'RAGEDY 
 
 OF MACEDONIA 
 
 RT VIVIAN 
 
 
THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 WITH 
 
 SOME IMPRESSIONS OF MACEDONIA 
 

 KING ALEXANDER. 
 
 PLATE I. 
 
THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 WITH 
 
 SOME IMPRESSIONS OF 
 MACEDONIA 
 
 BY 
 
 HERBERT VIVIAN, M.A. 
 
 * 
 
 OFFICER OF THE ROYAL SERVIAN ORDER OF TAKOVO ; AUTHOR OF 
 
 'SERVIA: THE POOR MAN'S PARADISE'; 'TUNISIA AND THE 
 
 MODERN BARBARY PIRATES ' ; ABYSSINIA ' ; ETC. 
 
 ILLUSTRATED 
 
 LONDON 
 GRANT RICHARDS 
 
 48 LEICESTER SQUARE, W.C. 
 1904 
 
Printed by R. & R. CLARK, LIMITED, Edinburgh. 
 
TO THE MEMORY 
 
 OF 
 HIS MOST GRACIOUS MAJESTY 
 
 KING ALEXANDER I. 
 
 PATRIOT, STATESMAN, HERO 
 
 ftequtegcat in 
 A 
 
 2.20671 
 
PREFACE 
 
 IN the year 1897 I published a book entitled Servia : the 
 Poor Man's Paradise. It was an almost unqualified 
 eulogy, and I feel that some explanation is due for the 
 apparent inconsistency of certain censures in the present 
 volume. 
 
 I protest that my admiration is undiminished for the 
 kindly hospitable people, who worked out their own 
 emancipation from the Turkish Empire unaided, who have 
 solved the problems of poverty for themselves, and who, 
 almost alone in the world, have persisted in cherishing a 
 peculiar affection for Great Britain. I regard the terrible 
 crime of last June as the handiwork of a few desperadoes 
 and I believe that Servia is to be pitied rather than 
 blamed for having cherished such serpents within her 
 bosom. 
 
 At the same time I must confess to a feeling of dismay, 
 aroused by the absence of commotion and protest when 
 the facts of the tragedy became known. I hoped against 
 hope that the people would rise against any odds to 
 avenge so foul a crime, and my belief in Servian loyalty 
 would have been more completely justified if I could point 
 to a hundred martyrs who had laid down their lives in the 
 recklessness of their indignation. 
 
 vii 
 
viii THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 Martyrs there were in the palace on that hideous night, 
 and the name of Lazar Petrovich must always be revered 
 wherever fidelity and courage command respect. But 
 afterwards, in Belgrade, a spirit of fear seems to have been 
 supreme. A few, perhaps many devoted men were 
 slaughtered like sheep, and the newspapers recorded their 
 "suicide." But the mass of the citizens remained calm, 
 suffering themselves to be coerced into hollow demon- 
 strations of joy, and if we might acquit the nation of 
 complicity, we could not compliment it upon a display of 
 heroism. 
 
 No doubt initiative as well as heroism would have 
 been required to make a stand when a military conspiracy 
 had conferred supreme power upon a gang of miscreants. 
 We are told that a demagogue, who advocated a republic, 
 was invited to dinner at the officers 1 club and informed 
 that, unless he altered his principles, there would be " one 
 head less in Belgrade" before the morning. He found 
 the argument irresistible, and others were doubtless in a 
 similar quandary. It is not every one who is cast in an 
 heroic mould, and there are dangers in undue haste to 
 condemn those who are suddenly put to a supreme test. 
 
 Still, it is difficult to repress sorrow for a whole people, 
 which can be forced to appear to gloat over a hideous 
 crime, or for a Metropolitan who can be coerced into 
 countenancing a Te Deum for barbarous murder and pro- 
 claiming his congratulations from the steps of the altar. 
 It may be urged that no object would have been gained 
 by sacrificing lives for mere sentiment when no living cause 
 remained to be served. That is good opportunism, no 
 doubt, but there are moments when the repression of 
 emotion assumes a hideous resemblance to condonation of 
 crime. 
 
PREFACE ix 
 
 I desire also to utter a protest against the strange 
 callousness with which Europe received the news of the 
 crime. Had the young Sovereigns perished by one of 
 those catastrophes known as an "act of God"" instead of 
 by an act of the Devil, we should have seen Courts in 
 mourning, Parliaments passing votes of condolence, and 
 sympathy universal. It is true, as Dr. Johnson said, 
 that the dead receive no praise because they can give no 
 rewards, and the house of Obrenovich, leaving no heirs 
 but only triumphant enemies, retains no practical interest 
 for the mercenaries of politics or letters. Yet life would 
 become very sordid if sentiment were entirely excluded, 
 if monarchs as well as politicians acted only with an eye 
 to the main chance on every occasion. 
 
 The royal and imperial congratulations to an accessory 
 after (if not before) the bloody fact were remarkable. For 
 obvious reasons, the Tsar cannot be expected to cherish 
 deep sympathies with regicide, and he has been credited 
 with a decent show of feeling on receiving the terrible 
 news from Belgrade. His " wishes for the prosperity of 
 your person," and his sardonic ejaculation, " May God 
 help you," can hardly have been other than ironical ; they 
 will scarcely go far to encourage the new King. Nor will 
 the Emperor of Austria's references to a " heinous crime " 
 be altogether palatable to the Prince who owes his throne 
 thereto. But I am concerned to think that Karageorgevich 
 is evidently to find some toleration from the two Powers 
 who alone could have insisted upon the execution of 
 justice. 
 
 Russia and Austria have arrogated to themselves a 
 control, almost amounting to suzerainty, over the Balkan 
 States, and it becomes very difficult for other countries to 
 intervene as European policemen without their concurrence. 
 
x THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 The Russian Government, however, while tolerating 
 Karageorgevich, did apparently put forward punishment 
 of the murderers as a necessary condition, and the 
 representatives of nearly every Power have since been 
 withdrawn from Belgrade. Still, it is difficult to repress 
 a regret that more active disapproval should not have 
 been exhibited towards an outrage which, to take the 
 lowest ground, affords dangerous encouragement to the 
 apostles of disorder. Even in this country, certain news- 
 sheets have complacently asserted, in effect, that kings 
 who attempt to govern as well as reign deserve no pity 
 if their subjects rise up against them. 
 
 I can appreciate the difficulties which would have 
 beset Peter Karageorgevich had he cleared himself of 
 complicity and instituted a bloody assize to try the men 
 who called him to the throne. But he must not be 
 allowed to profit by an outrage which has scarcely been 
 surpassed in all the hideous annals of crime. Should 
 his hand falter, it must be fortified by diplomatic warnings, 
 even by international intervention. For every champion 
 of monarchy and respecter of its sacred traditions must 
 insist with all possible vehemence that the immunity of 
 regicide shall not be permitted to encourage other criminals 
 to follow in the footsteps of the dastardly butchers who 
 have trailed the name of Servia in the mire. 
 
 V. 
 
 BRIGHTON, December 1903. 
 
TRANSLITERATION 
 
 THE spelling of Servian names has been attempted in so 
 many different ways that a foreigner may be pardoned a 
 certain feeling of hopelessness. When I look through the 
 large collection of visiting cards with which my Servian 
 friends favoured me, I am discouraged by the absence 
 of all system in their transliteration; they seem to 
 grope helplessly after French, German, Hungarian, and 
 other fancy pronunciations. I was at first tempted to 
 adopt the Croatian system, because the Servian and 
 Croatian languages are practically identical, and the 
 Croatians use an easy variety of the Latin alphabet. But 
 the Croatian letters , c, c, 6, and 3 would confuse an 
 English reader, and, with the exception of c, they possess 
 easy English equivalents, namely, z = zh (answering to 
 the French j in jour\ c = ts 9 c - ch, and $ = sh. C has 
 a liquid sound, which it is impossible to render by any 
 combination of our letters. It occurs at the end of most 
 Servian patronymics, and for practical purposes may be 
 rendered by ch, though chj would be nearer the mark. 
 
xii THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 The vowels are sounded as in Italian, and j as in German 
 ( = our y) ; the compound letters Ij 9 nj> dj, which are single 
 letters in Servian, answer : 
 
 Ij to the French li in lieu or the Italian gl in gli. 
 nj to the Spanish n or the Italian gn in ogni. 
 dj to the French di in Dieu, or to the sound at the beginning of 
 the English word duty. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 1. HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION ..... 1 
 
 2. MILAN AND NATHALIE ...... 22 
 
 3. KING ALEXANDER'S ACCESSION .... 38 
 
 4. KING ALEXANDER'S MARRIAGE .... 57 
 
 5. THE BEGINNING OF THE END .... 75 
 
 6. TREASON AND PLOT . . . . . . 88 
 
 7. REGICIDE ........ 104 
 
 8. A "GLORIOUS REVOLUTION" . . . .120 
 
 9. PETER KARAGEORGEVICH ..... 133 
 
 10. WHO'S WHO IN SERVIA ..... 154 
 
 11. BELGRADE ........ 166 
 
 12. THE INTERIOR ....... 183 
 
 13. THE SERVIAN CHURCH ...... 209 
 
 14. THE BRAVE SERVIAN ARMY ..... 229 
 
 15. INDUSTRY AND COMMERCE ..... 238 
 
 16. THE SERVIAN CHARACTER ..... 244 
 
 17. BRIGANDAGE ....... 253 
 
 18. THE MACEDONIAN CONSPIRACY .... 268 
 
 19. RAMBLES IN MACEDONIA ..... 285 
 
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 PLATE 
 
 1. King Alexander Frontispiece 
 
 2. Queen Nathalie To face page 56 
 
 3. Queen Draga ..... 74 
 
 4. The Palace ,,100 
 
 5. The Old Konak ,,108 
 
 6. The House where the Queen's Brothers 
 
 were Murdered . . . . . 110 
 
 7. S. Mark's Church. Tombs of King 
 
 and Queen ..... 115 
 
 8. Belgrade after the Murders . . . 116 
 
 9. Murderers on Parade in the Courtyard 
 
 of the Palace 119 
 
 10. Peter Karageorgevich outside the 
 
 Skupshtina ..... 146 
 
 11. Old Town, Belgrade .... 166 
 
 12. The University, Belgrade ... 172 
 
 13. Servian Credit Bank, Prince Michael 
 
 Street, Belgrade .... 176 
 
 14. The Post Office, Belgrade ... 180 
 
 15. Belgrade, a Fountain. Lambs Roasted 
 
 Whole 197 
 
xvi 
 
 PLATE 
 
 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 16. Dancing the Kolo 
 
 . To face page 249 
 
 17. Macedonian Brigands .... 
 
 18. Butcher at Salonica . . 
 
 19. Uskub ....... 
 
 20. F6te at Pobuzhie Monastery 
 
 21. Peasant Girls in Old Servia . 
 
 22. The Baba of the Bektashis. A Prota 
 
 and his Family ..... 
 
 23. A Bektashi ...... 
 
 24. Murad's Tomb at Kosovo. Albanian 
 
 Chiflik 
 
 253 
 269 
 285 
 286 
 288 
 
 290 
 292 
 
 295 
 
CHAPTER I 
 
 HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 
 
 THE history of Servia resolves itself into three parts: 
 (1) The rise and fall of a Servian Empire, (2) Turkish 
 rule, (3) national dynasties. I will give the salient 
 points as briefly as possible. 
 
 (1) A.D. 550-1463 
 
 6th and 7th Centuries. Invasion of Mcesia Superior by 
 Servian bands from beyond the Carpathians. Then as now 
 their rivals were the Bulgarians, a Tartar tribe speaking 
 a Slav dialect. 
 
 Middle of 9th Century. Conversion of Servia to 
 Christianity and first Servo-Bulgarian war. Tsar Simeon 
 of Bulgaria ravaged Servia and blotted it out of the map. 
 Then the Byzantine Empire swallowed up Bulgaria and 
 Servia. 
 
 llth Century. The Servians began a guerilla warfare in 
 Montenegro. 
 
 12th Century. Servia began her career with the dynasty 
 of Stefan Nemanja. He annexed Bosnia in 1169, was forced 
 to crawl before the Byzantine Emperor with bare feet 
 and a halter, proclaimed his independence in 1185, and 
 
 l B 
 
2 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 received the Emperor's daughter as a bride for his son. 
 Barbarossa visited him at Belgrade. In 1195 he abdicated 
 and retired to a cloister. 
 
 His eldest son Stefan "the first crowned " was recog- 
 nised by the Emperor Baldwin as " by the grace of God, 
 King of all Servian lands even to the sea-coast." 
 
 June 28, 1330. Stefan Urosh broke up the Bulgarian 
 Empire at the battle of Velbuzhd. 
 
 His son Stefan, surnamed DUSHAN (Darling), inspired a 
 wild devotion, which has not yet died out. In 1340 he had 
 consolidated dominions extending over the greater part of 
 the peninsula and was known as " Emperor of the Romans, 
 Tsar of Macedonia, loving the Christ." The Byzantine 
 Emperor, in alarm, intrigued with the Turks, and on 
 Michaelmas Day 1356 Dushan set out for Constantinople 
 with 80,000 men. But on the 18th of December, when 
 his vanguard were actually at the gates of the capital, 
 the hopes of Servia were suddenly dashed by his death. 
 
 Then the Servian Empire began to crumble. A final 
 stand was made by LAZAR, the last Servian Tsar, the hero 
 of innumerable songs and legends. He gathered together 
 a host, like the leaves of the forest in number, and on the 
 15th of June 1389 fought a decisive battle at Kosovo, 
 " the field of the blackbirds." It is the theme of every 
 Servian hymn and the Montenegrins still wear black bands 
 on their caps in mourning for the defeat. Lazar and his 
 nine brothers-in-law and the flower of the Servian aristo- 
 cracy perished, and black crows brought the news to 
 Tsarina Militsa as she sat watching in her tower at 
 Krushevats. Sultan Murad was killed in his tent after the 
 battle by Milosh Obilich, who is still celebrated as a hero 
 for the deed. 
 
 The Servian Empire had fallen, never to be restored. 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 3 
 
 For seventy years the Turks allowed Servian chieftains to 
 exercise a nominal power. In 1440 Servia was governed by 
 a Pasha. The last blow for independence was struck by 
 John Hunyad, "the white Knight of Wallachia," whom 
 Turks and Christians alike regarded as a supernatural 
 being. By the Treaty of Szegedin, 1444, he secured the 
 evacuation of Servia by the Turks, but in 1463 all Servians 
 had either accepted Turkish rule or emigrated to Hungary. 
 
 (2) 1463-1804 
 
 A long period of Turkish rule was not the unmiti- 
 gated curse which modern prejudice descries. It had 
 the advantages and disadvantages of paternal government, 
 assuring law and order but weakening individual character. 
 At least the Turks saved Servia from the lot of Tran- 
 sylvania, where an alien rule seeks to obliterate the national 
 religion and language. The Servians were ruled for five 
 hundred years in much the same way as their brethren in 
 the vilayet of Kosovo are ruled to-day. They were lightly 
 taxed until they made an exhibition of riches, when the 
 greater part of their possessions ran a risk of confiscation. 
 They were exempted from military service. They were 
 allowed to manage their own local affairs and, until Austria 
 interfered in the eighteenth century, they enjoyed their 
 own ecclesiastical government. They sang of Dushan and 
 Kosovo, and they cherished a suppressed sympathy with 
 brigandage, much as they do to-day. But they were not 
 unhappy, and they reserved their sense of oppression for 
 the pot-valiance of a stanza. 
 
 A sketch of Servian history during the Turkish dominion 
 would be strangely incomplete without a reference to Marko 
 Kraljevich, who is the Slav Cid or King Arthur, the 
 
4 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 hero of innumerable legends which vividly pourtray the 
 national ideals. Kraljevich means " King's son," the King 
 in question being Vukashin, who supplanted Urosh, son of 
 Dushan. Marko protested against this act of disloyalty, 
 whereupon Vukashin cursed him, praying that he might 
 have neither tomb nor posterity and might be doomed to 
 serve the " Tsar of the Turks." But Urosh blessed him 
 and prayed that he might know no equal in wisdom and 
 prowess and that his name might everywhere be celebrated 
 so long as sun and moon should endure. " Thus they spake, 
 and thus it came to pass," is the commentary of an old 
 Servian pesma (ballad). Marko fought in the Sultan's 
 armies, but the Sultan feared him " for the wrath of Marko 
 was terrible"; and though the peerless knight has no 
 known sepulture, he lived, if legends may be trusted, for 
 three hundred years ; he still lives in the heart of every 
 patriotic Servian, and there are many who believe that he 
 will awake one day from his long sleep and come forth to 
 restore the glories of the ancient Empire. Every year, on 
 the anniversary of his slava (the Servian family festival), 
 he may still be seen near a little chapel in the vilayet of 
 Kosovo, careering the forests on his faithful skewbald 
 charger Sharats, who bore him through all his famous 
 campaigns. It is significant of Servians attitude towards 
 the Turks that Marko should remain her prominent hero, 
 despite his prowess in the service of the Sultan. Turkish 
 suzerainty was regarded as the lesser of two evils, and in 
 accepting it Marko was merely an exponent of the spirit of 
 his age. Moreover, the haze of legend has transfigured 
 him, and it is impossible to criticise too closely the political 
 morality of one who slew dragons and vampires, became 
 blood-brother to a vila or wood-nymph, and may almost 
 be numbered among the hajdutsi (outlaws). 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 5 
 
 An Austrian army, awfully arrayed, overran Servia 
 towards the end of the eighteenth century, but it received 
 scanty support from the people, who had no cause to envy 
 the fate of Croatia. When at last they rose in insurrection, 
 it was not against the Sultan, but against his insubordinate 
 Janissaries. 
 
 (3) 1804-1868 
 
 In February 1804 the Janissaries, having killed the 
 Pasha of Servia, organised a general massacre of Servians, 
 fearing their loyalty to the Sultan. Nearly every notable 
 Servian throughout the land was put to death in the 
 course of one day. Only a few succeeded in escaping to 
 the mountains, but among them was George Petrovich, 
 who will always be remembered in history under the name 
 of KARA 1 GEORGE. 
 
 It is difficult to recall a more fantastic character or a 
 stranger career. A humble neat-herd from the forests of 
 Shumadia, he joined the Austrian raid, but his lack of 
 discipline soon brought him into trouble and he became an 
 outlaw until peace was restored. Then he settled down 
 as a pig-breeder and soon established a lucrative trade 
 with the Austrians at the frontier. 
 
 When the Janissaries came to kill him, his experience 
 as an outlaw stood him in good stead, for he was sure of 
 finding guns and a welcome among his old associates in the 
 mountains. His gang formed a nucleus for the uprising of 
 Servia. In a few days the whole country was under arms 
 scythes and pitchforks for the most part determined to 
 sell every life at the dearest possible price. He was chosen 
 to be "Commander of the Servians," and, later on, "Supreme 
 Chief," but still as champion of the Sultan's law and 
 
 1 Black. 
 
6 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 order against the Janissaries. After defeating them in 
 pitched battle and capturing the fortress of Shabats, he 
 had gathered together a respectable army and proceeded to 
 invest Belgrade. With the spoils of their victories Arab 
 horses, gold and silver arms, glittering harness the in- 
 surgents presented a brave show. The Sultan, Selim III., 
 realising the character of the movement, ordered the Pasha 
 of Bosnia to assist it, and the Janissaries saw themselves 
 compelled to capitulate. The Servians were then thanked 
 for their loyalty and politely requested to return to their 
 farms. But they now began to realise their power and 
 required guarantees against the recurrence of massacres. 
 A mission was sent to the Porte to propose conditions, but 
 the Sultan retorted by clapping the delegates into prison. 
 A few thousand mountaineers were now face to face with 
 the whole force of the Ottoman Empire. The Pasha of 
 Nish was sent forth with an army. He made very light of 
 his foes, boasting that all he needed was a few ropes with 
 which to hang the leaders, a few woollen caps and pocket- 
 knives to propitiate the peasants. But he met with un- 
 expected resistance, and had scarcely recovered from his 
 surprise when he received the news that Kara George was 
 upon him with 10,000 men. He turned tail at once and 
 died of shame shortly after. But the Turks were not likely 
 to accept defeat easily, and Kara George, now master of all 
 the interior of Servia, saw the necessity of preparing for 
 mortal combat. He contrived to capture Semendria before 
 the news came that the Sultan had sent forth two other 
 armies. Thirty thousand Bosnians crossed the river 
 Kolubara and the Servians disbanded at their approach ; 
 40,000 Turks appeared on the eastern frontier, and it 
 seemed that the hopes of Servia were to be dashed at the 
 outset. 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 7 
 
 But this was the hour of Kara George, which must ever 
 immortalise him as a guerilla leader. With 1500 men he 
 opposed the advance of the Bosnians. Knowing every inch 
 of the country, his followers enjoyed an enormous advantage, 
 despite the disparity of numbers. The Bosnians seemed to 
 be fighting invisible foes and were being rapidly decimated. 
 They concentrated their forces under the walls of Shabats 
 and forced a battle in the neighbouring plain of Mishar 
 (August 4, 1806). Kara George seemed almost superhuman. 
 His colossal figure towered above his comrades, his voice 
 thundered like a hurricane, the sight of his prodigious 
 valour nerved the most timorous. His victory was com- 
 plete, only a few scattered fugitives being able to escape 
 across the frontier. Meanwhile the Turks in Eastern Servia 
 were being harassed by the usual guerilla warfare, and when 
 Kara George arrived upon the scene with his triumphant 
 troops, the Pasha offered terms of peace. 
 
 In October 1806 the Porte was ready to concede self- 
 government to the Servians, provided her suzerainty were 
 acknowledged and a tribute paid. When, however, the 
 time came to ratify the arrangement, Russia was on the eve 
 of war with Buonaparte and the Sultan was encouraged to 
 recall his offer. Kara George resolved to continue the war, 
 and on the 13th of December 1806 he captured Belgrade. 
 Hideous scenes of massacre ensued. The garrison was cut 
 to pieces, despite promises of safe-conduct, and even the 
 poorest Moslem citizens could only save their lives by 
 submitting to baptism. 
 
 By the end of 1807 a settled Servian Government had 
 been called into existence. A Senate and a Skupshtina 
 were appointed, but Kara George had a short way with 
 representative bodies which resisted his will. His soldiers 
 received orders to point their muskets through the windows 
 
8 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 of the Parliament House, and the legislators soon saw the 
 wisdom of reconsidering hasty decisions. 
 
 In the spring of 1809 he conceived the idea of annex- 
 ing Bosnia and Herzegovina. He established his head- 
 quarters at Novi-Bazar, when he received intelligence of 
 a disaster on the eastern frontier of Servia. One leader 
 refused to succour another in the hour of need ; the com- 
 mander at Nish exploded a powder magazine and sacrificed 
 the whole garrison rather than fall into the hands of the 
 Turks, and the victors erected a tower composed of the 
 skulls of their victims. Kara George hastened across 
 Servia with incredible speed, only to find the Servians in a 
 panic. Such was his fury that he ordered his troops to 
 fire upon their compatriots. The condition of affairs 
 seemed desperate. The Turks advanced to the centre of 
 the country, spreading devastation in their path. How- 
 ever, Russia came to the rescue, the Turks were driven 
 back, Servia emerged with her independence more secure 
 and her territory extended. 
 
 But the prestige of Kara George had suffered and the 
 country resented his autocracy. He was, however, very 
 skilful in detaching his leading opponents. Among these 
 was a young man named Milosh Obrenovich. Brought 
 before a tribunal, he refused all concessions and coolly 
 observed, " I know that you will not condemn me, for I am 
 beloved of the people." Kara George took a fancy to him 
 and attached him to his person. 
 
 In 1811 Kara George was Prince of the Servians with 
 practically unlimited power. Two years later he was a 
 fugitive and an exile, branded with the stigma of cowardice. 
 
 The event which led up to this disaster was the Treaty 
 of Bucharest, by which (May 28, 1812) Russia agreed that 
 the Servians should retain self-government but submit to 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 9 
 
 Turkey. This was interpreted by the Porte to mean a 
 permanent occupation of Servia and a complete disarma- 
 ment of the Servians. This time the mistake of despising 
 the Servians was not made, and the Grand Vizier took the 
 field in person. Veljko, a former outlaw, bore the brunt 
 of the first onslaught and only succumbed because Kara 
 George refused him the succour he demanded. Had Kara 
 George been true to his duty and his traditions, the situa- 
 tion might yet have been saved. But he seemed suddenly 
 to have lost his nerve. He hesitated ; he retreated ; none 
 knew where he was. The whole country, in despair, took 
 up the plaintive refrain of a national ballad: "Kara George, 
 Kara George, where art thou ? " The answer was that he 
 had taken all his portable treasures, buried the rest and 
 fled ignominiously to Austria, abandoning his people to 
 their fate (October 13, 1813). 
 
 Servia would undoubtedly have relapsed into subjection 
 had it not been for the advent and miraculous exploits 
 of MILOSH OBRENOVICH, who deserves to be regarded as her 
 real emancipator rather than Kara George. His father, 
 Theodore, a poor farm -labourer, had married the widow 
 of a rich peasant named Obren. As a boy, Milosh tended 
 the pigs of his father and of his half-brother, Milan, with 
 whom he was out in the insurrection of 1804. Milan died 
 a wealthy man and Milosh took his name of Obrenovich 
 on succeeding to the property. 
 
 When Kara George fled, the Servians dispersed and 
 Milosh was urged to escape across the frontier. He replied 
 that he could not leave his old mother, his wife and his 
 children to be sold like sheep. He collected a few resolute 
 men in the mountains, but the case seemed so desperate 
 that he was soon left almost alone. The Turks, however, 
 had no wish to exterminate the Servians, and Milosh 
 
10 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 received overtures from the Pasha of Belgrade to assist in 
 the work of pacification. 
 
 Milosh was a statesman as well as a warrior, and 
 welcomed the opportunity of saving Servia. He went 
 from village to village, carrying with him a message of 
 hope. The Pasha became more and more conciliatory. 
 " This," quoth he, " is my adopted son. He is wise and 
 submissive to-day, but I confess that more than once I 
 have had to escape at a gallop to avoid his blows. Here, 
 my son," he pursued, stretching out a scarred hand, " see 
 where your teeth have bitten me." Milosh replied 
 diplomatically, " I will heal that hand by covering it with 
 gold." It was the moment for craft rather than force. 
 Milosh accepted every mark of favour and even helped the 
 Turks to stifle premature insurrections. This was true 
 patriotism, for the hero was only biding his time. 
 
 When the hour struck for action, he was the first to 
 give the signal and lead on to victory. Finding that the 
 Pasha was not to be trusted, Milosh fled to the mountains 
 of Rudnik, and on Palm Sunday 1815 he raised the 
 standard of insurrection at Takovo, which is accordingly 
 known as the cradle of Servian liberty. Arms, which had 
 been hidden away in the forests and mountain caverns, 
 were brought out, and Milosh was soon at the head of a 
 formidable array. The old guerilla tactics were adopted, 
 women, children and monks transforming themselves into 
 sharpshooters behind every rock. After a series of suc- 
 cessful surprises, the insurgents obtained a signal victory 
 on the Kolubara and captured several cannon. Refugees 
 began to return from Austria and soon Milosh was able to 
 march upon Pozharevats, which was taken after prodigies 
 of valour. When ammunition failed, the Servians fought 
 with their daggers, even with their nails and teeth. Milosh 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 11 
 
 showed himself as different from Kara George in victory 
 as in distress. The Turks were allowed to depart with 
 the honours of war, and they bore testimony to the care 
 which he lavished upon their wounded. 
 
 It was not, however, to be expected that the Sultan 
 would submit to the loss of Servia without a struggle. 
 Two armies were sent out; Milosh defeated one, the 
 other made proposals of peace. Just as the leaders of 
 former insurrections had claimed to fight, not against the 
 Sultan but against his enemies the Janissaries, so now 
 Milosh complained only of the Pasha's tyranny at Belgrade 
 and protested his fealty to the Sultan. This afforded 
 the Turks a pretext for honourable retreat, and local 
 self-government was promptly conceded, chiefly perhaps 
 through fear of Russia. 
 
 The Pasha then had recourse to intrigue, seeking to stir 
 up jealousies against Milosh, who was, however, well able 
 to take care of himself. His most dangerous rival proved 
 to be Kara George, who suddenly returned from Bessarabia, 
 intending to head a fresh insurrection against the Turkish 
 garrisons in Servia. Milosh quickly perceived that such 
 a movement was premature and sent Vuitsa Vulitsevich, 
 an ex-vojvode, to persuade Kara George to stay away. 
 Vuitsa exceeded his instructions and, finding Kara George 
 obdurate, cut off his head (at Semendria, July 24, 1817) 
 and sent it to Milosh, who was beside himself with grief. 1 
 
 1 The enemies of the Obrenovich dynasty assert that Milosh ordered 
 Kara George to be killed, but I have always doubted the truth of the 
 charge. Now, however, a writer in the Contemporary Review (July 
 1903) has published a sort of autobiographical testament alleged to 
 have been written by Milosh. It is stated to have been taken from 
 the Servian archives by Milan and left to his illegitimate son, who 
 now resides with his mother at Constantinople and is said to aspire 
 
12 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 The old chief was buried with much solemnity at Topola 
 and Milosh's wife accompanied the remains for several 
 days' journey on their way to the grave; but the Turks 
 carried off his head and exposed it on the gates of the 
 Seraglio at Constantinople with the superscription : " Head 
 of the famous Servian bandit, Kara George." 
 
 It may be interesting to compare the characters of the 
 two leaders, who founded the rival dynasties of Servia. 
 Both were of peasant origin, but that is not remarkable, 
 seeing that Servia, unlike Roumania, possessed no native 
 aristocracy. Kara George was brought up in poverty, 
 Milosh in comparative affluence. Kara George was subject 
 to outbursts of violence, but habitually moody. At the 
 time of the Austrian raid he set out for the frontier with 
 his pigs and his parents. His aged father refused to cross 
 the Save, whereupon Kara George drew a pistol and shot 
 him through the head. On another occasion, when his 
 mother tried to cheat him out of a bee-hive, he bonneted 
 
 to the reversion of the throne. The following passages occur in this 
 remarkable document : 
 
 We served faithfully Karageorgevich (Kara George) until he grew puffed up and 
 became a tyrant. He sought to become the ally of a great emperor and to entangle 
 us in his quarrels. Our family saw through him and judged him righteously accord- 
 ing to the course he had taken, and we revolted against Karageorgevich and turned 
 him away. We should have killed him had we caught him, for he treacherously slew 
 our brother. He came back twelve years later. On learning that he was in the 
 country, I sent word to the chief of Palanka to send me his head. Voutch cut it off 
 and I received it from him, and Servia has had rest and quarrelled with nobody ever 
 since. 
 
 But for the fact that there would seem to be no particular object 
 in inventing such a document, I should have no hesitation in 
 doubting its authenticity. Even as it is, I cannot see what possible 
 object its present holders can hope to gain by its publication. In 
 any case, it comes from a tainted source and I venture to adhere to 
 my original version of the event, supported as it is by the best 
 authorities. 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 13 
 
 her with it and stalked off, regardless of the piercing shrieks 
 which she emitted at every sting. Again, hearing his only 
 brother accused as a gay Lothario, he seized him in a 
 blind fury and hanged him over his own door-post with a 
 bridle. Once he killed a faithful comrade at a whisper of 
 treachery ; when he found out his mistake he shed tears 
 like a baby. But except under the influence of wine or 
 sudden emotions, he was invariably taciturn. Grim and 
 black, he would sit for whole days, gnawing his nails and 
 never uttering a word. He could not read or write, and 
 remained a peasant to the end of his days. Neither riches 
 nor fine clothes nor gay trappings had any attraction for 
 him. One day he damaged a Russian decoration while 
 hooping a cask. When he was Prince, his daughter still 
 carried her pail with the other maidens to the village well. 
 The only similarity between him and Milosh was that 
 both were despotic. Milosh had a gay character and a 
 keen sense of humour. He never lost his head or his 
 temper. He knew when to bend before a torrent in order 
 to rise up again when it should be past. When he 
 resolved upon a deed of violence, it was after mature 
 reflection and for a definite purpose. When a rebellion 
 broke out against his rule, he took extreme measures: 
 foreign participators had their hands and tongues cut off 
 in Kragujevats market-place before his eyes, and home 
 traitors were broken upon the wheel. This was not wrath- 
 ful vengeance but a deliberate warning to others who might 
 be tempted to rebel. His methods were rough and ready. 
 For instance, when he desired to improve his capital, he 
 ordered a whole suburb of Belgrade to be set on fire. 
 His ideas of government were derived from the Turks, 
 under whose rule he had been brought up. He was will- 
 ing that a great national assembly should confer on him 
 
14 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 the title of Prince of the Servians (November 6, 1817), 
 but he proceeded to govern without a Parliament, levying 
 what taxes he pleased. His ideal ruler was a pasha and, 
 like a pasha of olden days, he appropriated whatever 
 property chanced to take his fancy, whether lands, houses, 
 jewels, or lovely maidens. Yet he was not unpopular. 
 Kara George never had a friend, but Milosh was hail- 
 fellow-well-met with every one. He used to sit in a little 
 kiosque, which he had constructed by the roadside at 
 Topchider, and stop the peasants as they passed, to chat 
 with them about their private affairs and listen to their 
 opinions and grievances. 
 
 It was not until 1830 that Milosh obtained formal 
 recognition from the Porte. The hatti-sherif prescribed 
 that he should administer the affairs of Servia by and with 
 the consent of an assembly of Servian notables, and Europe 
 was confronted by the strange spectacle of the Sultan 
 imposing constitutional methods and the elected Prince of 
 Servia standing out for absolutism. 
 
 This absolutism was maintained by Milosh. He raised 
 and abased his officials quite arbitrarily and punished with 
 the bastinado all who displeased him. But a chronic 
 conspiracy was fomented, chiefly at the instigation of 
 Russia, and in 1835 a formidable insurrection took place. 
 A constitution was extorted, conferring democratic insti- 
 tutions, for which Servia was wholly unfitted. But it 
 soon proved unworkable and Milosh, as a wise Prince, 
 was compelled to disregard it. At this time Colonel 
 Hodges was accredited as British consul and sought to 
 counteract Russian intrigues, but Russian diplomacy 
 carried the day, and, by what has been called " a master- 
 piece of Russo-Turkish liberalism," a council was established, 
 practically setting aside MilosK's rule and governing in his 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 15 
 
 stead. The Prince of Servia was now virtually a prisoner 
 in his own Konak. 
 
 At last Milosh, receiving assurances from the Russian 
 consul that he would thereby secure the succession for his 
 son, abdicated on the 13th of June 1839. This state- 
 stroke was the work of the enemies of Servia, and Milosh 
 left the country amid the tears of his subjects. 
 
 His eldest son, Milan, was then incurably ill, and died 
 on the 8th of July 1839, without knowing of the dignity 
 which had been conferred upon him. He was succeeded 
 by his next brother, Michael, then about sixteen years of 
 age. The Porte imposed Regents, against whom Michael 
 protested. Several thousands of peasants rose in arms, 
 marched upon Belgrade and took Michael away from his 
 Regents, who fled to Constantinople. Michael now pro- 
 ceeded to govern according to democratic ideas, but 
 intrigues of every sort beset the youthful Prince. 
 
 A man's enemies are notoriously those of his own house- 
 hold, and Michael soon found the least submissive of his 
 subjects was his mother, Ljubitsa. She was very angry 
 with him because he would not participate in a futile 
 Bulgarian insurrection, and she proceeded to conspire to 
 bring about the return of her husband. She was ever 
 present in the palace, pale and gloomy, eternally reproach- 
 ing him as the usurper of his fathers rights. 
 
 He set out to suppress her conspiracy, and was 
 encouraged by the crowds who flocked to his standard. 
 A parley was proposed, and the insurgents made impossible 
 demands. Michael refused to listen to them and had the 
 mortification of seeing all his troops melt away. He 
 retired to Austria, and the younger son of Kara George 
 was elected Prince (1842). 
 
 Alexander Karageorgevich had been living quietly in 
 
16 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 Servia on a pension granted him by Milosh, and had not 
 dreamed of aspiring to the throne. He was now thirty-six 
 years of age. His character was cold and his reign proved 
 somnolent, but the country enjoyed a certain respite from 
 turmoil. He was, however, accused of nepotism and 
 despotism, all the chief posts of state being filled by 
 members of his wife's family and no Skupshtina being 
 summoned for ten years. On the discovery (October 1857) 
 of a plot in which several senators were implicated, he 
 sought to suppress the Senate. The conspirators were 
 tortured and condemned to death, but on the Sultan's 
 intervention were merely exhibited in chains in the streets 
 of Belgrade and sent into exile. Discontent grew and, in 
 November 1858, Alexander Karageorgevich was constrained 
 to call a Skupshtina, which drew up a grand remonstrance 
 and summoned him to abdicate. He took refuge in the 
 Turkish fortress at Belgrade, whereupon (December 23, 
 1858) the Skupshtina passed a vote deposing him and 
 recalling Milosh. 
 
 There was something pathetic and dramatic about the 
 return of the venerable Liberator at the age of seventy- 
 eight, after nearly twenty years of exile. His restoration 
 was received with frenzied joy by the whole people, whom 
 he proceeded to govern once more in his old patriarchal 
 way. It is related how, shortly before his death, being 
 annoyed by the sight of some ill-kept fields near Bania, he 
 sent for the owner and said angrily, " If ever I see thy 
 domain in so disgraceful a condition again, I will yoke 
 thee to thine own plough and use the whip on thee my- 
 self," a threat which he would not have hesitated for an 
 instant to carry out. 
 
 He died on the 26th of September 1860, and was again 
 succeeded by his son Michael, who now showed himself a 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 17 
 
 resolute ruler. He curtailed the privileges of Parliament, 
 established a standing army and did much to raise the 
 position of his country. As a fitting complement to the 
 work of his father, the true Liberator of Servia, he 
 succeeded in expelling the Turkish garrisons from the 
 fortresses which they still occupied. 
 
 A pretext for raising the question was afforded by the 
 bombardment of Belgrade on the 17th of June 1862. 
 The blame for that unfortunate occurrence is very difficult 
 to apportion. No doubt the presence of an alien garrison 
 was a standing grievance in Belgrade, and quarrels were 
 frequent. One day two Servian boys and two Turkish 
 soldiers disputed who should first draw water from a well 
 near the rival police stations. They came to blows, and 
 the boys were killed in the scuffle. Servian gendarmes 
 rushed out to arrest the soldiers but were killed by a dis- 
 charge of musketry from the Turkish police station. 
 Fighting became general, the whole population was soon 
 under arms, and the Turkish quarter was pillaged. The 
 consuls of the Powers intervened and an armistice was 
 concluded, but next day the garrison took alarm and 
 bombarded the town for a period of five hours. Peace 
 was only restored by the intervention of the British 
 and French consuls, who risked their lives by becoming 
 hostages to the contending parties. The significant fact 
 is that a great number of persons seem to have known 
 beforehand that something was about to take place. 
 After this event Michael naturally agitated for a with- 
 drawal of the garrisons, but Turkish diplomacy contrived 
 to delay the accomplishment of his desire until 1867. 
 
 Meanwhile Alexander Karageorgevich had not tamely 
 accepted his deposition, and various plots were contrived 
 by his partisans. These culminated, on the 10th of 
 
18 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 June 1868, in the murder of Michael in the park near 
 Topchider. 
 
 This park is fall of trees and thickets and beautiful 
 green glades, where herds of deer disport themselves. 
 All round it are thick palisades, some 14 feet high, in- 
 tended to keep out the wolves who come down from the 
 mountains in winter time. The park and forest have 
 always been a favourite resort of Servian sovereigns. At 
 about five o'clock in the afternoon of the 10th of June 
 1868 Prince Michael was taking a walk along a narrow 
 path in the woods, accompanied by his aunt Tomanja 
 Obrenovich, his cousin Anka Constantinovich, her daughter 
 Catherine, then eighteen years of age, Captain Garashanin 
 (the son of a former Minister), and a courtier named 
 Timarchevich. At a clearing in the forest they met four 
 men, who stood aside and doffed their hats. The Prince 
 replied to their greeting, and they immediately fired a 
 volley with their pistols, killing the Prince and Anka 
 Constantinovich, and wounding her daughter Catherine. 
 Captain Garashanin attempted to defend the body of the 
 Prince, but was shot through the arm and then stunned 
 with the butt end of a pistol. The rest of the party took 
 to flight, but were pursued and wounded by one of the 
 murderers. Another of the criminals took out a long 
 knife and stabbed the face and body of the Prince re- 
 peatedly. Three of the murderers were named Lazar 
 Marich, formerly president of a judicial tribunal in the 
 district of Pozharevats, Constantine Radovanovich and 
 Stanjevo Rogich, who had organised this conspiracy on 
 behalf of Alexander Karageorgevich, whom it was intended 
 to proclaim Prince immediately after the murder. This 
 plot failed, however, because the army remained faithful 
 to the Obrenovich dynasty and the people were filled with 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 19 
 
 horror by the terrible deed. Beside the actual murderers 
 the following partisans of Karageorgevich were condemned 
 to death and shot in Belgrade: Captain Mladen Nena- 
 dovich, Captain Sima Nenadovich and Svetosar Nena- 
 dovich, all three brothers-in-law of Alexander Kara- 
 georgevich, and Captain Matsajlovich. The Servian 
 Courts also condemned Alexander Karageorgevich to 
 twenty years' penal servitude for complicity in the plot, 
 but the Hungarian Government refused to give him 
 up. He was, however, brought before the Hungarian 
 Courts at Budapest, imprisoned in the fortress in January 
 1870, and acquitted a few months later on account of 
 insufficient evidence. A superior Court overrode this 
 acquittal and condemned him to eight years 1 imprisonment, 
 but this sentence was reversed on appeal and the Prince 
 was set free. It is difficult to say for certain how far he 
 was guilty, but the probabilities are that he was at least 
 aware of the conspiracy and took no steps to prevent it. 
 
THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 TABLE OF SERVIAN RULERS 
 
 GEORGE PETROVICH (known 
 as Kara George) 
 
 MILOSH OBRENOVICH 
 
 MILAN OBRENOVICH 
 MICHAEL OBRENOVICH . 
 ALEXANDER KARAGEORGEVICH 
 
 MILOSH OBRENOVICH (2nd 
 reign). 
 
 MICHAEL OBRENOVICH (2nd 
 reign) 
 
 MILAN OBRENOVICH 
 
 ALEXANDER OBRENOVICH 
 
 PETER KARAGEORGEVICH 
 
 Guerilla leader, 1804. Prince, 
 1811. Fled, Oct. 1813. 
 
 Led insurrection, 1815. Prince, 
 Nov. 6, 1817. Abdicated, 
 June 13, 1839. 
 
 Prince, June 13, 1839. Died, 
 July 8, 1839. 
 
 Prince, July 8, 1839. Abdi- 
 cated, 1842. 
 
 Prince, 1842. Deposed, Dec. 
 23, 1858. Died, 1885. 
 
 Restored, Dec. 23, 1858. 
 Died, Sept. 26, I860. 
 
 Restored, Sept. 26, I860. 
 Murdered, June 10, 1868. 
 
 Prince, June 22, 1868. King, 
 March 1882. Abdicated, 
 March 1889. Died, Feb. 
 1901. 
 
 King, March 1889. Murdered, 
 June 11, 1903. 
 
 King, June 1903. (?) 
 
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION 
 
 THE OBRENOVICH FAMILY 
 
 Theodore. 
 
 Prince MILOSH. 
 Prince MICHAEL. 
 
 Eph 
 
 Mil 
 King 
 
 rem. 
 
 
 osh. 
 MILAN. 
 
 Anka Constantinovich. 
 
 Col. Alexander 
 Constantinovich. 
 1 
 
 1 1 
 
 jKing Vladimir. 
 ALEXANDER. 
 
 Nathalie = Prince Mirko 
 of Montenegro. 
 
 THE KARAGEORGEVICH FAMILY 
 
 KARA GEORGE. 
 
 I 
 
 Peter Karageorgevich. 
 
 ALEXANDER Karageorgevich. 
 
 Alexis. Bojdar. 
 
 I 
 PETER. 
 
 George. 
 
 I 
 Arsen. 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 MILAN AND NATHALIE 
 
 MILAN was only fourteen years of age when he was 
 summoned from Paris as next of kin, being grandson of 
 old Milosh's brother Ephrem. But he had been brought 
 up in Paris and had all the precocity of a French school- 
 boy. A course of light novels and the conversation of 
 his lycee had initiated him very early into the mysteries 
 of intrigues; his mother, Marie Catarji, a Frenchwoman 
 of Roumanian origin, had bequeathed to him a thoroughly 
 Latin temperament, gay, reckless, and unscrupulous. To 
 call her fast would be a polite euphemism. She was early 
 separated from her husband, lived for a time with an 
 Oriental nobleman, and settled down as a demi-rep Queen 
 at German gambling spas and in Paris among the rakes 
 of the Second Empire. Milan had been brought up to 
 believe that all women, as well as all men, have their 
 price ; he heard nothing but sneers at serious things and 
 the only ideals held before his young eyes were cards and 
 theatres and varieties of vice. Educated by a Paris 
 professor, who was an atheist and a cynic, he had even as 
 a boy none of the restraints of religion and practically no 
 code of morals. To amuse himself was his only ideal, and 
 he soon discovered the limitations thereof. He was always 
 
 22 
 
MILAN AND NATHALIE 23 
 
 selfish and never good-natured, but he had a charm of 
 manner, an apparent bonhomie, which attracted strange 
 devotion from all sorts and conditions of men throughout 
 his life. 
 
 Utterly blase at the age of fourteen, he was yet in- 
 genuous enough to welcome the sensation of sudden eleva- 
 tion to a throne. On receiving the summons of Servia 
 after his cousin Michael's murder, he set out with a light 
 heart, anticipating new pleasures and new delights. He 
 was destined to be disappointed at the outset. Until he 
 came of age he was a mere puppet in the hands of three 
 Regents, one of whom was M. Ristich, afterwards the 
 bullying Regent of King Alexander. Milan was soon 
 yearning for the freedom and flattery and juvenile dissipa- 
 tions which he had enjoyed in Paris. Ristich, a master 
 of intrigue, a man of greedy ambition, a being utterly 
 destitute of scruples, had no difficulty in reading the 
 character of his Prince. He saw to it that Milan had 
 every distraction wine and women, cards and billiards, 
 all that might divert his attention from affairs of State. 
 Whenever Milan, whose character was that of an autocratic 
 spoiled child, attempted to assert himself or showed any 
 signs of interesting himself in the work of government, 
 Ristich was as firm as adamant. He set himself to corrupt 
 the character of a boy, whose every instinct was rotten, 
 and he had an easy task. Flatterers and ministers of 
 pleasure were specially selected for Court service, and the 
 Prince was carefully diverted from all studies which might 
 have fitted him for sovereign rule. It was characteristic 
 of Milan that throughout his life he yearned for what was 
 withheld and wearied of what came within his reach. The 
 distractions of Belgrade soon palled upon him. Alternately 
 he sighed for the more highly flavoured enjoyments of Paris 
 
24 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 and meditated the possibility of dismissing his Regents by 
 a state-stroke, which he had not the pluck to carry out. 
 He was shrewd enough to see that he had no real friends, 
 no one whom he could trust, and his plots never developed 
 beyond the region of dreams. He laid traps for his 
 associates and courtiers, vented his spite in petty revenges 
 or denunciations, suspected every one, grew harder and 
 colder and more cynical every year. In 1872 he came of 
 age and saw the departure of his Regents with undisguised 
 delight, but his delight was short-lived. 
 
 His reign was marked by two wars and many public 
 scandals. In 1876 Russia, preparing the ground for a 
 raid upon Constantinople, instigated a rising in Bosnia 
 and prevailed upon Servia and Montenegro to attack the 
 Ottoman Empire. While outward expressions of dis- 
 approval were issued by the Imperial Chancery, Russia 
 was secretly organising the campaign. Not only money 
 and munitions were forthcoming, but a whole corps of 
 Russian officers under General Chernajeff was sent to take 
 command of the Servian army. The whole affair was, 
 perhaps intentionally, mismanaged, the Turks obtained a 
 decisive victory at Aleksinats, and Servia was forced to 
 come to terms in March 1877. The fact that Russia did 
 not officially support the Servians aroused great resent- 
 ment in Servia, and, when at last Russia did declare war, 
 Servia refused to resume hostilities until it was clear 
 Russia meant business. Russia, however, had her revenge 
 after the war by making Bulgaria an independent State, 
 and the cession of Bosnia to Austria by the Treaty of 
 Berlin aroused widespread indignation. But the complete 
 independence of Servia was now recognised by Europe and 
 in March 1882 Milan assumed the title of King. 
 
 We have seen how Bulgaria and Servia were traditional 
 
MILAN AND NATHALIE 25 
 
 foes in the Middle Ages, rising and falling at each others 
 expense like the two ends of a see-saw. This feeling was 
 called once more into being by the reappearance of a 
 Bulgarian State upon the scene, and, when Bulgaria 
 suddenly annexed Eastern Roumelia in 1885, the whole 
 Servian nation insisted upon war. The usual frontier 
 incident afforded a pretext and on the 13th of November 
 Milan declared war. Every one anticipated a mere military 
 parade, and the Servians took Vidin and Tsaribrod without 
 difficulty. But on the 18th of November, after desperate 
 fighting, the Bulgarians were completely victorious at 
 Slivnitsa. A curious incident of the battle was the simul- 
 taneous flight of the two Sovereigns, Prince Alexander 
 galloping back headlong to Sofia and King Milan towards 
 Belgrade, each under the impression that his army was 
 routed. After Slivnitsa the Servians continued to fight 
 well, but their most desperate efforts were in vain, and the 
 Bulgarians crossed the frontier on the 26th of November. 
 Austria now intervened, and on the 3rd of March 1886 
 peace was signed at Bucharest on the basis of the status 
 quo ante. 
 
 A strange corollary to the war was the speedy loss of 
 their thrones by each of the contending Sovereigns. 
 Russia was incensed against Prince Alexander for his 
 annexation of Eastern Roumelia, and against King Milan 
 for having shown, since 1876, a disinclination to remain 
 her cat's-paw. Prince Alexander was kidnapped in the 
 night of the 21st of August 1886, and carried off to Russia. 
 On his return at the end of the month he displayed the 
 same cowardice which had induced him to flee to Sofia at the 
 first rumour of a reverse during the war. He sent an abject 
 telegram to the Tsar, and abdicated on the 6th of September. 
 
 Milan, too, seemed pursued by a relentless fate. In 
 
26 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 every relation of life, not only in war but in love and 
 in kingship, disaster dogged his footsteps. Though so 
 cynical about women, he could never resist the flutter 
 of a petticoat. A coward in the field, he aspired to be 
 a universal conqueror in the boudoir. His first serious 
 attraction was for a widow several years older than him- 
 self. It was almost a forecast of the story of Alexander 
 and Draga, only that Milan had not the determination 
 of his son. Milan announced that he intended to marry 
 the lady. His ministers, the friends of his dynasty, pro- 
 minent men of all parties, all protested with the utmost 
 vehemence. He raved, he shut himself up, he would 
 see no one, he vowed he would abdicate rather than give 
 her up ; but the paroxysm passed, he became quite docile 
 and soon thought no more about her. 
 
 Then he beheld Nathalie, the lovely daughter of Colonel 
 Keshko, a Russian owning vast estates in Bessarabia. She 
 was home for a holiday from school at Odessa when they 
 first met, and even then, at the age of sixteen, her marvellous 
 beauty had already been talked about far and near. Rarely 
 had so many charms been concentrated in one single person. 
 Beside her striking features, her dark limpid eyes and her 
 exquisite figure, she possessed grace, sympathy, wit, wisdom, 
 dignity, sweetness and goodness to a transcendent degree. 
 She had been brought up with considerable simplicity for 
 the daughter of an important territorial magnate, and in 
 character she presented a great contrast to her destined 
 husband. Impulsiveness was their only common trait. 
 Milan was then what most women would consider good- 
 looking, sturdy without being muscular, boastful without 
 being brave, and his conspicuous self-satisfaction often 
 imposed even upon shrewd observers for a while. The 
 fair Nathalie captivated him at once, body and soul, and 
 
MILAN AND NATHALIE 27 
 
 he determined to seek her hand in marriage at once. How 
 far she reciprocated his regard is hard to tell. In her 
 country, marriages are not made in the heaven of romantic 
 inclination but in the cold atmosphere of parental calcula- 
 tion. Her father may have reflected that she was very 
 young for the responsibilities of the holy estate but that she 
 would accomplish a high destiny by occupying a throne. 
 
 To herself it must have seemed a question of destiny. 
 According to an ex-minister of Servia, who devotes his 
 leisure to dabbling in the black arts, she was taken to a 
 fortune-teller when quite a young girl. The gipsy at once 
 exclaimed, " I see a throne. You will be a Queen. But 
 misfortune will overtake you. You will be driven into 
 exile. I cannot discern very clearly the cause of your mis- 
 fortunes, but they seem to be connected with wood. I can 
 see great yards in some Oriental city and they are filled 
 with endless stacks of timber." 
 
 Queen Nathalie is not superstitious and she paid little 
 attention to the prophecy until Milan came across her 
 path and offered her a throne. If she believed the gipsy's 
 tale, it must have been with many misgivings that she 
 obeyed her father and accepted her fate. She must have 
 wondered what misfortune wood could hold in store for 
 her. A courtier, with whom she discussed the question in 
 the early days of her married life, thought the allusion was 
 to the woods of Topchider, where Prince Michael was 
 murdered. Milan was of this opinion and for a long time 
 he refused to let his wife go there. It was known to be 
 his wish that she should never under any circumstances 
 visit Topchider. Perhaps he had a reason. 
 
 One day a fancy took Nathalie to disobey orders and 
 run the risk. When she set out she noticed a look of 
 alarm among her courtiers, but she put it down to the 
 
28 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 prophecy and smilingly asked her lady-in-waiting whether 
 masked men would spring out from the trees and shoot 
 them. "In any case," she remarked, with a touch of 
 Oriental fatalism, "what must be must be. If disaster 
 is to overtake me in Topchider, I cannot avoid my doom.*" 
 During the drive she espied Milan walking about the park 
 in affectionate intimacy with a lady. She stopped her 
 carriage and there ensued a heated scene, which was the 
 beginning of the estrangement between Milan and Nathalie. 
 But, as it turned out, the prophecy had been fulfilled even 
 more literally also. The lady in question, whose relations 
 with Milan had for months been the talk of Belgrade, was 
 a certain Mme. Christich, the daughter of a Levantine 
 merchant, who owned vast timber-yards at Constantinople. 
 So the mischief was derived from timber-yards and came 
 to a head in the woods of Topchider : the prophecy of the 
 Romany was doubly justified. 
 
 After this scene, Nathalie held herself aloof from her 
 husband and their relations became increasingly estranged. 
 Mme. Christich was elderly and ugly, but she possessed a 
 strange fascination, which has been ascribed to hypnotic 
 powers. It is certain that she could make Milan do 
 whatever she pleased, and many are of opinion that she 
 was in the pay of a foreign Government. She certainly 
 did her utmost to humiliate her lover and render him 
 ridiculous. At all hours of the day he had to walk to her 
 house with gigantic bouquets in his hand ; or again she 
 would keep him with her and compel him to leave a royal 
 carriage stationed outside her door throughout an after- 
 noon. There was no limit to the gossip about the ex- 
 travagances which she exacted. Of course, good-natured 
 friends informed Queen Nathalie, but she bore every insult 
 with truly Christian patience. 
 
MILAN AND NATHALIE 29 
 
 At last, however, a climax came at midnight on Easter 
 morning 1888 in the Cathedral. According to Eastern 
 custom, courtiers filed up to the Sovereigns to exchange 
 the salutations : " Christ is risen " " He is risen indeed,"" 
 and receive the kiss of peace, the men from the King, the 
 women from the Queen. With astounding effrontery, 
 Mme. Christich presented herself to be kissed by the 
 Queen, giggling to her smiling friends and revelling in the 
 sensation she occasioned. Naturally enough, the Queen 
 ignored her. Mme. Christich turned to Milan, fixing him 
 with her protruding eyes. He had been looking on with 
 cynical mirth, but instantly drew himself up to attention 
 like a private reprimanded by his general. Seizing the 
 Queen roughly by jthe arm, he shouted to her, "Kiss 
 Madame Christich at once. I order you. 11 The Queen grew 
 slightly pale, but withdrew herself with dignity, turning 
 to the next lady awaiting the paschal greeting. For a 
 moment Milan seemed abashed, but the eyes of his mis- 
 tress were still coldly fixed upon him. He shook himself 
 into a fury, rushed at the Queen, and would have strangled 
 her if several officers had not intervened and dragged 
 him back. The congregation broke up in confusion, and 
 excited groups filled the dark streets, discussing the painful 
 incident as they made their ways home. Mme. Christich 
 took Milan's arm and they left the cathedral together. 
 
 Distressed by this outrage, the Queen determined to leave 
 Belgrade. She set out with her little son for Wiesbaden. 
 Milan appealed to the German Emperor, who ordered the 
 police to take Prince Alexander away from his mother by 
 force and give him up to Milan's emissaries (July 1888). 
 
 Milan's mistress now set to work to persuade him to 
 divorce the Queen. So soon as he gave way and announced 
 his intention, the ministry waited upon him in a body 
 
30 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 to protest. They argued with him for three hours, point- 
 ing out the injustice of the project, the innocence of 
 the Queen and the disaster to the dynasty. He listened 
 like one in a dream and finally replied, "Gentlemen, I 
 admit all your arguments and have nothing to say against 
 them, but I cannot help myself. This thing must be." 
 
 Milan was now drawing near to the end of his tether. 
 Apart from his military failures and his domestic scandals, 
 he had alienated the people by his exactions and tyran- 
 nical rule. Naturally extravagant, accustomed to gratify 
 every whim, impelled to further extravagance by his 
 insatiable mistress and provided with a very modest civil 
 list, he was always in difficulties. No expedients were 
 too low or contemptible, so long as he could satisfy 
 his immediate needs. He sponged upon the wife he 
 was betraying ; he mortgaged some property to the 
 late Tsar, who found, on trying to foreclose, that it had 
 previously been mortgaged up to the hilt ; he even suc- 
 ceeded in cheating a very astute member of the British 
 Parliament, and he placed himself under all manner of 
 pecuniary obligations to foreigners, who profited thereby 
 to dictate an unpatriotic policy. Once, when the fancy 
 took him, he telegraphed to a famous French actress to 
 come down and perform at Belgrade. Money, he assured 
 her, was no object. She shut up her theatre at enormous 
 sacrifice, packed up all her properties and arrived with 
 her troupe only to find that it was all too true : money 
 was of so little object to Milan that she never succeeded in 
 securing any. Most imprudent of all, he dipped into the 
 public funds, accepted huge commissions for unnecessary 
 public works and raised arbitrary taxes with or without 
 the consent of a suborned legislature. 
 
 He reduced the election of creature parliaments to a 
 
MILAN AND NATHALIE 31 
 
 fine art. Every prefect, every policeman in every constitu- 
 ency was a paid election agent, and, where intimidation 
 failed, they had recourse to the simple expedient of 
 falsifying the returns. I remember being told triumph- 
 antly by a prefect that there were no Radical members 
 in his district. 1 expressed surprise at the unanimity of 
 the voters. 
 
 " I don't know about that,"" said he ; " nearly every 
 voter here is a Radical. 1 " 
 
 " Then how do you manage ? " 
 
 " Oh ! with a little hocus-pocus," he replied merrily. 
 
