THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES Ex Lihris SIR MICHAEL SADLER ACQUIRED 1948 WITH THE HELP OF ALUMNI OF THE SCHOOL OF EDUCATION cL iC^X-..i State Intervention in English Education itouDon: C J. CLAY and SONS, CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE, AVE MARIA LANE. tSlagQoto: 50, WELLINGTON STREET. leipjig: F. A. BROCKHAUS. (fieto l3orh: THE MACMILLAN COMPANY. eomban 5; OTnlcutla: MACMILLAN & CO., Ltd. [All Rights reserved.] State Intervention in English Education A Short History from the Earliest Times down to 1833 by J. E. G. DE Montmorency, b.a., ll.b., of St Peter's College, Cambridge, and of the Middle Temple, Barrister-at-Law CAMBRIDGE: at the University Press. 1902 " Mais a la verite je ny entens sinon cela que la plus grande difficulte et importance de I'humaine science seinble estre en cet endroit ou il se traite de la notirnture et institution des enfans." Michel de Montaigne k Madame Diane de Foix, Les Essais, livre premier, chap. xxv. PREFACE, The collection of materials for a history of State-aided Education in England from the date of the lirst Government Grant in 1833 to the passing of the Elementary Education Act, 1870, showed that such a history would be, to a great extent, meaningless unless there were available for constant reference a work dealing with the earlier relationship of the State and Education in England. Strangely enough there appeared to be no satisfactory book of reference on this important subject, and it seemed, therefore, desirable to produce the simple record of historical facts contained in this volume. It is certainly a matter for surprise that no historian has considered the history of Education in England a subject of sufficient importance to justify the prolonged research that such an undertaking, if adequately carried out, would involve. Had such a history been produced seventy years ago, England would have been spared some, at least, of her present educa- tioual troubles. Many of the mistakes of fact, many of the errors in policy that crowd into view when we survey the 8J3121 VI PREFACE. educational history of those years appear to have been directly due to the neglect of the historical aspect of National Educa- tion. The repetition of errors is inevitable if the record of the past is neglected. England is still suffering from the neglect of the warnings and lessons of the political history of Education. To the student of the history of English Education one fact stands out agaiast the background of the past with painful clearness. Had it not been for the limited historical knowledge, the uncertain policy, the political jealousies of those into whose hands was committed the up-bringing of the people, England at the present moment would have possessed a matchless educational system naturally graduated by the intellectual capacity of youth. But statesmen of the first rank throughout the nineteenth century either refused to regard, or were unable to present, National Education as a national problem of the first order. From Mr Whitbread's Bill of 1807 to Mr Forster's Act of 1870 is a far cry, and it is not too much to suppose, had the essential importance of National Education l)een recognised by the great leaders of the country, that at any intermediate date a national scheme would have been forthcoming, and that the country would not have had to wait until 1870 for the adoption of a scheme which, originally proposed in 1816, in 1810 would have answered its purpose. But, after all, the fault of wasted ojjportunities lies ulti- mately with the electorate. The subject of Education has never really interested the voting class, and it will never interest them until they realize that Education is a national matter of vast importance, apart altogether from the question PREFACE. VU of taxes and rates. The British citizen is, by habit of mind, unable to regard with concern local politics or parochial expenditure. The members of local governing bodies are the representatives of political organizations, and are not elected by any considerable number of voters. The voting class regard local bodies as the machine for rate-collecting and dismiss Education as the name of one among many rates, as an aspect of an inevitable and uninteresting burden that is ever with them. If once it is realized that Education is an Imperial question and one that will vitally affect the near future of the Empire, it will rank in interest with those problems of foreign affairs which so vividly occupy the average Englishman. He will, however, never grasp the Imperial character of the Education