtutis, ut do- mus, quae hujus adolescentiae prima fuerit, eadem esset fami- liarissima senectuti. 21 Erat temporibus illis jucundus Q. Metello, 22 illi Numidico, et ejus Pio filio. 23 Audiebatur 24 a not so of Rome. Cic. pro Caec. 34 ' Cum ex nostro jure nemo duarum civitatum esse possit, turn amittitur hacc civitas, cum hie qui profugit re- ceptus est in aliam civitatem.' Hott. 14. Mario et Catulo] The fourth coss. of Marius, a. u. 651, to which he was appointed with a view to his opposing the Cimbri. 15. Nactus est] Quod fortunafuit. Manut. ' He happened to find.' Mil. 12. 'si nactus esses/ 16. Alter] Marius, whose princi- pal achievement hitherto was the cap- ture of Jugurtha. Soon after, indeed, he triumphed over the Cimbri, Teu- tones, and Ambrones. 17. Alter] Catulus. He shared the campaign with Marius ; and, if we believe Plutarch, contributed much to the final defeat of the ene- my. All the darts by which the Cimbri had fallen were found in- scribed with the name of Catulus. Posterity, however, assign Catulus the sqeond place in the rank of ho- nour. ' Nobilis ornatur lauro collega secunda.' Juv. viii. 253. 18. Studium aures'] Qu. ' studi- osae aures,' a Hendyad. ; ' attentive ears.' Ern. refers ' studium' to the verses of Catulus, and ' aures' to the recitations of others, e. g. Archias. Perhaps they both refer to Archias, ' studium' importing that Catul. read his compositions ; ' aures,' that he liitened to his recitations : for Catulus understood Greek, which Marius did not. De Or. ii. 7. ' Catulus. ..cui Graeci ipsi solent suae linguae subtili- tatem elegantiamque concedere.' But the Hend. affords the simplest expla- nation. 19. Luculli] Mar. and Luc. The former, usually called M. Terentius Varro, triumphed over Macedonia, a. u. 682, ten years before this trial ; the latter is fully noticed in the Ma- nil, law. 20 Prxtextatus] * Wearing the robe of youth,' i. e. not eighteen ; so that his talents and attainments must have been extraordinary to attract, at that age, the notice of the most ac- complished men at Rome. Manil. 8. 21. Senectuti] He was now about sixty years of age. 22. Q. Metello] The hero of Sal- lust. He was banished two years after this time, because he refused to swear to the observance of a law of Saturninus, by which the lands of Gaul, seized on by the Cimbri, and then evacuated, should be divided among the people. 23. Pio flio] So called from his pious exertions to procure his father's recall ; particularly his entreating, on his knees, one P. Furius, a tri- bune, (whom his father, in his cen- sorship, had degraded,) to withdraw his negative from the decree for that purpose. 24. Audiebatur] * Semper ego au- PRO ARCH1A POETA, Cap. 4. 53 M, JEmilio : 25 vivebat cum 2 * Q. Catulo, et patre, et filio r 27 a L. Crasso 28 colebatiir : Lucullos vero, et Drusum, 29 et Octa- vios^et Catonem, 31 et totam Hortensiorum 32 domum, de- vinctam consuetudine quum teneret, afticiebatur summo ho- nore : quod eum non solum colebant, qui aliquid percipere atque audire studebant, verum etiam, si qui forte 33 simula- bant. IV. Interim 1 satis longo 2 intervallo, quum esset cum L. Lucullo in Siciliam 3 profectus, et quum ex ea provincia cum eodem Lucullo decederet, venit Heracleam. 4 Quae quum esset civitas aequissimo* jureac fbedere, adscribi se in earn 6 ci- ditor tantum V Juv. i. 1. 25. M . JEmilio] sc. Scauro. He was then ' princeps senatus,' and was father of the Scaurus whom Cic. defends. 26. Vivebat cum] Ejus convictor erat. Passer. 27. Patre et JMo] The former is noticed above. The latter was con- sul, a. u. 675, after Sylla's death. He resisted the Manil. law, and pro- nounced Cic. ' pater patriae.' Manil. 20. 28. Crassus] A celebrated orator, who bears a conspicuous part in the de Orat. See, in particular, iii. 1. 29. Drwum] Sc. the younger. He, it is said, gave rise to the social war, by holding out hopes to the allies, of procuring for them the freedom of Home. Mil. 7. he is called ' Senatus propugnator ac paene patronus.' His great opponent was the consul Philip- pus, at whose instigation he is sup- posed to have been assassinated in the gallery of his own house, lie was a maternal ancestor of the emperor Tiberius, which may account for the character which Veil. Pater, (who wrote in his reign) gives of him. 30. Octavios] There were three of this name, who all bore the consul- ship ; Cn., colleague of Cinna, in 666, who was killed in his magistra- cy ; Cn., the colleague of Curio, in 677 ; and Lucius, of Cotta, in 678, during the Sertorian war. 31. Catonem] Probably M. the father of Cato Uticensis. 32. Hortensiorum] Manil. 17. 33. Si quis forte] It was greatly to the praise of Archias that he made the study of the Belles Lettres fashion- able. The very pretenders to taste and learning attended his recitations. Sect. IY r . 1. Interim] Postea. Sylv. 2. Satis longo] About ten years. Vid. Introd. 1. 3. Siciliam] Al. Ciliciam. Pro- bably on private business, as it does not appear that he was at this time employed in the service of the repub- lic. 4. Heracleam] A city of Luca- nia, situate on the Tarentine Gulf, founded by a colony from Tare n turn. Liv.viii. 24. Strab. vi. 264. Diod. xii. 36. It was there that the depu- ties of the states of Magna Graecia, assembled to consult about their com- mon interests. Strab. vi. 280. 5. jEquissimo] The federate states differed in their privileges, according to the circumstances under which they were at first received into treaty. He- raclea had been admited in the time of Pyrrhus, when it adhered to the Ro- mans. Balb. 22. Hence its rights and privileges were aaquissimo jure most favourable ; i. e. more so than those of the Tarentines, &c. 6. Adscribi in earn, <$fc] Cic. writes ' ascribere civitati, in civitatem, or, in F 2 54 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO vitatem voluit : idque, quum ipse per se dignus putaretur, turn auctoritate et gratia Luculli ab Heracleensibus impetravit. Data est civitas 7 Silvani lege et Carbonis, ' Si qui foederatis civitatibus adscripti fuissent: si turn, quum lex ferebatur, in Italia domicilium habuissent :"' et, ' si sexaginta diebus 8 apud praetorem essent professi.' Quum hie domicilium Romas multos jam annos 9 haberet, professus est apud praetorem, Q. Metellum, 10 familiarissimum suuxn. Si nihil aliud 11 nisi de civitate 12 ac lege dicimus, nihil dico amplius : causa dicta ls est. Quid enim horum 1 * infirmari, Grati, 15 ]X)test? Hera- cleEene esse turn adscript um negabis ? Adest vir summa auctoritate, et religione, 16 et fide L. Lucullus, qui se non opi- nari, sed scire, non audivisse, sed vidisse, 17 non interfuisse, sed egisse dicit. Adsunt Heracleenses legati, nobilissimi homines : hujus judicii causa, cum mandatis, et cum publico testimonio venerunt : qui hunc adscriptum Heracleensem 18 dicunt. Hie tu tabulas desideras Heracleensium publicas, civitate ;' to be enrolled a citizen. 7. Data est civitas] Introd. 2. It was not to the native citizens that this law applied, for by the Lex Julia they wore already Roman citizens ; at least as many as chose to avail them- selves of that law; ( Balb. 8.)but to the ' peregnni' who had been enrolled in the federate states. The construc- tion is ' data est iis si qui, &c.' 8. Sexuginta diebus] i. e. Within. Sail. Cat. 18. ' intra legitimos dies profiteri.' 9. Multos jam annos] Upwards of twelve. 10. Q. Metellum] Namely, Pius, who was praetor at Rome, a. v. 664, when Silvanus and Carbo were tri- bunes. 11. Si nihil aliud, Jfc] i. e. And not press the literary merits of Archias at all. A fortiori, if we do press them we shall gain out cause. 12. De civitate] Sc. of Heraclea, not of Rome ; for having proved the enrolment of Archias in Heraclea, which he proceeds to do (Ileracleasne csLe, &c.) and shown that he had complied with the provisions of Car- bo's law, he concludes against Gra- tius, that Arch, is not a peregrinus ;' and therefore is not to be expelled from Rome. 13. Causa dicta] i. e. Defensa, perorata. Pusser. 14. Quid horum, c] There were three points in the defence. 1. That Archias was a citizen of Heraclea, which, as the registry office had beeu destroyed in the Social war, Cic. proves by the testimony of M. Lu- cullus and certain Heraclean de- puties. 15. Grati] Or Gracche. Nothing certain is known of him. 16. Religione] Regard for his oath. Sometimes ' jurisjurandi' is added. 17. Non audivisse, sed ridisse] ' Segnius irritant animos dimissa per aures Quam quae sunt oculis subjecta ridelibus.' Hor. ""Qra amorurtpa 6<p0a\fiwv. Herod. Vid. Mil. 4. for a similar construction, Est hajc non scripta sed nata lex, &c. 18. Heracleensem] Al. Heraclea:. PRO ARCHIA POETA, Cap. 5. 55 quas Italico 19 bello, incenso tabulario, 20 interisse scimus om- nes. Est ridiculum, ad ea, quae habemus, nihil dicere ; qua?- rere, quas habere non possumus : et de hominum memoria tacere, literarum memoriam 21 flagitare : et quum habeas am- plissimi viri 22 religionem, integerrimi municipii 23 jusjuran- dum fidemque, ea, quae depravari nullo modo possunt, repu- diare ; tabulas, qiias idem dicis solere corrumpi, desiderare. At domicilium 2 ' 1 Romas non habuit. Is qui tot annis ante ci- vitatem datam, sedem omnium rerum ac fortunarum suarum Roma? 25 collocavit ? At non est protessus. 26 Immo vero iis tabulis protessus, qua^ sola? ex ilia 27 professione collegioque praetorum, obtinent publicarum tabularum auctoritatem. V. Nam quum Appii 1 tabulae negligentius asservatae dice- rentur, Gabinii, 2 quamdiu incolumis 3 t'uit, levitas, 4 post darn- nationem calamitas, 5 omnem tabularum fidem resignasset : 6 Metellus, homo sanctissimus modestissimusque 7 omnium, 19. Italico] Called otherwise, So- cial or Marsic. 20. l^abulurio] An adj. subintell. loco ; ' archives." 21. Literarum memoriam'] Sc. ta- bulas. 22. Viri] L. Luculli. 23. Municipii] Heracleae. For, by the Julian law, each federate state became a corporate city. Inf. 5. 24. At domicilium] The second point against which the defence is directed. 25. Roma] Al. in Italia, the wording of the law, which suits the argument better. For, if long before the freedom of Heraclea was conferred on him, he had made Home the seat of his fortunes, a fortiori, he had a resi- dence in Italy at the time of Carbo's law. 26. At non est professus] The third point ; which is disproved by the registration appearing on the books of the most respectable of the praetors, Metellus Pius. 27. Soltc ex ilia, c] The census on Carbo's law passing, was, no doubt, very extensive, and would em- ploy all the praetors. Metellus's was the 07i ly registration-list among the whole, and among (or with) the col- lege of praetors, that continued to possess public authority. This he pro- ceeds to prove. * Nam, &c/ ' Solae ex,' as Brut. Ep. 15. Solon legum scriptor solus ex septem ;' not as Dune. ' 6v,' which makes the autho- rity of the tables depend upon Ar- chias's enrolment, and then his en- rolment on them ! Sicr. V. 1. Appii] ClaudiiPul- chri, coss. of the year in which Sylla resigned. He was defeated by Spax- tacus in the Servile war. Em. con- ceives him to be either the father or uncle of P. Clodius. 2. Gabinii] P. Capitonis, Cax:il. 20, accused, by L. Piso, of extortion in Achaia. 3. Incolumis] Explained by ' post damnationem.' 4. Levitas] Corruption. Em. Clav. 5. Culamitas] Manil. 6. Here ' con- fiscation of his property.' 6. Resignasset] ' llesignare' is, properly, to break a seal. The pra> tors, it is probable, affixed their seals to the registration. The transition to fides' is easy. 7. Modestissimus] Qui legum dili- gentissimus obscrvator esset. Em. 56 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO tanta diligentia fuit, ut ad L. Lentulum 8 praetorem et ad ju dices venerit, et unius nominis litura se commotum esse dix- erit. His igitur tabulis riullam lituram in nomen 9 A. Licinii videtis. Quae quum ita sint, 10 quid est, quod de ejus civitate dubitetis, praesertim quum aliis quoque in civitatibus fuerit adscriptus ? Etenim quum mediocribus multis, et aut nulla, aut humili aliqua arte 11 preeditis, gratuito civitatem in Grae- cia 12 homines impertiebantur, Rheginos credo, aut Locren- ses, 13 aut Neapolitanos, aut Tarentinos, quod scenicis artifici- bus largiri solebant, id huic, summa ingenii praedito gloria, 11 noluisse. Quid ? quum ceteri, non modo post civitatem da- Clav. ; contrasted with the negli- gence and ' levity' of his colleagues. 8. L. Lentulam] Praetorem cum P. Gabinius de repetundis esset dam- natus. Krn. But when was this? Praetor eo anno quo lex Carbonis et Silvani lata est. Sthutx. But this would make Metellus and Lentulus colleagues. Why then should he go to Lentulus about ' the erasure?' We may con- jecture that some time after the law passed, Metellus was called on to give similar testimony to the present in the praetor's (LentulUs's) court, in the case of an individual whose name was erased ; or the fact of ' an era- sure' appearing on the tables may have been a legitimate subject for the decision of that court. 9. In nomen'] For ' in nomine.' Manil. 12. in potestatem,' for' in po- testate.' Gell. i. 7, and, xvii. 2. 10. Qua cum ita sint] These three points being established, (vid. supr. n. 14.24. 26.) why doubt his citizen- ship, especially as his claim could be established in a similar manner, through several other cities, in which (as 1 said above, c. 3.) he was en- rolled. For it cannot be supposed that those cities would deny to him what they have conceded to other foreigners of the lowest grade. And when, not only after citizenship was granted to foreigners, by the law of Silv. and Carbo (when the novelty of the thing opened the door to imposi- tion,) but even after the Papian law had banished them from Rome, others, nevertheless, pretending to be Rhegini, &c. , contrived to get them- selves clandestinely enrolled on ' the tables' of those free towns which were kept by the praetors, and thereby to continue in the city; shall Archias, the genuine citizen of those states, though his attachment to Heraclea induced him to rest his plea on it, be expelled ? 11. Humili arte] Sc. players. So ' scenicis artificibus' inf. Yal. Max. ii. 4. 12. In Gnrcia] Sc. Magna Grae- cia. The opposition is not between Greece and the Rhegini, &c. who were not of Greece, but between Magna Graecia in general, and the four cities of which Archias was a citizen. Yid. c. 3. 13. Locrenses] A people of Locri, a town of Bruttii, in the south of Italy. They joined the Romans in the war with Pyrrhus ; and though their city was occupied by the Carthaginians in the second Punic war, the feeling of the people was so much in favour of the Romans, that that people after- wards restored them their liberty and laws. Liv. xxix. 16. 14. Summa. .....gloria] Opposed PRO ARCHIA POETA, Cap. 5. 57 tam, sed etiam post legem Papiam, 15 aliquo modo in eorum municipiorum tabulas irrepserint : hie, qui ne utitur quidem illis, in quibus est scriptus, quod semper se Heracleensem esse voluit, rejicietur ? Census 16 nostros requiris scilicet. Est enim obscurum, proximis censorious, 17 hunc cum claris- simo imperatore, L. Lucullo, apud exercitum fuisse : superi- oribus, 18 cumeodem qucestore luisse in x\sia: primis, 19 Julio et Crasso, nullam populi partem esse censam. Sed, quoni- am 20 census non jus civitatis confirmat, ac tantummodo indi- cat, eum, qui sit census, [ita] se jam turn gessisse pro cive : 21 iis temporibus, qua? tu c - criminaris ne ipsius quidem judicio eum in civium Romanorum jure esse versatum, et testamen- tum saepe fecit 23 nostris legibus, 2 * et adiit hereditates 25 civi- um Romanorum, et in beneficiis 26 ad aerarium delatus est a L. Lucullo pra3tore et consule. to ' gratuito,' supr. 15. Post civitatem Papiam] The interval was about twenty-four years. Introd. 3. 16. Census] An additional obj. For if Archias were a Roman citizen sioce 664, his name would appear on the censor's books ; but it did not. Cic. refutes this by showing, either that he was not at Home when the census was held, or that when he was at Rome, it was neglected. 17. Ptot. cens.] The nearest to the present time ; sc. Cn. Lentulus Clodianus and L. Gellius, who were censors, a. u. 683, in the consulship of Crass, and Pomp., and of course, during the third Mithrid. war. 18. Superioribus] L. Marcius Philippus, M. Perpenna, a. u. 667, the year of Marius's death, when Lucullus was quaestor of Sylla, in the first Mithrid. war. 19. Primis'] L. Jul. Ca;sar and P. Licin. Crassus, in 664, the year of Silvanus'sand Carbo's law. The cen- sus was prevented by the public dis- turbances ; and hence the early ap- pointment of Philip and Perpenna above. 20. Sed quoniam] Gratius argued that the non-enrolment of Ar- chias amounted to a confession of his having no just claim. Cic. shows, that though Arch, does not appear by his ' census,' as claiming to be a Roman citizen, yet he does what ia equivalent. He made a will ; ob- tained bequests ; was recommended to the treasury, &c. 21. Gessisse pro cive] Which he might not be. 22. Qua tu] Al. queis. Eta. would understand dicendo. But translate it ' during which.' 23. Testamentum fecit] Which ' peregrini' could not do. 24. Nostris Legibus] More Ro- mano. Passer. 25. Adiit hered.] Another thing denied to ' peregrini.' 26. In benejiciis] As a foreigner could not serve in the Roman army, Archias, whose services were honour- ably noticed by his general, could not have been a foreigner. * Beneficia' meant ' the list of persons recom- mended, by the general, to the trea- sury for their public services. ' In beneficiis,' therefore, is not to be ren- dered ' for favours,' as it does not ap- pear to have conferred any emolument. 58 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO VI. Quaere argumenta, si qua potes. Nunquam enim hie neque suo, 1 neque amicorum 2 judicio revincetur. Quaeres a nobis, Grati, cur tanto opere hoc homine delec- temur. Quia 3 suppeditat 4 nobis, ubi et animus ex hoc forensi strepitu reficiatur, et aures convicio 5 defessae conquiescanr. An tu existimas aut suppetere nobis posse quod quotidie di- camus, 6 in tanta varietate remm, nisi animos nostros doctrina excolamus, 7 aut ferre animos tantam posse contentionem, nisi eos doctrina eadem relaxemus J 6 Ego vero fateor, me his stu- diis esse deditum : ceteros pudeat, si qui ita se literis abdide- runt, 9 ut nihil possint ex his neque ad communem afferre fruc- tum, 10 neque in adspectum 11 lucemque proferre. Me autem quid pudeat, qui tot annos ita vivo, judices, ut ab nullius un- quam me tempore 12 aut commodo, 13 aut otium meum ab- straxerit, aut voluptas avocarit, aut denique somnus retarda- rit? Quare quis tandem me reprehendat, aut quis mihi jure succenseat, 14 si, quantum ceteris ad suas res obeundas, Fam. v. 20. Sect. VI. 1. Neque tuo] For Gratius urged his non-enrolment as a tacit admission of his being a pere- grinus.' 2. Xeq. amicorum'] For Lucullus, by his recommendation, declared him a citizen. 3. Quia"] The first cause of his love of learning. 4. Suppeditat] (Sub. pedibus po- nere) ' supplies ;' where ubi imports id quo; and conquiescant,' not sim- ply ' enjoy repose,' but ' pleasurable relaxation :' * non cessatio ab opere sed quies animi, securitas et volup- tas significatur.' Forcel. ' Suppedi- to' is often intransitive. Cat. ii. 11, * rebus quibus nos suppeditamus, &c.' Off. i. 4. ' Parare quae suppeditent ad cultum.' Perhaps it may be so here : * Because he is a never failing supply to us when, &c.' 5. Convicio] (A voce, qu. convo- cium) Maledictis. Passer. Clamore caussidicorum Gram. Others read convitio and derive it, but improba- bly, from ' vitium.' 6. Quotidie dicamus] For Cio. pleaded daily. 7. Doctrina excolamus] Quint. Frat. i. Excolit doctrina vel vitiosis- simam naturam. 8. lielaxemus] Phil. ii. 16. ' Ho- mines, si modo homines, interdum animis relaxantur.' It is opposed to ' contentio,' keeping the mind on the stretch. 9. Se literis abdiderunt] In li- teris delituerunt. Fam. 7. Se totuiu in literis abdere. Passer. 10. Communem j'ructum] The great end of all study. Hence Virg. places such persons in Elysium, * qui vitam excoluere per artes ;' and Per- sius remarks, ' Scire tuum nihil est, nisi te scire hoc sciat alter.' Passer. 11. Neque in aspectum] Sc. so- phists, rhetoricians, &c 12. Tempore] No man's danger. Manil. 1. 13. Commodo] Al. commodum, which, as Cic. usually joins synony- mous words, is the more probable reading. 14. Succenseat] This meaning is, perhaps, deduced from succensus, sub- intel. iru. PRO ARCHIA POETA, Cap. 6. 59 quantum ad festos dies ludorum celebrandos, quantum ad alias voluptates, et ad ipsam requiem animi et corporis con- ceditur temporum, quantum alii tribunt tempestivis 15 convi- viis, quantum denique aleae, 16 quantum pilae ; tantum milii egomet ad haec studia recolenda 17 sumpsero ? Atque hoe adeo mihi concedendum est magis, quod ex his studiis haec quoque crescit 18 oratio et facultas, 19 quae, quantacunque est in me, nunquam amicorum periculis defuit. Quae si cui levior 20 videtur, ilia quidem certe, quae summa sunt, ex quo fonte hauriam, sentio. Nam, nisi multorum praeceptis, 21 multisque literis 22 mihi ab adolescentia suasissem, nihil esse in vita magno opere expetendum, nisi laudem atque honestatem, in ea au- lem persequenda omnes cruciatus corporis, omnia pericula mortis atque exsilii, parvi esse ducenda : nunquam me pro salute vestra in tot ac tantas dimicationes, atqne in hos pro- fligatorum hominum quotidianos impetus objecisseuu Sed pleni omnes sunt libri, plena? sapientium voces, plena exemplorum vetustas; quae jacerent in tenebris omnia, nisi li- terarum lumen accederet.* 3 Quam multas nobis imagines, non solum ad intuendum, 24 verum etiam ad imitandum, 25 fortissi- 13. Tempestivis] Properly, ' be- gan in due time.' But that varying by fashion from sun-set, when labour was done, to three, or even two o'clock, (Exul ab octava Marius bibit. Juv. i. 49, i. e. from two o'clock,) at length came to be considered the hour of bans vivtuis. De Senec. 14. Ego vero propter sermonis delectati- onem, tempestivisquoqueconviviis de- lector.' So that with the wiser part, * the feast of reason' was the motive of these early banquets. The num- ber of those, however, who had not this motive, was quite sufficient to bring them into disrepute. Transl. ' early.' 16. A lees'] ' Alea' is, l.adie; 2. any game of chance. 17. Recolenda] Revise. Ex in- tervallo repetenda ; proprie enim in- termissa recoluntur. Manut. 18. Crescit] Al. censetur, i. e. ses- timatur.' Quint., x. 1., remarks, po- etarum lectionem oratoribus pluri- mum conferre.' 19. Oratio et facultas] A Tlend. for ' facultas orationis.' This is the second cause for his love of learning. 20. Qh<e * cui levior] Cicero's third reason for his love of learning is, that ilia quae summa sunt the patriotism by which he lately saved his country sprang from that source. Quae si cui, &c.' then is used merely for transition, as if he said, some may doubt of the value of oratory, and the studies to which it owes its im- provement. To them 1 offer an ir- refragable proof of the value of Ar- chias's pursuits, in the love of glory, the contempt of dangers, exile, and death, which stimulated me lately in my arduous struggle for my country.' 21. Multorum prccceptis] Philo- sophic dogmas which he had heard. 22. Multisq. Uteris] Poetry, his- tory, &c., which he had read. 23. Accederet] Al. accenderet. 24. Ad intuendum] Voluptatis gratia. Manut. 25. Ad imicandum] Ut eorum ex- 60 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO morum virorum expressas, 26 scriptores et Graeci et Latini re- liquerunt ! quas ego mihi semper in admin istran da republics proponens, animum et mentem meam ipsa cogitatione 87 homi- num excellentium conformabam. VII. Quaeret quispiam : l H Quid ? illi ipsi summi viri, qtforum virtutes 2 literis prodita? sunt, istane doctrina, quam tu laudibus effers, eruditi fuerunt ?" Difficile est 2 hoc de omnibus confirmare ; sed tamen est certum, quid respon- deam. Ego multos 3 homines excellenti animo ac virtute fu- isse, et sine doctrina, naturae ipsius habitu prope divino, per se ipsos et moderatos et graves 4 exstitisse fateor. Etiam il- lud adjungo, saepius ad laudem atque virtutem naturam sine doctrina, quam sine natura valuisse doctrinam. Atque idem ego contendo, quum ad naturam eximiam atque illustrem ac- cesserit ratio quaedam 5 conformatioque doctrin.T, turn illud nescio quid praeclarum ac singulare solere exsistere : ex hoc esse hunc numero, quern patres nostri viderunt, divinum ho- minem, Africanum : 6 ex hoc C. Laelium, 7 L. Furium, 8 mo- emplo laudabibter vivamus. Hor. Epist. ii. 1.248. ' Nee magis expres- si, &c.' Mama. 26. Expiessas] Prominente* ; iic- rvirHfiiva^. Patser. But this ap- plies well 1o statues only. Trans, therefore, delineated,' ' portrayed.' 27. Cogitatione'] i. e. By studying the great characters of history he was able to conform his actions to their precepts. Hor. Pectus praeceptis format amicis.' Sect. VII. 1. Quaret quispi- am ?] But it will be asked, were all great men learned ? No, says Cic, not in every instance. Nay, I admit the superiority of genius over mere learning. But let us have both, and mark the result, ' turn illud nescio quid praeclarum solere existere.' This is his ' certum quid respon- deam.' Hor. decides similarly, Ego nee studium sine divite vena ; Nee rude quid prosit video ingenium, &c. DeA.P. 409. 2. Virtutes] Res gestas et egregia fortitudinis facinora. Dclph. 2. Difficile est] For among great men some were learned ; some not. To this is opposed 'certum quid re- spondeam,' as above. 3. Multos] For it was a long time before ' Graecia capta ferum victorem cepitet artes, &c.' M. Cato, the cen- sor, in the second Punic war, was among the first that cultivated letters. 4. Moderatos et graves] Those qualities, Cic. hints, arise from learn- ing. So inf. ' moderatissimos homines et contentissiroos.' The former in- cludes all the virtues that command self respect ; the latter, the respect of mankind. 5. Ratio qnazdam] A proper ac- quaintance with. 6. Africanum] Sc. Minorem. For Cic. says ' quern patres nostri vide- runt.' But the elder began his career k.v. 535, a century and a half be- fore this time ; the younger was slain in 624. Cic. says of him,de Off. i. 32. ' Is eloquentia cumulavit bellicam gloriam ;' and Hor. 'Virtus Scipiadse; mitis sapientia Laeli.' 7. C. Lcclius] was called Sapiens, PRO ARCHIA POETA, Cap. 8. 61 deratissimos homines et continentissimos : ex hoc fortissi- mum virum, et illis temporibus doctissimum, M. Catonem ilium senem : 9 qui profecto, si nihil ad percipiendam colen- damque virtutem literis adjuvarentur, nunquam se ad earum studium contulissent. Quod si 10 non hie tantus fructus osten- deretur, et si ex his studiis delectatio sola peteretur, tamen, ut opinor, hanc animi adversionem 11 humanissimam ac libe- ralissimam judicaretis. 12 Nam cetera? 13 neque tempo rum 14 sunt, neque aetatum 15 omnium, neque locorum : 16 ha?c stud i a adolescentiam alunt, 17 senectutem oblectant, 18 secundas res ornant, adversis perfugium 19 ac solatium praebent, delectant domi, non impediunt foris, pernoctant nobiscum, peregrinan- tur, 20 rusticantur. VIII. Quod si ipsi 1 haec neque attingere, 2 neque sen- su nostro gustare 3 possemus, tamen ea mirari deberemus, from his love of philosophy and let- ters. He was consul x. u. 613, and is celebrated for his knowledge of augury. Phil. ii. 33, and De Amic. 8. L. Ftirius] called ' Philus,' a celebrated Latin scholar, and patron of learned men. Brut. 28. He was consul a. u. 617. 9. Senem] He learned Greek in his old age, (Acad. iv. 2. Cum Grae- cas litteras M. Catonem in senectute didicisse acceperam) and died at the age of eighty-five. 10. Quod si, #<?.] If the study of letters offered no advantages, yet as an agreeable recreation, letters ought to be cultivated ; and, of course, Archias patronised. 11. Adversionem] Al. remissi- onem, referring to studiis,' pre- ceding. 12. Judicaretis] Judicare debere- tis. Manut. 13. Cetera] Sc. Artes. 14. Temporum] E. g. Eloquence is no longer heard in the din of war ; and its artagain is useless in peace. But Homer was equally the delight of Alexander, and of Pericles. 15. JEtatum] Hor. de Art. Poet, v. 155 175. 16. Locorum] For the camp, the VOL. I. senate, the court, have each their pe- culiar pursuits; but poetry gains ac- cess to them all. 17. Alunt] Al. Agunt, i.e. Trai- tfaywySoi ; ^instituunt. Lamb. ; or rather, as Ern. excitant.' 18. Senectutem Bblectant] Y'zpov- TtQ afisaoi miseri. Passer. 19. Adversis perfugium] Hor. Minuuntur atrae Carmine curae; an d, O, laborum Dulce lenimen. 20. Peregrinantur] In opposition to ' remaining in one's native land ;' but ' rusticantur,' to ' remaining in the city.' Sect. VIII 1. Quodsi ipsi, <Sfc] i. e. Admitting we cannot all have a taste for poetry, yet ought we to ad- mire that taste in others ; similarly to what occurred in the case of Bos- cius, whom thousands admired that could not imitate his performance ; and recollect the superior nature of Archias's acquirements ; the differ- ence between the body and the soul, &c. 2. Attingere] 1. To come in con- tact with. 2. Apply the mind to, study slightly. 3. (As inf. 9. and 11.) commence; treat cursorily, and 3. Gustare] To sip, to relish ; which we apply, similatly, to a taste G 62 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO etiam quum in aliis videremus. Quis nostrum tarn animo agresti ac duro fuit ut Roscii 4 morte nuper non commovere- tur? qui quum esset senex mortuus, tamen, propter excellen- tem artem ac venustatem, 5 videbatur omnino mori non debu- isse. Ergo ille corporis motu tantum amorem sibi concilia- rat a nobis omnibus : nos animorum incredibiles motus ce- leritatemque ingeniorum 6 negligemus ? Quoties ego hunc Archiam vidi, judices, (utar enim vestra benignitate, quo- niam me in hoc novo genere dicendi tarn diligenter attendi- tis-,) quoties ego hunc vidi, quum literam scripsisset nul- lam, 7 magnum numerum optimorum versuum de iis ipsis rebus, quae turn agerentur, 8 dicere ex tempore ! 9 quoties re- vocatum 10 eandem rem dicere, commutatis verbis atque sen- tentiis ! u Qua? vero accurate cogitateque scripsisset, ea sic vidi probari, ut ad veterum scriptorum 1 * laudem pervenirent. Hunc ego non diligam ? non admirer? non omni ratione de- fendendum putem ? Atqui sic a summis hominibus eruditis- simisque accepimus, ceterarum rerum studia, et doctrina, et for learning. Cic. joins them, Ccel. 12. Qui priraoribus labris gustas- sent et extremis digitis attigissent.' 4. Roscii] Q. Roscius, a native of Lanuvium ; the Garrick of the Ro- mans. He was the first that wore a mask on the stage ; which he did to conceal his personal defects. De Or. iii. 59. He was an instructor of Cic. in pronunciation and gesture, who says of him, De Or. i. 28., * Eo praes- tantiae pervenit ut quicumque in aliqua arte excelleret, is in suo ge- nere ' Roscius' diceretur.' His talents procured him a seat in the senate, and Cic. testified his gratitude to him by defending him in a civil action ; a part of which defence is still extant. Vid. pro Q. Rose. Com. 5. Venustatem] Modestia ad vul- tum et mores ; venustas ad naturam corporis refertur. Donat. 6. Celeritatem ingeniorum] How swift is a glance of the mind ! Cowp. 7. Literam 7iullam] i, e. Had com- mitted nothing to writing. 8. Qua turn agerentur] Conse- quently his verses could not have been premeditated. 9. Dicere ex tempore] Quint, x. 7. Hanc [dicendi ex tempore] faculta- tem non in prosa inodo multi sunt consecuti, sed etiam in carmine ; ut Antipater Sidonius et Licinius Ar- chias. Credendum enim Cic. est ; non quia nostris quoque temporibus non et fecerint quidam hoc, et faci- anu De Or. iii. 50. Versus hexame- tros, aliosque variis modis atque nu meris fundere ex tempore. The same talent is still found in the modern Improvisator!. 10. Revocatum] Called back to repeat ; encored. ' Revocari' dicun- tur qui eandem rem altera vice di- cunt. Em. 1 1. Sententiis] Sententia pronun- ciatum quo sensus integer in verbis exprimitur. Forcel. ; a thought ; a phrase expressing a thought. Arch, clothed the same facts in a different costume. 12. Vet. scriptorum] Antiquorum poetarum. Nam antiquitas proxime ad deos accedit. Hence the general complaint of deterioration by time. PRO ARCHIA POETA, Cap. 9. 63 praeceptis, et arte constare : poetam natura ipsa 13 valere, et mentis viribus excitari, et quasi divine- quodam spiritu in- flari. 14 Quare suo jure 15 noster ille Ennius 16 sanctos 17 appellat poetas, quod quasi deorum aliquo dono atque munere 18 com- mendati nobis esse videantur. Sit igitur, judices, sanctum apud vos, humanissimos homines, hoc poeta? nomen, quod nulla unquam barbaria 18 violavit. Saxa et solitudines voci 19 respondent ; bestiae saepe 20 immanes cantu flectuntur atque consistunt : 21 nos instituti rebus optimis non poetarum voce moveamur ? Homerum Colophonii 22 civem esse dicunt su- um : Chiisuum vindicant, Salaminii repetunt, Smyrnaei vero suum esse confirmant, itaque etiam delubrum 23 ejus in op- pido dedicaverunt : permulti alii 24 praeterea pugnant inter se atque contendunt. 25 IX. Ergo illi alienum, quia poeta fuit, post mortem etiam Hor. ' Damnosa quid non imminuit dies V But vid. on the other side of the question. Hor. Epist. ii. 1. Passer. 13. Natura ipsa'] ' Poeta nascitur.' Vid., also, Hor. Natura fieret lauda- bile carmen, an arte. A. P. 408. Quern tu, Melpomene, &c. Carm.iv. 3. 14. Div. spiritu infiari] tvQuotd- Ztodai. Est deus in nobis ; agitante calescimus illo. Ovid. Fast. vi. 6. 15. Suo jure] Quod illi licuit ; eitra reprehensionem. Passer. 16. Enmits] Was born at Rudia, in Calabria, about the beginning of the sixth century of Rome, and end of the first Punic war. His patron, therefore, was Scipio the elder. He first wrote Latin hexameters. About a thousand of his verses are yet extant. Acad. iv. 27. ; ad Her. ii. 22. 17. Sanctos] Qu. ' sancitos* held sacred ; inviolable. Hor. Silvestres homines saeer, &c. A. P. 391. 18. Dono munere] Omitti donum sine ulla reprehensione, munus omni- no non potest. Manut. 18. Barbaria] i. e. Barbari, (the territory for the people,) opposed to * humanissimos.' With the Greeks it meant every country but their own. Hag pit) "EAArjv /3dp/3aooc ; with the Romans, every country but Greece and Italy. Fin. ii. 15. A quo non solum Graecia et Italia, sed etiam omnis Barbaria commota est. 19. Voci] Sc. of the poet, sua voce, i.e. echo, being understood. 20. Bestice sape] The fables of Orpheus, Arion, &c, are alluded to. Hor.Carm. ii. 12. Quid mirum, &c.' and iii. 11. ' Tu potes tigres, &c.' 21. Consist.] Stop, cease to attack. 22. Colophonii] The distich is, Smyrna, Chios, Colophon, Salamis, Rhodos, Argos, Athenae, Orbis de patria certat Homere tua. A. Gell. iii. 11. The testimonies, however, as collect- ed by Leo Allatius, are in favour of Chios. So Byron, ' The blind old man of Scio's rocky isle.' Homer lived about 168 years after the Trojan war, and as many before the foundation of Rome. Colophon and Smyrna are cities of Ionia ; Salamis, a city of Cyprus, founded by Teucer. Hor. Od. i. 3. Chios, now Scio, an island of the iEgean Sea. 23. Delubrum] In quo homines piacula sua deluunt. Th. Xh& lavo. 24. Permulti alii] Vid. the dis- tich supr. 25. Contendunt] Weiske would supply de eo, or the like. V. E. 6* M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO expetunt : nos hunc vivum, qui et voluntate et legibus noster est, repudiamus ? praesertim quura omne olim studium at- que omne ingenium contulerit Archias ad populi Romani gloriam laudemque celebrandam ? Nam et Cimbricas res adolescens attigit, 1 et ipsi illi C. Mario, 2 qui durior 3 ad haec studia videbatur, jucundus fuit. Neque enim quisquam est tarn aversus a Musis, qui non mandari versibus aeternum suorum laborum facile praeconium 5 patiatur. Themisto- clem ilium, summum Athenis virum dixisse aiunt, quum ex eo quaereretur, quod acroama, 6 autcujus vocem libentissime audiret : " ejus a quo sua virtus optime praedicaretur." Ita- que ille Marius item eximie L. Plotium 7 dilexit, cujus in- genio putabat ea, quae gesserat, posse celebrari. Mithrida- ticum vero bellum, 8 magnum atque difficile, et in multa varietate terra marique versatum, totum ab hoc expressum est : qui libri non modo L. Lucullum, fortissimum et claris- simum virum, verum etiam populi Romani nomen illustrant Populus enim Romanus aperuit, Lucullo 9 imperante, Pontum, et regiis quondam opibus, et ipsa natura regionis vallatum : populi Romani exercitus, eodem duce, non maxima manu 10 innumerabiles Armeniorum copias fudit : populi Romani laus est, urbem amicissimam Cyzicenorum, 11 ejusdem consi- lio, ex omni impetu regio, ac totius belli ore ac faucibus Sect. IX. 1. Attigit"} Vid. su- ille maxima ludius non solum spec- pra, c. 8. n. 2. tator sed actor et acroama ; i. e. the 2. Ipsi illi Mario] Sc. the con- flute-player who accompanied the ac- queror of the Cimbri. tor in his recitations. Forcel. adopts 3. Durior'] Vid. Sail. Jug. 85, the second, Manut. the first meaning, where Marius thus defends his igno- 7. L. Plotium] Mentioned by Seut. ranee of Greek. Neque Graecas litte- de Clar. Rhet. Cic. says, that when ras didici ; parum placebat illas dis- he was a boy, it was quite the rage to cere, quippe qua} ad virtutem docton- attend his lectures ; and that he was bus nihil profuissent.' Great then must very sorry at not being permitted have been the merit of Arch, to over- to attend them by his friends, who come his prejudices. thought Greek recitations more useful. 4. Themhtoclem] The conqueror 8. Mithrid. bellwn] He means of the Persians at Salamis. Vid. that part of the third war which was Nep. Vit. Themist. V. Max. viii. 15. conducted by Lucullus. The whole 5. Prteconium] (praccino) 1. The was lately concluded by Pompey, voice of the crier. 2. A proclamation, whose poet was Theophanes. Inf. 10. 3. Commendation. For * qui vult 9. Lucullo] Introd. Lex. Man. extrudere merces,' (Hor. Ep. ii. 2.) 10. Manu] Tigranes remarked, is not usually sparing of praise. that as ambassadors they are too many; 5. Acroama] (aKpoapa) 1. A as soldiers, too few. Plut. Lucul. 27. musical symphony ; a concert. 2. A 11. Urbem...Cyz.] Manil. c. 8. n. singer j a minstrel. Sext. 54. Ipse Mur. 15. PRO ACHIA POETA, Cap. 10. 65 ereptam esse atque servatam : nostra 12 semper feretur et pra>- dicabitur, L. Lucullo dimicante, cum interfectis ducibus depressa hostium classis, et incredibilis apud Tenedum 13 pug- na ilia navalis : nostra sunt tropaea, 14 nostra monumenta, nos- tri triumphi. Quare, quorum ingeniis ha?c feruntur, ab iis })opuli Romani fama celebratur. Carus fuit Africano supe- riori 15 noster Ennius : itaque etiam in sepulchro Scipionum lci putatur is esse constitutus e marmore. 17 At iis laudibus cer- te non solum ipsi, qui laudantur, sed etiam populi Romani nomen ornatur. In coelum hujus 18 proavus Cato 19 tollitur : magnua honos populi Romani rebus adjnngitur. Omnes denique illi Maximi, Marcelli, Fulvii, non sine communi omnium nostrum laude decorantur. X. Ergo ilium, qui haec fecerat, 1 Rudinum 2 hominem, ma j ores nostri in civitatem 3 receperunt : nos hunc Hera- cleensem, multis civitatibus 4 expetitum, in hac autem legi- bus 5 constitutum, de nostra civitate ejiciemus ? 12. Voitm] i. e. As ours.' It agrees with ' hostium classis,' and pugna ilia navalis.' 13. Tenedum] An island of the .Egean, adjoining Sigeuin, on the coast of Troas. 14. Tropaa] (From rpoirt)) A monument erected where the enemy was routed ; at tirst of trees, then of stone. Al.ii. xi. 5. Metonyra. Spoils of war, victory. 15. Afric. superiori] To distin- guish him from A fricanus the younger, the friend of Laelius. 16. In sepulchro Scipionum] Liv. (xxxviii. 56.) mentions two sites of the tomb of the Scipios, Liternum and Home. Cic. seems to have the lat- ter in view, which is thus noticed : 4 Romae extra portam Capenam in Scipionum monumento tres statu sunt ; quarum due P. et L. Scipio- num dicuntur esse ; tertia poetre Q. Ennii. So Ovid. ' Ennius emeruit, Calabris in montibus ortis, Conti- guus poni, Scipio Magne ! tibi.' 17. Constitutus e marmore'] Made or built. So Cat. i. 9. Sacrarium con- stitutum fuit : and Seut. Jul. Cacs. 10. JSdes in foro constituta geminis fra- tribus. 18. Hujus] One of the 'judices,' or ' advocati.' 19. Cato] Sc. Major. Liv. xxxix. 40. 20. Maximi, <Sfc] These great men flourished in the second Punic war, and were, therefore, celebrated by En- nius. He alludes to Q. Fabius Cunctator, M. Claudius Marcellus, and Q. Fulvius Flaccus. Sect. X. 1. Hmc fecerat] Ver- sified the achievements of Scipio, &c. 2. Rudinum] Al. Rudium. Supr. c. 8. n. 16'. Rudiai was, no doubt, an obscure place, as Cic. here con- trasts it with the splendour of Hera- clea, of which Arch, was a citizen. 3. In civitatem] Through M. Ful- vius Nobilior, who had led out a colony to Rudia?, and whom Ennius accompanied in his expedition against the iEtolians. Inf. 11. 4. Multis civitatibus] Sc. Rhegini, Locrenses, &c. 5. Legibus] Sc. of Silvanus and Carbo. <j2 66 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO Nam si quis minorem gloriae fructum putat ex Gra?cis r ' versibus percipi, quam ex Latinis, vehementer errat : prop- terea, quod Graeca leguntur in omnibus fere gentibus, 7 Lati- na suis finibus, exiguis 8 sane, continentur. Quare si res eae, quas gessimus, orbis terra? regionibus 9 definiuntur, cupere debemus, quo 10 manuum 11 nostrarum tela pervenerint, eodem gloriam famamque penetrare : quod 12 quum ipsis populis, de quorum rebus scribitur, ha?c ampla sunt, turn iis certe, qui de vita, gloriae causa, dimicant, hoc maximum et periculo- rum incitamentum est, et laborum. Quam multos scrip- tores rerum suarum magnos ille Alexander secum lmbuisse 13 dicitur! Atqueis tamen, quum in Sigeo 14 ad Achillis tumu- lum 15 adstitisset, ' O fortunate/ inquit, ' adolescens, qui 6. Ex Gracis] Arch, wrote in Greek. 7. In omnibus gentibus] We know how the Scriptures were written in Greek, and for the same reason. 8. Finibus exiguis] Latium only. Liv. xl. 42, mentions the Romans per- mitting the people of Cum to use the Latin language in public, and their auctioneers the privilege of sell- ing in Latin. The Celtic and Etrus- can dialects were used in Upper Italy ; in Magna Gnecia, Greek. 9. Orbis terra: regionibus] i. e. Limitibus.' Not strictly. For Spain, on the west, and the Eu- phrates on the east, bounded the em- pire ; nor were Gaul and Germany as yet conquered. 10. Quo] Al. quo minus ; which reading is defended by Burman, Virg. G. iii. 319, who understands by quo minus, quo non, and thinks that countries beyond the Roman empire are designed. But then eodem should be ft), and there can be nothing be- yond the limits of the world (regiones orbis terra?.) Er. 11. M unman] Sc. quae nostrisma- nibus vibrantur. An manuum' co- piaruin significat. ut supr. 9. ' non maxima manu.' Passer. 12. Quod,%c] The great talents of Cic. appear in the variety of lights in which he has set this simple pro- position, ' that individual fame re- dounds to the national glory.' Yid. c. 9. ' qui libri non modo Lucullum,' &c. * At iis laudibus certe, &c.' ' In coelum hujus proavus, &c.' The order is, * quod hsec ampla sunt quum, &c...tum hoc est....&c. iis certe, &c.' Hgc and hoc mean the same ; sc. po- etic compositions ; and ' ampla' is ' magnifica, honorifica.' 13. Secum habuisse] Sc. Callisthe- nes, as Trogus testifies ; Aristobulus, mentioned by Arrian ; and Clitar- chus, by Pliny. But Cic. rather re- fers here to the poets, of whom Hor. specifies Choerilus. 'Gratus Alexandro regi magno fuit ille Choerilus incultis qui versibus, &c.' Alexander was then marching against Darius. 14. Sigeo] Sigeum is a promontory of Troas, at the mouth of the Sca- mander, where stood the tomb of Achilles ; so called, says Servius, from the silence (criy>)) which was observed by Hercules, when he marched from thence to Troy. 15. Ad Achilles tumulum] ' The flocks are grazing on the mound Of him who felt the Dardan's arrow ; That mighty heap of gathered ground Which Amnion's son ran proudly round, Is now a lone and nameless bar- row.' Byron. Vid. Plut. Vit. Alex. 15. PRO ARCHIA POETA, Cap. 10. 67 tua 1 virtutis Homerum preconem 15 inveneris!" Et vere. Nam, nisi Ilias ilia exstitisset, 17 idem tumulus,^ qui corpus ejus contexerat, nomen etiam obruisset. Quid? noster hie Magnus, 19 qui cum virtute fortunam adaequavit, 20 nonne Theopbanem, 22 Mitylenaeum, scriptorem rerum suarum, in concione militum civitate donavit ? 23 et nostri illi fortes viri, sed rustici 2 * ac milites, dulcedine quadam gloria? commotio quasi participes 25 ejusdem laudis, magno illud clamore ap- probavenmt ? Itaque, credo, 26 si civis Romanus Arcbias le- gibus non esset, ut ab aliquo 27 imperatore civitate donaretur, perficere non potuit ? Sulla, quum Hispanos et Gallos 28 dona- ret, credo, hunc petentem repudiasset ! quern nos in conei- one vidimus, 29 quum ci libellum 30 malus poeta de populo 31 subjecisset, 23 quod epigramma 33 in eum fecisset tantummo- do G4 alternis versibus loiigiusculis, 35 statim ex iis rebus, quas tunc vendebat, 50 jubere ei premium tribui sub ea conditi- one, ne quid postea scriberet. Qui sedulitatem mali poeta* 16. Praconem] C. 9. n. 5. 17. Extitisset] Supr. c. 1. n. 10. 18. Tumulus] (A tumeo) properly, a bank of sand in the sea. Hence a grave. 19. Krister magnus] Pompey j op- posed to ' Magnus ille,' supr. Vid. Introd. Manil. 20. Qui udtequavit] Was as brave as he was fortunate. Inf. c. 11. n. 20. 22. Theophanem Mitifl.] Called also, the Lesbian, (for Mitylene was in Lesbos,) versified the exploits of Pompey. V. Max. viii. 15. 23. Donavit] By a law of the consuls, Gell. and Cornelius, a. u. 681, Pompey was allowed, with the consent of a council of war, to confer citizenship on deserving individuals. He was then commanding in Spain, against Perpenna. Balb. 8. 14. 24. Sed rustici] i. e. Who had lived in the country, and consequent- ly, not likely to have much taste in poetry. Any Roman citizen, whether of equestrian or plebeian rank, who resided in the colonies or free towns, was so called. Rose. Am. vii. 18. 25. Quasi participes] For the praises of the general, contained in the verses of Theophanes, redounded to the glory of the soldier. Marcel. 2. ' Nam bellicas laudes, &c* 26. Credo] Ironically, as usual. 27. Aliqun] E. g. Sylla or Metel- lus. 28. Hispanos et Gallos] i. e. The Spaniards and Gauls who had served under him. Balb. 22. 29. Not ridimus] Cic. was about twenty-four, in the dictatorship of Sylla. 30. Libellum] A petition. 31. De populo] 'Et; t~ov tto\\C!>v. Verr. i. De populo subscriptor adda- tur. Brut. 34. Accusator de plebe. 32. Subjecisset] Sub, privately. 33. Epigramma] 1. An inscription on gifts consecrated to the gods. 2. A short poem, a sonnet. 34. Tantummodo] Its claim to poetry was limited to the versifica- tion. 35. Alternis longiusculis] Every second line being somewhat long ; i. e. longer than pentameters ; which takes place in elegiacs. 36. Quas vendebat] Thepfoperty 63 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO duxerit aliquo tamen praemio dignam, hujiis ingenium et vir- tutem in scribendo et copiam non expetisset ? Quid ? a Q. Metello Pio, familiarissimo suo, qui civitate multos donavit, neque per se, neque per Lucullos 37 impetravisset ? qui prae- sertim usque eo de suis rebus scribi cuperet, ut etiam Cor- dubae natis 38 poetis, pinque C9 quiddam sonantibus 40 atque peregrinum, 41 tamen aures suas dederet 42 XL Neque enim est hoc dissimulandum, quod obscurari non potest ; sed prae nobis ferendum : trahimur oranes 1 lau- dis studio, et optiraus quisque maxime gloria ducitur. Ipsi illi philosophic etiam illis libellis, quos de contemnenda gloria scribunt, nomen suum 8 inscribunt : in eo ipso, in quo praedicationem nobilitatemque 3 despiciunt, pradicari de se, ac nominari volunt. Decimus quidem Brutus, 4 summus ille vir et imperator, Attii, 5 amicissimi sui, carminibus templo- rum ac monumentorum 6 aditus exoniavit suorum. Jam vero of the proscribed. 37. Per Lucullos'} They were cousins of Metellus Pius, their mo- ther being sister of Metellus Nu* midicus. 38. Corduluc natis] Now Cor- dova, a town of Andalusia, on the Guadalquivir. The names of Lucan and Seneca, in after times, are enough to retrieve its character. Martial too, was a Spaniard, but of Bilbi- lus, a town of Celtiberia. 39. Pingue] besides signifying stupid, doltish, also imports, as here, harsh, turgid ; a fault which is dis- cernible even in tlie pages of Lucan and Seneca. 40. Sonantibus'] ' Sonare' poetae dicuntur. Atque os magna sonatu- rum. Hor. Sed hie sonus est pronun- ciationis. InBruto; ' Cotta sona- bat contrarium Catulo subagreste quiddam.' Passer. 41. Peregrinum] i. e. in Latin, with a mixture of barbarisms. 42. Aures suas dederet] Sc. when commanding in Spain, against Ser- torius. ' Dederet' is not, according to Passer. cornmodaret,' but omni- no traderet.' Sect. XI. 1. Trahimur omnes] Sed fulgente trahit constrictos gloria curru, Non minus ignotos generosis. Hor. Sat. i. 6. 23. 2. Nomen suwn] Tusc. i. 15. Quid nostri philosophi ? Nonne in ipsis libris quos scribunt de contemnenda gloria sua nomina inscribunt. Hott. 3. Nobilitatemq.] Celebritatem no- minis. Passer. 4. D. Brutus] Consul x. u. 615, with Scipio Nasica. He was cele- brated for his victories over the Spaniards, and for founding Valen- tia, supposed to be still the capital of the province which bears that name. From his conquests in Gallaecia, he was named Gallaecius or Callaicus. Val. Max. viii. 15. 5. Attii] * Nil comis tragici mutat Lucilius Atti.' Hor. Sat. i. 10. 35. He wrote a tragedy, called Brutus, founded on the tragedy of the King-expeller, which was performed with great ap- plause at the Apollinarian games, celebrated by Brutus, a. u. 609, after the death of Caesar. Phil. i. 15. 6. Tempi, ac monum.] These words are syaonymous. Monumentorum hie simpliciter pro templo ponilur. PRO ARCHIA POETA, Cap. 11. 69 ille, qui cum ^Etolis, 7 Ennio comite, bellavit, Fulvius, non dubitavit Martis manubias 8 Musis consecrare. Quare, in qua urbe imperatores prope armati, poetarum nomen 9 et Musarum delubra 10 coluerunt, in ea non debent togati judi- ces a Musarum honore et a poetarum salute abhorrere. Atque, ut id libentius faciatis, jam me vobis, judices, in- dieabo, et de meo quodam amore 11 gloria3, nimis acri fortasse, verumtamen honesto, vobis confitebor. Nam, quas res 12 nos in consulatu nostro vobiscum simul pro salute hujus urbis at- que imperii, et pro vita civium, proque universa republica sjessimus, attigit 13 hie versibus atque inchoavit : quibus audi- tis, quod mihi magna res et jucunda visa est, hunc ad perfi- ciendum hortatus sum. Nullam enirn 14 virtus aliam merce- dem laborum periculorumque desiderat, praeter hanc laudis et gloriae : qua quidem detracta, judices, quid est, quod in hoc tarn exiguo vita; curriculo, 15 et tarn brevi, tantis nos in laboribus exerceamus? Certe, si nihil animus pracsentiret in posterum, 16 et, si quibus regionibus vitae spatium circum- scriptum est, eisdem omnes cogitationes terminaret suas, nee tantis so laboribus frangeret, neque tot curis vigiliisque 17 an- geretur, neque toties de vita ipsa dimicaret. 18 Nunc insidet Era* They were, probably, built might do so too. out of the spoils of war. 12. Quas res'] The Catilinarian 7. .Etolis] Manil.6. Tusc. i. 2. conspiracy. Cato reproaches Fulvius with taking 13. Attigit] Touched upon, began, poets to war, in his train ; alluding supr. c. 8. n. 2. to Ennius. 14. Nullum enim] -'Aut 8. Manubias] Qu. ' manuvias' virtus nomen inane est, Aut decus from ' manus' and 'vis.' 1. Spoils et pretium recti petit experiens vir.' of war. 2. Money accruing from Hor. Epist. i. 17.41. their sale. 3. That part of this 15. Curriculo] h<ppi<TKog a small money reserved by the general, for chariot ; 2. a chariot-race ; 3. course, the erection of a monument. Dom. period, as here. 38. ' In qua porticum post ali- 16. In posterum] To an hereafter, quanto Q. Catulus de manubiis Cim- Cic. is here supposed to intimate the bricis fecit.' doctrine of the soul's immortality, 9. Nomen] Alluding to Brutus which he elsewhere questions. Vid. and his inscriptions. Warburton's Div. Leg. iii. 2. 3. 10. Musariun delubra] Referring Kabir. perduel. 10. Sapientissimi to Fulvius, and the spoils which he cujusque animus ita praesentit in had devoted to the muses. posterum ut nihil nisi sempiternuni 11. Meo quodam amore] Cic. pleads spectare videatur.' Marcel. 9. guilty to the charge of loving glory 17. Vigiliisq.] These necessarily and patronising Archias, in order that follow cares. his hearers, out of respect for him, 18. Dimicaret] Sc. Animus. A 70 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO quaedam in optimo quoque virtus, quae noctes et dies animum glorias stimulis concitat, atque admonet, 19 non cum vitae tem- pore esse dimittendam commemorationem nominis nostri, sed cum omni posteritate adaequandam. i0 XII. An vero tarn parvi animi 1 videamur esse omnes, qui in republica, atque in his vitae periculis laboribusque versa- mur, ut, quum usque ad extremum spatium, nullum tran- quillum atque otiosum spiritum duxerimus, nobiscum simul moritura omnia arbitremur ? An, quum statuas et imagines," non animorum simulacra, sed corporum, studiose multi summi homines reliquerint, consiliorum relinquere ac virtu - turn nostrarum effigiem non multo malle debemus, summis ingeniis expressam et politam ? Ego vero omnia, quae gere- bam, jam turn in gerendo spargere me 3 ac disseminare arbi- trabar in orbis terrae memoriam sempiternam. Haec vero sive a meo sensu 4 post mortem abfutura est, sive, ut sapien- tissimi 5 homines putavenint, ad aliquam [animi] mei par- tem 6 pertinebit : nunc quidem certe cogitatione quadam^spe- que delector. Quare conservate, judices, hominem pudore eo, quern 7 amicorum videtis comprobari turn dignitate, turn etiam ve- tustate : 8 ingenio autem tanto, quantum id convenit existi- proof that his ideas of that great doc- Uilvo />. trine were not very settled. 4. Sive a meo sensu"] More proof 19. Stimulis admonet] .En. x. 586. of doubt. Supr. c. 11. n. 16. Lucagus, ut pronus pendens in ver- 5. Sapientissimi] Sc. Pythagoras, beratelo, Socrates, Academia tota. Manut. Admonuit bijugos. 6. Ad aliquam partem] Some of 20. Adaquondam] Equalled in the old philosophers conceived the point of duration. soul to consist of various parts or Sect. XII. 1. Parvi animi] It functions, among which there was showed a narrow mind, in Cicero's one that had assigned to it the con- opinion, to limit its views to this life, templation of the good actions per- which was a perpetual scene of diffi- formed in life ; which explains the eulty and danger ; whereas, the re- allusion here. Plato admitted three ward lay in the continued conscious- parts ; one, by which we learn ; ness which should belong to the soul, another, feel angry ; a third, are led of the glory resulting from great ex- to sensual enjoyments. The two ploits. latter die with the body. The first, 2. Imagines] More extensive than possessing reason, is immortal. status, ' taking in pictures, &c. Delph. 3. Spargere me] Borrowed from 7. Pudore eo quern] Of such mo- husbandry. So Vit. Lucian. Ovksti desty as. ' Quem' does not relate to fjjpivjpai o ti to OTrtipofxivov ' hominem.' PRO ARCHIA POETA, Cap. 12. 71 mari, quod summorum hominum ingeniis expetitum esse videatis : causa vero ejusmodi, qua? beneficio legis, 9 aucto- ritate municipii, testimonio Luculli, tabulis Metelli compro- betur. Quae quum ita sint, petimus a vobis, judices, si qua 10 non modo humana, 11 verum etiam divina in tantis ne- gotiis 12 commendatio debet esse, ut eum, qui vos, qui vestros imperatores, qui populi Romani 'res gestas semper ornavit, qui etiam his recentibus 13 nostris, vestrisque domesticis peri- culis aeternum se testimonium laudum daturum esse profite- tur, quique est eo numero, qui semper apud omnes sancti sunt habiti atque dicti, sic in vestram accipiatis fidem, u ut hu- manitate vestra levatus potius, quam acerbitate violatus 1 ^ esse videatur. Quae de causa pro mea consuetudine breviter simpliciterque 16 dixi, judices, ea confido probata esse omni- bus : quae non fori, 17 neque judiciali consuetudine, et de ho- minis ingenio, etcommuniter de ipsius studio locutus sum, eal judices, a vobis spero esse in bonam partem accepta; ab eo, qui judicium exercet, certo scio. 8. Vetustate] ' Long standing ;' of such merits. Meritis ipsius Ar- alluding to the Luculli, Catulus, &c. chiae ' negotiis' dixit potius quum Al. venustate, ' the elegance and ' rebus ;' quia majus quiddam in ne- politeness, &c.' Al. amicorum studiis, gotis quam re. Manut. Perhaps, making both dignitate' and ' ve- however, ' tanta negotia' may refer nustate' refer to Archias. to the subjects on which Archias em- 9. Beneficio legis] Sc. of Silvanus ployed his pen. Then it would be, and Carbo. Cic. here recapitulates the * where deeds of such magnitude are points of his proof. concerned.' 10. Si qua) Si often affirms, and 13. His recentibus] The Catili- may be rendered 'since.' Cat. i.3. narian troubles which took place Si neque nox, &c.' Virg. ' Si qua pios within a year or two. respectaut numina ;' i. e. we often 14. Fidem] Tutelam. Passer. put cases hypothetically, not to 15. Violatus] For poets were intimate any doubt of their certain- ' sancti.' ty, but to set it in a stronger light. 16. Breviter simpliciterq.] Allud- Thus here : ' if there ought to be, ing to his brief and inartificial state- &c.' as no doubt there should. ' Si ment of the law of the case. Supr. 4. qua pios respectant numina' as no 6. doubt there do. 17. Qua: non fori] Supr. 1. 11. Humana] From men; ' divi- 18. Communiter] Generally, na,' from the gods. 19. Qui judicium] Introd. 4. 12. In tantis negotiis] In the case INTRODUCTION TO THE ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 1. Though the oration for Milo was pronounced a. u. 701, upwards of ten years after the Catilinarian conspiracy, yet it may be properly connected with the affairs of that period.* For it was the summary punishment of the conspirators that gave Clodius a pretence to procure the banishment of Cicero, which took place a. u. 695 ; and this again, led to the enmity between Clodius and Milo ; the latter being the zealous friend and imi- tator of Cicero, and, of course, the opponent of his virulent pro- secutor. The orator, therefore, being called upon to defend his friend, threw the whole weight of his character and influence into the cause. ' Bona, fortunas meas, in communionem tuorum temporum contuli.' c. 36. This circumstance may serve to ac- count for the extreme pains which were evidently taken in com- posing this, perhaps the most finished specimen of pleading of all antiquity. A concise account, then, of Clodius and Milo, the principal persons concemed, may be here premised, as a proper introduction to the oration itself. 2. The notices of P. Clodius, which appear in the history of the times, are calculated to give us a very unfavourable impres- sion of his character. So early as a. u. 685, we find him, while serving in the army of Lucullus, during the Mithridatic Avar, ex- citing the soldiers to revolt against their general, his own brother- in-law ; a revolt which, in our notice of that war, (Introd. Lex. Manil.,) we saw was but too successful. Three years after, he appears in the disgraceful character of a prevaricator ; having, for a bribe, permitted Catiline, whom he had brought to trial for * The Catilinarian orations which, in the order of time, follow the * Lex Manilia,' are, for a reason given in the preface, transferred to the second volume. VOL. I. H 74 INTRODUCTION. his oppressions in Africa, to escape with impunity. Introd. Cat. Orat. Harusp. 20. In 691, (the year after Cicero's consulship,) that notorious profanation of the mysteries of the Bona Dea by Clodius, so often alluded to by Cic, took place ; for which, being brought to trial, Cicero, at the instigation of Terentia, his wife, (who, according to Plutarch, was jealous of the sister of Clodius,) appeared as a witness against him ; and thus laid the foundation of that rooted animosity which Clodius ever after manifested against Cicero. For, up to this time, Clodius was a partisan of Cicero's, and one of the young nobles that guarded his person during his consulship. It was now that the inventive genius of Clodius ap- peared, in procuring his own adoption into a plebeian family, in order to be qualified to stand for the tribuneship; in right of which office he saw that he could best execute his vengeance on Cicero. This he effected, a. u. 694, and being tribune the follow- ing year, he procured the banishment of Cicero, caused his house to he levelled with the ground, and a temple to liberty built on the area. From this period his history becomes involved in that of Milo. The riots during his tribuneship were grounds for Milo's impeaching him in the following year, 696. This disgrace for his guilt was notorious did not prevent him from obtaining the aedileship in 697 ; and from that period till his death, he persevered in his op- position to Milo and persecution of Cicero^ 3. Of Milo, the defendant, we do not know even so much aB of Clodius. Like Cicero, and other illustrious Romans, he left his native town, Lanuvium, where he was of the highest rank, being dictator or provost ; and came to Rome to contend for the rank and honours of the state. His intimacy with Cicero makes it probable that he enrolled himself under his patronage at Rome as other young men* of rank used to do; and he may have made one of the band of friends that guarded Cicero from the attacks of Catiline. Sull. 18. In the various assaults made by Clodius on Cicero we find Milo active in his defence. In his tribuneship, a. u. 696, he accused Clodius of disturbing the public peace ; but finding that the influence of the consul, Metellus, was likely to frustrate the ends of justice, he hired gladiators to oppose those of Clodius ; a proceeding which Cicero (de Off. ii. 27) charac- terizes as highly to his honour. When, in turn, Clodius becoming aedile, accused Milo, he was defended by the first men in the state Pompey, Crassus, and Cicero. We find him praetor a. u. * Ex. g. Mark Antony. Phil.ii. 20. Postea custoditus sum a te; tu a me observatus, <Scc. This custom, followed up, produced the ' studiosa cohors* mentioned by Horace : hence the English court.' INTRODUCTION. 76 699, and the following year candidate for the consulship with Q. Metellus, Scipio, and Plautius Hypsaeus ; at which time Clodius was also a competitor for the praetorship. Clodius being naturally anxious to prevent his avowed enemy from becoming consul during his own praetorship, opposed Milo with all his influence, c. 9. ; and when the rancour of parties was at its greatest height, there occurred the rencontre which terminated Clodius's career. 4. To the particulars of the affray, as given by Cicero, c. 10.20, it may be added, from Asconius, that Clodius's party consisted of thirty slaves, and three knights C. Cassinius Schola, P. Pom- ponius, and C. Clodius ; and that Milo's train was headed by two celebrated gladiators Eudamus and Birria, the latter of whom was the first to wound Clodius. He relates, too, that Clo- dius was dragged out of a tavern near Bovillae, where he had taken refuge, and slain by the orders of Milo ; differing, in this particular, from Cicero, who appeals to the situation of the ground, as being 'ante fundum Clodii,' c. 20, and therefore decisive of the question as to which of the parties was the assailant. Perhaps this was a ' retouch' of Cicero.* The dead body of Clodius, abandoned by his slaves, was found by Tedius, a senator, who conveyed it to the city late in the evening ; and on the following day the mob, at the instigation of Munatius Plancus and Q. Pompey, carried it to the forum, where a scene took place which may have suggested to M. Antony his successful' appeal to the populace on the death of Caesar. The body being elevated on the rostra, the wounds were exposed to public view, and the body burned by the infuriated mob ; which, headed by Sext. Clodius, a relative of Publius, com- mitted various excesses, of such a character as to produce a re- action in the public feeling, and induce Milo to venture back again into the city, and resume his canvass for the consulship. In this he was assisted by the tribune Ccelius, whom Cicero had for- merly defended. The tumults continuing for several weeks, and successive interreges being unable to hold the comitia, the senate, to avoid the necessity of creating a dictator, (the last resource in public emergencies,) admitted that anomaly into the constitu- tion, a sole consul. This was Pompey, who, created consul without a colleague, by Ser. Sulpicius, the interrex, immediately entered on the duties of his office, enacted the laws alluded to, *glt is said, that when Cicero sent Milo, then in exile at Marseilles, the corrected copy of his oration, Milo exclaimed: 'si sic egisses, M. Tulli, barbatos pisces Milo Massiliae non ederet.' And Ascon. says that the first copy was extant in his time, and adds : ' scripsit vero hanc, quam legimus, ita perfecte, ut jure prima haberi possit.' 76 INTRODUCTION. Mil. c. 6, raised troops to quell the disturbances, and made every preparation for bringing Milo to trial. 5. In the mean time, Milo was arraigned by the Appii, nephews of Clodius, on several minor and collateral charges, and was defended by Hortensius, Cicero, Marcellus, Cato, and others. Q. Pompey, Plancus, and Sallust, the historian, frequently ha- rangued the mob against Milo and Cicero, but took no part in the prosecution. At length, the day of trial (the 11th April) came, and the Appii, with M. Antony and Valerius Nepos, appeared as accusers before a special commission, whose president was Do- mitius Ahenobarbus, and among its members, M. Cato. They were heard for two hours, (as the law directed,) and Cicero, who alone replied, for three. Milo was condemned, only thirteen out of fifty-one voting for an acquittal. Among those was Cato, who gave his vote openly, while the others voted by ballot. Milo withdrew from Rome to Massilia in Gaul. When the violence of party and the distraction of the times are considered, the lot of Milo, se- cluded from public cares, in the most polished provincial city in the empire, might be pronounced to be superior to that of his per- secutors, did it not appear that the seeds of ambition were too deeply rooted in his heart for even exile to eradicate. Four years afterwards, he left his retreat, and joined the praetor Coelius in an attempt upon the republic, in which he met a miserable end. The particulars connected with the constitution of the commis- sion, the analysis of the defence, and the different arguments by which it was supported, will be found in the annotations. M. TULLII CICERONIS PRO T. ANNIO MILONE ORATIO. I. Etsi 1 vereor, 8 judices, ne turpe sit, pro fortissimo viro dicere incipientem timere, minimeque deceat, quum T. Annius ipse magis de reipublicae salute, quam de sua pertur- betur, me ad ejus causam parem animi magnitudinem 3 af- terre non posse ; tamen haec uovi judicii uova forma 4 terret Sect. I. 1. Etsi vereor, <Hrc] The exordium of ' the Milo' is drawn from the accidental circumstance of the forum being guarded by armed men. This Cic. seizes upon, and while he acknowledges its generally unfavourable influence on the orator, shows that in this case, it was wholly in favour of his client. Vid. Quint. iv. 1, and xi. 3, where that great scholar descants, with all the nicety of a critic, on the articulation of this exordium. 2. Vereor'] Expresses a respectful fear, such as Cicero's present relation to the judges inspired ; 'timere,' the fear of an approaching danger, such as was menaced by the armed guards. ' Timor est roetus mali appropinquan- tis.' Tuscul. iv. 8. 3. Animi magnitudinem] Cicero also employs, though rarely, ' mag- nanimitas.' Off. i. 43. 4. Novi forma'] Let us inquire here, what the ordinary form of trial was, and contrast it with this ' nova forma.' When the praetor heard causes, he was seated in his curule chair, on the tribunal in the forum or comitium, with his assessors beside him, the ' juclices,' or jury, on benches beneath, and an audience of the people standing around. In this case there was a special judge and jury, and numerous military guards, under the command of Pom- pey, posted about the forum. Again : in the ordinary trial, the prastors ap- pointed for the year, to hear causes, presided, with the usual assessors and judges, and without any limitation as to time. These causes were called ' quaifttiones perpetuae,' Brut. 2b' ; but this ' novum judicium,' this ex- traordinary trial, was differently con- stituted : for POmpey, who had been 11 2 78 M. T. CICER0N1S ORATIO oculos: qui, quocunque inciderunt, veterem consuetudinem fori, et pristinum morem judiciorum requirunt. 5 Non enim 6 corona 7 consessus vester cinctus est, ut solebat : non usitata frequentia stipati sumus. Nam ilia praesidia, 8 quae pro tem- plis 9 omnibus cernitis, etsi contra vim 10 collocata sunt, non afferunt tamen oratori aliquid; 11 ut in foro et in judicio, quan- quam praesidiis salutaribus et necessariis 12 septi sumus, tamen nominated by the senate sole consul, as a sort of minor dictator, (Introd. 4,) enacted a law, de vi ; with an ex post facto reference to the death of Clodius. By it there were appointed, (to be chosen by the suffrages of the people,) 1. A consular quaesitor, in- stead of the ordinary praetor. 2. A bench of ' judices' amounting to three hundred, nominated by Pompey out of the senators, knights, and tri- bunes of the treasury. 3. An exami- nation of witnesses, for three days, and notes taken of the evidence. 4. On the following day, a selection, by lot, out of the three hundred, of eighty-one, who were immediately to sit ; and hear the prosecutors for two, and the defendant for three hours. 5. Before passing sentence, the parties were severally to reject five out of each of the three orders, leaving fifty-one to vote, sc. nineteen senators, eighteen knights, and seven- teen tribunes. 5. liequirunt~] i. e. ' Desiderant,' which some copies read. Tr. ' find the want of.' Manil. c. 2. n. 23. 6. Non enim] Enim' refers to the proximate clause, 'veterem con- suetudinem fori, &c. ; and 'Nam,' in the next sentence, to the remote clause, ' haec nova forma terret ocu- los.' 7. Corona] Sc. of the auditors as- sembled round the benches of the judges. Lucan, i. 320, describes the same meeting similarly : gladii cum triste minantes, Judicium insolita trepidum cinxere coronam. Pompejana reura clause- runt signa Milonem.' 8. Ilia prasidia] Pompey's troops. 9. Pro templis] In front of, 6tc. There was a variety of temples in the view of the forum, which were oppor- tune for posting guards. Sylv., how- ever, prefers ' in the temples ;' as 'pro jede,' 'pro tribunali ;' in the temple, &c. 10. Contra tiro] As the judges might interpret the armed guards, as placed there by Pompey, to over- awe them, Cic. by this and the si- milar expression ' prasidiis salutari- bus' intimates that it was against the Clodian mob they were directed ; and that consequently the bench had no cause of fear. 11. Non afferunt oratori aliquid] Era. Nobis afferunt tamen horroris aliquid ; which seems a most excep- tionable reading. For if Cic. ac- tually felt horror at the appearance of the armed guards, no persuasion of the protection they might afford could be expected to change that feeling into the indifference expressed by ' non timere, &c.' Again, he objects to * oratori' as being too general, and that ' mihi,' or ' nobis,' (which latter he adopts,) would be preferable. But Cic. means, that while to the generality of persons a military guard is a great security, on the public ad- vocate the effect is different, owing, as he said before, to his not being surrounded by the usual gowned mul- titude. See, also, in the next sen- tence, ' oratori locum' opposed to tantam vim armorum.' This point, then, is wholly lost by reading ' no- bis.' 12. Necessariis] And therefore PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 1. 79 ne non 13 timere quidem sine aliquo timore 1 * possimus. Quae si opposita Miloni putarem, cederem tempori, 15 judices, nee inter tantam vim armorum 16 existimarem esse oratori locum. Sed me recreat et reficit Cn. Pompeii, sapientissimi et jus- tissimi viri, 17 consilium ; qui profecto nee justitia3 suae puta- ret esse, quern reum sententiis judicum tradidisset, eundem telis militum dedere ; nee sapientiae, temeritatem concitatae multitudinis auctoritate publica armare. Quamobrem ilia anna, centuriones, cohortes, non periculum nobis, sed prae- sidium denuntiant ; neque solum, ut quieto, 18 sed etiam ut magno animo simus, hortantur ; neque auxilium modo defen- sioni mea?, verum etiam silentium pollicentur. Reliqua vero Pompey was excusable in posting them. 13. Ut ne non] ' Ut' has two meanings: 1. that, in order that; as inf. 2. * concione incitati sunt ut, &c. ;' were stimulated in order that they might, &c. 2. (illative) ' so that,' as Marcel. 6. ' Quos amisimus cives, eos Martis vis perculit, non ira victoriae ; ut dubitare debeat ne- mo, &c. ;' so that none ought to doubt, &c. The first sense which some, e. g. Fabritius, have adopted here must be wrong, as it makes Cic. say ' nihil adjumenti oratori afferunt ut omni metu vacuus esse possit,' thus assigning no force whatever to the negative ' ne quidem.' The i/- lative sense, therefore, must be ad- mitted : ' so that, with a!l the pro- tecting guards that surround me I cannot be even devoid of fear. 14. Timere timore] Cic.'s pertur- bation is supposed here to have hur- ried him into a paronomasia which will hardly bear examination. The ob- vious construction is, ' sine aliquo timore,' sc. relicto; without some de- gree of fear remaining. But this is inconsistent with ' ne quidem non timere.' For that the absence of the usual audience, notwithstanding the protection of the military, prevented the orator from being even devoid of fear, is easily conceivable ; but this being the case, where is the necessity of adding that ' some fear remained V This may have led Manut. to explain it : ' licet optime sciat sibi timendum non esse ;' i. e. ' without having any cause of fear. ' Timor' for * causa timoris' is common. Propert. iii. 5. 40. Et audaci timor esse potes. Ovid. Fast. i. 551 ; and ' aliquis,' in the sense of ' ullus,' is found in this very sentence, as also, Marcel. 1. ' non timore aliquo ;' not from any fear. With this explanation too, the suc- ceeding clauses harmonize, * quas si opposita, &c. ;' and ' quamobrem il- ia arma, &c.' both of which suppose that no real ground of fear' existed. Forcel. however explains : ' ne esse quidem sine, &c.,' i. e. he makes 1 esse' the substitute for ' non ti- mere.' 15. Cederem tempori] Abram. considers this the political maxim, ' tempori serviendum.' Cat. i. 9. Temporibus reip. cedas. 16. Vim armorum] ' Vis' here means, ' quantity,' not ' violence.' Abram. 17. Pompeii viri] Cic. wishes to conciliate Pompey by these compli- mentary expressions. 18. Quieto] For the fear inspired by the ' nova forma' was banished by a proper consideration of the motives of Pompey in posting the 80 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO multitude), quae quidem est civium, 19 tota nostra est : neque eorum quisquam, quos undique intuentes, unde aliqua pars fori aspici potest, et hujus exitum 20 judicii exspectantes vi- detis, non quum virtuti Milonis favet, turn de se, de liberis suis, de patria, de fortunis hodiemo die decertari putat. IT. Unum genus est adversum infestumque nobis eorum, quos P. Clodii furor rapinis, 1 incendiis, et omnibus exitiis publicis pavit : qui hesterna 2 etiam concione incitati sunt, ut vobis voce praeirent, quid judicaretis. 3 Quorum clamor si qui forte fuerit, admonere vos debebit, ut eum civem retineatis, qui semper genus illud 4 hominum, clamoresque maximos pro vestra salute neglexit. 5 Quamobrem adeste animis, 6 judices. et timorem, si quem habetis, deponite. Nam si unquam 7 de bonis et fortibus viris, si unquam de benemeritis civibus po- testas vobis judicandi fuit ; si denique unquam locus amplis- guards. 19. Qua quidem est civium'] At least as far as it is composed of citi- zens ; ' quidem' for ' certe.' So Acad. iv. 5. Non video causam cur ita sit, hoc quidem tempore ; at least at present. Cic. hints either that the Clodians, who were present, were not citizens, or that slaves formed part of that faction. Inf. 2. 20. Exitum judicii'} It is a part of Cicero's art to identify the issue of any cause in which he was engaged with the common safety. The reason is obvious. Sect. II. 1. Rapinis] The out- rages of Clodius are enumerated by Cic. in his several orations. He had plundered the treasury, sold provinces, burned the house of Q. Cicero, and the temple of the nymphs ; and, by means of his gladiators, kept up per- petual alarm in the city. Inf. 27. 32. 2. Qui hesterna, c] Munat. Plancus Bursa, a tribune of the peo- ple, in a speech made the day before this trial, had exhorted the people not to let Milo escape with impunity. He was afterwards condemned, along with Sext. Clodius, and banished. Being restored by Caesar, he joined the party of Antony. Phil. xi. 6. We must not confound him with L. Plancus, consul elect, and colleague of Decimus Brutus, for a long time after Caesar's death the supporter, and, finally, the betrayer of the cause of the senate. Vid. Cicero's corres- pondence with him ; Fam. x., or Hookex. 14.15. 3. Quid judicaretis] i. e. Judicare deberetis. Em. Inf. 26. L't intelli- gatis contra hesternam concionem il* lam, licere vobis quod sentiatis, judi- care. JManut. 4. Genus illud] So Hor. ' Hoc genus omne.' It seems to convey contempt. 5. Semper neglexit] Sc. in his tri- buneship ; five years before this time. 6. Adeste animis] i. e. ' Pay at- tention ;' like favete linguis.' Hor. Sull. 11. Adestote omnes animis qui adestis corporibus. 'Animis' is theabl. 7. Nam si unquam, $c] This argument, drawn from the occasion, is imitated from Dem. Olyn. i. 2. "O piv 3v 7rapu)v icaipbe, povovHx*- \hu tpwvyv d<pitig, &c. So, also, Olyn. iii. 6. Tivci yap \povov, &c. PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 2. 81 simorum ordinum 8 delectis viris datus est, ubi sua studia erga fortes et bonos cives, qua? vultu et verbis saepe significassent, re et sententiis 9 declararent : hoc profecto tempore earn po- testatem omnem vos habetis, ut statuatis, 10 utrum nos, qui semper vestra? auctoritati dediti fuimus, semper miseri lugea- mus, an dill vexati a perditissimis civibus, aliquando per vos, ac per vestram fidem, virtutem, sapientiamque recreemur. Quid enim nobis duobus, 11 judices, laboriosius ? 12 quidmagis sollicitum, magis exercitum dici aut fingi potest? qui spe amplissimorum praemiorum 13 ad rempublicam adducti, metu crudelissimorum suppliciorum carere non possumus ? Equi- dem 14 ceteras tempestates et procellas in illis duntaxat 15 fluc- Abram. 8. Ampliss. ordinum'] Aurelius Cotta, praetor in the first consulship of Pompey, enacted that the 'judi- ces' should be selected from the se- nators, knights, and tribunes of the treasury. This law Pompey, in his second consulship, amended, by add- ing, that the wealthiest of those orders should be chosen. Pompeius in coss. secundo, promulgavit ut amplissimo ex censu lecti judices aeque ex illis tribus ordinibus res judicarent. Ascon. What the census (which was defined Phil. i. 8. 'census praefiniebatur,') was, does not appear. On this oc- casion he had selected the judges from the regular orders, and the most respectable of those orders. 9. Re et sententiis] Namely, by acquitting them. ' Re' opposed to 'vultu,' and 'sententiis' to 'ver- bis.' 10. Ut statuatis, fyc] Cic. seeks to interest the feelings of his judges in the fate of Milo ; 1. by putting him on a par with himself, an ac- knowledged patriot ; 2. by testifying his constant deference to their autho- rity ; 3. by the modesty of his peti- tion, which only sought encourage- ment for himself, not vengeance on his enemies. The words, too, are appropriate and complimentary : ' fi- dem,' the honour of a judge ; ' virtu- tem,' the firmness necessary to meet the audacity of the Clodians ; and ' sapientiam,' the wisdom to counter- act the rashness of the mob. Abram. 11. Nobis duobus] Abl. depend- ing on ' magis, &c.' not the dat. as Dune. 12. Laboriosius] Schooled in toil. This word, as also 'sollicitum' and ' exercitum,' is used here in a passive sense. So JEn. ix. 89. Sollicitam timor anxius angit. iii. 182. nate Iliacis exercite fatis. 1 3. Prtemiorum] Sc. the offices of the state. Cic. was of consular rank, and Milo a candidate-consul. The contrast between ' spe ampl. prasmi- orum,' and ' metu crudel. suppli- ciorum,' while it shows their dis- appointment, lays claim to a higher degree of pity from the audience. 14. Equidem] i. e. ' Ego qui- dem;' I, for my part, as far as I am concerned. The few instances where this word is not followed by verbs in the first person, are of so doubtful authority, or so easily ex- plained by supplying ellipses, &c. that they may be disregarded in con- sideration of the force and emphasis which the above resolution imparts, wherever 'equidem' occurs. 15. Duntaxat] i. e. ' Dum-taxat ;' or ' dum-taxet,' sc. aliquis ; provided one considers. Hence it expresses a 82 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO tibus concionum 10 semper putavi Miloni esse subeundas, quod semper pro bonis contra improbos senserat : in judicio vero, et in eo consilio, in quo ex cunctis ordinibus amplissimi viri judicarent, nunquam existimavi spem ullam esse habituros Milonis inimicos, ad ejusnon salutem modo exstinguendam, sed etiam gloriam per tales viros infringendam. 17 Quamquam 1 * in hac causa, judiees, T. Annii tribunatu, rebusque omnibus pro salute reipublicae gestis, ad hujus criminis defensionem non abutemur, 19 nisi 20 oculis videritis insidias Miloni a Clodio factas : nee deprecaturi sumus, ut crimen hoc nobis multa propter praeclara in rempublicam merita 21 condonetis : nee limitation ; so far and no farther. ' Duntaxat fluctibus concionem, &c.' then, is contrasted with ' in judicio. &c.' Cic. expected Milo to be tossed by the winds amidst the billows of popular assemblies, because he had merited the resentment of the mob ; but he thought that his troubles should end there ; nor that his ene- mies would have any hopes, &c. 16. Fluctibus concionum] So pro Muren. 17. Quod enim fretum, quam Kuripum tot motus, tantas, tarn va- rias habere putatis agitationes fluctu- um ; quantas pertuibationes et quan- tos aestus babet ratio comitiorum. 17. Exstinguendam -infringen- dam] 'O^oiotiKhtov. Quint ix. 3. 18. Quamquam] When this word is used absolutely it refers to a sup- pressed proposition which may, in every case, be supplied from the preceding sentence. Thus here : ' Although Milo has every thing to expect in a trial before his fellow- citizens, because he always opposed the had in favour of the good ; yet shall we not, &c.' It is used with peculiar propriety when the writer wishes to correct an unguarded admission. Inf. 30. Cat. i. 9, and Hi. 12. Its proper translation then is, ' and yet.' Habit, however, has nearly caused the classical student to overlook the absurdity of rendering it in such cases, ' although.' Here Cic. had alluded to the public services of Milo, andex pressed his surprise at his enemies hoping to foil him before judges, whose authority he had always sup- ported ; lest, however, he might seem to rest his cause on this, or admit the inference, that because Milo had saved the city, Milo might therefore slay the citizens with impunity : he corrects himself, and adds that he will not so apply Milo's patriotic actions ; at least before he shall have established the fact of Clodius being the aggressor. 19. Abutemur] * Abutor' is often taken ' in bonam partem' to mean the applying a thing to one's own purpose contrary to the natural use or original intention.' Fam. ix. 6. So here: the public services of Milo were performed with the view of gaining the esteem of his countrymen, not of shielding himself against a cri- minal charge. Cic, however, (' abu- tetur') will avail himself of these ser- vices in the latter sense provided, &c. 20. Nisi] * Unless first, i. e. un- til. As soon as you shall have been fully convinced that Clodius was the aggressor, I will enter on a statement of Milo's public services, but not till then.' Cic. thus intimates his full con- fidence in the goodness of his cause, and the certainty of his triumph. Still it may be asked, why enter on that statement at all 1 Does not Cic. say, inf. c. 11, that the sole question is ' uter utri insidias fecerit V Whv, PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 3. 83 poshiiaturi." ut, si mors P. Clodii salus vestra fuerit, idcirco earn virtuti Milonis potius, quam populi Romani felicitati 23 assignetis. Sed si illius insidia? clariores hac luce fuerint, turn denique obsecrabo obtestaborque vos, judices, si cetera amisimus, hoc saltern nobis ut relinquatur, ab inimicorum audacia telisque vitam ut impune liceat defendere. III. Sed, antequam ad earn orationem venio, qua? est propria' vestra? quaestionis, 2 videntur ea esse refutanda, 3 qua? ei in senatu ab inimicis sa?pe jactata sunt, et in concione ab then, dwell on the public conduct of either party? Cic. was fully aware that the discussion was irrelevant ; but, like an able advocate, looking not to what was strictly called for, but what might best serve his client, he here left room for availing himself of the effect which an eloquent state- ment of the public merits of Milo, and crimes of Clodius, might pro- duce on the judges. His proposition then, is : Clodius was justly slain, whether as being an intended assas- sin, or as being the scourge and ruin of his country. The former point, which occupies from c. 12. to c. 27, he calls ' de causa ;' the latter, from c. 27. to 34, he calls ' extra causam.' It is worthy of remark, that the ' ex- tra causam' head was, as we learn from A scon., the principle adopted Iiv M. Brutus, in a defence ot .Milo, published by him, but which Cic. thought it hazardous to rest his de- fence on solely, namely ' interfici Clodium pro republica fuisse. Orel. following Garaton., Peyron., Ileum., &c, begins a new sentence with ni- si ;' but, as nothing is gained by this in clearing the difficulty, the usual punctuation has been retained. * Nee deprecaturi, &cc nee postulaturi, &<?>' agreeably to Cicero's manner, are an amplification of, and nearly synonymous with Non abutemur rebus pro salute reip. gestis.' 21. Merita] Vid.inf. 12. 28, where the services of Milo are alluded to in terms of the highest eulogy. 22. Nee postulaturi"] The killing of Clodius being a public benefit, Milo might have urged this as his motive ; Cic, while he admits the beneficial result, will not adduce that argument as long as it may be doubt- ed whether the merit of it belongs to the fortune of the Roman people, or the courage of Milo. Phil. ii. 50. Sustulit ilium diem fortuna, &c. This very doubt, it will be observed, is most complimentary to Milo. 23. Pop. Rom. felicitati] This is fully dilated on inf. 30. 33. Sed hu- jus beneficii gratiam, &c. 24. Sed si illius, fyc.] i.e. Sed si oculis videritis insidias illius [ab illo factas] turn, &c. Cic. thus varies in the minor the hypothetic statement ' nisi oculis, &c.' supr. ; as also the inference, which ought to be : ' then will 1 have recourse to Milo's ser- vices, &c. ;' whereas it is: 'then will I implore you to leave untouched the principle of self-defence.' These two inferences comprise the entire de- fence, both ' de causa' and ' extra causam.' Supr. n. 20. Sect. III. 1. Qucc est propria] Sc. ' Uter utri insidias faceret?' in opposition to the ' extra causam' ar- gument. Vid. prec. n. 2. Qiucstionis] ' A public trial,' so called a quaerendo,' because the guilt or innocence of the accused was therein inquired into. 3. Ea refutanda] These pra indi- cia, whose refutation is properly pre- fixed to the general defence, were 84 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO improbis, et paiilloante 4 ab accusatoribus : ut,omnierroresub- lato, rem plane, quae venit in judicium, videre possitis. Ne- gant 5 intueri lucem esse fas ei, qui a se hominem occisum esse fateatur. In qua tandem urbe hoc homines stultissimi disputant? Nempe in ea, qua? primum judicium 6 de ca- pite vidit M. Horatii, fortissimi viri ; qui, nondum libera civitate, tamen populi Romani comitiis 9 liberatus est, quum sua manu sororem esse interfectam fateretur. An est quis- quam, qui hoc ignoret, quum de homine occiso queeratur, aut negari solere omnino esse factum, aut recte ac jure factum esse defendi ? Nisi vero 10 existimatis, dementem 13 P. Africa- three : 1 . Negant intueri fatea- tur ;' that an avowed homicide was unworthy of life. 2. ' Sequitur esse factam, c. 5 ;' that the senate had already decided the cause against Milo. 3. ' At enim Cn. Pomp. fuit. c. 6 ;' that Pompey, by his law, declared his belief of Milo's guilt. On the propriety of the orator refuting these prerjudicia before he proceeds to the narration, vid. Quint, iv. 2, who remarks, that by prepar- ing the judges for the reception of the case, they virtually constitute an ex- ordium. 4. Paullo ante, c\'c] Turn intra horam secundam accusatores cospe- runt dicere Appius Major, et M. An- toniuset P. Valerius Nepos. Ascon. So ! paullo ante' is, the preceding two hours. Introd. 5. 5. Negant, $fc] Vid. penult, n. 6. Primum judicium] ' Primum' does not mean that there had not been previous trials, and even capital trials ; but these ' the city did not see as a city. They were decided by the kings or their deputies. But this was the first trial for homicide where the people were called on to decide, and they acquitted. Diony. lib. iii. 7. M. Horatii] The story of Ho- ratius, who slew his own sister for mourning over the fate of her lover, one of the Curatii, whom he had just slain, is given by Livy, i. 26. 8. Nondum libera'} And, there- fore, more unlikely to be influenced by popular feeling in their deci- sion. 9. Comitiis] Sc. curlatiis. It was held in the Comitium ; for the comitia for the election of magistrates did not yet exist ; and when it did, was held in the Campus Martius. 10. Nistrero] Used in the begin- ning of a sentence for transition. It frequently introduced an indirect proof. Thus, from the true premiss, that Africanus held the justice of Gracchus's fate ; and the opposite of the question, no wise man holds ho- micide justifiable, he deduces the manifestly false conclusion, demen- tem P. Africanum fuisse.' There- fore wise men do hold homicide jus- tifiable. 13. P. Africanum] Sc. Minorem. He was called ' iEmilianus,' from P. ./Emilius Macedonicus, by whom he was adopted ; and ' Numantinus,' from destroying Numantia, in Spain The occurrence alluded to by Cicero took place after his return from Spain when Carbo was proposing a law that there should be no restriction op the re-election of tribunes. This Scipio opposed in a speech, wherein he asserted that Tiberius Gracchus, who was his own brother-in-law, deserved his fate. Liv. Epit. lix. PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 3. 85 num fuisse, qui, qimm a Carbone, 14 tribuno plebis, in con- done seditiose 15 interrogaretur, quid de Ti. Gracchi 16 morte sentiret, respondit, jure caesum videri. Neque enim posset ant Ahala ille Servflius, 17 aut P. Nasica, 18 aut L. Opimius, 19 aut C. Marius, 20 aut, me consule, 21 senatus non nefarius ha- beri, si sceleratos cives interfici nefas esset. Itaque hoc, ju- dices, non sine causa etiam fictis fabulis doctissimi homines 22 memoriae prodiderunt, eum 23 qui patris ulciscendi causa ma- 14. C. Carbone] Cic. adds, ' tri- buno plebis,' for he was afterwards consul, a. u. 632 ; and defended by his eloquence the very Opimius who had slain his friend, C. Gracchus. De Orat. ii. 35. ' C. Carbo, consul nihil de C. Gracchi nece negabat, sed id jure pro salute patriae factum esse dicebat.' He soon after poisoned himself, either through remorse, or to avoid the consequences of an ac- cusation brought against him by the celebrated orator L. Crassus. De Orat. ii. 40. 15. Seditiost] Val. Max. vi. 2, informs us, that Carbo, when he was exciting the people to revenge the death of C. Gracchus, hoped to be assisted in attaining this object by the weight and authority of Africa- nus, the husband of Sempronia, the sister of the Gracchi, who he ima- gined could not avoid speaking in favour of his brother-in-law. He therefore dragged Scipio to the forum, before he had well entered the city, and put to him the interrogation in the text. This account is to be pre- ferred to Livy's (vid. n. 13) as it explains the force of the word ' se- dition ;' sc. with a factious view.' 16. Ti. Gracchi] Livy, Epit. lviii., says, 'that when Ti. Gracchus, who had excited several seditions during his first tribuneship, wished to obtain a second ; at the instigation of P. Nasica, he was slain by the nobles, and his body flung into the Tiber.' 17. Ahala Servilius] Connect with him Sp. Maelius, a* Roman VOL. I. knight, whose largesses of grain to the people, during a famine, raised suspicions of his entertaining tyranni- cal views ; and whom he slew, by the direction of Cincinnatus, the dic- tator. Liv. iv. 14. 18. P. Nasica] When M. Sca:- vola, the consul, was unwilling to second the views of the senate against Tib. Gracchus, Nasica, then Pontifex Max. called out, ' Qui remp. salvam esse volunt me se- quantur;' eiique voce, says Valerius Max., cunctatione bonorum discussa, Gracchum cum scelerata factione, quas merebatur pcenas persolvere coe- git. Lib. iii. 17. 19. L. Opimius] Consul, a. v. 632, slew C. Gracchus. Liv. Epit. lxi. 20. C. Marius] With him may be connected Saturninus, another of Ci- cero's standard precedents for com- mitting murder : Saturninus, however, deserved his fate, being himself an assassin. He was a creature of Ma- rius, by whom he was encouraged to violate the laws, and then surrender- ed to the fury of his enemies. Vid. Rabir. perduel. reo, where the par- ticulars of his fate are given. 21. Me consule] Lentulus, Cethe- gus, &c. suffered in Cic.'s consulship. 22. Doctissimi homines] Sc. the poets ; who, in the opinion of Plato, were the parents of wisdom. r Ovroi yap r)[uv {ooirtp TrartptQ tijq crocbictQ Uai Kai rjyefxdvsg. Ahram. 23. Etna] Orestes. His story was a copious theme for the Greek 86 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO trem necavisset, variatis hominum sententiis, 24 non solum di- vina, 25 sed etiam sapientissimae Deae sententia liberatum. Quod si duodecim 26 tabula? nocturnum furem, quoquo mo- do, 27 diurnum autem, si se telo defenderit, interfici impune voluerunt : quis est, qui, quoquo modo quis interfectus sit, puniendum 28 putet, quum videat aliquando 29 gladium nobis ad occidendum hominem ab ipsis porrigi 50 legibus 1 IV. Atqui si tempus est ullum jure hominis necandi, quae multa sunt ; certe illud est non modo justum, verum etiam necessarium, quum vi vis illata defenditur. Pudicitiam quum eriperet militi 1 tribunus 2 militarisin exercituC. Marii,propin- quus ejus imperatoris, interfectus ab eo est, cui vim afferebat. dramatists. Vid. Eurip. Orest. ; Soph. Elect., and yEschy. Eumen. 24. Variutis hominum sententiis] i.e. ' The votes of the Areopagites being difTerent ;' some for, others against. yEschylus, in the Euraeni- des, informs us, that the votes (which his scholiast makes thirty-one) were rendered equal by the vote of the goddess, the previous numbers being sixteen for condemning, and fifteen for acquitting. The ' Eumenides' accounts also for Orestes, an Argive, being tried before an Athenian tri- bunal ; for, by the advice of Apollo, he was referred from Delphi, where the furies had beset him for the mur- der of his mother, to the temple of Minerva at Athens ; i. e. to the court of Areopagus. Demosthenes, it may be observed, followed a differ- ent account ; for he makes the gods the judges ; of whom six condemned and five acquitted ; the accused was saved by the vote of Minerva. Cic. followed iEschylus, as suiting better the drift of his argument. Vid. Pot- ter. G. A. i. 19. 25. Non solum divina] Sc. that of any other deity. 26. Duodecim] Livy iii. 31. 35, relates that, a. u. 299, Manlius, Sulpiciu6, and Posthumius, were sent to Greece with a commission to col- lect laws. On their return, the ' de- cemviri,' out of the laws which had been collected, at first framed ten tables, which received the sanction of the people ; and subsequently, two more were added ; forming, as he observes, in his time, after all the ac- cumulation of laws upon laws, fons omnis publici privatique juris.' Macrob. Saturn, i., gives the phrase alluded to : 'Si nox furtum factum sit, si im aliquis occisit, jure casus esto. Vid. Hor. Ep. ii. 1. 23. Quint, v. 14. 27. Quoquo modo] i.e. Whether he defended himself or not ;' in op- position to ' si se telo defenderit.' There was no exception in the case of the nightly marauder. ' Quoquo modo' inf. is ' whether in the right or not.' 28. Puniendum] Used imperson- ally ; ' it must be visited with punish- ment.' 29. Aliquando] Ilork ; sometimes, occasionally. 30. Porrigi] ' Porrigo,' sc. Tlopfm opiyit) ; I stretch forward. Sect. 1 V.--1. Mil.] Called Trebonius by Plut., Caelius Plotius by Yal. Max. 2. Tribunus] C. Lusius, a nephew of Marius. The conduct of Marius on this occasion gained him his .third consulate. Plut. in" PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 4. 87 Facere enim probus 3 adolescens periculose, 4 quam perpeti tur- piter maluit. Atque hunc ille summus vir, scelere solutum, per- iculo liberavit. Insidiatori vero et latroni 5 qua? potest inferri injusta nex? Quid comitatus nostri, quidgladii volunt? 6 quos habere certe non liceret, si uti illis nullo pacto liceret. Est enim heec, judices, non scripta, sednata lex ; 7 quam non didi- cimus, accepimus, legimus, verum ex natura ipsa arripuimus, hausimus, expressimus; ad quam non docti, sed facti ; non instituti, sed imbuti sumus : ut, si vita nostra in aliquas in- sidias, si in vim, si in tela aut latronum, aut inimicorum in- cidisset, omnis honesta ratio esset expedienda? salutis. Silent enim leges inter arma, 8 nee se exspectari jubent, quum ei, qui exspectare velit, ante injusta poena luenda sit, quam justa repetenda. Etsi 9 persapienter, et quodammodo tacite, dat ipsa lex potestatem defendendi ; quae non [modo] hominem occidi, sed esse cum telo hominis occidendi causa vetat : ut, quum causa, 10 non telum quaereretur, qui sui defendendi causa telo esset usus, non hominis occidendi causa habuisse Mar. 14. Val. Max. vi. 1. 3. Probus] Chaste, virtuous. Sail. Cat. 26. Saltare elegantius quam necesse est probec. 4. I'enculose] For Lusius had slain his superior officer, and the nephew of Marius. 5. Latroni] * Latro' being here joined with * insidiatori,' (seems to determine its origin, sc. lateo ; not as Varr. latus, (a side) nor as Fest. \a- rpeia. Vid. inf. 21, and xii.7. From signifying marauders, it came to stand for mercenary soldiers, a hired body- guard. 6. Comitatas gludii volunt] For arms were permitted to be carried during a journey. Marc. Dig. Abram. 7. Non scripta lex] Soph. Antig. 459. dypairra Kaatyciki) Otwv N6- fiifia> Dem. de Cor. 83. q <pvaig avT>) rote ayodtpoiQ vop.ip.oig ctwpi- Ktv. Vid., also, Or. 49. and Quint. ix. 3, where this passage is quoted, to illustrate some of the niceties of composition. 8. Silent leges inter arma] Vid. Manil. c. 20. n. 4, where this sen- timent is attributed to Marius ; also, Phil. i. 10. * Armis gesta nunquam profecto in judicium vocabuntur.' 9. Etsi] A correction ; as if he said, ' Though why say the laws are silent amidst arms, when in their si- lence they sanction the principle of self-defence ; by not barely forbid- ding homicide (' non modo, &c,') which they do as a matter of course, but also to carry arms with a hostile intention : the obvious inference from which was, that they might be carried if that intention did not exist. This Cic. calls ' dat tacite potestatem de- fendendi.' Orel., however, erases modo. A sight of the law in ques- tion (lex Cornelia de sicariis) could alone determine which is right. 10. Ut quum causa, fyc] i. e. That the law by questioning the motive, not the fact of carrying arms, decided that whoever had employed his arms in self-defence was justified in so doing. This Cic. expresses negative- ly, by saying, that ' he was consider- ed in the eye of the law not to have carried arms with a hostile intention. 88 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO telum judicaretur. Quapropter hoc maneat 11 in causa, judi- ces ; non enim dubito, quin probaturus sim 12 vobis defen- sionem meam, si id memineritis, quod oblivisci non potestis, insidiatorem jure interfici posse. V. Sequitur illud, 1 quod a Milonis inimicis saepissime di- citur, csedem, in qua P. Clodius occisus est, senatum judi- casse, contra rempublicam esse factam. Illam vero senatus, non sententiis suis solum, sed etiam studiis comprobavit. Quoties enim 2 est ilia causa a nobis acta in senatu ! Quibus assensionibus universi ordinis, quam nee tacitis, nee occultis ! quando enim frequentissimo senatu quattuor, aut [ad] summum quinque sunt inventi, qui Milonis causam non probarent? Declarant 3 hujus ambusti 4 tribuni plebis illae intermortuae 5 11. Hoc maneat'] Cic. conceives that he has now fully established the legality of homicide in self-de- fence, and thus refuted the first prae- judiciura.' 12. Probaturus sim] Make good to you, &c. Sect. V. 1. Sequitur illud] The second ' praejudicium.' Supr. c. 3. n. 3. The decree was expressed in general terms, but admitted of a par- ticular application. It required only to supply ' a Milone' after Cae- dem esse factam,' as not long be- fore ' a Saturnino' was added to a similar decree, and Milo might ex- pect the fate of Saturninus ; and this the opponents of Milo did. Cic, therefore, contends for the general interpretation, and shows that in the various debates which had taken place in the senate since the death of Clodius, Milo's cause was invariably triumphant (Quoties probarent) ; that the charge against the senate of submitting to his (Cicero's) dictation and not their own judgment, (De- clarant, &c.,) proved the strength of Milo's cause in the senate, and there- fore that that body could never have intended to condemn Milo by the decree (Hanc vero, &c.) Besides, that the decree was expressed in the form usual in the case of public dis- turbances, e. g. the burning of the senate-house, &c, and was voted by him, as no doubt it was by others too, as a condemnation of the fact, without deciding with whom the guilt lay. (Cur igitur, &c.) This clears the second ' praejudicium.' 2. Quoties enim, fyc] Inf. 35, he says, ' Centesima lux est haec ab in- terim Clodii, et altera ;' a period which admitted of various discus- sions of the question in the senate. Era., removing the interrogation, ex- plains it, ' as often as, &c.' 3. Declarant] Sc. how fully the senate approved of Milo's conduct. 4. Ambusti] Persons scorched with lightning were called* ambusti,' as Fa- bius Ambustus. Cic. applies the term to Munat. Plancus, from his being scorched in the conflagration of the senate-house, which took place on the burning of Clodius's body. As- con. Era. conjectures an allusion to some trial in which Plancus had with difficulty escaped ; others to Fabius Ambustus, to whose character his presented a striking contrast. 5. Intermortua] Interruptae incen- dio curiae. Manut. But as only one harangue of Plancus was so inter- rupted, whereas, these were pro- nounced 'quotidie,' it appears bet- ter to interpret the word literally. PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 5. 89 condones, quibus quotidie meam potentiam invidiose 6 crimi- nabatur, quum diceret, senatum, non quod sentiret, sed quod ego vellem, decernere. Quae quidem si potentia est appel- landa potius quam, aut propter magna in rempublicam me- rita, mediocris in bonis causis auctoritas, aut, propter hos of- iiciosos labores 7 meos, nonnulla apud bonos gratia ; appelletur ita sane, dummodo ea nos utamur pro salute bonorum contra amentiam perditorum. Hanc vero qua?stionem, etsi non est iniqua, nunquam tamen senatus constituendam putavit. Erant enim leges, 8 erant quaestiones, 9 vel de caede, vel de vi : nee tantum mcerorem ac luctum 10 senatui mors P. Clodii af- lerebat, ut nova quaestio constitueretur. Cujus enim 11 de illo incesto stupro judicium decernendi 12 senatui potestas esset erepta, de ejus interitu, quis potest credere, senatum judici- * just dying,' (inter mortem,) ' al- most past and gone.' They were loud, and loudly praised while Clodius's death was recent, but were now fast sinking into oblivion. So Muren. 7. ' Memoriam prope intermortuam generis sui, virtute renovari ;' nearly extinct. Others, however, render it * languid, feeble ;' Guthr. ' dark' ! 6. Invidiose] For it was holding up Cic. to public odium, to represent him as the tyrant of the senate. 7. Ojjiciosos Labores] ' Official la- bours ;' namely, as a patron and an advocate. So Tusc. iii. 8, ' dolor officiosus,' i. e. quern ratio officii postulat. Em. Hot. Ep. i. 7. 46, causisque Philippus agendis Clarus, ab officiis, c. 8. Leges] E. g. The Cornelian 1 de sicariis,' the Lutatian, ' de vi.' Ccel. 1. 9. Qucestiones] Sc. ' perpetuae,' which had each, by Sylla's appoint- ment, their proper judge ; whereas, Milo's was a special commission, the very appointment of which operates against him, by giving an undue im- portance to the affair. Vid. c. i. n. 4. 10. Maerorem lactum] * Mccror' is a bursting sorrow ( aegritudo Jie- bUis.' Tusc. iv. 8,) and luctus' the expression of it in loud lamen- tation. Hence they are here fitly joined, as being produced by death (mors afferebat). 11. Cujus enim de illo, incesto, fyc] * De stupro cujus de interi- tu ejus' are opposed. Clodius, in order to carry on an intrigue with Pompeia, the wife of Julius Caesar, had gained admittance, in disguise, to Caesar's house, where the myste- ries of the Bona Dea were celebrat- ing. He was detected, however, but in the confusion effected his es- cape. Cic. calls the intrigue ' inces- tus,' as polluting those sacred rites, at which males were forbidden to' appear. Harus. 5. ' Ea sacra qua; viri oculis, ne imprudentis quidem," aspici fas est.' Juvenal goes far- ther still: ' Ubivelari pictura jubetur, Quaecunque alterius sexus imitata figuram est.' 12. Judicium decernendi] Ap- pointing a trial ; not as Dune. ' pass- ing sentence.' Nor dees ' potestas erepta' mean that such force was re- sorted to, as prevented the senate from any interference in the cause ; for Cicero informs us, Att. i. 13, that the affair was, by a decree, re- ferred to the ' pontifices ;' and by them declared a sacrilege ; and that I 2 90 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO um novum constituendum putasse ? Cur igitur incendium curia?, 13 oppugnationem aedium M. Lepidi, 14 caedem hanc ip- sam, contra rempublicam senatus factam esse decrevit ? Quia nulla vis unquam est in libera civitate suscepta inter cives non contra rempublicam. Non enim est ilia 15 defensio contra vim unquam optanda : sed nonnunquam est necessaria. Nisi vero 16 aut ille dies, quo Ti. Gracchus 17 estcaesus, aut ille, quo Caius, aut quo arma Saturnini oppressa sunt, etiamsi e republica, 18 rempublicam tamen non vulnerarunt. VI. Itaque ego ipse decrevi, 1 quum caedem in Appia factam esse constaret, non eum, qui se defendisset, contra rempub- licam fecisse ; sed, quum messet in re vis et insidiae, crimen judicio reservavi, rem notavi. 2 Quod si per furiosum 3 ilium tribunum senatui, quod sentiebat, perficere licuisset, novam quaestionem nunc nullam 4 haberemus. Decernebat enim, ut veteribus legibus, tantummodo extra ordinem, quaereretur. the consuls proposed a bill to the people, by which the praetor was em- powered to select assessors to try the cause. This bill, it appears, was, by the influence of the Clodian faction, headed by the tribune Fulvius, pre- vented from passing, and an amended bill substituted ; according to which, judges, selected partly by the prose- cutors, partly by the accused, were to preside. Out of these Clodius ob- tained a majority, and thus defeated the ends of justice. This Cic. calls ' judicium decernendi, &c. erepta.' 13. Incendium curice, fc] These three points Cic. joins together, as being comprised in one decree ; be- cause, says the Delph., several de- crees might not be made on the same day. 14. JEdium M. Lepidi] Two days after the death of Clodius, Lepidus was declared Interrcx. The fac- tions of Scipio and Hypsasus, with a view to force on an immediate elec- tion, attacked his house, insulted his wife, Cornelia, and even tore her webs out of the looms ; but falling in with the rival faction of Milo, they were compelled to desist. Ascon, 15. Est illa~\ Aturruewc sc. the self-defence which Cic. is maintain- ing. Al. ulla. 16. Nisi vero] * Unless indeed, &c.' which it is absurd to assert ; the loss of citizens, however aban- doned, being still a loss. The usual indirect argument. Supr. c. 3. n. 10. 17. Ti. Gracchus'] Supr. c.3. n. 16; and for Caius and Satur. n. 19 and 20. 18. republica] For the interest of the republic ; Kara rt)v voXtv. Phil, iii. 12. Senatus consultis bene et republica factis, reliquas res ad prae- dam revocavit.' Sect. VI. 1. Ego ipse decrevi] Ego sic statuo. Gr&v.; my'own vote was. 2. Rem notavi] Inf. 11. Senatus rem, non hominem notavit. 3. Furiosum] The usual epithet of the tribunes, implying that their oc- cupation was to excite the people to acts of violence. The tribune re- ferred to was M. Plancus. 4. Novam nullam] What then ? ' Quod [senatus] sentiebat,' a trial by the old laws, but out of the usual routine. This was the purport of the second decree, the first having merely PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 6. 91 Divisa sententia 5 est, postulante nescio quo ; nihil enim ne- cesse est omnium me flagitia proferre. Sic reliqua auctori- tas senatus 6 empta intercessione sublata est. At enim 7 Cm Pompeius rogatione sua et de re et de causa judicavit. Tu- declared, caodem factam esse con- tra rerap.' 5. Divisa sentential When a mo- tion comprehended two or more par- ticulars, any senator could have them put separately, simply by saying, * divide.' Ascon. Here the points were : 1. ' ut veteribus legibus quae- reretur ; 2. ' ut extra ordinem quae- reretur.' Fusius, a senator, demanded (postulante nescio quo) that these points be put to the vote separately ; thus enabling Plancus, the Clodian tribune, to interpose his negative to the first, and, to his party, the only obnoxious clause ' ut veteribus le- gibus quaereretur.' For to the second clause, the Clodians had no objec- tion, as it merely expedited the trial of Milo. Why they objected to the first clause does not appear. Per- haps the appointment of 'judices,' which, according to the old laws, were selected by the praetors out of the regular judicial decuries, was conceived to be unfavourable to them ; and that they preferred the 'judices edititii,' (Muren. 23, and Plane. 17.) i.e. a jury, in whose appoint- ment the right of challenge by the parties was recognised ; and which, on the trial for sacrilege, noticed supr. c. 5. n. 12, it had been found easy to corrupt. Certainly this conjec- ture is countenanced by the consti- tution of the tribunal, according to Pompey's law ; which allowed of a partial challenge, namely, five out of each of the orders. Vid. supr. c. i. n. 4. Cruq. absurdly conceives * sententia divisa' to refer to the first law of Pompey's sole consul- ship, although the very appointment of Pompey to be consul was a con- sequence of this artifice of Fusius. 6. Reliqua auctoritas senatus~] When a tribune interposed his veto, the decree was not completely nul- lified, but retained a species of au- thority, intimated by the name, ' S. auctoritas.' Liv. iv. 57. Si quis in- tercedat S. C to , auctoritate se fore contentum. This, however, cannot be admitted as the reason for using ' auctoritas' here, because the ' sen- tentia' is so called before the inter- cession of Plancus. Uence we must consider ' S. auctoritas' to import, as it often does, a motion made and passed in the senate, without any reference to the veto. Pro dom. 37. It is called ' reliqua' in reference to the unobnoxious part * ut extra or- dinem quaereretur.' As Cic. is allud- ing to a matter of great notoriety, he is very brief: 'The motion was di- vided, and apart permitted to pass; the rest of it, however, was thus quashed by a hired veto.' So Phil. i. 1. 1 Dictaturam sustulit.' De Or. i. 58. ' Veteres leges sublatas.' We must not then translate with Guthr. ' the remaining authority of the senate was abolished.' For it does not appear that any part had been abolished already ; nor would Cic, who was taunted with an undue control over the senate, and was consequently a great stickler for its authority, ad- mit that a matter of so common oc- currence as the interference of a tri- bune, to prevent the passing of a de- cree, amounted to the annihilation of that authority, an authority too, which was so soon after exerted in appointing Pompey sole consul. 7. At enim] The third ' praejudici- um ;'sc. ' that Pompey by his act had condemned Milo.' This Cic. refutes, by showing that Pompey merely en- acted an inquiry that an inquiry, where the fact was acknowledged, 92 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO lit enim de caede, quae in Appia via 8 facta esset ; in qua P. Clodius occisus esset. Quid ergo tulit ? Nempe ut quse- reretur. Quid porro quaerendum est ? Factumne sit ? At constat. A quo ? At paret. 9 Vidit igitur in confessione facti, juris tamen defensionem suscipi posse. Quod nisi vi- disset, posse absolvi eum, qui fateretur, quum videret nos fateri, neque quaeri unquam jussisset, nee vobis tarn saluta- rem hanc in judicando literam, quam illam tristem 10 dedis- set. Mihi vero Cn. Pompeius non modo nihil gravius con- tra Milonem judicasse, sed etiam statuisse videtur, quid implies an inquiry into the merits of the cause that it will be seen by Pompey's own showing (Jam illud dicet, &c.) that his act is attributable to no predilection for Clodius, but to the emergency of the case that to act otherwise would be to overthrow the very nature of a law, in the eye of which all men, whether high or low, are equal, (Quid ita, &c. c. 7,) as appears from the instances of Drusus and Africanus, whose untimely and lamented fate called forth no new en- actment that to permit concomi- tant circumstances to have any weight in determining the amount of guilt, would be to make the atrocity of Clodius's death be heightened, and that of his victim, Papirius, lowered by their occurring on the Appian (i. e. Clodian) way (aut eo mors atro- cior, &c. c. 7.) thatinadducingan instance of Clodius's guilt, it was un- necessary to go back to Papirius, (quid ego ilia commemoro, &c.,) the attempt to assassinate Pompey, (as guilt consists in the intention,) being as bad as any murder ; not to men- tion the repeated attempts on Cicero's awn life (Quotiesego ipse, &c. c.7.). Are we prepared to say, then (asks Cic.) that, while the great and good had their lives taken away, or at- tempted, and no new law was called into existence by the public sorrow, Clodius's death has excited such ge- neral regret that Pompey framed his bill to assuage it : No, (Non fuit ea causa, &c. c. 8.,) it was merely the fact of a reconciliation having taken place between Pompey and Clodius some time before, and in which Pom- pey wished to show himself perfectly sincere, that has called forth the law in question, (limuit ne videretur, &c. c. 8.) ; which, after all, Pompey would not have proposed, were he not aware that whatever severity there might be in his enactment, it would be tempered by the firmness of the judges ; the selection of whom, from the most illustrious orders, and par- ticularly the respectability of their president proved, incontestibly, that Pompey's sole motive was a regard to justice, &c, &c. The connexion of the reasoning here will, perhaps, be better seen from this abstract. Cic. now pro- ceeds to the defence itself, c. 9. 8. Aj. pia via] This road, which still remains, was made by Appius Caecus, censor a. u. 442, and extend- ed from Rome to Capua. It was af- terwards continued to Brundusium, it is uncertain when, or by whom. 9. Paret] i. e. Apparet, a term of law. Al. patet ; and after ' vidit,' al. etiam for igitur.' 10. Salutarem literam tristem] The initials of ' Absolvo' and ' con- demnor These being given at all, showed that a doubt existed in the praetor's mind as to the guilt of the accused. There was a third tablet, not mentioned here, which was PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 7. 93 vos in judicando spectare oporteret. Nam qui non poenam confessioni, sed defensionem dedit, is causam interitus quse- rendam, non interitum putavit. Jam illud dicet 11 ipse pro- fecto quod sua sponte fecit, Publione Clodio tribuendum putarit, an tempori. 12 VII. Domi sua? nobilissimus vir, senatus propugnator, atque, illis quidem temporibus, paene patronus, avunculus hujus nostri judieis, 1 fortissimi viri, M. Catonis, tribunus plebis M. Drusus 2 occisus est. Nihil de ejus mdtte populus consul tus, nulla quaestio decreta a senatu est Quantum luctum in hac urbe fuisse a nostris patribus ac- cepimus, quum P. Africano, 3 domi suae quiescenti, ilia noc- turna vis esset illata ! quis turn non ingemuit ? quis non arsit dolore ? quern immortalem, si fieri posset, omnes esse cupe- rent, ejus ne necessariam 4 quidem expectatam esse mortem ! Num igitur ulla quaestio de Africani morte lata est ? Certe nulla. Quid ita ( quia non alio facinore clari homines, alio obscuri necantur. Intersit inter vitae dignitatem summorum, atque infimorum : mors quidem illata per scelus iisdem et poenis teneatur, et legibus. Nisi fortes magis erit parrici- da, 6 si qui consularem patrem, quam si quis humilem neca- verit : aut eo mors atrocior erit P. Clodii, quod is in monu- mentis 7 majorum suorum sit interfectus. Hoc enim saepe marked N. L., i. e. non liquet ; it bat; and by Tacitus, An. vi. 10. L. is not clear. Cic. attributes, also, to Pontifex, rarum in tanta claritudine, Pompey, as the prime mover of the fatoobiit; i. e. died a natural death, trial, the distribution of the ballots, And Cic. expresses the same idea, which was ordinarily the part of the Phil. i. 4. ' praeter naturam prater- presiding judge. ' Tarn quam;' as que fatum,' where, vid. note. Drusus well as. fell in his 56th year. 11. Jam illud dicet] Inf. 8. Homo 5. Nisi forte, &;c] The usual indi- sapiens, &c. multa vidit. rect argument. Supr. c. 3. n. 10. As a 12. Tempori] Inf. 8, Timuit ne vi- stoic, Cic. held all crimes equal ; but deretur infirmior fides reconciliatae perhaps he means to assert the equa- gratiae.' Vid. n. on 'reconciliatae.' lity of all men in the eye of the law, Sect. VII. 1. Hujus judicis] and their right to impartial justice. M. Cato Uticensis, whose mother, 6. Parricida] 1. UarpoKTovoQ Livia, was sister of Drusus. the slayer of a father ; 2. of any re- 2. Drusus] M. Livius. Arch. c. lative ; 3. (according to a law of 7. n. 24. Numa) of any freeman. Hence the 3. P. Africano] Sc. Minori. Arch, formula of Romulus ' omne homici- c. 7. n. 6. dium, parricidium.' 4. Necessariam] \. e. Natural. 7. Monumentis] i. e. Which pre- ' Fatum' is similarly used by Virg. served their memory; for the Appia iv. 695. Fato merita nee morte peri- Via, on which the rencontre oc- 94 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO ab istis dicitur. 8 Perinde quasi Appius ille Caecus viam munierit, non qua populus uteretur, sed ubi impune sui posteri latrocinarentur ! Itaque 9 in eadem ista Appia via, quum ornatissimum equitem Romanum P. Clodius M. Pa- pirium 10 occidisset, non fuit illud facinuspuniendum; homo enim nobilis in suis monumentis 10 equitem Romanum occide- rat : nunc ejusdem Appiae nomen quantas tragcedias 11 excitat ! quae cruentata antea caede honesti atque innocentis viri sile- batur, eadem nunc crebro usurpatur, posteaquam latronis et parricidae sanguine imbuta est. Sed quid ego ilia comme- moro? Comprehensus est in templo Castoris 12 servus P. Clodii, quem ille ad Cn. Pompeium interficiendum colloca- rat; extorta est confitenti sica 13 de manibus ; caruit foro pos- tea Pompeius, caruit senatu, caruit publico; 1 * janua se ac parietibus, non jure legum judiciorumque texit. Num quae curred, was made by Appius Caecus, an ancestor of Clodius. This Ap- pius was censor a.u. 442, and was struck blind for advising the Potitii to commit to public slaves the per- formance of the sacrifices to Her- cules. Liv. i. 7, and ix. 29. 8. Hoc ab istis dicitur] The Clo- dians, it seems, urged it as an ag- gravation of Milo's guilt, that he killed Clodius on a road constructed by his ancestors ; and, Quint, v. 10. points out the force of this part of the * Clodian charge.' Nam et Ajax apud Ovidium : 'Ante rates agimus causam et mecum confertur Ulysses,' et Miloni objectum est ' quod Clo- dius in monumentis ab eo majorum suorum esset occisus.' On the same principle, JVI. Manlius could not be convicted while he remained in sight of the capitol. Liv. vi. 20. To this Cic. replies by admitting the aggra- vation, if his opponents will admit that Appius made the road to afford his posterity an opportunity of plun- dering there with impunity. 9. Itaque] Accordingly ; i. e. supposing the road made for the above purpose. 10. Papirium} Pompey had, some time before, brought to Rome the son of Tigranes, king of Armenia, as a hostage, and put him under the care of Flavius, the praetor. The young prince, assisted by Clodius, attempted to escape, but being dis- covered, a rencounter ensued, be- tween his former guardian, Flavius, and Clodius, in which Papirius was slain. This was the origin of Pom- pey 's enmity to Clodius. 10. In suis monumentis] i. e. As supr., ' majorum suorum.' 11. Quantas tragcedias] What a commotion ! Dem. Cor. wontp kv Tpay(f)Sio: fiouivra, S) yij, icai ?JXif, Kai aptrt). 12. Templo Castoris] One of the temples in view of the forum. Supr. 1. 'pro templis omnibus.' On this occasion the senate was held in Cas- tor's temple. Inf. ' In foro atque vestibulo ipso senatus.' It was built by Posthumius, in honour of Castor and Pollux, for their espousing the cause of the Romans against the Latins, and assisting in defeating them at Regillus, and bringing the news to Rome. 13. Sica] Qu. ' secica,' a ' se- co,' a cutlass ; but pugio,' a PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 8, 96 rogatio lata ? num quae nova quaestio decreta est ? Atqui, si res/ 5 si vir, si tempus ullum (lignum fait, certe haec in ilia causa summa omnia fuerunt. Insidiator erat in foro colloca- tus, atque in vestibulo 15 ipso senatus ; ei viro autem mors parabatur, cujus in vita nitebatur salus civitatis ; eo porro reipublicae tempore, 17 quo, si unus ille occidisset, non haec so- lum civitas, sed gentes omnes concidissent. Nisi vero, 18 quia perfecta res non est, non fuit punienda: perinde quasi exitus rerum, 19 non hominum consilia legibus vindicentur. Minus dolendum fuit, re non perfecta ; sed puniendum certe nihik) minus. Quoties ego ipse, judices, ex P. Clodii telis et ex cruentis ejus manibus effugi ! ex quibus si me non vel mea, vel reipublicae fortuna servasset, quis tandem de interitu meo quaestionem tulisset ? VIII. Sed stulti 1 sumus, qui Drusum, qui Africanum, Pompeium, nosmetipsos, cum P. Clodio conferre audeamus. Tolerabilia fuerunt ilia : P. Clodii mortem aequo animo ne- mo fcrre potest. Luget senatus ; mceret equester ordo ; tota civitas confecta senio est ; squalent 2 municipia, afflictan- 'pungo,' a poniard. 14. Caruit publico"] Sc. loco ; i.e. lived in privacy. Similarly, we say, to appear in public. Harusp. 23. 15. Si res, <Sfc] ' Res' is answered by ' insidiator erat, &c. ;' ' vir,' by ' ei viro autem, &c. ;' ' tempus ul- lum,' by ' eo tempore, &c.' 16. Vestibulo] From Vesta. So Ovid. Fast. vi. 302. Qui [focus] a primis axlibus ante fuit. Hinc quo- que vestibulum dici reor ; inde pre- cando Dicimus O Vesta ! quo loca prima tenes. 18. Vero] Supr.c.3. n. 10. Ahforte. 17. Eo tempore] About three years since, when Cic was in exile, and the republic, of course, on the brink of ruin, Pompey had quarrelled with Clodius about Tigranes's son, and was obliged to shut himself within his house for fear of assassination. Supr. n. 10. 19. Quasi exitus rerum] A natural law, fully developed and extablished by Christianity. Juv. xiii. Nam sce- lus inter se taciturn qui cogitat ul- lum Facti crimen habet. 20. Quoties] Thrice. Inf. 'Sica (Clodii) intentata nobis. Hajc eadem longo intervallo conversa rursus est in me ; nuper quidem me ad R- giam pene confecit.' Sect. V11I. 1. Sed stulti, c\c] This sentence is an instance of ele- gant and even eloquent irony. The verbs accurately correspond in im- portance with their subjects, form- ing together a descending series. Thus ' luget* is the loudest grief ; senatus the highest order ; next ' mceret equester ordo,' and so down to * agri -desiderant.' 2. Senio.] imports: 1. yiipac,, old age, decrepitude ; 2. sadness, trouble, &c. ; the usual concomitants of that stage of life. 2. Squalent] 1. Rough, neglect- ed ; 2. in mourning, when dress is usually little attended to. 96 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO tur 3 coloniae ; agri denique 4 ipsi tarn beneficum, tarn saluta- rem, tarn mansuetum 5 civem desiderant. Non fuit ea causa, judices, profecto non fuit, cur sibi censeret Pompeius quaes- tionem ferendam ; sed homo sapiens 6 atque alta et divina quadam mente praeditus, multa vidit : fuisse sibi ilium ini- micum, familiarem Milonem. In communi omnium la?titia, si etiam ipse gauderet, timuit ne videretur infirmior fides reconciliatae 8 gratia?. Multa etiam alia 9 vidit, sed illud maxime : quamvis atrociter 10 ipse tulisset, vos tamen fortiter judicaturos. Itaque delegit e florentissimis ordinibus 11 ipsa lumina : neque vero, quod nonnulli dictitant, secrevit 12 in judicibus legendis amicos meos. Neque enim hoc cogitavit vir justissimus, neque in bonis viris legendis id assequi po- tuisset, etiamsi Cupisset. Non enim mea gratia familiarita- 3. Affiictantur] A frequent, from ' affligo ;' 1. dashed to the ground ; 2. harassed, grieved. 4. Agri denique] Inf. 9. He says, ' silvaspublicas depopulatuserat, Et- ruriamque vexarat,' which may, per- haps, justify the regret here no- ticed. 5. Mansuetum] ' Manui assue- tum ;' tamed, quiet, gentle. 6. Homo sapiens] The patience with which Pompey bore this praise excited Cicero's wonder. Fam. iii. 10. Qua ille humaniiate tulit meam contentionem pro Milone, adversan- tem interdum actionibus suis ! 7. Alta mente] Polyb. (3a6vrr}Q rrJQ ipvxnV' Quint. Profunda? roen- tisconsilia. Sail. Altitudinemingenii. Grccv. Al. omit, et divina. 8. lteconciliatu] Pompey had quarrelled with Clodius on account of his attempt on Tigranes, supr. 7, n. 10, and evinced his enmity by defending Milo, when Clodius accus- ed him, a. u. 697. According to Dio, lib. 39, when Pompey and Cras- sus, contrary to the wishes of the senate, demanded a second consulate, Clodius, whose sinking cause re- quired the powerful aid of the candi- dates, joined their party, and became reconciled to Pompey. They were consuls, the following year. Ma- nut, refers the reconciliation to an alliance which took place between Pompey 's son and Appius Clau- dius's daughter. Fam. iii. 4. But these letters were written when Cic. was proconsul of Cilicia, two years after this trial ; and there is no evi- dence of Clodius feeling so interested about the fortunes of his niece. In- deed the enmity of Clodius and Cic. does not seem to have shaken the friendship of Cic. and Appius. Reconciliatae,' q.d. called together again. 9. Multa alia] Cic. would have the judges believe that Pompey had weighty reasons state reasons, no doubt for the part which he had acted. If he had expected to suc- ceed, he should have done more than hint them. 10. Atrociter] From rpwyio comes arowg ; 1. crude, raw; 2. cruel, harsh. ' Ferre atrociter/ to enact harshly. 11. E florent. ordin.] Supr. 2. Amplissimorum ordinum delectis vi- ris ; sc. senators, knights, and tri- bunes of the treasury. 12. Secrevit] Set aside, passed PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 9. 97 tibus continetur, quae late patere non possunt, propterea, quod consuetudines victus 13 non possunt esse cum multis. Sed si quid possumus, ex eo possumus, quod respublica nos con- junxit cum bonis. Ex quibus ille quum optimos viros lege- ret, idque maxime ad fidem suam pertinere arbitraretur, non potuit legere non 14 studiosos mei. Quod vero 15 te, L. Do- miti, huic quaestioni praeesse maxime voluit, nihil quaesivit aliud, nisi justitiam, 1 ' 3 gravitatem, humanitatem, fidem. Tulit, ut consularem necesse esset : credo, quod principum munus esse ducebat, resistere et levitati multitudinis, et per- ditorum temeritati. Ex consularibus te creavit 17 potissimum ; dederas enim, 18 quam contemneres populares insanias, jam ab adolescentia documenta maxima. IX. Quamobrem, judices, ut aliquando ad causam cri- menque veniamus ; si neque 1 omnis confessio facti est inusi- tata, neque de causa quidquam nostra aliter, ac nos vellemus, a senatu judicatum est ; et lator ipse legis, quum esset con- troversia nulla facti, juris tarn en disceptationem esse voluit ; et electi judices, isque propositus quaestioni, qui haec juste sapienterque disceptet : reliquum est, judices, ut nihil jam aliud quaerere debeatis, nisi, uter utri insidias fecerit. Quod quo facilius argumentis perspicere possitis, rem gestam vobis over. Seorsum cerno ; i. e. Kpivio. &c. ; i. e. Pompey's choosing you So Att. i. 16. ' Reus frugalissimum to preside, shows that he was in quest quemque secerneret,' h. e. according of no personal enemy of Milo ; that to Forcel. ' seligeret et repudiaret.' he only wanted, in the president, Pompey, in choosing the judges, had justice, &c. passed by Cicero's intimate friends, 16. Justitiam, 3fc] 'Justice' to which was adduced, by some, as a acquit the innocent ; ' firmness' to proof of Pompey's hostility to Milo. oppose the mob; ' humanity' to par- He did pass over my intimate ac- don involuntary error ; and faith' quaintances (familiares,) says Cic. ; to judge according to the laws and nor is that strange, for they are ne- his oath. Abram. cessarily few ; but admitting that he 17. Creavit'] Sc. by proposing it appointed good men, he did not, could to the senate, not by his own die- not, pass over my friends and adhe- turn. rents (' studiosos mei.') 18. Dederas enim] Domitius, in his 13. Consuetudines victus'] This praetorship, (a. u. 695,) had opposed determines the meaning of ' familia- the tribune Manlius, in an attempt to res ;' sc. those who are in the habit enfranchise the freedmen. Ascon. of meeting in convivial parties. If this be alluded to, ' adolescentia' 14. Non patuit non] Could not must be taken in its usual extensive but. meaning. 15. Quod vero, &:c] But in that, Sect. IX. 1. Si neque, ^c] He VOL. I. K 98 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO dum breviter expono, 2 quaeso, diligenter attendite. P. Clo- dius, quum statuisset omni scelere in praetura vexare rem- publicam, videretque ita tracta esse comitia 3 anno superiore, ut non multos menses praeturam gerere posset : qui non ho- noris gradum spectaret, ut ceteri, sed et L. Paullum* colle- gam effugere vellet, singulari virtute civem, ,et annum inte- grum ad dilacerandam rempublicam 5 quaereret : subito reliquit annum suum, 6 seque in annum proximum transtulit, non, ut fit, religione 7 aliqua, sed ut haberet, quod ipse dice- bat, ad praeturam gerendam, hoc est, ad evertendam rem- publicam plenum annum atque integrum. Occurrebat [ei.] mancam 6 ac debilem praeturam suam futuram, consule Mi- lone : eum porro summo consensu 7 populi Romani consulem fieri videbat. Contulit se ad ejus competitores ; 8 sed ita, 9 to- recapitulates the ' praejudicia' supr. 3.n. 3. 2. Breviter erpono~\ Quint, iv. 2. 3. Tracta esse comitia, fyc] Owing to the bribery and disputes of the candidates, the election of consuls for the year 700 had not taken place when it commenced ; and the tri- bunes, partly from partiality to an interregnum, duringwhich their pow- er was under the least possible con- trol, partly from the wish of having Pompey created dictator, by their cabals, retarded it six months longer. Finally, Domitius Calvinus and Va- lerius Messala were elected. 4. L. Paullum] Praetor of the previous year, and that wherein Clodius should have been praetor. He was afterwards proscribed by Le- pidus, one of the second triumvi- rate; and is noticed by Sail. (Cat. 31.) 5. Ad dilacerandam remp.] Cum jam semianimum laceraret Flavius orbem. Juv. Sat. iv. 38. 6. Annum suum] The Lex Villia or Annalis, a. u. 573, was the first which restricted the age for holding the curule offices. By it the aedile- ship was fixed to thirty-seven, the praetorship to forty, and consulship to forty-three. With regard to the quajstorship there is greater uncer- tainty. Polyb. vi. 17, says, that ten years' service was necessary to qualify for the first magistracy, and allowing the military age to be seven- teen, this will give twenty-seven for the quaestorian, and at this age the Gracchi obtained that office. But Cic, who boasts that he obtained every office suo anno, Agr. ii. 2, was quaestor at thirty-one, which age, therefore, appears the most probable. Liv. xxv. 2, and xl. 44. Also, Manut. de legg. c. 6. 7. Non, ut Jit, religione] He hints that persons, through religious scruples, resulting from defects in the auspices, occasionally omitted to sue for offices in their proper year. Clo- dius was not one of these. 6. Mancam] 1. Maimed (proper- ly, in the hand, from 'manus'); 2. imperfect ; and ' debilem,' (with the first long, being from de-ha- bilem,') feeble. Lit. un-able * de' being un, and ' habilis,' able. 7. Summo consensu] Consequently he did not fear his opposition ; and, therefore, had no interest in killing him. 8. Competitores] P. Plautius Hyp- saeus and Q. Metellus Scipio. Introd. 3. 9. Sed ita] i. e. Contulit. Com- PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 9. 