 The fact is, Milan always obtained precisely whatever 
 parliaments he chose. He could always foretell the 
 exact proportion of parties, almost exactly the number of 
 votes which would be recorded in each constituency. Once 
 he announced with great parade that he would really have a 
 free parliament : no pressure whatever should be brought 
 to bear upon the electors. This was intended to have a 
 very good effect upon foreign observers, who should see for 
 themselves how popular was King Milan's policy with the 
 Servian people. A correspondent had the curiosity to 
 stand outside the polling-booth of a certain town on 
 election day and count the free and independent as they 
 went in. When the figures were announced, he was 
 amazed to find that over 3000 had voted for the Govern- 
 ment candidate and some 2500 for the Opposition. He 
 went to the Minister of the Interior and told him that 
 only 375 persons had voted. 
 
 " I am sure you must be mistaken," was the reply. 
 
 " But I counted them myself, every one." 
 
 " Then you must have made some mistake, for I assure 
 you, on my word of honour as a gentleman, that over 400 
 recorded their votes." 
 
32 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 Nor did the vexations of the Opposition end even when 
 they had been suffered to secure a few seats. I was once 
 in the gallery of the Skupshtina, and innocently asked a 
 friend which were the Opposition benches. 
 
 "Oh! the Opposition?" he replied doubtfully; "they 
 used to sit over there, but now they sit with the Minis- 
 terialists. They find it safer. " 
 
 King Milan had a short way with Oppositions which 
 manifested undue independence. His simple plan was 
 to invent a plot against his life with all sorts of dra- 
 matic details, arrest all his opponents on suspicion, and 
 then condemn whomsoever he pleased to be shot or im- 
 prisoned for life. In some ways it was preferable to be 
 shot, for so a man escaped torture. Many unfortunate 
 politicians were flogged or starved to death in gaol, and 
 the world would then be informed that they had committed 
 suicide. This, however, only took place when they per- 
 sisted in their political heresies. To give Milan his due, 
 he usually gave a convict a chance of saving himself at the 
 cost of his convictions. It was no unusual thing for a man 
 to be condemned to death one day and in a few weeks to 
 be invited to form a ministry. Milan was a good judge 
 of character and, though he trusted nobody, he knew 
 when it would serve his ends to accept a recantation in 
 exchange for a reprieve. 
 
 One of the events which exposed him to the fiercest 
 criticism was his treatment of two widows, Helen Mar- 
 kovich and Helen Knitshamin. The former was the wife 
 of a Servian colonel, who was sentenced to be shot for 
 some political offence but was popularly supposed to be 
 innocent of criminal intent. His wife petitioned Milan 
 for a reprieve and at the same time sent a telegram to her 
 husband informing him of what she had done. The 
 
MILAN AND NATHALIE 33 
 
 only answer which she received was the return of her 
 telegram, with an official notification that it could not be 
 delivered because the addressee had already been buried. 
 Some months later, in October 1882, she went to the 
 Cathedral with her friend Helen Knitshamin and fired 
 two shots at King Milan. Both women were arrested and 
 condemned to death, but, in deference to public opinion, 
 Milan granted them a reprieve and they were imprisoned 
 at Pozharevats. Not long afterwards they were both 
 found dead in their cells, Helen Markovich having been 
 throttled and Helen Knitshamin having been hanged. 
 To add to the mystery, their gaolers had been stabbed to 
 death, so that no evidence was forthcoming as to the 
 details of the crime. The official version was that the 
 women had killed their gaolers and then committed suicide, 
 but Milan's enemies asserted that the women had been 
 killed by his orders, and that the gaolers had afterwards 
 been slaughtered because their silence could not be 
 assured. 
 
 A friend of mine, one of the cleverest men in Servia, 
 was one day explaining to me the prison system of 
 his country. I supposed that its hardships had been 
 exaggerated. 
 
 " Perhaps," he said, relapsing into thought. 
 
 Then, after a pause, he suddenly pulled up his trousers 
 and showed me two broad black bands round the flesh of 
 his ankles. 
 
 " Do you know what that is ? " he asked. 
 
 " You have had some accident you must have been 
 caught in a trap for wild beasts," I surmised. 
 
 " A trap for wild beasts ! " he repeated bitterly ; " that 
 is a very good description of the prisons of Servia. When 
 I was a very young man I belonged to a Radical Committee, 
 
 D 
 
34 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 and that Committee was compromised in an attempt on 
 the life of King Milan. I knew nothing of that, but my 
 name was on the books of the Committee. I was thrown 
 into prison, sentenced to death, reprieved on account of 
 my youth and let off with a sentence of twenty years. 
 They riveted irons to my ankles and loaded me with chains. 
 The chains did not worry me much, for I could carry them 
 over my arms after a fashion, but the irons were tight and 
 arrested my circulation. The flesh swelled, became sore 
 and festered, so that I understood the expression : 6 the 
 iron entered into his soul. 1 I was only two years in prison, 
 for I benefited by a pardon on the occasion of some 
 national festival, but, as you see, I retain the badge of my 
 servitude until my dying day." 
 
 " And do you bear no malice ? " 
 
 " No, I rather liked King Milan than otherwise. He 
 visited me in prison and made himself so agreeable that 
 I could not cherish grievances. Since my release I have 
 often taken his part in the press, even when he was in 
 exile and discredited. 1 ' 
 
 There was certainly a strange fascination about Milan, 
 worthless though he was. No one could remain angry with 
 him long. After the Bulgarian war there was a demon- 
 stration against him in Belgrade. A mob gathered in 
 front of the palace, yelling for his blood. He appeared 
 upon the balcony amid a pandemonium of hoots and 
 groans. He began to speak, but no one would listen. He 
 persevered, the tumult was gradually appeased, and in less 
 than ten minutes every one was cheering : Zhiveo Kralj 
 Milan, God save the King ! 
 
 Beside the bogus plots against King Milan there were 
 plenty of serious ones, which had their use in helping to 
 justify the punishment of the bogus ones. 
 
MILAN AND NATHALIE 35 
 
 After the murder of Michael, Karageorgevich was 
 checked but he was not checkmated. He still dreamed 
 of an eventual reversion, he still maintained an open Cave 
 of Adullam for all who might be dissatisfied with the rule 
 of the Obrenovich. The only wonder is that there were 
 not more malcontents to fill his cave. Servians talk very 
 freely, but when I travelled about Servia, I never met one 
 man in the land who believed that the Karageorgevich 
 dynasty stood the faintest chance of succession under any 
 circumstances. Still, the very existence of an alternative 
 dynasty was a standing menace to any tyrant, and Milan 
 was certainly a tyrant of the very worst type, oppressing 
 his subjects not for their own good but for the gratifica- 
 tion of his sordid desires. Those who conspired against 
 him had no goals save Karageorgevich or a republic, and 
 Servia has never suffered from republican instincts. Yet 
 they conspired very diligently, and strong measures were 
 necessary to repress them. From such measures Milan 
 never shrank. 
 
 We must do him this justice, that, though personally 
 a coward and a wastrel, he had notions of royal dignity 
 and a short way with murderous conspirators. He knew 
 that conspiracies were afoot and his method was to nip 
 them in the bud. When he was convinced that people 
 sought his life or his throne, he used Machiavellian methods 
 to circumvent them. He did not wait for a conspiracy to 
 come to a head, he anticipated it, he invented details and 
 then proceeded to punish the disaffected for imaginary 
 crimes which they had not been clever enough to devise. 
 It was rough-and-ready justice, but it was often justice all 
 the same. 
 
 A revolution broke out at Topola, which is the cradle 
 of the Karageorgevich dynasty, as Takovo is that of the 
 
36 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 Obrenovich. Disaffection spread to Zajechar and through 
 S.E. Servia generally. Fifteen thousand men took the 
 field against the dynasty. Some say that they were 
 working for a republic, others for Karageorgevich. The 
 rising was easily suppressed. Milan came down with a 
 heavy fist and welcomed the opportunity for a massacre 
 of Radicals and other disaffected persons. Repression was 
 followed by a fusilade. Travelling down the Danube in a 
 steamer I have seen a sandy bay with sandy cliffs where 
 the chief victims met their doom. Milan was not content 
 with inflicting the death penalty on his opponents. He 
 gave an order that no crosses should be set up over their 
 graves. This was disregarded during his absence from 
 the country. But so soon as he returned, he personally 
 superintended the uprooting of the offending crosses 
 and saw to the punishment of those who had defied his 
 orders. 
 
 Milan's reign was full of surprises, but he never succeeded 
 in surprising the world so completely as he did by his 
 abdication. There was no intelligible reason or pretext 
 for it. He had triumphed over his enemies, banished his 
 wife, silenced his critics. He was hated but he was 
 feared. There seemed no reason why he should not 
 continue to disgrace his throne to the end of his days. 
 After introducing an extremely democratic constitution 
 and summoning the Radicals, his traditional enemies, to 
 power, he suddenly sent for the diplomatic body, his 
 ministers and the leading officers of his household. The 
 diplomatists were placed in one room of the palace and 
 the household in another room separated only by a curtain. 
 A minister of the Crown stood beside Milan while he 
 addressed the diplomatists, announcing his abdication and 
 requesting the friendship of their governments for the son 
 
MILAN AND NATHALIE 37 
 
 who would succeed him. The moment Milan began to 
 speak, the minister in attendance looked up with a great 
 start. The King was evidently speaking, but it was not 
 the King's voice. At the close of the audience, the 
 minister went into the next room, where the members of 
 the household were assembled. They had been able to 
 hear but not to see, and their first question was, " Who 
 made that long speech ? " 
 
 " Why, 11 was the answer, " the King read it himself." 
 
 " But we know King Milan's voice, and we could swear 
 that this was not his. 11 
 
 " It certainly sounded strange, but I saw him read his 
 statement. 11 
 
 A very general belief prevails that King Milan had 
 no desire to abdicate, but that he was compelled by some 
 mystical or hypnotic means to speak with the voice of his 
 compeller. The authorities for this theory are not convinc- 
 ing, but the facts remain that Milan did abdicate against 
 his will when there were no reasons for the act, and that he 
 made serious efforts afterwards to regain the crown which 
 he had thrown away. 
 
CHAPTER III 
 
 ALEXANDER OBRENOVICH was born on the 14th of August 
 1876, at a time of storm and stress. Servia was engaged 
 upon a hopeless war against Turkey and the news of a 
 defeat had just reached Belgrade; the fortunes of the 
 country were at a very low ebb ; poverty, discontent, and 
 intrigue prevailed on every hand ; and his parents entered 
 upon their resounding quarrels almost before he was out 
 of his cradle. Yet in one thing they were agreed, and 
 despite the atmosphere of hostility and suspicion around 
 him, their only son was petted and worshipped by both 
 his parents. 
 
 A French statesman has described him as he was in 
 1887 : a big boy, who had grown too fast but was healthy 
 and sturdy, running about in a short jacket, with bare 
 brown legs and a bright open face. Every morning 
 before he went out with Mile. Pellingre, his Swiss gover- 
 ness, he came rushing in like a whirlwind to see his father, 
 who kissed him and talked to him, whatever serious 
 business might happen to be afoot. Those who witnessed 
 the scene could not fail to be astonished at the sight 
 of Milan, the hardened cynic, thus revealing a softer 
 mood. As for Queen Nathalie, there were no limits to 
 the devotion which she lavished upon her beloved Sasha. 
 
 38 
 
KING ALEXANDER'S ACCESSION 39 
 
 Milan was jealous of her influence but tried in vain to 
 turn him against her. 
 
 In the spring of 1888 she was allowed to take him away 
 to Florence, and this was probably the happiest period of 
 her troubled life. It was an unusually brilliant season. 
 The King and Queen of Italy were doing the honours 
 to a number of distinguished guests : Queen Victoria, 
 the Emperor and Empress of Brazil, the King and Queen 
 of Wiirtemberg, the Queen of Servia and her little Crown 
 Prince, who became a very familiar figure in his dapper 
 little uniform and soon won the hearts of every one. 
 I remember only one anecdote of this period. My friend 
 Steva Popovich was then minister in attendance. Some 
 one asked him in the Queen's presence how old the Prince 
 was, and he answered "Twelve."" "Indeed he is not," 
 the Queen protested with animation, " he is only eleven." 
 "Well," the minister replied good-humouredly, " he will be 
 twelve in August, and that is not very far off." "You 
 seem to think it is all the same if he is eleven or twelve," 
 she retorted impatiently ; " I suppose it does seem the 
 same to a man, but I assure you it does not to a mother. 
 He is already growing up much too fast." 
 
 Two other stories, quoted on the authority of Mijato- 
 vich, the late Servian Minister, are worth repeating. 
 One day when Milan was addressing the Skupshtina on 
 a solemn occasion, the little Crown Prince came up to 
 Mijatovich and whispered, " Tell papa he talks too much. 
 I want him." Another time, when he went by river to 
 Shabats, the crowds upon the landing stage greeted him 
 with great enthusiasm. Mijatovich took him up in his 
 arms and the cheering was redoubled. Alexander inquired 
 why the people made so much noise when they saw him, 
 and was told " Because they love you." At once he called 
 
40 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 out to the people, " They say you love me. If that is true, 
 prove it to me by throwing your hats into the water." 
 In an instant a hail of hats darkened the air and were 
 carried off by the waters of the Save. 
 
 Torn from his mother's side before he was twelve years 
 old, he had not been many months at Belgrade before 
 a sensational event occurred : he found himself suddenly 
 forsaken by his father and thrust upon the throne. 
 
 On the evening before Milan's abdication, Alexander 
 came to say good-night as usual. Milan held him by the 
 hand and looked long into his eyes. 
 
 " Sasha," he said, " what will you do when you are 
 King?" 
 
 The boy returned his gaze and seemed a little troubled, 
 seemed to be pulling himself together, but made no answer. 
 
 Early next day Milan came into his son's room and 
 exclaimed, with an affectation of merriment, " Good morn- 
 ing, your Majesty ! " 
 
 Alexander returned the greeting solemnly, but without 
 any appearance of surprise or emotion. 
 
 " How did you know ? " Milan asked sharply. " Who 
 has told you that you are now the King ? " 
 
 " No one," was the quiet reply, " but I guessed from 
 your question last night that you intended to make me 
 King to-day." 
 
 Then they went down to the council chamber and 
 Milan was the first to take the oath of allegiance to his 
 little son, who impressed every one by his self-possession 
 and serious dignity. It was only some hours later that he 
 gave vent to his feelings : " I am an orphan whose parents 
 are still alive," he observed to one of his tutors. " Sasha 
 is an artificial orphan," Milan remarked, according to 
 another version. 
 
KING ALEXANDER'S ACCESSION 41 
 
 The monastery of Zhicha, near Kraljevo, is one of the 
 poorest in Servia but at the same time the oldest, having 
 been built in 1210. Seven kings are said to have been 
 crowned there, but I could only elicit the names of three 
 from the Heguman. I have paid two visits there, and 
 was each time impressed by the profound melancholy 
 of the place. A few hollyhocks emerged from a great 
 tangle of weeds, the monastic buildings were bare and 
 white- washed, only the church showed signs of perfunctory 
 restoration. 
 
 Here, on the 2nd of July 1889, Alexander was solemnly 
 anointed King. Soon after dawn a salvo of cannons 
 heralded the auspicious day, and huge crowds thronged 
 the streets of dreamy Kraljevo and the precincts of the 
 sullen old monastery. At nine o'clock loud cries of 
 " Zhiveo ! " (Let him live !) announced the arrival of the 
 young Sovereign. He was received by the Metropolitan, 
 who delivered the following speech : 
 
 Beloved Lord and King Servia and the Servian nation 
 have brought Thee to-day to this hallowed cloister. Servia 
 and the Servian nation bring Thee here that Thou mayest 
 receive consecration for a glorious reign. The holy Orthodox 
 Church and her humble servant receive Thee in this place 
 with the heartiest wishes for Thee and Thy house, for the 
 honour and prosperity of the glorious Obrenovich Dynasty. 
 Before we proceed to anoint Thee, I ask Thee whether 
 Thou art true to this our Church and what is Thy belief. 
 
 The Archimandrite handed a prayer-book to the King, 
 who recited the Creed in a loud clear voice, kissed the 
 holy icons, and received the holy oils upon his forehead, 
 cheeks and hands. A hundred and one guns saluted 
 the Monarch, and he was escorted back to Kraljevo 
 
42 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 beneath a golden canopy amid the delirious applause of 
 the populace. 
 
 His Regents were Ristich, Protich, and Belimarkovich, 
 the reins of government being in the hands of Ristich, 
 his father's old Regent, a wily self-seeker, who tried to 
 obtain a hold over the young King by the same methods 
 which he had employed during the minority of Milan. 
 But he found Alexander far less pliable than his father. 
 From a very early age the young King displayed a strong 
 sense of duty, a quiet determination which was difficult to 
 overrule, and a keen sagacity which was impossible to 
 overreach. With an excellent memory, considerable powers 
 of application, and that genius of intuition which enables 
 a man to go straight to the essentials of a subject, he 
 surprised all his teachers by his quickness and precocity. 
 Nor was he a mere bookworm or indoor boy. He learned 
 to ride almost by instinct, he took to the water like a fish, 
 he excelled at every game, and he simply did not know 
 what fear was. His only defect was his very short sight, 
 which compelled him to wear glasses at a very early age 
 and induced a slight stoop, through a habit of bending 
 forward to see things, but did not interfere with his 
 shooting, fencing, croquet or billiards. 
 
 He was never sentimental or expansive, but was capable 
 of strong emotions and affections. He was thoughtful 
 but always alert. Some slow-witted persons have mistaken 
 his silence for stupidity and his reserve for indifference. 
 When Queen Nathalie was being expelled, a French 
 tutor named Magrou was giving him a lesson. " The 
 child," says Magrou, " was cold and callous ; he listened 
 to me without betraying by any gesture the faintest trace 
 of emotion. 1 ' I know from more convincing sources that 
 the King resented his mother's expulsion bitterly, so the 
 
KING ALEXANDER'S ACCESSION 43 
 
 pedagogue unconsciously pays a high tribute to his pupil's 
 wonderful self-control. 
 
 Alexander could say sharp things when he chose. There 
 was a certain boorish minister whom he particularly dis- 
 liked. Seeing him pass one day, he remarked to his tutor, 
 " I am so short-sighted that, whenever I see that man, I 
 mistake him for a lacquey. 1 ' The tutor thereupon thought 
 it necessary to preach him a little sermon, pointing out 
 that if the man were of a humble origin he deserved credit 
 for having raised himself, and that even the Royal house 
 had been swineherds a hundred years ago. Alexander 
 was silent for a few seconds, then grasped his tutor's hand 
 and thanked him for his advice, saying, " Forgive me, I 
 was wrong." 
 
 A picture of his life during the Regency has been given 
 by Milijevich, a cousin of Karageorgevich but at the same 
 time a confidant of King Alexander : 
 
 The Regents allowed no scope to his affectionate senti- 
 ments : no friend of his own age, no tutor who had the 
 qualities requisite to direct his heart or mind. They wanted 
 to bring him up for themselves. A man slept on the mat 
 outside his apartments. He lay down at eight in the evening 
 and rose at five the same hour as the King. He had orders 
 to let nobody in after ten, and to take the name of every one 
 who entered before that hour. The King, feeling himself 
 spied upon, grew shy and secretive, and took pleasure in 
 circumventing the Regents. 
 
 Much of his character may be summed up and explained 
 by a Frenchman's epigram, " II n'eut pas d'enfance." 
 
 The Regents began with a Radical Cabinet under the 
 premiership of Taushanovich. But Servian Radicals, all 
 desiring to lead and none to follow, are constitutionally 
 incapable of unity or party loyalty. The ministry was 
 
44 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 for ever undergoing reconstruction, until at last it grew so 
 feeble that it had to be dismissed. 
 
 Meanwhile Milan had been amusing himself in the 
 green-rooms and at the green cloths of Europe, dissipating 
 the handsome civil list which he had extorted as the price 
 of abdication. Early in June 1890, finding himself in 
 difficulties, the prodigal father determined to return 
 to Servia and claim a fatted calf. He went off again 
 in October, but did not cease to intrigue for money, 
 and in April 1891 the newspapers published a humiliating 
 correspondence which had passed between him and Gara- 
 shanin, the leader of the Progressist party. On the llth 
 of April he wrote a letter to the Skupshtina, offering to 
 " pacify the country " by banishing himself in return for 
 a sum of money. 
 
 Queen Nathalie returned to Belgrade in August 1890, 
 and, being forbidden the palace, took up her abode in a 
 little house in the Teratsia, as the main street was then 
 called. During a period of nine months she was only 
 permitted to see her son seven times, unless by looking 
 out when his carriage drove past her windows. When she 
 complained of this to Ristich and remonstrated about 
 certain details of the King's education, as well as about his 
 being encouraged to smoke and play billiards, she received 
 an insulting letter which a chronicler has described as 
 " worthy of a carter." 1 The Regent reprimanded her for 
 occupying too prominent a place in church, objected to 
 
 1 Her sublime magnanimity is illustrated by a passage in her 
 reply : ' e Vous etes franchement mon ennemi. La difference entre 
 vous et moi est : que ni je n'ai etc' ui je ne serai votre ennemie, et 
 que le jour ou vous viendrez me tendre la main, je vous tendrai 
 loyalement la mienne." That day has since come^ and she was as 
 good as her word, extending forgiveness to her persecutor when he 
 was friendless and fallen. 
 
KING ALEXANDER'S ACCESSION 45 
 
 her use of the French language in conversation with her 
 son, as unsuitable for a Servian King, and indulged in 
 other brutal taunts. 
 
 Perhaps the shabbiest behaviour was that of the 
 Metropolitan Archbishop of Belgrade. When the Queen 
 had gone to Wiesbaden, Milan applied to the Holy Synod 
 for a divorce on the grounds of incompatibility of temper. 
 This was granted provisionally under pressure, but the 
 Queen, on her return, appealed to the Archbishop for a 
 definite decision. Two bishops were sent to urge her not 
 to press this point, but she persisted, and accordingly 
 received from the Synod (June 16, 1890) a solemn act 
 declaring the divorce to have been illegal and irregular. 
 Milan, hearing rumours of this, terrified the Archbishop, 
 who thereupon wrote another document declaring the 
 divorce to be an accomplished fact, not to be reopened by 
 the Synod. At the same time he wrote to the Queen, 
 begging her not to be alarmed by anything she might 
 hear, as the act transmitted to her remained in force. It 
 was not to be supposed that the existence of two such docu- 
 ments could long remain a secret, and the Metropolitan 
 soon found himself in a hornet's nest. The situation 
 would have been excessively comic, if it had not concerned 
 so tragical a subject. The Metropolitan performed 
 prodigies of shuffling, but was at his wits 1 end in face of 
 the angry calls for an explanation with which Milan, 
 Nathalie, the Regents, and the ministers besieged him. 
 At length, driven into a corner, he resorted to a supreme 
 quibble, and coolly asserted that there had been no contra- 
 diction, as one act expressed the opinion of the Synod and 
 the other was a decision not to take action upon the 
 opinion. By this time every one was disgusted with the 
 Metropolitan, and the Queen endeavoured to lodge an 
 
46 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 appeal with the Skupshtina, but her intention was frus- 
 trated by a piece of sharp practice. 
 
 At last, wearied and broken down by vain attempts to 
 obtain justice and to see her beloved son, the Queen 
 had made up her mind to leave Belgrade, when Ristich 
 suddenly brought his persecutions to a climax by ordering 
 her expulsion. A rude mercenary forced his way with a 
 number of soldiers into the apartments of Her Majesty, 
 and, taking out his watch, curtly gave her ten minutes to 
 accompany him to the frontier, refusing even the necessary 
 privacy for final preparations. This high-handed act 
 produced a riot, for the Queen had always been beloved by 
 her subjects; the troops fired upon the people, and several 
 persons were killed. 
 
 It is said that from the age of twelve or thirteen 
 Alexander never mentioned one of his parents to the other. 
 This is certainly an exaggeration, but he had to use all 
 his great tact to do his duty to both. Oddly enough, 
 each of them, being intensely devoted to him } felt certain 
 of possessing his preference. All his efforts were directed 
 to smoothing difficulties and mitigating resentments. 
 Happily, he was never called upon to choose between them, 
 so he could remain on good terms with both and persevere 
 with the perplexing task of peacemaker. Their visits to 
 Servia did not depend so much on his decision as upon the 
 turn of the political wheel at home. When the Radicals 
 were in the ascendant, Queen Nathalie was made welcome ; 
 when the Liberals came in she retired to Biarritz and 
 Milan returned from Paris or Vienna. 
 
 In July 1892 King Alexander visited Russia and 
 Austria, receiving a kindly welcome from the Emperors, 
 each of whom sought to inculcate a belief in the superiority 
 of his friendship, with all the sincerity and enthusiasm of 
 
KING ALEXANDER'S ACCESSION 47 
 
 Mr. Codlin. On His Majesty's return the Regents, 
 probably instigated by Milan, sent for Avakumovich, the 
 Liberal or Austrophil leader, a step which was as un- 
 popular in Servia as it was in Russia. On the 23rd of 
 January 1893 the King patched up a kind of reconcilia- 
 tion between his parents, but it was not destined to be 
 very serious or permanent. 
 
 The chief of his tutors was Dr. Dokich, who exercised 
 great influence in the development of his character and 
 sympathised with his dislike of the Regents. M. Hitrovo, 
 the Russian Minister, a brilliant intriguer, was also a 
 favourite of the boy-king and doubtless gave him some of 
 his first lessons in state-craft. Both were certainly privy 
 to the state-stroke of the 1st of April 1893 (O.S.). This 
 I have always regarded as one of the most delightful 
 little episodes in history. Throughout the day, Alexander 
 gave no sign that anything unusual was afoot. His 
 French tutor, M. Malet, tells how the King showed his 
 wonted interest in his studies, conversed cheerfully on 
 all sorts of indifferent topics and seemed in no way 
 nervous or excited. 
 
 At noon the two surviving Regents (Ristich and 
 Belimarkovich) and six ministers received the usual printed 
 invitation to dine at the palace at eight o'clock. They 
 arrived without any suspicion of what was to come, and, 
 while waiting for the King to join them, Ristich said to 
 Avakumovich that he expected His Majesty would have 
 some communication to make about his parents. There was 
 a feeling of excitement in the air ; courtiers and servants 
 exchanged mysterious nods and whispers; but the King 
 entered with a calm smile and greeted his guests quite 
 naturally. After the first three courses, a servant came 
 and murmured something in the ear of Major Chirich, one 
 
48 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 of the adjutants, who thereupon called across to the King, 
 " Gotovo ye " (It is ready). 
 
 Thereupon the King rose with his glass in his hand. 
 As no Servian entertainment is considered complete with- 
 out a toast, which is generally proposed in the middle of a 
 meal, the King's action aroused no surprise. The Regents 
 and ministers settled themselves comfortably to attention, 
 Ristich and Avakumovich placidly awaiting the expected 
 communication respecting His Majesty's parents. Raising 
 his glass to the Regents, the King acknowledged in suave 
 tones his deep sense of their services to his person and 
 country. After enlarging with subtle irony upon their 
 patriotism and self-sacrifice, he calmly expressed his regret 
 at parting with them now that he had determined to take 
 the reins of government into his own hands and rule 
 alone. He concluded by requiring them to give in their 
 resignations in writing. 
 
 Amazement would be a mild word to describe the feel- 
 ings of the Regents at this bolt from the blue. Pale and 
 angry, they gazed upon their Sovereign, who stood smiling 
 upon them with a revolver in his hand. After a short 
 pause, which seemed interminable, Ristich rose amid 
 breathless silence and stammered out a few words. 
 
 "Your Majesty," said he, "my colleagues and I are 
 entrusted with the Regency by the constitution for a fixed 
 period. We are therefore constitutionally incapable of 
 tendering our resignations. But if your Majesty feels 
 called upon to exercise the regal authority yourself, we 
 have no objection to offer." 
 
 As he sat down, the door of the adjoining saloon was 
 thrown open, and the guests perceived a number of 
 soldiers in waiting. 
 
 General Bogichevich, the War Minister, stepped up to 
 
KING ALEXANDER'S ACCESSION 49 
 
 Captain Miskovich, who was in command of the soldiers, 
 and asked in loud tones, " How dare you bring troops into 
 the palace without my knowledge and authority ? " 
 
 u General," was the answer, " I now obey none but the 
 orders of His Majesty." 
 
 Meanwhile General Belimarkovich showed signs of 
 resistance. Leaping to his feet, he would have rushed 
 upon the King, had he not been restrained by Major 
 Chirich, whom he engaged in an unseemly scuffle. The 
 King then withdrew and visited the barracks and fortress, 
 accompanied by the Military Governor of Belgrade. He 
 addressed the troops, and the officers swore allegiance amid 
 loud cheers: "Za Kralja i Gospodara!" (For our King 
 and Lord !) 
 
 Meanwhile the ministers and Regents looked at one 
 another in speechless dismay. No one proposed to con- 
 tinue the interrupted repast. They were informed that 
 rooms had been prepared for them in the New Palace, but 
 they refused this hospitality and were accordingly locked 
 up all night in the dining-room. General Belimarkovich 
 alone snatched a few hours of slumber. The others re- 
 mained awake, discussing the situation in angry murmurs. 
 In the morning they were provided with breakfast and at 
 11.30 Major Chirich informed them that the King's car- 
 riages were in waiting to take them to their homes. Each 
 carriage was accompanied by an officer on horseback, and 
 they realised that it was now too late to offer any resistance. 
 In the morning the following proclamation was pub- 
 lished : 
 
 Servians ! whenever the vital interests of the Servian 
 people have required it, my ancestors, the Obrenoviches, have 
 always placed themselves at the service of the national idea. 
 Educated in their traditions, true to the spirit of the Nation, 
 
50 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 desirous above all to serve the Servian national idea, I feel it 
 my duty to-day to follow the example of my ancestors. At 
 the present time the life of the people ought to find peaceful 
 development under the protection of that Constitution, which 
 my enlightened Father conferred upon the Country in agree- 
 ment with all parties and the whole Nation. Unfortunately 
 the Constitution has recently been so gravely imperilled, the 
 civil rights of my dear Servians have been so frequently 
 contested, and the constitutional rights of popular representa- 
 tion have been so little respected, that I may no longer delay 
 to terminate this grievous state of things. Servians ! hence- 
 forward I take the Royal Power into my own hands, hence- 
 forward the Constitution comes into full force and possesses 
 full value. Trusting in the happy star of the Obrenoviches, 
 relying upon the law and the Constitution, I will rule my 
 Country, and I hereby require you all to serve me faithfully 
 and obediently. My dear people, I pray that God may protect 
 me in all my actions, and I conclude with this ciy, Long live 
 the people ! ALEXANDER. 
 
 BELGRADE, April 1 , 1 893. 
 
 "Now," said the King to one of his friends, "I can 
 resume my interrupted studies." 
 
 The event was received with immense enthusiasm by the 
 people. The houses were beflagged by day and illuminated 
 by night. A general holiday was taken as a matter of 
 course and bands of men promenaded the streets in a 
 delirium of joy over the deposition of their tyrants. 
 Perfect strangers grasped each other by the hand as though 
 in celebration of a national victory. Marinkovich, the 
 Mayor, headed a congratulatory procession to the palace, 
 escorted by a military band. The whole night was given 
 up to music and revelry. 
 
 It has been suggested that this state-stroke was inspired 
 
KING ALEXANDER'S ACCESSION 51 
 
 by Milan, but that is improbable, as it was directed against 
 Milan's partisans. In any case the execution of the scheme 
 was left perforce to the boy- King himself, and every one is 
 agreed that he carried it through with wonderful nerve and 
 dramatic finish. What Ristich would have done if he 
 had been forewarned is easy to conjecture. Greedy and 
 domineering, he would have stuck at nothing to retain his 
 semi -regal position. At the age of sixteen, Alexander 
 had carried through, unaided, a palace revolution which 
 might well have cost him his crown, and the ease of its 
 accomplishment affords a high tribute to his ingenuity and 
 statesmanship. The event was well received by the whole 
 people, who admired the boy's courage and had no liking 
 for the Regents. Wherever he went he was greeted with 
 the utmost enthusiasm, and he bade fair to become the hero 
 of his people, while the Regents were overwhelmed with 
 well-merited ridicule. 
 
 After proclaiming himself of age and dismissing the 
 Regents, who were nominees and partisans of Milan, King 
 Alexander entrusted 'his tutor, Dr. Dokich, with the 
 formation of a Government. Dr. Dokich was a moderate 
 Radical, and the Radicals represented the large majority 
 of the nation. A general election resulted in an enormous 
 Radical majority, which ratified the King's state-stroke 
 with enthusiasm. Dr. Dokich, however, found it difficult 
 to regularise the finances, which the Regents had left in 
 hopeless confusion. He died in December without having 
 accomplished his task and the King sent for General 
 Gruich. 
 
 Milan saw his opportunity, and, oblivious of his self- 
 imposed and well-paid banishment, reappeared at Bel- 
 grade (January 22, 1894). Two days later the King 
 appointed a coalition cabinet of Liberals and Progressists 
 
52 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 under the premiership of Simich, Milan was made deputy 
 commander -in -chief, and a royal edict was issued (May 
 17, 1894) restoring both Milan and Nathalie to their full 
 rights as Servian citizens, but the Court of Appeal pro- 
 nounced this edict to be invalid. Indignant at such 
 opposition to his royal will, King Alexander proceeded 
 (May 21, 1894) to his second state-stroke, abrogating the 
 Constitution of 1888 and provisionally restoring that of 
 1869 until a new one should be devised. 
 
 In June 1894 the King accepted the Sultan's invitation 
 to visit Constantinople, where he was received with great 
 distinction. In October he visited Budapest and Berlin, 
 making an excellent impression upon his royal hosts. 
 After returning to Belgrade to compose a ministerial crisis 
 and call Christich "the iron Christich " to power, he 
 visited S. Petersburg in November for the obsequies of 
 the Tsar Alexander III. At the beginning of 1895 he 
 confirmed the sentence on a certain Chebinats, who had 
 been found guilty of high treason, and pardoned some 
 other conspirators, who had sought to poison him. In 
 March he went to visit his mother in Paris and had the 
 satisfaction of escorting her back to Belgrade in May. 
 Christich resigned, Novak ovich became Premier, and the 
 King spent September in France. 
 
 My first visit to Servia was in the summer of 1896, 
 when a Prince of Montenegro came to Belgrade for the 
 first time during five hundred years. The festivities in 
 honour of this event gave me an opportunity of observing 
 the King and his Court. Here are some notes which I 
 made at the time : 
 
 "King Alexander certainly affords one of the most 
 interesting figures in the whole Balkan peninsula. Still 
 in his teens, he it is who bears practically the whole 
 
KING ALEXANDER'S ACCESSION 53 
 
 burthen of Government, imposing his youthful will upon 
 gray-bearded statesmen old enough to be his grandfathers. 
 ' II est tres tenace,' said M. Novakovich, the Premier, to a 
 friend of mine ; and every one who has come into personal 
 relations with His Majesty is agreed that, once he has made 
 up his mind, there is no gainsaying him. But he does not 
 by any means jump hastily to conclusions. Mistrusting 
 his own lack of experience, he studies every question, as 
 it arises, most thoroughly and from every point of view. 
 'Are you very busy just now?' he asked one of his 
 ministers the other day. 'Well, 1 he continued, on 
 receiving an- affirmative reply, ' I can sympathise with you, 
 for I have been reading very hard in view of the proposed 
 revision of the Constitution. I have not worked less than 
 six hours a day during the last two months.'' The 
 minister told me that he knew precisely what books the 
 King had been studying and that they were very well 
 selected. He added that the King is very quick to grasp 
 a point and has an excellent memory. 
 
 " When he received the Prince of Montenegro at the 
 railway station, he had far more control over his features 
 than his wily old guest, and contrived to convey a far more 
 convincing impression of friendliness, though he scarcely 
 moved a muscle. ' II sait bien son metier, ce jeune homme- 
 la, 1 a French journalist remarked to me more than once. 
 
 " Early in the morning I made my way to the railway 
 station through the cheerful boulevards of Belgrade, decked 
 out with red -blue -white bunting and Venetian masts 
 bearing alternately the Servian and Montenegrin arms. 
 On each side was a hedge of enthusiastic peasantry, 
 gay with embroidered raiment; officers, with scarlet 
 uniforms and sparkling decorations, urged their sleek 
 thoroughbreds to express trot ; a corps of cadets, goodly 
 
54 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 youths in smart uniforms, swung their arms in martial 
 zeal; everywhere was bustle and zealous anticipation. 
 I was one of the very few civilians admitted to the 
 platform. There my first sight was that of the King's 
 guards, standing on the railway track in their useful 
 uniforms of dark blue, polishing up their boots. At 
 a quarter to nine they were drawn up along the plat- 
 form to attention, and I had an opportunity of walking 
 down the line and recognising their fine soldierly bearing. 
 They are picked men, and can stand comparison with 
 almost any troops I know. The band struck up the 
 Servian National Anthem, and I became aware of the 
 presence of the King, in scarlet uniform and Russian 
 peaked cap, standing upon a strip of carpet and looking 
 every inch a monarch. 
 
 "A bell rang and the train steamed in. A dark 
 portly gentleman, clad in a white linen frock-coat, thick 
 waistband, and black tambourine cap, emerged, all wreathed 
 in smiles. Saving the dress, you had said a typical English 
 squire. The young King stood to attention, advanced a 
 step and held out his hand with a few words of formal 
 welcome. The Prince wrung his hand with great cordiality, 
 kissed him on both cheeks, then gave him one additional 
 kiss and a pat on the back to emphasise satisfaction, and 
 the pair walked down the platform to inspect the guards 
 and back again. By this time the Prince's suite had also 
 emerged six men dressed very much like their master, and 
 a Mussulman Beg wearing a fez. The King presented his 
 suite to the Prince, who clanked his heels together like a 
 German, held out his hand (to be shaken, not kissed) and 
 said a few words to each, maintaining a broad perennial 
 smile, which displayed his teeth. Then the Prince turned 
 and presented his suite to the King, who again impressed 
 
KING ALEXANDER'S ACCESSION 55 
 
 me by his complete self-possession. He had plenty to say 
 to each man and evidently said it well. There was not a 
 shade of embarrassment or even hesitation, and I judged 
 from his manner that he was quick, resolute, and at the 
 same time most affable one who would say smooth things 
 and yet stand no nonsense. 
 
 " The two Sovereigns drove off amid enthusiastic cries 
 of ' Zhiveli ! ' (Let them live !) from the crowd, and the 
 King touched his cap repeatedly with most royal dignity. 
 Presently the Prince passed his hand affectionately through 
 the arm of the King, who was forced to go on saluting 
 with his left hand. The display of affection was loudly 
 applauded by the crowd. 
 
 "The King is short and slight but not thin and he 
 excels as much as an athlete as he does as a student. He 
 went in for all the usual public-school examinations and 
 passed them with great credit. He will work for six or 
 seven hours a day during several months, and then give 
 himself up almost entirely to swimming and shooting (his 
 favourite pursuits) for several months more, transacting 
 only the formal business which may be laid before him. 
 But this is not a reproach to him, for more reasonably 
 than many parliaments he works when there is work to 
 be done and takes his relaxation when no work presses. 
 
 " Since he has shaved his whiskers and inchoate beard, 
 he looks a very proper youth. His features are regular, 
 his mouth is firm, and his expression is singularly sweet. 
 When he is looking his best I can often detect a likeness 
 to his beautiful mother. I am sure many hearts must beat 
 fast as he goes the round of the saloons in the New Palace 
 and chats unaffectedly with all the prettiest girls in turn. 
 His manner at a court function, and indeed on all other 
 occasions, struck me as being just the right thing. He 
 
56 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 was all smiles and airy talk, without sacrificing his dignity 
 or arousing comment by lingering too long with any special 
 favourite. As most of the Servian girls are remarkably 
 pretty, it must require a great deal of self-command to 
 tear himself away at the right moment. 
 
 " Whenever I have seen him, he seemed always on the 
 alert, taking in every detail that occurred anywhere near 
 him, and evidently most anxious to please everybody. I 
 imagine him to be of a nervous, excitable character, easily 
 elated and easily depressed. No one can doubt the depth 
 of the affection which exists between him and his mother. 
 At a gala performance at the theatre they were continually 
 watching one another, like a pair of young lovers. 
 
 " She has been accused of meddling over-much in affairs 
 of State. It were better for Servia if she had been pre- 
 vailed upon to meddle a good deal more. If she has a 
 fault it is one shared with all very good people that of 
 believing too readily in the loyalty of others less scrupulous 
 than herself. But she possesses abilities of a very high 
 order ; and if her advice had been asked more frequently 
 in the past, Servia would have been spared many calamities. 
 She has always loved her son, but has never, as some fond 
 and selfish mothers are prone to do, allowed her feelings 
 to interfere with her duty. So long as his education was 
 under her charge it was a model of discrimination, and it 
 is scarcely too much to say that he owes to her the many 
 sterling qualities he undoubtedly possesses." 
 
QUEEN NATHALIE. 
 
 PLATE II. 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 KING ALEXANDER'S MARRIAGE 
 
 IT is the fashion to regard frequent changes of ministry as 
 evidence of political chaos, but it would be equally fair to 
 argue that the permanent predominance of one party proves 
 political stagnation. The King had definite ideas and prin- 
 ciples. He was in a sense himself a party leader, and he 
 had this advantage over professional politicians, that he 
 had no axe of his own to grind, his only aims were the 
 peaceful development of his people. If he was incessantly 
 calling different parties and coalitions to office, this merely 
 illustrated his desire to utilise all the best wits in the land. 
 The ambitions of Austria and Russia were an incessant 
 handicap. Whenever the Radicals were in office Austria 
 took umbrage and closed her markets to Servian produce. 
 Whenever the Liberals came in, Russian agents redoubled 
 their intrigues and represented the country as verging on 
 anarchy. The keynote of the King's whole policy might 
 be summed up as " Serbia fara da se " : he aspired to inde- 
 pendence of foreign control and he saw the best means to 
 that end in ministers who were bound up with neither an 
 Austrophil nor a Russophil party. 
 
 The Novakovich Ministry (1895-96) was a first step in 
 that direction. It represented the Progressist party, which 
 
 57 
 
58 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 was a species of Conservative, supporting the Crown against 
 all comers. Garashanin was the leader of the party, Nova- 
 kovich merely his lieutenant. I met Novakovich on several 
 occasions, and made the following notes at the time : " He 
 is not a man of much initiative, but seems admirably suited 
 to be a Premier who is not the leader of his own party, and 
 to serve a King who knows his own mind. He is a stranger 
 to emotion and views politics from the standpoint of an 
 honest family solicitor. He can give good advice ; but if 
 it be not followed he can carry out instructions without 
 a murmur. What most impresses me about him is his 
 modesty and his caution. His father was a humble joiner, 
 and he has never grown accustomed to the ways of society. 
 I should imagine that he was a shy man, for his tendency 
 was always to slink away to the lowest rooms at feasts. 
 Not only did he never thrust himself forward, where as 
 Premier he would have been welcome, but he seemed to 
 shrink from publicity or recognition. His tall, lanky form, 
 clad in a long frock-coat of broadcloth and a round felt 
 hat, his melancholy expression and heavy stoop did not 
 add lustre to the Court, and somehow he reminded me 
 of a figure in a Noah's Ark. In conversation he proved 
 reticent about public affairs and far from loquacious on 
 other matters. The keynote of his remarks was to depre- 
 cate aggression by Servia and to protest that she only asked 
 to be allowed to work out her own political salvation in 
 peace."" 
 
 At the end of 1896 the Novakovich Ministry resigned 
 and the Progressist party was dissolved. Garashanin, the 
 leader of that party, had preferred to remain Servian 
 Minister in Paris rather than assume a precarious premier- 
 ship. He told me he had come to the conclusion that 
 the multiplication of parties was a mistake, and that 
 
KING ALEXANDER'S MARRIAGE 59 
 
 the country would be better served by the various disciples 
 of order sinking their minor differences and working 
 together to defeat a common foe. He and his followers 
 had decided to support the new Government, which con- 
 sisted of moderate or Aulic Radicals under the premier- 
 ship of George Simich. I have conversed with this 
 gentleman and heard him address a public meeting. 
 He has a dry, important manner and might easily 
 be mistaken anywhere for some humdrum English 
 politician. He is very careful in his utterances, speaks 
 slowly, almost haltingly, without a vestige of fire, and 
 combines an appearance of mildness with an impression 
 of safety. 
 
 His administration lasted less than a year, doing little 
 good and little harm. In October 1896 the King met his 
 father in Paris and all sorts of rumours were afloat. 
 Milan, tired of penury and exile, had begun to mature 
 plans for seizing his son's throne. He was now in the 
 pay of Austria and sought to earn his wage by securing 
 the dismissal of the Radical Government. He had long 
 been looking out for an instrument to pave the way for 
 the execution of his disloyal plans. Chedomil Mijatovich, 
 the Servian Minister in London, was proposed and rejected 
 as incompetent. At last the choice fell upon Vladan 
 Georgevich, a Hebrew adventurer, whose sensational 
 administration went far to undo all the good work of 
 Alexander's reign. 
 
 A vigorous campaign against all Radicals loyal as 
 well as disloyal was immediately undertaken. In June 
 1898, by means of terrorism, corruption and a falsifica- 
 tion of returns, a general election produced a Skupshtina 
 consisting of 112 Liberals and 1 Radical. A certain 
 Knezevich having made an attempt upon Milan's life 
 
60 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 (July 6, 1899), steps were taken to implicate the leading 
 Radicals in the conspiracy. It is now generally believed 
 that the plot was a bogus one; the details of it were 
 certainly exaggerated. Milan only received a scratch, 
 but he went about for weeks with his arm in a sling. 
 Mischievous people say that he found it difficult to 
 remember which was his wounded arm, wearing one day 
 the right and another the left in his sling. There seemed 
 no end to the ramifications of the plot. Whenever a 
 Radical raised his head or opened his mouth in the 
 country, witnesses were suborned to connect him with 
 Knezevich and the judges complacently consigned him to 
 gaol. 
 
 On the 1st of September a grand trial for high 
 treason was commenced against twenty-nine persons, in- 
 cluding Pashich (the Radical leader), Protich (editor of 
 the "Odjek"), Ranko Tajsich (a Radical demagogue who 
 had spent his whole life on the borderland of conspiracy), 
 Taushanovich and Colonel Nikolich. The weak part of 
 the prosecution consisted in the contradictory evidence of 
 Knezevich, the actual culprit or instrument. At first he 
 stated that he had acted on his own initiative ; then he 
 implicated Colonel Nikolich, but exonerated the Radical 
 leader. Finally he withdrew his accusation and returned 
 to his original declaration that he had acted without 
 accomplices. Eventually the Court condemned Knezevich 
 to death, ten of the prisoners to twenty years' penal 
 servitude, Taushanovich to nine years, Pashich and seven 
 others to five years 1 imprisonment, and acquitted six. 
 Ranko Tajsich, who had fled the country, was condemned 
 to death and actually died in exile on the very day of the 
 murder of King Alexander. 
 
 So crafty were Milan and Georgevich that they com- 
 
KING ALEXANDER'S MARRIAGE 61 
 
 pletely succeeded in hoodwinking the King. All their 
 accusations were supported by evidence so plausible and 
 so circumstantial that there seemed no possibility of 
 doubting it. Meanwhile the two arch-conspirators were 
 busily feathering their nests. They sold everything they 
 could, often many times over; contracts, concessions, 
 positions, judgments, pardons were all at the disposal 
 of the highest bidders. Milan obtained the post of 
 commander -in -chief and used it as a lever for fresh 
 exactions. He was only prevented by the interference 
 of Russia from netting a handsome commission over a 
 contract for guns. 
 
 There was no limit to the effrontery of Vladan 
 Georgevich. He informed Milan one day that Artemisia 
 Christich, the mistress who had caused all his troubles, 
 was threatening to publish his letters. Milan, in a 
 panic, appealed to the Sultan, who generously bought them 
 out of his privy purse. But Georgevich kept back the 
 most compromising ones and held them over Milan's 
 head in case he ever wished to be rid of his accomplice. 
 Some people have said that Vladan Georgevich exercised 
 a hypnotic influence over the King, but Servian chroniclers 
 seem to have hypnotism on the brain and the evidence is 
 not convincing. Still, it is strange that Alexander should 
 have been persuaded to tolerate conduct which had become 
 a notorious scandal. There can be no doubt whatever that 
 he acted honestly and conscientiously throughout his life. 
 An Austrian journalist, who interviewed him at Vienna in 
 1899, says the King impressed him as modest, sympathetic, 
 and upright. " His bronzed, wistful features had a touch of 
 melancholy. During the conversation he gesticulated with 
 his hands and played with a newspaper which lay on the 
 table. From time to time he tore off a bit of paper, 
 
62 ,THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 rolled it into a ball, and threw it to the ground. He 
 spoke intelligently, developing his thoughts at some length, 
 and listened attentively to the interruptions or answers of 
 his visitor. All his remarks were made with great earnest- 
 ness. He gave me the impression of a self-concentrated 
 man. From time to time a slight smile stole over his 
 solemn face. When he spoke, he fixed me with his eyes. 
 When he ceased speaking, he looked down, collecting 
 his thoughts. . . . King Alexander had recently in- 
 augurated a policy which did not exclude what is known 
 as the cabinet noir. I ventured to remark that such a 
 proceeding made a bad impression in Europe. The King 
 returned, 'The new regulations are required for the 
 personal safety of the Sovereign and the prevention of 
 conspiracies. We do not want to be surprised by accom- 
 plished facts. We are obliged to keep a watch upon 
 criminals. 1 * But in the event this policy did not succeed 
 in preventing conspiracies. Again he observed, ' Do you 
 think that the sentence in the trial for high treason 
 aroused deep emotion in the country ? Why, it aroused 
 absolutely no emotion at all (ganz und gar nicht). On 
 the contrary,' he proceeded, 'Servia is grateful to me 
 for my severity against the traitors. The country yearns 
 for peace and quiet. Strife is hateful to Servia. Her 
 desire is to prove an element of peace in Europe and of 
 order in the Balkans.' " 
 
 Meanwhile Queen Nathalie was in exile, spending most 
 of her time near Biarritz at the Villa Sachino (Little 
 Sasha), which she had named after her son. I had the 
 honour of an audience there in the autumn of 1898. She 
 spoke very freely about Servian affairs and deplored the 
 turn of events. " I have told my son," she said, in her re- 
 markably idiomatic English, " that, if he is not careful, he 
 
KING ALEXANDER'S MARRIAGE 63 
 
 will knock his nose one day. But he only said, 'What would 
 you have me do ? I cannot banish my own father. 1 To 
 this I replied, that he must not only think of his father, but 
 of his country as well." In the end, King Alexander was 
 compelled to take the Queen's advice and banish his own 
 father, but alas ! this did not stave off the disaster which 
 she had foreseen. 
 
 It is the fashion to attribute that disaster to Queen 
 Draga, but it would be unfair to hand her down to his- 
 tory condemned by the verdict of her adversaries. We 
 may not allow assassins to indite the epitaphs of their 
 victims. 
 
 Draga was born on the 24th of September 1867, at 
 Milanovats, a poor little fishing village on the Danube, 
 near the remains of a Roman camp. Her ancestors had 
 been prominent among the vojvodes or national leaders 
 who gathered round Milosh in the war of independence. 
 Her father, Pante Lunjevitsa, had been Prefect of Shabats, 
 one of the richest and most important towns in the 
 country. He was now on the retired list and lived very 
 quietly on his pension. Poverty had not made him lose 
 caste; he and his wife Andja enjoyed the respect of their 
 neighbours. 
 
 Draga's childhood is generally supposed to have been 
 miserable ; but even if the family had been reduced to 
 the level of peasants, this would not have implied penury, 
 for every Servian peasant has plenty of food and wine and 
 raiment, all produced on his own bit of ground. Luxuries 
 were certainly absent from her home, but she was brought 
 up in the open air, she acquired all the arts of a housewife, 
 could cook and weave and embroider, and was not without 
 the higher accomplishments, such as the languages and 
 literatures of France, Germany, and Russia. 
 
64 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 When still a child she was married to a Bohemian 
 engineer named Mashin, whose father had been Prince 
 Michael's physician. Mashin was a drunkard and gambler, 
 with a small reputation for probity. He had been agent 
 for a swindling French bank, which collapsed after defraud- 
 ing the Comte de Chambord of ^20,000 and Leo XIII. 
 of ^100,000. He treated his wife with brutal violence. 
 She obtained a divorce on that account, and he died of 
 delirium tremens not long after. 
 
 Her income now amounted only to 2 : 12s. a month and 
 she was hard put to it to keep her head above water. She 
 occupied a simple lodging in Belgrade, where her genial, 
 kindly temperament and great beauty attracted numbers of 
 friends, for Servians have no vulgar contempt for poverty 
 and thev cherish a sentimental kindness for the descendants 
 
 / 
 
 of their national heroes. She was exceedingly musical and 
 her favourite distraction was found in attending the weekly 
 meetings of a choral society. These were held in a big 
 bare room on the ground floor of the house which con- 
 tained her humble apartment. Being among friends, she 
 would often appear in a loose tea -gown and worsted 
 slippers. The meetings often lasted far into the small 
 hours. There the future Queen of Servia might have 
 been seen seated on a wooden bench with the arm of a 
 professor or a forester or a tradesman round her waist 
 there are few class distinctions in Servia singing the old 
 melancholy Servian songs about Tsar Lazar and the 
 battle of Kosovo or the doughty deeds of Marko Kral- 
 jevich (the King's son) or the supernatural help given to 
 Servian heroes by the fairies of Mount Avala. 
 
 Singing, however, did not bring in bread and butter, 
 and it was necessary to find some means of augment- 
 ing her pittance. A friend of mine, her cousin by 
 
KING ALEXANDER'S MARRIAGE 65 
 
 marriage, once told me that, when he was Minister of 
 Public Instruction, she came and requested him to find 
 her something to do. Asked what she thought she was 
 capable of doing, she replied with a shrug that she sup- 
 posed the last refuge of the destitute was teaching. 
 
 " What can you teach ? Do you know any French or 
 German ? " he said. 
 
 " Not very much, I am afraid," was her reply. 
 
 " Well, let us see." 
 
 He put her through an examination, which must have 
 been very elementary at any rate so far as French was con- 
 cerned, judging from his own knowledge of that language. 
 He decided that she would not do at all and recommended 
 her to go away and study before she thought of teaching. 
 
 In fairy tales the village beauty endures hunger, rags 
 and all the other consequences of poverty until Prince 
 Charming comes to lead her off to the altar and the 
 throne ; but then all her troubles are forgotten and she 
 lives happily ever after. In real life, however, her old 
 friends are consumed with jealousy when such fairy tales 
 come true. So with Draga : people were kind enough in 
 adversity, but when she became Queen they sought to 
 overwhelm her with mischievous memories of the past. 
 Not content with taunts about poverty, ugliness and old 
 age, they asserted (what does not always follow) that she 
 was no better than she should be. 
 
 The best answer to this calumny is provided by the 
 fact that Queen Nathalie chose her as lady-in-waiting. 
 The enemies of Queen Draga now pretend that she was 
 only a sort of superior chambermaid, and an imaginative 
 Viennese journalist depicted her blacking her mistress's 
 boots. This is on a par with the other lies and 
 calumnies, which, emanating from the Mashin family, 
 
66 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 were wittily summed up as " machinations " by King 
 Alexander. Draga was a great favourite of Queen 
 Nathalie, went about everywhere and visited foreign courts 
 with her, wrote her letters, and received all manner of 
 confidences. Now, at any rate, her troubles were over, 
 and her lines were cast in pleasant places. She was of an 
 affectionate disposition, and a warm friendship soon sprang 
 up between the two ladies. Her tact and sympathetic 
 manner attracted all who met her, and her beauty was at 
 that time truly remarkable. She had a great abundance 
 of dark-brown hair. Her figure was good and might still 
 be described as slender. Her complexion was inclined to 
 be pale, but was by no means faded. Her mouth and 
 nose were clearly cut, and her general expression suggested 
 refinement as well as determination. No one could see 
 her without being struck by her wonderful eyes, dark, 
 fiery, and at the same time caressing when they chose. 
 Her manners were natural and graceful. She dressed very 
 simply, so simply indeed that a critical lady once re- 
 marked, " What a pity it is that Queen Nathalie does not 
 give her some of her old clothes ! " 
 
 It has been said that Draga's eyes hypnotised King 
 Alexander. Be this as it may, he fell in love with her at 
 first sight. Their first meeting was at Biarritz, about 
 a year after she had been taken up by Queen Nathalie. 
 A story is told how he would linger in a fireless room at 
 Belgrade, trembling with cold, in the hope of exchanging 
 a few words with her. 
 
 Queen Nathalie, one of the most observant of women, 
 soon noticed this love affair. She spoke to her son and 
 told him to put Draga out of his head. Being very 
 obstinate, he refused point-blank, and was invited to 
 terminate his visit instantly. 
 
KING ALEXANDER'S MARRIAGE 67 
 
 Then Draga was summoned and told that a scandal 
 might be caused by dismissing her immediately, but that 
 the best thing for her to do was to resign her position at 
 the end of three weeks. 
 
 Draga returned to Belgrade, and many disagreeable 
 comments were aroused by the fact that she was now able 
 to take a fine house and wear jewels and drive about in 
 her carriage. But as the King had by this time made up 
 his mind to marry her, it was not to be expected that 
 he would allow her to remain in a state of penury. 
 
 Belgrade is like a village where everybody knows, not 
 only exactly what his neighbours are doing, but a great 
 deal more besides. Every sort of rumour was started, 
 particularly when the Russian Minister began to visit 
 Mme. Mashin and curry favour with her in the hope of 
 inducing her to support his policy. Very soon all the 
 chief people in Belgrade, including diplomatists and their 
 wives, came to her evening parties on Wednesdays and 
 Saturdays. She held quite a little Court, charming every 
 one with her wit, grace and versatility. 
 
 Ministers began to complain that the King would do 
 nothing without consulting her. If any important ques- 
 tion arose at a Council, he would make an excuse and 
 rush off to the telephone. Suppose the Minister of War 
 proposed to hold manoeuvres on the 14th instant. The 
 King would parry the proposal and presently slip out. 
 The telephone bell would ring. " Allo ! Allo ! is that 
 you, Draga ? The Minister proposed manoeuvres for the 
 14th. How will that suit you ? Oh ! yes, quite so. I 
 forgot that we had arranged to go to Semendria on that 
 day. Well, how would the 25th suit you ? Very well, 
 I will arrange it." Then he would return to the Council 
 and say, " I have remembered an engagement for the 
 
68 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 14th, but I am willing to have the manoeuvres on the 
 25th." 
 
 Alexander and Draga were constantly together every 
 day and gossip increased in volume. When he went to 
 Meran in the winter of 1899 she went there too and took 
 up her abode close to his villa. Every one concluded that 
 she was his mistress. Afterwards her enemies were divided 
 into two camps : those who blamed her frailty, and those 
 who blamed her cunning in persuading him that the only 
 road to her affections lay through the church door. 
 
 At first the rumours that he intended to marry her 
 were received with incredulity. Gradually, however, they 
 became more definite, and opposition was manifested in 
 many quarters. Russia and the Radicals helped on the 
 match, but it is feared only with a sinister object. 
 
 Various schemes had been afoot for providing the King 
 with a bride. There was his cousin, the beautiful Mile. 
 Constantinovich, who presently married Prince Mirko of 
 Montenegro. One evening a mischievous diplomat asked 
 Mme. Draga whether the rumours about Mile. Constanti- 
 novich were true. " Oh ! no," she replied in her placid 
 tones, " he will never marry a Servian. I am sure it will be 
 a foreigner." M. Simich had tried to arrange a match 
 between the King and Princess Xenia of Montenegro, but 
 Milan opposed it bitterly, saying it should never take 
 place so long as he lived. Milan had made proposals for 
 a grand-niece of the Queen of Denmark, and the German 
 Emperor had backed him up, but Alexander was not 
 attracted by her. The King of Greece had hinted that 
 one of his daughters might be willing to share the Servian 
 throne, but before Alexander could make up his mind she 
 was betrothed to a Russian grand-duke. 
 