question until the history of Education in the British Empire is brought home to him ; until he appreciates the part that Education has played in the making of the Empire, and so realizes the personal importance of the subject to him and to his children. Within the last few years a new school of thought on the subject of National Education has arisen, and the work of reconstruction and organization has been taken up in earnest by statesmen and specialists. The scientific treatment of this complex and intricate economic question is now assured, and among its manifold aspects that are receiving consideration history is included. We may, therefore, confidently believe that in the near future an exhaustive history of English Education will be produced, and that the subject will take its due place in the minds of men. This volume is but a foot-note, as it were, to that great subject. The aim of the author has been the aggregation in a convenient shape of facts Vlll PREFACE. hitherto ^^^dely scattered and in some cases only contained in books and documents that are difficult of access. To many students it will be helpful to possess in compact form the early statutes and law cases dealing with Education. The limitations of the subject-matter are the limitations of convenience. Moreover the relationship of the State to Education, always important, is now likely to become vital to our national welfare. On the grounds, therefore, of import- ance and convenience this book purports to deal solely with that relationship. It has not, however, been possible to carry out this scheme in its integrity. Material belonging to the general history of Education, and having little connexion with State Education, has been employed from place to place in order to secure something like historical continuity in the narrative. On the other hand, material strictly belonging to the history of State Education has been deliberately excluded from the volume. The chief instance of such exclusion is the legislation dealing with particular schools. The private local Acts of Parliament which founded, or modified the foundations of, particular schools are of great interest and deserve prolonged and close attention. The intervention of the Legislature by such means constitutes an important aspect of the subject, and one that might well be dealt with at large. Schools founded by Inclosure Acts would in such a survey receive especial notice. It has not been found possible, however, to deal at all with this (question in the present volume. A further aspect of intervention has only been suggested, though from the historical point of view the matter recjuires full and careful investigation. The extent to which vestries PREFACE. IX and other local bodies, in piirsuance of Common and Statute Law, carried on education in the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries can only be ascertained by a prolonged search in local records. Such an investigation would be a profitable and interesting undertaking, but it has not been found possible to pursue it for the purposes of this work. Again, the questioa of the local government of endowed schools and of grammar-schools might well have been dealt with here. No history of English Education would be com- plete without lengthy chapters on this subject and on the internal government of the Universities- The relationship of such quasi-public government, in the case of both schools and Universities, to the Crown acting through the King's Courts is a matter of high historical importance. With this question, as with others, the author has not felt it desirable to deal here. He has, in fact, been sufficiently daring in his endeavours to explore, in pioneer fashion, a somewhat unknown country, and considers it wiser to leave these difficult regions to those who can and will scientifically survey the whole historical area of English Education. The work actually undertaken in this book has not, however, been accomplished without very considerable ex- penditure of time and labour ; and the author ventures to refer to this fact in order that he may secure the opportunity of thanking all those who have so kindly helped him in his efforts to produce a volume that might be of some practical use to all who are interested in National Education. In particular the author must express his obligation to Professor W. H. Woodward for his valuable suggestions and his helpful reading of the proof-sheets; and to Mr C. E. A. Bed well, X PREFACE. Sub-Librarian of the Middle Temple Library, for his courtesy and ever ready aid, and for his invaluable help in the detailed work of passing the volume through the press. J. E. G. DE Montmorency. 