99 tam ut petitionem ipse solus, etiam invitis illis, gubernaret ; tota ut comitia suis, ut dictitabat, humeris sustineret. Con- vocabat tribus ; 10 se interponebat ; u Collinam 12 novam delectu perditissimorum civium conscribebat. Quanto ille plura miscebat, tanto hie magis in dies convalescebat. Ubi vidit homo ad omne facinus paratissimus, fortissimum virum, inimicissimum suum, certissimum consulem ; idque intellexit non solum sermonibus, sed etiam suffragiis 13 populi Romani saepe esse declaratum : palam agere ccepit, et aperte dice- re, 14 occidendum Milonem. Servos 15 agrestes et barbaros, 16 quibus silvas publicas 17 depopulatus erat, Etruriamque vex- arat ex Apennino deduxerat, quos videbatis. Res erat mi- nime obscura. Etenim palam dictitabat, consulatum Miloni eripi non posse, vitam posse. 18 Significavit hoc saepe in se- pare Manil. c. 8. n. 15. 10. Convocubat tribus} In early times, when the tribes were few in number, the people were summoned to the comitia centuriata by classes ; but when the tribes increased to thirty-five, it was found more con- venient to convoke the people by tribes, as at the comitia tributa, and then distinguish the tribes into centuries. This accounts for the frequent mention of ' tribes' at the com. centuriata. Vid. Phil. ii. 32. 1 1 . Se interponebat] Either in a general sense, ' became, as it were, a party concerned ;' or, as Ern., 'acted as bribing- agent for the can- didates.' 12. Collinam] (A collis) relating to a hill, namely, the Quirinal and Viminal, in the vicinity of which lay the * Collina tribus,' one of the four city tribes. How the formation of a new tribe lay within the com- pass of a private man like Clodius, or was to influence a public election, does not appear. Perhaps the Col- line tribe was conspicuous in the public disturbances, in which re- spect, if not in voting, the Clodian mob might resemble it. Al. Colo- niam. 13. Suffragiis] The election had been frequently adjourned by the in- terference of the tribunes, but not till Milo's likelihood of success was ma- nifest. So Cic. ' ter praetor primus renunciatus est.' Manil. 1. 14. Agere dicere] Manil. c. 1. n. 5. 15. Servos] Clodius had a number of slaves located on his estates in Etruria and in the Appenines, whom he had summoned to Rome from time to time, to assist him in his enterprises. He had, no doubt, been found, too, a troublesome neighbour in the country. The Ap- penines run the whole length of Italy, from the Alps in Liguria to Leucopetra, a promontory of Rhe- gium. Phil. i. 3. 16. Barbaros] Nullis studiis ad humanitatem expoliti. Abram. Comp. Marcel. 3. ' Gentes iramanitate bar- baras.' 17. Silvas publicas] Comp. Ma- nil. c. 6. n. 16, whence it would appear, that these were pastures farmed by the republic' 18. Vitam posse] Yet Cic. says, Att. iv. 3, Nisi ante [Clodius] occisus erit, fore a Milone puto.' 100 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO natu : dixit 19 in concione. Quin etiam Favonio, 20 fortissimo viro, quaerenti ex eo, qua spe fureret, Milone vivo, respondit, triduo ilium, aut 21 summum quatriduo, periturum : quam vo- cem ejus ad hunc M. Catonem statim Favonius detulit. X. Interim 1 quum sciret Clodius, (neque enim erat dif- ficile scire) 2 iter sollemne, 3 legitimum, necessarium, ante diem 4 xiii. Kalendas Februarias Miloni esse Lanuvium 19. Significavit dixit] Cic. points out the difference, Or. i. 26. ' Signi- ficare' inter se dicuntur, qui sibi in- nuunt, &c. 20. Favonio] This celebrated imi- tator of Cato, (ZnXwrrjc Karuvog, Plut.,) suffered among the proscribed during the second triumvirate. Suet. Aug. 13. 21. Aut] Al. ad. Sect. X. 1. Interim] Inter-im ; i. e. inter earn rem. Im, the regular accus. termination from is, only used in adverbial forms, e. g. fatira, par- tim, &c. 2. Neque enim scire] Because the Lanuvians had a community of rites with the Romans. Liv. viii. 14. * Ut aedes lucusque Sospitae Junonis communis Lanuvinis muni- cipibus cum pop. Rom. esset.' Lanu- vium was a town in Latium, about one hundred stadia from Rome, now called Citta Indovina.' Muren. 41. Liv. xl. 19. xxii. 1. 3. Sollemne] Or ' solenne,' from 'solus,' in the sense of 'unus,' and 'annus;' yearly, as opposed to bi- ennial, triennial, &c. Afterwards more generally, ' at stated times.' A. Ante diem, &rc] ' The twentieth of January.' The Roman calendar agreed with ours in the number of months and days in each month ; but differed in the mode of reckoning. For, instead of simply dating from the first of the month, consecutively, they fixed upon three days, pointed out, no doubt, by the ceremonies of their religion, to which all the others were referred. These were the ca- lends, or first ; the ides, or thir- teenth ; and the nones, or fifth. [In March, May, July and October, whose initials make OMMI, the ides were on the fifteenth, and nones on the seventh.] The calends were so called from ' calare,' to proclaim, it being usual for the pontifex, before the calendar was reduced to writing, to proclaim on that day whether the nones were on the fifth or seventh. (Varr. L.L. v. 4.) The ides, from ' iduare,' to divide, nearly halved the month. So Hor. ' Idus tibi sunt agendas, Qui dies mensem Veneris marinae, Findit Aprilem.' The nones were probably introduced after the ides, by which they were regulated. For reckoning back, inclusively, from the ides, we find ' nono idus' answer- ing to the fifth, (on the months ex- cepted above, to the seventh,) which was hence called ' nonae.' [Horace, however, says, ' octonis referentes idibus aera ;' i. e. falling the eighth day after the nones ; so that he did not recognise the ancient form, ' nono idus.' As to the mode of dating, calendae, nonas, and idus, were put in the abl., followed by the name of the month, either agreeing as an adj. or governed as a subst. [Adam excepts ' Aprilis' as being always a subst. ; but Hor. says, ' Mensem Aprilem;' Ovid. Fast. iv. 621, ' idus Apriles,' and Cic. (vid. Coop. Thes.) 'calendis Aprilibus.'] The date of the other days was de- termined by their position in refer- ence to the standard days. Thus, if the given day preceded the nones, PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 10. 101 flaminem prodendum, 5 quod erat dictators Lanuvii Milo ; Roma subito ipse profectus pridie est, ut ante suum fundum 7 (quod re 8 intellectum est) Miloni insidias collocaret. Atque ita profectus est, ut concionem 9 turbulentam, in qua ejus furor desideratus est, qua? illo ipso die habita est, relinque- ret ; quam, nisi obire 10 facinoris locum tempusque voluisset, nunquam reliquisset. Milo autem 11 quum in senatu fuisset it was subtracted from the nonal number, increased by one (because they reckoned inclusively,) and the remainder was the day ' ante no- nas.' Similarly, before the ides ; but after the ides, it was subtracted from the number of days in the month, increased by two ; one, as reckoning inclusively, and one for the calends of the following month. The remainder was the day ' ante calendas mensis sequent.' Thus, the 2nd of Jan. is 4 to . ante nonas ; the 6th, is 8 V0 . ante idus; and the 14th is 19 mo . (undevigesimo) ante cal. Febr. And here note, 1. That the com- plete form tertio (e. g.) die ante cal. non. or idus' is written shortly ' tert. cal, &c.' 2. That by a trans- position of ante, ' ante diem tert. cal, Sec.,' is usual. This transpo- sition is either from ' tertio die ante cal.,' with a change of case, as paul- lo post post paullum ;' or from 4 tertium diem ante cal.,' without any change, the time when being some- times put in the accus. The trans- position itself may be owing to an ambiguity in ' tertio cal.,' which being resolvable either by ante or post, is thus rendered determinate. 3. That ' ante diem' is often pre- ceded by ex or in; in which case ante diem, is to be considered a com- pound phrase equivalent to * the cur- rent or uncompleted day, and is go- verned as a substantive. So Att. iii. 17. ' Ex. ante diem non. Jun.' from the 5th of June ; Cat. i. 3. In ante diem quint. Cal. Nov.' against the 28th of October. 4. ' Secundo Cal. non., &c.' is displaced by ' pridie cal. &c.' [Cic, however, pro Quint. 6, writes ante diem secundum Cal. Febr.'J 5. Flaminem prodendum] Vid. Phil. ii. 43. Prodere is applied where there is no suffrage. Thus prodere interregem, &c.' Dom. 13.J But we say, ' dicere dictatorem,' ' creare, or designare, consulem,' co-optare augurem, &c.' 6. Dictatoi-] If the ' municipium' had two magistrates they were called ' duumviri ;' if one, he was named variously, quaestor, aedile, praetor, or dictator. E. g. Hor. ' Fundos Au- fidio Lusco pratore libentes, &c. ;' Pers. i. 130. Fregerit heminas Areti aedilis iniquus. 7. Fundum'] A building in the city was called ' aedes ;' in the country, ' villa ;' ground in the city, 'area;' out of it 'agerj' whereas a house and farm were specifically called ' fundus,' as here.' 8. Re] Sc. eventu pugnae. 9. Concionem] That held by Sal- lust and Q. Pompey on the day of the affray. Introd. 4. 10. Obire] To attend on ; to wait. Phil. iii. 8. Antonius diem edicti obire neglexit. 11. Milo autem, <Sfc] Quint., iv. 2. remarks on the effect produced by this affectation of simplicity in his language 'ilia callidissima simpli- citatis imitatio' in lulling the sus- picions of the judges, and raising an idea of the straight-forward conduct of Milo. K2 102 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO eo die, quoad senatus dimissus est, domum venit ; calceos 11 et vestimenta 12 mutavit ; paullisper, dum se uxor, 13 ut fit, com- parat, commoratus est; deinde profectus est id temporis, 14 quum jam Clodius, si quidem eo die Romam venturus erat, redire potuisset. Obviam fit ei Clodius, expeditus, 15 in equo, nulla rheda, 16 nullis impedimentis, nullis Graecis comiti- bus, 1 ? ut solebat ; sine uxore, 18 quod nunquam fere : quum hie insid^tor, 19 qui iter illud ad caedem faciendam apparasset, cum uxore veheretur in rheda, paenulatus, magno et impe- dito, 20 ac muliebri et delicato 21 ancillarum 22 puerorumque comitatu. Fit obviam Clodio ante fundum 23 ejus, hora fere 11. Calceog, ||pf.] The shoes of the senator were peculiar. For Cic. Phil. xiii. 13, describing one Asini- us becoming a ' volunteer senator,' says, ' calceos mutavit. Pater consc. repente factus est.' According to Rubenus, (de re vest.) the patrician senators, alone, wore the Luna, or letter C, (the initial of centum,' the original number of ' patres,') fixed to the front of the shoe, (hence, Juv. vii. 192. ' Adpositam nigra lu- nam subtexit alutae,') while the others had thongs, or straps of black leather, which braced it up to the calf of the leg. So Hor. Sat. i. 6. 27 \ nigris medium impediit crus Pellibus,' where he takes * pellibus' to mean merely the thongs noted above, as the shoes were of various colours, and some gilt or embroi- dered. 12. Vestimenta] Sc. his toga' and ' latus clavus.' These and the ' calcei' were always replaced, on travelling, with the ' paenula,' or ' lacerna,' and * perones,' or ' gal- licae. Vid. Phil. ii. 30. 13. Uxor'] Fausta, the daughter of Sylla, the dictator. 14. Id temporis] i. e. So late. Gtccv. 15. Expeditus] A metaph. from military affairs. Soldiers unincum- bered with baggage, (impedimen- tum,) equipped for the march or battle, were called ' expediti.' 16. Rheda] A four-wheeled vehi- cle of Gallic origin, so called, says Voss., from reden or ryden, in Eng. ' to ride.' It differed from the * ci- sium,' which was two-wheeled, and from the ' essedum,' which was, properly, a war-chariot. Phil. ii. 24. 17. Greeds eomitibus] These were learned foreigners, generally Asiatics, whom the wealthy patronised and maintained in their families ; as the Luculli did Archias. Arch. 2. Pis. 28. These were replaced by the * studiosa cohors' in the Augustan age, and afterwards degenerated into mere flatterers and parasites. Juv. hi. 69. Graeculus esuriens, &c. Seut. Aug. 89. Tiber. 56. 18. Sine uxore.] Fulvia, subse- quently wife of Curio and Antony. Phil. ii. 5. 19. Hie insidiator] Ironically. 20. Impedito] Al. impedimento, which Orel, objects to have placed in the sing. 21. Delicato] From ' delicia*.' Th. ' lacio,' I entice. It imports effe- minate ; unfit for contest. 22. Ancillarum] The female slaves. Anculi' were the slaves of the gods, as Ganymede, Hebe, &c. Hence the dimin. ancillus.' * Puerorum,' the male slaves. 23. Fundum ejus] In Albano. Inf. PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 11 103 undecima, 24 aut non multo secus. Statim complures cum telis in hunc faciunt de loco superiore 25 impetum ; adversi 26 rhedarium occidunt. Quum autem hie de rheda, rejecta paenula, desiluisset, seque acri animo defenderet ; illi, qui erant cum Clodio, 27 gladiis eductis, partim recurrere 27 ad rhedam, ut a tergo Milonem adorirentur ; partim, quod hunc jam interfectum putarent, caedere incipiunt ejus servos, qui post erant ; ex quibus, qui animo fideli in dominum et prae- senti 28 fuerunt, partim occisi sunt, partim, quum ad rhedam pugnari viderent, et domino succurrere prohiberentur, Mi- lonem occisum et ex ipso Clodio audirent, et re vera 29 putarent ; fecerunt id 30 servi Milonis, (dicam enim non de- rivandi 31 criminis causa, sed ut factum est,) neque impe- rante, neque sciente, neque praesente 32 domino, quod suos quisque servos in tali re facere voluisset. XI. Haec, sicut exposui, ita gesta sunt, judices: insidia- tor superatus, vi victa vis, vel potius oppressa virtute audacia 20, ' quo in fundo propter insanas substructions, facile raille hominum versabatur valentium.' 24. Hora fere undecima] Nearly five o'clock, if the affray had hap- pened at the equinox. But as it took place on the 20th of January, it will diminish thus by upwards of an hour. 25. Superiore'] They had the choice of the ground, and the farm was on an elevated situation. Introd. 4. 26. Adversi'] Those immediately opposite the driver. 27. Illi qui erant cum Clodio] It would appear that some of Clodius's party attacked the driver in front, to prevent escape. Milo, on quitting the vehicle, began to defend himself against their assault. Clodius and the rest of his party, who had per- mitted the carriage to pass them a little, seeing Milo thus engaged, ran buck (they were on their way to Home,) to attack him. But this did not require them all. The remainder, (partim) therefore, with whom Clo- dius happened to be, fell in with the attendants of Milo, that were in the rear of the carriage (' qui post erant,' and therefore nearer the Clodian body,) by whom Clodius was killed. 27. Recurrere] The infin. depend- ing upon ' incipiunt' inf.' The his- torians generally leave it absolute. 28. Rrasenii] Sc. contra pericu- lum ; undaunted. 29. Revera] A\. ita esse. 30. Fecerunt id, c] A periphra- sis and euphemism. Similarly Dem. in Mid. oirtp av vpdv e/caoroc. viptoOtig npotiXtTO irpa'iai, thto de Avtoq kiroinva. 31. Derivandi] ' Derivare' is, 1. to draw water down, or away from its natural channel ; 2. turn upon another. Tr. not with the view of laying the blame elsewhere.' 32. Prccsente] Hottom. says, przesens erat corpore, non animo.' But, vid. supr., n. 27, where it will appear that Milo was engaged with the first party that attacked his driver in Jront, when Clodius was slain by his slaves in the rear. 104 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO est. Nihil dico, 1 quid respublica consecuta sit : nihil, quid vos : nihil, quid omnes boni. Nihil sane id prosit Miloni, qui hoc fato 2 natus est, ut ne se quidem servare potuerit, quin una rempublicam vosque servaret. Si id jure 3 non posset, nihil habeo quod defendam. Sin hoc et ratio 4 doc- tis, et necessitas barbaris, et mos gentibus, et feri&natura ipsa praescripsit, ut omnem semper vim, quacunque ope possent, a corpore, a capite, a vita sua propulsarent : non potestis hoc facinus improbum judicare, quin simul 5 judice- tis, omnibus, qui in latrones inciderint, aut illorum telis, aut vestris sententiis esse pereundum. Quod si 6 - ita pu- tasset ; certe optabilius Miloni fuit dare jugulum P. Clodio, non semel ab illo, neque turn primum petitum, quam jugulari a vobis, quia se illi non jugulandum tradidis- set. Sin hoc nemo vestrum ita sentit ; illud jam in judicium venit, 8 non, occisusne sit, quod fatemur ; sed jure, an injuria; quod multis in causis saepe quaesitum est. Insidias factas es- se constat : et id est, quod senatus contra rempublicam fac- tum judicavit : ab utro factae sint, incertum est. De hoc igi- tur latum est, ut quaereretur. Ita et senatus rem, non ho- minem, notavit: 9 et Pompeius de jure, non de facto, quaes- tionem tulit. Sect. XI. 1. Nihil dico] The are directed by ' mere instinct.' ingenuity of Cic. in enumerating, 5. Quin simul] Without at the while he professes to omit, the advan- same time deciding, tages likely to accrue from the death 6. Quod si~\ i. e. * If he had ofClodius, is noticed by Quint., iv. imagined there was no alternative 5. It appears from Asconius's pre- between the dagger of Clodius and face that this ground of defence was the sentence of the judges, he would taken by M. Brutus who wrote, have preferred the former, as less though he did not speak, a speech on dishonourable to you. the subject. Supr. 2, n. 20. 7. Fuit] Era. fuisset. " In re- 2. Hoc fato] Phil. ii. 1. Quo- gard of the phrases, 'par, aequum, nam meo fato, P. C. fieri dicam, optabilius est, &c.,' the Latin idiom &c. speaks of the propriety, advantage, 3. Si id jure] If the principle of &c, as something actual, in the in- self-defence is inadmissible. dicative mood, though the circum- 4. Ratio, fyc] These fountains of stances which would have realized law are appropriately referred. For it, never took place ; the English, in ' reason' properly belongs to those such cases, use a potential." Zumpt's who have improved their powers ; L. Gram. p. 295. the uncultivated are the slaves of 8. Illud penal] Supr. 2. n. 20. 'necessity/ nations are subservient 9. Notavit] Notare is, 1. to to custom/ while the lower animals mark -, 2. (in malam partem) to PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 12. 105 XII. Numquid igitur aliud in judicium venit, nisi, uter utri insidias fecerit ? Profecto nihil ; si hie illi, 1 ut ne sit impune; si ille huic, turn nos 2 scelere solvamur. Quonam igitur pacto 3 probari potest, insidias Miloni fecisse Clodium ? Satis est quidem in ilia tarn audaci, tarn nefaria bellua do- cere, magnam ei causam, magnam spem in Milonis morte propositam, magnas utilitates fuisse. Itaque illud Cassia- num, 4 cui bono fuerit, in his personis 6 valeat : etsi bo- ni 7 nullo emolumento 8 impelluntur in fraudem, improbi sa3pe parvo. Atqui, Milone interfecto, Clodiushoc asseque- batur, non modo ut praetor esset non eo consule, 9 quo scele- ris nihil facere posset : sed etiam, ut iis consulibus praetor esset, quibus si non adjuvantibus, at conniventibus certe, speraret, posse se rempublicam 10 eludere in illis suis cogita- tis furoribus: cujus illi 11 conatus, ut ipse ratiocinabatur, nee, si possent, reprimere cuperent, quum tantum beneficium 12 ei se debere arbitrarentur ; et, si vellent, fortasse vix possent frangere hominis sceleratissimi corroboratam 13 jam vetustate audaciam. An vero, judices, 14 vos soli ignoratis, vos hos- censure. This latter sense was at first proper to the censors ; afterwards to any judge, or body of judges, as the senate. Cluent. 42. 47. Supr. 6. Hor. Sat. i. 3. 24, ' dignusq ; notari.' Also, Sat. i. 4. 5. ' Si quis, &c. multa cum libertate notabant.' Sect. XII. 1. 81 kU illi, 2tc] Throughout the whole oration ' hie' is applied to Milo ; ' ille' to Clo- dius. 2. Turn nos] i. e. Ut nos scelere solvamur. 3. Quonam igitur pacto, $c] His first proof, which occupies this and the following section is, that Clodius would have gained by the death of Milo, and vice versa. 4. Mud Cassianum] L. Cassius was so remarkable for his strictness as a judge, that Val. Max. (in. 7.) says, 4 Ejus tribunal scopulus reorum dice- batur.' When appointed, says Ascon., to judge the vestal virgins, of whom L. Metellus had condemned only one, Emilia, and acquitted Marcia and Licinia ; he condemned them also, along with several others. 5. Cut bono] i. e. ' Cui profuerit ;' the double dative on ' fuerit.' This was the usual question of Cassius. Phil. ii. 14. 6. Perso7iis~] Arch. 2. n. 10. 7. Boni, fyc] Oderunt peccare boni virtulis amore. Hor. Ep. i. 16. 52. 8. Emolumentum] From ' molo ;' 1. the profits of grinding ; 2. advan- tage in general. 9. Eo consule] Sc. Milone ; and Mis consulibus,' Hypsaeus, and Sci- pio. 10. Remp.] Omitted by Orel. 11. Illi] The consuls. 12. Tantum beneficium] For Clo- dius had canvassed for them. Supr. 9. ' Convocabat tribus,' &c. 13. Corroboratam] Metaph. from trees, which are hard in proportion to their age. 14. An vero judices, <Sfc] A splendid amplification of this plain proposition ; ' Clodius was about to 106 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO pites 15 in hac urbe versamini ? vestrae peregrinantur 16 au- res, neque in hoc pervagato civitatis sermone versantur, quas ille leges, (si leges nominanda? sunt, ac non faces urbis, pestes reipublicae,) fuerit impositurus nobis omni- bus atque inusturus ? 17 Exhibe, quaeso, Sexte Clodi, 18 exhibe librarium illud legum vestrarum, quod te aiunt eripuisse e domo, 19 et ex mediis armis turbaque noc- turna 19 tanquam Palladium* sustulisse, ut praeclarum videlicet munus ac instrumentum 21 tribunatus ad ali- quem, si nactus esses, qui tuo arbitrio tribunatum gereret, deferre posses. [Atque 21 per (omnes tribus 22 divisis liberti- nis servos ille omnes, qui in libertate morarentur, 23 lege nova additurus erat, ut ipsi cum ingenuis aequaliter suffragia fer- rent.) An hujus ille legis, quam Sextus Clodius a se in- ventam gloriatur, mentionem facere ausus esset, vivo Milone, enact pernicioos laws in his praetor- ship, were Milo dead.' Quint. ix. 2. 15. Hospites] Eivoi sojourners. Perhaps it is connected with iotioq, from tana ; a hearth. It differs from ' advena,' and ' peregrinus,' in supposing an acquaintance or inti- macy, which they do not. 16*. Peregrinantur aures] These questions imply a charge of ignor- ance, arising from negligence as to what is passing around us. 17. Inusturus] Supposing Clodius a tyrant, then he might be said to brand his laws on the Romans, as his slaves. Pis. 13. hex....inusta per servos. 18. Sext. Clodi] The kinsman and secretary of P. Clodius. Introd. 4. 19. Librarium'] An adj. with 'loculamentum;' understood; a book- case. To show the quantity of these laws, he desires him to exhibit, not the parchments, but the chest con- taining them. 19. Nocturna] For the body of Clodius was brought to Rome late in the evening ; and Sextus lost no time in bringing forth from Clodius's house, which was beset with armed crowds collected round the dead body, this trophy of his master's victory over the constitution. 20. Palladium] This was an image of Pallas, which originally belonged to Troy ; from which it was removed by Ulysses or Diomede. How it came to Rome does not ap- pear, but it was placed in the temple of Vesta, from the flames of which Metellus had rescued it. Juv. iii. 139. Sextus exhibited equal anx- iety about Clodius's laws. 21. Instrumentum] An apparatus for carrying on a tribuneship ; sc. a transcript of all such laws as a bad tribune could turn to the destruction of the state. 21. Atque reprehensio est] This passage, included in brackets, is re- stored by Orel, and others, from Quint, ix. 2 ; and Schol. Ambros. Ad. Orat. pro aer. alien. Mil. p. 97. Ed. Maii. It refers to Clodius's infa- mous law about enfranchising the freedmen. Inf. 32. ' Incidebantur domi leges, quae nos nostris servis ad- dicerent.' Also 33. Lege nova, &c. 22. Tribus] Sc. rusticanas. 23. Qui in libert. morar.] i. e. Were libertini. PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 13. 107 ne dicam consule? De nostrum enim omnium 24 non audeo totum dicere. Videte, quid ea vitii lex habitura fuerit, cu- jus periculosa etiam reprehensio est.] Et adspexit 25 me illis quidem oculis, quibus turn 26 solebat, quum omnibus omnia minabatur. Movet me quippe lumen curiae ! XIII. Quid ? tu me iratum, Sexte, putas tibi, cujus tu inimicissimum multo crudelius etiam punitus es, quam erat humanitatis meae postulare ? Tu P. Clodii cruentum 1 cada- ver ejecisti domo ; 2 tu in publicum abjecisti: tu spoliatui imaginibus, 3 exsequiis, 4 pompa, laudatione, infelicissimis lignis 5 semustulatum, 6 nocturnis canibus 7 dilaniandum reli- 24. De omnium non audeo~\ If the MS. here is complete, as it seems, there is an aposiopesis, which may be variously supplied. Referring enim to hujus legis, preceding, it may be, salute exstinguenda, &c, &c.' But I dare not dwell on it fully lest I rouse the vengeance of his party. Hence he adds ' cujus periculosa etiam reprehensio.' Other methods will suggest themselves. 25. Et aspexit me'] Cic, in order to give his address an extempore air, turns round to the senate, and re- marks, that S. Clodius appears, from his looks, to be displeased. ' For- sooth, that talented individual, that luminary of the senate, claims my at- tention ; I, therefore, must explain.' Quid ? tu me, &c.' The commen- tators notice a 'jocus in ambiguo' in lumen curiae :' for Sextus had set on fire the senate-house. Perhaps the 'jocus' consists rather in calling the vile tool of a seditious tribune lumen curiae,' an illustrious sena- tor, the burning of the senate-house being an unlikely subject for Cic. to jest upon. [This note was written before Orellius's edition was seen, and though it is probable that there is a farther lacuna,' it did not seem necessary to alter it.] 26. Turn cum] Sc. in the tri- buneship of P. Clodius, when Sextus was the willing instrument of all the injuries inflicted on Cicero. Sect. XIII. 1. Omentum] Sine lavatu. Enn. ' Tarquinii corpus bo- na fcemina lavit et unxit.' 2. Ejecisti domo] When the corpse of Clodius was brought home, Sex- tus did not compose' and then bury it. ' Ejecisti' and ' abjecisti' are chosen to express the carelessness and contempt with which he treated the corpse of his patron. Against this, Ulpian says, that an action lay : ' Injuriarum fore actionem adversus eum qui ejecit. Hor. i. 8. Hue prius angustis ejecta cadavera cellis.' 3. Spoliatum imaginibus] Which (Plin. xxxv. 2.) were preserved in the halls of noble families, and brought out on such occasions. Juv. Sat. viii. 4. Exsequiis] A following to the grave ; funeral procession, which 1 pompa,' also here signifies, and is therefore, only amplificatory. 5. Infelicissimis lignis] ' lnfelices arbores' are those which are dedi- cated to the infernals. They are either barren, or bear black fruit Macrob. ii. 16. But the wood ge- nerally employed in funeral piles was fir, pine, cleft oak, &c, together with balsam, mummy, and other perfumed woods. The body of Clodius, how- ever, was burned with the benches, tables, &c.of the senate-house, which he emphatically calls infelicissima.' So Catul. (Ep. 37.) devotes the writings of a sorry poet, 'lnfelici- 108 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO quisti. Quare 8 etsi nefarie 9 fecisti, tamen, quoniam in meo inimico crudelitatem expromsisti tuam, laudare non possum, irasci certe non debeo. [Demonslravi, 10 judices, quantum Clodii inter fuerit occidi Milonem ; convertite animos nunc vicissim ad Milonem. Quid Milonis intererat interfici Clodium ? Quid erat, cur Milo, non dicam admitteret, sed optaret ? Obstabat in spe consulatus Miloni Clodius. At eo repugnante 11 fiebat ; immo vero, eo fiebat magis, nee me suffragatore meliore utebatur, quam Clodio. Valebat apud vos, judices, Milonis erga me remque publicam meritorum memoria ; valebant preces et lacrimae nostra?, quibus ego turn vos mirifice moveri sentiebam, sed plus multo valebat peri- culorum impendentium timor. Quis enim erat civium qui sibi solutam 12 P. Clodii praeturam 13 sine maximo rerum no- varum metu proponeret ? Solutam autem] fore videbatis, bus ustulanda lignis.' 6. Semust.] Al. semiustulatum. Phil. ii. 36. So ' semi' becomes, in effect, ' sem' before a vowel in Juv. iv. 27. Quum jam semianimum la- ceraret Flavius orbem. 7. Nocturnis canibus] From the times of Homer this bas been a cir- cumstance of aggravation...airoi>c o" tXwpia Tti>xe Kvvtootv, iEn. ix. 485. lieu terra ignota! canibus da- ta praeda Latinis, &c. 8. Quare'] Al. quam rem. 9. Nefarie] Al. necessario, as if Sext. Clod, could not help abandon- ing the dead body, owing to the dangers arising from the burning senate-house. But, admitting this, it is evident that an action done through necessity, is the object nei- ther of praise nor anger. Graev. therefore adopted ' nejarie,* ' quia nefarie credebatur facere qui homi- nem spoliabat funere ac exequiis. But where is the opposition between, ' although you acted like a villain,' and ' yet I cannot praise you V Either then take ' laudare non pos- sum' parenthetically, ' yet ( while I cannot praise your conduct) ;' or arrange with Ern., ' quare, etsi, quia nefarie fecisti, laudare non possum, tamen quoniam in meo, &c... irasci certe nondebes.' Wherefore, although because you acted the villain I can- not commend you, yet, &c. This Schutz adopts. 10. Demons.] Sc. Supr. 12. * At- qui, Milone interfecto, &c.' This supplement included in brackets, is taken from the Taurinian palimpsest except the words in italics, supplied by Peyronius and better by Bierius Audi st is, judices, quantum Clodio pro~ fuerit. Those who prefer the usual text may read after non debeo, (omit- ting the bracketed passage,) P. Clodii -prxturam non sine maximo rerum no- varum metu proponi, et solutam, &c. 11. Eo repugnante] Clodio. For the election had proceeded so far as that all the tribes were polled. Inf. 35. ' populi cunctis suffragiis se consulem declaratum.' 12. Praturam] He had digressed from this at ' An vero, judices, &c.' above. 13. Stdutam] (Explained by ' con- stringere') ' was likely to break through every restraint.' PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 13. 109 nisi esset is consul, qui 14 earn auderet possetque constrin- gere. Eum Milonem unum esse, quum sentiret universus po- pulus Romanus, quis dubitaret suflfragio suo se metu, peri- culo rempublicam liberare ? At nunc 15 Clodio remoto, usitatis jam rebus enitendum est Miloni, ut tueatur digni- tatem suam. Singularis ilia, et huic uni concessa gloria, et qua? quotidie augebatur frangendis furoribus Clodianis, jam Clodii morte cecidit. Vos adepti estis, ne quern civem metueretis: hie exercitationem virtutis, suflfragationem con- sulatus, fontem perennem 16 gloria? sua? perdidit. Itaque Milonis consulatus, qui, vivo Clodio, labefactari non pote- rat, mortuo denique tentari cceptus est. Non modo igitur nihil prodest, sed obest etiam Clodii mors Miloni. At valuit 17 odium, fecit iratus, fecit inimicus, fuit 18 ultor inju- ria?, punitor doloris sui. Quid ? si ha?c, non dico, majora fuerunt in Clodio quam in Milone, sed in illo maxima, nulla in hoc : quid vultis amplius ? Quid enim odisset Clodium Milo, segetem 19 ac materiem sua? gloria?, prater hoc civile 20 odium, quo omnes improbos odimus ? Ille, erat, 21 ut odis- set, primum defensorem 22 salutis mea?, deinde vexatorem fu- roris, domitorem armorum suorum, postremo etiam accu- satorem suum. Reus enim Milonis lege Plotia 23 fuit Clo- 14. la qui] i.e. 'Talis qualis.' Hence the subjunc. audiret possetq.' 15. At nunc'] Al. At non. But Cic. means that hitherto, Milo had a strong claim on the favour of the good by his opposing Clod. ; now, however, that being removed, he must adopt the usual methods of obtaining popular favour. Therefore he was a loser by the death of Clodius. 16. Fontem perennem] Cited by Quint, viii. 6, where he treats ' de egregiis metaphoris.' 17. At valuit, &;c] But you will say,$c. The second argument. 18. Fuit] Al. fecit. 19. Segetem] Corn- land. Metaph., source, origin ; which is also the meaning of 'materiem.' Sail. Cat. 10. Ea quasi materies omnium ma- lorum fuere. Quint, viii. 6. VOL. I. 20. Civile] (Opposed to ' hostile,' ' internecivum') becoming citizens against citizens ; moderate, proper. 21. Ille, erat] There was reason that he should hate, &c. Perhaps illi erat would be a preferable read- ing. 22. Defensorem, c] Cic. speci- fies three causes of enmity : 1. Milo, as tribune, had assisted in the recall of Cic. from exile ; 2. he had op- posed the Clodian mob in their at- tacks on the city ; 3. he had accused Clodius. 23. Lege Plotia] Sc. de vi. M. Plotius Silvanus was the colleague of Carbo, noticed Arch. 5. Milo had charged Clodius with assault- ing the workmen at Cicero's house, which was rebuilding at the public expense. L 110 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO dius, quoad vixit. 24 Quo tandem animo hoc tyrannum 25 tulisse creditis? quantum odium illius ? et in homine injusto, 26 quam etiam justum ? XIV. Reliquum est, 1 ut jam ilium natura ipsius consue- tudoque defendat, hunc autem haec eadem coarguant. Nihil per vim 2 unquam Clodius, omnia per vim Milo. Quid ergo, judices ! quum, mcerentibus vobis, urbe cessi, 3 judi- ciumne timui ? non servos, non arma, non vim ? Qua? fuis- set igitur causa justa restituendi mei, nisi fuisset injusta, ejiciendi? Diem mihi, credo, dixerat ;* multam irrogarat f actionem perduellionis 6 intenderat : et mihi videlicet in causa, aut mala, aut mea, 7 non et praeclarissima et vestra, judicium timendum fuit. Servorum et egentium civium et facinorosorum armis meos cives, meis consiliis periculis- que servatos, pro me objici nolui. 8 Vidi enim, vidi, liunc ipsum Q. Hortensium, 9 lumen et ornamentum reipublicae, paene interfici servorum manu, quum mihi adesset: qua in turba C. Vibienus, senator, vir optimus, cum lioc quum es- 24. Reus enim quoad visit] The accusation of Milo hung over Clodius till his death. Att. iv. 3. 25. Tyrannum'] Clodium. 26. Et in homine injusto] And notwithstanding the injustice of Clo- dius, how fair and well-grounded 1 Sect. XIV. 1. Reliquum est, Sfc] Having argued, 1. from the cui bono' ; 2. from personal hatred ; he now urges the natural disposition of the parties ; and shows that his client was always obedient to the laws ; Clodius, always turbulent. The third argument. 2. Nihil per vim] Ironically. 3. Urbe cessi] The day before Clodius's act against Cic. passed, he went into voluntary exile. * Mceren- tibus vobis,' alludes to the senators having put on mourning ; and ' ser- vos arma' to the Clodian mob, who followed Cic. wherever he went, ridi- caling his mourning garb. 4. Diem mihi, credo, dixerat, fyc] He had not followed any of the regu- lar processes against Cic. ' Diem Uicere,' the proper phrase as applied to Clodius, then a tribune. 5. Multam irrogare] Is, when a tribune applies to the people to im- pose a fine. 6. Perduellionis] ' Perduellis,' the old word for ' hostis' afterwards re- stricted to ' an enemy of the state.' Hence ' Perduellio,' treason ; which, in this case, was Cicero's putting the conspirators to death without trial. ' Intendere' is a law term, * meaning * to bring a charge against.' 7. Aut mala aut mea] Al. aut vestra mala, aut mea nee pra>clarissi- ma. The irony is continued : As if, forsooth, in a cause either bad or mine, and not both most excellent and yours, &c.' 8. A T o/ui] For Cicero's friends wished him to repel the force of Clod, by force. 9. Q. Hortensium] Manil. 17. n. 2. When Cic. was accused by Clod, it was proposed, by the senate, that the Roman people should go into mourning. This was opposed by the consuls, Gabinius and Piso ; and some of the senators on leaving the PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 14. Ill set una, ita est mulcatus 10 , ut vitam amiserit. Itaque quando illius postea sica ilia, quam a Catilina 11 acceperat, conquie- vit? Haec intentata nobis est; huic ego vos objici pro me non sum passus ; haec insidiata Pompeio 12 est ; haec istam Appiam [viam,] monumentum sui nominis, nece Papirii li! cruentavit; haec, haec eadem, longo intervallo, 1 * conversa rursus est in me ; nuper quidem, ut scitis, me ad regiam 15 pene confecit. Quid simile Milonis? cujus vis omnis haec semper fuit, ne P. Clodius, quum in judicium detrain non posset, vi oppressam civitatem teneret. Quern si interficere voluisset, quanta?, quoties occasiones, quam praeclarae fue- runt ? Potuitne, quum domum ac deos penates 16 suos, illo oppugnante, defenderet, jure se ulcisci ? potuitne, cive egre- gio et viro fortissimo, P. Sextio, 17 collega suo, vulnerato ? potuitne, Q. Fabricio, 13 viro optimo, quum de reditu 1\ o legem ferret, pulso, crudelissima in ibro caede facta ? potuit- ne, L. Caecilii, 19 justissimi fortissimique praetoris,oppugnata domo ? potuitne illo die, quum est lata lex de me ? 20 quum totius Italiae 21 concursus, quern mea salus concitarat, facti illius gloriam lubens agnovisset : ut, etiam si id Milo fecis- set, cuncta civitas earn laudem pro sua vindicareiJ: ? house were abused by the mob, among * Regia,' sc. domus, which some sup- whom were Hortensius and Vibie- pose the palace of Numa ; others, of nus. So Plut. Cic. 29 ; but Cicero, Ancus Martius ; others, of the Pon- Sext. 11, says that it was its own tifex Max., was on the Via Sacra. change of habit the senate decreed. 16. Domum a c dens penates] Att, The knights had done so of their own iv. 3. This attack was made at accord. eleven o'clock in the day, and de- 10. Mulcatus'] Abused, ill-treat- feated by a vigorous sally of Milo's ed. Al. multatus, fined, amerced, friends under the command of Q. Sed de verberibus mulco; de poena Flaccus. exilii, pecuniae, &c. multo optime 17. P. Sextio] He was colleague dicitur. Forcel. of Milo in his tribuneship. In Sext. 11. Cat.] Whose early friend he 39, it appears that he received twen- had been. Introd. 2. ty wounds in the affray. 12. Pompeio] He means during 18. Q. Fabricio] Another col- the enmity between him and Clodius league of Milo's. about Tigranes. Supr. 8. n. 8. 19. L. Ccecilii] Praetor in the 13. Papirii] Supr. 7. n. 10. year of Cicero's return. Of this 14. Longo intervallo] Cic. had attack on his house, &c, nothing is been exiled in Macedonia, between known. In Sen. p. Red. 9. the attacks. 20. Lex de me] Pis. 15. De me 15. Ad regiam] Att. iv. 3. ' Cum legem tulit P. Lentulus consul de Sacra Via descenderem, insecutus college Q. Metelli sententia. est me cum suis : clamor, lapides, 21. Cum totius Italia] Pis. 22. fustes, gladii, haec improvisa omnia.' A Brundisio usque Romam agraen 112 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO XV. At quod erat tempus ? 2 Clarissimus et fortissimus consul, inimicus Clodio, P. Lentulus, 2 ultor sceleris illius, propugnator senatus, defensor vestra? voluntatis, patronus il- lius publici consensus, restitutor salutis mea? ; septem pra?- tores, 3 octo tribuni 4 plebis, illius adversarii, defensores mei ; Cn. Pompeius 5 auctor et dux mei reditus, illius hostis : cujus sententiam senatus omnis de salute mea gravissimam et ornatissimam secutus est ; qui populum Romanum est co- hortatus ; 6 qui, quum decretum de me Capua? 7 fecit, ipse cuncta? Italia? cupienti et ejus fidem imploranti signum 8 de- dit, ut ad me restituendum Romam concurrerent ; omnia turn denique in ilium odia civium ardebant desiderio mei ; quem [si] qui turn interemisset, non de impunitate ejus, sed de praamiis cogitaretur. Tamen se Milo continuit, et P. Clodium in judicium bis, 9 ad vim nunquam vocavit. Quid/ privato Milone, 10 et reo ad populum, accusante P. Clodio, quum in Cn. Pompeium pro Milone dicentem impetus fac- tus est : qua? turn non modo occasio, sed etiam causa 11 illius perpetuum totius Italia; viderem. All these, had Milo slain Clodius, would have claimed the glory of the deed. Sect. XV. 1. At quod erat temp.'] Supply id quo; that in which. Al. At que erat id temp. 2. P. Lentulus] Spinther. 3. Septem Pratores] There was one exception. Appius Claudius. Pis. 15. 4. Octo tribuni] There were two on Clodius's side, Q. Attil. Ser- ranus, and Num. Quintius. Pis. 15. Sext. 33. 5. Cn. Pompeius] Pis. 15. Porr.- pey had suffered Cic. to be banished as a punishment for his vanity j but finding that Clodius, presuming too much on his popularity, began to think himself a match for the trium- virate, he recalled Cic. in order to keep him in check. 6. Qui cohortatus] The oration, ad Quir. p. Red. 7, contains an ab- stract of Pompey's speech on this occasion. 7. Decretum Capucc] Pompey had been appointed, by the Julian law, one of the Duumviri for governing the new colony at Capua ; in right of which otrice he made this decree. Pis. 11. In Sen. p. Red. 11. 8. Signum] Properly, the sound of the trumpet ; the watch-word. Sail. Cat. 62. Signa canunt. Virg. vii. 637, it bello tessera signum. ' Signum dedit,' gave the signal to convene, &c. 9. Judicium bis] Once, before the return of Cic, which was prevented by the praetor Appius, and tribune Serranus. Sext. 41. A second time, after his return, which was not com- pleted before Clodius's death. Supr. 13.n.24. 10. Privato Milone] As soon as Milo ceased to be tribune, he was accused, in turn, by Clodius, now asdile, and defended by Pompey, Crassus, and Cicero. Pompey, not- withstanding the continued clamour and abuse of the Clodian mob, spoke for nearly three hours. Q. Fr, ii. 3. Sext. 44. Introd. 3. 11. Etiam causa] Sc. to defend PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 16. 113 opprimendi fuit ? Nuper vero quum M. Antonius 12 summam spem salutis bonis omnibus attulisset, gravissimamque ado- lescens nobilissimus 13 reipublicse partem fortissime susce- pisset, atque illam belluam, judicii laqueos declinantem, jam irretitam 14 teneret : qui locus, quod tempus illud, dii immor- tales, fuit ? Quum se ille fugiens in scalarum tenebras 15 ab- didisset, magnum Miloni 16 fuit conficere illam pestem nulla sua invidia^ Antonii vero maxima gloria ? Quid ? comitiis 17 in campo quoties potestas fuit ! quum ille [vi] in saepta 13 ir- rupisset, gladios distringendos, lapides jaciendos curasset, dein subito, vultu Milonis perterritus, fugeret ad Tiberim, 19 vos et omnes boni vota faceretis, 20 ut Miloni uti virtute sua 21 liberet. XVI. Quem igitur 1 cum omnium gratia noluit, hunc vo- luit cum aliquorum querela ? quem jure, quem loco, quem tempore, quem impune non est ausus ; hunc injuria, iniquo loco, alieno tempore, periculo capitis, non dubitavit occide- re ? Praesertim, judices, quum honoris amplissimi 2 conten- Pompey, his great patron. 12. M. Amtouhu] Phil. ii. 9. M. Antony was originally a friend of Cic. It is not known on what oc- casion he was so nearly earning this fame. Abram. conjectures the en- rolment of the new colony, or Colline tribe, supr. 9. It is more likely that it occurred when Clodius opposed, with his mob, the attempt of Milo to bring him to trial for assaulting Cicero's house. 13. Nobilissimus] Phil. i. 12. 14. Laqueos irretitam~] Borrowed from hunting. 15. Scalaram tenebras"] Tabernai librarian Phil. ii. 9. ; a stair-case. 16. Magnum Miloni] H or. ' Mag- num fecit ;' a great exploit. We must suppose Antony to be acting under the direction of Milo, who had only to give him the hint, and Clo- dius would have been slain. 17. Comitiis] When he was ob- structing the election of Milo, and favouring that of Scipio and Hyp- saeus. 18. Sapta] These were two en- closures in the Campus Martius, (called, also, Ovilia) one, for the people to assemble in to vote ; the other, for the magistrates, and the officers. They were connected by bridges (pontes), by which the elec- tors passed to give their votes. 18. Ad Tiberim] For the Cam- pus Martius was washed by that river. 20. Vota faceretis] So inf. 28. ' Vota enim faceretis ut, &c.' 21. Uti virtute] Exert his brave- ry; aeuphem. for ' slay Clodius.' Sect. XVI. I. Quem igitur, <5fc] The object of this long argument, from c. 14, is to prove, 'nihil per vim Milo.' As, however, it might be said that other motives besides the love of violence might have actuated Milo, Cic, ingeniously, here con- cludes more widely that Milo hav- ing formerly omitted the fairest op- portunities of killing Clodius, cannot be imagined to have done so now with every disadvantage. 2. Honoris amplissimi] The con- sulship, l2 J 14 M. T. C1CER0NIS ORATIO tio et dies comitiorum subesset ; quo quidem tempore (scio enim, quam timida sit ambitio, quantaque et quam sollicita cupiditas consulatus,) omnia non modo, quae reprehendi pa- Jam, sed etiam quae obscure cogitari possunt, timemus; ru- morem, fabulam 3 fictam, levem perhorrescimus ; ora omnium atque oculos intuemur. Nihil enim est tarn molle, tarn te- nerum, tarn ant fragile, aut flexibile, quam voluntas erga nos sensusque civium : qui non modo improbitati irascuntur can- didatonim, 4 sed etiam in recte factis 5 saepe fastidiunt. Hunc diem igitur campi 6 speratum atque exoptatum sibi propo- nens Milo, cruentis manibus scelus et facinus prae se ferens et confitens, ad ilia augusta 7 centuriarum auspicia veniebat ? quam hoc 8 non credibile in hoc ! quam idem in Clodio non dubitandum ! qui 9 se, interfecto Milone, regnaturum puta- ret. Quid ? quod caput audaciae est, judices : quis ignorat, maximam illecebram esse peccandi, impunitatis spem ( 10 In utro igitur haec fuit ? in Milone ? qui etiam nunc reus est facti, aut praeclari, 11 aut certe necessarii. An in Clodio ? qui ita judicia poenamque contempserat, ut eum nihil de- lectaret, quod aut per naturam 12 fas esset, aut per leges liceret. Sed quid ego argumentor? quid plura 13 disputo ? te, Q. Petilli, appello, optimum et fortissimum civem : te, M. Cato, testor : quos mihi divina quaedam sors dedit, judices. 3. Fabula] Hearsay which may secrata.' He means the comitia be true or false ; limited here by the centuriata, at which the higher ma- epithet 'fictam.' On the contrary, gistrates were elected. ' fable' (contracti- ' fib,') is, with 8. Quam hoc non'] For Milo was us, always applied to fiction. For a respecter of religion Clodius the levem dil.falsam. reverse. Supr. 9. n. 7. 4. Candidatorum] The ' toga' of 9. Qui se] Al. quin. the aspirants to office was fulled with 10. Impunitatis spem] He strength- chalk or pipe-clay, (hence ' cretata ens his conclusion still further, by ambitio* Pers. v. 177,) to intimate showing that the hope of impunity lay the purity and sincerity of their mo- all with Clodius. This may be con- tives : or, perhaps, to distinguish sidered the fourth argument, them from the crowd. This, how- 11. Aut prazclari] As being done ever, was anciently forbidden by law. to benefit the state ; ' necessarii,' as ' Ne cui album in vestimentum ad- being in self-defence, dere, petitionis causa, liceret.' Liv. 12. Per naturam'] Clodius had iv. 25. committed incest with his sister ; 5. Recte factis] Upright actions. * per leges,' he had violated the Hor. Recte facta refert, &c.' laws respecting the mysteries of the 6. Campi] Sc. Martii. i. e. Co- Bona Dea. mitiorum. " 13. Sed quid plura] When lean 7. Augusta] i.e. ' Auguriis col- appeal to the personal knowledge of PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 17. 115 Vosex M. Favonio 14 audistis, Clodium sibi dixisse, et audis- tis, vivo 15 Clodio, periturum Milonem triduo. Post diem terti- um 16 gesta res est, quam dixerat. Quum ille non dubitaret aperire, quid cogitaret ; vos potestis dubitare, quid fecerit ? XVII. Quemadmodum igitur 1 eum dies non fefellit ? Dixi equidem modo. 2 Dictatoris Lanuvini stata sacrificia 3 nosse negotii nihil erat. Vidit, necesse esse Miloni, proficis- ci Lanuvium illo ipso, quo profectus est, die. Itaque ante- vertit: At quo die ? quo, ut ante dixi, fuit insanissima con- cio, ab ipsius mercenario tribuno 5 plebis concitata : quern diem ille, quam concionem, quos clamores, nisi ad cogita- tum facinus approperaret, nunquam reliquisset. Ergo illi ne causa quidem itineris, etiam causa manendi : Miloni ma- nendi nulla facultas, 6 exeundi non causa solum, sed etiam ne- cessitas 7 fuit. Quid ? si, 8 ut ille scivit, Milonem fore eo die in via, sic Clodium Milo ne suspicari quidem potuit ? Primum quaero, qui scire potuerit ? quod vos idem in Clodio quae- rere non potestis. Ut enim neminem alium, nisi T. Pati- nam, 9 familiarissimum suum, rogasset, scire potuit, illo ipso die Lanuvii a dictatore Milone prodi flaminem necesse esse. Sed erant permulti alii, ex quibus id facillime scire posset : omnes scilicet 10 Lanuvini. Milo de Clodii reditu unde quae- some of my judges, that Clodius had bus fieri debent. Fest. resolved to slay Milo This evidence 4. Quo die] Ante diem xiv. Cal. of the animus of Clodius, from his Febr., or the nineteenth of Jan. Inf. denouncing Milo's death within three 'quern pridie, fyc. eum postridie, <S)C.' days, constitutes the fifth argument. 5. Tribuno] Quintus Pompey. 14. Favonio] Supr. 9. n. 20. Introd. 4. 15. Vivo] And could, therefore, 6. Facultas] Ad res, opes, artes ; have denied the charge. ' facilitas' ad mores, pertinet. Fest. 16. Posttert.] i.e. 'Tertiodie post 7. Necessitas^ Supr. 10. Iter sol- (juam, &c.' It means ' the next day lemne, legitimum, necessarium. but one.' 8. Quid? si, c] His opponents Sect. XVII. 1. Quemadmodum, might retort, that even admitting c] It might be objected to the fifth Clodius to be aware of Milo's jour- argument, that by specifying days it ney, there was the same reason to implied, what had not been proved, suspect Milo of knowing about Clo- that Clodius had a knowledge of dius's. Cic. denies that the cases Milo's visit to Lanuvium. Cic. shows are parallel ; and points out various both how that knowledge could be sources whence Clodius might have obtained, and that to act upon it, procured his information ; whereas Clodius had made the greatest per- there was none open to Milo. sonal sacrifice. 9. Patinam] A Lanuvian ; and 2. Modo] Namely, c. 10. 'Quum well skilled in the usages of the Clodius sciret, &c.' place. 3. Stata sacrificia] Que certisdie- 10. Scilicet) This is to say, 'every 116 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO sivit ? Qusesierit sane : videte, quod vobis largiar ; servum etiam, ut Arrius, 11 meus amicus, dixit, corruperit. 12 Legite testimonia 13 testium vestrorum. Dixit C. Cassinius, [cog- nomento] Schola, Interamnas, 14 familiarissimus et idem co- mes P. Clodii ; cujus jampridem 15 testimonio Clodius ea- dem hora Interamnas fuerat, et Romae, P. Clodium illo die in Albano 16 mansurum fuisse : sed subito ei esse nuntiatum, Cy- rum 17 architectum esse mortuum ; itaque Romam repente con- stituisse proficisci. Dixit hoc comes item P. Clodii, C. Clo- dius. 18 Lanuvian coukl inform you.' But the words are suspected to be a gloss on * permulti,' and are bracketed by Garaton., &c. 11. Q. Arrius] Well known for a celebrated entertainment which he gave to the people, in honour of his dead father, by which he hoped to gain their favour in the event of his seeking the consulship. Vat. 12. This occurred in the consulship of Caesar and Bibulus, a. u. 694. Hence Hor., ' epulum arbitrio Arri.' His suggestion here does not seem to have been the most friendly to IVIilo. 12. Corruperit] Though Cic. as- sarts that Milo had no means of knowing the return of Clodius from Aricia, yet, for argument's sake, he admits that he might have bribed a slave of Clodius to inform him. He then produces the testimony of Clo- dius's own witnesses, to prove that no such information could have been given ; his (Clodius's) return to Rome being contrary to his inten- tion, and owing to a circumstance that it was impossible to foresee. 13. Testimonia] These were taken before hand, and ready to be quoted. Supr. 1. n. 4. 14. Interamnas] A native of In- teract) na. There were several towns of this name in Italy ; one on the Nar in Umbria, the birth-place of Tacitus, the historian, now called Terni ; another in Picenum, now called Teramo ; and a third in La- tium, at the confluence of the rivers Liris and Melpis. Phil. ii. 41. Commentators prefer the first here ; and the distance of any one of them is quite enough to make Cassinius's testimony sufficiently improbable. * Eadem hora' is rhetorical, as Att. ii. 1., he says, ' e Sicilia septimo die Romam, tribus horis Roma In- teramnam.' Dom. 30. ' Cur non juret se Gadibus fuisse, quum tu te fuisse Interamnas probaveris.' 15. Jampridem] On the occasion of his trial for violating the myste- ries of the Bona Dea, when Clodius attempted to prove an alibi by means of this Cassinius. Att. ii. 1. Jt may appear strange that Cic. should lessen the credit of this witness, at the very time that he is quoting him to make out a point for himself, viz. : that the return of Clodius being ac- cidental, could not have been known by Milo. But it is enough for his present purpose that his opponents admit the truth of the testimonies by which he convicts them of charging himself and Milo falsely. He af- terwards shows that the evidence was false, and this remark on Cassinius leads the hearer to expect as much. 16. Albano] Sc. Agro, where Clo- dius had a villa. It was so called from the ancient city of Alba, found- ed by Ascanius. .En. i. 275. 17. Cyrum] Noticed also Q. Fr. ii. 2. PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 18. 117 XVIII. Videte, judices, quantse 1 res his testimoniis sint confecta?. Primum certe liberatur Milo, non eo consilio profectus 2 esse, ut insidiaretiir in via Clodio : quippe qui 3 obvius ei futurus omnino non erat. Deinde (non enim video, cur non meum quoque agam negotium,) scitis, judices, fuisse, qui in hac rogatione 4 suadenda dicerent, Milonis manu caedem esse factam, consilio vero majoris alicujus. Me videlicet latronem ac sicarium abjecti ho- mines et perditi describebant. Jacent 5 suis testibus hi, qui Clodium negant eo die Romam, nisi de Cyro audisset 6 fuisse rediturum. Respiravi ; liberatus sum ; non vereor, ne, 7 quod ne suspicari quidem potuerim, videar id cogitasse. Nunc persequar cetera. 7 Nam occurrit illud : " Igitur ne Clodius quidem de insidiis cogitavit, quoniam fuit in Albano mansurus." Siquidem exiturus ad caedem e villa non fuisset. Video enim, ilium, qui dicitur de Cyri morte nuntiasse, non id nuntiasse, sed Milonem appropinquare. Nam quid de Cyro nuntiaret, quem Clodius Roma profi- ciscens reliquerat morientem ? Una fui ; testamentum simul 18. C. Cbdius] The brother of Publius, whose two sons were ac- cusers of Milo. Introd. 5. Sect. XVIII. 1. Quanta- res] 1. That Clodius, whose return was thus proved accidental, could not have been waylaid by Milo ; 2. that Cic, (every thing connected with whom was always ' quanta,') could not have instigated such an assault. 2. Liberatur non profectus esse] An imitation of the Attic idiom which requires pr} with the infin. after negative verbs ; as airayoptv- Hdiv 6i vop.01 /i// Knpvrreiv. .(Esch. 15 ; also of the common Greek idiom, that the infin. takes a nom. case when its agent is the same with the pre- ceding verb. The ordinary construc- tion would be ' profectum.' 3. Quippequi] Orel, quippe [si Me.] But if quippe be retained, surely qui is the proper word to follow it. 4. Hac rogatione] Sc. that an extraordinary trial should be insti- tuted. 5. Jacent] ' They are convicted by, &c.' ; sc. by making his return accidental. 6. Audisset] Al. auditum esset. 7. Vereor ne] i. e. Vereor sed nolo ; but vereor ut ; vereor sed volo. So Hor. Sat. ii. 1,61. O puer, ut sis Vitalis, metuo ; I am apprehensive that you may not be for this world, however I may wish it. 7. Cetera] We saw, supr. n. 1, how Cic. inferred the innocence of his client and himself, from the tes- timony of Cassinius. Why then pur- sue the argument farther (persequar cetera) ? Because their inference re- mained (' occurrit illud,' this ob- jection meets me,) sc. : that since Clodius was to stay all night in his Alban villa, therefore he did not even think of waylaying Milo. Ad- mitted, says Cic, if he had not been to leave it to execute his bloody task ('Siquidem, &c.') \ which I find to be the case ; for I see the real business of the so-called messenger, about Cyrus, &c. ' Siquidem, &c.,' there- fore, is the answer of Cic. to their in- 118 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO obsi<mavi 8 cum Clodio ; testamentum autem palam 9 fecerat, et ilium heredem 10 et me scripserat. Quem pridie hora tertia 11 animam efflantem 12 reliquisset, eum mortuum pos- tridie hora decima denique ei nuntiabatur ? XIX. Age, sit ita factum i 1 quae causa, cur Romam pro- peraret ? cur in noctem se conjiceret ? Quid afferebat les- tinationis, 2 quod heres erat ? Primum erat nihil, 3 cur prope- rato opus 4 esset : deinde, si quid esset, quid tandem erat, quod ea nocte consequi posset, amitteret autem, si postridie mane Romam venisset ? Atque, ut 5 ill! nocturnus ad urbem ad- ventus vitandus 6 potius, quam expetendus fuit : sic Miloni, quum insidiator esset, si ilium ad urbem noctu accessurum sciebat, subsidendum 7 atque exspectandum fuit. Noctu in- ference, and is to be separated from it by a full point, as Schutz and Orel, have done. 8. Testamentum obsignavi] So that the legatees were the witnesses. This was not afterwards the case, as Ul- pian testifies. 9. Palam] For it was customary to make and keep a will privately, after signing and sealing it in the presence of certain witnesses. Hor. Sat. ii. 5. 10. Ilium heredem] This was thought honorable to the indivi- dual, independently of the profit. Phil. ii. 16. ' Hereditates mihi ne- gasti, &c.' 11. Hora tertia] Nine o'clock ; ' decima,' four o'clock, at the equi- nox ; now somewhat earlier. Supr. 10. n. 24. 12. Animam efflantem] Poetice potius quam oratories, pro ' morien- tem.' Horn. Ovubv cnronviiinv. Virg. xi. Confixi expirant animas. Sect. XIX. 1. Sit ita factum] * Admitting that he was informed of Cyrus's death ;' the remaining part of the 'cetera;' i. e. of Cassinius's evidence. 2. Festinationis quod] The read- ings are here various, the sense nearly the same. Em. causam festi- nationis ? Graev. causa fest. Al. festinatio. Tr. What cause for haste did his being made heir bring with it 3. Primum nihil] Clodius, as a legatee, might have been called on to take charge of the funeral. That duty, we may suppose, was assigned to another. 4. Properato opus] * Opus,' a subst. neut. used either personally, as, 'dux nobis et auctor opus est,' Cic, or impers. as here ; the part, pass, being used for the second sup. Sail. Cat. 1. Priusquam incipias consulto, &c, opus est.' 5. Atque ut] Having spoken of travelling by night, Cic. is led to consider the time and place of the rencounter. This constitutes his sixth argument. Vid. supr. 16. n. 13. for the fifth. 6. Vitandus] The general odium in which he was held laid him open to nocturnal attacks ; and, therefore, made it advisable to avoid latejournies. 7. Subsidendum] In insidiis sub- sistendum. Inf. ' In eo loco sub- sedit.' The part, in dus with fuit expresses the propriety, duty, &c. of an act which might have taken place, but did not. So here, ' It was Milo's business to have lain in wait for him, though he did not.' PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 19. 119 sidioso et pleno latronum in loco occidisset ; 8 nemo ei ne- ganti non eredidisset, qnem esse omnes salvum, etiam confi- tentem, volunt. Sustinuisset hoc crimen primum ipse ille latronum occultator et receptator 9 locus, dum neque muta solitudo indicasset, neque ca?ca nox ostendisset Milonem ; deinde ibi multi ab illo violati, spoliati, bonis expulsi, multi etiam ha3c timentes in suspicionem caderent ; tota de- nique rea citaretur Etruria. 10 Atque die illo 11 certe Aricia 12 rediens devertit Clodius ad se in Albanum. Quod ut sciret 13 Milo, ilium Aricia? fuisse, suspicari tamen debuit, eura, etiam si Romam illo die reverti vellet, ad villam su- am, 14 qua? viam tangeret, deversurum. Cur neque ante occurrit, ne ille in villa resideret ; nee eo in loco 15 subsedit, quo ille noctu venturus esset ? Video adhuc 16 constare om- nia, judices. Miloni etiam utile fuisse Clodium vivere ; illi 8. Noctu occidisset'] This clause is not found in many MSS. and early editions, and indeed it might well be spared. The usual translation is: 'he viight have slain him, &c.' But taken in connexion with subsiden- dum fuit,' it should rather be, ' he ought to have slain him, &c. ; if he had, none would have disbelieved, &c.' Perhaps a better construction is : ' Had he slain him by night, (as I have recommended,) and in a place notorious for plots and robberies, (which it was easy to select,) every one would have believed, &cc. ; the place would have borne the blame, &c.' 'Insidioso:' al. invidioso, i.e. of ill-repute. 9. Ipse ille recept.] These words and ibi inf. show that Cic. had a par* ticular spot in view. Ascon. informs us that it was the tomb of one Basi- lius, on the Appian way, notorious for harbouring robbers and their boo- ty. Refer ' locus' to ' insidioso loco,' and caxa nox' to noctu. 10. Etruria] Supr. 9. ' Etruriam vexaverat,' and the injured may be expected to feel the desire of revenge. 11. Atque illo die] The seventh argument. The preceding, sup. n. 5. was that were Milo the aggressor, his attack should have been made at night near the city.' This he here varies by supposing his client to be aware that Clodius, whose country-seat lay between Rome and Aricia, was at that town ; and by asking, what particular spot an ag- gressor so informed would choose for his attack ? Evidently either between Aricia and the villa, lest he might call there and not leave it ; or near the city, where his journey would be in the shades of night. But Milo chose neither, &c. 12. Aricia] A town of Latium, on the Appian way. Hor, Sat. i. 5. 13. Quod ut sciret] But admit- ting Milo knew of Clodius's being at Aricia, (namely, by corrupting his slaves.) Supr. n. 11. C. 17. n. 12. 14. Ad villam suam] His own rather than Pompey's, which lay a short distance from the road, and at which it will be seen (c. 20.) that he made a call. 15. Nee in eo loco] Sc. at the tomb of Basilius, as noted above. 16. Video adhuc] He recapitulates the various arguments from c. 12, (omitting, however, ihefourth, (supr. 120 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO ad ea, quae concupierat, optatissimum interitum Milonis : odium fuisse illius in hunc acerbissimum ; in ilium hujus nullum ; consuetudinem illius perpetuam in vi inferenda; hujus tantum in repellenda : mortem ab illo denuntiatam Miloni et praedicatam palam ; nihil unquam auditum ex Milone: profectionis hujus diem illi notum; reditum illius huic ignotum fuisse : hujus iter necessarium ; illius etiam potius alienum : hunc prae se tulisse, se illo die Roma exi- turum , ilium eo die se dissimulasse rediturum : hunc nul- lius rei mutasse consilium ; ilium causam mutandi consilii finxisse : huic, si insidiaretur, noctem prope urbem exspec- tandam ; illi, etiam si hunc non timeret, tamen accessum ad urbem nocturnum fuisse metuendum. XX. Videamus nunc id, quod caput est : locus ad insi- dias ille ipse, ubi congressi sunt, utri tandem fuerit aptior. Id vero, judices, etiam dubitandum et diutius cogitandum est ? Ante fundum 1 Clodii, quo in fundo, propter insanas 5 illas substructiones, facile 3 mille hominum versabatur valentium, 4 edito 5 adversarii atque excelso loco superiorem se fore puta- bat Milo, et ob earn rem eum locum ad pugnam potissi- mum delegerat? An in eo loco est potius expectatus ab eo, qui ipsius loci spe facere impetum cogitarat ? Res loquitur, 6 judices, ipsa ; quae semper valet plurimum. Si haec non gesta 7 audiretis, sed picta videretis; tamen appareret, uter esset insidiator, uter nihil cogitaret mali, quum alter 16. n. 10,) and particularizing the seve- necessary. ral subsidiary points of the fifth,) and 4. Valent.] We say 'able-bodied.' then proceeds (videamus nunc) to Kobusti et valentes satellites. Agr. consider the actual site of the ren- ii. 31. ' Versabatur' usually rendered counter. He had noticed where he were employed ;' but Forcel. says, ought to have attaked him if he were ' were contained' ' was room for.' the assailant, now he considers where 5. Edito adversarii atq ; excelso'] (as was said) he did. The eighth ' Adversarii', i. e. Clodii, is omitted argument. in the Delph. Tr. Did Milo think, in Sect. XX. l.Ante Fundum.] Supr. front of Clodius's farm, &c. on the high 10. n. 7. 23. and lofty ground of his opponent, to 2. Insanas.] Quas insani faciunt. come off superior. Inf. ' insanis molibus.' 6. Res loquitur] Without me. 3. Facile] Not less than ; pro 7. Si hac gesta, fyc] He now pro- ' certo' ; and ' mille * here a subst. ceeds to argue from the concomitant It may be an adject, as Virg. 'Sub circumstances, the vehicle, dress, train, quo mille manusjuvenum j'andManut. &c. This ninth argument, with the would make it so here, ' multitudo' explanations arising from it, extends being understood, but it is quite un- to c. 23. PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 21. 121 veheretur in rheda pamulatus, una sederet uxor 8 . Quid horum non impeditissimum ? vestitus, an vehiculum, an co- mes ? quid minus promptum ad pugnam, quum paenula irretitus, 9 rheda impeditus, uxore pa3ne constrictus 10 esset ? Videte nunc 11 ilium, primum egredientem e villa, subito ; cur I vesperi: quid necesse est? tarde: qui convenit, id pra> sertim temporis? Devertit in villam Pompeii. Pompeium ut videret ? Sciebat in Alsiensi 12 esse. Villam ut perspiceret ? Millies in ea fuerat. Quid ergo erat ? Mora et tergiver- satio. 13 Dum 14 hie veniret, locum relinquere noluit. XXI. Age nunc, iter expediti 1 latronis cum Milonis impe- dimentis comparate. Semper ille antea cum uxore : 2 turn sine ea. Nunquam non in rheda : turn in equo. Comites Graeculi, 3 quocunque ibat, etiam quum in castra Etrusca 4 properabat ; 3. Ttheda uxor] Supra. 10. n. 13. 16. 9. Paznula irretitus] Forthe 'paenula' was a close -fitting overall without sleeves, which confined the arms. It was either made of wool or skin, and was principally used in travelling. 10. Pane constrictus] For he had said ' una sederet uxor.' 11. Videte nunc] The connexion here may perhaps be better seen by supplying the phrases understood. Cic. in reference to Clodius's hurrying out of his villa, asks why he did so 1 The Clodians reply, because it was even- ing, and he had to hasten to Rome. Cic. demands to know what necessity there was for his travelling in the evening. They reply that'hecame late (tarde) to his villa, and could not therefore set out sooner. But why throw himself late in coming there from Aricia, parti- cularly at that season of the year 1 He could not help it. He had called at Pompey's villa on his way. What bu- siness had be there, when he knew Pompey was not at home 1 &c. &c. This reference of ' tarde' to Clo- dius's arrival at instead of his setting out from his villa, appears to be the only way to prevent ' tarde' from being a mere repetition of ' vesperi'. If again we interpret ' tarde' ' lei- surely, slowly, it will agree neither VOL. I. with the reference to leaving bis villa ; for it was done ' subito' ; nor to com- ing to it ; for calling at Pompey's need not make him travel ' leisure- It may be added, that ' tarde' often signifies ' sero'. Hor. ii. 2. 91. Tar- dius adveniens hospes. Acad. iv. 1 . ' Triennio tardius quam debuerat, tri- umphavit'. Lamb, expunges ' est tarde' altogether, which is a ready way of solving the difficulty. 12. Alsiensi] Int. Villa vel agro. Alsium was a town of Etruria on the sea coast, near Ostia. 13. Tergiversatio] Al. mora et ter- giversationis. It alludes either to his shifting to Pompey's villa as an ex- cuse, or to his sauntering back and for- ward on the road to meet Milo. 14. Dum] Donee. Ter. Eun. i. 2. 126. Exspectabo dum venit. Sect. XXI. 1. Expediti] Op- posed to ' impedimentis', and both derived from pes. Supr. 10. n. 15. 2. Uxore] Fulvia. Infr. Phil. ii. 5. 3. Graculi] Used by way of con- tempt. Juv. Sat. 3. 76. They were perhaps professors of music and the fine arts ; perhaps worse. 4. Castra Etrusca] He hints that Clodius was privy to the conspiracy of Catiline, whose army was encamp- ed under Manlius in Etruria. 122 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO turn TiUgarum 5 in comitatu nihil. Milo, qui nunquam, turn casu pueros symphoniacos 6 uxoris ducebat, et ancillarum greges. Ille, qui semper secum scorta, semper exoletos, 7 semper lupas 8 duceret, turn neminem, nisi ut virum a viro 9 lectum esse diceres. Cur igitur victus est? Quia non sem- per viator a latrone, nonnunquam etiam latro a viatore occi- ditur: quia, quamquam paratus in imparatos Clodius, tamen mulier 10 inciderat in viros. Nee vero sic erat unquam non paratus Milo contra ilium, ut non satis fere esset paratus. Semper ille, et quantum interesset P. Clodii, 11 se perire, et quanto illi odio 12 esset, et quantum ille auderet, co- gitabat. Quamobrem, vitam suam, quam maximis praemiis propositam et paene addictam 13 sciebat, nunquam in pericu- lum sine praesidio et sine custodia projiciebat. Adde casus, adde incertos exitus pugnarum, Martemque communem 14 , qui sa?pe spoliantem jam et exsultantem evertit, et perculit ab abjecto 15 . Adde inscitiam 16 pransi, poti, oscitantis 17 ducis; qui quum a tergo hostem interclusum reliquisset, 18 nihil de 5. Kugarum] For nugatorum,' triflers. Att. vi.3. Amicoshabet meras nugas, JMontinium, Scaptium. 6. Pueros symphoniacos'] Choris- ters, singing-boys, ovufwiaKoi ; from avfKfxovia, a harmony of mingled sounds. 7. Exoletos'] Propr. ' adult ;' hence 1 pueri meritorii dicuntur adults jam atatis.' Forcel. Q.Lupas] Intimating a greater degree of immodesty than ' scorta' who at least wore clothes. Hor. ' Cum tibi testiti facies scorti placet, haeres.' 9. Virum a viro] The Roman sol- diers were permitted, when going on a dangerous service, to choose their comrades. Liv. ix. 39. 10. Mulier] So Horn. 'AxaiSec, *k tr' 'Axaioi. Virg. Overe Phrygian! neque enim Phryges. 11. Interesset P. Clodii] i. e. Esset inter rem P. Clodii. For Milone interfecto, hoc assequebatur, nonmodo ut praetor esset non eo consule, &c.' Supr. 12. 12. Quanto illi odio] Ille, erat, ut odisset, primum defensorera salutis meae, &c. Supr. 12. 13. Propositam et pane addictam] The allusion is to a sale, where an object is first set up and then knocked down, assigned to, the highest bid- der. 14. ftlartem communem] Iliad, xviii. 308. Ewoq tvvaXioc, cat rbv Kravtovra /cartcra. 15. Ab abjecto] The instrumenta- lity of. 16 Inscitiam] Stultitiam. Lamb. 1 T.Oscitant is] Yawning sluggish. Ter. Andr. i. 2. ' Sperantes jam amo- to metu interea oscitantes opprimi' ; where Donatus: * Oscitatio' est animi otium et securitas ; dictum ab ' ore ciendo.' 18. Qui reliquisset] Clodius thought every thing safe, when Milo had pass- ed him, and was separated from his party, forgetting the famous gladiators, Eudamus and Birrhia, in the rear of INIilo's retinue ; from the latter of whom, as Ascon.relates,Clod. received a dangerous wound in the shoulder. Introd. 4. PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 22. 123 ejus extremis comitibus cogitavit : in quos incensos ira, vitam- que domini desperantes quum incidisset, haesit in iis pcenis, quas 19 ab eo servi fideles pro domini vita expetiverunt. Cur igitur 20 eos manumisit ? Metuebat scilicet, ne indicarent ; ne dolorem perferre non possent ; ne tormentis cogerentur, occisum esse a servis Milonis in Appia via P. Clodium confi- teri. Quid opus est tortore? quid quaeris? Occideritne ? Occidit. Jure, an injuria? Nihil ad tortorem ? Facti enim in eculeo 21 quaestio est, juris in judicio. XXII. Quod igitur in causa quaerendum est, id agamus bic : quod tormentis invenire vis, id fatemur. Manu vero cur miserit, si id potius quaeris, quam cur parum amplis aflfe- cerit praemiis, nescis inimici 1 factum reprehendere. Dixit enim hie idem, qui omnia semper constanter et fortiter, M. Cato, dixitque in turbulenta concione, quae tamen hujus auc- toritate placata est, 2 non libertate solum, sed etiam 3 omnibus 19. Paznis, quas] A Euphemism. So supr. 10/ fecerunt id, &c.' where vid. n. 20. Cur igitur, &c] Having ad- mitted the fatal interference of the slaves, Cic. might fairly be asked to submit them to examination, as they must be aware of the facts of the case. He replies that it was useless. These facts were acknowledged Milo slew Clodius; and farther than this the testimony of slaves could not go. But here it is obvious to remark, that while Milo admitted he had slain Clodius, he urged that he had done so under peculiar circumstances ; namely, in self-defence. Now to the existence of these peculiar circumstances it was surely competent for the slaves to de- pose ; but this question of fact Cic. artfully confounds with the question 'jure, an injuria.' Vid. supr. c. 2.n.20. This reply about the slaves (c 22.) is introduced between the uinth and last argument. 21. Eculeo] ' Equuleus' is 1. a foal, young horse. Liv. xxiii. 31. Bos equu- leum peperit. 2. An instrument of torture made like a horse ; ' in qua sontes distendebantur, et torqueban- tur.' Forcel. From the expression of Curtius, however, vi. 6. ' in equuleum impoiiti,' it would appear that the vic- tim was seated on the machine ; whence some have thought that the torture consisted in being obliged to sit upon a sharp pointed seat which was forced by pressure into the bo- dy. Sect. XXII. 1. Nescis inimici, $c] Because you fix your censure on that point of his conduct which is deserving of the highest praise ; whereas the proper complaint would be a charge of ingratitude for in- adequately rewarding conduct so me- ritorious. And this the assertion of Ca- to is sufficient to prove (dixitenim M. Cato). 2. Qua placata est~\ Virg. ' Ac veluti magno in populo cum saepe coorta est Seditio, &c.' We may sup- pose that in some of the numerous turbulent assemblies which preceded this trial, the Clodians, wishing to have the authority of Cato on their side, had called on him to censure Milo for manumitting his slaves. His resolute reply, while it frustrated their hopes, had the effect of calming their turbulence. 3. Non libertate solum, sed etiam] Therefore Milo was obnoxious to the charge of illiberality ; which his oppo- nents did not see. 124 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO praemiis dignissimos fuisse, qui domini caput defendissent. Quod enim praemium satis magnum est tarn benevolis, tarn bonis, tarn fidelibus servis, propter quos 4 vivit ? Etsi id 5 qui- dem non tanti est, quam quod propter eosdem non sanguine et vulneribus suis crudelissimi inimici nientem oculosque sa- tiavit. Quos nisi manumisisset, tormentis etiam dedendi fuerunt, 6 conservatores domini, ultores sceleris, defensores ne- eis. Hie vero nihil habet in his malis, quod minus moleste f erat, 7 quam, etiam si quid ipsi accidat, 8 esse tamen illis meri- tum praemium persolutum. Sed quaestiones urgent Milonem, qua? sunt habitae 9 nunc in atrio Libertatis. Quibusnam de servis 10 ? Rogas? De P. Clodii. Quis eos postulavit? Ap- pius. Quis produxit ? Appius. 11 Unde? Ab Appio. 12 Dii boni 13 ! quid potest agi severius ? De servis nulla lege quaes- tio est in dominos, nisi de incestu, 1 * ut fuit in Clodium. 15 Proxime deos accessit 16 Clodius, propius quam turn, quum ad 4. Propter quos] By whose instru- mentality. ' Propter' here imports the efficient cause, for which ' per' is more common. Inf. 30. ' Lugere eum solum propter quem ceterilaetarentur. 5. Esti id, c\c] Though a brave man despises death, yet he shuns to gratify his foes by the manner of it. 6. Fuerunt] Al. fuissent. " With the participle of the future in rus and passive in dus, the indicative of sum in the past time is much more commonly used than the subj." Zumpt's L. Gram. p. 295. Supr. 11. n. 7. 7. Minus moleste ferat] A ' Litotes' for ' yields more satisfaction.' 8. Si quid ipsi accidat] Manil. 20.n.l. 9. Qua sunt habite] This should mean ' are held ;' 'are over ;' but it is sometimes in a pi-esent sense ; ' are [being] held.' So Comitia habita' and the like. 10. Quibusnam de servis] When Appius could not procure the slaves of Milo for examination, he had re- course to those of P. Clodius. Cic. shews the fairness that may be expect- ed from slaves drilled by the accuser. Inf. Quid hac qurestione dici potest integrius 1 quid incorruptius ? 11. Quis Appius] Vid. Quint, ix. 3, respecting this figure. 12. Unde? ab Appio] Ulpian. re- fert, ' ad quaestionem non provocan- dos eos, quos accusator de domo sua produxit.' 13. Dii boni, $c] This exclamation is not ironical. It was a real hardship that the slaves of Clodius should be subjected to the torture ostensibly against their master, but really against Milo ; from which they were protected ' more majorum' as Cic. (Dejot. 1.) says ; by a decree of the senate, as Tacitus. Ann. ii. 30. 14. Nisi de incestu~] The reason of this exception was the impossibility of detecting the crime by the ordinary means. If proved at all, it should be proved by slaves. It would appear that the exception was afterwards done away with. Vid. Abram. note. 15. Utfuit in Clodium.] The menti- on of incest, under which was included every species of sacrilege, permits Cic. to return to his favourite charge against Clodius, the violation of the rites of the Bona Dea. 16. Proxime deos accessit] Because he is put on a par with them in the mode of examination touching his PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 23. 125 ipsos penetrarat; cujus demorte, tanquam de caeremoniis 17 vi- olatis quaeritur. Sed tamen 18 majores nostri in dominum de servo quaeri noluerunt, non quia non posset verum inveniri, sed quia videbatur indignum, et dominis morte ipsa tristius. In reum de servis accusatoris quum quaeritur, verum invenin potest? Age vero, quae erat, aut qualis quaestio ? Heus tu, Rufio, verbi causa, 19 cave sis mentiare. Clodius insidias fecit Miloni. 20 Fecit. Certa crux. 21 Nullas fecit. Sperata liber- tas. Quid hac quaestione certius ? Subito arrepti 22 in quaes- tionem, tamen separantur a ceteris, et in areas 23 conjiciun- tur, ne quis cum iis colloqui possit. Hi centum dies 24 penes accusatorem 25 quum fuissent, ab eo ipso accusatore produti sunt. Quid hac quaestione dici potest integrius ? quid in- corruptius ? XXIII. Quod si nondum 1 satis cernitis, quum res ipsa tot death. The violation of their myste- ries demands the inquisition. The death of Clodius has called for the same. This is a nearer approach to divinity than was even his famous ad- venture at Caesar's house. 17. Ceeremoniis] Val. Max. (i. 1.) derives this word from Caere, the name of a town in Etruria, to which he says the Romans in the Gallic war confided their sacred rites, and received them again in safety. Rather because the Roman rites were mainly Etrurian, if we do not prefer to take it from ' cae- lum.' qu. ' caelimonia,' as * caeruleus,' qu. caeluleus.' 18. Sed tamen fyc] Were the slaves of Milo examined against Milo, the truth might easily be elicited ; for it was not the difficulty of arriving at the truth, but the indignity of the proceed- ing that dictated the rejection of such testimony ; but where the slaves of the accuser are questioned against the arraigned, of Appius against Milo, is truth to be expected t He illustrates this by giving a specimen of the mode of examination. ' Age vero, &c.' 19. Verbi causa] Al. Ubi Cascal and for Rufio, Ruscio. 20. Clodius Miloni] Ulpian in- forms us, that it was especially required in the questioning to make it general, and mention no one by name. 21. Certa crux] To which is op- posed * Sperata libertas ;' for cruci- fixion was the proper punishment of slaves. 22. Subito arrepti, c] He con- trasts the proceedings in other ques- tions with the present. In them, slaves hurried to the examination without any previous warning, are yet kept apart from the others in solitary confinement, whence they are pro- duced when required. In this case the prosecutor, after a hundred days tampering with them, produces them for examination. ' Subito arrepto' is opposed to ' centum dies.' 23. In areas] Cells in gaols and private houses for the solitary confine- ment of culprits or slaves. Abram. mistakes them for instruments of tor- ture. 24. Centum dies] Inf. 35. Cen- tesima lux, est haec et altera. 25. Penes accusatorem] i. e. In the house of the prosecutor. Sect. XXIII. 1. Quod si non- dum, &;c] The only ground of argu- ment remaining to Cic. after so many being urged, was ' a consequent!- bus' from the conduct of Milo after M 2 126 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO tarn claris argumentis signisque luceat ; pura mente atque integra Milonem, nullo scelere imburum, nullo metu perter- ritum, nulla conscientia exanimatum, Romam revertisse: 2 recordamini, per deos immortales ! qua? fuerit celeritas re- ditus ejus: qui ingressus in forum, ardente curia: quae mag- nitude- animi, qui vultus, qua? oratio. Neque vero 3 se po- pulo solum, sed etiam senatui commisit : neque senatui modo, sed etiam publicis praesidiis 4 et armis: neque his tantum, ve- lum etiam ejus potestati, 5 cui senatus totam rempublicam, omnem Italia? pubem, cuncta populi Romani arma commise- rat: cui nunquam se hie profecto tradidisset, nisi causae suae confideret : praesertim omnia audienti, magna metuenti, multa suspicanti, nonnulla credenti. Magna vis 6 est conscientia?, judices, et magna in utramque partem: ut neque timeant, qui 7 nihil commiserint, et pcenam semper ante oculos versari putent, qui peccarint. Neque vero sine ratione certa causa Milonis semper a senatu probata est. Videbant enim sapi- entissimi homines facti rationem, 8 praesentiam animi, defensi- onis constantiam. An vero obliti estis, judices, recenti illo nuncio necis Clodiana?, non modo inimicorum Milonis ser- the fatal rencounter, his expeditious return, his lofty bearing and language ! These could only result from con- scious innocence, c. 23. 24. 2. Romam revertisse] Yet Milo, as Ascon. relates, did not return to Rome till late the following day, by which time the Clodians, by their violence in burning the senate house, (ardente curia,) had turned the tide of popu- lar feeling in his favour. Introd. 4. 3. Neque vero se, fyc] This climax is imitated from Dem. de Cor. 55. Ovk tiirov fitv ravra, kk iypaxpa ci' nSk iypaipa fitv, ic i-rrpiojitvoa. Zv iilk tirpkofBtvoa fitv, bk tirtiaa Se SnfiaiuQ. 4. Publicis prtcsidiis, fyc] i. e. To Fompey and the levies under his com- mand. But this surrender to the public authorities did not take place immediately; as at least two months intervened before the senate agreed on the appointment of Pompey to be sole consul. During this time Milo was witness to the * note of prepara- tion' against himself, yet chose to abide the consequences rather than submit to a voluntary exile. 5. Potestati] The sole consulship, with plenary authority from the senate. Introd. 4. 6. Magna vis, fyc] This subject is dilated on by Plut. and Juv. Sat. xiii. 196 ; the latter of whom thinks it ex- ceeds the torments of hell, 'Nocte dieq. suum gestare in pectoretestem.' 'Ne- que ;' both not. So Phil. ii. 42. ne- que desideravit, &c. ; both did not want, &c. 7. Timeant, qui, fyc] Abram. quotes as in accordance with this, the answer of Bias ; who being asked what there was in life devoid of fear, replied a good conscience.' 8. Facti rationem] ' The grounds on which he defended his conduct.' This technical use of the phrase is illus- trated, f Auct. ad Herenn. i. 16, by the case of Orestes, who, when charged with the murder of his mother * affert rationem facti; ilia enim, inquit, pa- PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 24. 127 mones et opiniones, 9 sed nonnullorum etiam imperitorum? 10 Negabant eum Romam esse rediturum. Sive enim illud animo irato ac percito fecisset, ut incensus odio trucidaret inimicum, arbitrabantur, 11 eum tanti mortem P. Clodii pu- tasse, ut aequo animo patria careret, quum sanguine inimici explesset 12 odium suum : sive etiam illius morte patriam li- berare voluisset, non dubitaturum fortem virum, quin, quum suo periculo salutem reipublica? attulisset, cederet aequo animo legibus, 13 secum auferret gloriam sempiternam, nobis haec fruenda relinqueret, qua? ipse servasset. Multi etiam Catilinam atque ilia portenta 14 loquebantur: c ErUxMPEt, occupabit aliquem locum, bellum patriae faciet' Miseros 16 interdum cives, optime de republica meritos ! 17 in quibus ho- mines non modo res praeclarissimas obliviscuntur, sed etiam nefarias suspicantur. Ergo ilia falsa fuerunt : quae certe vera extitissent, 18 si Milo admisisset 19 aliquid, quod non posset ho- neste vereque defendere. XXIV. Quid? 1 quae postea sunt in eum congesta: qua? trem raeum occiderat.' In Milo's case the ' ratio facti' was the lawfulness of self-defence. 9. Opiniones'} ' Opinio' is often not merely the mental conception, but that conception expressed in words ; a rumour, a report ; and hence syno- nymous with ' sermones' preceding. Manil. 1 . n. 7. Suet, in Ner. 53. Exiit opinio, eum descensurum ad Olympia inter athletas. 10. Nonnul. imper.~] Who though not the ememies of Milo, were yet ignorant' rationis facti.' Al. insert qui before ' negabant.' 11. Arbitrabantur] Sc. the ' im- periti.' 12. Sanguine explesset] Parallel oxpresions abound in Horn, and Virg. Vid. II. iv. 35, and xxii. 346 j Mu. ii. 298; vii.567. 13. Legibus] Which announces ex- ile to the homicide. But Em. puts it in brackets, and understands ' cedere' as 'abire.' Inf. 1 3. Cedam atque abibo. 14. Multi] Sc. ' inimici', as above. 14. Ilia portenta] Those monsters of men, ex. g. Lentulus, Cethegus. Delph. But had these been meant, Cic. would have added their names, as, de Prov. Cons. 1. Gabinius et Piso, duo reip. portenta. Understand then ra- ther ' those monstrous enormities of which Catiline was guilty.' 15. Erumpet, c.] This word which properly signifies to gush as water out of a fountain,' Cic. had already in some degree appropriated to the hur- ried departure of Catiline from the city. Cat. ii.l. ' Abiit,' cxcessit, evasit, EnupiT.' So Sail. Cat. 43. ' Simul caedeet incendio perculsis omnibus, ad Cat. erumperent.' By using it here, the enemies of Milo meant to suggest a parallel between him and that con- spirator. 16. Miseros, c] The interj. pn'j, or the like, is here suppressed. 17. Optime de meritos'] Deserv- ing best at the hands of; having best served. 18. Extitissent] Arch. i. n. 10. 19. Admisisset] Had committed. Hor. Tu nihil admittesin te formidine pcenje. Sect. XXI V.~ 1. Quid] Sc.dicam. 128 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO quemvis etiam mediocrium delictorum conscientia 2 perculis- sent, ut sustinuit! dii immortales! sustinuit? 3 immo vero ut contempsit, ac pro nihilo putavit! quae neque maximo animo nocens, neque innocens, nisi fortissimus vir, negligere potu- isset. Scutorum, gladiorum, [frenorum,] 4 sparorum, pilo- rumque etiam multitudo deprehendi posse 6 judicabatur. Nul- lum in urbe vicum, nullum angiportum esse dicebant, in quo Miloni non esset conducta domus: anna in villain Ocricula- nam 7 devecta Tiberi : domus 8 in clivo Capitolino scutis re- ferta : plena omnia malleolorum 9 ad urbis incendia com- paratorum. Haec non delata solum, sed poene credita, nee ante repudiata 10 sunt, quam quaesita. Laudabam 11 equidem incredibilem diligentiam Cn. Pompeii : sed dicam, ut sen- tio, judices. Nimis multa audire coguntur, neque aliter facere possunt ii, quibus tota 12 commissa est respublica. 2. Qua conscientia] Not ' by the consciousness of but under the con- sciousness of,' ' if he were conscious of.' Hence Em. would insert in before * conscientia.' 3. SusiJHWJi] This repetition is frequent. Att. v. 4. Sext. 24. 4. Frenorum] Bracketed by Orel, it not being clear why bridles should be enumerated among weapons of war. ' Sparorum,' spears of the small- est description, originally a rustic weapon. Hence Virg. xi. 682. ' agres- tisq ; manus armat sparus.' 5. Victim] (Ab oIkoq) several /wusesjoined together. It differs from * pagus,' which is restricted to the country ; in the city it means a street, in the country a hamlet. Houses near the city are called ' suburbia ;' those surrounded by walls are called * castella.' Forcell. 6. Angiportum] Qu. ' angustuspor- tus,' a blind alley, a place ; for ' por- tus,' says Festus, signifies any enclosed space where wares are conveyed. Te- rent. Adelph. iv. 2. 39. Id angipor- tum non est pervium. Rather from * angusta porta.' alluding to the gate or entrance into them being narrow. 7. Ocriculanam] Ocriculum was a town of Umbria on the Tiber below the junction of the Nar. 8. Domus] Em. rightly reads do- mum refertam, as the clause depends upon ' dicebant.' But it is vain to expunge every irregular construction. 9. Malleolorum] Malleolus is 1 . a small mallet. 2. a vine-shoot of that form, called a mallet-shoot. 3. a species of fire-brand, described by Ammianus as a cane-arrow, which, stuffed with combustible matter and fire, is discharged by a weak bow against houses, &c. We may sup- pose a slight resemblance in its form to the mallet, to warrant the name. Other species are described by Non- nius and others. 10. Nee ante repudiata, fyc] Sc. a Pompeio. Though totally unworthy of notice, such was the misery of the times, they were not rejected without inquiry. Supr. 23. ' nonulla cre- denti.' 11. Laudabam] The only excusa- ble part of the transaction, the dili- gence, he artfully attributes to Pom- pey ; the rest is laid on the nature of the office ; as if it could not be helped. 12. Tota] Perhaps to intimate the sole consulship; yet Ern. suspects the word. Inf. tota republica sus- cepta. PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 24. 129 Quin etiam audiendus fuerit 13 popa 14 Licinius, nescio quis 15 de circo maximo, 16 servos Milonis apud se ebrios fac- tos; sibi confessos esse 17 de interficiendo 18 Cn. Pompeio conjurasse ; deinde postea se gladio percussum esse ab uno de illis, neindicaret. Pompeio in hortos 19 nuntiavit; arces- sor in primis ; de amicorum sententia 20 rem defert ad sena- turn. Non poteram in illius mei patriaeque custodis tanta snspicione non metu exanimari : sed mirabar tamen, credi popa?, 21 confessionem servorum audiri, vulnus in latere, quod acu punctum videretur, pro ictu gladiatoris probari. Verum tamen, ut intelligo, cavebat magis Pompeius, quam timebat, non ea solum, qua? timenda erant, sed omnino omnia, ne ali- quid vos timeretis. Oppugnata domus C Ca?saris, 22 clarissimi et fortissimi viri, per multas noctis horas nuntiabatur. Nemo audierat tarn celebri loco, 23 nemo senserat. Tamen audiebatur. 23 13. Audiendus fuerit] Forced a hearing. Phil. ii. 6. Dies natales au- diendi sunt. 14. Popa] The priest who slew and dressed the victims, from 7rt7rrw. His cakes were called iro-Trava, and the shop where he disposed of his perquisites ' popina.' But as wine is a necessary accompaniment of good viands, we find ( servos Milonis apud se ebrios factos') Licinius's a wine- shop too. The transition is easy to ' popino' a gormandizer. So * Popa venter' a glutton, Pers. vi. 74. 15. Nescio quis'] Generally used contemptuously. But vid. Arch. 7. ' nescio quid praeclarum.' 16. Circo maximo] Ern. omits max- imo. When ' Circus' it put abso- lutely, the circus maximus is meant. Hor. Fallax Circus. It was con- structed by Tarquinius Priscus be- tween the Palatine and Aventine hills, Liv. i. 35 ; and was also called Apollinaris, being dedicated to the sun. The Delph. erroneously makes the ' Circus Apollinaris' distinct from the ' Circus Maximus.' The Circus Flaminius and Circus Vatica- nus were also celebrated. It is easy to see how such a place would be- come the resort of professional men at Rome. 17. Confessos esse] For ' In vino Veritas.' So Hor. Quid non ebrietas designat? Operta recludit. 18. De interficiendo] Ern. ' se de interf.' which seems necessary to prevent ambiguity. 19. In hortos] Whither Pompey had. retired through fear of Milo. 1 Plerumque non domi suse, sed in hortis manebat, idque ipsum in superi- oribus, circa quos etiam magna raa- nus militum excubabat.' Ascon. 20. De amic. sent.] At the sugges- tion of his friends. 21. Credi popa] Who was a man of no character, ' nescio quis.' It will be observed that verbs governing a dative in the active voice are used impersonally in the passive. ' Popam credi,' is inadmissible. 22. C. Casaris] Why the house of Caesar should be even reported to be attacked by Milo and his friends is not clear. Caesar was now in Gaul. 23. Celebri loco] Manil. 12. n. 11. Arch . 3 . Caesar's house was situated on the Via sacra, one of the greatest tho- roughfares of Rome. Even the poets made this street their promenade. Hor. lbam forte via Sacra. Suet, in Jul. 46. 23. Audiebatur] It was listened to. 130 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO Non poteram Cn. Pompeium, praestantissima virtute virum, timidum suspicari : diligentiam, tota republica suscepta, ni- miam nullam putabam. Frequentissimo senatu nuper in Capitolio, senator^ 4 inventus est, qui Milonem cum telo 25 esse diceret. Nudavit se in sanctissimo 26 templo, quoniam vita 27 talis et civis et viri fidem non taciebat, ut, eo tacente, res ipsa loqueretur. XXV. Omnia falsa atque insidiose ficta comperta sunt. Quod si tamen metuitur etiam nunc 1 Milo, non hoc jam Clodianum crimen 2 timemus, sed tuas, Cn. Pompei, (te enim jam appello, et ea voce, 3 ut me audire possis,) tuas, tuas, inquam, suspiciones* perhorrescimus. Si Milonem times, 5 si hunc de tua vita nefarie aut nunc cogitare, aut molitum ali- quando aliquid putas ; si Italia? delectus, ut nonnulli con- 24. Senator] Ascon. &ays P. Cor- nificius. 25. Cum telo] This phrase is bor- rowed from the old Latin of the twelve tables. Sail. 27. * ipse cum telo esse'. 26. Sanctissimo'] The Capitol, a consecrated place. 27. Ut] The reading of Graev. which Em. approves, but would in- sert before quoniam.' Al. nisi. Sect. XXV. 1. Etiam nunc] i.e. If, after all the statements (in the preceding sect.) to show that the charges against Milo were mere ca- lumnies, and the suspicions of Pom- pey unfounded, these suspicions are still harboured ; it is these and not the present indictment that Milo has to fear. Cic. then applies himself, c. 25 and 26, to clear these suspici- ons; which closes the * de causa' proofs. 2. Clodianum crimen] Homicidium Clodii a Milone perpetratum. Furcel. Rather ' the arraignment touching Clo- dius's death.' ' Crimen,' qu. cerni- men,' from ' cerno/ i. e. xpivto. 3. Ea voce] Pompey was within hearing of the trial, being posted with his guards near the ' aerarium.' Cic, therefore, exalts his voice to an unusual pitch, in order to attract his attention. 4. Suspiciones] It appears from Ascon. that Pompey being interrogated by the Clodian leaders as to whether his life had been attempted by Milo, told the story of' PopaLicinius ;' and that in addition to the precaution of confining himself to his gardens, supr. 7. n. 14, on his return from raising the levies through Italy, he had refused to admit the visit of Milo, and of none else, and that when the senate was held in the portico of Pompey, to al- low of his taking part in the business, Milo was the only man ordered to be searched before he was allowed to enter. 5. Si Milonem times] The con- struction of this long hypothetic is defective, as the consequent ' magna in hoc indicantur' does not an- swer well to the first two clauses of the antecedent ' Si Milonem pu- tas.' For where is the force of say- ing, e. g. ' if you think that Milo ever entertained wicked designs against your life, Milo is possessed of incre- dible courage, &c. &c.V Does it require super-human strength to be a villain 1 Whereas, all this is the proper answer to, ' si ltaliae delec- tus, si haec arma, Sec' Hence some editions refer those clauses to the preceding sentence, and commence this one with ' Si ltaliae delectus, &c' As it stands we must suppose two conditions : 1. ' If you fear Milo, and think that he has now, or PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 25. 131 quisitores 6 tui dictitarunt, si haec arma, si Capitolinae cohortes, si excubiae, si vigiliae, 7 si delecta juventus, quae tuum corpus domumque custodit, contra Milonis impetum armata est, atque ilia omnia in hunc unum instituta, parata, intenta sunt ; magna in hoc certe vis, et incredibilis animus, et non unius viri 8 vires atque opes indicantur, siquidem in hunc unum 9 et praestantissimus dux electus, et tota respublica armata est. Sed quis non llJ intelligit, omnes tibi reipublica? partes aegras et labantes, ut eas his armis sanares 11 et confirmares, esse commissas? Quod si Miloni locus 12 datus esset, probasset profecto tibi ipsi, neminem unquam hominem homini cario- rem fuisse, quam te sibi ; nullum se unquam periculum, pro tua dignitate fugisse; cum ilia ipsa teterrima peste 13 saepis- sime pro tua gloria contendisse ; tribuuatum suum ad salu- tem meam, qua? tibi carissima fuisset, consiliis tuis 14 gu r bernatum ; se a te postea det'ensum in periculo capitis, 15 ad- jutum 16 in petitione praetnrae ; duos se habere semper amicis- ever had, designs against your life ;' 2. ' If the whole forces of the state are directed against an individual.' This latter condition he answers first ; namely, by showing that it is absurd, as it would imply courage and re- sources in Milo far above those of any single man ; and, with regard to the extraordinary levies, by proving that they are called for by the necessities of the state without any reference to IVlilo. He then applies himself to the first condition, the answer to which is implied in the words ' Quodsi locus, &c, &c.,' as if he said: 1 If you fear Milo, it is wholly owing to misapprehension ; for if an oppor- tunity had been afforded him, he would have proved to your satisfac- tion that no man was ever dearer to another than you to him, &c. And if he had failed in his proof (quae si non probaret) he would have gone into exile ; not, however, without calling on you to testify his inno- cence, as he now docs.' 6.. Cenquiiilorei] We call them ' recruiting officers. ' 7. Kxcubia,] From ex-cuho, is, 1. a lying abroad all night; 2. watch and ward, watches either by night or day. ' Vigiliae,' a night-watch. Virg. yEn. ix. 159, joins them ' Vi- gilum excubiis obsidere portas.' 8. Non unius viri] A Litotes ; ' not of one man but a multitude.' So Hor. Carm. iv. 9. 39. Consul non unius anni ;' not yearly, but for life. 9. Siquidem] T his is to be referred particularly to ' non unius viri vires, &c,' of which it is explanatory. 10. Sed quis non, c] This is the minor of the hypothetic, (supr. n. 5.) which taken out of the interrogative form, is ' but all the forces of the state are not designed against Milo ;' and he leaves the hearer to conclude : ' Therefore Milo has no extraordinary power.' 11. Sanares] Referred to 'aegras,' as ' confirmares' to ' labantes.' 12. Quod si locus] Had Milo been granted an audience. 13. Peste] Clodius. Supr. 10. n. 10. where Milo's exertions in fa- vour of Pompey are noticed. 14. Consiliis tuis] And, therefore, though the advantage was mine, yet the obligation was also yours. 15. In periculo capitis] ' Caput' is 132 M. T. CICER0N1S ORATIO simos sperasse, te tuo 17 beneficio, me suo. Quae si non probaret ; si tibi ita penitus inhaesisset 18 ista suspicio, nullo ut evelli modo posset ; si denique Italia a delectu, urbs ab armis, sine Milonis clade nunquam esset conquietura : na? iste baud dubitans cessisset patria, is, qui ita natus 19 est, et ita consuevit ; te, Magne, 20 tamen antestaretur : 21 quod nunc etiam facit. XXVI. Vide, quam 1 sit varia vitae commutabilisque ra- tio, 2 quam vaga volubilisque 3 fortuna, quanta? infideiitates in amicis, quam ad tempus aptae simulationes, 4 quanta? in peri- culis fugae proximorum, 5 quanta? timiditates ! Erit, erit illud profecto tempus, et illucescet aliquando ille dies, 6 quum tu, salutaribus, 7 ut spero, rebus tuis, sed fortasse motu aliquo communium 8 temporum immutatis, 9 (qui quam crebro 10 ac- here not life but 'rank.' Exile would have been the punishment had Mi Jo been condemned ; and exile was ' diminutio capitis.' 16. Adjutum] Namely, in canvass- ing the electors of the city and the country. 17. Te tuo] This is a true, though not an obvious ground of friendship. We all take a lively interest in our own work ; e. g. the success of one whom we patronise. 18. Inhtrsisset] Like a deep- rooted tree. Hence, ' evelli.' 19. Ita natus] Namely, so as to act the patriot. 20. Magne] Vid. Manil. introd. 12. note. 21. Antestaretur] A technical word for, * to call on a person to be witness to an arrest ;' which was done by the claimant of the testimony touching the ear. Hor. Licet antes- tari ? Ego vero Opponoauhculam. Here simply ' to attest ;' ' to call upon as a witness.' Milo would not leave his country without calling on Pompey to witness his innocence ; as he does now. Sect. XXVL 1. Vide quam] The mention of banishment led Cic. to revolve ' the various turns of fate be- low ;' and this constrained him to break out into the following excla- mation. The circumstance, there- fore under which it was uttered is a sufficient answer to those who claim for this passage the praise of prophe- cy. That of beauty and pathos it cannot be denied. 2. Ratio] The course. Arch. 1. n. 9. ' Rationem studiorum.' 3. Volubilis] So Pis. 10. Fortuna; roiam peitimescebat. 4. Ad temp. apta. sitnul.] Time- serving pretences. But ' dissimula- tion is, the disguising of one's real sentiments. 5. Fuga proximorum] Hor. Carm. i. 35. 24. diffugiunt amici Fer- re jugum pariter dolosi. 6. Itte dies] It occurred in about four years after. 7. Salutaribus] i. e. sal vis. 8. Communium] As if any change which affected Pompey must affect all. ' Motu temporum,' shock of the public affairs. Hor. Communia laudis, you praise the public. 9. Immutatis] Changed greatly, and generally, for the worse. Sail. Cat. 2. * Fortuna simulcum moribus immutatur.'Alsoc.6. 'immutato more,' in which places the context shows that the word is taken in malam partem.' 10. Quam crelw] Sylla, Cinna, Catiline, were within the experience of Cic. PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 26. 133 cidat, experti debemus scire,) et araicissimi benevolentiam, et gravissimi hominis fidem, et unius post 11 homines natos fortissimi viri magnitudinem animi desideres. 12 Quamquam 13 quis hoc credat, Cn. Pompeium, juris publici, moris ma- jorum, rei denique publicae peritissimum, quum senatus ei commiserit, ut videret, ne quid 14 respublica detrimenti caperet ; quo uno versiculo 15 satis armati semper consules fuerunt, etiam nullis armis datis : 16 hunc exercitu, hunc de- lectu dato, judicium exspectaturum fuisse in ejus consiliis vin- dicandis, qui vi judicia ipsa tolleret? 17 Satis judicatum est a Pompeio, satis, 18 falso ista 19 conferri in Milonem : qui legem 20 tulit, qua, ut ego sentio, Milonem absolvi a vobis oporteret : 21 ut omnes confitentur, liceret. Quod vero 22 in illo loco, at- que illis publicorum praesidiorum copiis circumfusus sedet : satis declarat, se non terrorem inferre vobis, (quid enim illo minus dignum, 23 quam cogere, ut vos eum condemne- 11. Unius post, fyc] i. e. From the foundation of the world. 12. Desideres] As 'requiretis,' Manil. 2. n. 23 ; feel the want of. 13. Quamquam'] A correction, (supr. 2. n. 18,) as if he said, ' and yet why suppose that Pompey har- bours suspicions against Milo which his own acts disprove? Had Milo been disposed (in Pompey's opinion) to abolish trials altogether, would Pompey, clothed with supreme au- thority, have conceded a trial to Milo? Yet he did ; while in the very choice of his position (Quod in illo loco sedet), he fuliy indicates his anxiety to protect you in the impartial ex- pression of your opinions on this oc- casion.' 14. Ne quid, &;c] Sail. Cat. 29, says that this decree gave the con- suls supreme authority and jurisdic- tion, extending to levying armies, waging war, &c, which otherwise depended on the will of the people. 15. Versiculo] i. e. Linea. For 1 versus' properly imports the range of words from the beginning to the turning of the line. It was after- wards appropriated to poetry. 16. Nullis armis datis] For, though VOL. I. this decree did not levy an army, it gave the consul the power to do so, if requisite ; and, therefore, it does not contradict the words of Sallust, supr. 14, ' exercitum parare, bellum gerere.' 17. Qui vi judicia tolleret] Sc. by taking the law into his own hands, murdering Clodius, and plotting against Pompey. Al. vel. 18. 6'atis] Elegans t-ndvodoQ. Grut. Al. omit it. 19. Ista] The calumnies which were said to have excited the sus- picions of Pompey. 20. Qui Legem] Supr. 6. n. 7. 21. Oporteret] Owing to the jus- tice of his cause ; liceret,' owing to the liberty of acquittal bestowed by Pompey's law. 22. Quod vero] ' But in that, &c.;' i. e. by his taking post in that par- ticular place ; sc. the entrance to the treasury, as Ascon. says. 23. Miiius dignum] The indignity consisted in Pompey's obliging the judges to condemn an innocent per- son ; which he must have done mere- ly to insult them, as he had in him- self the full power of punishing them without going through any legal form. N 134 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO tis, in quem animadvertere ipse, 24 et more majorum 25 et suo jure, 26 posset ?) sed praesidio esse : ut intelligatis, contra hes- ternam concionem 27 illam licere vobis, quod sentiatis, libere judicare. XXVII. Nee vero me, judices, Clodianum crimen 1 mo- vet : nee tain sum demens, 2 tamque vestri sensus ignarus atque expers, ut nesciam quid de morte Clodii sentiatis. De qua si jam nollem ita diluere crimen, ut dilui, 3 tamen im- pune Miloni palam clamare atque mentiri 4 gloriose 5 liceret : " Occidi, occidi, 6 non Sp. Maelium, 7 qui annona 8 levanda, jacturisque 9 rei familiaris, quia nimis amplecti plebem pu- tabatur, in suspicionem incidit regni appetendi ; non Ti. Gracchum, 10 qui collegae 11 magistratum per seditionem 12 ab- 24. Animadvertere ipse] Cat. i. c. 1. n. on 'jussu Consulis.' 25. More majorum'] Sail. Cat. 29, says, more Romano.' 26. Suo jure] For the act per- mitted the consul ' coercere omni- bus modis cives.' Sail. Cat. 29. 27. Jlesternam concionem] Supr. 2. ' Qui hesterna etiam concione con- eitati sunt, ut vobis voce praeirent, quid judicaretis.' T. Munatius Plan- cus was the speaker. Sect. XXVII. 1. Clod, crimen] He had contrasted this charge (c. 25,) with the suspicions of Fompey, and cleared away those suspicions. He now addresses himself to prove, that the death of Clodiu c , being a service to the state, its perpetrator (Milo) had therein performed a glorious act. This is the second principal division of the confutation, called hy himself, (inf. c. 34.) extra causam, the use and defect of which is noticed by Quint, (iii. 6. and iv. 5.) Vid. supr. 2. n. 20, where it appears from Ascon. (which Quint, corroborates,) that Cic. imitated a defence of Milo, written and published by Brutus. 2. Demens] He pretends that it were fatuity to doubt of the strong feeling of the judges as to the advan- tages accruing from the death of Clodius. ' Vestri sensus' your way of thinking. Att. xv. 7, sensus ejus de republica.' 3. Ut dilui] (AiaXvofiat) Sc. by showing that he had waylaid Milo and was, therefore, justly slain. Cic. artfully assumes his case as proved ; ' causa dicta est.' Arch. 4. 4. Mentiri] In saying 'occidi,' i. e. per vim et insidias, which he has just disproved. The Delph., however, refers it to the fact of the murder being committed, not by Milo, but his slaves. 5. Gloriost] Not ' nobly,' as splendide mendax,' in Hor. Od. iii. 11. 35 ; for there was no credit in telling the lie, but (gloriabundus) * glorying in it,' ' boastfully,' ' proud- ly.' So ad Div. viii. 15. Quid, jam, inquis, gloriose omnia? 6. Occidi, occidi] Frimum indicat ; alterum affirmat. Quint, ix. 3. Manut. 7. Non Sp. Milium] For that were an ignoble act, in comparison with slaying Clodius. Supr. 3. n. 17. 8. Annona] Manil. 15. n. 11. 9. Jacturis] Manil. 23. n. 5. 10. Ti. Gracchum] Supr. 13. n. 16. 11. College] A tribune of the people, called Octavius. 12. Seditionem] Qu. seorsum itio, d being inserted, as in'reditus ;' PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 27, 135 rogavit; quorum interfectores 13 implerunt orbem terrarum nominis sui gloria : sed eum (auderet enim dicere, quum patriam periculo suo liberasset) cujus nefandum adulteri- um 14 in pulvinaribus 15 sanctissimis nobilissima? 16 fceminae comprehenderunt ; eum, cujus supplicio senatus sollemnes religiones expiandas 17 saepe censuit ; eum, quern quum sorore germane^ nefarium stuprum fecisse L. Lucullus 19 juntos se, quaestionibus 20 habitis, dixit comperisse; eum, qui civem, 21 quern senatus, quern populus Romanus, quern omnes gentes urbis ac vitae civium conservatorem judicarant, servorum armis exterminavit ; eum, qui regna dedit, 22 ademit, 23 orbem terrarum, 2 * quibuscum voluit, partitusest; eum, qui pluri- rnis caedibus in foro factis, singulari virtute et gloria civem 25 a withdrawing from the body of the people. 13. Jnterfectores.] Servilius Ahala and Scipio Nasica. 14. Adulterinm] Sc. with Pom- peia, the wife of Julius Caesar. Supr. 5. n. 11. 15. Pulvinaribus] Couches in temples, whereon the images of the gods were placed on solemn oc- casions. Here those of the Bona Dea. Harusp. 5. ' Cum stuprum Bona; Deae pulvinaribus intulisset.' 16. Nobilissimce] Vestal virgins and noble matrons who had assem- bled at Caesar's house, to perform the rites of the goddess. Caesar was Pontifex Max. Harusp. 3. ' Ex domo Pont. Max.' 17. Expiandas'] Required ex- piation. Three instances are noticed in the Harusp. 12. 13. : 1. the rites of the Bona Dea ; 2. the great games, which, as aedile, he conduct- ed, and at which he allowed his slaves to assist and be spectators ; 3. his delivering for a bribe the town of Pes- sinus, in Phrygia, and the magnifi- cent temple of Cybele there, to Bri- gotarus ' Gallo Graeco, impuro homi- ni ac nefario.' Sext. 26. 18. Sorore germana] A full sister; for cousins were also called ' sorores.' Phil. ii. 38. Clodia, the youngest of three sisters, was married to L. Lu- cullus. 19. Lucullus] Vid. Introd. Ma- nil. 20. Quastionibus] The slaves of Clodia were put to the torture. 21. Civem] Cic. himself. 22. Regna dedit] E. g. to Bri- gotarus. Pecunia Brigotarus, per te (rex) appellatus.' Harusp. 13. Sext. 26. 23. Ademit] E. g. from Ptolemy, king of Cyprus. Clodius enacted that Cyprus should be made a province of the empire ; that its king and kingly treasures be sold and confis- cated ; and that Cato be commis- sioned with praetorian authority to carry the proceeds to Rome. Sext. 26. 29. 24. Orbem terrarum] By the Clo- dian law, Macedonia was given to Piso, and Syria to Gabinius, in re- turn for their support in procuring the banishment of Cic. 25. Civem] Pompey. This as- sault arose out of the affair of Ti- granes. Supr. 7. n. 10. By ' foro,' Ascon. says, is meant the temple of Castor, where Clodius had stationed the slave who was to assassinate Pompey. 136 M. T. C1CER0NIS ORATIO domum vi et armis compulit ; eum, cui nihil unquam nefas 21 ' fuit nee in facinore, nee in libidine ; eum qui sedem Nym- pbarum 27 incendit, ut memoriam publicam recensionis, ta- bulis publicis impressam, extingueret; eum denique, cui jam nulla lex erat, 28 nullum civile jus, nulli possessionum termini ; qui non calumnia litium/ 9 non injustis vindiciis 30 ac sacramentis 31 alienos fundos, sed castris, exercitu, signis in- ferendis petebat ; qui non solum Etruscos, 32 (eos enim peni- tus contempserat,) sed hunc Q. Varium, 33 virum fortissimum atque optimum civem, judicem nostrum, pellere possession i- bus, armis castrisque conatus est ; qui cum architects 34 et decempedis villas multorum hortosque peragrabat; qui Jani- culo et Alpibus 35 spem possessionum terminabat suarum ; qui, quum ab equite Romano splendidoet forti, 36 M. Paconio, non impetrasset, ut insulam in lacu Prelio 37 venderet, repente lintribus in earn insulam materiam, 58 calcem, caementa, arma 26. Nihil nefas] i. e. Which he would not do ; impossible. Od. i. 24. 20. Hor. Levius fit patien- tia. Quicquid corrigere est nefas. llarusp. 27. 27. JEdem, Nympharum] Sc. of the fountains, who were worshipped there that they might be propitious against fires. Harusp. 27. * Earum templum inflammavit Dearum qua- rum ope aliis incendiis subvenitur.' In this temple, as being most secure from fires, were kept the public regis- ters, at least of the censors. There seems, afterwards, to have been a place set apart for this purpose, called ' tabularium.' Virg. Geor. ii. 502. Insanum forum aut populi tabularia vidit. It is easy to con- ceive that the notice of Clodius (re- censionis) was not flattering, and hence his revenge. 28. Cui erat] Who regarded, &c. 29. Calumnia litium] Unjust law-suits. ' Calumnia,' from ' cal- vo,' I deceive, imports, 1. a cavil or quirk; 2. a false accusation. 30. Vindiciis'] A claim of pos- session ; a litigation to establish that claim. Th. 'vindico,' perhaps from 2. the suit or cause itself, as evSiKtui. 31. Sacramentis] 1. A pledge or gage to be forfeited by the losing party; " here. 32. Etrtiscos] Supr.9. ' Etruriam vexaverat,' and 19, * Omnis Etruria rea citaretur.' 33. Q. Varium] Al. Cn. P<m- peium, erroneously. 34. Architectis] To direct the buildings which he might raise. It refers to ' villas ;' and ' decempedis' to hortos.' So Hor. Od. ii. 15. 14. Nulla decempedis Metata privatis opacam Porticus excipiebat Arcton. 35. Janiculo Alpibus] i. e. The entire of Upper Italy, from Rome to Gaul. 36. Splendido et forti] The dis- tinctive epithets of knights. 37. Prelio] Al. Pretio, now Cas- tiliogne, in Tuscany. 38. Materiam] (As v\ri) Timber for building ; 'calcem,' lime-stone, lime ; caementa,' (^qu. 'caedimenta,' from ' caedo ;') stones from the quar- ry, and ' arma,' tools. PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 28. 137 convexit ; dominoque trans ripam inspectante, 59 non dubitavit aedificium exstniere in alieno ; 40 qui huic T. Furfanio, 41 cui viro ? dii immortales ! (quid enim ego de muliercula 41 Scan- tia, 4 * quid de adolescente Aponio dicam? quorum utrique mortem est minitatus, nisi sibi bortorum possessione cessis- set ;) sed ausus est Furfanio dicere, si sibi pecuniam, quan- tam poposcerat, non dedisset, mortuum 43 se in domum ejus illaturum, qua invidia 44 huic esset tali viro conflagrandum ; qui Appium 45 fratrem, hominem mihi conjunctum fidissima gratia, absentem de possessione fundi dejecit ; qui parietem sic per vestibulum sororis 46 instituit ducere, 47 sic agere fun- damenta, ut sororem non modo vestibulo privaret, sed omni aditu et limine. XXVIII. Quamquam 1 haec quidem jam tolerabilia 2 vi- 39. Dominoque inspectante'] This was an aggravating circumstance. So Virg. yEn. i. 118. * lpsius ante oculos, c.' * Trans ripam,' from beyond the margin or bank of the lake ; i. e. on the mainland. Se- nec. Benef. v. 16. Trans Alpes accitus hostis ; from beyond the Alps. 40. Exstruere in alieno'] Of this, the punishment was, a forfeiture of the building. ' Illius fit aedificium cujus et solum est.' Dig. de acquir. rer. dominio. 41. Furfanio] One of the judges ; a friend and correspondent of Cic. Fam. vi. 8. 41. Muliercula] A little woman ; a poor unprotected creature. 42. Scantia] The name of a wood in Campania, abounding in pastures, (Agr. i. 1 ; and iii. cap. ult.) and producing revenue to the Roman peo- ple. Perhaps this poor woman came from that quarter, and possessed ' a garden,' near the ' Janiculum,' which attracted the covetous eye of Clodius. At least a garden in Scantia would be no very great prize. 43. Mortuum] Either to charge him with the murder, or have his property escheated, as being polluted by a corpse. 44. Qua invidia] By the odium consequent on which this honourable man should be overwhelmed. 45. Appium] Cic. adds, ' fra- trem' * absentem,' to heighten the atrocity of the thing. To this Ap- pius, Cic. addresses the third book of his Epist. ; yet he supported Clo- dius against Cic, in the affair of his return. Supr. 15. n. 5. 46. Sororis] Clodius had three sisters ; the eldest of whom, called Quadrantaria, from a trick played upon her by one of her lovers, who paid her favours with farthings, (qua- drantes,) was married to Metellus Celer, Plut. Cic. 29; Cael. 14. 26 ; Terentia,was the wife of Q. Marcius Rex ; and Clodia, the wife of Lu- cullus. It is probable that the first is here referred to, as her house lay contiguous to Cic, and Cicero's, again, to Clodius. Plut. Cic. 29 ; and Harusp. 15. Mea domus....sacri- legi parietem tangit. 47. Parietem ducere] Virg. Pars ducere muros. Sect. XXVIII. 1. Quamquam] The usual correction, supr. 2. n. 18. The preceding sect, contained a re- view of Clodius's pust enormities, forming a sort of descending series from the profanation of the rites of the Bona Dea to the building a par- tition across his sister's court-yard. n2 138 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO debantur, etsi aequaliter in rempublicam, 3 in privates, in longinquos, in propinquos, in alienos, in suos irruebat : sed nescio quomodo jam usu obduruerat, et percalluerat 4 civi- tatis incredibilis patientia. 5 Quae vero aderant jam et im- pendebant, quonam modo ea ant depellere potuissetis aut ferre ? Imperium 6 ille si nactus esset : omitto socios, 7 exte- ras nationes, reges, tetrarchas ; 8 vota enim faceretis, 9 ut in eos se potius immitteret, quam in vestras possessiones, vestra tecta, vestras pecunias : pecunias dico ? a liberis, a liberis, medius fidius, 10 et a conjugibus vestris nunquam ille effrenatas suas libidines cohibuisset. Fingi haec putatis, quae patent ? quae nota sunt omnibus ? qua? tenentur r 1 ser- vorum exercitus 12 ilium in urbe conscripturum fuisse, per quos totam rempublicam resque privatas omnium possi- deret ? 13 Quamobrem, si cruentum gladium tenens clamaret T. Annius : " adeste, 14 quaeso, atque audite, cives : P. Clo- dium interfeci ; ejus furores, quos nullis jam legibus, nullis ju- diciis frenare poteramus, hoc ferro et hac dextra a cervicibus vestris repuli, 15 per me ut unum jus, 16 aequitas, leges, liber- In this is sketched his intended crimes, and the praise due to Milo for cutting short his mad career inferred. 2. Haic tolerahiliu] In comparison of the evils which he was likely to in- flict on the state. 3. In remp., c] These being opposed in pairs, we find propin- quos' must here mean ' neighbours.' 4. Percalluerat] Explained by ' obduruerat,' for it also means, ' had thoroughly known/ We say ' case- hardened.' 5. Patientia'] Capability of en- during wrongs. 6. Imperium] The praotorship. 7. Omitto socios, c] For they would have suffered as a matter of course. Supr. 27. n. 17.25. 8. Tetrarchas] Not only the go- vernor of the fourth part of a king- dom, but the sole ruler of any coun- try which was at any time so divided. So Hirt. B. Alex. 67. Dejotarus Tetrarchus Gallogracciae pene to- ti^is; , to which the other Tetrarchs questioned his right. 9. Vota faccretis] A proof of ex- treme distress ; to be glad of safety at the expense of allies and friends. 10. Medius fidius] 1. Varro says, Dius Fidius is, * Jovis Alius,' i. e. Hercules; 2. me, in composition, is governed of juvet ; [some say it is the Greek pa ; but that adverb is re- stricted to negative assertions.] 3. Fest. notices, ' per diei fidem ;' and per divi fidem ;' i. e. by the God of Honour, or Hercules. The Greek parallel expression, AToe. Iliartoc, gives a colour to the last explanation, which, however, should be ' me Deus fidei juvet.' 11. Tenentur] Intelligentur. 12. Exercitus] C. 9. n. 15. 13. Possideret] Occuparet. 14. Adeste] Perhaps the phrase for summoning the people. 15. Frenare repuli, c] There appears to be a confusion of meta- phor here. Ut following, is illative : * So that by means of me, alone, jus- tice, &c.' Al. per me unum effectum est ut. 16. Jus] Scriptum ; ' aequitas,' qua mens scriptoris inquiritur, ncn verba PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 29. 139 tas, pudor, pudicitia 1 " in civitate manerent :" esset vero ti- mendum, quonam modo id ferret civitas ? Nunc enim quis est, qui non probet ? qui non laudet ? qui non unum post hominum memoriam 18 T. Annium plurimum reipublicae profuisse, maxima lsetitia populum Romanum, cunctam Italiam, nationes omnes affecisse, et dicat. et sentiat ? Non queo, Vetera ilia populi Romani gaudia quanta fuerint judi- care. Multas tamen jam summorum 19 imperatorum claris- simas victorias aetas nostra vidit ; quarum nulla neque tarn diuturnam attulit laetitiam, nee tantam. Mandate hoc 21 me- moriae, judices. Spero multa vos liberosque vestros in re- publica bona esse visuros: in his singulis ita semper existi- mabitis, vivo P. Clodio, nihil eorum vos visuros fuisse. In spem maximam, et, quemadmodum confido, verissimam ad- ducti sumus, hunc ipsum annum, hoc ipso summo viro 21 con- sule, compressa hominum licentia, cupiditatibus fractis, leoi- bus et judiciis constitutis, salutarem civitati fore. Num quis igitur est tarn demens, qui hoc, P. Clodio vivo, contingere potuisse arbitretur ? Quid ? ea, quae tenetis, privata atque vestra, dominante homine furioso, quod jus perpetuae pos- sessionis 22 habere potuissent ? XXIX. Non timeo, 1 judices, ne odio inimicitiarum me- arum inflamniatus, libentius haec in ilium evomere videar, quam verius. Etenim etsi praecipuum' 2 esse debebat, tamen ita communis erat omnium ille hostis, ut in communi odio nuda ponderantur. Abram. right of property (mancipium) ' per- 17. Pudor, pudicitia'] Hefer the petuee' is added to make it express that former to the mind, the latter to the idea. body. Skct. XXIX. 1. Non timeo] Hav- 18. Post horn, memoriam'] Since ing now detailed ull the enormities men began to record actions. We of JMilo, Cic. apprehensive that the say, ' within the memory of man.' feelings of the Judges did not ac- 19. Summorum] Marius, Sylla. company him in his exaggerations, 20. Hoc] He foretels that they will resolves to give them a palpable proof attribute every future blessing to the of their abhorrence for Clodius. This removal of Clodius, and he bids them he does by supposing him recalled to note that he now said so. life ; the bare thought astounded 21. Summo viro] Pompcy, ap- them. Nay he adds Pompey would pointed to be sole consul, (Introd 4.) not recall him. Therefore Clodius had passed some salutary laws against was a tyrant and his murder meri- bnbery and corruption, and attempt- torious. ed to reform the state. 2. Etsi vracipuum] Sc. ' odium '22. Possessionis] ' Posscssio' being mcum ;' being banished by Clodius, merely, per mum, and giving no my brother nearly killed, my family 140 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO paene aequaliter versaretur 3 odium meum. Non potest dici satis, ne cogitari quidem, quantum in illo sceleris, quantum exitii fuerit. Quin sic 4 attendite, judices : nempe haec est quacstio de interitu P. Clodii. Fingite animis: libera? enim sunt cogitationes nostra?, et, quae volunt, sic intuentur, ut ea cernimus, 5 qua? videmus; fingite igitur cogitatione imagi- nem hujus conditionis mea? : si possim efficere, ut Milo- nem absolvatis, 6 sed ita si P. Clodius revixerit. Quid vultu extimuistis? quonam modo 7 ille vos vivus afficeret, quos mortuus inani cogitatione percussit ? Quid ? si ipse Cn. Pompeius, 8 qui ea virtute, ac fortuna est, ut ea potuerit semper, qua? nemo praeter ilium : si is, inquam, potuisset, ut quaestionem de morte P. Clodii ferre, sic ipsum ab inferis excitare, utrum putatis potius facturum fuisse ( etiamsi prop- ter amicitiam 9 vellet ilium ab inferis revocare, propter rem- publicam nonfecisset. Ejus igitur mortis sedetis ultores, eujus vitam si putetis per vos restitui posse, nolitis: et de ejus nece lata quaestio est, qui si eadam lege rcvivisccre posset, lata lex nunquam esset. Hujus ergo interfector si esset, in confitendo ab iisne poenam timeret, quos liberavisset V persecuted, my property confiscated, my house burned, &c. 3. Pane annul, vers.'] Was almost on an equality with ; i. e. did not much exceed it. 4. Quin sic] As the ' quantum' of Clodius's guilt admitted neither of expression nor conception, he thought the judges might best approximate to the idea of it, by supposing his re- call to life. 5. Cernimus] Cerno (rptVw, from KpiOl, barley) 1. I sift. 2. view se- parately, discern. Hence it is stronger than ' video.' Tusc. i. 20. Nos enim ne nunc quidem oculis cernimus ea quae videmus. 6. Ut Milonem absolvatis, &;c] Cic. artfully connects the acquittal of Mi- lo with the reanimation of Clodius ; as well to keep the former idea be- fore the minds of the judges; as to reconcile them to it the more, when they should perceive it to be relieved from such a fearful condition. 7. Quonum modo] The mere ima- gination of Clodius dead affected you ; a fortiori would the reality of Clodius living. 8. Quid si ipse Cn. Pompeius] Nay Pompey, the best and bravest man alive, would not, if he could, recall Clod, to life. Therefore his death must have been a public be- nefit. 9. Amicitiam] Supr. 8.n. 8. 10. Ergo si esset, &c] Therefore, were Milo the perpetrator of so glo- rious a deed, he mould have confessed it. Hence inf. ' confiteretur, jmmm, &c. ;' also c. 31, ' Uteretur eadem coiifasione T. Annius ;' and ' Consci- entia sua niteretur ;' all which ex- pressions depend upon this first supposition. " Frequently the im- perf. subj. is used instead of the pluperf. in both clauses of a hypothe- tic, though the event referred to is completely passed. The English phrase would lead to the pluperf." Zumpt'sLat. G. p. 301. PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 30. 141 Graeci homines 11 deorum honores tribuunt iis viris, qui 12 tyrarmos necaverunt. Quae ego vidi Athenis ! quae aliis in urbibus Graeciae! quas res divinas talibus institutas viris! qnos cantiis ! 13 qua? carmina ! prope ad imraortalitatis et religionem et memoriam 14 consecrantur. Vos tanti con- servatorem populi, tanti sceleris ultorem, non modo honori- bus nullis afficietis, sed etiam ad supplicium rapi patie- mini ? Confiteretur, 15 confiteretur, inquam, si fecisset, et raagno animo, et libenter 16 se fecisse, libertatis omnium causa ; quod esset ei certe non confitendum modo, verum etiam praedicandum. XXX. Etenim, si id 1 non negat, ex quo nihil petit, nisi ut ignoscatur, dubitaret id fateri, ex quo etiam prae- mia laudis essent petenda ? Nisi vero 2 gratius putat esse vobis sui se capitis, quam vestri 3 defensorem fuisse ; quum praesertim in ea confessione, si grati esse velletis, honores assequeretur amplissimos. Si factum 4 vobis non proba- retur, (quamquam qui poterat salus sua cuique non pro- bari?) sed tamen si minus fortissimi viri virtus civibus grata cecidisset: 5 magno animo constantique cederet ex ingrata civitate. Nam quid esset ingratius, quam laetari 11. Graci homines] The mention that Milo actually slewClodius. Hence of * liberavisset' was enough to his supposition here, that had Milo lead his mind to Greece, the land of done so, the deed being noble,he would liberators. ' Homines' is added to surely have confessed it. But he Graeci' in opposition to ' deorum' did not, therefore he was innocent, which follows. 16. Libenter] Al. libente, to agree 12. Viris qui, &;c] i. e. Tyrannici- with ' animo.' It qualifies ' fecisse.' des. Abram. adduces Aratus, Ti- Sect. XXX. 1. Etenim si id] moleon, Pelopidas and Brasidas, for Sc. that he slew Milo in self-defence. ' the other cities of Greece ;' Harmo- An a fortiori argument. dius and Aristogiton, for 'Athens.' 2. Nisi vero] ' Unless truly, &c.' 13. Quos cantus] These songs which is absurd. Supr. 3. n. 10. were usual at the public sacrifices 3. Vestri] Al. insert ordinis ; but as and private entertainments. The the Judices were not taken from any Schol. on Aristophanes quotes one particular ' order' this word is pro- which began thus : $i\raQ' 'Appose perly omitted by Em. and ' capitis' 7rw riOvntaq. Ni7<roic 5' lv paica- understood. pujv 01 Qaviv tlvai, &c. 4. Si factum] That Milo slew 14. Immort. memoriam] i. e. To Clodius, not in self-defence, but in a veneration and fame which shall your defence. He reasons on this never die. We say ' The immortal supposition all through to ' niteretur,' memory.' infra. 15'. Confiteretur, &;c] Even through 5. Minus grata cecidisset] Had this extra causam defence Cic. denies proved displeasing. 142 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO taeteros, lugere eum solum, propter quera ceteri laetaren- tiit? Quamquam 6 hoc animo semper omnes fuimus in pa- triae proditoribus opprimendis, ut, quoniam nostra futura esset gloria, periculum quoque et invidiam nostram pu- taremus. Nam quae mihi ipsi tribuenda laus esset, quum tantum 7 in consulatu meo pro vobis ac liberis vestris ausus essem, si id, quod conabar, sine maximis dimicationibus meis me esse ausurum arbitrarer? quae mulier scelera- tum ac perniciosum civem occidere non auderet, si peri- culum non timeret? Proposita invidia, morte, poena, qui nihilo segnius rempublicam defendit, is vir vere 8 pu- tandus est. Populi grati est, praemiis afficere bene me- ritos de republica cives; viri fortis, ne suppliciis quidem moveri, ut fortiter fecisse poeniteat. Quamobrem uteretur eadem confessione T. Annius, qua Ahala, 9 qua Nasica, qua Opimius, qua Marius, qua nosmetipsi: et, si grata respublica esset, laetaretur ; si ingrata, tamen, in gravi fortuna consci- entia sua niteretur. 10 Sed 11 hujus beneficii gratiam, judices, Fortuna 12 populi Romani, et vestra felicitas, et dii immortales, sibi deberi putant. Nee vero quiscmam aliter arbitrari potest, nisi qui 13 nullam vim 14 esse ducit, numenve divinum ; quern neque 6. Quamquam'] The usual correc- only impediment. They therefore tion. He had supposed (what was inspired him with the idea of attack- hardly possible) that had he slain ing Milo in the very place where Milo in its defence his country would he had most outraged the laws, (c. not thank him for so doing; he 33.) He did so and fell. And this would therefore abandon so ungrate- leads to the peroration, ful a country yes ungrateful to 7. Tantum] The suppression of Ca- make the author of their joy the tiline's conspiracy, only sorrowful, and yet (quanquam 8. Vir vere] ' Vere' refers to ' vir ; &c.) this is whatwe patriots allexpect not * putandus est.' danger and odium, without which 9. Qua Ahala Nasica, fyc] Supr. where in fact would be our merit? n. 17. &c. Wherefore if Annius had slain a ty- 10. Niteretur] Sustentaretse. Em- rant, he would have frankly con- man. fessedit; rejoiced if his country ap- 11. Sed] But so far from Milo proved ; if not rejoiced at the con- having any claim, the Fortune, &c. sciousness of having done his duty. 12. Fortuna] Ovid. Fast. v. 729. Sed But unhappily for his fame, he Nee te praetereo populi fortuna po- did not. The fortune of Rome and tentis Publica, cui templum luce the Gods claim all the merit. They sequente datum est. had long borne with his enormities, 13. Nisi qui] Except the atheist, to which Milo (c. 32.) was the 14. Vim] Al. majestatem. PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 31. 143 imperii vestri magnitude), 15 neque sol ille, nee cceli sig- norumque 16 motus, nee vicissitudines rerum atque ordines movent, neque, id quod maximum est, majorum nostro- rum sapientia; qui sacra, qui caeremonias, 17 qui auspicia et ipsi sanctissime coluerunt, et nobis, suis posteris, pro- diderunt. XXXI. Est, est profecto ilia vis: neque in his corpo- ribus atque in hac imbecillitate 1 nostra inest quiddam, quod vigeat et sentiat, et non inest 2 in hoc tanto naturae tarn praeclaro motu. Nisi forte 3 idcirco esse non putant, quia non apparet, nee cernitur: proinde quasi 4 nostram ipsam mentem, qua sapimus, qua providemus, qua haec ipsa agimus 5 ac dicimus, videre, aut plane, qualis, aut ubi sit, sentire possimus. Ea vis, ea est igitur ipsa, 6 qua? saepe incredibiles huic urbi felicitates 7 atque opes attulit, illam perniciem 8 extinxit, ac sustulit; cui primum mentem in- jecit, ut vi irritare ferroque lacessere fortissimum virum auderet, vincereturque ab eo, quern si vicisset, habitants esset impunitatem et licentiam sempiternam. 9 Non est hu- mano 10 consilio, ne mediocri quidem, judices, deorum im- mortalium cura, res ilia perfecta. Religiones, 11 mehercule, 12 ipsae, quae illam belluam cadere viderunt, commosse 13 se 15. Imperii magnitudo] This se- this very cause. Manil. 1. 5. lection of proofs for the existence of 6. Ea est ipsa] Al. omit est. But a deity, shews how ill-qualified the it is better retained. ' This then is noblest uninspired genius was to the providence, this the very provi- form rational ideas on this subject. dence which, &c.' 16. Cccli signorumq;] Hendiad. for 7. Felicitates'] Some of these are 1 caelestium signorum.' stated by Plutarch in his book ' de 17. Cceremonias~) Supr. 2. n. 17. Fortuna Rom.' Sect. XXXI. 1. Imbecillitate] 8. Illam perniciem] Clodius. (From in, not, and baculus, bacillus, 9. Sempiternam] i. e. All his life. a staff) 1. weakness attendant on old Hor. Servit aeternum qui paivo nesci- age. 2. weakness in general. et uti. 2. Neque et non inest] Nor is 10. Non est humano] Therefore there in these mortal frames an ac- not by Milo's. tive thinking principle without its be- 11. Religiones] Sc. redes, arae, cas- ing in like manner in the system of remoniae, or rather the gods which nature; i. e. if it be in the former, belong to them, and which alone u fortiori it is in the latter. can be said ' to bestir themselves, 3. Nisi Jorte] Supr. 3. n. 10. &c.' 4. Proinde quasi] The order is 12. Mehercule] i. e. Hercules me ' proinde quasi possimus videre nos- servet ; the same as Medius fidius. train, &c. aut plane sentire qualis, Supr. 28. n. 10. &c.' 13. Commoiisse] ' Commovere se' 5. i/trc ipsa agimus, fife.] Plead dicuutur aliquid molirentur. Em. 144 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO videntur, et jus in illo suum retinuisse. 14 Vos enim jam, Albani 15 tumuli atque luci, vos, inquam, imploro, atque ob tester, vosque Albanorum obrutae arae, sacrorum populi Romani sociae et aequales, 15 quas ille, praeceps amentia, caesis prostratisque sanctissimis lucis, substructionum insa- nis 17 molibus oppresserat : vestrae turn, arae, vestrae religio- nes viguerunt, 18 vestra vis valuit, quam ille omni scelere ]X)lluerat ; tuque ex tuo edito monte, Latiaris 19 sancte Ju- piter, cujus ille lacus, 20 nemora, finesque saepe omni nefa- rio stupro et scelere macularat, aliquando ad eum puni- endum oculos aperuisti : vobis ilia?, vobis vestro in con- spectu serae, 21 sed justae tamen et debitae poenae solutae sunt. Nisi forte 22 hoc etiam casu factum esse dicemus, ut ante ipsum sacrarium 23 Bonae Deae, 24 quod est in fundo T. Sextii Galli, in primis honesti et ornati adolescentis, ante ipsam, inquam, Bonam Deam, quum proelium commi- 14. Retinuisse] Maintained, as- serted. They seemed heretofore to have waived it. 15. Albani, #c] Clodius had a villa in the Alban land ; and it would appear that in the building of it he had destroyed some old graves and altars, attached to Mons Alba- nus, where the Latins feria; were celebrated. Mons Albanus was co- vered with trees ; but we may sup- pose that every little hillock and grove was the site of an altar for these occasions. The Delph. suggests that the ' tumuli' may have been the se- pulchres of the old Albans. Quint, xii. 10. notes the sublimity of this address. Also, vii. 2. he gives it as an instance of airooTpotpt). 