 Commenting upon all these schemes, the King remarked 
 
KING ALEXANDER'S MARRIAGE 69 
 
 to a French journalist : "Everybody wanted me to marry. 
 Every politician had some excellent match up his sleeve, 
 but I believe that in a question of this kind a man should 
 consult his own heart." 
 
 One night at a State ball in Berlin, the German Empress 
 took aside the Servian Minister and congratulated him on 
 the approaching marriage of King Alexander with a certain 
 German princess. 
 
 " You could not have a better Queen," said Her Majesty; 
 " she has a heart of gold, she is as charming as she is 
 beautiful, and she has told me that for the last two or 
 three years she has been learning the Servian language 
 and interesting herself in the Servian people, over whom 
 she is destined to rule." 
 
 The Servian Minister had heard nothing of these plans, 
 but he bowed his acknowledgments and thanked the 
 Empress for her condescension. Next day the papers 
 announced the betrothal of Alexander and Draga ! 
 
 The sensation was enormous throughout Servia. The 
 Ministers, the Metropolitan, the President of the Skupsh- 
 tina besought the King to abandon the idea. The King's 
 secretary resigned rather than assist in drawing up a pro- 
 clamation announcing the betrothal. Colonel Chirich was 
 despatched by Vladan Georgevich post-haste to Carlsbad 
 to invoke the interference of Milan, who had tried and 
 failed to induce Draga to co-operate in his schemes against 
 the King, and was now beside himself with passion. When 
 he received a telegram from his son, announcing the event, 
 he sent a laconic reply, resigning his command of the 
 army, and proceeded to intrigue for a seizure of the 
 throne. He actually set out for Belgrade, but was in- 
 formed that he would be stopped at the frontier, so with 
 characteristic timidity he promptly retraced his steps. 
 
70 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 All sorts of people came to Alexander with denuncia- 
 tions of Draga, but he impetuously refused to listen and 
 turned them out of the room. George Genchich, then 
 Minister of the Interior, afterwards one of the regicides, 
 said to the King, " Sire, you cannot marry her. She has 
 been every body 's mistress mine among the rest." The 
 King struck him across the face, exclaiming, "How can 
 I believe you, who forced your wife to become my father's 
 mistress ? " 
 
 Before this incident, Genchich had made an attempt to 
 kidnap Draga. It was on a Sunday that the King pro- 
 claimed his betrothal. He invited his ministers to lunch 
 on Saturday to inform them of his decision. All came 
 with the exception of Genchich and Nechich, Minister 
 of Public Works. The King asked where they were and 
 received an evasive reply. Messengers were sent to fetch 
 them, and word was brought that they had persuaded 
 Mme. Draga to quit Servia, and that she had already left 
 her house, believing she would thus spare the King diffi- 
 culties. Alexander hurried off at once to her house, but 
 found only her brother, Nikodem Lunjevitsa, an officer in 
 the army. 
 
 Interrogated as to his sister, Nikodem replied, " I gave 
 her my word of honour not to tell any one where she had 
 gone." 
 
 "You must tell me," said Alexander sternly; "I am 
 your King, to whom you have sworn fidelity and obedi- 
 ence; I release you from your word of honour." Then 
 the King learned that she was with relatives, waiting to 
 take the first train for Budapest. He ordered Nikodem 
 and his sisters to fetch her at once. Presently she arrived 
 on her brother's arm and the King clasped her hand with 
 evident emotion. Turning to those present he exclaimed, 
 
KING ALEXANDER'S MARRIAGE 71 
 
 " If she had been taken away, I should have gone in pur- 
 suit ; if they had killed her, I should have followed her to 
 the grave. 1 ' 
 
 After this incident a strong guard was placed outside 
 her house until the wedding-day. Even then, however, 
 Draga's enemies did not cease plotting. She was invited 
 to visit the wife of one of the conspirators, and everything 
 was in readiness for conveying her forcibly across the 
 frontier. What would have happened then is not clear, 
 but the plan was only frustrated by the arrival of an 
 anonymous warning at the last moment. The King then 
 induced her to promise not to leave her house on any 
 pretext whatsoever. 
 
 Bitter as the opposition was, it did not extend beyond 
 a few politicians who feared to lose office, a few jealous 
 ladies of the Court, and the partisans of King Milan and 
 Queen Nathalie, now united for the first time. The mass 
 of the people welcomed the prospect of relief from Vladan 
 Georgevich's tyrannous rule, and they felt flattered that 
 the King should have selected a Servian bride. The army, 
 too, was loyal and readily acquiesced in the execution of 
 his wishes. Addressing the officers of Belgrade, he spoke 
 as follows, amid cordial cheers : 
 
 You know, gentlemen, that I have always had the wel- 
 fare of the Country and our Army at heart, and consequently 
 I have the right to demand that all I do in this respect 
 should be approved ; and my present step must be considered 
 as an act tending towards the welfare of my House and my 
 Country. As an intelligent man, I know my duty and my 
 right. As to my Father's attitude in this affair, I point out 
 that I am the head of the House and Dynasty of Obrenovich, 
 and that it is irrelevant what my Father says to the step. 
 He cannot meddle in the matter. 
 
72 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 In the course of a proclamation to the nation, he wrote 
 as follows : 
 
 I am convinced that all my dear People cherish above all 
 things a desire to see their King happy and contented, and 
 to welcome as their Queen a true and upright helpmeet of her 
 royal Consort, one whose love will give him strength to serve 
 Servia and the dear Servian people. The name of the 
 Princess Ljubitsa, the faithful Consort of Milosh the Great, a 
 woman of the people, worthy of being the first Princess of 
 Servia, will always be held in honour beside the name of 
 the immortal creator of modern Servia. I feel happy 
 in securing a Consort who is worthy to become Servia's 
 Queen, who will joyfully share my fate and that of my people. 
 She is the grand-daughter of the man who was one of the great 
 Milosh's most distinguished colleagues in the foundation of 
 modern Servia. 
 
 The wedding was duly solemnised in Belgrade Cathedral 
 by the Metropolitan Innocent on the 5th of August 1900. 
 Draga's sisters were present and her eldest brother acted 
 as deva, a kind of best man, who supports the bride at 
 weddings of the Orthodox church. Innocent, who blessed 
 their murderers less than three years later in this same 
 Cathedral, addressed the happy pair, praying fervently 
 " that the genius of the House of Obrenovich might pro- 
 tect their alliance,'" and invoking "the blessing of the 
 Lord upon the King, the Queen, and the country." The 
 congregation greeted his words with loud huzzas, which 
 were taken up by the vast crowds outside. Guns were 
 fired, bells rang, the streets flowed with wine, an endless 
 chain of Servians of all classes gaily danced the kolo round 
 the statue of Prince Michael in the Square outside the 
 theatre. Night was given over to fireworks, illuminations 
 and all kinds of revelry. 
 
KING ALEXANDER'S MARRIAGE 73 
 
 The honeymoon was spent in a progress through the 
 interior of Servia, their Majesties being acclaimed every- 
 where with the utmost loyalty and affection. The young 
 King's courage appealed to the hearts of a nation of heroes, 
 and the Queen's simple, kindly manners endeared her to all 
 who were privileged to meet her. Fresh joy was soon 
 provided by rumours of a happy event, expected for June 
 or July 1901. Professor Caulet, a distinguished gynae- 
 cologist, was summoned to Semendria and, after examining 
 the Queen, issued a bulletin confirming the rumours. The 
 Tsar and Tsarina of Russia sent costly presents to the 
 Queen and offered to be god-parents. This was only to 
 be expected, as they had accepted the office of kum or 
 sponsors at the wedding, and this carries a similar obliga- 
 tion at the font. 
 
 In the spring of 1901 rumours began to take shape 
 that there had been a mistake and that no heir was 
 to be expected. The Tsar of Russia took the matter 
 up and despatched two physicians to investigate. Early 
 in May they drew up a document, which shattered Queen 
 Draga's hopes, but they admitted that Professor Caulet's 
 bulletin might have been justified at the time. All sorts 
 of wild stories were circulated by the Queen's enemies. 
 She was even accused of designing to palm off" a child 
 of her sister, Mme. Petrovich, as her own. The King 
 summoned more doctors from Vienna and Budapest. 
 They declared that the Queen had been suffering from a 
 malady, which might easily have deceived herself. The 
 disappointment was officially announced, and many people 
 came sadly to the conclusion that the Queen could never 
 hope to have an heir. 
 
 The question of the succession became acute. Accord- 
 ing to the latest Constitution, collateral branches of the 
 
74 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 House of Obrenovich were excluded. Among possible 
 claimants mention was made of (1) Duke George of 
 Leuchtenberg, an officer in the Russian guard and husband 
 to a daughter of the Prince of Montenegro ; (2) Prince 
 Mirko of Montenegro, who married King Alexander's 
 cousin, Mile. Constantinovich ; (3) Nikodem Lunjevitsa, 
 the brother of Queen Draga. 
 
QUEEN DRAGA. 
 
 PLATE III. 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 THE BEGINNING OF THE END 
 
 MEANWHILE the chief troubler of Servia had passed 
 away. Milan's schemes for ousting his son and resuming 
 the crown had not escaped notice in Servia, and, as we 
 have seen, he was not permitted to come to Belgrade. 
 
 One day a telegram came to summon King Alexander 
 to Milan's deathbed. The Queen and the ministers were 
 consulted, but they concluded that this was a hoax and 
 that Milan had merely sought an opportunity to exercise 
 his influence over his son and induce him to put away his 
 wife. As a minister remarked to me in relating the 
 incident : " No one believed that King Milan could 
 possibly die. It was too good to be true." 
 
 However, a few hours later another telegram arrived, 
 announcing that he was actually dead. The Tsar of 
 Russia was so sure that King Alexander would be found 
 at his father's deathbed that he sent his telegram of 
 condolence to Vienna. He evidently thought it very un- 
 filial of the King to neglect his dying father. This was 
 the beginning of the strained relations between Russia and 
 Servia. 
 
 The Emperor of Austria, who had kept up an intimacy 
 with Milan and used him to further Austrian intrigues, 
 
 75 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 THE BEGINNING OF THE END 
 
 MEANWHILE the chief troubler of Servia had passed 
 away. Milan's schemes for ousting his son and resuming 
 the crown had not escaped notice in Servia, and, as we 
 have seen, he was not permitted to come to Belgrade. 
 
 One day a telegram came to summon King Alexander 
 to Milan's deathbed. The Queen and the ministers were 
 consulted, but they concluded that this was a hoax and 
 that Milan had merely sought an opportunity to exercise 
 his influence over his son and induce him to put away his 
 wife. As a minister remarked to me in relating the 
 incident : " No one believed that King Milan could 
 possibly die. It was too good to be true." 
 
 However, a few hours later another telegram arrived, 
 announcing that he was actually dead. The Tsar of 
 Russia was so sure that King Alexander would be found 
 at his father's deathbed that he sent his telegram of 
 condolence to Vienna. He evidently thought it very un- 
 filial of the King to neglect his dying father. This was 
 the beginning of the strained relations between Russia and 
 Servia. 
 
 The Emperor of Austria, who had kept up an intimacy 
 with Milan and used him to further Austrian intrigues, 
 
 75 
 
76 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 also vented displeasure on King Alexander. Indeed, 
 Milan continued to foment discord even after his death. 
 King Alexander desired that his father should be buried 
 in the royal vault at the monastery of Rakovitsa, near 
 Belgrade, but this was peremptorily refused, and the 
 funeral took place at Krushedol, a Servian monastery in 
 Croatia, with the same honours which would have been 
 accorded to an Austrian archduke. Two years later 
 Alexander and Draga made a pilgrimage to the grave 
 and attended a solemn requiem. 
 
 After the disappointment of Queen Draga's hopes for 
 an heir, her enemies expected that the King would be 
 estranged ; they even circulated reports that he intended 
 to divorce her. The yellow press of Austria published 
 the most extravagant stories : the King was even alleged 
 to have taken the Queen by the throat and struck her, 
 because she refused to give him a few pounds saved out 
 of her pin-money ! As a matter of fact their relations 
 were uniformly affectionate; as weeks and months went 
 by, the devotion of their honeymoon only increased and 
 they could scarcely bear to be out of each other's sight 
 for an instant. 
 
 The suggestion of disputes about money was not 
 even well invented ; it did not possess even a shadow of 
 plausibility. Both King and Queen possessed that highest 
 form of generosity, which combines self-denial and an open 
 purse for others. The King's civil list amounted only to 
 4*8,000 a year, out of which he was expected to defray 
 many expenses usually borne by the State. Moreover, 
 he found that most of the Crown property had been 
 illegally mortgaged by his predecessor, sometimes two or 
 three times over. Instead of repudiating, as he might 
 have been justified in doing, he quietly set to work to 
 
THE BEGINNING OF THE END 77 
 
 pay off the mortgages. Nor would he ever consent to 
 apply to Parliament for larger supplies. Without shabby 
 economy, he maintained his Court on a modest scale, and 
 it was not his fault if the national finances were not more 
 healthy. He gave away ^3000 a year to the Queen's 
 relatives, but she required very little for herself. Her 
 household consisted of one lady-in-waiting, Mile. Pet- 
 ronievich ; she dressed well, not extravagantly, and had no 
 expensive tastes. 
 
 An influential journalist at Belgrade was received by 
 the Queen soon after her marriage. She invited his 
 opinion on the situation and he received permission to 
 express himself frankly. 
 
 " What strikes me," he said, " and what will impress 
 the Servian people, is the simplicity of your Majesty's 
 life and the absence of extravagant luxury such as is 
 popularly associated with palaces." 
 
 " Yes," said the Queen, with a smile, " I think you will 
 find me a less expensive Sovereign than some grand 
 foreign princess, who would have come down here with a 
 great retinue, to introduce all the magnificence of an 
 European Court. I know that some people are jealous ol 
 me, but I believe the people will remember that I am 
 descended from their old national leaders, and the day 
 may come when they will be thankful that the wife 
 of their Sovereign has Servian blood flowing in her 
 veins." 
 
 Still, the bitterness of a small number of people in 
 Belgrade was not assuaged. The concentrated spite with 
 which " Madame Draga " or " our Draga " would be 
 mentioned in certain circles was almost amusing. Every 
 day brought forth a new sneer and a new slander, which 
 candid friends duly reported at the palace. At last the 
 
78 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 gossip grew so scandalous that the King was obliged to 
 notice it and he actually gave orders for arresting some 
 half-dozen of the leaders of Belgrade society. 
 
 Queen Draga, however, was wise enough to see that 
 this would only have set the tongue of scandal wagging 
 still faster ; moreover, there was nothing vindictive about 
 her character. So she quietly took the warrant out of her 
 husband's hand and tore it up, saying, "Let them say 
 what they like, if it amuses them ; I am content to have 
 the prize of your regard." 
 
 But on one occasion she allowed herself the gratification 
 of a mild revenge. A lady, who had been to the palace 
 as one of a charitable deputation, boasted among her 
 friends that she had omitted to kiss the hand of " that 
 woman, 1 ' meaning the Queen. This was duly repeated at 
 Court, and one morning the lady was surprised by the 
 arrival of a royal carriage with a summons to the palace. 
 She dared not disobey, though her mind was by no means 
 at ease. She was kept waiting a long time in an ante- 
 chamber. Then the Queen appeared and held out her 
 hand, saying laconically, " Kiss it." The lady kissed it. 
 " Now you can go," said the Queen, and the lady walked 
 home crestfallen. The lesson was a salutary one, but not 
 calculated to stimulate loyalty. 
 
 I spent the summer of 1902 in Servia, and had the 
 honour of being received twice in audience. I quote from 
 the notes which I made at the time : 
 
 "The King does not, in the first instance, convey 
 an impression of strength, for he is very highly strung ; 
 he is never still for an instant, he is thinking of six 
 things at once, and a superficial observer might almost 
 set him down as shy. But a closer acquaintance soon 
 corrects all that, and after less than ten minutes' con- 
 
THE BEGINNING OF THE END 79 
 
 versation you cannot fail to recognise his wisdom and 
 his power. 
 
 " My first audience was fixed for eleven in the morning, 
 but before I was up a soldier came to my hotel with a 
 message to put me off till six. When I drove up at that 
 hour to the palace, I found the royal carriage waiting at 
 the door, and the marshal came running out to tell me 
 that I was again put off till 7.30. After waiting in the 
 central drawing-room, the walls and floor of which are made 
 very gay with red Pirot carpets, I was summoned to an 
 ante-room. An animated conversation, or rather soliloquy, 
 was in progress within. A highly-pitched voice could be 
 heard haranguing, even expostulating, and I began to 
 wonder who was permitted to talk thus to his Sovereign. 
 The door opened, and I perceived that it was the King 
 whose voice I had heard. He was now laughing merrily, 
 while a general in full uniform backed out and held the 
 handle of the door with a deferential smile at a parting 
 sally. The door was thrown open, and an officer bade me 
 enter. There was no ceremonious presentation, as at the 
 palace at Sofia. I simply walked in and found myself 
 alone with the King. I beheld a well-set young man, clad 
 in flannels. He bade me be seated, and we faced each 
 other across the corner of a big table that nearly filled the 
 room. I had time to notice that everything was scrupu- 
 lously tidy; papers were docketed in packets, even the 
 pens reposed in strict parallels. 
 
 " ' This is not your first visit to Servia,' he began ; * I 
 think I received you once before ? ' 
 
 "As a matter of fact, I had applied for an audience 
 when last in Belgrade, but it had not been granted. So 
 I answered evasively that his Majesty had then been away 
 at Semendria. 
 
80 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 " ' You must find many changes here ? ' 
 
 "'I do not think that Belgrade has altered very 
 noticeably.' 
 
 " ' Ah ! but I mean political changes.' 
 
 " ' Well, when I was last here, there was a Progressist 
 Government, and now I understand that the present 
 ministry is also well disposed towards the throne.' 
 
 " ' Yes,' he said. ' Our chief question now concerns 
 the loan, which is being debated by the Skupshtina. It 
 will be carried by a very small majority, mais pourtant je 
 pense qu'on se tirera d'affaire.' 
 
 " ' Votre Majeste,' I replied, 's'est toujours tres bien 
 tire d'affaire.' The recollection of the Regent Ristich shut 
 up all night in the dining-room came merrily to my mind. 
 
 "He looked pleased, laughed cheerfully and said 
 there had been difficulties but now they were being 
 gradually settled. Especially since his marriage he was 
 drawing people together and everything appeared more 
 hopeful. Where had "I travelled in Servia? Did I 
 know many people in Belgrade? etc. I mentioned my 
 itinerary through the country and he made remarks about 
 various places. Presently he asked whether I could not 
 induce British capital to come to Servia ? Now that the 
 war was over, there must be a need of openings for British 
 capital. But people knew so little about Servia and 
 seemed to consider it wildly remote. 
 
 "Whereas,' I put in, 'everything is now safe and 
 assured.' 
 
 " Yes, public security was assured, and also industrial 
 security, which interested the investor more particularly. 
 Then he touched on Macedonia, which I was about to 
 visit. The question of the Servian bishop, Firmilian, had 
 interested Servians very much, and they were highly 
 
THE BEGINNING OF THE END 81 
 
 pleased to have it settled satisfactorily. For the first 
 time since their independence it gave them a foothold in 
 Macedonia : it was an acknowledgment of their claims. 
 
 " I remarked that in Bulgaria there were elements of 
 Macedonian disorder : these committees 
 
 " < Yes, 1 he said, ' that is very unfortunate and may mean 
 trouble. The agitators approached us, but we would have 
 nothing to do with them. They might have done us some 
 good at the time, but not in the long-run. It never pays 
 to have anything to do with people of that kind. It is 
 not right.' 
 
 "After some further conversation, he apologised for 
 not detaining me further, saying that affairs of State were 
 absorbing all his time just then. Finally, as I took my 
 leave, he remarked, very cordially, ' I hope that you will 
 come back many times to Servia. 1 
 
 " On my return from Macedonia I applied for a farewell 
 audience of the King and Queen for Mrs. Vivian and myself. 
 This was graciously accorded for the 14th of November 
 1902. We arrived at the palace as the clock struck six, 
 and were escorted into the central drawing-room, where I 
 had waited before, by Mile. Petronievich, Queen Draga's 
 maid-of-honour. She comes of an old diplomatic family, 
 her father and grandfather having represented Servia in 
 nearly every court of Europe. She and her sister have 
 never been in England, but they have spoken English 
 together since their infancy, and have scarcely a vestige of 
 foreign accent. Her brother, an agreeable fellow and a 
 good sportsman, is the King's private secretary. The 
 Petronievichs are kums with the royal house. This is a 
 peculiarly Servian relationship, implying the reciprocal 
 duty of providing the best man at every wedding and the 
 godfather at every christening. 
 
 G 
 
82 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 " After a few minutes we were ushered through an ante- 
 chamber into a small boudoir, where Queen Draga received 
 us standing. She is a fine, handsome woman, neither very 
 tall nor very stout, with piercing eyes and a chin full of 
 character. She was dressed in cream silk with much lace 
 and many tucks, evidently a Viennese confection. Her 
 only ornament was a handsome pearl necklace, and the 
 general effect was highly distinguished. After extending 
 her hand and smiling a welcome, she seated herself in an 
 arm-chair behind the door and motioned us to chairs facing 
 her. Then she proceeded to converse with great fluency 
 in very good French, taking a kindly interest in our travels 
 and impressions and making several thoughtful suggestions 
 for our entertainment at Belgrade. Had we seen the 
 royal deer-park beyond Topchider ? It was kept private 
 for the King and herself, but if we cared to go there she 
 would give orders for our admission. She spoke of the 
 few English who are to be found in Belgrade and alluded 
 to their endeavour to start golf-links there. She had seen 
 the game played at Biarritz and was curious to know more 
 about it. What was the secret of its fascination ? She 
 expressed a preference for Nish above the other royal 
 residences, and spoke enthusiastically of the lovely scenery 
 and delightful excursions to be found there. After about 
 ten minutes Mile. Petronievich looked in, as though to 
 hint that our time was up, and the Queen bade us good- 
 bye very graciously, inviting us to come and see her again 
 if ever we returned to Servia. 
 
 " In the waiting-room we found several groups of people 
 sitting about until their turns should come to be received. 
 Among them were a stout lady with four daughters, all 
 dressed in the deepest black, and several men who wore 
 neither uniforms nor dress-clothes. It seems that the 
 
THE BEGINNING OF THE END 83 
 
 Servian Court affects great simplicity, and does not stand 
 at all upon punctilio in the matter of raiment. The 
 Queen did, however, attempt to introduce a kind of Court 
 dress to be worn by ladies on State occasions. It is 
 modelled on the mediaeval costume of Servia and is 
 certainly very effective. But so far only the Queen and 
 Mile. Petronievich have adopted it chiefly, perhaps, 
 because of the expense. While Servia enjoys the blessing 
 of having no poor within her borders, she has also very few 
 rich people, and economy has become a universal habit, 
 instilled during many generations. 
 
 " The Servian Court indeed seems to me to have 
 attained the happy mean between Oriental display and 
 niggardly austerity : it is a sort of half-way house between 
 Delhi and Cettinje. The Sovereigns do not stroll about 
 the streets in the garb of shopkeepers, nor do they recline 
 on howdahs or chryselephantine thrones (to borrow an 
 adjective from Dean Farrar). They are content to be the 
 first lady and gentleman in their kingdom, to combine 
 dignity with comfort, modern convenience with ancient 
 sentiments. The enemies of Servia have made loud outcry 
 against the King's marriage, and I need not go into their 
 motives. It will suffice for most people that the marriage 
 is a very happy one. Queen Draga has a strong character, 
 a clear brain, and a keen eye for political prudence. She 
 exercises considerable influence over the King, who is 
 devoted to her. 
 
 "When we were ushered into his presence, his first 
 remark was : You have seen the Queen ? ' He motioned 
 us to sit down, offered cigarettes and proceeded to ask 
 our impressions of Macedonia. I told him quite frankly 
 that I had seen no trace of grievances and that I was 
 convinced the actual agitation was wholly artificial, having 
 
84 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 its origin in Bulgaria and Austria. As the intrigues of 
 Austria are carefully concealed and by no means universally 
 admitted, a reference to them savoured of indiscretion, 
 but I was anxious to see how His Majesty would take it. 
 He looked up sharply, and said, ' Austria ? ' with a decided 
 note of interrogation, which might almost have passed for 
 surprise. This gave me the opportunity of reciting a 
 number of innuendoes against Austria, which I had gleaned 
 during my travels. He listened with interest, but natu- 
 rally did not commit himself to my opinions. 4 1 know that 
 these charges are made, 1 was the most that I could extract 
 from him. I ventured to go on to urge the importance of 
 good relations between Servia and Turkey as the easiest 
 solution of Balkan questions. He listened to all my 
 arguments, and appeared to give tacit approval. Then 
 he asked many questions about English politics. I had 
 recently written an article advocating an Anglo-Servian 
 alliance, and this had been translated by the Servian press. 
 I think he had read it, for his questions touched upon the 
 possibility of my proposals. At my first audience he had 
 asked whether British capital could not be induced to 
 come to Servia. Now he inquired as to the possibility of 
 a political understanding. I said I had always understood 
 that Servia held the keys of the Balkans, and I imagined 
 that if we still clung to our traditional policy, we should 
 hasten to recognise this. I then expressed a wish that His 
 Majesty might one day visit England, as that would be a 
 decided advance towards effective sympathies between the 
 two countries. The King was good enough to say that 
 he had long desired to do so, but that various circum- 
 stances had hitherto prevented him. 
 
 " Presently he made some remark implying that he was 
 confronted by great difficulties, but hoped to surmount 
 
THE BEGINNING OF THE END 85 
 
 them. I hazarded the observation that I understood he had 
 been received with the utmost enthusiasm during his recent 
 progress through the country. ' Yes,' he said, 6 the people 
 are loyal and true. I am never at issue with them. But 
 the parties do not always represent the people, and then 
 I do not find it so easy to manage them.' I mentioned 
 that with us in England there was the same trouble : 
 parties were unscrupulous and pettifogging opportunists, 
 but the backbone of the nation was sincere. ' Ah ! you in 
 England, 1 said he, ' have the advantage of a sound, settled 
 Constitution. People often point to the British Parliament 
 and urge me to place the same confidence in my Parliaments 
 as British Sovereigns do in theirs. To this I reply that if 
 they will deserve the same confidence I am quite ready to 
 give it them.' 
 
 " At this time the preparation of a suitable Constitu- 
 tion was evidently exercising the King's mind, for he asked 
 me a great many questions about the British Constitution 
 and listened attentively to my replies. I ventured to 
 remark that it would need considerable modification before 
 it could be applicable to Servia, which, I imagined, was not 
 yet ripe for freedom of the press, irremovable judges or 
 even parliamentary government. He made no comment 
 on these remarks and evidently regarded the British 
 Constitution as a goal to aim at, for his private secre- 
 tary questioned me closely on the subject a few days 
 later. 
 
 " The conversation was peculiarly interesting in view of 
 the events which followed my audience. The Vuich Ministry 
 suddenly fell and General Tsintsar-Markovich, the Com- 
 mander-in-Chief, was entrusted with the formation of a 
 military cabinet. As neither this nor indeed any other 
 could rely upon a working majority in the Skupshtina, the 
 
86 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 only alternative obviously was to govern without that 
 body. Supply having been voted, there was no con- 
 stitutional or other necessity to summon Parliament again 
 for fifteen months, which is a long time in the Balkans. 
 We shall see what happens. I hope and believe that, by 
 strong personal government, the King and the General will 
 succeed in inaugurating a new era. They may need to 
 abrogate or modify the present Constitution, which is far 
 too liberal and permits every little editor to pose as a 
 great power and make undue noise. As I remarked to 
 the King, it is also unfortunate that Servia is not better 
 understood abroad, especially in England. At present 
 nearly all Servian news is supplied by unappreciative 
 journalists from Vienna. 
 
 " ' Yes, 1 said the King ; ' one reason why we are mis- 
 understood is that, alone among all countries, we have our 
 capital at the frontier. Anybody who desires to propagate 
 a calumny has only to cross over to Semlin and use the 
 telegraph wires. An official contradiction follows in a 
 few days but is scarcely heeded. Now, if our capital were 
 at Nish, a malignant would have to travel some way before 
 he could send off false news, and we should have a chance 
 of despatching the truth in the meanwhile. 1 
 
 "Their Majesties certainly have a marked predilection 
 for residence at Nish. Whenever affairs permit, they 
 hurry off thither for a few weeks. The konak there is 
 small but vastly agreeable because wonderfully mediaeval. 
 The venerable garden, scarcely changed since it was tended 
 by a Pasha, always suggests to me a scene in the ' Arabian 
 Nights, 1 with its marble fountains, thickets of roses and 
 truly Oriental atmosphere. There is a vast hall on the first 
 floor. The walls are completely covered with trophies of 
 King Milan's kodak, but the great dark rafters, the 
 
THE BEGINNING OF THE END 87 
 
 fanciful decorations, the profusion of bright Pirot rugs 
 are altogether delightful. 
 
 " In the summer, their Majesties like to take a holiday 
 at Semendria, where they have a villa in a vineyard over- 
 looking the Danube. The grapes of Semendria are the 
 parents of Tokay, larger and sweeter than those of any 
 English hothouse. A bathing establishment at the water's 
 edge affords opportunity for the King's favourite diversion. 
 It will be remembered how nearly he lost his life saving 
 that of a companion when swimming at Biarritz. And 
 the old castle of Semendria, with its long row of mys- 
 terious turrets, flanking the river, is as attractive to the 
 archaeologist as to the artist. 
 
 " There is never a dull moment at the Servian court. 
 The King is full of life and vigour. He rises early and 
 late takes rest. He accomplishes an enormous amount of 
 work, giving personal supervision to all the affairs of State. 
 He finds time to see every one who is worth seeing. He 
 swims, he fences, he plays games. He might be summed 
 up as the King who never tires. I prefer to sum him up 
 as the King who never makes mistakes." 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 
 TREASON AND PLOT 
 
 THE plot, which culminated in one of the most barbarous 
 and horrid murders in all history, was engineered with 
 diabolical cunning. Fully two years were spent in pre- 
 paring it. A few discredited politicians and unruly officers, 
 moved by private resentments and greed of gain, signed 
 what is known in Scottish history as a " Band," pledging 
 themselves to kill the King and Queen. Very slowly, very 
 carefully, they enrolled fresh conspirators and developed 
 all their plans until the opportune moment arrived. 
 Then they struck surely and swiftly, all the details being 
 mapped out with such consummate craft that the slightest 
 hitch was impossible. Meanwhile, all through this long 
 period, many of the traitors were enjoying the confidence 
 and even the generosity of the Sovereign they had sworn 
 to kill, eating at his table, wearing his livery, fawning for 
 promotion and presents. 
 
 The first serious attempt is known as the Alavantich 
 incident, which occurred at Shabats in the spring of 1902. 
 It was passed off at the time by the Court party as the act 
 of a madman, with a tendency towards opera-bouffe; by the 
 Opposition as a pretended plot, such as King Milan loved 
 to organise when he desired a pretext for casting his 
 
 88 
 
TREASON AND PLOT 89 
 
 enemies into prison. A strange adventurer, with three 
 companions, suddenly arrived at Shabats at four o'clock 
 in the morning from Mitrovitsa, on the other side of the 
 Save. In his hand was a brown-paper parcel, which con- 
 tained the uniform of a Servian general. Having retired 
 to a shed and put this on, he made his way to the Custom 
 House and ordered the officials to follow him. This they 
 did, either out of curiosity or under the impression that 
 the man really was a Servian general. With his increas- 
 ing band, which now included a few soldiers from a guard- 
 house near the quays, he went to the Town Hall and 
 ordered the firemen to join him. Some of them laughingly 
 refused, but, when he threatened to shoot them, thought 
 better of it and went on with him to the Prefecture. Here 
 he proclaimed Peter Karageorgevich King of Servia and 
 ordered the gendarmes to join him. They refused and 
 some of his followers, who were evidently in the plot, occu- 
 pied all the exits of the Prefecture. Two gendarmes, 
 however, made their escape by a window and informed 
 Colonel Nikolich, their commander, what was taking 
 place. He hurried to the Prefecture, where Alavantich 
 threatened him with a revolver ; but the Colonel was too 
 quick for him and terminated the affair by wounding him 
 mortally. It is a significant fact that the famous 6th 
 Regiment, which afterwards carried out the murders of the 
 King and Queen, was then quartered at Shabats. But the 
 plot does not seem to have been very well organised, for 
 even if Colonel Nikolich could have been won over and 
 the 6th Regiment had declared for Peter, the only result 
 would have been a short, sharp civil war, in which King 
 Alexander would certainly have been victorious. As it 
 was, Peter hastened to disavow the plot in a letter to the 
 newspapers, qualifying it as a " ridiculous riot " and stating 
 
90 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 that he knew nothing of Alavantich. He went on to give a 
 formal denial of all participation in any plot against King 
 
 f Alexander : " I deny all participation in the political 
 publications, tracts and pamphlets which are inundat- 
 ing the country. None of these writings are published 
 
 / with my inspiration or approval. Once and for all I affirm 
 loudly that I am not conspiring in Servia, that I am 
 / not fomenting any trouble there. Why should I employ 
 agents to excite discontent, to provoke revolt, and to work 
 in the interest of my dynasty, when King Alexander, 
 more efficaciously than any one else, has charged himself 
 
 Xjvith that task ? " All the same, there were found upon 
 Alavantich a letter from Nenadovich, Peter's private secre- 
 tary, and a number of postcards bearing Peter's likeness. 
 King Alexander ordered these to be destroyed, but the 
 Prefect locked them up in his desk, where they were found 
 and distributed to the crowd after the revolution. It is 
 also significant that, on his way to Belgrade, Peter was 
 presented with a bunch of flowers by a little niece of 
 Alavantich, and that he accorded her a specially gracious 
 reception in remembrance of this abortive conspiracy. 
 
 In the autumn of 1902, when I was at Belgrade, the 
 situation had every appearance of profound 'calm. The 
 King enjoyed the confidence of the people ; a military 
 ministry, under the presidency of General Tsintsar- 
 Markovich, carried on the government with wisdom and 
 prudence, and the only signs of discontent were manifested 
 by a few professional politicians, represented in the press 
 by noisy insignificant newspapers. I remarked upon the 
 extraordinary license of this yellow journalism, but was 
 told that the Constitution permitted it ; moreover, that 
 no serious person took any notice of such vapourings. A 
 few wiseacres shook their heads and prophesied trouble, 
 
TREASON AND PLOT 91 
 
 but the prospect of revolution seemed no less, remote than 
 it does in England to-day. If there were any partisans 
 of Karageorgevich, they appeared not more numerous or 
 dangerous than modern Bonapartists. 
 
 Yet the plot was maturing. Early in 1903 the con- 
 spirators obtained for a young man a position as scullion 
 in the royal kitchens, and instructed him to put some 
 poison into a dish which the King and Queen were sure 
 to eat. Luckily, however, the head cook happened to 
 come in just as the youth was scattering a white powder 
 into the saucepan. His suspicions were aroused and 
 a series of questions extorted unsatisfactory answers. At 
 last the cook said, " Let me see you eat some of 
 this stuff'." The boy protested and resisted, but only 
 increased suspicion thereby. At length he was forced to 
 eat the poisoned food, and died in great agony within 
 half an hour, though the doctors were sent for and did all 
 they could for him. Then various foreign newspapers, 
 which were on the side of Karageorgevich, published sen- 
 sational accounts of how King Alexander was mad with 
 suspicions and had actually gone down into his kitchen 
 and shot a scullion, whom he falsely suspected of desiring 
 to poison him. 
 
 After two failures, the conspirators determined to make 
 sure on the third attempt. The officers arranged to 
 murder the King and Queen by shooting them as they 
 came out from a concert given by a choral society, but 
 the enthusiasm of the crowd frightened them and they 
 abandoned the design. After a long consultation they 
 determined to do their work at night, and they readily 
 accepted a proposal to act on the 10th of June, the 
 anniversary of Prince MichaeFs murder in Topchider Park. 
 
 It is said that the Radicals had long been plotting to 
 
92 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 depose Alexander in favour of a Russian Grand-Duke ; but 
 that the officers were too quick for them, committing the 
 murders and proclaiming Peter Karageorgevich before the 
 Russians or Radicals were ready to act. This, if true, 
 would explain the subsequent attitude of Russia towards 
 Peter and the regicides. 
 
 The three original conspirators were George Genchich, 
 Colonel Alexander Mashin and Dragomir Rajovich. 
 
 I first met Genchich at Nish in 1896, when he was 
 nachelnik (prefect) of that town. I remember a tall, well- 
 built man with a luxuriant brown beard. He was very 
 polite to me and took great trouble for my entertainment, 
 I but I was not attracted by him. He spoke excellent 
 French and German, had an answer to every question, 
 expressed views on every topic under the sun. After 
 spending a whole day in his company at a picnic, my 
 chief impression was one of amusement aroused by his in- 
 ordinate vanity. He seemed no less vain about his personal 
 appearance than about his many accomplishments. Again 
 and again he drew my attention to his linguistic skill and 
 inquired whether it did not surprise me in one who was 
 but the son of a poor peasant. I came to the conclusion 
 that, if he did not make his way in life, it would not be for 
 lack of blowing his own trumpet. A few months later he 
 invited me to his wedding at the little church of Topchider, 
 near Belgrade. His bride, a large florid lady, had been 
 divorced not long before, and the question was much de- 
 bated whether she would bring her child to the ceremony. 
 Several people prophesied misfortune because she looked 
 back after setting out for the church, for this is considered 
 very unlucky in Servia. However, I believe the only mis- 
 fortunes which have attended her so far were voluntarily 
 accepted in order to advance her husband. By her 
 
TREASON AND PLOT 93 
 
 favour he was rewarded with the portfolio of Minister of 
 the Interior in the terrorist government of Vladan George- 
 vich. He exercised all his ingenuity to devise fresh per- 
 secutions for all the opponents of Milan, locking up and 
 torturing, among others, many of his future colleagues and 
 fellow-regicides. As a minister, his airs and graces were 
 the standing joke of the town. With every advancement 
 his wild ambitions kept growing by leaps. When 
 the government of Vladan Georgevich was dismissed and 
 Milan was excluded from Servia, Genchich saw his career 
 crumbling like a house of cards. He vented his spite upon 
 Draga, to i whom- he attributed the change in Alexander's 
 policy. As we have seen, he went to the king and said, 
 "You cannot marry Draga; she has been everybody's 
 mistress, mine among the rest." When this calumny 
 failed, he tried to kidnap Draga and carry her across the 
 frontier. After her marriage he retired to Austria and 
 employed himself in preparing his plot. Most of the calum- 
 nies in the Austrian press are attributed to his fertile pen. 
 In 1902 he was allowed to return to Belgrade, and he took 
 advantage of this clemency to mature the conspiracy against 
 the lives of his Sovereigns. 
 
 For this purpose he found a congenial spirit in Colonel 
 Alexander Mashin, the Queen's brother-in-law. This 
 person had enjoyed the confidence of King Milan, who 
 saw in him an appropriate instrument for desperate 
 enterprises. He possessed animal courage and appears to 
 have behaved well in the Bulgarian campaign. On two 
 occasions he is said to have saved Milan's life. There 
 seemed every prospect that the man would enjoy a brilliant 
 career. He is inordinately vain and eaten up with 
 ambition almost to the extent of madness. Having every- 
 thing to hope from Milan, he intrigued for his return to 
 
94 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 the throne and was filled with fury when the death of that 
 personage shattered his hopes. Accordingly he cherished 
 a bitter resentment against Queen Draga, not only because 
 she had prompted King Alexander to keep Milan out of the 
 country, but also on account of her matrimonial differences 
 with her first husband. The engineer Mashin had hated 
 his wife chiefly because he knew that he had treated her 
 badly, and Colonel Mashin kept alive his brother's hostility 
 in a savage spirit of vendetta. He invented every sort of 
 calumny against Queen Draga and even went so far as to 
 accuse her of having poisoned her first husband, though 
 he must have known full well that his death was caused 
 by drink. He is a squat, villainous -looking little man, 
 with a bald head and oily luxuriant grey beard. His cast 
 of features might possibly be Jewish. He has shifty 
 eyes and a cruel wolfish mouth. Every gesture betokens 
 inordinate vanity and his manners alternate between 
 fawning and insolence. He has none of the instincts of 
 a gentleman and no notion of self-restraint. The most 
 charitable supposition is that he cannot be altogether 
 sane. It was indeed reported (July 20, 1903) that he 
 had gone to Abbazia, mentally deranged. 
 
 The third of this degraded trio, perhaps really the 
 cleverest, was Dragomir Rajovich, who, though an arch- 
 conspirator, seems scarcely to have been mentioned by the 
 press in connection with the plot. He too was a creature 
 of Milan and saw in Milan's eclipse an end to his own 
 ambitions. He had often done dirty work for Milan, for 
 instance when he presided over the tribunal which sentenced 
 the Radical conspirators of Zajechar in 1883. Now he 
 did not shrink from dirty work on his own account. 
 
 A Servian merchant, who seems almost disposed to 
 justify the murders, recently wrote to me: "These three 
 
TREASON AND PLOT 95 
 
 gentlemen knew that the Radicals, through their leader 
 M. Pashich, had come to terms with Russia to turn out 
 Obrenovich and set up a foreign prince. These three 
 gentlemen knew that King Alexander could not resist the 
 Russians and the Radicals, so they thought of themselves 
 and their country. If the revolution had been carried out 
 by the Radicals, none of these three gentlemen would ever 
 have obtained office; M. Rajovich might even have lost 
 his life on account of his share in the punishment of 
 Radical conspirators in 1883. So you see they contrived 
 to safeguard their own future and at the same time to save 
 the Servian throne for a Servian." 
 
 Surely never can a conspiracy to kill a King and 
 Queen have been known beforehand to so many people. 
 The number of the conspirators has been variously esti- 
 mated at figures ranging from 50 to 150, and they were 
 constantly sounding their colleagues with a view to in- 
 creasing their numbers. The plot was almost common 
 gossip in Belgrade and every frequenter of a coffee-house 
 must have known that something was afoot. A fortnight 
 before the murders, the " Zastava," a Servian newspaper 
 published at Ujvidek (Neusats) in Hungary, published a 
 violent article attacking King Alexander and asserting 
 that a day of vengeance was at hand. 
 
 Warnings poured in upon the palace from every quarter. 
 The Servian Ministers at Vienna, Budapest, and Sofia sent 
 a variety of details, and Mijatovich, the Servian Minister 
 in London, a visionary who dabbles in magic, wrote to 
 inform the King that a tragedy had been foretold by a 
 fortune-teller. Officers who had been approached by the 
 conspirators sent in denunciations, and anonymous letters 
 came in almost by every post, bidding their Majesties be 
 on their guard, 
 
96 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 Unfortunately, however, the King was not only full of 
 pluck but absolutely convinced of the loyalty of his whole 
 people. Had it not been so, it is difficult to see what he 
 could have done to protect himself. Anonymous warnings 
 and wild denunciations would not have warranted the 
 arrest of officers on suspicion when there was no direct 
 evidence to convict them. 
 
 So the King contented himself with increasing his 
 guards at the palace, trusting to Providence and the 
 known devotion of his people. When some one spoke to 
 him of a possible revolution, he only laughed and said, 
 "I am not afraid of revolutions. If any one rebels 
 against me, I am ready to meet him sword in hand at the 
 head of my faithful army." 
 
 Queen Draga was no less courageous. The very day 
 before the murders, she remarked to a friend, " I am tired 
 of all these mysterious warnings. Every day we are told 
 that people are coming to assassinate us in the palace. It 
 is easy to talk like that, but the cowards have not the 
 courage to come and make the attempt." 
 
 At the same time she was fully aware that danger was 
 threatening, and on the 9th of June she wrote the follow- 
 ing pathetic letter to a friend at Vienna : 
 
 I love Sasha (King Alexander) with all my soul and would 
 not hesitate to sacrifice myself and separate from him, for I 
 know I am hated. The absence of order only increases the 
 danger which threatens us. If the King allies himself with the 
 policy of the extreme Radicals it is possible that the second 
 Queen of Servia will follow the first into exile. I am haunted 
 by a dreadful presentiment, and often at night I seem to see 
 a terrifying picture of Michael in his death-agony stretching 
 his blood-stained hand towards his murderers and crying, 
 "Stop, my brothers, it is enough." Sasha alone is in 
 
TREASON AND PLOT 97 
 
 good spirits. He has unswerving faith in the star of the 
 Obrenovich. 
 
 The King's last day has been graphically described by 
 the correspondent of the " 
 
 of every warning His Majesty felt perfectly secure in the 
 palace and does not seem to have contemplated the possi- 
 bility of a military revolution. He knew every time he 
 went out that he might be shot in the street, but this was 
 scarcely a novelty for him. 
 
 He seemed in unusually good spirits on the 10th of June. 
 After devoting his morning as usual to the transaction of 
 business, he played a game of croquet on the gravel court 
 at the back of the palace with his secretary Petronievich. 
 It was a fine day and the Queen came out to watch them. 
 The secretary won the first game, and the King challenged 
 him to another, in which he was no more successful. 
 " Well, you are a devil of a fellow," the King exclaimed 
 laughing ; and he was preparing for a third match when 
 the rain came and drove them in. The King repaired to 
 his study, went through various documents, signed im- 
 portant papers, gave a few audiences and kept himself 
 busy until it was time to dress for dinner. 
 
 At eight o'clock he dined with the Queen, General 
 Tsintsar-Markovich (the Premier), and Marinkovich the 
 Servian Minister at Sofia. The high spirits of the morning 
 and afternoon seemed to have passed away and the King 
 was unusually silent. He remarked that the weather had 
 a depressing effect upon his spirits. Beside the weather, 
 the Premier had probably also contributed to his depression. 
 They had had a short conversation just before dinner, when 
 the Premier had expressed a desire to resign. The King 
 had begged him as a favour not to do this in a hurry, 
 as he counted upon his support to tide him over the 
 
98 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 difficulties of the hour. No definite decision had, how- 
 ever, been arrived at and the King did not continue the 
 discussion after dinner. 
 
 At ten o'clock a military band played in the garden in 
 front of the palace, as was usual in summer, and the King 
 and Queen sat with Her Majesty's brothers and sisters 
 upon the balcony in full view of the passing crowds. At 
 half-past eleven the King and Queen went to bed and the 
 palace was soon plunged in darkness. 
 
 Meanwhile the conspirators were busily completing their 
 preparations and working themselves up with strong drink 
 for their desperate enterprise. On the previous day, the 
 9th of June, Pavlovich, an official at the palace, had 
 telegraphed to the various conspirators in the country, 
 summoning them to Belgrade. Twenty-six obtained leave 
 from their colonels on various pretexts and put in an 
 appearance. 
 
 On the morning of the 10th of June Colonel Mishich 
 drew up a list of eighty-six conspirators, who were made 
 to sign a document and take an oath to kill the first who 
 should show any signs of betraying the plot. They were to 
 spend the evening together in various parts of the town, 
 some of them at the Military Club to the west of the 
 palace, others in houses of ill -fame, and others at the 
 Srbski Kruna (Servian Crown), a coffee-house with a long 
 verandah full of little tables immediately facing the 
 gardens of Kalemegdan at the extreme east of the town. 
 This is a favourite resort on summer evenings, and I 
 have often sat there listening to the gipsy bands and 
 watching the fireflies among the trees. 
 
 All the officers were in a high state of excitement, and 
 uproarious applause was occasioned among them when one 
 of the conspirators called for Draga's March. It seemed 
 
TREASON AND PLOT 99 
 
 as though the band could not play it too often. No 
 sooner had it come to an end than the officers clamoured 
 to have it all over again, and innocent observers wondered 
 at this sudden display of enthusiasm for the Queen or else 
 at the wild laughter which accompanied each fresh demand 
 for the tune. 
 
 It was a great carouse. Bottle after bottle of Negotin 
 wine and many decanters of slivovits (plum brandy) were 
 consumed to all sorts of mysterious toasts. The faces of 
 the officers grew redder and more shiny, their eyes sparkled 
 like those of wild beasts, and there was something peculiarly 
 devilish about the madness of their laughter. 
 
 As the hours drew on, a different mood seemed to come 
 over the spirit of the revellers. Their laughter had lost 
 all mirth. From time to time they would consult their 
 watches and there would be a whisper of anxiety lest the 
 moment should be missed for their rendezvous. No two 
 clocks or watches keep the same time in Belgrade, and it 
 would have been as dangerous to appear upon the scene 
 too early as too late. 
 
 At last some one made a move, and groups of unsteady 
 figures in full uniform made their way over the rough 
 cobbles of the street in the direction of the palace. Some 
 one began humming Queen Draga's March and another 
 exclaimed bitterly, "To-night Draga will dance to a 
 different tune." 
 
 All the details of the plot had been drawn up with 
 minute care. A lieutenant was to give up the keys of the 
 gate of the palace and let the conspirators into the court- 
 yard, where the King's Guards were stationed. The duty 
 of disarming the Guard was allotted to Captain Kostich. 
 Colonel Mishich and Lieutenant Matievich were to go to 
 the barracks of the 6th Regiment and bring them out on 
 
100 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 a pretext of defending the King. Colonel Mashin was 
 to fetch the 7th Regiment, Lieutenant Bora Gruich the 
 4th Cavalry Regiment, Sub-Lieutenant Aleco Gruich the 
 squadron of the Guard, and Captain Ticha a battery of 
 artillery with munitions of war. The soldiers were to be 
 told that the King wished to expel the Queen and that 
 they were to escort her to the frontier. Five rounds were 
 served out to each soldier. Colonel Naumovich, the friend 
 of King Alexander's infancy and now his trusted aide-de- 
 camp, was to drug General Lazar Petrovich, who could not 
 be corrupted, and open the door of the palace. 
 
 A list of the victims had been drawn up, including 
 the King and Queen, the Queen's two brothers, General 
 Tsintsar-Markovich (Prime Minister), General Pavlovich 
 (Minister of War), Todorovich (Minister of the Interior), 
 and Colonel Nikolich. There had been a debate as to 
 whether General Petrovich's son should be included, but 
 it was eventually decided to let him off. 
 
 An officer was to be posted at every door and window 
 of the palace with orders to kill the King and Queen if 
 they attempted to escape. After disarming the Guard, 
 Captain Kostich was to go and shoot the Queen's brothers 
 in the courtyard of the quarters of the 6th Regiment. 
 Captain Tripkovich was to kill the Minister of the Interior ; 
 Captain Rodokovich was to kill the Prime Minister; 
 Lieutenant Dimitrievich was to kill the Minister of War. 
 The password was, appropriately enough, Tsver (a wild 
 beast) ; the countersign was Zatibor (the name of a Servian 
 mountain). 
 
 To understand what took place it may be well to give 
 a brief description of the palace. It consists of two 
 buildings : the old palace, generally known as the konak ; 
 and the new palace, which was built some sixteen years 
 
TREASON AND PLOT 101 
 
 ago by King Milan. The new palace is a lofty edifice, 
 coming right down to the street ; the konak is close by, 
 separated from the street only by gilt railings and a narrow 
 garden. It is a long, low yellow building, with many 
 windows and white Venetian blinds. It consists apparently 
 of two stories, but closer acquaintance reveals the fact that 
 the lower floor is entirely given over to pantries and offices, 
 the; palace proper being all on one level. The entrance is 
 at the back, up a wide flight of stairs, at the head of which 
 stood an enormous black bear, which was killed during the 
 Bulgarian war. 
 
 All the rooms open into one another, forming a com- 
 plete circle. Immediately to the left of the entrance is 
 an equerries' room, furnished with speaking tubes and tele- 
 phones. From this you pass into the council chamber, 
 where the King usually gave audiences. A long table 
 covered with green baize stood in the centre and there 
 were a number of high-backed chairs of carved oak. On 
 the walls were oil-paintings representing incidents in the 
 war of independence, roughly executed, no doubt by local 
 talent. Here and in nearly every other room the bright 
 red carpets of Pirot were hung upon the walls, affording a 
 very cheerful effect. 
 
 Next came the billiard-room, containing the ordinary 
 French table, on which I observed a number of little nine- 
 pins, such as are used in a Russian variety of the game. 
 There was a long thin mat of white india-rubber along 
 one side of the room. Here the King used to practise 
 fencing, as a number of foils on the walls testified. 
 
 The dining-room was a particularly cheerful room, and 
 my attention was attracted by a number of filigree egg- 
 cups and other nicknacks hung upon the red walls, like 
 the objects in a shooting gallery. Next came the Arabian 
 
102 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 room, furnished with a number of pretty things collected 
 by King Milan on his travels : beautiful brocades, soothing 
 silks, fantastic portieres of heavy gold lace cunningly 
 embroidered, chibouques and narghiles, divans and poufs 
 (six of them arranged like the dots on a domino), Oriental 
 bowls, carved gourds and mysterious tom-toms. On the 
 walls were suspended wonderful silver arms, flint-locks, 
 yataghans and jewelled sabres, besides lacquered harness 
 of precious metals, such as Milosh and Pope Luka took 
 from the Turks. On an inlaid table in the centre of the 
 room was a strange old vase with a sponge growing out 
 of the centre. There was a priceless chimney-piece of 
 white marble and near the window were two beautiful 
 basins, also of white marble, taken from the old Turkish 
 fountain in the Aladdin-like garden of the konak at Nish. 
 
 A doorway hung with strings of heavy beads gave 
 entrance to the central reception room, with a comfortable 
 balcony overlooking the garden. This, known as the 
 Servian room, was entirely furnished with the character- 
 istic products of the country. The bright Pirot rugs 
 predominated and there were a great number of dainty 
 embroideries of the most harmonious colours. Next came 
 Queen Draga's boudoir, where she used to receive her 
 visitors. This was simply but tastefully furnished, and 
 contained a very large collection of photographs of King 
 Alexander at every age. The walls were covered with 
 silken panels of a golden bronze colour. 
 
 Next came the royal bed-chamber, a bright pink room 
 containing a large number of the sacred images which are 
 so popular among members of the Orthodox Church. A 
 door behind the bed opened into a little bath-room, with 
 three steps descending to the bath. On the opposite 
 side was a door opening into a little room where the 
 
TREASON AND PLOT 103 
 
 Queen used to hang her dresses. It is here that the 
 murders actually took place. 
 
 At the opposite end of the palace there was a grating 
 in the floor, leading to a secret staircase, designed by King 
 Milan to afford him the possibility of escaping to the 
 cellars in case of a sudden attack. Unfortunately, when 
 King 'Alexander came to the throne, he had this passage 
 blocked up, so that it was no use to him in the hour of 
 need. 
 
 Immediately at the back of the konak was a guard- 
 house, a long, low yellow building with a number of 
 tricolour stumps for stacking arms. At either extremity 
 of the guard-house were some rooms for the accommodation 
 of the courtiers in attendance on the King and Queen. 
 Farther back was a pretty old-fashioned garden. It 
 contained two or three Dutch beds, carefully tended, and 
 a succession of shrubberies concealing a gravel croquet- 
 ground, a summer-house, a skittle alley, a lawn-tennis court, 
 an aviary, and a fountain. 
 
CHAPTER VII 
 
 REGICIDE 
 
 SHORTLY before two o'clock in the morning of the llth 
 of June a battalion of infantry was ordered out of the 
 barracks of the 6th Regiment and led to the palace, where 
 they proceeded to occupy every approach. The soldiers 
 must have had some idea that great events were afoot, 
 but they certainly did not know that the King and Queen 
 were about to be murdered. The awful deed was carried 
 out simply and solely by officers. Forty of them arrived 
 at the back entrance to the palace grounds, and an officer 
 of the Guard, who had been won over, quietly unlocked 
 the gates. As he was doing so, one faithful officer, a 
 captain of horse named Panajatovich, rushed out and 
 tried to prevent the opening of the gates, but he was too 
 late and the invaders swept him aside, putting a bullet 
 into his head as they passed. 
 
 Rushing up the steps to the door of the palace, they 
 found it closed, Captain Naumovich, who was to have 
 admitted them, having fallen off into a drunken sleep. 
 The conspirators, however, had come prepared for every 
 emergency. The door was blown open with dynamite and 
 the palace lay at their mercy. According to one account, 
 Naumovich was killed by the explosion ; according to 
 another account, Mishich shot him, suspecting treachery. 
 
 104 
 
REGICIDE 
 
 105 
 
 The rest of the story is very difficult to verify with 
 any degree of accuracy. The conspirators were mad with 
 drink and excitement, and can scarcely have known what 
 they were doing. Immediately after the crime they were 
 willing enough to talk, and it is possible that some of 
 them may have exaggerated the details of their crime in 
 a boastful spirit. But even if their veracity could be 
 relied upon, their recollection would still remain open to 
 
 GARDENS 
 
 
 
 GUARD-HOUSE 
 
 NEW PALACE 
 
 1 
 \ 
 
 A 
 
 -* 
 
 A. *" 
 
 - 
 
 KO 
 + c \ 
 
 *B 
 N AK 
 
 
 
 \. 
 
 L_ 
 
 QUEEN ORAGA S7 
 
 KING MILAN STREET 
 
 RUSSIAN 
 LEGATION 
 
 A A. Entrances to the palace grounds. B. Door of the palace. 
 C. Scene of the murders. 
 
 The arrows show the route of the murderers. 
 
 doubt. Later on, when there was talk of punishment 
 being exacted by Europe, their lips were sealed and much 
 milder versions were spread abroad, though even they 
 were sufficiently horrible. 
 
 One of the greatest heroes of this awful hour was 
 General Lazar Petrovich, the King's favourite aide-de- 
 camp, who remained faithful to the last. Naumovich 
 had attempted to drug him, but without complete success. 
 He was awakened by the shots in the courtyard and went 
 
106 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 to the door of the palace in a half -dazed condition. 
 Hearing the murderers clamouring for admission, he ran 
 to the telephone to summon help, but found that the 
 wires had been cut. Then came the dynamite explosion, 
 whereby the front door was burst open. Either he then 
 cut the electric wires, in order to baffle the conspirators 
 by plunging the palace in darkness, or else the lighting 
 apparatus was destroyed by the explosion. 
 
 A parley seems to have ensued, while some of the con- 
 spirators were sent across the road to demand candles 
 from the nearest house. General Petrovich calmly inquired 
 what was the meaning of this intrusion. The officers 
 replied that they had come to demand the King's abdica- 
 tion and the expulsion of Draga. They pointed out that 
 resistance was useless, and some of them forced their way 
 at once to the royal bed-chamber, where neither the King 
 nor the Queen could be found. Returning to General 
 Petrovich, they threatened to shoot him at once unless 
 he revealed the hiding-place of their Majesties. Realising 
 that everything might be gained by delay, he replied that 
 they had taken refuge in the cellars. 
 
 Here some two hours were passed groping about in the 
 semi-darkness, the general doing all he possibly could to 
 gain time. The keys of the cellars had to be found, and 
 this was made as difficult as possible. Then the gang of 
 officers had to search every hole and corner, peering into 
 recesses, overturning barrels and ransacking the whole 
 place. They grew more and more wildly exasperated, 
 but the general, perfectly calm, kept up the pretence of 
 assisting their search. At last it became perfectly obvious 
 that the victims were not in the cellars, and the officers 
 returned upstairs to the palace, killing General Petrovich 
 on the staircase. 
 