3, New Square, Lincoln's Inn. January, 1902. TABLE OF CONTENTS. PAGE Preface v Table of Statutes cited xix Table of Cases cited xxiii Table op Ecclesiastical Documents cited . . . xxv Table of Works cited xxvi CHAPTER I. Education and the State from Saxon Times to the end of THE Fourteenth Century. State and Church and National Education . State Education before the Christian Era . Spiritual aspect of Education .... The Relation of the Church of England to Education Education in Saxon times ..... Saxon and Mediajval school-books Theodore and Adrian Education before the i-cign of King Alfred . Bede and Alcuin King Alfred's educational policy .... Laws and Canons of King Ethelstan and King Edga Early payment for Education .... Norman Education Norman Education Canons 1 2 3 3 4 4 5 6 6 7 8 8 10 11 Xll TABLE OF CONTENTS. 9. Norman licences for Schoolmasters Supremacy of the Norman Church The Beverley Law-suits . King Edward III. and Education John Wycklif The LoUai'd Movement and the Black Death Higden and John de Trevisa The birth of English Education . Johan Cornwaile, Master of (Jrammar (see Addenda) The classes attending Medi;cval Schools The Education of the villein . Spread of Education after the Black Death The petition of 1391 Walter Map The first Statute of Education, 1406 Slaves and Education The national fear of Education The universal right to Education . CHAPTER II. The Common Law of Education. 10. The Lollards and Church control The Constitutions of Arclihishop Arundel, 1408 Lollard schools ...... 11. The history of Benefit of Clei-gy . 12. (.'onflict between civil and spiritual jurisdiction The petition of 1393-4 13. Twelfth-century London schools (sec Addenda) William Fitzstei)hcn ..... The schools of St Paul's, the Arches and St Martin's Church monopoly in London .... The Ordinance of 1446 ..... The petition of 1447 The disap{)earance of .schools in the fifteenth century 14. The Common Law right to teach. TABLE OF CONTENTS. XUl The Gloucester Grammar-school case, 1410 Educational competition in the fifteenth century Re-assumption of Church control Lyndwood's assertion of Church control The suppression of the Alien Priories, 1415 PAGE 50 55 59 69 60 CHAPTER III. Education and the State in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. The destruction of Media3val foundations for Education King Henry VIII. and Education King Edward VI. and Education . School accommodation at the Reformation The Tudor Cluxrch and Education Queen Elizabeth's educational policy Visitation Articles and Education Tudor Grammar-school Legislation The Statute of Apprentices, 1562-3 Elizabethan educational Reform The Universities ..... The Universities and the Common Law University curriculum .... Scholasticism and the Universities Grammar-school curriculum . Latin in the Middle Ages The Trivium and Quadrivium University privileges .... The Universities and the Royal Supremacy Shakespeare and Education . The corruption of educational foundtitions Bacon and Education .... Queen Elizabeth and Education . The Commonwealth and the Universities The decay of University Scholarship . King James II. and the Universities . 61 62 63 64 66 67 68 69 71 71 72 74 75 76 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 XIV TABLE OF CONTENTS. 20. 21. 22. Adam Smith and Oxford The Elizabethan Church and Education Removal of recusant schoolmasters The licence to teach (1599) . Spiritual supremacy of the Crown Archbishop Laud's educational policy . Comenius (1592-1671) .... The Commonwealth and Education Welsh Education Act, 1649 . Commonwealth grant for Education, 1649 The decay of post-Reformation Education The Act of Uniformity, 1662 Archbishop Sheldon's policy, 1672 Archbishop Tenison's policy, 1695 The suspension of National Education PAGE 93 94 95 96 97 99 99 100 101 104 105 106 107 108 110 CHAPTER IV. The Beginnings of State Education in Scotland, Ireland, THE Colonies, the Isle op Man, and Jersey. 23. 24. 