16. Sociaz et aiquales] For the La- tins had by treaty certain sacred rites in common with the Romans, par- ticularly the Latinie Feria:, first ap- pointed by Tarquin for one day. Liv. i. 55. Under the consuls they were extended to four ; Liv. vi. 42 j by whom they were always cele- brated before they set out to their provinces. On these occasions forty - seven Latin cities assembled at Mons Albanus; an ox was sacrificed, and each of them received a part. 17. Iisa/m] Quales insani faci- unt ; vast, huge. ' Substructionum', Supr. 20. 18. Viguerunt] Exerted their ener- gy ; he had said ' commovisse.' 19. Latiaris'] Al. Latialis, i. e. who presides over Latium. Yet ' Latiale caput' is perhaps the temple of Ju- piter on the Alban mount. Lucan, i. 535. 20. Lacus] At the foot of Mons Albanus is the lake of that name, an oval sheet of water about six or seven miles in circumference, Liv. v. 19. 21. Serte] Hor. Od. 10. 2.31. 22. Msi forte] Supr. 3. n. 10. Cic. thought it absurd to deny a pro- vidential interference in the fact of his death happening in the very pre- sence of the goddess whose rites he had profaned. Before he had said it was ' Ante fundum Clodii', &c. 23. Sacrarium] The dirain. is sa- cellum', a shrine, chapel. 24. Bona: Dete] 'kyaQr, Ota. Hoc nomine terra ipsa culta est a Koma- nis, quia omnium nobis ad victum bonorum causa est. Macrob. Saturn, i. 12. PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 32. 145 sisset, primum illud vulnus acciperet, quo teterrimam 25 mor- tem obiret : ut non absolutus judicio illo 26 nefario videre- tur, 27 sed ad banc insignem poenam reservatus. XXXII. Nee vero non eadem ira deorum banc ejus satellitibus 1 injecit amentiam, ut sine imaginibus, sine can- tu 2 atque ludis, 3 sine exsequiis, sine lamentis, 4 sine lauda- tionibus, sine funere, 6 oblitus cruore et luto, spoliatus illius supremi diei celebritate, 7 cui concedere etiam inimici so- lent, ambureretur 8 abjectus. Non luisse credo fas, clarissi- morum virorum formas 9 illi teterrimo parricida3 aliquid de- coris afterre, neque ullo in loco potius mortem 10 ejus la- cerari, quam in quo vita esset damnata. Dura mibi, medius fidius, 11 jam Fortuna populi Romani et crudelis videbatur, 12 quae tot annos ilium in banc rem- 25. Teterrimam] When speaking of this murder as the act of Milo he employed a euphemism ; ' Fecerunt id servi Milonis, 6cc.' c. 10. n. 30 ; here a studied exaggeration. 26. lllo~\ Wherein he was tried for the violation of her mysteries. Supr. 5.n. 11. 27. Ut videretur] So that he seem- ed, &c. ; not ' in order that.' Supr. 1. n. 13. Sect. XXXII. 1. Ejus satelliti- bus] Sext. Clodius and his gang. 2. Cantu] Nsenia. Gell. xx. 2. calls the performers ' siticines.' Ovid. Fast. vi. 6'60, ' tibicines.' Pers. iii. 103. speaks of trumpets. Also Virg. xi.192. 3. Ludis'] Of gladiators which were sometimes exhibited at the fu- nerals of great men. But players and buffoons formed part of the pro- cession, of whom the ' Archimirnus' supported the character which the person when alive had borne. Suet. Vesp. 19. 4. Lament is] ' Sc. of women em- ployed for the occasion called ' pra> licae,' and by Virg. ' funerae.' After singing the funeral dirge in the pro- cession, they raised the ' lament' at the pile. ' Lamentum' qu. lacryma- mentum. 5. Laudationibus] At the funerals VOL. I. of illustrious Eomans, after the body of the deceased had been exposed for seven or eight days at his house, and duly lamented, it was carried to the forum accompanied by a procession of the leading citizens, where an eu- logium was pronounced generally by the nearest relative of the deceased ; or if he declined the office, by some man of eloquence. The origin of the custom is attributed by Plut. to Va- lerius Publicola who honoured his col- league's obsequies with a funeral ora- tion. 6. Funere] A procession with light- ed torches, from 'funes accensi,' which accompanied it. Val.Max. iii. 6. 4. 7. Celebritate] i. e. Sollennitate exsequiarum, a crowded funeral pro- cession. 8. Ambureretur] C. 13. Semuslu- latum. 9. Formas] Images. The ancestors of Clodius were most noble. 10. Mortem] i.e. Cadaver. Etfunus lacerum tellus habet. yEn. ix. 491. So in Greek Qovoq, Eurip. Orest. 985. 28. n. 10. 11. Medius fidius] Supr. 28. n. 10. 12. Dura videbatur] i. e. I did think the goddess of Roman fortune cruel in bearing so long with Clodi- us j but I now confess my error ; she o 146 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO publicam insultare videret et pateretur. Polluerat 13 stupro sanctissimas religiones ; senatus gravissima decreta 1 * perfrege- rat ; pecunia 15 se palam a judicibus redemerat ; vexarat in tri- bunatu senatum,i6 omnium ordinum consensu pro salute rei- publicae gesta 17 resciderat ; me patria 18 expulerat ; bona di- ripuerat; 19 domum incenderat; liberos, 20 conjugem meam vexaverat ; Cn. Pompeio 21 nefarium bellum indixerat ; ma- gistratuum, privatorumque csedes effecerat; domum 22 mei Iratris incenderat; vastarat Etruriam; multos sedibus ac fortunis ejecerat; instabat, urgebat; capere ejus amentiam civitas, Italia, provincial, regna non poterant; incidebantur 2J jam domi leges, quae 24 nos nostris servis addicerent ; 25 nihil erat cujusquam, quod quidem ille adamasset, quod non hoc ajino suum fore putaret. Obstabat ejus cogitation ibus nemo, praeter Milonem. Ipsum ilium, 26 qui poterat obstare, Cn. knew better the time and agent for punishing him. 13. Polluerai] He now enumerates the enormities of Clodius, most of which are touched on before. Supr. 27. &c. Of course the pollution of the mysteries of the Bona Dea stands first. 14. Senatus decreta] Supr. 5. n. 12. They had ineffectually voted * ejus supplicio sollennes religiones expiandas.' 15. Pecunia'] Alluding to the trial for sacrilege. Supr. 5. n. 12. 16. Vexarat senatum] Principally by inducing the consuls to foibid their mourning for Cic. 17. Gesta] Cicero's acts against the conspirators. 18. Me patria] Introd. 1. 19. Bona diripuerat] Dom. 24. 20. Liberos Ac] Dom. 23. 21. Cn. Pompeio] Sup. 7. and Sext. 32. This is of course an exaggeration. So is ' magistratuum caedes effecerat.' Sext.35. The slaves of Clodius attack- ed the tribunes Sextius, Fabricius, and Cispius, and much bloodshed was caused ; but they escaped. 2so doubt many ' private" persons suffered, as the piles of dead bodies in the forum equalled the slaughter of Cinna. Sext. 36. . 22. Domum] Att. iv. 3. 23. Incidebantur] This being due only to laws actually ratified, was a proof of the insolence of Clodius. His laws were engraved on brass be- fore he entered on the magistracy in which he was to bring them for- ward ! 24. Qua <5fc] He here alludes to a law by which freedraen, now a nume- rous class at Rome, were permitted to vote among the rural instead of the city tribes. Supr. 12. n. 21. These city tribes were four in number, and were first formed by Fabius, the cen- sor, thence called Maximus, who col- lected into them the mob of the fo- rum, &c. which heretofore was dis- persed among all the tribes, and cre- ated disturbance wherever they went. Liv. ix. 46. While the freedmen were limited to these four tribes, they could do little mischief ; but Clodius wished to extend their sphere of action to the thirty-one rustic tribes. 25. Addicerent] Often used in the sense of ' to sell.' Hence, here ' should dispose of us to our slaves,' i. e. make them and us exchange places. Phil, ii.21. Vendita atque addicta sententia. 26. Ipsum ilium] Pompey. ' Re- ditu in gratiam,' supr. 8. n. 8. PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cat. 33. 147 Pompeium, novo reditu in gratiam quasi devinctum arbitra- batur ; Caesaris potentiam, 27 suam potentiam dicebat ; bo- norum animos etiam in meo casu contempserat : Milo unus ur- gebat. XXXIII. Hie dii immortales, ut supra clixi, 1 mentem illi perdito ac furioso dederunt, ut huic faceret 2 insidias. Ali- ter perire pestis ilia non potuit : nunquam ilium respublica suo jure esset ulta. Senatus, credo, 3 praetorem eum cir- cumscripsisset. 4 Ne quum solebat 5 quidem idfacere inprivato eodem hoc, aliquid profecerat. An consules in praetore co- ercendo fortes fuissent? Primum, Milone occiso, habuisset suos 6 consules. Deinde quis in eo praetore consul fortis esset, per quem tribunmn, virtutem consularem 7 crudelis- sime vexatam esse meminisset ? Oppressisset omnia, pos- sideret, teneret ; lege nova, 8 qua? est inventa apud eum cum reliquis legibus Clodianis, servos nostros, libertos suos fe- cisset ; prostremo, nisi eum dii immortales in earn mentem impulissent, ut homo effceminatus fortissimum virum cona- retur occidere, hodie rempublicam nullam haberetis. An ille praetor, ille vero consul, si modo haec templa 9 atque ipsa 27. Ctsaris potentiam] Caesar was Att. i. 10. 13. Supr. 32. n. 14. * Se- now pursuing his victories in Gaul, natus gravissima decreta perfrege- leaving Pompey to conduct the home rat.' department. Crassus the preceding 6. Suos] Hypsaeus and Scipio, his year had lost his life in Parthia. nominees. Sect. XXXIII 1. Supra dixi] 7. Virtutem consularem] Cicero's Sc. c. 31. ' Cui primum mentem in- of course. Al. virum. jecit, ut vi irritare ferroque lacessere, 8. Lege nova] Ern. connects this &c.' with the preceding ' teneret.' But 2. Huicfaceret] Milo, as before. there is no doubt that the law is re- 3. Credo] Ironical ; as usual. ferred to by which Clodius gave the 4. Circumscripsisset] Restrained libertines the right of suffrage among him in the exercise of his power, the rustic tribes. Supr. 32. n. 24. Att. vii. 9. ' Si tribunus plebis nota- Cic. here exaggerates, by using the tus, aut senatusconsulto circumscrip- word ' servos' absolutely ; but it is tus sit.' Phil. xiii. 9. ' Parata de obvious, as well from the nature of ciicumscribendo adolescente (Octa- the thing, as the words, *. qui in li- vio) sententia consularis.' bertate morarentur' in the restored 5. Nequum solebat] Not even when passage, c. 13. that freedmen are de- it used to attempt this in the case of signed. The claim which Clodius Clodius ranking merely as a private would thereby have on their services citizen, had it effected any thing. An may justify the expression, ' suos li- a fortiori argument. The attempt may bevtos.' refer to the trial for incest, supr. 5. n. 9. Hcec templa] Which surrounded 12. wherein Clodius baffled the senate, the forum. Supr. 1. n. 9. 148 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO moenia stare, eo vivo, tamdiu, et consulatum ejus expectare potuissent, ille denique vivus mali nihil fecisset, qui mortuus, uno ex suis satellitibus 10 Sex. Clodio duce, curiam incen- derit? Quo quid miserius, quid acerbius, quid luctuosius vidimus ? Templum 11 sanctitatis, amplitudinis, mentis, 12 con- silii publici, 13 caput urbis, 14 aram sociorum, portum 15 omni- um gentium, sedem ab uni verso populo Romano concessam uni ordini, inflammari, exscindi, funestari ? 16 neque id fieri a multitudine 17 imperita, quamquam esset miserum id ipsum, sed ab uno ? qui quum tantum ausus sit ustor 18 pro mortuo, quid signifer pro vivo non esset ausus? In curiam potissi- mum abjecir, ut earn mortuus incenderet, quam vivus ever- terat. Et sunt, qui de via Appia 19 querantur, taceant de curia ? et qui ab eo spirante 19 forum putent potuisse defendi, cujus non restiterit cadaveri curia? Excitate, excitatc ip- sum, si potestis, ab inferis. Frangetis impetum vivi, cujus vix sutsinetis furias insepulti ? nisi vero sustinuistis eos qui cum facibus 20 ad curiam cucurrerunt, cum falcibus ad Castoris, 10. Satellitibus] Properly the body- guard of a king ; but used by the Ro- mans, who hated every thing regal, to dignity, ' bravos, accomplices, aiders and abettors in crime.' 11. Templum'} Manil. 24. n. 2. ; sanctitatis,' i. e. where sanctity, or inviolable honour, holds its seat ; and ' amplitudinis,' majesty. Manil. 1. n. 6. Cineas, the deputy of Pyr- rhus, described the senate as an assemblage of kings. 12. Mentis] Wisdom. 13. Consilii publici] Grav. says, ' consilii pub.' est 'ipse senatus ; i. e. he takes 'consilium,' to mean ' council.' But as ' Templum ipsius senatus,' (i. e. the Curia) is ra- ther an unmeaning expression, it appears better to explain the words with Abram. ' in quo ad reip. salutem excubatur,' i. e. of deliberation for the public good. 14. Urbis] Al. orbis. And 'aram,' the asylum. 15. Portum] Off. ii. 8. Regum, populorura, nationum, portuserat ac refugium senatus. 16. Funestari] For a place was con- sidered to be polluted by a dead body. 17. A multitudine] The mob ge- nerally act under the excitement of the moment ; but Sext. Clodius acted by premeditation, which was worse. 13. Ustor] Al.ultor; but neither, according to Ern. is opposed to ' signiferi,' as mortuus' is to ' vi- vus.' 19. Via Appia] On which Clodi- us was killed. Supr. 7. n. 7. Cic thought the burning of the senate- house a sufficient set off against the Appian way and ancestral monuments of Clodius. 19. Ab eo spirante] From him alive. 20. Falcibus] Al. facibus. But * fal- ces' were a species of halbert em- ployed in breaking into houses, &c. We may suppose that the temple of Castor was a depot of arms which the mob wished to obtain possession of . Pis. 5. Arma in templo Castoris constitu- ebantur. PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 34. 149 cum gladiis toto foro volitarunt. 21 Csedi vidistis populum Ro- manum, concionem gladiis disturbari, 22 quum audiretur si- lentio M. Coelius 23 tribunus plebis, vir et in republica fortis- simus, et in suscepta causa firmissimus, 24 et bonorum voluntati et auctoritati senatus deditus, et in hac 2S Milonis sive invi- dia, sive fortuna, singulari, divina et incredibili fide. XXXIV. Sed jam satis multa de causa: 1 extra causam etiam nimis fortasse multa. Quid restat, nisi ut orem ob- testerque vos, judices, ut earn misericordiam tribuatis for- tissimo viro, quam ipse non implorat : 2 ego etiam, repug- nante hoc, ei imploro, et exposco 1 Nolite, si in nostro omnium fletu nullam lacrymam adspexistis Milonis ; si vultum semper eundem, si vocem, si orationem stabilem ac non mutatam videtis, hoc minus ei parcere ! Haud scio, an multo etiam sit adjuvandus magis. Etenim si in gladiatoriis pugnis, et in infimi generis 3 hominum conditione 4 atque for- tuna timidos et supplices, et, ut vivere liceat, obsecrantes, etiam odisse 5 solemus ; fortes, et* 5 animosos, et se acriter ip- 21. Volitarunt] Ranged through. It expresses a sort of licence and impunity in outrage. In Sen. p. R. 3. 'Cum ferro et facihus homines tota urbe volitantes.' 22. Disturbari] Driven here and there, dispersed. 23. M. Ca-lius] When the fate of Clodius was known at Rome, the tribune Coelius, a friend of Milo, col- lected his adherents, and began to ex- plain the outrages that led to Clo- dius's death. He was interrupted by the other tribunes, Plancus and Q. Pompey, who, with an armed mob, dispersed the meeting, and slew num- bers. Coelius and Milo escaped in the dress of slaves. Ascon. 24. Firmissimus'} He even opposed the arrangements of Cn. Pompey re- garding this trial ; till Pompey threat- ened to put down his opposition by force. Ascon. 25. In hoc, <Sfc] ' Singulari' qua- lifies both ' invidia' and ' fortuna.' Sect. XXXIV. 1. De causa] Sc. wherein he proved Clodius the aggressor, c. 12. 27. 'Extra cau- sam,' wherein he proved that Milo's act was praiseworthy, even suppos- ing it intentional, c. 27. 34. Supr. 2. n. 20. The rest is peroration. 2. Quam ipse non implorat] For Milo had not submitted to the usual tricks for mollifying the judges; the tears, the suppliant gesture, and mourning garb. This, which had offended Pompey and the judges, Cic. endeavours to palliate. Quint, vi. 1. 3. Infimi generis] Slaves, of which rank the gladiators at this time gene- rally were. Vid. supr. 2, where the gladiators of Milo are called by Cic. ' servi.' Subsequently the no- bles of Rome did not disdain to be- come gladiators, and exhibit on the stage. Juv. viii. 200. 4. Conditione] Explained by ' for- tuna,' rank, situation. Balb. 10. Servos quorum jus et fortunae con- ditio infima est. 5. Odisse] i. e. To demand their death from the magistrate. This was done by a well-known signal. verso pollice vulgi Quem- 02 150 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO sos inorti offerentes, servare 7 cupimus ; eorumque nos masis miseret, qui nostram misericordiam non requirunt, quam qui illam efflagitant : quanto hoc magis iu fortissimis civibus facere debemus? Me quidem, judices, exanimant et inter - imunt ha? voces Milonis, quas audio assidue, et quibus in- tersum quotidie. " Valeant, valeant, inquit, cives mei, valeant; sint incolumes, sint florentes, sint beati ; stet ha?c urbs pra^- clara mihique patria carissima, quoquo modo erit merita de me; 8 tranquilla 9 republica cives mei, (quoniam mihi cum illis non licet,) sine me ipsi, sed per me tamen, perfruantur. Ego cedam, atque abibo. Si mihi republica bona frui non licuerit, at carebo mala. Et quam primam 10 tetigero bene moratam 11 et liberam civitatem, in ea conquiescam. O f'nis- tra, inquit, suscepti mei labores ! o spes fallaces ! o cogitati- ones inanes mese ! Ego quum tribunus plebis, republica op- pressa, me senatui dedissem, quern extinctum acceperam ; equitibus Romanis, quorum vires erant debiles : bonis \ iris, qui omnem auctoritatem Clodianis armis abjecerant: mihi unquam bonorum presidium defuturum putarem? Ego, quum te (mecum enim saepissime loquitur) patriae reddidis- sem, mihi putarem in patria non futurum locum? Ubi nunc senatus est, quern secuti sumus ? ubi equites Romani illi, illi, inquit, tui ? 12 ubi studia municipiorum ? 13 ubi Italiae voces ? 14 libet occidunt populariter. Juv. iii. 11. Bene moratam] (From twos) 36. possessed of good institutions and 6. Fortes et, 5fc] Tusc. ii. 17. morals ; where the turbulence of a Gladiatores quas plagas perferunt 1 Clodius is unknown. The following Quomodo illi qui bene instituti sunt, apostrophe (O frustra, &c.) is no- accipere plagam malunt quam tur- ticed by Quint, vi. 1, as an instance piter vivunt ? Quis mediocris gla- of the propriety of putting suitable diator ingerauif? quis, &c. exclamations in the mouths of the 7. Seivare~\ Sc. pollices premendo. accused, even when prayers are not Plin. xxviii. 2. Pollices quum fave- allowed. arnus premere etiam proverbio ju- 12. Illi, inquit, tui~\ Cicero's beraur. Hor. Serm. i. 18. 69. Fau- equestrian extraction is not so much tor utroque tuum spectabat pollice alluded to here, as the friendship of ludum. Turneb. ii. 6. the knights, which he had gained, as 8. Merita de we] Treated me. well by his general attention to their ' Mereri de aliquo' est conferre in interests, as his exertions in effecting quempiam aliquid boni aut mali. the celebrated junction between them Forcel. and the senate. 9. Tranquilla'] Clodius, the prime 13. Studia municipiorum] So ar- morer of every disturbance, being re- dent in the cause of your recall from moved. exile. Supr. 15. Pis. 15. 10. Quam primam] Al. primum. 14. Voces] Ferendo de te suffra- PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 35. 151 ubi denique tua ilia, M. Tulli, quae plurimis fuit auxilio, vox atque defensio ? mihine ea soli, qui pro te toties morti me obtuli, nihil potest opitulari?" 15 XXXV. Nee vero ha?e,i judices, ut ego nunc, flens, 2 sed hoc eodem loquitur vultu, quo videtis. Negat enim se, ne- gat, ingratis 3 civibus fecisse, quae fecerit : timidis et omnia circumspicientibus pericula, non negat. Plebem 4 et infimam multitudinem, quae, P. Clodio duce, fortunis vestris 5 immi- nebat, earn, quo tutior esset vita vestra, [suarn] se fecisse commemorat, ut non modo virtute 7 flecteret, sed etiam tri- bus 8 suis patrimoniis deliniret : nee timet ne, quum plebem muneribus placarit, vos non conciliarit meritis in rempubli- cam singularibus. Senatus erga se benevolentiam tempo- ribus his ipsis saepe esse perspectam ; vestras vero, et vestro- rum ordinum 9 occursationes, 10 studia, sermones, quemcun- gio. Abram. But it rather alludes to the acclamations with which he was accompanied in his route through Italy to Rome. Ad Quir. p. R. 8. ' Tanta consensione ltaliae.' Pis. 15. 15. Opitulari] * Opem tulo' (i. e. fero). Verbs which contain a noun in their composition usually govern a dative. So ' ausculto, credo, &c.' Sect. XXXV. 1. Neijue vero hece] Wishing to praise the kind- ness of ' the good' to Milo, Cicero here begins by representing the firm- ness and resignation which he ex- hibited as resulting from their feeling towards him. 2. Flens] Cic. should have recol- lected the rebuke of iEsch. to De- mos., in Ctes. 71. Ovtoq icXa'tu ptv pqiov, 7] d\\oi yt\u><Tt. 3. Ingratis] Displeased at, disap- proving his conduct. So Graev. ; and it seems a good sense to say, it is not that they dislike my conduct, but that they are afraid (timidis) to speak out.' However, ingratitude seems to be implied in these words, inf.; 'qui beneficio cives suos vice- rint.' 4. Plebem, S;c] The construction here is, anacoluthun; there being no word to govern these accusatives. ' Infimam multitudinem,' slaves j as before. 5. Fortunis vestris] This was the best excuse for the notorious largesses of Milo which Cic. had to offer. He spent his fortune to save yours from being plundered. 6. Suam] His friend ; favourable to him. Hor. Ep. 9. ' Ventis non suis.' But Orel, omits it ; and then 'ut,' which was before illative so that, becomes, in order that (supr. l.n. 3.), and the constr., ' fecisse ut flecteret,' i. e. ' flexisse.' So inf. 38. ' utinam fecissent ut.' 7. Virtute] Alluding to the firm- ness and bravery which Milo dis- played in curbing the licentiousness of the mob. No doubt, his three patrimonial possessions had due in- fluence. 8. Tribus] Sc. those of his father, Papius ; of his maternal grandfather, C. Annius, by whom he had been adopted ; and of his mother. But it is not clear how the second and third differ. Abram. conjectures that his mother had derived an estate from her mother, independent of her hus- band, which Milo enjoyed. 9. Vestrorum ordinum] He means 1.52 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO que 11 cursum fortuna dederit, secum se ablaturum 12 esse di- cit. Meminit etiam, sibi vocem praeconis 13 modo defuisse, quam minime desiderarit; populi vero cunctis suffragiis, quod unum cupierit, se consulem declaratum : nunc denique, si haec [arma] u contra se sint futura, sibi facinoris suspicio- nem, non facti crimen 15 obstare. Addit haec, quae certe vera sunt: Fortes et sapientes viros non tam praemia sequi solere recte faetorum, quam ipsa recte facta ; 16 se nihil in vita, nisi praeclarissime fecisse, siquidem nihil sit praestabilius viro, quam periculis patriam liberare ; beatos esse, quibus ea res honori fuerit a suis civibus; nee tamen eos miseros, qui beneficio cives suos vicerint: sed tamen, ex omnibus prae- miis virtutis, si esset habenda ratio pramiiorum, amplissi- mum esse praomium, gloriani ; esse banc unam, qua? brevi- tatem vitae posteritatis memoria consolaretur ; quae efficeret, ut absentes adessemus, mortui viveremus: banc denique esse, cujus gradibus etiam homines in coelum viderentur ad- scendere. "De me, inquit, semper populus Romanus, semper omnes gentes loquentur, nulla unquam obmutescet vetustas. Quin hoc tempore ipso, quum omnes a meis ini- micis faces meae 17 invidiae subjiciantur, tamen omni in hominum coetu, gratiis agendis, 18 et gratulationibus baben- senators, knights, and ' tribuni ;vra- Supr. 16. n. 5. rii.' Supr. l.n.4. 17. ilk] 'Againstme;' the eb- 10. Occursationes] ' Occursatio' ject. genit., which is properly ex- imports a running to meet one out of pressed by the personal pronoun ; as respect ; respectful greetings. * vestri curam gero.' Zumpt's L. 11. Quemcunque, 5pc.j So Virg. Gram. c. 70. ^E-n. iv. 654. Vixi, et quern dederat 18. Gratiis agendis"] Not ' in gra- cursum fortuna, peregi. tiis, &c.' as ' in coetu ;' but ' cele- 12. Ablaturum] He means, ' in bramur gratiis agendis, &c.' ' Gra- memory.' tias agere,' is to return thanks in per- 13. Praconis'] By whom the per- son for favours conferred; 'gratula- son was declared duly elected. Yet, tiones habere,' is to present congra- sometimes this was done by the pre- tulatory addresses to one on account siding magistrate. Muren. 1. * lllo of distinguished success. So here, die quo Comitiis centuriatis L. Mu- the former may have been called forth renam consulem renunciavi.' Supr. by the advantages which the Eiru- 13. n. 11. rians, e. g., gained through Milo's 14. Arma] Which Pompey had exertions ; the subject of the latter disposed in the forum. But Orel, may have been the glory to which omits the word. such exertions entitled him. ' Ser- 15. Facti crimen'] The actual mones,' refers to conversations about crime. Juv. xiii. 210. him in his absence. 16. llecte facta] Good actions. PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 36. 1.53 dis, et omni sermone celebramur. Omitto Etruriae festos 19 et actos, et institutos dies : centesima lux est haec ab in- teritu P. Clodii, et, opinor, altera : 20 qua fines imperii populi Romani sunt, non solum fama jam de illo, sed etiam laetitia peragravit. Quamobrem ubi corpus hoc sit, non, inquit, laboro, 21 quoniam omnibus in terris 22 et jam versatur, et semper habitabit nominis mei gloria." XXXVI. Haec tu 1 mecum saepe, his absentibus : sed iisdem audientibus, haec ego tecum, Milo. Te quidem, quum isto animo es, satis laudare non possum : sed, quo est ista magis clivina virtus, eo majore a te dolore divellor. Nee vero, si mihi eriperis, 2 reliqua est ilia tamen ad consolandum querela, ut his irasci possim, a quibus tan turn vulnus acce- 19. EtruritE festos'] ' Actos,' in consequence of the death of their op- pressor ; ' institutos,' to record the memorv of so happy an event. It was usual for a people to institute feasts in honour of a benefactor. So the Syracusans instituted the ' Mar- cellea,' in honour of M. Claudius Marcellus (Verr. iv. 21.63.); and the Asiatics, the ' Mucia,' in honour of Q. Mucius. Verr. iv. 21. 20. Centesima lux et altera] The date of the rencounter, as given by Cic. (supr. 10.) was the twentieth of January ; and the pleadings, ac- cording to Ascon., took place on the 8th of April ; the interval is seventy- eight days ; and if to this we add, an intercalary month of twenty-three days, inserted between the twenty- third and twenty-fourth of February, the sum is one hundred and one, as in the text. Those who contend that alter,' added to numerals, signifies ' duo,' must reckon the twentieth of January, inclusive. There does not, however, appear to be any decided in- stance where ' alter' must be so taken. Vid. Virg., Ec. viii. 29. Liv. iii. 33. Wherever one or first is either expressed or obviously implied, al- ter,' no doubt, signifies two or second; otherwise, it imports only ' another' added to whatever precedes. Vid. Forcel. If, however, as Scaliger (de emend, temporum ii.) shows, the intercalary month contained, al- ternately, twenty-two and twenty- three days, and if it were twenty- two this year, we will be obliged to translate ' the hundreth and first,' since the remainder of Jan. 12 days, Febr. 28 days, the intercalary month 22, March 31, and 8 days of April, amount only to 101. 21. Laboro] Curo, anxius sum. 22. Omnibus in terris] Opposed to ubi,' the place of the body. Sect. XXXVI. 1. He* to] Sc. from ' Valeant, &c.' supr. 34. But * haec ego, &c' is ' Te quidem, &c* following, ' His absentibus' is added to preserve Milo from the imputa- tion of arrogance ; who merely poured his high-minded complaints and re- solves into the bosom of a friend ; and as this demeanour was ill cal- culated to excite the commiseration of the judges, Cic. is obliged to im- plore that pity for his own sake which he despairs of obtaining for Milo's. 2. Nee vero si eriperis] Cic. com- plains that he has not even the poor consolation left of feeling angry at those who inflict the wound. There- fore they ought not to inflict it ; but pardon Milo. 154 M. T. CICERONTS ORATIO pero. Non enim inimici mei te mihi eripient, sed amicissi- mi : non male aliquando de me meriti, 3 sed semper optime. Nullum unquam, judices, mihi tantum dolorem inuretis* (etsi, quis 5 potest esse tantus ?) sed ne hunc quidem ipsum, ut obliviscar, quanti me semper feceritis. Quae si vos cepit oblivio, aut si in me aliquid offendistis, 6 cur non id meo capite 7 potius luitur, quam Milonis ? Praeclare enim vixero, si quid mihi accident 8 prius, quam hoc tantum mali videro. Nunc me una consolatio sustentat, quod tibi, T. Anni, nullum a me 9 amoris, nullum studii, nullum pietatis officium defuit. Ego inimicitias potentium 10 pro te appetivi ; ego meum saepe corpus et vitam objeci armis inimicorum tuorum ; ego me plurimis pro te supplicem abjeci ; bona, tbrtunas meas ac liberorum meorum in communionem tuo- rum temporum 11 contuli ; hoc denique ipso die, si qua vis est parata, si qua dimicatio capitis 12 futura, deposco. Quid jam restat? quid habeo [quod dicam,] quod faciam pro tuis in me meritis, nisi ut earn fbrtunam, quaecunque erit tua, ducam meam ? Non recuso, non abnuo : vosque ob- secro, judices, ut vestra beneficia, quae in me contulistis, aut in liujus salute augeatis, aut in ejusdem exitio occasura esse videatis. 13 3. Male de me meriti] Deserved 9. A me] On my part. ill at my hands. 10. Potentium} The party of Clo- 4. Inuretti] Properly, * shall dius, and perhaps Pompey. brand;' a forcible expression for 11. Tuorum temporum] Manil. 1. 'inflict.' Supr. 12. 'Leges inus- n. 17. torus.' Muren. 4. Cat. ii. 11. 12. Dimicatio capitis] Al. d'nni- 5. Etsi quisy fyc] Though what nutio, which was any loss of liberty (other) pain can be so acute as this or the rights of citizens. The loss (sc. depriving me of Milo) ; but, of the city and family was, ' dimi- not even this will you inflict on me nutio maxima ;' loss of the city to the degree that I shall forget, &c. ' media;' and any change of family, Understand, then, inuretis tantum * minima.' Adam. This is alluded before * ut obliviscar.' to by Hor., Carm. 5. 42. Capitis 6. Aliquid offendistis] i. e. Quoad minor,' one degraded. aliquid. 'Offendo' (like (TKavSaXiZkt 13. Occasura esse videatis] It often in the Greek Test.) is here, 'I run happens, as here, that the verb pre- foul of, am displeased with.' B. ceding two clauses suits the first only, ('iv. ii. 32. At, credo, si Caesarem and requires to be modified before the probatis, in me oflfenditis. second. Thus it is right to say, ' I 7. Id meo capite] Why is not that entreat to enhance your favours by my offence rather atoned for by my death, friend's acquittal;' but not, ' I en- 8. Si quid mild acciderit] Manil. treat you to see them about to be 20. n. 1. cancelled by his condemnation.' The PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 37. 155 XXXVII. His lacrymis non movetur Milo. Est quo- dam incredibili robore anirai : exsilium ibi esse putat, ubi virtuti non sit locus ; mortem naturae 1 finem esse, non poanam. Sit hie ea mente, qua natus est. Quid vos, judices, quo tandem animo eritis ? Memoriam Milonis retirebitis, ip- sum ejicietis ? et erit dignior locus in terris ullus, qui banc virtutem 2 excipiat, quam hie, qui procreavit ? Vos, vos appello, fortissimi viri, 3 qui multum pro republica san- guinem eftudistis : vos in viri et in civis invicti 4 appello peri- culo, centuriones, vosque milites ; vobis non modo inspec- tantibus, sed etiam armatis, et huic judicio praesidentibus, hsec tanta virtus ex hac urbe expelletur ? exterminabitur ? projicietur? O me miserum! 5 o infelicem ! revocare tu me in patriam, Milo, potuisti per hos : ego te in patriaper eos- dem retinere 6 non potero ? Quid respondebo liberis meis, qui te parentem alternm 7 putant ? quid tibi, Q. frater, qui nunc abes, 8 consorti mecum temporum illorum ? me non potuisse Milonis salutem tueri per eosdem, per quos nostram ille servasset? At in qua causa non potuisse? Qua? est grata gentibus. 9 A quibus non potuisse ? . Ab iis, qui max- ime P. Clodii morte acquierunt. 10 Quo deprecante ? Me. Quodnam ego concepi tantum scelus, aut quod in me tantum iacinus admisi, 11 judices, quum ilia indicia communis exitii indagavi, 12 patefeci, protuli, exstinxi ? 13 Omnes in me me- modifi cation may be, ' I tell you, I fectum, quia id fieri oportuisset, fa- warn you that you shall, &c.' teretur 1 Sect. XXXVII. 1. Nalurte] 6. Retinere] Which should be Appointed by nature. Sail. Cat. easier than 'revocare. 5 53. Mortem aerumnarum requiem, 7. Parentem alternm] As being non cruciatum esse, &c. the restorer of their Jirst. ' Liberis,' 2. Hanc virtutem] i. e. ' Virum of course, Marcus and Tullia. virtute praeditum ;' as Hor. Od. iii. 8. Qui nunc abes] Namely, as 24. 31. 'Virtutem incolumem odi- Caesar's lieutenant in Gaul. mus,'&c. ' VirtusScipiadae,'Sat. ii.l. 9. Grata gentibus] Supr. 35. 3. Fortissimi viri] The guards Qui fines imperii populi Rom. sunt, were in hearing of Cicero. non solum fama de illo, sed etiam 4. Viri et avis invicti] i. e. ' Viri lastitia peragravit. invicti et civis invicti.' lO.^cguieruntJYVeredelighted with. 5. O me miserum!] Quint., vi. 1, 11. In me admisi] ' Have I commi- notices the propriety of the advocate tted,' Supr. 23. n. i.l9. Hor.Tu nihil undertaking the task of exciting pity, admittesin te formidine pcenae. when it would be unbecoming in the 12. Indagavi] Vid. Cat. iii., for defendant. Nam quis ferret, says a full statement of his detection of he, Milonem pro capite suo suppli- the conspiracy, oantem, qui a se virum nobilem inter- 13. Exttinxi] Cicero, carried away 156 M. T. CICER0N1S ORATIO osque redundant ex fonte illo u dolores. Quid me reducem esse voluistis ? an ut, inspeetante me, expellerentur ii, per quos essem restitutus? Nolite, obsecro vos, pati, mihi acerbiorem reditum esse, quam fuerit ille ipse discessus. Nam qui possem putare me restitutum esse, si distrahor ab iis, per quos restitutus sum ? XXXVIII. Utinam 1 dii immortales fecissent : (pace tua, patria, dixerim ; metuo enim, ne scelerate dicam in te, quod pro Milone dicam pie :) utinam P. Clodius non modo vive- ret, sed etiam praetor, 2 consul, dictator esset potius, quam hoc spectaculum viderem ! O, dii immortales ! fortem et a vobis, judices, conservandum virum ! "Minime, 3 minime, in- quit. Immo vero pcenas ille debitas luerit : nos subeamus, si ita necesse est, non debitas." Hiccine vir patria? natus, 4 usquam nisi in patria, 5 morietur ? aut, si forte, pro patria ? hujus vos animi monumenta 6 retinebitis, corporis in Italia 7 nullum sepulcrum esse patiemini ? hunc sua quisquam sen- by his eloquence, added this word, which does not apply to ' indicia communis exitii,' but to * commune exitium,' understood from that ex- pression. 14. Redund. ex fonte Mo] 'Flow from the conspiracy of Catiline,' thus : I suppressed that conspiracy, and thereby excited the hatred of Clodius. This produced my banish- ment; which, again, engaged Milo in my recall. Hence the odium was transferred to him, and he is now to be banished, which causes my grief. Ergo ( Redundant, &c.' Introd. 1. Sect. XXXV11I.1. Utinam] *' A difference is to be marked be- tween the pres. and perf. ; and imperf. and pluperf. of the subj. with ' uti- nam.' With the former pair an action is conceived in the mind, which may or may not actually exist ; with the latter pair it excludes the idea of actual existence." Zumpt's Lat.G.75. So ' utinam dii faciant, &c.' is, ' would that the gods may,' as they can ; 1 utinam fecissent' ' would that they had, &c.,'but they did not. 2. Picctor] He begins with the first office which Clod, did not hold. 3. Minime, c] We may sup- pose that Milo motioned a negative on Cicero's wish. * Utinam .... dictator esset.' Let him, ' he adds,' meet his deserts, and I care not for personal consequences,' 4. Patria: natus] Off. i. 7. Non nobis solum nati sumus, ortusq ; no*tri partem patria vindicat. But patriae natus' intimates that he was framed by nature for the especial pur- pose of saving his country. So ' na- tus abdomini suo' is applied to Ga- binius. Pis. 17 j ' naturally a gor- mandizer.' 5. Nisi in patria] JEti. x. 781. Et. dulces moriens reminiscitur Argos. Hence the poet Waller's wish ' to die, like the stag, where he was roused.' 6. Animi monumenta] Sc. his pub- lic services recorded in the history of his country ; opposed to * corporis sepulcrum.' 7. In Italia] The importance at- tached to a burial in one's native land, may be seen exemplified in the prayer of Hector to Achilles, Iliad, xxii. 254 ; of Mezentius, iEn. x. 904 ; PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, Cap. 29. 157 tentia ex hac urbe expellet., quern omnes urbes expulsum a vobis ad se vocabunt ? O terram illam beatam, quae hunc virum exceperit : hanc ingratam, si ejecerit : miseram, si amiserit ! Sed finis 8 sit : neque enim prae lacrymis jam loqui possum ; et hie se lacrymis defendi vetat. Vos oro 9 obtes- torque, judices, ut in sententiis ferendis, quod sentietis, id audeatis. Vestram virtutem, justitiam, fidem (mihi credite) is maxime 10 probabit, qui in judicibus legendis, optimum, et sapientissimum, et fortissimum quemque delegit. of Turnus, JEn. vii. 935, and of Po- lynices. Eurip. Phoeniss. 1460. 8. Sedjinis] For my tears prevent my words ; as well as the wish of Milo to depend solely on the good- ness of his cause. 9. Vos oro, fc] Having wound up the feelings of the judges to the high- est pitch, he now affects to call upon them to attend only to the dictates of justice, &c. 10. Is maxime] Pompey, who being the prime mover of the whole proceeding is here presented, in con- clusion, to the minds of the judges, as the friend of justice and of Milo. The plan, then, of this admirable speech is extremely simple. It con- tains thirty-eight seel ions. Of these, the exordium occupies, c. 1. 2; then follows the refutation of the jmrju- dicia, c. 2 8 ; the narration, c. 9 11 ; the direct confirmation, consist- ing of ten arguments, (noticed in order in the notes,) c. 12 26 ; the indirect confirmation or merit of slay- ing such a tyrant as Clodius, c. 27 33 ; and lastly, the peroration, 34 38. The arrangement of the direct proofs is different in different com- mentaries ; that of Melancthon has been nearly followed. VOL. I. INTRODUCTION TO THE ORATION FOR Q. LIGARIUS. 1. In the year of the city 703, Q. Ligarius accompanied C. Considius Longus, who had been appointed pro-praetor of Africa, into his province, as lieutenant, and on that governor retiring from his office, was by him nominated to the command. In the follow- ing year the civil war broke out between Caesar and Pompey ; and Ligarius, preferring friends and home to the glitter of a dangerous command, withstood the offers and entreaties of the Roman citizens and provincials who were almost all in Pompey \s interest, to join them, and hold the province for Pompey. In the mean time, P. Atius Varus who had been the predecessor of Considius in that province, and the warm friend of Pompey, coming to Utica, was not, though a private man, backward in ac- cepting the office which Ligarius had rejected. At this juncture L. ./Elius Tubero, who had been appointed over the province oi' Africa by the Senate, arrived there, and found it already in the hands of Varus. (Caes. B. C. i. 30.) Being prevented from landing in Africa, he proceeded with his son Quintus into Mace- donia, and made his complaint to Pompey, who being in the mean time informed by Varus of the defeat of Curio, Caesar's general, and of the province being his own, declined to interfere. 2. During the various struggles of the parties, Ligarius con- tinued in Africa, and covertly at least, assisted the Pompeian cause. As Africa persevered in its opposition to the authority of Caesar long after Pompey was slain, so those who were concerned in maintaining that opposition incurred in a higher degree the resentment of Caesar. On the capture of Adrume- tum however, Ligarius, owing to some mitigating circumstances, had his life granted and permission to remain there in exile. In the mean time the brothers of Ligarius, who had been ever the firm supporters of Caesar, his kinsmen and influential friends, particularly C. Pansa and Cicero, ceased not to suppli- cate Caesar to restore him to his country. But in the end o 160 INTRODUCTION. the year 707, Q. JElius Tubero, who had never forgiven Ligarius for having, either on his own authority, or that of Varus, pre- vented him, three years before, from landing in Africa, brought against him a charge de vi, i. e. of assisting the enemies of his country ; or, as Cicero extenuatingly states it, i Q. Ligarium in Africa fuisse.' [Cicero, however, afterwards admits his being a Pompeian, when he says ' qui causam habet meliorem quam tu, aut, ut tu vis, parem.' And indeed without this admission Tu- bero's charge would be utterly absurd.] Cicero defends Ligarius in the following oration. 3. As Caesar was well aware of the facts of the case, the orator proceeds directly to his defence, and at once admits that Ligarius was in Africa during the war. But here he makes a distinction. For dividing all the time into three parts; 1. the period of his lieutenancy under Considius ; 2. of his government after Considius's departure, and 3. that which followed Varus's arrival, he pronounced him free from all blame in the first and second ; and acting under compulsion in the third, c. 1.2. He then compares the cause of Tubero and of himself with that of Ligarius, and concludes that Tubero should not have accused a man infinitely less culpable than himself, c. 3. He then shews that Tubero was ignorant of the tendency of his charge, which, as Ligarius was already in banishment, could only be to take away his life. This cruelty he severely censures, and yet he thinks it is exceeded by the attempt to prevent the pardon of Ligarius from being granted, c. 4. 5. Cicero then defends the cause of Pompey from the charge of ' wickedness,' which Tubero, by predicating it of Ligarius, one of the party, would thereby fix upon it. c. 6. He then enters into a more particular com- parison of the causes of Ligarius and Tubero, and proves that of the latter infinitely the worse, c. 7. 9. Lastly he alludes to the peculiar manner of his pleading before Caesar ; how he for- gets the technicalities of the advocate and throws himself on his mercy as a parent, c. 10. He adds, however, that Caesar by granting his request will confer an eternal favour on the Ligarii, his brothers, on the Brocchi, on the Sabines, and on many Roman knights, c. 11. He concludes with an exhortation to Caesar to follow up the noble example which he had set in lately pardoning Marcellus, since the best foundation of true greatness is clemency to the conquered, c. 12. 4. The effect produced by this oration was the acquittal and pardon of Ligarius. It were to be wished that history had here dropped the curtain ; for the name of Q. Ligarius appears among the assassins of Caesar. App. B. C. ii. 13. But justice overtook INTRODUCTION. 161 him ; for the same historian adds (iv. 22.) that he perished alon^ with his brother in the proscription. It is worthy of remark that Tuberos's oration against Ligarius wag extant in Quintilian's time, who thinks (x. 1 .) that there is an advantage in comparing it with Cicero's. Vid. also xi. 1 . where he gives a specimen of Tubero's address. It is in answer to an obvious retort to which he exposed himself, that he too was in Africa. Quintilian well remarks that no man can with the smallest propriety, reproach another with what he has himself been guilty of, unless there are some points of difference in the cases ; ' persona, setas, tempus, causa, locus, animus.' He pro- ceeds: * Tubero, juvenem se patri haesisse, ilium a senatu missum non ad bellum, sed ad frumentum coemendum, ait : Ligarium et. perseverasse, et non pro Cn. Pompeio, inter quern et Caesarem dignitatis fuerit contentio, quum salvam uterque rempublicam vellet, sed pro Juba atque Afris inimicissimis populo Romano stetisse.' It is likely then, that Ligarius was not the passive spectator of the hostile struggle which Cicero represents him to have been. p2 M. TULLII CICERONIS PRO QUINTO LIGARIO, AD C. CiESAREM, ORATIO. I. Novum crimen, 1 C. Caesar, et ante hunc diem 2 inaudi- tum, propinquus meus 3 ad te, 4 Q. Tubero 5 detulit, Q. Liga- Sect. I. 1. Novum crimen'] Iro- nically, as if he said, * A dreadful charge, this, Caesar, that Ligarius was in Africa ! (as if you had not pardoned even your Pharsalian foes before now ;) and what is worse still, Pansa, no mean authority, has had the hardihood, trusting, no doubt, to his intimacy with you, (as nothing less could warrant such a commu- nication,) to confess this fact ! I am, therefore, completely at a loss, for (as no one could defend) I was prepared to deny the charge which, being so new (i. e. notorious) you, of course, could have no means of learn- ing, either of yourself or from other sources.' Quint, iv. 1, not only no- tices this irony but explains its use. 1 Quid enim agebat aliud ironica ilia, quam ut Caesar minus se in rem tan- quam non novam intenderet?' And again, * Nisi cui divina ilia pro Liga- rio ironia displicet.' Yet Trapezunt. denies that there is any irony here. ' Novum crimen inauditum,' is, by some, supposed to be taken from the speech of Tubero. 2. Hunc diem] Most likely the last day of November, a. v. 707. For this wa6 the ' year of con- fusion/ and it was the day preced- ing the first of the two intercalary months inserted between November and December, that the brothers and friends of Ligarius met to entreat Caesar, at his house ; and Cic, it is supposed, immediately after proceed- ed to address him in the forum. Fam. vi. 15. 3. Propinquus meus] Cicero himself explains this matter, inf. c. 7 ; from which it appears likely that the elder Tubero had married into the ' gens Tullia,' and hence the affinity (post affines) between the parties. He 164 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO rium in Africa fuisse ; 6 idque C. Pansa, 7 praestanti vir in- genio, fretus fortasse ea familiaritate, quae est ei tecum, 8 ausus est confiteri. Itaque, quo me vertam, nescio. Paratus enim veneram, quum tu id neque 9 per te scires, neque au- dire aliunde potuisses, ut ignoratione tua ad hominis miseri salutem abuterer : 10 sed quoniam diligentia inimici 11 inves- tigatum est id quod latebat, confitendum est, ut opinor; praesertim quum meus necessarius, 12 C. Pansa, fecerit, ut id jam integrum 13 non esset : omissaque controversial 4 omnis oratio ad misericordiam tuam conferenda est; qua pluri- mi 15 sunt conservati, quum a te non liberationem culpa?, 16 sed errati veniam impetravissent. Habes igitur, Tubero, 17 quod est accusatori maxime optandum, confitentem reum, sed here refers to it obviously to show that hi6 predilection should be in favour of the accuser ; and, therefore, that his confidence must be great in the innocence of Ligarius. 4. Ad te] Who are now the arbi- ter of all our fates. Therefore it must be something of importance, no doubt. 5. Q. Tubero] The family of Tu- bero belonged to the ' AHia. gens.' It was remarkable for frugality, as Val. Max., iv. 3, and vii. 5, tes- tifies. Also Plut. Paul. Ai.mil. 5. They had often, however, obtained the offices of the state. This Tubero, after failing in his charge against Ligarius, according to Pompon, ap- plied himself to the study of civil law. 6. In Africa fuisse] Quint, ix. 4. notices and commends the placing of this ' initium senarii' in the end of the 'caput,' or period, which he supposed to terminate here. 7. Pansa] This distinguished Cae- sarian (Fam. vi. 13.) was consul with Hirtius, a. u. 710, and being wounded in the battle at Mutina, supporting the republic against Mark Antony, died the following day of his wounds at Bologna. 8. Fam., qua: est ei tecum] This was very great; but such a mighty confession required it all. 9. Quum tu neque, c\c] This was very likely, indeed, in Caesar ! 10. Abuterer] Take advantage of. Mil. 2. n. 19. 11. Diligentia inimici] It re- quired, forsooth, extraordinary pains to investigate what every body knew. ' Inimici,' Tubero. 12. Meus necessarius] * Necessa- rius,' though generally a relation by blood or marriage, often means ' a particular friend.' So Sull. i. 1. L. Torquatus, meus familiaris et ami- cus. 13. Integrum] i. e. Undecided one way or other; for I can no longer avail myself of ' denial,' i. e. of proving an alibi. 14. Controversia] Debate on a law question, for which Cic. was prepared. 15. Qua plurimi] Sc. the Tube- ros and others. 16. Culpa] Voluntary ; errati,' involuntary ; sc. the case of himself and friends. 17. Habes Tubero] Quint, iv. 1, produces this as an example of the effect of the apostrophe; and adds, ' languescit vis omnis, nobis dicen- tibus, Habet igitur Tubero, c.' PRO Q. LIGARIO, Cap. 1 165 tamen ita confitentem, se in ea parte 18 fuisse, qua te, Tubero, qua virum omni laude dignum, patrem tuum. Itaque prius de vestro 19 delicto confiteamini necesse est, quam Ligarii ullam culpam reprehendatis. Q. enim Ligarius, quum es- set 21 adhuc nulla belli suspicio, legatus in Africam 22 cum C. Considio profectus est : qua in legatione et civibus 23 et so- ciis 2 * ita se probavit, ut decedens Considius provincia, satis- facere hominibus non posset, si quemquam alium provincia? prsefecisset. 25 Itaque Q. Ligarius, 26 quum diu recusans nihil profecisset, provinciam accepit invitus : cui sic praefuit in pace, ut et civibuset sociis gratissima esset ejus integritas et fides. Bellum 27 subito exarsit r 8 quod, qui erant in Africa, ante audierunt geri, quam parari. Quo audito, partim cupi- ditate 29 inconsiderata, partim caeco 30 quodam timore, primo 18. Ea parte] Sc. the party of Pompey. 19. De vestro] 'Vestro,' sc. of you and your father. 20. Delicto Ligarii culpam] We saw before, that culpa' is heavier than ' delictum.' If Cic. thought so, they must be here used ironically. But such distinctions are not uni- formly observed. 21. Quum esset, c] He distin- guishes three periods, all without charge against Ligarius, of which the first is, his lieutenancy. Quint, iv. 2, notices the propriety of the advo- cate giving a variety to the narration, by introducing arguments, pathos, &c, as Cic. does here. Also xi. 3, he brings this as an instance of a narration requiring ' manum prola- tam, amictum recidentem, gestum distinctum, &c.' 22. In Africam'] Sc. the Roman province, composed of the kingdom of Carthage. SoSallust Jug. 13. ' Vic- tus ex praelio confugit in provinciam.' 23. Et civibus] Roman citizens who traded in the Province. Sail. Jug. 47. ' Mercari Italici generis multi.' 24. Sociis] Properly, avp.p.a\oi whereas the provincials were virnKooi. Yet the latter, according to Graev., were frequently called ' socii/ by a euphemism, and are so here. 25. Provincice profecisset] It was customary for the provincial governor, on his departure, to leave the quaestor or lieutenant, as vice-governor. The questor being the more usual choice, Cicero, to prevent the infer- ence that Ligarius had, by unworthy means, procured an office to which he was not entitled, adds that the provincials would have no other. 26. Itaque Q. Lig.] The second period ; partly peace, partly war. In both Ligar. was, ' sine crimine notus.' Vid. inf. 2. for the third. 27. Bellum] The civil war between Caesar and Pompey. 28. Exarsit] A usual metaphor. Horn. GTEtyavog 7ro\t/tioio GtSye. Virg. quibus arserit armis. It ceased, however, to be a metaphor, in reference to Crcsar, who, without wait* ing for the Transalp. legions, passed the Rubicon, and, with the rapidity of a flame, overspread the lands of Italy. Plut. Pomp. 60. No wonder, then, that he says, ' qui in Africa ante audierunt geri, quam parari.' 29. Cupiditate] Sc. studium par- tium, sive partialitas. Gr&v. 30. Coco] Reddente caecos ; i. e. as he calls it in the Marcel, (c. 5.), 'falso et inani.' But they may 166 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO salutis, post etiam stiidii sui quaerebant aliquem ducem : quum Ligarius domum spectans, 31 et ad suos redire cupiens, nullo se implicari negotio passus est. Interim P. Atius Varus, 32 qui praetor Africam obtinuerat, 33 Uticam 34 venit. Ad eum statim 35 concursura est. Atque ille non mediocri cupiditate arripuit imperium, 36 si illud imperium esse potuit, quod ad privatum clamore multitudinis imperitae, nullo pub- lico consilio deferebatur. Itaque Ligarius, 37 qui omne tale negotium cuperet effugere, paullum 38 adventu Vari con- quievit. II. Adhuc, 1 C. Caesar, Q. Ligarius omni culpa vacat. have had an indistinct dread of the war reaching Africa, as it had done in the time of Sylla, a. u. 671, when Pompey conquered Domitius. In- trod. Manil. 11. To this we may refer their partiality (studii sui) for Pompey, who, on that occasion, had made many friends among the Afri- cans. 3 1 . Quum domum spectans] " When quttm stands at the end of a sentence it often implies more than mere con- temporaneous existence of events, and serves to direct the reader's mind to some inference to be drawn from their being so. So here, ' a war broke out ; while Ligarius, all the time, did not allow himself, 6cc.' intimating, that this was not the conduct of a deter- mined enemy of Caesar." Zumpt's Lat. G. c. 75. ' Domum spectans' Cae- sar considered neutrality innocent; Pompey, criminal. Cicero, therefore, urges the domestic views of Liga- rius. Avoiding every public em- ployment, he thought of nothing but to be with his brothers, who had re- mained at Rome and kept aloof from the civil war, when he might have made himself the leader of the forces in Africa. 32. Varus'] This celebrated Pom- peian leader, having lost his cohorts at Auximum in Italy, came to Africa in flight. He there seized on the province for Pompey, raised two legions, and assisted by Juba, re- duced it all to obedience. But, being defeated by Caesar, he fled to Spain, and was killed in the battle of Mun- da. 33. Preetor Africam obtinuerat] The governor of Africa was called in- differently praetor, i. e. pro-praetor, or pro-consul. So. Phil. ii. 38. It was the year preceding Considius's that Varus had been in office, lntrod. 1. 34. Uticam] A seaport town of Africa, on the river Bagrada, founded by Phoenicians ; and celebrated by the ' noble death' of Cato. 35. Ad eum statim] i. e. Because he had been praetor there formerly, and was known to be the friend of Pompey. 36. Imperium] A military com- mand, but here conferred by the pro- vincial mob, unauthorised by either the Roman people or senate, who had appointed Tubero to that command. Infr. 7. Una est profectus cum iis, &c.' 37. Itaque Lig.] 'The third period, after the arrival of Varus Ligarius still clear. 38. Paullum] Not altogether ; for he submitted, afterwards, to the com- mand of Varus. This he excuses on the plea of necessity. Inf. 'ne- cessitatis crimen, est, &c.' Sect. II. 1. Adhuc, %c] Vid. Quint, iv. 2, who considers this PRO Q. L1GARIO, Cap. 2. 167 Domo est egressus non modo nullum ad bellum, sed ne ad minimam quidem suspicionem belli : legatus in pace pro- fectus, in provincia pacatissima ita se gessit, ut ei 2 pacem esse expediret. Profectio certe animum tuum non debet offendere. Num igitur remansio? Multo minus. Nam profectio voluntatem habuit non turpem, 3 remansio etiam ne- cessitatem honestam. 4 Ergo haec duo tempora carent cri- mine : unum quum est legatus profectus ; alterum quum efflagitatus 5 a provincia, propositus Africa? est. Tertium est tempus, quo post adventum Vari in Africa restitit : quod si est criminosum, necessitatis crimen est, non voluntatis. An ille/si potuisset illinc ullo modo evadere, Uticae potius, quam Romae, 7 cum P. Atio, quam cum concordissimis fratri- bus, 8 cum alienis esse, quam cum saiis maluisset ? Quum ipsa legatio plena desiderii ac sollicitudinis fuisset, propter incredibilem quendam fratrum amorem, hie aequo animo esse potuit, belli discidio 9 distractus a fratribus ? Nullum igitur 10 babes, Caesar, adhuc in Q. Ligario signum aliense a te voluntatis: cujus ego eausam, animadverte, quaeso, qua recapitulation part of the narra- tion ; whereas others, e. g. Abram., are disposed to refer it to the confir- mation. 2. Ei] Referred by the commen- tators to Ligarius, as if the sense were * bad men find it their interest to excite war rather than preserve peace ; not so Ligarius.' But the question was not as to the abstract merit or demerit of Ligarius, which Caesar did not, perhaps, regard, but whether he were chargeable with ex- citing the provincials to war, i. e. to declare against Caesar. This Cic. denies, because he conducted him- self so as to make it the interest of the province to preserve the profound peace which it enjoyed. Besides, if Ligarius were meant, the grammati- cal construction would require ' sibi.' Schel. v. i. p. 277. To 'ei,' there- fore, supply ' provincial.' Quint, iv. 2., varies the words thus : ' sic eum provincial pracfuisse, ut Mi pacem ex- pediret ; where ' illi' is surely ' pro- vincial' 3. Volant. non turpem'] A * Li- totes,' for, ' highly to his credit ;' for a provincial command was an object of honourable ambition. 4. Necessitatem honestam] ' Neces- sity,' because he could not resist the commands of the pro-consul, backed by the importunity of the province ; ' honourable' to be so commanded and importuned. Or the latter may mean, ' such as would influence every honourable mind.' 5. Efllagitatus] i. e. Flagitando impetratus. Patric. 6. An Me, fyc.~\ Probable argu- ments why Ligar. was not a volunteer in the cause of Pompey, and cer- tainly not very strong ones. 7. Roma] Where his brothers re- mained, if not neutral, attached to Caesar's cause. 8. Concordissimis fratribus] One of them, T. Ligarius, the quaestor, ur- banus, is mentioned, inf. c. 12. 9. Discidio] ' Discidium' propria corporum, a discindo ' dissidium,' animorum a dissideo. Forcel. 168 M. T. C1CER0NIS ORATIO fide 11 defendam : prodo 12 meam. O clementiam admirabi- lem, atque omni laude, 12 praedicatione, Uteris, monumentis- que decorandam! M. Cicero 13 apud te defendit, 1 * alium in ea voluntate 15 non fuisse, in qua se ipsum confitetur fuisse, nee tuas tacitas cogitationes extimescit, nee, quid tibi de alio audienti, de seipso occurrat, reformidat. III. Vide quam non reformidem : vide, quanta lux libe- ralitatis 1 et sapientiae tuae mihi apud te dicenti oboriatur ! 2 Quantum potero, voce contendam, 3 ut populus hoc Roma- nus exaudiat : suscepto bello, 4 Caesar, gesto 5 etiam ex magna parte, nulla vi 6 coactus, judicio meo ac voluntate ad ea arma profectus sum, quae erant sumpta contra te. Apud quern 7 igitur hoc dico ? Nempe apud eum, qui, quum hoc sciret, 8 tamen me, antequam vidit, reipublicae reddidit ; qui 10. Nullum igitur, #c] This be- ing the general conclusion of the three periods, shows the meaning of ' culpa,' ' crimen,' &c. preceding ; sc. * aliens a te (Caesare) voluntatis.' 11. Fi(W\ The honest zeal of a 'pajtronus' to his client. 12. Prodo'] Al. cum prodo. 12. Laude, c] Laus judicio bo- noram virorum ; prsdicatio sermoni- bus; literae historiis ; monumenta la- pidibus continentur. Abram. 13. M. Cicero] Quint, vi. in fine. 14. Defendit] Urges in defence. 15. Ea voluntate] He does not say * party,' for in that he was ; but ' in- clination,' for he was there of necessity. Sect. III. 1. Liberalitatis] Treat- ment befitting freemen, generosity, clemency ; and lest it might appear rashly exerted, he adds ' sapientiae.' The two words then, may be consi- dered a sort of Hendiad, equivalent to ' considerate generosity.' 2. Lux oboriatur] Phil. i.2. ' lux qujedam oblata,' where some read * oborta ;' ' oboriatur' is ' subito ori- atur.' Manil. 12. n. 15. 3. Voce contendam] i.e. 'Voce con- tenta dicam ;' speak at the pitch of my voice. Sometimes t voce' is suppressed, as orat. pro Flac. 16. ' Vociferarer, et quantum maxime possem contenderem.' Similarly Dem. de Cor. 46. ri ditruvapnv rw- ai o<p6pa ; Fabr. 4. Suscepto bello] Quint, ix. 2. re- marks that in this candid confession Cic. ' non solum ad utilitatem Li- garii respicit, sed raagis laudare vic- toris clementiam non potest.' Fam. vi. ad Caecinam, Cic. says suscep- tum bellum quiescente me, depulsum ex Italia manente me.' 5. Gesto etiam] Caesar passed the Rubicon in the beginning of the year 704 ; and having in less than two months traversed the entire of Italy, he chased Pompey out of Brundu- sium. Cic. did not join Pompey till the end of May, after Caesar had set out to Spain. 6. Nulla vi] Cic. was requested by Caesar and his friends to remain, but on a principle of gratitude, be- cause Pompey had procured his return from exile, he joined him in Greece. But Ligarius's was ' necessitatis cri- men.' 7. Apud quern ] This self-inter- rogation and reply is noticed and ap- proved of by Quint, iv. 2. 8. Hoc sciret] Cic. amplifies the favour, from the circumstances attend- ing the conferring of it. 1 . Of time. ' It was done at once, before he saw PRO Q. LIGARIO, Cap. 3. 169 ad me ex /Egypto literas misit, 9 ut essem idem, qui fuis- sem ; qui quum ipse imperator 10 in toto imperio populi Ro- mani unus esset, esse me alterum 11 passus est ; a quo, hoc ipso 12 C. Pansa mihi nuntium perferente, concessos fasces 1 " laureatos tenui, quoad tenendos 14 putavi ; qui mihi turn de- nique se salutem putavit dare, si earn 15 nullis spoliatam orna- mentis dedisset. Vide, quaeso, 16 Tubero, ut, qui de meo facto non dubitem dicere, de Ligarii non audeam confiteri ! me. 2. Place even from /Egypt. 3. Comparison admitting me his equal 4. Concomitants of rank the con- cession of the fasces. 5. The con- junction of safety and dignity. Fabr. 9. Literas misit] By Philotimus. Att. xi. 24; Fam. xiv. Epist. ult. Redditre mihi jam tandem sunt a Caesare literse satis liberales.' ' Ex iEgypto,' whither Caesar pursued Pompey after the battle of Pharsa- lia. 10. Imperator} Tiberius id quoque Blaeso tribuit, ut Imperator legioni- bus salutaretur; prisco erga duces, honore, qui, bene gesta repub., gau- dio et impetu victoris exercitus concla- mabantur. Tacit, iii. 74. 11. Alterum'] Cicero being obliged to accept a province, had by lot Cilicia, where he subdued a band of robbers which infested mount Ama- nus. For this exploit he was saluted Imperator by the soldiers, and applied to the senate to be allowed a triumph at Rome, which was unanimously agreed to, but prevented from taking place by the breaking out of the civil war. ' Unum alterum' are not to be taken, strictly, as if Caesar and Cicero were really the only ' Impera- tores' now existing ; but as if Caesar had by his glory eclipsed the fame of all others, and yet permitted Cicero his title. Manut. says, ' concessis fascibus laureatis, insignibus imperii.' Inf. n. 13. Att. x. 3. Caesar Impe- rator Ciceroni Imperatpri, salutem. 12. Hoc ipso] The very same Pansa VOL. 1. who ventured to confess that Ligarius had been in Africa. 13. Fasces] 'PaGdovQ. Hence the lictors are called by Plut. padSx ot - They were at this time six in num- ber, and had their wands or fasces wreathed with laurel. Cicero's prov- ed an annoyance rather than any thing else, as he was unable to move around Brundisium without them. Att. vii. 9. Fam. ii. 16. ' sed incurrit hsec nostra laurus non solum in oculos sed etiam invoculas malevolorum. 1 4. Quoad tenendos] Namely till Oct. a.u. 707, when he had been in com- mand four years, Att. xi. Ep. ult. Fam. xiv. 20. Fabr. 1 5. Si earn, fyc] So Marcel. 1 1 . ' A te non conservato solum, sed etiam orna- to.' And, Att.ii.6,hewritesthatOppius and others informed him of Caesar's intentions to pardon and honour him ; and Caesar did at Brundisium alight from his chariot and converse with him in the most friendly manner. Of all this Cicero's well known charac- ter affords an easy solution. For da- re dedisset,' al. reddere redderet. 16. Vide, qiucso] i. e. ' See Tubero, how [probable it is that] I should not boldly acknowledge Ligarius's fault, if it existed, who hesitate not to de- clare my own!' meaning 'not pro- bable at all.' Quint, v. 10, speaking of arguments, calls this, ex difficili- ore ;' for if Cic. confessed his own defection he accomplished a more dif- ficult task than to confess another's. But as he denies Ligarius's fault, the inference is that it did not exist. Q 170 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO Atque haec propterea 17 de me dixi, ut mihi Tubero, quum dese 13 eadem dicerem, ignosceret: cujus ego industriae glo- riaeque faveo, 19 vel propter propinquam cognationem, 20 vel quod ejus ingenio studiisque delector, vel quod laudem ado- lescentis propinqui existimo etiam ad meum aliquem fructum redundare. 21 Sed hoc quaero, quis putet esse crimen, fuisse in Africa Ligarium? Nempe is, qui 22 et ipse in eadem Africa esse voluit, et prohibitum 23 se a Ligario queritur, et certe contra ipsum Caesarem est congressus armatus 24 . Quid enim, Tubero, 25 tuus ille districtus in acie Pharsalica 26 gla- dius agebat ? cujus latus ille mucro petebat ? 27 qui sensus 28 erat armorum tuorum ? quae tua mens ? oculi I 29 manus ? ar- dor animi ? quid cupiebas ? quid optabas ? Nimis urgeo : 17. H<tc propterea] Tubero could not object to Cic. as treating him harshly, if he put him on the same footing with himself. 18. Da se] Sc. ' Tuberone.' Cic. for emphasis uses the reciprocal pron. instead of the demonst. when no am- biguity arises. 19. Faveo] For three reasons : 1. He is my relation. 2. His pursuits are congenial to mine. 3. I expect to reap some advantage from his glory. 20. Cognationem] He had said above ' propinquus meus,' and says below ' necessitudines quae mihi sunt cum L. Tuberone, &c.' Manut. wonders that be should confound in these passages, the ordinary distinction of ' cognatio' and ' affinitas.' But he does not ; for * affinitas' applies to the father j and * cognatio,' to the son. 21. Redundare] i. e. Referri, per- tinere.' So. Cat. i. 12. verendum mihi, ne quid invidiae mihi in poste- ritatra redundaret. Mil. 37. 22. Nempe si qui] Quint, xi. 1. mentions that the charge sometimes happens to admit of a retort, as here, fee 23. Prohibitum] Sc. from landing in Africa. 24. Congressus armatus] Sc. at Pharsalia. lN'ow Ligarius was merely in Africa, and did not fight there. 25. Quid enim Tubero] This para- graph is favoured with reiterated no- tices by Quint. In viii. 4. it is given as an instance of amplification by synonymous words ; viii. 5. of perso- nification ; ix. 2. of urgent interroga- tions and of cnroorpoipri, and lastly xi. 3. of pronunciation. 26. Acie Pharsalica] QapoakoQ iroXig OeeaaXiaQ, anb 4>ap<xa\ th 'AKpioitt. Steph. 27. Mucro petebat] Nam punctim non caesim, llomani hostes feriebant. Sylv. 28. Sensus] Armissensumtribuit po- etico more. Manut.; what thoughts had your arms? ' quas tua mens' 1 what were your own thoughts 1 29.0culi] Similarly of Turnus,vEn. xii. oculis micat aciibus ignis. 30. Commoveri adolescens :] Cic. al- tributes to Tubero, the emotions which were excited in Cassar. Quint, ix. 2. Plut. in Cic. x. too, writes that at this burst of eloquence, Caesar let fall the papers which were in his hand and even trembled ; and contrary to his pre- vious resolution pardoned Ligarius. This story however is very doubt- ful ; and some have explained Cssar's emotions by attributing them to an epileptic fit, to which fits he was sub- ject. PRO Q. LIGARIO, Cap. 4. 171 commoveri videtur adolescens i 30 ad me revertar. Iisdem in armis 31 fui. IV. Quid autem aliud egimus, 1 Tubero, nisi, nt, quod hie potest, 2 nos possemus ? Quorum 3 igitur impunitas, Caesar, tuae clementia3 laus est, eorum ipsorum ad crudelitatem te acuet 4 oratio ? Atque in hac causa nonnihil equidem, Tu- bero, etiam tuam, 5 sed multo magis patris tui prudentiam desidero : 6 quod homo quum ingenio, turn etiam doctrina 7 excellens, genus hoc causa? quod esset, non viderit. Nam, si vidisset, quovis profecto, quam isto modo 8 a te agi ma- luisset. Arguis fatentem. Non est satis. Accusas eum, qui causam habet, aut, ut ego dico, meliorem, quam tu, aut, ut tu vis, 9 parem. Haec admirabilia 10 sunt, sed prodigii 11 si- mile est, quod dicam. Non habet earn vim ista accusatio, ut Q. Ligarius condemnetur, sed ut necetur. Hoc egit civis Romanus ante te nemo. Externi isti sunt mores. 12 Usque 31. Iisdem in armis] i. e. In the camp of Pompey ; for he was not in the battle of Pharsalia. Fam. xviii. 9. Att. xi. 4. Sect. IV. 1. Quid aliud egimus] Contrive, aim at. Off. i. 13. Id agunt, ut viri boni esse videantur. Quint, v. 13. Fortissime defendentis est dicere ' quid aliud, &c.' 2. Hie potest] Quas opes Caesar habet nos haberemus. Fabrit. Quint, ix. 2. remarks here ' Admirabiliter utriusque partis facit bonarn cau- sam.' 3. Quorum, tyc] Sc. the Tuberos. Quint, viii. 5. adduces this as instance of ornamental enthymeme. Cic. had already proved the cause of Tubero unjust. 4. Acuet] rrapoZwii. Fabr. 5. Nonnihil t uam~\ For the youth of the son rendered him somewhat excusable. 6. Desidero] Feel the want of, miss. Manil. 2.n.23. 7. Doctrina] The son excelled in jurisprudence, the father in the know- ledge of history. Q. Frat. i. 1. 3. Gell. vi. 3. 8. Itto modo] He explains it inf. Non habet earn vim ista accusatio, ut Ligar. condemnetur sed ut nece- tur. 9. Ut tu vis] Who say that he bore arms against Caesar which you did too. Cic. here acknowledges him a Pompeian. Introd. 2. 10. Haze admirabilia] i. e. napa- doa. Al. insert non modo. 11. Prodigii] Qu. ' prodicium' from * prodico.' Divin. i. 42. Quae enim ostendunt, portendunt, mons- trant, prodicunt, ostenta, portenta, monstra, prodigia, dicuntur. These are attempted to be distinguished. Thus Fronto : in ostento raritas facit admi- rationem j in monstro rectus naturae ordo vincitur ; in portento differtur eventus ; in prodigio detrimentum sig- nificatur. 12. Externi sunt mores] He al- ludes to the Valerian and Porcian laws which rendered the persons of Roman citizens in a manner sa- cred; whereas the fickle Athenians, e. g. put to death their best citizens, Socrates and Phocian, the Cartha- ginians commonly crucified their un- successful generals, and the Persians were equally cruel. Plut. Artax. 25. 172 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO ad sanguinem 13 incitare solent odium aut levium Graecorum, u aut immanium 15 barbaromm. Nam quid aliud agis? ut Romaene sit? ut domo careat ? ne cum optimis fratribus, ne cum hoc T. Broccho 16 avunculo suo, ne cum ejus filio, consobrino 17 suo, ne nobiscum vivat? ne sit in patria ? Num est? num potest magis carere his omnibus, quam caret? Italia prohibetur, exsulat. 18 Non tu ergo hunc patria pri- vare, qua caret, sed vita, vis. 19 At istud, 20 ne apud eum quidem dictatorem, 21 qui omnes, quos oderat, morte mul- tabat, quisquam egit isto modo. Ipse jubebat occidi, nul- lo postulante; 22 praemiis 23 etiam invitabat. 24 Quae tamen crudelitas ab hoc eodem 25 aliquot annis post, 26 quem tu nunc crudelem esse vis, vindicata est. V. " Ego vero istud non postulo," inquies. 1 Ita meher- cule existimo, Tubero. Novi enim te, novi patrem, novi domum, nomenque vestrum, studia denique generis, 2 ac 13. Sanguinem~\ Necem. Eurip. Orest. 400. IlvXddng 6 avvdpCbv al- pa, &c. 14. Levium Gracorum] * Levitas propria Graecorum.' Flac. 24. 15. Immanium] Marcel. 3. Domu- istigentes immanitate barbaras. 16. Broccho] A cognomen of the Furian family. He was Ligarius's uncle by the mother's side. 17. Consobrini] Qu. ' cousororini,' properly the sons of two sisters; whereas the sons of a brother and sister, which it appears by the word 1 avunculo,' Ligarius and Brocchus were, are called * amitini.' But this is not strictly observed. 18. Exsulat] Sc. at Adrumetum. Introd. 2. 19. Sed vita vis] This harsh mo- nosyllabic termination is supposed to intimate the horror of Cic. at the cruel conduct of Tubero. 20. Istud] Sc. ' privare vita.' Pa- ir ic. 21. Dictatorem] Sylla. 22. Nullo postulante] The ' pos- tulatio' was the first and necessary step in every trial. It was a request from the plaintiff to the ' quaesitor' or presiding judge, to be allowed to pre- pare his charge, and that a day be named for hearing it. Fam. viii.6. Sylla did not wait for this tedious process. 23. Pra:miis] Namely of two ta- lents, even though a son killed his father, and a slave his master. Plut. Syll. 31. 24. Invitabat] Sc. to murder j not to accuse. 25. Ab eodem] Nempe Caesare. 26. Aliquot annis] About seven- teen. For Sylla was dictator a. u. 671, and Caesar conducted this pro- secution, when aedile in 690. His plan was to reckon in the number of the ' Sicarii' those who had killed or received money for killing persons pro- scribed. Among those proscribed was Faustus the son of Sylla. He also restored to the sons of the proscribed the privilege of holding magistracies, which Sylla's law forbade. Suet. Jul. 11. Sect. V. L. Istud inquies] You will tell me you do not want blood. 2. Generis] i. e. gentis, the JEIxslti ; of which the Tuberos were a ' familia,' among the Lamiae, Paeti, Cati, &c. PRO Q. LIGARIO, Cap. 5. 173 familiae vestrae, virtutis, 3 humanitatis, doctrinae, 4 plurima- mm artium atque optimarum, nota sunt mihi omnia. Ita- que certo scio, vos non petere sanguinem : sed parum at- tenditis. Res enim eo spectat, 4 ut ea poena in qua adhuc Q. Ligarius sit, non videamini esse contenti. Qua? est igi- tur alia, prater mortem? Si enim in exsilio est, sicuti est, quid amplius postulatis ? An, ne ignoscatur? Hoc vero multo acerbius, 5 multoque est durius. Quod nos domi pe- tiimus 6 precibus et lacrymis, strati 7 ad pedes, non tarn nostra? causa? fidentes, quam hujus humanitati, 8 id ne impe- tremus, pugnabis ? et in nostrum fletum irrumpes ? 9 et nos jacentes ad pedes, supplicum voce prohibebis ? lu Si quum hoc domi 11 faceremus, quod et fecimus, et, ut spero, 1 * non frustra, 13 fecimus, tu derepente irrupisses, et clamare ccepis- ses : " C. Caesar, 14 cave ignoscas, cave te fratrum pro fratris vsalute obsecrantium misereatur :" 15 nonne omnem humanita- tem exuisses? Quanto hoc durius, quod nos domi petiimus, id te in foro oppugnare ! et in tali miseria multorum, 16 per- fugium misericordiae 17 tollere? Dicam plane, C. Caesar, 3. Studia generis vivtutis~] The first is the subjective, the second the objective, genitive. Zumpt's L.gram. c. 70. i. e. ' The zeal for virtue, learning, &c. belonging to your race and line- age.' Cat. i. 5. 4. Doctrinte] Cic. frequently al- ludes to the learning and parts of the yElians. De Or. i.56. Tuscul. iv. 2. Muren. 36. 4. Res eo spectat] He accuses them of unintentional cruelty ; because Li- garius being already in exile any pu- nishment must be worse than that, i.e. must be death. Introd. 2. 5. Hoc inullo acerbius'] This denial of pardon is harder than death itself. The love of country was strong in the Romans, and hence. the misery of perpetual exile. Vid. the peroration of ' the Milo.' 6. Demi petiimus] For Cic. had lately addressed Caesar at his house, not to clear Ligarius from Tubero's charge, but restore him from exile. Supr. 1. n. 2. 7. Strati] Al. prostrati, and supr. gravius for durius. 8. Humanitati] Mercy. Arch. J . n. 19. 9. Irrumpes] Vi irrues dum nos flentes Cacsari supplicamus. Fabr. "10. Supplicum voce prohibebis] Sup- plicare non permittes. Fabr. 1 1 . Domi] Sc. Caesar's. 12. Spero] Arbitror. Sylv. 13. Non frustra] Cic. was aware that the appeal made at Caesar's house had not been ineffectual. Now if the attempt to nullify that effect at the time that it was produced, wejg cruel in Tubero, how much more so when it was made in the forum and by a cri- minal impeachment ? 14. C. C<esar] npo<7ti)7ro7roiia. 15. Misereatur] Impers. for ' mise- reat ;' and so quoted by Priscian, lib. viii. 16. Miseria multorum] Pompe- ians who like Ligarius were in exile from their native country. 17. Perfug. misericord ice] The re- fuge of mercy 3 i. e. the refuge which Q2 174 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO quod sentio. Si in hac tanta tua fortuna 18 lenitas tanta non esset, quantam tu per te, per te, inquam, obtines, 19 (intelligo, quid loquar), 20 acerbissimo luctu 21 redundaret ista victoria. Quam multi enim essent de victoribus, qui te crudelem esse vellent, quum etiam de victis 22 reperiantur ! quam multi, qui, quum a te nemini ignosci 23 vellent, impedirent cle- mentiam tuam, quum etiam ii, quibus ipse ignovisti, nolint te in alios esse misericordem ! Quod si probare Caesari possemus, in Africa Ligarium omnino nonfuisse; si honesto et misericordi mendacio 24 saluti civi calamitoso esse velle- mus : tamen hominis non esset, in tanto discrimine et peri- culo civis, refellere et coarguere nostrum mendacium ; si es- set alicujus, ejus certe non esset, qui in eadem causa et ibrtuna fuisset. Sed tamen aliud est errare 25 Caesarem nol- le, aliud nolle misereri. Turn diceres r 26 " Cave, Caesar, credas : fuit in Africa Ligarius : tulit arma contra te." Nunc quid dicis ? " Cave ignoscas." Haec nee hominis, nee ad hominem 27 vox est: qua qui apud te, C. Caesar, utetur, suam citius abjiciet humanitatem, quam extorquebit tuam. VI. Ac primus aditus 1 et postulatio 2 Tuberonis haec, ut opinor, fuit : velle 3 se de Q. Ligarii scelere dicere. Non the wretched find in Caesar's clemen- consultum esse. cy. 25. Errare] Verum ignorare. Fabr. 18. Fortuna] Felicitate, evrvxia ; Tubero might fairly wish to obviate this and ' lenitas,' clemency. Fabr. ignorance by discovering ' the lie.' 19. Per te obtines] Possess natu- But that is quite different from 'nolle rally. misereri.' 20. Intelligo quid loquar] Quint. 26. Diceres] i. e. You, Tubero, or viii. 6. reckons this as a species of any friend of Caesar, might fairly say, aposiopesis. " Tacuit enim illud quod &c. nihilominus accipimus, * non deesse 27. Nee ad hominem] But to some homines, qui ad crudelitatem eum monster. impellerent.' " Sect. VI. 1 . Primus aditus] Sup- 21. Luctu] Metaph. for ' cruore j' posed to be taken from the speech of hence ' redundaret.' Tubero ; the terms of which he pro- 22. De victis] Among whom were ceeds to censure. the Tuberos. Supply after victis, 2. Postulatio] Synonym, with ' adi- 4 to wish it.' tus.' Vid. c. 4. n. 22. Fam. viii. 6. 23. Nemini ignosci] * Ignosci' used (Caelius adCic.) ' Illud mihioccurrit impers., as actively it governs the da- quod inter postulationem et nominis tive- Mil. 24. n. 21. delationem, uxor aDolabelladiscessit. 24. Honesto mendacio] Splendide Fabr. mendax.'Hor. Gloriose mentiri. Mil. 3. Velle se] The usual form of the 27. n. 5. and saluti esse' servare. Al. ' postulatio.' PRO Q. LIGARIO, Cap. 6. 175 dubito, quin admiratus sis, 4 vel quod de nullo alio quisquam, vel quod is," qui in eadem causa fuisset, vel quidnam novi [facinoris] aflferret. Scelus tu illud vocas, Tubero ? cur ? isto enim nomine ilia adhuc causa caruit. Alii errorem 5 appellant ; alii timorem ; qui durius, spem, cupiditatem, odium, pertinaciam ; qui gravissime, temeritatem : scelus, praeter te, adhuc nemo. Ac mihi quidem, 6 si proprium et verum nomen nostri mali quaeratur, fatalis quaedam calami- tas incidisse videtur, et improvidas hominum mentes occit- passe: ut nemo mirari debeat, humana consilia divina necessitate 7 esse superata. Liceat esse miseros, 8 quamquam hoc victore esse non possumus. Sed non loquor de nobis ; 9 de illis loquor, qui occiderunt. Fuerint 10 cupidi, fuerint irati, fuerint pertinaces : sceleris vero crimine, furoris, par- ricidii, 11 liceat Cn. Pompeio mortuo, 12 liceat multis aliis ca- rere. Quando 13 hoc quisquam ex te, Caesar, audivit, aut 4. Quin admiratus sis] He imagines three causes of Caesar's admirution, 1. that against no other Pompeian had the charge of wickedness been made ; 2. that it should be made by an associate in guilt ; 3. what new atrocity he might adduce. 5. Aliierrorem] An ascending series : 'errorem/ in the Pompeians, who acted conscientiously ; ' timorem' in those who were really afraid of Caesar's tyran- ny ; ' spem,' sc. of arriving at honours and commands ; ' cupiditatem,' the feeling of party men who looked no farther than their party ; ' odium,' groundless hatred of Caesar; perti- naciam/ downright obstinacy in the cause they had espoused ; temerita- tem,' an inconsiderate eagerness for war. All these had some truth, the charge of wickedness none. 6. Ac mihi quidem~\ Cic. laid the blame where it could well be borne, on ' fate/ So Marcel. 5. ' Ad ilia arma fato sumus nescio quo com- pulsi.' 7. Divina necessitate} A periphrasis for ' fato.' 8. Liceat esse miseros] Not sceles- tos,' and yet even this with a Caesar for our judge is impossible. ' Licet' sometimes admits a dative after esse. Mihi negligenti esse non licet. Att. i. 16. 9. A r oftis] Sc. vivis. 10. Fuerint] Admit they were, &c. 11. Paricidii] Mil. 7. n. 6. Here perhaps the parental relation of our country is alluded to. 12. Liceat Cn. Pomp, mortno] On the principle of nil de mortuis,' it was worse to charge the dead than the living ; and worse still a Pompey. He had no hesitation to name Pom- pey before Caesar, who as he testi- fies ' ad Caecinam' Fam. vi. 6, nun- quam nisi honorificentissime Pompei- um appellat.' 13. Quando, &;c] Cic. here en- deavours to enlist Caesar in his cause. 1. By pointing out his motive in the war, ' contumelias propulsare/ 2. By his anxiety for a peace, ' pacem e6se cupiebas/ which he could not have felt had his opponents been ' scclerais.' 3. By his preservation of Cic. himself. ('Mihi vero, Caesar, &c/) 176 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO tua quid aliud arma voluerunt, nisi a te contumeliam 14 pro- pulsare ? 15 quid egit tuus ille invictus exercitus, nisi ut siuim jus 16 tueretur, et dignitatem tuam ? Quid ? tu quum pacem esse cupiebas, 17 idne agebas, ut tibi cum sceleratis, an ut cum bonis ci vibus conveniret ? Mihi vero, Caesar, 18 tua in me maxima merita tanta certe non viderentur, si me, ut sceleratum, a te conservatum putarem. Quomodo autem tu de republica bene meritus esses, si tot sceleratos incolumi dignitate esse volu- isses ? Secessionem 19 tu illam existimasti, Caesar, initio, non bellum : non hostile odium, sed civile dissidium, 20 utrisque cupientibus rempublicam salvam, sed parti m consiliis, 21 partim studiis a communi utilitate aberrantibus. Principum dignitas erat paene par ; 22 non par fortasse eorum, qui sequebantur : 23 causa turn dubia, 24 quod erat aliquid in utraque parte, quod probari posset ; nunc melior certe ea judicanda est, quam etiam dii 25 adjuverunt. Cognita vero dementia tua, quis 14. Contumeliam] Sc. in recalling him from Gaul before his command was expired, requiring him to stand in person for the consulship, and in- stead of voting him a triumph, insist- ing on his giving an account of his administration. 15. A te propulsare] Not to offer it. So ' nisi ut jus suum tue- retur' not overturn that of others.' Patric. 16. Stiumjus] Sc. that of the army; but of the army as composed of citi- zens whose rights were involved in the treatment of Caesar. For many of them had voted for admitting Caesar's claim to stand for the consulship in his ab- sence, but the law was neglected, and therefore their rights. 17. Pacem cupiebas] Caesar's anx- iety for peace is fully testified by Cic. in his epistle to Tiro (Fam. xvi. 11) and to Caecina, Fam. vi. Vid. also Att. ix. 8. and B. C. iii. 8. 18. Mihi vero Caesar] Supr. n. 13. 19. Secessionem'] A mild word for defection or revolt ; taken from the early secessions of the Romans to ]Mons Sacer, Janiculum, &c. by adopting which he frees Caesar from the charge of exciting a civil war. 20. Dissid-um] Supr. 2. n. 9. where this is shewn to apply to the mind. 21. Partim consiliis] ' Some through upright views ; others again, through party feelings.' The persons meant by partim, partim,' are not to be considered as making up the whole ' utrisque,' else Caesar should be in- cluded, which cannot be intended. 22. Pane par] Lucan decides dif- ferently. Pompey, he says, ' stat mag- ni nominis umbra, sed non in Caesare tantum Nomen erat nee fama Ducis.' Abram. And so did Cic. in writing to his friend Att. vii. 11. The reader maycompare Cicero's account of Pompey's exploits in the Lex Manil. with Caesar's account of Caesar's in his Commentaries, and judge for him- self. 23. Eorum qui sequebantur] For nearly all the ' optimates' were in Pom- pey's camp. So Velleius ii. 49. Pom- peium senatus auctoritas ; Caesarem militum armavit fiducia. Att. vii. 2. 24. Causa turn dubia] He did not think so when writing to Atticus, vii. 2. ' Causam solum ilia causa non ha- bet ; caeteris rebus abundat.' 25. Quam etiam dii, fyc] So. Luc. PRO Q. L1GARIO, Cap. 7. 177 non earn victorlam probet, 26 in qua occiderit nemo, nisi ar- matus ? VII. Sed, ut omittaii) communera causam, veniamus ad nostram. 1 ' Utrum tandem 2 existimas facilius fuisse, Tubero, Ligarium ex Africa exire, an vos in Africam non venire ? Poteramusne, 3 inquies, quum senatus censuisset ? 4 Si me consulis, 5 nullo modo. 6 Sed tamen Ligarium senatus idem legaverat. 7 Atqueille eo tempore 8 paruit, quum parere se- natui necesse erat ; vos turn paruistis, quum paruit nemo, qui noluit. 9 Reprehendo igitur ? Minime vero. Neque enim licuit aliter vestro generi, 10 nomini, familiae, discipli- ne. Sed hoc non concedo, ut, quibus rebus gloriemini in vobis, easdem in aliis reprehendatis. 11 Tuberonis 12 sors con- jecta 13 est ex senatus consulto quum ipse non adesset, mor- bo etiam impediretur : statuerat excusare. 13 Ha?c ego novi propter omnes necessitudines, quae mihi sunt cum L. Tube- i. 128. Victrix causa Deisplacuit, sed victa Catoni. Quint, v. 11. admits of the propriety of an appeal to divine authority, and quotes this passage ; and Livy, xxi. 10. says 'eventus belli, velut aequus judex, unde jus stabat, ei victoriam dedit.' 26. Quis 7ionprnbet~\ i.e. The Gods decided which cause was the better ; but it is only the experience of your clemency that will gain to your vic- tory a hearty approval. Sect. VII. 1. Communem nos- tram] 1. Of all the Pompeians. 2. Ligarius's. 2. Utrum tandem] He shews the superiority of Ligarius's cause because Tubero went to the province when its fidelity to the republic was doubtful ; and sent by a senate the organ of a party. Not so Ligarius. 3. Poteramus] Subaudi ' in Afri- cam non venire.' Could we avoid going into Africa ? 4. Sen. censuisset] Sc. Nos venire debere. 5. Me consulis] Consult me. ' Mi- hi consulis,' consult for me. 6. Nullo modo] ' I answer by no means ;' for I never opposed the wish- es of the senate. 7. Senatus legaverat] This was an undisputed privilege of the senate. Vat. 1 5. ' Quis legatos unquam audivit sine senatusconsulto.' Manil. 19. 8. Eo tempore] a. u. 703, before the civil war commenced. 9. Qui noluit] For any who did not choose to obey the senate found a re- fuge with Cffisar. 10. Generi] Nobili; 'nomini,' iEH- orum ; familiae,'Tuberonum. 11. In aliis reprehendatis] E. g. ' in Ligario.' 12. Tuberonis, <fyc] Of Lucius Tu- bero the elder. ' Sors conjecta,' i. e. Tabella Tuberonis nomine inscripta in urnam cum aliis missa est. Forcel. ; these lots being shaken were drawn by a boy. Tibul. i. 1. 'Ilia sacras pueri sortes ter sustulit.' They said also ' provincial vel candidati in sortem conjecti sunt.' Liv. xxx. 1. and Fam. viii. 8. The allotment was preceded by a decree of the senate determining the provinces so to be disposed of. Inf. * senatus sorsque.' . 13. Statuerat excusare] Sc. ' mor- bum.' Al. se ; and omnes,' al. com- munes. But, Sext. 17. M. Crassus quo- rum mihi erant omnes amicitiae neces- situdines. 178 T. M. CICERONIS ORATIO rone. Domi una eruditi, militiae contubernales, 14 post affi- nes, 15 inomni denique vita familiares: magnum etiam vin- culum, 16 quod iisdem semper studiis usi sumus. Scio igitur Tuberonem domi manere voluisse : 17 sed ita quidam age- bant, 18 ita reipublicae sanctissimum nomen opponebant, 19 ut, etiam si aliter sentiret, verborum tamen ipsorum 20 pondus sustinere non posset. Cessit auctoritati amplissimi viri, 21 vel potius paruit. 22 Una estprofectus cum iis, quorum erat una causa; 23 tardius iter fecit, itaque in Africam venit jam occupatam. 24 Hinc 26 in Ligarium crimen oritur, vel ira po- tius. Nam, si crimen 26 est, prohibere ilium voluisse, non minus magnum est, vos Africam, arcem 27 omnium provincia- rum, natam ad bellum 28 contra hanc urbemgerendum, obtinere voluisse, quam aliquem se maluisse. Atque is tamen aliquis, 59 14. Contubernales'] i. e. military chums. Theme ' taberna,' a tent- plank. The centuries were divided into decuries, each of which quar- tered under one tent. Veget. ii. 13. ' Militia' the social, in which Cicero served under Pompeius Strabo. 15. Affines] Tubero's wife was of the ' Tulliagens.' Supr. l.n. 3; and Att. xiii. 20. 16. Magnum vinculum] Quint, i. 2. arguing for a public education, says 'Mitto amicitias quae ad senectutem us- que firmissimae durant, religiosa quan- dam necessitudine imbutae. Neque enirn est sanctius sacris iisdem quam studiis initiari. 17. Voluisse] i. e. ' Wished and might ;' for the argument goes to shew that he was free to act as he pleas- ed. 18. Quidam agebat] Catonem hie innuit. Grut. 19. Opponebant] Sc. to Tubero's in- clination. 20. Ipsorum] Non verborum sed eorum qui verbis illis ad eum utebantur. Patric. 21. Amplis. viri] Pompey. 22. Cessit paruit] ' Cedere' vo- luntatis est ; parere' observantiae. Manut. Hence ' paruit' is a correction of the former. 23. lis una causa] i. e. Agreed with him in political sentiments. 24. In Ajricam occupatam]' Sc. by Varus. 25. Hinc] Sc. because he was not received into A frica, arises a charge or rather angry pique. 26. Nam si crimen, fyc] i. e. ' If his wishing to prohibit him from Africa is criminal, your wishing to obtain it rather than that any one else should prefer to have it, is no less criminal.' We are thus obliged to understand po- tius before quam as in Greek p.a\- \ov is often supplied before t). Ern. asks with reason qua; Lati- nitas aliquis se mavult obtinere;' and therefore omits the second ' voluisse,' and se.' So that the translation runs i ' your being more willing to obtain it than that any one else (aliquem) should, is no less criminal.' And this, requiring no ellipsis to be supplied, if warranted by JNISS., is simpler. 27. Arcem omnium provinciarum] * The strong hold of all the provin- ces ;' as possessing the greatest re- sources. So Cat. iv. 6. * Urbem arcem omnium gentium.' 28. Natam ad bellum] Fitted by natural position, &c. Hence the Punic wars. 29. Is aliquis] That any one else' was not Ligarius but Varus. Deiot. 3. PRO Q. LIGARIO, Cap. 8. 179 Ligarius non fuit. Varus imperium 50 se habere di- cebat; fasces 31 certe habebat. Sed quoquo modo se illud habet, 32 haec querela vestra, Tubero, quid valet ? " Recepti in provinciam non sumus." Quid, si essetis ? 33 Caesarine earn tradituri fuissetis, an contra Caesarem retenturi ? VIII. Vide, quid licentiae, Caesar, nobis tua liberalitas det, vel potius audaciae. Si respondent Tubero, Africam, quo senatus eum sorsque 1 miserat, tibi patrem suum tradi- turum fuisse : non dubitabo apud ipsum te, cujus id eum facere interfuit, 2 gravissimis verbis ejus consilium reprehen- dere. Non enim si tibi ea res grata fuisset, esset etiam probata. 3 Sed jam hoc totum 4 omitto: non tarn, ut ne oflfendam tuas patientissimas aures, 5 quam ne Tubero, quod nunquam cogitavit, facturus fuisse videatur. Veniebatis 6 igitur in Africam provinciam, imam ex omnibus huic vic- toriae maxime infestam ; 7 in qua erat rex potentissimus, 8 in- 30. Imperium'] Vid supra. 2. n. 36. It was a usurped command. 3 1 . Fasces'] He had at least the en- signs of authority. 32. Quoquo modo se illud habet] i.e. Whether Varus or Ligarius held the command. Quint, v. 13. notices the skill of the pleader, who finds appa- rent contradictions in the charges of his opponent, e. g. Tubero accuses Ligarius of being in Africa at the very time that be complains of being de- nied admission there himself, i. e. ac- cuses Ligarius of a crime, and then complains that he was prevented by Ligarius from committing the same crime. 33. Quid si essetis?] His argument assumes a disjunctive form: ' You must, if admitted into the province, have held it either for Caesar or Pompey? If you say for Caesar, even Caesar will not approve of such treachery ; and indeed the supposi- tion is monstrous. You must then have held it for Pompey ; and that this was your design, your subsequent ronduct proves. For as soon as you found yourself excluded, you with- drew to Pompey. Why then com- plain that you were prevented from fighting against Caesar ? Falsely boast then, if you will, that had you been allowed to land, you would have delivered Africa to Caesar ; for it only sets your treachery in a stronger light.' This appears to be the drift of the argument in the eighth section. Sect. VIII. 1. Senatus eum sors- que] Supr. 7. n. 13. * Eum,' the elder Tubero, not the ' respondent.' 2. Cujus interfuit] Whose inte- rest it was that Tubero should do so. 3. Non enim si grata probata] Nam aliud est gratum habere, aliud probare. Abram. For what promotes a man's interest is generally agreeable to him, however his conscience may disapprove of the means employed. 4. Hoc totum] Sc. the supposed perfidy of Tubero. 5. Patientissimas aures] For he had said above ' vide quid licentiae, Caesar, nobis tua liberalitas det, vel potius au- daciae.' Hence Caesar would listen most patiently to his censures on Tubero's designs ; but inasmuch as they were not really Tubero's he will omit their statement. 6. Veniebatis] Attempted to en- ter. 7. Maxime infestam] Owing to its 180 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO imicus huic causae, 9 aliena voluntas conventus 9 firmi atque magni. Quaero, quid facturi fuistis? Quamquam quidfac- turi fueritis, non dubitem, quum videam, quid feceritis ? 10 Prohibiti estis in provincia vestra pedem ponere, 11 et prohi- bit^ ut perhibetis, summacum injuria. Quomodo idtulistis? Acceptae injuria? querelam ad quern detulistis? Nempe ad eum, cujusauctoritatem 12 secuti, in societatem belli vene- ratis. Quod si Caesaris causa in provinciam veniebatis, ad eum profecto exclusi provincia venissetis. Venistis ad Pompeium. Ergo quae est haec apud Caesarem querela, quum eum accusatis, a quo queramini vos prohibitos con- tra Caesarem bellum gerere ? Atque in hoc quidem vel cum mendacio, si vultis, gloriemini per me licet, vos provinciam fuisse Caesari tradituros, etiam si 13 a Varo et quibusdam aliis prohibiti essetis. Ego autem confitebor culpam esse Ligarii, qui vos tantae laudis 14 occasione privaverit. IX. Sed vide, quaeso, C. Caesar, constantiam 1 ornatissimi viri, L. Tuberonis ; quam ego, quamvis ipse 2 probarem, ut probo, tamen non commemorarem, nisi a te cognovissem im- primis earn virtutem solere laudari. Quae fuit igitur un- quam in ullo homine tanta constantia ? constantiam dico ? 3 nescio, an melius patientiam 4 possim dicere. Quotus enim early connexion with Pompey. Supr. intimates that a regard for Pompey was 1 n. 30. the inducement of Tubero, not the j us- 8. Hex potent issimus] Juba. tice of his cause. 9. Huic causa:] As ' huic victo- 13. Etiam '] Although you had riae,' Caesar's. been prevented by Varus, yet had 9. Conventus'] Cum a magistra- you not, that you intended delivering tibus judicii causa populus congrega- the province to Caesar. Al. nisi. tur. ' Fest. But this meaning, answer- 14. Qui vos tanta' laudis~\ Ironical ; ing to our assizes, does not apply here ; their greatest disgrace had been to have the import being simply a meeting of so acted. Roman citizens attached to Pompey. Sf.ct. IX. 1. Constan.] Bit- Em. makes it the nom. plur., but, as ter irony 'the levity of adastard' this would require ' alieni' or the as ' patientiam' infr. also implies, like to be understood, Orel, properly 2. Quamvis ipse, fc] ' Though refers it to ' voluntas' as the geni- highly approving of it myself, as I tive. ' Firmi' ad opes ; * magni' ad do, yet, &c.' A hero like Caesar multitudinem refert. Manut. could not but approve of firmness of 10. Quid feceritis] ' What you did;' character. sc. joined Pompey. 3. Constantiam dico] Mil. 24. 11. Pedem ponere] He was not n. 3. even allowed to land his sick son. 4. Patientiam] The name of this vir- Caes. B. C i. 29. tue is here taken to express passivc- 12. Eum cujus auctoritatem] Cic. ness uuder insult.' It is a continu- PRO Q. LIGARIO, Cap. 9. 181 istud quisque fecisset, 5 ut, a quibus 6 in dissensione civili non esset receptus, essetque etiam cum crudelitate rejeetus, ad eas ipsas rediret ? Magni cujusdam animi 7 atque ejus viri est, quem de suscepta causa propositaque sententia nulla con- tumelia, nulla vis, nullum pericnlum posset depellere. Ut enim 8 cetera paria Tuberoni cum Varo fuissent, honos, nobi- litas, 9 splendor, ingenium, quae nequaquam fuerunt : hoc certe praecipuum Tuberonis fait, quod justo 10 cum imperio ex sena- tusconsulto in provinciam suam venerat. Hinc prohibitus, nori ad Caesarem, ne iratus ; n non domum, ne iners ; non ali- quam 12 in regionem, ne condemnare causam illam, quam se- cutus esset, videretur : in Macedoniam adCn. Pompeii castra venit, in earn ipsam causam a qua erat rejectus cum injuria. Quid? quum ista res nihil commovisset ejus l3 animum, ad quem veneratis ; lansuidiore, credo, studio 14 in causa fuistis: tantummodo in prrcsidiis 15 eratis ; animi vero a causa abhor- rebant. An, ut fit 16 in bellis civilibus, nee in vobis magis, ation of the irony. 5. Quotus -fecisset] ' How seldom had an individual so acted that, &c.' Quotus,' like ' tantus,' often used for diminution. 6. A quibus'] He means Varus, and ' ad eas ipsas' does not mean that he returned to Varus, but to Pompey, whom Varus supported. 7. Magni animi] Continuation of the irony. 8. Ut enim, fyc] For admitting their equality in the following parti- culars ; which was by no means the case, Tubero having the superiority in them all. 9. Nobilitas] For the ' JEMa. gens' was ' vetusto nobilis ab La- mo' (Hor. Od. iii. 17), and had formed alliances with the Scipios ; the ' Atia' was rather obscure till ennobled by Augustus Caesar, the son of Atia, the daughter of M. Atius Balbus. 10. Justo] Regular, i.e. appoint- ed by the senate, not as Varus's ' clamore multitudinis imperitae.' Supr. 1. So Phil. i. 2. ' Dictato- rs nomen quod saepe justum fuisset.' VOL. I. 11. A r e iratus] Sc. against Pom- pey, under whose authority Varus acted. 12. Aliquam] i. e. ' Aliam quam ;' any other country free from war. 13. 1-jus] Pompey 's, who knew too well the zeal and abilities of Varus to reprove him for holding Africa. 14. Lavguidiore, credo, studio] Ironical ; for Tubero, notwithstand- ing all the affronts offered him by Pompey, was obstinate in his oppo- sition to Caesar. 15. In prccsidiis] Praesidium is, 1, a body of men, * qui pra-sidebant aliquo loco extra castra ;' 2. the place where they guarded, a station, a post; 3. the protection afforded by guards. It is here in the second sense, ' the military posts, the camp of Pompey,' which, forsooth, theTuberos frequented with their body (corpore), while their hearts (animi) were elsewhere. 16. Ut Jit, <3fc] Cic. asserts, 1. that all coveted victory ; 2. that he himself, with all his eagerness for peace, did so too. And this qua- lified self-accusation permitted him, 182 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO quam in reliquis, 17 omnes vincendi studio tenebamur? Pacis equidem semper auctor 18 fui : sed turn sero. Erat enim amentis, 19 quum aciem videres, pacem cogitare. Omnes, om- nes, inquam, vincere volebamus: tucerte praecipue, qui in eum locum 20 venisses,ubi tibi esset pereundum, nisi vicisses. Quamquam, 21 ut nunc se res habet, non dubito, quin hanc salutem 22 anteponas illi victoriae. X. Haec ego non dicerem, Tubero, si aut vos constantia? vestrae, aut Caesarem beneficii sui poeniteret. Nunc quaero, 1 utrum vestras injurias, 2 an reipublicae persequamini. Si rei- publicao : quid de vestra in ea causa 3 perseverantia respon- debitis ? Si vestras : videte ne erretis, qui Caesarem vestris inimicis iratum fore putetis, cum ignoverit suis. ltaque num 4 tibi videor, Caesar, in causa Ligarii occupatus esse? num de ejus facto dicere? Quidquid dixi, ad imam summam 5 referri volo vel humanitatis, vel cleraentiae, vel 3. to charge Tubero with a more ar- dent desire for it, because he had shown his partiality to Pompey and hatred towards Caesar so openly, that if the latter were victorious, he could expect nothing but death at his hands. 17. In reliquis] Sc. of our party, not, as Patric, the Caesarians. Hence the following ' equidem,' i. e. ' ego- quidem.' I, to be sure, was an ex- ception. 18. Auctor] Phil. ii. 10. 'Pacis, concordia;, auctor esse non destiti.' 19. Erat amentis] This 'folly' was not left untried, as appears from the case of Musonius Rufus, a stoic philosopher, recorded by Tacit. (Hist, ii i- 81-5 who ' permixtus manipulis, bona pacis, et discrimina belli disse- rens, armatos monebat.' The generality laughed at him, many were tired lis- tening, some jostled and trod on him, till, through the threats of some and advice of others, he gave up his ill- timed philosophy. 20. In eum locum] Sc. Pompey's camp, where Cic. did not remain during the battle of Pharsalia, having retired to Dyrrachium, with M. Var- ro and Cato. Divinat. 1. Manut. But it appears better to translate it generally, * you have come to such a pass that.' 21. Quamquam] A correction. And yet now that Cesar has granted you pardon. 22. Hanc talutem] Safety with him to victory with Pompey. This arose from the extreme clemency and exalted character of Caesar. Sect. X. 1. Nunc quttro] A dilemma, by which he convicts Tu- bero either of political profligacy oi cruelty of disposition. 2. Vestras injurias] Objectively, the wrongs which you suffered from Ligarius. Zumpt. L. Gram. c. 70. 3. In ea causa] The cause of Pom- pey, and your's as well as Ligarius's. 4. ltaque num, &;c.] He now throws himself and his suit on the mercy of Caesar ; and begs to dis- abuse him if he imagined he was pleading the cause of Ligarius. It was altogether an appeal to his hu- manity, occ. 5. Summam] KiQakaiov, caput. Fabr. PRO Q. LIGARIO, Cap. 10. 183 misericordiae tuae. Causas, Caesar, egi multas quidem te- cum, 6 dum te in foro" tenuit ratio honorum tuorum : certe nunquam hoc modo, "Ignoscite, judices, erravit; lapsus est ; non putavit : 8 si unquam posthac." 9 Ad parentem sic agi solet : 10 ad judices, " Non fecit, non cogitavit, falsi tes- tes, fictum crimen." Die, te, Caesar, de facto Ligarii judi- cem 11 esse : quibus in praesidiis 12 fuerit, qua3re. Taceo. Ne haec quidem colligo, 13 quae fortasse valerent etiam apud ju- dicem : ' Legatus 1 * ante bellum profectus, relictus in pace, bello oppressus, in eo ipso non acerbus, totus 15 animo et studio tiius.' Ad judicem sic agi solet : sed ego ad paren- tem loquor: 'Erravi, temere feci, poenitet ; ad clementiam tuam confugio, delicti veniam peto ; ut ignoscas, oro.' Si 6. Causas multas tecum] Cae- sar's talents as an orator are testified by his cotemporaries. According to Quintilian, (x. 1,) he was the only man fit to be a rival of Cicero : since (in his pithy expression) 'eodem ani- mo dixit quo bellavit.' Suet. Jul. 55. 56. Plut. Caas. 3. 7. Dum te in foro'] In his twenty- first year, he accused Dolabella; and continued his pleadings till nearly forty. This is what he calls ' ratio honorum,' the course of your honours. The praetorship was obtained in the fortieth year. Mil. 9. n. 6. 8. Xon putavit] Ovk <^i]9t\. Dem. Phil.iii. 14, remarks that it is a shame when a thing has happened, to say, r 'C yp v iftiiOt] ravra ytvkoBai ; and it is the proverbial resource of the fool to say, ' non putiiram.' Quint, vi. 13, says that deprecation is unsuited to regular trials, and is only to be used before judges who are at liberty to pronounce sentence just as they please ; e. g. Caesar. 9. Si unquam posthac] Terence, Phor. i. 2, gives the phrase more fully. ' Nunc omitte quaeso hunc : ceterum Posthac si quicquam, nihil precor.' And Plautus, Casina, v. 4, more fully still : ' Si unquam post- hac tale admisero, Nulla causa est quin virgis verberes.' 10. Ad parentem sic agi solet] Re- fer this to 'certe nunquam hoc modo.' As an advocate, Cic. seldom em- ployed it. Perhaps he hints, too, that Caesar was 'parens patriae.' 11. Die, te -judicem]He bids Cae- sar to imagine himself a judge of Li- garius, and to put to him, as counsel, the usual questions. Quint., vi. 1, considers that when the parties con- cerned in a trial are brought forward speaking, it constitutes a species of prosopopoeia, which he pronounces useful in exciting favourable emo- tions in the hearts of the judges. 12. Quibus in prxsidiis] In Pom- pey's or in Caesar's ? Supr. ix. 15. 13. Colligo] The technical term for collecting proofs for a trial. Phil, ii. 17. 'Haec ut colligeres, &c.' Deiot. 12. 'At quam acute collecta crimina.' It seems, however, in these cases not merely to intimate ' collecting,' but also, ' drawing in- ferences' (its proper meaning, u<ru\- Xoyt&ii) from the charges adduced. 14. Legatus, %c] Cicero, profess- ing to be silent, and throw himself on the sole mercy of Caesar, nevertheless contrives to bring forward, in one view, the most prominent points of his defence. 15. Totus] Al. turn etiam tntus. 1 Animo et studio ;' in heart and af- 184 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO nemo impetravit, arroganter : si plurimi, tu idem fer opem, qui spem dedisti. An sperandi 16 Ligario causa non sit, quum mihi apud te locus sit etiam pro altero deprecandi ? Quam- quam neque in hac oratione 17 spes est posita causae, nee in eorum studiis, 18 qui a te pro Ligario petunt, tui necessarii. XI. Vidi enim et cognovi, quid maxime spectares, quum pro alicujus salute multi laborarent i 1 causas 2 apud te rogan- tium gratiosiores esse, quam vultus ; neque spectare, quam tuus esset necessarius is, qui te oraret, sed quam illius, pro quo laboraret. Itaque tribuis tu quidem 3 tuis ita multa, ut mihi beatiores 4 illi esse videantur interdum, qui tua liberali- tate fruuntur, quam tu ipse, qui illis tarn multa concedis. Sed video tamen, apud te causas, ut dixi, rogantium valere plus, quam preces, ab iisque te moveri maxime, quorum jus- tissimum dolorem videas in petendo. In Q. Ligario 5 con- fection, though prevented by circum- stances from proving it in deed. 16. An sperandi] Quint., v. 10, calls this ' comparatio ex difficiliore ;' for it was obviously more difficult for Cicero, who was already in- debted to Caesar for his own, to urge the pardon of another, than for that other to hope for a par- don. But this being done, Caesar would hardly forfeit the glory of his clemency, gained in pardoning the one, by refusing the same pardon to the other. Abram. Supr. 3.n. 16. 17. Neque in hac oratione, fyc] Neither in my deprecatory speech, nor the affectionate interference of your personal friends. 18. In eorum studiis] Sc. 'in Caesarem,' not ' in Ligarium.' Sect. XI. 1. Laborarent] Sol- liciti essent et te precarentur. Sylv. 2. Causas] The reasons which the entreating parties have for pressing their suit. ' Gratiosiores,' of more influence with you. Al. gratiores, and Em. graviores, who allows, that men are called ' gratiosi,' but not things. 3. Itaque quidem] 'Accordingly, you do not, to be sure, deny your own friends any favour, as the preceding remark (neque te spectare quam tuus esset necessarius) might lead a per- son to suppose so far from that, you are above measure liberal to them ; still I see (sed video tamen) that the causes, &c.' 4. Beatiores] Dives, says Varr. iv. 17, a divo qui, ut deus, nihil in- digere videtur ; beatus qui multa bo- na possidet. Cic. does not mean that they were * happier' than Cae- sar, but as we say, 'better off' ' wealthier.' Caesar was so gene- rous that he left himself in a worse situation than the recipients of his bounty. This accords with the ac- count of Sail. Cat. c. 61. ' nihil de- negare quod dono dignum esset.' 5. In Q. Ligario] And this intro- duces the case of Ligarius. He here reasons syllogistically. Thus the major (Vidi enim, cScc.) is shortly : Just grounds (causas) for inter- ference in the suppliants usually avail with Caesar. The friends of Ligarius have the justest grounds, (minor). Therefore, &c. In esta- blishing the minor he is able to enu- merate all the friends of Ligarius who are interested in his fate. Fabr. And this he proceeds to do. PRO Q. LIGARIO, Cap. 11. 185 servando multis tu'quidem gratum facies 6 necessariis tuis : sed hoc, 7 quaaso, considera, quod soles. Possum fortissimos viros, Sabinos, 8 tibi probatissimos, 9 totumque agrum Sabi- mim, florem Italia?, ac robur reipublicaa proponere. Nosti optime homines. Animadverte horum omnium mcestitiam et dolorem : hujus T. Brocchi, 10 de quo non dubito, quid existimee, lacrymas squaloremque 11 ipsius et filii vides. Quid de fratribus 12 dicam ? Noli, Caesar, putare, de unius capite 15 nos agere. Aut tres tibi Ligarii in civitate retinendi sunt, aut tres ex civitate exterminandi. Quodvis exsilium his est optatius, quam patria, quam domus, quam dii penates, uno illo exsulante. Si fraterne, si pie, si cum dolore 14 faciunt, mo- veat pietas, moveat germanitas, 15 valeat tua vox 16 ilia, qua? vi- cit. Te enim dicere audiebamus, nos, omnes 17 adversarios putare, nisi qui nobiscum essent : te omnes, qui contra te non essent, tuos. Videsne 18 igitur hunc splendorem, omnem hanc Brocchorum domum, hunc L. Marcium, 19 C. Caese- 6. Gratum facies] Gratificabere, %apiy. Fabr. 7. Hoc] Causas rogantium. Pair. 8. Stbinos] The first in his enu- meration : Ligarius was of Sabine origin ; and it was usual for the whole people of a district to appear at Rome in defence of a patron or countryman. So the Campanians appeared in fa- vour of Cicero, on his return from tiani>hment. 9. Probatissimos] Plut. writes, that they afforded Caesar an asylum (luring the proscription of Sylla, and lie may have tried and proved their valour in his legions. 10. Brocchi] Ligarius's maternal uncle and his sons ; the second in his list. Supr. 4. n. 16. 1 1 . Squaloremque] The garb of mourning. Mil. 8. n. 2. Squalent municipia.' 12. Fratribus] Titus, who is men- tioned infr., and, it is supposed, Mar- cus. The third in the li?t of Ligarius's friends. 13. Unius capite] Vita, salute. Fabr, 14. Fraterne pie cum dolore] These words apply particularly to the third class, but intimate the general conclusion ; sc. * that the prayers of Ligarius's friends ought to have weight with you.' The cor- responding words lacrymas pie- tas germanitas,' are, it is observa- ble, in the reverse order. 15. Germanitas] Brotherhood ; from ' germanus,' qu. eodem ger~ mine profectus' Fest. ; or ' eadem genetrice manans,' Serv. ; properly, a full brother ; sometimes a half- brother. 16. Valeat tua vox] He strength- ens his conclusion by the testimony of Caesar, and the contrast which Pompey's conduct exhibited. 17. Nos omnes] Vid. Matthew, 12. 36, and Luke, 9. 50. 18. Videsne] The fourth class of friends in general, comprising also the second. ' Splendorem' is the proper epithet of the equestrian order, as, majesty of the people, and au- thority of the senate. 19. L. Marcium] A Roman knight, related to Ligarius by marriage. r2 186 M. T. C1CER0NIS ORATIO tium, 20 L. Corfidium, 21 hosce omnes equites Romanos qui ad- sunt veste mutata, 22 non solum uotos tibi, verum etiam pro- batos viros ? Tecum fuerunt. 23 Atque his irascebamur, 24 et hos requirebamus, 25 et his nonnulli etiam miuabantur. Con- serva igitur tuis suos : 26 ut, quemadmodum cetera qua3 dicta sunt a te, sic hoc verissimum reperiatur. XII. Quod si penitus perspicere posses concordiam Li- gariorum, omnes fratres tecum judicares fuisse. 1 An potest quisquam dubitare, quin, si Q. Ligarius in Italia esse po- tuisset, in eadem sententia futurus fuerit, in qua fratres fue- runt? Quis est, qui horum consensum conspirantem et pene conflatum 2 in hac prope aequalitate 3 fraterna non no- verit? qui hoc nOn sentiat, quidvis prius futurum fuisse, quam, ut hi fratres diversas sententias fortunasque seque- rentur ? Voluntate igitur omnes tecum fuerunt : tempes- tate 4 abreptus est unus ; qui, si consilio 5 id fecisset, esset corum similis, quos tu tamen salvos esse voluisti. Sed 20. Ca , setinm] Perhaps the same as was deprived of his tribuneship for tearing the laurel crown from oft the statue of Caesar. Suet. Jul. 70. 21. Corfidium] By a ' lapsus me- morial' Corfidius was here mentioned, though previously dead. Cic. re- quests Atticus, (xiii. 44,) to be careful in having the name erased from all the copies ; which, how- ever, was not effected. 22. Equites veste mutata'] Sordi- dati. Fabr. No less than twenty thousand knights changed their garb in the case of Cicero. Mil. 14. n. 9- 23. Tecum fuerunt] Al. fuisse. This did not require them to be ac- tually in Caesar's camp. It was enough that they did not join Pom- pey. Te omnes qui contra te non essent tuos.' 24. Irascebamur] Therefore their deserts towards you are enhanced by their being the objects of the hatred and threats of the Pompeians. Mar- cel. 6. 25. Hos requirebamus] i.e. Missed, felt annoyed at the absence of. So Supr. 5. Patris tui prudentiam re- quiro. Mil. 1. n. 5. 26. Tuis suos] i. e. To those who by their neutrality are proved to be your friends, preserve their own. * Hoc,' then, means, your considering all these your friends who did not ap- pear against you. Sect. XII. 1. Tecum -fuisse] Sc. to have remained at Rome. 2. Conspirantem conjiatum] 'Con- cordant, and as it were, moulded into one.' One of the meanings of con- flare is, ' to fuse metals ;' which may supply the metaphor here. 3. sEqualitate] 'O/iijXiirtp. Ean- dem tribus Ligariis aetatem fuisse significat. Abram. This bond of love is frequently noticed. So AZn. ix. 275, lulus makes it a reason for his peculiar regards towards Eurya- lus. Eurip. Phceniss. 338. a7n)vr]g bfioTTTipa. 4. Tempestate] yEn. i. 108. Tres Notus abreptas in saxa latentia tor- quet. 5. Consilio] ' Intentionally ;' which he did not. PRO Q. LIGARIO, Cap. 12. 187 ierit G ad bellum ; dissenserit non a te solum, verum etiam a fratribus : hi te orant tui. Equidem, 7 quum tuis omnibus negotiis interessem, memoria teneo, qualis turn T. Ligarius quaestor urbanus 8 fuerit erga te et dignitatem tuam. Sed parum est, 9 me hoc meminisse : spero etiam te, qui obli- visci 10 nihil soles, nisi injurias, quoniam hoc est animi, quoniam etiam ingenii 11 tui, te, aliquid de hujus quaestoris officio cogitantem, etiam de aliis quibusdam quaestoribus 12 rem iniscen tern recordari. Hie igitur T. Ligarius, qui turn nihil egit 13 aliud, (neque enim haec divinabat) nisi ut tu eum tui studiosum et bonum virum judicares, nunc a te sup- plex fratris salutem petit. Quam hujus admonitus officio 14 quum utrisquehis dederis, tres fratres optimos et integerri- mos, non solum sibi ipsos, neque his tot ac talibus viris, neque nobis necessariis suis, sed etiam reipublicae condona- veris. Fac igitur, quod de homine nobilissimo et clarissimo, M. Marcello, restituto fecisti nuper 15 in curia, nunc idem in foro de optimis et huic omni frequentise probatissimis fira- 6. Sed ierit] But take it in the worst point of view, admit that he did go to the war, that he did, &c. 7. Equidem] Cic. testifies to the merits of T. Ligarius, who in his quaes- torship, Lentulus and Philippus, coss., paid Caesar a sum of money voted to him out of the public treasury, to sup- port his army in Gaul. Fam. i. 7. This payment Cic. (Prov. Cons. 11.) strenuously supported. Others refer it, improperly, to his permitting Cae- sar to plunder the treasury at the be- ginning of the civil war. But Cic. then took no concern in Caesar's affairs. 8. Quastor urbanus] Hi aera- rium curabant, ejusque pecunias ex- pensas et acceptas in publicas tabu- las referebant. Ascon. 9. Sed parum est] He connects Caesar's memory of it with his own. 10. Qui ohlivisci] Quint, vi. 4. 11. Animi ingenii] Temper, na- tural disposition. 12. Aliis qutestoribus] Some of whom may have opposed the grant alluded to, supr. n. 7. Patr. refers it to their preventing him from breaking into the treasury, as mentioned, supr. n. 7. 13. Nihil egit] Had no object in view, was quite disinterested ; for he had no prophetic vision of your won- derful exaltation. Others make ' haec' the present calamity of his brother. 14. Officio] Precibus quas pro fratre fundit. Patric. To translate ' admonitus officio,' admonished by his services, seems to give too arrogant a meaning. 15. Quod fecisti nuper] Caesar had lately pardoned M. Marcellus, who had been a strenuous supporter of the Pompeian cause. After the battle of Pharsalia he retired to Mitylene with the intention of spending the remain- der of his life in retirement ; but the entreaties of his brother, C. Marcellus, and his numerous friends, procured an unwilling pardon from Caesar. For this act of clemency, Cic. returned Cae- sar thanks, (Fam. iv. 4.) in a speech, which in the opinion of several emi- nent scholars has not been transmitted to us. This loss has been attempted to be supplied in the oration ' pro 188 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO PRO Q. LIGARIO. tribus. Ut concessisti ilium senatui, sic da hunc populo, cujus voluntatem 16 carissimam semper habuisti : et, si ille dies tibi gloriosissimus, populo Romano gratissimus fuit, noli, obsecro, dubitare, C. Caesar, similem illi gloriae lau- dem quam saepissime quaerere. Nihil est enim lam po- pulare, quam bonitas ; nulla de virtutibus tuis plurimis nee gratior, nee admirabilior, misericordia est ; homines 17 enim ad deos nulla re proprius accedunt, quam salutem hominibus dando. Nihil habet nee 18 fortuna tua majus, quam ut pos- sis, nee natura tua melius, quam ut velis servare quamplu- rimos. Longiorem 19 orationem causa forsitan postulat, tua certe natura breviorem. Quare, 20 quum utilius esse arbitrer te ipsum, quam aut me, aut quemquam, loqui tecum, finem jam faciam : tantum te [ipsum] admonebo, si illi absenti salutem dederis, praesentibus his omnibus te daturum. Alarcello,' by some pompous rheto- fiaXiffra fiifxu<r9ai tuq Qihq vrav rician of the Augustine age. Vid. tvipyerwaiv. So Flin. ii. 7. Deus Schutz and Orel. Marcellus did not est mortali juvare mortalera. Lastly, live to reach his native country, being Shakesp. No ceremony that to great assassinated at Athens by a confi- ones 'longs, Not the king's crown dential friend, P. Magius Chilo. nor the deputed sword Become them 16. Cujus voluntatem, &c] i. e. half so well as mercy docs. Courted popularity. Cat. iv. 5. So 18. Habet nee, <Sfc] Quint, viii. 5. Sext. 45, Cic. says, that those whose notices the liveliness of this turn from actions and words were intended to the third to the second person. ' Ita please the people were ' populares ;' quae erant rerum propria, fecit homi- while those who regulated their plans nis.' The compliment i3 very elegant, so as to approve them ' cuique opti- 19. Longiorem] Caesar's clemency, mo,' were ' optimates.' But then so often noticed already, here affords who is meant by ' cuique optimo V even a pretext for concluding. 17. Homines, enim, &;c.] This sen- 20. Quare] He concludes with timent is noticed by Strabo, x. T Et; leaving the most important consider- yup Upt]Tai raro, tovq avOpwnovg ation impressed on the mind of Caesar. INTRODUCTION TO THE ORATION FOR KING DEIOTARUS. Deiotarus was a noble tetrarch of Gallogrsecia,* or Galatia, who in the several wars in which the Romans had been engaged in Asia, Cappadocia, Cilicia, and Syria, (inf. c. 13,) had often afforded powerful aid to their generals, and proved himself a zea- lous and faithful ally. These services did not go unnoticed nor unrewarded. Hence Cicero, Phil. xi. 13, asks, " Quae de illo viro Sulla, quae Murena, quae Servilius, quae Lucullus, quam ornate, quam honorifice, quam graviter saepe in senatu praedica- verunt? Quid de Cn. Pompeio loquar ? qui unum Deiotarum in toto orbe terrarum ex animo amicum, vereque benevolum, unum fidelem populo Romano, judicavit." The latter general, indeed, for his services against Mithridates, presented him with Armenia Minor, (Eutrop. vi. 14,) and had him recognized by the senate as king; the highest honour which the senate could bestow. (Manil. 5. n. 11.) Harusp. 13. 2. When the civil war broke out between Caesar and Pompey, he adhered to the cause of his benefactor, and not only supplied him with military aid, but was himself in the battle of Pharsalia. (Caes. B. C. iii. 4.) After the defeat of Pompey, true to his principles of supporting the republic, he immediately sent a sup- ply of men and money to Caesar to Alexandria. Inf. c. 5. In * Gallograecia is a region of Asia, bounded by Phrygia, Bithynia, and Ar- menia Minor. It was founded by a colony detached from the great Gaulish emigration under Brennus, b. c. 270, which crossed the Hellespont, and mingling with some Graecian colonies, gave the country the name of Gallo- graecia, the inhabitants of which continued to speak the Celtic language in the days of St. Jerome, 600 years after their emigration. It was also called Ga- latia by the Greeks from yaka, lac, owing to the whiteness of their bodies, as Livy, xxxviii. 21, testifies. So /En. viii. 660 turn lactea colla Auro in- nectuntur. 190 INTRODUCTION. the mean time, Pharnaces, the son of Mithridates, to whom, out of the vast dominions of his father, Pompey had only conceded the Cimmerian Bosphorus, invaded the dominions of Deiotarus and Ariobarzanes, with a view to recover from the former Armenia Minor, and from the latter, Cappadocia. Deiotarus, there- fore, applied for protection to Domitius Calvinus (Hist. B. Alex. 33,) whom Caesar had left as pro-consul of Asia. Domitius, after a useless attempt to bring Pharnaces to terms of peace, assisted by Deiotarus, proceeded to hostilities against that prince, but with so little success that he was obliged to retire with his scattered forces into Asia, Deiotarus having thus, by his zeal in supporting the interests of the Caesarian party, deserved a pardon (* meruit veniam,' Schol.) for his Pharsalian error, as soon as he learned that the Roman general, proceeding against Pharnaces, had arrived in the precincts of Gallograecia, waited on him in the garb of a suppliant (B. Alex. 67,) and in consideration of his former services, his age, dignity, and the prayers of his friends, received a pardon, and was permitted to resume the ensigns of regal dignity. About certain claims, however, which the neigh- bouring tetrarchs made on Gallograecia, Caesar decided nothing ; but taking with him all Deiotarus's cavalry, and a legion trained in the Roman discipline, he proceeded against Pharnaces, whose speedy defeat is recorded in Caesar's memorable letter to the senate, ' veni, vidi, vici.' 3. Caesar, after this victory, proceeding to Asia, by the route of Gallograecia and Bithynia, became the guest of Deiotarus. Of Caesar's deportment towards his royal host, Cicero, when he was not afraid to tell the truth, thus speaks, Phil. ii. 37 : M Com- pellarat hospitem praesens, computarat, pecuniam imperarat, in ejus tetrarchiam ex Graecis comitibus collocarat, Armeniam ab- stulerat a senatu datam." ^this ' Graecian attendant,' to whom he gave the tetrarchy of the Trogini, (a part of Gallograecia,) was Mithridates Pergamenus, whom he had made king of the Bos- phorus. To Deiotarus he left the remainder of Gallograecia with the title of King. (C. 5. " Eum amplissimo regis honore et no- mine affeceris.") When Caesar returned from Spain, a. u. 708, Castor, the grandson of Deiotarus, by a daughter who was mar- ried to one Saocondarius, accused his grandfather of a design to murder Caesar, when he was his guest in Gallograecia. Castor's conduct and motives are variously represented.* The most pro- * Era., in his argument says, ' Graves inimicitiae intercedebant Deiotaro cum Castore, filio Saocondarii.' The Schol. Post cum genero, i. e. Saocon- dario, litem habuit.' Era. ' Abducto ab avo medico Phidippo, Castor misit INTRODUCTION. 191 bable account is, that his father, hoping to ingratiate himself with Caesar, and obtain a part of Deiotarus's kingdom, sent his son to Rome, for the purpose of accusing his grandfather; and that while there, he found means to corrupt Phidippus, a physician, sent by his grandfather, as part of the embassy to conduct his defence. This embassy waited on Cicero, who readily undertook the cause of his old* friend, and argued it before Caesar, within the walls of his own palace. 4. As in the oration for Milo, the fears of the orator, arising from the guards which surrounded the forum, afforded him mat- ter for an exordium, so here a statement of his fears, and their causes, serves a similar purpose. This statement occupies the first and second sections, c. 1. 2. The orator then proceeds to show that the accusers basely grounded the hope of success on their knowledge of the differences which had fallen out between Caesar and Deiotarus, and implores him to banish from his mind every shadow of grudge, and in the recollection of Deiotarus's services to himself after, to forget that he was in the field of Pharsalia. c. 3. 5. Cicero then addresses himself to the charge itself, sc. that Deiotarus planned the assassination of Caesar, when he was his guest in Gallognecia. This he disproves ; first, from the well- known probity of Deiotarus, and next, from his consummate wisdom and prudence. His own interests should have deterred him from attempting such a deed ; and common sense from using the means assigned, c. 6. 7. 5. It remained to disprove two corroborating circumstances adduced by his opponents : first, that Deiotarus had enrolled a large army against Caesar ; next, that he harboured disloyal thoughts and alienated feelings towards the Roman general.- These he answers, c. 8. 9 ; not without adding his severe repre- hension of the inhuman and unnatural conduct of Castor, c. 10. 11. As no accusation, however trivial, was beneath the notice of Castor, he lastly charged his grandfather with receiving accounts from Blesamius, one of his deputies, of the unpopularity of Cae- sar at Rome, the paucity of plaudits bestowed by the populace, &c. This is refuted, c. 12. eum cum legato Romam.' The Schol. ' Gener misit qui Deiotarum accusarent.' And Cic. himself, inf. 7, says that Deiotarus sent Phidippus along with his legates, and that Castor, who was then at Rome, did there administer the bribe. So much for Ernesti's accuracy. * When Cic. was pro-consul of Cilicia, a. u. 702, he contracted a warm friendship for Deiotarus, who gave him substantial proof of his regard, in supplying him with troops and money. 192 INTRODUCTION. In the peroration he endeavours to effect a thorough recon- ciliation between Deiotarus and Caesar, by dwelling on the virtues of the king, his services to the republic, his gratitude for the clemency he had experienced ; and lastly, by imploring an ex- tension of it now to a royal family in distress, c. 13. 15. 6. This oration was made about the month of October or No- vember, a. u. 708, commonly called the year of confusion. Cajsar had triumphed on the calends of October, after his return from Spain, and appointed Q. Fabius Maximus and C. Trebonius, consuls for the last three months of the year. "We saw that the oration for Ligarius was pronounced about the first intercalary calends, and this speech followed soon after. In December, he sent it, copied out, to Dolabella, accom- panied with a letter, in which he mentions it in terms which be- speak unwonted modesty in the writer. " Oratiunculam pro Deio- taro tibi misi, quam velim sic leges ut causam tenuem et ino- pem, nee scriptione magnopere dignam. Sed ego hospiti veteri et amico munusculum mittere volui levidense, crasso filo, cujus- modi ipsius solent essent munera." Sylvius, forgetting the dis- sembled vanity of Cicero's exordium for Archias, " Siquid est in me ingenii judices, quod sentio quam sit exiguum," can only ac- count for the epithets \ tenuem et inopem' by the fact that Cicero gained little for his client. But this is not certain. Caesar, in- deed, made no immediate decision, but adjourned the cause till he should be able to examine into it fully on the spot. This, itself, was a victory to Deiotarus, and as the time never arrived, the king, on hearing of the death of Caesar, seized upon his dominions, suo Marte ;' Phil. ii. 37 ; and subsequently supported the republi- can party, led on by Brutus and Cassius. It is worth notice, that Brutus had already defended Deiotarus, before Caesar, at Nice, a city of Liguria, where he met him on his return from Spain ; and had spoken in a tone of freedom and vehemence that gave Caesar cause to reflect on the fierce and in- domitable temper of Brutus. Att. xiv. 1. M. TULLII CICERONIS PRO REGE DEIOTARO, AD C. CiESAREM, ORATIO. I. Quum in omnibus causis gravioribus, C. Caesar, initio dicendi commoveri soleam 1 vehementius, quam videtur vel usus, 2 vel aetas mea 3 postulare : turn 4 in hac causa ita me multa perturbant, ut, quantum 5 mea fides studii mihi affe- Sect. I. 1. Com. soleam] This is a common complaint of Cic. Caecil. 13, he says, that with all his experience in pleading, when the day of trial comes ' non solum commoveor ani- mo, sed etiam toto corpore perhor- resco.' Cluent. 18. ' Semper equi- dem magno cum metu incipio dice- re ;' and he adds, ' that he never pleads without feeling himself as it were on trial for his abilities and in- tegrity lest he might be chargeable with impudence, for undertaking what he could not perform ; or with base- ness or negligence, for not perform- ing what he could.' 2. Vel usus] If we consider that Cicero, five-and-twenty years before this time, said of himself, (Caecil. 13,) 'ejusdem aetatis aut nemo aut pauci plures causas defenderint,' we may have some notion of his expe- rience. 3. JEtas mea] Sixty-two. VOL. I. 4. Quum soleam turn] ' The subj. is joined with quum, followed by turn, when the two propositions are not merely distinguished from each other, but when that with quum is given under the form of a cause. So -Arch. 4. Idque quum per se dignus putaretur, turn auctoritate et gratia Luculli ab Heracleensibus impetra- vit. Also, Agr. iii. 3. This causal force of quum seems gradually to have been lost sight of.' Zumpt c. 76*. Hence, Manut. enumerates, amon<* the causes of Cicero's fears, his habit of feeling strongly, &c. Inf. n. 7. 5. Quantum, $c] i.e. 'Quantum studii, &c.' ' As much ardour of mind as a sense of duty [towards a client] inspires me with.' The for- cible meaning attached to 'fides' so used, may be inferred from its vio- lation forming one in Virgil's cata- logue of crimes, ' Fraus innexa cli- enti.' JEu. vi. 609. s 194 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO rat 6 ad salutem regis Deiotari 7 defendendam, tantum facul- tatis timor detrahat. Primum 7 dico pro capite fortunis- que 8 regis : quod ipsum etsi non iniquum 9 est in tuo dum- taxat periculo, tamen est ita inusitatum, 10 regem capitis reum esse, ut ante hoe tempus non sit auditum. Deinde eum regem, quern ornare antea cuncto cum senatu 11 solebam, pro perpetuis ejus in nostram rempublicam meritis, 12 nunc contra atrocissimum crimen 13 cogor defendere. Accedit, ut accusatorum alterius crudelitate, 14 alterius indignitate 15 con- 6. Afferat] Volenti, cum signifi- catione benevolentiae ; detrahat,' in- vito cum indicio doloris, dixit. Afa- nut. Marcel. 4. Quantum operi- bus tuis diuturnitas detrahet, tantum afferet laudibus. 7. Salutem regis Deiot.] Every word is here emphatic. The safety not of a man, but of a king ; not of a king, but of a king Deiotarus, whose servi- ces to the Roman empire have been so numerous. Manut. 7. Primum] Cic. adduces four causes to account for his fears. 1. His client being a king ; 2. the cru- elty of one accuser (the son-in-law) ; and meanness of the other (a slave) ; 3. the fact of the virtual plaintiff, Caesar, being also judge; 4. the place where the trial was held, sc. the house of Caesar. To which may be prefixed * his habit of feeling strongly in all important causes' (n. 4). 8. Pro capite fortunisque] Here is no anti-climax ; the sentence by which an offender * capite minuitur,' did not of necessity deprive him also of his fortune. He might be only deprived of civil rights and exiled. Ahram. and V. E. But v. 11. n.2. 9. Quod ipsum iniquum] ' And although this procedure is fair enough, at least (dumtaxat) where your dan- ger is concerned.' Cic. feared to offend Caesar, by urging too far the rarity of a royal culprit ; which might reflect on his justice in admitting such a prosecution. The charge against Deiotarus affected Caesar's safety. On dumtaxat,' vid. Mil. 2. n. 15. 10. Est ita inusitatum] This was too good a precedent not to be fol- lowed up. Thus Antony, (Plut. 36,) put to death Antigonus, king of Judaea, and bound Artaxes, king of Armenia with silver chains. Dio lib. 49. So Augustus had Phraates ' minor genibus,' (Hor. Ep. i. 12.27,) not to mention Herod and his sons, who were often put on trial before Roman judges. Joseph, xvi. 7.14. 11. Ornare cuncto senatu] So Harusp. 13. ' Hunc Deiotarum saepe a senatu regali nomine dignum existi- matum, clarissimorum imperatorum testimoniis, &c.' Phil. ii. 37. ' De rege Deiotaro, populo Rom. amicis- simo.' Introd. 1. 12. Perpetuis meritis] Phil. xi. 13. ' Deiotari cujus benevolen- tiam in populum Rom. est ipsius (cqualis atati ; qui non solum socius imperatorum nostrorum in bellis, ve- rum dux copiarum suarum, &c.' Sylla, Murena, Servilius, Lucullus, and Pompey, had expressed in the senate their grateful acknowledgments for the important services of Deio- tarus in the Asiatic wars. 13. Atrociss. crimen] Of having at- tempted Caesar's life. Mil. 8. n. 10. 14. Alterius crudelitate] The second cause of his fear. The charge of cruelty is usually brought against prosecutors to prejudice the judges against them. So of Tubero (Ligar. 5,) he says ' nonne omnem humani- tatem exuisses V ' Alterius' here is Castor. Hence the emphatic ' cru- PRO R. DEIOTARO, Cap. 1. 195 turber. Crudelem Castorem, ne dicam sceleratum et im- pium ! 16 qui nepos avum in discrimen capitis adduxerit, ado- lescentiaeque suae terrorem 17 intulerit ei, cujus senectutem tueri et tegere debebat, commendationemque ineuntis aetatis ab impietate at ab scelere duxerit ; avi servum, 18 corniptum praemiis, ad accusandum dominum impulerit et a legatorum pedibus abduxerit. 