REGICIDE 107 
 
 Meanwhile, the King and Queen had taken refuge in 
 the little room where the Queen kept her dresses. While 
 the search was going on in the cellars, the King went to the 
 window, tore a curtain right off, broke the glass, cutting 
 his fingers as he did so, and shouted to the soldiers outside 
 to come to his rescue. They, however, had been told 
 that the officers in the palace were protecting the King 
 against a conspiracy set on foot by Draga. So they paid 
 no attention to the call of their Sovereign, but remained 
 patiently where they were. 
 
 Even then, after the King had appeared at the window, 
 there seemed, oddly enough, still no clue to the where- 
 abouts of the victims. The officers came back to the 
 royal bedroom, probing about with their swords and 
 firing shots wildly in every direction. At last they 
 dragged out the King's personal servant and threatened 
 him with instant death if he did not reveal the hiding- 
 place. He drew their attention to a knob in the wall 
 behind the bed. This was the handle of the hidden door 
 to the wardrobe, but it would not work, as the King and 
 Queen had bolted themselves in. Axes were fetched and 
 the door was broken open. The King and Queen were 
 now at the mercy of their murderers. 
 
 According to one story, Colonel Mishich called upon 
 the King to abdicate, whereupon he replied, " I am not 
 King Milan, and I give you to understand that I shall 
 not be overawed by a handful of officers " ; then Angel- 
 kovich, Lazarevich, Dimitrievich, Radivokevich and Trip- 
 kovich fired the first shots. 
 
 According to another story, the Queen begged piteously 
 for her life, but the King uttered no word. He embraced 
 the Queen, made the sign of the cross, and they fell to- 
 gether, the King riddled with thirty-six bullets, the Queen 
 
108 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 with fourteen ; then the executioners stabbed the helpless 
 lady as she lay on the ground, some of them insulting her 
 body by indecent gestures with their swords. 
 
 According to yet another version, Colonel Mishich first 
 entered the closet alone. He found the King clad only in 
 a pair of trousers and a red silk shirt, while the Queen wore 
 a petticoat, a pair of white silk stays and one yellow silk 
 stocking. She stood in one corner, cowering among her 
 clothes. The King was trying to shield her and showed 
 no sign of fear. Without a word Mishich shot him in 
 the neck with an explosive bullet. The Queen rushed 
 forward to support the King, who had sunk to the ground. 
 Mishich then withdrew, and was succeeded by Colonel 
 Mashin, who had stipulated for the privilege of killing 
 his sister-in-law. He fired at the Queen but missed her. 
 Then Lieutenant Saurich shot over his shoulder and hit 
 her in the breasts. Then the following officers broke in : 
 Mishich, Kostich, Popovich, Bora Gruich, Tripkovich, 
 Milivojevich, Matievich, Radakovich, Dimitrievich, and 
 Kicha. They fired a number of shots at the King and 
 Queen, and hacked her with their swords, gashing her 
 face and arms, and cutting open her stomach. After 
 stabbing the King in the face many times, they took up 
 both bodies and flung them into the gardens through the 
 window. 
 
 The following additional detail was given by the corre- 
 spondent of the " Daily Telegraph " : 
 
 In the palace garden I met an officer who was on service 
 in the palace on the memorable night. He is a low-sized, 
 vulgar - looking man, with sun -burnt skin and gleaming, 
 furtive eyes. We asked him whether he could give us details 
 of the death of the King and Queen. He replied, " Certainly, 
 that I can, because I myself had an active part in it. My 
 
REGICIDE 109 
 
 name is Vojislav Neshich, I am an adjutant and was attached 
 to the palace guard on the night of June 10. I am the 
 officer who, when the electric light was turned off in the 
 apartments of the palace, volunteered to fetch a candle to 
 light my colleagues. Having done this, I took part in 
 putting the King and Queen to death, accompanying my 
 comrades into the bedroom and then into a narrow little 
 apartment serving as the Queen's wardrobe. We were 
 terribly excited and hardly knew how we killed the two. 
 What I do recollect is that, when we discovered them, we 
 drew our sabres and hewed off the fingers of the King and 
 Queen. The King had only a thumb left ; I don't know how 
 many fingers were cut off the Queen's hands. But the whole 
 thing was the work of a few seconds, for we then levelled our 
 revolvers and fired." 
 
 Mishich told a correspondent of a Berlin paper that he 
 demanded the King's abdication before firing. But even 
 if this be true, it does not prove that he intended to spare 
 him. He probably thought that, in case of a trial, it 
 would be found a more serious offence to have slain a 
 reigning monarch than one who had gone through the 
 form of abdication. Questioned as to the details of the 
 crime, he added : 
 
 There were many of us, and it is impossible to know 
 whether I or another fired the first shot at the King. The 
 main point is that our work succeeded. We have rendered f 
 the Fatherland immense service and are well satisfied with 
 our success. 
 
 Out of all these confused reports two facts stand clear. 
 The murders were committed with the utmost barbarity, 
 such as would not be expected in the most savage country, 
 and King Alexander in his hour of trial comported himself 
 with heroic courage. 
 
110 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 After the bodies had been thrown out of the window, 
 the murderers proceeded to ransack the palace in search 
 of money. It is not known how much they found, but 
 they carried off everything of any value which they came 
 across. Jewels and nicknacks were appropriated, and the 
 King's private papers were taken away in the hope that 
 some documents might be found to prejudice public 
 opinion against him. The officers then went off to commit 
 other murders in the town, and numbers of privates 
 streamed into the palace to glean any loot which the 
 officers might have overlooked. For days and weeks after 
 the murders all sorts of mementoes of the King and 
 Queen were to be bought very cheaply from the thieves and 
 pawnbrokers in Belgrade. 
 
 The next murder was that of the Queen's brothers. 
 Fifty men were sent to their house to bring them to the 
 officers 1 quarters. On their arrival they were greeted sar- 
 castically by Kostich, the man who had signalised himself 
 by some of the worst outrages upon the body of the Queen. 
 
 " Their Majesties are now dead," said he. " The moment 
 has come for your Royal Highnesses to command. Do 
 not hesitate. We are your faithful subjects. Pray give 
 your orders. But if I may presume to advise, you will 
 not ask for more than a glass of water and a cigarette." 
 
 The brothers took his meaning, embraced one another 
 and lighted cigarettes. They were hustled into an inner 
 room. Three privates, who had been recruited from the 
 south-western part of Servia, near the Turkish border, 
 were ordered to fire but refused. Kostich turned upon 
 them in a fury and shot them down. Then he ordered 
 other privates to do the work and the brothers fell at 
 the first volley. They died like brave men. Indeed all 
 the victims died well, including the unfortunate servants, 
 
REGICIDE 111 
 
 whose only fault was attachment to their masters, and the 
 ministers who were killed in the presence of their wives 
 and families. 
 
 The murder of the ministers was scarcely less terribly 
 dramatic than that of the Sovereigns. General Tsintsar- 
 Markovich was the father of eight children. The eldest, 
 aged only twenty-one, was married to an officer named 
 Milkovich. He was killed at the palace resisting the 
 invasion of the conspirators. At this very moment his 
 wife was giving birth to a child. The expectation of this 
 event had kept the General and his wife up very late. 
 
 They were sitting together over a glass of wine and 
 the General was relating how he had tendered his re- 
 signation of the premiership and how the King desired 
 him to remain. Madame Markovich was just about to 
 go off and see her daughter when loud knocks were heard 
 at the door. 
 
 The General went down and found two officers with 
 eight soldiers standing outside. One of the two officers 
 said he wished to speak to the General, who replied that 
 it was too late and refused him admittance. 
 
 The officer then said with grim truth that he had 
 come from the King. Thereupon he was admitted. 
 
 " General, 11 he said, with some hesitation, " the King 
 and Queen have just been killed. I have soldiers outside. 
 It is useless for you to attempt to escape." 
 
 By this time the GeneraPs wife and some of his children 
 had come into the room and the officer seems to have 
 shrunk from carrying out his bloody task. He merely 
 told the Premier to consider himself under arrest, grant- 
 ing his request that Madame Markovich should be allowed 
 to go across to her daughter, who lived in a neighbour- 
 ing house. The officer then withdrew, but before Madame 
 
THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 Markovich had left the room the other officer rushed 
 upstairs and, without saying a word, shot the General 
 through the head. Then the soldiers were brought in, 
 the house was ransacked, private papers, several sums of 
 money and various articles of value were carried off. 
 
 General Pavlovich had done little or nothing to arouse 
 the hostility of the conspirators, but he was known to 
 have a large sum of money in his house and it was deter- 
 mined to kill him in order to obtain it. He was sitting 
 with his family at the time. His little house was close to 
 the palace and the family had doubtless been aroused by 
 the noise of firing and dynamite. From the street he could 
 be seen sitting close to the window. An officer called out 
 to him that he was wanted at the palace immediately. 
 
 He looked out of the window and saw some one aiming 
 a revolver at him. Returning to the room, he picked up 
 his own revolver and fired at his assailants. They replied 
 and he fell dead at once by the window. Then they broke 
 in and took away everything of value which they could find. 
 
 Todorovich, Minister of the Interior, was more fortunate. 
 Indeed he appears to have been the only one of the 
 intended victims who contrived to escape on this fatal 
 night. He was sitting in his dining-room with his 
 wife and children. A very young lieutenant rang the 
 bell, brushed past the servant, and ran into the room 
 where the minister was. 
 
 He exclaimed breathlessly, "There has been a revolution. 
 The King and Queen have been murdered. You are no 
 longer a minister."" 
 
 Todorovich's son ran out of the room to telephone to 
 General Tsintsar-Markovich, but the lieutenant prevented 
 him and then came back to the dining-room trying to 
 make up his mind to carry out his instructions and murder 
 
REGICIDE 113 
 
 the minister. After some hesitation, however, he returned 
 to the comrades who were awaiting him outside and said, 
 " I cannot do it. He is there with his family. They are 
 all friends of mine. I have often danced with one of the 
 daughters. I cannot kill her father under her very eyes." 
 
 Another young officer then brushed him aside and, rush- 
 ing in with a revolver, fired two shots, which struck the 
 minister in the breast. He fell to the ground insensible, 
 but later on, when surgeons could be sent for, the bullets 
 were extracted, and, after lingering between life and death 
 for several weeks, he recovered. 
 
 Meanwhile the bodies of the King and Queen lay for 
 two hours in the garden. According to one story, the 
 King remained alive for a long time, writhing in agony, 
 but this seems unlikely, in view of the great number of 
 wounds which he had received. Towards dawn, the 
 Russian Minister, Charikof, who lives immediately across 
 the road and had been watching the proceedings from 
 behind his blinds, 1 went across with his servants and ordered 
 the bodies to be taken into the palace. As this was about 
 to be done, one of the officers, who was hovering about, 
 sent for the hose and had it turned on to the bodies to 
 remove the coagulated blood. 
 
 They were then laid upon the kitchen table and some 
 surgeons, who had been hurriedly sent for, were instructed 
 to hold a post-mortem. An official account of their 
 investigation was published, containing a number of 
 medical details, intended to prove that the King was insane 
 and that the Queen could never have had a child. 
 
 Persons who saw the bodies have stated that their 
 appearance was terrible. In spite of all the wounds on her 
 
 1 Like Moray* who watched Rizzio's murder "through his 
 hands." 
 
114 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 face, an expression of agony could still be seen on the 
 Queen's features. The King's face was much swollen and 
 almost blue, whether from the fall out of the window or 
 from kicks which he received when lying on the ground, it 
 is impossible to say. The fingers of both were cut to 
 pieces. 
 
 After the autopsy, the King's body was dressed in black 
 civilian clothes, that of the Queen in a pale pink costume. 
 Guards were placed outside^ the palace all day, but all 
 sorts of people were allowed to come in and gaze upon the 
 royal victims. Those who did so appear to have been for 
 the most part enemies of the dynasty. Many made 
 insulting remarks, and some went so far as to spit upon 
 the bodies. 
 
 In the evening coffins were brought and some policemen 
 were ordered by the officers present to put the bodies in. 
 As they were doing this gently and reverently, one of the 
 officers exclaimed, " Make haste, will you ? I can't waste 
 my time like this. Fling the dogs in anyhow, and if they 
 won't go in trample them down with your feet." The 
 policeman, who seems to have possessed some human feel- 
 ings, paid no attention to this order, whereupon the 
 officer pushed him aside and trampled upon the bodies 
 himself. The policeman, when relating the incident, 
 remarked that he felt sorely tempted to fire upon this 
 brute. 
 
 The poor shattered bodies having thus been flung into 
 their coffins, a number was affixed to each for official 
 identification. Late at night a cart arrived. It was the 
 one usually employed for conveying the bodies of suicides 
 and murderers to the cemetery. For some reason or other 
 the coffins could not be placed in it, so two other carts 
 were procured, one generally used for taking smallpox 
 
REGICIDE 115 
 
 patients to the hospital and the other for conveying their 
 clothes to be disinfected. 
 
 At half-past one in the morning of the 12th of June 
 the funeral took place. The infected carts were driven 
 through a back gate of the palace to the old Cemetery of 
 S. Mark, where some of the obscurer members of the 
 Obrenovich family had been buried. As the procession 
 passed the stables, the King's horse neighed very loudly, 
 as though aware in some mysterious way of what was 
 taking place. Two popes read the burial service very 
 hurriedly in the presence of a few officers and a number of 
 policemen. No high ecclesiastic was present nor any 
 friend or relative of the unhappy victims. Two rough 
 wooden crosses have been stuck carelessly into the ground 
 outside the tombs, with the simple inscriptions, " Alexander 
 Obrenovich " and " Draga Obrenovich." x 
 
 The traitor Naumovich was buried on the same day 
 with full military honours, and an official notice described 
 htm as " dying on the field of honour for his Fatherland."" 
 
 After the defenestration, while some of the officers were 
 despatching the ministers, wild demonstrations took place 
 in the streets. The first intimation of the news was 
 conveyed by Lieutenant Gruich and a few of his comrades, 
 who galloped about waving their swords and screaming out 
 hoarsely that " the tyrants " had fallen. Other assassins 
 
 1 On All Souls' Day it is usual for the popes to recite a prayer, 
 burn some incense and bless every grave, even those of paupers. 
 In 1903 this ceremony would have been omitted at the graves of 
 the late Sovereigns had not the poor women of Belgrade repaired 
 to S. Mark's and compelled a pope to do his duty. When he 
 pronounced the words, " May God give peace to His servants King 
 Alexander and Queen Draga," the whole congregation wept loudly 
 and bitterly, and one by one they bent down to kiss the simple 
 crosses which mark the last resting-place of the royal victims. 
 
116 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 were carried about in triumph on people's shoulders. 
 Soldiers occupied all the streets. Guns were drawn up in 
 front of the palace. Soldiers' horses and cannon were all 
 decorated with evergreen and many of the officers had 
 replaced the little discs, bearing King Alexander's mono- 
 gram, with flowers and tricolour cockades. 
 
 Zhivkovich, the Radical leader, drove about in one 
 of the court carriages, stopping every now and then to 
 harangue the people in impassioned tones, announcing that 
 the golden age had set in and that the country had been 
 saved from the hands of oppressors. Early in the day 
 policemen were sent round to every householder with 
 orders to put out flags and decorations and bright red 
 carpets. No one seems to have dared to refuse and the 
 partisans of the late dynasty were so utterly terrorised that 
 no protest was possible. Even the houses where the 
 murdered ministers lay dead were not spared, and the 
 families of the victims were compelled to put out emblems 
 
 of joy- 
 All day long, gangs of noisy young men paraded the 
 streets, going from wine-shop to wine-shop, shouting and 
 cheering and singing. Military bands were stationed in 
 the gardens and squares, playing lively music and revolu- 
 tionary anthems. The church bells pealed merrily and 
 guns fired off salutes from the fortress. 
 
 Similar demonstrations were enforced all over the 
 country, except at Shabats, where the partisans of the late 
 King were sufficiently numerous to hold out for a while. 
 At Semendria, where the King had a villa, the first news 
 which arrived merely conveyed the fact that the King and 
 Queen had been killed. Thereupon every one went into 
 mourning and the houses were hung with black drapery. 
 Later in the day, however, details of the revolution were 
 
BELGRADE AFTER THE MURDERS. 
 
 PLATE VIII. 
 
REGICIDE 117 
 
 received, the black draperies were taken down, and bright 
 flags were put up in their place. 
 
 It must not be supposed, however, that the people as 
 a whole sympathised with, or in any way endorsed, these 
 terrible events. Now that the excitement and terror have 
 somewhat abated and people venture to express their 
 opinions with greater freedom, there are no feelings save 
 those of regret, except among the murderers and the 
 extreme Radicals. A few weeks after the deed I received 
 a letter from a friend of mine, who had often expressed 
 to me his strong disapproval of Queen Draga and her 
 elevation to the throne. He wrote to me, "It is very 
 difficult for me to answer your question " (as to the way in 
 which the murders had been received in Servia), " but I 
 know you will not need to be assured as to the sentiments 
 of your many friends in this country." 
 
 Even so it is astounding that a whole people, whose 
 vast majority was undoubtedly loyal, should have been 
 forced into a condonation of this hideous crime and 
 should have submitted to be terrorised into an appearance 
 of rejoicing over it. The ease with which the conspiracy was 
 carried out is doubtless explained by the fact, that the con- 
 spirators were extraordinarily cunning and had laid their 
 plans with the craft of the Devil, while the King and his 
 faithful subjects, having too great a faith in human nature, 
 were taken unawares. But I fail to understand how it 
 happened that the news of the murders did not provoke 
 civil war. 
 
 The only attempt in that direction occurred soon after 
 the King had been seen at his window calling for help. 
 Colonel Dimitref Nikolich, the Commander of the Danube 
 Division, received an intimation of what was happening 
 and, leaping on to his horse, galloped off to bring the 8th 
 
118 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 Infantry Regiment to the rescue. He was met by Colonel 
 Gagovich, who politely inquired where he was going. 
 Colonel Nikolich told him, whereupon the other replied 
 that he could not permit it. An angry altercation ensued 
 and Nikolich was severely wounded. 
 
 The murderers, not content with planning all the 
 details of their crime, had made every arrangement for 
 taking over the reins of government immediately after- 
 wards. Avakumovich, the Liberal leader, was met at the 
 station on his return from the country a few hours after 
 the murders. He heard the particulars of the crime with 
 every appearance of astonishment, and when informed that 
 he had been appointed Premier of a Provisional Govern- 
 ment by the regicides, his first impulse was to refuse. 
 However, after conversation with some of the leaders of 
 the conspiracy, he gave way and put his signature to the 
 following proclamation, which had already been prepared : 
 
 To the Servian People. Last night the King and Queen 
 were shot. In this grave and fateful moment, the friends of 
 the Fatherland have combined to form a new Government. 
 While the Government makes this announcement to the 
 people, it is convinced that the Servian people will gather 
 round it and lend it their aid to maintain order and security 
 throughout the land. The Government hereby makes known 
 that from to-day the Constitution of April 6, 1901 comes 
 into force. The meeting of national representatives dis- 
 solved by the proclamation of March 24 is summoned to meet 
 in Belgrade on June 15. 
 
 (Signed) Jovan Avakumovich (Premier without portfolio), 
 Ljubomir Kaljevich (Minister of Foreign Affairs), Stojan 
 Protich (Minister of the Interior), George Genchich (Minister 
 of Commerce), General Jovan Atanazkovich (Minister of 
 War), Vojislav Veljkovich (Minister of Finance), Colonel 
 
REGICIDE 119 
 
 Alexander Mashin (Minister of Public Works), Professor 
 tjubomir Stojanovich (Minister of Public Worship), Ljubomir 
 Zhivkovich (Minister of Justice). 
 
 It is difficult to tell how many of these persons were 
 privy to the plot. According to an Austrian newspaper, 
 Avakumovich had been promised 2000, Zhivkovich 
 480, and other patriotic politicians smaller sums if they 
 would give their countenance to the crime. 
 
 Many of the officers also had insisted upon blood- 
 money. Colonel Naumovich alone received anything in 
 advance. Although King Alexander had recently made 
 him a present of 250 to settle some pressing debts, he 
 had no hesitation in haggling with the men who were 
 plotting to kill his benefactor, the friend of his child- 
 hood. He told them that he would not stir a finger unless 
 he received ,1000 down and another 1000 after the 
 event. The first 1000 was duly paid, but Providence 
 prevented him from living to enjoy the rest of his wage. 
 
 Colonel Mashin received 1200, Colonel Mishich 960, 
 Colonel Solarevich 960, and Captain Kostich, whose 
 behaviour was most infamous of all, also 960. Kostich 
 had no sort of grievance against the King or Queen, and 
 joined the conspiracy merely for greed of gain. He had 
 not only dissipated all his own money before the murders, 
 but had also taken out his wife^s dowry from the Bank of 
 Servia and squandered it in gambling. The day after the 
 murder he was able to replace the missing amount in the 
 Bank and is doubtless highly esteemed by his friends and 
 brother officers for his probity. The younger officers 
 received sums varying from 80 to 200. 
 
 The total sum paid out in rewards for the crime 
 amounted to 12,000 ten thousand times thirty pieces 
 of Servian silver. 
 
CHAPTER VIII 
 
 IN olden days all Sovereigns, however much they might 
 differ in questions of policy, however greedily they might 
 covet each other's dominions, still recognised a practical 
 brotherhood, a common interest in the maintenance of 
 authority. Wrongs done to any one of their order were 
 resented as an outrage to all ; the demise of any Crown 
 plunged every civilised Court into mourning. Now 
 another spirit seems to prevail; a mask of diplomatic 
 indifference is worn in high places, and the expression 
 of national sympathies is left to the man in the street. 
 A bloody tragedy, almost unparalleled in the history of 
 civilised man, has occurred in a European capital. A 
 patriotic young King, his fair consort, his chief ministers 
 and his faithful servants have been butchered with 
 inhuman atrocity ; the murderers have gloried in their 
 infamy; and a terrorised populace has seemed to ac- 
 quiesce with decorated houses and blaring bands. No 
 thrill of horror has been manifested by the " dear 
 brothers " and " cousins " of the royal victims ; on the 
 very day of the holocaust, when the mangled corpses of 
 a King and Queen were being exposed to jthe outrages 
 of frenzied fiends, there was never a pause in the pomp 
 
 120 
 
A "GLORIOUS REVOLUTION" 
 
 and circumstance and revelry of European Courts. But 
 the ghastly details of the deed have appealed to the 
 melodramatic instincts of the vulgar, arousing a morbid 
 indignation throughout every land. 
 
 What honest person could fail to be stirred by the story 
 of the conspirators, sitting over their wine under the 
 verandah of the Srbski Kruna, uproariously urging the 
 gipsy band to play Queen Draga^s March before they 
 sallied forth to hack her to pieces with their swords ; by 
 the airy apologies of the baffled murderers when they 
 roused a citizen for axes and candles, wherewith to track 
 down their victims in the sleeping palace ; by the thought 
 of the ill-starred young Sovereigns lying in their own 
 gardens, riddled with bullets, sighing through the small 
 hours for the long-delayed relief of death ? In the pages 
 of ancient or mediaeval history, even in sensational fiction, 
 such hellish horrors could not fail to arouse intense emo- 
 tion ; in the cold glare of the twentieth century they are 
 brought home so vividly that we are almost eye-witnesses. 
 The question remains whether democracy or oligarchy shall 
 pass judgment; whether public sentiment or political 
 opportunism shall prevail. Under international lynch law, 
 Servia would already have been put to the sword. But 
 your sober diplomatist is ever eager to let ill alone. Times 
 have changed since exaggerated rumours of repression in 
 the Christian provinces of Turkey could stagger ministries 
 or invoke European wars. Enthusiasm in high places is 
 dead, and facts must be faced. The first of these facts is 
 that civilised Governments are moved only by self-interest, 
 whether it be a chance of national aggrandisement or an 
 instinct of self-preservation. But the peoples retain power 
 to insist upon justice as well as injustice, and they must 
 surely now raise their voices or for ever hold their peace. 
 
122 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 The Servian outrage preaches many lessons in political 
 philosophy. It presents the issue between anarchy and 
 international action. Almost anywhere in Europe to-day, 
 the humblest and most infamous are protected. Kill an 
 armed burglar and you may be sentenced for manslaughter ; 
 to avenge injured honour you must content yourself with 
 civil process. But a handful of besotted desperadoes may 
 wipe out a dynasty, and the partisans of some obscure 
 pretender will acclaim them as heroes. A monarch may 
 toil from sunrise to cock-crow, lavish all his wisdom and 
 energy for the benefit of ungrateful subjects, sacrifice ease, 
 independence, health and happiness in a supreme effort of 
 unselfishness, but he knows all the time that he has taken 
 his life in his hands, and that, if prodigal sons compass 
 his destruction, they may go scot-free. This is intolerable, 
 for, in the case of a weak king, it inspires timidity or 
 shifty intrigue; in the case of a strong king, it makes 
 ruthlessness a vital necessity. Sors tertia constitutional- 
 ism manet, but even that is not an absolute safeguard 
 against assassination ; nor is it adaptable to the needs of 
 every nation. 
 
 It is all very well to propose that Servia should be left 
 to work out her own damnation. But a terrible precedent 
 will be set and a demoralising influence will be let loose 
 upon the world, if the Belgrade regicides are allowed to go 
 unpunished. The Tsar has made one effort in the Utopian 
 direction of universal peace. He would do a far more 
 practical service to the public weal if he would now convoke 
 a conference to make regicide henceforth impossible. With 
 a resolute determination on the part of the leading Powers, 
 the task would be an easy one. The Servian murderers 
 are merely a variety of Anarchist, and the whole foundations 
 of society are threatened by a further development of the 
 
A "GLORIOUS REVOLUTION" 
 
 Anarchist evil. The commonest interest of self-preservation 
 should band together the rulers of the earth to resist an 
 insidious political disease, whose possible ravages are still 
 far from being appreciated. If the officers who betrayed 
 their trust and the politicians who endorsed their diabolical 
 atrocities are to go unpunished and even to profit by their 
 crimes, every criminal conspiracy will be reduced to a mere 
 game of chance, so long as a ruler is the adversary. A 
 desperado can afford to play for high stakes when he has 
 only his worthless life to hazard against unlimited power 
 and wealth and distinction. 
 
 I am not now proving that rebellion can never be 
 justified. But the Servian outrage admits of no palliation. 
 Let us consider the career of King Alexander and Queen 
 Draga and even admit for the moment all the most heinous 
 charges which have been alleged against them. To what 
 do they amount ? Let us hear the Devil's advocate. He 
 may tell us that the King was autocratic, that the Queen 
 was autocratic and immoral, that a conspiracy was afoot to 
 proclaim her brother heir-presumptive. I do not believe 
 any of these charges, but even if they could be proved 
 up to the hilt, they would not justify massacre or even 
 exclude pity. The question of the succession was an open 
 one, for the House of Kara George had been tried and 
 found wanting, and there remained no living descendant of 
 an Obrenovich ruler. It was important to choose an heir, 
 and every one was free to make suggestions as his conscience 
 might prompt him. The Prince of Montenegro fostered a 
 handful of partisans, but his election would have meant a 
 subjugation of Servia, and those who resent autocracy would 
 have found his little finger thicker than the loins of King 
 Alexander. Prince Mirko was mentioned, and he possessed 
 a claim as well from his own personal qualities as from his 
 
THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 marriage with a beautiful and accomplished cousin of the 
 Royal House, Mile. Constantinovich. Various old families, 
 descended from the Vojvodes, might have furnished plausible 
 candidates. The question was so widely open that there 
 could have been no treason in any suggestion, whether it 
 came from the gutter or the palace. If the King and Queen 
 did propose Nikodem Lunjevitsa, it does not follow that 
 they were unpatriotic. A woman will run risks, perhaps 
 even sacrifice her honour, for the child of her loins, but 
 who ever heard of one who went out of her way to invite 
 odium for the sake of a brother ? The fraternal relation- 
 ship is sometimes friendly, but never romantic. When I 
 conversed with Queen Draga, I was vastly impressed by 
 her conspicuous common -sense. It is obvious that, if 
 she had not had confidence in her brother, she would 
 never have dreamed of suggesting his succession. Assum- 
 ing he was undesirable, he would either have become a 
 conspirator during her husband's life or failed to hold his 
 own when the time came for him to ascend the throne. 
 She had nothing to gain unless he possessed the makings 
 of a strong king. 
 
 Nor would King Alexander have assented to the 
 nomination of an unsuitable heir. He loved his wife 
 intensely ; he was only happy when he pleased her, but he 
 never sacrificed the good of his realm and people to her 
 whims; nor indeed was he ever called upon to do so. 
 I have seen him a hundred times, I have conversed with 
 him intimately, and I believe I gauged his character with 
 some accuracy. He was above all things a patriot; he 
 laboured incessantly, unremittingly, with infinite pains 
 and brilliant foresight, to do his duty to his people. He 
 must have known his brother-in-law's character and would 
 never have dreamed of encouraging hopes of inheritance 
 
A "GLORIOUS REVOLUTION" 
 
 unless he was absolutely convinced of the young man's 
 efficiency. That being so, the charge amounts to this : 
 that the King and Queen proposed to nominate an heir 
 who was worthy of occupying the throne. It must be 
 remembered that he came of an old Vojvode stock and 
 was anything but an upstart. Many Servians have said 
 to me that they welcomed Draga as their Queen because, 
 instead of being an expensive alien princess, she was the 
 offspring of their national heroes, she cherished patriotic 
 ideas, she had simple tastes, and she could enter into the 
 feelings of the nation, whose blood was in her veins. 
 What could be argued in her favour was equally applic- 
 able to her brother. At any rate, he would not come to 
 them as a stranger, like the Princes of the Black Mountain, 
 who were cousins rather than sons of Servia, or the 
 descendants of Black George, who had forgotten much 
 and learned nothing during years of ignominious exile. 
 To propose him to the national assembly as heir might have 
 been a blunder, but would not have been a crime. Even if 
 we are to assume a packed Skupshtina, no great danger 
 had been threatened to the will or welfare of the people : 
 if he had not earned popularity or possessed power, he 
 would have had no ghost of a chance of succeeding, 
 however confidently he might have been supported by 
 the King, however enthusiastically he might have been 
 acclaimed by an unrepresentative assembly. Moreover, 
 while King Alexander lived, the position of heir-pre- 
 sumptive remained an inoffensive sinecure. In any case, 
 the cowardly murder of Nikodem affords a tribute to his 
 strength. If he were merely his sister's puppet and 
 nominee, he might safely have been allowed to depart in 
 peace ; if he remained a danger to the revolutionary settle- 
 ment after the murders in the palace, he must have 
 
126 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 possessed influence and popularity with the people. As a 
 matter of fact, his candidature was never put forward 
 seriously, and the clamours against it were merely pre- 
 texts for discrediting the crown by insinuating designs 
 akin to nepotism. 
 
 Likewise the clamours against the Queen were mere 
 sporadic explosions of jealousy. In every country ruled by 
 a young Sovereign many hearts flutter with extravagant 
 ambitions. A bevy of beauties adorned the Servian Court 
 when Queen Nathalie presided over its destinies. If ever 
 the King engaged one of them in conversation for a few 
 minutes longer than another, all manner of rumours 
 were instantly afloat. Had he married a foreign princess, 
 his Queen would have commanded respect as a being of a 
 superior caste, and assuredly if her blood had been shed it 
 would not have cried for vengeance in vain. But when 
 the news came that he had chosen a daughter of his own 
 people to share his throne, a hundred damsels protested 
 their own superior charms, wagging their tongues in im- 
 potent calumnies unceasingly. In ordinary life and ordi- 
 nary countries the expression of such disappointment is 
 short-lived. But at Belgrade it gathered volume every 
 week and month and year, though the simple, modest, 
 genial Queen certainly did nothing to feed the torrent. 
 She had her own views of political right and wrong, and 
 her character was strong enough to support them. But 
 no impartial critic could blame her public actions. As for 
 her private life before she ascended the throne, it concerns 
 no one but the King, who gave her his love, and the 
 people, who acclaimed her as enthusiastically as they pre- 
 sently acclaimed her butchers. Had she been the most 
 abandoned of her sex in the days of her poverty, it were 
 only charitable to pass the sponge of oblivion over her 
 
A "GLORIOUS REVOLUTION" 127 
 
 past, remembering only that she enjoyed the confidence of 
 her Consort and shared, perhaps even inspired, his labours 
 for the national welfare. I suppose that, in every land, 
 reflections on a woman's honour are bound to excite 
 prejudice, and the prejudice is quite independent of the 
 truth or falsehood of the charges. In criminal trials, at 
 least in England, a stray suspicion of loose living almost 
 suffices to secure a woman's conviction for murder. Let us 
 then condescend to the Puritan and argue a point, which 
 should be held irrelevant in polite society. When I was in 
 Belgrade in the autumn of 1902, 1 sifted many stories about 
 the Queen and cross-examined their authors. Some com- 
 plained that she had been unduly intimate with the King 
 before marriage; but others reproached her for craft in 
 withholding her favours until she had thereby secured her 
 crown. Others alleged that she had always been catholic 
 in her affections, but the only evidence was that of boastful 
 men, who posed as universal conquerors, and even this was 
 mere rumour or hearsay. One braggart was particularly 
 quoted, but I learned that his utmost pretension amounted 
 to an exchange of kisses in one of the parlour games which 
 are universal at evening parties in Belgrade. He had 
 jested about a Queen's kisses much as a schoolboy once 
 announced that he had kicked the future King of Spain. 
 There was not sufficient proof against the Queen to con- 
 demn a dog, and it is easy to understand the King's anger 
 when irresponsible busybodies warned him against her 
 character at the time of their betrothal. It is all very 
 well to argue that there is no smoke without fire, but that 
 is to ignore the depths of feminine spite. Her critics 
 were a mere gang of voluble women, who primed their 
 friends with interminable scandals and fanned the flames 
 of every malcontent, from the inefficient subaltern to the 
 
128 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 insubordinate politician in disgrace. No doubt Caesar's 
 wife ought to be above suspicion, but that is impossible 
 without some charity among Caesar's female subjects. 
 
 The charge of despotism is more important. Draga 
 certainly exercised considerable influence over her loving 
 lord : no one with her square chin and decided views could 
 play the puppet even in an Oriental land, where the sub- 
 jection of women remains almost an article of faith. In 
 every Servian household, except the few diplomatic families, 
 who have acquired exotic ideas, wives and daughters are 
 expected to fetch and carry, remain standing in the pres- 
 ence of their men and dine together on the fragments 
 that remain after dinner. It is easy to imagine the horror 
 likely to be aroused among men brought up in such an 
 atmosphere, when they heard that their King actually con- 
 sulted his consort on affairs of State, had even been known 
 to take her advice. The shock to the nation would be 
 infinitely greater than if all the slanders of disappointed 
 damsels had been proved in open court. The fact that 
 her counsels were wise and moderate and generous would 
 in no way extenuate the enormity of her presumption in 
 holding opinions at all. Open immorality might easily 
 have been condoned, but character and courage in a 
 woman were held to be positively indecent. Yet her 
 influence was always on the side of harmony and kindness. 
 She was a proud woman and felt insult acutely ; but when 
 the King, in his righteous indignation, desired to order 
 the arrest of her persistent traducers, she stayed his hand, 
 pleading successfully that they were beneath contempt. 
 Had she been Sovereign in her own right, she could not 
 have failed to arouse admiration by her statesmanship, 
 insight and tact. She was highly accomplished, well read 
 and deeply versed in the intricacies of foreign politics. 
 
A "GLORIOUS REVOLUTION' 1 129 
 
 But whatever influence she possessed was due to her sym- 
 pathetic nature, and she never aspired to be more than a 
 helpmeet. The King not only carried out his own policy 
 but initiated it also. 
 
 How far he aspired at autocracy is a matter of opinion. 
 Any one who knows the Servian character must admit 
 that the nation requires resolute government. Constitu- 
 tional rule has been tried and found wanting in Servia. 
 For nearly a century, ever since her emancipation, the 
 Sovereigns of the little state have made every political 
 experiment, from the iron despotism of Milosh to the raw 
 democracy of 1888, which the revolution has now resusci- 
 tated. A cursory perusal of Servian history suffices to 
 measure the welfare of Servia by the vigour of authority. 
 This is no matter of theory, inspired by prejudice, 
 but may be proved by facts to any impartial person. 
 King Alexander, like every one else, could not fail to 
 realise the national need of strong government, but he 
 made every allowance for the prejudice of his subjects. 
 His ear was always open to any man or party with a 
 grievance; he was readily accessible to all classes and 
 listened with the utmost patience to every suggestion; 
 and the mass of the people was by no means ungrateful. 
 Wherever I went in my travels through the country, I 
 heard nothing but good of him : praise of his tact, admira- 
 tion for his talents, enthusiasm for his warm heart and 
 personal charm. 
 
 The late revolution was not the handiwork of Servia. 
 It was engineered by the low cunning of a handful of dis- 
 credited ruffians. Examine the list of the conspirators and 
 provisional ministry : not a single name is associated with 
 an honourable career or any deed of distinction. Gaol- 
 birds, bankrupts, needy lawyers and gutter journalists are 
 
130 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 the new rulers of Servia, maintained in parlous authority 
 by a gang of drunken young officers, half maddened by 
 their taste of blood. We are not to believe that the 
 nation, or even the army, participated in the recent crime. 
 The nation knew nothing of it until the whole tragedy was 
 over. Then a reign of terror set in and the unarmed 
 populace was impotent to protest ; even the decencies of 
 mourning were forcibly prohibited and orders were carried 
 out enforcing signs of hollow joy. In every town and 
 village the prefects and their subordinates were compelled 
 to do the work of the regicides and coerce opinion. It is 
 impossible not to marvel over the diabolical craft which 
 has ordered the after-effects of the holocaust. No man in 
 Servia could call his soul or his thoughts his own. The 
 faintest show of disapproval would have meant instant 
 death. Later on, no doubt, we shall learn the full tale of 
 the victims. At present I only know that at least twenty 
 private citizens were put to death in Belgrade within the 
 first few days of revolutionary rule. The simple procedure 
 was to enter a man's house, shoot him through the head 
 and then calmly announce that he had committed suicide 
 for some disgraceful reason. The whole story reads like a 
 grossly improbable romance. I could understand a people 
 being terrorised by a determined army, but it seems almost 
 incredible that a people and an army should have been so 
 completely overawed by a few hundred desperadoes. None 
 of the superior officers knew anything of the plot; the 
 privates had to obey orders when they surrounded the 
 palace and, until the deed was done, they probably 
 imagined that they had been called out to protect their 
 King. Even when they learned what had happened, they 
 were without leaders or initiative, and were forced into a 
 sullen acquiescence. Many officers were horror-struck when 
 
A "GLORIOUS REVOLUTION" 131 
 
 they heard what had happened, but it was too late to do 
 anything, for all the army organisation was in the hands 
 of the conspirators. One faithful colonel, Miloslav Zhiva- 
 novich (let his name go down to posterity), was found to 
 have warned the King. He was shot in cold blood, and 
 the news went forth that he had committed suicide in con- 
 sequence of pecuniary troubles. Another officer, Lazar 
 Jovanovich, who refused to rejoice over his master's murder, 
 was run through the body and his assassins announced with 
 grim cynicism that he had killed himself in mortification, 
 because he was deemed unworthy to participate in the 
 "gallant deeds'" at the palace. When the thanks of 
 Parliament and the blessings of the Metropolitan were 
 showered upon the "brave Servian army,"" those insults 
 were not directed to the nation under arms, but to a small 
 clique of criminals. How far this may absolve the kingdom 
 of blood-guiltiness is difficult to determine. We should all 
 of us esteem Servia more highly if a few hundreds of her 
 sons had protested, even though the act had cost their 
 lives. She has been accustomed to bemoan her centuries 
 of subjection to an alien rule. That is a confession of 
 weakness, but not a proof of abject, cringing cowardice 
 and eternal infamy, such as would be involved in continued 
 submission to the terrorism of bloody murderers. Allow- 
 ance must, however, be made for the sudden stupefaction. 
 Chivalry and honour cannot be altogether dead in a people 
 which has already produced so many heroes in the past. 
 I only wish that a few more brave men had now been found 
 to belie the unanimous acceptance of the most barbarous 
 crime in history. 
 
 Let me conclude with a warning. Not content with 
 taking King Alexander's life with revolting savagery, the 
 criminals have set to work to traduce his memory. They 
 
132 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 remind me of the regicide Harrison, who said of King 
 Charles L, " Let us blacken him." Mashin and his fellow- 
 murderers have expended infamous ingenuity in blackening 
 their royal victim. King Alexander died defending his 
 Queen ; they represent him cowering in a cupboard. He 
 was a prince of singular wisdom and prudence ; they suborn 
 physicians to declare that his brain betokened incipient 
 lunacy. They have gone on to discover all manner of 
 compromising documents, which they had evidently forged 
 and themselves placed in the palace. Journalists and his- 
 torians are often too ready to accept the first story that 
 comes to their hands. In judging of calumnies against 
 the unfortunate victims of the Servian tragedy, they will 
 do well to hesitate before they receive the tainted evidence 
 of crafty criminals, who possess neither consciences nor 
 scruples. 
 
CHAPTER IX 
 
 PETER KARAGEORGEVICH 
 
 THE present occupant of the Servian throne is a grand- 
 son of Kara George, and a son of Alexander Karageorgevich, 
 who reigned ingloriously from 1842 to 1858. Alexander 
 Karageorgevich was the younger son of Kara George, and 
 neither he nor Peter would have any right to the throne 
 even though the claims of their dynasty were admitted. 
 
 Peter was born at Belgrade in 1846. His father 
 cherished democratic ideas and his early education was a 
 strange one for a Crown Prince. Instead of studying with 
 tutors at the palace in solitary state, he was sent to the 
 national school, sat on a wooden bench among peasant boys, 
 played with them in the gutter, and answered to the 
 familiar name of Pera. At the age of twelve, just before 
 his father came to grief, he was sent to a boarding-school 
 in Geneva. 
 
 From time to time he came for his holidays to Hungary, 
 where Alexander Karageorgevich had a country-house 
 named Bokszeg, in the district of Arad. Here the exiled 
 family passed a rustic existence, haggling for sheep and 
 pigs in the market-place, riding about the farms and 
 superintending the details of agriculture. Old labourers 
 would come to Alexander and ask him to write their letters 
 
 133 
 
134 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 to sons in the army or relatives abroad. This duty was 
 soon delegated to Peter, who had acquired a smattering of 
 Hungarian. Sometimes a schoolmaster or bailiff would 
 look in for a game of chess or skat, but there was little 
 else to relieve the provincial monotony. Alexander seems 
 to have abandoned hope of ever returning to Servia, but 
 the boy often spoke with youthful optimism of the day 
 when he should occupy the throne of his ancestors. An 
 old man used to tease him, when he made some impossible 
 request, by saying, " You shall have that, my little son, 
 when you are King of Servia." 
 
 The Karageorgevich never made themselves popular 
 among their wealthy neighbours, but they were often 
 invited to balls in the winter-time. Peter, now a young 
 man, would push himself forward and insist on leading the 
 dances, though the ladies questioned his aptitude for the 
 part. He tried to win their sympathies by organising 
 sledge -parties and importing a fine team of dogs, but 
 received little or no encouragement, and was reduced to 
 enlisting the village maidens as his companions, bribing 
 them with ribbons and trinkets from Nagyvarad fair. 
 
 In 1863 he was withdrawn from the Geneva school and 
 sent to France, first to the Lycee of Saint Barbe and then 
 to the Military Academy of Saint Cyr. At the time of 
 the Franco-Prussian war he volunteered for the foreign 
 legion, and received from General Bourbaki a decora- 
 tion, which was not confirmed by the French Government 
 afterwards. 
 
 In 1875 he was one of the chief organisers of the revolt 
 of Bosnia against Turkey and, under the name of Captain 
 Merkunich, commanded a band of volunteers. Thanks to 
 a large provision of money, he contrived to secure a certain 
 amount of popularity, and there were many speculations 
 
PETER KARAGEORGEVICH 135 
 
 as to the identity of the unusual adventurer who was able 
 to pay his way lavishly. Still his company did not amount 
 to more than about 150 men and, though he probably 
 suffered a good many hardships, he cannot be said to have 
 accomplished very much. His object, no doubt, was to 
 excite sympathies in Servia, but the utter absence of 
 interest in his family then prevailing in that country 
 rendered his enterprise of little avail. He still corre- 
 sponded with persons asserting themselves to be his 
 partisans, but none of them enjoyed any influence and their 
 chief aim seems to have been to obtain pecuniary relief. 
 
 However, in 1878 they encouraged him .so far that he 
 determined to visit his country and see how the land lay 
 there. Proceeding to Orsova, he took a little boat and 
 crossed over to the village of Milanovats, where it is possible 
 that he may have met little Draga running about in the 
 streets. However, he did not remain there for very long, 
 for the police considered his proceedings suspicious and 
 promptly invited him to return to Hungarian territory. 
 In the course of years, however, he contrived to enlist as 
 his partisans a certain number of Servians who were dis- 
 satisfied or in disgrace. The royal house did not fear him, 
 but found him very useful as a pretext for punishing 
 political offenders. He was probably privy to a certain 
 number of plots, but King Milan used him as a figurehead 
 for many more when it suited his purpose to invent them. 
 In 1883, in 1894, and again in 1899 various prisoners were 
 convicted on a charge of conspiring in his favour. But 
 until the last year or two before his accession, he was not 
 taken seriously by any one in the country. 
 
 His life in exile was somnolent when it was not dis- 
 creditable. The greater part of the year was spent by him 
 either in his little house at Geneva or in some Swiss 
 
136 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 boarding establishment, where he sat sulking at the table 
 d'hote. From time to time he disappeared on mysterious 
 journeys, which lasted for a few days or several weeks and 
 were supposed by his intimates to have some great political 
 purpose. As a matter of fact he might generally have been 
 found during these periods seated at a gambling table or 
 loafing at a bar in one or other of the fashionable watering- 
 places of the Continent. He was not a man whose character 
 commanded respect, but he was generally shrewd enough to 
 avoid any open scandal. The nearest approach to any- 
 thing of the sort was during his residence at Cettinje, 
 when he let his house to the British Minister under 
 circumstances which called for unpleasant criticism. 
 
 He had prevailed upon the Prince of Montenegro to 
 give him his daughter Zorka in marriage, hoping for even- 
 tual support of his claims. But Prince Nicholas was far too 
 shrewd to compromise himself by supporting an impossible 
 pretender, the marriage was not a happy one, and after 
 his wife's death Peter came to an open breach with her 
 relations over a question of settlements. Prince Nicholas 
 had no patience with unsuccessful people and disliked 
 Peter's opinions and manners. 
 
 A Servian who visited Cettinje found Peter engaged in 
 a game of chess with Prince Nicholas. The Prince was 
 nervous and excitable and evidently very anxious to win 
 the game. Peter crouched with folded arms, looking every 
 inch a conspirator, as he made stealthy moves at long 
 intervals. Gradually he got the upper hand and Prince 
 Nicholas's face grew darker and darker as it became 
 more and more obvious that the game was lost. Then 
 Peter permitted himself a sinister chuckle, which gave 
 Nicholas the opportunity he desired. Rising in a fury, he 
 upset the board and left the room without a word. 
 
PETER KARAGEORGEVICH 137 
 
 Peter's children seem to have been brought up in that 
 haphazard, unsatisfactory manner which is common to the 
 children of wanderers and exiles. The daughter has spent 
 so much of her life away from her father that he is almost 
 a stranger to her, and the sons have inherited his gloomy, 
 taciturn, unsympathetic spirit. At the time of his acces- 
 sion the boys were studying at the Military Academy at 
 S. Petersburg, where, at his express wish, prompted perhaps 
 by recollections of his own education, he had insisted that 
 they should enjoy no privileges such as would be granted 
 to the sons of a Prince. Very little is known about them, 
 but they do not appear to have enjoyed any popularity 
 among their fellow -students, or to possess intellectual 
 qualities or the special aptitudes of soldiers. 
 
 Very little indeed is known about Peter himself, and 
 that little is not to his credit. In order to establish his 
 local colour, we must go to his near relations. His brother 
 Arsen was brought up with him and appears to possess a 
 similar temperament. At any rate Peter has sufficient 
 confidence in him to entrust him with the responsible 
 position of Servian Commander-in-Chief. Until the recent 
 revolution, Arsen occupied a dingy little flat in the Rue 
 Cambon in Paris. When the news came that the young 
 King and Queen of Servia had been riddled with bullets and 
 hacked to death with the swords of traitors, flung out of their 
 palace windows and subjected to the foulest insults by 
 wretches who do not deserve the name of men, Arsen, brother 
 of King Peter and trusted Commander-in-Chief of the 
 "brave Servian army," was so overcome with joy that he 
 rushed downstairs, kissed the porter's wife, and exclaimed, 
 " Madam, this is the finest day of my life." He then repaired 
 to an American bar and spent the afternoon drinking the 
 health of the assassins with a number of boon companions. 
 
138 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 The following extract from the "Temps" throws in- 
 structive light upon the upstart royal family : 
 
 " They were expecting Prince Kara last night at the 
 Bar du Helder, where the King's brother had lunch before 
 going to the races. The company composed of elegant 
 men with eyeglasses screwed into their eyes, of others less 
 elegant but no less amiable, and of women in light dresses 
 with sparkling jewels was tremulous with excitement. 
 Sprawling upon a stool, the proprietor of the place, a 
 friend of the Prince, was holding a reception over the 
 counter. All her friends had come to present their 
 homage, and, a touching idea, the whole saloon was 
 adorned with little Servian flags, whose three colours 
 (red, blue, white) floated in an atmosphere of champagne 
 cocktails. Every moment a new arrival or a new 
 client came to congratulate the mistress of the house : 
 ' Good day, Princess. 1 . . . Towards evening the Prince 
 arrived, pallid, with a bristling moustache and an open 
 hand. All rose in one movement of enthusiasm, and 
 the unanimous cry of ' Long live Kara ! Long live 
 Servia ! ' greeted his entry. Then it was the turn of 
 his intimate friends, of his old boon companions : ' Con- 
 gratulations, old man ! I am happy for thy sake, 
 Arsen !' At last the Prince grew weary of this ovation. 
 He withdrew into the inner room, leaving only to his 
 admirers the muffled echo of the glasses of champagne 
 which were constantly clinked together, and the trium- 
 phant tones of a woman's voice exclaiming, ' Arsen, I 
 drink to your five-and-thirty millions. "* r 
 
 In the evening he gave a little dinner-party at a cafe 
 near the Madeleine, telling every one that he was " over- 
 whelmed with joy,"" and so he went hiccoughing to bed, 
 in a delirium of indecent delight that his troubles had 
 
PETER KARAGEORGEVICH 139 
 
 been ended by one of the foulest crimes which ever stained 
 the pages of history. 
 
 This person, however, is a distinguished gentleman 
 compared to his cousins, Alexis and Bojdar, who represent 
 the elder branch of the family and have a better right 
 than Peter to the throne. Until recently they occupied 
 a humble lodging in the neighbourhood of the Arc de 
 Triomphe, giving cheap music lessons, faking articles of 
 virtu and designing ladies' dresses for second-rate shops. 
 They were sought out by interviewers as soon as the 
 news of the tragedy arrived, and they hastened to give 
 expression to all manner of absurd calumnies against the 
 murdered Sovereigns. Questioned as to their relations 
 with the new King, they replied very candidly, "Our 
 relations with him are as bad as possible ; we have had no 
 correspondence with him for years ; but now that his hour 
 has struck, God bless you, we bear no malice. Long live 
 the King!" 
 
 The fact is that Peter, who never possessed a generous 
 disposition, had refused to assist their necessities, and they 
 bore him a grudge for all the poverty and humiliations 
 which they had endured throughout many long years. 
 Moreover, they remembered that theirs was the elder 
 branch and that, if any Karageorgevich were entitled to 
 ascend the throne of Servia, they ought to come before 
 their more fortunate cousin. 
 
 As recently as 1894 Alexis wrote to the papers pro- 
 testing his " incontestable rights as head of the family of 
 Karageorgevich, in the event of the Servian people con- 
 senting to revert one day to their old dynasty.' 1 No doubt 
 Alexis has no partisans in Servia, but, as Peter grows more 
 and more unpopular, it is not impossible that the elder 
 branch of the family may make themselves disagreeable. 
 
140 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 At any rate they now enjoy excellent opportunities for 
 blackmail, and neither their character nor their history 
 is likely to discourage them from making the most of 
 their advantage. The friends of Peter have succeeded in 
 exterminating a dynasty, but the day may come when 
 he will find danger threatening him from the foes of 
 his own household. 
 
 Peter Karageorgevich is a tall, spare, military-looking 
 man, with a sinister hawk -like face marked by deep 
 lines, grayish hair and moustache, shifty eyes. He would 
 pass on any stage as the typical decayed officer who 
 haunts gambling hells. Whether or not his critics are 
 right in supposing that he was privy to the murder of the 
 late King, it seems certain that the event did not take 
 him by surprise. He made a feeble pretence of being 
 shocked and, when pressed by an interviewer, protested 
 that he should insist upon the punishment of the criminals. 
 No doubt, with the best will in the world, it would have 
 been impossible for him to carry out any such intention, 
 but his acceptance of the blood-stained throne leaves him 
 at the very best an accessory after the fact. He did 
 not betray his brother's indecent joy, but he certainly 
 took small pains to conceal his satisfaction. His first 
 thought was to go and order a royal crown at the nearest 
 jeweller's shop, and his second to buy a quick-firing 
 revolver. 
 
 Meanwhile order reigned in Belgrade. The handful of 
 criminals who had carried through the conspiracy terrorised 
 all who dreamed of opposing them, and when the day of 
 election arrived, unanimity had been assured for Peter's 
 candidature. The election was indeed a foregone conclu- 
 sion. An extinct Parliament had been revived for the 
 sole reason that it possessed a Radical majority, and the 
 
PETER KARAGEORGEVICH 141 
 
 members were carefully sounded as to their views before 
 being admitted to vote. Amid torrents of rain, a motley 
 crowd of peasants in sheepskins, lawyers in black coats 
 and soldiers glittering with decorations made their way 
 to the big ball-room in the New Palace. Crowds of 
 journalists from every corner of Europe thronged the 
 passages, roamed into the saloons, turned over the books 
 in the library, and noted down every detail of the historical 
 scene. There were no crowds in the streets, but knots of 
 anxious men at every corner. It has been said that Bel- 
 grade received the revolution with indifference, but that 
 is not true. A few partisans of the regicides raised artifi- 
 cial jubilation, but the expression of the great majority 
 betokened mute protest. Servian peasants live so far 
 removed from politics and political life that they take a 
 long time to realise a great event. At election time they 
 generally vote as they are told, knowing very well that 
 the result of an election will not affect their happiness one 
 way or another ; but the murder of the King and Queen 
 had evidently moved them. They did not dare to express 
 their disapproval openly, but they stared upon the 
 organisers of the new state of things, upon the concourse 
 at the palace, upon the flags and illuminations, with 
 evident sorrow and distrust. A characteristic conversation 
 has been reported. A group of yokels was gazing into a 
 shop window, where the unfamiliar portrait of King Peter 
 was exposed for sale. 
 
 " Who is that ? " said one. 
 
 "That is the new King, Karageorgevich," was the 
 reply. 
 
 " But why did they kill the last King ? " 
 
 " That I do not know ; but I suppose it was because he 
 was not liked by the army." 
 
THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 " Well, now, suppose the army does not like the new 
 King?" 
 
 " Bogami ! then they will kill him too. 11 
 
 Soon after twelve, the new Ministers and the Senators 
 entered the ball-room, some in long shiny frock-coats and 
 others in ill-fitting evening dress. Among them were 
 noticeable the scowling features of several of the actual 
 assassins. Neither they nor any one else seemed to be at 
 ease, and it needed no great stretch of the imagination to 
 realise that a sensation of shame predominated in the 
 assembly. Suddenly the excited chatter of the politicians 
 was arrested by the sound of a hammer being rapped upon 
 the table at the end of the hall. 
 
 Velimirovich, the President of the Chamber, was on his 
 legs, declaring the proceedings open a weak-looking old 
 man, wearing the grand cordon of the Order of Takovo, 
 bestowed upon him by King Alexander. In tremulous 
 tones the President informed the deputies that they had 
 been summoned to elect a King, whereupon there were 
 some mechanical cheers, which were feebly taken up by 
 the small crowd outside. The secretary of the Skupshtina 
 then read the roll-call of the members, each of whom rose 
 in his place in turn and pronounced the name of Peter 
 Karageorgevich. The council of regicide officers had 
 taken good care that there should be no dissentient voices, 
 and accordingly Peter Karageorgevich was unanimously 
 elected by a defunct Parliament. 
 
 Velimirovich then rose again and delivered an eulogy 
 of Peter's father and grandfather, prophesying all manner 
 of happiness to the country under the new dispensation. 
 A certain amount of cheering was renewed, and the Vice- 
 President of the Senate delivered a speech, with the re- 
 markable assertion that " not only the Servian people but 
 
PETER KARAGEORGEVICH 143 
 
 the nations of Europe, ay, and the whole civilised world, 
 will experience a keen thrill of joy on hearing of the event 
 which has taken place on this memorable day." After a 
 few more speeches couched in this extravagant vein, the 
 sitting was at an end, and the deputies went out into the 
 streets to mingle with the sight-seers and loafers in the 
 various coffee-houses. 
 
 On the following day, June 16, a Te Deum and 
 general thanksgiving service took place in Belgrade 
 Cathedral. Ministers, deputies and officers attended in 
 their best clothes, and the murderers did not deem it 
 necessary to absent themselves. The ceremony was pre- 
 sumably intended to mark the election of the new King ; 
 but the speech of the Metropolitan seemed almost to imply 
 that the blessing of the Church was also being conferred 
 upon the drunken criminals, who had slain a defenceless 
 King and Queen, and were now gloating over their 
 iniquity. 
 
 The Metropolitan, wearing vestments of purple and gold 
 and a mitre studded with precious stones, stepped forward 
 and addressed the congregation from the ambo. He 
 congratulated the nation upon the restoration of the 
 Karageorgevich dynasty, which he said had included so 
 many brave and noble men. While deploring the necessity 
 for recent events, he thanked the army for what it had 
 done and praised its behaviour. As he spoke these words, 
 the officers present clapped their hands and loudly ex- 
 pressed their pleasure. Considering all the favours which 
 had been lavished upon the Archbishop by the Obrenovich 
 dynasty, to whom he owed his advancement and indeed 
 everything he possessed in the world, the following lines, 
 published at the time in the "Spectator 11 by Mr. Edward 
 Tylee, will not be found too severe : 
 
144 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 THE ARCHBISHOP OF BELGRADE 
 
 He raised his reverend hands to Heaven, and blessed 
 The kneeling murderers with unfaltering tongue : 
 
 The robes of peace he wore, and on his breast 
 The golden sign of our redemption hung. 
 
 From those calm skies no sudden lightnings broke ; 
 
 Justice awhile her righteous doom delayed ; 
 And underneath the cloud of incense smoke 
 
 The assassins still knelt, smiling, unafraid. 
 
 Yet these were they whose coward arms had wrought 
 
 The foulest act that stains our later time ; 
 And reeking from their work they came and sought 
 
 Their Primate's benediction on that crime. 
 
 And so in Belgrade's minster, yesterday, 
 
 A priest of Christ those midnight murderers blessed ; 
 
 And Christ's own cross upon his bosom lay, 
 And left no brand upon the traitor's breast ! 
 