19 Fugitivi 20 autem, dominum accusan- tis, 21 et dominum absentem, et dominum amicissimum nos- tra? reipublicae, quum os 22 videbam, quum verba audiebam : non tam afflictam regiam conditionem 23 dolebam, quam de fortunis communibus 24 extimescebam. Nam, quum more majorem de servo 25 in dominum ne tormentis quidem 26 quaeri liceat ; in qua quaestione dolor veram vocem elicere 27 possit delis Castor' following. 15. lndignitate] For Phidippus was a slave ; and slaves were not al- lowed to give evidence against their masters. Mil. 22. n. 13. 16. Sceleratum impium] Crude- litas in alienos ; in propinquos pro- prie scelus et impietas est. Manut. 16. Aepos] His daughter's son. 17. Adolescentia terrorem, tyc.~] For young men at Rome found it a ready way of gaining commendation, to accuse the magistrates, to whom, therefore, they were in some sort a terror. Off. ii. 14. 18. Avi servum'] Phidippus the physician who had been sent to Rome by Deiotarus, on an embassy, to de- fend him against Castor's charge. lntrod. 3. 19. Legatorum pedibus abduxerit] Phidippus was seduced from the feet of the legates, his appropriate po- sition as being a slave. 20. Fugitivi] Not'only a runaway slave, but a slave that designs as much ; a vagabond. 21. Dominum accusantis] To ac- cuse a master is unjust ; an absent master, more unjust ; a master strongly attached to our republic, most unjust. Hence the consum- mate impudence (os) of Phidippus. Manut. 22. Os~] Impudence. So Verr. iv. 20. ' Nostis os hominis, nos- tis audaciam.' ' Verba' goes a step farther in audacity. It was bad enough for the wretch to show his face ; but to speak was worse still. 23. Afflictam conditionem] The wretched pass to which royalty is come. 24. De fortunis communibus'] For who can be safe if slaves are permit- ted to turn informers 1 The usual artifice of Cic. to connect the issue of the question in hand with the general interests. Manil. 2. n. 12. Mil. 1. n. 20. Inf. 11. n. 3. 25. De servo] Mil. 22. n. 13. 26. Ne tormentis quidem] Not even is the involuntary (tormentis) evidence of a slave allowed against his master, much less the voluntary accusation (accuset solutus). 27. Elicere] (From ' lacio,' I en- tice.) 1. Entice out; 2. (without the idea of blandishment) extract, elicit. 28. Exortus est] Intimating the impudence of Phidippus here starts up a slave. So speaking of Gyges, Off. iii. 9, rex exortus est Lydiae. Ter. Hecyr.ii. 1.16. Tu solaexorere, 196 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO etiam ab invito : exortus est 28 servus, qui, quem in eculeo ap- pellare 29 non posset, eum accuser 30 solutus. II. Perturbat me, C. Caesar, etiam illud 1 interdum : quod tamen, quum te penitus recognovi, 2 timere desino ; re enim iniquum 3 est, sed tua sapientia fit aequissimum. Nam di- cere apud eum de facinore, contra cujus vitam consilium facinoris inisse arguare, 4 si per se ipsum consideres, grave est; nemo 5 enim fere est, qui sui periculi judex, non sibi se aequiorem, quam reo praebeat : sed. tua, C. Caesar, praestans singularisque natura nunc mihi metum minuit. Non enim tarn timeo, quid tu de rege Deiotaro, quam intelligo, quid de te ceteros velis judicare. 6 Moveor etiam loci ipsius inso- lentia, 6 " quod tantam causam, 7 quanta nulla unquam in discep- tatione versata 8 est, dico intra domesticos parietes, dico extra conventum et earn frequentiam, in qua oratorum studia niti 9 solent : in tuis oculis, in tuo ore vultuque acquiesco; 10 te quae perturbes haec impudentia tua. 29. Appellor*] A weak word for ' accusare ;'- name the name of. So Off. i. 25. Cavendum est, ne majore poena iisdem de causis alii plectantur, alii ne appellentur quidem. For eculeus/ vid.Mil. 21. n. 21. 30. Accuset] Ern. not observing that ' exortus est' represents the ac- tion as just concluded, would read, * accusaret.' Sect. II. 1. Illud] This circum- stance ; sc. your being judge in your own case. The third cause of his fear. 2. Penitus recognovi] Thoroughly understood your justice, clemency, &c. 3. Iniquum] To be, at once, plain- tiff and judge. 4. Arguare] i. e. ' Reus argua- tur.' The second pers. is used thus, to give a lively, pointed turu to the sentence. 5. Nemo, fyc] This principle of self-love is proverbial. A. Gell. xii. 5. ' Natura omnium rerum ita nos genuit ut nihil quicquam esset ca- rius nobis quam nosmetipsi.' 4 ./Equiorem' does not mean ab- stractly just,' but favourable, kind.' 6. Quid judicare] Namely, that you are a friend of justice and hu- manity. By this praise of Caesar he hints what Caesar ought to be ; par- ticularly that it was foreign to his clemency to condemn in his own cause. Caesar's anxiety to be thought mild and forgiving is noticed by Suet, c. 75. 6. Loci insolentia] The fourth cause. Quint, iv. 1 . Cicero's usual theatre was the forum ; here the house of Caesar, where there was no surrounding band (conventum) by which the orator is inspired to emu- lation. Mil. 1. n. 7. 7. Tantam causam] It concerned the life and fortunes of a king. 8. Disceptatione versata] Came on trial. 9. In qua niti] The preposition is often omitted. But vid. Mil. 7. cujus in vita nitebatur.' Ern. From signifying ' to depend upon,' it comes to mean ' to derive support and encouragement.' Horn. II. ix. 441. Ovd" ayopkuiv, Xva r avdpeg apiirpnrktQ TiKkQaai. 10. Acquiesco] Valde quiesco, ob- PRO R. DEIOTARO, Cap. 2. 197 unum 11 intueor ; ad te unum omnis mea spectat oratio. Quae mihi ad spem obtinendae veritatis 12 gravissima sunt, 13 ad mo- tum animi et ad omnem impetum dicendi contentionemque 14 leviora. Hanc enim, C. Caesar, causam si in foro dicerem, eo- dem audiente et disceptante te, 15 quantam mihi alacritatem 15 populi Romani concursus afferret ! Quis enim civis ei regi non faveret, cujus omnem aetatem 16 in populi Romani bellis consumptam esse meminisset ? Spectarem curiam, 17 intuerer forum, coelum denique testarer ipsum. Sic, quum et deorum immortalium, et populi Romani, et senatus 17 beneficia in re- gem Deiotarum recordarer, 18 nullo modo mihi deesse posset oratio. 19 Quae quouiam 20 angustiora parietes faciunt, actioque causae 21 maxime debilitatur loco ; tuum est, Caesar, qui pro lector, fruitionem capio. Sylv. Arch. 6. n. 4. Mil. 37. n. 10. 11. Te unum, c.~\ In you, alone, have I my hopes reposed ; there be- ing no applauding crowd to look to. 12. Obtinendte veritatis] i.e. Pro- banda?. So Quint. 23. Non ad ob- tinendum mendacium, sed ad verum probandum auctoritatem adjuvare. But ' Veritas' here is, of course, sy- nonymous with ' causa.' 13. Gravissima sunt] When the passions are excited in judges, they are easily turned from the truth. Quint, v. 8. Hence at Athens all attempts to rouse the feelings were forbidden. Now, Caesar being sole auditor, there was no hopes of in- flaming his passions : therefore, what was most important in making good the truth, Cic. had ; though it was of little weight in rousing the elo- quence and ardour of the speaker. 14. Contentionem] Cicero, Off. ii. 14, says that oratory is two-fold, ' sermo et contentio ;' and he adds that the latter, as being synonymous with eloquence, is the more efficient in procuring glory and fame. 15. Disceptante te] Disceptator, i. e. rei sententiaeque moderator. Part. Orat. 3. Abram. V. E.; a president or judge. 15. Alacritatem] What vigour and ardour of mind. 16. Omnem atatem] He had assist- ed the Romans in the first Mithridatic war, in the time of Sylla, a. u. 6fjb. It was now 708. 17. Curiam] Because it was con- tiguous to the forum where the cause should be pleaded. This, it would appear, (caelum testarer,) was ' sub dio,' like the Athenian rfXiacrrai. Ccel. 28. Val. Max. viii. 1, who mentions a heavy rain falling on L. Piso, while receiving sentence. Also Plin. xix. 1, ' Marcellus, Au- gusto xi. consule, velis forum inum- bravit, quantum mutatis moribus Catonis censoris, quia sternendum muricibus censuerat.' 17. Deorum pop. Rom. senatus] These answer to ' ccelum forum curiam,' and, as usual, are in the reverse order. Ligar. 11. n. 14. (Si fraterne, &c.) 18. Recordarer] For ' commemo- rarem ;' antecedens pro consequents Em. 19. Deesse oratio] Manil. 1. Oratio deesse nemini potest. 20. Qu<e quouiam] And since the confining walls contract these advan- tages of the orator. 21. Actioque causa] Manil. 1. n. 5. s2 198 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO multis saepe dixisti, 22 quid nunc mihi animi sit, ad te ipsum referre, 23 quo facilius turn aequitas tua, turn audiendi diligen- tia minuat hanc perturbationem meara. Sed antequam 24 de accusatione ipsa dico, de accusatorum 25 spe pauca dicam. Qui quum videantur neque ingenio, 26 ne- que usu atque exercitatione rerum 27 valere, tamen ad hanc causam non sine aliqua spe et cogitatione venerunt. III. Iratum te regi 1 Deiotaro fuisse non erant nescii ; af- fectum ilium 2 quibusdam incommodis et detriments propter ofFensionem ammi 3 tui meminerant ; teque quum huic iratum, turn sibi amicum 4 cognoverant ; quumque apud ipsum te de tuo periculo dicerent, fore putabant, ut in exulcerato 5 animo facile fictum crimen insideret. 6 Quamobrem hoc nos primum metu, C. Caesar, per fidem et constantiam et clementiam 7 tu- am, libera, ne residere in te ullam partem iracundiae suspice- mur. Per dexteram 8 te istam oro, quam regi Deiotaro hos- 22. Qui pro multis sepe dixisti] Ligar. 10. Causas egi multas et qui- dem tecum, where vide note. 23. Ad te ipsum referre] To put yourself in my place, and give me the indulgence which you should then require. 'Ad conciliandum judicis animum valet plurimum, ut. animi nostri affectionem ipse suscipiat.' Sylv. 24. Antequam, 3fc] He wishes to remove any latent hatred which Cae- sar might cherish against Deiotarus, as a Pompeian, before he proceeds to the charge itself. 25. Accusatorum] Castor and Phi- dippus. Introd. 3. 26. Neque ingenio] It is contrary to Cicero's usual practice to lower the character of his opponents ; but here he does so to show their audacity in impeaching a king, and that they must rely for success on Caesar's well- known prejudices against Deiotarus. Sylv. 27. Exercitatione rerum] Sc. fo- rensium. ScheL V. E. Sect. III. 1. Iratum te regi] Hence Phil. ii. 37. ' Quis cuiquam amicior quam Deiotaro Caesar ? aeque ac buic ordini, &c.' 2. Affectum ilium] i. e. ' Ilium (Deiotarum) affectum fuisse quibus- dam, &c, meminerant.' He does not say ' affecisti ilium' as being too harsh. Caesar had deprived him of pait of his tetrarchy and also of Ar- menia Minor, which he owed to Pompey. Divin. ii. 37. Introd. 3. 3. Offensionem a7iimi] Owing to your displeasure. 4. Sibi amicum] Sc. to Castor, not to Phidippus who was a slave. Ma- nut. Perhaps they may be extended to mean Castor and his party, e. g. Saocondarius. 5. Exulcerato] Ira gravi percito. Sylv. As Caesar would be called on to negative this supposition, so it is a tacit exhortation to justice. 6. Insideret] So Mil. 26. ' Si tibi penitus inhaesisset ilia suspicio,' where al. insidisset. 7. Fidem, constantiam , clementiam] The grand requisites of a judge. Iracundiae,' the former resentment of Caesar against Deiotarus. 8. Dexteram] Numa, according to Livy (i.), instituted sacred rites to Fides ; and considered its peculiar seat to be in the right hand. So Plin. PRO R. DEIOTARO, Cap. 3. 199 pes hospiti porrexisti : 9 istam, in quam, dexteram, non tam in bellis, neque in prceliis, quam in promissis et fide firmio- rem. 10 Tu illius domum inire, tu vetus hospitium 11 renovare voluisti; te ejus dii penates acceperunt ; te amicum et pla- catum Deiotari regis arae focique 12 viderunt. Quum facile exorari, Caesar, turn semel 15 exorari soles. Nemo unquam te placavit inimicus, qui ullas resedisse inte simultatis 14 reli- quias senserit. Quamquam 15 cui sunt inauditae cum Deio- taro querelae tuae ? Nunquam tu ilium accusavisti, ut hostem, sed ut amicum officio parum functum, quod propensior in Cn. Pompeii amicitiam fuisset, quam in tuam. Cui tamen ipse rei 15 veniam te daturum fuisse dicebas, si, quum aux- ilia Pompeio, vel etiam filium misisset, ipse excusatione aetatis usus esset. Ita quum maximis 17 eum rebus liberares, perparvam amicitiae culpam 18 relinquebas. Itaque non so- lum in eum non animadvertisti, sed omni metu liberavisti, hospitem agnovisti, regem 19 reliquisti. Neque enim ille ii. 37. Abram. 9. Porrexisti] When, in proceed- ing against Pharnaces, from the Alex- andrian war, you partook of the hos- pitality of Deiotarus. Introd. 3. 10. AW tam -Jirmiorem] Tam is found in all MSS., and confirmed by Priscian, iii. p. 79. Supply, there- fore, with Forcel. ' firmam' after tam. ' Not so steady in war, as doubly steady in the performance of promises.' Schutz however omits, and Matth. brackets it. 11. Vetus hospitium] Caesar, not having served in the East, had never been the guest of Deiotarus, as Pom- pey and Cicero were ; yet ' renovare' forbids us to understand it of the ' hospitium publicum, 'mentionedSext. 4. There may have been a hospitable friendship between Caesar and Deio- tarus, which Caesar here voluntarily renewed. 12. Ara focique] For the heathens had their religious rites, and kings had private altars in their palaces. Delph. 13. Quum facile turn semel~] Not only easily induced to forgive, but to forgive heartily (semel, once for all.) 14. Simultatis] Of grudge or en- mity. 15. Quamquam, &;c.] * Though why dwell on this. For by whom have your expostulations with Deio- tarus been unheard 1 Every one knows the drift of them. You never accused him as an enemy, &c.' 16. Cui tamen ipse rei] Caesar would have overlooked Deiotarus's sending aid to Pompey, or even send- ing his son to command them, had he, taking advantage of the pretext of old age (he was then above sixty) remained at home himself : but his being found in the field of Phar- salia, Caesar thought, made the mat- ter quite personal. [When Crassus, a. u. 700, went to Parthia, Deiotarus was extremely old. Plut. Crass. 17. 17. Maximis] ' When you ac- quitted him of any serious crime ;' i. e. in sending his son and auxiliaries to Pompey. 18. Amicitia culpam] Deiota- rus's was not only a very trifling fault, but it was the fault of friendship, not of enmity. 200 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO odio tui progressus, 20 sed errore communi 21 lapsus est. Is rex, quern senatus hoc nomine saepe honorificentissimis de- cretis appellavisset, 22 quique ilium ordinem ab adolescentia gravissimum sanctissimumque duxisset, 23 iisdem rebus est perturbatus, 24 homo longinquus 25 et alienigena, quibus nos in media republica nati semperque versati. IV. Quum audiret, senatus consentientis auctoritate arma sumpta : consulibus, praetoribus, tribunis plebis, nobis 1 im- peratoribus rempublicam defendendam datam : 2 movebatur animo, 3 et vir huic imperio amicissimus de salute populi Romani extimescebat, in qua etiam suam inclusam videbat. In summo tamen timore quiescendum* sibi esse arbitrabatur. Maxime vero perturbatus est, ut audivit, consules ex Italia profugisse, omnesque consulares, 5 (sic enim nuntiabatur,) 19. Regent] For Caesar left him his old kingdom of Gallograecia, ex- cept the tetrarchy of the Trogini, but deprived him of the rest of his domi- nions. 20. Progressus] For he did not proceed to the war (ad bellum Sylv, through hatred of you, but was led astray by the general error, namely, of thinking that the Roman empire followed the consuls and senate, and was therefore in Pompey's camp. 21. Errore communi] Ligar. 6. Alii errorem, alii timorem, alii spem, &c/ 22. Rex appellavisset] Supr. 1. a. 11. 23. Duxisset] Esteemed. 24. Perturbatus] Inf. 4. Maxi- me vero perturbatus est, ut audivit, consules ex Italia profugisse, &c. This is the Jirst excuse for Deiota- rus's joining Pompey. 25. Longinquus, tyc] For if those who were born and living in the heart of the republic, yet mistook the true state party, a fortiori, might Deiota- rus, a foreigner, living at a distance. .Nati' refers to 'alienigena,' and * ver- sati' to ' longinquus.' So Mil. 28. 4 In longinquus, in propinquos.' Manil. 9. Nimia longinquitate lo- corum. Sect. IV. 1. ]S T o6/s] Al. novis. But Cic. had just returned from Ci- licia, and in expectation of a triumph, was now at the city, a regular * im- perator.' So ad Div. xvi. 11. ' Pos- teaquam senatus nobis qui pro- consules sumus negotium dederat ut, 2. Cotisulibtis datam] Ca?s. B. Civ. i. 4, says that the usual decree, * Dant operam consules, praetores, tribuni plebis, quique pro consulibus sunt ad urbem, ne quid respublica detrimenti capiat,' was made on the seventh of January, a. u. 705, in the consulship of L. Lentulus and C. Marcellus, which caused the friends of Caesar to take refuge at Ravenna, where he then was. Vid. ad. Div. xvi. 11. Mil. 26. n. 14. 3. Movebatur animo, #c] i. e. 1 Vir amiciss. huic imp. movebatur animo et extimescebat, &c* 4. Quiescendum] I thought ft my duty to remain neutral. Ligar. 1. ' Adventu Vari quievit.' Att. ix. 10. 5. Omnes consulares] Not all, for Cic. Ser. Sulpicius, and others re- mained. There is a similar exag- geration, Phil. ii. 22, where there is no ('sic enim nuntiabatur,') because PRO R. DEIOTARO, Cap. 4. 201 cunctum senatum, totam Italiam esse effusam. 6 Talibus enim nuntiis et rumoribus patebat ad Orientem 7 via, nee ulli veri subsequebantur. Nihil ille de conditionibus 8 tuis, nihil de studio concordia? et pacis, nihil de conspiratione audiebat certorum hominum 9 contra dignitatem tuam. Quae quum ita essent, tamen usque eo se tenuit, 10 quoad a Cn. Pompeio ad eum legati literaeque venerunt. Ignosce, 11 ignosce, Caesar, si ejus viri auctoritati rex Deiotarus cess it, quern nos omnes 12 secuti sumus ; in quern quum dii atque homines omnia or- namenta congessissent, turn tu ipse 13 plurima et maxima. Neque enim, si tuae res gestae ceterorum laudibus obscurita- tem attulerunt, idcirco Cn. Pompeii memoriam amisimus. Quantum nomen 1 * ejus fuerit, quantae opes, quanta in omni genere bellorum gloria, quanti honores 15 populi Romani, quanti senatus, quanti tui, quis ignorat ? Tanto ille superi- ores vicerat gloria, quanto tu omnibus praestitisti. Itaque Cn. Pompeii bella, victorias, triumphos, consulatus, admi- rantes numerabamus : tuos enumerare non possumus. 16 Caesar was then no longer an object of flattery or fear. 6. Ese effusam] Were dispersed. For on hearing of the march of Cae- sar towards the city, the optimates fled, and joined Pompey in Greece, Lucan. Pharsal. v. 30. Manut., however, supplies ' ad belluro contra te gerendura,' which does not suit the context. 7. Ad Orientem] i. e. to Asia, where Deiotarus was. ' Ulli veri,' sc. ' Rumores.' 8. Conditionibus] Pompey demand- ed that Caesar should deliver his army and province to a successor, previously to his suing for a second consulship. Caesar offered to dis- band his array if Pompey did the same. Ad. Div. xi.28. DeB. C. i. 8. 9. Certorum hominum] The con- suls Lentulus and Marcellus, to whom may be added Domitius, Bibulus, Scipio, Cato, &c, who all, in their opposition to Caesar, betrayed motives quite distinct from love of country. 10. Se tenuit] Namely, at home. 11. Ignosce] Pardon the man so circumstanced in regard of Pompey, who, from his high command in the republic, and his intercourse with Deiotarus in the Mithridatic war, had naturally great influence over him. The second excuse. 12. Nos omnes] Yet, nevertheless, have been pardoned. 13. Tu ipse] Caesar and Pompey, united by the affection and prudence of Julia, and acting in the true spi- rit of their triumvirate, readily voted eacli other the highest offices and honours ; but Julia may be also meant. 14. Quantum nomen] Vid. Introd. Manil. for some account of Pompey. Also, Balb. 9. Lucan. Phars. i. 135 ' stat magni nominis umbra.' 15. Quanti honores] Sc. in eum collati fuerint. Patric. 16. Tuos non possumus] This is moderate, compared with Marcel, i. 2. ' Nullius flumen ingenii, &c.' 202 M. T. CICERON1S ORATIO V. Ad eum igitur 1 rex Deiotarus venit, hoc misero fatali- que 2 bello, quern antea justis 3 hostilibusque bellis 4 adjuverat, quocum erat non hospitio 5 solum, verum etiam familiaritate conjunctus : et venit 6 vel rogatus, ut amicus; vel arcessitus, ut socius ; vel evocatus, 7 ut is, qui senatui parere didicisset : postremo venit, ut ad fugientem, non ut ad insequentem, 8 id est, ad periculi, non ad victoriae societatem. Itaque, Phar- salico prcelio facto, 9 a Pompeio discessit ; spem infinitam 10 persequi noluit ; vel officio, 11 si quid debuerat, vel errori, si quid nescierat, satisfactum esse duxit ; domum se contulit ; teque Alexandrinum bellum 12 gerente, utilitatibus 13 tuis pa- Sect. V. 1. Ad eum igitur'] The third excuse is drawn from antecedent circumstances. He had been the old ally, host, and friend of Pompey. 2. Fatali] The usual resource of Cicero, when guilt or imprudence seeks excuse. Ligar. 6. ' Fatalis quaedam calamitas, &c.' Marcel 5. ' Fato nescio quo reip. misero funes- toque.' 3. Justii] Decreed by the senate, e. g. the Mithridatic. 4. Hostilibus. bellis] In conflict with a foreign foe, in opposition to civilibus. For ' hostis' was anciently 1 peregrinus.' The assistance alluded to here was afforded in the Mithrid. war, which Pompey terminated. 5. Hospitio] The friendship ex- isting between those who were bound mutually to entertain one another. They were known to each other by the tessera hospitalis,' and Jupiter Hospitalis was witness of the league. * Familiaritas,' however, was a step higher, being a habit of intimacy between dear friends. Off. ii. 8. ' Familiaritates araantium nos ami- corum.' Horn. 11. xvii. 150. iipa ZtTvov Kai iralpov. 6. Et venit, #c] The fourth ex- cuse from the concomitant circum- stances. 7. Evocatus] * Veterans, sum- moned again to take the field.' They were exempted from standing guard, and from working in the lines, and only fought in the field with the ge- neral. Lips. i. 8. Fam. xv. 4 ; Suet. Aug. 10. As applied to Dei- otarus, Abram. thinks that it im- plies that he attended, not so much to aid, as pay respect to Pompey. 8. Insequentem] i. e. Not to a victorious general but a retreat- ing friend. For Pompey had fled from Italy. Therefore Deiotaras's conduct was perfectly disinterested. 9. Pharsalico prcelio facto] The fifth excuse from the subsequent con- duct of Deiotarus. He immediately withdrew from the war, and hence- forward assisted Caesar. Plut., how- ever, says that he escaped in the same vessel as Pompey. Perhaps he landed at Cyprus, and proceeded thence to Galatia. 10. Spem infinitam] A vague hope of renewing the war. 11. Officio] Which he owe J to Pompey ; ' errori,' in thinking that the whole republic was attached to the Pompeian cause. 12. Alexandrinum bel.] Wherein Caesar restored Cleopatra to the throne of Egypt, and conquered Ptolemy. Liv. Epit. cxii. 13. Utilitatibus] These are enu- merated inf. His aiding Domitius, sending money (most probably) to Sextus Caesar, frequently auctioning his goods to raise supplies, &c. PRO R. DEIOTARO, Cap. 5. 203 ruit. Ille exercitum Cn. Domitii/ 4 amplissimi viri, suis tec- tis et copiis sustentavit ; ille Ephesum ad eum, 15 quern tu ex tuis fidelissimum et probatissimum omnibus delegisti, pecuniam misit ; ille iterum, ille tertio, auctionibus factis,15 pecuniam dedit, qua ad bellum uterere ; ille corpus suum periculo objecit, tecumque in acie contra Pharnacem 17 luit, tuumque hostem esse duxit suum. 18 Quae quidem a te in earn partem accepta sunt, C. Caesar, ut eum amplissimo re- gis honore et nomine aflfeceris. Is igitur, 19 non modo a te periculo liberatus, sed etiam honore amplissimo ornatus, arguitur domi te suae interficere voluisse. Quod tu, 20 nisi eum furiosissimum judicas, suspi- cari profecto non potes. Ut enim omittam, 21 cujus tanti 22 sceleris fuerit, in conspectu deorum penatium 23 necare hos- pitem ; cujus tantae importunitatis, 2 * omnium gentium atque omnis memoriae clarissimum lumen 25 exstinguere ; cujus tantae ferocitatis, victorem orbis terrarum non extimescere ; cujus tarn inhumani et ingrati animi, a quo rex appellatus 14. Cn. Domitius~\ Introd. 15. Ad eum] To Q. Fufius Ca- lenus, says Caelius Secundus ; but Abram. suggests Sextus Caesar, the praefect of Syria, Dio. lib. xlvii., as Calenus was then governor of Achaia. 16. Auctionibus factis] Deiotarus several times auctioned the furniture of his palace to raise supplies for Caesar ; first in the Alexandrian war ; again in the Pontic war ; lastly in the African war. 17. In acie contra Pharnacem] In- trod. 18. Tuum suum~\ Nay, Phar- naces was more the enemy of Deio- tarus than Caasar. Introd.2. The ex- piession is found in Mil. 32. Cansaris potentiam, suam potentiam ducebat.' 19. Is igitur] The state of the question or case is : the man whom you relieved from every apprehension of danger, and honoured most highly, is accused of wishing to assassinate you at his house. This is sufficiently improbable, as he proceeds to show. 20. Quod tu] The first procf of improbability deduced from the per- sonal character of Deiotarus. It would argue downright madness in the most prudent of men. 21. Ut omittam'] He enumerates, by pretending to omit, five marks of improbability : the reverence due to the tutelary gods, the dignity of Cae- sar, his fortune, the favours he had bestowed on Deiotarus, the grati- tude of Deiotarus, and lastly, his danger if he had attempted Caesar's life. 22. Cujus tantae] ' Cujus,' from ' quis,' not ' qui ;' of what so, &c. 23. Conspectu penatium] IJor. Carm. ii. 13. 6. penetralia Sparsisse noctumo cruore Hospitis. 24. Importunitatis] 1. Unseason- ableness ; and so Manut. would un- derstand it here. ' Alienissimo tem- pore extinguere, &c.' But it is ra- ther 2. Barbarity, wickedness Verr. v. 54. Ex tuo scelere, impor- tunitate, crudelitate. 25. Lumen] Caesar. Mil. 12. Lumen curiae. 204 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO esset, in eo tyrannum inveniri : 2fi ut haec omittam, cujus tanti furoris fuit, omnes reges, quorum multi erant finitimi, 27 omnes liberos populos, 28 omnes socios, omnes provincias, omnia de- nique omnium arma contra se unum excitare? Quonam ille modo cum regno, cum domo, cum conjuge, cum carissimo filio distractus 29 esset, tanto scelere non modo perfecto/ sed etiam cogitato? VI. At, credo, 1 haec homo inconsultus et temerarius non videbat. Quis consideratior illo? Quis tectior? 2 quis pru- dentior I Quamquam 3 hoc loco Deiotarum non tam ingenio et prudentia, quam fide et religione vitas defendendum puto. Nota tibi est, C. Caesar, hominis probitas, noti mores, nota constantia. 4 Cui porro, 5 qui modo populi Romani nomen audivit, Deiotari integritas, gravitas, virtus, fides non audita est ? Quod igitur 6 facinus nee in hominem imprudentem cadere posset, propter metum praesentis exitii, nee in facino- rosum, nisi esset idem amentissimus, id vos et a viro optimo et ab homine minime stulto 7 cogitatum esse confingitis. At 26. Tyrannum inveniri] To be discovered a despot over the man that named you a king. 27. Multi Jinitimi] A brum, enu- merates Sadalus, king of Thrace, Cotys, Rascipolis, Ariobarzanes, JVli- thridates Pergamenus. Many of these were the beneficiaries of Caesar, and might reasonably have been ex- pected to avenge his death. 28. Liberos populos] The repub- lican states yet found in the Roman empire. 29. Distractus"] Torn to pieces with his kingdom, family, &c. So Graev. 'discerptus.' Sull. 20. 'Mem- bra divellere ac distrahere.' * Dis- tractus cum' is interpreted, torn from.' ' Cum Clean the dissidet.' Acad. iv. 17. 30. Non modo perfecto~] I do not say perpetrated, &c. Sect. VI. 1. Credo] An objec- tion. All that you have mentioned as improbable in Deiotarus, becomes easy if he is a rash and inconsiderate man, But quis consideratior illo V 2. Quis tectior] A\. rectior. Km. brackets, Weiske omits, these words as spurious ; but they are not to be interpreted in an unfavourable sense ; perhaps a metaphor taken from the gladiatorial art. Orel. 3. Quamquam] The usual ' cor- rection,' (Mil. 2. n. 18,) which shows tectior to be the true reading supr. Deiot. was a prudent, wary man ; but he was more he was an honest man. 4. Probitas mores constantia] A man may be honest yet rough in his manners ; he may possess honesty and courtesy, yet want Jirmness. Deiot. united them all. Manut. 5. Cui porro] Nay, farther; a cor- rection of the preceding sentence I said that Deiotarus's virtues were known to you ; nay, the whole world has heard of them. 6. Quod igitur] Me draws the con- clusion from the acknowledged pro- bity and prudence of Deiotarus. 7. Minime stulto] i. e. Sapientissi- mo. Cluent. 26. ' Minime avarus PRO REGE DEIOTARO, Cap. 6. 205 quam non modo non credibiliter, sed ne suspiciose 8 quidem : Quum, inquit, 9 in castellum 10 Luceium venisses, et domum regis, bospitis tui, devertisses, locus erat quidam, in quo erant ea composita, quibus rex te munerare 11 constituerat. Hue 12 te e balneo, 13 priusquam accumberes, ducere volebat. Erant enim armati, qui te interficerent, in eo ipso loco collo- cati. En crimen, en causa, cur regem fugitivus, dominum servus accuset. Ego mehercule, 14 C. Caesar, initio, quum est ad me 15 ista causa delata, Phidippum medicum, servum regium, qui cum legatis missus esset, ab isto 16 adolescente esse corruptum, suspicione sum percussus : medicum, in- dicem subornavit; 17 finget videlicet aliquod crimen veneni. Etsi a veritate longe, tamen a consuetudine criminandi non multum res abhorrebat. Quid ait medicus? 18 Nihil de is visus est, &c.' Manut. Similarly, by a species of litotes, we say, ' he is no fool.' 8. Suspiciose] i. e. Place the charges on one side, the life of Deio- tarus on the other and, so far from their being in them grounds for pro- bability, there are none even for sus- picion. This he proceeds to prove. 9. Inquit~] Sc. the accuser. 10. Castellum] This diminutive of 'castrum,' is a fort raised in a territory, to defend it against the in- cursions of an enemy ; or on its bor- ders, to guard the passes ; or lastly, it formed a part of the regular en- campment itself. As, owing to the security which these 'castella' af- forded, towns were often built near them, we need not wonder at so many names of towns in Britain retaining traces of connexion with them. Chester and Chelsea, we may sup- pose, were kcit' IZoxrjv, the ' cas- trum' and ' castellum' of the Ro- mans. In this case, Deiot. had a palace in the vicinity of Luceium, in which Caesar was first entertained. For it appears (c. 7,) that it was not until the following day that Cae- sar reached this castle, where he was again entertained ; yet here Cic. says VOL. I. ' Luceium venisses, et domum regis devertisses.' This can only be cleared by supposing the ' castle' in the neighbourhood of the palace, and Manut. says ' Oppidi pars munitior a Deiotari domo sejuncta.' 11. Munerare] More frequently deponent. The Roman generals were usually presented with costly gifts from the eastern kings and allies. 12. Hue] The place where the gifts were displayed. Inf. eo ipso loco.' 13. E balneo] For the bath before dinner was Roman etiquette. Va- tin. 13. ' Cui debalneis exeunti, toga pulla data est?' 14. Ego mehercule, fyc] The first circumstance connected with the charge, and which shows its impro- bability is, that a physician was privy to the secret, yet that the sword preferred to poison. w as 15. Quumest ad me] When Deio- tarus's embassy intrusted the defence to me. 16. Ab isto] Castore. ' Isto,' here, intimates contempt. 17. Subornavit] Al. subornabit. but he imagines the action past to in- timate its greater certainty. 18. Medicus] Emphatic in op- 206 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO veneno. At id fieri potuit primo occultius in potione, vel in cibo : deinde 19 etiam impunius fit, quod, quum est factum, negari potest. 20 Si palam te interemisset ; 21 omnium in se gentium non solum odia, sed etiam arma convertisset : si veneno ; Jovis illius quidem hospitalis 22 numen nunquam celare potuisset, homines fortasse celavisset. Quod igitur et occultius conari, et efficere cautius potuit ; id tibi, 23 et me- dico callido, et servo, ut putabat, fideli, non credidit: de armis, de ferro, de insidiis celare te noluit ?** At quam fes- tive 25 crimen contexitur ! Tua te, inquit, 26 eadem, quae semper, fortuna 27 servavit. Negavisti turn te inspicere 5 * velle. VII. Quid postea? an Deiotarus, re illo tempore non perfecta, 1 continuo dimisit exercitum ?* nullus erat alius in- sidiandi locus? At eodem te, quum coenavisses, rediturum dixeras : itaque fecisti. 3 Horam unam aut duas eodem loco armatos, ut collocati fuerant, retinere magnum 4 fuit? Quum position to ' veneno.' 19. Primo deinde] The two ad- vantages of the hout ; ' it is more secret and has more impunity.' 20. Quod negari potest] Al. quic- quid negari potest. 21. Interemisset] Inter often signi- fies the completion of the action to which it is joined ; so ' interminari, interire, interficere.' 22. Hospitalis] Zivis. ^En. i. 735. ' Jupiter, hospitibusnam te dare jura loquuntur.' He was so worshipped for turning Lycaon, who had slain his guests, into a wolf. 23. Id tibi] Phidippo. Very likely, forsooth, that Deiotarus, who was not trusted in the way of his pro- fession poison, should be privy to arms, swords, and an ambush. Hor. bat. ii. 1. 52. 24. Celare te noluit] i. e. Did not conceal from you the more difficult and dangerous, yet would not intrust the easier and safer road. 25. At quam festive] Similarly, inf. ' At quam acute collectacrimina !,' f Contexitur,' like the Greek vtyaivu). We say trumped up a story or charge.' 26. Inquit] The accuser. 27. Fortuna] e. g. The surrender, by Cassius, of eighty ships to Caesar, at the Hellespont. 28. Inspicere] Sc. the gifts pre- pared for Caesar by the king. Sect. VII. 1. Re perfecta] Simi- larly Phil. ii. 11, Rem confecisset, i.e. ' occidisset.' Abram. 2. Dimisit exercitum] The pompou* words of Thraso in Terent. Eun. iv. 6, to his gang of slaves, when dis- missing them after an unsuccessful project, here are perhaps imitated, 1 jam dimitto exercitum.' It must have produced a ludicrous effect to address a few hired bravos by the dignified appellation of ' exercitus ;' and therefore tended to ' dilute' the charge by setting it in a ridiculous point of view. 3. Itaque fecisti] i. e. ' Et ita fe- cisti ;' and you did return thither after supper. 4. Magnum] A mighty matter. Mil. 15. n. 16. Abram. quotes Horn. 11. v. 303./uya tpyov ; also xi. 733, and elsewhere. But it does not bear PRO REGE DEIOTARO, Cap. 7. 207 in convivio comiter 5 et jucunde fuisses, turn illuc isti, 6 ut dixeras. Quo in loco Deiotarum talem erga te cognovisti, qualis rex Attalus 7 in P. Africanum fuit : cui magnificentis- sima dona, ut seriptum legimus, usque ad Numantiam 8 mi- sit ex Asia; qua? Africanus, inspectante exercitu, accepit. Quod quum praesens Deiotarus, regio 9 et animo et more, fe- cisset; tu in cubiculum discessisti. Obsecro, Caesar, repete temporis illius memoriam, pone ilium ante oculos diem, vultus 10 hominum te intuentium 11 atque admirantium recor- dare ! Num qua? trepidatio ? num qui tumultus ? num quid, nisi moderate, nisi quiete, nisi ex hominis gravissimi et sanctissimi disciplina ? 12 Quid igitur causae excogitari po- test, cur telotum 13 voluerit, ccenatum noluerit occidere ? In posterum, inquit, diem 14 distulit, ut, quum in castellum Lu- ceium ventum esset, ibi cogitata perficeret. Non video causam loci mutandi : 15 sed tamen acta res criminose est. in these passages the ironical sense in which Cic. used it. 5. Comitef\ Perhaps, ' acceptus' may be understood ; or rather, ' co- miter,' for ' comis.' So in Greek t^ei icaXuig. Besides signifying, ' cour- teously,' ' comiter,' is varied in Livy, xxxviii. 1 1 , (where he introduces a for- mula, found also Balb. 16,) by ' sine malo dolo.' 6. Illuc isti] You proceeded to the place where the gifts were. 7. Attalus'] A lapsus memoriae,' for ' Antiochus.' Liv. Epit. 57. ' Sci- pio amplissima munera, missa sibi ab Antiocho rege Syriae pro tribunali accepturum se ipse dixit.' This was Africanus Minor. Mil.3.n. 1 1. 8. Numantiam] Where Scipio was then commanding ; ' in Asia,' where Deiot. reigned. Manil. 20. n. 6. 9. Regio] /3a<Ti\iKwc i. e. splen- didly. When Alexander was asked how Porus should be treated he replied fia<ri\iKu>G ; and affirmed that every thing due to him was contained in that single word. Plut. Alex. 60. 10. Vultus] Qui sermo quidam tacitus mentis est. Pis. 1. Mil. 23, Cic. appeals to the ' looks' of Milo in proof of his innocence j ' qui vul- tus, quae oratio.' 11. Intuentium] So Manil. 14. Si- cut aliquem de ccelo de- lapsum intuentur. These ' gazers' were collected to see Caesar receiving the presents of Deiotarus. 12. Disciplina] Every thing was im keeping with a well regulated family, and none of that hurry and distur- bance inseparable from the execution of guilty enterprises. 13. Lotum] i. e. Lavatum vel lau- turn. Supr. 6. ' E balneo priusquam accumberes.' Att. xiii. ep. ult. speak- ing of Caesar : ' Post horam octavam in balneum.' 14. In posterum diem] Supr. 6. n. 10. This proves that the ' castle' and palace were distinct, as supr. 6, it appeared they were contiguous. 15. Loci mutandi] Either, of the supposed conspirators changing the place of their operations, which is the more probable sense, or, as Manut., of Caesar himself changing his abode. Cic. does not see the reason for such a change, because in fact there was none ; but nevertheless the accusers ' made it the subject of the gravest charges.' ' Criminose' is explained by the following words, which con- 208 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO Quum, inquit, vomere 16 te post coenam velle dixisses, in balneum te ducere cceperunt. 16 Ibi enim erant insidiae. At te eadem tua ilia fortuna servavit: in cubiculum te ire malle dixisti. Dii te perduint, 17 fugitive ! ita non modo nequam et improbus, sed etiam fatuus et amens 18 es. Quid ? ilie signa senea 19 in insidiis posuerat, quae e balneo in cu- biculum transferri non possent? Habes 20 crimina insidiarum. Nihil enim dixit amplius. Horum, inquit, eram conscius. 21 Quid turn? ita demens ille erat, ut eum, quem conscium tanti sceleris habebat, a se dimitteret? Romam etiam mit- teret, ubi et inimicissimum sciret esse nepotem suum, et C. Caesarem, cui fecisset 22 insidias? praesertim quum is unus esset, qui posset de absente se indicare? 23 Et fra- tres meos, 2 ^ inquit, quod erant conscii, in vincula con- jecit. Quum igitur eos vinciret, quos secum habebat; te taining a fresh charge of conspiracy to assassinate, Cic. proceeds to show its improbability and folly. 16. Vomere] i. e. 'E/xtrucz/vagere, as he calls it. Att. xiii. 52. This disgusting practice did not argue Cassar a drunkard; for Sueton. Jul. 55. says, Vini parcissimum ne ini- rnici quidem negaverunt.' It was ra- ther a sort of compliment to Deiot., intimating that he intended to pass the evening cheerfully with him. Seneca, alluding to this custom, says they vomit that they may eat, and eat that they may vomit.' (Consol. ad Helv. 9.) Vid. also Sueton. Vitel. 12. and Midd. life of Cic. c. vii. 16. Caperunt] Sc. Deiotarus's agents. 17. Perduint] The ancient form for ' perdant.' The formula is one of imprecation, and generally bestow- ed on accusers or witnesses who may have evinced great want of probity. It is often found in the comic poets. Terent. Phorm. iv. 4. 18. Futuus et amens] Because 'ac- ta res criminose ;' it was altogether an improbable charge. 19. Signa tenea] Was it bronze sta- tues, and not armed men, that he had placed in ambush 1 20. Habes, #c] There are the charges for you ; and you may judge of their importance ! 21. Horum conscius] Phidippus conceived that evidence of his privity should establish the credit of all that he had said. Cic. denies that Dei- ot. would in that case have trusted Phidippus to visit Rome, where Cas- tor his hostile grandson was, and also the much-injured Caesar. 22. Cui fecisset] i. e. According to their account. 23. Indicare] When he (Phidip- pus) was the only person who could inform upon him in his absence. 'Ab- sente;' for had Deiot. been at Rome, he might have prevented Phidippus from informing Caesar. Al. vindicare, referring ' is unus esset qui,' to Caesar. 24. Fratres meos] ' You say that I was the only one who could give information on Deiotarus.' 1 reply that there were others, e. g. my bro- thers who have been imprisoned be- cause they were privy to the plot.' Then rejoins Cic, did Deiot. impri- son those persons whom he had under his own eye, and send you to Rome unbound, to carry with you the same dangerous secret?' PRO REGE DEIOTARO, Cap. 8. 209 solutum Romam mittebat, qui eadem scires, quae illos scire dicis ? VIII. Reliqua pars 1 accusationis duplex fuit : una, re- gem semper in speculis 2 fuisse, quum a te animo esset 3 ali- eno ; altera, exercitum eum contra te magnum comparasse. De exercitu dicam breviter, ut cetera. Nunquam* eas co- pias rex Deiotarus habuit, quibus inferre bellum populo Romano posset ; sed quibus fines suos ab excursionibus hos- tium et latrociniis tueretur, et imperatoribus nostris auxilia mitteret. Atque antea 5 quidem majores copias alere pote- rat : nunc exiguas 6 vix tueri potest. At misit ad Caecili- uiii 7 nescio quern: sed eos, quos misit, quod ire nolue- runt, in vincula conjecit. Non quaero, quam veri simile sit, aut non habuisse regem, quos mitteret, aut eos, quos misisset, non paruisse; aut, qui dicto audientes in tanta Sect. V t III. 1. Reliqua pars'] The first part of the charge was the at- tempted assassination of Caesar ; the rest of it argued only disaffection towards him ; 1 . in attending too much to unfavourable rumours about Caesar ; 2. in levying a large army against him. The latter point, (with which he connects the charge of holding a correspondence with one Caecilius a Pompeian, as also of supplying Cae- sar with inferior cavalry,) he answers first in the remainder of this section. 2. Speculis'] ' Speculum' in quo specimus imaginem ; ' specula' de qua prospicimus. Varr. v. 8. * Esse in speculis,' to be on the watch, to observe. Verr. ii. 16. Nunc homi- nes in speculis sunt : observant, &c. Cic. explains it fully himself, inf. c. 9. * Eo tempore mittebat qui rumores Africanosexciperent, etadsereferrent.' 3. Quum esset] * Sum' having no present part, 'quum esset' supplies its place. 4. Nunquam] Not even in the zenith of his prosperity before the civil war. ' Eas quibus,' i. e. ' tales ut.' Hence the subj. ' posset.' 5. Antea] Sc. before Caesar depriv- ing him of part of his dominions. When Cic, was proconsul of Cili- cia Deiot. brought to his assistance thirty cohorts of infantry, and two thousand cavalry. Att. vi. 1. 6. Exiguas] Absolutely ' small or trifling;' but ' parvas* relatively so. Hence its propriety here. Tueri' pro- perly < to maintain in safety* as tu- eretur,' preceding; often, as here, 'to maintain.' So Phil. ii. 25. ' domus quam nunc male tuetur.' 7. Cxcilium] Q. Caecilius Bassus, a Pompeian noticed, ad Div. xii. IB. and Liv. Epit. cxxvii. The latter says ' Bellum in Syria Caecilius Bas- sus eques Rom. Pompeianarum par- tium excitavit, et relicto a legione Sexto Caesare, quae ad Bassum tran- sient, occisoque.' Cic. to suit his purpose speaks of him here contemp- tuously, but Phil. xi. 13. he says ' Est Q. Caecilii Bassi, privati illius quidem, sed fortis et praeclari viri ro- bustus et victor exercitus.' To him however Deiot. was accused of sending forces, and of imprisoning those who refused to go. To this Cic. answers: 1. that it is improbable the king had any to send ; 2. improbable that they should refuse to go ; 3. improbable that if they did refuse, the punishment was not death, 210 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO re* non fuissent, eos vinctos potius, quam necatos [fuisse]. Sed tamen quum ad Caecilium mittebat, utrum 8 causam il- lam victam esse nesciebat, an Caecilium istum, magnum hominem putabat ? quem profecto is, qui 9 optime nostros homines novit, vel quia nosset, vel quia non nosset, contcMii- neret. Addidit etiam 10 illud, equites non optimos mi>isx\ Veteres, 11 credo, Caesar: nihil ad tuum equitatum: sed mi- sit ex iis, quos habuit, electos. Ait nescio quem ex co numero servum 12 judicatum. Non arbitror; non audivi. Sed in eo, etiam si accidisset, culpam regis nullam fuisse arbitrarer. IX. Alieno autem 1 a te animo fuit. Quomodo ? Spe- ravit, credo, 2 difficiles tibi Alexandriae fore exitus, propter regionis naturam et fluminis. 3 At eo ipso tempore pecuniam 8. In tanta re] Namely waging war against Caesar. a. Utrum, &ic] When Deiot. sent troops to Caecilius, he must either have been ignorant that the Pompeian cause was ruined (causam illam vic- tam, ) or have conceived Caecilius an important man ; neither of which is at all likely. Therefore he did not send them. 9. Is qui, $c] Deiot. who, as pos- sessing an accurate knowledge of eveiy Roman, must despise Caecilius. For if he knows him, he despises his in- significance ; if he does not, he des- pises him for not attracting his notice. Similarly, Phil. ii. 7. ' O miser, sive ilia tibi nota non sunt, sive sunt. ;' andc. 22. 'O miserum si intelligis, miseriorem si non intelligis.' 10. Addidit etiam'] Namely, the accuser; and 'misisse' against Phar- naces. 11. Veteres] Not 'veterans,' but * his old ones/ i. e. the troops which Caesar had had at Alexandria, and which were trained in Roman disci- pline ; still they were nothing in com- parison of Caesar's. So de Orat. ii. 6. ' nihil ad Persium ;' nothing in com- parison of Persius. 12. Scrii/m] For slaves were not allowed to serve, particularly in ca- valry. Cic. did not believe the charge ; at least if true it must have arisen from necessity, as in exigencies even slaves were enrolled. The construc- tion is: ' nescio quem judicatum/uissc servum.' Sect. IX. 1. Alieno autem'] The former secondary charge, which he now proceeds to answer. 2. Speravit, credo] Had Deiot. been disaffected towards Caesar, finding him beset with difficulties in Alex- andria, he would have neglected to lend him assistance. The reverse was the fact. ' Credo' is ironical; ' he hoped, forsooth, that you should ne- ver extricate yourself;' i. e. he hop- ed no such thing as his conduct proved. 3. Regionis Jluminis] This al- ludes no doubt to the island of Pharus, opposite to which Alexandria was built on the western channel of the Nile (fluminis.) The difficult nature of the approach to Alexandria is noticed by many authors. Polyhist. c. 45. ' Alexandria insidioso accessu ad- itur, fallacibus vadis, caeco mari, &c.' Similarly Plin. v. 32. Ammianus calls them ' fallaces et insidiosos accessus.' Of course the ' exitus' would be as difficult. The dangers which Caesar encountered there are noticed by Suet- PRO REGE DEIOTARO, Cap. 9. 211 dedit, 4 exercitum 5 aluit ; ei, quern Asia? praefeceras, nulla in re defuit ; tibi victori, 6 non solum ad hospitium, sed ad periculum etiam atque ad aciem praesto fuit. Secutum est bellum Africanum. 7 Graves de te rumores 8 sparsi, qui etiam furiosum ilium Caecilium 9 excitaverunt. Quo turn erga te rex animo fuit ? 10 qui auctionatus sit, seseque exspo- liare maluerit, quam tibi pecuniam non subministrare. At eo, inquit, tempore 11 ipso Nicaeam 12 Ephesumque 13 mittebat, qui rumores Africanos exciperent, 14 et celeriter ad se refer- rent. Itaque quum esset ei nuntiatum, Domitium 15 nan tra- gic) periisse, te in castello 16 circumsideri : de Domitio dixit on. Jul. 64, by Florus, Dio, and others. 4. Pecuniam dedit'] He had said Supr. 5. ' Utilitatibus tuis paruit.' 5. Exercitum] Of Domitius Calvi- nus ' quem Asiae prajfeceras.' So Hist. B. Alex. 25. Cn. Domitium Cal- vinuin cui Caesar Asiam finitimas- que provincias administrandas trans- diderat.' Introd. 2. 6. Victori] In Egypt. Introd. 2. Deiot. not only entertained Caesar, but accompanied him against Pharnaces, bringing along his ' Roman' legion and all his cavalry. B. Alex. 67. 7. Bellum Africanum] Caesar after his speedy conquest of Pontus, de- laying only a few days in Italy, pro- ceeded to Africa, where Scipio and Cato, assisted by king Juba, had hoisted the standard of the repub- lic. 8. Graves rumores] The republi- can forces had gained some slight ;.d vantages in Africa, which being ex- aggerated by their friends into a re- port that Caesar was killed, gave a colour to Caecilius and others to re- new the war in Syria. 9. Furiosum Cacilium] Supr. 8. n. 7. 10. Quo rex animo fuit] A trium- phant argument of his friendly feel- ings towards Caesar, The graves rumores' had no other effect on Deiot. than to quicken his benevolence. His very furniture was put to the hammer and the proceeds remitted to Caesar. As ' auctionor' is depon. ' bona, sup- pellectilem' or the like is under- stood. 11. At eo tempore] Cic. had in- stanced the sacrifices of Deiot. The accuser shews that these were the effect of fear, because at that very time, Deiot. was collecting every idle rumour to Caesar's disadvantage. As Cic. could not deny this, he fixed on an improbable circumstance in the charge, and against it directs the shafts of his eloquence. 12. Nicitam] H ice was the capital of Bithynia, situated on the lakeAscanius. It was remarkable as being the town where the first general council was held, a. i). 325. Hence the ' Ni- cene' creed. 13. Ephesum] A city of Asia Mi- nor, remarkable for populousness. Plin. v. 25. calls it ' lumen Asiae.' It and Nicasa being maritime towns, were likely to have the earliest in- telligence from Africa. 14. Qui rumores eiciperent] Hence the accusation, supr. 8. ' re gem in spe- culis fuisse.' 15. Domitium] Sc. Calvinum. After the defeat of Pharnaces, Domitius stayed a short time to arrange the af- fairs of Asia and then followed Cae- sar to Africa. It was reported that he was lost on the voyage thither. 16. Te in castello] Bather, in his camp,' at least that was suggested. Hist. B. Afric. 19. &c. 212 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO versum Grsecum eadem sententia, qua etiam nos habemus Latnum: " Pereant amici, 17 dum una inimici intercidant :" quod ille, 18 si esset tibi inimicissimus, nunquam tamen dixis- set. Ipse enim mansuetus; versus immanis. Qui autem Domitio poterat esse amicus, qui tibi esset inimicus ? 19 Tibi porro inimicus 20 cur esset, a quo, quum vel interfici, belli lege, 21 potuisset, regem et se et filium 22 suum constitutos esse meminisset ? Quid deinde ? furcifer 23 quo progreditur I ait, hac laetitia- 4 Deiotarum elatum vino se obruisse, in convivi- oque nudum saltavisse. 5 Quae crux 26 huic fugitivo potest satis supplicii afferre ? Deiotarum saltantem quisquam, aut ebrium vidit unquam ? Omnes sunt in illo rege regiae vir- tutes ; quod te, Caesar, ignorare non arbitror ; sed praecipue singularis et admiranda frugalitas. 27 Etsi hoc verbo scio lau- dari reges non solere. Frugi hominem 28 dici, non multum 17. Pereant, amki, fyc] 'Eppiroi 0t\oc avv i\^PV' Plut. De Discr. Am. et Adul. The Latin poet from whom the verse is taken is not known. 18. Quod ille] He shows that Dei- otarus's disposition forbade the idea of his repeating so unfeeling a verse. But this is very doubtful, as it is stated by Plutarch that he was cruel to his children and by Strabo, that he put to death his daughter and her husband, Saocondarius. 19. Amicus immJcws] For the king's application of the verse was, Pereat Dormtius dum una Caesar in- tercidat.' Cic. shows that the double character of friend to Domitius and enemy to Caesar was a contradiction ; therefore he could not have uttered the verse. 20. Tibi inimicus] And again, the verse assumed that Caesar was ' ini- micus Deiotaro;' but this could not be, as Deiotarus was the recipient of innumerable favours from Caesar. 21. Belli lege] As fighting against him inPharsalia. 22. Regem et se et ft Hum] Hence inf. c. 14. ' Propone tibi duos reges.' 23. Furcifer] Phidippus, who as being a fugitive slave, was liable to the punishment of carrying on his neck a ' furca,' or species of cross. 24. Hac latitia] Namely, at hear- ing of Caesar's disasters. 25. Nudum saltavisse] Pis. 10. ' quum ipse nudus in convivio salta- ret.' Muren. 7. ' Nemo fere saltat sobrius, nisi forte insanit, neque in convivio moderato et honesto.' Hence appears the infamy attached by the Romans to dancing. 26. Que crux] ' Crux' is a pun- ishment proper to slaves. Lips, de Cruce, i. 12. 27. Frttgalitas] He adds, ' admi- randa,' sc. in a king. It here includes temperance, and therefore negatives the charge of ebriety. Tusc. Quaest. iii. 16. ' Haud scio an recte ea vir- tus ouxppoavvn appellari possit.' Again, ' Frugalitas, ut opinor, a fru- ge : qua nihil melius a terra oritur.' 28. Frugi hominem] * Frugi' is the usual epithet of a slave. Hor. Sat. ii. 7. ' Mancipiura domino et frugi.' So Fam. v. 6. Decius li- brarius Sextii, homo frugi 1 Donat. says, ' frugi, utilis et necessarius, a PRO REGE DEIOTARO, Cap. 9. 213 habet laudis in rege : fortem, 29 justum, severum, gravem, magnanimum, largum, beneficum, liberalem ; hae sunt re- giae laudes: ilia privata 30 est. Ut volet, quisque accipiat : ego tamen frugalitatem, id est, modestiam et temperantiam, virtutem esse maximam judico. Haec in illo est ab ineunte aetate, 31 turn a cuncta Asia, 32 turn a magi strati bus 33 legatis- que nostris, turn ab equitibus Romanis, 3 * qui in Asia nego- tiati sunt, perspecta et cognita. Multis ille quidem gradibus officiorum 35 erga rempublicam nostram ad hoc regium no- men ascendit : sed tamen quidquid a bellis populi Romani vacabat, 36 cum hominibus nostris consuetudines, amicitias, 37 res rationesque jungebat : ut non solum tetrarcha 38 nobilis, sed optimus paterfamilias, 39 et diligentissimus agricola 40 et frugibus, quae quod his fruamur, dictae sunt.' 29. Fortem, c] ' Fortem' in fa- cing dangers ; ' justum' in giving every man his own ; ' severum' in being swayed neither by prayers nor bribes from rectitude ; ' gravem' in maintaining equanimity of temper, neither elated too much by prosperity, nor depressed by adversity ; ' magna- nimum' in looking with disdain on all the petty greatness of common men ; ' largum ' in exhibiting boun- tiful liberality ; ' beneficum' in doing good for its own sake, and ' libera- lem' in bestowing with a noble and generous spirit. 30. Ilia privata'] Frugality is the virtue of the subject ; the former car' *$XV V f l he king ; and to obviate any mistake, he defines it by ' modes- tiam, et temperantiam.' Tusc. iii. 8. Manut. thinks Cicero insincere in this praise, and that he calls the cause ' tenuem et inopem,' in allusion to this stinginess. Introd. 6. 31. H(ec ab ineunte atate] He reasons thus : Deiotarus was en- gaged, from his youth up, in per- forming all the public and private duties of a monarch. Such persons are not likely to disgrace their old age by dancing. Therefore, neither did Deiotarus. 32. Cuncta Asia] Asia Minor, comprising Phrygia, Mysia, Caria, Lydia. Manil. Introd. 4. 33. Magistral Urns] From the pro- consul to the quaestor. 34. Equitibus Ro7n.] Who farmed the public revenues. Also, perhaps, merchants trading on their private account. Manil. 12. n. 17. 35. Gradibus officiorum'] Similarly Milo, 35. Hanc denique esse, cujus gradibus homines in ccelum videantur ascendere. 36. Quidquid vacabat] What- ever leisure he had, he spent in form- ing connexions, &c. * Quidquid' here refers to time. 37. Consuet. amicit.] Refer these words to ' magistratibus legatisque,' supr., and ' res rationesque' to 'equi- tibus Romanis.' 38. Tetrarcha] Mil. 28. n. 8. 39. Paterfamilias] ' A master of slaves ; the father of a family. ' This relative differs from ' pater' in not necessarily implying the having of children. It often, as here, imports ' a careful person, an economist.' Quint. 3. 40. Agricola] Among royal far- mers,' Pliny enumerates Hiero, Phi- lometor, Attalus, Archelaus. As long as- virtue is respected in a nation, so long will the pursuit of husbandry 214 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO pecuarius 41 haberetur. Qui igitur 42 adolescens, nonduin tanta gloria praeditus, nihil unquam, nisi severissime et gravissime, fecerit; is ea existimatione, eaque aetate sal- tavit? X. Imitari potius, Castor, 1 avi tui mores disciplinamque debebas, quam optimo et clarissimo viro fugitivi ore 2 maledi- cere. Quod si saltatorem avum 3 habuisses, neque eum virum, unde pudoris pudicitiaeque 4 exempla peterentur, tamen hoc maledictum minime in illam aetatem 5 conveniret. Quibus ille studiis ab ineunte aetate se imbuerat, non saltan- di, 6 sed bene ut armis, optime ut equis uteretur ; 7 ea tamen ilium cuncta jam, aetate exacta, 8 defecerant. Itaque Deiotarum quum plures in equum sustulissent, quod haerere in eo 9 senex be so too. Cic. Senect. 59. Ni- hil tarn regale videri quam studium agri colendi.' 41. Pecuarius] A grazier ; also a farmer of the public pastures. Manil. b\ n. 14. The antiquity and respect- ability of the ' shepherd' is evidenced by the * shepherd kings' by the epithets of iro\vfii)\oQ, iroXvfitiTTig, &c, applied by the ancient poets to the most illustrious characters, and by the transference of the very name of shepherd to the highest office known among men iroifitvtg \au>i>. Vid. Varr. de Re R. ii. 1. Abrarn. in loc. 42. Qui igitur, fc] The con- clusion of his argument ; in which ' adolescens' is opposed to ' ea aetate,' i. e. old age ; nondum tanta gloria praeditus' to ' ea existimatione,' and ' severissime, 6cc. fecerit' to ' saltavit ;' where the first and second in each are, it will be observed, in an inverted order, not the third. Ligar. 11. n. 14. Similarly, Fara. xi. 98. An quod adolescens praestiu, quum etiam er- rare cum excusatione possem, id nunc aetate praecipitata commutem, ac me ipse retexam? Sect. X. 1. Imitari Castor] Ci- cero, Rabir, Post. 1, says that it is almost a gift of nature, for people to follow up the praise and glory of their family ; not so Castor. 2. Fugitivi ore] Phidippus's. 3. Saltatorem avum] If your grand- father had been a professor of dancing, which he was not, yet ought his years to have exempted him from this railing accusation. For even his laudable pursuits, his military exercise, and horsemanship, are given over ; much less is he fitted for dancing. 4. Pudoris pudicitiaque] Modesty and chastity. Impudens ab animo, impudicus a corpore laborat. Cat. ii. 11. Ex hac parte pugnat pudor, il- linc petulantia ; hinc pudicitia, il- linc stuprum. Phil. ii. 7. 5. Ilium atatem] Patric. notes that ' illam' here does not signify a remote age of Deiotarus, but the age of Deiotarus remote from Rome. 6. Saltandi] i. e. Saltaret' as 1 uteretur' following. 7. Equis uteretur] Horsemanship was the first branch of a princely edu- cation. 8. Jam, state exacraJTusc. Quaest. i. 3. Eorum qui exacta aetate moriuntur, fortuna laudatur. Eight years before, when Deiotarus assisted Crassus, he was an old man, and Dio Cass, calls him virtpyfipovra, when he aided Brutus. Supr. 13. n. 16. PRO REGE DEIOTARO, Cap. 10. 215 posset, admirari solebamus. 10 Hie vero adolescens, 11 qui me- us in Cilicia miles, in Graecia commilito fuit, quum in illo nostro exercitu equitaret cum suis delectis equitibus, quos una cum eo ad Pompeium pater 12 miserat, quos concursus 13 facere solebat ! quam se jactare ! quam ostentare ! quam ne- mini in ilia causa 14 studio et cupiditate concedere ! Quum vero, exercitu amisso, 15 ego, qui pacis auctor 16 semper, post Pharsalicum autem prcelium suasor fuissem armorum non de- ])onendorum, 16 sed abjiciendorum, hunc ad meam auctorita- tem 17 non potui adducere, quod et ipse ardebat studio ipsius belli, et patri satisfaciendum esse arbitrabatur. Felix ista domus, 18 quae non impunitatem solum adepta sit, sed etiam accusandi licentiam : calamitosus Deiotarus, qui ab eo, qui in iisdem castris fuerit, non modo apud te, sed etiam a suis accusetur! 19 Vos vestra 20 secunda fortuna, Castor, non potes- tis sine propinquorum calamitate esse content! ? 9. Harereineo] Hor. Carm.: iii. 24. Nescit equo rudis Haerere ingenuus puer. 10. Admirari solebamus'] This, probably, occurred in Pompey's camp before the battle of Pharsalia. 11. Adolescens] Castor was in Ci- cero's army in Cilicia, and in Pom- pey's, in Greece. Therefore his ac- complishments were well known to Cic. 12. Pater] Saocondarius, whom Cic. keeps before Caesar's mind, as being once as great a foe as Deiota- rus. 13. Quos concursus] What crowds were collected to look at him ! Cic. designedly leaves their motive in col- lecting dubious, but the following words sufficiently show that it was to ridicule him. 14. Nemini in ilia causa] As Cic. mentioned the father, so he takes care to set forth the alacrity of the young Pompeian, of which he had himself been witness. 15. Exercitu amisso] Pompey had about 15,000 men killed, and 24,000 taken prisoners. Bel. C. iii. 81. 16. Pacis auctor] Ligar. 9. n. 18. 16. Non deponendorum] For that they should have been before the war ; ' abjiciendorum,' without making any terms. The latter shows his ea- gerness to terminate the civil war. He uses the same word in writing to Marcellus. 17. Ad meam auctoritatem] As Cic. could not prevail on Castor to desist from war, owing to his military ardour, and his wish to satisfy his fa- ther, we may infer that both father and son were determined foes of Cae- sar. 18. Felix ista domus] Cic. com- pares the fortunes of the two families, in order to excite odium against the one, and pity towards the other. They were both in Pharsalia. Mark the consequence. Castor is not only re- stored to Caesar's favour, but per- mitted to accuse others. Deiotarus is allowed to be arraigned by one who was in Pharsalia as well as he who is his own grandson, and before Cae- sar, at once the injured party and the judge. 19. Qui ab eo accusetur] Non modo should be transposed and placed after qui. Orel. 20. Vos vestra] i. e. Castor and his father. 216 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO XI. Sint sane 1 inimicitiae, quae esse non debebant. Rex enim 1 Deiotarus vestram familiam abjectam et ob- scuram e tenebris in lucem evocavit. Quis tuum patrem ante, qui esset, quam cujus gener esset, audivit ? Sed quamvis ingrate et impie necessitudinis nomen repudia- ritis, tamen inimicitias hominum more 2 gerere poteratis, non ficto crimine insectari, non expetere vitam, non capi- tis 2 arcessere. Esto : 3 concedatur haec quoque acerbitatis et odii magnitude Adeone, 4 ut omnia vitae salutisque com- munis atque etiam humanitatis jura violentur ? Servum sol- licitare verbis, spe promissisque corrumpere, abducere do- mum, 5 contra dominum armare : hoc est, non uni propin- quo, 6 sed omnibus familiis nefarium bellum indicere. Nam istacorruptela servi, si non modo impunitafuerit, sed etiam a tanta auctoritate 7 approbata : nulli parietes nostram salutem, nulla? 8 leges, nulla jura custodient. Ubi enim id, quod in- Sect. XI. 1. Sint sane, fy?.] Ad- mit the existence of enmity between the families which gratitude and piety forbid still you might have entertained it like human beings, and not be thirsting for blood like savage feattk. 1. Rex enim] Refer 'enim' to non debebant.' Deiot. had raised his son-in-law to honour and dis- tinction. A grateful return he met with ! ' Ingrate' alludes to the fa- vour, ' impie' to the tie of relation- ship. 2. Hominum more'] i. e. Not to prefer false charges ; not to seek to take away the life, &c. 2. Capitis] It is not easy to see how Deiotarus's life could be en- dangered by any judicial decision of Caesar. Accordingly, ' pro capite,' supr. 1, was explained by ' diminuti- one capitis ;' and, indeed, ' causa capitis' was applied to any civil ac- tion, where, beside the loss of for- tune, character was at stake. Quint. 9. 13. Off. i. 12. It is easily conceivable, however, that Caesar could teach the man convicted of at- tempting his life, that it should not be done with impunity. 3. Esto] It might be supposed that Cic. having convicted Castor of in- gratitude and impiety, should be obliged to stop there, as crimes so heinous, hardly admitted of ampli- fication. But here his art appears in seeming to concede all this as trivial, that he may charge Castor with at- tempting to shake the foundations of human society, and to declare war against mankind. Similarly, supr. 1, 'non tarn afflictam regiam con- ditionem quum de fortunis commu- nibus extimescebara.' 4. Adeone] Supply ' concedi de- bet.' Pa trie. 5. Abducere domum] i. e. To en- tice Phidippus from the legates of Deiotarus to his house. Supr. 1. ALn.x. 79, abducere pactas. 6. Uni propinquo] Deiotaro. 7. Tanta auctoritate] Sc. Caesar's. Such is Caesar's authority, that ap- probation is implied in impunity being permitted. 8. Nulli nulla] Similar repeti- tions for emphasis are frequent. Phil, ii. 22. Tu, tu istas faces incendisti, Antoni. PRO REGE DEIOTARO, Cap. 11. 217 tus 9 est atque nostrum, impune evolare potest, contraque nos pugnare ; fit in dominatu 10 servitus, in servitute domi- natus. O tempora, 11 O mores ! Cn. Domitius 12 ille, quern nos pueri consulem, censorem, pontificem maximum vidimus, quum tribunus plebis M. Scaurum, 13 principem civitatis, in judicium populi 14 vocasset, Scaurique servus ad eura clam 1 "' domum venisset, et crimina in dominum delaturum se esse dixisset: prehendi hominem jussit, ad Scaurumque deduci. Vide, quid intersit; etsi inique Castorem cum Domitio comparo : 16 sed tamen ille inimico servum remisit : tu 16 ab avo abduxisti : ille incorruptum audi*e noluit ; tu corrupisti : ille adjutorem 17 servum contra dominum repudiavit ; tu etiam accusatorem adhibuisti. At semel 18 iste est corruptus 9. Id quod intus] Namely, the slaves who reside in our families. 10. Fit in dominatu, $c] It makes a slave of the master, a master of the slave. 11. tempora] How changed! ' O mores' how unlike what they were ! He proves both by compar- ing Domitius and Castor. 12. Cn. Domitius'] The father of L. Domitius ^Enobarbus, who fell in Pharsalia.Phil.ii.il. Scaurus had refused to choose him among the au- gurs. He, therefore, in return, ac- cused Scaurus of not duly attending to the worship of the Penates. Plut. (de Adul. et Am.) reverses the names in this transaction ; but Val. Max. vi. 5, corroborates Cicero's statement, and adds 'quern populus turn propter alias virtutes, turn hoc nomine liben- tiuset coss. et censorem et pont. max. fecit.' He was consul a. u. 657 ; and censor with L. Crassus, the ora- tor. Perhaps he owed his popularity no less to a law by which he gave the people a voice in the election of priests. Agr. ii. 7. 13. M. Scaurum] Sc. vEmilium. Arch. 3. n. 25. He varies the title of 1 princeps senatus,' which the censors had six times conferred on him, by saying ' princeps civitatis.' 14. Judicium populi] These trials VOL. I. were at first held in the Comitia cu- riata, Mil. 3. n. 9. ; afterwards in the Comitia centuriata and tributa. In the former, the superior magistrates were generally the accusers, in the latter the inferior, among whom the tribunes ranked ; so that Domitius being now tribune, this cause was tried before the comitia by tribes. Hence the account of Ascon. ' that Scaurus was acquitted by a majority of nine- and- twenty tribes.' 15. Clam] By night. 16. Etsi inique comparo] For Domitius was a man of character and honour, not so Castor. So Pis. 4, comparing Metellus Celer and Piso, he says, ' facio injuriam fortissimo viro mortuo, qui ilium cum hac importuna bellua conferam.' 16. Ille tu] This species of or- nament from antithesis is common. Verr. iv. 52. Conferte hanc pacem cum illo bello ; hujus praetoris ad- ventum cum illius imperatoris vic- toria ; hujus libidinis cum illius con- tinentia, &c.' M. Marcellus and Ver- res are the persons compared. Also, Dem. deCor. 80. 17. Ille adjutorem] He rejected the services of the slave ; you not only ac- cepted them, but made him an accuser. 18. At semel] The MSS. here ap- pear uniform, but Weiske suspects u 218 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO a vobis ? Nonne, quum esset productus, et quum tecum fu- isset, refugit ad legatos ? Nonne etiam ad hunc Cn. Domi- tium 19 venit ? Nonne, audiente hoc Ser. Sulpicio/ claris- simo viro, qui timi casu apud Domitium ccenabat, et hoc T. Torquato/ 1 optimo adolescente, se a te corruptum, tuis pro- missis in fraudem 22 impulsum esse confessus est ? XII. Quae est ista tarn impudens, tarn crudelis, tarn immoderata inhumanitas? Idcirco in banc urbem venis- fi, 1 ut hujus urbis jura et exempla corrumperes, domes- ticaque 2 immanitate nostra? civitatis humanitatem inqui- nares ? At quam acute collecta 3 crimina ! Blesamius, 4 inquit. (ejus enhn nomine, viri optimi, nee tibi ignoti, maledice- bat 5 tibi,) ad regem scribere solebat, 6 te in invidia esse ; some mistake, and would correct the text. This seems unnecessary. The imputation on Castor is this ; that after Phidippus had received his first hribe, and given his testimony, he ac- knowledged before respectable wit- nesses that it was false, and that he had been corrupted. But he now persists in the same tale. The in- ference drawn by Cicero is, that the bribe must have been repeated. V. E. 19. Hunc Cn. Domitium] Caisar, it is probable had an audience of his officers around him, among whom might be Domitius Calvinus, or per- haps the younger ^Enobarbus, men- tioned Phil. ii. 11, who was after- wards a conspirator. 20. Ser. Sulpicio] Whose eulo- gium forms the subject of the ninth Philippic, which see. He and Tor- quatus were present, as ' hoc' inti- mates. Soinfr. 14, ' huic Blesamio,' Arch. 9, * Hujus proavus Cato,' and Ligar. 3. 'hoc C. Pansa.' 21. T. Torquato] One of the Man- lian family, perhaps the Titus men- tioned Plane. 11. 22. Fraudem] i. e. Vitium. Mil. Boni nullo emolumento impelluntur in fraudem. Phil. 11. Nihil queror de Dolabella qui turn e>t impulsus, inductus, elu*us. Sect. XII. 1 . Idcirco venisti] Hac ad accusatorem iwooTpofrj nihil ef- ficacius. Mattut. 2. Domestical Asiatic and barba- rous. 3. Acute collecta"] Ironically, for Castor's charges were rather an in- vective against the tyranny ot than an injurious accusation of Deio- tarus. ' Collecta,' composita et con- ficta ut nihil sit quod pugnet. Sylv. Ligar. 10. n. 13. 4. Blesamius] "With Hieras and Antigonus formed the embassy sent toy Deiotarus to plead his cause be- fore Caesar. Inf. 15. Him the ac- cusers pretended to be a spy. 5. Maledicebat] Sc. Phidippus did ; by repeating slanders of his own invention as if uttered by Blesamius. The slanders were, 1. That Caesar was disliked by the people and considered a tyrant j 2. that the placing of his statue in the capitol among those of the Rncient kings of Rome had given general offence. 3. That he was not applauded at the public games and theatre. 6. Scribere solebat] Namely from Borne ; for it would appear that the embassy had reached Rome from the king some time before the trial came on. PRO REGE DEIOTARO, Cap. 12. 219 tyrannum existimari ; statua 7 inter reges posita animos ho- minum vehementer ofFensos ; plaudi tibi non solere. Non- ne intelligis, Caesar, ex urbanis malevolorum sermunculis s haec ab istis esse collecta? Blesamius tyrannum Caesarem scriberet ? Multorum enim civium capita 9 viderat ; multos jussu Caesaris vexatos, verberatos, necatos, multas afflic- tas et eversas domos, armatis militibus refertutn forum. 10 Quae semper in civili victoria sensimus, 11 ea te victore non vidimus. Solus, solus, inquam, es, C. Caesar, cujus in vic- toria ceciderit nemo, nisi armatus. 12 Et quern nos liberi, in summa populi Romani libertate nati, non raodo non tyrannum, sed etiam clementissimum in victoria ducimus : is Blesamio, qui vivit in regno, 13 tyrannus videri potest ? Nam de statua quis queritur, una praesertim, quum tarn multas videat ? 14 Valde enim 15 invidendum est ejus statuis, cujus tropaeis non invidemus ! Nam, si locus 16 affert in- vidiam, nullus locus est, ad statuam quidem, Rostris 7. Statua] This statue is noticed by Sueton. Jul. 80, and had in fact given public offence. ' Praegravant cstera facta statuam inter re- ges, suggestum in orchestra, et anaph- ora humano fastigio decerni sibi pas- sus est.' 8. Sermunculis] Mere rumours ; from ' sermo,' as ' homo, homuncu- lus.' 9. Multorum capita] Nempe sine corporibus. From this discription of what a tyrant's acts would be we are to infer that Caesar was not a tyrant. 1 Enim' refers to a supposed propo- sition ' haud mirum' or the like. ' Well may Blesamius write, that Cae- sar is a tyrant, for, &c.' 10. Armatis forum] For Appian, lib. ii. says that Caasar removed from his person the praetorian cohorts which during the war had attended him as guards, satisfied with the civic attendants; and Veil. Pater, ii. 57. that when warned to guard an empire by arms, which arms had acquired, he replied that he prefered death to living in dread of it. 11. Semper sensimus] Under Ma- rius, Cinna, Sylla. 12. Cujus armatus] Ligar. 6. 13. Qui vivit in regno] i. e. Who is the subject of a despotic monarch ; opposed to ' nos liberi.' 14. Tarn multas videat] These were not to be seen in the capitol, for only those of the kings and of Jun. Bru- tus stood there, but throughout the city, and particularly in the forum, which being a much more conspicu- ous (clarior) place than where the royal statues were placed, ought to excite odium still more, if odium there were. The forum was the usual place for the statues of great men to be set up. 15. Valde enim] Supply here as above ; ' No wonder there should be complaints about it, for, &c.' The turn is ironical, i. e. he means ' non valde invidendum est.' ' Tropaea' were more conspicuous still than sta- tues. Arch. 9. n. 14. 16. Nam si locus, $c] ' Nam' is here 'deinde.' ' Again if the place, &c.' In the Rostra particularly were the statues of the legates killed by the Fidenates. Liv. iv. 17. Phil.ix. 2. 220 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO clarior. De plausu 17 autem quid respondeam ? qui nee desideratus unquam a te est, et nonnunquam, obstupefac- tis hominibus, ipsa admiratione compressus est, et fortas- se eo preterm issus, quia nihil vulgare te dignum videri potest. XIII. Nihil a me arbitror 1 praetermissum, sed aliquid ad extremam causae partem 2 reservatum. Id autem ali- quid 3 est, te ut plane Deiotaro reconciliet oratio mea. Non enim jam metuo, 4 ne tu illi succenseas : illud vereor, ne tibi ilium succensere 5 aliquid suspicere. Quod abest longissime, mihi crede, Caesar. Quid enim retineat 6 per te, meminit, non quid amiserit ; 7 neque se a te multatum ar- 17. Plausu] His answer is three- fold : 1 . You never courted popular applause ; therefore no wonder if it is not bestowed. 2. Men's minds were so astounded by your exploits that they were incapable of raising their voice. 3. The people omitted it be- cause it was trite and unworthy of you. Sect. XIII. 1 .Nihil a me arbitror'] Before so consummate a rhetorician as Caesar, it was useless to have recourse to the ordinary rules, one of which is to conceal every appearance of art. Cic. therefore affects to make a dis- play of art to conceal it more effectu- ally. 2. Extremam partem] The pero- ration, the fittest place for discussing the most important point. 3. Id aliquid] Ligar.7. n. 29. Cic. wishing to reconcile the parties has first to shew that there is no cause for resentment on either side. With re- gard to Caesar he assumes that what he has urged is enough to allay his angry feelings ' non metuo ne tu illi succenseas ;' it remained to shew that he had no grounds to suspect that any sucli were harboured by Deiota- rus. His reasons are : 1. Deiot. is sensible that what he lost he deserved to lose, nay that Caesar was compelled to make the vanquished assist him in removing his brave associates, and to this no reasonable man could object. And if Antiochus the Great bore simi- lar treatment with equanimity, much more should a petty sovereign like him. Besides he had the support derivable from the conciousness of suffering for an involuntary error, not so Antiochus. 2. He owed to Cae- sar's generosity what he retained, his hereditary dominions, and regal title ; which latter was to him every thing. 3. He had two sources of consolation left, of which he could not be de- prived. The decrees of the Roman generals and senate in his favour, and the consciousness of his own virtue, (Multa se arbitratur, &c.) [These he illustrates to ' Haec ille reputans.'] 4. He has a letter from Caesar himself encouraging him to hope for the best, c. 14. by which he was greatly cheered and inspired. All this shews that Deiot. is fully sensible of his obligations to Caesar, and is therefore deserving of being received into his friendship. 4. Non jam metuo] Trusting in your faith, your steadiness, and cle- mency. Supr. 3. 5. Tibi ilium succensere] On ac- count of losing so much of his domi- nions. 6. Quid retineat] His life, name of king, and part of Galatia. In- trod. 3. 7. Quid amiserit] Armenia and the tetrarchy of the Trogini. PRO REGE DEIOTARO, Cap. 13. 221 bitratur ; sed, quum existimaret, multis tibi multa 8 esse tribuenda, quo minus a se, qui in altera parte 9 fuisset, ea sumeres, non recusavit. Etenim si Antiochus Magnus 10 ille, rex Asiae, quum, posteaquam a Seipione 11 devictus, Tauro tenus 12 regnare jussus esset, omnemque hanc Asiam, quae est nunc nostra provincia, 13 amisisset, dicere est solitus, be- nigne sibi a populo Romano esse factum, quod nimis magna procuratione 14 liberatus, modicis regni terminis uteretur : potest multo facilius se Deiotarus consolari. Ille enim furoris multam sustinuerat : 15 hie erroris. Omnia tu Dei- otaro, Caesar, tribuisti, quum et ipsi et filio 16 nomen regium concessisti. Hoc nomine retento atque conservato, nullum judicium de se senatus imminutum putat. Magno animo et erecto est, nee unquam succumbet inimicis, ne fortunae quidem. 17 Multa se arbitratur et peperisse ante factis, et habere in animo atque virtute, quae nullo modo possit amittere. Quae enim fortuna, aut quis casus, aut quae tan- ta possit injuria omnium imperatorum 18 de Deiotaro de- creta delere ? Ab omnibus enim iis ornatus est, qui, pos- teaquam in castris esse potuit per aetatem, 19 in Asia," Cap- 8. Multis tibi multa, c] Sylv. un- derstands this to mean that, many Pompeians were called on to contri- bute much to Caesar ;' in which view few will concur. Dio. relates that fourteen new praetors, and fifteen quaestors, were appointed, and the se- nators increased to nine hundred. 9. Qui in altera parte] ' Altera' is milder than contraria.' Patric. 10. Antiochus Magnus] Manil. 6. n. 2. Sext. 27. 11. Seipione] L. Scipio Asiaticus, the brother of A fricanus Major, who was his lieutenant in this war. 12. Tauro tenus ] Sext. 27. 'Intra montem Taurum,' i. e. he was depriv- ed of all his dominions on the Roman side of Mount Taurus. 13. Asiarn nunc provincia] Manil. 2, n. 6. 14. Nimis magna procur.] The care of too extensive dominions. Sail. Jug. 14. ' Regni Numidiae procurationem (ixistimarem meam.' If Antiochus so consoled himself for such losses, a fortiori may Deiotarus ; for the one madly attacked the Roman people at the instigation of Hannibal and the ^Etolians, the latter followed Pompey, as deeming his cause the better. l)ci- ot. therefore has innocence on his side. Ovid seems to decide diffe- rently as to the consolation : ' Quaa venit indignae poena, dolenda veit,' Ep. v. 8 ; and so will people in general. 15. Multam sustinuerat] So pro Dom. 38. Eandem (poenam) ego subibo et sustinebo.' 16. Etjilio] He is mentioned, Phil, xi. 13. ' Summa in filio spes, summa ingenii indoles, summa virtus.' 17. Ne fortuna: quidem] Much harder to contest with, than ' inimi- ci ;' yet inasmuch as he possesses many things over which she has no control, the decrees of your generals, the votes of the senate, he is able to defy her power. 18. Omnium imper.] Introd. 1. 19. Per cetatem] Seventeen. 20. In Asia] Sylla and Lucullus ^ u 2 222 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO padocia, Ponto, Cilicia, Syria, bella gesserunt : senatus vero judicia de illo tarn multa, tamque honorifica, quae publicis populi Romani Uteris monumentisque 21 consignata sunt, quae unquam vetustas obruet, aut quae tanta delebit oblivio I Quid de virtute ejus dicam ? quid de magnitudine auimi, gravitate, constantia? quaeomnes docti 23 atque sapientes sum- ma, quidam etiam sola bona esse dixerunt, bisque, 24 non modo ad bene, sed etiam ad beate vivendum, contentam virtutem esse. Haec ille reputans et dies noctesque cogi- tans, non modo tibi non succenset, (esset enim non so- lum ingratus, sed etiam amens,) verum omnem tranquil- litatem et quietem senectutis acceptam refert 25 clementiae tuae. XIV. Quo quidem animo 1 quum antea fuit, turn non du- bito, quin tuis Uteris, quarum exemplum legi, quas ad eum Tarracone 2 huic Blesamio 3 dedisti, semagis etiam erexer it, 4 ab omnique sollicitudine abstraxerit. Jubes enim eum bene sperare et bono esse animo : quod scio, te non frustra scri- bere solere. Memini enim iisdem fere verbis 4 ad me te scri- bere, meque tuis Uteris bene sperare non frustra esse jussum. were assisted by him in nearly all these ad beate' i.e. ' jucunde et feliciter,' provinces ; Murena in Cappadocia, and this the Peripatetics deny. Pontus, and Phrygia ; in Syria, Bib- Tusc. quaest. lib. v. ulus ; in Cilicia, Cicero and Servilius 25. Acceptam refert'] Sets down to Isauricus. the account of your clemency. 21. Literis monumentisque] Ligar. Sect. XIV. 1. Quo animo] As 2. n.12. supr. 13, magno et'erecto' amind 22. Vetustas obruet] Mil. 35. fortified by reflecting on what fortune ' Nulla unquam obmuteret vetustas.' had left as well as taken away, and Temporis vetustas, hominum oblivio. on its own virtues. Manut. 2. Tarracone] Tarraco, a city of 23. Omnes docti] Plato, Aristotle, Spain, situate in the Mediterranean, and others, divided good into pleasure, now Taragona. It was the capital of utility, and virtue ; and called vir- Tarraconensis, and in it Caesar held tue chief, in comparison of the others; all his levies after the subjugation of but the Stoics denying that any thing the Pompeys. had a right to come into cumparison 3. Huic Blesamio] Who is now with virtue, declared it the sole good, present, waiting the issue of this tri- The Epicureans Plato did not hold al. Cic. here intends to remind Cae- to be * sapientes.' Marcel. 6. ' Non sar of his promise, modo summa bona sed etiam audebo 4. Erexerit] Supr. 13. ' Magno sola dicere.' animo et erecto est.' 24. Hisque] i.e. Who held the ' so- 4. Iisdem verbis] This letter was la ;' or Stoics. ' Non modo ad bene,' sent from Egypt by Pansa. The for this they allconfeis; ' sed etiam words were, ' utessem idem qui fu- PRO REGE DEIOTARO, Cap. 14. 223 Laboro equidem 5 regis Deiotari causa, quocum 6 mihi ami- citiam respublica conciliavit, hospitium voluntas utriusque 7 conjunxit, familiaritatem 8 consuetudo attulit, summam vero necessitudinem magna ejus officia 9 et in me et in exercitum meum effecerunt : sed quum de illo 10 laboro, turn de multis amplissimis viris, quibus semel 11 ignotum a te esse oportet, nee beneficium tuum in dubium vocari, nee hcerere in animis hominum sollicitudinem sempiternam, nee accidere, ut quis- quam te timere incipiat eorum, qui semel a te sint liberati ti- more. Non debeo, 12 C. Caesar, quod fieri solet in tantis pe - riculis, tentare, quonam modo dicendo misericord iam tuam commovere possim. Nihil opus est. Occurrere ipsa solet 1J supplicibus et calamitosis, nullius oratione evocata. 14 Pro- pone tibi duos reges, 15 et id animo contemplare, quod oculis non potes. Dabis profecto misericordiae, quod iracundia? denegasti. Multa sunt tuaj dementia? monumenta : sed maxime eorum incolumitates, 16 quibus salutem dedisti. Quae issem.' Ligar. 3. n. 9. 5. Laboro equidem"] But knowing causas rogantium apud te gratiosi- ores esse quam preces.' (Ligar. 11. ) I will tell you my reasons for being interested for Deiotarus. 6. Quocum, #c] Cic. takes the highest ground ; ' I loved him be- cause he was the friend of my coun- try.' Then follow the steps to ' sum- ma necessitudo.' 7. Voluntas utriusque] For 'hos- pitium' was often a matter of form, or the inclination was all on one side. Not so here. 8. Familiaritatem] Supr. 5. n. 5. 9. Officia] While pro-consul of Cilicia. Introd. 3. 10. Sed quum de illo] Cio. wishes to set the cause on the widest founda- tion. The question is one of general interest : ' if, after what is past, you still harbour resentment against Deio- tarus, the same may be expected by all who owe their life to your clemen- cy, and doubts and fears take posses- sion of their minds. Let them know, then, that once pardoned they are still pardoned.' There is a noble free- dom in this address which we seek in vain in the ' pro Marcello.' 11. Semel] "A7ra, once for all. Supr. 3. ' Quum facile exorari Caesar, turn semel exorari soles.' So in the Timon of Lucian airai SsCoxQw, once for all, be it decreed. iLn.xi.41 8, Procubuit moriens et humum semel ore momordit. 12. Non debeo] Cicero, affecting to reject any appeal to the clemency of Caesar, makes a strong appeal. 13. Ipsa solet] Is wont of itself to anticipate the claims of the wretch- ed. ' Ipsa' avri) fteftavla. ' Oc- currere.' So Pers. i. 62. ' Posticae occurrite sannae.' 14. Evocata] Elicited. This word, ' occurrere' and ' commovere' are used metaphorically. Manut. 15. Duos reges] Perhaps Deio- tarus, the father and the son : but see inf. 15. V. E. Abram. conjec- tures that the son may have been better liked by Caesar, and therefore joined with the father. 16. Incolumitates] ' Incolumes' are those who are uncondemned. Arch. 5, n. 3. Balb. II. < Cives 224 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO si in privatis 17 gloriosa sunt, multo magis commemorabun- tur in re<*ibus. Semper regiuin nomen in hac civitate sanctum 18 fait : sociorum vero regum et amicorum sanctissi- mum. 19 XV. Quod nomen hi reges ne amitterent, te victore, ti- muerunt : retentum vero et a te confirmatum posteris etiam stiis tradituros 1 esse confido. Corpora 2 vero sua, pro sa- lute regum suorum hi legati tibi regii tradunt, Hieras, et Blesamius, et Antigonus, tibi nobisque omnibus jam diu noti, eademque fide et virtute prreditus Dorylaus, qui nuper cum Hiera 3 legatus est ad te missus, turn ivi_um amicissimi, 4 turn tibi etiam, ut spero, probati. Exquire de Blesamio, 5 numquid ad regem contra dignitatem tuam scripserit Hieras quidem causam omnem suscipit, et crimi- indemnati et incolumes.' 17. In privatis] i. e. Collata in privatos ; so of * in regibus.' Patric. 18. Sanctum] For kings were thought to be under the protection of the gods. So Caesar, in a funeral oration over his aunt, says, ' Est ergo in genere sanctitas regum, <jui plurimum inter homines pollent, &c.' Sueton. Jul. 6. Manil. 9.n. 16. 17. 1 9. Sociorum regum sanctissi- mum] This might be designed by Cicero as hinting to Cesar, that his present titles might satisfy him- self. This oration was delivered late in the year 708. In the following February Mark Antony offered Caesar the diadem. Le Clerc. V.E. Sect. XV. 1. Posteris traditu- ros] This confidence was disappointed. Amyntas succeeded in Gallograecia, and it was afterwards made a pro- vince. Strab. xii. 2. Corpora] Either as sureties, or to suffer any punishment awarded against their master. The Schol. edited byMaius says that those legates came to Rome to defend their master against the charge of disloyalty to Caesar (alieno animo) ; and when there, were called on to answer this present charge, Phidippus having been in the mean time corrupted. This account agrees very well with this voluntary offer of their persons for their master's safety . 3. Xuper cum Hiera] It is not known why Hieras, who makes one of the envoys, is here said to have come with Dorylaus. Weiske ob- serves that Dorylaus may have been deputed by another petty sovereign who had some favour to solicit from Caesar. This king may have been Ariobarzanes, the sovereign of Cap- padocia ; (V. E.) and with him Hie- ras may have found it convenient to come after the other two. 4. Amicissimi] This word and ' pro- bati' have usually been interpreted in the nom. but there seems no occasion to compliment them a second time, ' regum' may as well be interpreted * inter reges' as * erga reges.' V. E, ; i. e. they were usually referred to * legati ;' but may be referred to * regis' understood. 5. Exquire de Blesamio] As the weight of the prosecution lay in the testimony of Phidippus, Cic. wished to conclude with impressing on the mind of Caesar the opposing testimo- nies of men of integrity. Supr. 12, the charge against Blesamsus is given and refuted. ' Exquire,' tormentis ex- torque. Sylv. PRO REGE DEIOTARO, Cap. 15. 225 nibus illis pro rege se supponit 6 reum; memoriam tuam implorat, qua vales 7 plurimum ; negat unquam se a te in Deiotari tetrarchia pedem discessisse ; 8 in primis finibus 9 tibi se praesto fuisse dicit, usque ad ultimos prosecutum ; quum e balneo 10 exisses, tecum se fuisse, quuin ilia rau- nera inspexisses ccenatus, quum in cubiculo recubuisses; eandemque assiduitatem tibi se praebuisse postridie. 11 Quam- obrem, si quid eorum, quae objecta sunt, cogitatum 12 sit, non recusat, quin id facinus suum 13 judices. Quocir- ca, C. Caesar, velim existimes, hodierno die sententiam tu- am, aut cum summo dedecore 14 miserrimam pestem impor- taturam 15 esse regibus, 16 aut incolumem famam cum salute : quorum alterum 17 optare, illorum crudelitatis est ; alterum conservare, 18 clementiae 19 tuae. 6. Hieras se supponit] Is willing to suffer for his master. 7. Qua vales] Phil. ii. 4. ' Fuit in illo ingenium, ratio, memoria, lite- rature.' 8. Pedem discessisse] i. e. The length of a foot. We have a similar expression. As Hieras never left you, he is therefore qualified to decide on the truth of the charge. He at- tended you both during your stay in the palace and the next day at Luceium. As none of the attempts charged could have been made without his privity, he calls on you to deem them, if any there were, to have been his, and try him accordingly. 9. Finibus] Deiot. had waited on Caesar on the borders of Galatia, and was then accompanied by Hieras. ln- trod. 2. 10. Balneo] Supr. 6. The bath preceded the supper, and so it was in- tended, should the inspection of the gifts ; but Caesar refusing to go, it was put off till after supper. Hence ' cce- natus.' 11. Postridie] The day of the castle and bed-chamber scene. Supr. 6. 12. Cogitatum] A Deiotaro. 13. Facinus suum] Deem it as bad as if he himself had perpetrated it. 14. Dedecore] Of the king's, not Caesar's. 15. Importaturam] Generally used in a bad sense, as the numerous ex- amples of Forcel prove. Hor. Ep. i. 13.4. ' Odium importes.' Off. ii. 5. Si quid incommodi importetur.' Sext. 69. 16. Regibus] Either emphatically for ' Deiotarus' or taking in his son. 17. Quorum alterum] The former of which it is of a piece with the cruelty of the accusers to wish for ; the latter, the part of your clemency to preserve inviolate. 19. dementia] It was not unadvis- edly that Cic. concludes his address with ' clementiae tuae ;' this being an attribute on which Caesar prided him- self greatly, and to an excess of which, perhaps, he owed his untimely end. It is a rhetorical maxim to insert what- ever is striking and important in the beginning of a speech, to make the judges attentive, and in the end to fix it in their memory. INTRODUCTION TO THE ORATIONS AGAINST LUCIUS CATILINE. 1. Though the pages of Sallust form the best introduction to the Catilinarian orations of Cicero, yet it may be of use to connect with the notices of Catiline which they contain, some of the references to his history, found in other writers, and in the speeches of Cicero himself. 2. Catiline was born about a. v. 645. His high patrician pretensions (Sail. Cat.) are supported by the list of quaestors and praetors supplied to the republic by the Sergian family. His father, however, was poor ; which seems to be the only excuse for the son becoming an agent of the atrocities of Sylla ; and staining himself with the blood of Q. Cascilius, his own brother- in-law, and M. Marcius Gratidianus, (Val. Max. ix. 2.) He was quaestor, a. u. 676, and ten years after, praetor; which led to his obtaining the province of Africa, the following year, 687 ; to which also we are obliged to refer the conspiracy of Piso, Sail. Cat. 18, in which Catiline had a share.* His rapacity in Africa demanded an accusation, which was conducted by Pub. Clodius. Catiline was consoled by the rank of his ad- vocate, the consul Torquatus;f (Sulla, 29.) and escaped by bribing the prosecutor, (de Harusp. 20.) In the mean time his conduct in the proscription of Sylla was not forgotten. He * Catiline left his province before the end of the year, on pretence of suing for the consulship, as Cic. (in Tog. Cand.) testifies ; and was prevented by the African deputies who followed to impeach him. Cic, however, does not explain how Catiline could be a competitor for the consulship, the year after holding the praetorship. Hooke viii. 9. n. w. t Yet this is the Torquatus whom Catiline this very year conspired to murder. Sail. Cat. 18. Torquatus had indeed heard of the conspiracy, but did not believe it. Sulla, 29. 228 INTRODUCTION. was arraigned, a. u. 689, of murder by Lucullus * or Luceius, and was nearly ranking Cicero among his advocates. Att. i. 2. ' Hoc tempore, Catilinam, competitorem nostrum defendere co- gitamus.' The issue is given shortly, Att. i. 16. ' Catilinam bis absolutum esse.' 3. But this was a busy year with Catiline ; as besides this trial he canvassed for the consulship against Cicero; and others, Att. i. 1. and laid a second plot against his country. This is detailed by Sail. c. 17; who gives Catiline's speech to the conspirators, c. 20, and states that this attempt promoted Cicero's views, who was elected consul, c. 23. Catiline, how- ever, transferred his suit to the following year, and persevered in his designs, Sail. Cat. 26. Through the weak confidence of Curius, Cicero learned the whole plot, but waiting for some overt act of Catiline, he hesitated to interfere. The day of the consular election (2 1st of Oct.) drew near, and Cicero being informed that Catiline intended to attack him and his friends at the Comitia, had the election deferred to the 28th. In the mean time in a senate held on the 21st, he charged Catiline openly with his designs, who acknowledged himself the will- ing leader of the mob.f The Senate forthwith issued their high decree, arming Cic. with supreme authority. J The elec- tion came ; Silanus and Murena were appointed ; and this drove Catiline ' extrema omnia experiri.' Sail. Cat. 26. Accordingly he despatched his emissaries into the provinces, and calling a meeting of the leading conspirators at the house of M. Porcius Lseca, on the sixth of November he professed his readiness to take the field, if Cicero were killed. This task was undertaken by Cornelius and Vargunteius, who engaged to slay the consul the next morning at his house. Sail. Cat. 27, 28. Cicero having learned this design by Curius, took the proper measures to defeat it ; and convening the senate on the following * Ascon. reads Lucullus ; but it is probable that Luceius, whose speech against Catiline he afterwards quotes, is meant, especially as he says ' qui postea eundem honorem petiit ;' but we read of no Lucullus being after this a competitor for the consulship, whereas Luceius was a competitor with Caesar and Bibulus. Att. iv. 6. As to L. Paullus, who, on the authority of Sallust. c. 31., is usually given as the accuser of Catiline on this trial, it appears that it was ' lege Plautia de vi,' not ' lege de sicariis,' that he ar- raigned Catiline. t A few days before, he had addressed to Cato the strong expression ' in- cendium meum ruina restinguam,' which Sallust says was elicited by a speech of Cicero's and the reproaches of the senate. Muren. 25. Sail. Cat. 3. X Sallust places the issuing of this decree after the day of election, whereas Cic. says, Cat. i. 2. that he was then in possession of it twenty days a round number for eighteen ; but exact enough to shew that Sallust is in error. INTRODUCTION. 229 day, the eighth of November, to the temple of Jupiter Stator, to inform them of this new atrocity, he was surprised to find Cati- line in attendance. Roused with indignation at this matchless audacity, he gave vent to his feelings in that speech which is called THE FIRST CATILINARIAN ORATION. 4. In this speech Cicero ' gloriously offends' against the rules of the Rhetoricians; for it is neither 'judicial,' as being made in the senate, nor ' deliberative,' as it supports or opposes no proposition. It is, in short, a violent invective against Catiline, wherein the orator upbraids his audacity, for appearing in the senate, when he knew that his designs were discovered ; c. 1 5; advises his departure from the city, where his crimes had made him infamous, c. 6 9 ; but corrects himself as he finds that Catiline intends to join his followers in Etruria. c. 9 10. Lastly, he defends the expulsion of Catiline from the city when his death would have appeared preferable, on the ground that the latter would have afforded a temporary relief; whereas, the former, by removing the associates of Catiline, would effect a radical cure of the evils of the state, c. 11 13. He concludes with en- couraging the senate, and praying to Jupiter to take vengeance on the enemies of the state, c. 13. 5. The effect of this speech on Catiline is stated by Sallust, Cat. 31. He denied the charges of Cicero, boasted of his pa- trician blood, and upbraided Cicero with the meanness of his birth. He was replied to by a simultaneous shout of * traitor' from the senators ; upon which, he flung himself out of the senate, and, at midnight, set out for the camp of Mallius. Cicero, on the following day, having convoked an assembly of the people, explained the motives of his conduct in permitting Catiline to depart. This forms THE SECOND CATILINARIAN ORATION. In this address to the people, Cicero first congratulates them on the departure of Catiline, which alone he thought a victory, c. 1. He then apologizes for permitting so dangerous a man to escape, when he might have apprehended him, and shows that it was not his fault, but that of the times ; for, however guilty Catiline might be, that many would be found to disbe- lieve, many to justify the allegations made against him ; while the odium likely to accrue from his punishment, would prevent Cicero from being able to punish his accomplices, c. 2. And so far was he from fearing Catiline as an extern enemy, that he felt vol. i. x 230 INTRODUCTION. grieved at his not taking with him his traitorous associates, who remaining behind, were more to be feared, c. 3. Hence he ex- horts them either to leave the city or keep themselves quiet : in fai- lure of which, he hints that they may expect condign punishment, c. 5. He then refutes the assertion of those who say that he had forced Catiline into exile, by showing that it was to Mallius he was gone, not to Massilia; nor should he object to bear the odium of hav- ing forced him into exile, if it were true as it was a circumstance rather to be wished than complained of. c. 7. He then proceeds to classify the associates of Catiline who remained at Rome : 1 . Men in debt, who had estates sufficient, if sold, to satisfy their creditors. c. 8. 2. Men who are both in debt and ambitious of preferment. 3. Sullanian colonists, c. 9. 4. A motley group of a lower grade, whom idleness and extravagance had plunged into debt. 5. Par- ricides, assassins, &c. 6. Rakes, gamesters, &c. c. 10. To all these he shows that ample forces can be opposed, and even if there were not, yet is there such an inherent difference in the causes, that the very gods will crown with success the efforts of virtue against vice and profligacy, c. 1 1 . Hence he exhorts the citi- zens to hope the best, c. 12, and repeats his advice to the as- sociates of Catiline, either to leave the city or keep quiet within it assuring the people that the public peace will be preserved, and advising them to implore the gods to shield their country from harm. c. 13. 6. Cicero had rightly conjectured that the Mallian camp was the real destination of Catiline ; and Sallust informs us, c. 36, that as soon as his arrival there was known at Rome, the senate decreed him and Mallius traitors, and ordered the necessary levies to oppose them and guard the city. In the mean time, the deputies of the Allobrogians, a Gallic state then much oppressed with debt, which they had come to Rome to seek relief from, were invited to join in the conspiracy, through whom Cicero was informed of the particulars of a plan among the associates of Catiline, to set fire to the city, and while the dismay was general, to break out and join Catiline. Cicero took the necessary measures to defeat this design, but not until the deputies had obtained, from the principal conspirators, letters and an oath to show their couutrymen, and which in the hands of Cicero afforded decisive evidence of their guilt. Cicero then, early on the third of December, summoned the senate to the Temple of Concord, in whose presence he conviots the conspirators by these undeniable proofs. The senate ordered them into custody, and assigns their punishment to Cicero. Late on the same day, in an assembly of the people, the consul made the INTRODUCTION. 231 THIRD C ATI LIN A RI AN ORATION. 7. In it he first recounts the detection of the conspiracy, c.l 5. As the decree of the senate had not been transcribed, he next repeats from memory the heads of it to the people, for their in- formation the thanks to himself, his colleague, and the praetors ; the directions for imprisoning the conspirators, and the suppli- cation voted to the gods, c. 6, Sail. c. 47 ; and he desires the citi- zens to consider the conspiracy as now completely quashed, c. 7; and proves that it was all owing- to the good providence of the gods, c. 8. 9. He advises the citizens duly to perform the sup- plication decreed to the gods, c. ] ; and adds that as for himself, the only reward he sought was the eternal remembrance of that day, c. 11. Finally he conjures them to prevent his pa- triotic actions from turning to his detriment, and to continue, as before, guarding their homes, c. 12. 8. It remained to decide upon the actual punishment which it would be right to inflict on the conspirators ; and on the fifth of December, a senate was convoked to consider this important question. Two opinions were proposed, one of Silanus, consul elect which recommended the immediate capital punishment of the conspirators, the other of Caesar, who advocated a perpetual imprisonment throughout the corporate towns of Italy. Before the votes were taken, Cicero rose, and spoke THE FOURTH CATILINARIAN ORATION. 9. After thanking the fathers for their anxiety about his welfare, he entreats them to think rather of themselves and their country, c. 1. 2. He then shews that the prisoners had been condemned by the decision of the senate, and that their punishment must be fixed before that night, c. 3. He next lays before the fathers the two propositions, not without shewing his leaning towards that of Silanus, c. 4. 6. But lest a doubt as to whether the consul had forces sufficient to carry a severe sen- tence into execution, might indispose some minds to vote for such a sentence, he shews that he was quite equal to preserve the peace, and was backed by a wonderful zeal in men of every rank. c. 7. 8. His inference is, that the senate, thus supported, should not be backward in supporting the people, c. 9. Finally he expresses his contempt for any odium to which his patriotic endeavours may expose him, as compared with the glory of saving his country ; and exhorts them ever to bear in mind 232 INTRODUCTION. his consulship, to protect his son, if any mishap should be- fall himself, and manfully and firmly to decide on the punish- ment of the arraigned. We learn from Sallust, (c. 50.) that the proposition of Cato, who followed Cicero, and which was in effect the same as that of Silanus, sc. recommending capital punishment, was adopted, and that Cicero that very night carried it into effect. The fate of Catiline is briefly told. He was slain in battle in the be- ginning of the following year, a. u. 692, in the Pistorian district, by the troops of the republic, under the command of Petreius, the lieutenant of C. Antonius, the colleague of Cicero. M. TULLII CICERONIS IN LUCIUM CATILINAM, ORATIO I. I. Quousque 1 tandem abutere/ 2 Catilina, patientia nos- tra ? 3 quamdiu etiam furor iste tuus [nos] eludet ? 5 quern ad tinem 6 sese efFrenata jactabit audacia? 7 nihilne 8 te noctur- num presidium Palatii, 9 nihil urbis vigilise, 10 nihil timor po- Sect/I. 1. Quousque, Sic] Quint. ix. 2. notices the energy which is here imparted by the use of the interroga- tion, and Muretus finds in the initial iambuses, paeons, &c. sublimem quendam et plenum dignitatis sonum.' Major's Hec. 85. th -Kort : -rrore de- notes extreme impatience, as ' tandem' in Latin. Sail. 20. * quousque tan- dem, &cc.' 2. Abutere'] Misapply trample upon ; sc. by making use of it to con- firm, not correct your audacity. Mil. 2. n. 19. 1. Nostra] Of the consuls, more particularly, but also of the senate, who had shewn their patience in the lenity of their decree. Muren. 25. Neque tamen satis severe pro rei in- dignitate decrevit. ~t. Kludet] ' Eludere,' is l.to make an end of play. 2. get the better at play, conquer. Hence, as here, to Milt over, to mock. ti. Quern ad Jinem] In what will your audacity end? ' Sese jactabit ;' fling, praecipitate itself. Curt. v. 6. Similarly, Eurip. Ilippol. Ti rsp/xa roXfitjg, leal Spaanc, yevrjatTai. Mn ret. 7. Ejfrenata jactabit audacia f] Muretus here notices, not without reason, the repetition of the vowel a, as contributing to express the fullness of Cicero's passion ; and contrasts it with Cupio me esse clementem, &c,' inf., where a contrary feeling is exhibited. It might be fairly asked how far such a comparison would support the modern enunciation of that vowel in a neighbouring country. 8. Nihilne, 5fc.J The repetition ef ' nihil' here affords an example of the figure called Epanaphora. 9. Nocturnum presidium Palatii] Which was only placed therein dan- gerous times. Palatium, the Palatine hill, so called from Pallanteum, a city of Arcadia, JEn. viii. 51, was the most ancient and famous of the hills of Rome ; for on it was shewn the cot- tage of Romulus, and it was the site x 2 234 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO I pulij 11 nihil concursus bonorum omnium, nihil hie munitissi- mus habendi senatus locus, 11 nihil horum ora 12 vultusque moverunt? patere tua consilia non sentis ? 1 3constrictam u jam omnium horum conscientia teneri conjurationem tuam non vides? quid proxima, quid superiore 15 nocte egeris, ubi iueris, quos convocaveris, 16 quid consilii ceperis, quern nos- trum ignorare arbitraris '? O tempora ! O mores ! Senatus heec intelligit, consul videt : 17 hie tamen vivif. 18 Vivit? im- of the splendid mansion of Augustus ; whence our application of the word ' palace' is taken. 10. Vigilia] Sail. Cat. 30. Item decrevere ut Romae per totam urbem vigiliae haberentur, iisque minores ma- gistrate praeessent. Muret. The Ro- mans under the Republic had no regular police, and only employed sentinels on occasions of alarm from foreign or domestic foes, conflagration, or the like. Liv. iii. 6 ; who men- tions that the Senators performed the duty of city guards. Vid. also xxxix. 14. Augustus appears to have appointed a police to guard the city against fires. Suet. 30. ' Adversusincendiaexcubias nocturnas vigilesque commentus est.' 11. Timor populi] Cic. for one, was so much afraid, that he came to the Campus Martius ' cum ilia lata in- signique lorica non quae tegeret, ve- rum ut omnes boni .... ad presidium meum concurrerent. Muren. 26. And this is the ' consursus bonorum' which follows, where some read consensus, others conventus, but Cicero's words are ' boni concurrerent.' 11. Hie locus] The temple of Jupiter Stator. Inf. 5. Magna est ha- benda huic ipsi Jovi Statori, antiquis- simo custodi hujus urbis, gratia. 12. Horum ora] For the senators, on the enhance of Catiline, quitted the benches to which he came. Inf. 7. Advent? tuo ista subsellia vacue- facta sunt. 13. Patere non sentis] From all these circumstances can you not infer the detection of your schemes 1 14. Constrictam] The metaphor is taken from chaining a wild beast, to which he compares the conspiracy. 15. Proximo superiore] So Arch. 5. Proximis censoribus, superioribus, pri- mis 1 ' Proximus' is the nearest to to the present', whether future, or past. Thus inf. 6. ' Ruinas fortuna- rum, impendere tibi proximis idibus senties.' But here it refers to the past, and ' proxima' is the last, ' supe- riore' the second last night. We are not informed where Catiline spent the last night, but we know that he spent the night preceding it, in the house of M. Porcius Laeca, with the conspirators. Inf. c. 4 ; and as Cic, Sull. 18. informs us, that that was the night ' quae consequuta est posterum diem nonarum Nov.' i. e. the sixth of Nov., we infer that the speech was made on the eighth. For the following day, we may suppose, Cic. spent in detailing how the attempt of Cornelius and Vargunteius was frus- trated, (Sail. Cat. 28.) and convening the senate for the following day. This is stated incorrectly in the Delph. 16. Quos convocaveris] Muretus has carefully collected the names of those that were said to belong to the conspi- racy to the number of forty ; but as the principal of them are found in Sal- lust, it did not appear necessary to transcribe them. 17. Senatus videt] This senarian has not escaped the sagacity of Mure- tus, who remarks, from Aristotle, that the Iambus is the proper diction of the multitude, and Hor. says of it alternis aptum sermonibus.' It is more strange then that so few senarians appear, IN L. CATILINAx\I, Cap. 1, 235 mo vero etiam in senatum 19 venit : fit publici consilii par- ticeps : notat et designat 20 oculis ad caedem unumquemque nostrum. Nos autem, viri fortes, 21 satisfacere reipublica? videmur, si istius furorem ac tela vitemus. Ad mortem te, Catilina, duci jussu consulis 22 jampridem oportebat; 23 in te eonferri pestem istam, quam tu in nos omnes jamdiu ma- ehinaris. 24 An vero 25 vir amplissimus, P. Scipio, 26 pontifex maximus, Ti. Gracchum, 27 mediocriter labefactantem statum reipublicae, privatus interfecit : Catilinam [vero,] orbem ter- rae caede atque incendiis vastare cupientem, nos consules ])erferemus ? Nam ilia nimis antiqna praetereo, quod Q. Servilius Ahala 28 Sp. Maelium, novis rebus studentem, 21 ' manu sua 30 occidit. Fuit, fuit 31 ista quondam in hac re- publica virtus, ut viri fortes acrioribus suppliciis civem per- niciosum, quam acerbissimum hostem coercerent. Habe- mus senatuscousultum in te, Catilina, vehemens et grave : non deest reipublicae consilium, neque auctoritas hujus or- dinis : 3 ~ nos, nos, dico aperte, consules desumus. than that a solitary one is found. Arch. 1. n. 2. 18. Hie tnmen rivit] Instead of being condemned by the senate, ap- prehended by the consul, and capital- ly punished. Muret. 19. In senatum] For he was of prae- torian rank. 20. Notat et designat] As those who are about to offer a sacrifice, mark the victims out of the flock. Muret. 21. Viri fortes] Irony. For bra- vt ry does not consist in caution. Muret. 22. Jvssn consulis] For Cic. was armed with supreme authority, which, ' more Romano,' empowered him to punish with death. Sail. Cat. 29. Hence, Cic. Mil. 26. remarks that Pompey, under the same authority, * in Milonem animadvertere ipse et more majorum et suo jure posset.' 23. Ad mortem oportebat] This is his proposition, which he enforces by the example of others. ' Jampri- dem,' inf. 2. ' vicesimum jam diem, &c. 24. Machinaris] Metaphora ab architectis desumpta. Delph. \\ ould not ' machinari pestem' then be a mixed metaphor 1 Take it then with Muret. in the proper force of pijya- vttoQai. 25. An vero, fyc] The opposition here, as Quint, remarks, holds in four respects: 1. Scipio, a private man, is contrasted with Cicero, a consul ; 2. Gracchus with Catiline; 3. a slight attempt against the constitution with massacre and conflagration ; 4. The Roman republic with the whole world. 26. P. Scipio] Mil. 3. n. 18. 27. Ti. Gracchum] Mil. 3. n. 16. 28. Q. Serv. Ahala] Mil. 3. n. 17. 29. Nuvis rebus studentem] New- TipiZovra. Muret. 30. Manu sua] 'E/i0ari/cwc. Muret. 31. Fuit, fuit] Dem. de Cor.60. 6k tOTIV, HK tCTTlV, OTTUJQ TJUapTETt, avdptQ ' AQi)valoi. 32. Hujus ordinis] Neither the counsel nor authority of this order is wanting to the republic. 236 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO I. II. Decrevit quondam Senatus, ut L. Opimius consul vi- deret, ne quid respublica detrimenti caperet. IN ox nulla intercessit : interfectus est propter quasdam scditionum suspiciones C. Gracchus, 1 clarissimo patre, avo, majoribus : occisus est cum liberis M. Fulvius, 2 consularis. Simili sena- tusconsulto, C. Mario et L. Valerio consulibus permissa est respublica. Num unum diem postea L. Satuminuni 3 tribu- num plebis, et C. Servilium Praetorem, mors ac [rei pub- lic*] poena remorata est? At nos vicesimum jam diem* pa- timur hebescere aciem horum auctoritatis. 5 Habemus enim hujusmodi senatusconsultum, verumtamen inclusum in ta- bulis, tanquam [gladium] in vagina reconditum : quo ex MMiatusconsulto confestim 6 interfectum te esse, Catilinu. venit. Vivis: et vivis non ad deponendam, sed ad contir- mandam audaciam. Cupio, 7 Patres conscripti, me esse cle- mentem : cupio in tantis reipublicse periculis non dissolu- tum 8 videri: sed jam me ipse mertiae nequitiaeque condemno. Castra sunt in Italia contra rempublicam in Etruriae faucibus 9 collocata : crescit in dies singulos hostium numerus : eorum autem imporatorem castrorum ducemque hostium intra moenia atque adeo in senatu videmus, intestinam aliquam quotidie perniciem reipublicae molientem. Si te jam, Cati- lina, comprehendi, 10 si interfici jussero, credo, 11 erit veren- dum mihi, ne non 1 - hoc potius omnes boni serius a me, quam quisquam crudelius factum esse dicant. Verum ego hoc, quod Sect. II. 1. L. Opimius C. gent, as the following words ' iner- (hacchus] Mil. 3. n. 19. tiae nequitiaeque' show. Dera. calls 2. M. Fulvius] He was joined in it pq.Qvp.ia. commission with C. Gracchus, to di- 9. Etruria faucibus'] At Fesulac, vide the public lands ; and, with his where the camp of Mallius was. sons, was slain by Opimius and the Sail. Cat. 27. nobles, together with three thousand 10. Si te comprehendi'] A Pha- men, a. v. 631. liecian hendecasyllabic verse, 3. Mario Safur/j.] Mil. 3. n. sisting of a spondee, dactyl, and three 20. trochees). Mur. Supr. 1. n. 1. 4. Rem. diem] Introd. 3. 11. Credo] Ironiae nota. Muret. 5. Aciem auctoritatis] A meta- But if that means that credo' here phor from a sword, which becomes a signifies I do nor believe,' it cvi- simile in ' inclusum in tabulis tan- dently contradicts the sense. Explain quam, &c.' it then with Manut. * non dubito.' (j. Confestim] ' Con fari.' We 12. Verendum ne non] Ne non say, ' no sooner said than done.' with verbs of fearing is equivalent to 7. Cupio, cjc] Supr. 1. n. 7. ut, the negatives cancelling each 8. Dissolutiun] Too lax or indul- other. Epis. v. 18. Unum vereor IN L. CATIL1NAM, Cap. 3. 237 jampridem factum esse oportuit, certa de causa 13 nondum adducor, ut faciam. Turn denique interficiam te, quum jam nemo tarn improbus, tam perditus, tarn tui similis inveniri poterit, qui id non jure factum esse fateatur. Quamdiu quisquam erit, qui te defendere audeat, vives: et vives ita, ut nunc vivis, multis meis et firmis pra?sidiis obsessus, ne commovere te contra rempublicam possis. Multorum te etiam oculi et aures non sentientem, sicut adhuc fecerunt, speculabuntur atque custodient. III. Etenim quid 1 est, Catilina, quod jam amplius ex- pectes, si neque nox tenebris obscurare ccetus nefarios, nee privata domus 2 parietibus continere voces conjurationis tua? potest ? si illustrantur, 3 si erumpunt omnia ? Muta jam is- tam mentem, 4 mihi crede : obliviscere ca?dis, atque incen- diorum. Teneris undique : luce sunt clariora nobis tua con- silia omnia : qua? etiam mecum licet recognoscas. 5 Memi- nistine, me ante diem xn 6 Kalendas Novembres dicere in senatu, fore in armis certo die, qui dies futurus esset ante diem vi 7 Kal. Novembres, C. Mallium, 8 audaciae satellitem atque administrum tua? ? Num me fefellit, Catilina, non modo res tanta, tam atrox, tam incredibilis, verum id quod multo magis est admirandum, dies ? Dixi ego idem in se- ne senatus Pompeium noli dimittere ; 5. Recognoscas] 1. To recognise; i.e. vereor ut velit. Zumpt, c. 76. 2. (as here) to call to mind. Forcel. -Mil. 18. n. 7. 6. Ante diem xii.] Al. in ante 13. Certa de causa] This 'certain diem; for which construction vid. reason' is fully explained in the Mil. 10. n. 4. He means the 21st second oration, c. 2. of October, the day appointed origi- Sect. 111. 1. Etenim quid, c.~\ nally for holding the comitia. ln- This is a rhetoric artifice to introduce trod. 3. what he had discovered about the 7. Ante diem vi.] And so Sail, conspiracy ; * Meministine, &c.' Cat. 30. C. Mallium, arma cepisse, 2. Nox privata domus] Introd. ante diem vi. Kal. Nov. The 27th of 3. Oct. 3. IUustrantur] Referring to ' nox 8. C. Mallium] Al. Manlium; but tenebris ;' ' erumpunt' to ' privata the Manlian family was patrician, domus parietibus.' Muret. This Mallius had been a centurion 4. Muta jam mentem] He does under Sylla, and was one of the mili- uot mean his 'mind;' for that was tary colonists whom he had settled at gone too far to be changed ; but his Fesula;. Cat. ii. 7. 9. Having 1 present purpose ;' which being so come to Rome to forward the elec- completely thwarted, Catiline might tion of Catiline, he was afterwards be reasonably expected to adopt ano- dispatched to Fesulae to begin the ther; i. e. to set out to Mallius. war. Sail. Cat. 24. 27. 238 M. T. CICEROMS ORATIO 1. until, csedera te optimatum contulisse in ante diem v 9 Kalen- das Novembres, tum, quuni raulti principes civitatis Roma non tain sui conservandi, 10 quam tuorum consiliorum repri- mendorum causa profugenmt. Num infitiari potes, te illo ipso die meis praesidiis, mea diligentia circumclusum, corn- move re te contra rempublicam non potuisse, (juum tu dis- cessu ceterorum, 11 nostra tamen, qui remansissemus, 12 ca?de contentum te esse dicebas ? Quid ? quum tute Pra?- neste 13 Kalendis ipsis Novembribus occupaturum, noc- turno impetu esse confideres : sensistine, illam coloniam 1 * meo jussu, meis praesidiis, custodiis, vigiliisque esse muni- tam ? Nihil agis, nihil moliris, nihil cogitas, 15 quod ego non modo non audiam, sed etiam non videam planeque sen- tiam. IV. Recognosce tandem mecum noctem illam superio- rem 1 : jam intelliges multo me vigilare acrius ad salutem, quam te ad pemiciem reipublica?. Dico te priori nocte ve- nisse inter falcarios 2 (non agam obscure) in M. Laeca* ( Io- nium : convenisse eodem complures 3 ejusdem amentia? sce- lerisque socios. Num negare audes I Quid taces ? Con- vincam, si negas. Video enim esse hie in senatu quosdam, qui tecum unaluerunt O dii immortales! ubinam gentium 9. In ante diem v.] The 28th of ticed by Sallust. Oct. Introd. 3. The Delph. says, 'in 14. Coloniam] Supposed by Ma- die qui esset ante diem in quern dilata nut. to have been planted by Sylla, fuerant Comitia.' But 'in ante diem' (Agr. ii. 28,) who planted several is the same as ante diem.' Mil. 10. military colonies. A. Gell., xvi. 13, n. 4. mentions that the inhabitants peti- 10. Non tarn sui conservandi] i.e. tioned Tiberius to be admitted to the Those ' principes civitatis' consider- rank of a corporate town instead of a ately withdrew themselves from the colony. city ; not through personal fear, but 15. Nihil agit moliris cogitas'] lest they should be slain along with An ascending series ; for it was more the consul; and, of course, no body difficult to ascertain the attempts than left to oppose Catiline ! the acts of Cat. ; but to arrive at his 11. Ditcessu ceterorum] Sc. the thoughts, more difficult still. Muret. ' principes' noted above. Sect. XIV. 1. Superiorem] Last 12. Remansissemus] So Sail. Cat. night but one. We say, 'ere last 27. Seque ad exercitum profectu- night' sc. came. Introd. 3. rum, si Ciceronem oppressissent.' 2. Inter falcarios] ' Falcarius' is, 13. Prajnest e] Praeneste was a town properly, a scythe-maker. Hence the of Latium, about twenty-four miles street where they dwelt was called from Rome, which we may suppose * inter falcarios.' Sull. 18. Catiline to have attempted to seize 3. Complures] Sail. Cat. 17, on and garrison, though it is not no- names eleven senators who were IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 5. 239 sumus ? quam rempublicam habemus ? in qua urbe vivimus ? Hie, hie sunt, in nostro numero, Patres eonscripti, in hoc orbis terra? sanctissimo gravissimoque consilio, qui de meo nostrumque omnium interitu, qui de hujus urbis, atque adeo orbis* terrarum exitio cogitent. Hosce ego video consul, et de republica sententiam rogo ! et, quos ferro trucidari opor- tebat, eos nondum voce vulnero ! Fuisti inter apud La?- cam 5 ilia nocte, Catilina : distribuisti partes Italia? : G statuisti (juo quemque proficisci placeret: delegisti, quos Roma? relin- queres, 7 quos tecum educeres : descripsisti urbis partes 8 ad in- cendia : confirmasti, te ipsum jam esse exiturum : dixisti paul- lulum tibi esse etiamtum mora?, quod ego viverein. 9 , Reperti sunt duo equites Romani, 10 qui te ista cura liberarent, et sese ilia ipsa nocte paullo ante lucem me meo in lectulo interfec- turos 11 pollicerentur. Ha?c ego omnia, vix dum etiani 12 ccetu i dimisso, comperi: domum meam majoribus pra?sidiis munivi atque firmavi : exclusi eos, quos tu mane ad me sa- lutatum miseras, quum i 111 ipsi venissent; quos ego jam mul- tis ae Minimis viris ad me id ventures temporis esse pra?- dixeram. V. Qua? cum ita sint, 1 Catilina, perge quo coepisti : egre- aliquando ex urbe: patent porta?: proficiscere. Ni- mium din te imperatorem tua ilia Malliana castra desi de- rant. Educ tecum etiam omnes tuos ; si minus, 2 quamplu- rinios. Pur^a url)em. Magno me metu liberabis, dum- privy to the plot. 10. Duo equites Romani] Sallust, 4. Hujusurbis orfrw] napiixijrtiQ. Cat. 28, saysotte C. Cornelius ; and Muret. ; i. e. he thinks there is an is so far corroborated by Cicero, Sull. attempt at alliteration in these words. 18. But the second, according to 5. Apad Ltecam] Sail. Cat. 27. Sallust, was L. Vargunteius, a senator. Sull. 18. Plutarch and Appian differ still fai - 6. Partes Italic] Sail. Cat. 27. ther from Cicero. C. Mallium Fesulas, atque in earn 11. Me intcrfectu.~] Sail. Cat. 28. partem Etrurias, Septimium quendam De improviso imparatum confodere. Camertem in agrum Picenum, C. Ju- 12. Vix dum etiam] Curius . . . lium in Apuliam. Introd. 3. propere per Fulviam dolum enun- 7. Roma: relinqutres] Lentulus, ciat. Sail. Cat. 28, where also, Cethegus, &c. Sail. Cat. 32. ' sicuti salutatum, &c.,' agreeing 8. Urbis partes] Sail. Cat. 43. with Cicero's account. Statilius et Gabinius duodecim simul StcT. V. 1. Que cum ita sint] oppoituna loca urbis incenderent. Cic. sums up his argument by con- 9. Dixisti viverem] Sail. Cat. eluding that Catiline should at once 27. Eum [Ciceronem] suis consiliis leave the city. multum offirere.' 2. 5tminu] But if not all. 240 M. T. CICERON1S ORATIO I. modo inter me atque te mums 3 intersit. Nobiscum versari jam diu tius non potes : non feram, non patiar, non sinam. Magna diis immortalibus habenda est gratia, atque huic ipsi Jovi Statori, 4 antiquissimo custodi hujus urbis, quod hanc tarn tetram, tarn horribilem, tamque infestam reipublicae pestem toties jam eflfugimus. Non est saepius in uno homi- ne 5 summa salus periclitanda reipublicae. Quamdiu mihi, consuli designato, 6 Catilina, insidiatus es, non publico me praesidio, sed privata diligentia defendi. Quum proximis comitiis 7 consularibus me consulem in campo, et competi- tores tuos interficere voluisti, compressi tuos nefarios conatus amicorum praesidio 8 et copiis, nullo tumultu publice conci- tato : denique, quotiescunque me petisti, 9 per me tibi obstiti ; quamquam videbam, perniciem meam cum magna calamitate reipublicae esse conjunctam. Nunc jam aperte rempubli- cam universam 10 petis : templa deorum immortalium, tecta urbis, vitam omnium civium, Italiam denique totam, ad exi- tium et vastitatem vocas. Quare, quoniam id, quod primum, 11 atque hujus imperii 1 - disciplinaeque majorum proprium est, facere nondum audeo : faciam id, quod est ad severitatem lenius, ad communem sa- lutem utilius. Nam, si te interfici jussero, residebit in re- publica reliqua conjuratorum manus. Sin tu (quod te jam- dudum hortor) exieris, exhaurietur ex urbe tuorum comituni magna et perniciosa sentina 13 reipublicae. 14 Quid est, Catilina ? 3. Murus] A city wall. simo praesidio fortissimorura virorum. 4. Diis atque Jovi Statori] i. e. 9. Me petisti] A metaphor taken To the gods, and, in particular, to from the gladiators. Jupiter Stator. Muret. quotes Tpwac 10. Rempub, universam, c\c] An ts Kai"EKTopa vrjvtri niXaaai ; and amplification by an enumeration of 1 Reliquias Danaum atque iinmitis the parts, the whole being first posit- Achilli.' 'Stator,' i.e. 'qui fugam ed. Conversely in Pis. 1, he proceeds sistit.' Liv. i. 12. from the parts to the whole : ' Oculi, 5. In uno /to/nine] Catiline ; though supercilia, frons, vultus denique to- some, induced by Cicero's egregious tus.' Muret. vanity, refer it to himself. 11. Id quod primum] Sc. to have 6. Consuli desig.] Introd. 3. The you put to death. consuls were L. Caesar andC. Figu- 12. Hujus imperii] The consular lus. authority amplified by the decree 7. Proximis comitiis] At which ' Ne <juiddetrimenti, 6cc.' Cic. presided, and Silanus and Mu- 13 . 6>n(iiia] is, 1. The bottom of rena were designated. a ship, where the bilge-water is ; 2. 8. Amicorum prasidio] Muren. the bilge-water itself. Hence, meta- 26. Descendi in campum cum firmis- phorically, the dregs of society ;' IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 6. 241 num dubltas id, me imperante, facere, quod jam tua sponte faciebas v ? Exire ex urbe jubet consul hostem. 15 Interrogas me, num inexsilium? Non jubeo: 16 sed si me consulis, suadeo. VI. Quid est enim, 1 Catilina, quod te jam in hac urbe delectare possit? in qua nemo est, extra istam conjurationem perditorum hominum, qui te non metuat ; nemo, qui non oderit." Quae nota domestical turpitudinis non inusta 3 vita' tua? est? quod privatarum rerum dedecusnon haeret infamia^ ? quae libido ab oculis, 4 quod facinus a manibus unquam tills, quod flagitium a toto corpore abfuit ? cui tu adolescentulo, quern corruptelarum illecebris irretisses, non aut ad auda- ciam ferrum, aut ad libidinem iacem 5 praetulisti? Quid vero ? nuper, quum morte superioris uxoris novis nuptiis do- mum vacuefecisses, 6 nonne etiam alio incredibili scelere hoc scelus cumulasti i quod ego praetermitto, et facile patior si- leri, ne in bac civitate tanti facinoris immanitas aut exstitissc, aut non vindicata esse videatur. Praetermitto ruinasfortunarum which would be cleared out (exhau- rietur) by the departure of Catiline. Quint, viii. 6. Cicero recte * senti- nam reip.' dixit, faxlitatem hominum significans. 14. Reip.'] This word is bracketed by Ern., and ' tuorum comitum' sus- pected by Heuman. It is to be ex- plained, however, on the principle that a single substantive often go- verns two genitives, one having gene- rally an active or possessive force, the other a passive; thus Caes. B. G. i. 30, ' Helvetiorum injuria? populi Homani ;' injuries committed by by the Helvetii (active) against the Roman people (passive). So here trans. ' the canaille of the republic made up of your companions.' Schell. Lat. Gram. vol. i. p. 364. Sch., however, would take ' reip.' as the dat. on ' perniciosa,' transposing the words. 15. Consul hostem'] These are more emphatic, according to Muret., than ' Cicero Catilinam.' 16. Non jubeo] For exile was not a punishment by the Roman law ; but rather the consequence of the penalty enacted. So ' aqua et igni interdici' was equivalent to banish- ment. Sect. VI. 1. Quid enim] He proceeds ' suadere' to his advice ; namely, to leave the city ; and he oc- cupies the three following sections in stating his reasons for that advice, which were any thing but conciliatoi y towards Catiline, lntrod. 4. 2. Metuat oderit] Hence Phil. i. 14, * Oderint dum metuant;' those passions being naturally allied. 3. Nota iuusta] A metaphor from branding slaves. 'What stig- ma, &q,' Barbarum compunctis no- tis Thraciis. Off. ii. 7. Mil. 12. n. 17. 4. Libido ab oculis] Hence such phrases as ' patrantes oculi.' Pers. Sat. i. 18. 5. Facem] Namely, to light him on the way to his haunts. Sail. Cat. 14. 6. Morte vacuej ecisses] Al. va- cuam j'ecisses . The parallel passage in Sallust ' necato filio, vacuam do- mum scelestis nuptiis fecisse,' would Y 242 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO I. tuarum, quas omnes impendere tibi proximis Idibus 7 senties : ad ilia venio, quae non ad privatam ignominiam vitiorum tuorum, non ad domesticam tuam difficultatem 8 ac turpitu- dinem, sed ad summam rempublicam, 9 atque ad omnium nostrum vitam salutemque pertinent. Potestne tibi haec lux, Catilina, aut hujus cceii spiritus esse jucundus quum scias liorum esse neminem, qui nesciat, te pridie Kalendas Janu- arias, 10 Lepido et Tullo consulibus, stetisse in comitio cum telo V 1 manum, consulum et principum civitatis interficien- dorum causa, paravisse ? sceleri ac furori tuo non mentem aliquam, aut timorem tuum, sed fortunam populi Romani ob- stitisse? Ac jam ilia omitto. Neque enim sunt aut ob- scura, aut non multa post commissa. 12 Quoties tu me desig- i latum, quoties consulem interficere conatus es ! quot ego tuas petitiones ita conjectas, ut vitari non posse viderentur, lead us to explain Cicero thus : That oh the death of his wife, Catil. cleared his house for a new connexion with Aurelia Orestilla, by murdering his son (' hoc scelus'). Then alio in- credibili scelere* will be his marriage with his own daughter. Tog. Cand. ' Kx eodem stupro tibi et uxorem et riliam invenisti.' But the more ob- vious explanation is, that Catil. by the death of his former wife (hoc sce- lus) prepared his house for a new connexion ; and to this added the murder of his son (alio incredibili scelere). 7. Prosimii Idibus] For the ides was the regular day for the payment of the interest or principal of money lent, Hor. Epod. 2. Sat. i. 6 ; and Catiline's creditors were growing im- portunate. Muret. explains it of the ides of November, on which day Cicero had proposed the ' Tabulae auctionariae,' Cat. ii. 8, by which he should be obliged to sell all his estates to satisfy his creditors. But the former seems to be the better in- terpretation. 8. Ditficultatem] 'Avopiav, apn- \aviav. Muret. We say, in the same waty, * pecuniary difficulties.' 9. Summam remp.] A I. reip. Summa resp.' means the safety of the whole republic. 10. Pridie Kal. Jan.] Introd. Sail. Cat. 18. This is usually called the first conspiracy. It arose from the disappointed ambition of Autronius and Sulla, the consuls elect, who being turned out of office for bribery, joined Catiline, then accused by Clodius, in a plot to murder Cotta and Torquatus, who had been ap- pointed consuls in their room. This took place about the fifth of Decem- ber, and on the first of January, when the consuls met in the comitium, to make the usual retiring addresses to the people, Catiline attended in arms. According to Suetonius's most impro- bable account, (Jul. 9,) the defec- tion of Crassus and Caesar caused the execution of the plot to be de- ferred to the fifth of February ; and it was finally frustrated by Catiline's prematurely giving the signal for slaughter. 11. Telo] Mil. 24. n. 25, and for 'comitium,' Manil. 15. n.7. 12. Post commissa] His after offen- ces. Al. jio?j multo postea, which is rather obscure. Cicero gives two rea- sons for omitting the detail of the first conspiracy. 1 . It was well- IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 7. 243 parva quadam declinatione, et, ut aiunt, corpore 13 eftugi ! Nihil agis, nihil assequeris, [nihil moliris:] 14 neque tamen conari ac velle desistis. Quoties jam tibi extorta est sica ista de manibus ? quoties vero excidit casu aliquo la et elap- sa est ? [tamen ea carere diutius non potes :] qua? qui- bus abs te initiata sacris 15 ac devota sit, nescio, quod earn necesse putas consulis in corpore defigere. VII. Nunc vero, quae tua est ista vita ? Sic enim jam tecum loquar, non ut odio permotus esse videar, quo debeo, sed ut misericordia, qua? tibi nulla debetur. Venisti paullo ante in senatum. 1 Quis te ex hac tanta frequentia, tot ex tuis amicis ac necessariis salutavit? 2 Si hoc post hominum me- morianr contigit nemini, vocis exspectas contumeliam, quuin -is Lrravissimo judicio taciturnitatis oppressus? Quid? quod adventu tuo ista subsellia 4 vacuefacta sunt ? quod omnes con- sulares, qui tibi persa?pe ad caedem constituti fuerunt, simul atque assedisti, partem istam subselliorum nudam atque ina- nem reliquerunt ? Quo tandem animo hoc tibi ferendum putas ? Servi mehercle mei si me isto pacto metuerent, ut te metuunt omnes cives tui, domum 5 meam relinquendam known ; 2. there was no lack of sub- sequent crimes : e. g. attempting his (Cicero's) own life. 'Ilia' from the preceding sentence is subject to 4 sunt.' 13. Quot petitiones for/we] Gla- diatorial terms. So JEn. v. 438. Corpore tela modo atque oculis vigi- lantibus exit. 14. [Nihil moliris] These words, bracketed by Orel., are not found in ;ill MSS. Al. insert here, quod mihi latere valeat in tempore, which, be- sides being an unusual construction of lateo,' are not found in some MSS. 'In tempore' is tv Kaiptp, at the due time. 15. Excidit casu aliquo] Supr. Fortunam reip. obstitisse. 16. Initiata sacris] The ' sica' was consecrated for the purpose of sacri- ficing the victim. Cicero insinuates that Catiline's dagger was so dedi- cated, and his victims the consuls. 'Consulis' then alludes to Cotta and Torquatus as well as Cicero. Sect. VII. 1. Venisti in sena- tum] Sail. Cat. 31. 2. Quis salutavit] Cat. ii. 6. ' Quis senator eum appellavit 1 quis saluta- vit 1 quis, &c.' 3. Post hominum memoriam] ' In the memory of man ;' i. e. as far back as any records reach. It is often ap- plied to time in general. Off. ii. :3. Cratippus princeps hujus memoriae philosophorum,' of this age. Arch. 1. n. 7. Mil. 28. n. 18. 4. Subsellia'] (' Sub sella') so called in contra-distinction to the ' curulis sella ;' for, we learn from Ascon. that they were occupied by the minor magistrates. Hence the word is applied to the senatorial benches, which bore a similar relation to the consul's chair. 5. Servi domum] This is very emphatic, as if he said : 'If my slaves, whose lord I am, and whose fear of me ought to be the most abject, 244 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO I. putarem : tu tibi urbem non arbitraris ? et si me meis civibus injuria 6 suspectum tarn graviter atque offensum viderem ; ca- rere me adspectu civium, quam infestis oculis omnium con- spici mallem : tu, quum 7 conscientia scelerum tuorum agnos- cas odium omnium justum et jam tibi diu debitum, dubitas, quorum mentes sensusque 8 vulneras, eorum adspectum prae- sentiamque vitare ? Si te parentes 9 timerent atque odissent tui, neque eos ulla ratione placare posses ; ut opinor, ab eorum oculis aliquo concederes : nunc te patria, qua? com- munis est omnium nostrum parens, odit ac metuit, et jamdiu te 10 nihil judicat, nisi deparricidio suo cogitare. Hujus tu neque auctoritatem vereoere, neque judicium sequere. ne- que vim pertimesces ? fQuae tecum, 11 Catilina, sic agit, 1 '- et quodam modo tacita loquitur: " Nullum aliquot jam annis 13 lacinus exstitit, nisi perte: nullum flagitium sine te : tibi uni multorum civium neces, 14 tibi vexatio direptioque socio- nim 16 impunita fuit ac libera : tu non solum ad negligcndas leges et quaestiones, verum etiam ad evertendas perfringen- dasque 16 valuisti. Superiora ilia, quamquam ferenda 17 non iuerunt, tamen, ut potui, tuli : nunc vero me totam esse in dreaded me, as your fellow-citizens, who owe you no duty, do you, I should abandon ray house, my home, my undoubted property. Will not you, then leave the city over which you have no claim, &c.,&c* 6. Injuria] Undeservedly. 7. Tu qtium, fc] A fortiori should you, deservedly odious to your citizens, shun their sight. 8. Sensus] Oculos. Manut. 9. Si te parentes] Cicero had il- lustrated the necessity of Catiline's departure from the city, 1. by the case of a master and his slaves ; 2. by the instance of unjust resentment in one's fellow-citizens. Now he urges the dislike of parents to a child, which drives the child from under the paternal roof: so ought the hatred of our country, the general parent, cause the exile of Catiline. [Demos., how- ever, makes our country the child of all. Phil. iv. 10.] 10. Jamdiu te] i.e. 'Te cogitare nihil nisi, &c.' Al. dete; which ap- pears to be the reading of all IISS. Lambinus first omitted the preposi- tion, in which he has been followed by other editors. 11. Qua: tecum] TTpooionoiroiia, or personification. Muret. supposes it imitated from the Crito of Plato, who there introduces the laws speak- ing. Inf. 11. Quint., ix. 2, remarks of this figure ' Mire quum variant orationem, turn excitant .... Urbes etiam popu/ique vocem accipiunt.' 12. Agit] Pleads with. 13. Aliquot jam annis] Perhaps from his quaistorship, a. v. 676. 14. Multorum neces] In the pro- scriptions of Sylla. Introd. 2. 15. Sociorum] He means the Afri- cans. Introd. 2. 16. Negligendas perfringen.] He ' neglected' the laws by committing crimes; and 'broke through them,' by evading their penalty ; e. g. by the prevarication of Clodius. Introd. 2. 17. Quamquam ferenda] Similarly to Terentia, he writes ' Cetera, quam- IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 3. 345 metu propter te iraum: quidquid increpuerit, 18 Catilinam timeri : nullum videri contra me consilium iniri posse, quod a tuo scelere abhorreat ; non est ferendum. Quamobrem discede, atque hunc mihi timorem eripe : si est verus, ne op- primar ; sin falsus, ut tandem aliquando timeri desinam." VIII. Haec si tecum, ut dixi, patria loquatur, nonne im- pel rare debeat, etiam si vim adhibere 1 non possit ? Quid ( quod tu te ipse in custodiam- dedisti I quid? quod, vitandce suspicionis causa, apud M. Lepidum 3 tehabitare vellc dixisti ? a quo non receptus, etiam ad me venire ausus es, atque, ut domi meae te asservarem, rogasti. Quum a me quoque id responsum tulisses, me millo modo posse iisdem parietibus tuto esse tecum, qui magno in periculo essem, quod iisdem mcenibus contineremur; ad Q. Metellum* prsetorem venisti. A quo repudiatus, ad sodalem tuum, virum optimum/ M. Marcellum 6 demigrasti : quern tu videlicet et ad custodien- dum te diligentissimum, et ad suspicandum sagacissinrdm, et ad vindicandum fortissimum fore putasti. Sed quam longe videtur a carcere" atque a vinculis abesse debere, qui se ipse jam digniim custodia judicarit? Qua? quum ita sint, Catili- na, dubitas, si emori aequo animo non potes, 8 abire in aliquas terras, et vitam istam, multis suppliciis justis debitisque erep- tam, iug solitudinique mandare . /! ' <]uam ferenda non sunt, feramus.' of course, different from the ' foruV Manut. simo viro,' infr., whom Cic. after- 18. Quid, increp.] ' Quidquid in- wards defended. The Delph. thinks crepuisset pertimescentem.' Pis. 41. otherwise. He had a son, Caius, a A metaphor taken from timid persons conspirator, whom Sextiua expelled startled by the slightest noise. I.E. from Capua. Sext. 4. Bothwereen- \ III. 1. Vim udhibere] gaged in the conspiracy. 'Sodalem,' Hot. Od. iii. 28.4. a 'boon-companion;* a vud-sedeo. 1. Custodiam] Sc. * liberam ;' into 7. Carcere] Qu. ' Co-arcer,' a the keeping of some private person. ' co-arcere.' ;). M. Lepidum] Consul with \'ol- 8. Si emori potes] 'If you can- catius, a. u. 687. not bear to die.' He had shown (c. 4. Q. Metellum] Sc. Celerem. 6,) that Catiline could no longer Sail. Cat. 30. Q. Metellus Celer, live at Rome (Potestne hrec lux, &c). praetor, in agrum Picenum missus The only alternative was death or ex- est. He was consul two years after ile. And he hints, that if he remained with L. Afranius. at Rome, he might prepare for death. "). Virum optimum] Said ironical- Gr<ev. supposes ' self-murder,' but ly. Quint, ix. 2, introduces it to ex- that was not to be expected from Cati- emplify irony as a ' trope' or figure line. Ern. prefers morari as better of diction ; distinct from irony, a opposed to abire. ' scheme' or figure of thought. 0. Fuge mandare] ' Mandare fu- t>. M. Marcellum] This Marcus is, gas' profugere ;' mandare solitudini' Y 2 246 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO I. " Refer," 10 inquis, " ad senatum :" id enim postulas ; et, si hie ordo placere sibi decreverit, te ire in exsilium, obtem- peraturum te esse dicis. Non referam, id quod abhorret a meis moribus: et tamen faeiam, ut intelligas, 11 quid hi de to sentiant. E^redere ex urbe, Catilina : libera rempublicam raetu : in exsilium, si hanc vocem exspectas, proficisoere. 1 - Quid est, Catilina ? eequid attendis, ecquid animadvertis horum silentium ? Patiuntur ; tacent. Quid exspectas auc- toritatem loquentium, quorum voluntatem tacitorum perspi- cis ? At si hoc idem huic adolescenti optimo, P. Sextio, 13 si fortissimo viro, M. Marcello, dixissem : jam mihi consuli, lioc ipso in templo, 14 jure optimo senatus vim et manus intu- lisset De to autem, Catilina, quum quiescunt, probant : quum patiuntur, decemunt: quum tacent, clamant. Neque hi so- lum, quorum tibi auctoritas est videlicet cara, vita vilissima : sed etiam illi equites 15 Romani, honestissimi atque optimi viri, ceterique fortissimi cives, qui circumstant senatum, quorum tu et frequentiam videre, et studia perspicero, et voces paullo ante exaudire potuisti. Quorum ego vix abs te jamdiu ma- nus ac tela contineo : eosdom facile adducam, ut te ha^c, quae jampridem vastare studes, relinquentem, usque ad portas prosequantur. 16 IX. Quamquam 1 quid loquor? te ut ulla res frangat? tu ut unquam te corrigas ? tu ut ullam fugam meditere " tu ut ullum exsilium cogites? Utinam* tibi istam mentem dii Immortales duint! tametsi video, si mea voce perterritui ire in exsilium animum induxeris, quanta tempestas invidiam no- fugere hominum societatem. Delph. exile. 10. Refer] For the consul gener- 16. Prosequantur] It was an an- ally proposed the decrees. cient custom to convoy to the gates 11. Ut intelligas] Namely, by or bounds of the country, persons their silence. 'Patiuntur; tacent.' going into exile. Cat. ii. 1. Egre- 12. Proficiscere] Here Cic. may dientem urbe prosecuti sumus. In be supposed to make a pause, waiting Greek they said irpoTrtfiiruv. Eurip. to see if Catiline would depart. Hippolyt. 1102. Muret. V. K. Sect. IX. 1. Quamquam, %c.] A 13. P. Sextio] He was now the correction. He knew it was a waste quaestor of C. Antonius, Cicero's of words to expect Catiline to go into colleague ; and was afterwards de- exile. fended by Cicero. Vid. Sext. 2. Utinam, Sfc] For the ancients 14. Hoc templo] Of Jupiter Sta- thought that the gods inspired men tor. Supr. 5. n.4. with various passions and designs, 15. Sed etiam illi equites, <Sfc] Sc. whether good or bad. Mil. 33. Hie intimate that they wish you to go into dii mentem dederunt illi peidito ut IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 9. 247 bis, si minus in praesens tempus/ recenti memoria scelerum tuorum, at in posteritatem impendeat. Sed est mihi tanti ;* dummodo ista privata sit calamitas, et a reipublieae pericu- lis sejungatur. Sed tu 5 ut vitiis tuis commoveare, ut legum pcenas pertimescas, ut temporibus reipublicae concedas, non est postulandum. Neque enim is es, Catilina, ut te aut pu- dor a turpitudine, aut metus a periculo, aut ratio a furore revocarit. Quamobrem, ut saepe jam dixi, proficiscere : ac, si 6 mihi inimico, ut praedicas, tuo conflare vis invidiam ; rec- ta 7 perge in exsilium: vix feram 8 sennones hominum, si id feceris : vix molem istius invidiam, si in exsilium ieris jussu eonsulis, sustinebo. Sin autem servire mea? laudi et gloria* mavis; egredere cum importuna sceleratorum manu : con- fer te ad Mallium : 9 concita perditos cives : secerne te a bonis : infer patriae bellum ; exsulta impio latrocinio, 10 ut a me non ejectus ad alienos, sed invitatus ad tuos isse videaris. Quanu quam quid ego te invitem, a quo jam sciam esse praemissos, qui tibi ad Forum Aurelium 12 praestolarentur 13 armati ( cui sciam pactam et constitutam esse cum Mallio diem ? a quo etiam aquilam illam 1 * argenteam, quam tibi ac tuis omnibus pcrnieiosam esse confido et funestam futuram, cui domi tiwe liuic faccret in?idias. ' Duint' antique mones,' as Muret. remarks, taken ' in pro dent. malam partem j' the censorious ob- 3. In prccsens tempus] For ' pra;- servations. senti tempore.' So Manil. 12. 'in 9. Mallium'] Supr. c. 3. n. 8. praedonum potestatem.' 10. Latrocinio] Rebellion. ' Im- 4. Est mihi tanti] Al. Est tanti. pio.' as being against ' patria ejus, ' It is of small importance, xc.' Forcel. communis omnium parens.' But the negative is generally added. 12. Forum Aurelium] A market - Mil. 22. ' Id non est tanti, &c.' V r . town of Etruria, so called from its E. turns it: ' Still your exile will be founder Aurelius, supposed to be the so far of service.' But this is not so same who made the Aurelia Via from obvious. Hor. A. P. 304. Rome to Pisa?. 5. Sed tu, fyc] R-efer the three 13. Praestolarentur] From 'praesto,' following clauses each to its appro- qu. ' prasstulo' to be ready for wait priate source, which Cic. subjoins; for ; scil. to accompany you to Fesulre. sc. 'pudor metus ratio.' 14. Aquilam illam] As in auguries 6. Ac si mihi, c. Sin autem, c] the flight, of the eagle was held the lie shows by a dilemma that Catiline most auspicious, so it became the ought to go into exile. ' Whether standard of the Roman legion. It you wish to injure or serve my fame, was usually made of silver, with wings you ought to go.' expanded, and holding a thunder-bolt 7. ltecta] Sc. via. Palair. Ellips. in its talons. Of this eagle, Sallust, 315. V. E. Cat. 59, says ' quam bello Cimbrico 8. Vix feram] Ironical ; and ' ser- C. Marius in cxercitu habuis.se dice- 248 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO I. .sacrarium 15 scelerum tuomm 16 constitutum fuit, sciam esse praemissam ( Tu ut ilia diutius carere possis, quam vene- rari, ad caedem proficiscens, solebas ? a cujus altaribus saepe istam impiam dexteram ad necem civium translulisti ( X. Ibis tandem aliquando, 1 quo te jampridem tua ista cu- piditas efFrenata ac furiosa rapiebat. 2 Neque enim tibi baec res 3 aftert dolorem, sed quandam incredibilem voluptatem. Ad hanc te amentiam natura peperit, voluntas exercuit. lor- tuna servavit. Nunquam tu non modo 4 otium, sed ne bellum quidem, nisi nefarium concupisti. Nactus es ex perditis,' atque ab omni non modo fbrtuna, verum etiam spe derelic- batur.' 15. Sacrarium] Muret. here quotes Dio Cassius's description of a species of eagle, with a portable temple as a covering, which the Roman legions sometimes had for their ensign, and applies it to the eagle of Catiline. I3ut it is evident that the ' sacrari- um' here meant, was quite distinct from the portable vewc fiiKpbcof Dio ; as it contained * altaria,' at which Catiline offered sacrifices to the eagle us a deity. Forcel. quotes this pas- sage under the examples of a meta- phorical use of ' sacrarium.' But there seems to be no reason for doubt- ing the actual erection of a chapel to the eagle. So Yirg. Georg. iv. 542. Quatuor his aras alta ad delubra de- orum Constitue. 16. Scelerum tuomm] These words appear harsh, because the * sacrari- um' being in honour of the eagle, we should hardly expect it to be anything more ; whereas it served the double purpose of a shrine to preserve the eagle, and an altar for Catiline, at which to practise his impieties. To another person, indeed, the 'sacra- rium' would be one ' sacrorum,' not 'scelerum.' So, Cat. ii. 11. * Sce- lus' is opposed to ' pietas.' * Mine pietas (pugnat) ; illinc scelus.' Inf. ii. 6. Sect. X. 1. Tandem aliquando] Et ad tarditatem et ad difficultatern indicandam valet. Muret. "We say, at long and last.' Cat. ii. 1. 2. l\ia ista rapiebat] Yid. supr. 1. n. 7, ou the reiteration of a. 3. Here res] Bellum contra patri- am. Manut. 4. Non modo] As usual, for ' non modo non ;' being followed by ne quidem.' As non is sometimes ex- pressed, sometimes omitted, Doctor Hunter was led to investigate the principle on which this variety de- pended, and has laid down the fol- lowing rules : 1. ' When the same cir- cumstance is meant to be denied in both clauses, and its name placed after ' ne quidem,' non maybe omit- ted.' Thus here the common circum- stance is, as usual, contained in the verb. 2. ' When both clauses a it- negative, denying nut a common cir- cumstance, but each clause a sepa- rate and distinct one, the 6econd ne- gative is necessary.' Li v. iv. 3. ' .Nor. modo non patricium sed ne ci- vem quidem Romanutu, &c. ;' v. 38. ' Non modo non tentato certamine, sed ne clamore quidem reddito.' Zumpt, c. 83, merely says, that if the verb is inserted in the first proposi- tion, the negative will be also. Cut it often happens there is no verb, e. g. Liv. i. 40. 'Non modo civicae, sed ne ltalicae quidem stirpis.' Hunter's principle is therefore more general. Vid. his notes on I -ivy. 5. Ex perditis, &;c] The construc- tion is, ' Conflatam ex perditis et ex IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 11. 249 tis, conflatam improborum manum. Hie tu qua laetitia per- iruere ? quibus gaudiis exsultabis ? quanta in voluptate bac- chabere, quum in tanto numero 6 tuorum neque audies viruni boiium quemquam, neque videbis ? Ad hujus \ita3 7 studium meditati illi sunt, 8 qui feruntur, 9 labores tui : jaeere humi non modo ad obsidendum stuprum, 10 verum etiam ad facinus obe- undum : vigilare non solum insidiantem somno maritorum, 11 verum etiam bonis occisorum. Habes, ubi ostentes illam praeclaram tuam patientiam 12 famis, 13 i'rigoris, inopioe rerum omnium ; quibus 14 te brevi tempore contectum esse senties. Tantum profeci turn, quum te a consulatu repuli, 15 ut exsul potius tentare, quam consul vexare rempublicam posses : at- que ut id, quod esset a te scelerate suseeptum, latrocinium potius, quam bellum 16 nominaretur. XI. Nunc, ut a me, Patres conscripti, quandam prope derelictis ab omni fortuna ah om- ni spe.' So Cm. B. G. iii. 13. ' Naves ab asstu derelictac.' The de- scription agrees with Sallust's ac- count, Cat. 21. Quibus mala omnia abunde erant, sed neque res neque spes bona ulla. 6. Quum in tanto numero, fyc.~\ i. e. When you will be completely freed from the presence of a good man, which you ever held the greatest an- noyance. 7. Ad hujus vita, $c] In one MS. the prepos. is omitted, and could well be spared. V. E. 8. Meditati sunt] The perfect of this verb is often passive, as here. 9. Qui feruntur'] Ad gloriam tu- am narrantur. Manut. So Arch. 9. Nostra semper feretur et praedicabi- tur, &c.' Similarly inf. ii. 5. ' Stu- prorum et scelerum exercitatione as- seufactus fortis ab istis pr#dicaba~ tur.' 10. Obsidendum stuprum] Watch an opportunity to commit. Ov. Amor, i. 9. 25. ' Nempe maritorum som- nis utuntur amantes.' This was a common practice ; but Catiline ex- tended it from amours to murder and robbery. 11. Insidiantem maritorum'] This answers to ad obsidendum stuprum' preceding ; and ' insidiantem bonis occisorum' to ' ad facinus obeundum.' Graev. asks, who are the * occisi,' and prefers ' otiosorum ;' i. e. ' of the peaceably disposed.' But Cic. means that ' ad facinus obeundum' was not merely ' insidiari bonis,' ' but insidiari bonis eorum quos prius occiderat.' He first murdered, and then robbed his victims. 12. Illam pra:claram tuam patien- tiam] Manut. conceives that Cic. in- timates his extreme contempt for Catiline's patience, by these termi- nations. So Muren. 9. Operarum harum quotidianarum putat esse con- sulatum. 13. Famis, <3fc] Sail. Cat. 5.-- Corpus inediae patiens, algoris, vigi- liae, supra quam cuiquam credibile sit. Cat. ii. 5. 14. Quibus] Sc. 'fame, frigoie, &c.' 15. A consulatu repuli] This may allude to Catiline's suit along with Cicero, wherein by his orat. in Tog. Cand. he mainly contributed to the defeat of Catiline ; or to a subsequent time, when Catiline, during the con- 250 M. T. C1CERONIS ORATIO I. justam patriae querimoniam detester 1 ac deprecer : percipite, quseso, diligenter, quae dicam, et ea penitus animis vestris mentibusque mandate. Etenim, si mecum patria, qua? mihi vita mea multo est carior ; si cuncta Italia ; si omnis nes- publica loquatur : 2 " M. Tulli, quid agis ? tune eum, quem esse hostem comperisti, quem ducem belli futurum vides. quem exspectari imperatorem in castris hostium sentis, auc- torem sceleris, principem conjurationis, evocatorenr servo- rum 4 et civium perditorum, exire patiere, ut abs te non emissus ex urbe, sed immissus 5 in urbem esse videatur ( non hunc in vincula duci, non ad mortem rapi, non summo gup- plicio mactari 6 imperabis ? Quid tandem impedit 7 te ? Mosne ma jorum ? At persaepe 8 etiant privati in mc repub- lica perniciosos cives morte multarunt. An leges, 9 qua* de civium Romanorum supplicio rogatae sunt I at nunquam in bac urbe ii, qui a republica defecerunt, civium jura tenue- runt. An invidiam posteritatis times ? Pneelaram vero sulate of Cicero, attempted to stand for the consulship. Krn. prefers the latter, as ' repel lo' is not applicable to a competitor. Sail. Cat. 26. Post- quam dies comitiorum venit et Cati- linae neque petitio neque insidiae quas consuli fecerat, &c. It is easy to con- ceive how Cic. may, by his autho- rity and influence, have prevented his election. V. K. notices an opinion that a paronomasia is designed in ' exsul consul.' 16. Latrocinium bellum] Cicero intimates, that if Catiline had been elected consul, his attempt might have been dignified with the appellation of 1 helium.' As it was, it claimed to be no better than ' latrocinium,' or a marauding expedition. A magistrate only could proclaim war. Sect. XL 1. Detester] 1. To invoke ; 2. invoke against, curse ; 3. invoke to depart from, to deprecate, as here. 2. Patria loquatur] Supr. 7. n. 11. .3. Evoeatorem~\ We say 'recruit- ing-officer, enlister.' 4. Servorum] Yet Catiline after- wards rejected the slaves. Sail. Cut. 63. 5. Emissus immissus] Quint, ix. 3. notices this instance of parono- masia. 6. Mactari] From ' raacte,' an interjection made use of at sacrifices, when the offering was made, and which is found in all cases, came ' mactus,' appeased or honoured. Hence ' mactare,' to appease with ;:n offering, to sacrifice to. .En. iv. 07. Mactant lectas de more bidentes.' Hence ' to honour, augment, &c. ;' and when followed by ' supplicio, morte, &c.' to load with i. e. to punish. Inf. 13. ' .Eternis suppli- ers mactabis.' Harusp. 20. 7. Quid tandem impedit] Cicero, arguing disjunctively, shows that neither precedent, nor laws, nor the dread of future obloquy, forbade the punishment of Catiline. 8. At persape, c] e. g. Scipio Nasica, a private man, slew Tib. Gracchus. A fortiori, Cic, the con- sul, may slay Catiline. Supr. 1. n. 26. Pro Dom. 34. 9. An leges] Sc. the Valerian, IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 12. 251 populo Romano refers gratiam, 10 qui ie, hominem per te cog- nitum, 11 nulla commendatione majomm, 12 tarn mature 13 ad summum imperium u per omnes honorum gradus 1 -' extulit, si propter invidiam, aut alicujus periculi metum, salutem civi- um tuorum negligis. Sed, si quis 16 est invidia? metus : num est vehementius severitatis ac fortitudinis invidia, quam in- ertias ac nequitia? pertimescenda ? An, quuni bello vastabi- tur Italia, vexabuntur urbes, tecta ardebunt, turn te non exis- timas invidia? incendio conflagraturum ?" XII. His ego sanctissimis reipublica? vocibus, et eorum hominum, qui idem sentiunt, mentibus pauca respondebo. 1 Ego, si hoc optimum factum judicarem, Patres conscripti, Catilinam morte multari : unius usuram hora? gladiatori 2 isti advivendum non dedissem. Etenim, si summi viri 3 et cla- rissimi cives, Satumini, et Gracchorum, et Flacci, et stipe- riorum complurium sanguine non modo se non contamina- runt, sed etiam honestarunt : certe mihi verendum non erat, ne quid, hoc parricida civium* interfecto, invidia? mihi in ]x>steritatem 5 redundaret. Quod si ea mihi maxime impen- deret : tamen hoc animo semper fui, ut invidiam virtute par - Porcian, Sempronian. Sail. Cat. 53. Sect. XII. 1. Pauca respondebo] For Romanorum many MSS. give re- Cicero's short reply is this : * If I ovum. thought it for my country's good, that 10. Prceclaram refers gratiam] Catiline should die, no dread of con- You make a fine return. sequences should prevent me from 11. Per te cognitum] Sc. a 'no- punishing him with death. But I vus homo,' or man who was the first think, it better to let him escape, as in his family to hold a curule magis- this will rid the city of all his ruffian tracy. Sail. Cat. 23. Brut. 25. train. 12. Nulla mojorum] No ances- 2. Gladiatori] 1. A swoid-cutler ; tral images. Sail. Jug. 85. 2. a sword-fighter, and, owing to the 13. ram mature] For Cic. obtain- infamous character of gladiators, 3. it. ed all the offices of the state ' suo was synonymous with * sicarius,' or anno.' Agr. ii.2. Mil. 9. n. 6. assassin. Phil. vi. 7. The emperor 14. Summum imperium] The con- Constantine first abolished the use of sulship ; for the dictatorship, as them, and finally Honorius. being an extraordinary magistracy, 3. Summi viri] Sc. Marius, Nasi- was not reckoned. ca, Opimius, &c. Mil. 3. 15. Omnes gradus] Quaestorship, 4. Parricida eivium] ' Fraterno edileship, praetorship. parricidio,' Cluent. 11. ' Parricida 16. Sed si quis, &"c] But admitting liberum,' Liv. iii. 50. These terms your feais of your country's haired, are applied to such crimes, when any does not that hatred fall as much on special duty is besides violated. Em. -pine as the severe minister? V. E. '1 herefore do not spare Catiline. 5, Invidi* in posteritatem] Supr. 252 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO I. tarn, <zloriam, non invidiam putarem. Quamquam nonnulli sunt in hoc ordine, qui aut ea, quae imminent, non videant, aut ea, quae vident, dissimuleut : qui spem Ca- tilina? 6 mollibus sententiis aluerunt, conjurationemque nas- centem non credendo corroboraverunt : 7 quorum auctori- tatem secuti multi, non solum improbi, verum etiam im- |)eriti, si in hunc animadvertissem, 8 crudeliter et regie lactam esse dicerent. Nunc intelligo, si iste, quo intendit, in Mal- liana castra pervenerit, neminem tarn stultum fore, qui non vi- deat conjurationem esse lactam, neminem tarn improbum, qui non fateatur. Hoc autem uno interfecto, intelligo banc reipub- licae pestem paullisper reprimi, non in perpetuum comprimi 1 " posse. Quod si se ejecerit, secumque suos eduxerit, et eo- dem ceteros undique collectos naufragos 11 aggregaverit : ex- stinguerur atque delebitur non modo bare tarn adulta rei- publicaepestis, verum etiam stirpsac semen 12 malorum om- nium. XIII. Etenim jamdiu, 1 Patres conscripti, in bis periculis conjurationis insidiisque versamur : sed, nescio quo pacto, 2 omnium scelerum ac veteris furoris et audacia* maturitas in nostri consulatus tempus erupit. 3 Quod si ex tanto latroci- 1 1 . Invidiam posteritatis times? &c. 6. Spem Catilina] The Delph. says, 12. Eistinguetur semen] The me- 1 de occupando consulatu ;' rather taphors here appear to be mixed. ' de occupanda republica.' Sail. Cat. However, ' exstinguo' importing ' to 5. ' Lubido maxima reip. capien- destroy life,' may well apply to dae.' adulta pestis ; while ' deleo,' i. e. 7. Aluerunt nascentem corro- 'de-oleo' (or olesco) is nearly related boraverunt] A metaphor perhaps from to ' stirps' and 'semen.' V.E. well rearing the young of animals. remarks : Never was adventured a 8. Animadvertissem] Sc. supplicio. more unfortunate prediction ! Great Palairet, Ellips. 290. and immediate evil befell Cicero, 9. liegie] At Rome synonymous himself; the liberties and consti- with ' tyrannically.' Phil. ii. 32. tution of his country, in the event, 'Quern negant regem/ i. e. tyran- were sacrificed. num. He is speaking of Caesar. Sect. XIII. 1. Jamdiu] From 10. Reprimi comprimi] Quint, the consulship of Tullus and Lepidus, ix. 3, notices this as an example of a. v. 687. an elegant paronomasia, ' quod posi- 2. Nescio quo pacto] Ocnow not turn est in distinguendam rei proprie- how it is. tatem ;' sc. that ' reprimi' is tempo- 3. Maturitas erupit] Mil. 23. n. rary ; ' comprimi' permanent. 15. 'Erumpo' well applies to the 11. Natifragos] 1. Persons having bursting forth of a full harvest. Virg. suffered shipwreck; 2 having ship- Georg. i. 50, somewhat differently, wrecked their property ; bankrupts, says ' ruperunt horrea messes.' IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 13. 253 nio 4 iste unus tolletur ; videbimur fortasse ad breve quod- dam tempus cura et metu esse relevati : periculum autem re- sidebit, et erit inclusum penitus in venis 5 atque in visceribus reipublicae. Ut ssepe homines aegri morbo gravi, quum a3stu febrique jactantur, si aquam gelidam biberint, primo relevari videntur ; deinde multo gravius vehementiusque afflictantur ; sic hie morbus, qui est in republica, relevatus istius poena, vehementius, vivis reliquis, ingravescet. Quare, Patres conscripti, secedant improbi, secernant se a bonis, unum in locum congregentur, muro denique, id quod saepe jam dixi, secemantur a nobis, desinant insidiari domi sua? consuli, 6 circumstare tribunal prsetoris urbani, 7 obsidere cum gladiis curiam, malleolos 8 et faces ad inflammandam urbem comparare ; sit denique inscriptum in fronte uniuscuj usque, quid de republica sentiat. 9 Polliceor hoc vobis, Patres con- scripti, tantam in nobis consulibus fore diligentiam, tantam in vobis auctoritatem, tantam in equitibus Romanis virtu- tern, tantam in omnibus bonis consensionem, ut Catilinae pro- fectione omnia patefacta, illustrata, oppressa, vindicata esse videatis. Hisce ominibus, 10 Catilina, cum summa reipublica? salute et cum tua peste ac pernicie, cumque eorum exitio, qui se . tanto latrocinio] i. e. La- 8. Malleolos] Mil. 24. n. 9. tronum cohorte. Sch. Oft', ii. 11. Is 9. Sit denique quid de republica *ibi, ne in latrocinio quidem, relin- sentiat] The favourers of Catiline, quit locum.' when in danger, will disclose their 5. Periculum interns] The con- apprehensions by their countenances ; spiracy is here compared to a fever, the friends of their country will show The patient is the republic ; and the opposite emotions. V. E. punishment of Catiline the cold 10. Hisce ominibus] Cic. usually water. omits the prep, cum in this expression, (>. Consuli] Alluding to the two which Livy inserts. ' Cum bonis po- Ttoman knights, supr. 4, or as Sal- tius ominibus, &c.' Praef. ad Hist, lust Cat. 28, C. Cornelius, and L. Hisce' refers to the preceding sen- Vargunteius. tence, as if he said: 'With these 7. Pratoris urbani] L. Valerius omens of your country's weal and the Flaccus. Sail. Cat. 45. Flacc.l. Along fate of yourself and party, (deducible with him were in office Q. Pompeius from the extraordinary diligence of Pvufus, Q.pletellus Celer, C. Pomp- the consuls, &c, which, I warn you, tinius, Lentulus Sura, and some will end in putting down and punkh- others. Circumstare' alludes to the ing your wicked attempt,) go to, intimidation used to prevent him &c.' ' Cum summa reip., &c.,' L from condemning the Catilinarian only a fuller statement of ' hisce omi- dehtors. nibus,' and a superstitious Roman z 254 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO I. tecum omni scelere parricidioque junxerunt, proficiscere ad impium bellum ac nefarium. 11 Turn 12 tu, Jupiter, qui iis- dem, quibus haec urbs, auspiciis 13 a Romulo es constitutus ; quem Statorem hujus urbis atque imperii vere 14 nominamus : hunc et hujus socios a tuis aris ceterisque 15 tempi is, a tectis urbis ac moenibus, a vita fortunisque civium omnium arcebis : et omnes inimicos bonorum, hostes patriae, latrones Italia?, scelerum fcedere inter se ac nefaria societate conjunctos, a?ternis suppliciis vivos mortuosque mactabis. 16 would readily deduce a bad omen from such words, so solemnly pro- nounced. 11. Impium nefarium'] Referring to ' scelere parricidioque,' preceding ; and pan-indium' to the filial re- lation in which Catiline stood to his country. 12. Turn] This particle was used with peculiar emphasis in prayers, oaths, and treaties. Mure. 13. Iisdem, quibus auspiciis] Though Romulus, on founding the city, instituted sacred rites Diis aliis Albano ritu ; Greco, Herculi,' yet we have no account of his having built any temple to Jupiter, before the one to Jupiter Feretrius on his gain- ing the ' spolia opima;' which was soon followed by another to Jupiter Stator, to which Cic. perhaps alludes. Its dedication was so early that he may be excused from making it con- temporaneous with the foundation of the city. Liv. i.7. 10. 12. Supr. 5. n. 4. 14. Vere] It was no idle appel- lation. 15. Aris ceterisque] For * tem- plura' was the genus comprehending all inaugurated places, whether sacri- fices were offered in them or not. 16. Mactabis] Supr. 10. n. 6. M. TULLII CICERONIS IN LUCIUM CATILINAM, SECUNDA* AD QUIRITES ORATIO. ?. Tandem aliquando, 1 Quirites, L. Catilinam, furentem audacia, 2 scelus anhelantem, pestem patriae nefarie molientem, vobis atque huic urbi ferrum flammamque minitantem, ex urbe vel ejecimus, 3 vel emisimus, vel ipsum egredientem ver- bis prosecuti sum us. 4 Abiit, 5 excessit, evasit, erupit Nulla * Vid. Introd. 5. Sect. I. 1. Tandem aliquando'] As the most effectual way to concili- ate the people, Cic. begins his speech with the difficulty which he encoun- tered in effecting the removal of Cati- line from the city, and the danger from which it was thereby freed. This na- turally led him to a justification of his conduct in letting Cat. escape. In- trod. 5. 2. Furentem audacia] Muret. here remarks, that as audacity produces a species of madness, so madness, by distending the breast and lungs, caus- es a thick breathing or panting. Hence ' anhelantem scelus ;' and as this will show itself in acts, he adds, 4 pestem molientem, &c.' 3. Ejecimus] Ejicio' is applied to an unwilling departure ; for Catiline had first to take off Cic. ; ' emitto' to a willing ; for the discovery of his plans did not permit him to stay j but in both, the cause is extrinsic. Ano- ther supposition is egredi' that he left the city of his own accord, as wishing to be with Mallius. Muret. Hence 'ipsum' is used, i. e. 'sua sponte,' like avrbe in Greek. 4. Prosecuti sumus] We accom- panied him on his departure with our maledictions, but we made no use of force. ' Verbis' refers to ' hisce omi- nibus' in the end of the preceding oration. 5. Abiit, <Sfc] These verbs Doe- ring explains, as allusive to the mode- of catching wild animals by means of nets. The first applies to simple es- 256 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO II jam pernicies a monstro 6 illo atque prodigio moenibus 7 ipsis intra moenia comparabitur. Atque hunc quidem unum hujus belli domestici ducem sine controversia 8 vicimus. Non enim jam 9 inter latera 10 nostra sica ilia versabitur : non in campo, non in foro, non in curia, non denique intra domes- ticos parietes pertimescemus. Loco illo motus 11 est, quum est ex urbe depulsus. Palam jam cum hoste, nullo impedi- ente, belium justum 12 geremus. Sine dubio perdidimus 13 hominem, magnificeque vicimus, quum ilium ex occultis in- sidiis in apertum latrociniura conjecimus. Quod 14 vero non cruentum mucronem, ut voluit, extulit, quod vivis nobis 15 egressus est, quod ei ferrum de manibus extorsimus, quod incolumes cives, quod stantem urbem reliquit : quanto tan- dem ilium moerore afflictum esse et profligatum 16 putatis ? Jacet ille nunc prostratus, Quirites, et se perculsum atque abjectum esse sentit, et retorquet oculos 17 profecto saepe ad banc urbem, quam ex suis faucibus ereptam esse luget : qua 4 cape : excessit, to this, before the nets are set : evasit , to the escape of the animal from the net : erupit, to his breaking through it In whatever mode Catiline may be said to have removed himself, is indifferent to the orator. V. E. But Scheller properly gives these verbs as an example of oratorical amplification by synony- mous terms. V. ii. p. 314. 6. Monstro'] For an unnatural son was called ' a monster ;' but Catiline was such to his parent land. 7. Mocnibus] ' Domibus, aedifictis.' ITic igitur manna muro complexus est. Flor. i. 4. Gr<ev. But why then add ' ipsis?' Cic. means to say, that other enemies of the state formed their plans of destruction against the city, without its walls, which were therefore useful as a defence ; but Catiline laid his within the walls, and thus defeated the very object of having walls at all. This could now no longer take place. 8. Sine controversial i.e. Sine du- bio, arptKsutg. Muret. 9. Non jam, <$fc] To show the magnitude of the danger which was now removed, he briefly reviews the enormities of Catiline. Muret. 10. Inter latera] E. g. when he appeared in the comitiura, ' cum telo.' ' In campo' refers to the elec- tion-day of Murena when Cic. ap- peared, ' cum ilia lata insigniq ; lorica.' Muren.26, Introd. 3. *Foro curia domesticos parietes' are explained, Or. i. 1 3 : ' Desinant insidiari domi sua. consuli, circumstare tribunal prae- toris obsidere cum gladiis curiam.' 11. Loco motus] 'Has lost his vantage-ground j J a metaphor from war. 12. Belium justum] A regular war, opposed to ' occultis insidiis,' infr. Liv. xxxix. 2, 'justo praelio devicit.' 13. Perdidimus] 'AiruXsoaptv. Muret. Have undone. 14. Quod, &;c] But in that; with regard to this that. 15. Vivis nobis] Me vivo. Muret.; for he adds, ' incolumes cives, &c/ The same is intimated by * mucro- nem non cruentum.' 16. Prqfligatum] Properly, 'dash- ed prostrate.' Hence 'jacet ille, &c.' So also 'perculsum.' 17. Retorquet oculos] As the wild IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 2. 257 quidem laetari mihi videtur, quod tantam pestem evomuerit 18 forasque projecerit. II. At si quis 1 est talis, quales esse omnes 2 oportebat, qui m hoc ipso, 3 in quo exsultat et triumphat* oratio mea, me vehementer accuset, quod tam capitalem 5 hostem non com- prehenderim potius, quam emiserim : non est ista mea cul- pa, Quirites, sed temporum. 6 lnteremptum esse L. Cati- linam, et gravissimo supplicio affectum jampridem oporte- bat : idque a me et raos ma jorum, et hujus imperii 7 severitas, et respublica postulabat. Sed quam multos 8 fuisse putatis, qui quae ego deferrem, non crederent ? quam multos, qui propter stultitiam non putarent? quam multos, qui etiam defenderent J 9 quam multos, qui propter improbitatem fave- rent ? Ac si, sublato illo, depelli a vobis omne periculum judicarem : jampridem ego L. Catilinam non modo invidiam meae, 10 verum etiam vitae periculo sustulissem. Sed quum viderem, ne vobis quidem omnibus 11 re etiam turn probata, beast that wistfully eyes the prey which has been snatched from itsjuws. So 11. xi. 546. Qijpi toico/c, 'Evrpo- irakt^onivoQ. 18. Evomuerit] The metaphor which Cic. so frequently changes, is here taken from the sick, who are often so relieved. Sect. II. 1. At si quis,&:c.] Cic. proceeds to argue the question, which stands thus: either Catiline conspired or he did not. If he did, he deserved death ; if he did not, why banish him 1 Cic. admits that he deserved death, but justifies his exile as being more lor the public good. Muret. 2. Quales esse omnes] For then there would be no hazard in slaying ( 'atiline. 3. Hoc ipso] Sc. the departure of Catiline. 4. Triumphat] As if over a fallen foe. 5. Capitalem'] Who persecutes even to death. So Hor. Sat. i. 7. 13. ' Ira capitalist 6. Sed temporum] Of these wretch- ed times which find even Catiline sur- rounded with many 'qui, qua3 ego deferrem, non crederent; qui, &c* (ut infr.) 7. Hujus imperii] Sc. theconsular. Cic. means when armed with the de- cree, ' Ne quid detrimenti, <lxc. ; and he informs us, supr. i. 2, that often on the very day it passed, pub- lic offenders (e. g. C. Gracchus) suf- fered. Mil. 26. n. 14. 8. Quam muliiKi] There were three classes of men who would have ex- claimed against Cic. if he had put Ca- tiline to death : 1. those who attri- buted Cicero's opposition to political hatred; 2. men of weak judgment, who doubted the existence of any danger to the republic ; 3. the parti - zans of Catiline. Introd. 5. ' \ou putarent,' not duly estimate. 9. Etium defenderent] Sc. earn ; and to ' faverent' ei. Em. Weiske, indeed, would supply 'quae ego de- ferrem ;' but as it cannot be supplied to both propositions, the pronoun seems better. 10. Invidia mew] Odium against me. Mil. 35. n. 17. 1 1 . A r e vobis quidem omnibus] ' The conspiracy having not even then (after A 2 258 M. T. CICER0N1S ORATIO If. si ilium, uterat meritus, morte multassem, fore, lit ejitssocios invidia oppressus persequi non possem: rem hue deduxi 1 -. ut turn palam pugnare possetis, quum hostem aperte videre- tis. Quern quidem ego hostem, Quirites, quam vehemen- ter 13 foris esse timendum putem, licet hinc intelligatis, 14 quod illud etiam moleste fero, quod ex urbe parum comitatus 13 exierit. Utinam ille omnes secum suas copias eduxisset ! Tongilium mihi 1G eduxit ; quem amare in praetexta [calum- nia] 17 coeperat: Publicium et Munatium; 18 quorum 19 aes alie- num 20 contractum in popinam 21 nullum reipublicae motum all the discoveries I had made) been proved to the satisfaction even of you all,' much less did the generality believe it. 12. Rem hue deduxi, fyc.] No other measure seems to offer itself to the imagination of Cic but either, on the one hand, putting Catiline to death in an extra-judicial manner, or, on the other, forcing on a civil war. The at- tempt to punish him by due course of law, might, in Cicero's judgment, per- haps have been in vain nay, might have led to still greater evils ; but he might have stated his reasons, or at least glanced at them, for not resort- ing to the latter measure. V. E. 13. Quam vehementer] Said iron- ically. * How little.' 14. Licet Intel.] i. e. ut intelli- gatis. The argument is this : A strong proof of my contempt for Ca- tiline, as an open enemy, is supplied by the fact, that I should feel rejoiced at hearing of his army being reinforc- ed. And why ? because this would make his accomplices in the ciiy, like himself, open enemies. 15. Parum comhatus] About three hundred accompanied him. 16. Mihi] As if he said ' to oblige me, forsooth ;' a redundant use of the pronoun, to be found in all languages. Horn. 11. vi. 486. Aaiftoi'uj, ut) p.oi r* \itjv aKaxilio Ovfitij. Juv. Sat. iii. 199 tabulata tibi jam tertia fu- mant. Shakspeare. ' It mounts me into the brain, &c.' 17. Calumnia] This word, which is found in several MSS. is incapable of any good meaning. In the nom. case, it would be, ' whom calumny (i. e. false accusation) had early made its favourite ; i. e. he was fond of false accusations from his youth (in praetexta). In the abl. again, it would be 'by way of pretence,' while he was really the paramour of another. Graev. rejects, and Orel, brackets it. A!. armare, insinuating that such an equip- ment would not make an opponent very formidable in the 6eld. 18. Publi. Munat.] Sc. eduxit. 19. Quorum] The Delph. un- derstands this to mean ' to whom ;' contracted, namely by Catiline. But the debt here must be contrast- ed with one that might easily ex- cite disturbance in the state, e.g. that of the noble and powerful, and con- sequently must mean the personal en- gagements of Publicius and Munatius, from which, evidently, no danger could arise. Vid. Sail. Cat. 16, where speaking of this period he says. ' Stag- nant aes alienum in omnibus terris.' 20. JEs alienum] As ' aes meum' imported the money belonging to me myself, (' meo sum pauper in aexe,' 1 have not much money of my own ; I am poor but not in debt) so ' aes ali- enum' came to mean ' money be- longing to another,' i. e. debt. 21. Popinam] Mil. 24. n. 14. A\,popina. 'Motum' al. metum. ' IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 3. 259 afferre poterat : reliquit quos viros ! quanto alieno aere ! quam valentes ! quam nobiles ! III. Itaque ego ilium exercitum, et Gallicanis 1 legionibus, et hoc delectu, quern in agro Piceno et Gallico 2 Q. Metel- lus 3 habuit, et his copiis, qua? a nobis 4 quotidie comparantur, magno opere contemno, collectum ex senibus desperatis, 5 ex agresti luxuria, 6 ex rusticis 7 decoctoribus, ex iis, qui vadimo- nia deserere, 8 quam ilium exercitum maluerunt : quibus ego non modo si aciem exercitus 9 nostri, verum etiam si edictum 10 Sect. III. 1. Gallicanis] Lamb, inserts pr<e, which must be at least understood ; or the construction may be absolute; 'I despise that army, there being the Gallican legions, &c.' 1 Gallicanis' merely imports, sta- tioned in Gaul ;' not ' composed of Gauls,' as the Delph. explains it, who makes them Transalpine too. But Cic. calls Piso's grandfather, who had settled at Placentia, on the river Po, ' Gallicanus.' Vid. Pison. Frag. ; and, inf. 12, he says, ' agrum Gallicanum' for ' Gallicum.' Vid. next note. 2. Piceno Gallico] Varr.de R. R. iys *Ager Gallicus Romanus vocatur qui viritim cis Ariminum da- tus est, ultra agrum Picenum.' Brut. 14. This 'Gallicus ager' then, was not in Cisalpine Gaul at all, but in Central Italy, below Ariminum. It was so called from the 'Galli Seno- nes,' who had been expelled from it, and whose name still appears in the modern ' Senigaglia.' Hence we find it so frequently joined with Picenum, another district of Umbria contiguous to it. Vid. Ca3s. B. C. i. 29, where ' Gallia Picenumq.' occurs. 3. Metellus] Sail. Cat. 30, only mentions 'Picenum,' and Muret., mistaking the meaning of ' Gallico,' accounts for Metellus raising a levy in Gaul, by the transfer which Cic. is known to have made of the province <>f Macedonia to his colleague, Anto- nius, in return for Gaul, which had fallen to his lot; and to which he imagines Cic. sent Metellus, instead of going himself. He forgot, how- ever, that it was the year following that in which the consuls held office, that they assumed the command of the consular provinces. 4. Qua a nobis] For the senate had decreed a levy of soldiers. Sail. Cat. 30. 5. Desperatis] Either ' who are past hope' of bettering their fortunes otherwise than by joining Catiline ; or 'of whom, worn out by debauchery, we have nothing to hope or fear.' 6. Agresti luxuria] i. e. ' Ex agrestibus luxuriosis ;' the abstract for the concrete. 7. Rusticis] This word and ' agres- ti' intimate that the profligates and insolvents of the country towns had flocked to the standards of Catiline ; 1 rusticus' being often used to signify an inhabitant of the colonies and free- towns in opposition to * urbanus,' a resident at Rome. Arch. 10. Sext. 45. It would appear that Cicero thought even worse of this descrip- tion of persons than he did of similar characters in the city. 8. Vadimonia deserere] A person's neglecting to attend the courts on the day that he bailed another to attend, or another bailed him ; to forfeit one's recognizance. Such persons were declared infamous, and their property handed over to their creditors. Muret. 9. Aciem exercitus] Our army in battle array. ' Exercitus' is usually 260 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO II praetoris ostendero, concident. Hos, quos video volitare iii ibro, 11 quos stare ad curiam, quos etiam in senatum venire : qui nitent unguentis, qui fulgent purpura, 12 mallem secum suos milites eduxisset : 13 qui si hie permanent, memen- tote, non tam exercitum ilium esse nobis, quam hos, qui ex- ercitum deseruerunt, pertimescendos. Atque hoc etiam sunt timendi magis, quod, quid cogitent, me scire sentiunt, neque tamen permoventur. Video, cui 14 Apulia sit attributa, qui habeat Etruriam, qui agrum Picenum, qui Gallicum, qui sibi lias urbanas insidias 15 caedis atque incendiorum depoposcerit. Omnia superioris 16 noctis consilia ad me delata esse sentiunt : patefeci in senatu hesterno die : Catilina ipse pertimuit, pro- iugit : hi quid exspectant? Nae 17 illi vehementer errant, m illam meam pristinam lenitatem 18 perpetuam sperant iu- turam. IV. Quod exspectavi, jam sum assecutus, ut vos omnes factam esse aperte conjurationem contra rempublicam vide- retis. Nisi vero si quis est, qui Catiiinae similes cum Cati- oinitted, which standing alone signifies a disciplined army ; f agnien, ' an army on march ; ' copiee,' forces in ge- nera). 10. Edictum] Which declares them infamous, and delivers their property to their creditors. 11. 'Volitare inforo] De Or. i. 38. Moving about with an ostentatious or insolent air.' This the ' forum' per- mitted ; not so the ' curia,' at which they were stationary, while watching to effect the ruin of their country. Oelph. explains, it ' think of nothing but money-making !' 12. Fulgent purpura'] i.e. 'Are of the highest rank.' Purple was at first the garb 6f royalty. vSo Virg. ' purpura regum.' Afterwards, either the senators, whose latus clavus, or knights, whose augustus cluvus was of purple, might be said ' fulgere pur- puia.' 13. Mallem eduxisset] Sc. ' ut duxisset.' 14. Video cui] C. Julius, accord- ing to Sallust, c. 27 ; but to him ' vi- deo' is inapplicable, as he was sent by Catiline before he departed him- self. So of Mallius and Septimius Camera, who had been despatched to Etruria and Picenum. It is uncer- tain, then, to whom Cic. alludes. 15. Qui urbanas insidias] Cethe- gus, Statilius, Gabinius, Sec. Introd. 6. Sail. Cat. 43. 16. Superioris] The night last but two. Compare Or. i. 1 . * Quid proxima, quid superiore nocte, &c.' and inf. ' patefeci in sen. hesterno die.' 17. AV| i. e. Nat, truly. This particle expresses a strong affirma- tive, and is sometimes written ne. Cic. generally prefixes it to a pro- noun, contrary to the practice of other authors. Nat. D.ii. 1. Tusc. i. 30. Fam. vii. 1. ButTerent. Andr. ' Fa- ciunt nae intelligendo, &c.' 18. Lenitatem] For he had the decree ' ne quid detrimenti, &c.,' yet advised flight. IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 4. 261 Una sentire 1 non putet. Non est jam lenitati locus: severi- tatem res ipsa flagitat. Unum etiam nunc concedam : exe- ant, proficiscantur, ne patiantur desiderio sui 2 Catilinam mi- serum tabescere. 3 Demonstrabo iter : Aurelia via* profectus est. Si accelerare volent, ad vesperam consequentur. O fortunatam rempublicam, si quidem banc sentinam 5 bujus urbis ejecerit ! Uno 6 mehercule Catilina exbausto, relevata mihi et recreata respublica videtur. Quid enim mali 7 aut sceleris fingi aut excogitari potest, quod non ille conceperit ! quis tota Italia veneficus, s quis gladiator, quis latro, quis si- carius, quis parricida, quis testamentorum subjcctor, 9 quis circumscriptor, 10 quis ganeo, 11 quis nepos, 12 quis adulter, quae mulier infamis, quis corruptor juventutis, quis corrup- tus, quis perditus inveniri potest, qui se cum Catilina non familiarissime vixisse fateatur ? qua? caedes per hosce annos sine illo facta est ? quod nefarium stuprum non per ilium ? Jam vero quae tanta in ullo unquam homine juventutis ille- cebra 13 fuit, quanta in illo, qui alios ipse amabat turpissime, aliorum amori flagitiosissime serviebat, aliis fructum libidi- num, aliis mortem parentum, non modo impellendo, verum etiam adjuvando, pollicebatur. Nunc vero quam subito, non solum ex urbe, verum etiam ex agris, 14 ingentem numerum Sect. IV. 1. Sen tire cum'] Agree a counterfeit for a genuine will or in sentiments with. deed. 2. Desiderio sui] With longing 10. Circumscriptor] So in Greek, after them. 7rtpiypa<ptvc,. It means one in ge- 3. Tabescere] A metaphor from neral who practises deception and consumptive persons (tabidis). fraud, but is often limited to the en- 4. Aurelia via] Or. i. 9. n. 12. It led snarers of pupils and youth. Juv. 15. through Etruria. Phil. xii. 9. Tres 125. ' pupillum ad jura vocantem viaj : a supero mari, Flaminia ; ab in- Circumscriptorem.' Phil. xiv. 3. fero, Aurelia ; media, Cassia. ' Adolescentulos circumscribunt.' 5. Sentinam] Or.i. 5. n. 13. Here 11. Ganeo] From ' ganea,' which too, it signifies not the container, but is 1. a subterraneous room ; 2. a the thing contained. Hence ' ex- bagnio. A yT, terra, vel yavoq, hausto' following. laetitia. 6. Uno] A fortiori, would it be 12. Nepos] 1. a grandson; 2. a relieved if they were all cleared out. grandmamma's favourite ; a prodigal. 7. Quid mali] This general head 13. lllecebru] In lacio. In corn- he afterwards amplifies by enumerat- position a becomes either 6 or i. So ing the parts. Muret. gradior, ingrfedior; lacio illicio. 8. Quis venejicus] Vid. Sail. Cat. 14. Ex agris] Hence supr. 3 ; 14. for a similar enumeration. 'agresti luxuria, rusticis decoctori- 9. Suhjector] One who substitutes bus.' 262 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO II. perditorum hominum collegerat ? Nemo, non modo 15 Romap, sed nee ullo in angulo totius Italia?, oppressus aere alieno fuit, quem non ad hoc incredibile sceleris foedus adsciverit. V. Atque ut ejus di versa studia in dissimili ratione 1 per- spicere possitis ; nemo est in ludo gladiatorio paullo ad fa- cinus audacior, qui se non intimum Catilinae esse fateatur : nemo in scena levior 2 et nequior, qui se non ejusdem prope sodalem fuisse commemoret. Atque idem tamen, stuprorum et scelerum exercitatione assuefactus, frigore, et fame, s et siti, ac vigiliis perferendis, fortis ab istis praedicabatur, quum industrial subsidia, atque instrumenta virtutis, in Iibidine au- daciaque* consumeret. Hunc vero si secuti erunt sui comi- tes: si ex urbe exierint desperatorum hominum flagitiosi greges : O nos beatos, 5 O rempublicam fortunatam, O prae- claram laudem consulatus mei ! Non enim jam sunt medi- ocres hominum 6 libidines, non humanae 7 audaciae, ac toleran- da? : nihil cogitant, nisi caedes, nisi incendia, nisi rapinas : patrimonia sua profuderunt: fortunas suas abliguricrunt : res eos jampridem, fides 8 deficere nuper ccepit : eadem tamen ilia, quae erat in abundantia, libido permanet. Quod si in 15. Nan modo"] i. e. ' Non modo non;' not only not at Rome, where Catiline would have no difficulty in collecting debtors, but not even, &c. The usual tie quidem is here omitted, probably on account of ' nee ullo,' which follows, being emphatic. ' Non modo sed nee' is very rare. Vid. Tursel. de Lat. part.; and Or. i. 10. n. 4. Sect. V. 1 . In dissimili ratione] This does not mean * to set his varied pursuits in a different point of view,' but ' to show you his varied pursuits in the most opposite course or scenes of life;' e. g. as a gladiator and play actor. Cael. 5. ' Neque ego un- quam fuisse tale monstrura in ter- ris ullum puto, tam ex contrariis, di- versisque inter se pugnantibus naturae studiis, cupiditatibusque conflatum.' 2. Nemo levior] No debauched player. As ' gravis' signifies dig- nified, high-minded, so levis' is mean, worthless. Hence synony- mous with ' nequara.' Gell. vii. 11. 3. Frigore et fame] Al. frigori et fami, referring them to ' assuefactus.' But this word is often joined to an abl. De. Or. iii. 10. Quorum ser- mone assuefacti qui erunt, 6cc.' Caes. B. G. iv. 1. 'A pueris nullo officio aut disciplina assuefacti.' Or. i. 10. Trans. ' Was lauded by his followers as a brave man, owing to his enduring, &c. 4. Libidine audacia] Refer these respectively to * stuprorum' and ' sce- lerum.' 5. nos, beatos] How happy shall Ibe! 6. Hominum] Used in contempt ; ' of those wretches.' 7. Humane] i. e. Only befitting the species of brutes. 8. Fides] Credit. Caes. B. C. iii. 1. ' Cum fides angustior neque cre- ditae pecuniae solverentur.' Manil. 7. n. 12. IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 5. 263 vino et alea comissationes 9 solum et scorta quaererent, essent illi quidem desperandi, sed tamen essent ferendi. Hoc vero quis ferre possit, inertes homines fortissimis viris insidiari, stultissimos prudentissimis, ebriosos 10 sobriis, dormientes vigilantibus ? qui mihi 11 accubantes in conviviis, complexi mulieres impudicas, vino languidi, confecti cibo, sertis re- dimiti, 12 unguentis obliti, debilitati stupris, eructant 13 sermo- nibus suis caedem bonorum, atque urbis incendia. Quibus ego confido impendere fatum 14 aliquod : et pcenas jamdiu improbitati, nequitia?, sceleri, libidini debitas, aut instare jam plane, aut certe jam appropinquare. Quos si meus con- sulatus quoniam sanare non potest, sustulerit : non breve nes- cio quod 15 tempus, sed multa secula propagarit 16 reipublicae. Nulla est enim natio, 17 quam pertimescamus : nullus rex, qui bellum populo Romano facere possit. Omnia sunt externa unius 18 virtute terra manque 19 pacata : domesticum bellum manet : intus insidiae sunt : intus inclusum periculum est : intus est hostis. Cum luxuria nobis, cum amentia, cum sce- lere certandum est. Huic ego me bello ducem profiteor, Quirites; suscipio inimicitias hominum perditorum. Qua? sanari- poterunt, quacunque ratione sanabo : quae resecanda crunt, non patiar ad perniciem civitatis manare. ?1 Proinde 9. Comissationes] From Kwfiog, im- 16. Propagarit] 1. To lay a stock port revellings after supper ; con- in the ground that plants may spring vivium,' at supper. Hence ' in vino,' from it ; 2. To enlarge or prolong, in their cups. 17. Nulla est natio] It was during 10. Ebriosos] Drunkards; ' ebrii,' Cicero's consulship that Mithridates, drunken. betrayed by his son, Pharnaces, at 1 1. Miki] Expletive, as supr. c. 2. Amisus, was killed, at his own desire, n. 16. Here, too, it implies contempt by a Gallic soldier. lie was the only on the part of the speaker. formidable opponent the Romans then 12. Redimiti] Qu : ' redimiciti,' had. from ' amicio ;' and ' serta,' wreaths, 18. Unius] Pompey. U bong plaited. 19. Terra marique] 'By land,' 13. Eructant] Inter ructandum Mithridates; ' by sea,' the pirates, meditantur et jactant. Foicel. It re- 20. Qutz sanari] Ovid. Met. i. lers to ' Vino languidi, confecti cibo.' 190, ' immedicabile vulnus Ense 14. Fatum] Here ' calamity, mis- recidendum est, ne pars sincera tra- bap.' Conversely Hor. Carm. S. hatur.' 27, 'bona fata;' and Juv. Sat. 7. 21. Manare] Al. manere. But 189. ' Exempla novorum Fatorum the metaphor is not from amputating transi.' Vid. Phil. ii. 1. a limb, but cutting out a corroding 15. Nescio quod] To intimate some ulcer. Hence the propriety of * ma- nifling period. nare.' 264: M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO II. aut exeant, aut quiescant : aut, si et in urbe, et in eadem mente permanent ; ea, quae merentur, 22 exspectent. VI. At etiam sunt, 1 Quirites, qui dicant, a me in exsilium ejectum esse Catilinam. Quod ego si verbo assequi possem, istos ipsos ejicerem, qui haec loquuntur. Homo videlicet timidus et permodestus vocem consulis ferre non potuit: si- mul atque ire in exsilium jussus est, paruit, ivit. 2 Hesterno die, 3 quum domi meae paene interfectus essem, senatum in aedem Jovis Statoris 4 convocavi : rem omnem ad patres con- scriptos detuli. Quo quum Catilina venisset, quis eum se- nator appellavit? quis salutavit? quis denique ita adspexit, ut perditum civem, ac non potius, ut importunissimum hos- tem ? Quin etiam principes ejus ordinis partem illam sub- selliorum, ad quam ille accesserat, nudam atque inanem reliquerunt. Hie ego vehemens ille consul, 5 qui verbo cives in exsilium ejicio, quaesivi 6 a Catilina, in noctumo conventu apud M. Laecam fuisset, necne. Quum ille, homo audacissi- mus, conscientia convictus, primo reticuisset : patefec i ce- tera ; quid ea nocte egisset, quid in proximam 7 constituisset, quemadmodum esset ei ratio totius belli descripta, edocui. Quum haesitaret, quum teneretur ; quaesivi, quid dubitaret proficisci eo, quo jampridem pararet: quum anna, quum se- cures, quum fasces, 8 quam tubas, quum signa militaria, quum aquilam 9 illam argenteam, cui ille etiam sacrarium scelerum 22. Qua merentur'] Ultimum sup- yesterday that Cicero narrowly es- plieium. Muret. caped assassination, but yesterday Sect. VI. 1. At etiam sunt] It that he convened the senate. Muret. was objected to Cic. that he had 4. JEdem Statoris] Or. i. 5. n. 4. forced Catiline to go into exile by 5. Vehemens ille consul] As Cati- his threats and invectives. He ad- line's friends call me. duces several reasons to prove the 6. Quecsivi] Not with the tone of contrary: 1. from Catiline's disposition authority, but merely to gain infor- ' Homo videlicet, &c.' who was mation. Supr. n. 1. too audacious to listen to a simple 7. In proximam] Muret. refers to advice from him ; 2. that he merely the future : ' For the next,' namely, asked some questions, quaesivi a that fixed for his departure. So'prox* Catilina,' regarding his conduct, 6cc, imis Idibus.' Or. i. 6. &c. 8. Fasces] By thus previously 2. Ivit] Al. quievit ; al. omit it. preparing the emblems of authority, Em. supposes an omission here, and Catiline disclosed his intentions, suggests, sed res sic habet, as Cicero though invested with no legal pow- goes on to explain his defensive line ers, of assuming the command. Sail, of conduct. 36. I'. E. 3. Hesterno die] This is to be 9. Aquilam sacrarium] Or. i. 9. taken with 'convocavi.' It was not n. 14.15. IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 7. 265 domi suae fecerat, scirem esse praemissam. In exsilium 10 eji- ciebam, quern jam ingressum esse in bellum videbara ? Ete- nim, credo, Mallius iste, eenturio, qui in agro Fesulano 11 castra posuit, bellum populo Romano suo nomine indixit : et ilia castra nunc non Catilinam ducem exspectant : et ille, ejectus in exsilium, se Massiliam, 12 ut aiunt, non in haec cas- tra cont'eret. VII. O conditionem miseram, 1 non modo administrandae, verum etiam conservandae reipublicae ! Nunc, si L. Cati- lina, consiliis, laboribus, periculis meis circumclusus ac de- bilitatus, subito pertimuerit, sententiam mutaverit, deseruerit suos, consilium belli faciundi abjecerit, ex hoc cursu sceleris et belli, iter ad fugam atque in exsilium 2 converterit : non ille a me spoliatus armis audaciae, non obstupefactus ac per- territus mea diligentia, non de spe conatuque depulsus, sed indemnatus, innocens, in exsilium ejectus a consule vi et minis esse dicetur : et erunt, qui ilium, si hoc fecerit, non improbum, sed miserum : me non diligentissimum consulem, sed crudelissimum tyrannum existimari velint. Est mihi tanti, 3 Quirites, hujus invidiam falsae atque iniquae tempesta- tem subire, dummodo a vobis hujus horribilis belli ac nefarii periculum depellatur. Dicatur sane ejectus esse a me, dum- modo eat in exsilium. Sed mihi credite, non est iturus. Nunquam 4 ego a diis immortalibus optabo, Quirites, in- vidiam meae levandae causa, ut L. Catilinam ducere exercitum hostium, atque in armis volitare audiatis : sed triduo tamen 10. In exsilium] As Cat. had made Hor. Ep. xvi. 17. ' Phocaeorum Velut every preparation for raising the profugit execrata civitas.' It was a standard of rebellion in Umbria, usual retreat for exiled Romans, as Cic. could not be said to have ex- appears by its being the residence of pelled him from Rome. L. Scipio Asiaticus and Milo. Sext. 11. Mallius Fesulano] Or. i. 35. 3. 12. Massiliam] In Gallia Nar- Sect. VII. 1 . conditionem mi~ bonensis. So Sail. Cat. 34. * Massi- seram] Wherein a statesman's con- Ham in exilium proficisci.' This city duct is so misrepresented. This he was founded B. C. 600, by a colony illustrates Nunc, si, &c.' of Phocaeans from Ionia, who being 2. Fugam exsilium] Amplifica- besieged by Harpagus, a general of tory merely. Cyrus, and on the point of surrender- 3. Est tanti] Or. i. 9, n. 4. V. E. ing, formed the design of leaving their This groundless odium I am willing to city, and having cast into the sea a sustain. mass of iron, bound themselves by 4. Nunquam, fyc.] Cic. wished to an oath not to return till it should set himself right with his fellow-citi- emerge from the deep. Herod, i, 165. zens, regarding his predictions about a A 266 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO If. audietis : multoque magis illud timeo, 5 ne mihi sit invidio- sura aliquando, quod ilium emiserim potius, quam quod ejecerim. Sed quum sint 6 homines, qui ilium, quum profec- tus sit, ejectum esse dicant, iidem, si interfectus esset, quid dicerent? Quamquam 7 isti, qui Catilinam Massiliam ire dictitant, non tarn hoc queruntur, quam verentur. 8 Nemo est istorum tam misericors, qui ilium non ad Mallium, quam ad Massilienses ire malit. Ille autem, si mehercules hoc, quod agit, 9 nunquam ante cogitasset, tamen latrocinantem se interfici mallet, quam exsulem vivere. Nunc vero, quum ei nihil adhuc praeter ipsius voluntatem cogitationemque acci- dent, nisi quod vivis nobis Roma 10 profectus est : optemus potius, ut eat in exsilium, quam queramur. VIII. Sed cur tamdiu 1 de uno hoste loquimur : et de eo hoste, qui jam fatetur se esse hostem, et quern, quia, quod semper volui, murus interest, non timeo : de his, qui dissi- mulant, qui Roma? remanent, qui nobiscum sunt, nihil dici- mus? quos quidem ego, si ullo modo fieri possit, 2 non tam ulcisci studeo, quam sanare, et ipsos placare 3 reipublicae ; neque, id quare fieri non possit, si me audire volent, intelli- go. Exponam* enim vobis, Quirites, ex quibus generibus hominum istae copiae comparentur : deinde singulis medici- Catiline, who might think that he these words, and ' ad Mallium ad could have little objection to Cata- Massilienses/ contain a sort of paro- line's taking up arms, were it only nomasia. to demonstrate his own sagacity. 9. Hoc quod agit] Conspiring 5. Multo magis timeo] I do not against his country. fear any odium likely to arise from 10. Vivis nobis] Whilst I am ali?e. the banishment of Catiline, for 1 did Supr. 1, n. 15. not cause it ; but from permitting his Sect. VTII. I. Sed cur tamdiu] escape, instead of inflicting on him Transitio est. Muret. summary vengeance. 2. Si possit] Al. posset. Weiske 6. Quum sint] If I am accused of suspects that these words are a mar- banishing Catiline, because he left ginal gloss, as they do not accord the city j much more should I have with neque id intelligo, immediately been blamed had I put him to death, following. V. E. But when he wrote 7. Quamquam] Mil. 2. n. 18. the words he did not think of si me And yet those who repeat, &c, are audire volent/ which, in Cicero's not so sincere in their complaints, opinion, was quite enough to take as in their fears that those com- away any impossibility. plaints are groundless : for then 3. Jpsos placare] To reconcile they should have no opportunity of even them to the republic, rising on the ruin of their country. 4. Exponam] From a candid e*- 3. Queruntur verentur] Perhaps position, Cic. proposes to conciliate IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 8. 267 nam consilii atque orationis 5 meae, si quam potero, 6 afteram. Ununi genus est eorum, qui, magno in aere alieno, majores etiam possessiones habent, quarum amore adducti dissolvi 7 nullo modo possunt. Horum hominum species est hones- tissima ; 8 sunt enim locupletes : voluntas vero et causa im- pudentissima. Tu agris, tu aedificiis, tu argento, tu familia, tu rebus omnibus ornatus et copiosus sis : 9 et dubites de pos- sessione detrahere, acquirere, ad fidem ? 10 Quid enim ex- spectas ? Bellum ? Quid ? Ergo in vastatione omnium tuas possessiones sacrosanctas 11 futuras putas ? An tabulas novas . ?12 Errant, qui istas a Catilina exspectant. Meo bene- ficio tabula? novae 13 proferentur : verum auctionariae. 1 * Neque enim isti, qui possessiones habent, alia ratione ulla salvi esse possunt. Quod si maturius facere voluissent, neque (id quod stultissimum est) certare cum usuris fructibus praedio- rum; 15 et locupletioribus his et melioribus civibus utere- his audience. 5. Medicinam orationis] The healing influence of my advice, and of my eloquence, exerted in explain- ing and enforcing that advice. 6. Si quam potero] For, as the Schol. remarks, ' tria genera vitiorum cum remedio ; tria sine remedio.' The first, second, and third, as will be observed, stand in the former predicament, the remainder in the latter. 7. Dissolvi] Liberari alieno aere. Muret. Em. conjectures dissolvere ; nam aes ipsura, non homo qui debet, ilissolvi dicitur. Dissolvi, Scheller in- terprets, separari: they cannot en- dure parting with their possessions : Sic enim sum complexus otium, ut ab eo divelli non queam.' Att. ii. 6. Orel, rightly says, that dissolvi has a middle force ' to clear their scores so as to get a receipt in full.' For ad- ducti, Weiske would read uddicti, Hrn. adstricti. 8. Honestissima] Of high rank and making a splendid appearance. V. E. 9. Tu sis] 'Are you, &c, and yet hesitate, &c.' 10. Ad fidem] i. e. Acquirere aliquid ad fidem ; in some degree to improve your credit. 1 1 . Sacrosanctas] So that none may violate them. Muret. 12. Tabulas novas'] A compulsory arrangement by law, compelling the creditor to accept a part of his debt, in full for the whole. This measure Catiline had promised to adopt. Sail. 21. V.E. Muret. strangely supposes it to mean Catiline's burning the books of the money-lenders. 13. Novce] He plays on the word. They shall be new tables, but not in their sense. 14. Auctionaria] By which their property, or a sufficient portion of it, would be exposed to sale, and their debts paid. V. E. This is his first remedy. 15. Certare pr<diornm] 'To struggle against the interests of money with the proceeds of their possessions ;' i. e. to attempt paying the interest of money by the income of their estates. We may infer that the contest was unequal, from the folly of waging it ; i. e. that the in- come did not cover the accumulated interest and hence the propriety of 268 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO II. mur. 16 Sed hosce homines minime puto pertimescendos, quod ant deduci de sententia possunt; aut, si permanebunt, magis mihi videntur vota facturi contra rempublicam, quam arma laturi. IX. Alterum genus est eorum, qui quamquam premuntur aere alieno, dominationem tamen exspectant : rerum potiri 1 volunt : honores, quos quieta republica desperant, perturba- ta 2 consequi se posse arbitrantur. Quibus hoc praecipien- dum 3 videtur, unum scilicet et idem, quod ceteris omnibus, ut desperent, se id, quod conantur, 4 consequi posse : primurn omnium, me ipsum vigilare, adesse, providere reipublicae : deinde magnos animos esse in bonis viris, magnam concor- diam, maximam multitudinem, 5 magnas praeterea copias mi- litum ; deos denique immortales huic invicto populo, claris- simo imperio, pulcherrimae urbi, contra tantam vim sceleris, praesentes 6 auxilium esse laturos. Quod si jam sint id, (mod cum summo furore cupiunt, adepti : num illi in cinere ur- bis, et in sanguine 7 civium, quae mente conscelerata 8 ac nefaria concupierunt, consules se ac dictatores, aut etiam reges sperant futuros ? Non vident, se cupere id, quod si adepti fuerint, fugitivo alicui, aut gladiatori 9 concedi sit ne- cesse ? Tertium genus est aetate jam affectum, 10 [sed tamen] selling out a part to save the remain- or eorum. Sch. supposes equitum, tier. cavalry, as opposed to militum, in- 16. Uteremur] Experiremur, like fantry, following. V. E. xpdouat in Greek. Verr. vii. 59. 6. Prttsentes] Propitious. Or. iii. 1 Hie vide, quam me sis usurus aequo.' 8. ' Ita praesentes opem et auxilium How reasonable you will find me. nobis tulerunt.' Virg. Eel. i. 42. 17. Quod deduci'] By showing Nee tarn praesentes alibi cognoscere them that they must pay, or else thej divos. Hor. Ep. ii. 1. ' Praesenti will be auctioned out. tibi maturos largimur honores.' Sect. IX. 1. Potiri rerum] To 7. Cinere sanguine] Refer to possess supreme power ; but ' potiri ' caedes incendium ;' * ferro flam- rebus,' to obtain or enjoy, &c* So maque' which he has so often used. Sail. Cat. 48, Potiri urbis ;' and on Supr. 1. Or. iii. 1. the same principle, Hor. Carm. iii. 8. Conscelerata] Con only for eu- 30, Daunus agrestium Regnavit po- phony. Muret. pulorum. 9. Fugitivo gladiatori] For sup- 2. Perturbata] Sc. ' republica.' posing Catiline successful, his fol- 3. Hoc pr&cipiendum] The remedy lowers must be rewarded, and the in the second case. most daring of these were, or might 4. Id quod conantur] To over- be, slaves and gladiators. throw the state. 10. JEtate affectum] Supr. 3. 5. Max. mult.] Some word, Wetz. Collectum ex seniims desperatis.' and Em. think, is deficient ; populi, They were chiefly veterans of Sylla, IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 10. 269 exercitatione robustum : quo ex genere iste est Mallius, 11 cui nunc Catilina succedit. Hi sunt homines ex iis coloniis, 12 quas Sulla constituit : quas ego universas civium esse opti- morum, et fortissimorum virorum sentio : 13 sed tamen hi sunt coloni, qui se in insperatis repentinisque pecuniis sumptuo- sius insolentiusque jactarunt. 14 Hi dum sedificant, tamquam beati : 15 dum praediis, lecticis, familiis magnis, conviviis ap- paratis 10 delectantur, in tantum a?s alienum inciderunt, ut, si salvi esse velint, Sulla sit iis ab inferis excitandus. Qui etiam nonnullos agrestes, 17 homines tenues 18 atque egentes, in eandem illam spem rapinarum veterum impulerunt : quos ego utrosque, Quirites, in eodem genere praedatorum direp- torumque pono. Sed eos hoc moneo : 19 desinant furere ac proseriptiones et dictaturas 20 cogitare. Tantus enim illorum temporum dolor inustus 21 est civitati, ut jam ista non modo homines, sed ne pecudes quidem mihi passurae 22 esse vi- deantur. X. Quartum genus est sane varium, 1 et mixtum, et tnrbu- ientum: qui jampridem premuntur: qui nunquam emer- as he now shews. 11. Iste Mallius] Or. i. 3. n. 8. ' Cui succedit,' is gone to join. 12. Ex iis coloniis] Sylla had planted no less than forty-seven mi- litary colonies after his victory over the Marians. 13. Quas univer. sen.'] ' Which, i- a body, 1 hold to be, &c.' 14. In insperatis juctarunt~\ The preposition has been here inserted by Km., avowedly without any autho- rity, and in the opinion of Scheller anil Weiske, unnecessarily. Se jac- hire, without a prep, governing the following noun, are found. Cat. iv. 5. Vug. Eel. vi. 74. V. E. Vid. Sail. Cat. 11. 16, where the soldiers of Sylla are similarly described. 15. Tamquam beati] As if they were really wealthy, whereas they only possessed a temporary supply, derived from plunder. 16. Conviviis apparatis] Similarly, Phil. ii. 39. Prandiorum appara- tus,' and Lucian TroXvrtXi'i StX-rva. 17. Nonnullos agrcstes] ' Ex agres- ti luxuria ex rusticisdecoctoribus.' 18. Homines tenues] lta eleganter vocantur pauperes. Rose. A. 31. Quid si accedit eodem, ut tenuis ante fueris 1 Muret. 19. Sed eos hoc moneo] The remedy for the third class. The remainder were past remedy. 20. Proscrip. dictat.] The per- petual dictatorship and proscriptions of Sylla were fresh in the minds of his veterans. 21. Dolor inustus] Supr. 6. n. 3. Mil. 36. n. 4. 22. Pecudes passurai] This seems strongly figurative. Possibly an al- lusion is designed to some incident during Sylla's proscription, where great barbarity was practised to ani- mals. Weiske. V. E. Sect. X. 1. Varium] For they laboured under no single disease of the mind, as ambition or pride, but ' in aere alieno vacillant' are totter- ing under a load of debt, contracted of old, through indolence, imprudence, and extravagance. A A 2 270 M. T. C1CERONIS ORATIO II. gent ; 2 qui partim inertia, partim male gerendo negotio, par- tim etiam sumptibus, in vetere a?re alieno vacillant ; qui vadimoniis, judiciis, proscriptionibus 3 bonorum defatigati, permulti et ex urbe et ex agris se in ilia castra conierre dicuntur. Hosce ego non tam milites acres, quani intitia- tores 4 lentos esse arbitror. Qui homines primum 5 si stare non possunt, corruant : sed ita, ut non modo civitas, 6 sed no vicini quidem proximi sentiant. Nam illud non intelligo, quamobrem, si vivere honeste non possunt, perire turpiter velint: aut cur minore dolore perituros se cum multis, quam si soli pereant, arbitrentur. Quintum genus est parricida- rum, 7 sicariorum, denique omnium facinorosorum : quos ego a Catilina non revoco ; nam neque divelli ab eo possunt : et pereant sane in latrocinio, quoniam sunt ita multi, ut eos ca- pere career non possit. Postremum 8 autem ^enus est, non solum numero, verum etiam genere ipso atque vita : quod proprium est Catilina?, de ejus delectu, immo vero de coni- plexu 9 ejus ac sinu ; quos pexo 10 capillo, nitidos, aut imber- 2. Emergent] Men of broken for- tunes are called ' naufragi ;' the me- taphor is here pursued. Pers. Sat. iii. 33. ' Et alto Deroersus, summa rur- sus non bullit in unda.' 3. Vadim. judic. proscript.] The regular legal order of proceeding against insolvents in Rome, is here observed. They fail in appearing ; judgments against them are obtained ; their effects are seized, and, after a certain delay, pass to their creditors. Weiske. V. E. 4. Infitiatores lentos] 'Lentos' is opposed to ' acres,' and the sense is, that by denying, they put off their creditors from time to time. But vid. Muret. Var. Lect. iii. 18. 5. Primum] Quum dixerit pri- mum' videbatur additurus ' deinde,.' Est igitur avaKoXaOov. Muret. 6. Non modo civitas] He had said above ' vacillant' they stagger ; now be adds ' corruant' let them tumble down ; not indeed as they would wish, so as to shake the republic to its base ; but so that not even their nearest neighbour, much less the city, may hear the fall. Lucian Char. Mo-yic rai roTc yttrooiv t$aice<r0v- roc r5 7rrftaroc. He seems to hint that it would be more respecta- ble to be their own executioners than that their country should put them to death as traitors. Hence Manut. explains : ' Turpiter' civili bello ; ' cum multis' Catilinae sociis. 7. Parricidarum] Mil. 7. n. 6. 8. Postremum] We here learn that this word admits of two senses. '1 "his class was not only the last in point of order, but worst in point of morals. Supply the ellipsis thus: 'The last kind is so, not only in, &c, but also in, &c.' 9. Complexu, fyc] It is not ne- cessary to urge the meaning of this expression further than ' most inti- mate,' or the like. Fam. xiv. 4. ' Quid ? Cicero meus quid aget 1 Isle vero sit in sinu semper et com- plexu meo V 10. Pexo] This intimates effemi- nacy. Hence Hor. Carm. i. 12. ' Hunc et incomptis Furius capillos, Sec' Muret, IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 11. 271 bes, aut bene barbatos 11 videtis : manicatis et talaribus tu- nicis ; u velis amictos, 13 non togis : quorum omnis indus- tria vitae, et vigilandi labor in antelucanis ccenis 14 expromi- tur. In his gregibus omnes aleatores, omnes adulteri, omnes impuri impudicique versantur. Hi pueri tarn lepidi ac delicati, 15 non solum amare et amari, neque psallere ld et sal- tare, sed etiam sicas vibrare, et spargere venena didicerunt : qui nisi exeunt, nisi pereunt, etiam si Catilina perierit, sci- tote hoc in repnblica seminarium Catilinarium futurum. Verumtamen 17 quid sibi isti miseri volunt ! num suas secum mulierculas sunt in castra ducturi? quemadmodum autem illis carere poterunt, his prsesertim jam noctibus? 18 quo au- tem pacto i Hi Apenninum, atqne illas pruinas ac nives 19 per- terent ? nisi idcirco se facilius hiemem toleraturos putant, quod nudi in conviviis saltare 20 didicerunt. XI. O bellum magno opere pertimescendum, quum banc sit habiturus Catilina scortorum 1 cohortem praetoriam ! 2 In- struite nunc, Quirites, contra has tarn praeclaras Catilina? 11. Bene barbatos] With large beards. For if we translate ' spruce' there is no opposition between it and ' imberbes,' which is evidently in- tended. Bene barbati,' are full- grown young men ; ' imberbes' youths, called, Att. i. 14, ' barba- tuli.' The custom of shaving was introduced into the city, from Sicily, by P. Licinius Menn, a. l. 454. 12. Manicatis tunicis] ' Tunics furnished with sleeves.' These were held an unmanly apparel. A. Gell. vii. 12. Virg. ix. 616. Et tunicae manicas et habent redimicula mitral.' 13. Velis amictos] To show the looseness and thin texture of their gowns. Men of gravity chose gowns of opposite qualities. Hor. Ep. i. 19. Exiguaeque togae simulet textore Catonem. 14. Antelucanis ca:nis] Suppers protracted till the dawn. Arch. 6. n. 15. 15. Delicati] Mil. 10. n.21. 16. Psallere] Al. cantare ; but Sail. (Cat. 25,) uses ' psallere et saltare.' As to ' semin. Catilinarium,' Orel, defends it by Cato 48. ' Po- marium seminarium atque oleagine- um.' The remark of Sen. then, that this would mean 'a seminary instituted by Catiline,' seems not well-founded. He reads, however, Catilinarum, and cites, Phil. xiii. 2. ' Seminarium judi- cum tertia) decuriae.' 17. Verumtamen, fyc] Non jam ad pueros dicit sed ad amatores ip- sorum. Muret. Hence mulierculas.' 18. His jam noctibus] Novem- ber was then arrived. 19. Apen. nives] Similarly Virg. Eel. x. 47. ' Alpinas, an dura, nives, et frigora Rheni, 6cc.' 20. lYudi saltare] Deiot. 9, n. 25 ; to which add Dem. Olyn. ii. 7. o'Lovq fiiBvaOivraQ bp^tiaOat routura ola iyuj vvv ukvoj 7rpoc vfiag dvofid- aai. Sect. XI. 1. Scortorum] This term is sometimes applied to males. Sext. 17. ' Cum scurrarum locuple- tium scorto, cum, &c. quos homi- nes.' Al. Scortatorum. 2. Cohortem praetoriam] As ' prae- tor' is any leader, civil or military, ' praetoria cohors' is the general's guard. Festus says that Scipio Afri- 272 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO II. eopias vestra praesidia vestrosque exercitus : et primum gla- diatori illi confecto 3 et saucio, consules imperatoresque ves- tros opponite : deinde contra illam naufragorum ejectam 4 ac debilitatam manum, florem totius Italiae ac robur educite. Jam vero urbes 5 coloniarum ac municipiorum respondebunt 7 Catilinae tumulis 8 silvestribus. Neque vero ceteras eopias, ornamenta, 9 praesidia vestra, cum illius latronis inopia atque egestate debeo confer re. Sed, si, omissis his rebus omni- bus, quibus nos suppeditamus, 10 eget ille, senatu, 11 equitibus Romanis, populo, urbe, aerario, vectigalibus, cuncta Italia, provinciis omnibus, exteris nationibus, si, his rebus omissis, ipsas causas, quae inter se confligunt, contendere 12 velimus : ex eo ipso, quam valde illi jaceant, intelligere possumus. Ex hac enim parte pudor pugnat, illinc petulantia : 13 hinc pudi- citia, illinc stuprum : hinc fides, illinc fraudatio : hinc pie- tas, illinc scelus : hinc constantia, illinc furor : hinc hones- tas, illinc turpitudo : hinc continentia, illinc libido : denique aequitas, temperantia, fortitudo, prudentia, virtutes omnes certant cum iniquitate, cum luxuria, cum ignavia, cum teme- ritate, cum vitiis omnibus : postremo copia cum egestate, bona ratio cum perdita, mens sana cum amentia, bona deni- que spes cum omnium rerum desperatione confligit. Jn hujusmodi certamine ac proelio, nonne, etiam, si hominum canus first formed this corps, and an ground, a mound, which, covered with imitation of it by Augustus, gave woods, (silvestribus,) would be a fit- rise to the famous praetorian guards, ting retreat for Catiline's adherents, which so frequently disposed of the Al. cumulis ; but * urbes' requires imperial diadem. ' tumulis.' Supr. n. 5. 3. Confecto] The technical word 9. Ornamenta'} By these theDelph. for a wounded gladiator. Similarly would understand senatum, equites I lor. Ep. ii. 2. 97. Caedimur et to- Rom., aararium, &c.' butForcel. 'ali- tidem plagis consumimus hostem.' quis apparatus,' equipment, accou- 4. Ejectam] Properly applied to trements. naufragi.' 10. Suppeditamus] Arch. 5. n. 4. 5. Urbes] Muret. tires. Al. arces, Supply * quibus antem' before 'eget.' which is thought to be supported by 11. Senatu, &;c] This enumer- Liv. xxvii. 18. ' Nee tumulos nee ation is worthy of notice as contain- arcem ne mare quidem armis obstitis- ing Cicero's opinion concerning the se suis, &c.' But ' coloniarum ac relative dignity of the grand consti- municipiorum' may be put for the ruents of the empire. people who inhabit them, to whom 12. Contendere] To compare. Hor. ' urbes' will apply. Ep. i. 10. 26 ' qui Sidonio conten- 7. Respondebunt] Similes sunt dere callidus ostro Nescit Aquinatem cum ironia. Mannt. Hor. Ep. ii. 2. potantia vellera succum.' Rose. A. 48 non responsura lacertis. 33. Manil. 13. n. 5. 8. Tumulis] (A tumeo) a rising 13. Pudor petulantia, c] This IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 12. 273 studia deficiant, dii ipsi immortales cogent ab his praeclaris- simis virtutibus tot et tanta vitia superari ? XII. Quae quum ita sint, 1 Quirites, vos, quemadmodum jam antea, 2 vestra tecta custodiis vigiliisque 3 defendite : mihi, 4 ut urbi sine vestro motu ac sine ullo tumultu satis es- set praesidii, consultum ac provisum est. Coloni omnes mu- nicipesque vestri, certiores a me facti de hac nocturna excur- sione Catilinae, facile urbes suas finesque defendent : gladia- tores, quam sibi ille maximam manum et certissimam fore putavit, quamquam meliore 5 animo sunt, quam pars patrici- orum, potestate tamen nostra continebuntur. Q. Metellus, quern ego, prospiciens hoc, in agrum Gallicanum Picenum- que 7 praemisi, aut opprimet 8 hominem, aut omnes ejus motus conatusque prohibebit. Reliquis autem de rebus constituen- dis, maturandis, agendis, 9 jam ad senatum referemus, quern vocari videtis. Nunc illos, qui in urbe remanserunt, atque adeo qui con- tra urbis salutem omniumque vestrum in urbe a Catilina relicti sunt, quamquam sunt hostes, tamen, quia nati sunt tives, monitos eos 11 etiam atque etiam volo. Mea lenitas passage is valuable for determining the precise meaning of several words. E. g. ' scelus' is not merely a breach of morals, but an affront to religion ; * furor,' not only madness, but any conduct opposite to the firm, even tenor of the good citizen's, conduct. Sect. Xll. 1. Qua quum ita sint] The peroration. Introd 5. 2. Jam antea, c] Here many MSS. and editors read ante, and in- troduce dixi, or diximus. As Cic. had not in fact so said, edixi has been proposed. Cat. i. 3. Sail. 30. V. E. 3. Custodiis vigiliisque'] By day and night. Or. i. 1. * Nocturnum presidium.' Also n. 10, and Mil. 25. n.7. 4. Mihi consultum est] i. e. A me; for ' ego consului.' 5. Quamquam meliore] ' Quam- quam' is here, as in Phil. ii. 24, a correction: 'And yet, attached as it may be to Catiline, it is better affected to the state than certain patricians 1 Could name. But with all its at- tachment, it shall be kept within the bounds of duty.' Non, therefore, is not required before meliore, as Ern. thought. Sail. Cat. 17, gives a list of senators engaged in the conspiracy. 6. Continebuntur] The gladiators were distributed among different pro- vincial towns. Sail. 30. V. E. Refer ' potestate nostra' to the consular au- thority. 7. Gallican. Picen.] Supr. 3. n. 1.3. 8. Aut opprimet] To put doion the man will be Ins first aim; if he fails in that, he will next endeavour to render his attempts harmless. 9. Constituend. agend.] So Sail. Cat. 1, ' Priusquam incipias consul- to, et, &c. mature facto opus est.' Muret. 10. Nati cives] For the conspi- rators, he hints, had among them en- franchised slaves, gladiators, &c. Those that remained in the city, how- ever, were native citizens. 11. Monitos eos] The pronoun is 274 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO II. adhuc si cui solutior 12 visa est, hoc exspectavit, ut id, quod latebat, erumperet. 13 Quod reliquum est, 14 jam non possum oblivisci, meam hanc esse patriam, me horum esse consulem : mihi aut cum his vivendum, aut pro his esse moriendum. Nullus est porta? custos, nullus insidiator via? : si qui exire volunt, consulere sibi possunt ; qui vero in urbe se commo- verit, 15 cujusegonon modo factum, sed inceptum ullumcona- tumve contra patriam deprehendero; sentiet 16 in hac urbe es- se consules vigilantes, esse egregios magistratus, 17 esse fortem senatum, esse arma, esse carcerem : 18 quern vindicem ne- fariorum ac manifestorum scelerum majores nostri esse vo- luerunt. XIII. Atque haec omnia sic agentur, Quirites, ut res max- ima minimo motu, pericula summa nullo tumultu, bellum intestinum ac domesticum, post hominum memoriam crudel- issimum ac maximum, me uno togato duce 1 et imperatore, sedetur. Quod ego sic administrabo, Quirites, ut, si ullo modo fieri poterit, ne improbus quidem quisquam in hac urbe poenam sui sceleris sufferat. Sed si vis manifesta? au- daciae, si impendens patriae periculum me necessario de hac animi lenitate deduxerit: 2 illud profecto perficiam, quod i.i tanto et tarn insidioso bello vix optandum 3 videtur, ut Deque bonus quisquam intereat, paucorumque poena vos jam omnes omitted by Ern. and other editors. rated. This was more than a vain V. E. threat in Cic. Vid. Sail. Cat. 62. 12. Solutior] Opposed to ' seve- Sect. XIII. 1. Togato duce] rior,' or the like. Mil. 13. n. 13. When the consuls set out on any mi- 13. Erumperet] Mil. 23. n. 15. litary expedition, they changed their 14. Quod reliquum est] Sc. 'quoad gowns for a military dress. This con- quod, ficc' spiracy, Cic. promises, shall be quell- 15. Se eommoverit] Mil. 31. n. 13, ed whilst he wears the garb of peace, where qui is, by accident, omitted be- V. E. Hence the boast which cost fore ' aliquid.' him so dear : ' Cedant arma togae.' 16. Sentiet] Verbum usitatum in 2. Deduxerit] Where many sub- comminando. Terent. * Sentiet qui jects are named, the last being of im- vir siem.' Muret. portance and expressed in several 17. MagUtrat us] Tribunes. Weishe. words, the verb is often found in the V. K. singular, as sedetur in the preceding 18. Career.] Cic. here declares sentence. Weiske. Al. deduxerit. that the intention of the old Romans, V. E. in building a prison, was to punish the 3. Quod vix optandum] People evil-doer ; whereas, Ulpian says, that seldom wish impossibilities, at least it was to deter him from committing it is useless to do so. So Manil. 9. crimes. But it does not appear how ' Tantum victus efficere potuit, quan- these two objects can be well sepa- turn iucolumis nunquam est ausus op- IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 13. 27, salvi esse possitis. Quae quidem ego neque mea prudentia, neque humanis consiliis fretus polliceor vobis, Quirites ; sed multis, et non dubiis deorum immortalium significationibus, 4 quibus ego ducibus in hanc spem sententiamque sum ingres- sus : qui jam non procul, 5 ut quondam solebant, ab externo hoste atque longinquo ; sed hie praesentes suo numine atque auxilio sua templa atque urbis tecta defendunt : quos vos, Quirites, precari, venerari 6 atque implorare debetis, ut, quani urbem pulcherrimam, florentissimam potentissimamque esse voluerunt, bane, omnibus hostiimi copiis terra marique supe- ratis, a perditissimorum civium nefario scelere defendant. tare. Hence ' vix opt.' is like our expression ' hardly to be thought of,' applied to things unlikely to take place. The note of Manut. is : Po- tius enim optandum videtur ut in tan- to, &c, multi improbi morte multa- rentur ;' i. e. he took ' optandum' in its ordinary sense, but referred it only to * paucorum poena ;' which the struc- ture of the sentence seems to forbid. 4. Significationibus'] The verb sig- nifico was appropriate to the Arus- pices. Tibull. ii. 1. 26. De Div. i. 1. 4 Quid sibisignificent, trepidantia con- sult exta.' Metam. xv. 576. V. E. A bright flame stated by Plut. Cic. 20, to have issued from the altar at Cicero's house, while his wife and the matrons were sacrificing to Bona Dea, is usually given as an instance of these omens. 5. Non jam procul] The vulgar thought that the gods varied their dis- tance from a place according as their assistance was required; but still that they acted so much the better for be- ing near at hand. Hence he says ' praesentes.' The Delph. refers 'pro- cul, &c.' to the occasions in which the Romans were unsuccessful, e. g. the Gallic and second Punic war; but this is unnecessary. 6. Venerari] To beseech, Hor. Sat. ii. 6. Si veneror stultus nihil horura. M. TULLII CICERONIS IN LUCIUM CATILINAM, TERTIA* AD QUIRITES ORATIO. I. Rempublicam, 1 Quirites, vitamque omnium vestrum, bona, 2 fortunas, conjuges, liberosque vestros, atque hoc do- micilium clarissimi imperii, fortunatissimam 3 pulcherrimam- que urbem, hodierno die, 4 deorum immortalium summo erga vos amore, 5 laboribus, consiliis, periculisque meis, 6 ex flamma atque ferro, 7 ac paene ex faucibus fati 8 ereptam, et vobis con- servatam ac restitutam videtis. Et, si 9 non minus nobis jucundi atque illustres sunt ii dies, quibus conservamur, 10 quam illi, * Vid. Introd. 7. Sect. I. 1. Remp.] An amplifi- cation ; as Or. i. 5. n. 10 ; < univer- sam remp. petis.' 2. Bona] Td vnap\ovTa, syno- nymous with ' fortunas.' Muret. The Delph., however, restricts the latter to ' pecuniae.' 3. Fortunatissimam'] Ev8aifioviara' Tt)V. 4. Hodierno die] The third of Deer. Introd. 6. Att. ii. 1. 5. Deorum amore] Post deos se- ipsum ponendo, beneficium auget, Schol. 6. Periculis meis] Cic. does not seem to make any account of his col- league, C. Antony. 7. Flamma ferro] Or. ii. 9. n. 7. 8. Faucibus jati] An obvious metaphor from wild beasts ; ' fati,' here, is merely ' death,' as Ktjp with the Greeks. Phil. ii. 1. 9. Et, si non minus] Et si, seems put for quod si, as in the Phormio of Terence ' et si tibi res sit cum eo leno- ne ;' where Donat. remarks, that et is not only a connective but incep- tive particle. Muret. 10. Jucundi quibus conservamur] This is natural. So Hor. Carm. iii. 8, ' Voveram dulces epulas, et album B B 278 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO III. quibus nascimur; quod salutiscertalaetitia est,nascendi incerta conditio, 11 et quod sine sensu nascimur, cum voluptate serva- mur : profecto, quoniam ilium, qui hanc urbem condidit, ad deos immortales 12 benevolentia famaque sustulimus, 13 esse apud vos posterosque vestros in honore debebit is, 14 qui ean- dem hanc urbem conditam amplificatamque servavit. Nam toti urbi^ 15 templis, delubris, tectis ac mcenibus subjectos prope jam ignes circumdatosque restinximus ; iidemque gla- dios in rempublicam destrictos retudimus, mucronesque eo- rum a jugulis vestris dejecimus. Qua? quoniam in senatu illustrate, patefacta, comperta sunt per me ; vobis jam ex- ponam breviter, Quirites : ut et quanta, et quam manifesta, et qua ratione investigata et comprehensa sint, vos, qui ig- noratis, et exspectatis, 16 scire possitis. Principio, 17 ut Catilina paucis 18 ante diebuserupit ex urbe, quum sceleris sui socios, hujusce nefarii belli acerrimos duces Roma? reliquisset: semper vigilavi 19 et providi, Qui- rites, quemadmodum in tantis et tam absconditis insidiis salvi esse possemus. Libero caprum prope funeratus Arbo- ris ictu.' 1 1 . Nascendi incerta conditio] So the Trausi, a Thracian tribe, used to lament over the birth, and rejoice at the death, of a human being. Herod. v. 4. 12. Ad deos immortales] The apo- theosis of Romulus is told Liv. i. 16. Vid. also Aurel. Vict. c. 2. llor. Carm. iii. 3 r Hac Quirinus Martis equis Acheronta fugit;' and Kp. ii. 1. ' Romulus deorum in templa recepti.' Numa added a fla- men, called Quirinalis, and appoint- ed a feast called Quirinalia, which was held on the seventeenth of Fe- bruary. 13. Famaque sustulimus] ' Sus- ccpit autera vita hominum consuetu- doque communis, ut benefices excel- lentes viros in coelum, famaac volun- tate, tollerent.' De Nat. Deor. ii. 24. Tusc. i. 12. V. E. 14. Debebit is] Having shown that Romulus, the founder of the city, was deified, he hints that its preserver is no less deserving of immortal renown. 15. Toti urbi] Al. totius vrbis ; but it is agreeable to Cicero's manner to proceed from the whole to its parts. Snpr. n. 1. 16. Exspectatis] The MSS. here vary. Al. ex actis ; from the records of the senate's proceedings. The latter reading Weiske adopts, but suggests a different interpretation and punctuation ; you, who have not the means of knowing the facts by refer- ence to the senate's recorded pro- ceedings.' V. E. 17. Principio] Narratio est. Muret. 18. Paucis] Twenty-four. On 'erupit,' vid. Mil. 23. n. 15. 19. Semper vigilavi] This modest exposition of his own diligence is al- lowable in an orator, where his au- dience is to be conciliated. The * vigils' of kings and statesmen are long on record. Horn. U. Oit xp>l 7ravvi>xiov ^a\rjfopov avSpa xa- Qtvdtiv, &c. IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 2. 279 II. Nam turn, quum ex urbe Catilinam ejiciebam, (non enim jam vereor hujus verbi 1 invidiam, quum ilia- magis sit timenda, quod vivus exierit,) sed turn, quum ilium extermi- nari 3 volebam, aut reliquam conjuratorum manum simul ex- ituram, aut eos, qui restitissent, infirmos sine illo ac debiles fore putabam. 4 Atque 5 ego, ut vidi, quos maximo furore et scelere esse inflammatos 6 sciebam, eos nobiscum esse, et Ro- mae remansisse : in eo omnes dies noctesque consumpsi, ut, quid agerent, quid molirentur, sentirem ac viderem : ut quo- niam auribus vestris, propter incredibilem magnitudinem 7 sceleris, minorem fidem faceret oratio mea, rem ita compre- henderem, ut turn demum animis saluti vestrae provideretis, quum oculis 8 maleficium ipsum videretis. ltaque ut com- peri, 9 legatos Allobrogum belli Transalpini et tumultus 1J Sect. II. 1. Hujus verbi] Sc. ' ejiciebam.' Or. ii. 1. 2. Ilia] Sc. invidia' the odium likely to accrue from his being per- mitted to depart alive. 3. Exterminari] Ex terminis age- re topi'uv to banish. 4. Nam turn putabam] In the present sentence the remark may be pardoned, that eighteen words, more than a third of the whole, terminate with the letter m. In Greek, not one word terminating with that letter has been discovered. V. E. [We may conjecture that the letter m was not nearly so marked a sound with the Latins as with us, from the fact of its being lost (at least in verse) before vowels ; in which predicament are one half of the m's in this sentence. That the Greek v. so often represented in Latin by m, was likewise a weak letter, appears from its being often lost in Greek- Latin words, as UXd- Tuiv, Plato. The French nasals may give us a notion how this was done.] 5. Atque] Scheller proposes Atqui. These words are frequently confound- ed by transcribers. V. E. 6. Furore injiammatos] Verr. v. 62. Ipse inflammatus scelere et furore, Sec' 7. Propter magnitudinem, &;c] For the more atrocious the acts, the great- er the difficulty of giving them cre- dence. 8. Oculis] Pleonastic, but empha- tic, being opposed to ' auribus ves- tris' preceding. So inf. 8. ' ut eos poene oculis videre possemus.' 9. Comperi] By means of Q. Fa- bius Sanga, the patron of the Allo- brogian state. Sail. Cat. 41. The Allobrogians were a people of Gal- lia Narbonensis. Their chief town was Vienna, on the Rhodanus (Rhone), below Lugdunum (Lyons). Ilor. Epod. xvi. 6. Novisque rebus infidelis Allobrox. Their dialect was barbarous. Hence Juv. vii. 144. Rufum, qui toties Ciceronem Allo- broga dixit. IntroJ. 6. 10. Tumulfus Gallici] A war in Italy or Cisalpine Gaul was usually called 'tumultus,' because it alarm- ed the city. Liv. vii. 9. Cic. Phil, viii. 1, says it was ' gravius quam bellum ;' and accuses the senate of ignorance, for calling the war against M. Antony ' tumultus,' as a softer word than ' bellum/ But Livy also must share in this charge, who says of an alarm created by the Sabines, tumultus fuit verius quam bellum,' intimating that it did not deserve tha name of a war. Besides if it were 280 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO III. Gallici excitandi causa a P. Lentulo 11 esse sollicitatos, eos- que in Galliam ad suos cives, 12 eodemque itinere 13 cum lite- ris mandatisque ad Catilinam esse missos, comitemque iis adjunctum T. Vulturcium, 14 atque huic datas esse ad Catili- nam literas : facultatem mihi oblatam putavi, ut, quod erat difficillimum, quodque ego semper optabam adiis immortali- bus, tota res non solum a me, sed etiam a senatu et a vobis manifesto deprehenderetur. Itaque hesterno die 15 L. Flac- cum et C. Pomptinum, praetores, fortissimos atque amantis- simos 16 reipublica; viros, ad me vocavi : rem omnem exposui : quid fieri placeret, ostendi. Illi autem, qui omnia de repub- lica praeclara atque egregia sentirent, sine recusatione ac sine ulla mora negotium susceperunt, et, quum advesperasce- ret, occulte ad pontem Mulvium 17 pervenerunt, atque ibi in proximis villis 18 ita bipartito fuemnt, ut Tiberis inter eos et pons interesset. Eodem autem et ipsi sine cujusquam sus- picione, multos fortes viros eduxerunt, et ego ex pr^fectum 1 ' 1 Reatina complures delectos adolescentes, quorum opera in republica assidue utor, pra?sidio cum gladiis miseram. In- ' gravius,' why object to its appli- cation to Antony 1 The distinction, therefore, as a general one, appears quite unfounded. 11. P. Lentulo] Inf. 6. n. 8. 12. Cives] For the whole country was called ' civitas.' Sail. Cat. 41. ' Cujus patrocinio civitas, &c.' 13. Eodem. itinere] For returning into Gaul, they would take Etruria on their way, and the Mallian camp. 14. Vulturcium] A native of Cro- to. Sail. Cat. 44. 15. Hesterno die] Late in the evening. Flacc. 40. ' O nox ilia, quae pcene ae tern as huic urbi tenebras attulisti !' 16. Fortissim. amant.] The former shows the ability, the latter the will, to serve their country. Flaccus after this service was made governor of Asia ; and owed his acquittal, on a charge of extortion in that office, to the eloquence of Cicero. Pomptinus was promoted to the government of Gaul j and procured a triumph for reducing these very Allobrogians to subjection. 17. Pontem Mulvium] Now ' Pon- te Molle' about three miles from the Roman forum. At this bridge the Via Flaminia commenced. Alt. iii. 33. 18. Villis] Not ' villages* as Dun- can, but * country-houses.' And bipartito fuerunt,' were in two par- ties ; i. e. the praetors had each a de- tachment of soldiers, and took post on opposite sides of the river. ' Eos' then must not be restricted to the praetors alone ; and lest it should, Cic. adds ' Eodem autem et ipsi et ego, &c.' But, lest you may think this strange, both the praetors them- selves brought out, &c. and I had sent. This use of ' autem' in sup- plying a link in a chain of reasoning, is common. Top. 2. 19. Prafectura] So called from the prefects that came annually from Rome to administer justice. Reate was a town of the Sabines, on- the IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 3. 281 tarim tertia fere vigilia exacta, 20 quum jam pontem Mulviimi magno comitatu legati Allobrogum ingredi inciperent, una- que Vulturcius, fit in eos impetus : educuntur et ab illis gladii, et a nostris. Res erat praetoribus nota solis : 21 igno- rabatiir a ceteris. III. Turn, interventu Pomptini atque Flacci, pugna, qua? erat commissa, sedatur. Literae, quaecunque erant in eo co- mitatu, integris signis, praetoribus traduntur : ipsi compre- hensi, ad me, quum jam dilucesceret, 1 deducuntur. Atque horum omnium scelerum improbissimum machinatorem Cim - brum 2 Gabinium statim ad me, nihil dum suspicantem, vo- cavi. Deinde item arcessitur L. Statilius, et post eum C. Cethegus. Tardissime autem Lentulus venit, credo quod literis dandis, praeter consuetudinem, 3 proxima nocte vigi- larat. 4 Quum vero summis ac clarissimis hujus civitatis vi- ris, qui, audita re, frequentes ad me mane convenerant, lite- rasa me prius aperiri, quam ad senatum deferri, placeret ! ne, si nihil esset inveutum, temere a me tantus tumultus injec- tus civitati videretur : negavi me esse facturum, ut de periculo publico non ad consilium 5 publicum rem integram 6 deferrem. Etenim, Quirites, si ea, quae erant ad me delata, reperta non essent : 7 tamen ego non arbitrabar in tantis reipublicae peri- culis mihi esse nimiam diligentiam pertimescendam. Sena- tum frequentem celeriter, ut vidistis, coegi. 8 Atque interea Nar, an eastern branch of the Tiber. 3. Pmtor consuetudinem'] Allud- 20. Tert. fere vig. exactd] Qua- ing to the slothful disposition of Len- tuor fere horis antequam dilucesceret. tulus. Hence inf. 7. ' P. Lentuli Muret. somnum,' and Sail. Cat. 58. ' So- 21. Pratoribus solis] Sallust, cordia atque ignavia Lentuli.' however, says that the Allobrogian 4. Vigilarat] Had sat up writing deputies were also in the secret. letters. Cat. 41. 5. Consilium'] This word written Sect. HI. 1. Quum jam diluc] with s is repeatedly used to signify So that the whole business occupied 'the senate.' Pro Dom. 28. ' Sum- the fourth watch. Supr. 2. n. 20. mum est populi Rom. consilium se- 2. Cimbrum] Sallust (c. 17,) natus.' calls him P. Gabinius Capito. Mu- 6. Integram] Just as it was. Ligar. ret. conceives ' Cimber'to be the cog- 1. n. 13. Liv. ii. 5. ' Res integra nomen, and that he may have had refertur ad Patres.' two. He belonged to the equestrian 7. Reperta non essent] Namely, by order, as did also Statilius ; but Ce- the letters and confusion of Gabinius, thegus was of the gens Cornelia,' &c. and a senator. 8, Senatum ut vidistis co'cgi] In BB 2 282 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO III. statim, admonitu Allobrogum, 9 C. Sulpicium, 10 praetorem. fortem virum, misi, qui ex aedibus Cethegi, si quid telorum esset, efferret. Ex quibus ille maximum sicarum numcruni. et gladiorum extulit. IV. Introduxi Vulturcium sine Gallis i 1 fidem ei publican), jussu senatus, 2 dedi : hortatus sum, ut ea, quae sciret, sine timore indicaret Turn ille, quum vix se ex magno timore recreasset, 3 [dixit:] a P. Lentulo se habere ad Catilinani mandata 4 et literas, ut servorum praesidio 5 uteretur, et ad ur- bem quam primum cum exercitu accederet: id autem eo consilio, ut, quum urbem omnibus 6 ex parti bus, quemadmo- dum descriptum distributumque erat, incendissent, caedem- que 7 infinitam civium fecissent, praesto esset ille, 8 qui et luiii- entes exciperet, 9 et se cum his urbanis ducibus 10 conjungeret. Introducti autem Galli, jusjurandum sibi et literas a [P.] Lentulo, Cethego, Statilio ad suam gentem datas esse dix- orunt: atque ita sibi ab hisetaL. Cassio n esse prascriptum, ut equitatum 12 in Italiam quam primum mitterent: pedestres sibi copias non defuturas : Lentulum autem sibi confirmasse ex fatis Sibyllinis 13 haruspicumque responsis, se esse tertium the temple of concord, erected on ra- vitia repudiet V ther an elevated spot within view of 6. Omnibus] Sail. (Cat. 43,) says the forum". V. E. twelve; Plutarch, Cic. 18, one hun- 9. Admonitu Allob.] This shows dred. The aqueducts, too, were to be that they were privy to the conspi- guarded, that no one should procure racy. water to extinguish the flames. 10. C. Sulpicium] Plut., Cic. 19, 7. Cedent] The only exception testifies the same. made by Lentulus was, the children Sect. IV. 1. Sine CaUis] Of of Pompey. Plut. Cic. 18. course that the parties being examin- 8. Presto ille] Catiline. cd separately, any collusion might be 9. Exciperet] A venatoribus sump- prevented, turn. Muret. So Horn. 11. iii. 107. 2. Jussu senatus] Which was ne- drftypLtvog iv npcSoKycn. Hor. Carm. cessary for the consul to give assur- iii. 12. ' Celer . . . excipereaprum.' ance of impunity ('fidem dedi'). 10. Urbanis ducibus] Whom Cati- Rabir. 10. 'Quae fides, qui potuit line had left to conduct matters in the sine senatus consulto dari V city. 3. Recreasset] Al. recepisset. But 11. L. Cassio] Inf. 7. 'Nee Cas- Tusc. i. 24. ' Collegit se et recrea- sii adipem.' He had been competitor vit.' with Cic. for the consulship. 4. Mandata] Sc. verbal. 12. Equitatum] The cavalry of 5. Serv. presidio] Sail. Cat. 63. the Gauls was highly celebrated. ' Interea servitia repudiebat, &c.' 13. Fatis Sibyllinis] Sail. Cat. This, it appears, displeased Lentulus, 47, says libris Sibyllinis,' and he who asks, c, 45, 'quo consilio ser- makes the elevation of Lentulus to de- IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 5. 283 ilium Cornelium, 14 ad quern regnum hujus urbi, at que im- perium pervenire esset necesse : Cinnam ante se et Sullam 15 tuisse : eundemque dixisse, latalem 16 hunc esse annum ad in- teritum hujus urbis atque imperii, qui esset decimus annus post Virginum absolutionem, 17 post Capitolii autem incen- sionem vicesimus. 18 Hanc autem Cethego cum ceteris controversiam fuisse dixerunt : quod Lentulo et aliis, cedent Saturnalibus 19 fieri, atque urbem incendi placeret ; Cethe- go- nimium id longum videri. V. Ac, ne longum sit, Quirites, tabellas 1 proferri jussimus, quae a quoque dicebantur data?. Primum ostendimus Ce- thego signum : cognovit. Nos linum incidimus : legimus. pend upon their authority, and not on the * haruspicum responsis ;' to which alone he refers the calamitous ' twentieth year;' nor does he men- tion the ' acquittal of the vestals' at all. 14. Tertium Cornelium] In the 1 gens Cornelia' were the Syllaj, Cin- nae, Lentuli, &c. Certain impostors {yonrtg Plut.) persuaded the super- stitious Lentulus that the tyrannical cruelties of Sylla and Cinua were ' regna ;' to a third of which he was destined. It is said that the ominous words were tria R. R. R. pessima.' These the Greeks referred to the Cap- padocians, the Cilicians and Cre- tans ; the Romans to three Cornelii. Or. iv. 1. ' P. Lentulus suum no- men fatale ad perniciem reip. pu- tavit.' 15. Cinna Sullu] These two great men, though ot the same pa- trician family, look opposite sides in politics : Cinna being a partisan of Marius, while Sylla supported the optimates.' It was during the ab- sence of Sylla, in the JUithridatic war, that Cinna obtained his short- lived power. It is doing the great- est violence to language to apply ' regnum' to the detestable tyranny of either one or other. 10'. Futalem] Fated. Hor. Ep. ii. 1. ' Tatalesque labores.' 17. Virginum absolutionem] Their advocate was M. Piso. Brut. 67. Fabia, the sister of Terentia, the wife of Cicero, is usually mentioned as one, but it cannot be shown that her case occurred ten years before. It is alluded to by Cic, Tog. Cand., who says ' nulla culpa subesset.' 18. Post Cupitolii viceshnus] Therefore it happened, a. u. 670. Tac. Hist. iii. I'l. It was rebuilt by Q. Catulus in the consulship of Hor- tensius and Metellus Creticus, a. u. 684. 19. Saturnalibus'] We learn from Macrobius, i. 10, that the seventeenth of December was the anniversary of this feast. Hence Hor. Sat. ii. 7. 4 Libertate Decembri.' It was so called from Saturn, under whose reign there were no slaves. It was at first limited to one day, Liv. ii. 21 ; but was afterwards extended to five, or according to some, seven. This attack on the city may be alluded to by Virg. ii. 265. lnvadunt urbem somno vinoque sepultam.' 20. Cethego] Hence inf. 7. * C. Cethegi furiosam temeritatem.' Sail, too, (Cat. 43, J says ' datura ferox, manu promtus, maximum bonum in celeritate putabat.' Or. iv. 6. ' Ce- thegi furor in vestra caede bacchan- tis.' Sect. V. 1. Tabellas] i. e. Li- 234 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO III. Erat scriptum ipsius manu 2 x\llobrogum senatui et populo. sese, quae eorum legatis confirmasset, esse facturum: orare, ut item illi facerent, qua? sibi legati eorum recepissent. 3 Turn Cethegus, qui paullo ante aliquid tamen 4 de gladiis ac sicis. quae apud ipsum erant deprehensae, respondisset, dixissetque, se semper bonorum ferramentorum studiosum fuisse : reci- tatis literis debilitatus atque abjectus, conscientia convictus, repente conticuit. 5 Introductus est Statilius : cognovit et manum suam. Recitatae sunt tabellae in eandem fere sen- tentiam: confessus est. Turn ostendi tabellas Lentulo, et quaesivi, cognosce retne signum. Annuit " Est vero, in- quam, notum signum, 6 imago avi tui, clarissimi viri, qui amavit unice 7 patriam et cives suos : quae quidem te a tanto scelere etiam muta revocare debuit."Leguntur eadem ra- tione ad senatum Allobrogum populumque literae. Si quid de his rebus dicere vellet, feci potestatem. 8 Atque ille pri- mo quidem negavit : 9 post autem aliquanto, toto jam indicio exposito atque edito, surrexit : 10 quaesivit a Gallis, quid sibi esset cum iis : quamobrem domum suam venissent ; itemque a Vulturcio. Qui quum illi breviter constanterque respon- teras. Pis. 17. ' Ne turn quidem, vis conscientiae.' And inf., \ quanta tabulas Roroam cum laurea mittere conscientiae vis esset ostendit.' audebas?' These tablets were usually 6. Notum signum} The ancients bound with a thread, and sealed with had miniatures of themselves or an- the writer's seal. cestors on their seals. The ' avus' 2. Ipsius manu] For men of rank at of Lentulus was P. Lentulus, consul. Home, on ordinary occasions em- a. u. 591, and ' princeps senatus.' ployed amanuenses. Cat. iv. 6. It may be added that 3. Recepissent] Had engaged to other impressions were sometimes do. Phil. v. 18. ' Promitto, recipio, used. Thus Sylla sealed with a re- C. Cajsarem talem semper fore, &c.' presentation of the fall of Jugurtha, Al. pr<ecepissent. As 'sese' preced- Augustus with the image of a sphinx, ing, so ' sibi' is to be referred to Ce- &c, M*cenas with a frog. thegus, not to 'legati.' 7. Amavit unice] 'EpufxiTiKuic,, the 4. Tamen] In some MSS. tamen is country and citizens that you are omitted ; but it seems to intimate planning to destroy. that Cethegus at first had attempted 8. Feci potestatem] Granted per- some defence, though he afterwards mission. Sail. Cat. 48. ' Neque yielded. amplius potestatem faciundam.' 5. Repente conticuit] This is so 9. Negavit] Sc. se velle quic- unlike what might have been expect- quam de his rebus dicere. Muret. ed from the character of Cethegus, 10. Surrexit] Senators spoke stand- c. 4. n. 20, that Weiske suspects ing. Of course Lentulus had no some error or omission. We can only notion as yet that the deputies had say with Cic, Mil. 23, Magna est betrayed him. IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 6. 285 dissent, per quern 11 ad eum, quotiesque venissent, quaesis- sentque ab eo, nihilne secum esset de tatis Sibyllinis locutus : turn ille subito, scelere demens, quanta conscientiae vis esset, ostendit. Nam, quum id posset infitiari, repente praeter opi- nionem orftaium confessus est. Ita eum non modo ingenium illud, et dicendi exercitatio, 12 qua semper valuit, sed etiam, propter vim sceleris manifesti atque deprehensi, impuden- tia, qua superabat omnes, improbitasque defecit. Vultur- cius vero subito proferri literas atque aperiri jussit, quas sibi a Lentulo ad Catilinam datas esse dicebat. Atque ibi vehementissime perturbatus Lentulus, tamen et signum suum et manum cognovit. Erant autem scriptae sine nomine, sed ita : ' Qui sim, 13 ex eo, quern ad te misi, scies. Cura, ut vir sis, et quern in locum 14 sis progressus cogita, et vide, quid jam tibi sit necesse. Cura, ut omnium tibi auxilia adjungas, etiam infimorum.' Gabinius deinde introductus, quum pri- mo impudenter respondere ccepisset, ad extremum nihil ex iis, quae Galli insimulabant, negavit. Ac mihi quidem, Quirites, quum ilia certissima sunt visa argumenta atque in- dicia sceleris, tabellae, signa, manus, denique uniuscuj usque confessio, turn multo ilia certiora, 15 color, oculi, vultus, taci- turn itas. Sic enim obstupuerant, sic terram intuebantur, sic furtim nonnunquam inter se adspiciebant, ut non jam ab aliis indicari, sed indicare se ipsi viderentur. VI. Indiciis expositis atque editis, Quirites, senatum con- sului, de summa republica 1 quid fieri placeret. Dicta? sunt a principibus 2 acerrimae ac fortissimae sententiae, quas 11. Per quern] Sc. Umbrenus. well represented some of the advan- lle is mentioned in the following sec- tages of public examination, com- tion, and Sail. Cat. 40. pared with written testimony. Black- 12. Dicendi exercitatio] Cic, in stone, iii. 23. V. K. Brut. 64, reckons him among the Sect. VI. 1. De summa rep.] Al. orators, the equals of Hortensius. reip. The public safety. This was 13. Qui sun] The terms of this the usual form whenever the motion letter do not exactly agree with Sal- was not specified. lust, 44. This in the text probably 2. A principibus] Muret. here no- is the more correct transcript. tices an iambic tetrameter. The opi- V. E. nions and votes of the consuls elect 14. Quern in locum] For the senate were usually taken first. Sail. Cat. had decreed him a public enemy. 50 ; next, of the princeps senatus, There was now, therefore, no way of then of the consulares, praetorii, &c. retreat. in order. It was usual to ask the 15. Multo ilia certiora] Here are opinion of the praetors, aediles, &c. 286 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO III. senatus sine ulla varietate 3 est consecutus. Et quoniam non- dum est perscriptum senatusconsultum, ex memoria vobis, Quirites, quid senatus censuerit, exponam. Primum mihi gratia? verbis amplissimis aguntur, 4 quod virtute, consilio, providentia mea, respublica periculis sit maximis liberata : deinde L. Flaccus et C. Pomptinus, 5 praetores, quod eoruni opera forti fidelique usus essem, 6 merito ac jure laudantur : atque etiam viro forti, collegae meo, 7 laus impertitur, quod eos, qui hujus conjurationis participes fuissent, a suis et a reipublicae consiliis 8 removisset. Atque ita censuerunt, ut P. Lentulus 9 quum se praetura abdicasset, turn in custodi- am 10 traderetur : item que uti C. Cethegus, L. Statilius, P. Gabinius, qui omnes praesentes 11 erant, in custodiam tra- derentur: atque idem hoc decretum est in L. Cassium, qui sibi procurationem incendendae urbis depoposcerat : in M. Caeparium, 12 cui ad sollicitandos pastores Apuliam esse at- tributam, erat indicatum : in P. Furium, 13 qui est ex iis co- elect, before the rest of their order. So Cic., Verr. v. 14, among the pri- vileges of an aedile elect, places an- tiquiorem in senatu sententiae dicen- dae locum.' 3. Sine ulla var.] Without a dis- senting voice. Al. Sine mora. V. K. 4. Gratia aguntur] Mil. 35. n. 5. Flaccus Pomptinus] Supr. 2. n. 16. 6. Usus essem] Had found. Or. ii. 8. h. 16. 7. College meo] C. Antonius, who was under strong suspicion of favour- ing Catiline. Sail. 21. Cic. had se- cured him to the republic by ceding to him the province of Macedonia (' pactione provincial Sail. 26,) for the mal-administration of which he was afterwards sentenced to perpetual banishment. Liv. Epit. ciii. He was afterward* restored, it is sup- posed by Julius Caesar. Phil. ii. 38. 8. Consi/iis] Suis,' counsels af- fecting Antonius in his private capa- city ; ' reip.' as consul. So Brut. I. ' Cessit e vita suo raagis, quam civium cuorum tempore.' But as this dis- tinction is rather forced, Sch. would omit reipub. or write de repub. 9. P. Lentulus.] Sc. Sura. He had been consul with Aufidius, a. v. 682, but was, the following year, re- moved from the senate by the censors, Gellius and Lentulus. In order to regain the senatorian dignity, he was obliged to commence the gradation of offices anew. This accounts for a man, ' quiconsulare imperium Romac habuerat,' Sail. 55, now holding the office of praetor. As there was a tem- ple to imprison a magistrate, this office he was obliged to lay down. Or. iv. 3. 10. Custodiam] Eig idtou.ov <j>v- \aciiv. Plut Cic. 19. ' In liberis custodiis.' Sail. 47. 1 1 . Omnes prasentet] For those mentioned afterwards had, probably, not been then apprehended. 12. Cxparium] He was a native of Tarracina, and was one of those afterwards strangled in prison. Sail. 55. 13. P. Furium] Being of Fesu- lae, it is conjectured that he is the ' Fesulanus' who fell in the battle at IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 6. 287 lonis, quos Fesulas L. Sulla deduxit : in Q. Manlium Chilo- nem, qui una com hoc Furio semper erat in hac Allobrogum sollicitatione versatus : in P. Umbrenum, libertinum homi- nem, a quo primum Gallos ad Gabinium 1 * perductos esse constabat. Atque ea lenitate senatus est usus, Quirites, ut ex tanta conjuratione, tantaque vi ac multitudine domestico- rum hostium, novem hominum perditissimorum poena, 15 re- publica conservata, reliquorum mentes sanari posse arbitra- rentur. Atque etiam supplicatio 16 diis immortalibus pro singulari eorum merito meo nomine decreta est, Quirites: quod mihi primum post hanc urbem conditam tomato con- tigit : et his decreta verbis est, Quod urbem incendiis, caede cives, Italiam bello liberassem.' Quae supplicatio si cum ceteris supplicationibus conferatur, Quirites, hoc inter- sit, 17 quod cetera? bene gesta, haec una, conservata republica, constituta est. Atque illud, quod faciendum primum fuit, factum atque transactum 18 est. Nam P. Lentulus, quam- quam patefactus indiciis et confessionibus suis, judicio sena- tes, non modo praetoris jus, verum etiam civis amiserat, tamen magistratu se abdicavit: ut, quae religioC. Mario, cla- rissimo viro, non fuerat, quo minus C. Glauciam, 19 de quo Pistoria. Sail. 59. his suffering punishment when re- 14. Gallos ad Cabin.] Sail. 40, duced to the rank of a citizen. For says that it was to the house of D. it was considered a matter of con- J>rutus the deputies were taken, and science not to punish magistrates who Gabinius sent for there. had been appointed at the comitia 15. Novem poena] Of these, five established by auspices. To do so were put to death. Sull. 11. ' Quin- would have been ' obstringere popu- que hominibus comprehensis atque lum Rom. religione ;' Phil. ii. 33. confossis.' To avoid this, it was usual to oblige 16. Supplicatio] This honour is the magistrates who were impeached repeatedly mentioned by himself and to resign ; which we find was the other writers. Sull. 30. Quint, ii. case with Lentulus. Or. iv. 3. 'P, 17. ' Supplicationes, qui maximus Lentulum, ut se abdicaret practura, honor victoribus bello ducibus datur, co'rgistis.' And it is with this re- in toga meruit.' L. Cotta was the striction that the word ' abdicavit' senator who proposed it. Phil. ii. 6. must be here understood, as it is ab- 17. Intersit] Al. interest. Modes- surd to suppose that Lentulus re- tius est intersit; rSro Sia^epoi av. signed office merely to free his prose- Lrn. cutors from the odium attached to the 18. Factum atq. transactum] Tech- punishment of those who, in the eye nical phraseology, expressing that all of religion, were ' sacrosancti.' had been in due form completed. 19. C. Glauciam] A creature of V. E. This important point was the Saturninus, whom he raised to the resignation of Lentulus, with a view to praHorship, and designed to make 288 M. T. CICER0N1S ORATIO III. uihil nominatim erat decretum, praetorem occideret, ea nos religione in privato P. Lentulo puniendo liberaremur. VII. Nunc, quoniam, 1 Quirites, sceleratissimi periculo- sissimique belli nefarios duces captos jam et comprehensos tenetis, existimare debetis, omnes Catilinae copias, omnes spes atque opes, his depulsis urbis periculis, concidisse. Quern quidem ego quum ex urbe pellebam, hoc providebam animo, Quirites, remoto Catilina, nee mihi esse P. Lentuli somnum, 2 nee L. Cassii adipem, 3 nee C. Cethegi furiosam temeritatem* pertimescendam. Ille erat unus timendus ex his omnibus, sed tamdiu, dum mcenibus urbis continebatur. Omnia norat, omnium aditus tenebat: 5 appellare, tentare, sollicitare poterat, audebat : erat ei consilium ad facinus ap- tum : consilio autem neque lingua, neque manus deerat. Jam ad certas res conficiendas certos homines delectos ac descriptos habebat. Neque vero, quum aliquid mandave- rat, confectum putabat. Nihil erat, quod non ipse obiret, occurreret, vigilaret, laboraret: frigus, sitim, famem ferre 6 poterat. Hunc ego hominem tarn acrem, tarn paratum, tarn audacem, tam callidum, tarn in scelere vigilantem, tarn in perditis rebus diligentem, nisi ex domesticis insidiis in cas- trense latrocinium compulissem, (dicam id, quod sentio, Quirites,) non facile banc tantam molem mali a cervicibus vestris depulissem. Non ille 7 nobis Saturnalia constituisset, neque tanto ante exitii ac fati diem reipublicae denuntiasset, neque commisisset, ut signum, ut literae suae testes denique consul. He was slain by Marius in 2. Lentuli somnum] Cic. here af- the capitol, along with his patron, fects to speak contemptuously of the Liv. Epit. 69. Mil. 3. n. 2. abilities of Lentulus, but he else- Cic. seems to think the senate, and where admits his talents as an orator, therefore himself, deserving of great A long course of vice had, it is proba- praise, for their piety in respecting ble, impaired his powers. Supr. 3. those scruples which Marius had n. 3. disregarded, yet Marius had not the 3. Cassii adipem] Supr. 4. n. 11. ground for punishing Glaucia that 4. Cethegi temeritatem] Supr. 4. they had for punishing Lentulus, n. 20. Lentulus being named in the decree. 5. Omnium aditus tenebat] ' Sola Sect. VII. 1. Nunc quoniam, viri molles aditus et tempora noras.' 3fc] Cic. proceeds to encourage the iEn. iv. 425. V. E. citizens, and point out the importance 6. Frigus ferre] Or. i. 10. ' Pa- of Catiline's expulsion from the city tientiam famis, frigoris, &c.' which had enabled him so easily to 7. Non ille, fyc] He would not, crush his remaining accomplices. like the others, have appointed so dis- IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 8. 283 manifesti sceleris deprehenclerentur. Quae nunc, illo absente, sic gesta sunt, ut nullum in privata domo furtum unquam sit tarn palam inventum, quam haec tanta in republica 8 conjura- tio manifesto inventa atque deprehensa est. Quod si Cati- lina in urbe ad hanc diem remansisset : quamquam, quoad fait, omnibus ejus consiliis occurri atque obstiti, tamen, lit levissime 9 dicam, dimicandum nobis cum illo fuisset, neque nos unquam, dum ille in urbe hostis fuisset, tantis periculis rempublicam, tanta pace, tanto otio, tanto silentio, liberas- semus. VIII. Quamquam 1 haec omnia, Quirites, ita sunt a me ad- ministrata, ut deorum immortalium nutu atque consilio et gesta et provisa esse videantur. Idque quum conjectura consequi possumus, quod vix videtur humani 2 consilii tan- tarum rerum gubernatio esse potuisse ; turn vero 3 ita praesen- tes* his temporibus opem et auxilium nobis tulerunt, 5 ut eos paene oculis 6 videre possemus. Nam, ut ilia omittam, 7 visas nocturno tempore ab occidente 8 faces ardoremque coeli, 9 ut fulminum jactus, ut terra? motus, ceteraque, qua? tarn multa, nobis consulibus, facta sunt, ut haec, quae nunc fiunt, canere dii immortales viderentur : hoc certe, Quirites, quod sum tant a day for the execution of his not only may we conjecture this, that schemes, &c. The Saturnalia was the direction, &c, but what is more, about a fortnight from the present they have so obviously, &c.' ' Quum time. Supr. 4. n. 19. turn, generally gives a greater empha- 8. In republica'] Opposed to ' pri- sis to the latter of the two propositions vata domo.' Al. rempublicam, i. e. united, which is often increased by conspiracy against the republic. the addition of vero, certe, &c. to turn.' 9. Ut levissime'] He merely says Zumpt, c. 63. 'dimicandum,' when he might have 4. Prccsentes] Nee tam praescntes presented to their view a picture of the alibi cognoscere divos. Virg. Eel. 1. horrors of a civil war. 5. Opem tulerunt] By warning us Sect. VIII. 1 . Quamquam] ' And as they did of the conspiracy and dan- yet all these difficult affairs have been ger that threatened the republic. Inf. conducted by me so prosperously as to 'Haec, quae nunc fiunt, canere dii put it past dispute that they were ow- immortales viderentur.' ' Canere,' ingto the special interposition of pro- praedicere. vidence.' As usual he gives weight 6. Oculis] Supr. 2. n. 8. to his own acts by attributing them to 7. Nam ut omittam] Cic. himself, the gods. de Divinat. i. 11, describes these pro- 2. Vix humani] Mil. 31. Non digies, as well as what occurred in the est humano consilio, ne mediocri consulship of Cotta and Torquatus. quidem, deorum immortalium cura, 8. Ab occidente] De parte Gallia? &c. Schol. 3. Idque quum turn vero] ' And 9. Faces ardoremque cali] Probably c c 290 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO III. dicturus, neque praetermittendum, neque relinquendum 10 est. Nam profecto memoria tenetis, Cotta et Torquato consuli- bus, 11 complures in Capitolio turres 12 de coelo esse percus- sas, quum et simulacra deorum immortalium depulsa sunt, et statua? veterum hominum dejecta?, et legum aera 13 lique- facta ; tactus est etiam ille, qui hanc urbem condidit, Romu- lus : u quem inauratum in Capitolio parvum atque lacten- tem, 15 uberibus lupinis inhiantem fuisse meministis. Quo quidem tempore quum haruspices 16 ex tota Etruria 17 con- venissent, caedes atque incendia, et legum interitum, et bel- lum civile ac domesticum, et totius urbis atque imperii oc- casum appropinquare dixerunt, nisi dii immortales omni ratione placati, suo numine prope fata ipsa flexissent. 18 Ita- que illorum responsis tunc et ludi decern per dies facti sunt, neque res ulla, qua? ad placandum deos pertineret, praeter- missa est: iidemque jusserunt, simulacrum Jovis facere majus, et in excelso collocare, et contra, atque 19 ante fuerat, ad orientem convertere : ac se sperare dixerunt, si iliud sig- num, quod videtis, solis ortum, et forum, curiamque conspi- ceret, fore, ut ea consilia, quae clam essent inita contra salu- tem urbis atque imperii, illustrarentur, ut a senatu populo- the Aurora borealis. V. E. the victim whose entrails were in- 10. Pretermit. relinquend.] Prae- spected ; from arvix,' a ram, or ' hara,' termittimus ea, quae ne attingimus a hog-sty. quidem : relinquimus jam suscepta. 17. Ex tota Etruria] Thence the Muret. Romans borrowed their arts of divina- 11. Cotta cousulibus] a. u. 688. tion. Div.i. 12. 41. V. E. Dio, lib. 38, notices these prodi- 18. Nisi dii prope fata ipsa jiti- gies. issent] These are the words of Cic. 12. Turres] Al. res: which Ern. himself, certainly not of the Haru- and Sch. adopt. Among the objects spices : by them some specific cere- afterwards enumerated as struck with monies probably would be pointed lightning, towers are not named, out, in order to avert the divine ire ; Y. E, in the performance of which, no doubt, 13. Legum era] The brazen tablets due regard would be required to the on which the laws were engraved, interests of the learned Haruspices. T\ E. Cic. employs the qualifying prope : the 14. Romulus] i. e. The statue of theological notions of the Greeks and Romulus. Romans seem not to invest the Gods 15. Lactentetn] JEn. viii. 630. with this power. ' Desine fata deum Mavortisin antro Procubuisse lu- flecti sperare precando.' ^En. vi.376. pam gemiuosque huic ubera circum. V. E. &c.' 19. Et contra atque] 'And con- 16. Haruspices] A word of Etrus- trary to its former position.' 'Atque' can origin. ' Arviga,' or ' haruga' is is ' than.' IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 9. 291 que Romano perspici possent Atque illud ita collocan- dum consules illi 20 locaverunt : 21 sed tanta fuit operis tarditas, ut neque a superioribus consulibus, neque a nobis ante hodi- ernum diem collocaretur. IX. Hie quis 1 potest esse, Quirites, tarn aversus a vero, tarn praeceps, tarn mente captus, 2 qui neget, haec omnia, qua? videmus, 3 praecipueque banc urbem, deorum immortali- um nutu atque potestate administrari I Etenim quum esset ita responsum, caedes, incendia, interitumque reipublica? comparari, et ea per cives: 4 quae turn propter magnitudinem scelerum nonnullis incredibilia videbantur: ea non modo cogitata a nefariis civibus, verum etiam suscepta esse sen- sistis. Illud vero nonne ita praesens 5 est, ut nutu Jovis Op- timi Maximi 6 factum esse videatur, ut, quum hodierno die mane per forum meo jussu et conjurati, et eorum indices 7 in iedem Concordia? 8 ducerentur, eo ipso tempore signum sta- tueretur? 9 quo collocato, atque ad vos senatumque converso, omnia et senatus, et vos, quae erant contra salutem omnia cogitata, illustrata et patefacta vidistis. Quo etiam majore sunt isti odio supplicioque digni, qui non solum vestris do- miciles atque tectis, sed etiam deorum templis atque delubris sunt funestos ac nefarios ignes inferre conati. Quibus ego si me restitisse dicam, nimium mihi sumam, et non sim ferendus: ille Jupiter restitit: ille Capitolium, ille haec templa, ille banc urbem, ille vos omnes salvos esse voluit. Diis ego immortalibus ducibus hanc men tern, Quirites, volun- tatemque suscepi, atque ad baec tanta indicia perveni. Jam vero ilia Allobrogumsollicitatio 10 sic a Lentulo ceterisque do- 20. Consules Mi] Cotta and Tor- 6. Optimi Max.] The highest epi- quatus. thets of Jupiter. 21 . Locaverunt'] Contracted to have 7. Indices'] Vulturcius and his train, it so placed. So Phil. ix. 7. ' Quan- 8. JEdem Concordia] Where he was tique locaverint, Sec' Pers. Sat.vi.47. about to hold the senate. This tem- Sf.ct. IX. 1. Hie quis, c. Cic. pie appears to have been situated on reasons similarly in Mil. 30, 31. the capitol. Phil. ii. 8. 2. Mente captus] llapaKOiroq. 9. Eo ipso tempore statueretur] 3. Qua videmus] The system of Wonderful coincidence! taking place, nature. no doubt, in obedience to the nod 4. Per cives] Al. perditis civibus, et of Jupiter Opt. Max. and of Cicero. per cives perditos. Most probably Ci- V. E. cero would adhere to the words of 10. Allobrogum sollicitatio] Sail. 39. the response ; and the latter readings ' Lentulus, quoscumque idoneos cre- are interpolated. V. E. debat, sollicitabat.' Among these were 5. Itaprasens] So providential. Supr. the envoys of the Allobrogians. c. 40. 8. n. 4. Em. suspects that suspecta or the like 292 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO HI. mesticis hostibus, tanta restam dementer credita etignotis et l)arbaris,commissaequeliterae nunquara essent profecto, nisi a diis immortalibus huic tanta? audacise consilium esset ereptum. Quid vero ? ut homines Galli ex civitate male pacata, 11 qua? gens 12 una restat, qua? populo Romano bellum facere et posse et non nolle videatur, spem imperii et rerum amplissimarum ultro sibi a patriciis hominibus ob- latam negligerent, vestramque sal litem suis opibus ante- ponerent: id non divinitus 13 factum esseputatis? pra?sertim u qui nos non pugnando, sed tacendo superare potuerunt. X. Quamobrem, Quirites, quoniam ad omnia pulvinaria 1 supplicatio dccreta est, celebratote illos dies 2 cum conjugi- bus ac liberis vestris. Nam multi saepe honores diis im- mortalibus justi habiti sunt ac debiti, sed profecto justio- res nunquam. Erepti enim estis ex crudelissimo ac miser- rimo interitu, et erepti sine caede, sine sanguine, sine cxor- citu, sine dimicatione ; togati, me uno togato duce 3 et impe- ratore vicistis. Etenim recordamini, 4 Quirites, omnes civiles dissensiones, neque solum eas, quas 6 audistis, sed eas, 6 quas vosmet ipsi meministis et vidistis : L. Sulla P. Sulpicium 7 op- pressit: ex urbeejecit C.Marium,cnstodem s hujusurbis,mul- tosque fortes viros partim ejecit ex civitate, partim interemit. has fallen out after hostibus. As it stands 3. Togato duce] Hence his boast . the construction is i ' Now again, that Cedant arma toga, c\c.' tampering with the Gauls, a matter of 4. Etenim recordamini] He com- such importance, would never have pares this conspiracy with former at- thus been so madly entrusted to those tempts of a similar nature ; and in- envoys, at once strangers and barbari- fers from its superior atrocity, that ans, nor the letters so committed by never were divine honours more de- Lentulus, &c, unless, &c.' served. 11. Malepacata] Half-conquered. 5. Eas quas] E. g. The secessions to 12. Qua gens, Sfc] This was five Mons Sacer and Aventinus. years before Caesar began his course of 6. Sed eas] Which he is about to victories in Gaul. mention. 13. Divinitus] Manil. 15. n. 14. 7. P. Sulpicium] An eloquent and 14. Praserlim] i. e. Praesertim cum powerful tribune of the people, who, essent homines qui. a. u. 665, passing several popular Sect. X. 1. Pulvinaria] Mil. 27. laws in an unjustifiable way, was op- n. 15. posed by the consul Sylla, and killed 2. Illos dies] The females and boys by his own slave. Sylla gave the formed processions, and sang hymns in slave his freedom as a reward, but praise of the Gods. How many days had him hurled down the Tarpeian the supplication was directed to con- rock as a punishment for his treachery, tinue, does not appear. V. E. H or. Veil. Paterc. ii. 18. Sulpiciusis one of Carm. iv. 15. ' Cum prole matronis- the speakers in the De Oratore. que nostris, &c.' 8. Custodem] This speech being ad- IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 10. 29; Cn. Octavius, 9 consul, armis ex urbe collegam suum expulit; omnis hie locus acervis corporum et civium sanguine redun da- vit. Superavit postea Cinna cum Mario. 10 Turn vero, clarissi- misviris interfectis, lumina civitatis exstincta sunt. Ultus est hujus victoria? crudelitatem postea Sulla ; ne dici quidem opus est, quanta deminutione civium, et quanta calamitate reipublicae. Dissensit M. Lepidus a clarissimo et fortissimo viro, Q. Catulo. 