 On the 24th of June Peter arrived in Belgrade. A 
 crowd was assembled outside the station. As a diplomatic 
 agent remarked on the occasion, they were the same people 
 who had come to thank the late King for each successive 
 constitution, who had conveyed to him the thanks of the 
 nation when he married Draga, and who had decorated 
 their houses so soon as they learnt that he and Draga had 
 been butchered. "If," he went on, "instead of Peter 
 Karageorgevich, the illegitimate son of Milan were coming 
 to govern Servia, the same sections of the population would 
 obey with the same alacrity the summons of the police to 
 do him honour." 
 
 A group of ministers and murderers assembled upon 
 the platform, but with the exception of the Austrian and 
 Russian Ministers the representatives of the Powers kept 
 
PETER KARAGEORGEVICH 145 
 
 away. When Peter alighted from the train he was 
 greeted by the Premier and shook hands all round with 
 many smiles but few words, which could scarcely be heard 
 for the noise of the military band. The party then 
 adjourned to the waiting-room, where Peter greeted the 
 Russian Minister Charikof without waiting for an intro- 
 duction. Charikof then introduced the Austrian Minister, 
 who had refused to have any dealings with the regicide 
 cabinet. 
 
 Peter then entered King Alexander's state-carriage and 
 drove quickly to the Cathedral, while the police rushed 
 about among the crowd, threatening all those who did 
 not cheer with sufficient pretence of enthusiasm. The 
 Metropolitan received Peter at the door of the Cathedral 
 and conducted him to King Alexander's throne, where he 
 bowed stiffly and nervously to the congregation. After 
 the service the Metropolitan made a speech, in which he 
 made the cynical remark that " it is a wise tradition of the 
 Servian people to regard all events which are accomplished 
 in their midst as manifestations of the holy will of God." 
 
 After this Peter kissed the Metropolitan's hand and 
 walked out, bowing gravely to right and left. He then 
 drove in an open carriage to the New Palace, and was 
 observed to avert his eyes as he passed the scene of the 
 recent tragedy. A crowd had assembled outside, but 
 remained absolutely silent until mounted officers rode in 
 among them and commanded them to shout, " Long live 
 the King ! " A deputation of members awaited him in the 
 ball-room, where his election had taken place, and he was 
 forced to deliver a speech, which he read with a decided 
 foreign accent, remarking that his soul was filled with 
 gratitude to God and with a consciousness of the duties 
 which awaited him as King. 
 
146 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 Throughout the day Peter moved about as one utterly 
 bewildered, as a stranger among strangers. Indeed, many 
 persons expressed a doubt whether he could be in full 
 possession of his wits. All he did was done mechanically, 
 like a marionette, and he could do nothing on his own 
 initiative, not even accept a bunch of flowers from a 
 deputation of school-children. 
 
 On the following day, June 25, Peter met the National 
 Assembly to take the oath of fidelity to the Constitution. 
 This time the sitting took place, not in the ball-room of 
 the palace but in the miserable little hut which does duty 
 as a Chamber of Deputies. On the platform in front of 
 the throne was a desk with a green and gold cloth, while 
 down below on the floor of the House was a green baize 
 table with a big Bible, a bowl of water and two lighted 
 candles. 
 
 The Metropolitan with a number of popes and monks 
 stood near the table ; behind them the deputies, in tweeds 
 and the rough national costume, sat in semicircles at well- 
 worn desks ; while on the platform was the usual collection 
 of murderers in uniform and ministers in evening dress, 
 glittering with the decorations received from the hands 
 of King Alexander. The general effect was not impressive. 
 
 A buzz of conversation went on for a long time. Then 
 Velimirovich rose, struck a small hand-bell and declared 
 the sitting open. But nothing happened for some minutes. 
 He sat down again and the buzz of conversation was 
 resumed. Then Peter appeared in the scarlet uniform of 
 a Servian General and bowed awkwardly to the assembly, 
 using the usual Servian greeting, "Pomozhe Bog, Bratja" 
 (God help you, brothers). There was some perfunctory 
 cheering and the Metropolitan began intoning a prayer 
 through his nose; spreading out his long thin hands, which 
 
PETER KARAGEORGEVICH 147 
 
 had blessed the murderers of his Sovereign, he seemed to be 
 giving a blessing to the bowl of water on the table. 
 
 Some one nudged Peter and pointed out to him the 
 impropriety of wearing gloves during a ceremony of the 
 Orthodox Church. There were some remarks among the 
 peasants that the new King with the strange foreign accent 
 seemed to know very little about the Church of his country. 
 The removal of the gloves was accomplished with difficulty 
 by the bewildered King, who was puzzled to know what 
 to do with his cap and sword. At last he solved the 
 puzzle by holding his sword between his knees and his cap 
 under his arm. There was a slight titter at this exhibition 
 and his nervousness increased. He twitched and fidgeted 
 and coughed uncomfortably. Perhaps the spectres of 
 the murdered King and Queen had haunted him during 
 the night, for he did not seem to have slept and his eyes 
 looked hundreds of years old. 
 
 The Metropolitan dipped a brush in the bowl and 
 advanced towards Peter, who did not seem to be afraid of 
 holy water but bent his head to be sprinkled. Then he 
 was told to make the sign of the Cross, but this was a 
 matter of great difficulty, for he now had his white gloves 
 as well as his cap and sword to embarrass him. Not being 
 accustomed to play the part of a King, he never thought 
 of handing the encumbrances to an aide-de-camp. He 
 fumbled for a pocket in which to put his gloves, but found 
 none and ended by dropping them on the floor. The 
 Metropolitan then received the King's oath, which Peter 
 repeated sentence by sentence, finally bending down and 
 kissing the big Bible on the table and crossing himself 
 awkwardly a number of times. He now attempted to 
 put on his gloves again, but was stopped before the left one 
 was buttoned up, and made to take it off again. Then an 
 
148 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 illuminated scroll was produced, and he bent down to affix 
 his signature. 
 
 Suddenly the booming of cannon was heard and Peter, 
 not knowing what he might have to expect, gave a per- 
 ceptible start. It was, however, only a royal salute, and 
 the Assembly covered his embarrassment by shouts of 
 "Zhiveo!" followed by the singing of "Mnogo Ijeta" (Many 
 summers), which answers to "He's a jolly good fellow' 1 
 in Servian. When this was over, Peter heaved a sigh of 
 relief, nodded to his faithful commons, muttered "S'Bogom, 
 (good-bye), brothers," and hurried off to his carriage. 
 
 In the afternoon Peter attended a review of the brave 
 Servian army at Banitsa, a few miles outside Belgrade. 
 He drove most of the way and then, mounting King 
 Alexander's charger, arrived on horseback at the parade 
 ground. After various evolutions, a critical incident 
 occurred. The famous, or infamous, 6th Regiment, which 
 had carried out the murders, marched past with Colonel 
 Mishich at their head. 
 
 There was a murmur of expectation as every one watched 
 to see how Peter would behave. It will be remembered 
 that, before he left Geneva, he announced his intention of 
 punishing the murderers. He had submitted to receiving 
 some of them as members of the deputation which came 
 to announce his election, and he had shaken hands with 
 others on the platform at Belgrade, but he had treated 
 them with some stiffness and was popularly supposed to 
 be anxious to be rid of them, if only to satisfy Russia and 
 the prejudices of Europe. Now, however, he went out of 
 his way to put his seal upon the conspiracy, saluting 
 Mishich with great cordiality and singling this regiment 
 out for the special display of his royal favour. The 
 friends of the revolution broke out into loud cheers, 
 
PETER KARAGEORGEVICH 149 
 
 in which the ladies in the stands, doubtless including 
 many old enemies of Queen Draga, joined with fiendish 
 enthusiasm. 
 
 In confirmation of this attitude a proclamation to the 
 army was issued by Peter next day : " My dear army, on 
 setting foot upon the soil of the dear Fatherland, my 
 cradle and the cradle of my ancestors, my heart gives 
 greeting first to you, the hope of the Servian people, my 
 dear heroic army. . . . Officers, non-commissioned officers 
 and men, at the solemn moment of taking over the supreme 
 command, I greet you with the words, ' God be with you, 
 you falcons of the Servian people. 1 " 
 
 Peter came to Servia with many democratic protesta- 
 tions. He circulated all over the country his own transla- 
 tion of Mill's " Essay on Liberty." He foretold a new era 
 of happiness and contentment and personal freedom. He 
 made a great point of his confidence in the loyalty and 
 affection of the people which had called him to the 
 throne. The newspapers of his partisans drew attention 
 to the fact that he went about the town without guards, 
 unlike his predecessors, who were constantly menaced with 
 assassination. 
 
 He even aspired to play the part of a Haroun al 
 Rashid, strolling about alone in the streets, mixing with 
 the peasants in their wine-shops and conversing with old 
 women in the market-place. As very few people were 
 familiar with his appearance, it was not difficult for him 
 to maintain his incognito. No doubt he heard many 
 home truths. 
 
 One day he took a cab and drove to the military 
 hospital. Giving the porter a small coin, he obtained 
 permission to go over the wards, where he spent some time 
 talking to the patients and eliciting their views. Presently 
 
150 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 he asked to see one of the doctors, but found that they 
 had all gone to a neighbouring coffee-house to play cards. 
 He sent across to them to come over, but did not say who 
 he was, and accordingly received a very rude reply, where- 
 upon he wrote his name in the visitors 1 book and took his 
 departure. It is not recorded whether the doctors donned 
 sackcloth. 
 
 Then he went on to a school, where he found that all 
 the children were playing by themselves in the yard, 
 while the teachers had gone off to amuse themselves. So 
 he went into the schoolroom and wrote on the blackboard, 
 " King Peter has been here." 
 
 This sort of idyll did not last very long, however. 
 Though he had been forced to pay compliments to the 
 murderers, he had no intention of allowing them to 
 govern the country. He soon found, however, that they 
 were too strong for him, and that, if he resisted their 
 wishes, he would be given the choice between exile and 
 death. On the other hand, he was confronted by great 
 numbers of partisans of the late dynasty, as well in the 
 army as in the country. His first trouble occurred when 
 he permitted himself to appoint his own Court Marshal, 
 Colonel Ljubomir Leshjanin, who had been a favourite of 
 King Alexander. He announced this appointment in the 
 official gazette without saying anything to his ministers, 
 whereupon the regicide officers sent soldiers to confiscate 
 every copy of the paper, and issued a second edition 
 omitting the objectionable appointment. Afterwards a 
 compromise was found, another official gazette being pub- 
 lished with the announcement of the appointment but 
 Peter undertaking privately not to carry it into effect. 
 
 In September Peter made a tour in the country. 
 When he was at Nish a manifesto was issued by a large 
 
PETER KARAGEORGEVICH 151 
 
 majority of the Servian officers protesting against the 
 regicides being allowed to retain their commissions. After 
 reciting the names of sixty-eight murderers and briefly 
 describing their crime, the document proceeded : 
 
 Not content with this degrading murder, some of them 
 are accused of other murders and also of contemptible 
 plundering. Had these officers realised the deep solemnity 
 of a soldier's oath and the extremely sensitive honour which 
 is connected with the military uniform, they would during 
 the conspiracy and while carrying out their accursed crime 
 have laid aside every symbol of their profession. This sacred 
 duty they not only neglected, but they showed in their 
 impudent behaviour every sign of selfishness and greed. By 
 this conduct they have introduced the greatest corruption 
 into the army, anarchy and Janissary -like arrogance into 
 the state. After all this, comrades, we are justified before 
 God and the history of our country, in the name of the 
 King, the army and the people, and in that of every officers' 
 corps in the civilised world, in demanding with the greatest 
 energy that these officers shall at once be dismissed from 
 our ranks, that the soldier's coat, the sacred symbol of 
 scrupulously honourable and disciplined bodies, of all the 
 armies of the world, shall be stripped from them. Only 
 when we have attained our aim will the happiness be 
 ours of seeing the barriers, which all officers' corps in the 
 world have erected against us, fall. Only then will the 
 shaken credit of Servia, her Crown and Government, be rein- 
 stated, and the dangerous precedent of military pronun- 
 ciamientos be abolished. In the name of the country, of 
 honour and of liberty, we conjure you to unite with us, 
 without distinction of rank, in demanding that the soldier's 
 coat shall be laid aside, either by them or by us. 
 
 The counter -conspiracy was very well organised, but 
 
152 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 the regicide officers, who had established a reign of terror 
 in the country, contrived to hold their own. The pro- 
 testers were arrested, and their leaders were sent to prison 
 for various terms. They are, however, too numerous to 
 be utterly suppressed, and it is probable that more may 
 be heard of them at an early date. 
 
 An incident which occurred at a review early in 
 September is significant of opinion in military circles. 
 Lieutenant Velimirovich of the 7th Infantry suddenly 
 stepped out of the ranks and advanced towards Peter, 
 exclaiming in a loud voice, "Your Majesty, the blood of 
 our murdered King cries for Heaven's vengeance. Our 
 comrades languish in prison while the murderers go free."" 
 He was instantly arrested. 
 
 One of Peter's favourite boasts was that henceforward 
 elections should be conducted in perfect freedom without 
 the interference of the police : Parliament should be truly 
 representative of the people. He was, however, reckoning 
 without the council of regicide officers. They gave the 
 usual orders to the prefects when a general election took 
 place on September 1, and the electors were as effectually 
 coerced as they had ever been in the reign of King Milan. 
 
 The result was that 78 Radicals, 65 extreme Radicals, 
 15 Liberals, and 2 Socialists were returned. As only the 
 extreme Radicals approve of the murders, the triumph of 
 the regicide officers was scarcely complete. The conse- 
 quence has been a constant conflict between the partisans 
 of the revolution and their opponents, so that the present 
 situation is exceedingly precarious, and every day there is 
 a rumour of some new plot. Peter accordingly has given 
 up his role of Haroun al Rashid, and no longer wanders 
 about the town unattended or parades his confidence in 
 the affection of the people. 
 
PETER KARAGEORGEVICH 153 
 
 Indeed, he is now little better than a prisoner in the 
 palace, where ten Swiss guards are stationed outside his 
 bedroom door and two more inside the bedroom itself. 
 The guards outside the palace have been doubled and 
 ball cartridges served out nightly. A ladder is attached 
 to his window every night, and a launch kept in readiness 
 on the Save in case he should find it more prudent to take 
 to flight. 
 
 Had Zimri peace ? 
 
CHAPTER X 
 
 WHO IN SERVIA 
 
 ANDJELKOVICH, Captain. One of the murderers. Said 
 to have been one of the first to fire upon the King. 
 
 ANTONICH, Colonel. Was Foreign Minister in the 
 Markovich Government, a thorough soldier, who frankly 
 confessed that he was no politician. Was content to obey 
 orders, military fashion, when his general became Prime 
 Minister. Very polite manners. Great friendliness to 
 strangers, especially Englishmen. 
 
 ATANAZKOVICH, , General JOVAN. Minister of War in 
 the revolutionary Government. Had received many 
 marks of favour from the late King. Peevish and un- 
 grateful disposition. Had been suspected of conspiracy 
 for a long time, but was too clever to be caught. 
 
 AVAKUMOVICH, JOVAN. Liberal leader and editor of 
 the "Srbska Zastava," a small and unimportant daily. 
 Has practically no followers in the country. Surprised 
 every one by accepting Premiership of the revolutionary 
 Government. Commonplace record. Never displayed 
 any particular ability, but was hitherto supposed to be 
 honest. Has the appearance of a prosperous tradesman. 
 His complicity in the murders is denied, but on the other 
 hand he is alleged to have received ^2000 for counte- 
 
 154 
 
WHO'S WHO IN SERVIA 155 
 
 nancing the event. Interviewed shortly after the murders, 
 he stated that he only returned from Aleksinats by the 
 train reaching Belgrade at 5 A.M. on June the llth, and 
 only heard of the murders at the station, when some 
 officers escorted him to the Ministry and prevailed upon 
 him to accept the Premiership of a provisional Cabinet. 
 With regard to the election of Peter he remarked, " The 
 army has proclaimed him King, but this has nothing to 
 do with the action of the Skupshtina, which can decide 
 the fate of the country independently and elect a King 
 without asking the army. There might be, however, an 
 agreement between the army and the Skupshtina, in 
 which case a deputation would go to Prince Peter to 
 inform him of the decision arrived at and invite him to 
 come to Belgrade." 
 
 BALUGDJICH. One of Peter's secretaries. Supposed to 
 have been implicated in the Alavantich incident, the 
 attempt to poison the King, and the actual murders. 
 
 BARLOVATS. A leather merchant. Related to Avaku- 
 movich. Was employed by the conspirators to prepare 
 the tradesmen at Belgrade for a change of dynasty. 
 
 BONHAM, SIR GEORGE. British Minister at Belgrade 
 since 1900. Son of the Governor of Hong-Kong, and 
 second baronet. Was recalled after the murders and took 
 no part in the reception of Peter. 
 
 BOSKOVICH, father and son. The father was Servian 
 Minister in Paris. Has been a Professor and a Minister 
 of Public Instruction. Smooth manners, elderly appear- 
 ance, no strength of character. Mata, the son, was 
 Permanent Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs. Smart 
 appearance, lively, popular in society, an authority on the 
 Macedonian question. At the time of the murders was 
 playing cards at the Grand Hotel. On hearing the news, 
 
156 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 took refuge at the British Legation, fearing a general 
 massacre of all adherents of the dynasty. 
 
 CHARIKOF, Russian Minister. Came into disfavour 
 with King Alexander when the visit of the Servian 
 Sovereigns to Russia was put off. A master of intrigue, 
 and must have known that a plot was on foot, though he 
 cannot have instigated it. Watched the proceedings in 
 the palace from his window. Ordered the bodies of the 
 King and Queen to be taken into the palace. Was present 
 at the reception of Peter on his arrival in Belgrade. 
 
 " BA^JANOVICH, Colonel. Became Prefect of Belgrade 
 after the murders. 
 
 DENICH, Major. Was Minister of Public Works in 
 the late Government. A Liberal in politics, but never 
 very prominent. 
 
 DIMITRIEVICH, Lieutenant. Participated in the mas- 
 sacre, and was appointed to kill General Pavlovich. 
 
 DJUKICH, MILAN. Prota (Archdeacon) of Uzhitse. 
 Leader of a Radical group, which has long worked openly 
 to place the Prince of Montenegro on the Servian throne. 
 
 DUNBA, Herr. Austro- Hungarian Minister at Belgrade. 
 Was present at the reception of Peter, but at first refused 
 to have any relations with the revolutionary Cabinet. 
 
 FETHY PASHA. Turkish Minister at Belgrade. Was 
 for some time in a subordinate position in Bulgaria. Is 
 very good company and possesses a fine collection of 
 amusing stories. Intimate with many Servian politicians 
 and has so far been very successful in hindering Servia 
 from intervening in Macedonia. 
 
 GAGOVICH, Colonel. Was killed when intercepting 
 Colonel Nikolich, who attempted to bring a regiment to 
 rescue the King. 
 
 GAGOVICH, Lieutenant. Was killed at Banitsa by the 
 
WHO'S WHO IN SERVIA 157 
 
 King's enemies. His mother went mad on receiving the 
 news. 
 
 GENCHICH, GEORGE. The son of a peasant. Has 
 received a good education. Speaks French and German 
 very well and is very vain about his accomplishments. 
 Was Prefect of Nish. Minister of the Interior in the 
 Cabinet of Georgevich, and took part in the persecution of 
 the Radicals. Had acquired the confidence of Milan and 
 hoped for great advancement at his hand. Accordingly 
 became disaffected when Milan went into exile and all 
 hope of advancement seemed at an end. Went into exile 
 in Austria, but was allowed to return to Belgrade in 
 1902. Became Minister of Commerce in the revolutionary 
 Government. Is said to have been the prime organiser 
 of the conspiracy, and to have been the only civilian 
 present in the palace on the occasion of the murders. 
 Interviewed shortly after the murders, he vented his spite 
 in violent libels against the murdered King and Queen. 
 Asserts that the murders were a patriotic deed, for which 
 the whole population of Servia is profoundly grateful to 
 the army. A very dangerous man, who will undoubtedly 
 prove a danger to any ruler who does not gratify his 
 inordinate ambition. 
 
 GEORGEVICH, VLADAN. A Jewish adventurer, who 
 obtained the Premiership through the influence of King 
 Milan. Established a reign of terror and invented a plot 
 against Milan in order to shoot and imprison all his 
 enemies. Was said to be a hypnotist and to have exercised 
 his talents on King Alexander. The King, however, 
 managed to get rid of him, whereupon he obtained some 
 documents compromising King Milan, and demanded money 
 from Alexander to suppress them. The King refused, but 
 the Sultan of Turkey found the money to avert a scandal. 
 
158 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 ~t GRUICH, General SAVA. Was Servian Minister at 
 Constantinople and an honorary aide-de-camp to King 
 Alexander. The father of two regicides. Appointed 
 Premier on the resignation of the revolution cabinet. 
 
 GRUICH, Lieutenant BORA. Son of the late Servian 
 Minister at Constantinople. One of the original con- 
 spirators. Was told off to fetch the 4th Cavalry Regiment 
 to the palace. Immediately after the murders he rode 
 through the streets shouting out, " The tyrants have fallen." 
 Afterwards promoted to be captain. 
 
 GRUICH, sub-Lieutenant ALECO. Brother of Lieutenant 
 Bora Gruich. Took part in the murders. 
 jr INNOCENT, Archbishop of Belgrade and Metropolitan of 
 Servia. Owed everything to the Obrenovich dynasty and 
 seemed to be a pious and genial old man. Afterwards 
 held a Te Deum in the Cathedral and blessed the 
 murderers. 
 
 JOVANOVICH, NICHOLAS. Is never known by his surname, 
 which is a very common one in Servia, but is always called 
 Amerikanats or the American, because he once resided in 
 the United States. Has been Servian Consul-General in 
 England. Is an ardent patriot and an earnest advocate 
 of an Anglo -Servian alliance. Writes striking articles 
 in the Servian press. 
 
 JOVICHICH, ALEXANDER Z. Held a high position in the 
 Foreign Office. Has been in the diplomatic service. 
 Spent many years in England, where he married a Scottish 
 lady. Was in favour at Court and was expected to hold 
 high office. Has become reconciled to Peter and accepted 
 the sinecure of Servian Minister in London. 
 
 KALJEVICH, LJUBOMIR. Foreign Minister in the revolu- 
 tionary Government. Held office before. Not without 
 ability of a kind. Progressist. 
 
WHO'S WHO IN SERVIA 159 
 
 KATICH, Captain. Informed the King of the plot. 
 Was placed on the retired list July 1903. 
 
 KICHA, Captain. One of the murderers. 
 f KOMARCHICH, LAZAR. One of the chief Servian authors. 
 
 KOSTICH, Captain. A brutal drunkard, greedy and 
 ambitious, of colossal stature. Was closely related by 
 marriage to the Queen. Treated her body with foul 
 insults after the murders, and went off to kill her brothers. 
 Displayed his blood-stained sword to admiring crowds. 
 Is said to have opened the west gate of the palace to the 
 conspirators. Afterwards promoted to be a major, and 
 received ^?960 blood-money. 
 
 f KURTAVICH, Major MILOSLAV. Was Servian Consul- 
 General at Uskub, where he worked very hard for his country. 
 Retired June 1903. Now leader of the agricultural party. 
 
 LAZAREVICH, Captain. A loyal officer, sentenced (Sept. 
 1903) to two years 1 imprisonment and the loss of his 
 commission for conspiring against the regicides. 
 
 LAZAREVICH, Major LUKA. Had been in disgrace for 
 two years before the murders, and is said to have fired the 
 fatal shot at His Majesty. Resigned his commission 20th 
 of July 1903 because Peter vetoed his promotion. 
 
 LAZAREVICH, Professor. Was Minister of Public 
 Instruction in the late Government. A member of the 
 Radical party. 
 
 LESHJANIN, Colonel. Was Servian military attache 
 at Constantinople. Enjoyed the friendship of King 
 Alexander. Was appointed marshal of Peter's court, but 
 the regicide officers vetoed his appointment. 
 
 LOTKIJEVICH, Captain. Aide-de-camp of King Alex- 
 ander. Sentenced (Sept. 1903) to one month's imprison- 
 ment for conspiring against the regicides. Re-arrested 
 October 1903, 
 
160 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 MAGDALENICH, General M. M. Was arrested by the 
 regicide Government for a private expression of dis- 
 approval. 
 
 MARINKOVICH, M. Was mayor of Belgrade and did 
 much good work for the improvement of the town. Was 
 appointed Minister of Finance in the Markovich Govern- 
 ment, but still continued to direct the affairs of the town, 
 as the Government did not wish to risk a rebuff at a 
 new municipal election. 
 
 MASHIN, Colonel ALEXANDER. Brother-in-law of Queen 
 Draga. One of the chief organisers of the murders. He 
 boasts of having been the first to strike the Queen. Was 
 military attache at Vienna and a delegate of the Peace 
 Conference at the Hague. Received ^1200 blood-money. 
 
 MATIJEVICH, Lieutenant. One of the murderers. 
 Accompanied Mishich to the barracks to fetch the 6th 
 Regiment. 
 
 ,MIJATOVICH, CHEDOMTL. Has been several times a 
 minister in various Governments and at the Court of 
 S. James. Is not taken seriously in Servia. Dabbles in 
 hypnotism and magic. Has translated some of Spurgeon's 
 works into Servian. 
 
 MILICHEVICH, Dr. Was King Alexander's private 
 secretary. Servian Minister in London, 190J. Was 
 transferred to Berlin, 1902. 
 
 MILIVOJEVICH, Captain. One of the murderers. 
 
 MILKOVICH, Captain. Son-in-law of General Tsintsar- 
 Markovich. Died for the King in the palace. His wife 
 gave birth to a son at the time. 
 
 MISHICH, Colonel. Was one of the first, if not the first 
 to fire at the King. Was one of the original organisers 
 of the conspiracy. Was described by a Berlin merchant 
 as follows : " When I was told he had shot his King I was 
 
WHO'S WHO IN SERVIA 161 
 
 not surprised. He has the true criminal type. His wild 
 piercing glance would have inspired fear even if one did 
 not know that he was a regicide."" According to another 
 description, is " a big-boned man with a dark brown face, 
 a jiawk nose, heavy jaws, a low brow and short-cropped 
 black hair. He has a pleasant smile." After the murders 
 he received ^960 blood-money and was promoted to be 
 departmental chief in the War Ministry. Now terrorises 
 Peter, who dares do nothing without consulting him. 
 
 NAUMOVICH, MIKA. Joined the conspiracy and promised 
 to open the front door of the palace to the murderers. 
 Had been the recipient of many favours from King 
 Alexander. Killed (probably by accident) in the palace. 
 Was buried with full military honours. 
 
 NESHICH, Adjutant. Took part in the murders. 
 
 NIKOLAIEVICH, Colonel. Was Marshal of the Court 
 and organised every ceremonial. A great favourite of 
 King Alexander and Queen Draga. Escaped by taking 
 refuge in the Austro-Hungarian legation. 
 
 NIKOLICH, Colonel DIMITREF. Commanded the Danube 
 division. Attempted to bring the 8th Infantry Regiment 
 to help the King, but was intercepted by Gagovich and 
 left for dead. Afterwards recovered. 
 
 NIKOLICH, NIKOLA. A lawyer. Minister of Justice after 
 the fall of the regicide ministry. One of the leaders of 
 the small republican group. 
 
 NOVAKOVICH, LJUBOMIR. Minister of Commerce in the 
 Markovich Government. Had been director of the agri- 
 cultural school at Negotin. A Radical. 
 
 NOVAKOVICH, M. Progressist or Conservative Prime 
 Minister in 1896. The son of a working-man. Shy 
 manners, untidy appearance and melancholy aspect. High 
 reputation, but not much imagination. 
 
162 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 PANAJOTOVICH, Captain. On guard at the palace. One 
 of the faithful few. Killed while attempting to stem the 
 inrush of murderers. 
 
 PANAJOTOVICH, Lieutenant. One of the conspirators. 
 Agreed to give up the keys of the palace gate. 
 
 PANTOVICH, late Minister of Justice. Had been Presi- 
 dent of the Court of Appeal. A Progressist. 
 
 PASHICH, M. The Radical leader, or rather one of the 
 Radical leaders, for their name is legion. An engineer 
 and somewhat of a rough diamond. Was imprisoned for 
 a long time by King Milan. Said to have been employed 
 by Russia to stir up sedition against the Obrenovich 
 dynasty, with the intention of placing a Russian on 
 the throne. Is opposed to Peter and now intrigues to 
 overthrow him. 
 
 PAVLOVICH, General. Minister of War. Was murdered 
 in his house, June 11, 1903. 
 
 PAVLOVICH. An official at the palace. Was in the 
 conspiracy. Telegraphed to conspirators in the provinces 
 to come to Belgrade. 
 
 PETRONIEVICH. An old Servian family. Held the re- 
 lationship of kums (hereditary godfathers and best men) 
 to the royal family. The father had a long and dis- 
 tinguished career in the diplomatic service. His son was 
 private secretary to King Alexander and his daughter 
 maid-of-honour to Queen Draga. 
 
 PETROVICH, General LAZAR. Aide-de-camp to King 
 Alexander and chief of the military household. Was a 
 great favourite at Court. Aroused jealousy by the 
 rapidity of his promotion. Represented King Alexander 
 at the coronation of King Edward. Baffled the murderers 
 during two hours in the Palace and was afterwards 
 shot, 
 
WHO'S WHO IN SERVIA 163 
 
 PROTICH, STOJAN. A well-known demagogue. Minister 
 of the Interior after the murders. 
 
 RADAKOVICH, Captain. Participated in the massacre 
 and afterwards led the party which killed the Prime 
 Minister. 
 
 RAJOVICH, DRAGOMIR. One of the three original 
 organisers of the murders. A member of the Progressist 
 party. Was President of the tribunal which sentenced 
 Radical conspirators at Zajechar in 1883. Fell into dis- 
 grace through opposing the marriage of Alexander and 
 Draga. 
 
 RIBARATS. A Liberal. President of the Skupshtina 
 after the murders. 
 
 RISTICH, Colonel. Son of the late Regent. One of the 
 original conspirators. 
 
 SARICH, Lieutenant. Said to have shot the Queen when 
 Mashin missed her. 
 
 SIMICH, GEORGE. Served in the diplomatic service. 
 Became Prime Minister in 1897. Has independent views, 
 but inclines to Conservatism. In manners and appearance 
 resembles the average English politician. 
 
 STOJANOVICH. Minister of Public Instruction after the 
 fall of the regicide ministry. One of the leaders of the 
 small republican group. 
 
 THESIGER, Hon. W. British Vice-Consul at Belgrade. 
 Served in South Africa (D.S.O.). 
 
 TICHA, Captain. Fetched the artillery for the murders. 
 
 TODOROVICH, PERA. A brilliant journalist, proprietor 
 and editor of the "Male Novine," published at Budapest 
 since the Revolution. He has been called the Labouchere 
 or Rochefort of Servia. Was condemned to death in the 
 reign of King Milan and endured many years of penal servi- 
 tude. Defended the Court very vigorously of late years. 
 
164 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 TRIPKOVICH, Captain. One of the murderers. After- 
 wards attempted to kill Todorovich, the Minister of tho 
 Interior. 
 
 TSINTSAR-MARKOVICH, General. Commander-in-Chief. 
 Became Premier 1902. Murdered June 11, 1903. 
 
 TSUKICH, MICHAEL. A leading member of the Liberal 
 party and a man of considerable culture. Has filled vari- 
 ous Government offices with distinction. Comes of one of 
 the oldest families in Servia. Is married to Mademoiselle 
 Oreshkovich, who was lady-in-waiting to Queen Nathalie. 
 
 VELIMIROVICH, Lieutenant. Left the ranks at a review 
 (September 9, 1903) and called out to Peter that King 
 Alexander's blood was still crying for vengeance. Was 
 immediately arrested. 
 
 VELIMIROVICH, PETER. A moderate Radical and former 
 Minister of State. Was appointed President of the Senate 
 after the murders and presided over the election of 
 Peter. 
 
 VELIMOVICH, Captain PERA. One of the murderers. 
 
 VELKOVICH, VOJISLAV. One of the souls of the con- 
 spiracy. Afterwards appointed Minister of Finance. 
 
 VUICH, Dr. Was Prime Minister in 1902 before General 
 Tsintsar-Markovich took office. Retired when he failed 
 to carry through a State loan. A cheerful little man, 
 whose face afforded fair game to the caricaturists. He 
 had previously been Minister of Finance on two different 
 occasions. 
 
 ZHIVANOVICH, Lieut. -Colonel MILOSLAV. Warned the 
 King of the plot. Murdered when his letter was found 
 among the King's papers. The murder was announced as 
 " suicide through pecuniary difficulties."" 
 
 ZHIVKOVICH, LJUBOMIR. A very dangerous man, who 
 was probably implicated in the recent tragedy. A fluent 
 
WHO'S WHO IN SERVIA 165 
 
 demagogue, who acquired considerable influence among 
 the lowest classes. Favours a republic. Was sentenced 
 to twenty years'" penal servitude for criminal conspiracy 
 under the George vich administration. After the murders 
 was appointed Minister of Justice. Since retired again 
 into private life. 
 
CHAPTER XI 
 
 BELGRADE 
 
 MY first visit to Belgrade was in the depth of winter, 
 when I knew no one; and a certain dreariness, or at 
 least bareness, made itself felt. But when I returned, 
 in the month of June, and found Belgrade decked 
 out in her bravest to celebrate the first visit of a 
 Montenegrin prince since Kosovo, I could scarcely recognise 
 her for the same city. The parks were delightful, the 
 streets bright and clean, the yellow konak smiled cheer- 
 fully through its white Venetian blinds; and if there 
 was no evidence of wealth, there was a general im- 
 pression of ease and content. The only drawback lay 
 in the execrable pavement, which I have only known 
 surpassed in French provincial towns. It consists of sharp 
 boulders banged into the roadway, and is a veritable 
 penance to the pedestrian, a torture to those who drive. 
 And an exacting person might criticise the careless 
 nomenclature of the streets, apparently jotted up in 
 charcoal. 
 
 Budapest is a frowsy imitation of Paris ; Belgrade is a 
 smaller but neater version of Budapest. There is a creamy 
 boulevard, the Teratsia, with precipitous streets at right 
 angles on either side; and an additional cheerfulness is 
 
 166 
 
BELGRADE 167 
 
 conveyed by the abundance of foliage chestnuts, walnuts, 
 lilacs, and fig-trees grouped round almost every house. 
 
 The main eyesore at Budapest is the village tailoring 
 of the burghers of both sexes, who monopolise the streets. 
 But here, for once, the bourgeoises seem to show good taste. 
 They do not don ungainly imitations of the European 
 fashions of the year before last, but adapt charming 
 fashions of their own from the national costume of their 
 peasants. You may see loose zouave jackets of maroon 
 velvet with long sleeves and dainty edges of gold em- 
 broidery ; the women's hair plaited round dear little red 
 fezzes at the back of their heads ; skirts and kerchiefs of 
 many bright colours. The peasants, too, are here in 
 crowds, and all must admire the gold-laced jackets, the 
 barbaric ornaments, the necklaces of antiquated coins, 
 the tambourine caps, and the bright carpet -like aprons 
 which they wear. 
 
 I know few more smiling prospects than the approach 
 to Belgrade by water on a fine afternoon. If you have not 
 been there since the last bimbashee carried off his bag and 
 baggage some forty years ago, you will scarcely recognise 
 it for the same spot. It was then, as always, Beograd 
 (the white city) now appropriately corrupted into Bel- 
 grade, not etymologically though actually " the beautiful 
 city" but you were confronted by an expanse of those 
 high walls which veil the mysteries of Moslem households, 
 and many a minaret jutted out against the sky-line. You 
 still behold a white city ; but the high walls have given 
 place to white houses smiling confidently through windows 
 of the European pattern, and, instead of many minarets, 
 two modern buildings alone protrude above the rest the 
 Cathedral with its russet steeple, and the imposing New 
 Palace in the centre of the town. The white houses glisten 
 
168 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 in the sunshine like a flock of freshly -washed sheep 
 straggling up and over the hill to their rendezvous by the 
 Cathedral ; while the Roman fortifications of the citadel, 
 maroon with age, afford the most harmonious contrast 
 imaginable with the limes and acacias which peer out 
 playfully from between the buildings, and, meeting at 
 Kalemegdan (the " fortress -field"), dance lightly in the 
 breeze. 
 
 An electric tramway whirls you up a precipitous road, 
 and in two minutes you are at the parapet of the public 
 gardens, gazing out upon a panorama which can assuredly 
 have few rivals. Here, on these terraces, you are told, 
 many a Servian patriot has been impaled by the Turks 
 and left to linger in agony. Away on the extreme left 
 is the dark, indented cone of Mount Avala, whose poetic 
 name fitly accords with the countless fairy legends con- 
 ferred upon it by Servian poetry and saga. From the 
 woods of Topchider to the south-west the green Save 
 hastens to unite at your feet with the sluggish, bilious 
 Danube, which belies tradition for it does not waltz, and 
 is anything but blue and wriggles away into the broad 
 fat plains of Hungary. It is no loud landscape, such 
 as the souls of the Philistines love ; but it is dear 
 to every Servian, who looks longingly across at his old 
 empire and the homes of his compatriots dotted among 
 the tender browns and blues and yellows of the plain. 
 The charm lies in the infinite variety of colouring 
 the mauve mists, the copper beeches, the silvery sheen 
 a kaleidoscope which seems shaken at every season and 
 almost at every hour. There is nothing like it, unless it 
 be the vista from the Embassy windows at Pera, and that 
 does not afford the soothing sensations to be experienced 
 here. I know no more cheerful lounge. If you be sad, 
 
BELGRADE 169 
 
 the fairy prospect will inspire you ; if ill, it will act as 
 a tonic ; and if you love Servia, you may come hither to 
 dream about her empire. At Saint-Germains they have 
 a legend that when the Devil displayed the beauties of 
 the earth from a high place, it was on their terrace. 
 For my part, I think he had been foolish not to choose 
 Kalemegdan. 
 
 Nor must the well-kept gardens be overlooked the 
 bright beds, the flowering bushes and the trim walks 
 where the beauty and fashion of Belgrade come out to sun 
 themselves an hour before the fall of day. On Satur- 
 days the promenade is given over to the Hebrew popula- 
 tion in Servia, as at Salonika, of Spanish origin and 
 mitigated racial rapacity. The Jewesses, huddled together 
 upon deep green benches, display strange hereditary 
 costumes of the Middle Ages and the superabundant 
 jewellery of Jewesses in all ages. 
 
 Tearing yourself away from the dreamy Servian music 
 of the military band and the intoxicating odours of the 
 shrubs, you pass through wonderful brick gateways which 
 have defied time and turmoil in this centre of a thousand 
 stormy fights. You are in a broad parade-ground. On 
 the left are soldiers'* coffee-houses and fragrant gardens, 
 where cheery convicts clank their light fetters as they 
 water the turf. In front are piles of cannon-balls 
 and rows of antiquated cannon, among which you may 
 discern an English twelve-pounder, captured who knows 
 by whom or how often in Hanoverian days : they are 
 evidently intended only for ornament, for the forti- 
 fications of Belgrade are on the other side of the town, 
 and this citadel is practically dismantled. It is not 
 here that invasion is feared, for you may roam where 
 you will without risking the penalties of a spy, which 
 
170 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 might confront you on the frontiers of Bulgaria or 
 Bosnia. 
 
 Belgrade is almost a new city, like Sofia, where the 
 old wooden houses fed the Russian camp-fires. As at 
 Sofia, the rebuilding enabled sundry speculators to feather 
 their nests very comfortably, only, instead of a Stambulof 
 using official information for his private gain, we find a 
 canny Scot, named Mackenzie, using his native wits and 
 coming to be regarded as a benefactor. A long street, 
 and indeed a whole quarter, bear a phonetic version of his 
 name. Near the mosque, that pathetic outpost of a retreat- 
 ing civilisation, are a few wooden shops with the Oriental 
 window-counters, where dusky figures sit cross-legged, 
 toying with their water-pipes. And just off the Teratsia 
 there linger a few unmistakably Turkish houses, with their 
 venerable verandahs and caressing creepers. But the 
 covetous eye of the speculative builder is upon them, and 
 they are doomed. Indeed, Belgrade is essentially a modern, 
 almost an occidental, town ; and those who look for land- 
 marks of her historic past will look in vain. The citadel, 
 the mosque, a few fountains with Turkish inscriptions and 
 a ruinous arch, called the Gate of Constantinople, are the 
 only concrete reminders of Moslem domination. 
 
 Belgrade society before the Revolution consisted of 
 little more than the Court circle, the corps diplomatique, 
 the families of a few ministers, officers, and retired 
 diplomats, and the few other residents whom chance had 
 europeanised. Now, of course, there is no society at 
 all, for there are no Court and no diplomatists. No 
 aristocracy has survived in Servia, as it has done in 
 Roumania, which, not being on the Turks 1 direct high 
 road to Europe, was never so completely subjugated. No 
 titles of nobility have been conferred, and anything like a 
 
BELGRADE 171 
 
 pride of ancestry is rare. One of the smartest cavalry 
 officers I met was a son of King Milan's head cook, and an 
 ex-minister told me he gloried in the fact that he and 
 his friends were sous of peasants and yet could talk good 
 French and behave as gentlemen. But means, education, 
 and leisure have called an upper class into existence. 
 Their manners and habits are those of European society 
 everywhere else, and they have no social dealings with the 
 bourgeoisie or peasantry. The bourgeoisie is filled with 
 American notions of equality ; and acquaintance with pro- 
 fessional men politicians, lawyers, headmasters, doctors, 
 journalists, etc. exposes you to find yourself any moment 
 at table with your photographer, your chemist, your 
 landlord or your hosier. Within the bourgeoisie, official 
 position first and then wealth are the criteria of respect. 
 But the bourgeois looks down upon all peasants, even upon 
 farmers, who are often much richer and better-mannered 
 than himself, and whom he always speaks of as peasants, 
 generally introducing a taunt about bare feet. "He 
 is only a peasant," is often said, half contemptuously 
 and half in admiration, of the deputy who owns 2000 
 acres and is a power in his province, if not in the 
 State. 
 
 Every one in Servia is the soul of hospitality, and a 
 traveller in the country districts is welcomed and feasted 
 in a manner altogether overwhelming. But, except on 
 the day of their slava and one or two other anniversaries, 
 the Servians never entertain each other. Dinner-parties 
 are almost unknown, even in the European fringe which I 
 have called society. Most of the Belgrade ladies have 
 their day for receiving callers every week, but that is the 
 beginning and the end of entertainment as far as Servian 
 society is concerned. For one thing, the houses would be 
 
172 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 much too small. If you meet thirty or forty visitors in a 
 drawing-room at a slava, you run the risk of having all 
 the breath squeezed out of your body. 
 
 Many of the houses are comfortably but according to 
 our notions scantily furnished. Most of the furniture is 
 of Austrian or Hungarian origin and aims rather at use- 
 fulness than beauty. A redeeming feature is, however, to 
 be found in the great array of bright red Pirot rugs, which 
 figure not only on the floors and sofas but are even nailed 
 upon the walls and ceilings. The regulation system is to 
 have a large table in the centre of the parlour with a sofa 
 and all the chairs grouped stiffly round it. The sofa is 
 the seat of honour, reserved for the principal guest. If the 
 room be a big one, there will be a second table, as far off as 
 possible from the first, also surrounded by a sofa and bevy 
 of chairs. I found even in my room at the hotel that it was 
 almost impossible to cure the chambermaids of a mania 
 for this terrible arrangement. Whenever I pay a visit in 
 Servia and find the whole party set out in this circular 
 fashion, I always wonder what round game can be in 
 progress ; but from long usage Servians can see no humour 
 in the situation. 
 
 There is little luxury is Servian home-life and the 
 lack of servants makes comfort out of the question. As 
 Servians are too independent to enter domestic service, 
 servants have to be imported from beyond the Save and 
 they possess or quickly acquire impossible notions of 
 equality. I imagine it cannot be very much worse 
 in America. And the ladies of a Servian household 
 spoil their servants by doing much of the work them- 
 selves. 
 
 As for amusements in Belgrade, the theatre is a good 
 deal frequented. It is a pretty little house in the main 
 
BELGRADE 173 
 
 square, facing the monument to Prince Michael. Light 
 comedies and sometimes light operas, mostly translated 
 from the French, are given two or three times a 
 week. 
 
 Other nocturnal amusements are rare. There are a 
 few music-halls, but they are mere pretexts for sipping 
 coffee and beer and the performers are nearly all vener- 
 able Germans, who massacre the French songs of the year 
 before last. Occasionally a strolling Roumanian puts in an 
 appearance, but very rarely a Servian. The Servians con- 
 sider it infra dignitatem to appear on the boards and 
 what few can be enticed to do so are Hungarian subjects. 
 It is the same spirit which makes Servians refuse to work 
 in factories or enter domestic service. 
 
 The main streets of Belgrade start at a small angle 
 from the gardens of Kalemegdan and reunite before 
 reaching the palace. They contain all the best shops, a 
 large proportion of which are kept by Jews. Rugs, em- 
 broideries and other Oriental products may be bought at 
 high prices; but they are for the most part imported. 
 Ordinary European wares nearly all come from Austria or 
 Hungary and are both dear and bad. 
 
 A strange effect is produced by the rows of sheepskin 
 caps set out upon wooden stands in front of the shops, 
 like rows of heads after an execution. Canon MacColl, 
 driving through Belgrade, would undoubtedly scent an 
 atrocity. Nearly every other house is a kafana (coffee- 
 house), and nearly every other shop is a money-changer's ; 
 but, so far as I can make out, the chief business of the 
 latter is to speculate on the agio. Only one of them all 
 is a Christian, and it is satisfactory to record that most 
 of the private banking business of the town is in his 
 hands. 
 
174 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 Starting along the Teratsia from Kalemegdan, we pass 
 the town hall, a fine building, but one which I have seen 
 equalled if not surpassed by some of the town halls in 
 the interior. A few yards farther on is the market-place. 
 Almost has it persuaded me to go and live in the Hotel 
 Imperial hard by, that I might watch from my windows the 
 unceasing movement of picturesque peasants and the play 
 of colour in the stalls. Here, as in every Servian market, 
 paprika is the predominant factor : great stacks of bright- 
 green pods, freshly picked, like a plague of Riviera tree- 
 frogs brushed into heaps ; big bundles of pods which have 
 been dried in the sun and recall Virginia creeper at its 
 best ; finally, open sacks of these same red pods finely 
 powdered, striking the eye like molten fire. Then there 
 are fluffy snake-like strings of onion and garlic ; clothes- 
 baskets overflowing with bright cherries limpid as deadly 
 nightshade, or, according to the season, with blue-black 
 plums, overhung with a haze of wasps and hornets ; small 
 arsenals of apples, pears, and cabbages, which might be 
 mistaken at a distance for munitions of war; and a 
 flutter of the cheapest poultry in Europe. An inde- 
 finable odour hangs over the place at all hours ; but 
 whether emanating chiefly from the plums or the cabbages, 
 the quinces or the garlic, the fowls or the acacia-trees, or 
 the peasants who pass the nights on the ground wrapped 
 in matting to secure the best quarters for their stalls, it is 
 impossible to determine. 
 
 Passing on through the Mihajlova Pijatsa (Michael 
 Square), where some students from the ecclesiastical 
 seminary burned a Hungarian flag in the spring of 
 1896 at the instigation of the Metropolitan, and in- 
 volved the Government in all sorts of diplomatic 
 worries, you come to the Russian Legation immediately 
 
BELGRADE 175 
 
 facing, 1 and the Foreign Office immediately beyond the 
 Palace. 
 
 The Foreign Office is the most presentable of the 
 Ministries; but neither in the apartments nor in the 
 attendants is there anything like the same state which is 
 kept up at Sofia. The remaining houses of interest in 
 the Teratsia are the pretentious edifice built by M. Ristich 
 with the earnings of his long public life, and the modest 
 little yellow house where Queen Nathalie resided when her 
 persecutors forbade her the palace, and from which she 
 was expelled at the point of the bayonet. Finally, there 
 is the Officers' Club, a turreted edifice somewhat bare 
 inside, beyond the broad road which goes down to the 
 station. In that road are the Skupshtina, a miserable 
 chalet-like shanty, built in a hollow and expressing by its 
 aspect a delightful contempt for parliamentary institutions ; 
 the War Office, in process of rebuilding ; the Ministry of 
 Finance, some way back from the road with a pleasant 
 little garden attached ; and the excellent Military Academy, 
 whose smart young cadets are to be met with at every 
 turn. 
 
 The Parliament House at Belgrade is capacious rather 
 than convenient. From the outside it resembles a pro- 
 vincial theatre. In addition to the debating hall there 
 are only a few small rooms for the president and ministry 
 and a humble ante-room, where a solitary policeman keeps 
 watch with a revolver and bayonet at his side. Here I 
 presented my letter of introduction to Mr. Speaker. The 
 policeman took it and went off to listen at the door of the 
 Chamber, awaiting a propitious moment to take it in. 
 
 1 This house was formerly the British Legation, hut the Russians 
 intrigued and obtained it. Here M. Charikof looked through his 
 blinds and beheld the murders, 
 
176 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 Various personages passed in and out, and I heard a con- 
 fused hubbub, punctuated by the ping of the presidential 
 hand-bell. There seemed to be a scene in progress, and 
 I grew increasingly impatient at being detained outside, 
 seated on the solitary chair and worried by clouds of flies. 
 At last the tumult abated and members streamed out. 
 Evidently there was an adjournment and I should see 
 nothing. The Speaker came out with the others and 
 received my introduction. We shook hands cordially, 
 but we had some difficulty in making ourselves understood. 
 However, he found an escort to conduct me to the diplo- 
 matic gallery, and I learned that the adjournment was 
 only for two minutes. 
 
 Up there the atmosphere was very thick and the heat 
 overwhelming. I obtained a front seat and surveyed the 
 House. About one-third of it was given up to a platform. 
 In the centre, Mr. Speaker, dressed in gray tweeds, sat at 
 a desk, provided with a hand-bell, which he struck when 
 he desired to call members to order. Behind him were 
 the vacant throne of red velvet and gold, portraits of the 
 King and Queen and three royal scutcheons. On either 
 side of him were tables covered with green baize, where 
 the ministers sat. Facing them was a semicircle of dark 
 leathern benches in six rows, with two gangways. The 
 House, only a temporary structure, was intended for a 
 larger assembly, so there was no lack of room. This 
 did not, however, apply to the spectators, who thronged 
 the galleries, and were even allowed to overflow on to the 
 floor. The best gallery was reserved for ladies. The 
 Opposition sat to the left, the Ministerialists to the right 
 of the Speaker. Among both parties was a fair sprinkling 
 of peasant farmers, dressed in shirt-sleeves, embroidered 
 waistcoats, and baggy breeches. 
 
BELGRADE 177 
 
 Honourable members were at liberty to address the 
 House either from their places or from one of the two 
 boxes immediately below the Speaker; the more showy 
 orators generally preferred the greater publicity, while 
 others were content to express their views where they were. 
 When I entered, a fiery Radical was denouncing the 
 Government very glibly apropos of the national loan, then 
 under discussion. Like all his colleagues, he was quite 
 ready to admit that the loan was necessary and that it 
 had been contracted on the best possible terms. But, he 
 reiterated, we will not grant it to a Government in which 
 we have no confidence. He made use of a strange piece 
 of clap-trap, which may have a psychological interest. 
 " This," said he, " is a period when liberty and progress 
 throughout the world have reached a higher point than 
 ever before. We observe in every land the fullest freedom, 
 the most magnificent democracy, everywhere save in un- 
 happy Servia. In France the Government is giving the 
 coup de grace to the last representatives of bigotry and 
 superstition. Even England, which for long years has 
 been engaged in a struggle of incredible bitterness, has 
 scarcely subdued her foes when she magnanimously refuses 
 to suspend their constitution. A few weeks ago they were 
 in arms against her ; now they are allowed to take their 
 share as citizens in the development of her destinies. It 
 is only in Servia that liberty is dead. . . ." 
 
 Presently a Ministerialist rose in his place and a great 
 uproar immediately ensued. The Opposition declared 
 that he might not speak, as he had neglected the formality 
 of sending in his name. " But, 11 said Mr. Speaker, " I 
 have his name here on my list." The Opposition, how- 
 ever, would not listen to reason ; their conception of liberty 
 evidently did not include free speech. They were all 
 
 N 
 
178 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 shouting at once, utterly regardless of the ping-ping of 
 the President's bell. Then some one moved that the 
 honourable member be no longer heard, and several 
 speeches were delivered in an electrical atmosphere. At 
 last the matter was settled in the honourable member's 
 favour, and the House again adjourned for five minutes' 1 
 rest. On resuming he was heard with the utmost patience. 
 He delivered a quiet argumentative speech, which evidently 
 made an impression. 
 
 He was followed by the Republican leader M. Zhivko- 
 vich, a small dark lawyer with a pointed beard, very 
 generous with his gesticulations and evidently a great 
 water-bibber. I saw him toss off no less than five tumblers 
 during his oration. In 1898 this gentleman was sentenced 
 to penal servitude for criminal conspiracy ; for two years 
 and eight months he toiled in chains as a convict, until, 
 on the occasion of the King's marriage, a general 
 amnesty was granted. The life must certainly have 
 agreed with him, for his energy was only surpassed by the 
 bitterness of his eloquence. The Ministerialists accorded 
 him a fair hearing ; only once were they stung into a pro- 
 test. Once or twice he raised a laugh, which is a rare 
 event in the solemn Skupshtina. His supporters encouraged 
 him from time to time with " Very good ! " or some other 
 exclamation. When he returned to his seat they clapped 
 their hands and cried, " Zhiveo ! " (Let him live !) 
 
 After replies from the Premier and Finance Minister, 
 the division was taken towards nine P.M. amid much sup- 
 pressed excitement. The most sanguine supporters of the 
 Government did not expect a large majority and even 
 money was laid in the gallery that it would not exceed 
 six. The votes were counted by calling the Ayes and 
 then the Noes to stand up in their places. To the 
 
BELGRADE 179 
 
 uninitiated this was a tedious proceeding, for each name 
 had to be registered separately. But no sooner had the 
 Ayes stood up than the experts seemed to know that the 
 Government was safe. A loud cheer rent the air, to be 
 renewed still more vociferously when a majority of fifteen 
 was eventually announced. 
 
 The streets of Belgrade at night-time have a distinct 
 character of their own. Probably by Turkish tradition, 
 every one retires very early and by nine of the clock the 
 whole town is practically deserted. Great globes of electric 
 light contribute a 'ghostly whiteness to the scene, and a 
 nervous person might easily be pardoned alarm at the 
 immovable figures of the soldier-police lurking at every 
 corner, armed to the teeth. Imagine a gaunt apparition 
 with a long Russian overcoat and fur cap, a sword at his 
 side, revolvers in his belt, a long rifle and fixed bayonet 
 slung across his back. He is, however, as courteous and 
 obliging as a London policeman, which is high praise. 
 And there is probably no town in Europe, unless it be 
 Sofia, where the stranger may wander about at all hours 
 with more perfect security where he will. But it was not 
 by any means always so. A Servian artist who is a friend 
 of mine often indulges in reminiscences about Belgrade in 
 the days of the Turkish garrison. There used to be a 
 Servian and a Turkish police, who came into frequent 
 collision. But, in spite of both, he tells me the streets 
 were dangerous at night. He remembers being set upon 
 by a Turkish officer one evening and receiving a good 
 shaking. Finding appeals to reason fruitless, he pushed 
 the officer down into the gutter, whereupon the officer drew 
 his sword and chased him all the way home. There were 
 then no lights in the streets and, as at Stamboul to-day, 
 pedestrians were bound to carry lanterns after dark. 
 
180 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 Once my friend dallied somewhere and found he had no 
 lantern to take him home. " Never mind," said his host, 
 " I will see you through." They had not proceeded many 
 yards when they were challenged by a zaptie, but my 
 friend's companion replied in a loud authoritative voice, 
 " How now, you stupid fellow, don't you know me ? " The 
 zaptie did not; but he confounded himself in excuses, 
 and the pair proceeded on their way. 
 
 In the Mihajlova Pijatsa and the neighbouring streets 
 innumerable little frogs hop about as unconcernedly as 
 if they were far away in the country. How they came 
 there and how they survive, no one seems to know. In 
 Turkish times there were also wild dogs in the streets, as 
 at Constantinople; but the Servians have established a 
 dog tax for Belgrade, and any dog found at large without 
 a numbered diamond-shaped badge attached to his collar 
 is lassoed and put to death. These natural scavengers have, 
 however, been adequately replaced. The streets are very 
 disagreeable for walking and driving, owing to the infamous 
 cobble pavement, but they are kept scrupulously clean. On 
 a summer night you may see whole armies of sweepers at 
 work, raising great clouds of white dust before them. 
 
 Whenever I drive about Belgrade with a Servian, my 
 attention is drawn to 'the enormous improvements since 
 Turkish times, which, it must be remembered, were by no 
 means remote. Thirty or forty years ago the Teratsia 
 was like a very bad country road, in which you might sink 
 up to the knees in mud ; and in place of the fine white 
 houses which flank it, there were tumble-down wooden 
 shanties nearly everywhere. The drains are said to be still 
 primitive; but there are no bad smells, as in Italy and 
 France. And the Grand Hotel is very comfortable. 
 
 The roads in the neighbourhood of Belgrade still leave 
 
BELGRADE 181 
 
 something to be desired. The historical Constantinople 
 road, which goes through Semendria and Nish and affords 
 the one promenade at Sofia, becomes near Belgrade a 
 regular slough of despond after a very moderate rainfall. 
 The new road to Topchider is, however, kept in good 
 order and has become the one resort for riders and 
 drivers of an afternoon. After passing the Government 
 tobacco factory and Herr Weifferfs big brewery, you 
 enter a fine alley of limes and acacias and arrive speedily 
 at the woods and gardens of Topchider. 
 
 It is some two miles from Belgrade, and may be 
 reached in ten minutes by electric tramway. The 
 restaurant is a popular resort and it is the fashion to take 
 dinner there out-of-doors in the summer. The main 
 drawbacks to this are the plague of little green flies and 
 great whirring beetles, and the fitfulness of the electric 
 light, which there depends on the same generators as the 
 tramway. When the cars go unduly fast, diners are 
 plunged in darkness. On the hills about Topchider are a 
 number of villas, where the better-to-do of Belgrade spend 
 the summer. The villa of Milosh, the founder of the late 
 dynasty, is down below among the gardens. It is now a 
 show-place for visitors. The most interesting sight is 
 perhaps an old proskura (a small loaf blessed by the 
 popes), which Milosh left there in a drawer when he went 
 into exile, and found again on his return nearly twenty 
 years later. The interior of the house has been left very 
 much as it was when Milosh lived there, except that his 
 clothes and other relics are now exhibited under glass 
 cases. The furniture and arrangements are, as might be 
 expected, Turkish, and impress with their simplicity. A 
 collection of pictures and wax fruits testifies to Milosh's 
 patronage of the arts. The nuder pictures are screened 
 
182 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 with curtains, but they are not of a nature which would 
 exact this homage to prudery even in England. There is 
 a pretty little church hard by Milosh's konak ; and you 
 may also see the monument of Prince Michael, who was 
 murdered in the deer-park. 
 
CHAPTER XII 
 
 THE INTERIOR 
 
 THE tourist -resorts of the world have been so much 
 exhausted that I shall be conferring a service by indi- 
 cating a new direction. No self-respecting person now 
 cares to jostle a herd of Yankees, Teutons, infidels and 
 heretics in Switzerland, Germany or Italy, except for the 
 necessary purposes of education. What was once the 
 grand tour is now very small beer. Even further afield 
 the spirit of the age is painfully paramount. India is 
 overrun with globe-trotters; Egypt and Palestine are 
 the slaves of Mr. Cook ; Japan has been hopelessly 
 vulgarised. Let me urge all those who yearn for strange 
 scenes and native simplicity to visit Servia before she is 
 swept into the current. Already Bosnia has been turned 
 into a burghers 1 playground, and it cannot be long before 
 Servia suffers a like contamination. At present the 
 great safeguard is to be found in the deficiency of rail- 
 ways, but a new law has been passed to facilitate their 
 construction, and the day may not be far distant when red 
 Baedekers and blue goggles will complete the tricolour of 
 this white land. Already I have noticed a striking change 
 in Belgrade. Six years ago I heard nothing there but 
 Servian in hotels, restaurants and places where they sing. 
 