11 Attulit non tarn ipsius 12 interitus reipublicae factum, quam ceterorum. Atque illae dissensiones 13 [erant hu- jusmodi,] 14 Quirites, quae non ad delendam, sed ad commu- tandam 15 rempublicam pertinerent: non illi nullam esse rempublicam, sed in ea, quae esset, se esse principes, neque hanc urbem conflagrare, sed se in hac urbe florere volue- runt : atque illae tamen omnes dissensiones, quarum nulla exitium reipublica? quaesivit, ejusmodi fuerunt, ut non reconciliatione concordiae, sed internecione civium dijudi- catae sint. In hoc autem uno post hominum memoriam max- imo crudelissimoque bello, quale bellum nulla unquam bar- baria cum sua gente 16 gessit, quo in bello lex haec fuit a Lentulo, Catilina, Cassio, Cethego constituta, ut omnes, qui dressed to the citizens, Cic. does not pass over their old favourite, JMarius, without bestowing on him a favoura- ble epithet. It may allude to his conduct in the Cimbric war. Manil. 20. n. 7. 9. Cn. Octavius] The colleague of the celebrated Cinna, a. v. 667, whose attempt to incorporate the ci- tizens admitted on the conclusion of the social war, with all the tribes, he fully opposed ; and according to Plut., near ten thousand of the new citizens were slain. The battle was fought in the forum. Hence ' om- nis hie locus, &c.' 10. Cinna cum Mario] The conse- quence of Octavius's victory was the departure of Cinna from Rome. At Capua he prevailed on a Roman army to join him, and having, to give credit to his party, recalled Marius, whom Sylla, now in Asia, had banish- ed, entered the city, where as Cic. says, ' lumina civitatis exstincta sunt.' Among these were M. Antonius the orator, Catulus, Crassus, and Octa- vius. De Orat. iii. 11. Lepidus Catulo] These were consuls a. u. 675, the year in which Sylla died. Lepidus revived the Ma- rian party, and was opposed by Catu- lus and Pompey. Manil. Introd. 13. 12. Non tarn ipsius] For he was a turbulent citizen. lie died, however, a natural death. 13. lllce. dissensiones] 1. Between Sylla and Sulpicius. 2. Between Octavius and Cinna. 3. Between Sylla and the Marians. 4. Be- tween Lepidus and Catulus. All of those terminated in the slaughter of the citizens ; not so the present. 14. Erant hujusmodi] These words, probably interpolated, are expunged by Matth. V. E. 15. Commutandam] For it was a struggle between the optimates and popular party for supreme command. 16. Barbaria sua gente] No barba- rous nation, with its own people. Arch, 8. a, 18. c c 2 294. M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO HI. salva urbe 17 salvi esse possent, in hostium numero duceren- tur, itame gessi, Quirites, ut omnes salvi conservaremini : et, (jiiiim hostes vestri tantum civium superfuturum putas- sent, quantum infinitae caedi restitisset, tantum autern urbis, quantum flamma obire non potuisset, et urbem et cives ls integros incolumesque servavi. XL Quibus pro tantis rebus, Quirites, nullum ego a vobis praemium virtutis, nullum insigne honoris, nullum monu- mentum laudis postulo, praeterquam hujus diei memoriam sempiternam. In animis ego vestris omnes triumphos me- os, 1 omnia ornamenta honoris, monumenta gloriae, laudis in- signia condi et collocari volo. Nihil me mutum 2 potest de- lectare, nihil taciturn, nihil denique hujusmodi, quod etiuiu minus digni assequi possint. Memoria vestra, Quirites. nostra? res alentur, sermonibus crescent, literarum monu- mentis inveterascent et corroborabuntur ; 3 eandemque diem intelligo, quam spero aeternam fore, et ad salutem urbis, et ad memoriam consulatus mei propagatam :* unoque tem- pore in hac republica duos cives^ exstitisse, quorum alter fi- nes vestri imperii non terroe, sed coeli regionibus 6 termina- ret, alter ejusdem imperii domicilium sedemque servaret. 17. Salva urbe] Should the design bably in view, which agrees with fail, of burning the city. Weiske. 'propagatam' inf. Mil. 12. n. 13. V. E. 4. Eandemque propagatam'] In 18. Et urbem et cives] Cic. fre- this sentence some undetected error quently reverses the order in the se- remains. Orel, suggests eandemque cond enumeration, as here. diem intelligo atque spero a-ternam Sect. XI. 1. Triumphos meos] He fore, et ad salutem urbis, et memorium anticipates the probability of a tri- consulatus mei propagatum iri, uno umph from the provincial command tempore, <5fc. V. E. As it stands, it which usually followed the consulship, is almost hopeless to attempt giving This honour he never enjoyed, though it any consistent meaning. Perhaps, the senate would have voted it to him however, 'eandem diem,' like ' qua after the proconsulship of Cilicia, had sc. tempora,' Arch. 5, may be the the public affairs permitted it. It accusative of time ; and taking ' in- was then on the eve of the great civil telligo' in the sense of * judico,' as war. Or. iv. 4, * alter intelligit, &c.' the 2. Nihil mutum] No mute memo- translation may run : 'And (among rial ; as for instance, a statue ; nor these memorabilia,) I think it will be silent, as for instance, a triumph, one, that on the same day, which I Delph. trust, &c and at one and the 3. Alentur crescent corroborav.] same time, there have appeared two A beautiful gradation. Or. i. 12. n. citizens, &c.' 7, the metaphor was supposed to be 5. Duos cives] Himself and Pom- from rearing young animals. The pey. V. E. reaiingof trees, however, is more pro- 6. Ca:H regionibus] The horizon IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 12. 295 XII. Sed, quoniam earum rerum, quas ego gessi, non est eadem fortuna atque conditio, quae illorum, qui externa bella gesserunt : quod mihi cum his vivendum est, quos vici ac subegi ; illi hostes aut interfectos aut oppressos reliquerunt : vestrum est, Quirites, si ceteris sua recte facta prosunt, mihi mea ne quando obsint, providere. Mentes enim hominum audacissimorum sceleratae ac nefariae ne vobis nocere possent, ego providi : ne mihi noceant, vestrum est providere. Quam- quam, 1 Quirites, mihi quidem ipsi nihil jam ab istis noceri potest. Magnum enim est in bonis presidium, quod mihi in perpetuum comparatum est: magna 2 in repubhca dignitas, quae me semper tacita defendet : magna vis est conscientiae, quam qui negligent, quum me violare volent, se ipsi indica- bunt. Est etiam in nobis is animus, Quirites, ut non modo nullius audaciae cedamus, sed etiam omnes improbos ultro semper lacessamus. 3 Quod si omnis impetus domesticorum hostium depulsus a vobis, se in me unum converterit : vobis erit providendum, Quirites, qua conditione posthac eos esse velitis, qui se pro salute vestra obtulerint invidiae periculis- que omnibus. Mihi quidem ipsi quid est, quod jam ad vi- tas fructum possit acquiri, praesertim quum neque in hono- re vestro, 4 neque in gloria virtutis quidquam videam altius, quo quidem mihi libeat adscendere ? Illud perficiam pro- fecto, Quirites, ut ea, quae gessi in consulatu, privatus tuear atque omem : ut, si qua est invidia 5 in conservanda republica suscepta, laedat invidos, mihi valeat ad gloriam. Denique ita me in republica tractabo, ut meminerim semper, quae gesserim, curemque, ut ea virtute, 6 non casu, gesta esse vide- itself. ' Itegiones' for ' limites' is template any higher dignity than the common. Arch. 10. n. 9. Similarly consulship. The dictatorship was an Virg. ' Famam qui terminet astris.' extraordinary magistracy, to which Ilor. Carm. i. 1. Sublimi feriam si- no citizen could honestly aspire, dera vertice. 5. Ut si qua invid.] Cic. antici- Sect. XII. 1. Quamquam'] A pated the odium which afterwards correction. * And yet, citizens, I almost overwhelmed him. cannot now, &c.' Mil. 2. n. 18. 6. Ea virtute, 3fc] Fam. v. 2. 2. Magna, $c] Mil. 23. n. 6. 'IIujus temeritati si virtute atque 3. Cedamus lacessamus'] Borrowed animo non xestitissem ; quis esset, from war. Cic. will, of course, qui me in consulatu non casu potius maintain his ground against every as- existimaret, quam consilio fortera sault ; but he will do more he will fuisse V Cic. then wished to avoid carry the war into the enemy's ter- the predicament of those who ' do ritory. good by chance, and blush to find it 4. Honore vestro] Cic. did not con- fame.' 296 M. T. C1CER0NIS ORATIO III. antur. Vos, Quirites, quoniam jam nox 7 est, veneramini ilium Jovem, custodem 8 hujus urbis ac vestrum, atque in ves- tra tecta discedite : et ea, quamquam jam periculum est de- pulsum, tamen aeque ac priore nocte fecistis, custodiis vigi- liisque defendite. Id ne vobis diutius 9 faciendum sit, atque ut in perpetua pace esse possitis, providebo, 10 Quirites. 7. .lam nox'] Plut. Cic. 19, testifies he will speedily bring the conspira- that this oration was pronounced near tors to condign punishment. night. 10. In perpetua. pace providebo] 8. Jovem custodem] Jupiter Stator. A magnificent promise : in its peifor- Or.i. 5. mance he could not but fail. V. 7\ P. /</ ne diutius] Cic. hints that M. TULLII CICERONIS IS LUCIUM CATILINAM, QUARTA* HABITA IN SENATU, ORATIO. 1. Video, 1 Patres conscripti, in me omnium vestriim ora atque oculos esse conversos. Video, vos non solum de vestro ac reipublicae, verum etiam, si id depulsum sit, de meo peri- culo esse sollicitos. Est mihi jucunda in malis, et grata in dolore, vestra erga me voluntas : sed earn, per deos immor- tales ! quaeso, deponite, atque obliti salutis mea?, de vobis ac de liberis vestris cogitate. Mihi [quidem] si haec conditio consulatus 2 data est, ut omnes acerbitates, omnes dolores cru- ciatusque perferrem : feram non solum fortiter, sed etiam libenter, dummodo meis laboribus 3 vobis populoque Romano dignitas salusque pariatur. Ego sum ille consul, Patres con- scripti, cui non forum,* in quo omnis aequitas continetur ; non campus, consularibus auspiciis consecratus ; non curia, sum- mum auxilium omnium gentium : non domus, commune perfu- gium ; non lectus, ad quietem datus : non denique haec sedes * Vid. Introd. 8. terms ' Data est' fataliter conces- Sect. I. I. Video] This speech sa. Muret. is of the deliberative kind, there being 3. Laboribus'] 'QSiat. Hence tvro opinions to be contrasted. ' pariatur.' Virg. Georg. iv. 340. 2. Ha-c conditio cons.] If the con- Primos LucinaB expertae labores.' sulship were granted me on these 4. Cui non forum, c] The at- 298 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO IV. honoris, sella curulis, 5 unquam vacua mortis periculo atque insidiis fuit. Ego multa tacui, 6 multa pertuli, multa concessi, multa meo quodam dolore, in vestro timore, 7 sanavi. Nunc, si hunc exitum 8 consulatus mei dii immortales esse voluerunt, ut vos, patres conscripti, populumque Romanum ex caede miserrima, conjuges liberosque vestros, virginesque Vestales 9 ex acerbissima vexatione, templa atque delubra, 10 hanc pul- cherrimam patriam 11 omnium nostrum ex fbedissima flamma, totam Italian! ex bello et vastitate eriperem : quaecunque mihi uni proponetur fortuna, subeatur. Etenim, si 12 P. Len- tulus suum nomen, inductus a vatibus, ls fatale 14 ad perniciem reipublicae fore putavit : cur ego non laeter, meum consulatum ad salutem reipublicae prope fatalem exstitisse ? II. Quare, Patres conscripti, consulite vobis, prospicite patriae, conservate vos, conjuges, liberos fortunasque vestras, populi Romani nomen salutemque defendite: mihi parcere, ac de me cogitare desinite. Nam primum debeo sperare, omnes deos, 1 qui huic urbi praesident, pro eo mihi, ac me- reor, relaturos gratiam 2 esse ; deinde, si quod obtigerit, 3 tacks in the various places here enu- merated are noticed, Or. i. 5. 6. 5. Sella curulis] These words, perhaps originally a gloss from the margin, are found in all MSS. They are omitted by Era., Weiske, and Scheller. V. E. The objection is, that the ' curule chair' is not here in- tended, but the chief seat in the se- nate, where the consul sat. 6. Malta tacui] This prudent si- lence might be dictated by the sus- picion, that many besides those dis- covered, were implicated in the con- spiracy. V. E. E. g. Crassus, Cae- sar, &c. 7. In vestro timore] Whilst your alarm prevailed. On conjecture some editors give sine vestro. V. E. 8. Exitum'] The issue. The Delph. takes it literally ' exitus ejus consulatus imminebat,' for it was now the nones of the last month ; but that seems unnecessary. 9. Vestales] Who kept the sacred fire of Vesta. Th. karla, focus. 10. Templa delubra] Manil. 24. n. 2. Arch 9. n. 23. 11. Patriam] Sc urbem ; to which alone ' flamma' is applicable. Sail. 58. ' Conjuravere patriam incen- dere.' 12. Etenim, si] Contraria hie, tan- quam paria, comparantur. Muret. 13. Vatibus] By the Sibylline books, and the interpretations of the Haruspices. Catil. iii. 4. The fatal name was Cornelius. V. E, 14. Fatale] Not 'fatal,' but ' fated.' Marcel. 10. ' fatalique bello.' Hor. Ep. ii. 1. ' Notaque/arn/i por- tenta labore subegit.' Or. iii. 4. n. 16. Sect. II. 1. Omnes deos] Cic. does not specify them, because the Romans wished the name of their tu- telary God, and the Latin name of the city to be unknown. Macrob. iii. 9. 2. Mihi relat. gratiam] Not strict- ly. For 1st, it was Jupiter, not Cic. who did the service. Hence Or. iii. 9. ' quibus ego si me restitisse dicam, nimium mihi sumam ; ille Jupiter res- titit.' 2nd, * Referre' implies a bene- IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 2. 299 aequo animo paratoque moriar. Neque enim turpis 4 mors forti viro potest accidere, neque immatura 5 consulari, nee misera 6 sapienti. Nee tamen ego sum ille 7 ferreus, qui fra- tris carissimi 8 atque amantissimi praesentis moerore non mo- vear, horumque omnium lacrimis, a quibus me circumsessum videtis. y Neque meam mentem non domum ssepe revocat exanimata uxor, abjecta metu filia, et parvulus filius, quern mihi videtur amplecti respublica tamquam obsidem 10 consu- latus mei: neque ille, qui exspectans hujus exitum diei, adstat in conspectu meo gener. 11 Moveor his rebus omni- bus, sed in earn partem, 12 ut salvi sint vobiscum omnes, etiam si vis aliqua me oppresserit, potius, quam et illi, et nos una reipublicae peste pereamus. Quare, Patres conscripti, incumbite ad reipublicae salutem : circumspicite omnes pro- cellas, quae impendent, nisi providetis. Non Ti. Gracchus, 13 qui iterum tribunus plebis fieri voluit : non C. Gracchus, qui agrarios 14 concitare conatus est : non L. Saturninus, qui fit received, but the gods are not re- cipients of favours. 3. Obtigerit] Should I be doomed to fall ; accident is the verb usually found in similar phrases ; Ern. there- fore condemns the use of the verb in the text, and doubts its authenticity. V. E. Manil.20. n. 1. 4. Turpis] Al. gravis. Quintil, vi. 3. ; which Sch. introduces into his text ; adding, ' turpem mortem forti viro accidere non posse, non attinebat mouere.' V. E. Why not ? Turpis* is when a man dies in a cowardly, disgraceful manner. 5. Immatura] For this would im- ply that the career of glory had not been completed ; which did not hold. Phil. ii. 46. ' Etenim si abhiuc annos prope viginti, &c.' 6. Misera] For the wise man is perpetually happy. Muret. He means the Stoic philosopher. 7. Ille] i. e. Talis, ejusmodi. Ern. 8. Fratris cariss.] Q. Cicero, who, according to Plut. Cic. 20, instigated his brother to put the conspirators to death. 9. A quibus videtis] ' Videtts' refers to all the senators ; and a quibus,' to the equites and others who surrounded the chair of Cic. and even the senate-house, byway of affording protection. Phil. ii. 7. ' Quis eques Rom. &c.' Sail. 49. Circumses- sum' is ' circumdatum.' Ern. 10. Tanquam obsidem] For the childless were considered to have no stake in the country, nor connexion with it. Cicero's son was now in his second year. Att. i. 1. 11. Gener] C. Calpurnius Piso. Tullia's other husbands were Crassi- pes and Dollabella. Manut. conceives, * in conspectu,' to mean outside the senate-house, as Piso was only quaes- tor in the consulship of Gabinius and L. Piso a. u. 695, five years after this time. 12. In earn partem] ' In such a di- rection.' i. e. My solicitudes are so di- rected as to secure the general safety along with your own. 13. Ti. Gracchus] For the Gracchi and Saturninus, vid. Mil. 3. n. 11. 19.20. 14. Agrarios] Promoters of agra- rian laws. 300 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO IV. C. Memmium 15 occidit, in discrimen aliquod, atque in ves- trae severitatis judicium adducitur : tenentur ii, qui ad urbis incendium, ad vestrum omnium caedem, ad Catilinam acci- piendum, Romae restiterunt. Tenentur literas, signa, manus, denique uniuscuj usque confessio : sollicitantur Allobroges : servitia excitantur : Catilina arcessitur : id est initum consi- lium, ut, interfectis omnibus, nemo ne ad deplorandum qui- dem reipublicae nomen, atque ad lamentandain tanti imperii calamitatem relinquatur. III. Haec omnia indices detulerunt, rei confessi sunt ; vos multis jam judiciis 1 judicastis: primum, quod 2 jnilii gratias egistis singularibus verbis, et mea virtute atque diligentia, perditorum hominum patefactam esse conjurationem decre- vistis : deinde quod P. Lentulum, ut se abdicaret praetura, coegistis: 3 turn quod eum, et ceteros, de quibus judicastis, in custodiam dandos censuistis, maximeque, quod meo nomi- ne supplicationem 4 decrevistis, qui honos togato habitus ante me est nemini; postremo hesterno die praemia legatis Allobrogum, Titoque Vulturcio dedistis amplissima. Qua* sunt omnia ejusmodi, ut ii, qui in custodiam uominatim 5 dati sunt, sine ulla dubitatione a vobis damnati esse vide- antur. Sed ego institui referre ad vos, Patres conscripti, tam- quam integrum, et de facto, quid judicetis, et de poena, quid censeatis. Ilia praedicam, quae sunt consulis. Ego magnum in republica versari lurorem, et nova quaedam misceri et concitari mala jampridem videbam : sed hanc tantam, tam exitiosam haberi conjurationem a civibus, nun- quam putavi. Nunc, quidquid est, quocunque vestrae men- tes inclinant atque sententiae, statuendum vobis ante noc- 15. C. Memmium~\ This family, ac- peated from Or. iii. 6. cording to Virgil, derived its descent 3. P. Lentulum coegistis'] Or. iii. from Menestheus. vEn. v. 116. He is 6. n. 9. How magistrates were corn- noticed Brut. 36. Font. 7. pelled to resign their offices does not Si-ct. III. 1. Judiciis] By your appear, and indeed the proceeding determinations on the several occa- seems a most unjustifiable one. Sail, sions enumerated. Al. indiciis. V. E. 47. Cic. however, notwithstanding these 4. Supplicationem] Or. iii. 6. prajudicia, will lay the matter fairly 6. Notninatim] He means Lentul us, before the senate to be decided a- Cethegus, &c. Vid. Sail. 47 ; who new. states to whom they were given in 2. Primum, quod, jc] This is re- charge. IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 4. 301 tern 6 est. Quantum facinus ad vos delatum sit, videtis. Huic si paucos putatis affines esse, vehementer erratis. La- tius opinione disseminatum est hoc malum : manavit non solum per Italiam, verum etiam transcendit 7 Alpes, et ob- scure serpens, multas jam provincias occupavit. Id op- primi sustentando 8 ac prolatando nullo pacto potest. Qua- cunque ratione placet, celeriter vobis vindicandum est. IV. Video duas adhuc esse sententias : unam D. Sila- ni, 1 qui censet, eos, qui haec delere conati sunt, morte esse multandos : alteram C. Caesaris, 2 qui mortis poenam remove t, ceterorum suppliciorum omnes acerbitates amplectitur. Uterque et pro sua dignitate et pro rerum magnitudine in summa severitate versatur. Alter eos, qui nos omnes, qui populum Romanum vita privare conati sunt, qui delere im- perium, qui populi Romani nomen exstinguere, punctum temporis 3 frui vita et hoc communi spiritu, non putat opor- tere : 4 atque hoc genus poena? 5 saepe in improbos cives in hac republica esse usurpatum recordatur. Alter intelligit, 1 ' 6. Ante noctem] For two reasons: 1st, The risk was greater, of a forci- ble rescue, or of escape of the per- sons, by night, than by day. 2nd, No decree was legal, if pronounced be- fore sunrise or after sunset. A. Gell. xiv. 7. Seneca de tranquil. Vit. Ma- jores nostri novam relationem post horam decimam in senatu fieri veta- bant.' 7. Transcendit] Is elegantly appli- ed to crossing very high mountains. Somn. Scip. 6. ' Nam aut tuum aut cujusquam nostrum nomen vel Caucasum hunc, quem cernis, trans- cendere potuitV Verburg. 8. Sustentando] ' Morando,' ut ad Q. Frat. ii. 6. ^Edificationem Arcani ad tuum adventum sustentari placebat. Manut. Sect. IV. 1. Unam D. Silani] Silanus was consul elect, and after- wards voted for Tiberius Nero's mo- tion : that (according to Appian) the accused should be imprisoned till Catiline's attempt be put down, and that the matter be then fully in- vestigated. And Plut. Cic. 21. says that after Caesar's speech he rose up and explained ' ultimum supplicium' by 'incarceration.' 2. C. Casaris] Praetor elect. Sail. 51. He was thought by some to have a share in the conspiracy. Cic. did not think so. Sail. 49. 3. Punctum temporis] A moment ; the ace. of time how long. 4. Alter eos non putat oportere] With all these designs these persons were charged, but Cicero omits to mention that as yet they had not been put on their defence, they had not been heard, they had not been con- victed. Some of them were probably more guilty than others ; and possi- bly, some one or more not guilty in any degree. V. E. 5. Hoc genus poena] Or. i. 11. * Persaepe etiam privati in hac rep. perniciosos cives morte multarunt.' But this must have been before the passing of the Porcian law. Sail. 53. 6. Alter intelligit] i. e. Is of opi- nion. Or.iii. 11. n. 4. Sail. 53. D D 302 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO IV. mortem a diis immortalibus non esse supplicii causa 7 con- stitutam, sed aut necessitatem naturae, 8 aut laborum ac mise- riarum quietem 9 esse. Itaque earn sapientes 10 nunquam in- viti, fortes 11 etiam saepe libenter oppetiverunt. Vincula vero, et ea sempiterna, certe ad singularem pcenam nefarii scele- ris inventa sunt. Municipiis dispertiri jubet. Habere vi- detur ista res iniquitatem, 12 si imperare velis: difficultatem, si rogare. Decernatur tamen, si placet. Ego enim susci- piam, 14 et, ut spero, reperiam, qui id, quod salutis omnium causa statueritis, non putent 15 esse suae dignitatis recusare. Adjungit gravem pcenam municipibus, si quis eorum vincu- la ruperit : horribiles custodias circumdat, et digna scelere hominum perditorum sancit, ne quis eorum poenam, quos condemnat, aut per senatum, aut per populum levare possit : 16 eripit etiam spem, 17 quae sola hominem in miseriis consolari solet. Bona praeterea publicari 18 jubet : vitam solam relin- quit nefariis hominibus ; quam si eripuisset, multos uno dolore dolores 19 animi atque corporis, et omnes scelerum pcenas ad- em isset. Itaque ut aliqua in vita formido improbis esset posita, apud inferos ejusmodi quaedam illi antiqui suppli- cia impiis constituta esse voluerunt i 20 quod videlicet 21 in- 7. Mortem non supplicii causa] position. The author of the book of Genesis 14. Suscipiam] In me recipi- thought differently. Vid. c. 2. v. 17. am. 1 Nanut. 1 will take upon me to 8. Necessitatem natura] By which find. whatever is compounded must be re- 15. Qui non putent] Persons who solved into its original elements. will not, &c. 9. Laborum quietem] Eurip. He- 16. Ne quis levare possit] Sail. 55. rac. 596 to yap Qavttv Katutv The penalty was, the being declared ukyiorov <pdpuaKoi' voui'^tTai. a public enemy. Muret. 17. Eripit spem] Eurip. Phoen. 407. 10. Earn sapientes] For knowing AlS' i\Triceg fiooKuai Qvyadag. death to be the result of a law of na- 18. Publicari] Under the Empe- ture they willingly obey it. Tors they said * confiscare,' from 11. Fortes] E. g. Codrus, Curtius, ' fiscus,' the privy-purse > and we the Decii, and afterwards Cato. have followed them. 12. Iniquitatem] Because the city 19. Multos uno dolore] Al. multu^ from which a conspirator should es- uno dolore. Ern. cape was to be ranked as an enemy 20. Apud inferos voluerunt] Vid. to Rome. Muret. Inf. ' Adjungit Warburton, D. Leg. iii. 2. 3, where gravem poenam municipibus, &c.' Cicero's opinions, as here expressed, But Cic. might at least have tried to are discussed. Arch. ii. n. 16. redress the * injustice' and overcome 21. Videlicet] Said ironical ly.Tusc the 'difficulty.* i,5. 6- f. , 13. Deccmatar] Sc. Caesar's pro- IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 5. 303 telligebant, his remotis, non esse mortem ipsam pertimes- -eendam. V. Nunc, Patres conscripti, ego mea, video, quid inter- mit. 1 Si eritis secuti sententiam C. Caesaris : quoniam hanc is in republicaviam, quae popularis habetur, 2 secutus est, for- tasse minus erunt, hoc auctore et cognitore 3 hujusce senten- tial, mihi populares impetus pertimescendi : sin illam alte- ram, nescio, an amplius mihi negotii contrahatur. Sed tamen meorum periculorum rationes utilitas reipubliea> vincat. Habemus enim a C. Caesare, sicut ipsius dignitas et majorum ejus amplitudo postulabat, sententiam tamquam obsidem 4 perpetuae in rempublicam voluntatis. Intellectum est, quid intersit inter levitatem 5 concionatorum, 6 et animum vere popularem, saluti populi consulentem. Video de istis, qui se populares haberi volunt, abesse non neminem, 7 ne de capite videlicet civium Romanorum sententiam ferat. Is et nudiustertius 8 in custodiam cives Romanos dedit, et supplica- tionem mihi decrevit, et indices 9 hesterno die maximis prae- miis affecit. Jam hoc nemini dubium est, qui reo custodiam, cuiaesitori 10 gratulationem, indici praemium decrevit, quid de tota re et causa judicarit. At vero C. Caesar intelligit, legem Semproniam 11 esse de civibus Romanis constitutam : qui au- iem reipublicae sit hostis, eum civem esse nullo modo posse : Sect. V. 1. Mea quid intersit] pie against the nobles. 'Concio' also i. e. ' Quoad quid sit inter mea nego- is cften taken in a bad sense. Att. tia.' In what respects my interests iv. 3. are concerned. 7. Non neminem] To what indivi- 2. Popularis habetur] Att. xvi. 16. dual senator Cicero here alludes, is Popularis erat, ut noras. Vid. Sext. .not known. The charge of incon- 45, for the distinction between ' po- sistence, on account of his concur- pulares' and ' optimates.' rence in the former votes, and his not 3. Cognitore'] Al. monitore : the being present on this occasion, is by author and supporter of a measure, no means evident ; not even if that Arusp. Resp. 21. V. E. were his motive, which Cicero as- 4. Tamquam obsidem] As it were a cribes to him. V. E. of his always pursuing the 8. Nudius] i. e. ' Nunc dies ;' path of true popularity. Cael. 32. and ' nudiustertius' is three days ' Habet a M. Caelio resp. duas accu- ago ; or, more strictly, the day before sationes, vel obsides periculi, vel pig- yesterday. nora voluntatis.' Muret. So Corn. 9. Indices] Vulturcius, &c. N. Phoc. 2. Negavit esse periculum, 10. Qucesitori] Not strictly. Cic. seque ejus rei obsidem fore. could only be so named as bringing 5. Levitatem] Al. lenitatem. the accused to trial, not as being their 6. Concionatorum] Demagogues, judge. whose business was to excite the peo- 11. Legem Semproniam] This was 304 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO IV. denique ipsum latorem legis Seraproniae jussu populi 12 pce- nas reipublicae dependisse. Idem ipsum Lentulum largito- rem et prodigum 13 non putat, quum de pernicie populi Ro- many et exitio hujus urbis, tam acerbe, tamque crudeliter cogitarit, appellari posse popularem. Itaque homo mitissi- mus atque lenissimus non dubitat P. Lentulum aeternis tene- bris vinculisque mandare et sancit in posterum, ne quis hu- jus supplicio levando se jactare, 1 * et in pernicie populi Ro- mani posthac popularis esse possit. Adjungit etiam pub- licationem 15 bonorum, ut omnes animi cruciatus et corporis, etiam egestas ac mendicitas consequatur. VI. Quamobrem sive hoc statueritis, dederitis mihi comi- tem ad concionem, populo carum atque jucundum; sive Silani sententiam sequi malueritis, facile me atque vos a cni- delitatis vituperatione defendetis; atque obtinebo, earn multo leniorem fuisse. 1 Quamquam, 2 Patres conscripti, qua? po- test esse in tanti sceleris immanitate punienda crudelitas? Ego enim de meo sensu judico. Nam ita 3 mihi salva repub- lica vobiscum perfrui liceat, ut ego, quod in hac causa vehe- mentior sum, non atrocitate animi moveor, (quis enim est me mitior?) sed singulari quadam humanitate et misericordia. Videor enim mihi hanc urbem videre, lucem orbis terrarum atque arcem 4 omnium gentium, subito uno incendio conci- dentem : cerno animo sepultam patriam, miseros atque in- a law of C. Gracchus, de capite ci- doubtless, profusion in entertainments vium,' that no citizen should be con- and gifts to the people. Off. ii. 16. demned to death except by the people. V. E. This agrees with Sallust's ac- Cic. affects to consider the conspira- count of him, Cat. 40. tors as no longer citizens ; and, there- 14. Se jactare] We say, 'shew tore, without the pale of this law. off,' ' affect popularity.' 12. Jussu pop.] Without any au- 15. Publicationem] Supr. 4. n. thority from MSS. or earlier edition, 18. Km. confidently changes this to in- Sect. VI. 1. Atque obtinebo jtissv. That any sentence against C. leniorem fuisse] Al. leviorem. This Gracchus was passed or ratified by the sentence Matth. omits, but with in- people, or that their assent in any sufficient authority. V. E. form was obtained we have no proof ; 2. Quamquam] A correction. but Cicero may have inferred that as- Mil. 2. n. 18. sent from their not interfering to pre- 3. Ita] Is here used to introduce serve his life, as well as from other an optative. So Att. v. 15. 'Ita vi- circumstances to us unknown. Subse- vara, ut maximos sumtos facio.' Also quent editors, Beck, Schutz, Weiske, Verr. v. 14. Matthiae, and Wetzel have not here 4. Arcem] The citadel of the followed Ern. V. E. whole world. The Delph. thinks 13. Largit. et prodigum] Meaning, there is an allusion to the 'asylum' IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 6. 305 sepultos acervos civium : versatur mihi ante oculos adspectus Cethegi, 5 et furor in vestra caede bacchantis. Quum vero mihi proposui regnantem 6 Lentulum, sicut ipse se ex fatis sperasse confessus est, purpuratum esse hunc Gabinium, 7 cum exercitu venisse Catilinam, turn lamentationem matrum- iamilias, 8 tarn fugam virginum atque puerorum, ac vexatio- nem 9 virginum Vestalium perhorresco : et, quia mihi vehe- menter haec videntur misera atque miseranda, idcirco in eos, qui ea perficere voluerunt, me severum vehementemque praebeo. 10 Etenim quaero, si quis paterfamilias, liberis suis a servo interfectis, uxore occisa, incensa* domo, supplicium de servo non quam 11 acerbissimum sumpserit : utrum is clemens ac misericors, an inhumanus et crudelissimus esse videatur { mihi vero 12 importunus ac ferreus, qui non dolore ac cruciatu nocentis suum dolorem cruciatumque lenierit. Sic nos in his hominibus, qui nos, qui conjuges, qui liberos nostros tru- cidare voluerunt : qui singulas uniuscujusque nostrum do- mos, et hoc universum reipublicae domicilium delere conati sunt: qui id egerunt, ut gentem Allobrogum in vestigiis 13 hu- jus urbis atque in cinere deflagrati imperii collocarent : si vehementissimi fuerimus, misericordes habebimur: sin remis- siores esse voluerimus, summae nobis crudelitatis in patriae civiumque pernicie fama subeunda est. Nisi vero cuipiam L. Caesar, 14 vir fortissimus et amantissimus reipublicae, cru- o'f Romulus, but improbably. important religious rites, would be 5. Adspectus Cethegi] Or. iii. 4. among the first to feel the effects of a n. 20. sacrilegious fury. 6. Regnantem] Alluding to the 10. Prabeo] ' Prae habeo/ hold Sibylline verses (ex fatis) by which forth, show myself. he was destined to monarchy. 11. Non quam] The non is added 7. Purpuratum Gabinium'] As from Lactant. de ira i. 17 ; who so one of the titled attendants in the fu- quotes the passage. For an example ture royal court of Lentulus. Tusc. of the cruelty with which Romans Qu. i. 43. V. E. punished the slaves whose master was 8. Matrumfamilias] ' Familias,' killed, vid. Tac. xiv. 42. the old gen. of ' familia' is added to 12. Mihi vero] Nay to my view he ' pater, mater, and filius,' to distin- would seem not only inhuman, &c, guish them as forming part of a family but also devoid of the least spark of establishment ; to whom, therefore, feeling, who, &c. any injury done is the more heinous, 13. Investigiis] In the vestiges as affecting private and domestic which would remain after the bum- peace. Sail. Cat. 43. ing of the city. Hence he adds, ' in 9. Vexationem] Persecution. cinere deflagrati imperii.' These, having the care of the most 14. L. Caesar] Was the son of L. D D 2 306 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO IV. delior nudiustertius est visus, quum sororis suae, foeminae lectissimae, virum 15 praesentem et audientem, 16 vita privan- dum esse dixit, quum avum jussu consulis 17 interfectum, filiumque 18 ejus impuberem, legatum a patre missum, in car- cere necatum esse dixit. Quorum quod simile factum ( quod initum delendae reipublicae consilium ? Largitionis voluntas turn in republica versata est, et partium quaedam contentio. Atque illo tempore hujus avus 19 Lentuli, claris- simus vir, armatus Gracchum est persecutus : ille etiam grave turn vulnus accepit, ne quid de summa republica mi- tt ueretur : hie ad evertenda fundamenta reipublicae Gallos* arcessit, servitia concitat, Catilinam vocat, attribuit nos tru- cidandos Cethego, ceteros cives interficiendos Gabinio, urbem inflammandam Cassio, totam Italiam vastandam diri- piendamque Catilinae. Veremini, 21 censeo, ne in hoc scelere tarn immani ac nefario nimis aliquid severe statuisse videa- mini ; quum multo magis sit verendum, ne remissione poena? crudeles in patriam, quam ne severitate animadversionis nimis vehementes in acerbissimos hostes fuisse videamur. VII. Sed ea, quae exaudio, Patres conscripti, dissimulare non possum. Jaciuntur 1 enim voces, quae perveniunt ad aures meas,eorum, qui vereri videntur, ut 2 habeam satis prae- sidii ad ea, quae vos statueritis hodierno die, transigunda. Omnia et pro visa, et parata, et constituta sunt, Patres con- scripti, quum mea summa cura atque diligentia, turn multo etiam majore populi Romani ad summum imperium retinen- Julius Caesar, who had married the senate. Or. iii. 5. n. 6. Val. Max. daughter of M. Fulvius Flaccus, the v. 3. unfortunate partner in the enterprize 20. Gallos] The Allobrogians. and punishment of C. Gracchus. This enumeration contains nothing Veil. Pat. ii. 7. new. 15. Sororis virum] Lentulus. 21. Veremini] Al. vereamini. This Julia was mother of M. Antony, ' Censeo' is ' credo.' of whom Cic. says, Phil. ii. 24, ' O Sect. VII. 1. Jaciuntur] Al. miserae mulieris foecunditatem cala- jactantur ; which Scheller and mitosam ! Weiske defend. Rem jactare in 16. Prasentem et audientem] In senatu.' Liv. iii. 10. xxii. 23. the senate. ' Jactare voces.' Liv. i. 46. pre- 17. Jussu consults] Opimius. ces,' iv. 42. V. E. Em. says, Mil. 3. n. 19. 'Jactantur conveniret amicis Catili- 18. Filiumque] About eighteen nae. At hie loquuntur viri boni, years old. His elder brother had amici causa? Cic, sed timidi.' fallen fighting by his father's side. 2. Vereri ut] Fear that I have 19. Hujus avus] The prince of the not. Mil. 18. n. 7. Introd. 9. IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 7. 307 dum, et ad communes fortunas conservandas voluntate. Omnes adsunt omnium ordinum homines, omnium denique aetatum : plenum est forum, plena templa circa forum, 3 pleni omnes aditus hujus loci ac templi. Causa enim est post urbem conditam haec inventa sola, in qua omnes sentirent unum atque idem, praeter eos, qui, quum sibi viderent esse pereundum, cum omnibus potius quam soli perire voluerunt. Hosce ego homines excipio et secerno libenter : neque enim in improborum civium, sed in acerbissimorum hostium nu- mero habendos puto. Ceteri vero, dii immortales ! qua fre- quentia, quo studio, qua virtute ad communem dignitatem salutemque consentiunt ? Quid ego hie equites Romanos com- memorem ? qui vobis ita summam 4 ordinis consiliique conce- dunt,utvobiscum de amore reipublicae certent: quosex mul- torum annorum dissensione 5 ad hujus ordinis societatem 6 con- cordiamque revocatos, hodiernus dies vobiscum atque haec causa conjungit : quam conjunctionem si in consulatu confir- matam meo perpetuam in republica tenuerimus, confirmo vobis, nullum posthac malum civile ac domesticum ad ullam reipublicae partem esse venturum. Pari studio defendendae reipublicae convenisse video tribunos aerarios, 7 fortissimos viros : scribas 8 item universos : quos quum casu hie dies ad aerarium frequentasset, video ab exspectatione sortis 9 ad com- munem salutem esse conversos. Omnis ingenuorum adest 3. Templa circa forum'] Mil. 1. a union of the senators and knights n. 9. against the plebeians. Being based 4. Summam'] i. e. ' Locum pri- on self interest, however, this union mum inter ordines, et jus de rep. de- was of short duration. Hooke. viii. 9. liberandi ac decernendi.' Em. But 6. Ad hujus ordinis societ.] i. e. Scheller observes that this use of the Conjunctionem in republ. quam corn- word is rare. munem sibi cum senatu putant. 5. Ex multorum annorum diss.] Em. About sixty sc. from the passing of 7. Tribunos ararios] Through the Sempronian law, by which the them the pay passed to the army, 'judices' were chosen out of the V. E. We say, 'paymasters.' ' equites.' These, by the Cornelian 8. Scribas] An order of citizens to law of Sylla, were again confined to whom was entrusted the transcribing the senators ; but the Aurehan law of the public acts, and taking notes of had, a. u. 683, about seven years the proceedings of the magistrates, ago, re-admitted the knights. The Their order is called by Cic. * hones- disputes consequent on these changes, tus.' Verr. iii. 79. Cic. had laboured to remove ; and 9. Frequentasset ab exspectatione had so far succeeded as to form what sortis] They had happened, that day, lie called 'optima respublica;' i.e. to be assembled in considerable num- 308 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO IV. multitudo, etiam tenuissimorum. Quis est enim, cui non haec templa, adspectus urbis, possessio libertatis, lux deni- que haec ipsa, et hoc commune patriae solum quum sit ca- rum, turn vero dulce atque jucundum ! VIII. Operae pretium est, Patres conscripti, libertinorum hominum 1 studia cognoscere : qui sua virtute fortunam hujus civitatis 2 consecuti, hanc vere suam patriam esse judicant ; quam quidam hinc nati et summo nati loco, 3 non patriam suam, sed urbem hostium esse judicaverunt. Sed quid ego hosce homines ordinesque commemorem, 4 quos privatae for- tunae, quos communis respublica, quos denique libertas, ea, quae dulcissima est, ad salutem patriae defendendam excita- vit? Servus est nemo, qui modo 5 tolerabili conditione sit ser- vitutis, qui non audaciam civium perhorrescat ; qui non haec stare capiat: qui non tantum, quantum audet, et quan- tum potest, conferat ad communem salutem, voluntatis. Quare si quern vestrum forte commovet hoc, quod auditum est, lenonem quendam Lentuli 6 concursare circum tabernas, pretio sperare sollicitari posse animos egentium atque imperi- torum, est id quidem cceptum atque tentatum: sed nulli sunt inventi tarn aut fortuna miseri, aut voluntate perditi, qui non ipsum ilium sellae 7 atque operis et quaestus quotidia- ni locum, qui non cubile ac lectulum 8 suum, qui denique non cursum nunc otiosum vitae suae salvum esse velint. Multo vero maxima pars eorum, qui in tabernis sunt, immo vero (id enim potius est dicendum) genus hoc universum, aman- tissimum est otii. Etenim omne eorum instrumentum, om- bers, in order to distribute by lot tbeir Matth. Why waste time in enumer- several offices for the coming year. atingthem? 'Quid ego ilia com- V. E. memoro ?' Mil. 7. V. E. Sect. VIII. 1. Libeitinorum ho- 5. Qui mfldo,fyc.] For slavery had minum] i. e. Of the order of liber- its gradations. Thus the ' atri- tines or freedmen. Liberti' was the enses' et ' ordinarii' ranked higher name given them in relation to their than the ' vacarii* and 'mediastini.' former masters. Muret. 2. Fortunam civitatis] The lot 6. Lenonem Lentuli] Sail. 50, which the right of citizenship bestows, says 'Liberti et pauci ex clientibus The MSS. much vary in this passage. Lentuli opifices, &c., sollicitabant.' V. E. 7. Sella] i. e. Artiricium quod se- 3. Summo nati loco] E. g. Lentu- dendo exercetur, unde sellularii, se- lus. dentary mechanics. Forcel. 4. Quid commemorem] Al. com- 8. Cubile ac lectulum] Forte vilius memoro, adopted by "VVeiske and 'cubile' quam ' lectus/ quum illud IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 9. 309 nis opera ac quaestus frequentia civium sustentatur, alitur otio : quorum si quaestus, occlusis 9 tabernis, minui solet, quid tandem incensis futurum fuit. 10 IX. Quae quum 1 ita sint, Patres conscripti, vobis populi Romani praesidia non desunt : vos ne populo Romano deesse videamini, providete. Habetis consulem ex plurimis peri- culis 2 et insidiis, atque ex media morte, non ad vitam suam sed ad salutem vestram reservatum : omnes ordines 3 ad con- servandam rempublicam mente, voluntate, studio, virtute, voce consentiunt ; obsessa facibus et telis impiae conjurati- onis, vobis supplex manus tendit patria communis : vobis se, vobis vitam omnium civium, vobis arcem et Capitolium, vobis aras Penatium, 4 vobis ilium ignem Vestae perpetuum ac sem- piternum, vobis omnia templa deorum atque delubra, vobis muros atque urbis tecta commendat. Praeterea de vestra vita, de conjugum vestrarum ac liberorum anima, de for- tunis omnium, de sedibus, de focis vestris, hodierno die 5 vo- bis judicandum est. Habetis ducem, memorem vestri, oblitum sui, quae non semper facultas datur : habetis omnes ordines, omnes homines, universum populum Romanum, id quod in civili causa hodierno die primum videmus, uniim atque idem sentientem. Cogitate, quantis laboribus funda- tum imperium, quanta virtute stabilitam libertatem, quanta deorum benignitate auctas exaggeratasque fortunas una nox 6 quam paene delerit. Id ne unquam posthac non modo con- fici, sed ne cogitari quidem 7 possit a civibus, hodierno die providendum est. Atque haec, non ut vos, qui mihi studio talpis a Virg. Georg. i. 183, assig- stanced the knights, tribunes of the netur. Delph. treasury, scribes, and libertines. He 9. Occlusis] In war, tumult, or was addressing the senate. public mourning ; ' incensis,' if the 4. Penatium] Cic. Nat. Deor. 27, conspirators had effected their designs, derives ' penates' from penus,' a gene- Muret. ral name for food ; or from ' penitus.' 10. Futurum fuit] Al. est. In the The names of the Roman 'penates' present tense, the verb indicates that are not well ascertained, some reckon- the fire is now about to be set to them, ing Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva; JMatth. V. E. others adding Vesta and Mercury; Sect. IX. 1. Qua: quum, &;c] but Var. says, ' nee eorum nume- The peroration, wherein Cic. recom- rum, nee nomina sciri.' mends the senate to support the pro- 5. Hodierno die] To intimate the position of Silanus. Introd. 9. urgency of the case. Schol. 2. Ex plurimis periculis, fyc] In- 6. Una nox] That of the Satur- trod. 3. nalia. Catil. iii. 4. V. E. 3. Omnes ordines] He had just in- 7. Non modo ne quidem] Or. 310 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO IV. paene praecurritis, excitarem, locutus sum : sed ut mea vox, quae debet esse in republica princeps, officio functa consulari videretur. X. Nunc antequam, Patres conscripti, ad sententiam 1 re- deo, de me pauca dicam. Ego, quanta manus est conjura- torum, quam videtis esse permagnam, tantam me inimicorum multitudinem suscepisse video: sed earn esse judico tur- pem et infirmam, contemptam et abjectam. Quod si ali- quando alicujus furore et scelere concitata manus ista plus valuerit, quam vestra ac reipublicae dignitas : me tamen me- orum tactorum atque consiliorum nunquam, Patres conscrip- ti, pcenitebit. Etenim mors, quam illi mihi fortasse minitan- tur, omnibus est parata : 2 vitae tantam laudem, quanto vos me vestris decretis honestatis, nemo est assecutus. Ceteris enim semper bene gestae, mihi uni conservatae reipubli- cae 3 gratulationem decrevistis. Sit Scipio 4 clarus ille, cu- jus consilio atque virtute Hannibal in Africam redire atque ex Italia 5 decedere coactus est: ornetur alter eximia laude Africanus, 6 qui duas urbes huic imperio infestissimas Cartha- ginem Numantiamque delevit : habeatur vir egregius L. Paullus ille, 7 cujus currum rex potentissimus quondam et nobilissimus, Perses honestavit : sit in aeterna gloria Mari- us, 8 qui bis Italiam obsidione et metu servitutis liberavit : anteponatur 9 omnibus Pompeius, cujus res gestae atque vir- tutes iisdem, quibus solis cursus, regionibus 10 ac termini's continentur. Erit profecto inter horum laudes aliquid loci 10. n. 4. to put himself in competition. The Sect. X. 1. Ad sententiam] Sc. first is Scipio Africanus, of whom vid. rogandam ; to the collecting of the Manil. 16. n. 13. votes. 5. In Africam ex Italia] "Yort- 2. Mors omnibus parata] Eurip. pov irportpov. Muret. Alcest. 798. Bporolg airaoi Kar9a- 6. Alter Africanus] Manil. 20. viiv o^eiXtrai. Muret. n. 5. So Muren. 28. ' Bis consul 3. Bene gestae conservator reip.] fuerat P. Africanus, et duos terrores i.e. Ob bene gestam rempublicam. hujus imperii, Carthaginem Xuraan- ' Quarum gratulationem exspectavi.' tiamque deleverat.' Fam. v. 7. Al. bene gesta corner- 7. Paullus] He triumphed over rata rep. V. E. ' Gratulatio' est Perses, jl. v. 637. Vid. Plut. in supplicatio qua diis giatias agebant. vita. Phil. xiv. 6. Grev. 8. Marius] Manil. 20. n. 7. 4. Sit Scipio] Cic. shows his splen- 9. Anteponatur] Deiot. 4. 'Tan- did powers of oratory by the variety to ille superiores vicerat gloria quan- of lights in which he has set the five to, &c.' generals, with whom he has chosen 10. Regionibus] Arch. 10. n. 9. IN L. CATILINAM, Cap. 11. 311 nostras glorias : nisi forte majus est patefacere nobis provin- cias, quo exire possimus, quam curare, ut etiam illi, qui ab- sunt, 11 habeant, quo victores revertantur. Quamquam est 12 uno loco 13 conditio melior externa? victorias, quam domes- ticas, quod hostes alienigenae aut oppressi serviunt, aut recep- ti 1 * beneficio se obligatos putant: qui autem ex numero civium, dementia aliqua depravati, hostes patriae semel esse coeperunt, eos, quum a pernicie reipublicae repuleris, nee vi coercere, nee beneficio placare possis. Quare mihi cum per- ditis civibus aeternum bellum susceptum esse video : quod ego vestro, bonorumque omnium auxilio, memoriaque tan- lorum periculorum, quae non modo in hoc populo, qui ser- vatus est, sed etiam in omnium gentium sermonibus ac men- tibus semper haerebit, a me atque a meis facile propulsari posse confido. Neque ulla profecto tanta vis reperietur, qua? conjunctionem 15 vestram equitumque Romanorum, et tantam conspirationem bonorum omnium perfringere jet labe- factare possit. XT. Quae quum ita sint, Patres conscripti, pro imperio, pro exercitu, pro provincia, quam neglexi, 1 pro triumpho, ceterisque laudis insignibus, quae sunt a me propter urbis vestraeque salutis custodiam repudiata, pro clientelis hospi- tiisque provincial i bus, quae tamen urbanis opibus non minore labore tueor, quam comparo : 2 pro his igitur omnibus rebus, et pro meis in vos singularibus studiis, proque hac, quam perspicitis, ad conservandam rempublicam diligentia, nihil aliud a vobis, nisi hujus temporis totiusque mei consulatus memoriam postulo : quae dum erit vestris mentibus infixa, firmissimo me muro saeptum esse arbitrabor. Quod si meam 11. Illi qui absunt~\ Alluding to the coalition noticed supr. 7. n. 5. Pompey, now engaged in the Mith- Sect. XI. 1. Pro imperio ne- ridatic war. Cic, Off. i. 22, intro- glexi] These relate to the province, duced Porapey acknowledging ' frus- to the government of which Cicero tra M triumphum tertiurn deportatu- was entitled on the expiration of his ruin fuisse, nisi meo in remp. bene- consulate, and which he resigned, ticio, ubi triumpharet, habiturus es- Had he accepted it, he might have ob- H.' tained a triumph with the honours at- 12. Quamquam'] A correction. tending it, and the benefit of connect- Mil. 2. n. 1$. ing himself with the clients and hos- 13. Uno loco] In one respect. pites, which such a command pro- V. 7.. daces. Plut. Cic. 12. V. E. Or. iii. 14. Recepti] Sc. 'in amicitiam.' 11. n. 1. Received into alliance. 2. Non minore labore tueor, quam 15. Conjunctionem] Alluding to comparo] Dem. says similarly, %a\t- 312 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO IV. spem vis improborum fefellerit atque superaverit, commendo vobis parvum meum filium ; cui profecto satis erit praesidii, non solum ad salutem, verum etiam ad dignitatem, si ejus, qui haec omnia suo solius periculo conservaverit, ilium esse filium memineritis. Quapropter de summa salute vestra, populique Romani, Patres conscripti, de vestris conjugibus ac liberis, de aris ac focis, de fanis ac templis, de totius ur- bis tectis ac sedibus, de imperio, de libertate, de salute Italia?, deque universa republica decernite diligenter, ut in- stituistis, ac fortiter. Habetis enim eum consulem, qui et parere vestris decretis non dubitet, et ea, quae statueritis, quoad vivet, defendere et per se ipsum prsestare 3 possit. Tr&Ttpov ilvai to (fivXaTTtiv r Krr/- by Cato in a subsequent harangue, aaaQai t dyaOct. Ursin. prevailed in the senate : the conspi- 3. Per se ipsum prastare] Take on rators were strangled the same night, himself and execute, on his own re- in the prison. V. E. Vid. Hooke, sponsibilrty : quoad is introduced be- viii. 9, for reasons why this speech fore possit in some MSS. was never pronounced. The opinion of Cicero, confirmed INTRODUCTION TO THE ORATIONS 1 AGAINST MARCUS ANTONIUS 1. J. Cesar and M. Antony were consuls, a. u. 709. Caesar was also dictator, and Lepidus, master of the horse. The first day of that year was remarkable for the opposition given by M. Antony to his colleague, who, on the prospect of setting out to the Par- thian war to revenge the fall of Crassus, was proceeding to no- minate Dolabella to succeed him in the consulship, which he in- tended to resign, when he was opposed by Antony ; who, as augur, threatened to interpose his negative, Phil. ii. 32. His persisting in this opposition, and the fact of Caesar being obliged, about this time, to be strongly guarded in passing Dolabella's house, (Att. xiii. 52,) show clearly the hollow nature of his greatness. No doubt, Caesar, though he did not withdraw his nomination, (Phil. i. 13,) was obliged to make such concessions to Antony, as offended the impetuous Dolabella. The feast of the Lupercal was held on the fifteenth of February ; at which the offer of a crown was made to Caesar by Antony, and rejected (Phil. ii. 34). This circum- stance, however, probably hastened his fate ; for, on the Ides of March, he was assassinated. 2. There is no complete list of the conspirators : Cicero says of them, (Phil. ii. 11,) " Partim obscuris, partim adolescenti- bus," but Brutus and Cassius, the leading praetors of the year, were the principal men. Cicero was not among the conspirators, though Antony, to excite odium against him, charged him with being privy to it (Phil. ii. 12). The real reason of his being * It appears from Plut. (Cic. 48,) that Cic. himself affixed the name of Philippics to these orations : Avrog re yap 6 Kinkpuiv thc kut 'Avtuvi* Xoyc 4>i\i7T7riKc i-n'iypa-tyt. E 314 INTRODUCTION. passed over is given by Plutarch (Cic.42), namely his timidity and aged caution. After the deed was done, the conspirators fled to the capitol, and Antony to his house. On the day after the Ides but one, i. e. the seventeenth of March, the senate met in the temple of Tellus, and Cicero, though reluctantly, attended (Phil. ii. 35) ; for, even then, armed men were surrounding the senate. It was on this occasion that he made his celebrated speech, recommending an amnesty, or general forgiveness of in- juries (Phil. i. 1), and the settlement of the republic on its old basis. This speech is not extant except in the pages of Dio Cassius (1. xliv. 63). Antony, who had ventured to summon the senate, spoke also to the same effect, and offered his own son as a hostage of his sincerity. It was decreed that there should be no judicial inquiry concerning Caesar's death that his acts and decrees should be ratified, and that he should have a public fune- ral, the conducting of which was to be intrusted to Antony. Then it was that the conspirators descended from the capitol, which they had seized, and were entertained by the Caesarians ; Brutus supping with Lepidus, and Cassius with Antony. 3. It was on the following day, or eighteenth, according to Appian, that the provinces of the empire were decreed to the conspirators : Crete, it is said, to Brutus, Africa to Cassius, to Trebonius, Asia, to Cimber, Bithynia, and to D. Brutus, Cisal- pine Gaul. Some of these provinces had been previously con- ferred by Caesar, who, in anticipation of a protracted stay in Parthia, had nominated the principal magistrates for two (some say five) years in advance. Then came the funeral, and the erection of the column in the forum, inscribed " Parenti Patriae." It was the violent conduct of the mob, on this occasion, and their treatment of Helvius Cinna, whom they mistook for Cornelius Cinna, the praetor, who had lauded the conspirators as tyrannicides, that induced Brutus and Cassius to leave the city. For this purpose, Antony readily procured a decree setting aside the restriction on the city praetors, by which a longer absence than ten days was forbidden. Phil. ii. 1 3. Accordingly, they retired to Lanuvium, about fifteen miles from Rome. But D. Brutus, having endeavoured in vain to obtain, first a guard, and next, an honorary legation for the conspirators, withdrew to his assigned province, Cisalpine Gaul ; while Tre- bonius set out privately to Asia, Cimber to Bithynia, and Cicero to his villas ! . 4. Antony had previously made some popular laws, particularly one, by which he abolished the dictatorship (Phil. i. 1), and had inspired the republican party with such confidence, by his punish- INTRODUCTION. 315 merit of the Psendo-Marius, that they agreed to a personal inter- view with him, which he contrived to make satisfactory. The conduct and fate of this Marius make it credible, that while Cicero and the conspirators were thus withdrawn from the city, the greatest confusion reigned there; partly owing to the veterans, who, enraged at the murder of their general, committed every excess, partly to those desperate characters, who, like Marius, hoped to raise their fortunes in times of public anarchy. Still the conspirators had a considerable body of the people in their favour, as appears by the plaudits which were bestowed on the conspirators at the Megalensian games, on the seventh of April (Att. xiv. 2), and subsequently, in July, at the praetor's shews (Phil. i. 15). 5. In the mean time, Antony, with all his fair appearances, was not slow in undermining the republican cause. He had emissaries in the different towns, buying and storing grain, so that Cicero (Att. xiv. 3) was unable to procure supplies for his workmen at Tusculanum. The veterans, too, who were in and about the city, receiving assignments of lands for their services, were easily gained by the obvious motives of revenge and plunder (Phil. i. 2). To render the prospects of the republicans still more gloomy, it appears from a letter of Cicero (Att. xiv. 5), written on the eleventh of April, that some of the Gallic legions, remark- able for their devotion to Caesar, were approaching the city, already environed by the intended Parthian array and the veter- ans ; while Brutus and Cassius kept within doors ! In the mean time Antony left Rome, on a tour or progress through Italy, with the intention of engaging the veterans in the different colonies in his cause. He had previously appointed the first of June for the meeting of the senate ; and left Dolabella, whom he admitted as his colleague in the consulship, in charge of the city ; who, in this capacity, gained great credit with the senate, by his firmness in opposing the mob, and overthrowing the pillar which had been built in the forum (Phil. i. 2). It was in this state of affairs that Octavius, afterwards Augustus, who was then at Apollonia, in Greece, waiting to accompany Caesar to Parthia, hearing of his uncle's death, returned to Italy; and we find him, on the nine- teenth of April, on a visit to Cicero, at Puteoli, who then hesi- tated to join him, as he afterwards imprudently did. In this per- plexity, Cicero first meditated a journey to Greece, and communi- cated to Atticus (xiv. 12) his doubts and his intentions. In the mean time Antony, who had returned to Rome, was making every use of Caesar's papers, which had fallen into his hands, to 316 INTRODUCTION. strengthen his interests. For about the end of May, Cicero writes to Cassius (Fam. xii. 1), " ut adhuc quidem actum est, non regno, sed rege liberati videremur Tabulae figuntur ; immunitates dantur ; pecuniae maximae describuntur, exsules reducuntur ; senatusconsulta falsa referuntur, &c, &c." The first of June, the time appointed for the meeting of the senate, was drawing nigh, and Cicero returned to Rome to be present Antony, however, appeared, attended by a military guard, which so intimidated the senators that they fled (Phil. ii. 42). Cicero retired to Tusculanum; thence, on the third of June, he wrote to Atticus (xv. 9), expressing great indignation at a report that a decree was to be passed on the Nones, appointing Brutus comp- troller of grain for Asia, and Cassius for Sicily. It was true, however, and the subject of much deliberation among the parties, before it was accepted (Att. xv. 11). This shows that the re- publican ardour was fast cooling in the breasts of the people, and it determined Cicero to withdraw from Italy, till he should see what turn affairs might take. His resolution being to visit Athens, where his son was then studying, and not to return before the first of January, when Hirtiusand Pansa entered on their consul- ship ; he determined to take the usual route by land to Brundi- sium, and thence to Buthrotum, in Epims. He was obliged, how- ever, to alter his purpose, owing to the veterans of Caesar, that were stationed in the south of Italy, and Brundisium (Phil. i. 3). He then resolved on sailing from Puteoli, and proceeding through the straits. He did set sail from Pompeianum about the middle of July (Att. xvi. 3), and proceeding slowly round the coast, he stopped at Velia, and had an interview with Brutus (Phil. i. 4), which proved to be the last. 7. We find in the first Philippic a full account of his move- ments from this time. On the thirty-first of August he arrived at Rome, and, though expressly summoned by Antony, who no doubt, hoped by acting on his fears, to gain his approval of the measures to be proposed, he did not attend the senate. This so provoked Antony, that he gave utterance to those threats against Cicero, which are alluded to in the first Philippic (c. 5), and from which, in a great degree, originated his subsequent oppo- sition to Antony. Plutarch writes that the soldiers of Antony actually visited Cicero's house, and were with difficulty induced to retire on receiving his pledges. But it is likely that he him- self records the worst. Cicero attended the senate the following- day, and pronounced the INTRODUCTION. 317 FIRST PHILIPPIC ORATION. 8. In this speech Cicero first explained the reasons of his de- parture from the city, and unexpected return, c. 1 4. After animadverting on Antony's treatment of him, for not being pre- sent in the senate, on Piso's motion, c. 5. 6, he addresses him- self to the question before the house whether Caesar's acts are to be maintained and shows that no one is farther from main- taining them than Antony himself; who, to suit his own views, is virtually violating Caesar's most important laws. Of this he gives instances, c. 7 10. After deprecating the resentment at least ungenerous resentment of Antony, c. 11, he directs himself to Dolabella, who was present, and Antony, who was absent, and exhorts them to pursue the true path of glory, which he points out, and defines, c. 12 15. This speech so irritated Antony, that he resolved to keep no measures with him, and commanded his attendance on the twentieth of September. This command, Cicero, by the advice of his friends, declined to obey. The day came, and Antony, who had been studying for seventeen days previous, in theTiburtine villa of Scipio, (Phil. v. /,) made a most intemperate speech against Cicero, the general drift of which may be collected from Cicero's reply, which is contained in the SECOND PHILIPPIC ORATION. 9. This oration is supposed to be made on the same day as Antony's (c. 43), but it was never actually delivered, nor more than handed about in manuscript among Cicero's friends, Att. xv. 13; xvi. 11, at least till Antony was declared a public enemy. Besides a refutation of the charges of Antony, it con- tains a severe stricture upon his whole life, and is thought to have given rise to that irreconcileable enmity which terminated in his death. Juv. x. 119. In the exordium a comparison is instituted between Antony, Catiline, Clodius, &c, c. 1. Then follows a reply to various charges of Antony: of violated friendship of ingratitude to the preserver of his life of having, during his consulship, filled the capitol with armed men of refusing burial to Lentulus, his step- father of abetting the murder of Clodius of causing the civil war, by exciting enmity between Caesar and Pompey, and of ad- vising Caesar's assassination, c. 2 14. A severe reprehension of Antony follows, for censuring Cicero's conduct in the camp of Pompey, c. 15, for denying that his friends left him bequests, e e 2 318 INTRODUCTION. c. 16, and this part of the speech concludes by noticing the mea- gre results of Antony's long- study under the tuition of Sext. Clodius. c. 17. 10. Then follows the second part of the oration, in which is reviewed the life of Antony: his youth, c. 18 ; his conduct under Gabinius, in the affairs of Ptolemy, c. 19 ; his quaestorship under Caesar, c. 20, and his venal tribuneship, c. 21 23. His acts, immediately after the battle of Pharsalia, are next reviewed, c. 24 25: then his insolent invasion of Pompey's property after the return of Caesar from Alexandria, c. 26 28. His courage is next called in question, for not accompanying" his patron to Spain, who allowed him, on his return, to be sued for the price of Pompey's estate, c. 29. Then follows the notice of his attempted journey into Spain, c. 30, 31, of his servile conduct towards Caesar after his return, and his perfidy to Dolabella, c, 32, 33. A description of his offering a diadem to Caesar, at the Lupercal games, is given c. 34, his presiding at Caesar's funeral, c. 35, and pronouncing his funeral eulogium, c. 36. Various acts of injus- tice : the sale of immunities, kingdoms, &c, are next dwelt on, and his base conduct in the progress through Italy, subsequent to Caesar's death, c. 37 41. Cicero then notices his violation of Caesar's laws on his return to Rome, and neglecting even the rites due to his patron's memory, 42, 43. Lastly, death is held out as the necessary consequence of his violation of public libertv, c. 44. In conclusion, he compares the pretensions of Antony and Caesar, and infers, that if the Roman people did not endure Caesar, much less would they Antony ; that therefore Antony should abandon his design against the liberty of his country ; that, as for himself, he was prepared for death ; his only wish being, first, to leave his country free, and next that every traitor might meet his deserts, c. 45, 46. 11. In order to connect with it the ninth philippic (the intermediate orations being omitted) it may be briefly observed, that on the ninth of October, Antony set out for Brundisium, to gain over to his cause four legions which had been sent forward into Macedonia by Caesar, but which, on hearing of his death, had returned to Italy. With these he succeeded so badly (only one, the Alaudae, declaring for him, Hooke x. 12,) that returning hastily to Rome, he soon set out for Gaul, which he claimed as his province, and which D. Brutus was holding for the senate. He finally besieged D. Brutus in Mutina, whose cause Cicero as- sisted at Rome, with those eloquent effusions which compose the third, fourth and fifth philippics. He was opposed, INTRODUCTION. 319 however, by a strong faction of Antony's friends, who, under pre- tence of recommending peace, prevented Antony from being declar- ed a public enemy, and obliged Cicero to rest satisfied with an em- bassy to him, consisting of three senators, Piso, Philip, and Sul- picius. Cicero, in the mean time, found it necessary, on the departure of the ambassadors, to encourage the minds of his party, who were strongly inclining to peace with Antony and this he executes in the sixth and seventh philippics. The eighth he pronounced on the return of the embassy with the demands of Antony, and after the senate had declared his war a tumult. Sulpicius, one of the ambassadors, who left Rome in a bad state of health, died when he had nearly reached his desti- nation ; and, on a motion being made in the senate, to honour him with a public funeral, it gave Cicero an opportunity of pronounc- ing that noble eulogium on his character and services, which con- stitutes the NINTH PHILIPPIC. 12. This speech does not require a lengthened analysis. After praising the patriotism of Ser. Sulpicius, who had hazarded his life to serve his country, c. 1, he commends the consul, Pansa, for his alacrity in summoning the senate, and replies to an objec- tion of Servilius that a statue was only due 10 him who had died by the sword in the service of his country, 2 5. He adds, among his reasons, that Sulpicius himself would prefer a brazen statue, and concludes with a particular account of its position, inscription, &c. M. TULLII CICERONIS IN MARCUM ANTONIUM, PRIMA 1 ORATIO. I. Antequam 1 de republica, Patres conscripti, dicani ea, quae dicenda hoc tempore arbitror, exponam vobis breviter consilium et profectionis et reversion is mea?. 2 Ego quum sperarem, aliquando ad vestrum consilium auctoritatem- que 3 rempublicam esse revocatam, manendum mihi statue- bam, quasi in vigilia quadam consulari ac senator ia. 4 Nee vero usquam discedebam, nee a republica dejiciebam ocu- los, 5 ex eo die, quo 6 in aedem Telluris 7 convocati sumus. 9 Vid. Introd. 8. . I. 1. Antequam] This speech being of the deliberative kind, does not require a regular exordium. Cicero, therefore proceeds at once to the proposition and division of his sub- ject. 2. Reversionis mete] Reversio is a return occasioned by accidental cir- cumstances ; * reditus,' when it is designed. Att. xvi. 7. Manut. Yet 1 reditus' is afterwards used by Cic, to express this very return. Phil. ii. 30. 3. Auctoritatem] For the senate could not be said to have any autho- rity, when Caesar, as perpetual dic- tator, was directing every measure as he pleased. 4. Consulari ac senatorial Cicero was both ex-consul and senator. The former, it is implied, demanded great- er vigilance than the latter. Cicero exerted both. 5. Usquam discedebam dejiciebam oculos] The metaphor is here taken from sentinels on duty. 6. Ex die, quo] Phil. ii. 35, Post diem tertium veni in sedem Telluris, et quidem invitus, cum om- nes aditus armati obsiderent.' Introd. 2. 7. Aldem Telluris] This temple, 322 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO In quo templo, 8 quantum in me fuit, jeci fundamenta pacis, 9 Atheniensiumque renovavi vetus exemplum, 10 Graecum etiam verbum 11 usurpavi, quo turn in sedandis discordiis usa erat civitas ilia, atque omnem memoriam discordiarum oblivione sempitema delendam censui. Praeclara turn oratio M. Antonii ; 12 egregia etiam voluntas ; pax denique per eum et per liberos 13 ejus cum praestantissimis civibus 14 confirmata est. Atque his principiis reliqua consentiebant. Ad deli- berationes eas, quas habebat domi de republica, principes civitatis 15 adhibebat; ad hunc ordinem res optimas defere- dedicated to Tellus or Ops, stood in the forum not far from the Capitol. The senate was, of necessity, held in a sacred place ; and it is probable that this one was most convenient for the parties. The conspirators were then in the Capitol. Appian, however, says it lay contiguous to Antony's house, as owing to the gladiators of Decimus Brutus, he did not dare to summon the senate to the Curia, which lay nearer the Capitol. 8. Templo] ' ./Edes,' a building erected to a deity, without auguries ; ' templum,' a place, or building, duly consecrated. The temple of Tellus was both. 9. Jeci fundamenta pacts] This speech of Cicero is not extant in Latin. Introd. 2. 10. Atheniensium exemplum] In the last year of the Peloponnesian war, the Athenians were so far reduc- ed, as to make it a question with their enemies, whether the city and very name of Athens should not be de- stroyed. The Spartans, however, being unwilling, as they expressed it, to put out one of the eyes of Greece, the city was allowed to stand, but its fortifications and fleet were destroyed, and thirty men, the creatures of its oppressors, appointed to govern it Their acts of cruelty roused up an avenger in Thrasybulus, who had fled from their tyranny to Phyle, a strong castle in Attica, and who, col- lecting together a small band of his countrymen, seized on the Piraeus, and fortified Munychia. The tyrants, having failed in several attempts to dislodge him, in one of which Critias, their general, was slain, were obliged to yield up the city to Thrasybulus, and go into banishment. They were soon after slain in an attempted in- vasion of Athens. It was then that Thrasybulus brought forward his fa- mous decree or act of amnesty, by which he not only forbade all im- peachments and punishments for what was past, but even the very mention of them. Cicero, after the extinction of Caesar's despotism, did the same. 11. Grecum verbum] 'Afivt}<TTia. Plut. Cic. Demosthenes employs pit) uvrioiKitKilv in a similar sense. Val. Max. iv. 4. 12. Oratio M. Antonii] This speech was all about concord and healing measures. Inf. 13. * Quas fuit oratio de concordia,' Phil. ii. 36. 13. Per liberos] Not strictly ; for it appears that Antony sent only one son asahostage.Phil.ii.36.Inf.13. ' Rei- publicae tuus parvulus filius in Capi- tolium a te missus pacis obses fuit.' He was the son of Antony, by Septi- mia, the daughter of Fadius Bamba- lio. Manil. 12. n. 13. 14. Prestantissimis civibus] Of course, Brutus, Cassius, and the prin- cipal conspirators. 15. Principes civitatis] i. e. ' The leading senators.' Sext. 45. ' De- fensors optimatium, ipsique optimates PHILIPPICA PRIMA, Cap. 323 bat; 16 nihil turn, nisi quod erat notum 17 omnibus, in C. Caesaris commentariis reperiebatur ; summa constantia ad ea qua? quaesita erant, respondebat. Num qui exsules res- tituti? 18 Unum aiebat, 19 praeterea neminem. Num immuni- tates data?? Nulla?, respondebat. Assentiri etiam nos Ser. Sulpicio, clarissimo viro, voluit, ne qua tabula post Idus Martias 21 ullius decreti Caesaris aut beneficii 22 figeretur. Multa praetereo, eaque praeclara ; ad singulare enim M. Antonii factum festinat oratio. Dictaturam, 23 quae jam vim regiae potestatis obsederat, 24 funditus ex republica sustulit. De qua ne sententias quidem dixiinus ; scriptum senatuscon- sultum, quod fieri vellet, attulit ; quo recitato, auctoritatem 23 ejus summo studio secuti sumus, eique amplissimis verbis per senatusconsultum gratias egimus. 26 II. Lux quaedam 1 videbatur oblata, 2 non modo regno, quod pertuleramus, sed etiam regni timore 3 sublato ; mag- numque pignus ab eo reipublicae datum, se liberam civita- tem esse velle, quum dictatoris* nomen, quod saepe jus- gravissimi, et clarissimi, cives nume- rantur, et principes civitatis. 16. Deferebat] Ernesti would read referebat, or understand defere- bat in that sense. For theie is no point in saying that he laid before the senate res optimas,' unless he did so in quality of consul. 17. Nisi .... notum] Omitted by Ernesti. 18 liestituti] Scil. a Caesare. 19. Uvum aiebat'] This, it is pro- bable, was Sextus Clodius, a kinsman of P. Clodius, who was banished for exciting public disturbances on the occasion of his death. Antony had married Fulvia, the widow of Clodius, and was therefore called upon to in- terfere in the case of a relative. The Delph. makes him filius P. Clodii ;' but the son of P. Clodius was proba- bly then residing in Antony's house, who calls him (Alt. xiv. 13), 'in optima spe pverum repositum.' 20. Scr. Sulpicio'] For the charac- ter of this distinguished civilian, vid. Phil.ix. 21. Post Idus Manias] The day on which Caesar was slain. 22. Decreti- aut benejicii] ' De- cretum' refers to public, ' benefici- um' to private concerns. 23. Dictaturam] Sylla and Caesar had been perpetual dictators. 24. Obsederat] Ernesti conjectures obtinebat. 25. Auctoritatem] Equivalent to ' sententia,' to which we find it joined elsewhere. Thus Manil. 20, ' Catuli auctoritas et sententia.' 26. Gratias egimus] Mil. 35. n. 18. Sect. II. 1. Lux quadam] 'A ray of light,' i. e. safety ; ' lux' for ' salus' is usual in Latin, as 0wc in Greek. 2. Oblata] Al. oborta ; but Cicero seems to prefer the compounds of 'fero,' so 'pertuleramus,' ' sublato, ' following. 3. Regno regni timore] ' Reg- nuin,' a thing odious at Rome, yet in effect exercised by Caesar. 4. Dictutoris] This word, derived by Varro from ' dico,' quod a consule diceretur, is evidently from 'dictare.' 324 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO turn 5 fuisset, propter perpetuae dietaturae f ' recentem raemo- riam funditus ex republica sustulisset. Liberatus periculo caedis paucis post diebus senatus ; uncus impactus 7 est fugi- tivo 8 illi, qui in C. Marii nomen invaserat. Atque haec om- nia communiter cum collega. Alia porro propria Dola- bellae 9 : quae, nisi collega abfuisset, 10 credo eis futura fuisse The office of dictator, created a. u. 252, had been disused for upwards of a century before Sylla, and ended in Caesar. 5. Justum] Regularly appointed, legal. 'Quod fuisset,' though it had been. 6. Perpetual dictaturte] Caesar's. It does not appear that this magistracy was voted to him for a longer space than ten years. Dio 48. Cic. no doubt thought this equivalent to per- petual. 7. Uncus impactus] This does not determine the punishment of the Pseudo-Marius, as the hook was em- ployed to drag the bodies of criminals either to the pile, the Gemoniae Scalae, or the Tiber. It was stuck in the throat, as Juven. ' fixo gutture fu- mant.' The culprit was often stran- gled in prison, his body dragged to the Gemoniae Scalae, and finally thrown into the Tiber. Hence Juv. * Sejanus ducitur unco spectandus, &c.,' and dum jacet in ripa.' The Gemoniae scalae lay near the entrance to the state prison or Tullianum, on the descent from the capitol to the forum. Hence Val. Max. vi. 11, speaking of Q. Caepio, ' Corpus ejus in scabs Gemoniis jacens, magno cum honore totius fori Romani con- spectum est.' ' Gemoniae' is derived either from one Gemonius, who was the first exposed to that place, or from Gemere.' The Greek writers call it simply ova/3a<r/iot. 8. Fugitivo] This man, called va- riously Chamaces, Hierophilus, Ama- tius; but' who styled himself, (Att. xii. 49.) C. Marius, C.F.C.N., i.e. ' C. Marius, the son of Caius, the grandson of Caius,' had given Caesar much trouble during his absence in the Spanish war, by his absurd pre- tensions to relationship with Marius, with Crassus, and even with Cicero, through which he had imposed on many of the towns of Italy. Caesar had these examined into, and finding him a mere impostor, ordered him to be banished. On hearing of Caesar's death, he returned, and pretending to be the son of Marius by Julia, the aunt of Caesar, and therefore related to Caesar himself, he put himself at the head of the mob, proposed to re- venge his death on the conspirators, and built an altar before his pile ; said by some to be the 'columna* which Dolabella demolished. An- tony, however, put him to death with- out trial, which the senate took as | good omen of his intentions towards the conspirators and the republic. 9. Collega Dolabella] Dolabella was of the Cornelian family, but be- came a plebeian by adoption, in order to stand for the tnbuneship, which he obtained a. u. 796; and about this time, married Tullia, the favourite daughter of Cic. In his tribuneship he committed several illegal acts, which are alluded to inf. c 12. ' Recordare quaeso, Dolabella, &c.' In these he was opposed by Antony, then mas- ter of the horse, and the consequent disturbances were only settled by the return of Caesar from Egypt. He took Dolabella into favour, and raised him to the consulship before he was of competent age, or had been praetor. After Caesar's death, Antony, who, as Augur, had declared his election informal, withdrew his objection, and PHILIPPICA PRIMA, Cap. 2. !25 communia. 11 Nam, quum serperet in urbe 12 infinitum malum, idque manaret in dies latius, iidemque bustum 13 in foro face- rent, qui illam insepultam sepulturam 14 eflfecerant, et quo- tidie magis magisque perditi homines cum sui similibus ser- vis tectis ac templis urbis minarentur : talis animadversio fuit Dolabellaj, quum in audaces sceleratosque servos, turn in impuros et nefarios liberos, 15 talisque eversio illius exse- crata? 16 columnar, ut mihi mirum videatur, tam valde reli- quum tempus ab illo uno die 17 dissensisse. Ecce enim Kalendis Juniis, quibus ut adessemus edixerant, mutata ora- admitted him as his colleague. For some time he acted a patriotic part, but afterwards joined Antony in op- pressing the republican party ; for setting out for Syria, which province Antony had procured for him, he treacherously put to death Trebonius, the first conspirator who suffered, at Smyrna, in Asia Minor. For this act Cassius, who had previously seized on the province of Syria, took ample ven- geance, by obliging him to kill him- self in Laodicea, when he had be- sieged him with a superior force. 10. Collega abfuisset] During the months of April and May. Introd. 5. 11. Communia] Yet Phil. ii. 42, Cic. says, that Antony on hearing of Dolabella's conduct swooned away. 12. Serperet in urbe~\ ' In urbem' would be ' into the city.' But Cic. means that being there, it spread through it. ' Serpo,' tp7rw, perno. 13. Bustum] Properly a burned pile, ' locus in quo mortuus est com- bustus,' but here a monument or pil- lar (columna execrata) raised by the mob to Caesar on the spot where the burning took place. Hence Phil. ii. 42, ' bustum in foro evertit.' We must not confound it with the pillar described by Suet. Jul. 85, as being made of Numidian stone, and in- scribed ' Parenti Patria: ;' for the mob used it as a sort of altar for a long time (longo tempore) ; whereas Dola- bella destroyed the pillar in question about a month from Caesar's death. Att. xiv. 15. 14. Insepultam sepult.~\ Caesar's funeral was left to Antony to con- duct, who, having made a short fune- ral oration in the forum, (Phil. ii. 36. Tua ilia pulchra laudatio, &c.') was about to proceed with the body to the Campus Martius, where a pile was prepared, when amidst the tumult of grief, some persons set fire to the robes that covered the corpse, and a pile was instantly raised of every thing com- bustible, till the fire burned the house of L. Bellienus. Hence the epithet 1 insepulta,' as Phil. ii. 36, ' si funus illud fuit.' Compare ydpog ayapog, &c, of the tragic poets, which Cic. had found imitated in the verse ' Qua tempestate Paris Helenam innuptis junxit nuptiis.' DeOr. iii. 59. Also Lucan. vii. 820, ' funus inhuma- tum.' 15. Cum audaces servos turn ne- farios liberos] Hence Att. xiv. 15, * de saxo in crucem.' The slaves were crucified ; the freeman cast from the Tarpeian rock. 16. Exsecratar] Perhaps from the unhallowed rites offered at it ; or its being dedicated to a tyrant ; or Do- labella might have used a form of exe- cration. 17. Ab illo uno die] On which he had demolished the column, pro- bably in April, and reliquum tern F F 326 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO nia: nihil per senatum, multa et magna per populum, et absente populo 13 et invito. Consules designati 19 negabant se audere in senatum venire ; patriae liberatores 20 urbe care- bant ea, cujus a cervicibus jugum senile dejecerant : quos tamen ipsi consules 21 et in concionibus et in omni sermone laudabant. Veterani qui appellabantur, 22 quibus hie ordo 23 diligentissime caverat, non ad conservationem earum rerum, quas habebant, sed ad spem novarum prasdarum incitabantur. Qua? quum audire mallem, quam videre, haberemque jus legationis liberum, 24 ea mente discessi, ut adessem Kalendis Januariis, quod initium senatus cogendi 25 fore videbatur. pus' extends to the second of Sept., the date of this oration. Em. would read primo die. 18. Per populumpopulo] Antony employed the agency of the populace, but the people were neither present nor consenting. 19. Consules detignati] Hirtius and Pansa. 20. Patriet liberatores] Brutus, Cassius, &c. 21. Ipsi consules] Antony and Dolabella. Supr. n. 9. 22. Veterani qui appellabantur] Al. appellantur. The name of vete- rans may be here questioned, on ac- count of the abuses practised in the irregular discharge, and rewarding, under that appellation, of many not entitled to it ; or the verb may merely import that they were called up, pro- bably by Antony. V. E. Quint. 20. Tribuni igitur appellabantur.' Antony had, in a late progress through Italy, been tampering with the veterans there, and at Rome had many in his pay called by Cic. face- tiously 'Antony's advocates.' Inf. 7. Vhil.ii.39. 23. Quibvs hie ordd] Various lands in the neighbourhood of Capua and elsewhere were assigned to the vete- rans by the senate. 24. Jus legationis liberum'] Ex- plained by some, ' the right of em- bassy, free to be accepted bu Cicero or }tot.' But it is the same as ' legationis libera,' which is often used by Cicero elsewhere. It was an honorary privi- lege granted to senators who were going abroad on private, or wished for a pretext to withdraw from public affairs, and secured to them all the respect and attention of public func- tionaries. It was called ' libera,' either because the holder was not obliged to lay it down on entering the city, as was the case with other offices, or be- cause it was not restricted in point of time or place. Cic, however, who had laboured to remove it as an op- pression on the provinces, got it limit- ed to a year, which Caesar, if the pas- sage is rightly understood, afterwards extended to five. (Att. xv. 11.) There was a species of it called 'votiva,' which, though more honourable, Cic. declined on this occasion, as unsuited to the deplorable state of the repub- lic. It is remarkable that Cic. (Att. xv. 11.) says ' Dolabella me sibi le- gavit ad 4tum Non. April.' Yet here, in the presence of Dolabella too, 1 haberem jus legationis liberum.' Perhaps subsequently to the second of April, he had obtained the latter privilege also, and chose in the senate to mention the more respectable. 25. Cogendi] Simply * of convening the senate,' without the idea of force. Cicero knew well enough that meet- ings of the senate would be previously held ; but it was of Antony's senate, not the commonwealth's. PHILIPPICA PRIMA, Cap. 3. 32f III. Exposui, Patres conscripti, profeetionis consilium : nunc reversionis, qua? plus admirationis habet, breviter ex- ponam. Quum Brundisium, iterque illud, quod tritum in Graeciam est, non sine causa 1 vitavissem, 2 Kalendis Sextili- bus 3 veni Syracusas, 4 quod ab ea urbe transmissio in Grae- ciam laudabatur : qua? tamen urbs mihi conjunctissima, plus una me nocte cupiens retinere, non potuit. Veritus sum, ne meus repentinus ad meos necessarios adventus suspicionis aliquid 5 afferret, si essem commoratus. Quum autem me ex Sicilia ad Leucopetram, 6 quod est promontorium agri Rhe - gini, venti detulissent, 7 ab eo loco conscendi, ut transmitte- rem ; nee ita multum provectus, rejectus austro 8 sum in eum ipsum locum, unde conscenderam. Quumque intempesta nox 9 esset, mansissemque in villa P. Valerii, comitis 10 et fa- Sect. III. 1. Brundisium non sine causa] Antony's veterans were stationed in or near Brundisium. Att. xvi. 2. 4. Brundisium was a sea-port of Calabria, the usual one to take ship- ping from for Greece. 2. Vitavissem] Namely, by sailing from Pompeii round the coast. His object being to visit Athens where his son was then studying, and proceed to Syria, where Dolabella's province lay, he had equipped three gallies for him- self and attendants. Att. xv. 20. During this voyage Cic. wrote some of his most admired treatises, particu- larly his Topics and ' De Gloria.' 3. Sextilibus] From 'sextus' the sixth month from March, the ancient commencement of the year. It was afterwards named from Augustus. Hence Virg. Eel. iv. 12. incipient inagni procedere menses.' 4. Syracusas] Syracuse was the capital city of Sicily, an island much attached to Cic. on account of his dis- interested conduct there during his quaestorship ; which they evinced by appointing him their patron at Rome. Hence his advocacy of their cause against Verres. 5. Suspicionis aliquid] It is not easy to see what this suspicion was. Perhaps he means of raising a party in his own favour in that quarter where he was best known and beloved. If so, it is only another proof of the ridi- culous vanity which obscures the cha- racter of that great man. 6. Leucopetra] i. e. Xevkt) irirpa, the white rock, in which Strabo says the Appenines terminate. Mil. 9. n. 15. It was fifty stadia to the east of Rhegium. Arch. 3. n. 12. 7. Venti detulissent] Fam. xii. 25. Quum me Etesiae, quasi boni civis relinquentem officium, prosequi noluerunt. And ' conscendi,' a nau- tical term. Virg. ' Bis denis Phry- gium conscendi navibus aequor.' 8. Austro.] The usual name for a wind blowing from Epirus, though not strictly a south wind. So Att. vii. 2. ' Brundisium venimus ; ita bello nobis flavit ab Epiro lenissimus Aus- ter.' The Etesiae are mentioned as the favourable winds for sailing to Greece. They blew from the north during the months of July and Au- gust. Cicero had proceeded three hundred furlongs before he was driven back. 9. Intempesta war] Properly from bed-time to midnight, ' inter concu- biam noctem et mediam.' It is, how- ever, often used vaguely. Virg. ' Et lunam in nimbo nox intempesta tene- 328 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO miliaris mei, postridieque apud eundem ventum exspectans manerem, municipes 11 Rhegini complures ad me venerunt ; ex his quidam Roma recentes : a quibus primum accipio M. Antonii concionem ; 12 quae mihi ita placuit, ut, ea lecta, de reversione primum coeperim cogitare. Nee ita multo post edictum Bruti affertur et Cassii ; 13 quod quidem mihi, for- tassse quod eos plus etiam reipublica?, quam familiaritatis gratia, 14 diligo, plenum sequitatis videbatur. Addebant praeterea (fit enim plerumque, ut ii, qui boni quid volunt afferre, affingant aliquid, quo faciant id, quod nuntiant, laetius,) rem conventuram ; Kalendis Sextilibus senatum fre- quentem fore ; Antonium, repudiatis malis suasoribus, 15 re- missis provinciis Galliis, 16 ad auctoritatem senatus esse redi- turum. bat.' It is not very obvious why Cicero specifies this time. In the parallel passage in his letters, (Att. xvi. 7.) be merely states in general, that the citizens of Rhegium waited on him while he was staying with Va- lerius, expecting a fair wind. Perhaps it may be to account for his not hear- ing the intelligence a day sooner. If it had not been very late, they might have waited on him at Leucopetra, which was eight miles from Rhegium. As it was, they shewed their respect by proceeding to the country seat of his friend, the following day. 10. Publii Valerii comitis] He was the companion of Cic. on this occasion ; and happened to have a house on the southern coast of Italy. 11. Municipes] 'Cives municipii.' Arch. 3. n. 12. 12. M. Antonii concionem] Appian says that this speech recommended the iecall of Sextus Pompey and his restoration to his paternal property and command. But there is no reason to believe that it was any thing more than a reiteration of the pacific views which hitherto it was his interest to profess. 13. Edictum Bruti affertur et Cassii] The edict of Brutus and Cas- sius, noticed by Appian, that no pro- vince should be given to any person under twenty years of age, cannot be meant here. Cic. alludes to it briefly, Att. xvi. 7. 'Antonii edictum legi a Bruto ; et horum contra ; praeclare scriptum.' Also Brutus and Cassius write to Antony : ' Illud vere quo- modo ferendum sit tute cogita ; non licere praetoribus concordiae et liberta- tis causa, per edictum, de suo jurede- cedere quin consul arma minetur.' This letter, written a few days before Cic. received the edict, nearly identi- fies it. 14. Fumil. gratia] This seems tu imply that as far as his friendly inter- course with Brutus and Cassius was concerned, he did not think the de- cree/air. Perhaps then de suo jure decedere,' (vid. prec. n.) meant what Veil. Pat. testifies, (ii. 62.) the offer (per edictum) of retiring into banish- ment if the concord of the state were secured. This appeal not suiting Antony's views, was answered by a threat of arms. 15. Malis suasoribus] Laco, Mus- tela, Numisius, &c. 16. Galliis] The Transalpine Gaul had been assigned to L. Mu- natius Plancus ; the Cisalpine to De- cimus Brutus. Antony, in order to be near Rome, claimed them both, with PHILIPPICA PRIMA, Cap. 4. 329 IV. Turn vero tanta sum cupiditate incensus ad reditum, ut mihi nulli neque remi, neque venti satisfacerent : non quo me ad tempus occursurum non putarem, 1 sed ne tardius, quam cuperem, reipublicae gratularer. Atque ego celeriter Veliam 2 devectus, Brutum vidi; 3 quanto meo dolore, non dico. Turpe mihi ipsi videbatur, in earn urbem me audere reverti, ex qua Brutus cederet, et ibi velle tuto esse, ubi ille non posset. Neque vero ilium similiter, atque ipse enim. commotum esse vidi. Erectus enim maximi ac pulcherrimi tacti 4 sui conscientia, nihil de suo casu, multa de vestro que- rebatur. Exque eo primum cognovi, quae Kalendis 5 Sexti- libus in senatu fuisset L. Pisonis 6 oratio : qui quamquam pa- rum erat, (id enim ipso a Bruto audieram) a quibus debue- rat, adjutus, tamen et Bruti testimonio (quo quid potest esse gravius ?) et omnium praedicatione, quos postea vidi, mag- nam mihi videbatur gloriam consecutus. Hunc igitur ut sequerer, 7 properavi, quern praesentes 8 non sunt secuti : non ut proficerem aliquid, (neque enim sperabam id, nee prae- *n extension of the ordinary time. Att. xiv. 14. ' Quae scribis, Kal. .fun. Antonium de proviaciis relatu- rum, ut et ipse Galiias habeat et utris- que dies prorogetur, &c.' Sect. IV. 1. Non quo non pu- tarem] Al. von quo putarem: his haste was not occasioned by any doubt of not being in time 10 serve his country. Orel. V. E. Without non, ' ad tempus' may mean the first of August. It was the seventh that he heard of Antony's promising con- duct. 2. Veliam] Velia was a sea-port oi Lucania, contiguous to which Bru- tus was lying with his fleet. The name is derived from Slog, locus ; and is considered by Dionys. Halicar. as digammated. 3. Brutum vidi] When Brutus left Rome he repaired to Lanuvium, and spent his time for some weeks in visits to Cicero, Lucullus, Sec. In- trod. 6. In the mean time he and Cassius collected a considerable fleet, and at this time, (the middle of Au- gust,) Brutus was lying off the river Heles, three miles east of Velia. An account of this interview is given, Att. xvi. 7. 4. Pulcherrimi j'acli] The slaying of a tyrant. 5. Kalendis.] The Calends, Nones, and Ides, were the regular days for holding the senate, which Antony convened as usual, though Cicero had not attended for some months. 6. L. Pisonis] The father of Cal- purnia, Caesar's wife. Phil. v. 7. Against him Cic, whose colouring of a man's character, varied with the medium through which he viewed it, pronounced the violent invective still extant. Thus Caesar, Antony, Dola- bella, &c, are alternately the objects of his highest panegyric and most virulent abuse. Piso was against voting divine honours to Caesar. 7. Ut sequerer] ' To second,' the proper sense of * sequi,' whose fut. participle is 'sequundus.' i.e. ' se- cundus.' 8. Prxsentes] The senators pre- sent. F F 2 330 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO stare poteram,) sed ut, si quid mihi humanitus accidisset,-' (multa autem impendere videntiir praeter naturam etiam, praeterque fatum, 10 ) hujus tamen diei vocem testem reipub- licae relinquerem meae perpetuae erga se voluntatis. Quoniam utriusque consilii causam, Patres conscripti, probatam vobis esse confido, priusquam de republica dicere incipio, pauca querar de hesterna M. Antonii injuria i 11 cui sum amicus, idque me nonnullo ejus officio 12 debere esse, prae me semper tuli. V. Quid tandem erat causae, cur in senatum hesterno die tam acerbe cogerer? solusne aberam? an non saepe minus f requentes fuistis ? an ea res agefcmtur, ut etiam aegrotos de- ierri oporteret ? Hannibal, 1 credo, 2 erat ad portas, aut de Pyrrhi pace 3 agebatur ; ad quam causam etiam Appium il- ium,* et caecum, et senem, delatum esse memoriae proditum est. De supplicationibus 5 referebatur ; quo in genere sena- 9. Humanitus accidisset] To bap- pen in accordance with the lot of hu- manity to befal. Manil. 20. n. 1. 10. Prater nat. fatum] An am- plification, or hendiad., to intimate a premature death ; as if he said, con- trary to the fate or law, of nature.' Cat. iv. 4. n. 7. Similarly, Dem. de Cor. 59. tov Trie itpappivng cat tov avTopaTov Oavarov, i. e. a natural death, being contrasted with that of the patriot, and Mil. 7, * necessarium mortem,' where, vid. n. 4. Abram., however, takes it to mean a violent death ; i. e. a death arising neither from the course of nature, nor from any series of external causes (fatum), e. g. the fall of a horse, fire, ship- wreck. 11. Hesterna injuria'] His threa- tening to pull down his house. Inf. 5. n. 8. 12. Nonnulb ejus officio] After the battle of Pharsalia, Antony was sta- tioned by Caesar at Brundusium to hinder the Pompeians from landing. Cic, however, was permitted to land and had his life spared. Phil. ii. 3. Antony had also attempted to kill Clo- dius, Cicero's great enemy. Mil. 15. u. 12. Sect. V. 1. Hannibal) After the battle of Cannae, Hannibal, proceeding towards Rome, pitched his camp on the Anio, three mile3 from the city. Liv. xxvi. 10. Pliny says that he hurl- ed a spear within the walls. Hence it became a proverbial expression for any great danger. 2. Credo] The context must deter- mine when this word is used ironi- cally, as it appears to be here. 3. De Pyrrhi pace] This peace was solicited for Pyrrhus by Cyneas, a ce- lebrated Greek orator, who had in- structions to bribe the senators, and even the ladies of Rome. Appius, surnamed Caecus, hearing of it, caused himself to be carried to the senate, where he inveighed so bitterly against Pyrrhus, praying that he were deaf as well as blind, that he might not hear the disgrace of his country ; that the senate decreed to enter on no terms of peace with Pyrrhus as long as he continued in Italy. 4. Appittm ilium] The great Ap- pius. Mil. 7. n. 7. 5. Supplicationibus] ' Thanksgiv- ings offered to the gods in the temples. ' When couches (pulvinaria) were spread, and the images of the gods PHILIPPICA PRIMA, Cap. 6. 331 tores deesse non solent. Coguntur enim non pignoribus, G sed eorum, quorum de honore agitur, gratia ; quod idem fit, quum de triumpho refertur. Ita 7 sine cura consules sunt, ut paene liberum sit senatori, non adesse. Qui quum mihi mos notus esset, quumque de via languerem et mihimet displice- rem, misi pro amicitia, qui hoc ei diceret. At ille, vobis audientibus, cum fabris se domum meam venturum esse dixit. Nimis iracunde hoc quidem, et valde intemperanter. Cujus enim maleficii tanta ista poena est, ut dicere in hoc ordine auderet, se publicis operis disturbaturum publice ex senatus sententia aedificatam domum ? 8 Quis autem unquam tanto damno senatorem coegit ? aut quid est ultra pignus, aut multam ? 9 Quod si scisset, quam sententiam dicturus essem, remisisset aliquid profecto de severitate cogendi. VI. An me censetis, Patres conscripti, quod vos inyiti secuti estis, decreturum fuisse, ut parentalia 1 cum supplicati- onibus miscerentur ? ut inexpiabiles religiones 2 in rempubli- placed on them, it was called ' lecti- sternium.' 6. Non pignoribus] Thanksgivings, though made to the gods, yet reflected honour on the individual through whom they were made. * Pignora' were not necessary to collect senators on such complimentary occasions, private friendship towards the indivi- dual being sufficient. The ' pignora' were exacted by the ' apparitors, at the instance of the person who sum- moned the senate, usually the consul, not only for absence, but for contu- macy or other improper conduct. It is likely they consisted of such costly or necessary articles of furniture as it would most inconvenience the owner to want. If a proper apology or excuse were not offered, the consul proceeded 'caedere pignora,' which Gesner will have ' to destroy ;' Forcel- lini, to sell by auction' the forfeits. In the latter sense the ' multa,' a fixed sum, was paid out of the pro- ceeds. Hence it is always said ' pig- nora capere,' ' multam dicere.' Thus Livy (xxxvii. 51.) ' Et pignora capta et multa; dicta:.' Some, however, think that ' pignora' and multas' were two distinct ways of punishing senators. De Or. iii. 1 . 7. Jta] Either * thus,' i. e. in con- sequence of this ; or, ' so careless are the consuls on the subject that, &c.' 8. Publice aidificatam domum] Ci- cero's house had been demolished by Clodius, and a temple to liberty built on its site. It was rebuilt at the public expense ; which Cic. often boasts of. De Harusp. 8, he says that there were more decrees of the senate about his house, than about any pub- lic work, monument, or temple exist- ing. 9. Pignus uut multam] Supr. n.6. Sect. VI. 1. Parentalia] As ' parricidium' was extended beyond its proper sense to mean any murder, so ' parentalia,' the obsequies of a parent, is taken to mean any obse- quies. They consisted of victims, li- bations, garlands, &c. j and were of- fered at the tomb of the deceased. 2. Inexpiabiles relig.] ' Religiones' sunt ea ipsa qu<e metum (deorum) af- ferunt. Forcel. ' Inexpiabiles,' inca- 332 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO nam inducerentur ? ut decernerentur supplicationes mortuo ? 3 Nihil dico, cui. Fuerit ille L. Brutus,* qui et ipse dominatu regio rempublicam liberavit, et ad similem virtutem et simile factum stirpem 5 jam prope in quingentesimum annum 6 propa- gavit : adduci tamen non possem, ut quemquam mortuum oonjungerem cum immortalium religione ; ut, cujus sepulcrum nusquam 7 exstet, ubi parentetur, ei publice supplicetur. Ego vero earn sententiam dixissem, Patres conscripti, utmeadver- sus populum Romanum, si qui accidisset gravior reipublicae casus, si bellum, 8 si morbus, si fames, facile possem defen- dere; quae partim jam sunt, partim timeo ne impendeant. Sed hoc ignoscant dii immortales, velim, et populo Romano, qui id non probat, et huic ordini, qui decrevit invitus. pable of expiation, impious. 3. Mortuo] Al. mortuorum. There is a certain ambiguity in the expres- sions made use of regarding these sup- plications. Thus Cat. iii. 1. 6, *At- <;ue etiara supplicatio diis immortalibus meo nomine decreta est ;' and Sull. 30. ' Cui uni togato supplicationera sena- tus decrevit.' Here we see thanks- givings decreed to the immortal gods and to Cicero j not, however, in the same sense, the latter merely meaning in honour of Cic. ; or, as it is ex- pressed before, ' meo nomine.' ' Mor- tuo, however, is here used in the first sense, as if Antony reallydid claim di- vine honours for Caesar, and of this Cic. complains. But Suetonius (Jul. 84,) mentions a decree procured long before this, ' quo omnia ei divina si- mul et humana decreverat ;' which Antony read at his funeral ; so that Cic. need not have dwelt so strongly on this slight additional absurdity. V. E. well remarks, that these divine honours paid to a mortal might lead, and did lead, to fatal consequences. During the subsequent times of confusion, af- ter the capture of Perugia, Caesar Oc- tavianus, afterwards named Augustus, is stated to have sacrificed at once, on the ides of March, three hundred knights and senators at the altar of the new divinity. Sueton. Octav. 12. 4. Fuerit L. Brutus] He opposes the greatest patriot to the greatest ty- rant in the annals of his country. 5. Stirpem] Dionysius Ilalicar. says that Jun. Brutus left neither son nor daughter, and adds, as a proof, that the Junii and Bruti were plebei- ans, as appears from their always hold- ing plebeian offices. However this may be, the tradition favoured the de- scent of M. Brutus from the elder Brutus, and that was enough for Cic. At the request of Brutus, his pedigree was prepared by Atticus. 6. In quingent. annum] Tarquin was expelled a. u. 244. This ora- tion was delivered a. u. 709. 7. Nusquam] Al. usquam. The former agrees better with the fact ; for the column built over his ' bustum,' was before this demolished ; unless we consider the sepulchre of his ances- tors to be his own, where it appears from Dio his ashes were deposited. ra yap avrov oi tt\iv9fpoi irpoavei- Xovro, Kai lc to irarpuiov pvtipuov KareQtvTo. Trans. ' Shall the man who has not even a grave for obse- quies, be sacrificed to, as a deity with a temple V ' Usquam' means that the fact of his having a grave overthrows his claims to divine honours. 8. Si bellum] The state was then at war with Sextus Pompey. PHILIPPICA PRIMA, Cap. 7. 333 Quid ? de reliquis 9 reipublica? malis licetne dicere ? Mihi vero licet, et semper licebit dignitatem tueri, mortem contemnere. Potestas modo veniendi in hunc locum sit : dicendi pericu- lum non recuso. Atque utinam, Patres conscripti, Kalendis Sextilibus 10 adesse potuissem ! non quo profici potuerit ali- quid : sed ne unus modo consularis, quod turn accidit, dig- nus illo honore, dignus republica inveniretur. Qua quidem ex re magnum accipio dolorem, homines amplissimis populi Romani beneficiis usos, 11 L. Pisonem, ducem optima? sen- tentiae 12 non secutos. Idcircone nos populus Romanus con- sules fecit, ut in altissimo amplissimoque gradu dignitatis lo- cati, rempublicam pro nihilo haberemus ? Non modo voce nemo L. Pisoni consularis, sed ne vultu quidem assensus est. Qua?, malum ! est ista voluntaria servitus ? Fuerit qua?dam 13 necessaria. Neque ego hoc ab omnibus 14 iis desidero, qui sententiam consulari loco 15 dicunt. Alia causa est eorum, quorum silentio ignosco : alia eorum, quorum vocem re- quiro. 16 Quos quidem doleo in suspicionem populo Romano venire, non modo metus, quod ipsum esset turpe, sed alium alia de causa 17 deesse dignitati sua?. VII. Quare primum maximas gratias et ago et habeo 1 L. . 9. Quid? de reliquis'] Antony had certain degree of it is necessary, beset the senate with soldiers, and ad- 14. Ab omnibus] For some of the mitted whom he pleased. This did consulars were relatives of Antony ; not augur well for freedom of debate, e. g. Luc. Caesar, his maternal uncle. Having therefore expressed his opi- These Cic. would excuse, nion on the decrees of the preceding 15. Consulari loco] The persons day, Cicero asks, must we stop here 1 who had admission to the place ap- Will Antony's 'advocates' permit us propriated to those of consular or prae- to go no farther in detailing the evils torial dignity, had not all borne those of the times'? As for myself, I will offices: the right to sit there, some- say, they may prevent my entrance times was conferred by the senate, as into the senate at all, but they shall an honour to individuals. V.E. not prevent the free expressions of my 1 6. Requiro] Mil. i. n. 5. Ovid, sentiments when there. One of Ci- Met. vii. 515. ' Multos tamen inde cero's modest assertions. ' requiro, Quos quondam vidi vestra 10. Kalend. SextiL] When Antony prius urbe receptus.' proposed the deifying of Caesar and 17. Alium alia de causa] He hints was opposed by Piso. that they secretly favoured the designs 11. Homines beneficiis usos] E.g. of Antony against his country, or Ser. Sulpicius, Luc. Caesar, C. Mar- aimed at power themselves. cellus, Servilius Isauricus, &c. Sect. VII. 1. Gratias et ago et 12. Optima sententia] Viz. Not habeo] We say, ' habere gratiam' to grant the supplications to Caesar. ' agere gratias;' but if both verbs are 13. Fuerit qutedam] Admit that a joined, as here, the plural is used. 334 M. T. C1CER0NIS ORATIO Pisoni, qui non, quid efficere posset in republica, cogitavit, sed quid facere ipse deberet : deinde a vobis, Patres con- scripti, peto, ut, etiam si sequi minus audebitis orationem atque auctoritatem 2 meam, benigne me tamen, ut adhuc fe- cistis, audiatis. Primum igitur acta Caesaris 3 servanda censeo; non quo probem : 4 (quis enim id quidem potest ?) sed quia rationem habendam maxime arbitror pacis atque otii. Vellem ades- set Antonius, modo sine advocatis. 5 Sed, ut opinor, licet ei minus valere : 6 quod mihi heri per ilium non licuit. Doce- ret me, vel potius vos, Patres conscripti, quemadmodum ipse Caesaris acta defenderet. 7 An in commentariolis et chirogra- phis et libellis se uno auctore 8 prolatis, ne prolatis quidem, sed tantummodo dictis, acta Caesaris firma erunt : quae ille in aes incidit, in quo 9 populi jussa perpetuasque leges esse 2. Auctoritatem] i.e. 'Kxemplum.' Cicero joins the two as synonymous. Balb. 31. 3. Acta Casaris] After Cesar's death, while the conspirators were yet in credit, it was proposed in the se- nate, to rescind the acts of Caesar. This, Cic. opposed, because it would offend, and perhaps injure so many, as to endanger the public peace. In the mean time, Calpuraia had Ce- sar's papers and effects conveyed to Antony's house, as a place of safety ; and Antony by gaining over Tiberius, the amanuensis of Caesar, was ena- bled to forge whatever acts or decrees he thought proper. Cicero's com- plaint then was, that the memoranda, which they all knew to be spurious, should be ratified while his laws, if not actually annulled, were violated by counter-edicts. 4. Non quo probem] For the legis- lator was a tyrant ; or perhaps he means, ' them *U,' for some of them, e. g. the law about provinces, as we shall see, he highly approves of. 5. Sine advocatis] The veterans in Antony's pay, who the day before sur- rounded the senate. He had some time before this obtained from the senate a guard for his person (Inf. 11. Phil. ii. 44, and v. 6,) and for this purpose had employed Ityreans, who may be also alluded to here. Ascon. says, " Qui defendit alterum in judicio, aut ' patronus' dicitur si orator est, aut ' advocatus' si jus sug- gerit aut praesentiara suam accommo- dat amico, aut 'procurator/ si ne- gotium suscipit, aut cognitor' si praesentis causam novit et sic tuetur ut suam. " 6. Licet ei minus valere] Antony was absent on the plea of sickness. 7' Casaris acta defenderet] For Antony, in violating Caesar's laws, a fortiori, violates his acts, and could not therefore defend them. 8. Se uno auctore] Either, he being the sole voucher that they were Caesar's,' as Phil. ii. 39, ' Quo auc- tore proferunturV or ' being, himself, the sole author of them,' as Phil. v. 4. ' Haec se ex commentariis Caesa- ris, quorum ipse auctor erat agere di- cebat.' So Phil. ii. 37, ' auctorem odimus, acta defendimus.' 9. In qvui] i. e. ' In doing which, sc. engraving them on brass, he showed his wish that they should continue permanent laws, not tempo- rary enactments.' Vid. Manil. 8. n. 4. Some supply, ' aere ;' but, hav- PH1LIPPICA PRIMA, Cap. 7. 335 voluit, 10 pro nihilo habebuntur ? Equidem existimo, 11 nihil tarn esse in actis Caesaris, quam leges Caesaris. An, si cui quid ille promisit, id erit fixum, quod idem facere non po- tuit ? ut multis multa promissa non fecit. 12 Qua? tamen multo plura illo mortuo reperta sunt, quam a vivo beneficia per omnes annos tributa et data. Sed ea non muto, non moveo ; summo etiam studio prseclara illius acta 13 defendo. Pecunia utinam ad Opis maneret ! u cruenta 15 ilia quidem, sed his temporibus, 16 quoniam iis, quorum est, non redditur, necessaria. Quamquam ea quoque sit eflfusa, si ita in actis fiat ! Ecquid est, quod tarn proprie dici possit actum ejus, qui togatus 17 in republica cum potestate imperioque versatus sit, quam lex ? Quaere acta Gracchi : leges Sempronia? 13 pro- ferentur. Quaere Sullae, Corneliae. 19 Quid ? Cn. Pompeii ing said that Caesar engraved them on brass, surely none would doubt his intention that they (or any laws) should continue there. 10. Voluit] Perhaps a sarcasm on the despotism of Caesar. ' Consul ro- gavit ; populus voluit, jussit, &c.' 11. Existimo] This long argument is to prove, that if the acts of Caesar are to be valid, Antony has no colour to annul his laws. 12. Quod idem non fecit] ' Which promise even he could not perform ;' for it appears better to refer ' idem' to Caesar. ' Facere promissum,' toper- form a promise. Off*, i. 10. 13. PrcEclara illius acta] i. e. Those which were really for the good of the state. He presently spe- cifies some of them. 14. Pecunia utinam, $c] Perhaps the connexion here is : I said that I am against altering Caesar's acts, how- ever much I might wish it ; e. g. con- sidering the necessities of the state, it were to be wished that the money plundered from the Pompeians, and kept by Caesar in the temple of Ops, were still untouched ; yet, let it be squandered, if so it be enacted. Now, if I respect such an act of Caesar's as this, may I not expect Antony to re- gard his laws 1 15. Cruenta] Procured by shed- ding the blood (cruor) of the Pom- peians. 16. His temporibus] The treasury was so exhausted, during these times, that the public shows could not be celebrated for want of money ; and the Triumviri levied contributions oft" the wealthy. Even ladies, if we be- lieve Appian, were taxed. Vide Hooke x. 15. 17. Togatus] From 'toga,' (te- go,) because it covered the whole body, is here opposed to ' sagatus' (sagum) the civil to the military robe. It was customary for all the citizens to assume the sagum' in times of war and danger, whether they actually served or not, as we find they did a short time after this, when Antony was declared a public enemy. 18. Leges Sempronia] Laws were usually named after their proposer, and the nomen,' or name of the 'gens,' always preferred. The Grac- chi were of the ' gens Sempronia,' &c. Among these was a judiciary law to tranfer the right of judging from the senate to the equites. 19. Cornelia] One of these re- versed the above law, and restored the judices to the senate. 336 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO tertius consulatus c0 in quibus actis constitit? Nempe in legi- bus. De Caesare ipso si quaereres, quidnam egisset in urbe et in toga : leges multas responderet se et praeclaras tulisse ; chirographa 21 vero aut mutaret, aut non daret ; aut, si dedis- set, 22 non istas res in actis suis dnceret. Sed haec ipsa con- cedo ; quibusdam etiam in rebus conniveo : in maximis vero rebus, id est, legibus, acta Caesaris dissolvi ferendum non puto. VIII. Quae lex 1 melior, utilior, optima 2 etiam republica saepius flagitata, quam, ne praetoriae provinciae plus quam an- num, neve plus quam biennium consulares obtinerentur ? Hac lege sublata, videntume vobis Caesaris acta servari I Quid ? lege, quae promulgata est de tertia decuria, 2 nonne omnes judiciariae leges Caesaris dissolvuntur ? Et vos acta Caesaris defenditis, qui leges ejus evertitis ? Nisi forte, 3 si quid memoriae causa retulit in libellum, id numerabitur in actis, et quamvis iniquum et inutile 4 sit, defendetur : quod ad populum centuriatis comitiis tulit, id in actis Caesaris non habebitur. At quae est 5 ista tertia decuria ? Centurionum, inquit. Quid? isti ordini judicatus lege Julia, etiam ante 20. Pompeii tert. const//.] a. u. liberties of his country before he en- 701. Vid. Introd. to Mil. acted this law. 21. Chirographa] Quae tantum sua 2. De tertia decuria] Caesar had manu in commentariis scripsisset, se reduced the order of the judges to facturum aut daturum. Ern. two, the senators and equites, having 22. Si dedisset] And, therefore, abolished the Tribuni aerarii, an order could not recall or alter them. added by Cotta. This Antony re- Sect. VIII. 1. Qua lex] Caesar placed by a decury of centurions, and had sufficient experience, during the thus, in effect, annulled Caesar's law. nine years in which he held the pro- 3. Nisi forte] Mil. 3. n. 10. vince of Gaul, of the dangers likely 4. Inutile] Mischievous. So to result to the government at home, axptiog in Greek. Off. ii. 14. Sedi- from men of abilities holding offices tiosus et inutilis civis.' so long abroad. He therefore enacted 5. At qua est, fyc] This may be this law, which was nullified by a paraphrased : ' But what, says Cic, counter-law of two of Antony's crea- is this third decury of yours, Antony? tuies, extendingthe Praetorian provin- Of Centurions, he replies: What? ces to two, and the consular, to six had not they already a share in the years. Hence, Phil. v. 3. * Tribuni judicial office, by the existing laws ? plebis tulerunt de provinciis, contra I acknowledge they had ; but it was acta Caesaris j ille biennii, iste sexe- accompanied with a slight limitation nii-' Hence he uses ' qua sublata,' about property, which I am for re- not adding by whom. moving. But surely, Antony, the 2. Etiam optima] Etiam, perhaps, centurions were not the only persons implies that Caesar had destroyed the so restricted ; you know the knights, PHILIPPICA PRIMA, Cap. 8. 337 Pompeia, Aurelia 6 non patebat? Census praefiniebatur, in- quit. Non centurioni quidem solum, sed equiti etiam Ro- mano. Itaque viri fortissimi atque honestissimi, qui ordines duxerunt, res et judicant et judicaverunt. Non qusero, in- quit, istos. Quicunque ordinem duxit, judicet. At si fer- retis, quicunque equo meruisset, quod est lautius, 7 nemini probaretis ; in judice enim spectari et fortuna debet et dig- nitas. Non quaero, inquit, ista : addo etiam judices mani- pulares 8 ex legione Alaudarum. 9 Aliter enim nostri negant posse se salvos esse. O contumeliosum honorem iis, quos ad judicandum nee opinantes vocatis ! hie enim est legis in- also, must have a certain property. And the good effects of this arrange- ment, in reference to the former, are obvious, a most respectable list of centurions, being duly qualified as knights, have been and are judges. This does not suit my purpose, replies Antony. I want every centurion, whether qualified or not, to sit on the bench. But let me tell you, that if you were to propose the admission of every knight which order is more re- spectable than that of centurion it would meet the approbation of none. For property and rank are the only tests of respectability in judges. Away with these, says Antony. I am determined to make the meanest soldiers, of the meanest legion, judg- es, as nothing else will secure the safety of my party. What an insult to this, their decury ! It is as much as to say : ' I want judges who dare not be impartial, and I know where to find them.' But Antony will be disappointed. These insulted men will assert their honour ; and, by the uprightness of their decisions, will res- cue their characters from this foul calumny, and shew themselves wor- thy of the highest, not the meanest, order of judges.' 6. Aurelia] The judges, from the earliest times, were chosen from the senators. By the Sempronian law of C. Gracchus, the judicial office was transferred to the knights, but was afterwards, by the Servilian law, opened to both orders, and having undergone several changes, was at last, by Sylla, confirmed to the sena- tors. But this not giving satisfaction, Cotta threw it open to all the orders of the state, by admitting on the bench, senators, knights, and ' tri- buni aerarii.' By the Pompeian law, however, which the Julian law con- firmed, a certain census was required in the judges. 7. Quod est lautius] By this it would seen), that a private horseman in the Roman service, who indeed might originally have found and kept his horse, was in superior esteem to an officer of infantry, performing the duties which correspond to those of a captain in ours. Al. laudatius. V. E. 8. Manipulates] * Bank and file.' They were called ' manipulares,' in contra-distinction to the velites,' or light troops, and the name taken, it is well known, ' ex manipulo vel fas- ciculo fceni perticae longae alligato, quem pro signo primum gerebat.' In a complete legion there were 6,000 men ; in a cohort, 600 ; in a mani- ple, 200. 9. Ex legione Alaudarum] Caesar enrolled a legion of Gauls at his pri- vate expense, and called them Alau- dec : it would appear, from a crest which they wore, resembling that of a lark, ' alauda,' in the Celtic Ian- G G 338 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO dex, 10 ut ii res in tertia decuria judicent, qui libere judicare nonaudeant. In quo quantus error est, diiimmortales! eorum, qui istam legem excogitaverunt ! Ut enim quisque sordi- dissimus videbitur, ita libentissime severitate judieandi sor- des suas eluet, laborabitque, ut honestis deeuriis potius dig- nus videatur, quam in turpem jure conjectus. IX. Altera promulgata lex est, ut et de vi l et de majes- tate damnati ad populum provocent, si velint. Haec utruni tandem lex est, an legum omnium dissolution Quis est enim hodie, 3 cujus intersit istam legem manere? Nemo reus est legibus illis : nemo, quem futurum putemus. Arm is enim gesta, nunquam profecto in judicium vocabuntur. At res popularis. Utinam quidem aliquid velletis esse po- pulare ! Omnes enim jam cives de reipublicae salute una et mente et voce consentiunt. Qua? est igitur ista cupiditas le- gis ejus ferendae, quae turpitudinem summam habeat, grati- am nullam?* Quid enim turpius, quam qui majestatem guage, signifying that bird. [Hence alouette.] Heberden, the translator of Cicero's letters, compares with it, the well-known derivation of Planta- genet. 10. Hie est legis index] i. e. ' Hoc indicat lex.' We cannot sup- pose that the title or rubric of the law ran so, but that such was its general drift. Si-ct. IX. 1. Altera lex devi] The criminal had always been grant- ed the liberty of appeal to the people, as appears from the instance of the Horatii and others in Livy, at least till the time of Sylla ; and long after him, we find C. Rabirius appealing from the Duumvirs to the people. So Suet. (Jul. 12,) ' ut ad populum pro- vocanti nil ajque, ac judicis acerbitas profuerit.' Caesar's law, therefore, must have taken away this appeal, which it was the object of Antony to restore. 2. Legum omnium dissolution Be- cause, by holding out the hopes of im- punity, it offered unbounded license to the turbulent. 3. Quis est enim hodie] Enim must be referred to an omitted proposition. There is Antony's law of appeal ; what is it but the abolition of all legal institutions 1 And it is quite a gra- tuitous act; for who is now concerned in its enactments, who was at this day aggrieved by Caesar's laws r He pretends, forsooth, that it was neces- sary thus to protect those citizens who had been forward actors in the civil wars. But it is well known, that there neither was, nor is likely to be, any prosecutions for acts done in the heat of civil arms. Why then not have permitted Caesar's laws to re- main, which were doing no harm at present, and would do good hereafter. Antony replies, ' res est popularis.' I did it to please the people. Cicero rejoins, that he is mistaken in this, as the people all wish for the safety of their country. He then shews that the real drift of Antony's law was not to extend the liberty of the peo- ple but, to screen his flagitious fol- loweis by making it useless to bring them to trial, at all. 4. Gratiam nullam] For it will oblige none. ' Nemo est, &c.' PHILIPPICA PRIMA, Cap. 10. 339 populi Romani minuerit per vim, eum, damnatum judicio, ad earn ipsam vim 5 reverti, propter quam sit jure damnatus? Sed quid plura de lege disputo ? quasi vero id agatur, ut quisquam provocet. Id agitur, id fertur, ne quis omnino unquam istis legibus reus fiat. Quis enim aut accusator tarn amens reperietur, qui, reo condemnato, objici se multitudini conductae velit ? aut judex, qui reum damnare audeat, ut ip- se ad operas mercenarias statim protrahatur ? Non igitur provocatio ista lege datur : sed duae maxime salutares leges quaestionesque tolluntur. Quid est aliud 6 adhortari adole- scentes, ut turbulenti, ut seditiosi, ut perniciosi cives velint esse ? Quam autem ad pestem furor tribunicius impelli non ]X)terit, his duabus quaestionibus de vi et de majestate subla- tis? Quid? quod obrogatur 7 legibus Caesaris, quae jubent, ei, qui de vi, itemque ei, qui majestatis damnatus sit, aqua et igni interdici ? quibus quum provocatio datur, nonne acta Caesaris rescinduntur ? Quae quidem ego, Patres conscripti, qui ilia nunquam probavi, tamen ita conservanda concordiae causa arbitratus sum, ut non modo, quas vivus leges Caesar tulisset, infirmandas hoc tempore non putarem, sed ne illas quidem, quas post mortem Caesaris prolatas esse et fixas vi- detis. X. De exsilio reducti a mortuo ; civitas data non solum singulis, sed nationibus 1 et provinciis universis a mortuo ; im- munitatibus infinitis 2 sublata vectigalia a mortuo. Ergo haec, uno, verum Optimo, auctore 3 domo prolata, defend i- mus : eas leges, quas ipse, vobis inspectantibus, recitavit, pronuntiavit, tulit, quibus latis gloriabatur, eisque legibus ">. Ipsam vim] To harass the re- iii. 23.) we find ' Quod per legem public with a new sedition, arising Clodiam promulgare, abrogare, dero- out of his appeal to the mob, from his gare, obrogare sine fraude sua non sentence for the old. For a person liceat.' appealing to the people, i. e. to an Sect. X. 1. Civitas nationi- armed mob, may well be said ' ad bits] To the Sicilians, for instance, vim reverti.' Att. xiv. 12. 6. Quid est aliud] Cic. either 2. Immunit. infiniU] By countless omits or inserts nisi after this form, immunities. Phil. v. 2. 3. Uno verum optimo, auctore] 7. Obrogatur] ' Abrogare,' to ' Antony.' This passage seems to annul a law ; derogare,' to annul confirm the first sense given to this it in part; 'subrogare,' to add a part word, supr. 7. n. 8, else the words to a law ; obrogare, to weaken it by a uno Optimo lose the irony. Domo' counter-law. In one sentence, (Att. should mean Czesar's house. 340 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO rempublicam contineri* putabat, de provinciis, de judi- ciis, 5 eas, inquam, Caesaris leges, nos, qui defendimus acta Caesaris, evertendas putamus? Ac de iis taraen legibus, qua? promulgata? sunt, saltern queri possumus : de iis, qua? jam lata? dicuntur, ne illud quidem licuit. Ilia? enim sine ulla promulgatione lata? sunt ante quam scripta?. 6 Quaerunt, quid sit, cur aut ego, aut quisquam vestrum, Patres con- scripti, bonis tribunis 7 plebis, leges malas metuat. Paratos habemus, qui intercedant; paratos, 8 qui rempublicam reli- gione 9 defendant; vacui metu esse debemus. Quas tu mihi, inquit, intercessiones, quas religiones ? Eas scilicet, quibus reipublica? salus continetur. 10 Negligimus ista, et nimis an- tiqua et stulta ducimus. Forum saepietur ; omnes clauden- tur aditus; armati in pra?sidiis multis locis collocabuntur. Quid turn ? Quod ita erit gestum, id lex erit ; et in a?s in- cidi jubebitis, 11 credo, ilia legitima : ' Consules populum 12 jure rogaverunt/ (hoccine a majoribus accepimus jus rogan- 4. Contineri] This word often means, in Cic., ' to establish' or 'strengthen;' as Off. ii. 24, 'nulla res vehementius rempublicam continet quam fides,' and might be so trans- lated here. However the ordinary meaning seems better to express the vanity of Caesar about his darling laws. 5. De provinciis, de judiciis] The laws for abridging and ascertaining the time during which the provinces were assigned to magistrates ceasing their functions, and for regulating the classes from which the * judices' were drawn. V. E. 6. Antequam scripts] Not ' drawn up,' absolutely, but before they were drawn up for public inspection. 7. Bonis tribunis] ' Bonis' has been supposed, like * optimo,' above, to contain an ironical allusion to An- tony's brother, who was a tribune. But the drift of the passage does not require it. Cic. says, ' no matter how good the tribunes, Antony dis- regards them and their vetos.' 8. Paratos] Paratos' should refer to tribunis plebis, preceding. But some considering ' religio,' i. e. 'auspicia,' as the proper business of the augurs, referred it to ' augures' understood ; of whom they observed, Antony was one. But tribunes, or indeed, any of the higher magistrates, could observe the heavens. Phil. ii. 38. ' Cur autem ea comitia non habuisti? An quia tribunus plebis sinistrum fulmen nunciabat 1 Cum tua quid interest, nulla auspicia, sunt, &c. &c.' 9. Religione] De coelo servando, obnuntiando, &c. Ern. 10. Salus continetur] By preventing the passing of bad laws. 11. Jubebitis] Al. videbitis. But the former contains a sarcasm on the consuls. For credo al. cedo. But Cic. says, ironically, " You will, 1 suppose, engrave on brass the laws so passed, not omitting the legal for- mula, ' Consules rogaverunt, &c.' " But permit me to ask ' qui populus 1 isne, &c.' 12. Consules populum, fyc] There is extant the heading of a law in PHILIPPICA PRIMA, Cap. 11. 341 di ?) ' populusque jure scivit.' Qui populus ? isne, qui exclu- sus est ? Quo jure ? an eo, quid vi et armis orane sublatum est ? Atque ego haec dico de futuris; 1J quod est amicorum ante dicere ea, quae vitari possint : quo? si facta non erunt, refelletur oratio mea. Loquor de legibus promulgatis : de quibus est integrum vobis. Demonstro vitia : tollite ! De- nuntio vim, arma : 14 removete ! XI. Irasci quidem vos mihi, Dolabella, pro republica dicenti, non oportebat. Quamquam te quidem id factum in non arbitror. Novi facilitatem tuam. Colleiiam tuum 1 aiunt in hac sua fortuna, quae bona ipsi videtur, mibi, ne gravius quidpiam dicam, avorum et avunculi 2 sui consulatum si imi- taretur, fortunatior videretur : sed eum iracundum audio esse factum. Video autem, quam sit odiosum liabere iratum eundem, et armatum, quum tanta praesertim gladiorum sit impunitas. Sed proponam jus, ut opinor, a?(jiium, quod M. Antonium non arbitror repudiaturum. Ego, si quid in vi- tam ejus, aut in mores cum contumelia 3 dixero, quo minus mihi inimicissimus sit, non recusabo. Sin consuetudineni meam, quam in republica semper habui, tenuero, id est, si libere, quae sentiam, de republica dixero: primum deprecor, ne irascatur ; deinde, si hoc non impetro, peto, ut sic irasca- tur, ut civi. Armis utatur, si ita necesse est, ut dicit, sui de- fendendi causa :* iis, qui pro republica, quae ipsis visa erunt, these very words, 'Tit. Quintius ko\ov9ov. Oisp : Coss : populum jure rog;ivit ; 2. Avorum avuuculi] Antony's populusque jure scivit.' paternal grandfather was M. Antony, 13. Hac dico de futuris] Cicero the orator, consul, a. u. 654; his was, as yet, keeping on terms with maternal grandfather, L. Caesar, con- Antony; and therefore, to soften the sui a.u. 662. His maternal uncle asperity of his remarks, he adds, that wasL. Caesar, consul a. u. 689. His they have wholly a future application, paternal uncle, C. Antonius, is, for The laws are only promulged not obvious reasons, omitted here, enacted ; the neglect of the auspices 3. Si quid cum contumelia'] Can can be corrected, and the armed troops Cicero be said to abide by that test ? removed. Thus may my speech be V. E. best refuted, and my fears proved 4. Sui defend i causa] Antony had groundless. obtained a guard from the senate on 14. Denuntio vim, armu'] I pre- this pretext. Phil. v. 6. * Ilia non diet that violence will be employed, gravissimis ignominiis sunt no- V. E. tanda, quod unus M. Antonius in Sect. XI. 1. Collegam tuam] hac urbe post conditam urbem palam These words being subject to no in- secum habuerit armatos?' Phil. ii. finitive, make the construction ava- 44. G G 2 342 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO dixerint, ista arraa ne noceant. Quid hac postulatione 5 dici potest aequius? Quod si, ut mihi a quibusdam ejus fami- liaribus dictum est, omnis eum, quae habetur contra volunta- tem ejus, oratio graviter oflfendit, etiam si nulla inest contu- melia: feremus amici naturam. Sed iidem illi ita me- cum : 6 " Non iidem tibi, adversario Caesaris, 7 licebit, quod Pisoni socero :" et simul admonent quiddam, quod cavebi- mus ; nee erit justior, Patres conscripti, in senatum non veniendi morbi causa, quam mortis. 8 XII. Sed per deos immortales ! te enim intuens, Dola- bella, qui es mihi carissimus, non possum de utriusque ves- trum errore reticere. Credo enim vos, nobiles 1 homines, magna quaedam spectantes, non pecuniam, ut quidam nimis creduli suspicantur, quae semper ab amplissimo quoque cla- rissimoque contempta est, non opes violentas 2 et populo Romano minime ferendam potentiam, sed caritatem civium et gloriam concupisse. Ea est autem gloria, laus recte fac- torum magnorumque in rempublicam fama meritorum, quae (mum optimi cujusque, turn etiam multitudinis testimonio comprobatur. Dicerem, Dolabella, qui recte factorum fruc- tus esset, nisi te praeter ceteros paullisper esse expertum vide- rem. Quem potes recordari in vita illuxisse tibi diem lae- 5. Hac postulatione] Donatus says, 'petimus precario, poscimus impe- riose, postulamus jure.' 6. Sed iidem illi ita mecum] Sc. loquuntur.' Thus Virg. JEn. i. 37. ' Haec secum,' sc. locuta est. 7. Adversario Casaris] Cic. had been a Pompeian. 8. Quod cavebimus quam mortis'] This is usually explained as if he said, ' The friends of Antony threaten my life ; now if he thought my excuse of ill health, a bad one, surely he cannot object to the force of this that I am in danger of being assas- sinated.' But Cicero, after his boast, c. o, would hardly have recourse to so dastardly a plea ; besides the words ' nee erit,' in construction, de- pend upon ' cavebimus ;' so that the conjecture of Orel, is worth notice, that 'moiti' a- d 'mortis' have, by the ignorance of transcribers, changed places. Then it will be : ' and warn- ed by the danger, I shall take care that you may not, when I am slain, have it to say, that Cic. has now a fair excuse for not attending the se- nate.' Sect. XII 1. Nobiles] They were both plebeians, Antony by birth , Dolabella by adoption. The ' gens Antonia' consisted of two branches a patrician and plebeian. Mark An- tony, the orator, was the first that in- troduced the consulship into the ple- beian branch. That it was plebeian is past a doubt, as M. Antony was tribune of the people without adop- tion. 2. Opes violentas] Alluding, per- haps, to Caesar's tyranny. 3. Paullisper] This word is omit- ted in some MSS. PHILIPPICA PRIMA, Cap. 13. 343 tiorem, quam quum, expiato foro, 4 dissipato concursu impio- rum/priiicipibus sceleris poena affectis, urbe incendio et caedis metu liberata, te domum recepisti ? Cujus ordinis, cujus generis, cujus denique fortunae studia turn laudi et gratu- lationi tuae se non obtulerunt ? Quin mihi etiam, quo auc- tore te in iis rebus uti arbitrabantur, et gratias boni viri age- bant, et tuo nomine gratulabantur. Recordare, quaeso, Dolabella, consensum ilium theatri, quum omnes earum rem m obliti, 6 propter quas fuerant tibi offensi, significarunt, se beneficio novo memoriam veteris doloris abjecisse. Hanc tu, P. Dolabella, (magno loquor cum dolore,) hanc tu, inquam, aequo animo potuisti tantam dignitatem deponere V XIII. Tu autem, M. Antoni, (absentem appello,) unum ilium diem, 1 quo in aede Telluris senatus fait, non omnibus iis mensibus, 2 quibus te quidam, multum a me dissentientes, beatum putant, anteponis ? Quae fuit oratio de concordia ! quanto metu veterani, 3 quanta sollicitudine civitas turn a te liberata est ! Quum collegam tuum depositis inimicitiis, oblitus auspicia* a te ipso augure populi Romani nuntiata, illo primum die collegam tibi esse voluisti, tuus parvulus filius in Capitolium a te missus pacisobsesfuit: quo senatus die laetior '( quo populus Romanus ? qui quidem nulla in concione unquam t'requentior fuit. Turn denique 6 liberati per viros fbrtissimos videbamur ; quia, ut illi voluerunt, li- bertatem pax sequebatur. Proximo altero, tertio, 7 denique 4. Expiato foro] Alluding to the received from Caesar's bounty. demolition of the column. Supr. 2. This word is omitted by Sch. and 5. Impiorum] For bestowing di- Wemsdorf. Ern. would read scna- vine honours on a dead man. tus. V. E. 6. Earum rerum obliti] Supr. 2. 4. Oblitus anspicia] Al. auspicw- n. 9. Among them was, his propos- rum, the pretended auspices ridiculed ing 'novae tabulae,' after the example by Cic. Phil. ii. 33. It did not suit of Catiline. his purpose to do so here. It appears 7. Tantam dignitatem deponere] that Antony did not give up his op- Dolabella had, by this time (the 3rd position to Dolabella's appointment, of September,) given in his adhesion till after Caesar's death, i. e. till it to Antony. . suited his own purposes. Sect. XIII. 1. Unum ilium 5. Tuus parvulus Jilius] Supr. 1. diem] The 17th March, lntrod. 2. n. 13., where ' liberos' is found ; but 2. lis mensibus] Since Caesar's if he uses the word at all, its plural death. form could not be avoided. 3. Quanto metu veter.] Their 6. Turn denique] For turn demum. alarm may have proceeded from the . 7. Prox. altero, <Sfc] Orel, makes apprehension of losing what they had proximo agree with ' altero ;' ' the 344 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO reliquis consecutis diebus, non intermittebas quasi donum aliquod quotidie afFerre reipublicae : maximum autem illud, quod dictaturae nomen sustulisti. Haec inusta est a te, a te, inquam, mortuo Csesari nota ad ignominiam sempiternam. Ut enim propter unius M. Manlii 8 scelus, decreto gentis Manlia? neminem patricium 9 Marcum Manlium vocari licet : sic tu, propter unius dictatoris odium, nomen dictatoris fun- ditus sustulisti. Num te, quum haec pro salute reipublica? tanta gessisses, fattens tuae, num amplitudinis, num clarita- tis, num gloria? poenitebat? Unde igitur subito tanta ista mutatio ? Non possum adduci, ut suspicer, te pecunia cap- turn: 10 licet, quod cuique libet, loquatur ; credere non est ne- cesse. Nihil enim unquam in te sordidum, nihil humile cognovi. Quamquam solent domestici 11 depravare nonnun- quam: sed novi firmitatem tuam. Atque utinam, ut cul- pam, sic etiam suspicionem vitare potuisses ! XIV. Illud magis vereor, ne ignorans verum iter gloriae, gloriosum putes, plus te unum posse, quam omnes, et metui a civibus tuis, quam diligi malis. Quod si ita putas, totam ignoras viam gloriae. Carum esse civem, bene de republics mereri, laudari, coli, diligi, gloriosum est: metui vero, et in odio esse, invidiosum, detestabile, imbeeillum, caducum. Quod videmus etiam in fabulis, ipsi illi, 1 qui u Oderint, dum metuant," dixerit, pernieiosum fuisse. Utinam, Antoni, avum tuum meminisses ! de quo tamen audisti multa ex me very next ;' sc. to the seventeenth, first, as being the passion of little on which the senate met in the tem- minds. And, indeed, considering the pie of Tellus. ' Tertio' is the nine- lavish disposition of Antony, well he leenth. Ern., however, reads ' prox- might. Phil. ii. 37. imo, altero.' 1 1. Domestici] He hints here, per- 8. Af. Maniii] Liv. vi. 20. Af- haps, at Fulvia, who had already ter the battle of Actium, the family ruined Clodius and Curio. The of M. Antony was subjected to the translators render it ' dependents.' same ignominy ; and what is strange, But it is not likely that the word had at the motion of Cicero's son. Dio then this signification. In the Au- Cass. 51. gustan history, it signifies, ' the 9. Neminem patricium] For there prince's body-guard.' were plebeians of the name. Era., Sect. XIV. 1. Ipsi illi] Atjeus, however, says there were not at that who was expelled from his kingdom, time, and doubts the word patri- Seneca, in quoting the expression, cium.' adds, * Sullano saeculo scias scrip- 10. Pecunia captum] It could turn.' Hence it is probable that it t>nly be accounted for by two passions, was used by Attius, a poet of Sylla's avarice and ambition. He rejects the age, in his tragedy of Atreus. This PHILIPPICA PRIMA, Cap. 15. 345 saepissime. Putasne ilium immortalitatem mereri 2 voluisse, ut propter armorum habendorum 3 licentiam metueretur ? Ilia erat vita, ilia secunda fortuna, libertate esse parem cete- ris, principem dignitate. Itaque, ut omittam res avi tui prosperas, acerbissimum ejus supremum diem malim, quam L. Cinnae 4 dominatum, a quo ille crudelissime est inter- fectus. Sed quid oratione te flectam ? Si enim exitus C. Caesaris efficere non potest, ut malis cams esse, quam metui, nihil cujusquam proficiet, nee valebit oratio. Quern qui beatum fuisse putant, miseri ipsi sunt. Beatus est nemo, qui ea lege vivit, ut non modo impune, sed etiam cum summa interfec- toris gloria interfici possit. Quare flecte te, quaeso, et ma- jores tuos respice, atque ita guberna rempublicam, ut natum esse te cives tui gaudeant ; sine quo nee beatus, nee clarus esse quisquam potest. XV. Et populi quidem Romani judicia multa ambo ha- betis, quibus vos non satis moveri permoleste fero. Quid enim gladiatoribus 1 clamores innumerabilium civium ? quid populi versus ? quid Pompeii statuae 2 plausus infiniti ? quid" tribunis plebis, qui vobis adversantur ? Parumne haec sig- nificant incredibiliter consentientem populi Romani universi voluntatem ? Quid ? Apollinarium ludorum plausus, vel testimonia potius et judicia populi Romani parum magna vobis videbantur? O beatos illos, qui, quum adesse ipsis monarch was a common subject for often obliged to notice Marius as a tragedy in all ages. Vide Juv. vii. friend to the republic, Cinna never. 73. Sect. XV. 1. Gladiatoribus] i.e. 2. Immortalitatem mereri] Be wil- At the gladiatorial games. Phil. ix. ling to take. Verr. vi. 16. 'Quid 7. The Greeks used iiri rUvrpaytp- arbitramini Rheginos merere velle, lu>v similarly. These games were ex- ut ab iis marmorea Venus ilia au- hibited by C. Antonius, the praetor, in feratur?' the name of M. Brutus. Att. xvi. 2. 3. Habendorum] This word is 2. Versus] The rude verses which omitted by Sch. : al. metuendorum. the people made in praise of the 4. Lucii Cimuc] Cat. iii. 10. n. friends and derision of the enemies 10. of liberty. Al. concursus. 5. A quo est inter/.] In this Cic. 2. Pompeii statute] The shews differs from Appian, Plutarch, Flo- were exhibited in Pompey's theatre, rus, &c, who attribute the murder of where the spectators had an oppor- Antony to Marius. Vel. Pater, ii. tunity of shouting at his statue, there- 22, reconciles them thus: ' jussu in erected. Status is the dative case. Marii Cinnaeque confossus est.' Cic. 3. Quid n.] i. e. Duobus. As- chose to refer it to Cinna, as he was prenas Nonius and T. Canutius, are' 346 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO propter vim armorum 4 non licebat, 5 aderant tamen et in medullis populi Romani ac visceribus haerebant ! Nisi forte Accio 6 turn plaudi, et sexagesimo post anno palmam dari, non Bruto, putabatis, qui ludis suis ita caruit, ut in illo ap- paratissimo spectaculo studium populus Romanus tribuerit absenti, desiderium liberatoris sui perpetuo plausii et cla- more leniret. Equidem is sum, qui istos plausus, quum a popular ihus eivibus 7 tribuerentur, semper contempserim : idemque quum a summis, mediis, infimis, 8 quum denique ab universis hoc idem fit, quumque ii, qui ante sequi populi consensum sole- bant, fugiunt ; non plausum ilium, sed judicium puto. Sin haec leviora vobis videntur, quae sunt gravissima : num etiam hoc contemnitis, quod sensistis, tam caram populo Romano vitam A. Hirtii 9 fuisse ? Satis erat enim, probatum ilium esse populo Romano, ut est; jucundum amicis, in quo vincit omnes ; carum suis, quibus est carissimus : tantam tamen sollicitudinem bonorum, tan turn timorem in quo meminimus { Certe in nullo. Quid igitur ? hoc vos, per deos immortales ! quale sit, non interpretamini ? Quid eos de vestra vita cogitare censetis, quibus eorum, quos sperant reipublicae consulturos, vita tam cara sit ? Cepi fructum, Patres conscripti, reversionis meae : mentioned by Dio, Appian, &c. as 6. Nisi forte Accio] The play of partisans of Augustus, and opponents Atbus was called Tereus not Brutus, of Antony. Three tribunes, how- as Manutius says. Att. xvi. v. 'Tuas ever, are named, Phil. iii. 9. jam literas Brutus exspectabat, cui 4. Propter vim armorum] The quidem ego non novum attuleram de fear of the veterans. Tereo Attii, ille Brutum putabat.' 5. Adesse non licebat'] Brutus was No doubt the story of Junius Brutus at this time at Nesis, a small island had been dramatized. near Puteoli, where Lucullus had a 7. Popularibus eivibus] Abram. villa. The proclamation of the games omits the proposition, and under- being, by accident, dated July, in- stands it, ' to citizens seeking popu- stead of Quintilis, gave Brutus much larity.' Cic. means * political men/ uneasiness, as it, in some degree, re- or demagogues * qui sequi consen- cognized the tyranny of Caesar. To sum populi solebant.' So Garat. remedy this, he proposed to have the * When leading citizens dictate this fight of the wild beasts after the Apol- applause.' hnarian games, and a new and pro- 8. Summis, mediis, infimis] The perly dated proclamation. Brutus three orders patricians, knights, pie- professed himself more obliged to beians. Attius than Antony, for the applause. 9. Hirtii] He was consul elect ; Att xvi. 2. and though he had been an ardent PHILIPPICA PRIMA, Cap. 15. 347 quoniam et ea dixi, ut, quicunque casus consecutus esset, ex- staret constantiae mea3 testimonium, et sum a vobis benigne ac diligenter auditus. Qua? potestas 10 si mihi saepius sine meo vestroque periculo net, utar. Si minus, quantum pote- ro, non tarn mihi me, quam reipublicae reservabo. Mihi fere satis est, quod vixi, 11 vel ad aetatem, vel ad gloriam. Hue si quid accesserit, non tam mihi, quam vobis reipublicae accesserit. supporter of Caesar, was considered 10. Quct potestas] i. e. If Antony and proved to be a no less ardent persists in blockading the senate- friend of the commonwealth ; in whose house, I shall not come near it, or cause he fell at Mutina, a few months hazard my life, not that 1 value it for after. It is probable that prayers itself, but that it may be of service to were decreed for his health, which my country. Sup. 11. n. 3. was then bad. Juv. Sat. 283. M. TULLII CICERONIS is MARCUM ANTONIUM, SEC UN DA* ORATIO. I. Quonam meo fato, 1 Patres conscripti, fieri dicam, ut nemo his annis viginti 2 reipublica? fuerit hostis, qui non hel- ium eodem tempore mihi quoque indixerit ? Nee vero ne- cesse est quemquam a me nominari. Vobiscum ipsi recor- damini. Mihi poenarum illi 3 plus, quam optarem, dederunt ; te miror, Antoni, quorum facta imitere, eorum exitus non perhorrescere. Atque hoc in aliis minus mirabar. Nemo illorum inimicus mihi ftrit voluntarius : omnes a me reipub- lica3 causa 4 lacessiti. Tu, ne verbo quidem violatus, ut au- dacior, 5 quam Catilina; furiosior, quam Clodius, viderere, * Vid. Introd. 9. Sect. I. 1. Fato] From 'fari,' i. e. ' dictum dei,' here used for hap' or ' fatality.' It is taken in a bad or good sense. So Ovid. r. a. 566, 1 Uxorem fato credat obesse suo.' Conversely, Cic. 2. Frat. i. 4. ' Uno meo fato, tu, &c, corruistis.' 2. Annis viginti] This time had elapsed since the consulate of Cicero, a. v. 690, which was accompanied by the Catilinarian conspiracy : the disturbances excited by Clodius had followed, and then the civil wars. 3. Poenarum illi] Catiline, Clo- dius, &c, vvhose wretched fate is well known. 4. Reipub. causa] Cic. forgets that revenge first induced him to oppose Catiline, and that he was led by the urgency of his wife, to give evidence against Clodius in the affair of Bona Dea. Mil. Introd. 2. 5. Ut audacior, ifcJ] i, e. ' Me maledictis lacessisti ita ut viderere audacior quam, &c.' Ultro/ unpro- H H 350 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO ultro me maledictis lacessisti, tuamque a me alienationem commendationem tibi ad impios cives fore putavisti. Quid putem ? contemptumne me ? Non video nee in vita, nee in gratia, 6 nee in rebus gestis, nee in hac mea mediocritate in- genii, quid despicere possit Antonius. An in senatu facil- lime de me detrahi posse credidit ? qui ordo clarissimis civi- bus bene gestae reipublicae testimonium multis, mihi uni 7 con- servatae dedit. An decertare mecum voluit contentione dicendi ? Hoc quidem beneficium est. Quid enim plenius, quid uberius, quam mihi et pro me, et contra Antonium dicere ? Illud profecto est. Non existimavit, sui similibus probari posse, se esse hostem patriae, nisi mihi esset inimi- cus. Cui priusquam de ceteris rebus respondeo, de amici- tia, quam a me violatam esse criminatus est, quod ego gra- vissimum crimen judico, pauca dicam. II. Contra rem suam 1 me, nescio quando, venisse 2 questus est. An ego non venirem contra alienum 3 pro familiari et necessario ? Non venirem contra gratiam, non virtutis spe, sed aetatis flore 4 collectam ? Non venirem contra injuriam, quam iste intercessoris iniquissimi beneficio 5 obtinuit, non jure praetorio? 6 Sed hoc idcirco commemoratum a te puto, ut te infimo ordini 7 commendares, quum te omnes recorda- voked by me. Cic. alludes to An- tony's reply to his first Philippic. In- trod. 8. 6. Gratia] This was shewn parti- cularly in the general mourning for Cicero's banishmeut, and joy^ at his return. 7. Mihiuni,$c] Cat. iii. 6. n. 16. Also Phil. xiv. 8. ' Mihi, consuli, supplicatio, nullis armis sumptis, non ob caedem hostium, sed ob conserva- tionem civium, novo inauditoque ge- nere, decreta est.' Sect. II. 1. Rem suam] Against Antony's interest. The circumstances to which Cicero here alludes are not now known : it has been conjectured that in a suit in which Q. Fadius Bambalio, father of Antony's first wife, was defendant, and a friend of Cicero, not named, was his opponent, some attempt was made to influence a tribune to interpose illegally, and pre- vent the trial. 2. Venisse] Scil. in judicium; the judicial term for appearing as the party's advocate. Munut. Muren. 4. 4 Turpe existimas, te advocato, ilium ipsum, contra quem veneris, causa cadere.' 3. Alienum] i. e. Fadius, as ex- plained above. Phil. iii. 6. ' Tuae conjugis, bonae feminae, locupletis certe, Bambalio quidam pater est, homo nullo numero. Nihil illo con- temptius, qui propter haesitantiam linguae, stuporemque cordis cogno- men ex contumelia traxit' 4. JEtatis Jiore] Inf. 18. 5. Intercessoris beneficio] Perhaps interposing his negative when he saw the suit likely to terminate in favour of Cicero's friend. 6. Jure pratorio] The various edicts of the praetors formed into a ' corpus juris' was so called. 7. Infimo ordini] The plebeian, whose magistrate was appealed to. PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 3. 351 rentur libertini generum, et liberos tuos, nepotes Q. Fadii, libertini hominis, fuisse. At enim te in disciplinam meam tradideras : (nam ita dixisti ;) domum meam ventitaras. 8 Nae tu, si id fecisses, melius famae, melius pudicitiae tuae consuluisses. Sed neque fecisti, nee, si cuperes, tibi id per C. Curionem 9 facere licuisset. Auguratus petitionem mihi te concessisse dixisti. O incredibilem audaciam ! O impu- dentiam praedicandam ! Quo enim tempore 10 me augurem 11 a toto collegio expetitum Cn. Pompeius et Q. Hortensius nominaverunt, 12 (neque enim licebat a pluribus nominari,) tu nee solvendo eras, 13 nee te ullo modo, nisi eversa repub- lica, fore incolumem putabas. Poteras autem eo tempore auguratum petere, quum in Italia Curio non esset i u aut turn, quum es factus, 15 unam tribum sine Curione ferre potuisses ? cujus etiam familiares de vi condemnati sunt, quod tui nimis studiosi fuissent. III. At beneficio sum tuo usus. Quo? Quamquam 1 illud ipsum, quod commemoras, semper prae me tuli. Malui Others understand it of the libertines, who might feel complimented by one of their body Fadius, being so sup- ported. 8. Domum ventitaras] Young no- blemen on assuming the manly gown, used to put themselves under the di- rection of some distinguished orator or philosopher. Pers. Sat. v. 30. 9. C. Curionem] Curio's youth was notorious for profligacy, which, however, in manhood gave place to ambition. He became a favourite with the aristocracy and opponent of the Triumvirate. Caesar had the ad- dress to gain him over to his cause, and the courage and firmness which he displayed in supporting it, ren- dered him no favourite with Cicero. He fell in Africa, fighting against Sabura, a general of Juba. Inf. 5. n. 6. 10. Quo tempore.] a.u.700. For he was appointed in place of Crassus, who was slain by the Parthians. 11. Me augurem, c\c] Tres fece- runt collegium,' was a proverb at Rome. There were originally three augurs ; one for each tribe ; but as the tribes increased so did the augurs. There were now fifteen. 12. 'Nominaverunt] For several ages the colleges of priests nominated their own members. Cn. Domitius a. u. 649, by a law transferred the appointment to the people. This law was annulled by Sylla, and restored by Labienus. It appears from this passage, that the rule was, for two of the college to nominate, and the peo- ple to select out of their nominees. Antony finally restored the right to the college. 13. Nee solvendo] Sc.aptus. 'Cum solvendo civitates non essent.' Fam. iii. 8. 14. In Italia Curio non esset] He was then quaestor in Asia. Fam. ii. 5.6. 15. Turn quum es factus] Sc. a.u. 703. Curio was tribune of the com- mons the preceding year, and through his influence, backed by Caesar's au- thority, Antony obtained both the augurship and tribuneship. Sect. III. 1. Quumquam] Mil. 2. n. 18. 352 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO me tibi debere confiteri, quam cuiquam minus prudenti non satis gratus videri. Sed quo beneficio? quod me Brun- disii 2 non occideris ? Quem ipse victor, qui tibi, ut tute glo- riari solebas, detulerat ex latronibus 3 suis principatum, saJ- vum esse voluisset, in Italiam ire jussisset, 4 eum tu occideres ? Fac potuisse. 5 Quod est aliud, Patres conscripti, beneficium latronum, nisi ut commemorare possint, iis se dedisse vitam, quibus non ademerint? Quod si esset 6 beneficium, nun- quam qui ilium interfecerunt, a quo erant conservati, 7 quos tu ipse clarissimos viros soles appeilare, tantam essent glo- riam consecuti. Quale autem beneficium est, quod te ab- stinueris nefario scelere ? Qua in re non tam jucundum mihi videri debuit, non interfectum a te, quam miserum, te id impune facere potuisse. Sed sit beneficium, quandoquidem majus accipi a latrone nullum potuit : in quo potes me dicere ingratum ? An de interitu reipublicae 8 queri non debui, ne in te ingratus viderer ? At in ilia querela, 9 misera quidem et luctuosa, sed mihi pro hoc gradu, in quo me senatus po- pulusque Romanus collocavit, necessaria, quid est dictum a me cum contumelia ? quid non moderate ? quid non amice '? Quod quidem cujus temperantiae fuit, de M. Antonio 10 que- rentem, abstinere maledicto? praesertim quum tu reliquias reipublicae dissipavisses ; quum domi tuae 11 turpissimo mer- 2. Quod me Brundisii, fyc] Cicero and therefore undeserving of glory, had been directed by Dolabella, at But they did obtain glory, therefore, the instance of Caesar, to repair to &c. Italy immediately; therefore An- 7. A quo erant conservati] Out of tony who commanded there, could this number are generally excepted not have slain Cic, at least by Brutus and Cassius ; but as the con- Caesar's orders, though certainly the spirators were numerous, upwards of general instructions under which An- sixty, it is probable there were more tony was acting, might well have who never owed their life to Caesar, warranted him in doing so, if he had Among those who did were Rubrius been so disposed. Att. xi. n. 7. Rex, Q. Ligarius, Servius Galba, 3. Ex latronibus] Ex, ' among,' &c. &c. not 'over.' Arch. 4. n. 27. 8. De interitu reipublica] Antony 4. Ire jussisset] Sc. in the letter of was even a greater tyrant than Caesar, Dolabella, which he had written by as appeared by his revoking Caesar's Caesar's direction. useful laws. 5. Fac potuisse] Jure belli. 9. In ilia querela] Contained in 6. Quod si esset, c] Cic. argues the first Philippic. that it was not a favour to be pre- 10. De M. Antonio] These words served by Caesar; for if it were, the are emphatic. assassins of Caesar were ungrateful, 1 1. Domi tiuc] Inf.[37.' In gynaeceo; PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 4. 353 catu omnia essent venalia ; qimm leges eas, 12 quae nunquam promulgatae essent, et de te, 13 et a te latas confiterere ; quum auspicia augur, 14 intercessionem consul 15 sustulisses ; quum esses foedissime stipatus armatis, 16 quum omnes impuritates pudica in domo 17 quotidie susciperes, vino lustrisque confec- tus. At ego, tamquam mihi cum M. Crasso 18 contentio esset, quocum multae et magna? fuerunt, non cum uno gladiatore 19 nequissimo, de republica graviter querens, de homine nihil dixi. Itaque hodie perficiam ut intelligat, quantum a me beneficium turn acceperit. IV. At etiam literas, 1 quas me sibi misisse diceret, reci- tavit, homo et humanitatis expers, et vitae communis ignarus. Quis enim unquam, qui paullulum modo bonorum consuetu- dinem nosset, literas ad se ab amico missas, oflfensione aliqua interposita, in medium protulit, palamque recitavit ? Quid est aliud, tollere e vita vita? societatem, tollere 2 amicorum colloquia absentium ? quam multa joca solent esse in epis- tolis, quae, prolata si sint, inepta videantur! quam multa seria, neque tamen ullo modo divulganda ! Sit hoc inhu- quo in loco multae res veniere, &c.' 12. Leges eas] Among these were a law to confer the freedom of the city on the Sicilians ; a law about Deiotarus; an Agrarian law; and a law to abolish the name of dictator. 13. De te~\ The Licinian and -Ebu- tian laws forbad the legislator or his relatives to have any share in the exe- cution of a law. This was notoriously violated by Antony. 14. Auspicia augur] Which was of course a more flagrant act in him than an ordinary man. Inf. 33. 15. Intercessionem consul] This he did, either by stationing guards to prevent the tribunes from entering the forum and senate, or by not promul- gating the laws at all. 16. Stipatus armatis.] Phil. i. 7. n. 5. 17. Pudica in domo] Pompey's. Hence inf. 27. Tu ingredi illam do- mum ausus es, &c.' 18. M. Crasso] Plut. Crass. 13. The ground of their enmity was an insinuation of Cicero's, that Crassus had a share in the Catilinarian con- spiracy ; but a reconciliation was at length effected through the good of- fices of young Crassus, who was a pupil and admirer of Cicero's. 19. Uno gladiatore] ' Unus' is sometimes employed for ' aliquis,' quidam ;' occasionally, contemptu- ously. Forcel. V. E. Sect. IV. 1. At etiam literas] Antony having procured from Cxsar the recall of S. Clodius from banish- ment, wrote a polite letter to Cic, apprising him of the fact, and beg- ging his concurrence. Cicero's reply was highly complimentary : ' Ego vero tibi istuc, mi Antoni, remitto ; atque ita ut me a te, quum his verbis scripseris, liberalissime et honorificen- tissime tractatum existimem.' Att. xiv. 13. Antony, in his speech, quoted this to shew Cicero's estimation of him a few months before. 2. Tollere] Al. quam tollere. Trans. In what else consists the robbing life H II 2 354 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO manitatis tuae : stultitiam incredibilem videte. Quid habes, quod mihi opponas, homo diserte, ut Mustelae Tamisio et Tironi Numisio 3 videris ? qui quum hoc ipso tempore stent cum gladiis in conspectu senatus, ego quoque te disertum putabo, si ostenderis, quomodo sis eos inter sicarios 4 defen- surus. Sed quid opponas tandem, si negem, me unquam istas literas ad te misisse? quo me teste convincas? An chirographo ? 5 in quo habes scientiam quaestuosam. 6 Qui possis ? sunt enim librarii manu. Jam invideo magistro tuo, 7 qui te tanta mercede, 8 quantam jam proferam, nihil sapere docuit. Quid est enim minus non dico oratoris, sed homi- nis, quam id objicere adversario, quod ille si verbo negarit, longius progredi non possit, qui objecerit? At ego non nego: teque in isto ipso convinco non inhumanitatis solum, sed etiam amentiae. Quod enim verbum in istis Uteris 9 est non plenum humanitatis, officii, benevolentiae ? Omne autem crimen tuum est, quod de te in his literis non male existi- mem ; quod scribam tamquam ad civem, tamquam ad bo- num virum, non tamquam ad sceleratum et latronem. At ego tuas literas, etsi jure poteram a te lacessitus, tamen non proferam : quibus petis, ut tibi per me liceat quendam 10 de exsilio reducere, adjurasque, id te, invito me, non esse fac- turum, idque a me impetras. Quid enim me interponerem audaciae tuae ? quem neque auctoritas hujus ordinis, neque existimatio populi Romani, neque leges ullae possent coer- cere. Verumtamen quid erat, quod me rogares, si erat is, de quo rogabas, Caesaris lege reductus? 11 Sed videlicet of its social joys, the robbing it of the rician of Sicily, and favourite of An- converse of absent friends, if not in tony. Suet, de Clar. Rhet. this? 8. Tanta mercede] Inf. 39, and 3. Mustelce Numisio] These were more fully, Phil. iii. 9. * En, cur ma- leaders of Antony's gladiators. Phil, gister ejus, ex oratore arator factus, v. 6. viii. 9. V. E. possideat, in agro publico populi Ro- 4. Inter sicarios] If accused under mani, campi Leontini duo millia juge- the law inflicting punishment on as- rum immunia j ut hominem stolidum sassins. V. E. * Sicarius' from ' sica.' magis etiam infatuet mercede pub- Mil. 6. n. 13. lica.' 5. Chirographo] A manuscript or 9. Istis lit eris] Att. xiv. 13. Supr. 6. signature. n. 1. 6. Scientiam qu&stuosam] He insi- 10. Quendam] Sext. Clodius. nuates that Antony forged Caesar's 11. Casaris lege reductus] Phil. i. writing and signature. Inf. 14. 1 . Num qui exsules restituti ? unum 7. Magistro tuo] Clodius, a rheto- aiebant; praeterea neminem.' PH1LIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 5. 355 meam gratiam 12 voluit esse : in quo ne ipsius quidem ulla esse poterat, lege lata. V. Sed quum mihi, Patres conscripti, et pro me aliquid, 1 et in M. Antonium multa dicenda sint : alterum peto a vo- bis, ut me, pro me dieentem, benigne ; alterum ipse efficiam, ut, contra ilium quum dicam, attente audiatis. Simul illud oro : si meam quum in omni vita, turn in dicendo moderati- onem modestiamque cognostis, ne me hodie, quum isti, ut provocavit, respondero, oblitum esse putetis mei. Non trac- tabo ut eonsulem : ne ille quidem me ut consularem. 2 Etsi ille nullo modo consul, vel quod ita vivit, vel quod ita rem- publicam gerit, vel quod ita f actus est : 3 ego sine ulla contro- versia consularis. Ut igitur 4 intelligeretis, qualem 5 ipse se eonsulem profiteretur, objecit mihi consulatum meura. Qui consulatus, verbo meus, Patres conscripti, re vester fuit. Quid enim ego constitui, quid gessi, quid egi, nisi ex hujus ordinis consilio, auctoritate, sententia? Ha3C tu homo sa- piens, non solum eloquens, apud eos, quorum consilio sapien- tiaque gesta sunt, ausus es vituperare ? Quis autem, raeuni consulatum, praeter P. Clodium, qui vituperaret, inventus est? Cujus quidem tibi fatum, sicuti C. Curioni, manet: quoniam id domi f ' tuae est, quod fuit illorum utrique fatale. Non placet M. Antonio consulatus meus. At placuit P. 12. Meam gratiam'] He wished, state the merits of his own. forsooth, that I should have the ere- 5. Qualem'] i. e. A had one, being dit of the thing ; whereas on his own the reverse of Cic. himself, shewing, there could be none due even 6. Id domi] Fulvia, formerly the to himself, the law being of Caesar's wife of Clodius, and then of Curio, enactment. Curio fell in Africa, righting on Caesar's Sect. V. 1 . Pro me aliquid] side, in a battle with Sabura, the ge- Opposed to ' in M. Antonium multa,' neral of king Juba. How Fulvia agreeably the remark of Dem. (De caused the death of either does not Cor. 2.) o tyvaii iraaiv vTrapx&i appear. In the case of Antony, tuiq s-rraivovcriv avrovQ a"x9to9ai. however, there is more truth ; for 2. Consulem consularem] Cicero after the battle at Philippi, having intimates that these were relative to repair to the east to arrange terms, so that if the consul were affairs there, he left Fulvia at home, wanting in respect to him, it war- She soon quarrelled with Augus- ranted a similar return to the con- tus, and impelled L. Antonius to sul. take arms, setting the example her- 3. Factus est] You are nominated self, by wearing a sword. Her hatred by Caesar. So inf. 32. ' Jussus est re- to Augustus arose from his repudiat- nunciari consul, et quidem cum ipso.' ing her daughter Clodia ; besides, she. 4. Ut igitur, 6\c] He is led by the hoped, by causing a rupture with Au- notice of Antony's consulship, to gustus, to withdraw Antony from the 3.S6 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO Servilio, 7 ut eum primum nominem ex illius temporis consu- laribus, qui proxime est mortuus : placuit Q. Catulo, 8 cujus semper in hac republica vivet auctoritas: placuit duobus Lucullis, 9 M. Crasso, 10 Q. Hortensio, 11 C. Curioni, 12 C. Pisoni, M\ Glabrioni, M\ Lepido, L. Volcatio, C. Figulo, D. Silano, L. Murenae, qui turn erant consules designati: pla- cuit idem, quod consularibus, M. Catoni ; qui quum multa, vita excedens, 13 providit, 14 turn quod te consulem non vidit. Maxime vero consulatum meum Cn. Pompeius 15 probavit ; qui, ut me primum decedens ex Syria 16 vidit, complexus et gratulans, meo beneficio patriam se visurum esse dixit. Sed quid singulos commemoro ? Frequentissimo senatui sic pla- cuit, ut esset nemo, qui mihi non, ut parenti, gratias ageret ; qui non mihi vitam suam, fortunas, liberos, rempublicam referret acceptam. VI. Sed quoniam illis, quos nominavi, tot et talibus riria respublica orbata est: veniamus ad vivos, qui duo 1 de con- sularium numero reliqui sunt. L. Cotta, vir summo ingenio summaque prudentia, rebus iis gestis, quas tu reprehendis, supplicationem decrevit verbis amplissimis, eique illi i])si, quos modo nominavi, consulares, senatusque cunctus assensus est ; qui honos post conditam banc urbem habitus est togato ante me nemini. L. Caesar, 2 avunculus tuus, qua oratione, qua constantia, qua gravitate sententiam dixit in sororis suae vi- rum, vitricum 3 tuum ! Hunc tu quum auctorem et praecep- arms of Cleopatra. In this she sue- 13. Vita excedens] At Utica. The ceeded, and met him at Sicyon, on story is given with suspicious circura- his return ; but died of grief in conse- stantiality, by Plutarch, in his Life quence of his neglect of her. The of Cato, c. 67 70. story of her cruel triumph over Cicero 14. Providit] i.e. ' Cavit.' 'Cato, is better known than worthy of credit, by dying, as well guarded against Hooke, x. 15. many evils, as this, that he did not see 7. P. Servilio] Manil. 23. n. 7. you a consul.' The negative in the 8. Catulo] Manil. 17. n. 1. latter clause is redundant; as in Greek, 9. Duobus Lucullis] Introd. Manil. fit) is added to privative verbs. and Arch. 15. Pompeius] Cat. iv. 10. n. 11. 10. M. Crasso] The triumvir, who 16. Decedens ex Syria] After con- fell in Parthia. He was consul with eluding the Mithrid. war. Pompey, a. u. 698. Sect. VI. l.Quiduo] These were 11. Hortensio] Manil. 17. n. 2. the only two alive, who were consular 12. C. Cinioni] The elder. He men when he was consul. used to call Cicero's consulship a7ro* 2. L. Cesar] Phil. i. 11. n.2. 0iw<nc. Att. i. 16. 3. Vitricum] Lentulus Sura. Cat. PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 7. 357 torem omnium consiliorum totiusque vitae debuisses habere, vitrici te similem, quam avunculi maluisti. Hujus ego, alie- nus, 4 consiliis consul usus sum : tu sororis filius, ecquid ad eum unquam de republica retulisti ? At ad quos refert ? Dii immortales! ad eos scilicet, quorum nobis etiam dies natales audiendi 5 sunt. Hodie non descendit 6 Antonius. Cur ? Dat natalicia in hortis. Cui ? Neminem nominabo. Putate turn Phormioni alicui, turn Gnathoni, turn etiam Ballioni. 7 O foeditatem hominis flagitiosam ! O impudentiam, nequi- tiam, libidinem non ferendam ! Tu quum principem sena- torem, civem singularem, tarn propinquum habeas, ad eum de republica nihil referas : ad eos referas, qui suam rem 8 nullam habent, tuam exhauriunt ? VII. Tuus videlicet salutaris consulatus, perniciosus meus. Adeone pudorem cum pudicitia 1 perdidisti, ut hoc in eo templo dicere ausus sis, in quo ego senatum ilium, qui quondam florens orbi terrarum praesidebat, consulebam : 2 tu homines perditissimos cum gladiis collocavisti ? 3 At etiam ausus es (quid autem est, quod tu non audeas?) clivum Ca- pitolinum 4 ' dicere, me consule, plenum servorum armato- rum 5 fuisse. Ut ilia, credo, nefaria senatusconsulta fierent, iii. 6. n. 9. Vitricus' qu. vatricus,' scendo' became as ' prodire.' i. e. 'patricus;' or, from vice pa- 7. Phormioni Ballioni'] The two tris.' former, characters in Terence's come- 4. Alienus] Opposed to ' sororis dies ; the latter, in the Pseudolus of films.' Plautus. Such are Antony's asso- 5. Natales audiendi] Are thought ciates ! Their real names Cicero does of consequence enough to be commu- not give. V. E. nicated to us senators. Heusinger. 8. Suam rem, &;c] Manut. says Others interpret, ' are celebrated with that he plays on the word res. '. Cur so much noise as to reach us here.' ad eos refers de republica, qui suam V. E. nullam rem habent, &c.' 6. Non descendit] ' The nobles had Sect. VII. 1. Pudor. pudic] their mansions situated on hills.' Mil. 28. n. 17. Manut. But Antony was now resid- 2. Senatum consulebam] Was ing in the house of Pompey, which it consul of, advised with, appears, was in the Carinas, a very low 3. In eo templo collocavisti] Inf. situation. Valla accounts for it thus : 8. ' Inter subsellia nostra versentur ' Descendo in proelium, descendo in armati.' It was guarded externally, forum, descendo in campum dicimus; too. Inf. 44. ' cur armatorum corona non quia de loco superiore in inferio- senatus septus est V Phil. iii. 12. rem descendimus, sed quia de loco 4. Clivum Capitolinum] The as- tuto in locum discriminis, &c.' So cent to the Capitol, called by Hor. Hor. Carm. iii. 1. 'hie generosior de- Carm. iv. 2, ' Clivus sacer.' Liv. iii. scendat in campum petitor.' Graev. 18. thinks that from the specific it came 5. Servorum armatorum] This was to have a general meaning, and ' de- contrary to the Roman laws. 358 M. T. C1CER0NIS ORATIO vim afferebam senatui. O miser, sive ilia tibi nota non sunt, (nihil enim boni nosti,) sive sunt, qui apud tales viros tarn impudenter loquare ! Quis enim eques Romanus, quis, praeter te, adolescens nobilis, quis ullius ordinis, qui se civem meminisset, quum senatus in hoc templo esset, in clivo Capitolino non fuit ? quis nomen non dedit ? Quamquam 6 nee scribae sufficere, nee tabulae nomina illorum capere po- tuerunt. Etenim quum 7 homines nefarii de patriae parricidio confiterentur, consciorum indiciis, sua manu, voce paene lite- rarum coacti, se urbem inflammare, cives trucidare, vastare Ttaliam, delere rempublicam consensisse ; quis esset, qui ad salutem communem defendendam non excitaretur ? praeser- tim quum senatus populusque Romanus haberet ducem, qua- lis si qui nunc esset, tibi idem, quod illis accidit, contigis- set. 8 Ad sepulturam corpus vitrici 9 sui negat a me datum. Hoc vero ne P. quidem Clodius dixit uncjuam. Quem, quia jure ei inimicus iui, doleo a te omnibus vitiis eum esse supe- ratum. Qui autem tibi venit in mentem, redigere in me- moriam nostram, te domi P. Lentuli esse educatum? An verebare, ne non putaremus natura te potuisse tam impro- bum evadere, nisi accessisset etiam disciplina ? VIII. Tam autem eras excors, ut tota in oratione tua te- cum ipse pugnares ; ut non modo non cohaerentia inter se diceres, sed maxime disjuncta atque contraria ; ut non tanta mecum, quanta tecum tibi esset contentio ! Vitricum tuum fuisse in tan to scelere fatebare, poena affectum querebare. Ita, quod proprie meum est, laudasti : quod totum est sena- tus, reprehendisti. Nam, comprehensio sontium, mea ; ani- madversio, senatus fuit. Homo disertus non intelligit, eum, quern contra dicit, laudari a se ; eos, apud quos dicit, vitu- 6. Quamquam, fyc] A correction. 8. Accidit, contigisset] ' Accidit' is Mil. 2. n. 18. The construction is generally said of bad, ' contigit' of ' potuerunt sufficere.' Liv. xxxvi. good fortune. Again, ' accidit' is 35. ' Romani quoad sufficere remiges said of what happens by mere chance, potuerunt, &c.' ' contigit* of what happens from cer- 7. Etenim quum, fc] The best tain, though unforeseen, causes. So construction, perhaps, is : Quum Cic. insinuates that what was a mere nefarii homines, consciorum coacti, accident in the case of Catiline, would confiterentur de p. par. nempe se be a regular cousequence of Antony's consensisse urhem inflammare, &c.' conduct. Em., however, would Ros. A. 41. Utrumeam rem recu- erase one of the verbs. sares, an de maleficio confiterere.' 9. Vitrici] Supr. 5.n. 3, PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 8. 159 perari. Jam illud cujus est, non dico audacia?, 1 (cupit enim se audacem :) sed, quod minime vult, stultitia?, qua viucit omnes, clivi Capitolini mentionem facere, quum inter sub- sellia nostra versentur armati ? quum in hac cella Concordia?, dii immortales ! in qua, me consule, salutares sententia? dic- ta? sunt, quibus ad hanc diem viximus, cum gladiis homines collocati stent ? 2 Accusa senatum ; accusa equestrem ordi- nem, qui turn cum senatu copulatus 3 fuit; accusa omnes or- dmes, omnes cives, dum confiteare, hunc ordinem, hoc ipso tempore, ab Ityraeis 4 circumsederi. Ha?c tu non propter audaciam dicis tam impud enter, sed, qui tantam rerum re- pugnantiam non videas, nihil profecto sapis. Quid est enim dementius, quam, quum reipublica? perniciosa arma ipse ce- peris, 5 objicere alteri salutaria ? At etiam quodam loco facetus esse voluisti. Qilam id te, dii boni, non decebat ! fi In quo est tua culpa nonnulla. A liquid enim salis a mima uxore 7 trahere potuisti. ' Cedant arma toga?. 8 Quid ? turn noune cesserunt 1 At postea tuis armis cessit toga. Qua?- ramus igitur, utrum melius fuerit, libertati populi Romani Sect. VIII. 1. Non dico auda- cia] Vatin. 8. ' Cogitarisne, in illo tuo intolerabili non regno, (namcu- pis id audire) sed latrocinio, augur fieri in Q. Metelli locum.' 2. Stent] It is remarked that Cic, * in rebus atrocibus,' frequently ends his sentences with a monosyllable. Thus Mil. 4. Insidiatori qu* potest afferri injusta nex ? Ligar. 3. ' Ad ea arma profectus sum qua? erant sumpta contra te? Vid., also, Ligar. 4. n. 19. 3. Turn copulatus] Cat. iv. 7. n. 5. The knights, two years after this junction, claiming exemption from a public engagement which they had entered into with the republic, and being thwarted by some decrees of the consuls, came to an open rupture with the senate. 4. Ityrazis] The inhabitants of Ityraea, a rough mountainous country on the north-east frontier of Syria and the confines of Arabia. Antony had spent some time in Judaea when he joined Gabinius, and may have at- tached to himself some of this fierce people. Virgil, Georg. ii. 448, cele- brates their archery. ' Ithyraeos taxi torquentur in arcus.' 5. Arma ipse ceperis] Appian says they were granted by the senate to protect him from the mob, who were enraged at his slaying the Pseudo- Marius. 6. Non decebat] Either as being naturally stupid, or, as being in a passion. 7. Mima uxore] Cytheris, who had formerly lived with Volumnius Eu- trapelus, and with whom Cicero was acquainted. Fam. ix. 26. That An- tony ever married her, as some com- mentators have thought, is improba- ble. V. E. Virg. is thought to al- lude to her Eel. x. : Tua, Galle, Lycoris Perque nives alium perq ; horrida castra secuta est. 8. Cedant arma] The whole verse ran : ' Cedant arma togae, concedat laurea laudi,' and Cicero merely meant that war was about to give way 360 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO sceleratorum arma, an libertatem nostram armis tuis cedere. Nee vero tibi de versibus 9 plura respondebo ; tantum dicam breviter: te neque illos, neque ullas omnino literas nosse : me nee reipublicae, nee amicis unquam defuisse, et tamen omni genere monumentoruui meoruin perfecisse operis sub- secivis, 10 ut meae vigiliae meaeque literae, et juventuti utilita- tis, et nomini Romano laudis aliquid aflferrent. Sed haec non hujus temporis : majora videamus. IX. P. Clodium meo consilio interfectum esse dixisti. Quidnam homines putarent, si turn occisus esset, quum tu ilium in foro, inspectante populo Romano, gladio stricto in- secutus es, negotiumque transegisses, nisi se ille in scalas 1 ta- bernae 2 librariae conjecisset, iisque oppilatis 3 impetum tuum compressisset ? Quod quidem ego tavisse me tibi fateor, suasisse ne tu quidem dicis. At -Miloni ne favere quidem potui. Prius enim rem transegit, quam quisquam eum fac- turum id suspicaretur. At ego suasi. Scilicet is animus erat Milonis, ut prodesse reipublicae sine suasore non posset ! At laetatus sum. Quid ergo ? in tanta laetitia 4 cunctae civitatis me unum tristem esse oportebat? Quamquam 5 de morte P. Clodii fuit quaestio non satis prudenter ilia quidem con- stituta. Quid enim attinebat nova lege quaeri de eo, qui to peace. Others, however, under- seciva opera,' works performed during stood it to mean that the highest mi- that time. It is said to be taken litary commander, e. g. Pompey, from the division of land, being ap- should yield the laurel to Cicero's plied to any surplus which did not civic gown. Pis. 30. fall into the regular measurement. 9. Nee de versibus plura respon- Sect. IX. 1. Scalas] A stair- debu] Whether Antony's wit was di- case. We may suppose it an outer recited against particular verses of the structure, under which there was composition of Cicero, or against such room for concealment and means of employment of his time in general, defence. Hor. Ep. ii. 2. 15. does not exactly appear. Cicero finds 2. Tabeitue] i.e. ' Locus clausus it convenient to understand Antony tabulis.' ' Nulla taberna meos ha- in the latter sense, as reproaching beat neque pila libellos.' Hor. Sat. him with the misapplication of his i. 4. 71. time. V. E. Cic. wrote a poetical 3. Oppilatis] ' Ob pila,' a pile, work on Caesar's wars ; and at the Hence to pile against, to barricade, age of sixty used to compose five hun- 4. In tanta latitia] Compare here, dred verses a day. iEschines's charge against Demosthe- 10. Subsecivis] 'Sub seco,' to nes, (c. 29), for omitting the due cut away. Hence ' subsecivum tern- mourning for his daughter ; also, pus,' time cut off from the day, for Dem. de Cor. 88. recreation ; spare time and sub- 5. Quamquam, $c] Mil. 2. n. 18. PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 10. 361 hominem occidisset, quum esset legibus 6 quaestio constituta ? Quaesitum est tamen. Quod igitur, 7 quum res agebatur, nemo in me dixit, id tot annis post tu es inventus qui diceres ? Quod vero dicere ausus es, idque multis verbis, opera mea Pompeium a Caesaris amicitia esse dijunctum, ob eamque causam culpa mea civile bellum esse natum ; in eo non tu quidem tota re, sed, quod maximum est, temporibus errasti. X. Ego M. Bibulo, 1 praestantissimo civi, consule, nihil praetermisi, quantum facere enitique potui, quin Pompeium a Caesaris conjunctione avocarem. In quo Caesar felicior iuit ; ipse enim Pompeium a mea familiaritate dijunxit. Postea vero, 2 quam se totum Pompeius Caesari tradidit ; quid ego ilium ab eo distrahere conarer ? Stulti erat sperare ; sua- dere impudentis. Duo tamen tempora inciderunt, quibus aliquid contra Caesarem Pompeio suaserim. Ea velim re- prehendas, si potes : unum, ne quinquennii imperium 3 Cae- The suppressed proposition is ' If all, as you say, rejoiced at the death of Clodius, why was Milo con- demned?' It was owing to the spe- cial commission appointed, not by the senate, but by Pompey. 6. Legibus] Scil. the Cornelian law, de sicariis,' &c. 7. Quod, igitur, fyc] Cic. con- tradicts this, Mil. 18. His words there are ' Scitis, J ud'ices, Juisse, qui in hac rogatione saudenda dicerent, Milonis manu caedem esse factam, consilio vero majoris alicujus.' Perhaps no one expressly named him perhaps he forgot his former assertion. Sect. X. 1. Bibulo] Consul with Caesar, a. u. 694. Being a friend of the 'optimates,' he opposed the popu- lar measures of his colleague, particu- larly an Agrarian law for distributing the lands of Campania to 20,000 poor citizens, who had each three children or more. Plane. 5. Att. ii. 16 19. Not being able to carry this through the senate, Caesar re- ferred it to the people, but was opposed by Bibulus, who declared every as- sembly-day holy to the end of the year, and withdrew from all public busi- ness for eight months, except the rei- teration of his declaration (obnunci- atio.) Hence the wits of that time said that the acts were signed Julio et Ccesare Coss., and the verses are well known : ' Non Bibulo quidquam nuper, sed Caesare factum est ; Nam Bibulo fieri consule nil rae- mini.' During this time Caesar had the ad- dress to secure the neutrality of Pom- pey- 2. Postea vero] i. e. "W hen the first triumvirate was fully formed, a. u. 693, and Pompey, on marrying Julia, had made the calls of ambition secon- dary to those of love. 3. Quinquennii imperii] The se- nate, on the expiration of Caesar's consulship, voted him the charge of the woods and roads as a province. The people, however, on the motion of Yatinius, gave him Cisal. Gaul I I 362 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO sari prorogaret: 4 alterum/ ne pateretur ferri, ut absentis ejus ratio haberetur. Quorum si utrumvis persuasissem, in has miserias nunquam incidissemus. Atque idem ego, quum jam 6 opes omnes et suas, et populi Roman i, Pompeius ad Caesarem detulisset, seroque 7 ea sentire coepisset, quae ego mul to ante provideram, inferrique patriae bellum nefarium viderem ; pacis, concordiae, compositionis auctor esse non destiti, meaque ilia vox est nota multis : ' Utinam, Cn. Pom- pei, cum C. Caesare societatem aut nunquam coisses, aut nunquam diremisses! fuit alterum gravitatis, alterum pru- dentiae tuae.' Haec mea, M. Antoni, semper et de Pom- peio, et de republica consilia fuerunt: quae si valuissent, respublica staret, tu tuis flagitiis, egestate, infamia conci- disses. and Illyricum for Jive years ; and Transalp. Gaul, having by the death of Metellus Celer, become vacant, it was added by the senate, to prevent a fresh application to the people. 4. Unumprorogaret] Caesar set out for his province in 695, leaving the command of the city to Pompey and Crassus. In 697 he wintered in Lucca, after three glorious campaigns, and was visited there by Pompey and Crassus, whom he advised to sue for the consulship the following year. They succeeded of course, and Trebo- nius, a tribune, having promulgated a law, that the consular provinces should be held for five years, with the power of raising what forces the proconsuls should think proper, Pompey further enacted, that Caesar should have five years added to his command in Gaul, though there were then two of the for- mer five remaining. This then is the first time intended by Cic. a. u. 698. Yet Cic. expressly opposed the recall of Caesar in 697. Prov. Cons. 8. 5. Alterum'] When the consulship of Crassus and Pompey expired, Syria was assigned to Crassus as his pro- vince ; to Pompey Spain. Pompey, however, having previously obtained, through means of Cic, a five years' command over the public stores and rents of the empire, remained at Rome, governing Spain by his lieutenants. The public disturbances connected with Milo, caused him to be chosen sole consul, a. u. 701 ; and to recon- cile Caesar to this extraordinary as- sumption of power, he proposed a law that Cae?ar should be permitted to stand for the consulship without ap- pearing in person. Yet Cic. Att. vii. 1, writes ' ut illi hoc liceret adjuvi, rogatus ab ipso Ravennae de Caelio tribuno plebis.' This is the second time. 6. Quamjam, &c] Namely, from 701, when Pompey, as sole consul, passed the decree in favour of Caesar. Julia was yet living, and perhaps now the sole cement between these ambi- tious men. 7. Seroque] In the year 702, after Julia's death, it was first moved in the senate to recall Caesar, when two years of his command were still re- maining. Towards the end of this year, an act was passed to consider the case of the consular provinces in the following March ; longer than which, Pompey now first declared, that Caesar should not continue in Gaul. This then appears to be the time here meant by Cicero. PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 11. 363 XL Sed haec vetera i 1 illud vero reeens, Caesarem meo consilio interfectum. 2 Jam vereor, Patres conscripti, ne, quod turpissimum est, praevaricatorem 3 mihi apposuisse vi~ dear, qui me non solum meis laudibus ornaret, sed etiam oneraret alienis. Quis enim meum in istius gloriosissimi iacti conscientia 4 nomen audivit ? Cujus autem, qui in eo numero fuisset, nomen est occultatum? occultatum dico ? cujus non statim divulgatum ? Citius dixerim, jactasse se aliquos, 5 ut fuisse in ea societate viderentur, quum conscii 6 non fuissent, quam ut quisquam celari vellet, qui fuisset. Quam veri simile porro est, in tot hominibus, partim obscu- ris, partim adolescentibus neminem occultantibus, meum nomen latere potuisse ? Etenim si auctores ad liberandam patriam desiderarentur illis auctoribus, Brutos ego impelle- rem, quorum uterque L. Bruti imaginem 7 quotidie videret, alter 8 etiam Ahalae. Hi igitur his majoribus, ab alienis Sect. XI. 1. Htec vetera'] We must suppose Cicero to have followed the order of Antony's objections, else he should have treated of Pompey's camp before the death of Caesar. 2. Ciesarem meo consilio interfec- tum] Antony had placed a statue in the Rostra, inscribed ' Parenti optime merenti' ' ut,' as Cicero adds, ' non modo sicarii sed jam etiam parricidae judicemini.' 3. Prtevaricatorem] This word, like ' delirus' and some others, is borrowed from husbandry, which was always in great repute at Rome. Thus Pliny, 'Arator nisi incurvus praevaricatur.' * Praevaricor,' then is valde varico, rectam lineam praegredior.' The ploughman goes as it were in two furrows, or from one to the other. The transition is easy, to the lawyer who takes a fee from both the parties. Here it means that Cic. employed Antony as a sham-accuser, to bring charges, which, at the expense of others, would redound to his credit. 4. Quis conscientia'] Al. societate. Who among those who were privy to this noble design. V. E. 5. Jactasse se aliquos] He alludes, among ethers, to C. Octavius and Lentulus Spinther, who, according to Plutarch, hurried to the capitol among the conspirators, and claimed a share of the glory. Antony and Augustus acknowledged their claim by putting them to death. Spinther, however, (Fam. xii. 14.) asserts his share in it. 6. Conscii] Al. socii. 7. Imaginem] The ' imago' was generally formed of wax, but it is also taken to stand for the pictures of a family ; the ' statua' was of more du- rable materials, as wood, stone, or brass. The waxen 'imagines,' again, were kept in chests in the ' atrium,' and produced only on the days of public procession or private festivity ; the pictures were suspended in the same place, and were always exposed to view. The ' statuae' were placed in the vestibule, and were only those of the leading and distinguished men of the family, or its living representa- tive ; while the ' imagines' were of all. 8. Alter] Marcus Brutus was the son of Servilia, a descendant of Servi" lius Ahala, who put to death Sp- Maelius. 9. Ahalce] This shews that women 364 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO potius consilium peterent, quam a suis ? et foris potius, quam domo ? Quid ? C. Cassius, 10 in ea familia natus, quae non raodo dominatum, sed ne potentiam quidem cujusquam ferre potuit, me auctorem, credo, desideravit : qui etiam sine his clarissimis viris hanc rem in Cilicia ad ostium fluminis C'vdni confecisset, 11 si ille ad earn ripam, quam constituerat, non ad contrariam, naves appulisset. Cn. Domitium non patris in- teritus, 12 clarissimi viri, non avunculi 13 mors, non spoliatio dignitatis, ad recuperandam libertatem, sed mea auctoritas excitavit ? An C. Trebonio 14 ego persuasi ? cui ne suadere quidem ausus essem. Quo etiam majorem ei respublica gratiam debet, qui libertatem populi Romani unius amicitia? {)raeposuit, depulsorque dominatus quam particeps esse ma- uit. An L. Tillius Cimber me est auctorem secutus? quern brought ' imagines' into the families they married into. 10. C. Cauivs] There is nothing in Livy, (ii. 14.) to which the expres- sion of Cic. about Cassius can be supposed to allude. He shews, in- deed, that Sp. Cassius became a popu- lar consul, by proposing an Agrarian law and a largess to the people ; and that he was condemned for affecting royalty ; and to this fact Cic. often alludes. What follows about his fa- ther putting him to death, Livy gives as a report, but discredits it. Diony- sius Halicar. (lib. viii.) mentions the same report, but thinks it improbable, because his property was confiscated and his house thrown down, which could not have been the case, if his father had put him to death ; the very right by which he took away the life of his son, securing him the command over his property. As it is probable, then, that Cicero does not allude to this dubious account of C. Cassius putting his son to death, perhaps he may refer to the ambitious spirit of S. Cassius, who, in affecting sovereignty, might be said ' ne potentiam quidem cujus- quam ferre posse.' Cat. i. 10. n. 4. 11. Hanc rem confecisset'] Of this design of Cassius, no other trace ap- pears. Suetonius, Jul. 63, and Ap- pian, ii, state that he surrendered to Cesar after the battle of Pharsalia, and sued for pardon. Possibly a pre- vious design to surprise Caesar may have failed. V.E. 12. Patris interims] L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, who was slain by Antony at Pharsalia. He had been taken prisoner at Corfinium in the beginning of the war, and released ; but he afterwards joined Pompey. Sueton., (Vit. Ner. 3, which emperor was descended from him,) says that he was falsely charged with this conspiracy, in consequence of which he joined Brutus and Cassius, and having obtained the command of the fleet, by surrendering it to An- tony, he made his peace with the Triumvirs, and afterwards rose to great honours in the state. 13. Avunculi] CatoofUtica, whose sister was the mother of Domitius. Ser- vilia, the mother of Brutus, was ano- ther sister. 14. C. Trebonio] This man was always a distinguished supporter of Caesar. By his law Caesar's com- mand was prorogued for five years, and he served under him, as lieute- nant at Massilia. This accounts for Cicero's reasoning. He was treache- rously put to death by Dolabella, at PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 12. 365 ego magis fecisse illam rem sum admiratus, quam facturum putavi. 15 Admiratus sum autem ob earn causam, quod imme- mor beneficiorum, memor patriae fuisset. Quid duos Servi- lios ? 16 Cascas dicam, an Ahalas ? et hos auctoritate mea censes excitatos potius, quam caritate reipublicae ? Longum est persequi ceteros : 17 idque reipublicae praeclarum, fuisse tarn multos ; ipsis gloriosum. XII. At quemadmodum me coarguerit homo acutus, re- cordamini. Caesare interfecto, inquit, statim cruentum alte extollens M. Brutus pugionem, 1 Ciceronem nominatim excla- mavit, 2 atque ei recuperatam libertatem est gratulatus. Cur milii potissimum .' Quia sciebam ? Vide ne ilia causa fuerit appellandi mei, quod, quum rem gessisset consimilem rebus iis, quas ipse gesseram, 3 me potissimum testatus est, se amiu- lum mearum laudum exstitisse. Tu autem, omnium stultis- sime, non intelligis, si id, quod me arguis, voluisse interfici Caesarem, crimen sit; etiam, laetatum esse morte Caesaris, crimen esse? Quid enim interest inter suasorem facti et probatorem ? aut quid refert, utrnm voluerim fieri an on- deam factum ? Ecquis est igitur, te excepto, et iis, qui ilium regnare gaudebant, qui illud aut fieri noluerit, aut factum im- probarit i Omnesergo in culpa. Etenim omnes boni, quantum in ipsis fuit, Caesarem occiderunt Aliis consilium, aliis ani- Smyrna, in Asia, where he was sup- porting the republican cause. 15. Quern putuvi] As Cimber was a drunkard, it seemed improbable that Brutus and Cassius would take him into their confidence. Seneca de Ira, 83 ; or Cicero may refer merely to Cimber's having been ever previously a staunch adherent of Caesar. V. E. ]ti. Quid duos Servilios] There were two brothers of the ' gens Servi- lia,' who had the cognomen of Casca, present at Caesar's assassination. One of them, according to Plutarch, (Caes. 66,") gave the first blow, and called on his brother to assist. So Shakesp. ' See what a rent the envious Casca made !' Cic. thinks that their cognomen should rather be Ahalx, from their imitating the example of the old Ahala. Transl. How shall 1 address the two Servilii ? shall I call them Cascae, (their real name,) or Ahalae, (the name they deserve.) 17. Ceteros] There were upwards of sixty in all. Sueton. Jul. bO. Supr. 3. n. 7. Sect. XII. 1. Pugionem] From ' pungo.' It was often used metapho- rically. Thus, Caligula called his proscription -book ' pugio.' 2. M. Brutus exclamavii] Dio says that the whole conspirators joined in the shout. Perhaps their reason for appealing to Cic. was, that he was a consular man, and known to be de- voted to the Pompeian cause. Per- haps his own reason is the true one. 3. Rem gessisset consimilem gesse- ram] That his conduct in this deed resembled mine during my consulate, when I also deprived of life the con- i i2 366 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO mus,aliis occasio defuit: voluntas nemini. Sed stuporenr* ho- minis, vel dicam pecudis, attendite. Sic enim dixit: 'M. Brutus, quern ego honoris causa 5 nomino, cruentum pugio- nem tenens, Ciceronem exclaraavit : ex quo intelligi debet, eum conscium iuisse.' Ergo ego sceleratus appellor a te, quem tu suspicatum aliquid suspicaris : ille, qui stillantem prae se pugionem tulit, is a te honoris causa nominatur i Esto : sit in verbis tuis hie stupor : quanto in rebus sententiis- que major? Constitue hoc, consul, aliquando: Brutorum, C. Cassii, Cn. Domitii, C. Trebonii, reliquorum, quam velis esse causam: edormi crapulam, inquam, et exhala. An faces 7 admovendae sunt, quae te excitent, tantae causa? indor- mientem ? Nunquamne intelliges, statuendum tibi esse, utrum illi, qui istam rem gesserunt, homicidaene sint, an vindices libertatis ? XIII. Attende enim paullisper, cogitationemque sobrii hominis punctum temporis suscipe. Ego, qui sum illorum, ut ipse fateor, familiaris; 1 ut a te arguor, socius, nego quid- quam esse medium: confiteor eos, nisi liberatores populi Romani conservatoresque reipublicae sint, plus quam si- carios, plus quam homicidas, plus etiam quam parricidas esse ; siquidem est atrocius patriae parentem, quam suum oc- cidere. Tu, homo sapiens et considerate, quid dicis ? Si parricidae, cur honoris causa a te sunt et in hoc ordine et apud populum Romanum semper appellati ? Cur M. Bru- tus, te referente, legibus est solutus, 2 si ab urbe plus quam decern dies abfuisset ? cur ludi Apollinares 3 incredibili M. spirators against their country. V. E. 7. Faces'] It appears that these 4. Stuporem] Cic. here convicts were applied by the Romans to rouse Antony of stupidity: 1. By his Ian- the stupid or lethargic. Delph. * Indi- guage, because he honours Brutus for ges baculo vel fuste ut exciteris.' what he abuses him. 2. By his con- Sect. XIII. 1. Familiaris] In duct and opinions, who did not see consuetudine vitae. that there was no mean between pa- 2. Legibus est solutus] Introd. 6. triots and parricides. 3. Ludi Apollin.] Liv. xxv. 12. 5. Honoris causa] A phrase of po- These games were established in the lite address, which meant no more second Punic war, on occasion of a than ' respectfully' or the like. victory ; and a pestilence occurring, 6. Crapulam] i. e. KpanrdXn, qu. they were made annual, and celebrated iraWtiv to Kapa, 'caput treraiscere.' the fifth of July. This two-fold Plaut. Rud. ii. 7. 28. 'Abeo hinc, origin is noticed by Hor. Carm. i. utedormiscam banc crapulam.' Te- 24. * Hie bellum lacrymosum, hie rent. Adelph. says ' hoc villi, i. e. miseram famem, Pestemque a populo, vini.' &c.' Phil. i. 15. PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 13. 367 Bruti honore celebrati ? 4 cur provinciae Bruto et Cassio da- tae ? 5 cur qua3stores additi ? cur legatorum numerus auctus ? Atque haec acta per te. Non igitur homieidae. Sequitur, ut liberatores tuo judicio sint : quandoquidem tertium nihil potest esse. Quid est ? num conturbo te ? Non enim for- tasse satis, qua3 dijunctius 6 dicuntur, intelligis. Sed tamen haec summa est conclusionis meae : quoniam scelere a te li- berati sunt, ab eodem te amplissimis praemiis dignissimos judicatos. Itaque jam retexo 7 orationem meam. Scribam ad illos, 8 ut, si qui forte, quod a te mihi objectum est, que- rent, sitne verum, ne cui negent. Etenim vereor, ne 9 aut celatum me, illis ipsis non honestum ; aut invitatum refu- gisse, mihi sit tuipissimum. Quae enim res unquam, (pro sancte Jupiter !) non modo in hac urbe, sed in omnibus ter- ris est gesta major ? quae gloriosior ? quae commendatior ho- rn inum memoriae sempiternae ? In hujus me tu consilii so- cietatem tamquam in equum Trojanum 10 cum principibus includis? Non recuso: ago etiam gratias, quoquo animo facis. 11 Tanta enim res est, ut invidiam istam, quam tu in me vis concitare, cum laude non comparem. Quid enim beatius illis, quos tu expulsos a te praedicas et relegatos ? 4. Celebrati] C. Antonius acted ' to unweave,' in order to make a bet- tor Brutus on this occasion. It ap- ter web ; hence to change a line of pears, from Cicero's letters to Atticus, argument,' as here. that Brutus, who was then at Lanu- * 8. Ad illos] Brutus and Cassius. vium, took great pains to supply him 9. Vereor, ne, fyc] The construc- with every requisite that could secure tion is : 'me celatum [esse] illis non their magnificence. He had intended, sit honestum; aut [me] invitatum re- at one time to attend them in person, fugisse, mihi sit turpissimum.' In- and had an address to the people pre- trod. 2. Celari de aliqua re,' to be pared, but Cicero did not advise it. told nothing about a thing, to be kept in Phil. 1. 15. n. 5. the dark. Fam. v. 2. Te maximis de 5. Cur provincial Cassio et Bruto rebus a fratre esse celatum.' Agr. ii. 5. data] To Brutus Macedonia, and to 10. In equum Trojanum] A species Cassius Syria. The adding of quaes- of proverb, perhaps from JEn.u, 18 : tors was a mark of respect and recog- Hue delecta virum sortiti corpora nition of them as legal governors. So furtim of ' Legatorum numerus auctus.' Includunt lateri. 6. Dijunctius] Al. distinctius. Or rather from Odys. iv. 272 : Too widely, or, in too disjunctive a "l7T7r^ Ivi Zearqj 'iv' tvijfteQa iravrtc form ; for Cicero's argument was apivroi 'Apyeiwv. stated disjunctively, and Antony This comes up to ' cum principibus.' was no great logician. 11. Quoquo animo facis] Cicero 7. Retexo] It was usual in Greek explains this intention. Fam. xii. 2. to say pvOovQ vQaivuv, and in Latin, * Nullam aliam ob causam, me aucto- orationem texere.' Hence retexere, rem fuisse Caesaris interficiendi crimi- 368 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO qui locus est aut tam desertus, 12 aut tam inhumanus, qui il- los, quoquo 13 accesserint, non aflfari atque appetere videatur ? qui homines tam agrestes, qui se, quum eos adspexerint, non maximum cepisse vita? fructum putent ? quae vero tam im- memor posteritas, quae tam ingratae literae 1 * reperientur, quae eorum gloriam non immortalitatis memoria prosequantur ( Tu vero adscribe me talem in numerum. XIV. Sed unam rem vereor, ne non probes. Si enim fuissem, non solum regem, 1 sed regnum etiam de republica sustulissem : et, si meus stilus 2 ille fuisset, ut dicitur, mihi crede, non solum unum actum, 3 sed totam fabulam confecis- sem. 4 Quamquam si interfici Caesarem 5 voluisse crimen est, vide, quaeso, Antoni, quid tibi futurum sit, quern et Nar- bone hoc consilium cum C. Trebonio cepisse notissimum est, et ob ejus consilii societatem, quum interficeretur Caesar, turn te a Trebonio vidimus sevocari. Ego autem (vide quam tecum agam non inimice) quod bene cogitasti aliquan- do, laudo : quod non indicasti, gratias ago : quod non fecisti, ignosco. Virum res ilia quaerebat. Quod si te in judicium natur, nisi ut in me veterani incitentur.' 12. Locus desertus'} It is a strong personification, to make a place ad- dress and desire the presence of a person. Cic. heightens this, by mak- ing the place deserted, without human, intercourse, $c. 13. Quoq.} Whithersoever. Al. quo. 14. Literee} Cic. uses the genus, comprising under it, poetry, oratory, and history ; all which assist in con- ferring immortality. Sect. XIV 1 Non solum regem, #c] Fam. xii. 1. 'Non regno, sed rege liberati videmur.' Att. xiv. 8. O Dii boni ! vivit tyrannis : tyran- nus occidit.' 2. Sfifus] 1. an obelisk or column, (TruXoe ; 2. a sharp-pointed instru- ment, a dagger, a pen ; 3. a style of writing. We cannot preserve the pa- ratiomasia of Cicero, having no word that signifies a pen and a poniard. Those who limit the interpretation to either one or other appear to miss the force. 3. Unum actum'} Abram. makes the ' fabula,' the deliverance of their country ; Cic, the poet ; ' stilus,' the conspiracy ; one act, the death of Caesar ; the other four acts, the deaths of Lepidus and the three Antonies. Manut. supposes the death of Antony the fifth act, but does not specify the preceding four. It is enough to un- derstand it generally. ' He would have added the last act to the play, by despatching others.' Marcel. 9. ' Hie restat actus.' Fam. x. 28. ' Quam vellem ad illas pulcherrimas epulasme invitasses! reliquiarum nihil haberemus.' Here, however, the figure is changed. 4. Confecissem} This verb, in the sense of to despatch, is properly ap- plied to stabbing wild beasts in the amphitheatre. 5. Quamquam si interfici C&sarem, Jfc] Plutarch, Brut. 17, makes it appear that Trebonius, being the mi- litary comrade of Antony at Narbo, where Caesar had halted in his return from Spain, had sounded him on the project of slaying Caesar ; and that PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 14. 369 quis adducat, usurpetque illud Cassianum, 6 ( Cui bono 7 fuerit ;' vide, quaeso, ne haereas. 8 Quamquam illud quidem fuit, ut tu dicebas, omnibus bono, qui servire nolebant : tibi tamen praecipue, qui non modo non servis, sed etiam regnas ; qui maximo te aere alieno ad aedem Opis 9 liberasti : qui per easdem 10 tabulas innumerabilem pecuniam dissipavisti ; ad quern e domo Caesaris 11 tarn multa delata sunt; cujus domi quaestuosissima est falsorum commentariorum et chirograplio- rum officina, agrorum, oppidorum, immunitatum, vectigalium flagitiosissimae nundinae. 12 Etenim quae res egestati et aeri alieno tuo, praeter mortem Caesaris, subvenire potuisset? Nescio quid 13 conturbatus esse videris : numquid subtimes, ne ad te hoc crimen pertinere videatur? Libero te metu : nemo credet unquam; non est tuum de republica bene mereri ; habet istius pulcherrimi facti clarissimos viros respublica auctores : ego te tantum gaudere dico, fecisse non arguo. Respondi maximis criminibus : nunc etiam reliquis respon- dendum est. Antony, though aware of his drift, yet did not disclose the secret j that, therefore, Trebonius, through grati- tude, took him aside that he might not share the fate of Caesar. In ano- ther place, however, (Caes. 66,) he says that it was Decimus Brutus who drew Antony aside. But Cic, Fam. x. 28, attributes the act to Trebonius, as here ; without, however, charging Antony with being privy to it. Trebo- nius was, probably, now dead. 6. Cassianum] Mil. 12. n. 4. 5. 7. Cui bono'] * Whose interest ;' the double dative. 8. A r e harreas] Because you had all the advantage the conspirators all the loss. 9. JEdem opis] This goddess vari- ously named, Ops, Tellus, Cybele, the Great Mother, the Idaean Mother, and the Mother of the Gods, had tem- ples dedicated to her in various parts of the city. The temple here speci- fied is thought to have been in the Ca- pitol, if we are not to understand the temple adjoining the treasury, dedicat- ed to Saturn and Ops. Here the sense requires ' ad aedem Opis' to mean * tabulis ad aedem Opis ;' for by them he paid his debts. Hence * easdem,' inf. 10. Per easdem, Sfc] As ' tabulae' had not been mentioned before, ' eas- dem' must refer to ' aedem opis,' the depository of the 'tabulae.' The money was squandered by Antony's forging assignments of the different sums to his own creatures. Phil. v. 4. ' Septies millies falsis perscrip- tionibus, &c. avertit.' 11. Domo Ccesaris] Vid. Phil. i. 7. n. 3, where the particulars here al- luded to are noticed. Calpurnia had conveyed to the house of Antony, for safety, the papers and treasures of Caesar, which Antony kept possession of and converted to his own purposes. 12. Nundina] Qu. ' novendinae,' from ' novem' and ' dies,' pro- perly, the market-day, or day on which the country people flocked to Rome. It occurred every nine days, reckoning inclusively. It is here put for the market or sale itself. Phil. v. 4. 13. Nescio quid] ' At something or other ;' not ' somewhat.' 370 M. T. CICERON1S ORATIO XV. Castra 1 raihi Pompeii, atque illud omne tempus ob- jecisti. Quo quidem tempore si, ut dixi, 2 meum consilium auctoritasque valuisset ; tu hodie egeres, nos liberi essemus ; respublica non tot duces 3 et exercitus 4 amisisset. Fateor enim, me, quum ea, quae acciderunt, providerem 5 futura, tanta in mcestitia fuisse, quanta ceteri optimi cives, si idem providissent, fuissent. Dolebam, 6 dolebam, Patres con- scripti, rempublicam, vestris quondam meisque consiliis conservatam, brevi tempore esse perituram. Nee vero eram tarn indoctus ignarusque rerum, ut frangerer animo propter vita? cupiditatem, quae me manens conficeret angoribus, di- missa molestiis omnibus liberaret. Illos ego proestantissimos viros, lumina reipublicae, vivere volebam, tot consulares, tot praetorios, tot honestissimos senatores, omnem praeterea flo- rem 7 nobilitatis ac juventutis, turn optimorum civium exer- citus : qui si viverent, quamvis iniqua conditione pacis, (mihi enim omnis pax cum civibus bello civili utilior 8 videbatur,) rempublicam hodie teneremus. Quae sententia si valuisset, 9 ac non ii maxime 10 mihi, quorum ego vitae consulebam, spe victoriae elati, 11 obstitissent : ut alia omittam, tu certe nun- Sect. XV 1. Castra, $c] The objection of Antony was, not that Cic. was a Pompeian ; but that he prevented a reconciliation between the leaders, and conducted himself in a manner unbecoming a consular man. This he here answers. 2. Si, tit dixi] Supr. 10. Haec mea, M. Antoni, semper et de Pom- peio et de republica consilia fuerunt : quae, &c.' 3. Non tot duces] Pompey, Scipio, Cato, Petreius, Afranius, &c. 4. Exercitus] These are often al- luded to. The principal were at Pharsalia, Thapsus, and M inula ; and their commanders, Pompey, Scipio, and the sons of Pompey. 5. Providerem] His letters are full of prophecies on this subject, for which some historians give him little credit. Hooke. x.l.n.q. 6. Dolebam] The ideas are natural here. Cic. had a peculiar regard for the republic, because he had saved it from Catiline. So people are doubly fond of what they have rescued from, or recovered after, some great danger ; and he takes care to add, that it was no unmanly love of life that ac- tuated him in his grief. 7. Florem] Because almost all the young patricians followed Pompey, and were in his camp. Hence the stoiy of Caesar's artifice in the battle of Pharsalia, to strike at their faces. Plut. Caes. 45. 8. Pax bello civili utilior] So Horn. ix. 63 : 'AQpi'iTwp, dOkfitorog, aviorioc, toriv iictivoQ, 'Of TToXkfxQv tparai lirtdrjfiiov, oxpvo- UTOQ. 9. Sententia valuisset] He means his proposition, that Pompey should come into Caesar's terms ; which were, that Pompey should proceed to Spain, his province, and both disband their armies. Fam. xvi. 12. 10. Ii maxime] Cn. Domitius, C. Lentulus, &c, the Pompeian leaders. 11. Spe Victoria elati] Caesar well PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 16. 371 quani 12 in hoc ordine, vel potius nunquam in hac urbe man- sisses. At vero Cn. Pompeii voluntatem a me alienabat oratio 13 mea. An ille quemquam plus dilexit ? cum ullo aut sermones, aut consilia contulit ssepius 1 Quod quidem erat magnum, de summa republica dissentientes in eadem con- suetudine amicitiae permanere. Sed et ego, quid ille, et contra ille, quid ego sentirem et spectarem, videbat. Ego incolumitati civium primum, ut postea dignitati possemus; ille pra3senti dignitati plus consulebat. Quod autem habebat uterque quid sequeretur, idcirco tolerabilior erat nostra dis- sensio. Quid vero ille singularis vir ac paene divinus de me senserit, sciunt, qui 14 eum de Pharsalica fuga Paphum 15 per- secuti sunt. Nunquam ab eo mentio de me, nisi honorifica, nisi plena amicissimi desiderii, quum me vidisse plus fa- teretur, se speravisse meliora. Et ejus viri nomine me insectari audes, cujus me amicum, te sectorem 16 esse i'ateare ? XVI. Sed omittatur bellum illud, in quo tu nimium felix fuisti. Ne jocis quidem 1 respondebo, quibus me in castris usum esse dixisti. Erant quidem ilia castra plena curae: 2 verumtamen homines, quamvis in turbidis rebus sint, ta- men, si modo homines sunt, interdum animis relaxantur. Quod autem idem inoestitiam 3 meam reprehendit, idem saysof them (B. C. iii.) Nee quibus 16. Sectorem] ' Sectio' is, 1. a rationibussuperarepossunt, sed quern- purchase; 2. a sale, particularly of achnodum uti victoria deberent, cogi- proscribed property. It has the first tabant.' meaning from ' sequi,' i.e. 'a lucro 12. Tu certe nunquam, c] A spe- sequendo;' the second from 'secare,' cies of Litotes, by which he intimated because the sectores' retailed the that Antony would have suffered death property. Peihaps this account may or exile for his crimes. reconcile Ascon. and the commenta- 13. At vero oratio'] Macrobius tors about the derivation of this word, and Plutarch have transmitted to us a Skct. XVI. 1. A T e jocis quidem] few of Cicero's splenetic remarks on These may be found in Plutarch, this occasion ; but it does not appear Middleton, or Hooke. necessary to transcribe them. 2. Castra plena curw] i.e. To Cic. 14. Sciunt, qui] He means Favo- and the thinking men; for, generally nius, the Lentuli, &c. Plutarch, speaking, the Pompeians were only Pomp. 76, says that he had a few solicitous about revenge and booty, ships and about sixty senators col- 3. Quod autem idem motstitium] Sc. lected to him. in the words, Sup. 15. 'At vero Cn. 15. Paphum] Pompey hastened Pompeii voluntatem a me alienabat first to Lesbos, where he met Cor- oratio mea.' nelia, and thence to Paphus. 372 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO jocum ; magno argumento est, me in utroque fuisse mode- ratum. 4 Hereditates 5 mihi negasti venire. Utinam hoc tuum ve- rum crimen esset ! plures amici mei et necessarii viverent. Sed qui istuc tibi venit in mentem ? Ego enim amplius HS. ducenties 6 acceptum hereditatibus retuli. Quamquam in hoc genere fateor feliciorem esse te. Me nemo, nisi ami- cus, fecit heredem, ut cum illo commodo, si quod erat, ani- mi quidam dolor jungeretur : te is, quem tu vidisti nunquam, L. Rubrius Casinas, 7 fecit heredem. Et quidem vide, quam te amarit is, qui, 8 albus aterne 9 fueris, ignorans, fratris filium praeteriit, Q. Fufii, honestissimi equitis Romani, 10 suique 4. Fuisse moderatum] So Hor. Epis. i. 18. ' Virtus est medium viti- orum et utrumque reductum." 5. Hereditates, <Sfc] This was con- sidered a great ignominy among the Romans. For Nigrinus, in Lucian, wittily observes, ' that the Romans uttered only one true word in their lives sc. that which is contained in their wills.' Augustus, who was vain of being so noticed by his friends, used to refund the amount of the bequest to the lawful heirs, to obviate the suspi- cion of avarice. Suet. Aug. 66. Cic. had made the very same charge against Clodius. Att. i. 15. 6. HS. ducenties} In two instances, Atticus is acquainted by Cicero of legacies left him. Att. ii. 20. xi. 2. HS. a contraction for L. L. S. i. e. ' libra, libra, semis,' or two pounds and a half of brass, the fourth of a de- naiius. Note, 1. With a numeral ad- verb, HS. is ' sestertiiim/ 'centena millia' being understood. A short rule in translating these adverbs, is to omit a cipher from the given number, and call the remainder so many millions of sesterces. Thus here 200, omit- ing a cipher, is 20 sc. millions. * Se- xagies,' i. e. 60, gives 6 millions. ' Defies,' i. e. 10, one million, and so on. 2. The amount in English money is nearly given by inserting 8,000, instead of the word millions. Thus 20 millions, (ducenties,) is 20X8000 = 160,000. 3. 'Ses- tertium,' is never a sum of 1000 ses- terces, as is usually said, but is al- ways the gen. plur. for ' sestertiorum.' Orat. 46. ' Sestertia,' indeed, occurs in the poets, where ' sestertii' would be inadmissible, and has millia un- derstood. Juv. Sat. iv. 15. 16. 4. 'Sestertius,' ('semis tertius') is not the third half, but half of the third, the first and second being understood ; and therefore expresses clearly 2 J. So ' semis-quartus' would be 3 \ ; as in Greek rpirov iipi-raXa vtov is 1\ talents. 7. Casinos'] i. e. Of Casinum, a town of Campania, where the Latin joins the Appian way. Inf. 41. 8. Te amarit is, qui] As nobody ever had acted so, he leaves the hearer to infer that Antony had forged the will. 9. Albus aterne] An adage, mean- ing ' to know or care nothing about a a person.' Catullus says of Caesar, Epig. 94. ' Non nimium cupio, Caesar, tibi velle placere, Nee scire utrum sis albus an ater homo.' Hence its application to the character of Antony. 10. Equitis Romanis] To distin- guish him from a senator of the same name, father-in-law of the con- sul elect. PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 17. 373 amantissimi, [;] quem palam heredem semper factitarat : [ne nominat quidem r] 11 te, quem nunquam viderat, aut certe nun- quam salutaverat, 12 fecit heredem. Velim mihi dicas, nisi molestum est, L. Turselius qua facie fuerit, qua statura, quo municipio, qua tribu. "Nihil scio," inquies, "nisi qua? praedia habuerit." Igitur 13 fratrem exheredans, te faciebat heredem. In multas praeterea pecunias alienissimorum 14 hominum,ejectis vcris heredibus, tamquam heres esset, inva- sit. Quamquam hoc maxime admiratus sum, mentionem te hereditatum ausum esse facere, quum ipse hereditatem patris non adisses. 15 XVII. Haec ut colligeres, 1 homo amentissime, tot dies in aliena 2 villa declamasti I quamquam tu quidem (ut tui familia- rissimi dictitant) vini exhalandi, 3 non ingenii acuendi causa, declamitas. Et vero adhibes joci causa magistrum, suflfragio tuo etcompotorum tuorum, rhetorem, 4 cui concessisti, ut in te, quae vellet, diceret, salsum 5 omnino hominem : sed materia facilis est in te et in tuos dicta dicere. 6 Vide autem, quid 11. Ne nominat quidem] Al. ne nomen quidem perscripsit. Orel, brack- ets them, as an interpolation, and re- fers ' quem, &c.' to ' fratris Q. Fufii.' For the brother of Rubrius might have been adopted into the ' gens Fufio- rum.' 12. Aut salutaverat] Ern. objects to this salutation as out of place. But Cic. means : ' Whom he had never seen, or (if he had) at least (certe) had never, &c.' 13. Igitur, Sfc] It seems harsh to make 'igitur' illative here. Perhaps it is like the Greek p.k v ovv, ' well then,' used after a parenthetic argu- gument, to carry back the mind to the previous statement. So Arch. 5. ' His igitur tabulis, &c.' Mil. 29. ' Ejus igitur mortis, &e.' 14. Alienissimorum] Opposed to relations. Supr. 6. ' Hujusego alienus consiliis consul usus sum.' 15. Non adisses] Because it was all squandered. Sect. XVII. 1. Colligeres] Ligar. 10. n. 13. As it does not appear how collecting facts or calumnies against Cic. could sharpen the genius of An- tony ; perhaps ' colligo' is here taken in the logical sense of * drawing an inference.' So Hor. Sat. ii. 1. ' sic collige mecum.' His masterly infe- rences were, e. g. that Cic. lost Pom- pey's friendship by splenetic jests, that he was a conspirator because Bru- tus called on him first, &c. 2. Tot dies in aliena] Seventeen ; which Antony had passed in a villa of Q. Metellus Scipio, at Tibur. Phil, v. 7. 3. Vini exhalandi] Similarly Dem. de Cor. 86. Kai tpoiys SokiIq Ik Tovrtav, 'Aiuyivn, tCjv Xoyaiv t7rt- foitj/ nva QuvaOKiaQ /3ovX6/ij/oc T-oirjtrdaOai, tovtov irpoeXtoQai rbv ayuiva, ovk ddiKfifiaros ovStvbc, Xa- tlv, Tifxwpiav. 4. Rhetorem] Sup. 4. n. 7. 5. Salsum, fyc] Salsus/ savoury, from 'sal.' Negatively, 'insulsus,' insipid. The transition is easy to wit, the salt of conversation. K K 374 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO intersit inter te et avum tuum. Ille sensim 7 dicebat, quod causa? prodesset ; tu cursim dicis aliena. At quanta merces rhetori data est ! Audite, audite, Patres conscripti, et cog- noscite reipublicae vulnera. Duo millia jugerum campi Leontini 8 Sex. Clodio rhetori assignasti, 9 et quidem immu- nia, 10 ut populi Romani tanta mercede nihil sapere disceres. Num etiam hoc, homo audacissime, ex Caesaris commenta- riis ? Sed dicaui alio loco et de Leontino agro et de Cam- pano : quos iste agros ereptos 11 reipublicae, turpissimis pos- sessoribus 12 inquinavit Jam enim, 13 quoniam crimimbus ejus satis respondi, de ipso emendatore et correctore nostro quaedam dicenda sunt. Nee enim omnia effundam, ut, ii saepius decertandum sit, ut erit, semper novus veniam : quant facultatem mihi multitudo istius vitiorum peccatorumque largitur. XVIII. Visne igitur te inspiciamus a puero ? l Sic opinor. 6. Dicta dicere] Dicta* for dicte- ria.' Easy to be witty when you and your friends are the subjects. Dico unum ridiculum dictum de dictis me- Jionbus.' Plaut. Capt. iii. 1.; but Era. doubts the propriety of the ex- pression ' materia facilis dicere,' and thinks it should be ' dicenti' or ad dicendum.' Plut. Ant. 24, mentions Antony's fondness for jests even at his own expense. 7. Sensim] Vid. de Or. ii. 1, and Brut. 36; where the peculiar cha- racter of Antonius's oratory is fully developed. It appears that he was a guarded speaker, whose great care was not to injure the cau.se which he un- dertook to defend. 8. Campi Leontini] This plain was near Leontiura, in Sicily. Cic. Verr. iii. 18. says of it, 'cujus species haecerat, nt cum obsitum vidisses, annonae cari- tatem non verereTe.' This then being the most fertile part of Sicily, and Sicily being, as Polybi testifies, the granary of Rome, we may clearly see the wound of the republic. 9. Assignasti] This word is pro- perly applied to distributing lands to colonists, from 'ad' and 'signum.' When the Romans conquered a coun- try, they usually restored the lands to the inhabitants on the condition of paying decunur or tithe. Hence the lands were called ' decumani.' They reserved, however, a part of the roost valuable, as a patrimony of the Ro- man people. Such it appears was the Leontine plain, which Cic. inf. 39, reckons ' in pop. Rom. patrimonio.' 10. Immunia] They were given to Clodius without any restriction as to rent or tithe. 1 1 . Ereptos] Because they were the patrimony of the state. Vid. penult, n. 12. Turpissimis possessoribus] Clo- dius and companions. 13. Jam enim] These are particles of transition. He has now done with 'pro roe aliquid,' and proceeds to 'multa in Antonium.' Sup. 5. Sect. XVIII. 1 . Visne a puero] This was the usual order observed by orators in their invective speeches. Vid. Dem. de Cor. 79, when he trace* /Eschines from sweeping the school- room to speaking from the Rostra. PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 18. 375 A principio ordiamur. Tenesne memoria, praetextatum 2 te decoxisse ? 3 " Patris, 4 " inquies, " ista culpa est" Concedo. Etenim est pietatis plena defensio. Illud tamen audaciae tuae, quod sedisti in quattuordecim ordinibus, quum esset lege Roscia 5 decoctoribus certus locus constitutus, quamvis quis fortunae vitio, non suo decoxisset. Sumpsisti virilem, (jiiam statim muliebrem togam 6 reddidisti. Primo vulgare scortum ; certa flagitii merces, nee ea parva ; sed cito Curio intervenit, qui te a meretricio quaestu abduxit, et, tamquam stolam 7 dedisset, in matrimonio stabili 8 et certo locavit. Nemo unquam puer emptus libidinis causa, tam fuit in do- niini potestate, quam tu in Curionis. Quoties te pater ejus domu sua ejecit? quoties custodes 9 posuit, ne limen intrares.' quum tu tamen, nocte socia, hortante libidine, cogente mer- cede, per tegulas demitterere. Quae flagitia domus ilia diu- tius ferre non potuit. Scisne, me de rebus mihi notissimis 2. Fr&textatum) Scil. before you were seventeen, the age for assuming the manly gown. As this, however, was not the fault of Antony, though sufficiently disgraceful to him, the ora- tor rather dwells upon his impudence in sitting, notwithstanding, in the benches appropriated to the knights. The ' praetexta' was a white gown with a purple border. It formed the dress of the sons and daughters of the better sort, till they arrived at seventeen, as well as of senators, magistrates, and priests, any of whom, when so ar- rayed, may be called ' praetexta- tus.' 3. Decoxisse] Sc. argentum ; forCic. uses decoctum argentum.' The transi- tion from ' decoquo' to wasting mo- ney, becoming a bankrupt, is obvious. Some suppose the metaphor taken from trees wherein the sun has dried up the moisture. 4. Patris] Antonius Creticus, so tailed, from his unsuccessful war against that island. Vid. Manil. 12* n. 12. He was remarkable as a spendthrift, and is said never to have kept an account. 5. Roscia"] Roscius Otho, a tri- bune, passed this law a. v. 687. It set apart for the Equites by birth or by property, fourteen rows in the the- atre, immediately behind where the senators sat, excluding insolvents, to whom a distinct place was assigned but this Antony did not regard. 6. Virilem muliebrem togam] Em. muliebram stolam. ' Toga' was the proper garb of courtesans ; ' stola' of matrons; as Hor. i. 2. ' Quid inter Est in matrona, ancilla peccesve to- gata;' and again, ' Ad talos stola demissa et circum- data palla.' 7. Stolam] This robe was presented by the husband to the bride, who then laid aside the pratexta. 8. In matrimonio stabili] So Vir- ' Conjugio jungam stabili propriam- que dicabo.' * Cic, in the selection of his expres- sions, on a subject where selection was necessary, had in view Dem.de Cor. 40. t) fiiiTtjp oov role. p.idrip.ipivo~ii: ydpoiQ xQup'tvi], &c. 9. Custodes] These were usually 376 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO dicere ? Recordare tempus illud, quum pater Curio moerens jacebat in lecto ; filius se ad pedes meos prostemens, lacri- mans, te mihi commendabat ; orabat, ut te contra suum pa- ttern, si sestertium sexagies 10 peteret, defenderem ; tantum enim se pro te intercessisse. 11 Ipse autem araore ardens con- firmabat, quod desiderium tui discidii 12 ferre non posset, se in exsilium iturum. Quo tempore ego quanta mala floren- tissimae familiae 13 sedavi, vel potius sustuli l M Patri persuasi, ut a3s alienum filii dissolveret; redimeret 15 adolescentem, summa spe et animi et ingenii praeditum, rei familiaris facul- tatibus ; eumque a tua non modo familiaritate, sed etiam congressione, 16 patrio jure et potestate 17 prohiberet. Haec tu, quum per me acta meminisses : nisi illis, quos vide- mus, gladiis 18 confideres, maledictis me provocare ausus esses ? XIX. Sed jam stupra et flagitia omittamus: sunt quae- dam, quae honeste non possum dicere : tu autem eo liberior, quod ea in te admisisti, 1 quae a verecundo inimico audire non posses. Sed reliquum vitae cursum 2 videte : quern quidem celeriter perstringam. Ad haec enim, quae in civili bello, in employed by the Romans in guarding the chambers of the women, but Curio was obliged to go further. Some- times they were chained to the door- posts ; sometimes dogs were em- ployed. So Hor. Carm. ' et vigilum canum Tristes excubiae.' 10. Sestertium sexagies] Six mil- lions of sesterces. Supr. 16. n.6. 11. Intercessisse] i. e. By his in- tercession he had obtained from the money-lenders a sum to that amount. 12. Discidii] Ligar. 2. n. 9. 13. Florentissimce familial] Noticed thus by Pliny. * Una foeminarum in omni aevo Lampedo Lacedaemonia re- peritur, quae regis filia, regis uxor, regis mater fuit : una Phaerenice, quae filia, soror, mater Olympionica- rum : una familia Curionum, in qua tres continua serie oratores exstite- runt : una Fabiorum, in qua tres con- tinui principes senatfis.' 14. Sedavi susrtWi] He did the first by persuading the father to pay the debt ; the second by advisiDg him to keep his son from the society of Antony. 15. Redimeret] This is to be un- derstood literally, as debtors were by the Roman laws bound and handed over to the creditors as slaves. 16. Congressione] Alloquio, salu- tatione communi. 17. Patrio jure et potestate] By the former, (jus), the father had power over his son's liberty ; by the latter (potestas), over his life. 18. Illis gladiis] Sc. of the Itu- reans and other barbarians who were placed by Antony in and near the senate-house. Supr. 8. Sect. XIX. I. In te admisisti] Mil. 23. n. 19. 2. Reliquum vita curtum] This takes in merely the period from his as- sumption of the manly gown at seven- teen, to the end of his tribunate ; and this he presently calls ' media,' where- as his conduct in the civil wars is call- ed ' extrema.' PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 19. 377 maximis reipublica? miseriis fecit, 3 et ad ea, quae quotidie tacit, festinat animus. Qua? peto, ut, quamquam multo notiora vobis quam mihi sunt, tamen, ut facitis, attente audi- atis. Debet enim talibus in rebus excitare animos non cog- nitio solum rerum, sed etiam recordatio. Tametsi incida- mus oportet media, ne nimis sero ad extrema veniamus. Intimus erat in tribunatu 4 Clodio, qui sua erga me bene- ticia commemorat ; ejus omnium incendiorum fax : cujus etiam domi jam turn quiddam molitus est.5 Quid dicam, ipse optime intelligit. Inde iter 6 Alexandriam contra sena- tus auctoritatem, 7 contra rempublicam et religiones: 8 sed ha 3. Que? in civili hello fecit] This is what he subsequently calls * sua? partes/ and the words ' qua? fecit,' make it probable that the metaphor is there taken from the stage. 4. In tribunatu] i. e. ' Intimus Clodio in tribun. Clodii ;' for which Clodius had qualified himself by adoption into a plebeian family. His object being to harass Cic. and pro- cure his banishment, in which he succeeded ; any man who was his friend must have been Cicero's ene- my. 5. Quiddam molitus] This is re- ferred by Manut. to an intrigue with Kulvia, the wife of Clodius, whom he afterwards married. This reference is countenanced by the words ' ipse op- time intelligit.' Ern. conjectures to that it may allude to a plot to slay Clodius ; Abram. to slay Pompey ; and these agree best with the word ' molitus.' r>. Inde iter] When Antony had been separated from Curio, who went abroad, he attached himself to Clo- dius, then notorious for his persecu- tion of Cic. ; but, seeing Clodius's po- pularity failing, and his enemies daily increasing, Antony thought it prudent to withdraw from Rome. He tra- velled to Greece, and was applying himself there to the study of learning and eloquence, when he met Gabi- nius, the consul of the preceding year, who was proceeding to take possession of Syria, the province appointed him by the Clodian law. Under him, An- tony accepted of a command, and dis- tinguished himself in the war against Aristobulus. About this time, Ptole- my, king of Egypt, being banished by the Alexandrians, repaired to Rome, where he hoped, through the influence of Pompey, to procure a decree for his restoration by force of arms. In this he was disappointed, as a Sibyl- line oracle was produced forbidding- it. Pompey, liowever, interfered so far as to recommend him by letter to Gabinius, who, urged by the entrea- ties of Antony, and tempted by the king's gold, at length acceded to his terms, and contrary to the order of the senate, did restore Ptolemy. This was in the consulship of Pomp, and Crass., a. u. 698. 7. Contra auctor.] Cic, Q.Fr. ii. 2, says De rege Alexandrino factum est S. consultum, eum multitudine reduci periculosum reip. videii ;' so that ' auctoritas' is not used here in its technical sense. Mil. 6. n. 6. 8. Religiones] Se. Phil.i. 10. The so-called Sibylline oracle ran as fol- lows : * Si yEgypti rex auxilio indigens quondam venerit, ejus amicitiam ne abnueritis ; sed ilium cum multitu- dine ne juveritis. Quod si aliter fac- K K 2 378 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO bebat ducem Gabiniuirij 9 quicum quidvis rectissime facere ]X)sset. Qui turn inde reditus, 10 aut qualis ? Prius in ulti- mam Galliam 11 ex JEgyyto, quam domum. Quae autem erat domus ? Suam enim quisque domum turn obtinebat, 12 nee erat usquam tua. Domum dico ? quid erat in terris, ubi in tuo pedem poneres, 13 praeter unum Misenum, 1 * quod cum sociis, tamquam Sisaponem, tenebas ? XX. Venisti e Gallia ad quaesturam 1 petendam. Aude dicere, te prius ad parentem tuum 2 venisse, quam ad me. Acceperam jam ante Caesaris literas, ut mihi satisfieri pate- rer 3 a te : itaque ne loqui quidem sum te passus de gratia. Postea cultus sum* a te, tu a me observatus 5 in petitione turn fuerit, labores et pericula habe- bitis.' This forgery Pompey justly despised. 9. Gabinium] Manil. 17 n. 6. 10. Qui reditus] Another man would have returned home to visit his friends, at least his mother ; Antony proceeded at once to Gaul. His affairs, therefore, must have been desperate, and the course of life which made them so, flagitious. 11. In ultimam Galliam] i. e. ' Itemotissimam ab ^Egypto.' Caesar was in Britain when Gabinius return- ed from Egypt ; but soon after returned to Belgium, to winter-quarters, and was joined by Antony ; who, wishing to solicit the qutestorship, procured let- ters from him to Cic. He easily ad- mitted of his excuses, bowed to the authority of Caesar, and took the ' vul- gare scortum' under his patronage ! 12. Suam turn obtinebat] Mean- ing that times were changed ; for Antony was now in possession of Pompey's house. 13. Ubi pedem poneres] i.e." Had possession of ' a phrase borrowed from an old custom of litigants proceeding to the ground in dispute, and setting foot on it ; then, after a sham scuffle, appealing to the praetor. 14. Misenum] Manil. 12. n. 9. Antony had a small estate and villa at ihe promontory of this name, which had belonged to his grandfather, the ora- tor, (de Or. ii. 14), and was his usual retreat even at the time when this ora- tion was spoken. (Att. xv. 1.) It appears, inf. 29, that he had mort- gaged or sold a part of it 'ex quibus, praeter partem Miseni, nihil erat, quod posset suum dicere.' This explains the allusion in the words, cum sociis, tanquam Sisaponem ;' for Antony had partners (socii) in the property of his villa; namely his creditors, just as the lead mines in Sisapo belonged to a joint stock mining company. Plin. Nat. H. iii. 1, testifies that Sisapo was a town of Spain, near Cordova, celebrated for its mines of red lead. Sect. XX. 1. Ad quasturam] The first public office held by public- men. 2. Parentem tuum] His father had been long dead. Al. tuam, sc. Julia, the sister of L. Caesar. Charisius maintains that heres, parens, homo, though applied to a woman, remain masc. V. E. 3. Satisjieri paterer] The offence of Antony was, his joining the party of Clodius. 4. Cultus sum] Ern. custoditus sum, which reading must be referred to Antony's guarding Cicero from the Clodian mob. 5. Observatus] This word, in its secondary sense of ' venerari,' was PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 21. 379 quaesturae. Quo quidem tempore 6 P. Clodium, approbante populo Romano, in foro es conatus occidere : quumque earn rem tua sponte conarere, non impulsu meo ; tamen ita prae- dicabas, te non existimare, nisi ilium interfecisses, unquam mihi pro tuis in me injuriis 7 satis esse facturum. In quo demiror, cur Milonem impulsu meo rem illam egisse dicas, quum te, ultro mihi idem illud deferentem, nunquam sim adhortatus. Quamquam, 8 si in eo perseverares, ad tuam i^loriam rem illam referri malebam, quam ad meam gra- tiam. 9 Quaestor es factus. Deinde continuo sine senatus- eonsulto, sine sorte, sine lege 10 ad Caesarem cucurristi. Id onim unum in terris egestatis, aeris alieni, nequitiae, perditis vitae rationibus perfugium esse ducebas. lbi te quam et illius largitionibus et tuis rapinis explevisses, (si hoc est explere, quod 11 statim eftundas,) advolasti egens ad tri- bunatum, 12 ut in eo magistratu, si posses, viri tui 13 similis esses. XXI. Accipite nunc, quaeso, non ea, quae 1 ipse in se, at- que in domesticum dedecus impure atque intern peranter, sed quae in nos fortunasque nostras, id est in universam rempub- licam, impie ac nefarie fecerit. Ab hujus enim scelere omnium malorum principium natum reperietis. Nam, quum applied to that patronage which was was sometimes done. Att. vi. b*. vouchsafed by public men of long ' Pompeius, eo robore vir, Q. Cassium standing, to youths setting out in pub- sine sorte delegit, Cccsar Antonium, lie life. Mil. In trod. 3. ego sorte datum [quaestorem] oftende- 6. Quo quidem tempore] Mil. 15. rem?' This attempt occurred after Cicero's 11. Explere, quod] A word seems return from banishment. wanting before ' quod.' Sch. supplies 7. Pro tuis in me injuriis] Sc. by ingerere ; others devorare. Em. con- beingy'ax incendiorum of Clodius. tends that quod should be quum. 8. Quamquam] Mil. 2. n. 18. 12. Ad tribunatum] The next of- 9. Meum grutiam] The obliging of fice after the quaestorsliip, was either me. the acdileship or tribuneship. Antony, 10. SineS. C. sorte lege] Quaes- whose talents were by this time fully tors were appointed at the comitia tri- developed to Cassar, was directed by buta. The particular province of each, him to proceed to Home and sue for however, was usually determined by a the latter, in order to assist in support- decree of the senate, by casting lots, ing his interest there. or, on extraordinary occasions, by a 13. Viri tui] Curio. Supr. 2. n. law of the people. Antony, however, 15. after his election by the people, with- Sect. XXI. 1. Non ea, qua,, fyc] out waiting for any particular appoint- Cic, however, notices these inf. par- ment, set out for Caesar who had made ticularly, c. 23. 25. choice of him as his quaestor, which 380 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO L. Lentulo, C. Marcello, 2 consulibus, Kalendis Januariis la- bantem 3 et prope cadentem rempublicam fulcire cuperetis, Jpsique C. Caesari, si sana mente esset, consulere velletis : turn iste venditum atque emancipatum 4 tribunatum consiliis vestris opposuit/ cervicesque suas ei subjecit securi, 6 qua multi minoribus 7 in peccatis occiderunt. In te, M. Antoni, id decrevit senatus, et quidem incolumis, nondum tot lumi- nibus exstinctis, quod in hostem togatum 8 decerni est so- litum more majorum. Et tu apud patres conscriptos contra me dicere ausus es, quum ab hoc ordine ego conservator es- sem, tu hostis reipublicae judicatus? Commemoratio illius tui sceleris intermissa est, non memoria deleta. Dum genus hominum, dum populi Romani nomen exstabit, (quod qui- dem erit, si per te licebit, sempiternum !) tua ilia pestifera in- 2. L. Lentulo, C. Marcello] Sc. k. v. 704. . There were at this time at Rome, three Marcelli, Marcus, consul in 702, for whose restoration Cic. returned thanks to Caesar ; Cai- us, his brother, now consul ; and Caius, a cousin, the father of the Marcellus of Virgil. They were all distinguished opponents of Caesar. 3. Labantem] Al. labentem ; which reading is found in the Vatican MS. but Scheller prefers the former. ' Ful- cimus doraum labantem, non laben- tem.' Garaton. V. E. 4. Emancipatum] Sold, enslaved. ' Mancipium,' or ' res mancipi,' meant real property, which the owner could put out of his hands or alienate at pleasure ; and hence, ' emanci- pated.' But this could not be done without the right of possession being ceded to another ; hence, 2. ' trans- ferred, enslaved,' as here. Her. Epod. 9. * Romanus emancipatus foeminae.' Al. mancipatum, which indeed is generally a different read- ing for ' emancipatum' in this sense. Vid. Forcel. 5. Tribunatum opposuit] Caesar's popularity with the plebeians caused i lie aristocracy to unite themselves more closely with Pompey, who had already, on the death of Julia, given plain intimations of hostility to Cae- sar. Caesar's interest was zealously supported at Rome by Antony, who, by a decree of the people, had the legions that were raised for Pompey sent into Syria, to Bibulus, who obliged the senate to hear Caesar's written defence. A motion was made by the consul Marcellus, that either Caesar or Pompey should resign his command ; it was moved and carried, by Antony, that both should resign. This decision, the consuls, of course, opposed. Finally, when Antony had interposed his veto against the various propositions of Caesar's opponents, and his own, in return, were rejected by them, a vote of the senate was passed, which forced him and his colleague, Cassius, to leave the city in the disguise of slaves, and take re- fuge with Caesar. Caes. B.C. 4. 6. Ei securi] i. e. To the danger resulting from a decree of the senate, by which any one who persisted in impeding its acts, was decided to have acted against the republic. 7. Minoribus] Sc. than what you committed. 8. In hostem togatum] i. e. He was judged a public enemy. The PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 22. IS I tercessio 9 nominabitur. Quid cupide 10 a senatu, quid temere fiebat, quum tu, unus adolescens, 11 universum ordinem decer- nere de salute reipublicae prohibuisti ? neque id semel, sed saepius? neque tu tecum de senatus auctoritate agi passus es ? Quid autem agebatur, nisi ne deleri et everti rempub- licam funditus velles, 12 quum te neque principes civitatis rogando, neque majores natu monendo, neque frequens sena- tus agendo, de vendita atque addicta 13 sententia movere po- tuit ? Turn illud, multis rebus ante tentatis, necessario tibi vulnus 14 inflictum est, quod paucis ante te, quorum incolu- mis fuit nemo. Turn contra te dedit arma hie ordo consu- libus reliquisque imperiis et potestatibus : 15 qua? non effugis- ses, nisi te ad arma Caesaris contulisses. 16 XXII. Tu, tu, inquam, M. Antoni, princeps C. Caesari, omnia perturbare cupienti, causam belli 1 contra patriam infe- rendi dedisti. Quid enim aliud ille dicebat ? quam causam senate sometimes decided to this ef- fect, in the case of refractory citizens. Vid. Pis. 15. 9. Intercession Alluding particu- larly to the decree of the senate, that Caesar should, by a certain day, dis- band his army. Caes. B. C. 1. 10. Cupide] Antony had charged the senate with yielding to their pas- sions and predelictions against Cae- sar ; but Cicero is of opinion, that Antony's youth and single veto jus- tified their conduct. Cic. does not here notice Cassius, the colleague of Antony. Fam. xvi. 11. 11. Adolescens] Cic. gives Antony the same appellation fourteen years before. As the Cornelian law re- quired the tribune to be thirty years of age, Cic, perhaps, used it here re- latively to the age of the other sena- tors. 12. Velles'] As if Antony were the people ; whose province it was ' vel- le,' &c. 13. Vendita addicta] ' Vendita,' disposed of by private sale ; ' addic- ta,' consigned by auction to the high- est bidder. Mancipata' required a regular form of law and witnesses. 14. Vulnus] Sc. declaring you a public enemy. The form was : * Se- natus consulibus, praetoribus, tribu- nis plebis, et iis qui proconsules sunt, negotium dedit, ut curarent nequid resp. detrimenti caperet.' Fam. xvi. 11. 15. Imperiis potestatibus] A ma- gistracy entitling the holder to lictors and fasces, was called * imperium ;' otherwise, as in the case of tribunes, it was named ' potestas.' 16. Contulisses] It is not certain whether Antony was expelled or not. Cic. Fam. 16. 11, says, ' nulla vi expulsi,' whereas Caesar, B. C. 4, and even Lucan, i. 266, asserts the contrary : Expulit ancipiti discordes urbe tribu- nos Victo jure minax jactatis Curia Gracchis. Perhaps he was expelled by force from the senate, but not from the city. That Antony, under the cir- cumstances, should put himself under Caesar's protection, was so probable, that it was anticipated by Cic. him- self. Att. vii.9. Sect. XXII. 1. Causam belli] 382 M. T. C1CER0NIS ORATIO sui dementissimi consilii et facti aflerebat, nisi quod inter- cessio neglecta, 2 jus tribunicium 3 sublatum, circumscriptus 4 a senatu esset Antonius ? Omitto, quam haec falsa, quam le- via: 5 praesertim quum omnino nulla causa justa cuiquam esse possit contra patriam arma capiendi. Sed nihil de Cae- sare : 6 tibi certe confitendum est, causam perniciosissimi belli in persona tua constitisse. O miserum te, si intelligis! miseriorem, 7 si non intelligis, hoc literis mandari, hoc me- moriae prodi, hujus rei ne posteritatem quidem omnium se- culorum unquam immemorem fore, consules ex Italia ex- pulsos, cumque his Cn. Pompeium, qui imperii populi Romani decus ac lumen fuit, omnes consulares, 8 qui per valetudinem exsequi cladem illam fugamque 9 potuissent, u e. Ansam belli. 2. Intercessio neglecta] Which Cic, supr. 21, calls ' pestifera.' Syl- la, who is usually said to have abol- ished the tribunitian office, only stripped it of its positive power, al- lowing the veto to remain. Leg. iii. 10. Caes. B. C. 4. Caesar pretended to think it hard, that Pompey, under whose control he supposed the se- nate to be, should deprive the tri- bunes of a privilege which even Sylla had left unimpaired. Yet Pom- pey had, in his second consulship, restored the tribunitian rights. Veil, ii. 30. Sail. Cat. 38. 3. Jus tribunicium] By it the per- sons of the tribunes were sacred ; they could not be interrupted when speak- ing (Sext. 39); they had a certain jurisdiction (Juven. Sat. vii. 228), their proceedings could only be im- peded by one of their own body ; they alone retained office during the ma- gistracy of a dictator ; they could not be sued at law ; they were able to convoke the senate and make motions there, even in presence of the consuls, &c, &c. 4. Circumscriptus] Mil. 23. n. 4. Cic. Att. vii. 9, alluding to this veiy circumstance, enumerates four me- thods by which the senate coerced a tribune : ' notatus, aut S. Consulto circumscriptus, aut sublatus, aut ex- pulsus.' They had all been used against Antony ; but Cic. here limits himself to the second. The S. C. was, no doubt that alluded to supr. 21. n. 14, which was quite sufficient to re- strict Antony. 5. Falsa levia] They were false ; for Antony's was a necessary coer- cion ; they were trivial ; for what signified the injured feelings or autho- rity of Antony in comparison of a civil war? 6. Sed nihil de Ctesar] Sc. dicen- dum. ' This is not the time to enter into the question of Caesar's guilt ; you, at least, &c.,' which is all 1 want. 7. Miseriorem] Because there is no hope of the man who has not sense to perceive his own infamy. 8. Omnes consulares] As Servilius Isauricus, Serv. Sulpicius, and some others, remained behind, he adds, ' qui per valetudinem, &c.' 9. Exsequi cladem fugamque] Cladem' here connected with fu- gam,' partakes of its meaning, and both, by a sort of Hendiad, signify 'disastrous flight.' * Exsequi,' l-mre- Xeoi, make good, accomplish. Att. ix. 12. Cur non omnes fatura illius executi sumus.' PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 23. 383 praetores, praetorios, tribunos 10 plebis, magnam partem se- natus, omnem subolem juventutis, unoque verbo, rempubli- cam expulsam atque exterminatam suis sedibus ! Ut igitur in seminibus 11 est causa arborum et stirpium : sic hujus luc- tuosissimi belli semen tu fuisti. Doletis tres exercitus 12 po- puli Romani interfectos : interfecit Antonius. Desideratis clarissimos cives : eos quoque vobis eripuit Antonius. Auc- toritas hujus ordinis afflicta est : afflixit Antonius. Omnia denique, qua? postea vidimus, (quid autem mali non vidi- mus ?) si recte ratiocinabimur, uni accepta referemus Anto- nio. 13 Ut Helena Trojanis, 14 sic iste huic reipublicae causa belli, causa pestis atque exitii fuit. Reliquae partes tribuna- tus principiis 15 similes. Omnia perfecit, quae senatus, salva republica, ne fieri possent, perfecerat. Cujus tamen scelus in scelere 16 cognoscite. XXIII. Restituebat multos calamitosos. 1 In iis patrui 2 nulla mentio. Si severus, cur non in omnes ? Si misericors, cur non in suos ? Sed omitto ceteros. Licinium Lenticu- lam, de alea condemnatum, collusorem suum, restituit : qua- si vero 3 ludere cum condemnato non liceret ! sed ut, quod in alea perdiderat, beneficio legis dissolveret. Quam attulisti 10. Pr&tores tribunos} Not strict- easy to see, that he merely meant An- lv. 31. ^Emilius Lepidus, the praetor, tony's affording a pretext to Caesar, remained behind, and afterwards nam- for invading his country ; which, per- ed Caesar Dictator; while L. Metellus haps, was all that Helen did to the is mentioned as opposing his tribuni- Greeks, in reference to the Trojans, tian authority to the seizure of the 15. Principiis] His intervention public treasures by Caesar. took place on the first of January, 11. Seminibus'] So in Dem. de Cor. twenty-one days after coming into 52. 'O yap to oir'ipfia irapaaxhv, office. ovroq r/v ru>/ <f>vvTb>v kukwv cutioq. 16. Scelus in scelere] i.e. It was 12. Tres exercitus] That of Pom- one act of wickedness to revoke a pey, at Pharsalia ; of Afranius, in public condemnation ; but, having Spain ; and Scipio's, in Africa. Cic, done so, it was a second, to omit the doubtless, considers Caesar as an ene- restoration of an uncle. my of the republic, and reckons not Sect. XXIII. 1. Calamitosos] i.e. his losses, though Romans also. ' Damnatos.' Verr. v. 6. ' Ut damnati V. E. in integrum restituantur.' Arch. 5. 13. Uni referemus Antonio] Pro- n. 5. Manil.6, n. 9. peily, set down to the account of An- 2. Patrui] C. Antonius. Cat. iii. tony. 6. n. 7. 14. Ut Helena Trojanus] Plutarch, 3. Quasi vero] We must suppose, Ant. G, needed not to have called with Manut., that Antony, in his tri- Cic. an open liar (n$pi<pavuic. ypiv- buneship, connived at Lenticula's Sofiivog) for this assertion, as it is evading the sentence of banishment, 384 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO rationem 4 populo Romano, cur eura restitui oporteret? Absentem, credo, in reos relatum ; rem indicta causa judi- catam ; nullum fuisse de alea lege judicium ; vi oppressum, et armis ; postremo, quod de patruo tuo dicebatur, pecunia judicium esse corruptum. Nihil horum. At vir bonus, 5 et republica dignus. Nihil id quidem ad rem: 6 ego tamen, quoniam condemnatum esse, pro nihilo 7 est, si ita esset, ig- noscerem. Hominem omnium 8 nequissimum, qui non dubi- taret vel in foro alea ludere, lege, quae est de alea, 9 condem- natum, qui in integrum restituit, is non apertissime studium suum ipse profitetur ? In eodem vero tribunatu, quum Cae- sar in Hispaniam proficiscens 10 huic conculcandam Italiam tradidisset; quae fuit ejus peragratio itinerum! lustratio 11 ia order that he might indulge with him his passion for play. Antony's including Lenticula in the act of res- toration, then, could not have arisen from any want of the society of his friend, but from a stipulation, on An- tony's part, to pay his losses in play, by releasing Lenticula from the sen- tence of banishment. It is likely that in this passage, gaming in public, vel in foro alea ludere,' is designed, else Antony might have been condemned as well as Lenticula. 4. Quam attulisti rationem'} It was usual to add to the act for restoring a banished man, the grounds of his restoration, generally some of the fol- lowing. Antony added none. 5. At vir bonus] Another ground for recalling from banishment. 6. Nihil id quidem ad rem] Why not 1 Because it was contrary to the fundamental laws of the empire to re- voke judicial decisions, no matter how just the pretence. Verr. v. 6. 7. Condemn. pro nihilo] Since his having been condemned of the crime of gaming is now thought lightly of, and goes for nothing, I, too, would pardon it, and admit his restoration, if he were a good man. 8. Hominem omnium] Em. Vero omnium. But Cicero's object being to convict Antony of a passion for gaming, there is no opposition intend- ed between 'si [vir bonus] esset' and 'hominum nequissimum ;' consequent- ly, vero should not be inserted. 9. Lege, qua est de alea] Hence Hor. Carm. iii. 24. Seu malis vetita legibus alea.' They were the Titian, Publician, and Cornelian laws. The exact penalty of their violation is not known. The word 'restituit,' here used, makes it probable that it was banishment. 10. C&sar in Hispaniam proficis- cens] It should be observed that Cae- sar waged two wars in Spain ; one against Petreius, Afranius, and Varro, the lieutenants of Pompey, before the battle ofPharsalia (a. u. 704), ano- ther with the sons of Pompey, (a. v. 708,) the year before his assassina- tion. It is the former to which he was now setting out. Previously to this he had obliged Pompey to evacuate Brundisium and fly to Greece ; and as he was unable, owing to the want of transports, to pursue him at once and terminate the war, he resolved to pro- ceed into Spain ' to meet,' as he said , ' an army without a general, that he might return to a general without an army.' 11. Lustratio] 'Lustrum,' Xovw, is properly, a purificatory sacrifice ; PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 24. 385 municipiorum ! Scio me in rebus celebratissimis omnium sermone versari, eaque, quae dico dicturusque sum, notiora omnibus esse, qui in Italia turn fuerunt, quam mihi, qui non fui. 13 Notabo 14 tamen singulas res : etsi nullo modo 15 poterit oratio mea satisfacere vestrae scientiae. Etenim quod un- quam in terris tan turn flagitium exstitisse auditum est ? tan- tam turpitudinem ? 16 tantum dedecus ? XXIV. Vehebatur 1 in essedo 2 tribunus plebis ; 3 lictores laureati 4 antecedebant ; inter quos, aperta lectica, mima por- tabatur: quam ex oppidis municipales homines honesti, ob- which, being customary before review- ing an army, or setting out to visit a country, ' lustratio' comes to signify a going about to inspect,' in which it differs from ' peragratio.' So JEn. i. 577. ' Libyae lustrare extrema ju- bebo.' Also vi. 888. 13. Quam mihi, qui non fui] Yet Cic. remained in Italy two months after the departure of Caesar for Spain. In fact, he did not set sail till he had advices of the battle of llerda, where- in Cajsar's army was worsted, when he withdrew privately to Dyrrachium, and joined Pompey. 14. Xotabo] ' Notice ;' not enter into fully. 1-0. Etsi nullo modo] i. e. You know more than 1 can mention. Peo- ple sometimes wish to hear others state what they themselves know. Cic. could not in this instance gratify them. lb*. Tant.turp.] Are bracketed by Em. and expunged by Sch. But Schol. says that ' audit, est' may have the accus. after it. 9* j. XXIV. I. Vehebatur] Abram. has here pointed out the strik- ing force of the expressions. It was bad enough for a tribune to ride, but worse to ride on a Gallic car ; parti- cularly with lictors, an officer not al- lowed to them, and those lictors deck- ed with laurel, as an emblem of their victory over their country. Then, again, the open litter of the courtesan, contrary to the custom in travelling, (' Namque facit somnum clausa lectica fenestra.' Juv. iii. 242,) the citizens obliged to call her by a Roman name, instead of Cytheris,&c, are all highly amplificatory circumstances. 2. Essedo] This car was probably made known to the Romans by Cae- sar's invasion of Britain (Caes. B. G. iv. 33) ; and as the Britons were thought a fierce people, ('Britannos feros hospitibus.' Hor. Carm. iii. 4,) it is likely that it was not much es- teemed at Rome. Att. vi. 1. It was also used in Gaul. Virg. G. iii. 204. ' Belgica vel molli melius fe- ret esseda collo.' 3. Tribunus plebis] Plutarch says that tribunes were not allowed the ' praetexta, lictors, or curule-chair ; that they were obliged to continue in the city, and keep their doors open even during the night.' It may, there- fore, be inferred, that they were not allowed carriages, particularly as it appears that a similar prohibition was made in the case of dictators and the * flamines Diales.' 4. Lictores laureati] Caesar annex- ed these lictors to his lieutenants, ou his expelling Pompey from Italy. Cic (Att. x.4,) mentions their attendance on Curio, who, though not then a tribune, was a lieutenant. They were usually appointed hy victorious ge- nerals, and Caesar, no douht, con- sidered this a victory. 4. Aperta lectica] * Lectica,' from ' lectus' Xkyw. It was furnished L L 186 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO viam necessario prodeuntes, non noto illo et mimico nomine, sed Volumniam 5 consalutabant. Sequebatur rheda cum lenonibus, 6 comites nequissimi, 7 rejecta mater amicam impuri filii, tamquam nurum, sequebatur. O misera? mulieris fe- cunditatem calamitosam ! 8 Horum flagitiorum iste vestisnis omnia municipia, praefecturas, colonias, totam denique Itali- am impressit. Reliquorum factorum ejus, Patres conscripti, difficilis est sane reprehensio et lubrica. 8 Versatus in bello est : satura- vit 9 se sanguine dissimillimorum sui civium. Felix 10 fuit, si potest ulla in scelere esse felicitas. Sed, quoniam veteranis cautum esse 11 volumus, quamquam 1 ' 2 dissimilis est militum with curtains, which were drawn when privacy or sleep demanded. 5. Volumniam] Cytheris had been the liberta and mistress of P. Volum- nius Eutrapelus, (Fam. ix. 26,) at whose house Cic. supped with her. Nepos, Att. 9, testifies that a friend- ship existed between him and Antony. Vid. Bayle, art. Lycoris, where he is proved to be the Eutrapelus of Hor- ace. With regard to the name, she might well be proud of it. It be- longed to a patrician family, and had been borne by the wife of Coriolanus. Liv. ii. 40. 6. Cum lenonibus] Al. leonibus; for Plut., Anton. 9, says, Kai Xkovrtq appaaiv vntZevy pivot ; and Plin. viii.' 15, Primus leones Pomaj ad ourrumjunxitM. Anto, ius, et quidem civili bello, cum dimicatum esset in Pharsalicis campis : non sine ostento quodam temporum, generosos spiritus ]ugum subire illo prodigio significante. Nam quod ita vectus est cum mima Cytheride, supra monstra etiam cala- jnitatum fuit.' But 1. this account of Pliny applies to a time subsequent to the battle of Pharsalia, whereas An- tony's progress took place when Cae- sar was first in Spain, fighting against -the lieutenants of Pompey. 2. ' Se- quebatur cum . leonibus,' meaning jiuictd leonibus' appears to be an unauthorised construction. 3. Cic, agreeably to his manner, would have dwelt on so flagitious a circumstance at greater length. It is certain, how- ever, that Antony had lions before that time. * Tu Antonii leones per- timiscas, cave.' Att. x. 13. 7. Comites nequissimi - ] i. e. ' Me- ritorii pueri,' as inf. 41. ' Ingenui pueri cum meritoriis, scorta inter ma- tresfamilias versabantur.' 8. Fecunditatem calamitosam] For her son was the source of calamity to her and to his country. 8. Lubrica] From, Xbw, 'lavo,' washed with rain, slippery, danger- ous ; alluding to the veterans, as he presently shows. 9. Saturavit] So Pliny (Nat. Hist, xv. 22,) says of Antony, ' Quo facile intelligatur ebrius jam sanguine civi- xim et tanto magis eum sitiens.' ' Dis- simil. sui,' and therefore good men. 10. Felix] i. e. He was on the side of victory, though it was neither owing to prudence in selecting, nor bravery in sustaining his party. 11. Veteranis cautum esse] ' To have their advantages secured to the veterans;' which the senate might re- call, if Cic. entered into a detail of the atrocities of the civil war. Phil. i. 2. ' Veterani quibus senatus dili- gentissime caverat.' This is the usual explanation ; but, perhaps the oppo- sition which* the following 'quam- quam' requires would warrant trans- lating it, to guard against, decline PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 25. 387 causa et tua : illi secuti sunt ; tu quaasisti ducem : tamen, ne apud illos me in invidiam voces, nihil de genere belli dicam. Victor 13 e Thessalia Brundisium cum legionibus 14 revertisti. Ibi me non occidisti. 15 Magnum beneficium ! Potuisse enim lateor. Quamquam 16 nemo erat eorum, qui turn tecum fue- runt, qui mihi non censeret parci oportere. Tanta est enim caritas patriae, ut vestris etiam legionibus sanctus essem, quod earn a me servatam esse meminissent. Sed fac, id te dedisse mihi, quod non ademisti, meque a te habere vitam, ([ilia non a te sit erepta : licuitne mihi per tuas contumelias hoc tuum beneficium sic tueri, ut tuebar, praesertim quum 17 te haec auditurum videres ? XXV. Venisti Brundisium, in sinum quidem et in com- plexum tuae mimula?. 1 Quid est? num mentior? Quam mi- serum est id negare non posse, quod sit turpissimum confi- teri ? Si te municipiorum 2 non pudebat : ne veterani quidem exercitus ? quis enim miles fuit, qui Brundisii illam non vi- derit ? quis, qui nescierit, venisse earn tot tibi dierum viam' J gratulatum ? quis, qui non indoluerit, tarn sero se, quam ne- interfering with, the veterans,' which he nearly expresses by, ne apud il- los me in invidiam voces.' This sense, indeed, is usually found with ab and the abl. ; but the dat. is also used. Vid. Forcel. Lex. 12. Quamquam'] A correction, as usual, even though followed by ' ta- men.' Cat. ii. 12. n. 5. 'And yet your case and that of the soldiers stand on different grounds.' 13. Victor] The conduct of Anto- ny in the civil wars was distinguished by bravery and prudence. He had conducted the army into Macedonia, taken Lissus, succoured Caesar, in the greatest distress, twice conquer- ed the Pompeians, and finally, at Pharsalia, commanding the left wing, slew Domitius, and contributed great- ly to the victory. All this is, of course, omitted by Cic. 14. Legionibus] Namely, to defend Italy, while Caesar himself pursued Pompey. Cic. was not present at the battle ; and after it, was requested by Cato and Cn. Pompey, to take the command of an army for the republic, and on his refusing, the younger Pompey was with difficulty restrained from killing him. Having come to Brundisium, he fell in with Antony and his legions. 15. Ibi non occidisti] Vid. supr. 3, where this charge is noticed. 1 6. Quamquam] To correct his ad- mission of its being a great favour, he shows that even legions in arms against their country, thought its pre- server should be saved ; how, there- fore, could Antony have justly put him to death f 17. Prcesertim quum] There is an ellipsis before these words, of quod fa- ciendum fuit, or the like. ' But ad- mitting all your inferences, did you allow me by your insults to prize your favour as I was doing ; which it was your business to do, particularly as you were aware that I could and would re- tort,' (par pari relaturum. Ferrar.') Sect. XXV. 1. Mimula] Con- temptuously for ' mimae' Cytheris. 2. Si te 7nunicipiorum, tyc] i. e. 388 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO quam. hominem secutus esset, cognoscere? Italia? rursus percursatio 3 eadem 4 comite mima; in oppida militum crude - lis et raisera deductio; 5 in urbe auri, argenti, maximequc vini, 6 foeda direptio. Accessit, 7 ut, Ca?sare ignaro, 8 quum esset ille Alexandria?, beneficio amiconim ejus, 9 magister equitum constitueretur. Turn existimavit, se suo jure cum Hippia 10 vivere, et equos vectigales 11 Sergio mimo tradere. Antony should have regarded the opi- nion of the soldiers, over whom he was placed, as well to govern as set an ex- ample of moderation and virtue, if he did not regard the Italian citizens. 2. Tot dierum viam] Cytheris was at Rome when she heard of Antony's victory, and proceeded to Brundisium to meet him. The distance was 350 miles. Hor. Sat. i. 5. 3. Percursatio'] Sc. quum Romam iret. Em. 4. Eadem] Referred by Abram. to percursatio.' ' This march through Italy was distinguished by all the enormities of the former, and more be- sides.' But it appears simpler to take it with ' comite mima.' 5. In oppida deductio] This may mean either a temporary quartering of the troops, or a permanent settlement. In either case we can conceive that great oppression may have been prac- tised. 6. Maximeque vini] This shews that avarice in Antony was secondary to intemperance. 7. Accessit] There was this addi- tion to the profligate management of Antony's tribuneship. 8. Ceesare ignaro] It was usual for the dictator to appoint his own master of the horse ; but in this case, as CiEsar set out immediately after the battle of Pharsalia, in pursuit of Pom- pey, and came directly to Alexandria, it is probable he knew nothing for some time of his own appointment ; and of course, could not appoint Antony. Both appointments, no doubt, pro- ceeded from the senate, who were ever ready to load their masters with ho- nors. Masters of horse were sometimes appointed by the senate. Liv. vii. 12. 9. Amicorum ejus] i.e. ' Ca'saris." He wishes to make it appeaT that Caesar entertained a contempt for An- tony. It is nearer the truth that he was displeased with his disgraceful conduct, as appeared by his appoint- ing Lepidus, on his return, to be his master of the horse, and colleague in the consulship. Hence too, his strict- ness with Antony, in reference to thfe price of Pompey's estate, which had been bought by Antony, c. 29. He still farther mortified his pride, by overlooking the turbulent conduct of Dolabella, who was at this time tri- bune, and whom Antony accused of an intrigue with his wife Antonia. c. 38. 10. Cum Hippia, fyc] A play on words is intended : Antony, being 'i7nrnp\0Q, might have intimacy with Hippias. V. E. Some make Hippia a Roman matron, and quote Juv. Sat. vi. 82. But she was wife of the sena- tor Veiento, who eloped with a gladi- ator. Vid. Rupert, in loc. 11. Equos vectigales] ' Vectigal' is: 1. What produces income; 2. What is paid as tribute. Hence, * agri vec- tigales,' Verr. v. 34 ; and, ' pecunia vectigalis,' Verr. hi. 35. As the Ro- mans sometimes received horses from the tributary provinces, Antony may have readily presented some of them to this Sergius, as he did the Leontine lands to Clodius. Manut., however, adopts the first meaning of ' vectigalis,' and supposes Antony to have given Sergius the horses which belonged to his office, ' utexiisquacstum faceret.' And Efn. ' Puto cum Ferrar. Anto- nium huic mimo equos gratis dedisse PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 25. 389 Turn sibi non banc, quam nunc male tuetur, sed M. Piso- nis 12 domum, ubi habitaret, legerat. 13 Quid ego u istius de- creta, quid rapinas, quid hereditatum possessiones datas, quid ereptas proferam ? Cogebat egestas : quo se verteret, non habebat. Nondum ei tanta a L. Rubrio, non a L. Turselio bereditas venerat ; nondum in Cn. Pompeii locum, multorumque aliorum, qui aberant, repentinus beres lj suc- cesserat. Erat ei vivendum latronum ritu, ut tantum habe- ret, quantum rapere potuisset. Sed haec, quae robustioris 16 improbitatis sunt, omittamus : loquamur potius de nequissimo genere levitatis. 17 Tu istis faucibus, 18 istis lateribus, ista gladiatoria totius corporis fir- mitate, 19 tantum vini in Hippia? nuptiis 20 exhauseras, ut tibi necesse esset in populi Romani conspectu vomere postridie. O rem 21 non modo visu fcedam, sed etiam auditu ! Si inter ccenam, 22 in ipsis tuis immanibus illis poculis, hoc tibi acci- disset, quis non turpe duceret ? In coetu 23 vero populi Ro- mani, negotium publicum gerens, magister equitum, cui rue- tare turpe esset, is vomens, frustis esculentis, 24 vinum redo- lentibus, gremium 25 suum et totum tribunal implevit. 26 Sed ad ludos Circenses, ut ipse lucrum faceret iis locandis.' 12. M. Pisonis] M. Puppius Cal- purnianus, consul a. u. 692. 13. Turn sibi legerut] This sen- tence is restored from the Vatican MS. Male tuetur refers to the waste and destruction by Antony of Pom- pey's effects. V. E. But the words are ' nunc male tuetur.' i. e. now ill maintains his right to Sext. Pompey demanding his paternal property. Inf. 30. 14. Quid ego, fyc] This was all during Caesar's absence at Alexan- dria. 15. Repentinus heres] i. e. With- out claim or expectation, being heir by auction, instead of at law. So Manut. ' Quorum bona in auctione < merat, heres eorum esse videbatur.' 16. Robustioris] More audacious. 17. Levitatis] Nequitiae. Profli- gacy. 18. Istis faucibus] Quint, viii. 4. 19. Gladiatoria firmitate] Not the habit of simple health, to which in Galen it is opposed, but resulting from training of course, in intempe- rance. 20. In Hippie, nuptiis] Plut. Anton. 9. 21.0 rem, %c] Hor. A. P. 180. ' Segnius irritant aniraos, &c.' 22. Inter cecnam] i. e. ' Inter cce- nandum.' Ccena, Koivrj the common meal. 23. In coetu, c\c] Quint, viii. 4. Per se deforme, vel non in coetu vomere : in coetu etiam non populi : populi etiam non Romani : vel si nul- lum negotium ageret, vel si non pub- licum : vel si non magister equitum.' 24. Esculentis] Quint, viii. 4. 'Ci- bus non recens, ut accidere interdum solet, sed qui usque in poaterum diem redundaret.' 25. Gremiutn] A ' gero,' the space from the girdle to the knees of a per- son sitting, the lap. ' Sinus,' all with- ll2 390 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO hoc ipse fatetur esse in suis sordibus : veniamus ad splen- dida.* 7 XXVI. Caesar Alexandria 1 se recepit, 2 felix, 3 ut sibi qui- dem videbatur; mea autem sententia, qui reipublicae sit in- felix, felix esse nemo potest. Hasta 4 posita pro cede Jovis Sta- toris, 5 bona, (miserum me ! consumptis enim lacrimis, 6 tamen infixus animo haeret dolor,) bona, 7 inquam, Cn. Pompeii Magni, 8 voci acerbissimae stibjecta pragconis. Una in ilia re 9 servitutis oblita civitas ingemuit, servientibusque animis, quum omnia metu tenerentur, gemitus tamen populi Romani liber fuit. Exspectantibus omnibus, quisnam esset tarn im- pius, tam demens, tarn diis hominibusque hostis, qui ad illud scelus sectionis 10 auderet accedere, 11 inventus est nemo, praeter Anton ium, praesertim quum tot essent 11 circum hastam illam, in the compass of the breast and arms above the girdle, the bosom. 26. Tribunal'] This occurred at Rome. 27. Splendida] e. g. The sale of Pompey's effects. Sect. XXVI 1. Alexandria] Af- ter Caesar had arranged the affairs of L'tolemy, he returned to Rome, by the route of Pontus, having conquered on the way Pharnaces, the son of Mi- thridates. Deiot. Introd. 3. * 2. Se recepit] A military phrase, signifying to retreat from danger. Perhaps Cic. intimates as much here, Caesar having run peculiar hazard in the Alexandrian war. 3. Felix, 3fc] i. e. Because he had been victorious. 4. Hasta] This was necessary to make a sale legal. The custom was derived from the earliest times, when the plunder of the enemy was so sold. Festus. * Cui subjiciebanteaquae pub- lice venumdabant, et eorum bona qui hasta, hoc est bello, superantur, quia signum armorum praecipuum est has- ta.' Off. n. 8. ' Nee vero unquam bel- lorum civilium semen et causa deerit, dum homines perditi hastam illam cruentam et meminerint et spera- bunt.' 5. JEde Jovis Statoris] Vid.Liv. i. 12. According to the relation it must have been built near the old Pala- tium. * Tu pater Deum hominumque, fcedam fugam siste. Hie ego tibi Sta- tori Jovi voveo.' 6. Consumptis lacrimis] So Sen- eca : 'Nulla flendi major est causa quam flere non posse.' 7. Bona] Every word is here also amplificatory. That the property of an indifferent person should be confis- cated is hard ; harder that of Pom- pey ; harder still of a Magnus ; harder again to be sold as spoil, at the spear, by a crier, whose very shout conveyed insult. Quint, ix.3. 8. Magni] Introd. Manil. 1ft. n. 9. Una in ilia re] It must, there- fore, have been a strong case, which, in such deplorable subjection of the Roman people, called forth their groans. 10. Scelus sectionis] i. e. Sceles- tam sectionem. Supr. 15. u. 16. 11. Accedere] This is the technical word for attending an auction. So Nepos Att. 3. ' Ad hastam publicam nunquam accessit.' Liv. xliii. 16. 11. Tot essent] Sc. P. Sylla, Mar- cellus, Attius, &c, who were noto- rious for such purchases. Fam. v. 17. PHILIPP1CA SECUNDA, Cap. 27. 391 qui alia omnia auderent. Unus inventus est, qui id auderet, quod omnium fugisset et reformidasset audacia. Tantus igi- tur te stupor oppressit, vel, ut verius dicam, tantus furor, ut primum, quum sector sis isto loco natus, 12 deinde quum Pompeii sector, non te exsecratum populo Romano, non de- testabilem, non omnes tibi deos, non omnes homines, et esse inimicos, 13 et futuros scias ? At quam insolenter 14 statim heluo 15 invasit in ejus viri fortunas, cuius virtute terribilior erat populus Romanus exteris gentibus, justitia carior ! XXVII. In ejus igitur viri copias 1 quum se subito in- gurgitasset, 2 exsultabat gaudio, 3 persona de mimo, 4 modo egens, repente dives. Sed, ut est apud poetam nescio quern, 5 1 male parta male dilabuntur.' Incredibile ac simile por- tenti est, quonam modo ilia tarn multa, quam paucis, non dico mensibus, sed diebus effuderit. Maximus vini nume- rus* fuit, permagnum optimi pondus argenti, 7 pretiosa ves- tis, 8 multa et lauta supellex, et magnifica multis locis, non ilia quidem luxuriosi hominis, sed tamen abundantis. Ho- rum paucis diebus nihil erat. Quae Charybdis 9 tarn vorax i 12. Isto loco natus] Either as being the descendant of a noble family, which he would disgrace by purchas- ing confiscated property ; or the son i if \1. Antony Creticus, where prodi- gality had caused his own estate to be sold ; consequently Antony might have kept aloof from auctions. 13. Deos, fyc. inimicos] Cic. had said before, ' diis hominibusque hos- tis ;' referring to the guilt, now he says, 'deos, 8tc., inimicos,' to shew the vengeance that awaited him. 14. Insolenter'] i. e. ' Intemperan- ter,' not superbe.' So Or. 52. Gor- trias his festivitatibus insolentius abu- titur, quas lsocrates moderatius tem- peravit.' 15. Heluo] Ab ' eluendo' dictus est is qui bona sua immoderate consu- mit ; et aspiratur ut aviditas magis comprobetur. Fest. Sect. XXVII. 1. Copias] 'Ops,' an old adj. signifying ' opulentus,' of which it is the root, is still re- tained in ' inops.' Compounded with con or co it gave cops ; also, an old adj. found in Plautus, and hence 1 copia.' 2. Ingurgit.] ' G urges,' ' vorago.' This word conveys the double mean- ing of the wealth of Pompey, and the insatiableness of Antony. 3. Exsultabat gaudio] Danced with jy- 4. Persona demimo] ' Persona,' op- posed to ' viri,' preceding an actor, representing at one time, e. g. a king, at another, a beggar. So Manut. ; but, perhaps, the various turns of for- tune in the characters represented in plays may be alluded to. 5. Nescio quem] Naivius. It was thought dignified in the orator to con- ceal the name of the poet. Plaut. Poen. ' Male partum, male disperit.' 6. Vini numerus] So Hirt. B. A. ' Magno invento hordei, olei, vini, fici numero.' 7. Argenti] Plate. Hor. Carm. iv. 9. Ridet argento domus.' 8. Pretiosa vestis] Hor. Ep. i. 18. 32. ' Vestimenta dabat pretiosa.' 9. Charybdis] Charybdis is a whirl- 392 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO Charybdin dico ? qua? si fuit, 10 fuit animal unum : Oceanus, medius fidius, 11 vix videtur tot res, tam dissipatas, tarn dis- tantibus in locis positas, 12 tam cito absorbere potuisse. Nihil erat 13 clausum, nihil obsignatum, nihil scriptum. Apo- thecae 14 totae nequissimis condonabantur. Alia mimi rapie- bant, alia mimae : domus erat aleatoribus referta, plena ebri- orum : totos dies potabatur, atque id locis pluribus : sugge- rebantur etiam saepe (non enim semper iste felix) damna aleatoria. Conchy liatis 15 Cn. Pompeii peristromatis 16 servo- rum in cellis lectos stratos videres. Quamobrem desinite mirari, haec tam celeriter esse consumpta. Non modo unius patrimonium, quamvis amplum, ut illud fuit, sed urbes et regna celeriter tanta nequitia devorare potuisset. At idem aedes 17 etiam et hortos. O audaciam immanem ! tu etiam ingredi illam domum ausus es? tu illud sanctissimum li- men 18 intrare ? tu illarum aedium diis penatibus os 19 impuris- simum ostendere? Quam domum aliquamdiu nemo adspi- pool in the gulf of Messina, now called Cariddi, Galofaro ; perhaps from x<*>, hisco, and pvfidnv, vehe- menter. 10. Qtue si fuit~\ i. e. If it were agreeably to the fable as it is not. Servius says that Charybdis was a courtesan who stole some of Hercu- les's herd, and being thrown into that sea, treats ships and sailors as she used to do her lovers. Quint, viii. 6. Se- neca truly remarks of Hyperbole : ' lncredibilia affirmat ut ad credibilia perveniat ;' for here the imagination, assisted by the images of a Charybdis and Ocean, comes to conceive how Pompey's property was so soon con- sumed. 