 183 
 
184 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 Now the ears are perpetually offended by thick German 
 and abrupt Magyar tongues. But the interior is still 
 virginal. 
 
 In 1896, when I overran Servia, I had to find com- 
 pensation in the natives' overflowing hospitality for rugged 
 roads, bridgeless rivers and some unsavoury inns. Since 
 then the corvee has been out and there are excellent 
 highways everywhere ; the streams have all been spanned 
 by neat viaducts and the sanitary authorities have insisted 
 upon the extermination of unnecessary smells. Now, as 
 hitherto, good substantial fare is to be found in villages 
 as well as towns. The only remaining drawback is the 
 absence of baths. Even in a big town like Kragujevats 
 or a thriving one like Shabats, they stare in the 
 best hotels if you hint at a hip-bath. They are quite 
 ready to spend thousands of dinars on buildings and 
 servants and such luxuries as they understand ; but it does 
 not occur to them, even in the dog-days, that a traveller 
 might crave for a cold plunge. This is strange, because 
 Belgrade has already set the example and most of her 
 hotels are well supplied with baths. People shrink from 
 what they call " roughing it " in remote lands, but if you 
 interrogate them you will usually find that their grievance is 
 against the absence of food and tubs. Food is abundant 
 here, and the expenditure of two or three pounds by each 
 hotel would supply a sufficiency of tubs. Water is already 
 abundant and the Servians drink it recklessly, but their 
 facilities for its external use are mediocre. Until this 
 deficiency can be remedied a traveller must have recourse 
 to tin or indiarubber. Then he may treat himself, at an 
 absurdly low cost, to an acquaintance with a smiling 
 people which possesses all the Oriental instinct of hospi- 
 tality, to a sight of historical scenes and wondrous scenery 
 
THE INTERIOR 185 
 
 and marvellous monasteries ; in fact, to all the delights of 
 the Middle Ages crystallised amid modern aspirations and 
 a headlong prosperity. 
 
 I will give a few impressions and recollections as they 
 occur to me. For my first journey into the interior I 
 started down the Danube by a Servian steamer at 5.30 
 A.M., when the rising sun was lighting up the lovely white 
 city with the daintiest rose hues imaginable. I was very 
 drowsy, but I could not be insensible to the tender land- 
 scape, with its feathery willows and pale green hills. In a 
 recess of one of these a spot was pointed out to me where 
 eleven conspirators against Milan were taken out and 
 shot some years ago. One of them was quite a youth, 
 and his father vainly offered to pay all the expenses of 
 the Servian army for two years in return for a pardon. 
 Another was reprieved at the very last moment, after his 
 eyes had been bandaged and the guns had been levelled ; 
 but his health never recovered the rigours of imprison- 
 ment in a cellar where the water was an inch deep and 
 snakes were his companions. 
 
 On a hill just before Semendria stands a pretty little 
 villa with a shady verandah where King Alexander and 
 Queen Draga usually spent the summer. Semendria is 
 a homely old town with little to attract the traveller, 
 unless it be the excellent white grapes, which grow out of 
 doors to respectable hothouse proportions, fit first-fruits 
 for the explorer of a district flowing with milk and 
 honey. According to tradition, the famous vineyards of 
 Semendria were planted by the Roman Emperor Probus. 
 When George Brankovich became proprietor, early in the 
 fifteenth century, of Tokay in Hungary, he planted the 
 Semendria vine there, and thus called into being the best 
 wine the world has ever known. An old peasant's cottage, 
 
186 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 consisting of two rooms, is shown as a former residence of 
 Prince Milosh. The old Church of S. Mary, adjoining the 
 cemetery above the town, has handsome arcaded apses and 
 a rugged polygonal exterior. As is the case with most 
 places of worship built during Turkish times, the floor was 
 placed some two yards below the level of the ground out- 
 side, in order that the building might attract less attention 
 by its height; and the frescoes inside have the usual 
 bullet-marks. The modern church, dedicated to S. George, 
 on the other side of the town, is one of the finest in Servia ; 
 it is in the modern Byzantine style and is surmounted by 
 six domes. 
 
 Of course the most interesting of the sights of Semendria 
 is the strange old fortress, which was built five hundred 
 years ago by George Brankovich, one of those last de- 
 fenders of Servia who were struggling, with their backs to 
 the wall, against the irresistible advance of Islam. It con- 
 sists of a fantastic coronet of brown square towers united 
 by a curtain and standing out sheer against the water's 
 edge without battlements, rampart or embrasures an 
 unique and magnificent monument of mediaeval defence. 
 Before the invention of modern artillery it must have been 
 almost impregnable ; but the builder evidently foresaw, like 
 every one else, that it was only a question of time how soon 
 the last remnants of the Servian Empire should fall into 
 the hands of the Turks. So he built into a wall in the 
 middle of the citadel a huge red-brick cross, the Christian 
 monograms and a Servian inscription, none of which could 
 be removed without destroying the whole edifice. " The 
 mark during four centuries," writes Mr. Denton, 1 "for 
 Turkish bullets, which have liberally battered both brick 
 and stone, the cross stands out all the redder for the violence 
 1 Servia and the Servians, 1862. 
 
THE INTERIOR 187 
 
 which hatred for the emblem had instigated." It met the 
 eyes of the successful invaders at their entry, it survived 
 the times of the Turkish occupation, and doubtless it 
 was the last object which the Turkish garrison saw as it 
 withdrew from the fortress. 
 
 Proceeding down the Danube, we came to some fantastic 
 islands which reminded my companion of the "Twelve 
 Apostles " on Lake Superior, and presently a promontory 
 shaped like one of the pearl caps worn by Servian peasants 
 heralded our destination, the lignite coal mine of Kostolats. 
 The rest of the Danube I only know as far as Turnu- 
 Severin, and from the Hungarian side. The only points 
 of interest are the defile of Kazan and the Iron Gates, 
 which were opened for more extensive navigation a few 
 years ago. 
 
 It is a popular delusion, shared even by many guide- 
 books, that the Iron Gates are a narrow gorge, where the 
 Danube acquires extraordinary velocity. I remember 
 murmuring, when I read of blasting operations there, at the 
 vandalism of sacrificing scenery to commercial exigencies. 
 As a matter of fact, however, the Iron Gates so called 
 because the rocks in the bed of the river were thought to 
 resemble a kind of grille are at the broadest and flattest 
 portion of this stage of the river, which has just spread 
 out after issuing from the defile of Kazan. 1 That defile 
 offers precisely the kind of scenery which every one professes 
 to admire, having become familiar with it in every other 
 Academy picture and three-quarters of all stage scenery. 
 There are high cliffs and beetling crags ; the river has in 
 some places so narrow an inlet and outlet among the 
 mountains that it seems like a kind of troubled lake, such 
 as often occurs in dreams. Very likely it is very beautiful, 
 1 Turkish for the Cauldron. 
 
188 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 but for my part I would not go a furlong out of my way 
 to see it again. 
 
 The most striking fact about the Danube between 
 the Servian and Hungarian shores is that the Hungarian is 
 nearly all flat, half-deserted, and monotonous ; the Servian 
 a cheerful succession of hills, ruins, churches, villages, flocks 
 and herds a contrast characteristic of the two countries. 
 
 Near Kostolats I saw the ruins of a Roman villa, 
 now being slowly excavated. Several small works of art 
 and some huge sacks of copper coins have been discovered, 
 and experts are of opinion that further search may reveal 
 the remains of the old Roman town of Viminatium, which 
 was one of the largest in this part of the world. After 
 visiting the mine at Kostolats I drove through a succession 
 of Richmond Parks to King Alexander's stud at Ljubichevo, 
 which did wonders for the improvement of horse-breeding 
 in the country. 
 
 Throughout the Shumadia, which I spent the next 
 few weeks in exploring, I was struck by the English 
 character of the scenery. The endless acres of pasture, 
 dotted with stately oaks and elms, might be the outskirts 
 of a Devonshire domain ; the roadside banks and rare 
 hedges were gay with our familiar wild-flowers cowslips, 
 primroses, forget-me-nots, ragged robin, daisies, violets, 
 clematis, honeysuckle, dog-roses and blackberry blossoms ; 
 while the presence of abundant lilacs, acacias, laburnums, 
 and wild fruit-trees suggested the riches of a vast natural 
 garden. The soft blue hills, dotted with dark shrubs ; 
 the winding Morava, with its fringe of feathery willow ; 
 the long stretches of nodding maize, relieved every now 
 and then byjpatches of wheat or hemp ; the bright, white- 
 washed houses with their red-tiled roofs, were always a 
 pleasure to gaze upon. 
 
THE INTERIOR 189 
 
 Pozharevats, hard by the Ljubichevo stud, may be 
 taken as a typical country town. To our ideas it is more 
 like an overgrown village. With one or two exceptions, 
 there are no streets, according to our conception of the 
 term. Each cottage nestles in its own farmyard and 
 garden, and the profusion of verdure lining the roadways 
 and encompassing the buildings affords a picturesque 
 prospect to those who look down upon the town from the 
 neighbouring hills. The one remarkable sight in the place 
 is undoubtedly the palatial Prefecture. The Prefect was 
 highly flattered when I told him, what I am sure is the 
 case, that in England no provincial town three or four 
 times the size could boast of anything like it. He was 
 amused when I expressed surprise, and puzzled when I 
 expressed pleasure, that the seat of the royal government 
 in this insignificant country town should be so far more 
 magnificent than the dilapidated building deemed sufficient 
 for the needs of the popular assembly in the capital. 
 
 From Pozharevats to Svilajnats I drove some four-and- 
 twenty miles along a broad white road, which seemed to 
 be bordered by one continuous village. At very short 
 intervals one came to a pair of rival inns glaring defiance 
 at each other from different sides of the road. They 
 looked very picturesque, with their white colonnades, 
 quaint rough frescoes and creepers ; and their frequency 
 afforded an infallible sign of the general prosperity. 
 
 I have eaten many a merry meal and occasionally passed 
 a night in Servian mehane, and vow they are all very well 
 in their way. As I have never dined or slept in an 
 English village pothouse, I cannot attempt a comparison ; 
 but it is, at any rate, something that a fastidious person 
 can satisfy his hunger and escape vermin in a mehana. Of 
 course, fleas are to be found in Servia, as in every other 
 
190 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 country ; but they were always amenable to insect powder, 
 and I never encountered worse tormentors. Some mehane, 
 indeed, were far more comfortable than many a pretentious 
 hotel. I would far rather, for instance, spend a week at 
 the mehana of Bogatich, in the district of Machva, than in 
 the Hotel Bristol at Vienna. I found scrupulous cleanli- 
 ness, good food and perfect courtesy and attention. What 
 more can any one desire? In general, I may say that 
 whatever shortcomings I discovered in mehane were due 
 to ignorance. If they had not due warning of my approach, 
 I had to put up with rough fare; while, on the other 
 hand, so soon as the landlord learned my habits he was 
 quite ready to fall in with them. He would express 
 astonishment, of course. Why on earth should I want a 
 clean tablecloth? Those were only wine-stains or soup- 
 stains or what not. However, if that was my fancy, by all 
 means let me be humoured ! Or, again, his guests always 
 wiped their knives and forks on their napkins, or else not 
 at all ; but if I preferred that he should take them out 
 between each course and rub them on a filthy rag in the 
 kitchen, he had not the slightest objection. Was it not 
 notorious that Englishmen were eccentric ? Had he not 
 seen me calmly sitting by an open window ? and when he 
 had drawn my attention to the dangers of draughts, had 
 I not replied that I liked them ? Assuredly such a being 
 must be humoured ! 
 
 We generally dined in the public room, a number of 
 little tables being placed together to make one big one ; 
 and if nothing else could be relied upon, the cheese, kaimak, 
 and chicken were nearly always eatable. Wine it was more 
 prudent to bring. These meals generally took place at the 
 half-way house where the two contingents of escort met : 
 the one which had brought me thither, and the one which 
 
THE INTERIOR 191 
 
 was to take me on to the place where I should pass the 
 night. If there were too many loafers in the public room, 
 we sometimes dined in a private one in nearly every case 
 a musty bedroom, where we sat on beds turned into sofas 
 by the simple process of covering them with Pirot rugs. 
 When there was a garden, we always dined there, which 
 was much pleasanter, saving the presence of wasps and 
 hornets. 
 
 On drawing up at a mehana and Servian travellers can 
 rarely bring themselves to pass a good one without drawing 
 up (on leaving Bajina Bashta, for instance, we were made 
 to stop at one "to rest the horses'" after ten minutes' 
 travel) you find a number of white linen peasants seated 
 on rickety kitchen chairs or long low benches at rickety 
 wooden tables under the colonnade. They all make a 
 motion of rising and doff their sheepskin caps. A table 
 is always vacated in case you care to sit down there. 
 Walking straight in, however, you find yourself in a large 
 lofty chamber with a number of little tables careering about 
 an undulating and irregular floor, either of very old red 
 brick or earth hardened by the passage of many feet. The 
 windows, covered with creepers, are kept hermetically 
 closed ; but the door is generally wide open. Facing the 
 door is a great stove with an open fire sometimes built 
 far into the wall, sometimes projecting far into the room. 
 Hanging from nails on the walls by their long handles are 
 a great array of Turkish coffee-pots not the bright bronze 
 ones we know so well, but dingy, battered implements of 
 tin various ugly pans, two or three rusty revolvers and a 
 venerable gun. Near the ceiling by the stove a number 
 of maize-heads are often put to dry. On the wall are 
 numerous prints and garish oleographs in frames : bad 
 likenesses of the royal family almost invariably, the host's 
 
192 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 party leader (and I have remarked that a Radical inn is 
 always the dirtiest and worst provided), S. Sava blessing 
 peasants in the various national costumes of Greater Servia, 
 scenes from the Turkish and Bulgarian wars and the 
 Bosnian insurrection. In a corner are a large cupboard full 
 of plates and glasses and a tank for keeping wine and soda- 
 water cool. The abundance of ice, even in the least pre- 
 tentious inn, calls for admiration. It is collected in large 
 quantities from the frozen rivers and ponds during the 
 short sharp winter and affords a provision for the whole 
 summer. When I sprained my foot at the manoeuvres and 
 passed the night at a very humble mehana, blocks of ice 
 were at once produced to allay the inflammation. (What 
 village public-house in England could show similar fore- 
 sight ?) In a conspicuous part of every mehana is a large 
 blackboard, where the scores of the various frequenters are 
 chalked up in true old-fashioned style. Over one of these 
 boards I noticed a painted motto " Ready money to-day ; 
 credit to-morrow" evidently based on the axiom that 
 " to-morrow never comes," but here more honoured in the 
 breach than in the observance. 
 
 The wine at a mehana is generally home-made and 
 always badly made. A small amount of beer is also con- 
 sumed there, but the chief trade is done in very weak raki 
 (slivovitsa or komovitsa). This is drunk out of queer little 
 long-necked decanters, each containing about the measure 
 of one liqueur-glass. When people toast each other with 
 these, they do not clink glasses but rub together the necks of 
 their tiny bottles as if in a maudlin embrace. I remember 
 drinking with a very jovial pope somewhere. He was drink- 
 ing wine out of tumblers, and I raki out of decanters. 
 This sounds much more bibulous that it really was. When 
 you want to be polite in Servia, you must clink glasses 
 
THE INTERIOR 193 
 
 almost every time you drink. So he kept clinking his glass 
 against my decanter, and I kept embracing his glass with 
 my decanter. But I took mischievous advantage of the 
 turn of the wrist necessary for a proper embrace to pour 
 some of my raki into his wine every time. Presently he 
 sniffed suspiciously and said, "Well, this is very curious ; 
 I would swear this wine had a smack of raki." " Impos- 
 sible ! " we all exclaimed ; but as his wine became more 
 and more impregnated with raki, his suspicions became more 
 and more clearly defined. At last he caught me in the 
 act, and there was a delighted uproar, which ended eventu- 
 ally in our all taking arms and escorting him home to bed. 
 Our gipsy band marched down the village road in front of 
 us, playing their most obstreperous airs ; and the represent- 
 atives of Church, State and Army (pope, nachelnik, and 
 a number of young officers) serenaded the slumbering houses 
 with tumultuous songs. There was a bright full moon, 
 and every cur in the place insisted upon joining in our 
 chorus. 
 
 It is fair to add that this pope had his revenge upon me 
 later on, when I met him in a kafana at Shabats. After 
 appropriate toasts I prepared to make a move and asked 
 him how to tell the waiter in Servian that I wanted to pay. 
 " Josh jedan," he replied, with a mischievous smile in his 
 eye. " Josh jedan ! " I accordingly exclaimed, rapping 
 the table. The waiter came, carried off my glass and re- 
 plenished it. I thought this very odd, but, not wishing to 
 struggle against fate, I tossed off the contents, rapped the 
 table, and exclaimed, "Josh jedan!" Again the waiter 
 filled my glass. Again I drank and called " Josh jedan ! " 
 each time more authoritatively, the pope's smile growing 
 broader and broader. At last the only way out of the 
 impasse was to break my glass and say " Zahlen ! " Then I 
 
 Q 
 
194 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 learned that, instead of meaning " What have I to pay ? " 
 " Josh jedan " meant " One more." 
 
 One mehana deserves special and honourable mention to 
 itself. On the boat going to Shabats my attention was 
 directed to a white house, which, I was told, with much 
 emphasis, was a very, very clean restaurant kept by a 
 peasant. This seemed to strike my Servian friends as 
 something phenomenal, and they discussed it with many a 
 " Bogami ! " and other expressions of incredulity. After 
 lunch we took a cab and told the driver to go to " the clean 
 restaurant." He knew at once and set out without any 
 further direction. When we reached it I ceased to wonder 
 at the fame it has attained. The tiled floors shone with 
 elbow-grease, the pots and pans would have served as 
 looking-glasses, and I would gladly have eaten my dinner 
 off the floor of the fowl-house. The landlady expostulated 
 at once with my companion for having brought suitors for 
 her daughter's hand without giving warning ; and presently 
 the young heiress came to serve us with fresh kaimak, her 
 face shiny from recent washing and her hair redolent of the 
 oil of Macassar. A prosperous peasant is often very rich 
 in Servia ; and when his daughter is an only child, she is 
 looked upon as a very good catch. So it was assumed 
 that strange visitors could have only one object. 
 
 The laws relating to mehane are that any one may take 
 out a license on payment of a sliding scale of fees ; but he 
 must submit to police supervision, keep a certain number 
 of beds for travellers and charge according to a fixed tariff. 
 Any attempt at extortion would be met by an appeal to 
 the police. 
 
 Servians have no sense of privacy. They are accustomed 
 to live with open doors and do everything in public. No 
 servant ever dreams of knocking at your door anywhere in 
 
THE INTERIOR 195 
 
 the east of Europe, the explanation being that traditions 
 were formed before doors came into being, when curtains 
 alone filled the entrances. On coming to an inn, it is the 
 habit to ask not for so many rooms, but for so many beds ; 
 and I have seen rooms in inns with as many as four beds, 
 one in each corner. I had all the pains in the world to 
 convince my various companions that I must have a room 
 to myself. They seemed to think it a very eccentric whim ; 
 but, as usual, they were anxious to oblige. 
 
 To return to Shumadia. A drive from the main rail- 
 way brought me, through many hemp-fields and past many 
 streams where flax was undergoing a vehement process of 
 beating and washing at the hands of picturesque women, 
 to Krushevats, a town of 10,000 inhabitants, where Lazar, 
 the last Servian Tsar, held his Court and assembled an 
 army of 100,000 men before he set out for the fatal field 
 of Kosovo. Lazar's church is still in good preservation, 
 with beautiful rose windows and fanciful old carvings 
 representing imperial peacocks and eagles. It forms part 
 of a broad ruined enclosure where the palace used to stand. 
 Of this the most interesting portion is Militsa's legendary 
 tower, whither black crows brought her the news that the 
 Servian Empire was shattered. Hard by are an old 
 Turkish fountain, whither all manner of peasants bring 
 water-pots of the best rustic art ; and the ruins of an 
 ancient mosque, which, according to tradition, was built 
 by Militsa for her son-in-law after Kosovo. There are 
 also some ruins of a Turkish bath, which, judging from 
 present appearances, cannot have accommodated many 
 bathers. 
 
 After spending a night at Militsa's monastery of 
 Ljubostin I proceeded to Vrnjtse, a watering-place which 
 is thronged with visitors in the summer. Thence I drove 
 
196 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 to dreamy Kraljevo, which must always linger in my 
 memory in a vague, restful way. There is a mistiness 
 about the blue hills in the distance; an unreality about 
 the tree-clad streets, with their easy-going denizens bearing 
 all sorts of provisions skinned sheep, fluttering poultry, 
 baskets of paprika slung on poles across the shoulders. 
 The very houses have a modest gaze ; there are no loud 
 colours ; there is no noise, no bustle ; it is an ideal 
 refuge for those who are weary of the turmoil of Europe. 
 The name of Kraljevo (" the King^s town ") was con- 
 ferred by King Milan, who also transferred thither the 
 bishopric of Chachak. Previously the town was known as 
 Karanovats. 
 
 In the morning I was escorted by a polite prefect, 
 a merry mayor and a chorus of genial citizens to see 
 the sights, including the mediaeval monastery of Zhicha. 
 What interested me most was the agricultural school, 
 an ideal missionary enterprise that has now existed for 
 upwards of twenty years. Some sixty resident pupils take 
 a three years' course in scientific farming, apiculture, 
 poultry-keeping, etc., returning eventually to their homes 
 as apostles of true progress, a very different thing from 
 the progress prescribed by demagogues. In illustration of 
 the contrast between the old methods and the new, I was 
 shown the native pyramidal hives of mud, which afford 
 only one-sixth or one-tenth of the honey derived from 
 wooden structures with all the latest devices. But an 
 incident related by the head of the school shows that this 
 age has not a monopoly of wisdom. There recently came 
 to him a peasant who was terribly crippled by rheumatism, 
 and had been incapable of work during many years. He 
 said he had heard a tradition that the sting of a bee 
 was an infallible cure for his complaint. The director 
 
BELGRADE. 
 
 LAMBS ROASTED WHOLE. 
 
 (Photographs by Mrs. Herbert Vivian.'] 
 
 PLATE XV. 
 
THE INTERIOR 197 
 
 laughed, but was quite ready to gratify the man's desire. 
 So a queen-bee was caught in a little box and applied 
 to his leg, which swelled up enormously from the effects of 
 the sting. After a few days the inflammation subsided, 
 and he found that his rheumatism had entirely disappeared. 
 Perhaps other sufferers may like to try the cure. 
 
 In the evening I was entertained to supper in a vineyard 
 outside the town. My host (a typical peasant farmer) 
 had every appearance of extreme poverty, but was in fact 
 one of the richest men in the district. He had the latest 
 kind of threshing-machine, made of course in Austria. 
 On my way up the hill I saw a lamb being prepared for 
 our supper. It had been spitted on a log of wood, and 
 was being very slowly turned by a man over a pit full of 
 glowing vine-ashes. This operation lasted fully five hours 
 and afforded one of the daintiest dishes imaginable. Native 
 epicures, I was told, lay special stress upon the use of 
 vine wood, declaring that a particular flavour is conveyed 
 to the meat. Among the other components of a Gargan- 
 tuan repast were thick rich kaimak (Cornish cream), eaten 
 with new rye-bread as an hors d'ceuvre ; chorba (a luscious 
 chicken broth, affording food as well as drink); a very 
 savoury hash, flavoured with paprika; and a variety of 
 light pastries, the whole washed down with a mellow red 
 wine, which was none the worse for having been made at 
 home. 
 
 The lamb had scarcely been chopped up and placed on 
 the table before the captain of the gendarmerie was on his 
 legs effusively proposing my health. Then all stood up 
 and sang "Mnogo Ljeta" (Many summers), the Servian 
 equivalent of u He's a jolly good fellow." Then I had 
 to propose my host's health and he replied with many 
 friendly references to my country. 
 
198 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 It was certainly an idyllic spot for a supper picnic. A 
 fantastic light was afforded by flaming pine-logs in a sort 
 of cradle at the top of a lamp-post ; a chorus of crickets 
 kept up a soothing serenade; the scent of flowers and 
 shrubs lay heavy on the evening air and brilliant opal 
 glow-worms studded the grassy floor. The peasant girls, 
 I learned, have the pleasing custom of placing dozens of 
 these insects in their hair and going to village dances thus 
 adorned with the wondrous jewels of Nature. 
 
 After visiting the monastery of Studenitsa I made 
 my way north to Kragujevats, the terminus of a branch 
 railway and the second town in the kingdom. It was 
 Milosh's capital, the heart of Servia, from which every 
 throb of patriotism had its origin for the scattering of 
 her enemies. What riches of association, what intrinsic 
 charms are congregated within its walls ! From the 
 windows of the huge modern hotel you look over the 
 broad square, where Milosh cut off the tongues and 
 feet of his unfaithful subjects little more than half a 
 century ago. They had a short way with Radicals in 
 Servia then. 
 
 The whole town seems like a garden. The very 
 arsenal and arms factory nestle amid old-world shrubberies. 
 A drive through a pleasant little park known as "The 
 Children's Garden " takes you to Milosh's konak, now a 
 military club, where the officers receive visitors with their 
 perennial hospitality. Like his other residences, it is built 
 in the Turkish fashion with beautiful ceilings and much 
 carved woodwork. The streets and shops of Kragujevats 
 are particularly fascinating. I bought a shubara l there 
 for twenty dinars, rummaged embroidered waistcoats and 
 gold-laced zouave jackets, and should have invested in a 
 1 A monstrous busby of sheepskin worn by Wallachians. 
 
THE INTERIOR 199 
 
 pair of opanke but for the bulk of their wooden trees. I 
 could not resist some fantastic pottery, more especially a 
 raki-bottle, shaped like a lady with a crinoline and fan ; 
 but, alas ! it would not stand travelling across country 
 and was all broken by the time I returned to Belgrade. 
 
 The journey from Kragujevats to Nish seemed to take 
 me into a different country. I had left far behind me 
 the gentle hills, the white and drab peasants and the neat 
 tiled houses of central Servia, to find myself at last in the 
 unmistakable Orient. The scenery was inclined to be 
 rugged, with white rocks of fantastic shape ; the peasants 
 were of more varied type and costume in the streets a 
 mixed population of Albanians, Bulgars, Wallachs and 
 gipsies jostled the pure-bred Servian or squatted Turkish- 
 fashion on the pavements indulging in bright colours 
 and wearing bright fezzes or coloured kerchiefs with 
 abrupt tufts of flowers or feathers ; and the houses were 
 of those quaint, antiquated patterns at once so unpractical 
 and so entrancing. I could not repress a pang when I 
 stood upon a hill outside the town at sunset and watched 
 a solitary khodja chaunting the muezzin upon the last 
 active minaret of Nish. What must be his thoughts as 
 he emits the call to prayer and surveys the fair city now 
 given over to the giaour ? But a little while and he or his 
 predecessor was the proud representative of a dominant 
 race; now he ministers to a mere remnant of scarce-tolerated 
 outcasts. 
 
 From his minaret our khodja may perhaps discern 
 a plain, white, doorless building something between a 
 mosque and a mausoleum. It is in the outskirts of the 
 town, just beyond the military hospital, and serves to 
 protect the famous Tower of Skulls from the elements. 
 After defeating the Servians near Nish in 1809, the Turks 
 
200 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 according to a not infrequent Oriental custom erected a 
 rude tower, composed partly of lumps of rock and partly 
 of their enemies' heads, in order to commemorate their 
 victory. Old people in the neighbourhood relate that 
 there were originally twelve hundred skulls in the tower ; 
 but as it was never more than eight yards high, if that, 
 I suspect exaggeration. When Lamartine travelled in 
 these regions, the skulls still had hair clinging to them 
 and must have presented a gruesome spectacle as a 
 grinning white facade to this dark rugged background. 
 Now the tower is scarcely four yards high and there 
 remains only one skull, which was too deeply imbedded 
 for extraction. For a long time it was the habit of 
 visitors to carry off a skull as a souvenir, and when Nish 
 became Servian the remainder were reverently buried. 
 Their niches in the plaster are still plainly visible. Two 
 skulls are kept in a glass case and obligingly exhibited to 
 visitors. 
 
 The cathedral of Nish is a handsome lofty building ol 
 comparatively recent construction, and presents a striking 
 contrast beside the little old church, built down into the 
 ground and seeming to seek to hide itself, which formerly 
 ministered to the Christian needs of Nish. The fortress, 
 approached by a handsome bridge across the Nishava, is 
 an irregular bastion constructed of masonry, defended 
 by a few breechloading howitzers. The various industrial 
 buildings have been already described. There remains 
 only the royal konak, formerly a pasha's house, which 
 the late King wisely determined to keep in all its pristine 
 charm. The garden seemed to me a survival from the 
 " Arabian Nights. " There was no irritating precision 
 about it : the shrubs and flowers had an appearance of being 
 cared for, but they grew where they would and saturated 
 
THE INTERIOR 201 
 
 the air with perfume, while the traditional high walls 
 contributed a sentiment of privacy to which the modern 
 Servian is a stranger. What delighted me most was the 
 Turkish fountain, from which I half expected to see a 
 jinnee arise when I turned my ring. 
 
 From Nish I proceeded to Pirot, close to the Bulgarian 
 frontier. It is far more barbarous and oriental in 
 appearance than any other town in Servia. A half-ruined 
 castle overlooks the town, which consists of tumble-down 
 one-storied houses. Nearly every door seemed to be wide 
 open, and the walls were adorned with brilliant displays 
 of paprika and tomatoes. Nearly every woman and child 
 in the place is engaged in weaving the bright red carpets 
 which adorn every Servian home. There are no factories, 
 but each family, or group of families, has its own private 
 loom, which six or eight females work in little recesses or 
 cupboards within view of the streets. The carpets are 
 extraordinarily durable and very cheap. I wonder that 
 some enterprising contractor does not go over and buy up 
 the whole stock every year. 
 
 In the neighbourhood of Pirot I visited a curious 
 sanctuary, which has attracted great crowds of pilgrims 
 during the last two years. It appears that a peasant- 
 woman recently had a very vivid dream, whereby it was 
 revealed to her that the ruins of an ancient church lay 
 buried beneath the ground at a certain spot close to the 
 Constantinople road. She spoke to the priest and the 
 prefect and various neighbours about it, but they only 
 imagined that she was crazy. At last, however, the same 
 dream was repeated so often and she grew so insistent in 
 the matter that some peasants consented to dig. Sure 
 enough they found some ruins and images and the remains 
 of an altar at the place she had pointed out. Now she 
 
202 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 has been placed in charge, the old church is to be restored, 
 and a considerable revenue is derived from the offerings 
 of pilgrims, many of whom have received miraculous 
 cures. 
 
 I probably learned more about Servia, her institutions, 
 her agriculture, and her commerce during my tour in the 
 Machva and western Servia generally ; but I shall always 
 look back upon my travels in the eastern and central 
 districts with keener satisfaction. This is probably because 
 I saw them first, and found them less sophisticated. 
 
 I left Belgrade early one September morning by a 
 Save steamer for Shabats. The capital seems always to 
 have fresh aspects and more beautiful colourings, whose 
 variety is infinite ; and, with autumn creeping on apace, 
 the river-mists transfigured the natural loveliness until I 
 was forced to deem myself the victim of some magic spell. 
 
 The journey along the Save was pleasing, but unevent- 
 ful. Very white cattle lounged along the edge of the 
 marshy Hungarian plain, which was studded from time 
 to time with patches of black pigs. The banks are a 
 mere yard of perpendicular mud, relieved on the Servian 
 side by long low islets, pale willows and warm hills 
 reflected in the placid stream. 
 
 Shabats quays seemed entirely given over to the plum 
 trade, great baskets of fresh fruit and heavy sacks of 
 prunes stretched away as far as the eye could reach. One 
 consequence was the worst plague of wasps and hornets I 
 have ever seen. Directly we arrived they came on board, 
 like custom-house officers, and took possession of all our 
 provisions. For some time I thought they were even 
 going to dispute our landing. 
 
 Shabats is one of the richest towns in Servia, but in 
 appearance the most miserable. In central Servia every- 
 
THE INTERIOR 203 
 
 thing is practical ; in the eastern districts, picturesque ; 
 but here, at the same time ugly and disreputable. The 
 poverty-stricken appearance of this rich town recalled 
 Nagyvarad (Groszwardein), which is also very prosperous 
 and of terribly dilapidated appearance; but Nagyvarad 
 has the excuse of a large Jewish population. At Nagy- 
 varad, I remember, such was the spirit of economy that 
 no street-lamps were lit when there was a moon. 
 
 The scenery of Servia always impresses me with its 
 whiteness. Not only is Belgrade " the white city," but the 
 prevailing hue in fields, roads, houses and peasants 1 dress 
 seems always to be white. In the Machva, however, this 
 is relieved by bold dashes of blue, dark cornflowers 
 brightly colouring the maize -fields, plums so abundant 
 that the trees themselves seem blue, and market -carts 
 exhibiting an indigo mirage. Here, as elsewhere in 
 Servia, there are few loud landscapes. The hills are still 
 warmly wooded, despite the reckless depredations of the 
 peasantry; the valleys pant and nod with fatness, and, 
 save for the barking of a thousand dogs, the farmsteads 
 appear to indulge in a perpetual siesta. The roads in 
 nearly every village are lined with trees and a succession 
 of narrow ponds thickly coated with green duckweed. 
 
 On leaving the Machva I made my way southward 
 along the Drina. The banks of that river afford a 
 picturesque landscape of infinite charm : graceful hills, 
 neat cottages perched in snug nooks and fantastic little 
 barns studded about the maize -fields. These barns 
 (some twelve feet by four) stand on high props to 
 secure them from the inundations which are frequent 
 all along the Drina; they are walled with hurdle- 
 work and roofed with circular planks. Maize is stored 
 there from one year to another ; and though one side is 
 
204 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 left constantly open and the owners' houses are often far 
 away, cases of theft are unknown. 
 
 The approach to Zvornik is particularly pleasing. 
 Abrupt mountains come within a very short distance of 
 the river-bed and the houses have to hug themselves 
 against the hills. Mali (little) Zvornik, on the Servian 
 side, consists only of a guard-house and a few cottages. 
 The real town is in Bosnia, across the river. Immediately 
 beyond it stands a stronghold which must once have been 
 the home of ogres. It is at the summit of a precipice, 
 up which straggles a fortified zigzag path. That the 
 fortress should have existed in the Middle Ages is intelli- 
 gible, but that the Austrians should have troubled to 
 renovate it at a point which has no strategic importance 
 is difficult to explain. Perhaps it is intended for the 
 protection of the railway, which will doubtless be con- 
 structed thither before very long, if Austria survives. I 
 should have liked to visit the fortress, but the Austrians 
 in Bosnia are very shy about visitors and I was told 
 it was out of the question. Indeed, the whole attitude 
 of the authorities in Bosnia conveyed the impression that 
 they have a great deal to hide from the world. I had 
 already heard from travellers in Bosnia that they were 
 subjected to an oppressive police espionage, but I was not 
 prepared for the extent thereof. I was allowed to see 
 nothing except under Austrian auspices. 
 
 The whole of Zvornik was destroyed by the Austrians 
 at the time of the occupation, but the new houses have 
 been built after the Turkish pattern, and a traveller feels 
 at once in a different country when he arrives from 
 north-western Servia. Everywhere are Turkish trousers, 
 fezzes, shops, manners and customs. The names of the 
 streets are put up in Turkish as well as in German and 
 
THE INTERIOR 205 
 
 Servian. The Austrians may build roads, erect telegraphs, 
 talk of railways, but it is still the same easy-going Orient 
 and it will remain so until it is afforded an opportunity of 
 working out its own salvation under congenial auspices. 
 
 On taking leave of the watch-dogs of Zvornik, I seemed 
 to enter another Servia, altogether different from the one 
 I knew so well. Nearly every one wore the fez ; my coach- 
 man was called Osman, instead of Luka or Petar ; and the 
 windows were barricaded with harem-shutters. 
 
 The way from Zvornik to Ljubovija seemed almost 
 deserted, the cottages being for the most part hidden 
 away among the hills on either side of the Drina. The 
 landscape was relieved by strange bundles of beans among 
 the maize ; and by old-fashioned haystacks and maize-stalk 
 stacks arranged in the forks of trees, like monstrous nests, 
 or upon poles with the hay or stalks beginning about a 
 yard above the ground. These precautions are rendered 
 necessary by the frequent inundations. The roads were 
 very bad, and it was tantalising to observe an excellent 
 chaussee fringing the Bosnian shore, even for those who 
 looked forward to its eventual possession by Servia. 
 
 The bad roads were, however, a billiard-table compared 
 with the infamous track which separates rather than unites 
 Ljubovija and Bajina Bashta. And its badness was all 
 the more apparent because the comparatively easy victorias 
 in which I had travelled till then were no longer available, 
 and I had to be content with a seat on a bag of hay in a 
 rough springless cart. 
 
 There is literally only one bridge all the way ; and as 
 the valley is intersected by endless torrents and torrent- 
 beds, it may be imagined that travelling was no light jest. 
 We bumped at a brisk trot across huge boulders, which 
 jerked us far into the air, and we needed to clutch tightly 
 
206 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 in order to escape being flung right out. When we were 
 high up, we skirted the edge of the torrent by a road 
 only seven or eight feet wide with its edge crumbling 
 away into a precipice. 
 
 Bajina Bashta, which, being interpreted, means the 
 Garden Bath, is by no means the pleasaunce implied by 
 the name. There is nothing garden-like about it, and the 
 only approach to a bath I could discover was the ceaseless 
 rain. 
 
 This district wears an Alpine appearance. There is 
 fine mountain scenery for those who appreciate it, the air 
 is bracing, and the people present rugged pastoral charac- 
 teristics. In place of the pink and white cottages of the 
 plains are high narrow dwellings made of dark wood, often 
 turned quite black by the elements. The roofs are as 
 high again as the houses and approach the perpendicular 
 with the smallest possible angle, so that the frequent rain 
 may not linger there. I have always contended that houses 
 have an expression, just as surely as men. In the rest of 
 Servia they are wreathed in smiles ; here they hug them- 
 selves against the hills in chronic sulks. 
 
 "Wood and stone are our only riches here," said a 
 burgher of Uzhitse, "but unfortunately we cannot turn 
 them into food." No doubt, when communications shall 
 be opened up, it will be possible to turn wood and stone 
 into bread ; but for the present, Uzhitse remains one of 
 the poorest towns in Servia. The name means "the 
 narrow places " (just as England means " the narrow land," 
 according to an ingenious philologist at Uzhitse), and it 
 is situated in a narrow basin among the high hills. The 
 approach is by a precipice paved with slippery boulders, 
 which would tax the agility of a circus-horse. The people 
 are mostly in rags and the houses are in the last stages of 
 
THE INTERIOR 207 
 
 decay. There are scarcely any shops, excepting a few dingy 
 general stores, an endless succession of opanka warehouses, 
 and a certain number of butcheries, bakeries and rude 
 potteries. Tepid lambs and pigs, roasted whole, are ex- 
 posed upon wooden stands outside the shops for retail 
 purchase. Yet it is a clean and graceful squalor, and the 
 peasants, who eschew colours, are attractive studies in black 
 and white. All seem to own stout little mountain ponies ; 
 and their long caravans, with the women riding astride 
 after the fashion of Zenobia, gladden the environs. 
 
 The road on to Chachak took me through a wild 
 mountainous country and, as the days were now shorten- 
 ing rapidly, a substantial part of my endless drives had 
 come to intrude upon the night. My most vivid recollec- 
 tion is of the ghostly effect produced by the maize-fields 
 by moonlight. I could have sworn to armies of skeletons 
 summoned from the churchyards to greet my passage. 
 The feathery heads of the stalks nodded slowly in the 
 breeze ; and the bent leaves, flapping up and down, could 
 only be white bony arms, which seemed to wave in ghoulish 
 time. 
 
 The church at Chachak is very old, and has two or three 
 times been transformed into a mosque. It is spacious and 
 lofty, but does not call for any particular comment, except 
 that it existed before the town, which was built in order 
 to be near it. More prudent counsels would have built 
 the town at a considerable distance, for it is very low down 
 in the valley, constantly subject to inundations and so 
 malarious that, until a recent attempt at drainage, children 
 could not be brought up there. It is almost the only town 
 I know in Servia which can boast of a decent side-walk. 
 Otherwise it has the usual appearance, with the badly 
 paved roads, opanka shops and markets full of paprika. 
 
THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 Immense quantities of dyed wool-skeins add an unusual 
 touch of colour. The one interesting building is a quaint 
 old Turkish konak which belonged to Milosh's brother and 
 is now used as a gendarmery. Another house of the ever- 
 pleasing Turkish architecture served as the bishop's palace 
 until the see was transferred to Kraljevo. It is now a 
 school. 
 
 After Chachak I found myself again among the English 
 parks of central Servia, and soon joined civilisation and 
 the railway at the terminus of Kragujevats. 
 
CHAPTER XIII 
 
 THE SERVIAN CHURCH 
 
 IT is claimed for the Servian army that it is the Servian 
 people under arms. Even more truly may it be said 
 that the Servian Church is the Servian people in the 
 ecclesiastical aspect. Over 98 per cent of the population 
 belong to the National Church, and this unanimity has 
 been brought about without recourse to coercion of 
 any kind. All creeds are tolerated in Servia, annual 
 stipends being paid even to a Lutheran pastor, a rabbi, 
 seven khodjas, a Mohammedan teacher and three Jewish 
 schoolmasters. 
 
 The unanimity is due to the character of the creed, 
 which is an affair not of spiritual but of national pride. 
 The Servians are proud of their Church, not because they 
 deem acceptance of its doctrines a proof of superior 
 shrewdness, but because they know it has been the most 
 important factor in maintaining their national identity. 
 Servian orthodoxy has welded and kept Servia together 
 as no other sentiment could do. It is not an emotional 
 religion, though an elaborate ritual, jewelled icons and 
 incense are there to appeal to the imagination ; it is 
 perhaps, in a sense, not a spiritual religion. But it has a 
 wonderful hold upon the people ; not upon the women 
 
 209 P 
 
210 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 and children only, but equally upon the men. And it 
 exercises a civilising influence without any of the terrors 
 of priestcraft. 
 
 The position of the pope towards his flock is rather 
 that of an English clergyman than of a Roman Catholic 
 priest. He is a respected adviser rather than a dreaded 
 moral policeman. He is, indeed, one of the people, 
 marrying, living, and working among his parishioners 
 as one of themselves. "The Servian Church," says 
 Mr. Denton, "if it has produced but few whom we 
 should call saints or philosophers, has produced through 
 centuries of oppression whole armies of confessors and 
 martyrs."" 
 
 I have become acquainted with any number of the 
 Servian clergy of all ranks and have been invariably im- 
 pressed by the identity of their sentiments and aspira- 
 tions with those of the Servian laity. They no more 
 form a caste apart than the soldiery. Not a few have 
 smelled powder and fought for the cause of national 
 independence at the head of their flocks; others have 
 become the political leaders of their districts, not through 
 official position but by sheer force of character. The 
 constitution of the Church is all in favour of such a state 
 of things. Only the archbishops, the three bishops (of 
 Shabats, Negotin, and Kraljevo) and the protas (a kind 
 of archdeacon) are paid by the State. They are not 
 appointed by the Crown, but elected by the parish popes 
 and heads of monasteries. The bishops receive about 
 J1000 a year, and the archbishop has ^2000. The popes 
 have their glebes and a contribution of corn from each 
 household, but depend chiefly upon fees and offerings, 
 which would be affected appreciably if they were not in 
 complete sympathy with their parishioners. In Turkish 
 
THE SERVIAN CHURCH 
 
 times an alien priesthood, Greeks for the most part, was 
 imposed and Turkish authority was invoked for the 
 collection of dues; but nowadays an unpopular pope 
 would fare meagrely. I am bound to say, however, 
 that I never heard of an unpopular pope, nor of 
 any serious differences respecting the collection of 
 incomes. 
 
 I will begin by giving a few impressions of Innocent, 
 the Archbishop of Belgrade and Metropolitan of Servia, 
 who received me several times last year. In appearance 
 it is scarcely possible to conceive any one more venerable 
 and sympathetic. With a long white beard, long white 
 hair confined beneath a brimless cylinder of purple velvet, 
 kindly twinkling eyes, and a delicate almost feminine 
 manner, he might have been a saint freshly emerged from 
 a stained-glass window. He was simply dressed in a black 
 gown with an enormous jewelled cross upon his breast. 
 His manner combined great dignity with simplicity, 
 gentleness, and an affability which was almost affectionate. 
 He began with many compliments to myself and my 
 country, remarking that the traditional friendship of 
 England for Servia had never hitherto been so generously 
 expressed. In all his remarks he contrived to combine 
 geniality with every appearance of sincerity, enthusiasm 
 with an entire absence of gush. 
 
 We discussed the question of the relations between 
 the Anglican and Orthodox Churches, and I argued 
 that those who favour the spiritual and ceremonial 
 aspect of religion should turn their eyes to the Orthodox 
 rather than to the Roman Church. I quoted the words 
 of a distinguished ecclesiastic, who a few days pre- 
 viously had addressed a public meeting in Belgrade, 
 summoned to protest against Croatian excesses at Agram. 
 
THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 This divine had remarked that the whole history of 
 Roman Catholicism had been one of intolerance and 
 persecution, while members of the Orthodox Church 
 had only asked to be allowed to worship God in their 
 own way without molestation. I reminded the Arch- 
 bishop that the Anglican and Orthodox Churches had, 
 for a long time, been more or less informally in com- 
 munion. I cited an English clergyman, Mr. Den ton, who, 
 over forty years ago, was permitted to take part in Servian 
 ceremonies and even to receive the Holy Eucharist in a 
 Servian monastery. I alluded also to the fact that the 
 Archbishop of York had received similar favours on the 
 occasion of his visit to Russia. 
 
 The Metropolitan listened to me with sympathetic 
 interest and confirmed my views. In this connection, he 
 informed me of a question which had recently arisen. 
 The Anglican bishops of Malta and Gibraltar, he said, 
 had inquired of the Patriarch at Constantinople whether 
 members of the Orthodox Church might be permitted to 
 communicate at Anglican altars in places where they had 
 no Churches of their own. The Metropolitan had been 
 consulted by the Patriarch on the subject and had urged 
 him to return an affirmative reply. As a matter of fact, 
 the Synod eventually pronounced against the proposal, 
 but it would have found complete encouragement among 
 the members of the Servian branch of the Orthodox 
 Church, 
 
 Indeed, the Metropolitan went so far as to say that he 
 reciprocated the sympathies which England had always 
 exhibited towards Servia, and that he would welcome 
 nothing so much as an accord between the two Churches. 
 Corporate reunion was too much to expect of them, for 
 neither Church would abandon the traditions of centuries, 
 
THE SERVIAN CHURCH 
 
 but that was no reason why we should not meet at our 
 respective altars in a spirit of brotherly love. He com- 
 pared the two churches to travellers on a road. One 
 might prefer the leisurely locomotion of a bullock waggon, 
 while the other might choose the headlong rush of a 
 railway train. But each had the same goal and should 
 neglect no opportunity of helping the other upon his 
 journey. 
 
 Hearing that I was about to visit the Monastery of 
 Studenitsa, he urged me to make an effort and go on to 
 Isposnitsa, the cell and sanctuary of S. Sava. I should 
 have a stiff climb along the edge of a precipitous moun- 
 tain, but he assured me that I might rely upon accomplish- 
 ing the journey without running any risks. It was a holy 
 mountain and all pilgrims were under the special pro- 
 tection of the saint. For at least one hundred and fifty 
 years, he could assure me, no harm had occurred to 
 any one there. There were many snakes and scorpions 
 upon the mountain, but it seemed that their poison 
 had been charmed away by the potent influence of the 
 Saint. 
 
 Once embarked upon this theme, the Archbishop pro- 
 ceeded to relate a number of legends, half-smiling over 
 them and at the same time evidently more than half- 
 believing them. " On your way to the cell," he said, 
 "you will pass along the edge of a deep ravine, at the 
 bottom of which a torrent flows. When S. Sava came 
 this way one day, some of his companions were on the 
 other side and endeavoured to talk to him. But the 
 noise of the torrent was so great that it was impossible for 
 him to hear a word they said. So he commanded the 
 torrent to be still. Immediately the noise ceased, and the 
 torrent, though it continues to flow just as swiftly, has 
 
THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 been silent ever since." He told me also of the tomb of 
 a peasant who had been killed by the Turks long ago on 
 suspicion of complicity in a massacre. After his death, 
 it was proved that he was innocent, and as he had enjoyed 
 a reputation for virtue almost amounting to sanctity, 
 many people began to make pilgrimages to his grave. 
 After a time there were rumours of wonderful cures, and 
 the efficacy of the place commands belief to the present 
 day. The Archbishop also told me of many other wonders, 
 and he exhibited a great love of natural scenery as well 
 as an eloquent power of describing it. 
 
 His palace consists of a suite of lofty saloons furnished 
 with considerable distinction. In the reception room 
 were three gilt thrones, upon which King Milan, Queen 
 Nathalie, and the Crown Prince Alexander had sat. 
 The Metropolitan had always been a great favourite 
 of the Obrenovich dynasty and possesses many personal 
 mementoes of their friendship. Among other things 
 which he showed me were the first photograph ever taken 
 of King Alexander and the last of King Milan. I also 
 saw various portraits of himself as a student, a professor, 
 an army chaplain, and so forth. In one room he showed 
 me a gallery of portraits of all the Metropolitans of 
 Servia since her emancipation. The object which seemed 
 to interest him most was an illuminated facsimile of some 
 very ancient gospels which had been brought from Mount 
 Athos. Before I took my leave he presented me with 
 his own photograph with a very flattering autograph 
 inscription. 
 
 Of the many popes whose acquaintance I have made 
 in Servia, I remember most vividly one who was the 
 impersonation of muscular Christianity. He would have 
 aroused the enthusiasm of Charles Kingsley, with his 
 
THE SERVIAN CHURCH 215 
 
 brawny arms, 44 -inch chest, and martial gait. His 
 truculent beard and trumpet voice suggested a guerilla 
 leader, and I learned that he had been decorated 
 for his gallantry in the wars. His friends called him 
 "the terrible pope" and spent their time in inventing 
 fabulous exploits to relate about him. He was a picture 
 of good-nature and high spirits ; but if any one ventured 
 on a remark derogatory to his cloth, he soon showed that 
 he could hold his own. This I found generally the case 
 with the popes. They are on the best of terms with their 
 flocks and treat them with easy good-nature, but know 
 just where to draw the line. I remember one young pope 
 who had been drinking and joking easily in a mixed 
 company, when some one sought to quiz him by egging 
 the gipsies on to sing a ribald song about the Church. 
 He stopped them instantly with a quiet firmness which 
 admitted no gainsaying yet without losing his temper 
 for an instant. On another occasion some one handed 
 him an unseemly photograph and he was quite ready to 
 smile over it himself, but when he was requested to pass 
 it on, he shook his head and said good-humouredly, " No, 
 no; I must not give you that. Remember, I am a 
 pope. 11 
 
 When I first met the " terrible pope " he showed me a 
 sword-stick of murderous proportions, which he had just 
 taken to have sharpened, and my attention was drawn to 
 two revolvers, which he always carried tucked into the 
 broad blue silk girdle outside his cassock. As a young 
 man he had unexampled successes with the ladies, and, as 
 he is now well under forty, it is mischievously whispered 
 that he is still somewhat of a rip. But his popadia 1 
 struck me as fully competent to keep him in excellent 
 1 A pope's wife. 
 
216 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 order. I spent more than one evening in his society at a 
 country town near the Bosnian frontier and found him a 
 charmingly uproarious companion, and at the same time 
 full of the most varied information. He had seen a good 
 deal of life in the course of his boisterous youth and had 
 not a particle of cant or false shame about him. I am 
 told that, when he first went to the Metropolitan and 
 asked to be ordained, it was supposed to be one of his 
 many practical jokes. But the Metropolitan, being a 
 man of the world, saw the advantage of enlisting such 
 services as those of my friend, and so far the experiment 
 has proved a signal success. Few popes have greater 
 moral influence or exercise it more judiciously. 
 
 Another "terrible pope" on the Bosnian frontier 
 combined martial and political exploits. Taking the 
 patriotic view that Bosnia is really Servian, he announced 
 his intention of ministering to the people on both banks 
 of the Drina. But as his ministrations were mainly 
 directed against the Austrian Government, he soon en- 
 countered difficulties in the matter of his passport. How- 
 ever, this did not deter him, for he took to swimming the 
 river with a revolver in his mouth and his clothes held up 
 aloft in one hand. His ecclesiastical headgear must have 
 been the finishing touch to a vastly strange apparition. 
 The Austrian gendarmes were restrained by fear of a 
 scandal from firing upon him. Indeed, he is said to have 
 terrified them to such an extent that they petitioned the 
 authorities to let him have his passport, and now he goes 
 where he will unhindered. 
 
 Some of the popadie have also lively characters. I 
 remember on one occasion a lieutenant was boasting 
 about his powers of drinking and dancing, when a young 
 pope told him he would back his popadia against any 
 
THE SERVIAN CHURCH 217 
 
 officer in the army. A young man at the table whispered 
 to me that the pope seemed very innocent, as the lieu- 
 tenant had a great reputation for his intrigues. However, 
 I met this popadia afterwards and am convinced that the 
 pope's confidence was fully justified. I do not remember 
 ever having seen a woman of such physical strength. 
 She was not pretty but she had pleasing manners and 
 expression and was universally popular. As is usual in 
 Servia, she was five or six years older than her husband, 
 who might be about thirty. Her moral reputation was 
 above suspicion but there were few to rival her in a 
 carouse. She would break glasses and bottles, stand on 
 the table, sing in tones that would almost reach the next 
 village and dance or drink any man silly. Despite her 
 astounding vitality and go she had never been known to 
 lose her head. 
 
 This is not, of course, the typical clergy. Most popes 
 live a fairly humdrum life, cultivating their maize-fields, 
 making their own wine, bringing up their children, con- 
 ducting the services and presiding at village fetes, advising 
 and helping their neighbours. Once appointed to a 
 parish, they generally remain there all their lives and 
 are succeeded by one of their sons. It is only of late 
 years that promotion or an exchange of livings has been 
 permitted in any case, and even now the practice is ex- 
 ceptional. Old-fashioned clerics disapprove strongly of 
 the innovations. I had a long conversation on the subject 
 with the Rector of the Belgrade Seminary, and he ex- 
 pressed his views with much emphasis. " If a pope spends 
 his life in one parish, 11 said he, " he christens, marries or 
 buries every one of his flock ; he understands their habits 
 and characters and is universally obeyed and revered. 
 Bat now, alas ! in these restless days, a pope will often 
 
218 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 go to his bishop and ask for a richer living. Then he 
 may only spend a few years there, and, never having 
 time to learn the ways of his people, is necessarily out of 
 sympathy with them. A stranger in a strange living is 
 like a man who acquires landed property by purchase 
 and, whatever his virtues, must always remain an inter- 
 loper compared with those whose families have lived and 
 worked there for generations." He foresaw that the 
 whole influence of the priesthood was likely to be under- 
 mined and marvelled greatly when I mentioned the 
 migratory habits of the Anglican clergy. 
 
 It is said that the Servian popes are ignorant, but that 
 is to convey a wrong impression. No doubt they are not 
 steeped in book-learning, but they possess what is far 
 more important plenty of common-sense and I fancy 
 know as much as they need to know. Moreover, clerical 
 education has made great advances since the days of alien 
 Greek bishops. All candidates for Orders are required 
 to go through a four years' course at the Belgrade 
 Seminary, where they find ample opportunities of 
 culture. 
 
 Considerable attention is paid to the personal appear- 
 ance of the popes and I am told that a flowing beard is 
 one of the surest passports to preferment. Popes are 
 supposed never to cut their hair or beards, but those with 
 more modern ideas keep them quite short and pretend 
 they will not grow. The long hair is usually worn either 
 inside the clothing or in a sort of chignon under the hat. 
 This is usually a kind of brimless chimney-pot of plush 
 or velveteen, but some popes prefer to wear a shovel-hat 
 or a strange wire covering, like a meat-safe. These 
 varieties are left to individual discretion. On ceremonial 
 occasions the hair is allowed to hang freely down the 
 
THE SERVIAN CHURCH 219 
 
 back and is perhaps not wholly innocent of curling- 
 tongs. 
 
 Holy Orders are refused to the deformed, and that not 
 only to the blind, the halt and the hunchback, but even 
 to those afflicted with a squint. It is not, however, the 
 case, as some have pretended, that a pope loses his post 
 if he be afterwards crippled by an accident. Mr. 
 Denton, though usually a trusty observer, has fallen into 
 a kindred error in declaring that, if a pope becomes a 
 widower, he is compelled to turn monk. I made many 
 inquiries about this, and learned that the only possible 
 foundation for the error is that, if a widowed pope gives 
 occasion for scandals either by engaging too charming a 
 housekeeper or by indulging in excessive flirtations, he 
 may be sent to do penance in a monastery for some weeks 
 or months. 
 
 This can be no very harsh punishment, judging from 
 the monasteries I have visited, though the monastic life 
 is evidently by no means popular in Servia. Perhaps the 
 chief charm of the monastic system is that it suffers so 
 little from the laws of change, which operate reck- 
 lessly outside. The Servian monks of to-day are to all 
 intents and purposes the monks of Dushan and Lazar, 
 with the same aspirations and the same lofty sentiments. 
 I doubt much whether their mode of life has altered 
 appreciably. They still dwell in mediaeval fashion, as 
 the benefactors and spiritual guides of the whole country- 
 side, and they breathe a mediaeval atmosphere into a 
 people, whose besetting danger is the poisonous contact 
 of modern times. They are jovial and hospitable, enjoy- 
 ing the best cheer compatible with the remoteness of their 
 residence. The monastic lands afford them excellent 
 meat, fruit and dairy produce, and they keep good cellars 
 
220 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 with well -matured wines and vintage rakis. There is 
 none of the gloomy asceticism of Mount Athos or the 
 Grande Chartreuse. Lady visitors are not excluded and 
 in many cases several of the servants belong to the 
 right sex. 
 
 I will take from my diary a few impressions of the 
 monastery of Studenitsa, which is the most famous in the 
 kingdom. 
 
 " I am dwelling in a cloister of white marble, two long 
 days' journey from a railway, many centuries as well as 
 many leagues removed from the scramble of civilisation. 
 
 "From Kraljevo to Studenitsa is some 34 miles by a 
 fair road, wonderfully engineered along a rocky valley. 
 We are ascending all the way, and the journey takes 
 nearly eight hours. An excellent lunch awaits us at a 
 solitary roadside inn kept by an ex-Member of Parliament, 
 and by nightfall we arrive at this glistening cloister. The 
 church tower and a venerable belfry peer over a circular 
 white wall. We pass through an arched doorway, flanked 
 by barbaric tombstones, we stroll through a smiling 
 orchard, and the Archimandrite comes forward to receive 
 us. He is tall and venerable, with a long white beard ; 
 he wears flowing black robes, icons, carved crucifixes, and 
 a high brimless hat of purple velvet. He greets me 
 cordially and leads me to the best bedroom, recently 
 occupied by King Alexander and Queen Draga. It is 
 plainly but comfortably furnished and the walls are 
 adorned with lurid scenes of Servian history. A boy 
 pours water over my hands and we proceed to supper, 
 consisting of Cornish cream, chicken broth, hash, roast 
 fowl and last but not least trout fresh from the 
 Studenitsa. The monastery's red wine, seventeen years 
 old, is soft and grateful. The Archimandrite, who has 
 
THE SERVIAN CHURCH 
 
 to fast for fifteen days before the Feast of the Assumption, 
 old style, contents himself with lentils and black bread. 
 