1 1 . Mediusjidius] This strengthens the hyperbole ; and, lest it should ap- pear too far stretched, he qualifies it with vie. Mil. 28. n. 10. 12. Tam positas] This, if not a gloss on ' dissipatas/ is an oratorical amplification. 13. Nihil erat] There were three methods of securing property, ' sera, sigillo, inscribendo.' Antony despised them all. ' Scriptum* for ' inscrip- tum ;' i. e. marked down in an inven- tory. 1 4. Apothece] New wine was kept in casks in cellars under the ground ; the old and best wine was preserved in amphorae, and the stores were gene- rally in the upper part of the house. Hence Hor. Carm. iii. 21, bids the ' pia testa Descende, Corvino jubente :' and again, ' Parcis deripere horreo cessantem Bibuli consulisamphoram.' 15. Conchy liatis] From concha,' a shell-fish, a species of murex. The colour was not purple, but a deep violet. 16. Peristromatis] Htpi ffTputv- rvpi. The abl. plur. in is for ibus. So Plaut. ' Lectum, inquit, est in poematis.' Priscian says that the old nom. was in atum. 17. At idem cedes] i. e. ' Tenet cedes, &c.' Al. ejusdem. 18. Sanctiss. limen] So called, says Abram., because it was under the care of the god Limentinus, which St. Au- gustin testifies. Grsv., however, thinks that it refers to the sanctity of the former possessor, Pompey. 19. Os] Deiot. 2. n. 22. PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 28. 393 cere poterat, nemo sine lacrimis praeterire, hac te in domo tamdiu deversari 20 non pudet I in qua, quamvis nihil sapias, tamen nihil tibi potest esse jucundum. XXVIII. An tu, ilia in vestibulo 1 rostra, spolia 2 quum adspexisti, domum tuam te introire putas ? Fieri non potest. Quamvis enim sine mente, sine sensu sis, ut es : tamen et te, et tua, 3 et tuos nosti. Nee vero te unquam, neque vigilantem, neque in somnis credo posse mente consistere. Necesse est, quamvis sis, ut es, vinolentus et furens, quum tibi objecta sit species singularis viri, perterritum te de somno excitari, fu- rere etiam saepe vigilantem. Me quidem miseret parietum ipsorum atque tectorum. Quid enim unquam domus ilia viderat, nisi pudicum, quid, nisi ex optimo more et sanctis- sima disciplina ? Fuit enim ille vir, Patres conscripti, sicut scitis, quum foris clarus, turn domi admirandus, neque rebus externis magis laudandus, quam institutis domesticis: hujus in sedibus pro cubiculis stabula, 4 pro tricliniis 5 popinae 6 sunt. Etsi jam negat. Nolite, nolite quaerere. Frugi factus est. Illam suam suas res sibi habere 7 jussit, ex duodecim tabulis : claves ademit, 8 exegit. Quam porro spectatus civis, quam probatus! cujus ex omni vita nihil est honestius, quam quod cum mima fecit divortium. At quam crebro usurpat, 20. Deversari] To use as a tempo- in no danger of mistaking them, cover- rary residence, which is applicable to ed with infamy as they are, for Pom- Antony, whose house was now claim- pey and Pompey's concerns. ed # by Sex. Pompey. 4. Stabula] ' Loca nequitiae,' from Sect. XXVIII 1. Vestib.] Mil. ' stare,' i. e. prostate.' 7. n. 16. 5. Tricliniis] Tpac KKivt}, a 2. Rostra, spolia] A copulative is couch for three persons. Hence wanting here. Graevius inserts, an. the room where such couches were Rostrum, is properly the beak of a laid, a dining room. So Cic. Att. xiii. bird, next the prow of a ship, made ' Villa ita completa militibus est ut into that shape, and usually covered vix triclinium ubi coenaturus ipse Cae- with brass. These it was usual for sar esset, vacaret.' naval victors to strip from the ships 6. Popinte] Mil. 24. n. 14. Gor- and fix by way of trophy in their mandizers repaired here, not for re- halls or vestibules. Pompey, we freshment, but intemperate indul- know, had conquered the pirates, gence. The Greeks call it a/cpwrjpta{<x0ai. 7. Suas res sibi habere] The formal Plin. xxxv. 2, asserts that they could words on a divorce. ' Veterem Procu- not be removed by the subsequent leia maritum Deseris, atque jubes res purchaser of a mansion, perhaps be- sibi habere suas.' Mart. x. 41. Ci- cause they were dedicated to the pen- cero means here, probably, merely a ate*. This may account for their still pleasantry. Antony had never mar- remaining in Pompey's house. ried Cytheris. V. E. 3. Et te, et tua, fyc] Therefore are 8. Claves ademit] These were gi 394 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO ' et consul, et Antonius !' 9 Hoc est dicere, et consul, et im- pudicissimus : et consul, et homo nequissimus. Quid est enim aliud Antonius ? Nam si dignitas significaretur in no- mine ; dixisset aliquando, credo, avus 10 tuus se et consulem et Antonium. Nunquam dixit. Dixisset etiam collega meus, patruus tuus. Nisi tu es solus Antonius. Sed omitto ea peccata, 11 qua? non sunt earum partium 12 propria, quibus tu rempublicam vexavisti : ad ipsas tuas partes redeo, id est, ad civile bellum : quod natum, conflatum, susceptum opera tua 13 est. XXIX. Cui bello, 1 quum propter timiditatem 2 tuam, turn propter libidines defuisti. Gustaras civilem sanguinem, vel potius exsorbueras; fueras in acie Pharsalica antesigna- nus ; 3 L. Domitium, 4 clarissimum et nobilissimum virum, ven to the matron on entering the mansion of the husband ; and were taken away from her at her depar- ture. 9. Et consul, et Antonius'] Having stated the prodigality of Antony, Cic. proceeds to notice his weak vanity. Conceiving his name, when connected with ' consul,' to be sunk into a mere epithet, he had it separated in the public acts, thus rendering it emphatic, and restoring the ' dignitas in nomine.' This ' dignity,' however, no other Antony had ever thought of. 10. Avus] M. Antonius, the orator. 11. Ea peccata] e. g. The foolish vanity of 'et consul et Antonius.' 12. Earum partium] Caesaris. Ma- uut. ; but it means the part which Antony acted, as appears by Cicero's own explanation. 13. Quod natum opera tua] Hence he justly calls it ' ipsas tuas par- tes.' Sect. XXIX. 1. Cui bello] Not the whole civil war, for a considera- ble part of it was already over, of which Antony pars magna fuit ;' but that part of it usually called the African war, wherein Caesar fought with and conquered Scipio, Cato, and Juba, king of Mauritania. 2. Propter timiditatem] Though it is probable that Antony remained in Italy by Caesar's orders, when he pur- sued Pompey to Egypt ; and that dur- ing the Alexandrian and Pontic war, he was supporting the cause of Caesar at home, yet Cic. grounds on it a charge of cowardice, as likely to wound the feelings of a soldier. It is likely, however, that there was a cer- tain estrangement between them at this time ; perhaps because Caesar countenanced Dolabella, with whom Antony was then at variance, or found reason to dislike the excesses of An- tony. This is certain, that he ap- pointed Calenus and Vatinius, con- suls for the remaining three months of this year, and took Lepidus as his col- leage and master of the horse for the ensuing. Antony now became the purchaser of Pompey's house and es- tate, which may account for the words ' propter libidines defuisti.' Antony staid at home to enjoy them. 3. Antesignanus] YlpouaypQ. Plu- tarch says that Caesar, by taking the right wing at Pharsalia, judged him- self the first, and by stationing Antony on the left wing, judged him the se- cond general. Abram. 4. L. Domitium] Supr. 11. n. 12. Caesar's account differs. (B. C. iii. 81.) He says that Domitius, having fled from the camp towards the moun- tains, was killed by the cavalry. PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 29. 395 occideras ; multos, qui e proelio eflfugerant, quos Caesar, ut nonnuilos, fortasse servasset, 5 crudelissime persecutus truci- daras. Quibus rebus tantis talibus 6 gestis, quid fuit causa?, cur in Africam Caesarem non sequerere, quum praesertim 7 belli pars tanta restaret ? Itaque quern locum apud ipsuni Caesarem post ejus ex Africa reditum obtinuisti ? quo nu- mero fuisti ? Cujus tu imperatoris quaestor fueras, 8 dicta- toris raagister equitum, belli princeps, 9 crudelitatis auctor, praedae socius, testamento, 10 ut dicebas ipse, filius, appel- latus es 11 de pecunia, quam pro domo, pro hortis, pro secti- one 12 debebas. Primo respondisti plane ferociter; et, no omnia yidear contra te, propemodum aequa et justa dicebas. A me C. Caesar pecuniam ? cur potius, quam ego ab illo 1 an sine me ille vicit ? At ne potuit quidem. Ego ad ilium belli civilis causam attuli ; ego leges perniciosas 13 rogavi ; ego arma contra consules imperatoresque populi Romani, contra senatum populumque Romanum, contra deos patrios, arasque et focos, contra patriam tuli. Num sibi soli vicit? Quorum facinus est commune, cur non sit eorum praeda communis ? Jus postulabas : sed quid ad rem ? Plus ille poterat. Itaque, excussis tuis vocibus, 1 * et ad te, et ad pra?- des 15 tuos milites 15 misit : quum repente a te praeclara ilia 5. Quos Cdrsar servasset] Caesar's a technical word in u>e among credi- cry at the battle of Pharsalia, was to tors, because debts were called nomina. spare his fellow-citizens ; and after Columella used to say, ' bona nomina it, ' neminem nisi armatum occidi.' fieri mala, si nunquam appelles.' Ligar. 6. 12. Sectione] Here, 'the property 6. Tantis talibus] This must be sold or prescribed.' Sup. 15. n. 16. considered ironical. 13. Leges perniciosas] What these 7. Quum priesertim] Supr. 24. laws were does not appear, unless cer- n. 17. tain decrees of the people in favour 8. Quecstor fueras] Supr. 20. of Cajsar are alluded to. Supr. 22. ' Quaestor es factus.' There was the Plut. 5. strictest tie of friendship between the 14. Eicussis vocibus] Net 'exa- quajitor and general ; and likewise minatis,' as the Delph., though the between the dictator and his master word sometimes has that meaning ; of the horse. This latter is not ex- but 'having compelled you to lay traordinary, as they often mutually aside your blustering.' Vid. Forcei. appointed each other. Lex. 9. Belli princeps] Supr. 22. ' Ut 15. Prazdes tuos] ' Praes' from igitur in seminibus est causa, &c.' praestare,' is applied to bail in pro- 10. Testamento] According to Dio, perty cases ; ' vades' in criminal. Thus xliv. Antony was named among the Auson. * quis subitin pocnam capitalis second heirs of Caesar. judicii 1 Vas. Quis cum lis fuerit num- 11. Appellatus es] Sued, dunned, maria? Praes.' 396 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO tabula 16 prolata. Qui risus hominum ! tantam esse tabulam, tarn varias, tam niultas possessiones, ex quibus, praeter par- tem Miseni, 17 nihil erat, quod is, qui auctionaretur, 18 posset suum dicere. Auctionis 19 vero miserabilis adspectus : ves- tis 20 Pompeii non multa, eaque maculosa ; ejusdem quaedam argentea vasa collisa ; sordidata 21 mancipia : ut doleremus quidquam esse ex illis reliquiis, quod videre possemus. Hanc iamen auctionem heredes L. Rubrii 22 decreto Caesaris prohibuerunt. Haerebat nebulo : 23 quo se verteret, non habe- bat. Quin his ipsis temporibus domi Caesaris percussor, ab isto missus, deprehensus dicebatur esse cum sica, De quo Caesar in senatu, aperte in te invehens, questus est. Profi- ciscitur in Hispaniam 24 Caesar, paucis tibi ad solvendum propter inopiam tuam prorogatis diebus. Ne turn' 25 quidem 15. Milites] Other men, he hints, would have employed civil officers. Plancus, the tribune, acted as sheriff. Inf. 31. 16. Tabula] This advertisement or inventory of property was sometimes called Jibelli.' Quint. 15. ' de quo, tibelli in celeberrimis locis proponun- tur.' * Praeclara' contains an ironical allusion to the contrast between this catalogue and what Antony's ought to be, and Poropey's was. 17. Partem Miseni] Supr. 19. n. 14. 18. Qui auctionaretur"] i. e. An- tony. 19. Auctionis vero] ' Auctio est venditio quaedam in publico ac celebri loco.' Vulla ; obviously from ' au- gere.' Compare the description here with c. 27, and observe how every word is adapted to throw contempt on the scene, ' maculosa, collisa, sordi- data.' 20. Vestis] Intell. vestem triclini- arem, peristromata quibus lecti strati. Ea a servis maculata erat, qui iis erant usi, ut supradictum. Era. 21. Sordidata] * Sordidus' natura vel institutione, 'sordidatus,' necessi- tate. Terent. Heaut. ii. 3. 56. * Sor- didata' therefore, as conveying a censure on Antony, is obviously a better reading than Em. sordida. 22. Heredes L. Rubrii] No doubt the inventory contained property to which they could lay claim. Caesar's interfering, by a decree, shews his usurpation of supreme power did not make him forget the claims of jus- tice. 23. Kebulo] Fest. 'Nebulo est qui non pluris est quam nebula, aut qui non facile perspici potest qualis sit.' ' Ilajrebat,' as having no means left of raising the sum due. 24. Projiciscitur in Hispaniam] The second time. Supr. 23. n. 10. 25. Ne turn quidem sequeris] Turn must not be referred to the preceding ' paucis prorogatis diebus,' which would rather be a reason why Antony should not follow him at all ; but to ' proficisciturin Hispaniam.' lie had said above, ' cur in Africam Caesarem non sequerere V well ; let that pass. He sets out for spain. You do not even then follow him. Did so excellent a gladiator as you, so soon receive the foil 1 i. e. How came you, who began the civil war, and spilled so much blood, to obtain your discharge so PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 30. 397 sequeris. Tarn bonus gladiator rudera tarn cito 26 accepisti ? Hunc igitur quisquam, qui in suis partibus, 27 id est, in suis fortunis, tarn timidus fuerit, pertimescat ? XXX. Profectus est 1 aliquando tandem in Hispaniam : sed tuto, ut ait, pervenire non potuit. Quonam modo igitur Dolabella pervenit ? Aut non suscipienda fuit ista causa, 2 Antoni, aut, quum suscepisses, defendenda usque ad extre- mum. Ter depugnavit 3 Caesar cum civibus, in Thessalia, Africa, Hispania. Omnibus adfuit his pugnis Dolabella : in Hispaniensi etiam vulnus accepit. Si de meo judicio* quaeris : nollem. Sed tamen 5 consilium a primo reprehen- dendum, laudanda constantia. Tu vero quid es? Cn. Pompeii liberi primum patriam repetebant. Esto : fuerit haec 6 partium causa communis. Repetebant praeterea deos 26. Tarn cito] It appears from Ul- pian, that there was a regular time of service, before which the gladiators could not be discharged. ' Post trien- nium autem rudem induere permitti- tur.' Hor. Epis. ii. 1. 27. Suis partibus] Vid. Supr. 28, n. 2, where Cic. makes ipsa; partes,' the civil war. So here, ' in his own proper sphere of action ;' in other words, ' in what concerns his own im- mediate interests.' This was the war in Spain, which being waged by Pom- pey's sons in order to recover their paternal estates, above all others con- cerned Antony, the present possessor of these estates. SlCT. XXX. 1. Profectus est] A new proof of cowardice is adduced by Cic. : that Antony and Dolabella both set out for Spain ; that the latter arrived; the former did not. Various reasons have been given by commen- tators for Antony's return : e. g. that the roads were beset with Pompeians ; that Caesar was reported to have been killed, &c. ; but Cic. slates it inf. ' ne L. Plancus praedes suos venderet." This, Cic. here designedly withholds, that the reader may admit his charge of cowardice. 2. Ista causa] Sc. Caesaris. 3. Ter depugnavit] Supr. 15. n. 4. ' In Hispaniensi.' Sc. pugna. 4. Si de meo judicio] Lest the se- nate might infer from his praises of Dolabella, that he condemned the cause of Pompey, he says ' nollem,' sc. Dolabella affuisset. 5. Sed tamen] From want of the opposition between ' nollem' and * consilium reprehend.', which * sed tamen' would require, we must take ' constantia laudanda' after sed ta- men' bringing in ' cons, repreh.' pa- renthetically : ' But (though ' nol- lem' I would oppose his fighting against his country,) yet (even ad- mitting his line of conduct to be re- prehensible,) his perseverance must claim our praise.' Vid. Mil. 13. n. 9, for a similar construction. Atticus had censured these praises of Dolabella ; which Cic, however, defends (Att. xvi. 11,) as being ' bella tipiovtia.' If so, when was he sincere 1 6. Fuerit hac] Sc. ' patria.' i. e. ' the demand of a restoration to their country, by Pompey's sons, concern- ed every member of the Caesarian fac- tion ; and had it been been limited to that, then every Caesarian had as good a right to oppose them as you ; but they demanded more their patri- M M 39a M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO penates, 7 patrios, aras, 8 focos, larem suum familiarem ; in qua? tu invaseras. Haec quum repeterent armis ii, quorum erant legibus: etsi in rebus iniquissimis quid potest esse aequi ? tamen quem erat aequissimum, contra Cn. Pompeii liberos pugnare ? quem ? Te, sectorem. 9 An tu Narbone 10 mensas hospitum convomeres, Dolabella pro te in Hispania dimicaret ? Qui vero Narbone 11 reditus? Etiam qua?rebat, cur ego 1 - ex ipso cursu tarn subito revertissem. Exposui nuper, Pa- tres conscripti, causam reditus mei. Volui, si possem, etiam ante Kalendas Januarias 13 prodesse reipublicae. Nam, quod quaerebas, quomodo redissem : primum luce, 14 non tenebris ; deinde cum calceis 15 et toga, nullis nee Gallicis, 16 nee lacer- na. 17 At etiam adspicis me, et quidem, ut videris, iratus. N* tu jam mecum in gratiam redeas, si scias, quam me pu- mony, their house and chattels. You were, therefore, particularly called upon to oppose them. ' Parti um,' then, is here limited to the party of Caesar. 7. Penates'] This word is not found in the Vatican MS. and is expunged by Ern. As we are not sufficiently acquainted with the meaning of the term, and it is elsewhere found in union with patrios, other editors re- tain it, which Scheller approves. r. E. 8. Aras] Supposed to belong to heroes, ' altaria' to gods. But this is not always observed. Virg. Eel. v. 66; ^n. v. 639. 9. Sectorem] Supr. 15. n. 16. 10. An tu Narbone] Al. cum vo- vr.eres. i. e. 'I have thus proved, that it was most equitable for you to take the field against the sons of Pompty. Did you do so? Was it for you to be rioting in Narbo, and Dolabella fighting your battles in Spain. Are you not, therefore, a coward V 11. Narbone] Is emphatic. 'We have seen, supr. 25, what kind your return from Brundisium was. What thcrir was that from Narbo? 'Qui.' for 'qualis.' 12. Cur ego] Cic. returned in the latter end of August, and on the se- cond of September, explained his rea- sons to the senate. Phil. i. 1, 4. Probably Antony had given a malici- ous interpretation to Cicero's conduat, insinuating that it was to embroil his country in war ; and had asked, 'quo- modo rediisset,' meaning ' under what circumstances ;' but Cic. artfully turns it oflffrom the cause to the man- ner ; and, by contrasting it with the return of Antony, who came by night in the rough garb of a soldier, rather than a citizen, throws on him the greater odium. 13. Kal. Jan.] On this day Hir- tius and Pansa were to enter on their consulship. Iutrod. 6. 14. Primum luce] This was thought reprehensible. Pis. 22. * Nonne tibi nox erat pro die, hd) Q. Frat.iii. 1. 15. Calceis] Mil. 10. n. 12. 16. Gallicis] A coarse shoe, worn in Gaul, (whence Antony had just returned,) and adopted by the Ro- man soldiers. 17. Lacerna] From flacio,' (the Greek wppa,) a great cloak, or over- PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 31 399 deat nequitiae tuae, cujus te ipsum non pudet. Ex om- nium omnibus flagitiis nullum turpius vidi, nullum audivi. Qui magister equitum fuisse tibi viderere, 18 in proxi- mum annum 19 consulatum peteres, 20 vel potius rogares ; is per municipia coloniasque Gallia?/ 1 a qua nos turn, quum consulatus petebatur, non rogabatur, petere consul- atum solebamus, cum Gallicis et lacerna cucurristi. XXXI. At videte levitatem 1 hominis. Quum hora diei decima 2 fere ad Saxa rubra 3 venisset, delituit* in quadam cauponula, atque ibi se occultans, perpotavit ad vesperam : inde cisio 5 celeriter ad urbem advectus, domum venit capite involuto. 6 Janitor, " Quis tu ?" "A Marco 6 tabellari- us." 7 Confestim ad earn/ cujus causa venerat ; eique epis- all, with which the head could be covered. Hence, inf. 31, Capite involuto ;' and Hor. Sat. ii. 7 : ' Turpis adoratum caput obscurante lacerna.' Antony had on the usual military tra- velling dress, and the shame was, that he did not lay it aside, while canvass- ing the freemen of the towns and co- lonies. 18. Viderere] For as Caesar was not a legal dictator; so Antony could not be a master of the horse, except in his own opinion. Cic. says ' fuisse;' for it was a. u. 706, two years before, that Antony held this office. 19. In proximum annum] This oc- curred in the year 708. It shows that, however Caesar directed the ap- pointments of the magistrates, the usual forms were upheld, and, also, that he had early given Antony rea- son to expect his support, without which he would not have ventured to commence a canvass ; and, therefore, all Cicero's insinuations, about An- tony's having lost the favour of Caesar, 8e., were unfounded. 20. Peteres] Sue for an office in due form ; * rogares,' beg it, in a man- ner humiliating to the suitor. 21. Municip. Gallia] Att. i. 1. Sect. XXXI. 1. Levitatem] As ' gravitas' is said of every virtue in which there is firmness of purpose and conduct, so ' levitas' is said of every vice that, arising from ungoverned de- sires, is marked by a fluctuating and wayward course of action. Cat. ii. 5. n.2. 2. Decima] Mil. 18. n. 11. 3. Saxa rubra] Near Cremera, where the Veientes were routed by the Fabii. Liv. ii. 49. As it was in the same neighbourhood that the Fa- bii afterwards fell, the epithet ru- bra, i. e. bloody, may have arisen from that slaughter, and Livy have applied it by ' prolepsis.' 4. Delituit] Antony wished to sur- prise Ful via agreeably, and, therefore, waited till night. Plut. Anton. 10. 5. Cisio] A two-wheeled car, a calashe, used for speed. Hose. A. 7. ' Decern nocturnis horis quin- quaginta et sex mill. pass, cisiis per- volavit.' 6. A Marco] Arch. 1. n. 5. Pers. Sat. v. 79. 7. Tabellarius] Properly, an adj. used absolutely for ' a courier.' The Romans employed their own couriers. Fam. xii. 12. ' Si literae perlata; non sunt, non dubito quin Dolabella, tabellarios meos deprehenderit.' 8. Ad earn] Sc. Fulviam, whom 400 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO tolam tradidit. Quam quum ilia legeret flens, (erat enim scripta amatorie ; caput autem literarum, sibi cum ilia mi- ma 9 posthac nihil futurum : oranem se amorem abjecissc illim, 10 atque in hanc transfudisse :) quum mulier fleret ube- rius, homo misericors ferre non potuit ; caput aperuit ; in collum invasit. O hominem nequam ! (quid enim aliud di- cam ? magis proprie nihil possum dicere :) ergo, ut te cata- mitum, 11 nee opinato 12 quum ostendisses, prater spem mulier adspiceret, idcirco urbem terrore nocturno, 13 Italiam multorum dierum metu perturbasti ? Et domi quidem cau- sam amoris habuit; foris etiam turpiorem, ne L. Plancus praedes suos venderet. 14 Productus autem 15 in concionem a tribuno plebis, quum respondisses, te rei tuae 16 causa venisse, populum etiam dicacem in te reddidisti. Sed nimis multa de nugis. 17 Ad majora veniamus. XXXII. Caesari ex Hispania redeunti obviam longissime processisti. Celeriter isti, redisti, 1 ut cognosceret te, si mi- nus fortem, attamen strenuum. 2 Factus es ei rursus, nescio Antony had now married. Al. insert deducitur, after ' venerat.' 9. Ilia mima] Cytheris. 10. Illim] Al. Mine. Att. vii. 31. V. E. 11. Catamitum] i.e. Ganymedes, as corrupted by the Latins. Fest. ; or from card, fiiaBoq, ' puer rneritorius.' 12. Nee opinato] So Tibul. i. 3 : 'Tunc veniam subito nee quisquam nunciet ante ; Sed videar caelo missus adesse tibi.' 13. Terrore nocturno'] 'Nocturnal,' because Antony came by night. The Pompeians were afraid that Caesar had been victorious, and sent Antony to renew the horrors of Marius and Sylla. Middl. L. C. vii. Plut. Anton. 10, gives a different, but improbable account. 14. Prxdes venderet] In law this would be understood literally ; for debtors were liable to be sold as slaves. Sup. 18. n. 15, but here per- haps, 'praedes' is put for 'praedia,' the property of the 'praedes.' Verr. iii. 54. ' Praedibus et prsediis populo cautum est.' 15. Productus autem] Manil. I. n. 4. 16. Reitucf] This, it appears, had a double meaning, which excited the pleasantry of the people. Vid. Bayle, art. Lycoris. 17. Nugis] i. e. ' Nequitia, levi- tate ;' but ' majora,' the consulship. Sect. XXXII. 1. Isti, redisti] Antony set out for Spain ; stopped at Narbo ; returned, 'rei suae causa;' set out again ; not to assist, but meet Caesar. On this occasion, too, he reached Narbo, as it was then Tre- bonius sounded him respecting the conspiracy against Caesar. Sup. 14. n. 5. As ' celeriter' can hardly ap- ply to his first journey, we may sup- pose ' isti, redisti,' to mean his jour- ney from Narbo, (which we know was expeditiously performed in a two- wheeled chaise,) and back again from Rome. 2. Strenuum] A good traveller. Att. xv. 6. ' Noli autem me tarn stre- nuum putare ut ante Nonas recur- ram.' PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cat. 32, 401 quomodo, 3 familiaris. Habebat hoc omnino Caesar : 4 quem plane perditum sere alieno egentemque, si eundem nequam Jiominem audacemque cognorat, hunc in familiaritatem li- bentissime recipiebat. His igitur rebus 5 prseclare commen- datus, jussus es renuntiari consul, et quidem cum ipso. Nihil queror 6 de Dolabella, qui turn est impulsus, inductus, elusus. Qua in re quanta fuerit uterque vestrum perfidia in Dolabellam, quis ignorat I Ille induxit, ut peteret ; pro- missum et receptum inter vertit, ad seque transtulit : tu ejus perfidise voluntatem tuam adscripsisti. Veniunt Kalenda? Januariae ; 7 cogimur in senatum ; invectus est copiosius niulto in istum 8 et paratius Dolabella, quam nunc ego. Hie autem iratus qua? dixit, 9 dii boni! Primum quum Caesar ostendisset, se, priusquam proficisceretur, 10 Dolabellam con- sulem esse jussurum : n (quem negant regem, qui et faceret 3. Fact us es Jiescio quomodo] Cesar took Antony into his own chariot, while D. Brutus and Octa- vius followed behind. Plut. Anton. 11. The Delph. makes this the time when Antony canvassed for the con- sulship. But then, ' qui Narbone reditus,' sup. 30, would be the second return ; which it evidently was not. The canvassing, then, obviously took place when Csesar was in Spain. 4. Habebat Casar] 'This was Ca'- sar's way ;' and, it may be added, that he found it very successful with Cic. himself, with whom, about this time, he kept up a friendly correspondence. '). If is igitur rebus'] Sc. ' aire ali- eno, &c. ;' and 'jussus es,' Caesar being a tyrant. 6. Nihil queror] Caesar did not de- ceive by appointing' Antony, but by becoming his colleague (' et quidem cum ipso.') For, contented with the dictatorship, he had, on his return, appointed Q. Fabius and C. Trebo- nius, consuls for the remainder of the year ; and Fabius dying on the last day of his consulship, he nominated Caninius Rebilus. This, while it afforded a jest to Cic. and his friends, shews that Caesar had no anxiety about holding the office himself; and, consequently, that the violation of his promise to Dolabella arose from other causes than ambition. Cresar, how- ever, made good his promise to Dola- bella, Antony persisting in his oppo- sition till Caesar's death. Introd. 1. 7. Kalend. Jan.] The consuls usually entered on their office this day ; the tribunes, twenty-one days earlier. It was distinguished by sacrifices, manumission of slaves, &c. ; and was expected to be l'rtm 'from all invective orations. Ovid. Fast. i. 73. ' Lite vacent aures, in- sanaque protinus absint Jurgia; differ opus, livida lingua, tuum.' 8. In istum] For he did not venture to attack Caesar. 9. Qua dixit] Plutarch says, that even Caesar was ashamed of the dis- play made by his colleague. 10. Priusquam proficisceretur] Sc. to the Parthian war. Caesar's plan discovered the same greatness which marked all his designs. He was first to subjugate the Dacians ; then in- vade Parthia ; then, passing along the Pontus into Scythia, to traverse all Germany, and return by Gaul to Ita- ly. Sueton. 44. Plut. Jul. 58. 11. Jussurum] Supr.n.5. Sueton. Jul. 41, says, that he divided with MM 2 402 M. T. CICERGNIS ORATIO semper ejusmodi aliquid, etdiceret:) sed quum Caesar ita dixisset ; turn hie bonus augur, eo se sacerdotio praeditum esse dixit, ut comitia auspiciis vel impedire vel vitiare 12 pos- set, idque se facturum esse asseveravit. In quo primum 1 ' incredibilem stupiditatem hominis cognoscite. Quid enim ? istud, quod te sacerdotii jure f'acere posse dixisti, 14 si augur non esses, et consul esses, minus facere potuisses.' Vide ne etiam facilius. Nos enim nuntiationem 15 solum ha- bemus: consules et reliqui magistratus etiam spectionem. Esto : hoc imperite ; nee enim est ab homine nunquam so- the people all the magisterial appoint- ments, except the consuls, whom he nominated himself. 12. Impedire vitiare] The first is to prevent from taking place ; the second, to render null through infor- mality. 13. In quo primum, $c] Cicero's charge against Antony consists of two heads, ' ignorance' and ' impudence.' His ignorance was two-fold: 1. In laying that on the augurship which did not belong to it; 2. In not laying it on his consular authority, to which ft did belong. 14. Quod posse dixisti] Observe, he says, ' posse dixhti,' not potuis- ti ;' for, in point of fact, Antony, as augur, could not have done so; but, even supposing that he could, why not derive his authority from the high- est source ? The answer is, ' ig- norance' prevented him. He was not a man to spend time in studying the musty rules of an augural college. 15. Nos enim nuntiationem] Scali- ger, on the authority of a corrupt pas- sage in Festus, decides that spectio' and ' nuntiatio' are here, by mistake, interchanged. But as there are exam- ples of augurs exercising ' nuntiatio,' this cannot be true. Besides, the only advantage arising from the change is, that it attributes ' spectio' to augurs ; which, it is probable, from the nature of the case, that they once had, though not now, at least in the sense of Cic. Indeed 'spectio' affords an instance of a word assuming, in process of time, a restricted from a general meaning : a thing perpetually occurring in differ- ent arts, where technicalities abound. [So in ecclesiastical history im<TKo- iroq.] Thus ' spectio,' from signify- ing the viewing of the heavens for omens, whether by the people, by the augur, or by the magistrate, came to be restricted to ' that voluntary ob- servation of the heavens (servare de ccelo) which the magistrate (or the augur, under the direction of the ma- gistrate) makes, or thinks proper to say he makes ; generally with a view of impeding elections or other public business.' This meaning of spec- tio,' while it suits the passage here, leaves nuntiatio,' the bare decla- ration of the omens, to the'augurs Cicero's pompous account of the * jus augurum,' Legg. ii. 12, must not be taken strictly, i. e. he there at- tributes to their authority, what they did as magistrates, or in attendance on the regular magistrates ; to whose wishes, no doubt, the omens learned to bend. For this attendance there was a form, * Quinte Fabi, te mihi in auspicio volo ;' and we find in another old form the word which 'spectio' came to supersede, Legg. iii. 3. ' Re- liqui magistratus auspicium judicium- que habento.' What stupidity, then, in Antony, not to know this technical meaning of 'spectio,' and, in right of PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 32. 403 brio postulanda prudentia : sed videte impudentiam. 113 Mul- tis ante mensibus 17 in senatn dixit, se Dolabellae comitia aut prohibitnrum auspiciis, aut id facturum esse, quod fecit. Quisquamne 18 divinare potest, quid vitii in auspiciis futurum sit, nisi qui de caelo servare constituit ? quod neque licet 19 co- mitiis per leges, et, si qui servavit, non comitiis habitis, sed priusquam habeantur, debet nuntiare. Verum implicata in- scientia impudentia est ; nee scit quod augurem, nee facit his consulship, at once to impede the election ? 16. Sed videte impudentiam] Let us consider here, how a modest man ought to have acted. 1. Supposing him of equal (or higher) rank with the ma- gistrate who was to preside, he would have noticed him, that it was his intention to take auguries on a certain day, ' de ccelo servare constituit,' the technical term for which was * spec- do.' So Bibulus acted. Supr. 10. a. 1. So did Mil. Att.iv. 3. 2. A modest man would have avoided tak- ing the omens on the day of election, as it was forbidden by the Clodian law. 3. If he had observed the hea- vens before the day of election, he would have also announced the re- sult he/ore that day. But how did Antony proceed ? YV hen he was only an augur, or acting as augur, (eo sa- cerdotio praeditus), and not as consul, and an equal in rank with the presid- ing officer, Caesar ; nor as possessing ' spectio,' he declared, not by send- ing a notice to the magistrate but openly in the senate ; not a few days, but many months before the election ; that he would either impede that elec- tion, or would procure an adjourn- ment by saying alio dik. Cic. ac- knowledges that a good deal of this arose from Antony's ignorance, which he says was blended with his impu- dence ; but the latter part of the as- sertion (facturum esse quod fecit) seems, from what follows, to have been the main ground of the charge of impudence ; for when Antony did use the expression, Cic. exclaims ' O impudentiam singularem !' and again, confitere te, cum alio die dixeris, sobrium non fuisse.' 17. Multis ante mensibus] As only two months intervened between the scene in the senate and the death of Caesar, how could many months elapse between that scene and the election ? Perhaps Antony had made a similar declaration to Caesar, on his first pro- posing Dolabella, after his return from Spain, of which ' turn hie bo- nus augur, &c.' is only a repetition. 18. Quisquamne, <$fc] The anwer is no. The person who had determin- ed to observe the heavens, or exer- cise inspection, was the only one that had the gift of divination ; for, though at first the magistrate was obliged to see, or pretend to see, an unfavourable omen, such was not now the case, it being only necessary to declare be- forehand the intention of inspecting, and the required omen so surely fol- lowed, that this bare declaration was quite enough to prevent any magis- trate (of equal or inferior rank) from proceeding to the comitium. Vatin. 6-8. 19. Quod neque licet~\ The above form of inspection, first ratified by the uElian and Fusian laws, and designed to prevent the tribunes from passing laws at pleasure, leaving, as it did, the po- pular assemblies completely in the power of the magistrates, must have caused much inconvenience. We are not, therefore, surprised at the tuw checks which are here noticed. The 404 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO quod pudentem decet. Atque ex illo die 20 recordamini ejus usque ad Idus Martias consulatum. Qui unquam apparitor tam humilis, tam abjectus? Nihil ipse poterat ; 21 omnia ro- gabat; caput in aversam lecticam inserens, beneficia, qua? venderet, a collega petebat. XXXIII. Ecce Dolabellae comitiorum dies; 1 sortitio pra3rogativa3 : 2 quiescit. Renuntiatur : 3 tacet. Prima clas- sis vocatur ; renuntiatur ; deinde, ut assolet, suffragia ; 4 turn first, ('quod neque licet comitiis,') -originated with Clodius, who enacted, (Sext. 15,) that the JElian and Fu- sian laws should not be in force at the <M>mitia. The second (' siqui serv., &c, nuntiare,') was, that the magis- trate should give due notice of his in- tention to inspect, before the election. * Leges,' is here used for ' legem,' as Cic. did not choose to specify the law by the enactor's name, Clodius ; and * habitis' held, being over. Legg. ii. 12. Vel instituta, dimittere, vel habita rescindere.' 20. Ex illo die] Antony's charac- ter, as drawn by Cicero, is quite an enigma. Thus he insulted Caesar on the day of his election, and from that to the Ides of March, fawned on him like the meanest slave ; and yet, on the day of Dolabella's election, which occurred in the mean time, he had the hardihood to cry out, at the conclu- sion of the business, alio dif. ! 21. A'i/i/7 ipse poterat] i. e. Al- though a consul as well as Caisar. Sect. XXXIII. 1. Dies] What day this was does not appear. The election was usually held about the beginuing of August, but Caesar could not observe these forms. We are only sure that it was between the Ca- lends of Jan. and Ides of March. 2. Sortitio pr&rog.] The first step previous to the commencement of the polling. ' Sortitio' must not be confounded with the voting of the pre- rogative century, which, in Cicero's brief description, is omitted, and the result, 'renuntiatur, sc. Dolabella,' given. This vote of the prerogative century is called ' omen comitiorum,' (Divin. ii. 20,) and so certain was it, * ut nemo unquam prior earn tulerit quin renuncietur.' Plane. 20. Hence our meaning of prerogative. When ' praerogativa tribus' occurs, it is likely that there is a reference either to the tribe of which the cen- tury formed a part, or to the comitia by tribes. The other centuries (or tribes) are called by Livy (x. 22,) ' primo vocatae,' and, xxvii. 6, 'jure vocatae.' It appears, too, that the same class had senior and junior cen- turies. Verr. v. 15. 3. Renuntiatur] Either by the ma- gistrate who held the election, or by the herald. Mil. 35. n. 13. Verr. v. 15. 4. Deinde suffragia] Sc. feren- tur ; i. e. the polling proceeds as usual. But this, which is the ob- vious meaning of the words, makes the declaration of the vote precede the voting, which is absurd. This dif- ficulty is avoided several ways: 1. The whole is so briefly detailed that it is not to be wondered at, if we do not see the force of every expression. 2. Gruch. (de comitiis) refers these words to a scrutiny of the votes of the first class (taking in the equites and prerogative century) to ascertain whe- ther it would be necessary to call up the second class, since, if the first class were unanimous, its votes (ex- ceeding those of all the other classes, by one) decided the election. Hence lie would understand ' numerantur,' PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 33. 405 secunda classis : quae omnia sunt citius facta, 5 quam dixi. Confecto negotio bonus augur 7 (C. Laelium diceres) " alio die," 8 inquit. O impudentiam singularem ! Quid vide- ras ? 9 quid senseras ? quid audieras ? neque enim te de caelo servasse dixisti, nee hodie dicis. Id igitur obvenit vitium, quod tu jam Kalendis Januariis futurum esse provideras, et tanto ante praedixeras. Ergo, hercule, magna, ut spero, tua 10 potius, quam reipublicae calamitate ementitus es aus- picia; obstrinxisti 11 religione populum Romanum; augur auguri, consul consuli 12 obnuntiasti. Nolo plura, 13 ne acta or the like, after suffragia.' 3. Graev. reads * deinde suffragatum secunda classis vocatur;' to which the objec- tion is, that ' suffragari' always sig- nifies 'gratia adjuvare et commendare.' 4. Manut. would transpose the words so as to bring them in after turn se- cunda classis ;' which, if warranted by MSS., appears most satisfactory. 5. Citius facta] Hence the brevity of Cicero's description. The expedi- tion may have arisen from there being no competitor. 7. Bonus augur] Ironical. Laeli- us was very celebrated as an augur, but more so as a wise man. Legg. ii. 11. Hor. Sat. ii. 1. 72. 8. Alio die] Verba auguris. Legg. ii. 12. 9. Quid videras, c] As Antony, through ignorance, did not say that he had observed the heavens, ' nee enim te de ccelo servasse dixisti,' the only other ground on which he could have vitiated the election was, inauspicious omens happening while it was proceed- ing. These generally were, lightning, ti of rain, and thunder. Now occurring, would have entitled ny to cry, alio die. So Phil. 1 Ilia auspicia non egent inter- pretatione ;' and, Vatin. 8. ' Augu- res omnes usque a Romulo decreve- runt, Jove fulgente, cum populo agi nefas esse.' Again, Phil. v. 3. * Ut sustinere Antonium ac ferre posse tantam vim tempestatis, imbris ac tur- binum, mirum videretur.' The ex- pression, ' quid senseras V which the commentators refer to an earthquake, is obviously applicable to ' vim tem- pestatis, imbris ac turbinum.' But the weather being fine, and none of these omens intervening, Antony was obliged to have recourse to pretended omens. Hence, 'ementitus es aus- picia/ infr. 10. Magna, ut spero tua, &;c] Fal- sifying the auspices must call down the vengeance of heaven. Cic. hopes that it will light on the head of the offender, rather than on the republic. 11. Obstrinxisti] ' Religio' is here, ' a religious scruple, a consci- entious dread of the gods being of- fended.' Liv. viii. 17. The sense is : ' You who were the equal of Caesar, as augur and consul, and might be supposed to know the duties of your station, declared an election vicious, which your colleague pro- nounced valid. You, thereby in- spiied the Koman people with the dread of the Deity being offended, since, let who may be in error, the auspices were profaned. 12. Consul consuli] Gellius quotes from Messala, an old writer on augu- ry, to show that consuls, praetors, and censors were considered ' majores magistratus' all others, ' minores.' Hence the form in the edict for hold- ing the comit. centur. ' Nequis ma- gistratus minor de coclo servasse ve- 406 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO Dolabella? videar convellere : quae necesse est aliquando 14 ad nostrum collegium deferantur. Sed arrogantiam 15 hominis insolentiamque cognoscite. Quamdiu tu voles, vitiosus con- sul Dolabella : rursus, quum voles, salvis auspiciis creatus. Si nihil est, 16 quum augur iis verbis nuntiat, quibus tu nun- tiasti ; confitere te, quum " alio die" dixeris, sobrium non fuisse : sin est aliqua vis in istis verbis, ea qua? sit, augur a collega require Sed, ne forte, ex multis rebus gestis, M. Antonii rem unam pulcherrimam transiliat oratio, ad Lupercalia veni- amus. XXXIV. Non dissimulat, Patres conscripti : apparet esse commotum ; sudat, pallet. 1 Quidlibet, modo ne nauseet,- lit.' Messala adds, 'consul ab om- nibus magistratibus et comitiatum et eoncionem avocare potest; praetor et comitiatum et eoncionem usquequa- que avocare potest ; nisi a consule ; minores magist. nee comitiatum nee eoncionem avocare possunt.' Antony, therefore, being of equal rank with Caesar, and therefore, empowered to intercede, the very validity of the in- tercession caused it to be the more dreaded. 13. Nolo plural For, if Antony's interference were legal, Dolabella was an illegal consul, and therefore his acts were illegal ; but some of these were such as Cic. would not at present desire to shake. 14. Aliquando] i. e. When the state shall have shaken off the yoke of tyranny, and the regular proce- dures are resumed. Of course, this time never came. 15. Arrogantiam] He had already convicted Autony of ignorance and impudence. He now charged him with arrogance, for having, in defi- ance of his own veto, acknowledged Dolabella consul. Phil. L. 13. 16. Si nihil est] A dilemma. Either there is not force in Antony's words, or there is. If there is not, (which was Ci- cero's opinion, as Antony had no augu- ral grounds for his proceedings, ' quid, enim videras,' Sec,) then Antony could not have been sober when he used them ; and if there is, it was for him to explain it to a brother augur; which, he hints, would be a difhcult task. 17. Veniamus] If Cicero observes the order of time here, Dolabella's election must have taken place prior to the fifteenth of Feb., on which day the Lupercal feast was celebrated ; and which reduces ' multis ante men- sibus' to one and a half. The date is pointed out in Ovid. Fast. ii. 267 : ! Tertia post Idus nudos Aurora Lu- percos Aspicit, et Fauni sacri bicornes erunt.' Virgil (/En. viii. 343,) derives it from the Lycean Pan : ' Gelida monstrat sub rupe Lupercal Parrhasio dictum Panos de more Ly- cei.' Quint., i. 9, mentions another ori- gin : V Inveniuntur qui Lupercalia tres partes orationis esse contendant, quasi ' luere (i. e. expiare) per ca- prum.' " Liv. i. 5. Sect. XXX1W 1. Sudat, pallet] Signs of conscious guilt. Juv. Sat. i. 167 ' tacita sudant prrccordia culpa;' Pers. Sat. iii. 43. ' Palleat infelix quod proxiraus nesciat uxor.' The mention of the Lupercalia is sup- PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 34. 407 facial, quod in porticu Minutia 3 fecit. Quae potest esse tur- pitudinis tantae defensio ? Cupio audire : ut videam, ubi rhetoris tanta merces, ubi campus Leontinus 4 appareat. Se- debat in Rostris 5 collega tuus, 6 amictus toga purpurea, 7 in sella aurea, 8 coronatus. . 9 Escendis, 10 accedis ad sellam, (ita eras Lupereus, 11 ut te consulem esse meminisse deberes,) di- posed to recall to Antony's mind the betraying of his country. J. Xauseet] ~SavTiau), to be sea- sick. So Hor. Epis. i. 1 : ' Conducto navigio aeque jNauseat ac illo quern ducit priva triremis.' 3. Minutia] Placed by Graev. in the Campus Martius, and called also Frumentaria. If, as is most proba- ble, the intemperance of Antony at the marriage of Hippias is referred to, it must have been when Antony, as iuagister equitum, had his tribunal ; which place, it is probable, was the forum. 4. Campus Leontinus] Supr. 17. n. 8. 5. Rostris] This was the ' sugges- tum,' or galley in the forum, from which the orators addressed the peo- ple. The Lupercal noticed by Virg. ^En. viii. 343 ; and from whence the Luperci began their procession, was near the ficus Ruminalis, where Ro- mulus and Remus were exposed and saved by the wolf (lupus) ; to which, and the god Pan, who guarded the shepherds from the wolves (lupi) it owed its name. This place being contiguous to the forum gave Antony, who had lately added a third order to the Luperci, called ' Juliani,' an op- portunity of conducting them, as they proceeded along the Via Sacra, to the presence of Caesar, their tutelary god. 6. Collega tuus] By exaggerating the pride of Caesar, he exaggerates the guilt of Antony, who endeavoured to raise his colleague and equal to royalty. 7. Toga purpurea] i. e. A trium- phal robe. The ancients did not know the chemical process for dying red ; therefore purple was esteemed by them the most costly colour. 8. Sella aurea] Suet. Jul. 76. 9. Coronatus] Suetonius informs us that Caesar, being bald, was pri- vileged to wear a perpetual crown of laurel, and also a golden crown with rays emerging from a centre. As he was in a triumphal dress, it is likely that he wore the more costly crown. We are carefully to distinguish this from a diadem, the badge of royalty, which was a white fillet or bandage for the head, ' Candida fascia' in Greek, ratvia XevKtj. Nothing else was regal. 10. Escendis] The other Luperci, if we may believe Plutarch, (Anton. 12,) raised him on their shoulders. 11. Ita Lupereus] 'Ita' and 'sic,' followed by ' ut,' are some- times prefixed to substantives to en- force or restrict them. Hor. Epis. ii. 1. 'Sic fautor veterum ;' so warm a patron of the ancients. Here, how- ever, 'ita' is so indefinite, that it may admit of several explanations: 1. Alluding to his conduct, as here de- scribed, it may be : ' you so over- acted the part of a Luperce, that you quite forgot (ought to have re- membered) you were a consul.' Or, 2. ' You were so circumstanced as a Luperce, that you ought to have re- collected your being consul.' But this seems to be too general, and 'deberes meminisse' to hint at a positive de- linquency, such as i* noticed inf. a. 19. 408 M. T. CICERON1S ORATIO adema ostendis. Gemitus 12 toto foro. Unde diadema? non enim abjectum 13 sustuleras, sed attuleras domo meditatum et cogitatum scelus. Tu diadema imponebas cum plangore 14 ]K)puli : ille cum plausurejiciebat. 15 Tu ergounus, scelerate, inventus es, qui quum auctor 16 regni esses, eum, quern col- legam habebas, dominum habere velles : et idem tentares, quid populus Romanus ferre et pati posset. At etiam 17 mi- sericordiam captabas: supplex te ad pedes abjiciebas; quid petens ? ut servires? Tibi uni peteres, qui ita a puero 18 vix- eras, ut omnia paterere, ut facile servires : a nobis populo- que Romano mandatum id certe non habebas. O praecla- ram illam eloquentiam tuam, quum es nudus concionatus ! 19 Quid hoc turpius? quid fcedius? quid suppliciis omnibus dignius ? Num exspectas, dum te stimulis fodiam ? haec te, si ullam partem habes sensus, lacerat, haec cruentat oratio. Vere- or, ne imminuam^summorum virorum gloriam. Dicam tamen dolore commotus. Quid indignius, 21 quam vivere eum, qui imposuerit diadema, quum omnes fateantur jure interfectum esse, qui abjecerit? At etiam adscribi jussit in fastis ad 12. Ostendis diad. Gem.] The people did not wait till Antony had placed it on Caesar's head ; but groaned at the bare exposure. 13. Non abjectum] Hence An- tony must have premeditated the over- throw of the republic. 14. Plangore] The people had groaned at the sight ; but they burst into loud lamentation when it was placed on his head. 15. Rejiciehat] Livy, Epit. 116, says that he laid the diadem on the chair beside him. Suet., Dio, and Plutarch, that he sent it to the Capi- tol, to the temple of Jupiter. Opt. Max. ; adding that he was the only king of the Romans. Vid. Hooke, x. 11, where he shews it probable that Caesar was sincere in his rejection of the diadem. 16. Quum auctor, 3fc] ' In being (or by being) the prime mover of a tyranny.' ' Et idem,' and who at the same time, &c. 17. At etiam] This heightens the charge still more. 1 1 was not enough to entreat Caesar to rule ; he must also pity the Roman people. 18. A puero] i.e. 'Apueritia.' 19. Nudus concionatus est] The Luperci were not stark naked, but had the skins of sheep tied about their loins. Plut. (in RomuloJ SiaOkovat iv TrepiZvjfiaTi yvpvoi. Virg. JEn. viii. 663. Hinc exultantes Salios nudosque Lupercos.' The charge then, here made is, not that he was naked, but that being so, he harangued. For this was con- founding the duties and office of con- sul with the mummery of the Lu- perci. 20. Ne imminuam, 6\c] By censur- ing their sparing the life of Antony. 21. Quid indignius] This, Cicero, Att. xvi. 11, changes to indignissi- mum est : but the MSS. remain un- altered. V. E. PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 35. 409 Lupercalia, 22 u C. Caesari, dictatorl perpetuo, M. Antonium, consulem, populi jussu regnum detulisse, Caesarem uti no- luisse." Jamjam minime miror, te otium 23 perturbare; non raodo urbem odisse, sed etiam lucem ; cum perditissimis latronibus non solum de die, 24 sed etiam in diem vivere. Ubi enim tu in pace consistes ? qui locus tibi in legibus 25 et in judiciis esse potest, quae tu, quantum in te fuit, dominatu regio sustulisti ? Ideone L. Tarquinius exactus, Spurii Cassius, Maelius, M. Manlius, necati, ut multis post secu- lis 26 a M. Antonio, quod fas non est, 27 rex Romae constituere- tur ? Sed ad auspicia redeamus. 28 XXXV. De quibus rebus 1 Idibus Martiis fait in senatu Caesar acturus, quaero turn tu quid egisses. Audiebam qui- 22. Ad Lupercalia] i. e. Antony or- dered it to be inscribed in the Fasti, under the date of these games ("fif- teenth of Febr.) that he offered, &c.' Antony was so far from having a sense of shame at establishing a ty- ranny, that he wished it to be handed down to posterity. Similarly, ad Brut. 15, ' Ego, D. Bruto liberato, quum laetissimus ille civitati dies il- luxisset, idemque casu Bruti natalis esset ; decrevi ut in fastis ad eum diem Bruti nomen adscriberetur.' 23. Te otiuni] Reip. statum con- vellere. Abram. 24. De die'] By day, openly; for he had said * non modo urbem odisse, aed etiam lucem.' Catull. carm. 47. ' In diem,' from day to day. De Or. ii. 40. * Si barbarorum in diem vivere, nostra consilia sempiternum tempus spectaredebent.' Trans. 'Not only to riot during the day, but (what is worse) to take no thought for to- morrow.' ' Vivere,' with ' de die,' means ' voluptatibus indulgere ;' with * in diem' ' vitam instituere.' 25. In legibus] i. e. In a state having laws and judiciary proceed- ings. 26. Multis seculis] Tarquin was expelled, a. u. 245 ; Sp. Cassius fell in 270; Sp. Maelius, in 315; M. Manlius, in 370 ; Antony presented Caesar with the diadem in 709. The greatest difference is 464 ; the least, 339. 27. Quod fas non est] Liv. ii. 1. 'Populum jurejurando adegit, nemi- nem Romae passuros regnare.' Dio- nys. (lib. v.) goes farther still ; for he says that they bound not only themselves, but their posterity, by the oath. 28. Sed ad auspicia redeamus] He pretends to consider the Lupercalia' as a digression, that he may return to the subject of the auspices, and intro- duce the Ides of March ; on whirh there was to be some decision as to the validity of Antony's alio die. From that he digresses into the great events which followed, and never returns. Sect. XXV. 1. De quibus rebus] As Caesar was to set out on the Par- thian expedition, four days after the ides of March, it was necessary to settle the affair of Dolabella's election before he proceeded. This was the question for that day, and Cic, who was engaged for Dolabella, had, no doubt, studied the subject, and dis- covered, perhaps, the distinction of 1 nuntiatio' and * spectio.' Antony, on the other hand, aware that Cic. was to speak against him, had come N N 410 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO dem te paratum venisse, quod me de ementitis auspiciis/ quibus tamen parere 3 necesse erat, putares esse dicturum. Sustulit ilium diem 4 Fortuna populi Romani. 5 Num etiam tuum de auspiciis judicium 6 interitus Caesaris sustulit ? Sed incidi 7 in id tern pus, quod iis rebus, in quas ingressa erat ora- tio, praevertendum est. 8 Qua? tua fuga ! 9 qua? formido prae- claro illo die ! qua? propter conscientiam scelerum desperado vita? ! quum ex ilia fuga, beneficio eorum, 10 qui te, si sanus 11 esses, salvum esse voluerunt, clam te domum 12 recepisti. O prepared on the subject. Others re- fer it to a report noticed by Seuton. Jul. 79. ' Proximo senatu percrebuit fama L. Cottam quindecemvirum sen- tentiam dicturum, ut quoniam libris fatalibus contineretur, Parthos nisi a rege non posse vinci, Caesar rex ap- pellaretur.' If Cicero referred to this report, 'quaero turn tu quid egisses?' must be answered by saying, 'you w ould no doubt have voted for creat- ing him king, on whom you had al- ready placed a diadem.' But the first explanation is the simpler. 2. De ementitis auspiciis'] Phil. iii. 4. Servabant reges auspicia, quae hie consul augurque neglexit, neque solum legibus contra auspicia ferendis, sed etiam collega, una ferente, quern ipse ementitis auspiciis vitiosum fece- rat.' 3. Quibus tamen parere'] By this we see that Caesar had not yet settled the question of Dolabella's elec- tion. 4. Sustulit ilium diem] i. e. The fortune of the Roman people, who then recovered their liberty, freed you from the dangers of that day, whereon you must either have opposed Caesar, your master, or allowed that you had falsified the auspices. 5. Fortuna pop. Rom.] Manil. 15. n. 16. Juv. Sat. x. ' Nos faci- nus, Fortuna, Deam cceloque loca- mus.' Abram. considers it remarka- ble that Homer never uses ri'x n xa the seuse of ' fortune,' 6. Num judicium] i. e. 'The death of Caesar freed you from this dilemma ; but it left your decision on record, to prove your ignorance, im- pudence, and arrogance.' Or his ad- mission of Dolabella to the consulship may be alluded to. 7. Sed incidi, fyc] As Cicero pur- sues this digression to the end of his speech, it is plain that he made use of the auspices merely for the sake of transition, and had exhausted all that he had to say upon them. Supr. 34. n.28. 8. Prazvertendum] ' Incidi in id teropus de quo prius mihi loquendum est, quam de iis rebus de quibus cce- peram loqui.' Faern. Al. preetereun- dum non sit. 9. Qua tua fuga] He laid aside his consular robes, and assumed the garb of a slave. 10. Beneficio eorum] E. g. Trebo- nius, who drew Antony aside ; or per- haps M. Brutus, who is said to have opposed the murder of Antony. Phil, xiii. 13. ' Sceleratum Trebonium? quo scelere 1 nisi quod te Idibus Mart., a debita tibi peste seduxit.' 11. Si sanus esses] i.e. Entertain sound and honest views for the re- public. 12. Clam te domum] Plutarch says that Antony and Lepidus were obliged to take refuge in the houses of others, though Lepidus was not in the senate at all, but with his soldiers in the sub- urbs. Inf. n. 17. PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 36. 411 mea frustra semper 13 verissima auguria rerum futurarum ! Dicebam illis 14 in Capitolio liberatoribus nostris, quum me ad te ire vellent, ut ad defendendam rempublicam te adhor- tarer : quoad metueres, omnia te prom issu rum ; simul ac timere desisses, similem te futurum tui. Itaque, quum ceteri consulares 15 irent, redirent, 16 in sententia mansi: neque te illo die, neque postero vidi ; neque ullam societatem optimis civibus cum importunissimo hoste foedere ullo contirmari posse credidi. Post diem tertium veni in sedem Telluris, et quidem invitus, quum omnes aditus 17 armati obsiderent. Qui tibi dies ille, M. Antoni, fuit? Quamquam mihi inimicus subito 18 exstitisti: tamen me tui miseret, quod tibi invi- deris. 19 XXXVI. Qui tu vir, dii immortales ! et quantus fuisses, si illius diei mentem servare potuisses ! Pacem haberemus, quae erat facta per obsidem, puerum nobilem, 1 M. Bamba- lionis 2 nepotem. Quamquam bonum te timor faciebat, non diuturnus magister 3 officii : improbum fecit ea, qua?, dum timor abest, a te non discedit, audacia. Etsi turn, quum op- timum te putabant, me quidem dissentiente, 4 funeri tyranni, si illud funus fuit, sceleratissime praafuisti. Tua ilia pulchra laudatio, 5 tua miseratio, tua cohortatio : tu, tu, inquam, illas 13. mea semper] Vid. Fam.vi. 6, where he states and upholds his prophetic powers. Supr. 15. n. 5. 14. Dicebam illis, c~\ The con- spirators fled first to the Capitol. In- trod. 2. 15. Ceteri consulares] L. Piso, L. Caesar, P. Sulpicius, L. Philip- pus, &c. 16. Irent, redirent] Perhaps this implies ' kept coming and going,' a sense which the words might bear, supr. 33. 17. Omnes aditus, &;c.] Appian states that Lepidus had a legion in an island of the Tiber, and that hearing of what had taken place, he led his troop3 into the Campus Martius, to assist Antony, Dio says into the Fo- rum. These, it is probable, were the men that were blockading the temple wf Tellus, as Antony's veterans and ' advocates' were hardly yet in train- ing. 18. Inimicus subito] Sc. the seven- teenth of September. 19. Tibi invideris] Denied your- self the glory. Sect. XXXVI 1. Puerum No- bilem] Ironical. Att. xvi. 11. 'Tan- turn ut sciant, naUHec, iraidwv, eum ex C. Fadii filia liberos habuisse.' 2. Bambalionis] Phil. ii. 1. 3. Non dint, mag.] i. e. ' Tamen non, &c.' Al. diuturni. * Malus cus- tos diuturnitatis, metus.' Off. ii. 7. V. E. 4. Me quidem dissentiente] This may apply either to their opinion of Antony's integrity, in which Cic. did not concur ; or the appointment of him to preside at the funeral of Caesar, which he opposed. 5. Pulchra laudatio] Ironically. 4-12 M. T. C1CER0NIS ORATIO faces 6 incendisti, et eas, quibus semustulatus ille est, et eas, quibus incensa L. Bellieni 7 domus deflagravit. Tu illos im- petus perditorum hominum 8 et ex maxima parte servorum, 9 quos nos vi manuque repulimus, in nostras domos immi- sisti. 10 Idem tamen, quasi fuligine 11 abstersa, reliquis die- bus in Capitol io praeclara senatusconsulta fecisti, ne qua post Idus Martias immunitatis tabula, neve cujus beneficii figere- tur. Meministi ipse de exsulibus, 12 scis, de immunitate quid dixeris. Optimum vero, quod dictatura? nomen in perpe- tuum de republica sustulisti. Quo quidem facto tantum te cepisse odium regni videbatur, ut ejus omnem, propter prox- imum dictatorem, tolleres metum. Constituta respublica videbatur aliis, mihi vero nullo modo, qui omnia, te guber- nante, naufragia metuebam. Num me igitur fefellit ? aut num diutius sui potuit esse dissimilis ? Tnspectantibus 13 vobis, toto Capitolio tabulae figebantur ; neque solum singulis venibant immunitates, sed etiam populis universis ; u civitas 15 non jam singillatim, sed provinciis totis dabatur. Itaque si haec ma- nent, 16 qua3 stante republica manere non possunt, provincias universas, Patres conscripti, perdidistis; neque vectigalia Suet. (Jul. 84.) says that Antony hav- ing read the decree and oath of fealty, formerly passed and taken, added a very few words. Dio and Appian, however, supply long orations. 6. lllas faces'] Introd. 3. Suet. Jul. 85. 7. L.Bellieni] Fam. viii. 15. 'Bel- lienus verna Demetrii, &c.' Deme- trius was a freedman of Pompey's. If so, Bellienus was not a senator, as the Delphin affirms, nor consequently a conspirator ; none but senators having had that honour. 8. Perditorum hominum] Many of them were Jews, attached to Caesar and hostile to Pompey, who had taken their temple. Suet. Jul. 84. * Praecipuique Judaei qui etiam noc- tibus continuis bustum frequenta- rent.' 9. Parte servorum] For these mix- ed with the mob, and wore the same dress as their masters, except they were senators. 10. Immisisti] Att. xiv. 10. Ser- vique et egentes in tecta nostra cum facibus imraissi.' 11. Fuligiyie] From ' fumus,' soot. So 'udus' uligo. 12. Meministi de exsulibus] Simi- larly, in Quint, xii. 2. ' Neque om- nino hujus rei meminit usquam poeta ipse.' 13. Inspectantibus, fc] In the sight of the senators, who, a few days before, were witnesses to a contrary decree ; the advertisements posted up, not in the forum, but in the capitol ; to beard even Jupiter himself; not in a part of it, but the whole.' 14. Populis universis] e. g. The Cretans. 15. Civitas, djf.] We learn from Att. xiv. 12, that Cic. considered the Jus Latium ( Latinitas) a great boon even for Caesar to grant ; whereas Antony grants them full citizenship. 16. Manent] Without being abro- gated. So Virg. JEn. ' Atque im- PHILTPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 37. 41 a solum, sed etiam imperium populi Romani, hujus domesticis nundinis 17 deminutum est. XXXVII. Ubi est septies millies, 1 quod in tabulis, quae sunt ad Opis, patebat ? funestae illius quidem pecuniae, 2 sed tamen, qua? nos, si iis, quorum erat, non redderetur, a tri- bulis 3 posset vindicare. Tu autem quadringenties HS, quod Idibus Martiis debuisti, quonam modo ante Kalendas 4 Apri- les debere desisti ? Sunt ea quidem innumerabilia, qua? a diversis 5 emebantur, non insciente te: sed unum egregium de rege Deiotaro, 6 populi Romani amicissimo, decretum in Capitolio fixum. Quo proposito nemo erat, qui in ipso do- lore risum 7 posset continere. Quis enim cuiquam inimicior. quam Deiotaro Caesar? aeque atque huic ordini, ut equestri, ut Massiliensibus, 8 ut omnibus, qui bus rempublicam populi Romani caram esse sentiebat. Sed [igitur], a quo vivo, nee praesens, 9 nee absens 10 quidquam aequi boni impetravit, apud mortuum factus est gratiosus. Compellarat 11 hospitem prae- sens, computarat, pecuniam imperarat, 12 in ejus tetrarchiam 1 ' mota manet fatis Lavinia conjux.' 17. Nundinis] So supr. 3. Quum domi tuae turpissimo mercatu omnia essent venalia.' Sect. XXXVII. 1. Septies mil- lies] Seven hundred, and 'quadrin- genties,' forty millions of sesterces. Supr. 16. n. (>. 2. FunestcE illius pecuniae] He had before called it ' cruenUe.' Phil. i. 7. ' Illius,' i. e. ' Opis,' if we are not to refer it to Caesar himself, to whom ' ille' is generally applied. 3. Quorum] Scil. Pompeianorum. Vid. Phil. i. 7. 3. Tributis] From the necessity of imposing taxes : these had not yet been levied, and were not till the fol- lowing year. Fam. xii. 30. Manut. V. E. 4. Idibus Kalendis] Cat. i. t>. n. 7. Att. xiv. 21. ' Kalendis Januarii debuit ; adhuc non solvit.' And again, in the next letter: ' Jam vel sibi ha- beat nummos, modo numeret Idi- bus.' 5. A diversis] From different agents of Antony. 6. Unum Deiotaro] Att. xiv. 12. ' Quid ] Deiotari nostri causa non si- milis? dignus ille quidem omni regno, sed non per Fulviam.' 7. Risum] At the contradiction be- tween Caesar's own acts, and thos' regarding the same individual, now ascribed to him. V. E. 8. Massiliensibus] They had sus- tained a memorable siege against his lieutenants, D. Brutus and Trebonim , when he was first in Spain. Hooke, x. 3. He was therefore highly incens- ed against them. Cat. ii. 7. n. 12. 9. Nee present] JJeiot. Introd. 3. 10. Absens] His cause was advo- cated by Brutus at Nice in Liguria, and by Cic. at Rome. Deiot. In trod. 6. 11. Compellarat]- 1. To call by name or question. 2. To reprove, to chide. 3. To sue for money, to dun, as here. 12. Pecuniam imperarat] This is alluded to Deiot. 5. 13. Tetrarchiam] Mil. 28. n. 8. nn2 414 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO unum ex Graecis 14 comitibus suis collocarat, Arraeniam ab&- tulerat a senatu datam. Haec vivus eripuit : reddit mor- tuus. 15 At quibus verbis? 15 modo "aequum sibi videri,'* modo 16 " non iniquum." Mira verborum complexio ! 17 At ille 18 nunquam (semper enim absenti 19 adfui Deiotaro) quic- quam sibi, quod nos pro illo postularemus, aequum dixit videri. Syngrapha 20 sestertii centies per legatos, 21 viros bo- nos, sed timidos et imperitos, sine nostra, sine reliquorum hospitum regis sententia, facta in gynaeceo : 22 quo in loco plurima? res venierunt et veneunt. 23 Qua ex syngrapha quid sis acturus, meditere censeo. Rex enim ipse sua sponte, nullis commentariis Caesaris, simul atqUe audivit ejus interi- tum, suo Marte 24 res suas recuperavit. Sciebat homo sa- piens, jus semper hoc fuisse, ut, qua? tyranni eripuissent, ea. tyrannis interfectis, ii, quibus erepta essent, recuperarent. 14. Unum ex Greccis] Mithridates Pergamenus. Deiot. Introd. 3. Hir- tius B. A., says that he was of royal extraction, and educated by Mithrid. the great. 15. Hetc vivus mortuus] Abram. thought that Cicero meant this to be ridiculous. Graev. says not. ' Nihil hie ridiculi video.' Cicero, however, says, supr., that nobody could refrain from laughter at the sight of the de- cree, by which Caesar restored his kingdom ; evidently because he was mortuus when it was made. 15. Quibus verbis] The very lan- guage of the decree, Cicero hints, be- trayed the author. Caesar was a per- spicuous writer. 16. Modo modo'] Sometimes. So Ter. Ern. iv. 4. ' Modo ait, modo ne- gat.' 17. Complexio'] Means in Cic, 1 . A synaeresis, a figure of speech. 2. The conclusion of a syllogism. 3. A dilemma. 4. Any strange way of speaking, a confusion of terms, as here. 18. Ille} Csesar. 19. Semper enim absenti] Either as patron or advocate. As Cicero fled to Brundisium after the battle of Phar- salia, he was not present at Nice, where the cause of Deiotarus wa> heard. 20. Syngrapha] ' Chirographum means : 1. An autograph. 2. Memo- randa, notes. 3. Any acknowledg- ment or bill of a debt, &c. But Syn- grapha' is a regular bond signed by both parties, a copy of which is kept by each. ' Sestertii,' more usually 'sestertium,'or HS. 21. Legatos] Deiot. 15. 'Timidos,' being afraid of Antony ; * Imperitos,' who did not know, that on the death of a tyrant, the plunder reverted to it rightful owners. 22. Gynazceo] YvvaiKtiov, sc. oiKtf- ua, an inner apartment, in which the matron kept the female part of the household. Here the apartment of Fulvia. 23. Venierunt et veneunt] Cicero joins these tenses to express the con- tinuance of the practice. Manil. 13. n. 9. And, ex qua syng. quid, &c.' i.e. How are you to execute your bond ? Muren. i. 17. ' Pergitisne tan- quam ex syngrapha agere cum po- puloV 24. Suo Marte] On the death of Caesar, Deiotarus expelled Mithridates PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 38. 415 Nemo igitur jureconsultus, ne iste quidem, 25 qui tibi uni est jureconsultus, per quern haec agis, ex ista syngrapha deberi dicit pro iis rebus, quae erant ante syngrapham recuperatae. Non enim a te emit, sed prius, quam tu suum sibi venderes, ipse possedit. Ille vir fuit : nos quidem contemnendi, qui auctorem odimus, acta defendimus. 26 XXXVIIT. Quid ego de commentariis infinitis, quid de innumerabilibus chirographis loquar? quorum etiam 1 imi- tatores sunt, qui ea, tamquam gladiatorum libellos, 2 palam venditent. Itaque tanti acervi nummorum apud istum con- struuntur, 3 ut jam expendantur, 4 non numerentur pecuniae. At quam caeca 5 avaritia est ! Et nuper fixa tabula est, qua civitates locupletissimae 6 Cretensium liberantur, statuiturque, ne post M. Brutum proconsulem sit Creta 7 provincia. Tu mentis es compos ? tu non constringendus ? An Caesaris decreto Creta post M. Bruti decessum potuit liberari, quum from his tetrarchy, and Ariobarzanes from Armenia. 25. Ne iste quidem] Perhaps he means Sex. Clodius, who was by this time returned from exile ; and from his experience in the service of P. Clodius, would be well qualified to assist Antony. 26. Ada defendimus'] E. g. Cic. himself. Vid. Phil. i. 7. Sect. XXXVI1I.-1. Quorum eti- am, fyc] Abram. makes etiam in addi- tion to Antony. Rather : Of which also, (in addition to ' the tabulae, &c,' mentioned, sup. 36, and corrupted by Antony,) there are forgers. That these were merely agents of Antony, is shewn by the next sentence, where k appears that the money was piled up at his house. 2. Tamquam gladiatorum libellos] Like play-bills. Maturant. under- stands them as advertisements for the sale of gladiators;' but they are ra- ther statements of the matches to be fought at the shews by the gladiators. Cic. Fam. ii. 8, calls them ' gladiato- rum compositiones.' And Lipsius Saturn, ii. 18, says * Ante pugnam, moris erat, ut editor libellos propo- neret, in quibus dies futuri muneris, item nomina et paria gladiatorum / and he adds, that they were sent even into the provinces to collect spectators and friends. Hor. Sat. ii. 7, alludes to a species of them which had on them representations of the fancy. Plin. xxxv. 7. 3. Construuntur] ' Divitiis, quas qui construxerit, illeClaruserit.' Hor. Sat. ii. 3. 95. V. E. 4. Expendantur] The measuring of money to intimate its abundance had become proverbial. Hor. Sat. i. 1 . ' Ut metiretur nummos.' This Cicero transfers to weight; which, though once the method of valuing money, had long fallen into disuse ; except, as here, to express a large sum. 5. At quam cctca, tyc] Which takes the most imprudent methods of self- gratification ; e. g. ' Nuper fixa tabula est, &c.' 6. Locupletissimce] And therefore paid a great revenue. 7. Creta] This island was voted to Brutus soon after the ides of March. Introd. 3. Antony, then on friendly terms with Brutus, sold the decree for its liberation, on condition that it 416 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO Creta nihil 8 ad Brutum, Caesare vivo, pertineret ? At hujus venditione decreti (ne nihil actum putetis) provinciam Cre- tam perdidistis. Omnino nemo ullius rei fuit emptor, cui defuerit hie venditor. Et de exsulibus legem, 9 quam fixisti, Caesar tulit. IN ullius insector calamitatem : tantum que- ror, 10 primum eorum reditus inquinatos, 11 quorum causam Caesar dissimilem judicarit ; deinde nescio cur non reliquis idem tribuas. Neque enim plus quam tres aut quattuor reli- qui sunt. Qui simili in calamitate sunt, cur tua misericordia simili non fruuntur ? cur eos habes in loco patrui ? 12 de quo 1 ; ferre, quum de reliquis ferres, noluisti : quem etiam ad cen- suram petendam impulisti, 14 eamque petitionem comparasti, quae et risus hominum et querelas moveret Cur autem ea comitia non habuisti ? an quia tribunus plebis sinistrum 15 ful- should not take place till after expira- tion of Brutus's government. ' Pro- consulem,' vid. Manil. 21. n. 8. 8. Quum Creta nihil] For Appian iii. relates that Caesar had appointed Brutus to Macedonia ; and although, upon the death of Caesar, Antony, as consul, laid claim to it, and had Crete assigned to Brutus ; yet, soon after this speech was written, Brutus seized on Macedonia, and held it for the senate. Had Antony, however, not made the exception in his favour in the decree concerning Crete, Brutus might, by demanding Macedonia, have discon- certed his schemes. 9. De exsulibus legem] He had pro- mised, Phil. i. 1, to restore only one. 10. Tantum queror] Cic. objects, 1. That the restoration of these ho- nourable men, who were exiled for their adherence to the cause of Pom- pey, should be contaminated by being brought into contact with that of men who had been banished for their crimes ; and 2. That invidious ex- ceptions were made when only three or four remained. 11. Inquinatos] Al. aquatos, i. e. put on the same footing. 12. In loco patrui] i.e. Why do you treat them as you did your uncle in your tribuneship, whom you omitted to restore along with Lenticula and others. We must not then refer ' in loco patrui' to the present time, a mis- take which has caused the greatest confusion in all the explanations given by the commentators of this and the* following passage. 13. De qua* fc] Namely, when Antony restored Lenticula, &c, sup. 23. It is probable that C. Antonius owed his return to Caesar, who, on re- turning first from Spain, restored all the exiles, except Milo and Sex. Clodius. We find him in the senate the first day of this year. Inf. 'patruo sedente.' 14. Quem impulisti] Cic. evi- dently introduces this as an instance of unfeeling conduct in Antony towards his uncle ; but the circumstances be- ing notorious, required only a brief allusion. Hence it is not clear what excited ' the laughter and complaints of people.' An obvious solution is, that the former arose from a man of such morals as C. Antonius aspir- ing to be magister morum ;' and the latter from Antony's having urged his uncle to a canvass, in order to eipcse him to the scorn of the citizens. 15. Sinistrum] De divin. ii. 35. ' Fulmen sinistrum auspicium opti- mum habemus ad omnes res praeter- quam ad comitia.' PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 38. 417 men nuntiabat? Quum tua quid interest, nulla auspicia sunt ; quum tuorum, turn lis religiosus. Quid ? eundem in septemviratu 16 nonne destituisti ? Intervenit enim. 17 Quid metuisti ? Credo, ne salvo capite 18 negare non posses. Omnibus eum 19 contumeliis onerasti, quem patris loco, si ulla in te pietas esset, colere debebas. Filiam ejus, sororem tuam, 20 ejecisti, alia conditione 21 qusesita et ante perspecta. 22 Non est satis. Probri 23 insimulasti pudicissimam feminam. Quid est, quod addi possit ? Contentus eo non fuisti. Fre- quentissimo senatu Kalendis Januariis sedente patruo, hanc tibi esse cum Dolabella causam pdii dicere ausus es, quod ab eo sorori et uxori tua? stuprum oblatum esse comperisses. Quis interpretari potest, impudentiorne, qui in senatu, an im- probior, qui in Dolabellam, 24 an impurior, qui patre audi- ente, an crudelior, qui in illam miseram 25 tam spurce, tarn impie 26 dixeris. 16. Septemviratu] A further act of harshness in Antony towards his uncle. A Commission having heen appointed by Antony to assign the public lands, his uncle wished to be made one of the number. Att. xv. 16. * Die mihi C. Antonius voluitne fieri septemvir? Dignus fuit.' Antony after giving him cause to expect his support, for reasons which do not appear, subse- quently withdrew it. 17. Intervenit enim] An observa- tion inserted by Cic. (or some gramma- rian) to show how Antony abandoned his uncle. Did you not desert him in his suit for the office of Septemvir ? (for he (Antony) privately opposedhis appointment.) What did you fear, that you should act so underhand a part? Forsooth, lest you could not deny him without personal danger. Absurd.' Orel, agrees with this expla- nation. Others take it generally. ' I did,' replies Antony; 'for something occurred.' Others again : * I did ; for Ae(C. Antonius) intruded himself.' The first explanation appears the most probable ; but perhaps the sense is left designedly imperfect. It may be added, that Turneb. Advers. iv. 11, supposes 'destituisti to refer to a money transaction ; and explains : Intervenit enim (et pecu- niam petivit).' Of course there is no ground for this conjecture. Olivet, however, cites ' pecuniam petivit,' a? Turnebus's meaning of 'intervenit,' not as an explanation of the transac- tion ! Hence Dune. He asked for the money.' 18. Salvo capite] With personal safety. Caecin. 8. 19. Omnibus eum] This is a new act of harshness, quite distinct from the Septemvirate. 20. Sororem tuam] Your cousin. 21. Alia conditione] Fulvia. 22. Perspecta] Al. prospecta. \ id. Bayle, art. Fulvia. 23. Probri] Here, adultery. 24. Qui in Dolabellam] DolabelU was now reconciled to Antony, and both had conspired against the senate ; therefore Cic. might hope by this to create dissension betwen them. 25. Illam miseram] Innocentem. Abram. 26. Turn spurce, tam impie] These adverbs must be limited to the last clause in the sentence, i. e. to his 418 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO XXXIX. Sed ad chirographa redeamus. 1 Qua? tua fuit cognitio V- Acta enim Caesaris pacis causa confirmata sunt a senatu, quae quidem Caesar egisset, non ea, quae Caesarem egisse dixisset Antouius. Unde ista erumpunt ? 3 quo auc- tore proferuntur ? 4 si sunt falsa, cur probantur ? si vera, cur veneunt ? At sic placuerat, ut ex Kalendis Juniis de Caesa- ris actis cum consilio cognosceretis. 5 Quod fuit consilium ? quem unquam convocasti ? quas Kalendas Junias exspec- tasti? an eas, ad quas te, peragratis veteranorum coloniis, stipatum armis retulisti ? O praeclaram illam percursationem tuam mense Aprili at- que Maio, 6 turn, quum etiam Capuam 7 coloniam deducere conatus es ! Quemadmodum illinc abieris, vel potius paene* abuse of Antonia being inapplicable to the rest. ' Spurcus,' aocording to Fest., is properly applied to impure wine ; and itnpius' is, without re- gard to consanguinity. Sect. XXX IX. 1. Sed ad chiro- grapha redeamus] From speaking of the law about the exiles, Cic. took occasion to digress to Antony's harsh treatment of his uncle, and now he re- turns to the ' chirographa' again. 2. Que cognitio?] In what mode did you examine and verify these? Ne qua ipsius cognitio, illo absente, de existimatione ejus constitueretur.' Verr. ii. 25. V. E. As Antony ought to have given in his report on the first of June, his failing to do so leads Cic. to consider how he spent his time, his review of the colonies, his return to Rome and conduct there, with which he concludes. 3. Unde erumpunt] Nisi ex do- mo tua, imo ex gynaeceo Fulviae. Abram. 4. Quo auctore proferuntur?] i. e. Who but Antony vouches for their genuineness 1 Phil. i. 7. n. 8. 5. Cognosceretis] sc. You and Do- labella. ' Cum consilio ;' * with a committee.' 6. Mense Maio] Introd. 5. 7. Capuam] This city, a. u. 412, made a voluntary surrender of itself to the Roman people (Liv. vii. 30,) to obtain its protection against the Sam- nites. When Hannibal, however, released it from the fear of Rome, it revolted. Its punishment was severe, being deprived of its senate, and all the distinctions of a republic. Agrar. i. 6. The city, however, was spared, but it was merely as a mart for the productions of the neghbouring lands. Agrar. ii. 33. It continued a Roman prefecture, untouched either by the generosity of a Gracchus, or the ty- ranny of a Sylla ' benignitas Grac- chorum aut Syllae dominatio.' A co- lony, indeed, had been led out thither by M. Brutus, the father of the tyran- nicide ; but it being observed, that both he and the other promoters of it met with a violent death, it soon de- clined. Agrar. ii. 34. Rullus, in Cicero's consulship, proposed to colo- nize it, but failed through the elo- quence of Cic, who urged the innate pride of Capua, and its emulation of Rome. Caesar, a. u. 694, proposed an Agrarian law which made Capua the head of a colony. Then were its senators raised to the rank of decuri- ones, and it soon became the most flourishing city in Italy. 8. P&ne] Antony, to conciliate the veterans, many of whom were still un- provided with lands, resolved to in- PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 39. 419 non abieris, scimus. Cui tu urbi 9 minitaris. Utinam conere, ut aliquando illud pcene tollatur ! At quam nobilis est tua ilia peregrinatio ! quid prandiorum apparatus, 10 quid furio- sam vinolentiam tuam proferam ? Tua ista detrimenta sunt : ilia 11 nostra. Agrum Campanum/ 2 qui quum de vectigali- bus eximebatur, ut militibus daretur, tamen infligi magnum reipublica? vulnus putabamus ; hunc tu compransoribus tuis et collusoribus dividebas. Mimos dico et mimas, Patres conscripti, in agro Campano collocatos. Quid jam querar 13 crease the number of the Capuan colony ; in attempting which he was nearly killed. 9. Cui urbi] Quali, Delph. But it is like ' cui bello,' supr. 29. Phil, xii. 3. ' Illi, (Capuae,) illi, inquam, urbi fortissime conanti e manibus est ereptus Antonius.' 10. Prandiorum apparatus] Cat. ii. 10. n. 16. 11. Ilia] Referring, as usual, to what follows. 12. Agrum Campanum] This dis- trict became the publicus ager' of the Rom. people by surrender, a. u. 412, during the war of the Samnites, but the occupiers were permitted to retain the possession. But after the revolt of Capua to Hannibal, they were driven out, and it was allocated to Roman settlers, ' vectigales,' the tenants of the Rom. people. Liv. xxvi. 34; xxvii. 3. 11, and xlii. 19. It continued in their possession with slight changes, till it was colonized by Caesar, with 20,000 Roman ci- tizens. The head of this colony was Capua. Now as Cicero objected to the Agrarian law of Rullus, that it would deprive the Rom. people of their * fairest revenue,' we must infer that Caesar's law did no less. How, then, can Cic. say that this land was taken from the ' vectigales' to be gi- ven to soldiers, if it had been already disposed of to 20,000 colonists? The probable answer is, that the * Campa- nus ager' was so extensive as to leave abundant room for numerous state tenants, after supplying Caesar's colo- nists ; that it was these who were re- moved to make way for the military colonies of Caesar (militibus,) and hence the ' wound inflicted on the re- public' It is worth notice, however, that even these veterans did not fully oc- cupy it, as we find it now distributed to his favourites by Antony, who would not surely attempt to dislodge the men whose favour he was now courting. But not even did this ex- haust this wonderful land ; for Antony had about this time a special commis- sion of seven, appointed to distribute to 'deserving persons,' this, and the Leon- tine lands ; and we find in the succeed- ing Philippics, that they acted on their commission ; and Antony makes it a particular demand from the senate, that, in case of their coming to terms, the grants made by the Septemvirate should be valid. Phil. viii. 7. The Romans, indeed, in the leases of the state lands, reserved to themselves the right of resumption at pleasure, and this may explain the location of this land to colonies ; but nothing except its extent and the vagueness of the terms, seems sufficient to clear the difficulty of understanding the re- peated settlements which Cicero states it to have undergone. The student will find some sensible remarks con- nected with this subject, in Neibuhr's Roman History, which would have been still more valuable, if properly illustrated by examples. 13. Quid jam querar?] He does af- terwards. Phil. iii. 9. 420 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO de agro Leontino ? Quandoquidem hae quondam arationes 14 Campana et Leontina 15 in populi Romani patrimonio grandi tenore 16 et fructuosae ferebantur. Medico 17 tria millia ju- gerum : quid, si te sanasset ? 18 rhetori duo : quid, si te di- sertum facere potuisset? Sed ad iter Italiamque 19 redea- mus. XL. Deduxisti coloniam 1 Casilinum, quo Caesar ante de duxerat. 2 Consuluisti me per literas de Capua tu quidem ; sed idem de Casilino respondissem : possesne, ubi colonia esset, eo coloniam novam jure deducere. Negavi, 3 in earn coloniam, quae esset auspicato deducta, dum esset incolumis, coloniam novam jure deduci : colonos novos adscribi posse rescripsi. Tu autem insolentia elatus, omni auspiciorum jure turbato, Casilinum coloniam deduxisti, quo erat paucis annis ante deducta, ut vexillum tolleres,* ut aratrum circumdu- ceres : cujus quidem vomere portam Capuae paene perstrinx- isti, ut florentis colonise territorium minueretur. Ab hac 14. Arationes] Public farms, or the arable parts of an ' ager.' 15. Leontina] Supr. 17. n. 8. 4 Patrimonio,' Supr. 17. n. 9. 16. Fenore] Properly, produce, ' foetus.' 17. Medico] The name of this lucky man is not recorded. For ' rhe- tori' vid. sup. 4, n. 7. 18. Quid, si te sanasset] If he had restored your senses. Al. quasi. V. E. 19. Ad iter Italiamque] He had digressed to speak of the Leontine land which lay in Sicily. Sect. XL. 1. Deduiisti coloniam, <5fc] The object here is to convict Antony of a disregard of omens, and consequently a breach of religion. 2. Quo Ccesar ante deduxerat] Casilinum was on the river Vulturnus, in Campania. Liv. xxii. 15. 'Quae urbs, Vulturno fluraine dirempta, Fa- lernum ac Campanum agrum dividit.' A brani. considers this a military co- lony ; but as the civil war was only terminated the preceding year, the veterans could hardly be said to be ' paucis annis ante deducta.' We must, therefore, refer it to the coloni- zation, a. u. 694. ; and conceive the military colonies to be planted in such portions of Campania, as were not oc- cupied by the colonists at that period. 3. Negavi] Neibuhr details the methods of planting a colony. It appears that the Augur or Agriraen- sor drew two transverse lines at right angles, in the direction of the four car- dinal points. If all the lands which came within the Augur's range, were unoccupied, it was well ; if not the occupants had to remove, as was the case with the Mantuans. Virg. Eel. i. 4. Ut vexillum tolleres] * Vexillum' from 'velum;' (Cic. Orat. 45, says that ' velum' is from it,) or from ' veho' being carried by the standard- bearer. Forcel. defines, ' velum pur- pureum quod est apud ducem et ab eo proponitur ad signum futura pugna; dandum.' The soldiers flocked to it in a muster, and it was displayed in leading out a colony. Cic. hints that Antony planted the colony, not to serve the veterans, but for the sake of displaying the flag, (i.e. of violating the auspices by leading out a colony unlawfully;) and of marking out PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 41. 421 religionum perturbatione advolas in M. Varronis, 5 sanctissimi atque integerrimi viri, fundum Casinatem. 6 Quo jure ? quo ore ? Eodem, inquies, quo in heredum L. Rubrii, quo in heredum 7 L. Turselii 8 praedia, quo in reliquas innumerabiles possessiones. t si ab hasta, 9 valeat hasta, valeant tabula?, modo Caesaris, non tuae ; quibus debuisti, non quibus tu te liberavisti. Varronis quidem Casinatem fundum quis ve- niisse dicit ? quis hastam istius venditionis vidit ? quis vocem praeconis audivit ? Misisse te 10 dicis Alexandriam, qui eme- ret a Caesare. Ipsum enim exspectare magnum fuit ! Quis vero audivit unquam (nullius autem salus curae pluribus fuit) de fortunis Varronis rem ullam esse detractam ? Quid ? si etiam scripsit ad te Caesar, ut redderes ; quid satis potest dici de tanta impudentia ? Remove gladios parumper illos, quos vi dermis. Jam intelliges, aliam causam 11 esse hasta? Caesaris, aliam confidential et temeritatis tuae. Non enim te dominus modo illis sedibus, sed quivis amicus, vicinus, hos- pes, procurator arcebit. XLI. At quam multos dies in ea villa turpissime est per- bacchatus ! Ab hora tertia 1 bibebatur, ludebatur, vomeba- tur. O tecta ipsa misera, ' quam dispari domino !' 2 Quam- boundaries with the plough ; (i. e. of scription-sale of Caesar, why let that infringing on the territory of Capua.) sale be valid, let the treasury accounts, 5. M. Varronis] Varro was born by which, at the instance of Caesar, ten years before Cicero, to whom he you were made debtor to the amount, dedicated his books, de Ling. Lat. ('quibus debuisti,') be valid; not Lactantius says of him : ' Fuit toga- yours, by which you brought yourself torum literatissimus et quo nemo un- in clear. Antony had no doubt writ- quam doctior, ne apud Graecos qui- ten ' paid' under his account in the dem fuit.' His attachment to the state ledger. The tabulae auctiona- cause of Pompey is well known. rise' then are not referred to here. 6. Casinatem'] Casinum, a town of 10. Misisse te, c] He refutes this the Volsci, in Latium, now Monte second plea of Antony in three ways ; Cassino. Varro had another estate at 1. By shewing its improbability, as Tarentum, where there was a famous there was no urgency to prevent him aviary and horologium. Vid.de R. R. from awaiting Caesar's return. 2. hi. 5. 13. There was no witness of the transac- 7. Quo in heredum] Cic. had writ- tion, yet every one was concerned, ten quo in Scipionis, but at the request 3. So far from that, C*sar wrote to of Atticus, changed it. Att. xvi. 1 1 . you to restore it. 8. L. Rubrii TurseL] Supr. 8. 11. Aliam causam] Cic. still affects 25. to consider Caesar's acts as legal. 9. Si ab hasta] Phil. viii. 3. Hasta Sect. XLI. 1. Ab hora tertia] Sc. Caesaris multis improbis etspem affert, Nine o'clock. Arch. 7. n. 15. et audaciam.' ' If Antony really 2. Quam dispari domino] Off. i. bought the estate of Varro at the pro- 39. ' O domus antiqua, heu ! quam 422 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO quam quomodo iste dominus ? sed tamen quam ab dispari tenebantur ! Studiorum enim suorum M. Varro voluit esse illud, non libidinum deversorium. 3 Quae in ilia villa antea dicebantur! qua? cogitabantur ! quae Uteris mandabantur ! Jura populi Romani, monumenta majorum, omnis sapientiae ratio, omnisque doctrinae. 4 At vero, te inquilino/ (non enim domino,) personabant omnia vocibus ebriorum ; natabant pavimenta 6 vino ; madebant parietes; ingenui pueri 7 cum meritoriis, scorta inter matresfamilias versabantur. Casino salutatum veniebant, 8 Aquino, Interamna. 9 Admissus est nemo. Jure id quidem : in homine enim turpissimo obsole- fiebant 10 dignitatis insignia. Quum inde Romam proficiscens ad Aquinum accederet, obviam ei processit (ut est frequens municipium) magna sane multitudo. At iste operta 11 lectica latus per oppidum est ut mortuus. Stulte Aquinates : sed tamen in via 12 habitabant. Quid, Anagnini? 13 qui, quum dispari dominare domino V The poet is not known. 3. Deversorium] He calls it (4. de R. R. iii.) a part of his museum. His writings were most voluminous, em- bracing every subject of human and divine learning. Only three books, de R. R. f and his treatise de Ling. Lot. are extant. 4. Sapiential doctrina] Philoso- phy erudition. The former respects what a man gains by the exertion of his natural powers : the latter by the instruction of others. ' Omnis,' the genit. used distributively. 5. Inquilino] This ward, which is given by Forcel. ' quasi incolinus,' is really from * insula,' i. e. ' insulinus.' ' Insulae' were originally houses built separately from others ; then, rented houses, lodgings. Murator. found the insulae' to the 'domus,' as fifty to one. The latter, therefore, were probably the town residences of the rich, the former of the poor, or of provincials who had no permanent houses at Rome. Hence the invidious appella- tion of the term to Cicero. Sail. Cat. 32. 6. Natabant pavimenta] Carm, ii. 14.25. ' Absumes heres Caecuba dig- nior .... et mero tinguet pavimen- tum suberbo.' Pis. 10. 'In quo ne- mo potest dicere, utrum iste plus bi- berit, an vomuerit, an effuderit.' 7. Ingenui pueri, Sfc] Of whom Se- neca, Epist.v. 'Transeo puerorum in- felicium greges, quos post transacta convivia aliae cubiculi contumeliae ex- pectant.' They are opposed to ' me- ritoriis,' who were generally slaves. 8. Veniebant] Sc. to the Villa of Varro. 9. Interamna] Mil. 17. n. 14. ' Aquinum,' a town of Latium, now Aquino ; most celebrated, perhaps, as the birth-place of the angelic Doctor, Thomas Aquinas. 10. Obsolefiebant] Were tarnished. Manil. 17. n. 5. 11. Operta] Not like Cytheris who chose her litter to be aperta.' 12. In via] Sc. Latina ; opposed to devii.' 13. Anagnini] Anagniawasa town of Latium, built on a low mountain, which lay to the left of the Via La- tina. They therefore might have avoided paying their respects to th? Roman consul. PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 42. 423 cssent devii, descenderunt, ut istum, tamquam si esset, con- sulem salutarent. Ineredibile dictu: sed tuna nimis inter omnes constabat, neminem esse resalutatum : prsesertim 14 quum duos secum Anagninos haberet, Mustelam et Laco- nem ; quorum alter gladiorum 15 est princeps, alter poculorum. Quid ego illas istius minas contumeliasque commemorem, quibus invectus est in Sidicinos, 16 vexavit Puteolanos, 17 quod C Cassium et Brutos patronos adoptassent? Magno qui- dem judicio, studio, bene volenti a, caritate, non ut te, ut Ba- silum, 18 vi et armis, et alios vestri similes, quos clientes nemo habere velit, non modo 19 illorum cliens esse. XLII. Interea 1 dum tu abes, qui dies ille collegoe tui fuit, quum illud, quod tu venerari solebas, bustum 2 in foro evertit ! qua re tibi nuntiata, ut constabat inter eos, qui una fuerunt, concidisti. Quid evenerit postea, nescio. 3 Metum credo valuisse et arma. Collegam quidem de ccelo detraxisti, 4 eftecistique, non tu quidem etiam nunc, ut sit similis tui, sed eerte, ut dissimilis esset sui. Qui vero inde reditus Romam! quae perturbatio totius urbis ! Memineramus Cinnam nimis potentem, Sullam 5 pos- l-J. Prtesertim] Supr. 24. n. 17. 15. Must. gladiorum] Al. gladia- torum. Cicero gives these two per- sons' names to his friend Atticus, xvi. 1 1 . apparently after the perusal of this oration. They were therefore proba- bly not found in the original, though they now appear in all MSS. V. E. Anagnini sunt Mustela ra^idp^nq et laco qui plurimum bibit.' 16. Sidicinos] Sidicinum, called also Teanum, was a town of Cam- pania, on the Liris, near the Via Ap- pia. Liv. vii. 29. 17. Puteolanos] Puteoli, now Poz- zolo, a town on the sea-coast near Naples; so called, either ' ab aquae calidae putore ;' or, 'a multitudine puteoruui, earundem aquarum gratia, factorum.' It was so celebrated as a mart, that it was called Delo3 Mi- nor. 18. Baiilnm] Off. Hi. 8. 19. Non modo] For ' nedum.' Fam. i. 9. ' Nullum meum minimum dici- tur, non modo factum intercessit.' The regular construction would be 'quos nemo non modo illorum cliens ipse, sed ne clientes quidem habere velit.' Cat.i. 10, n. 4. Sect. XLII. 1 Interea'] Cic. has now arrived at the transactions of the preceding months, some of which were noticed in Phil. i. I 3. 2. Bustum] Phil. i. 2. n. 13. 3. Quid nescio] lie knew very well ; for by this time Dolabella was corrupted by Antony. Att. xiv. 2 1 . 22. 4. De coelo detmxisti] Cic, indeed, had often praised Dolabella ; but was as often premature. Atticus thought so, xiv. 21. ' Saepius me jam agitas, quoad rem gestam Dolabellae nimis in coelum efferre videar.' The expres- sion is poetical. Horn. : ' Keu jixow K\iog ovpavvv t*t.' Virg. : Fama super aethera notus.' Hor. : Sublimi, feriam sidera vertice.' 5. Cinnam SuLlam] Catiii. 10. n. 7. 13. 424 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO tea dominantem; modo regnantem Caesarem videramus. Erant fortasse gladii, sed absconditi, nee ita multi. Ista vero quae 6 et quanta barbaria 7 est ! Agraine quadrato 7 cum gladiis sequuntur : scutorum lecticas 8 portari videmus. Atque his quidem jam inveteratis, Patres conscripti, consuetudine ob- duruimus. Kalendis Juniis, quum in senatum, ut erat con- stitutum, venire vellemus, metu perterriti repente diflfugimus. At iste, qui senatu non egeret, neque 9 desideravit quern - quam, et potius discessu nostro laetatus est, statimque ilia mirabilia facinora effecit. Qui chirographa Caesaris defen- disset lucri sui causa, is leges Caesaris, easque praeclaras, ut rempublicam concutere posset, evertit. Numerum annorum 10 provinciis prorogavit : idemque, quum actorum Caesaris defensor esse deberet, et in publicis, et in privatis rebus acta Caesaris rescidit. In publicis 10 nihil est lege gravius : in privatis firmissimum est testamentum. Leges alias sine promulgatione sustulit : alias ut tolleret, promulgavit. 11 Testamentum irritum fecit ; quod etiam infimis civibus semper obtentum est. 12 Signa, tabulas, 13 quas populo Cae- 6. Ista vero qua] By comparing Antony with former tyrants, and shewing that he was worse, he holds him up to public odium. Phil. v. 6. * Cinnam meraini ; vidi Sullam ; mo- do Caesarem.' 7. Barbaria] From /3au>, I speak, and the letter p, the Greeks formed the word /3dp/3apoc, to express stran- gers who could not give that letter the proper sound. Arch. 8. n. 18. Ap- plied to foreigners, 'barbaria' signifies rudeness, ignorance, &c. ; but to a Roman, an affectation of foreign man- ners, as here ; for it was introducing an eastern despotism to have body- guards, litters of shields, &c. Per- haps, too, there is a reference to the Itureans whom, in the parallel pas- sage, Phil. v. 6, he calls barbari sagittarii.' 7. Quadrato] i. e. Presenting a front on every side ; therefore, ready to engage. 8. Scutorum lecticas"] i. e. ' Reple- tas scutis,' a use of the genit. corres- ponding to our idiom, ' a basket of flowers.' It appears, from Phil. v. 6, that the object was not to conceal the shields, but to relieve his friends from the fatigue of carrying them. 1 Non quo ille scuta occulta esse vel- let, sed ne familiares, si scuta ipsi ferrent, laborarent.' 9. Neque] Connects 'desideravit' with ' laetatus est.' ' Both did not want.' 10. Numerum annorum,] Phil, i. 8. 10. In publicis] Sc. rebus, from the preceding words ; where acta in- cludes both ' lex' and ' testamen- tum ;' the former being ' respublica,' the latter, ' privata.' Justin., how- ever, says : ' Testamenti faclio non privati sed publici juris est.' 11. Alias ut tolleret, promulgavit] Cic. means : ' he annulled some laws without, others by, promulgation.' i. e. It was indifferent to him whether he observed even the forms of regular legislation. 12. Obtentum est] Tusc. v. 1, ' Lex, quae in Graecorum conviviis PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 43. 42.5 sar una cum hortis legavit, eas hie partim in hortos Pom- peii deportavit, partim in villain Scipionis. 14 XLIII. Et tu l in Caesaris memoria diligens? tu ilium amas mortuum ? Quern is honorem majorein consecutus erat, quam ut haberet pulvinar, 2 simulacrum, 3 iastigium,* flami- nem ? Est ergo flamen, 5 ut Jovi, ut Marti, ut Quirino, sic divo Julio M. Antonius. Quid igitur cessas/ cur non inaugurare ? sume diem : vide, qui te inauguret f collegse sumus ; nemo negabit. O detestabilem hominem, sive quod tyranni sacerdos es, sive quod mortui ! Quaero deinceps, num, hodiernus dies qui sit, 7 ignores ? nescis, heri quartum in Circo 8 diem ludorum Romanorum fu- isse ? te autem ipsum ad populum tulisse, ut quintus ]>ra3terea dies Csesari tribueretur? Cur non sumus pra?- obtinetur,' i.e. holds is observed. 13. Signa, tabulas] These, not being mentioned in Caesar's will, pro- bably belonged to the gardens, which were mentioned ; and this omission Antony took advantage of, to carry tliem away. 14. Villam Scipionis] Which, with Pompey's gardens, was in Antony's own possession. Supr. 17. n. 2. Sect. XLIII. I. Et tu, $c] Having dwelt upon the illegal acts, he now meets the general defence of An- tony : that he was actuated in all he did by love to Caesar and his memory. So far from this, Cicero shews that the very honours which he had voted Caesar, while alive, he neglects to confer. 2. Pulvinar] Mil. 27. n. 15. The feast at which these couches were em- ployed, was called" ' lectisternium.' o. Simulacrum] According to Plin. xxxiv. 2, 'simulacrum' was peculiar to the gods. ' Pervenit deinde ad Deum simulacra, effigiem homi- num.' 4. Fastigium] Murator. iii. 618. Kdicula, sive tegumentum aedtculas vel stature impositum, et quatuor co- lumnis suffultum,' i.e. a canopy or dome raised over a small temple, or image, to defend it frdm injury. Flor. iv. 2, among the honours of Caesar, places ' fastigium in domo.' 5. Flumeri] Qu. Jilamen a Jilo, from the cap which the priest wore. The ' flamines' were priests to indivi- dual deities. They were originally three, as Cic. states. Liv. i. 20. Af- ter this example every emperor at his consecration had his flamen. Suet. CI. 6. 6. Vide inauguret] Cic. does not here intimate any doubt of Antony's being able to procure an augur to con- secrate him ; his argument requiring him to prove that no difficulty of that kind existed. He does so by assuring him, as a brother augur, that no one would oppose his application. An- tony's not applying then, under such circumstances, proves the insincerity which dictated his proposed honour's to Caesar. 7. Dies qui sil] \ id. Introd. 8, where, contrary to Phil. v. 7, ('ades- se in senatum jussit a. d. xiii. Kal. Oct.' i. e. the nineteenth of Sept.) the date of Antony's speech, and con- sequently of this, Cicero's reply is given, by mistake, the twentieth in- stead of the nineteenth. 8. In Circo] The old 'ludi Ro- mani,' which were celebrated from the fouith to the thirteenth of Sep-. oo 2 426 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO textati I 9 Cur honorem Caesari tua lege datum deseri pati- mur ? an supplicationes 10 addendo diem contaminari passus es ; pulvinaria noluisti ? Aut undique religionem tolle, aut usquequaque conserva. Quaeres, 11 placeatne mihi pulvinar esse, fastigium, flammem. Mihi vero nihil istorum placet. Sed tu, qui acta Caesaris defendis, quid potes dicere, cur alia defendas, alia non cures ? 12 Nisi forte vis fateri, te omnia quaestu tuo, non illius dignitate metiri. Quid ad haec tandem ? ( Exspecto enim eloquentiam tuam. Disertis- simum 13 cognovi avum tuum : at te etiam apertiorem 14 in di- cendo. Ille nunquam nudus est concionatus : tuum hominis simplicis pectus vidimus. ) Respondebisne ad haec? aut omnino hiscere 15 audebis ? Ecquid reperies ex tarn longa oratione mea, cui te respondere posse confidas ? Sed prae- terita 16 omittamus. XLIV. Hunc unum diem, hunc unum, inquam, hodier- tember, differed from these, the insti- tution of which is not clearly ascer- tained : they being, however, on the fifteenth of Sept. 9. Prceteitati] The 'praetexta,' it is probable, was the proper senatorial dress for viewing the Roman games, unless, we suppose with Ferrar., that on the fifth day of the games the se- nators were by the law obliged, in honour of Caesar, to wear the senatori- al robe. 10. An supplicationes] For, while Antony had neglected the pulvinar' and 'simulacrum,' in order to save appearances, he had ordered * sup- plicationes' on the fifth day of the games. Cic, however, thought them all equally a profanation of religion. 11. Quares] An anticipation by which he frees himself from the sus- picion of favouring these extravagant grants to Caesar ; and convicts An- tony of proposing them merely to flat- ter a tyrant, and serve his own ends. 12. Alia non cures'] Cic. hints that the law by which Antony decreed the honours to Caesar, which he is now ne- glecting, was as much Caesar's act, as any of those which, to suit his inter- est, he was maintaining. This con- sideration identifies Antony's laws with the acts of Caesar. 13. Disert.] Cic. makes this M. Antony, the orator, express the distinction of * disertus' and ' elo- quens,' de Or. i. 21. ' Quod euni statuebam disertum, qui posset satis acute atque dilucide, a pud mediocres homines, ex communi quadam opi- nione hominum, dicere : eloquentem vero qui mirabilius et magnificentius augere posset atque ornare, quae vel- let ; omnesque omnium rerum, quae ad dicendum pertinerent, fontes ani- mo ac memoria contineret.' 14. Apertiorem] A sort of banter on Antony's naked exhibition at the Lupercal games. ' Apertus,' applied to speech, signifies ' perspicuous.' Nat. D. ii. 2. ' Aperta et perspicua res.' 15. Hiscere] To open the mouth ' raris turbatus vocibus hisco.' Virg. JEn. iii. 314. 16. Preeterita] i. e. Admitting you cannot defend your past conduct, at least give us some reason why you put the senate under airest. PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 44. 427 imm diem, 1 hoc pimctum temporis, quo loquor, defen- de, si potes. Cur armatorum corona 2 senatus saeptus est ? cur me tui satellites cum gladiis audiunt ? cur valvae Con- cordiae 3 non patent ? cur homines omnium gentium maxime barbaros, Ityraeos, 4 cum sagittis deducis in forum? Prae- sidii 5 sui causa se facere dicit. Nonne igitur millies 6 perire est melius, quam in sua civitate sine armatorum praesidio non posse vivere ? Sed nullum est istuc, mihi crede, praesidium. Caritate 6 et benevolentia civium saeptum oportet esse, non armis. Eripiet, extorquebit tibi ista populus Romanus, uti- nam salvis 7 nobis ! Sed quoquo 8 modo nobiscum egeris, dum istis consiliis uteris, non potes, mihi crede, esse diu- turnus. Etenim ista tua minime avara conjux, quam ego sine contumelia describo, nimium debet diu populo Romano tertiam pensionem. 9 Habet populus Romanus, ad quos 10 gubernacula reipublicae deferat : qui ubiciinque 11 terrarum sunt, ibi est omne reipublicae praesidium, vel potius ipsa res- publica, quae se adhuc tantummodo ulta est, 12 nondum recu- ])eravit. 13 Habet quidem certe respublica adolescentes 14 no- Sect. XLIV. 1. Hodiemum di- p>n] This repetition of dies is imitated from the Greek, who often join rry/je- pov with y'lfikpa. 2. Corona] So Mil. 1. 'Corona consessus vester cinctus est.' It was usually composed of by-standers. Antony had it of soldiers. 3. Valvar Concordia-] Within this temple, of which the door was usually open, had been probably placed by Antony an additional body of armed men. Phil. v. 7. In cellaConcordiaj collocari armatos, latrones, sicarios : e templo, carcerem fieri.' V. E. 4. Iiyraos] Supr. 8. n. A. 5. Prasidii sui] He turns Antony's defence into a new charge, and thence takes occasion to begin his peroration. 6. Nonne igitur millies perire] Dem. Phil. hi. 14. TiQvavui yap HVpi&Ktlc, KOUTTOV, K. T. X. 6. Caritate, &;c] This is a usual ' locus communis.' Sail. Jug. 10. 7. Ulinam salvia] He prays that Antony may not be able to slay the senators, before the Roman people wrest his lawless power out of his hands. 8. Quoquo] i. e. Slay us or spare us. 9. Tertiam pens.] i. e. ' Tertium maritum.' For her two former hus- bands, Clodius and Curio, had died violent deaths. The good of his country now requires the third. Supr. 5. n. 6. There is an allusion to the custom of passing money, e. g. a dowry in three gales. Km. 10. Ad quos] Sc. Brutus and Cas- sius. 11. Qui ubicunque] He anticipates a boast of Antony, that those heroes dare not approach to the aid of their country, by showing that where they are, the state is also. 12. Tantummodo ulta est] Sc. by the death of Caesar. 13. Recuperavit] Which would re- quire yours. 14. Adolescentes] Brutus, as prae- tor, was forty years of age. Mil. 9. n. 6. 428 M. T. CICER0N1S ORATIO bilissimos, paratos defensores. Quam 15 volent, illi cedant, otio consulentes : tamen a republica revocabuntur. Et no- men pacis dulce 16 est, et ipsa res salutaris. Sed inter pa- cem et servitutem plurimum interest. Pax est tranquilla li- bertas : servitus postremum malorum omnium, non modo bello, sed morte etiam repellendum. Quod si se ipsos 17 illi nostri liberatores e conspectu nostro abstulerunt, exemplum facti reliquerunt. Illi, quod nemo fecerat, fecerunt. Tar- quinium Brutus bello est persecutus : qui turn rex fuit, quuni esse Romae regem licebat. Spurii Cassius, Maelius, M. Manlius propter suspicionem regni appetendi sunt necati. Hi primi cum gladiis, non in regnum appetentem, sed in regnantem 18 impetum fecerunt. Quod quum ipsum factum per se praeclarum est atque divinum, turn expositum ad imi- tandum ; praesertim 19 quum illi earn gloriam consecuti sint, quae vix coelo capi posse videatur. Etsi enim satis in ipsa conscientia pulcherrimi facti fructus erat, tamen mortal i im- mortalitatem non arbitror esse contemnendam. XLV. Recordare igitur 1 ilium, M. Antoni, diem, quo dic- taturam sustulisti ; pone ante oculos laetitiam senatus popu- lique Romani; confer cum hac immani nundinatione 2 tua tuorumque : 3 turn intelliges, quantum inter laudem 4 et lucrum intersit. Sed nimirum, ut qiiidam, morbo aliquo et sensus 15, Quam] By apocope for ' quan- 18. Regnantem] Sc Caesarem. turn.' Forcet. ' As much as they ' regnare' here is ' dominari ;' iu please.' Usual meaning in reference to Rome. 16'. E* nomen pacis dulce] i.e. 'I Cat. i. 12. n. 9. say that the republic will recall them ; 19. Pnrsertim] The usual ellipsis for, though peace is a blessing, and may be here inserted quod nobis fuci- though, consulting for its maintenance, endum est;' 'which we ought todo,' they have withdrawn for the present sc. imitate, especially, &c. Supr. 24. lrom Rome, yet slavery is not only an n. J 7. evil, but the worst of evils, which Sect. XLV. 1. Recordare igitur] neither they nor the Roman people i. e. ' If, therefore, immortal renown will bear. is so valuable, think of the strides 17. Quod si se ipsos] Hitherto he you made towards it by taking away showed that the state is supplied with the dictatorship.' Phil. i. 1. youthful heroes to assist her cause, 2. Nundinatione] Al. nummatione. meaning the conspirators. But it Supr. 14. n. 12. might be urged that they were absent 3. Tuorumque] Fulvia, and An- and might never return ; no matter, tony's brothers, Cassius, then prxtor, says Cic. They have left an example and Lucius, tribune, which will inspire others to emulate 4. Laudem] For abolishing the their virtue, &c. dictatorship; 'lucrum,' by selling PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 45. 429 stupore, suavitatem cibi non sentiunt ; sic libidinosi, avari, facinorosi, verae laudis gustatum non habent. Sed, si te laus allicere ad recte faciendum non potest, ne metus quidem a foedissimis factis potest avocare ? Judicia non metuis. 5 Si propter innocentiam, laudo : sin propter vim, non intelligis, qui isto modo judicia non timeat, ei quid timendum sit ? Quod si non metuis viros fortes, egregiosque cives, quod a corpore tuo prohibentur armis ; tui te, mihi crede, diutius non ferent. Quae est autem vita, dies et noctes timere a suis ? Nisi vero aut majoribus habes beneficiis obligatos, (juam ille quosdam habuit ex iis, a quibus est interfectus ; aut tu es ulla re cum eo comparandus. Fuit in illo inge- nium, 6 ratio, memoria, 7 literae, cura, cogitatio, diligentia ; res bello gesserat, quamvis reipublicae calamitosas, attamen magnas ; multos annos 8 regnare meditatus, magno labore, multis periculis, quod cogitarat, effecerat ; muneribus, 9 mo- provinces and immunities. 5. Judicia non metuis] Having tried the effects of praise, he now ad- dresses himself to Antony's fears. But he might answer, ' I do not re- gard your trials.' Granted : but per- haps you will our arms. This was not an idle threat ; for Cicero's san- guinary speeches against Antony roused the people to exertions ; the effects of which appeared at Mutina, where Antony was defeated, and well nigh taken prisoner. But again, Antony might allege that, protected as he was by personal guards, he did not dread arms. Cic. replies that even his guards will conspire against him. No, replies Antony, for they are bound to me by indissoluble ties of gratitude. Not by greater, rejoins Cic, than were Trebonius, Cimber, &c, &c, to Caesar ; in comparison of whom, Oh, what a difference. 6. Ingenium] Plin. Nat. H. vii. 25, exemplifies the abilities of Caesar : ' Scribere ct legere simul ; et dictare et audire solitum accepimus. Epis- tolas vero tantarum rerum quaternas pariter librariis dictare, aut si nihil aliud ageret, septenas' ! 7. Memoria] Deiot. 15. n. 7. ' Memoriam tuam implorat qua vales plurimum.' 8. Multos annos] Suet. Jul. 9, quotes, as would appear, from Cic. ' Caesarem in consulatu confirmasse regnum, de quo aedilis cogitarat.' And c. 22, he dates the design from his obtaining the province of Gaul. The former date would give about fif- teen years. But any one who reads the dangers and difficulties of his wars, and the fearless exposure of his per- son in battles, during the nine years which he was absent from Rome, leaving to Cicero and Pompey all the favours of the people, will be disposed to question the fact of any premedi- tated plan to overturn the liberties of his country. As is usual in all such cases, at every succeeding step, the path opened before him, and what at first appeared insurmountable, became easy and plain. 9. Muneribus] Suet. Jul. 26. 39. They consisted of gladiatorial shews, and games of all descriptions. 430 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO numentis, 10 congiariis, 11 epulis, 12 raultitudinem imperitam delenierat : suos praemiis, adversarios clementiae specie de- vinxerat. Quid multa ? attulerat jam libera? civitati, partim metu, partim patientia, consuetudinem serviendi. XLVI. Cum illo ego te dominandi cupiditate conferre possum, ceteris vero rebus nullo modo comparandus es. Sed ex plurimis malis, quae ab illo reipublicae sunt inusta, 1 hoc tamen boni est, quod didicit jam populus Romanus, quantum cuique crederet, qui bus se committeret, a qui bus caveret. Haec non cogitas? nee intelligis, satis esse viris ibrtibus didicisse, quam sit re pulchrum, beneficio gratum, fama gloriosum, tyrannum occidere ? An, quum ilium ho- mines non tulerint, te ferent ? Certatim posthac, mihi crede, ad hoc opus curretur, neque occasionis 2 tarditas exspectabi- tur. Respice, quaeso, aliquando 3 rempublicam, M. Antoni : quibus ortus sis, non quibuscum vivas, 4 considera : mecum, 5 ut voles ; cum republica redi in gratiam. Sed de te tu vi- deris : 6 ego de me ipse profitebor. Defendi rempublicam adolescens, 7 non deseram senex : contempsi Catilinae gladios, non pertimescam tuos. Quin etiam corpus libenter obtule- 10. Monumentis] A circus, forum, occasion. The other accounts of amphitheatre, temple of Venus Ge- these feasts are equally surprising, netrix, &c. Plin. xxxvi. 15, and Sect. XLVI. 1. Jniuta] Mil. 36. Suet. Jul. 26. These he did ; for what n. 4. he designed to do, vid. Suet. Jul. 44. 2. Occasionis] Fest. ' opportunitas 11. Congiariis] (From ' Congus,' temporis, casu quodam provenien- a liquid measure, containing six sex- tis.' tarius or pints,) signified gifts made 3. Aliquando'] On the principle of by generals to the people, usually of ' better late than never.' wine, oil, &c, but sometimes of 4. Non quibus vivas] Sex. Clodius, money. Suet. Aug. 41. Their gifts Mustela, Saxa, &c. to the soldiers were called donatives. 5. Mecum] Sc. ' redi in gratiam.' So Suet. Ner. 7, 'Populo congiarium, Terent. Hecyr. v. 1. * Nostra utere militi donativum proposuit ;' but this amicitia ut voles.' distinction is not always observed. 6. Videris] Used imperatively. Vid. Att. xvi. 8, where Antony's 'But do you see to yourself : I have gift to the Macedonian legions is given you fair warning. As for me ; called a congiary. my declaration, as touching myself, 12. Epulis] Noticed by Plut. Dio. shall be.' and, particularly, Suet. The first 7. Adolescens] The early services >tates the number of triclinia at 2200. of Cic. in the JYIarsic war, Plut. Cic. Pliny mentions the case of Hirtius 3, are not here alluded to, but, as ex- lending Caesar 6000 lampries for the plained by himself in the following PHILIPPICA SECUNDA, Cap. 46. 431 rim, si repraesentari 8 morte mea libertas civitatis potest ; ut aliquando 9 dolor populi Romani pariat, quod jamdiu partu- rit ! Etenim si abhinc annos prope viginti hoc ipso in tem- plo negavi posse 10 mortem immaturam esse consulari ; quanto verius nunc negabo seni ! Mihi vero, 12 Patres conscripti, jam etiam optanda mors est, perfuncto rebus 12 iis, quas adeptus sum, 13 quasque gessi. Duo modo haec opto: u unum, ut moriens populum Romanum liberum relinquam; hoc mihi majus ab diis immortalibus dari nihil potest : alteram, ut ita cuique eveniat, ut de republica quisque mereatur. clause, his consulship. 8. Repraesentari] Properly 'to place again before the view,' here to be im- mediately restored ; a meaning which it seems to take from pecuniary trans- actions, wherein it was used to signify * prompt payment.' Vid. Gronov. de Sest. i. 6. 9. Ut aliquando] He considers the people to have conceived and to be long in labour of a riddance of Anto- ny ; which he thinks would be facili- tated by Antony's having recourse to violence against himself, which he would not oppose, as it would give the people an opportunity to avenge his death. 10. Negavi posse] Cat. iv. 2. ' Ne- que enim turpis mors forti viro potest accidere, neque immatura consulari, nee misera sapienti.' This speech also was made in the temple of Con- cord. 11. Mihi vero] Phil. i. 15. 'Mihi vero satis est quod vixi, &c.' 12. Rebxis] This word here applies both to the offices which he enjoyed and the exploits which he performed ; ' adeptus' referring to the former, and ' gessi' to the latter. We take the word 'things,' or 'matters,' in the same loose acceptation. 13. Quas adeptus sum] * Quaestura, aedilitas, praetura, consulatus, pro- consulate Ciliciae, auguratus, sup- plicationes, nomen imperatoris, &c.' Abram. 14. Duoopto] Similarly, Dein. de Cor. 101. Et 8' doa i\ovviv ovrutq dt'idrwc, tovtovq fitv avrovg Katf iavrovg, ta>\c teat TrpouXeig iv yy teat OaXarry irottjaairt' rfpiv Si rohj \oiiroig rtjv raxioTTjv diraWayrjv ruiv tTcnprrifitvtov tybfiwv Son, cat avrrjpiav doipdkrj. M. TULLII CICERONIS IN MARCUM ANTONIUM, NONA* ORATIO. 1. Vellem, dii immortales fecissent, Patres conscripti, ut vivo potius Ser. Sulpicio gratias ageremus, 1 quam honorcs mortuo quaereremus. Nee vero dubito, quin, si ille vir lega- tionem renuntiare 2 potuisset, reditus ejus et nobis gratus merit, et reipublieae salutaris futurus ; non quo L. Philippo 3 et L. Pisoni 4 aut studium ant cura defuerit in tanto officio tantoque munere ; sed quum Ser. Sulpicius aetate illos an- teiret, sapientia omnes, subito ereptus e causa/ totam lega- tionem orbam et debilitatam reliquit. Quod si cuiquam Justus honos habitus est in morte legato, in nullo justior, quam in Ser. Sulpicio, reperietur. Ceteri, qui in legatione mortem obierunt, ad incertum vitae periculum sine ullo mor- * Introd. 11. apud eum fuistis, nee ut consulares ;' Sect. I. 1. Gratias ageremus'] whereas it does not appear that the Mil. 35. n. 18. son had ever been consul. The Phi- 2. Legationem renuntiare'] Give an lippi were of the ' gens Marcia.' account of. 4. L. Pisoni] Phil. i. 4. 6. 3. L. Philippo] The step-father of 5. causa] Among the various Augustus, consul a. v. 697. Em. meanings of this word is that of ' busi- contends that the son of that Philip is ness, commission, &c.' Thus, Ver. meant ; and this might be more lea- v. 73. ' Halesinus ^Eneas, cui sena- dily conceded, if Cic. did not say, tus dederat publice causam ut mihi (Phil. viii. 10,) 'nee vos ut legati fratrique meo gratias ageret.' P P 434 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO tis metu profecti sunt : Ser. Sulpicius cum aliqua perveniendi ad M. Antonium 6 spe profectus est, nulla revertendi. Qui quum ita affectus esset, ut, si ad gravem valetudinem labor" accessisset, sibi ipse diffideret; non recusavit, quo minus vel extremo spiritu, si quam opem reipublicae ferre posset, experiretur. Itaque non ilium vis hiemis, non nives, non longitudo itineris, non asperitas viarum, non morbus ingra- vescens retardavit ; quumquejam adcongressum eolloquium- que ejus pervenisset, ad quem erat missus, in ipsa cura et meditatione obeundi sui muneris excessit e vita. Ut igitur alia, sic hoc, C. Pansa, praeclare, quod nos ad honorandum Ser. Sulpicium cohortatus es, et ipse multa copiose de illius laude dixisti. Quibus a te dictis, nihil praeter sententiam dicerem, nisi P. Servilio respondendum putarem, qui hunc honorem statuae nemini tribuendum censuit, nisi ei, qui ferro esset in legatione interfectus. Ego autem, Patres conscripti, sic interpretor sensisse majores nostros, ut causam mortis censuerint, non genus esse quaerendum. Etenim cui legatio ipsa morti fuisset, ejus monumentum exstare voluerunt, ut in bellis periculosis obirent homines legationis munus audacius. Non igitur exempla majorum quaerenda, sed consilium est eorum, a quo ipsa exempla nata sunt, explicandum. II. Lar Tolumnius, 1 rex Veientium, quattuor legatos po- puli Romani Fidenis interemit; quorum statute steterunt usque ad meam memoriam in Rostris. Justus honos. lis enim majores nostri, qui ob rempublicam mortem obierant, pro brevi vita diuturnam memoriam reddiderunt. Cn. Oc- tavii, 2 clari viri et magni, qui primus in earn familiam, quae postea viris fortissimis floruit, attulit consulatum, statuam videmus in Rostris. Nemo turn novitati invidebat ; nemo virtutem non honorabat. At ea fuit legatio Octavii, in qua 6. Ad M.Anton.] Introd. 11. He Sect. II. 1. Tolumnius] Liv. iv. was now at Mutina, the modern Mo- 17. Fidenae was a Roman colony dena, lying between the Appenines which had revolted to Tolumnius. and the Po. , The Fidenates, by his order, slew the 7. Labor] A\. labor via. ambassadors sent from Rome. Their 8. Ut alia ] Sc. ' fecisti,' sic hoc, names are given below. 'Lar' means &c. * dominus, princeps.' It was coru- 9. C. Pansa] Now consul. mon to the Etiurian kings, as Belus 10. Sic interpretor] ' I understand in the east. the opinion of our ancestors to have 2. Cn. Octavii] The ' Octavia been this, that they decided, &c.' gens' was distinguished into two fa- PHILIPPICA NONA, Cap. 2. 435 periculi suspicio non subesset. Nam, quum esset missus a senatu ad animos regum perspiciendos liberornmque popu- lorum, maximeque, ut nepotem Antiochi, regis ejus, qui cum majoribus nostris bellum gesserat, classes habere, elephantos alere prohiberet : Laodiceae 3 in gymnasio a quodam Leptine* est interfectus. Reddita est ei turn a majoribus statua pro vita, quae multos per annos progeniem ejus honestaret, nunc ad tantae familiae memoriam sola restaret. Atqui et huic, et Tullo Cluilio, et L. Roscio, et Sp. Antio, et C. Ful- cinio, qui a Veientium rege caesi sunt, non sanguis, qui est profusus in morte, sed ipsa mors ob rempublicam obita, ho- nori fuit. III. Itaque, Patres conscripti, si Ser. Sulpicio casus mor- tem attulisset, dolerem quidem tanto reipublicae vulnere : mortem vero ejus non monumento, sed luctu publico esse ho- norandam putarem. Nunc autem quis dubitat, quin ei vitam abstulerit ipsa legatio ? Secum enim ille mortem extulit ; quam, si nobiscum remansisset, sua cura, optimi filii fidelis- simaeque conjugis diligentia, vitare potuisset. At ille, quum videret, si vestrae auctoritati non paruisset, dissimilem se futu- rum sui ; si paruisset, munus sibi illud pro republica sus- ceptum, vitae finem fore r 1 maluit in maximo reipublicae dis- crimine emori, quam minus, quam potuisset, videri reipub- licae profuisse. Multis illi in urbibus, iter qua faciebat, re- ticiendi se et curandi potestas fuit. Aderat et hospitum invitatio liberalis pro dignitate summi viri, et eorum horta- milies ; one of which was early ad- 3,) contrary to the express words of vanced to the senatorian dignity, and Cic. Phil.viii. 8,) attributes to this Cn. subsequently reckoned among its sons the resolute act of C. Popilius Laenas ; Cn. Rufus, who was of quaestorian who enclosed Antiochus in a circle rank. His son was Cn. Octavius, the drawn by his rod, and insisted on an first consul of the family, who, being answer before he crossed it. Of sent ambassador with two others, to course, the Delph. follows Pliny, settle the affairs of Syria, then dis- 3. Laodicea] A city of Phrygia turbed by the death of Antiochus Major, on the river Lycus. It was Kpiphanes, and accession of his son named from Laodice, the wife of An Kupator, and confiding too much in the tiochus, its previous name being Dios- majesty of the Roman name, was pro- polis. It was there Dolabella slew ceeding to execute his commission by himself. burning the fleets and maiming the 4. Leptines] Nothing is known of elephants, when he met the fate him. Observe that the penult is short, stated by Cic. Lysia, the guardian Sect. III. 1. Fore] Al. allatu- of the young prince, was the supposed rum. instigator of Leptines. Pliny (xxxiv. 436 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO t\6, qui una erant missi, ad requiescendum et sua? vitae con- sulendum. At ille properans, festinans, 2 mandata nostra conficere cupiens, in hac constantia, morbo adversante, perse- veravit. Cujus quum adventu maxime perturbatus esset Antonius, quod ea, quae sibi jussu vestro denunciarentur, auctoritate erant et sententia Ser. Sulpicii constituta ; decla- ravit, quam odisset senatum, quum auctorem senatus extinc- tum laete, atque insolenter tulit. Non igitur magis Lep- tines Octavium, nee Veientium rex eos, quos modo nomina- vi, quam Ser. Sulpicium occidit Antonius. Is enim profecto mortem attulit, qui causa mortis fuit. Quocirca etiam ad posteritatis memoriam pertinere arbitror, exstare, quod fuerit de hoc bello judicium senatus. Erit enim statua ipsa testis, bellum tam grave fuisse, ut legati interitus honoris memo- riam consecutus sit. IV. Quod si excusationem Ser. Sulpicii, Patres con- script], legationis obeundae recordari volueritis, nulla dubi- tatio relinquetur, quin honore mortui, quam vivo injuriam iecimus, sarciamus. Vos enim, Patres conscripti, (grave dictu est, sed dicendum tamen,) vos inquam, Ser. Sulpicium vita privastis : quem quum videretis re magis morbum, quam oratione, excusantem, non vos quidem crudeles fuistis : (quid enim minus in hunc ordinem convenit?) sed quum speraretis nihil esse, quod non illius auctoritate et sapientia effici posset, vehementius excusationi obstitistis ; atque eum, qui semper vestrum consensum gravissimum judicavisset, de sententia dejecistis. Ut vero Pansae consulis accessit cohortatio gra- vior, quam aures Ser. Sulpicii ferre didicissent, turn vero de- nique filium meque seduxit, atque ita locutus est, ut auctori- tatem vestram vitae suae se diceret anteferre. Cujus nos virtutem admirati, non ausi sumus adversari voluntati. Mo- vebatur singulari pietate filius; non multum ejus perturba- tioni meus dolor concedebat; sed uterque nostrum cedere cogebatur magnitudini animi, orationisque gravitati ; quum quidem ille, maxima laude et gratulatione omnium vestrum, pollicitus est, se, quod velletis, esse facturum, neque ejus 2. Properans, festlnans] Non., v. cution of some one thing; 'festino,' 81, makes propero' refer to the to the abortive attempt to perform mi nd ; ' festino,' to the body ; but several things at once. But neither Fest., propero' to the speedy exe- distinction is always observed. Forcel. PHILIPPICA NONA, Cap. 5. 437 sententia? periculum vitaturum, cujus ipse auctor misset; quern exsequi mandata vestra properantem mane postridie prosecuti sumus. Qui quidem discedens mecum ita locutus est, ut ejus oratio omen fati videretur. V. Reddite igitur, Patres conscripti, ei vitam, cui ademis- tis. Vita enim mortuorum in memoria vivorum est posita. Perficite, ut is, quern ad mortem vos inseii misistis, immor- talitatem habeat a vobis. Cui si statuam in Rostris decreto vestro statueritis, nulla ejus legationem posteritatis obscura- bit oblivio. Nam reliqua Ser. Sulpicii vita multis erit prae- clarisque monumentis ad omnem memoriam commendata. Semper illius gravitatem, constantiam, fidem, praestantem in republica tuenda curam atque prudentiam omnium morta- lium fama celebrabit. Nee vero silebitur admirabilis quae- dam et incredibilis, ac pene divina ejus in legibus interpre- tandis, aequitate explicanda, scientia. Omnes ex omni aetate, qui in hac civitate intelligentiam juris habuerunt, si unum in locum conferantur, cum Ser. Sulpicio non sunt comparandi. Nee enim ille magis juris consultus, quam justitiae 1 fuit. Ita ea, quae proficiscebantur a legibus, et ab jure civili, 2 sem- per ad facilitatem 3 aequitatemque referebat ; neque instituere litium actiones malebat, quam controversias tollere. Ergo hoc statuae monumento non eget : habet ilia majora. 4 Haec enim statua mortis honestae testis erit: ilia, memoria vitae glo- riosae ; ut hoc magis monumentum grati senatus, quam clari viri futurum sit. Multum etiam valuisse ad patris honorem pietas filii videbitur ; qui, quamquam afflictus luctu non adest, tamen sic animati esse debetis, ut si ille adesset. Est autem ita affectus, ut nemo unquam unici filii mortem ma- gis doluerit, quam ille maeret patris. Equidem etiam ad famam Ser. Sulpicii filii arbitror pertinere, ut videatur hono- rem debitum patri praestitisse. Quamquam nullum monu- mentum clarius Ser. Sulpicius relinquere potuit, quam effi- giem morum suorum, virtutis, constantiae, pietatis, ingenii, Sect. V. 1. Juris con.justiti<z] From statute and civil law. When these words are contrasted as 3. Facilitatem'] This, according to here, 'jus' is strict right ; 'justitia,' Cicero's manner, is explained by equity ; as he explains the latter ' aequitatem' following. Partit. 22, ' in moderatione animad- 4. Habet ilia majora] Al. alia vertendi lenitas.' majora. 2. A legibus ab jure civili] i. e. 438 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO filium ; cujus luctus aut hoc honore vestro, ant nullo solatio levari potest. VI. Mihi autem recordanti Ser. Sulpicii multos in nostra familiaritate sermones, gratior illi videtur, si quis est sensus in morte, aenea statua futura, et ea pedestris, quam inaurata equestris, qualis est L. Sullae 1 primum statuta est. Mirifice enim Servius majorum continentiam diligebat; hujus seculi insolentiam 2 vituperabat. Ut igitur, si ipsum consulam, quid velit, sic pedestrem ex aere statuam, tanquam ex ejus aucto- ritate et voluntate, decerno : quae quidem magnum civium dolorem et desiderium honore monumenti minuet et leniet. Atque hanc meam sententiam, Patres conscripti, P. Servilii j sententia comprobari necesse est : qui sepulchrum publice decernendum Ser. Sulpicio censuit, statuam non censuit. Nam si mors legati sine caede atque ferro nullum honorem desiderat : cur decernit honorem sepulturae, qui maximus ha- beri potest mortuo ? Sin id tribuit 4 Ser. Sulpicio, quod non est datum Cn. Octavio : cur, quod illi datum est, huic 5 dan- dum esse non censet ? Majores quidem nostri statuas multis decreverunt: sepulchra paucis. Sed statuae intereunt tem- pestate, vi, vetustate : sepulchrorum autem sanctitas in ipso solo est, quod nulla vi moveri, neque deleri potest ; atque, ut cetera extinguuntur, sic sepulchra sanctiora fiunt vetustate. Augeatur igitur isto etiam honore is vir, cui nullus honor tribui non debitus potest ; grati simus in ejus morte deco- randa, cui nullam jam aliam gratiam referre possumus. Notetur etiam M. Antonii, nefarium bellum gerentis, scele- rata audacia. His enim honoribus habitis Ser. Sulpicio, repudiatae rejectaeque legationis ab Antonio manebit testifica- tio sempiterna. Sect. VI. 1. L. Sull<e] The die- party of Antony against Cicero, Fam. tator ; qualis refers to aenea pedes- x. 120. ' Hunc quemadmodum fre- tiis.' Plin. xxxiv. gerim,' says Cic. ' ex aliorum te litte- 2. Insolentiam'] Sumptus nimios. ras malo cognoscere.' Mania. Fam. ix. 20. Phil. ii. 26. n. 4. Sin id tribuit] As if some- 14. thing more honourable than what 3. P. Servilii] The son of Vatia had been bestowed on Cn. Octa- Isauricus, the colleague of Caesar, vius. a. u. 705. He was praetor in Pom- 5. Illi huic] Refer to the ' lat- pey's second consulship, and Cicero's ter,' and * former.' This often oc- colleague in the augurship. There is curs, a full account of his espousing the PHILLIPPICA NONA, Cap. 7. 439 VII. Quas ob res ita censeo : Quum Ser. Sulpicius, Q. F. Lemonia, 1 Rufus, difficillimo reipublicae tempore, gravi peri- culosoque morbo affectus, auctoritatem senatus salutemque reipublicae vita? suae praeposuerit, contraque vim gravitatem- que morbi contenderit, ut in castra Antonii, quo senatus eum miserat, perveniret ; isque, quum jam prope castra venisset, vi morbi oppressus, vitam amiserit in maximo reipublicae mu- nere ; ejusque mors consentanea vitae fuerit sanctissime ho- nestissimeque actae, in qua saepe magno usui reipublicae Ser. Sulpicius et privatus, et in magistratibus, fuerit ; quum talis vir ob rempublicam in legatione mortem obierit : Senatui pla- cere, Ser. Sulpicio statuam pedestrem aeneam in Rostris etf' hujus ordinis sententia statui, circumque earn statuam lo- cum ludis gladiatoribusque, liberos posterosque ejus quo- quo versus pedes quinque habere, quod is ob rempubli- cam mortem obierit eamque causam in basi inscribi; uti- que C. Pansa, A. Hirtius, consules, alter, ambove, si eis videatur, quaestoribus urbis imperent, ut earn basim statu- amque faciendam et in Rostris statuendam locent f quanti- que locaverint, tantam pecuniam redemptori 3 attribuendam solvendamque curent ; quumque antea senatus auctorita- tem suam in virorum fortium funeribus ornamentisque os- tenderit, placere, eum quum amplissime supremo suo die efferri. Et quum Ser. Sulpicius, Q. F. Lemonia, Rufus ita de republica meritus sit, ut iis ornamentis decorari de- beat : Senatum censere atque e republica existimare, aedi- les curules edictum, quod de funeribus habeant, Ser. Sul- picii, Q. F. Lemonia, Run, funeri remittere ;* utique locum sepulchro in campo Esquilino C. Pansa consul, seu quo alio in loco videbitur, pedes triginta quoquo versus assignet, 5 quo Scot. VII. 1. Lemonia] i. e. 72. ' Festinat calidus mulis gerulis- ' Ex Lem. tribu.' All Roman citizens que redemptor.' Fest. ' antiquitus ewe- were censed in some tribe, which in re pro accipere ponebatur.' Hence the public formularies and inscriptions me ming of undertaker, or contractor, was generally added to the name. Manil. 7. n. 10. Sex. Pomp, derives Lemonia, ' a Le- 4. Remittere] Remit the strictness monio pago a posta Capena, via La- of, in the case of Ser. Sulpicius. Una.' Al. mittere, i. e. * proponere/ but with 2. Locent] Contract. Cat. iii. 9. no clear sense. n-21. 5. Assignet] Phil. ii. 7. n. 9. :3. Redemptori] Hor. Epist. ii. 2. 440 M. T. CICERONIS ORATIO. Ser. Sulpicius inferatur; quod sepulchrum ipsius, liberorum posterorumque ejus esset, uti quod 6 optimo jure publice sepulchrum datum esset. 6. Utiquod] Sc.utpote. 'As being the public expense, and by the best a sepulchre which has been given at right.' FINIS. /? FOURTEEN DAY USE RETURN TO DESK FROM WHICH BORROWED This book is due on the last date stamped below, or on the date to which renewed. Renewed books are subject to immediate recall. 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