 " At five next morning (Sunday) I am aroused by the 
 klepalo, a long plank beaten with a stick shaped like an 
 umbrella-handle. This is the summons to church and a 
 relic from Turkish days, when bells were prohibited to 
 Christians. A servant brings me the surprising breakfast 
 of black coffee and plum brandy preceded by a spoonful 
 of jam, and I am escorted to divine service. There are 
 no seats in an Orthodox Church, but I am given a resting- 
 place (consisting of two high wooden arms and a ledge) 
 behind the Archimandrite, who is not officiating. The 
 congregation crosses itself frequently, there are many 
 prayers and dreamy chaunts, the Gospel is solemnly in- 
 toned, a cloud of incense rises to the roof, and the tomb of 
 Stephen the First-crowned is solemnly opened. We kiss 
 his crucifix, studded with bead-like fragments of the true 
 cross, and press our lips against his embalmed forehead. 
 
 "After a second breakfast of bread and milk and 
 honey, the Archimandrite discourses on the relations of 
 the Anglican and Orthodox Churches, remarking how 
 Rome is the enemy to be resisted by both. Then we 
 proceed to inspect the sacred edifice in detail. There are 
 wonderful old frescoes, sadly battered by the Turks, who 
 made their stables here, Cromwell fashion ; there are 
 gorgeous vestments, S. Sava's own censer, sacred relics, 
 silver fans to protect the chalice, and flags of the old 
 Servian Empire. 
 
 " The carvings on the main entrance are very beautiful 
 and said to be seven hundred years old. There is a coloured 
 Virgin sitting on a throne with two ministering angels. 
 The Holy Child has been broken off. Two lions which 
 formerly supported the columns have now disappeared. 
 
222 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 In the outer hall of the church are some strange old 
 frescoes. One represents Anna, the wife of Nemanja, 
 kneeling before a Virgin and Child. This must have 
 been painted at the time when she became a nun. 
 Another represents four hermits with very thin legs. 
 One of them has the hair of his long beard plaited all 
 over his body. Inside, over Nemanja^s tomb, is a fresco 
 representing him as a crowned monk being led by the 
 Virgin to the throne of Christ. Another fresco depicts 
 the Last Supper at a circular table, on which knives and 
 carrots are conspicuous. Judas is grabbing a fish from 
 a dish. Christ has a roll in His left hand, and S. John 
 is leaning on His breast asking which is the traitor. 
 Above this we have Pilate washing his hands. A servant 
 is pouring water out of a blue jug over his hands into a 
 basin, while Christ stands by with His hands bound by a 
 rope. On the other side is an ecce homo. A number of 
 women are mocking Him, kneeling derisively on one knee, 
 and one of them is putting out her tongue. Among the 
 treasures in the vestry is an old silver cup with a movable 
 stag's head in the centre, and the following inscription : 
 " He who can drink out of such a cup cannot be a moderate 
 drinker." I also saw an altar-cloth presented by Lazar's 
 daughter, who married the Sultan. Passages of the 
 Psalms are worked upon it in Turkish characters, a 
 curious compromise between Christianity and Islam. An 
 embroidered cloth with a picture of Nemanja painted on 
 silk in the centre was presented by King Alexander and 
 Queen Draga on the occasion of their recent visit. 
 
 " Next day we set out on horseback to visit the cell 
 of S. Sava, high up in the mountains. The Archiman- 
 drite, riding in his robes and ecclesiastical headgear, 
 looks like a commanding figure in some patriotic picture. 
 
THE SERVIAN CHURCH 223 
 
 While his horse is being led over a bridge, man and beast 
 disappear together into a torrent, but luckily both are 
 extricated more frightened than hurt. In the forest I 
 tread upon a thick, black snake, fully six feet long, but the 
 village mayor slays it with a stone and carries it home as 
 a trophy. At last, after perilous groping along the edge 
 of a precipice, we come to a little chapel and a grotto 
 with a holy well nestling against the cliff. Here, and in 
 still less accessible caverns, the national saint of Servia 
 and subsequent monks of Studenitsa took refuge from 
 their persecutors. In less troublous times S. Sava 
 dwelt further down the hill at Isposnitsa in a modest 
 shrine, now a farmhouse belonging to the monastery, 
 where we are received and sent off with peals of bells and 
 salvos of guns. The sanctity of the place prescribes 
 that no meat shall be eaten here, but we fare sumptuously 
 off Cornish cream and sweet trout from the brook. 
 
 "Another day we ride up to the gorgeous mountain 
 of Radocholo, the Servian Righi, where enterprising 
 capitalists propose to build. The view over the purple 
 hills and the lordly valley of the Studenitsa is entrancing, 
 the air is invigorating and it would be difficult to con- 
 ceive a sublimer summer resort. Down here at the 
 monastery too the spirit of change is abroad. A mineral 
 spring, with the ingredients of Schwalbach water, has 
 been discovered hard by the brook. The credit is due 
 to the monastery cattle, who excited curiosity by their 
 preference for this medicinal pool, and an hotel if not a 
 Kursaal is said to be in prospect. Even the Archiman- 
 drite, who has passed forty happy years in this cloister, 
 is half persuaded to accept the intrusion of the vulgar 
 herd. But then his hospitable instincts are boundless. 
 
 "To-day is the Feast of the Assumption, old style, 
 
THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 and crowds of peasants are roaming the orchard in brave 
 array. We have just come out of church, where our 
 foreheads were crossed with holy oil, and now peasants 
 are making ready for the national dance, taking hands in 
 long strings and winding rhythmically among the apple 
 trees. All the six monks are gathered to see us off and 
 bid us God-speed. It is with sad hearts that we tear 
 ourselves away from this mediaeval fastness and prepare 
 to drive down the valley with our semi-barbaric escort 
 of clattering pandurs." 
 
 The other monastery which interested me most in 
 Servia was Manasia. It was built by the son of the 
 famous Tsar Lazar, who perished with the old Servian 
 Empire on the battlefield of Kosovo. It is enclosed in a 
 marvellous fortress, which, with its square towers and 
 frowning curtain, recalls in many respects that of 
 Semendria. The walls are in fair preservation and it is 
 interesting to notice that, true to their ecclesiastical 
 character, they are admirably fitted for defence but not 
 for defiance. They possess no loopholes, battlements or 
 embrasures for offensive warfare. It is strange that the 
 Turks during their long tenure did not deem it necessary 
 to perfect the fortress in this respect. In the days before 
 modern artillery, Manasia must have been almost impreg- 
 nable, for, apart from the strength of its walls, it is so 
 situated that a handful of defenders might easily render 
 it inaccessible. Like most of the monasteries in Servia, 
 it is hidden away in a gorge at the foot of high hills, so 
 that the traveller does not become aware of its presence 
 much before reaching its very gates. The approach 
 affords a picturesque route along one of the tributaries of 
 the Resava. As you proceed, the banks grow narrower 
 and higher, until, after fording the stream the bridge, as 
 
THE SERVIAN CHURCH 
 
 usual in Servia, being out of repair you pass along a 
 narrow road cut into the edge of a precipitous wall of 
 yellow rock. This road is vividly impressed upon my 
 memory, for my horse chose the opportunity to bolt 
 with me and I had an exciting gallop round abrupt 
 corners, scattering successive flocks of poultry and expect- 
 ing every minute to dash into some lumbering, old-world 
 country cart drawn by a yoke of white oxen. 
 
 Once inside the massive gateway, you find yourself 
 plunged into the full charm of the middle ages. Wander- 
 ing about in the shade of venerable trees, hearing the 
 history of the cloister from the lips of the dear old Archi- 
 mandrite or listening far into the night to thrilling tales of 
 the hajdutsi from a captain of gendarmery, I felt myself a 
 thousand miles away from the tedious, vulgar modern world. 
 
 The interior of the monastery is some 300 yards in 
 diameter. 1 On the right as you go in are the sleeping 
 rooms and domestic offices, forming a pleasant chalet, 
 with a verandah and creepers. The rooms are simply but 
 comfortably furnished, after the usual Servian fashion, 
 with a table in the centre, a sofa and chairs grouped stiffly 
 round it. The kitchen and refectory are on the ground 
 floor, but as it was summer we had all our meals out of 
 doors under the trees. There are the ruins of an old 
 kitchen in the walls. On the left of the gateway is an 
 old wooden belfry, and in the centre of the enclosure the 
 monastic chapel. This is a handsome cruciform building 
 dedicated to the Trinity. The unfortunate habit of 
 incessant white -washing has hidden the mouldings and 
 traceries and conferred a terribly modern appearance 
 upon the ancient edifice. Perhaps, however, it only seems 
 modern by contrast, for all the surroundings are mediaeval. 
 1 Mr. Denton says 300 feet, but I feel sure he is mistaken. 
 
226 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 The gardens have been allowed to run almost wild. 
 Tangled vine -branches, tall hollyhocks and wild roses 
 almost smother the worm-eaten wooden benches, some 
 50 feet long, which stretch away under the flowering 
 horse-chestnuts. Magnificent peacocks emerge every now 
 and then from the vegetation and scurry off with a shrill 
 cry, or strut about in the full glory of their plumage. 
 They are favourites with the Servians and not only figure 
 in the Imperial Arms on many a monument, but are to 
 be met with at the royal studs and in most of the 
 monasteries. 
 
 I saw no other monastery which pleased me so much as 
 Manasia, which owes its peculiar mediaevalism to its fortress 
 enclosure, and which spoiled me for mere buildings dotted 
 about in an orchard. Ljubostin, however, was both 
 interesting and picturesque. I arrived at nightfall on the 
 eve of the patron saint's day I can scarcely say festival, 
 for it combined a solemn fast with popular junketings. 
 The approach was one of the most arduous I have met 
 with, and I shall not soon forget the drive in the dusk at 
 full gallop through a torrent bed and up a precipitous 
 mule track to the gates of the monastery. There I found 
 two Archimandrites, one of whom had come on a visit for 
 the fete, and four or five monks, an unusually large 
 number in Servia. The dwelling part was far more 
 spacious than in any other monastery I have visited. 
 Long oak corridors and staircases, dimly lighted with 
 flickering oil-lamps, and the sweet young voices of a 
 number of novices chaunting psalms in the distance 
 lulled the fancy in soothing restfulness after a hard day's 
 travelling. 
 
 But for their length and for the necessity of standing 
 all the while, I should be much attracted by the Orthodox 
 
THE SERVIAN CHURCH 227 
 
 services. Though no instrumental music is tolerated, the 
 singing is very sweet, and the incessant refrain of " Gospodi 
 pomilui ! " (Lord, have mercy upon us !) lingers soothingly 
 in the memory. 
 
 The language used in churches is the old Servian, which 
 is quite different from modern Servian but seems to be 
 generally understood, judging by the heartiness with which 
 the congregation joins in the prayers and chaunts. 
 
 Sermons are the exception in Servia. Indeed, the 
 churches have no pulpits. When a pope wishes to address 
 his congregation, he steps on to a kind of wooden platform 
 and makes a simple speech, which, if approved of, is 
 applauded with cheering and clapping of hands. 
 
 I am convinced that the Servian Church has been the 
 mainstay of the Servian nationality throughout cen- 
 turies of subjection and is to-day the soul of every 
 plausible aspiration which Servia possesses. A Church 
 should be the soul of a nation and is so most emphatically 
 in Servia. The whole history of the Servian Church bears 
 out the contention. When Servia was conquered, she was 
 not only administered politically by foreigners, but her 
 Church was also subjected to the still more intolerable 
 rule of an alien priesthood. The Turks, to whom all 
 Christianity was mere infidelity, found it convenient to 
 sell the Servian hierarchy to the Greek ecclesiastics, whom 
 they found at Constantinople ; or, at any rate, these 
 Greeks, with the craft of their race, persuaded the Turks, 
 who " cared for none of these things," that Greeks were 
 the right people to administer what is ignorantly styled 
 " the Greek Church." One consequence of this was that, 
 until quite recently, the Slavs of Macedonia and even of 
 Bulgaria were commonly supposed throughout Europe 
 to be Greeks. The consequence to Servia was that for 
 
228 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 centuries a Greek Patriarch paid the Porte for the right to 
 nominate Greek bishops in Servia. These, in their turn, 
 paid the Patriarch for their appointments, and recouped 
 themselves by selling the various cures to Greek popes. 
 The whole of this clergy was ignorant and contemptuous 
 of the Servian language and nationality, and opposed 
 education by all the means in its power. Laveleye 1 
 quotes an archbishop of Nish as having said, " Schools 
 only make heretics. It is much better to spend the money 
 in building churches." That this gigantic conspiracy 
 against the existence of the Servian National Church 
 should have been baffled ; that, in spite of simony and 
 corruption, Servian ecclesiastics continued to exist through- 
 out these troubled times ; that the impoverished and down- 
 trodden rayas, though compelled to contribute from their 
 poverty to the maintenance of a foreign clergy, should 
 have been public-spirited enough to keep up the succession 
 of their own national ecclesiastics, is surely the most con- 
 vincing proof of the identity of Servia as a Church and as 
 a State, as well as of the noblest and loftiest patriotism. 
 Whoever, therefore, seeks to forecast the future of Servia 
 without taking into full account the paramount influence 
 of the Servian Church and its indissoluble identity with 
 the State, is indubitably foredoomed to error. 
 
 i < ' The Balkan Peninsula. " 
 
CHAPTER XIV 
 
 THE BRAVE SERVIAN ARMY 
 
 ALTHOUGH this title has been unwarrantably appropriated 
 by the few scoundrels who disgraced the Servian uniform, 
 it may still be applied to the great bulk of the national 
 soldiery. The Servian army has exhibited sufficient 
 courage in the past to warrant a belief that it will be 
 able to give a good account of itself whenever the time 
 comes for that upheaval in the Balkans which has been 
 so long prophesied. All through their history the 
 Servians have displayed plenty of pluck. We need not 
 go back to the days of their old empire, when they were 
 within an ace of taking Constantinople. Their prowess 
 at the beginning of last century was sufficiently significant 
 to place them in the first rank of military heroes. As 
 guerilla soldiers in the War of Independence, the Servians 
 were unsurpassed, and could be counted upon to secure 
 victories against tremendous odds even when opposed by 
 the finest troops in the world. In 1876 they fought 
 Turkey again, and though they suffered defeat, there 
 was no sign of decay in their hereditary valour. I 
 refuse to believe that they have now become the most 
 abject of human beings. It is the fashion to taunt them 
 with the Bulgarian war and the battle of Slivnitsa. But 
 
 229 
 
THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 as a matter of fact, when Austria intervened, Servian 
 troops held important positions in Bulgaria, whose 
 triumph was by no means assured. 
 
 During the last seven years I have enjoyed frequent 
 opportunities of observing the Servian army and I now 
 venture to note a few impressions. 
 
 As every Servian has to go through his term of 
 military service, the army may be regarded as the nation 
 under arms. We should, therefore, make a mistake in 
 imagining that it can differ appreciably in character or 
 point of view from the ordinary amiable, easy-going 
 peasantry. Indeed, all the officers and men that I have 
 met in various parts of the country confirmed this view. 
 Even when they had been most hard-worked, they were 
 always good-humoured. 
 
 I always found them ready for a carouse. I remember 
 on one occasion after a military banquet at a country inn, 
 when we were all making speeches, I proposed the health 
 of King Alexander and told them of the habit which 
 exists in certain English regiments of breaking the glasses 
 after the toast of the Sovereign. I crashed my glass on 
 the floor amid a storm of cheers. Everybody followed suit. 
 
 Then my health was proposed and more glasses were 
 broken. The fashion took the fancy of the officers and 
 they drank toast after toast, smashing their beakers every 
 time, until we were up to our knees in broken glass. 
 
 Next day unfortunate people, who came in for their 
 morning refreshment, found that they could not be served 
 because there remained not so much as a mug in the 
 place. 
 
 This orgy took place, of course, in the absence of the 
 colonel. I always noticed among Servian officers the 
 extreme awe they displayed in the presence of their 
 
THE BRAVE SERVIAN ARMY 
 
 seniors. Subalterns at mess scarcely spoke above a 
 whisper, and even when the colonel proposed a song 
 they acceded in a subdued way. When he took his 
 departure they seemed to be transformed into different 
 beings. 
 
 Only on the slava, or patron saint's day, of the regi- 
 ment did ease and equality prevail. 
 
 After a religious ceremony at the barracks, where the 
 colonel, the senior non-commissioned officer, the senior 
 private and the chaplain broke a huge cake to the 
 accompaniment of prayers and chaunts, the day was 
 devoted to singing, dancing, eating, and drinking. 
 
 It was a fine sight when about 150 men joined hands 
 in one long coil and danced the national kolo, twisting 
 in and out like an enormous serpent, wriggling ever faster 
 and more furiously. 
 
 On the whole I should say that discipline was fairly 
 good in the Servian army, but the peasant soldiers often 
 want to know reasons before obeying orders. This is 
 only in keeping with the independent ideas of the people. 
 It is a pity that they did not use their discretion on the 
 night of the murders. 
 
 As to the efficiency of the troops I can say much, for 
 I have attended manoeuvres and all manner of exercises. 
 
 An English expert who was with me when the artillery 
 marched past at a review was most enthusiastic about its 
 performance, which he described as magnificent. 
 
 I was also greatly impressed by a cavalry parade at 
 Kragujevats. The gallop in line was beautiful in its 
 symmetry, the wheeling had the precision of machinery, 
 and the leaping was a very dainty performance. At the 
 manoeuvres I observed the splendid physique of the 
 soldiers, hardened as they are by life in the open air. 
 
232 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 Their marching and staying powers are well above the 
 average, and their general appearance is very smart. 
 Indeed, I have never seen any Servian soldier who 
 was not spick and span. The cadets of the military 
 academy are particularly to be commended in this 
 respect. 
 
 I have conversed with Servian soldiers of all ranks, 
 and the conclusion I have formed is that their views are, 
 on the whole, much the same as those of Servian civilians. 
 Every Servian is an ardent patriot a chauvinist even. 
 There is no greater delusion than to imagine that a 
 desire for war pertains only to the privileged classes. If 
 Bulgaria invaded Macedonia to-morrow, there is not a 
 peasant in all Servia who would not demand an instant 
 advance upon Sofia. The zeal of the army would manifest 
 itself at the first whisper of such an invasion. The people 
 might, howbeit with difficulty, be persuaded to accept 
 some compromise in return for territorial aggrandisement. 
 The army would not be content so long as a sod of old 
 Servian soil or a stone of Servian fortresses remained in 
 foreign hands. The army cherishes more bitter grudges 
 against Bulgaria than the people and will never tolerate 
 any compromise with the traditional enemy. In illus- 
 tration of this feeling I may mention a significant incident 
 which occurred when I was present at the slava (feast 
 of the patron saint) of the 2nd Dragoons. After sundry 
 songs and dances, the senior captain stepped forward 
 and called out to the soldiers in stentorian tones, " Who 
 are the greatest enemies of the Servian nation ? " The 
 soldiers had evidently heard this conundrum before, for 
 they did not hesitate an instant, but yelled with one 
 breath, " Bugari ! " (the Bulgarians). 
 
 The Servians import all their guns and small-arms, 
 
THE BRAVE SERVIAN ARMY 233 
 
 but every other military requisite from shell-fuses to 
 saddles and brushes is turned out by the arsenal at 
 Kragujevats, an exceedingly well-ordered establishment 
 employing 800 hands. I was shown all the various 
 departments and was impressed by the completeness and 
 method of the undertaking. No doubt, from an eco- 
 nomical point of view, it would be more profitable to 
 import most of the material produced there, rather than 
 to manufacture so great a variety of objects on a com- 
 paratively small scale ; but the risk of the supplies being 
 cut off in time of war would be too great, and indeed the 
 officer in command of the arsenal told me that he hoped 
 it might be possible ere very long to make even cannon 
 in Servia. A foundry already exists and I beheld several 
 imposing bells which had been cast out of old cannon. 
 
 The great warehouse, where all the multifarious stores 
 are kept, gave me a good general idea of the equipment 
 of the Servian army. Nothing, down to the smallest 
 details, seemed wanting; and I was told that in the 
 event of an order for mobilisation, the whole vast collec- 
 tion could be removed and distributed within twenty-four 
 hours. For the purpose of transport, every mayor in the 
 kingdom is bound to hold a certain number of carts in 
 readiness, and a census of all the horses provides for 
 prompt requisitions. The arsenal can produce as many 
 as 150,000 cartridges and 300 shells daily, but at the 
 time of my visit it was working by no means at high 
 pressure. A technical school attached to the establish- 
 ment seemed admirably ordered. Any intelligent Servian 
 may be apprenticed there gratis and can rely upon being 
 turned out an efficient workman. 
 
 There are two military training establishments at 
 Belgrade : an academy for cadets and a non-commissioned 
 
234 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 officers 1 school. The school is open gratis to any young 
 man who has gone through the regular course at the 
 gymnasium and undertakes, after spending three years 
 at the school, to serve at least four years in the army. 
 If he display industry and talent, there is no reason why 
 he should not eventually obtain a commission. The 
 usual procedure to that end is, however, to pass through 
 the Military Academy. There also free education is 
 provided for all who can pass the requisite examinations. 
 The training is in every way admirable and the cadets 
 form an exceedingly smart corps. From the nature of 
 things, they are chiefly recruited from the well-to-do 
 classes, who can afford a more elaborate education. 
 Every summer they spend several months under canvas, 
 an excellent plan which acquaints them with the practical 
 side of military life in a way impossible of acquirement 
 by mere book - learning. I witnessed their pontoon 
 exercises at Chuprija and was greatly impressed by the 
 soldierly qualities they displayed. The various regiments 
 are also taken out in the same way during the summer 
 and benefit equally. The Academy supplies sixty-five 
 officers every year to the army, and they have to pass a 
 fresh examination before every promotion up to the rank 
 of major. 
 
 I have seen most of the barracks in Servia, and know 
 of none to surpass them in Europe. Half the cost is 
 usually defrayed by the municipality where they are 
 located, for the presence of troops is coveted as likely 
 to add to the attractions and expenditure in the place. 
 The barracks at Zajechar cost <30,000 and at Shabats 
 the municipality not only contributed its quota of money 
 but presented the military authorities with 120 acres of 
 land for the site. 
 
THE BRAVE SERVIAN ARMY 235 
 
 When I was first taken to see Servian barracks my 
 companion remarked, " This will interest you, as you have 
 nothing of the kind in England. 11 I asked what he 
 meant. "Well, 11 he replied, "seeing that you have no 
 army, I suppose that you can have no need of barracks. 11 
 Then turning to his friends he explained, " See what a 
 practical people the English are. Instead of maintaining 
 an army, they are content with training volunteers, who 
 are probably just as useful when the time for action 
 comes. It means a great saving of expense and no loss 
 of efficiency. 11 This remark, needless to say, was made 
 before the South African war. 
 
 The army consists of five districts or commands : the 
 Danube at Belgrade, the Morava at Nish, the Drina at 
 Valjevo in the West, the Shumadia (or Central) at 
 Kragujevats, and the Timok division at Zajechar on the 
 East. 
 
 Every able-bodied male serves between the years of 
 twenty and twenty -two in the active force, between 
 twenty-two and thirty in the first class of the reserve 
 with thirty days 1 service every year, between thirty and 
 forty in the second class with eight days 1 , and between 
 forty and fifty in the third class, which is only called 
 upon in an extraordinary emergency. 
 
 I have in my possession a document which was given 
 me by General Tsintsar-Markovich when he was Com- 
 mander-in-Chief just before he became Premier. It gives 
 full detailed statistics of the army. 
 
 "By the constitution/' it begins, "the King is supreme 
 chief of the army ; in time of peace he is represented by the 
 Minister of War, who administers in his name and is re- 
 sponsible to Parliament, and by the Commander-in-Chief, 
 who is under the orders of the Minister of War." 
 
236 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 In 1901 the army cost <700,000 out of a budget of, 
 say, ^3,000,000. There were 1250 officers and 22,000 
 non-commissioned officers. The Regular army consisted 
 of 159,000 men, besides 86,000 Reserves of the first class, 
 and 64,000 of the second, making a total of 309,000 men. 
 
 Lack of funds is responsible for a deficiency in quick- 
 firing guns, but all authorities are agreed that the Servian 
 army will render a good account of itself in the next 
 war. 
 
 The chief criticisms to which the Servian army is 
 exposed are the shortness of service and the consequent 
 fact that, in time of war, the cadres would have to be 
 excessively expanded. It would be necessary to create 
 new formations in every branch of the service. A regi- 
 ment may work very efficiently at reviews and manoeuvres ; 
 but if a new and comparatively raw element, as big again 
 as itself, or even bigger, is suddenly introduced into its 
 ranks at the moment for taking the field, confusion and 
 impaired efficiency are unavoidable. These objections 
 would be considerably modified by longer service, which 
 the officers generally favour. Not so very long ago the 
 period was only five months, in face of which the exten- 
 sion to two years is a distinct advance. But all authorities 
 are agreed that three years should be the minimum, or 
 even four years for the artillery and cavalry. There is, 
 however, little prospect of this reform being carried, for 
 though the Servians have developed every fighting instinct 
 during their long struggle against the Turks, they dislike 
 the restraint of military life and vote steadily with the 
 Radicals against all extension of it. The result is that 
 the officers have to work nearly twice as hard as any 
 other officers in Europe and, though they do this cheer- 
 fully and willingly, they feel that far more encouraging 
 
THE BRAVE SERVIAN ARMY 237 
 
 results might be obtained with the opportunities afforded 
 by longer service in the ranks. 
 
 It is difficult to compare the military position of 
 Servia with that of the other Balkan States, for mere 
 statistics afford no trustworthy evidence of military 
 strength. The question is not so much how many men 
 can be put into the field at a given moment, as how many 
 can be kept there for a protracted period. In point of 
 numbers, the Servian army is only slightly inferior to 
 that of Roumania or Bulgaria, and considerably superior 
 to that of Greece. But Roumania possesses good roads 
 and excellent arrangements for rapid mobilisation, and 
 Bulgaria could probably place 65,000 men very rapidly 
 in the field, though she would have some difficulty with 
 her artillery. Roumania, moreover, has the advantage 
 of three years' service with the colours. On the whole, 
 I am inclined to say that either Roumania or Bulgaria 
 would commence a war with a better chance of success 
 than Servia, and that Greece would commence a war with 
 no chance of success against anybody. But the usefulness 
 of the Servian fighting material will be incapable of 
 proper development under a corrupt administration, and 
 many drastic changes will be necessary before the army 
 can be restored to its former state of efficiency. The 
 recent revolution is likely to be subversive of many notions 
 of discipline. 
 
CHAPTER XV 
 
 INDUSTRY AND COMMERCE 
 
 ALL are agreed that British manufactures are far better 
 than any others and that their cost is amply retrieved 
 by their durability. But the universal complaint is that 
 British manufacturers make it very difficult to approach 
 them. Instead of seeking customers they do all they can 
 to discourage them. 
 
 In illustration I may cite the case of a tailor at 
 Kraljevo. He wrote me a long letter on the occasion of 
 my visit to the town. He said he had long sought to 
 procure British cloth but could only do so through 
 Austro- Hungarian middlemen at a ruinous price. He 
 wrote to a firm in Liverpool asking for two or three bales 
 but was curtly informed that he could not have less than 
 twenty. As he observed, if he bought twenty bales all 
 at once he would be indulging in a wild speculation far 
 beyond his means. I told him that he could not expect 
 wholesale people to become retailers, but that we had 
 plenty of retailers in England who would serve him well. 
 
 At the same time, I must point this moral to 
 my countrymen : they are neglecting a very promising 
 market, one doubtless among very many. This does not 
 apply merely to cloth, but almost to every important 
 British export. I saw some machines at a mill. Of 
 
 238 
 
INDUSTRY AND COMMERCE 239 
 
 course they were German. "Do you prefer these to 
 English machines ? " I asked. " Bogami ! no," was the 
 answer ; " we know the enormous superiority of the 
 English ones and we only wish we could have them. But 
 how are we to do so ? The only ones we see, the only 
 ones we have any opportunity of examining are German 
 and we must put up with what we can get. Some years 
 ago English machinery was bought in Servia, but now we 
 have given up all hope of obtaining it.' 1 Gradually but 
 irresistibly the Germans and Austrians are squeezing our 
 manufacturers out of the Servian market. 
 
 The Hungarians and even the French are also very 
 busy. They have commercial museums in Belgrade with 
 every sort of sample for inspection, and they despatch 
 travellers to all the principal towns in the kingdom. If 
 we adopted some such methods we might easily and 
 quickly cut them out, for our country and her products 
 are still held in the highest esteem. 
 
 There is a fortune waiting for whomsoever the spirit 
 may move to canvass this very willing constituency. 
 
 Among the chief opportunities awaiting a capitalist 
 who may be disposed to invest his money in Servia at a 
 handsome rate of interest the most obvious are : (1) A 
 National Loan, for which 6 per cent would cheerfully be 
 paid ; (2) the development of Servian Railways ; and (3) 
 a Municipal Loan for Belgrade. 
 
 The existing railway lines were constructed at a cost 
 of 300,000 francs per kilometre. This was due to the 
 fact that money was obtained at a ruinous rate and the 
 construction was extravagant. The lines ought not to 
 have cost more than half that sum. If they had been 
 constructed economically the balance would have sufficed 
 to construct all the lines now required. | I 
 
240 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 The line to Nish was constructed in 1884 ; the other 
 lines followed in 1888. Since then their receipts have 
 doubled. 
 
 The present gross receipts amount to 12,500 francs 
 per kilometre, and the net profits may be set down at 
 5000 francs per kilometre. This is equivalent to the 
 interest on a sum of 66,000 francs per kilometre. As the 
 lines cost 300,000 francs per kilometre, it is obvious that 
 they do not pay their way. It is therefore hopeless to 
 attempt to raise capital for fresh lines without offering 
 some guarantee of interest, particularly as the new lines 
 cannot expect the same ratio of receipts as the main line. 
 
 A moderate estimate sets down the gross receipts of 
 new lines at 4000-5000 francs per kilometre. Taking 
 the net profits at 40 per cent of the gross receipts, we 
 may calculate that the cost of construction must not 
 exceed 30,000 to 40,000 francs per kilometre. It will 
 be necessary to be content with a narrow gauge of 76 
 centimetres. 
 
 For this a sum of sixty million dinars (say <2,265,000) 
 will be required. On this the interest would be 3,300,000 
 dinars. 
 
 To meet this we have the following sums : 
 
 (1) Forty per cent of gross receipts which are set 
 
 down at the low estimate of 4000 francs per 
 kilometre .... 1,920,000 
 
 (2) Profits of additional traffic ob- 
 
 tained by main line . . 240,000 
 
 (3) Seven per cent on direct taxation 1,000,000 
 
 Total . 3,160,000 frs. 1 
 
 1 105 dinars is fair average exchange for 100 francs, so the above 
 estimate would probably suffice, 
 
INDUSTRY AND COMMERCE 
 
 This is only a beginning and all the items of receipts 
 will certainly go on increasing. Moreover, all the capital 
 will not be needed at once. The period of construction 
 may even be spread over ten years. Expenses of manage- 
 ment will be defrayed by the main (State) lines, thus 
 saving 20 per cent of the usual cost. 
 
 Throughout Europe no country spends less per kilo- 
 metre on the upkeep of its railways. The spirit of 
 economy is therefore paramount. In the case of the new 
 lines, even greater economy will be exercised. Goods 
 trains will only start when there are sufficient goods to 
 remunerate. 
 
 Electric or other automobile traction might be 
 employed if circumstances were favourable. For instance, 
 the route from Stalach (on the main line) to Uzhitse (in 
 West Servia) would be well suited for electric traction, 
 as the Morava river goes all the way and would afford 
 the necessary power. The distance is 160 kilometres. 
 
 The Belgrade Budget amounts to ,120,000 a year. 
 The authorities are willing to give a concession to con- 
 tractors who would do the work of draining, paving, 
 constructing quays, pulling down old houses, etc. Or 
 they would issue a loan of ^600,000 up to a million 
 sterling bearing 6 per cent interest at par. As a 
 guarantee they would offer the Octroi, which would suffice 
 to secure the interest, and a mortgage on municipal 
 property as collateral security. The Octroi brings in a 
 revenue of ^47,000 a year, and the municipal property is 
 valued at half a million sterling exclusive of the water- 
 works. The drainage and quays would bring in revenues, 
 which would also be mortgaged to serve the loan. The 
 present water rate produces a net profit of ^?8000 a year. 
 In thirty -four years' time the tramways and electric 
 
242 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 lighting will fall in to the Municipality. The present 
 profits are 35 per cent on the tramways and 42 per cent 
 on the electric lighting. 
 
 There are also opportunities for banking enterprise, 
 for mortgage banks and building banks and agricultural 
 banks, for a factory for agricultural machines, for a paper 
 factory, and for various chemical manufactures. 
 
 Servia is, however, essentially an agricultural country, 
 and it is more than doubtful whether she may wisely be 
 advised to dabble in manufactures. At present the vast 
 majority live upon the land in more or less patriarchal 
 fashion, providing ample for all their needs by means of 
 healthy outdoor pursuits, and poverty is practically un- 
 known. It were surely a more than doubtful service to 
 call into being a proletariat, which should huddle into the 
 squalor of towns and struggle amid choking smoke and 
 distracting machinery to create and satisfy artificial needs 
 yet unknown. Just as our forefathers were at the same 
 time more primitive and infinitely happier than we are 
 under the added yoke of advancing civilisation, so the 
 Servian peasant of to-day in the plenitude of his simple 
 satisfaction is far more to be envied now than when his 
 mind shall have been unsettled by visions of precipitate 
 progress. This argument, however, does not interfere 
 with the fact that the introduction of manufactures into 
 Servia would undoubtedly benefit the capitalists who 
 introduced them. 
 
 Another golden opportunity for British capital would 
 undoubtedly be found in applying it to the commerce 
 of Servia. So soon as communications shall have been 
 improved, this commerce should be capable of enormous 
 expansion. The principal exports of Servia are plums, 
 cereals and live stock. 
 
INDUSTRY AND COMMERCE 
 
 In almost every village I visited in the Machva I saw 
 the process of drying plums. Broken or over-ripe fruit 
 is reserved for making slivovits (plum brandy). The 
 others are spread on a kind of wooden hurdle some 6 feet 
 by 4 feet, twelve kgs. of fruit to a hurdle, and placed in 
 five tiers in a rough earthen oven fed with wood and 
 closed at the top. They are first placed either in the top 
 or the bottom tier, and are gradually changed to the 
 centre. The hurdles are taken out from time to time to 
 remove the finished fruit and turn the rest. It takes 
 twenty -four hours to turn a plum into a prune, and 
 relays of men must be in attendance all day and all night. 
 For this they are paid two ducats (about 18s.) a month 
 and their food, or more when prices permit. 
 
 There are also immense mining possibilities which 
 would repay attention. Hitherto, however, the restric- 
 tions which Servian Governments have imposed upon 
 foreign enterprise have been wellnigh insurmountable. 
 
 I will conclude with a reference to the possibilities of 
 Servia as a field for British labour. Now that the Colonies 
 are exploited and overstocked, it is surprising that emigra- 
 tion within the Old World should not have been thought 
 of. Manual labourers might think the wages low, but, 
 considering the minute prices of necessaries, they are 
 really not low at all ; they certainly promise a higher 
 standard of comfort than the same labour would secure 
 in England or America. As for skilled labour, if it 
 found an opening it would find also far more substantial 
 remuneration. The particular opportunity, however, is 
 for small capitalists with a few thousands or even a few 
 hundreds, which avail their possessors very little in 
 England, but which with a little effort and judgment 
 would assure a handsome competency in Servia. 
 
CHAPTER XVI 
 
 THE SERVIAN CHARACTER 
 
 AFTER the savage murder of a King, Queen, ministers and 
 courtiers with the apparent approval of a whole people, 
 it may be interesting to inquire into the Servian char- 
 acter and determine how far it accords with such an 
 attitude. 
 
 In the first place, it is important to remember that the 
 country has been emancipated for less than a century and 
 that the impress of strong Turkish rule still remains 
 deeply stamped upon the minds and souls of the people. 
 To illustrate that impress I cannot do better than describe 
 the peasantry of Old Servia, who only differ from those 
 of the Servian kingdom by the absence of their political 
 independence. The Old Servians are of the same race as 
 the new, but they retain unmodified that temperament 
 which, for over four centuries, was the temperament of the 
 whole Servian people, and still supplies the key to many 
 mysteries in the modern Servian State. 
 
 I had many opportunities of conversation with Old 
 Servians in the vilayet of Kosovo and I am bound to 
 confess that they impressed me less favourably than the 
 free citizens of the kingdom. They were kindly and 
 hospitable and zealously patriotic, but they lacked the 
 
 244 
 
THE SERVIAN CHARACTER 245 
 
 good-humour and frankness which characterise their eman- 
 cipated brethren. Nor may they be acquitted of undue 
 timidity. No doubt their lives are not the happiest in 
 the world; wild Albanians are not ideal neighbours in 
 remote villages, where police protection is necessarily 
 inadequate, and a feeling of hopelessness is aroused when 
 the accumulation of wealth only attracts the cupidity of 
 the spoilers. But the Old Servians do not make the best 
 of a bad job. Indeed, they always seemed to me in a 
 terrible hurry to meet trouble more than half-way. Their 
 conversation is one long lamentation ; they spend their 
 time in repeating murder stories, which rarely bear investi- 
 gation ; they are forever bemoaning their lot, with many 
 fine windy phrases about oppression and despair, but 
 they appear incapable or unwilling when pressed for 
 details in support of their complaints. Their manner is 
 furtive ; they talk in whispers when there is no need for 
 secrecy ; they look round before they open their mouths ; 
 and when they venture upon politics they use roundabout 
 phrases to baffle imaginary eavesdroppers. They have 
 even invented a sort of thieves' slang, whereof I obtained 
 a vocabulary : England is called Needle, " because she 
 makes her way everywhere"; a consul is either Broken 
 Reed or Straw ; Servia is Kosach, the Reaper, who hopes 
 to inherit the land ; the Tsar is Koshnar, a skin or hooded 
 cloak ; Bulgaria is Hard-head ; Austria is the Dumb One, 
 " who says nothing and does everything " ; while the Turks 
 are politely summed up as Stinkers and the Sultan is 
 called Taffo, a word which no one consented to translate. 
 Whatever their faults, the Servians of Servia do not 
 suffer from any such reticence. They are always ready 
 to express their views on any subject under the sun with 
 the utmost frankness. Not only in the crowded coffee- 
 
246 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 houses of the town, but in the mehane (taverns), which 
 are far and away the most magnificent buildings in every 
 village, there seems to be a chronic competition to argue 
 and shout and declaim. Whenever I travelled about the 
 country I found that every dinner almost every after- 
 noon call meant a long toast -list and interminable 
 oratory. In that way the Servians resemble the Irish 
 and the Greeks. But their villagers are far more reserved 
 than their townsmen. They are as voluble as you please 
 and overwhelm you with sentiment and compliments. 
 But they do not give themselves away. You may spend 
 a whole day in a zadruga apparently on terms of the most 
 sincere intimacy, but you will never secure an insight into 
 any man's character as you may in half-an-hour's acquaint- 
 ance at Belgrade. The zadruga is a peculiarly Servian 
 institution. Wherever you find a zadruga, in Macedonia 
 or elsewhere, you may safely conclude that the population 
 is Servian. No other people has the zadruga, probably 
 because no other people would have the patience to put 
 up with it. Imagine a household consisting of some 
 eighty or a hundred persons, arbitrarily governed by one 
 man, having all things in common, unable to buy or sell 
 or plant or reap or marry without first asking permission 
 from the head of the family. The Servians are very fond 
 of prating of liberty, and their new king is disseminating 
 his translation of Mill's essay on the subject, but where 
 the zadruga obtains they probably enjoy less personal 
 freedom than the subjects of the most arbitrary govern- 
 ment in the world. 
 
 The zadruga has, however, many advantages. Origin- 
 ally a family group consisting of a father and his children, 
 it has grown until it embraces distant cousins, and it serves 
 to perpetuate the family tradition and authority. It is 
 
THE SERVIAN CHARACTER 247 
 
 also very good economy, for it unites all the benefits of 
 small and great properties as well as providing for the 
 poor in sickness and old age. Unfortunately, like pictur- 
 esque costumes and most other relics of old times, the 
 zadruga is dying out, but it has certainly left its traces 
 on the national character. Though clans may perish, 
 a clannish feeling must long remain. One consequence 
 of this is that the people care much more for local than 
 national affairs. It has long been observed that the 
 country always gives a thumping majority to any govern- 
 ment which happens to be in power. A ministry may 
 possess the confidence of the Skupshtina ; the King may 
 dismiss it and appeal to the country, and he is practically 
 sure of obtaining a legislative majority. Constitutions 
 have been altered again and again, but the constituencies 
 have always ratified every change. The enemies of the 
 murdered King explain this by alleging corruption and 
 intimidation, and they have some excuse for their allega- 
 tion. But if an electorate is determined, no amount of 
 persuasion can influence the national verdict. A clean 
 sweep for a party may not mean unanimity, but it does 
 mean that the majority is at least indifferent. The only 
 political topic which interests Servian peasants is the 
 question of taxation, and their occasional adherence to 
 the Radical party was due to vague promises of relief. 
 
 A dislike of taxes is not confined to the Servians, but 
 it is perhaps more acute with them than with most other 
 nations, and for a very good reason. While possessing 
 abundance of material riches and never lacking any of 
 the rude comforts of life, even in the remotest villages, 
 they rarely have much actual money to spare. Each 
 household makes nearly everything it requires and needs 
 very little money. At one large farm I was told that the 
 
248 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 family had no occasion to buy anything except groceries 
 and sometimes beef. This is only eaten on grand occa- 
 sions, and then several families usually club together, 
 each providing an animal in turn. If taxes could be paid 
 in kind they would not be grudged, but a money pay- 
 ment seems to the peasants out of all proportion to the 
 amount of food and clothes which it represents. In the 
 case of road -making, for instance, the peasants are allowed 
 to choose between paying a few dinars and giving two 
 or three days' work, and they cheerfully apply themselves 
 to the task. I have often seen them in gangs upon the 
 roads and have had occasion to admire their industry. 
 
 The fertility of the soil makes it unnecessary for them 
 to work very hard, but they are by no means lazy, and 
 they have a constant craving to acquire more land. This 
 is not, however, from any desire of power or ostentation, 
 for they are essentially simple in character. The richest 
 peasant will continue to wear the same rough homespun 
 as his humblest neighbour, and consume the same simple 
 fare. Only when some Church festival occurs or guests 
 arrive is there ever a trace of luxury. 
 
 The hospitality of the people is enormously developed 
 and strangers are always entertained most lavishly where- 
 ever they go. " We have a saying in Servia," an Archi- 
 mandrite once remarked to me, " that guests are doubly 
 welcome, because they afford us an excuse for enjoying 
 good fare also." The favourite dish on a grand occasion 
 consists of a lamb or sucking-pig roasted very slowly over 
 glowing embers; a stout stick is run right through it, 
 and a couple of men will spend hours turning it in the 
 forest before a picnic. The result is delicious, or would 
 be if the people could be persuaded to serve the meat up 
 before it is half cold. 
 
THE SERVIAN CHARACTER 249 
 
 The costumes vary considerably in different parts of 
 the country. A typical farmer will wear long knicker- 
 bockers, either of frieze or linen ; a long coarse shirt, tied 
 at the waist and hanging down like a kilt ; one or two 
 embroidered waistcoats with long sleeves, but no coat. 
 The first symptom of Western ideas is manifested when 
 one of the waistcoats is of ordinary tweed. From this 
 the transition to the ordinary humdrum dress of the 
 European middle classes is easy. The national garb is 
 certainly passing away, but not very rapidly. I was told 
 by one farmer that he had given it up because he found 
 that it meant devoting at least an hour a day to his 
 toilet if he meant to do justice to it. The poorer 
 peasants, however, are not such dandies and will often go 
 about for months together without changing their sheep- 
 skins. The wool is worn inwards and, in the case of the 
 women, the skin is elaborately ornamented with bright- 
 coloured wools, pieces of looking-glass and other out- 
 landish ornaments. On festal occasions women are even 
 more barbaric in appearance, for they cover the hair, 
 breast and back with all sorts of coins, representing 
 their dowry. These range from mediaeval gold pieces to 
 battered silver and worthless brass tokens. The character- 
 istic feature of the female costume consists of two gay 
 strips of carpet worn in front and behind as aprons. 
 Carpets are indeed put to many strange uses in Servia. 
 They are not only placed upon the floors, but even upon 
 the walls, ceilings, chairs, divans, and, as we have seen, 
 added to the wardrobe. 
 
 The Servians love simple pleasures. They are always 
 ready for a dance, and impart mysterious expression to 
 the measures of the kolo. They are intensely musical 
 and can always while away an evening with interminable 
 
250 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 songs, generally of a sad, dreamy strain. The favourite 
 topic of their songs is some episode in the history of their 
 old Empire : either the prowess of Marko Kraljevich 
 (king's son), or a narrative of the great battle of Kosovo, 
 where their last Tsar was defeated by the Turks. History 
 is their one passion and replaces the interest in politics, 
 which we find further west. 1 remember once, on a Save 
 steamer, noticing a group of peasants engaged in animated 
 conversation. I asked a friend to find out what was 
 exciting them, and he discovered that they were disputing 
 whether Milosh Obilich, who killed Sultan Murad, was 
 buried by the feet or the head of Tsar Lazar. 
 
 It is certainly strange that a people which possesses so 
 keen a pride in the past should not be more deeply 
 imbued with the religious spirit. Feast-days are univers- 
 ally observed, but a Servian considers that he has done his 
 duty if he stands outside in the churchyard during divine 
 service. On the other hand, fasts are very strictly kept, 
 but that is probably due to feelings of superstition and 
 a dread lest supernatural consequences should follow a 
 breach of the Church's ordinance. 
 
 When we look into the various superstitions which 
 still form part of the convictions of the people, we may 
 begin to realise how widely they differ from the ordinary 
 European of the twentieth century. For instance, when 
 the foundations of a house are laid, it is considered necessary 
 to immure the shadow of a human being. All sorts of 
 tricks are used by builders to induce some one to walk 
 down the road in the sunshine, so that his shadow may be 
 caught and walled in. I have been told quite seriously 
 by apparently sane Servians that they have seen a shadow 
 captured in this way ; that the owner has gone on shadow- 
 less and has presently died; and that his spirit has 
 
THE SERVIAN CHARACTER 251 
 
 haunted the place where his shadow was removed. How 
 the appropriation of the shadow is supposed to assist the 
 new house or assure its fortunes I was unable to ascertain. 
 Probably in very old days a live stranger was immured 
 and now a shadow takes his place. 
 
 Stories of vampires are innumerable, and all except a 
 few lawyers and bagmen believe in them implicitly. The 
 vampires assume human form and are remarkable for 
 their grace and beauty. Their object is to find an 
 opportunity for sucking the blood of their victims. I 
 have heard stories of charming strangers who came to 
 villages, married the most attractive maidens, and then 
 killed them by sucking their blood. But vampires may 
 always be charmed away with an amulet of garlic. A 
 belief in the power to turn men and women into animals 
 is also very general. Perhaps the most general belief is 
 that inspired by the vila. She has goat's feet, like a fawn ; 
 nails stained with henna, like an odalisque ; and a white 
 robe, emblematic of Christian innocence. This last touch 
 serves to emphasise the left-handed connection between 
 religion and superstition in Servia. A vila may be good 
 or bad, may help people or torment them. Her metro- 
 polis is Mount Avala, near Belgrade, but she appears at 
 the most unexpected moments and places. In origin she 
 is probably akin to wood-nymphs, dryads and other 
 elementals. At any rate she is as real to the Servian 
 as a jinnee is to a Moslem. She has played her part in 
 history and lives in song. When Kara George played 
 false, we are told that " the vila shrieked from the summit 
 of Rudnik, above the Jasenitsa, the slender stream. She 
 called George Petrovich at Topola in the plain : ' Foolish 
 George Petrovich, where are thou to-day ? Would thou 
 wert nowhere ! If thou drinkest wine in the tavern, may 
 
THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 it run out of thee in wounds ! If thou art taking thine 
 ease with thy wife, may she be widowed. Dost thou not 
 see (ah ! would that thou wert deprived of sight !) that 
 the Turks have invaded thy fatherland ? ' " 
 
 That is a typical excerpt from a national pesma (epic), 
 and emphasises the strange mixture of barbarous cruelty 
 and patriotic enthusiasm which has consistently character- 
 ised the Servian. He is full of devoted enthusiasm for his 
 friends, but so soon as his enmity has been aroused he sticks 
 at no enormity. Most of his national heroes are swash- 
 bucklers, who, in peaceful times, would be called brigands. 
 
 To sum up the Servian peasant, who after all is the 
 backbone of the nation : he is sturdy, good-looking, brave, 
 healthy, hospitable and merry, devoted to the traditions of 
 his race but careless of modern politics ; rich in everything 
 but money; simple, superstitious, thoroughly mediaeval. 
 No one could dislike him, but he must be judged from a 
 standpoint which is almost unattainable by the man of 
 the West. If we could go back four or five hundred 
 years and live among our forefathers, they would prob- 
 ably tax our forbearance in much the same way as the 
 Servians do to-day. Yet, if we could divest ourselves of 
 the arrogance of our civilisation, we should probably 
 concede to them many virtues which we certainly lack. 
 
 It is only when they go abroad for their education, 
 don black coats and a thin veneer of progress, that they 
 invite criticism. They are not ripe for the blessings of 
 democracy (such as they are), and much painful experi- 
 ence will be necessary to prepare them. I do not say 
 that they cannot undergo the preparation, but I do not 
 wish to see them in the process. I prefer to remember 
 them as I have known them admirable survivors of the 
 age of chivalry. 
 
MACEDONIAN BRIGANDS. 
 
 PLATE XVII. 
 
CHAPTER XVII 
 
 BRIGANDAGE 
 
 TRAVELLERS in the Balkan peninsula soon grow so much 
 accustomed to stories of brigands that all terror rapidly 
 disappears, and they cease to surprise any more than the 
 yarns of fishermen or big-game hunters. Brigands have 
 figured so prominently in the fiction of recent years that 
 the most blood-curdling tales rarely move us to anything 
 more than polite incredulity. 
 
 When I first roamed about Servia and Macedonia I 
 always made a point of inciting every one I met to talk 
 about brigands, because I was generally sure of hearing 
 something exciting, but it never occurred to me to take 
 the matter seriously. The Balkans are still mediaeval, 
 and I felt that brigands were an appropriate mediaeval 
 topic ; it was like meeting the ghost of Sir Walter Scott 
 and extracting fresh tales of a grandfather. 
 
 Even now, since I have seen brigands galore, brigands 
 clanking their chains at railway stations, brigands in 
 prison awaiting execution, brigands being arrested and 
 even brigands at large, I have not quite got over the 
 sense of unreality. You see, the brigand of real life is 
 such a very different person from the brigand of fiction, 
 who is a sort of Claude Duval and takes to crime out of 
 
 253 
 
254 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 sheer devilry. He adopts the bold, free life of the moun- 
 tains, exacts enormous ransoms, distributes the greater 
 part of his booty among the deserving poor, is actuated 
 by the highest spirit of chivalry, and earns wide renown 
 by his romantic intrepidity. The real brigand is usually 
 a political refugee, who only desires to be let alone and 
 is content if he can steal enough to keep body and soul 
 together, or else a political emissary who travels about 
 trying to force an unwilling peasantry into revolution. 
 
 Yet the modern brigand sometimes exhibits traits 
 worthy of Robin Hood or Dick Turpin. I heard of a 
 man the other day. His name was Djevdjevich, and for 
 twenty years he terrorised the borders of Servia and 
 Macedonia, finding safety in one country when the police 
 of the other had made his haunts too hot for him. One 
 day he waylaid a merchant who was travelling on horse- 
 back to a market town with a thousand ducats (^500), 
 which he intended to invest to the best possible profit. 
 He was then well-to-do, rode a good horse, carried a 
 heavy gold chain, was accompanied by several servants, 
 and had every appearance of prosperity. Now Djevdjevich 
 was reputed a kind-hearted man. His largesse made 
 every peasant of his district devoted to him, and with a 
 certain airy vanity he boasted that he generally left the 
 district better off than he found it. His rush out from 
 his ambush upon his prey was compared to that of a lion 
 for swiftness and success; many were the tales of his 
 prowess, and he had never been known to fail, whatever 
 the numerical odds against him. The merchant submitted 
 with fairly good grace to be despoiled of his ducats and 
 watch, and was dismissed with perfect courtesy, more 
 frightened than hurt. Ten years later he was travelling 
 the same way when Djevdjevich stopped him again. 
 
BRIGANDAGE 255 
 
 "I seem to know your face," said the brigand, not 
 unkindly. 
 
 " Would to heaven that I did not know yours," was 
 the reply. "Ever since you stopped me and took my 
 thousand ducats ten years ago, things have gone ill with 
 me. It was the turning-point of my career. The loss of 
 that money ruined my business. I was soon unable to 
 meet my obligations. And now I am merely the hireling 
 of another merchant. As you can easily see for yourself, 
 I have gone far down in the world." 
 
 Djevdjevich looked at him and believed his story, for 
 the man now rode a donkey, wore rough clothing and 
 had every appearance of poverty. 
 
 "How much money have you in your purse?" he 
 inquired. 
 
 " Only one hundred ducats and they are not mine. If 
 you take them I shall lose my employment and be reduced 
 to starvation." 
 
 " Well, will you give me your word of honour to remain 
 where you are until I return ? If so, I will spare your 
 hundred ducats." 
 
 The man promised and presently the brigand returned 
 with two sacks. 
 
 " Here," said he, holding up the first, " are the thousand 
 ducats I took from you ten years ago ; and here," holding 
 up the second, " are a thousand more, which I present you 
 as interest. May they help you to rebuild your fortunes ! 
 When you are once more rich you shall again travel here 
 at your peril, and I will see if I cannot get back from you 
 the whole sum at compound interest." 
 
 I believe that Djevdjevich is still at large and greatly 
 esteemed in his old haunts ; if so, he must have devoted 
 nearly a quarter of a century to brigandage. It is, indeed. 
 
256 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 by no means rare for men to remain outlaws for the greater 
 part of their lives. 
 
 Some brigands have also a keen sense of humour. A 
 friend of mine, a Servian statesman now out of office, 
 loves to recount his experience at their hands. When he 
 was Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs, a few years ago, 
 he was travelling across country in the west of Servia, 
 attended only by a couple of gendarmes. Arriving at a 
 wayside inn, he entered and called for a cup of coffee. 
 He noticed a dozen rough-looking men seated at little 
 tables in the great bare kitchen, which is the parlour of 
 a Servian inn. But for the fact that they carried an 
 unusual amount of arms and that none of them rose at 
 the entrance of a gentleman, he might easily have taken 
 them for the ordinary peasants of the locality. As it was, 
 his first impression was to explain their discourtesy by 
 setting them down as Radicals, who were then very bitter 
 against the Government. As all the tables were occupied, 
 he sat down with one of the groups and entered into con- 
 versation. He soon saw who they were, not only from 
 their knives and guns and pistols, but from their remarks. 
 Like all Servians, they immediately began to talk politics, 
 and presently they mentioned quite frankly what grievances 
 had induced them to take to the hills. Of course, he was 
 entirely in their power if they chose to carry him off and 
 hold him to ransom, but Servian brigands do not carry off 
 or even rob travellers without premeditation or some 
 definite object. It was evidently a case for diplomacy. 
 He hoped very sincerely that they did not know who he 
 was, seeing that his capture would have been a serious 
 matter for the Government, as evidence of the insecurity 
 of the country, not to mention the personal inconvenience 
 to himself. 
 
BRIGANDAGE 257 
 
 They put very many questions, pumping him as to his 
 occupation in life, and he flattered himself that he evaded 
 them skilfully. Then they made all sorts of conditional 
 remarks: "If you return to Belgrade" (this sounded 
 ominously like a menace, and sent a cold shiver down his 
 back) " if you return to Belgrade and chance to meet any 
 members of the Government, tell them that the brigands 
 of this district are not such bad fellows after all " ; " If 
 you have, any influence with the Foreign Office" (this 
 was painfully warm) "inform the Premier" (who was 
 also Foreign Minister) "that when our grievances are 
 redressed we will make our submission"; and so forth. 
 Again and again he felt that they must know who he 
 was, but whenever he scanned their faces he found them 
 imperturbable and almost childishly bland. At last the 
 horses were rested and it was time to go. The critical 
 moment had arrived. He was almost sure that they had 
 discovered him, and still more sure that in that case 
 they would detain him as a hostage. He rose and put his 
 hand into his pocket to pay for his refreshment, wonder- 
 ing whether he was to sleep that night under the green- 
 wood tree. One of the men started to his feet, banged 
 the table, and shouted " No, no ! " 
 
 Alas ! his fate was decided and a horrible thought 
 passed through his mind that perhaps in a few weeks 
 his ears might be cut off. " No, no," the man went on ; 
 "we may be brigands, but we are still Servians, and 
 Servians do not allow their guests to pay." My friend 
 felt that he could not help showing his relief and he 
 detected a grim smile in the eyes of his companions. 
 However, there was nothing for it but to submit with a 
 good grace, so he thanked them, said good-bye and made 
 his way to his carriage. Several of the men followed him 
 
 s 
 
258 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 out, and just as he was driving off one of them called 
 
 after him, "A pleasant }ourney, Mr. " (mentioning 
 
 his name) ; " do not forget to say a good word for your 
 hosts ! " And as a matter of fact my friend was eventu- 
 ally instrumental in obtaining an amnesty for these men, 
 who remain law-abiding subjects to this day. 
 
 The causes and conditions of brigandage are easy to 
 explain. In the days when Turkey ruled the whole 
 Balkan peninsula, any one who had come to loggerheads 
 with the authorities or incurred outlawry joined a band 
 in the inaccessible mountains and forests, where whole 
 regiments found it very difficult to catch them. They 
 subsisted on the (more or less) voluntary contributions 
 of the neighbouring villagers and on any booty which 
 happened to come their way. Meanwhile they carried on 
 a guerilla warfare against the authorities, and in times of 
 popular insurrection there was little or nothing to dis- 
 tinguish rebel leaders from ordinary robbers. Both were 
 known by the name of hajdutsi, and many of them are 
 regarded as national heroes to this day. One of the chief 
 coffee-houses in Belgrade is called after Hajduk Veljko, 
 who also figures in many a popular song. 
 
 Nowadays the Servian brigands, who are often 
 political outlaws, continue to call themselves hajdutsi, 
 and retain a certain unmerited hold on the popular 
 sympathies. I have seen gangs of brigands in prison and 
 almost felt sorry for them. They had probably committed 
 innumerable crimes, and some of them wore villainous 
 expressions. But they were manly and brave even in 
 adversity. They were laden with heavy chains and con- 
 fined in noisome subterranean dungeons. One prefect 
 offered to show me his bag of brigands, and I came with 
 him into a courtyard. A door was thrown open and a 
 
BRIGANDAGE 259 
 
 dozen soldiers stood round it with loaded guns and fixed 
 bayonets, in the attitude of terriers at a rat -hole. A 
 melancholy clanking was heard, and at last the brigands 
 emerged, so heavily weighed down with chains that they 
 could scarcely limp. I felt almost brutal when I accepted 
 an invitation to photograph them, but I consoled myself 
 with the reflection that I had afforded them a glimpse 
 of God's sunshine, which had been very long withheld. 
 
 The prefect told me that severity in prison was abso- 
 lutely necessary, as the brigands were such desperate 
 characters that they would inevitably break loose if the 
 least indulgence were shown them. And they had certainly 
 committed many murders. I asked him if he tortured 
 them. He professed to be indignant at the idea, but 
 admitted, on being pressed, that he had kept men without 
 water for days in order to extort confessions. 
 
 I once travelled about with a captain of gendarmery 
 who had spent months in pursuing a band. He showed 
 me a tobacco-box which he had taken from the leader ; 
 it was carved in rude letters " Velisav the Hajduk, King 
 of the Mountains." The band consisted at first of seven 
 men. When the pursuit became hot, it divided up into 
 three parties. All brigands have henchmen, called jatatsi, 
 who supply them with food and ammunition, besides acting 
 as receivers of stolen goods. The captain ran down the 
 jatak of the first party. Holding a revolver in one hand 
 and a purse of eighty pounds in the other, he gave the man 
 the choice of betraying his associates or being summarily 
 shot. This being but Hobson's choice, the jatak agreed 
 and his house was surrounded while the brigands were 
 there with him and his two sons. He had been told to 
 begin fighting the two brigands, when the soldiers would 
 come to his rescue. So he brought in a lamb and asked 
 
260 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 one of the brigands to kill it. At first the fellow was 
 suspicious and refused to lay down his gun to kill the lamb. 
 However, he was persuaded to give it to his companion to 
 hold, whereupon the three jatatsi fell upon the man who 
 was holding the guns and killed him with axes. A fright- 
 ful struggle ensued with the survivor, but the soldiers 
 came in and shot him in the nick of time, just as he had 
 secured his gun and was about to fire upon his betrayers. 
 
 The second party of two were also victims of their 
 jatak's treachery. They suspected him and took it in 
 turns to keep watch, but one night the sentinel dozed 
 and the jatak cut his throat ; then the gendarmes came 
 in and helped to finish the survivor. 
 
 After this the remaining party of three became very 
 wary, scarcely ever stirring from their fastnesses. One 
 day they quarrelled over the possession of a silver spoon 
 and decided to separate, one going one way and the others 
 going another. These two were caught in a cottage and 
 remained game to the last. Some gendarmes climbed on 
 to the roof and shot one down the chimney, while the 
 other was killed by a fusilade through the walls. 
 
 There now remained only one and he proved the most 
 difficult of all to secure. The captain was a long time 
 before he could catch the jatak. He disguised himself 
 and went to the jatak's cottage, pretending he wanted to 
 buy pigs. No one was at home but the jatak's mother, 
 who would not allow him inside. However, he sat down 
 on the doorstep and said he would wait for her son. She 
 passed the time in discussing the gendarmery, saying 
 they were no good for catching brigands, as they had 
 a lazy captain who never went anywhere. My friend 
 smiled, for he had lately taken to sleeping during the 
 day and prosecuting his search by night. As she was 
 
BRIGANDAGE 261 
 
 speaking, her son arrived and recognised the captain, 
 who promptly arrested him. But even then it was a long 
 time before the jatak would confess anything. It was 
 only after he had been shut up in a cellar and kept with- 
 out water during three broiling summer days that he 
 consented to tell what he knew. Then the last hajduk 
 was tracked to his haunts and taken alive. 
 
 I heard another story from an eye-witness of a recent 
 capture. Two brigands were surrounded in a farmhouse, 
 so they climbed into a loft and sniped every soldier they 
 could see. Attempts to fire the farm only resulted in 
 the death of several more soldiers. At last cannon was 
 sent for and preparations were made for a bombardment. 
 The brigands then saw that their only chance was to 
 make a sally and fight their way out. One was killed at 
 once, but the other was more fortunate. He ran very 
 fast towards the cordon, firing as he went, and in next to 
 no time it was impossible for most of the soldiers to shoot 
 at him without the risk of killing each other. He shot 
 down those immediately in front of him and burst 
 through. Then commenced an extraordinary exhibition 
 of pluck and dexterity. Running for his life, he zig- 
 zagged, leaped into the air and even fell repeatedly on 
 his face to disturb the aim of his foes. When he had 
 advanced some two hundred yards away from them, he 
 stopped and began to sing a song of mockery and defiance, 
 which had probably been handed down from the old days 
 of guerilla warfare against the Turks. He challenged 
 any two soldiers to come out and do battle with him, but 
 the offer was not accepted. So he strolled away with 
 exaggerated carelessness, like the hero of some mediaeval 
 epic. 
 
 Some years elapsed before his hour struck and then 
 
THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 his end was gilded with romance. Glorying in his 
 immunity, he had married and taken his wife to share 
 his wild life among the mountains. His life seemed 
 charmed and his recklessness became foolhardiness with- 
 out evil consequences. But the gendarmery were still on 
 the alert, and one day the woman was shot on her way to 
 procure food. Knowing the brigand's character not 
 only his belief in a miraculous immunity, but his blind 
 devotion to his wife they determined to lay a trap. 
 They carried the woman's body to her native village and 
 buried it in the little cemetery outside. Then they hid 
 behind a wall and waited. Sure enough, the same evening 
 the brigand arrived with some flowers to lay upon her 
 grave. He was at once shot, and the policemen plumed 
 themselves upon their craft. No doubt he had committed 
 countless crimes and was a terror as well as a scandal to 
 the countryside. Still, his name will probably linger long 
 in the poetry and the imagination of the people. 
 
 His case aroused a good deal of commiseration among 
 the romance-loving Servians. He had left two little 
 boys, aged six and four respectively. A friend of mine, 
 who devotes a great part of his energies to the manage- 
 ment of an orphanage, which he himself founded in 
 Belgrade, determined to place the children there and see 
 if they could not be turned into good citizens. The 
 elder boy was hopeless from the outset. He wore a wild, 
 sullen look, like a caged beast, and opposed a triumphant 
 passive resistance to his teachers. In the playground he 
 refused to mingle with his fellows, retiring to brood in 
 corners or pacing to and fro with his eyes on the ground. 
 He was always able to hold his own, and no boy ever 
 dreamed of teasing him or taking a liberty with him, but 
 he repelled every advance and was by no means to be 
 
BRIGANDAGE 263 
 
 beguiled into friendship. Living in a house seemed to 
 cramp him ; even out of doors he appeared to gasp for 
 mountain air ; and in less than two years he died of 
 consumption. The younger is alive still, a quiet, colour- 
 less child, docile in an unresponsive way, but not easy to 
 understand. 
 
 Macedonia is now the headquarters of brigandage, 
 but most of its brigands come over from Bulgaria, where 
 they are organised to pave the way for annexation or 
 autonomy. As there are at least three rival organisa- 
 tions, the brigands are as much at loggerheads with each 
 other as they are with the authorities. They come over 
 in bands and terrorise the whole country, greatly to 
 the discomfiture of the peaceful inhabitants, whom they 
 compel to store arms and pay tribute. Villages are 
 thereby exposed to a double annoyance, the bands coming 
 to deposit contraband of war, and the authorities sending 
 zapties to hunt for it. The bands do their utmost to 
 provoke massacres, but the soldiers have strict orders 
 to avoid anything of the kind at all hazards. Even 
 battle with the bands is deprecated as much as possible, 
 with the consequence that the most impudent provocation 
 is often ignored. One day a band crossed a river by a 
 plank in single file under the eyes of the soldiers without 
 molestation. They then sent a challenge to the captain 
 of the regiment to come out and fight, but he contented 
 himself with hovering about and watching them. The 
 fact is, any serious slaughter would afford a pretext for 
 invoking European intervention, and the Turks are too 
 old birds to be caught with chaff. 
 
 Many of the Bulgarian brigand chiefs are hardened 
 conspirators, but many are enthusiasts, with the common 
 Anarchist's misguided ideas about tyranny and freedom. 
 
264 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 As will be readily understood, genuine enthusiasts are 
 very often recruited from the ranks of the very young. 
 I saw two Bulgarian boys who were beguiled into the 
 movement. One of them was only seventeen, though he 
 looked older. He had the eyes of a fanatic and a certain 
 air of obstinacy, which might pass muster for determina- 
 tion. The other was only fourteen. He was a native 
 of a mountain village in the vilayet of Salonica. His 
 father was shot while attempting to evade military service, 
 so the boy, who was left almost destitute, was easily 
 persuaded to consider himself a person with grievances 
 against the authorities. When his band was taken, he 
 fought very pluckily and received a nasty bayonet wound 
 in his right arm. Most of these insurgents apparently 
 have very poor physique, but they are all wiry and can 
 endure any amount of hardship or privation. They wear 
 the soft shoes of red leather called opanke, common to 
 the greater part of the Balkan peninsula. These are tied 
 round and round the foot with strings and afford an 
 extraordinary elasticity to the gait. The boys could 
 accordingly climb like goats. 
 
 I also saw two desperate youths of eighteen and nine- 
 teen, captured in the neighbourhood of Lake Ochrida. 
 They were convicted of a number of atrocious crimes 
 and seem to have delighted in cruelty for its own sake. 
 One of them was so badly wounded in the left hand that 
 the greater part of it had to be amputated. This 
 happened when the band was fighting a village which 
 did not welcome the idea of insurrection. Such dis- 
 inclination is by no means rare, as was proved one 
 day, when a village arrested a whole band and handed 
 it over to the authorities. Towards the end of last 
 autumn also, one of the heads of the movement was so 
 
BRIGANDAGE 265 
 
 badly wounded in the head by the stones of a village 
 that he had to hurry back to Sofia and place himself in 
 the doctor's hands. 
 
 Among other Macedonian enthusiasts must be numbered 
 certain popes. This is quite in keeping with tradition, 
 for popes played a prominent part in the risings of the 
 last century in Bulgaria, Bosnia, and Servia. I have in 
 my possession a copy of a proclamation issued by an 
 Archimandrite in 1875, calling upon the population to 
 rise. His style was somewhat lurid. "Take up your 
 arms," he exclaimed, " water the hearth of your ancestors 
 with the gore of your tyrants. Let us attack these 
 drinkers of blood and let us exterminate them."" At a 
 Macedonian railway station, in the autumn of 1902, I 
 saw a band being conducted in chains from the train to 
 the prison. At the head of it marched a pope, wearing 
 the usual cassock and brimless top-hat of his order. His 
 hands were bound in front of him, thus giving him the 
 appearance of one taking part in a religious procession. 
 
 Stranger still than boys and clergy, there have been 
 women who took to brigandage not merely the devoted 
 spouses who followed their husbands to the hills, but 
 actually viragoes who took command and ruled their 
 followers with a rod of iron. One lady looked rather 
 melodramatic, and, according to all accounts, was not a 
 very pleasant customer to meet in a dark wood. She 
 had compromised somewhat between male and female 
 attire, but had not been able to refrain from the expres- 
 sion of her sex^s vanity. Beside the cart-wheel ornament 
 of silver filigree, so popular among the Albanian peasants, 
 she had gratified her taste for display with profuse em- 
 broideries and necklaces. And her superstitious instincts 
 were revealed by a charm which she wore over her belt. 
 
266 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 From time to time the bands seize travellers and hold 
 them to ransom. The case of Miss Stone will occur to 
 every one. The general opinion in official circles is that 
 she or her friends connived at her capture. Whether 
 this be true or not, the fact remains that cases of such 
 connivance are by no means unknown. At Salonica I 
 heard of a French traveller who was carried off to the 
 hills some years ago. Every effort was made to pursue 
 his captors, but he sent pathetic letters protesting that 
 this endangered his life and limbs. At last a ransom 
 was forthcoming, and I believe the Turkish Government 
 was eventually compelled to make it good. The man 
 came back and has been inexplicably rich ever since, but 
 he has lost much of the consideration of his friends. 
 
 When I left Uskub for Salonica I noticed a consider- 
 able commotion on the railway platform. A band of a 
 dozen brigands sat huddled together, linked by many 
 chains. Around them was a circle of police with loaded 
 guns and fixed bayonets. A crowd of friends and relatives 
 had been admitted to take leave of the prisoners. Some 
 were being embraced by tearful young women, others 
 were receiving farewell gifts from aged parents. One tall 
 young man squatted on his haunches severely alone. He 
 had a mocking, defiant expression and smoked a cigarette 
 in the corner of his mouth imperturbably. When the 
 signal was given to entrain, he strutted forward with a 
 fine swagger, holding up his leg-chain very daintily. His 
 progress was naturally impeded by his fetters, but he 
 conveyed the impression of a jovial sea- walk. I saw him 
 seated inside a third-class carriage among his fellow- 
 convicts and warders, still smoking at the same angle. 
 I caught his eye and he winked at me sardonically. In 
 the darkness at Salonica I saw him hobbling off to gaol 
 
BRIGANDAGE 267 
 
 with the rest of his gang. A few days later I was strolling 
 about the quay when I noticed a crowd gathering. The 
 same gang squatted near the landing-stage, guarded as 
 before by policemen armed to the teeth. I caught the 
 eye of the young man, who still smoked aloof with the 
 old rollicking air. He was helped, hobbling, into a 
 tossing barque, and was rowed vigorously towards a ship 
 that should take him across the sea towards his prison 
 at Damascus. I heard that he had penetrated into the 
 konak at Uskub and stabbed the Vali's secretary, against 
 whom he cherished a grudge. I could readily believe it. 
 
 The heroic days of brigandage are past and unlikely 
 to return. Probably the next generation will regard it 
 all as a myth of the Middle Ages, like the Inquisition 
 or the Crusades. No doubt the world will plume itself 
 upon the uniformity of civilisation, but the traveller's 
 last opportunity of romantic adventure will be no more. 
 
 .. 
 
CHAPTER XVIII 
 
 THE MACEDONIAN CONSPIRACY 
 
 To understand the situation in Macedonia, it is necessary 
 to enumerate the attitude of the various pretenders to 
 the province. Turkey in Europe has come to be regarded 
 as a political Tom Tiddler's ground, and the most un- 
 likely aspirations are urged seriously. The most imper- 
 tinent of them is naturally the Greek. In the vilayet of 
 Salonica, at any rate, everything used to be in the hands 
 of the Greeks : clergy, schools, commerce and a kind of 
 tradition. Had they been capable of propaganda, they 
 might have swept the board and almost hoped to restore 
 the old Byzantine Empire. As it was, they never suc- 
 ceeded in hellenising a single Slav during a century full 
 of opportunities. Rich Greeks kept bequeathing large 
 sums for their cause, but the money was always frittered 
 away or embezzled. In fact, the Greek star has persist- 
 ently waned. Even in Salonica few rich Greeks now 
 remain. The Jews are constantly ousting and superseding 
 them. 
 
 Salonica is, of course, the stronghold of Jews. They 
 are of Spanish origin, form nine-tenths of the population, 
 control everything and command a certain respect by 
 their probity. Baron Hirsch spent much time and money 
 
 268 
 
Si 
 
 H ,- 
 
 < 
 
 ^ 
 
 a -^ 
 ffi ^ 
 
 H | 
 
 
THE MACEDONIAN CONSPIRACY 269 
 
 in endeavouring to turn Macedonia into a promised land. 
 He imported a colony of Hebrew wastrels to Salonica, 
 but the proud Jews from Spain objected, gave them no 
 work, and only allowed them to ply as lustrajis (boot- 
 blacks) or match -vendors. The consequence was that 
 many died of hunger, and most of the others departed for 
 Brazil. The Spanish Jews of Salonica are a very close 
 corporation. Not only do they refuse to employ Christians 
 in their banks and shops, but they are nearly as intolerant 
 of other Jew breeds. They have many strange old customs. 
 For instance, when one of their men dies the widow is 
 expected to live on the bare floor for eight days in total 
 darkness. Their newspapers are printed in a broken 
 Spanish with Hebrew letters. I called upon the editor 
 of such a sheet, and learned much about the "Young 
 Jew " party, which he represents. It is violently opposed 
 not merely to the Imperial Government but even to the 
 recognised heads of the Hebrew community. It provokes 
 brawls in the synagogues and bloodshed in the back 
 streets. One of the Young Jews told me that he was an 
 Anarchist and an Atheist, Judaism having for him a 
 national (or international) but no religious significance. 
 The orthodox Jews of Salonica are, however, quite strong 
 enough to hold their own against insubordinates within 
 their gates. It is not too much to say that they dominate 
 the city, socially, politically, and commercially. No 
 Christian trader can earn a living, for the Jews combine 
 against him and ruin him. All the trade is in their hands, 
 and they control even the active occupations, such as the 
 unloading of boats, which is not permitted on Saturdays. 
 If a man is robbed, he will be ill-advised to consult the 
 Turkish police, for they will expect bakshish and do 
 nothing ; whereas the Rabbis will usually find the stolen 
 
270 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 goods on an understanding of no questions asked. Unlike 
 some other Jews, those of Salonica are manly, fairly honest 
 and quite self-respecting. Indeed, they have tabooed the 
 word Jew, so that it is safer to talk of an " Israelite " in 
 the coffee-houses. Anti-Semitism would have a short 
 shrift at Salonica. But the Jews will never become a 
 dominant race, and their incursion does not affect the 
 Macedonian question. They discourage Zionism because 
 they work for a Zion at home, but they do not possess 
 the qualities which would enable them to rule the vilayet, 
 whose capital is theirs. 
 
 Another futile propaganda is that of the Italians. It 
 has only become truly active since a Montenegrin marriage 
 afforded a pretext for intervention in the Balkans. They 
 have made themselves useful to nondescript Levantines by 
 lavishing the Italian nationality upon persons who had 
 everything to gain by availing themselves of the capitula- 
 tions. In Salonica alone they count 3000 subjects ; they 
 have a useful trade -museum at their school, which 
 provided 102 Italian clerks to Thessalonian counting- 
 houses during 1902 ; and they make no secret of their 
 aspiration to an eventual reversion of Albania. Their 
 consuls are numerous and feverish on the coast of the 
 Adriatic. But modern Italy is herself so precarious that 
 her struggles for expansion are foredoomed to failure. 
 
 The Roumanians x have a traditional, but no practical 
 excuse. Salonica and Monastir are the headquarters of 
 their agitation. They found schools of commerce, but 
 they have scarcely any idea about their expectations and 
 their numbers steadily diminsh. Most of them have been 
 subconsciously hellenised, and they may only be regarded 
 
 1 Cf. ee La Roumanie moderne comme facteur de la civilisation 
 en Orient." Par Alex. Sturdza. Paris : Laveur. 
 
THE MACEDONIAN CONSPIRACY 271 
 
 as cat's-paws of the Greek propaganda. They would 
 probably decide to save their purses and energies by 
 retiring from an impossible position, but that propagandas 
 are now the fashion in Macedonia and, if the province 
 ever did come up for partition, they could retire grace- 
 fully with hopes of compensation elsewhere. 
 
 Austria is working underground, but with great dili- 
 gence. When, as Count Goluchovski expressed it, she 
 " became a Balkan State,*" she enlarged her ambitions and 
 responsibilities to an incredible degree. But that her 
 star has been so long on the wane, she might cherish 
 reasonable hopes of forcing her way down to the JEgean. 
 Her success in Bosnia, however, has been so moderate 
 that her best friends may easily lose heart. Bosnia was 
 the only province which presumed to resist the edicts of 
 the Congress of Berlin. She had become insurgent in 
 the hope of eventual annexation to Servia, her pobratim 1 
 and old over-lord. To her dismay, she found herself 
 swallowed up by the " Swabians," a term used in the 
 Balkans for all German-speaking folk. Her Moham- 
 medans, who had clung to their Servian nationality and 
 fought side by side with their Christian compatriots 
 against the Ottomans, resisted the "Swabian" invasion 
 tooth and nail, inch by inch. They succumbed to the 
 big battalions with sullen despair, but they have never 
 been pacified. Herr von Kallay retorted by persecuting 
 Mohammedan leaders : the Landesregierung was employed 
 to conduct a campaign against them ; the statute against 
 unauthorised emigration was enforced; administrative 
 and judicial persecutions were the order of the day; 
 Sherif Effendi Arnaoutovich and others were cast into 
 prison ; and no efforts were spared to detach the Moslem 
 1 Blood-brother. 
 
272 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 population from their leaders. Again and again the 
 notables of Serajevo have been offered a certain autonomy 
 at the price of secession from the Moslem committee, but 
 they have never listened to such proposals. A typical 
 incident was the arbitrary arrest of Dervis Beg Miralem- 
 pasich, a great landowner, at Travnik, on the 15th of 
 October 1902. He was subjected to gross indignities 
 and finally confined to Yemenitsi, his native village, 
 without any reason being assigned. And the Christian 
 population is even more vehemently disaffected. I have 
 met Bosnian popes and other refugees in Servia, who told 
 me stirring stories of their fights with the Turks, and 
 they always ended with the same gloomy refrain : " See 
 how we wasted our energies, lavished our blood and 
 sacrificed our homes only that Bosnia should exchange 
 the rule of the Turk for the tyranny of Austria.*" I 
 believe that, in the event of a Balkan upheaval, Bosnia 
 would be a source of weakness rather than of strength 
 to Austria. It is not a comfortable base for a campaign 
 to the South and can only serve to cut off a retreat. 
 The chances of Austrian aspirations are perhaps best 
 measured by the recent history of Novi-Bazar. A right 
 to garrison the three chief towns was acquired at Berlin 
 and was welcomed as an opportunity for further annexa- 
 tion, but the garrisons are still on paper (like British 
 Army Corps), and no political progress has been made. 
 Further on, the activity of Austria is feverish, unscrupu- 
 lous and quite ineffective. Wherever I went, throughout 
 the north and west of Macedonia, I heard stories of 
 Austrian intrigue. They were not always plausible, but 
 they were quite frequent enough to convince in a general 
 way. An archdeacon (Prota) in Old Servia was very 
 denunciatory. I professed incredulity in order to extort 
 
THE MACEDONIAN CONSPIRACY 273 
 
 details, some of which are sufficiently typical to bear 
 repetition. " Moharrem," said he, " was a brigand whose 
 murders amounted to forty-two. A price was set on his 
 head, but the zapties despaired of securing him. The 
 Austrian Government interceded for him, asserting that 
 he would submit and lead a sober life if he received a 
 pardon. The authorities agreed with some diffidence, 
 and his conduct became exemplary for a while. Then an 
 attempt was made on his life at Vrutak, near the source 
 of the Vardar ; he retaliated by killing three Turks and 
 fled to the mountains, where he remains a greater terror 
 than ever." This story was intended to prove Austrian 
 complicity with brigandage, and the Prota failed to see 
 that it might be explained as an act of mistaken policy. 
 " Now," he continued, " I will convince you. There is a 
 Servian at Leunovo, whom I can summon to your presence 
 if you desire. 1 He visited the Austrian Consulate at 
 Uskub on business respecting a legacy. First the Consul 
 and then the Vice-Consul tried to inveigle him. ' What 
 is the state of your compatriots ? ' they inquired. ' Very 
 grievous,' he replied." (Most Christians in Turkey say 
 they suffer ' very grievously, 1 but not one in a thousand 
 can explain how or why.) " ' How is it then that you do 
 not rise and make a disturbance?' they asked; 'can 
 you not find some men who will work for us, and we will 
 pay their expenses?' The Consul produced a map, 
 which the peasant could understand, because he had 
 studied at Belgrade. He was asked to name places where 
 'guardians' could be appointed to act at a moment's 
 notice ; also how many educated men could be enrolled. 
 He replied that the plan was possible, but that he would 
 like to hear how it would be organised. Various details 
 1 I did so desire, but he was not produced. 
 
 T 
 
274 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 were afforded of existing organisation and the Consul 
 concluded by saying, ' You must kill all sorts of people, 
 and create a general disorder. Then no other nation 
 but Austria can help you, because we have our railway 
 and we have our agents everywhere. If you seek liberty, 
 you have no other refuge but to act in this way.' " " Now 
 tell me," said I, " did the Consul say, ' It would be useful 
 to have disorder ' ? or did he say, ' We will pay you to pro- 
 voke disorder ' ? " This distinction was, however, beyond 
 the Prota. He replied, "The Consul said, 'We have all 
 the northern region under our influence, so that we can 
 provoke a revolution at any moment ; can we count upon 
 you ? Servia is small, Bulgaria is small, Montenegro is 
 insignificant, other countries are remote. Only Austria 
 can befriend the Christians of Macedonia.' " 
 
 Here is another typical and only semi-logical story, 
 which was told me by the Prota : " Bale de Bachista, a 
 famous brigand who has killed 150 persons and held 
 thousands to ransom, is an Austrian agent. The 
 Kaimakam of Kalkandele went to Gostivar in pursuit of 
 him on the 4th of September 1902. Finding the brigand 
 too strong for an attack, he telegraphed to the Mutes- 
 sarif of Prizrend to send him twenty zapties from Luma; 
 no answer was returned and the Kaimakam continued 
 to telegraph from 7 P.M. to midnight, finally saying, 
 ' Otherwise I will try to take him even though it cost me 
 my head.' The Mutessarif refused, saying, ' You have 
 plenty of soldiers at Gostivar.' The Kaimakam pointed 
 out that soldiers were useless, as he needed zapties who 
 knew the country. But the Mutessarif refused again. 
 So the Kaimakam returned to Kalkandele. He was 
 especially wroth because the threat of risking his head 
 had availed nothing, and he asserts openly that there 
 
THE MACEDONIAN CONSPIRACY 275 
 
 must be a foreign (i.e. Austrian) finger in authority at 
 Prizrend." I quote the Prota's remarks, not because they 
 convinced me, but because they illustrate the extreme 
 difficulty of collecting accurate information in Macedonia. 
 Other evidence had already given me a certitude that 
 Austria has provoked disturbance with the object of 
 being called in as a pacificator, but the Prota did his 
 best, unconsciously, to shake that certitude. It would 
 be tedious to relate all my facts, suspicions and corrob- 
 orations. I began my inquiry with no sort of prejudice 
 against Austria, but no vestige of doubt now remains in 
 my mind as to her complicity. The proceedings of the 
 Austrian Roman Catholic priests at Verisovits (Firusbey) 
 alone suffice to remove the last doubts, and the Austrian 
 consulates are hot -beds of intrigue. The appointment 
 of an Austrian consul at Mitrovitsa, as an answer to the 
 temporary success of Russia in imposing M. Shterbine, 
 is a clear proof of redoubled activity. Neither Russia 
 nor Austria has a single subject at Mitrovitsa, and their 
 consuls can have no other mission than political intrigue. 
 The Austrian propaganda is, however, conducted with 
 such secrecy and skill that it can only be gauged by 
 intuitive methods. Every one is very chary of making 
 accusations. When I told King Alexander that I believed 
 the Austrians meant mischief in Macedonia, he would 
 only say that he knew such an idea was in the air. His 
 Foreign -Minister was no less reserved, and made gallant 
 attempts to turn the conversation. When the time 
 comes, however, it will be found that Austria is a less 
 overt but no less serious menace to the peace of the 
 Balkans than Bulgaria. Indeed the Albanian outburst 
 at the end of 1902 would have been impossible without 
 her connivance. 
 
276 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 The Germans occupy a more legitimate but less 
 plausible position than the Austrians in European Turkey. 
 Their interests are commercial, not territorial, and they 
 support them with consummate cleverness. At a moment 
 of dire stress, the Kaiser appeared on the scene as the 
 Sultan's only friend, and nothing is now refused to the 
 Germans. Concessions, contracts, high confidential posts 
 are lavished upon them in return for military advice and 
 political support. Not long ago the Austrians held the 
 greater part of Turkish trade in their hands ; now they 
 are being rapidly and firmly pushed aside by the Germans. 
 To illustrate the method of procedure, the German 
 Kegelklub at Salonica may be cited. It admits Austrians 
 on an equal footing, the object being to confirm the 
 natives in their confusion of Austrians with Germans as 
 " Swabians." They also share a school at Salonica, and 
 the Germans already predominate, turning out many 
 skilful mechanics. Ten years ago very few persons under- 
 stood German at Salonica; now some one speaks it in 
 every shop : the which proves that the Germans are 
 better propagandists than the Austrians. The great 
 point in favour of German influence is that Germany is 
 territorially disinterested. She does not want a slice of 
 Turkey. 
 
 The same thing applies to Great Britain, but unfortun- 
 ately the Foreign Office seems to delight in alienating 
 friends whose usefulness is not immediately apparent. I 
 should have thought that, in view of the treachery of 
 Persia, it would have been well to maintain intimacy with 
 Turkey, who is at this moment on very bad terms with 
 her. I should have thought that the Balkan market was 
 worth keeping, but it is being abandoned with sheer 
 sleeping-sickness. Tradesmen in various parts of the 
 
THE MACEDONIAN CONSPIRACY 277 
 
 peninsula have told me that they wanted to buy British 
 goods, particularly cloth and machinery, because they knew 
 them to be solid and durable, but that the difficulties of 
 procuring them were so great that they had perforce to 
 put up with Swabian shoddy. Half-an-hour's organisa- 
 tion and a few fair words from the Foreign Office could 
 save the situation, but British interests are allowed to 
 drift from bad to worse. British diplomacy is largely 
 responsible for that. Lord Currie was, of course, the 
 prime offender ; his manners and methods would have 
 alienated any self-respecting State. He nearly succeeded 
 in alienating even Italy, our servile satellite. Sir Nicholas 
 O'Conor has trod reluctantly in his footsteps. He 
 possesses charm, tact and diplomatic state-craft, but, 
 owing to the unfortunate invention of telegraphy, he has 
 not a free hand, and his policy is directed by shallow 
 opportunists at home. If Lord Beaconsfield were alive 
 we should now occupy the useful position which has been 
 secured by the Kaiser. 
 
 At the present moment the British are by no means 
 popular at the Porte, but our popularity is rather 
 slumbering than dead. I discussed this question at length 
 with a statesman who enjoys the confidence of the Sultan. 
 I expressed my regret that our ancient alliance had been 
 allowed to lapse. He returned that Turkey could no 
 longer dream of alliances, but must stand on her own legs 
 and fight her own battles. Great Britain, he continued, 
 had shown scant sympathy of late. She had herself taken 
 exception to French caricatures of Queen Victoria, but 
 she did not seem to understand that loyal Moslems, who 
 regarded their Sovereign not only as a political but as a 
 religious chief, were pained when they found him sub- 
 jected to torrents of vulgar insult. Mr. Gladstone had 
 
278 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 called him an assassin. . . . "Yes," I said, "but you 
 must not think only of ephemeral outbursts. The years 
 of a nation are mere minutes in its life. You must re- 
 member that Turkey and Britain are ancient allies. . . ." 
 "Yes, 11 he interjected solemnly, "if we were ever tempted 
 to forget that, we should always find an eloquent reminder 
 in the graveyards of Scutari." " May we not hope then 
 that some day the old friendship will be restored ? " 
 " Inshallah ! " (Please God !) he replied, bowing his head. 
 
 As to the attitude of Russia, it is more difficult to 
 dogmatise, because Russia has developed the art of 
 diplomacy more highly than any other Power. Russo- 
 phobes believe that the Tsar is secretly encouraging 
 the criminal conspiracies of the Bulgarian committees. 
 Patient inquiries on my part have utterly failed to 
 confirm this view. I believe that, for the present, Russian 
 diplomacy is all in favour of the status quo. The great 
 safeguard against a general insurrection is to be found in 
 the control which Russia alone is able to exercise over 
 her dangerous vassals. 
 
 The real arbiters of the situation are the Servians and 
 the Bulgarians. The Servians have an historical claim to 
 the reversion of most of Macedonia. If crime were ever 
 justifiable, ample excuse could be found for Servian 
 committees, Servian bands of brigands and the terrorism 
 of all Macedonian Slavs who refused to confess themselves 
 Servians. But the attitude of Servia remained uniformly 
 correct, at least until the murder of King Alexander, 
 and all overtures from agitators were steadfastly 
 refused. She contented herself with peaceful propaganda 
 by means of schools, churches and consuls. The Bul- 
 garians have been at work for thirty years. They began 
 very plausibly as liberators from Greek tyranny, and 
 
THE MACEDONIAN CONSPIRACY 279 
 
 Slavs of all sorts gladly rallied round their exarchate. 
 Before Bulgaria became independent, they directed the 
 propaganda by means of committees at Bucharest. They 
 created the first Slav schools and popularised the idea of 
 Macedonian liberty. Then Servia began to realise that 
 her people were being taken away and that her reversion 
 was being imperilled by Bulgaria. In the teeth of fierce 
 opposition, Servia obtained Patriarchist metropolitans 
 and popes and churches in the vilayet of Kosovo, but so 
 far she has no clergy in the vilayet of Salonica, except at 
 the capital. This is regrettable and the Porte is certainly 
 ill-advised in discouraging the loyal for the benefit of 
 unscrupulous agitators. So soon as the Servian propa- 
 ganda became formidable, the Bulgarians threw off the 
 mask and inaugurated a system which can only be de- 
 scribed as brigandage. All over Macedonia the Bulgarian 
 committees imposed a reign of terror. Their bands came 
 down like wolves upon the villages and extorted taxes 
 for revolutionary objects. Each villager was assessed by 
 them according to his apparent means. At first the 
 
 receipts were couched in the following form : " Mr. 
 
 has paid T for the sacred cause." Afterwards the 
 word "schools" was substituted for "the sacred cause." 
 If any one refused to pay, his life was in danger. The 
 bands also compelled the peasants to store arms and 
 cartridges against a rising, thereby exposing them to 
 perquisitions and persecutions at the hands of the Turkish 
 authorities. And ruthless vigilance was exercised to 
 prevent Exarchists from going over to the Patriarchate ; 
 threats and bribes were even used to compel Patriarchists 
 to secede. As much as T6 a month would be offered 
 as the price of perversion to a man of influence, and if he 
 refused his life was in instant danger, for the Bulgarian 
 
280 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 committees stuck at no crime in the conduct of their 
 campaign. I have in my possession a list of over eighty 
 Servians who were deliberately murdered, either for join- 
 ing the Patriarchist fold or for refusing to leave it. How 
 far the Bulgarian Government is responsible for these 
 methods of barbarism, I hesitate to pronounce. I was 
 told a story, which I repeat with all reserve. If true, it 
 is terribly incriminating. A certain Servian, who had 
 incurred the wrath of the Bulgarian committees, in- 
 cautiously set out from Macedonia to transact urgent 
 business at Sofia. On reaching the frontier at Tsaribrod, 
 he was detained by the officials on the pretext that 
 his passport was not in order. The train went off; he 
 was told that there had been a mistake and that he 
 might continue his journey. He had seen some of the 
 committee-men, who had threatened him, lurking about 
 the station and watching him, so he appealed to the 
 police for protection. This was contemptuously refused. 
 He was even ordered out of the station, though he pro- 
 tested that he had nowhere to go. He set out for the 
 village, but had not proceeded fifty yards before he was 
 shot in the back and killed. The murderer is known 
 but has never been prosecuted. I could give dozens of 
 similar stories, but I hesitate to do so because facts are 
 very difficult to verify in the Balkans : people tell you 
 either too much or too little. 
 
 A typical conversation was one which I had with a 
 Servian merchant at Kalkandele. He overwhelmed me 
 with empty compliments and prayed me to lift up my 
 " honourable voice " on behalf of his suffering compatriots ; 
 but when I pressed for details of their sufferings, he 
 shrank into his shell. " If I am to lift up my voice to 
 any purpose," said I, " you must furnish me with chapter 
 
THE MACEDONIAN CONSPIRACY 281 
 
 and verse. No effect will be secured by my repeating 
 the vague generalities which I hear so often. Surely, if 
 the Bulgarian committees spread terror in this neighbour- 
 hood, you can give me a thousand details about their 
 action. You say you have lived here all your life. 
 Surely you or one of your friends must have come into 
 unpleasant contact with them. Have they never even 
 applied to you for subscriptions to ' the sacred cause ' ? " 
 There was a long silence, and the various notables of the 
 village whispered together. At last the merchant re- 
 marked reluctantly : " Well, three years ago they did 
 come to me and I refused to give them anything. They 
 threatened to come and take what they wanted and kill 
 me. I said : ' Come, by all means, and you will see. 
 We shall know how to defend ourselves.' " " Then you 
 have arms ? " I said. This question of arms is one which 
 exercises the Macedonians excessively. It is a standing 
 grievance with the Christians that they are forbidden to 
 possess arms, while the Albanians bristle with weapons. 
 Most of the Christians do possess arms, but they make a 
 cabinet secret of the fact, lest they should be exposed to 
 a search and cast into prison. My innocent question 
 spread consternation among the assembly. All looked 
 doubtfully at each other. One answered "Yes,"" but 
 another hastened to say " No." My dragoman explained 
 that they all had plenty of arms, but that they dared not 
 avow it. I remarked that our grievance about arms fell 
 to the ground if they all had them, but he omitted to 
 translate this. "As you have no arms," I observed, 
 "what did you mean by saying the Bulgarians would 
 'see 1 if they came to annoy you?" After a pause he 
 replied : " I have my mouth (i.e. tongue), and I have my 
 hatchet, nothing else; but I should have given a good 
 
THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 account of myself. Pray ask all that you desire to know. 
 We are overwhelmed by the honour you do us in consider- 
 ing our welfare." But it was useless to cross-examine 
 unwilling witnesses. Nearly every villager in Macedonia 
 adopted the same attitude, and if I had relied merely upon 
 their conversation, I should have gathered nothing but 
 bombast. The consuls, however, are experts who lavish 
 detailed information, fortified with facts, statistics, dates 
 and convincing particulars. With the exception of Sir 
 Alfred Biliotti, the Consul- General at Salonica, British 
 consular representatives in Macedonia are ignorant and 
 prejudiced, but the Servian consular service and the 
 Bulgarian " commercial agents " are mines of knowledge. 
 The Servian consuls and consuls -general are not only 
 brilliant but honest. They told me frankly whatever I 
 desired to know, even when it did not entirely support 
 their case. The Bulgarians were mere advocates, glib 
 and plausible, but not always convincing. Their feverish 
 endeavour at present is to prove a Bulgarian preponder- 
 ance in the province. To this end they publish voluminous 
 documents and elaborate maps, which rarely bear in- 
 vestigation. Schools which have long ago shut their 
 doors still figure prominently on paper; churches which 
 have fallen into ruin and must be content with congrega- 
 tions of bats continue to lord it on statistical sheets; 
 all Exarchists are deliberately set down as Bulgarians, 
 though nine-tenths of them are in many cases Servians ; 
 Patriarchists are either registered as Greeks (because 
 the Greeks need not be taken seriously), or else quietly 
 entered as Bulgarians. If the ex-parte case could be 
 believed, there would not be a single Servian in the 
 whole province. Geography is prostituted, figures are 
 cajoled, facts are exterminated. The Bulgarians are 
 
THE MACEDONIAN CONSPIRACY 283 
 
 really dangerous, because they are very clever and very 
 unscrupulous. Still, elhamdu lillah ! they do not succeed. 
 For once, at any rate, honesty is the best policy. The 
 Bulgarian committees may make money by holding a 
 missionary to ransom or frightening a sanjak. But they 
 make no material advance. Servian schools are spread- 
 ing like wildfire. Even at Kukkush, which is a Bulgarian 
 centre, they have lately risen from 13 to 52. At 
 Stojakovo, the Exarchist pope has become a Patriarchist 
 and the Bulgarian school has been closed. Take the 
 vilayet of Salonica, where the Bulgarians have been at 
 work for thirty years and the Servians for only thirteen. 
 Already the Patriarchists comprise one-half of the Chris- 
 tian population, and they obtain fresh recruits every day, 
 in spite of menaces and murders. 
 
 Having now surveyed the various propagandas in 
 Macedonia, it may be useful to consider what real griev- 
 ances exist and what remedies are required. The Turks 
 are honestly doing their best to administer justice in- 
 differently. Again and again, during my travels in 
 Macedonia, I have admired the energy of Valis and 
 Kaimakams, who hold thankless posts with courage and 
 determination. If the Albanians could be kept in order 
 and Bulgarian anarchism could be suppressed, there would 
 be no grievances in Macedonia to-day. The Albanians 
 are turbulent sportsmen, engaging as individuals but 
 intolerable as neighbours. They must be made to under- 
 stand that no further nonsense will be permitted. The 
 Porte would be quite capable of reducing them to order 
 if they had not a powerful protector at hand. The Porte 
 could also reduce the Bulgarian conspirators if she did 
 not fear to arouse prejudice in Europe. The echo of 
 former Bulgarian " atrocities " paralyses effective action. 
 
284 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 The Turks cannot punish Christian criminals so long as 
 Exeter Hall is on the alert to defend them. Give the 
 Sultan a free hand, and the Macedonian conspiracy might 
 be ended in a few weeks. Happily the crimes of the 
 Bulgarians are alienating Europe, and there seems now 
 a chance that justice may be done. The important point 
 for Europe to understand is that Macedonian revolutions 
 are not to be put down with rose-water or paper constitu- 
 tions. The Turks proved their moderation during the 
 Greek campaign, and they may be trusted to act with 
 equal wisdom in pacifying Macedonia. 
 
CHAPTER XIX 
 
 RAMBLES IN MACEDONIA 
 
 THE French appropriately use the same word, Macedoine, 
 for a holocaust of sodden fruit and for that Turkish 
 province which remains the last cock -pit of Europe. 
 As we have seen, nearly all the Powers, great and small, 
 covet Macedonia, and there seems every probability of 
 serious disturbance being renewed there before long. 
 
 My experience as a traveller has taught me that 
 places with the worst reputation are usually the safest. 
 I have wandered at night among the gipsy quarters 
 of Seville and Granada; I have crossed Somali deserts, 
 where marauding bands were expected at every turn ; I 
 have visited Russian townships, where cholera numbered 
 thousands of daily victims. But nowhere has the danger 
 compared with that of police-ridden cities like London 
 and Paris. 
 
 To judge by the papers, you may only visit Macedonia 
 if you are content to carry your life in your hand. A 
 few inquiries, however, sufficed to convince me so com- 
 pletely of its security that I was even ready to take my 
 wife thither. As a matter of fact, though I did not 
 know it at the time, this was probably the greatest safe- 
 guard I could have devised, for the Albanians, who are 
 
 285 
 
286 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 the most turbulent persons in the region, are so chivalrous 
 that they will never attack a party which includes a lady. 
 
 Salonica is, perhaps, the most interesting town in the 
 province, but Uskub is the most romantic and charming. 
 
 Uskub dreamy Uskub the capital of Old Servia and 
 of the vilayet of Kosovo, is a far less busy, practical place, 
 but entirely idyllic. Nestling amid forests of minarets 
 and minaret-like cypresses beside the silvery Vardar, it 
 delights the eye and arrests the imagination at all seasons. 
 It is the last rampart of the old Servian empire and the 
 bulk of the population is Servian. Your first expedition 
 thence will probably be to the historic battlefield of 
 Kosovo (the blackbird meadow), where the last Servian 
 Tsar and the flower of the Servian nobility fell victims 
 to the advancing Turk. Sultan Murad, the Turkish 
 conqueror, also fell on that fatal day. A Servian hero 
 crept into his tent in the hour of victory and slew him. 
 The Sultan's tomb remains a place of Moslem pilgrimage 
 where he fell, and, though his body has been transferred 
 to Asia, his heart is here, where he fulfilled the destinies 
 of his race. 
 
 Another favourite expedition from Uskub is to one 
 or other of the Servian monasteries which nestle among 
 the neighbouring hills. We were lucky enough to visit 
 one, named Pobuzhie, on the occasion of the annual 
 festival. The drive thither was a strange experience, 
 rattling at full gallop over roads like ploughed fields, 
 mild precipices, and alarming goat -tracks. However, 
 I have always found that the worse the roads are in any 
 country the better are the horses. You hear of accidents 
 on slippery macadam, but never in wild switchback lanes. 
 The roads in Macedonia are not so bad as timorous 
 people pretend, for the officials take great trouble to 
 
RAMBLES IN MACEDONIA 287 
 
 perfect communications between towns, and, as they 
 can commandeer labour, they need not tax a denuded 
 exchequer. 
 
 But once out of the beaten track, the traveller must 
 take care of himself. There are bridges over the rivers, 
 but no one dreams of using them. As a matter of course, 
 your Jehu drives straight into the water, even when it 
 swamps the wheels and the horses' legs ; and the horses 
 seize the opportunity for rest and refreshment. Some- 
 times, of course, you have an anxious moment. When 
 we went to Prishtina we had our courage put to the test. 
 From the station we proceeded at full gallop across the 
 downs for twenty minutes, bumping and rattling over 
 hillocks, with soldiers (armed to the teeth) caracoling 
 beside us. Then we had a steep descent over a very 
 stony road into the town. A prudent person would have 
 driven at a foot's pace. Our cabman was not prudent. 
 He preferred to drive for all he was worth. At the 
 steepest and narrowest place, where the precipice at the 
 side was sheerest, a wheel came off. By every law of 
 probability we ought to have been flung a mile. As it 
 was, the loss of the wheel merely acted as a drag, and we 
 alighted with scarcely an emotion, half ignorant of what 
 had happened. Next day the same carriage arrived to 
 take us to the battle-field. It had a brand-new wheel, 
 but the driver remarked carelessly that the other three 
 were rickety, and that, with the luck of another accident, 
 he might find an excuse for further repairs. 
 
 To return to the Servian monastery. After an exciting 
 drive through parlous places, we espied a mountain dotted 
 with white figures. In the foreground was a strange, 
 barrack-like edifice, as thickly populated as a newly-opened 
 ant-hill. We had the Servian Consul -General with us and 
 
288 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 were accordingly welcomed with enthusiasm. After a 
 short visit to the chapel, where we kissed images and 
 lighted candles, we were admitted to all the fun of the 
 fair. Thousands and thousands of Servian peasants, all 
 dressed in the most gorgeous and brilliant raiment, were 
 packed like sardines. In the open spaces they were 
 dancing the Servian kolo, a majestic and mediaeval exercise. 
 Long strings of them took hands and wound gracefully 
 in and out among the mob, dancing to the strains of an 
 old-world bagpipe. The women wore glittering aprons 
 of silver cloth and endless collections of coins as hair 
 ornaments, breast-plates and coats of mail. These are 
 the dowries which every maiden displays until she is 
 married, when she must put them away until her daughters 
 are old enough to wear them. The effect is exquisitely 
 barbaric, and you feel yourself hundreds of miles and 
 years away from this sober, practical century. The kolo 
 looks the easiest and stupidest dance imaginable, but 
 when you have tried it you find it intricate and exciting. 
 I believe that, if it could be introduced into England and 
 America, it would soon cut out the cake-walk and the 
 pas-de-quatre. There are endless varieties of steps and 
 measures, each with some symbolical significance. And 
 the dance has this advantage, that it can be danced 
 anywhere, without preparation or polished floors or 
 spacious halls. I have seen it danced with equal zest in 
 a forest, in a crowded market-place, in the garden of a 
 Consulate, -and in the ball-room of a Queen. This was 
 near Biarritz, at the villa of Queen Nathalie. I chanced 
 to remark to the lady-in-waiting that it would be a 
 missionary enterprise to introduce the kolo into Europe. 
 She ran off to the Queen and said, " Mr. Vivian asks for 
 a kolo, 11 The Queen took up the idea at once and herself 
 
PEASANT GIRLS IN OLD SERVIA. 
 
 PLATE XXI. 
 
RAMBLES IN MACEDONIA 289 
 
 hummed a tune to the musicians. Three or four Servians 
 set the example and the dance was soon in full swing. 
 The uninitiated were clumsy at first, but soon mastered 
 the motif and rivalled the vigorous energy of their 
 teachers. 
 
 Perhaps the most exciting of our experiences in 
 Macedonia was our journey to Kalkandele (known to 
 the Slavs as Tetovo), some thirty miles from Uskub, 
 though much of the excitement was due to the fact that 
 it was our first venture into the interior. Mrs. Vivian was 
 only the second " European " lady to visit it within the 
 memory of the oldest inhabitant. (All over the Balkans 
 it is customary to speak of passing north of the Danube 
 and Save as " going to Europe. 1 ") There were plenty of 
 alarmists to discourage our expedition and dreadful tales 
 were related of battle, murder and sudden death by the 
 way. The whole length of the road was said to be flanked 
 by Albanian villages with the most villainous reputation, 
 and we set out half-persuaded that we should carry our 
 lives in our hands. A friend of mine, however, had 
 assured me that he often travelled thither without escort, 
 and only once met with a disagreeable incident. 
 
 An hour before Kalkandele there is a dark wood 
 beside the road ; it is called " Assassins' Corner," for 
 robbers are supposed to lurk there constantly. As my 
 friend was passing it toward twilight, a couple of wild- 
 looking ruffians jumped out of a thicket and seemed 
 about to stop his carriage. Just then, in the very nick 
 of time, a clatter of hoofs was heard behind, and two 
 zapties (mounted police) were seen arriving in a cloud of 
 dust. The ruffians hesitated for a moment, calculated 
 their chances and then retired hurriedly into the woods. 
 It is no doubt probable that they meditated violence, but 
 
290 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 on the other hand they may have had innocent intentions. 
 The zapties had been sent on my friend's departure, but 
 they had only now had time to catch him up. It is by 
 no means certain that an escort is necessary for travelling 
 in Macedonia, but the authorities always prefer to furnish 
 it, in case of accidents. 
 
 I found that, whenever I drove into the country 
 without warning the authorities, zapties were sent after 
 me, sometimes only joining me when I was half-way home. 
 When I was starting for Kalkandele I was advised to let 
 the Vali know, and accordingly two zapties travelled 
 with me all the way. Opinions are divided as to their 
 usefulness at a critical juncture, but at least they 
 afford moral support and they look very imposing 
 with their long guns slung over their backs. Some- 
 times, however, they are a source of danger rather than 
 security. 
 
 Thus, the only disagreeable incident during this drive 
 was provoked by their presence. We had stopped at a 
 wayside inn and I had got out to stretch my legs. 
 Suddenly I heard angry shouts, and I saw the zapties 
 engaged in a brawl with eight men at the door of the 
 inn. At first there was only a great deal of loud 
 threatening and rough pushing, but presently revolvers 
 were drawn, the zapties were overpowered and their 
 guns were taken from them. Then I discovered that our 
 dragoman had rushed back to the carriage and was calling 
 frantically to me to run for my life. As I had been told 
 very often that the Albanians never molest strangers, I 
 saw no heed for hurry. But when I reached the carriage, 
 the dragoman was so much alarmed that I had to agree 
 to drive off. When we had proceeded a little way Mrs. 
 Vivian wanted to stop and see the fun from a safe dis- 
 
THE BABA OF THE BEKTASHIS. 
 
 Bi 
 
 A^PROTA AND HIS FAMILY. 
 (Photographs by Mrs. ^Herbert Vivian. 
 
 PLATE XXII. 
 
RAMBLES IN MACEDONIA 291 
 
 tance, but he reminded us that the guns carried six 
 hundred yards and implored us to go at full gallop. 
 After about ten minutes the zapties came clattering up, 
 roaring with laughter over their exploits. 
 
 It appeared that one of them owed the innkeeper a half- 
 penny for some oats and that the innkeeper had threat- 
 ened to kill him if he did not pay. But an Albanian 
 zaptie does not willingly yield to force and he refused 
 indignantly. There might have been a serious fight, but 
 one of the bystanders said to the innkeeper, "Do not 
 hurt him while he is in attendance on strangers. That 
 would be an unhospitable thing to do, and the Kaimakam 
 (prefect) would take a great revenge. Wait till the 
 zaptie comes again and then kill him if you like.''* 
 "So," said the zaptie, with a very fine bow, "I owe 
 my life to you, chelebia, and I shall never cease to be 
 profoundly grateful. 11 
 
 "But, you foolish fellow, 1 ' said the dragoman, "you 
 ought not to have engaged in a brawl when you were 
 escorting strangers. Why did you not give the man his 
 halfpenny and have done with it ? " 
 
 The zaptie made very merry over the idea. "You 
 know how we Albanians are," he replied. "We think 
 nothing of a fight and we are always ready to take a 
 man^ life when we quarrel with him. If it is not about 
 a halfpenny it may be about a dog. 11 
 
 The dragoman, however, being of a timorous turn, saw 
 little humour in the situation. Throughout the journey 
 he had kept pointing to various spots and relating in 
 awestruck tones the various calamities that had taken 
 place there. At this bridge a woman had been murdered ; 
 in that defile there had been a fight between the police 
 and the Albanians, with so many casualties; by yonder 
 
292 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 mill a peasant had been waylaid and held to ransom. 
 On cross-examination, however, many of the stories 
 proved to be very old ones and the others became either 
 commonplace or improbable. 
 
 Half-way to Kalkandele we met the Kaimakam, who 
 was inspecting the repairs of the road. He bade us 
 share his lunch under a shady tree and then invited us 
 to travel with him the rest of the way. It was very 
 interesting to watch his administrative methods, and even 
 the most discontented peasants admitted that, if all 
 officials possessed his energy, there would be very little 
 room for complaint in the district. Whenever he met a 
 group of peasants he stopped them and asked to see their 
 passports. 
 
 Two men, driving a large flock of sheep, were treated 
 in this way. They had a long story, to the effect that 
 they were travelling by slow stages to Salonica, where 
 they intended to ship the sheep to Constantinople. But 
 the passports did not bear out this account and presently 
 it appeared that they were notorious robbers, whom the 
 police had been seeking for a long time. They were told 
 to give up their revolvers, which they did with some reluct- 
 ance. Then they were told to consider themselves under 
 arrest, and the KaimakanTs two zap ties rode up to them. 
 They were inclined to resist, and tried to hustle the 
 zapties, protesting loudly. When I last saw them they 
 were being compelled to collect and drive back the stolen 
 sheep, while the zapties followed them with drawn 
 revolvers. Afterwards I learnt that they were bound 
 and cast into prison. 
 
 Further on the Kaimakam stopped a group of a dozen 
 peasants and, being dissatisfied with their passports, 
 ordered them all to return to Kalkandele. As he took 
 

 A BEKTASHI. 
 
 PLATE XXIII. 
 
RAMBLES IN MACEDONIA 293 
 
 away their passports and they could not go on travelling 
 without them, they had no choice but to obey and so 
 could be safely left at large. 
 
 " See," exclaimed the dragoman triumphantly, " how 
 dangerous is the state of the roads." 
 
 " See rather," I retorted, " how energetic the Kaimakam 
 is in maintaining their security." 
 
 " Ah ! " was the reply, " while he is here no one dare 
 do anything, but he cannot be everywhere at once and in 
 his absence no one can travel without risking a murderous 
 assault." 
 
 From time to time we passed long files of peasants, 
 men, women and children, with carts full of merchandise, 
 driving cattle, sheep, pigs and poultry to and from the 
 market at Uskub. In most cases they had to travel all 
 through the night, yet they had no military escort. I 
 drew the dragoman's attention to this tangible evidence 
 of public security. "If they could only travel at the 
 peril of their lives," said I, "you would surely not find 
 them like this in such numbers every week." 
 
 "But," he retorted, unconvinced, "many do perish 
 by the way," and he fell to recapitulating romances of 
 outrage, locating each one with suspicious precision. 
 
 At Kalkandele I was the guest of the Servian prota, 
 or archdeacon, the most voluble man I have ever met. 
 His house was like a fortress. A high wall protected 
 his smiling little garden and huge doors were heavily 
 barricaded at sundown. If invaders forced these defences 
 they would still be confronted by a second line of fortifi- 
 cation : for the ground floor was merely a granary, and 
 the dwelling-rooms could only be approached by a ladder- 
 like staircase which led to a verandah and was isolated at 
 night by letting down a trap-door. I asked the cause 
 
294 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 of all these precautions, and was told much about the 
 fanaticism of the population, who might at any time wish 
 to raid a Christian household. I could not, however, 
 elicit any definite instance of such conduct within recent 
 memory, and the population seemed perfectly benevolent 
 whenever we drove about the streets. In fact, I thought 
 it quite unnecessary that we should have an armed escort 
 for every stroll, but my Christian friends were very firm 
 on the subject. 
 
 Kalkandele is even more beautiful than most Turkish 
 towns. Every house has its garden and a rippling rivulet, 
 tall poplars and cypresses rise up beside the glistening 
 minarets, storks' nests are poised upon the chimneys, 
 weather-beaten wooden dwellings of fantastic shape are 
 relieved by the gay arrangement, always artistic, of 
 Turkish shops, and the women are among the most 
 gorgeously attired in all Macedonia. 
 
 Perhaps the most idyllic spot is the tekki (monastery) 
 of the Bektashis, a heretical Moslem sect. Unlike any 
 other Moslems, they drink wine and spirits. This is so 
 great a heresy that the imaum (Mohammedan priest) 
 may not even speak to them. They are very tolerant to 
 Christians, some of whom are actually admitted to their 
 sect. They believe in the transmigration of souls and 
 are accordingly most kind to every animal. They are 
 especially fond of birds, cats and horses, but do not care 
 for dogs. Their rules for good conduct are very strict 
 and any member who misbehaves himself is at once turned 
 out. Beautiful peacocks, lordly storks and many strange 
 birds strut about a wonderful wide garden around an 
 open-air mosque. At the corner of a low verandah sits 
 the baba or abbot cross-legged upon a divan, an old 
 man of singularly benevolent aspect. He wears a fur- 
 
MURAD'S TOMB AT KOSOVO. 
 
 ALBANIAN CHIFLIK. 
 (Photographs by Mrs. Herbert Vivian. ) 
 
 PLATE XXIV. 
 
RAMBLES IN MACEDONIA 295 
 
 trimmed coat, and reminds us of a picture in " Lai la 
 Rookh." He rises to receive us, and the prota kisses his 
 hand. Then we are plied with cigarettes made of the 
 finest monastic tobacco, with enormous peaches and 
 luscious grapes, cups of fragrant coffee and all the 
 delicacies of the season. Our talk is of birds and beasts, 
 of the pleasures of life and other restful topics, and we 
 envy this peaceful retreat as we turn again to the narrow 
 streets thronged with armed men. 
 
 The people of Macedonia lead a mediaeval life in their 
 work, in their play, in their religion and in their semi- 
 feudal system. The various estates are ruled autocratic- 
 ally by a chifji or seigneur, who enjoys extensive authority 
 over his peasants. They are, however, to all intents and 
 purposes owners of their homesteads, except that they 
 owe him one-third of the yearly crops in lieu of rent. I 
 visited the house of one of these lairds in the neighbour- 
 hood of Uskub a strange, dreamland palace surrounded 
 by stout high walls and looking as though it were in a 
 chronic state of siege. The harem looked more like a 
 prison than a ladies 1 bower. One reason for the gloom 
 was the absence of the master, a very famous Albanian 
 chief. He was summoned to Constantinople some years 
 ago and has not been allowed to return here since. The 
 story goes that he tried to turn his domain into a little 
 independent principality and steadfastly refused to pay 
 any taxes. That is a frequent aspiration in Turkey, but 
 is rarely found to pay in the long-run. It is, indeed, 
 typical of Macedonian lawlessness, such as the corre- 
 spondents love to describe. The Macedonians are 
 accustomed to fight their own battles, as other people 
 did four or five centuries ago, and this gives them a 
 different attitude towards each other and the authorities, 
 
296 THE SERVIAN TRAGEDY 
 
 but it does not necessarily mean that they are dangerous 
 people. Indeed, I found them without exception courteous 
 and hospitable, and I have no hesitation in recommending 
 any one who is tired of the ordinary tourist track to pay 
 them a visit. 
 
 THE END 
 
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