25. Scotch Education and the State . The Scotch Compulsory Education Act, 1496 Church control of Scotch Education Scottish Media3val elementary schools . Vaus' Latin Grammar, 1522 . John Knox and Education . The Scotch Education Acts, 1616, 1633 The Scotch Education Act, 1646 The Scottish Parochial Schools Acts, 1696-1861 The Elgin School ctise, 1850 The Irish Education Act, 1537 The Irish Free Schools Act, 1570 The Irish Act of Uniformity, 1665 The Irish Educational Societies, 1786, 1811 The Irish Commissioners of Education, 1833 Education and the State in New England 111 112 113 115 116 117 118 120 121 123 125 126 127 128 129 130 TABLE OF CONTENTS, XV 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. Incorporation of Harvard University, 1650 . Commonwealth Colonial Education Act, 1649 The Privy Council and Colonial Education Legislation in Massachusetts, 1692 Connecticut Education Law, 1650 The growth of Education in Connecticut State Education in South Carolina, 1712 The Palatinate of Carolina . Education in Newfoundland, 1726 „ Nova Scotia, 1749 . „ Ontario, 1798 . „ Jamaica, 1695 . „ British Guiana, 1808 „ Cape Colony, 1656 . Educational policy of Commissioner-General de Mist English Education in Cape Colony, 1806 Education in Ceylon, 1796 „ New South Wales, 1788 . „ Victoria, 1841 . „ Tasmania, 1804 „ South Australia, 1847 „ New Zealand, 1856 . Education as a bond of Empire . Education in the Isle of Man Manx Compulsory Education Act, 1703-4 Manx Education Act, 1813 . Education in Jersey, 1496 The Universities of Saumur and Oxford The Jersey Education Canons, 1623 . Education in the Empire of India, 1716 (see Addenda) PAGE 131 133 134 135 137 139 141 142 143 144 145 145 147 148 149 151 151 152 153 154 154 154 155 155 156 159 160 161 162 164 CHAPTER V. Education in the Eighteenth Century. 41. The failure of National Education The Eighteenth-century dame school . 165 166 XVI TABLE OF CONTENTS. 42. 43. 44. The Eighteenth-contiiry girls' school . The Court of Chancery and Education Educational law cases (1670-1702) Lay patronage of schools and Church control The limits of Chiu-ch control .... The Church and elementary schools The licence to teach limited to grammar-schools Eighteenth-century Education Statutes ■ Educational law cases (1734-1837) The parent's imperfect obligation to educate his children The Court of Chancery and Education 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. CHAPTER VI. The Dawn op Elementary Education in England. Prse- Reformation elementary schools . Geoffrey Chaucer's school-boys List of early non-classical schools The school endowment movement, 1660-1730 The reaction from the Act of Uniformity . Rates and Education in the eighteenth century The Bishopsgate Street Workhouse School, 1698 The Woolwich Workhouse School, 1732 Greenwich Hospital School, 1715 . The Foundling Hospital, 1739 Richard Baxter's educational proposals Baxter's relations with Dr Tillotson Dr Thomas Gouge (1609-1681) . Welsh Educational Trust, 1674 . Gouge's Welsh Schools .... Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1698 The Charity Schools .... The attack on the Charity Schools The Welsh Piety Schools, 1730-1779 . The Court of Chancery and Education The Sunday School system, 1780 . TABLE OF CONTENTS. XVll Andrew Bell and Joseph Lancaster The National Society .... The British and Foreign School Society PAGE 206 206 207 CHAPTER VII. Parliament and Elementary Education. 50. Social conditions at the opening of the nineteenth cen tury The Factory Act of 1802 . The position of apprentices .... 51. Sir William Blackstone and State Education Adam Smith and State Education Jeremy Bentham and State Education 52. Mr Whitbread's Poor Law Reform Bill of 1807 The Education of the Poor Bill, 1807 . Dr Samuel Johnson and Education Petitions against the Education Bill of 1807 53. The Select Committee on Education, 1816 . Liberalism of the Church in 1816 54. Proposals of the Select Committee in 1818 . Mr Brougham's speech of 1820 The state of Education in 1820 . The Education Bill of 1820 . The Dissenters and the Bill of 1820 55. Educational opinions, 1820-1830 . King George IV. and the National Society Lord Brougham and English Education 56. Educational movements in 1833 . Petitions for a national system Mr Roebuck's scheme of Compulsory Education Sir Robert Peel and National Education 57. The first Parliamentary Grant for Elementary Educa tion, August 17, 1833 . The opening of the New Era 209 210 213 216 216 217 219 220 221 223 224 225 226 228 229 230 232 2.33 233 233 234 234 236 237 239 240 XVlll TABLE OF CONTENTS. PAGE Appendix I. — The text of the Gloucester Grammar School case, 1410 241 Appendix II. — The Endowment of Schools between 1660 and 1730 (with Statistical Tables) 243 Appendix III. — The speech of Mr Henry Brougham in the House of Commons, June 28, 1820 . . . 248 The speech of Henry Lord Brougham in the House of Lords on May 21, 1835 285 The speech of Mr Roebuck in the House of Commons, July 30, 1833 325 Index 353 TABLE OF STATUTES CITED. I. ENGLAND. DATE A.D. STATUTE TITLE OR SUBJECT PAGE 1164 10 Hen. II. Constitutions of Clarendon (Article xvi) 32 1275 3 Edw. I. c. 2 Statute of Westminster i 37 1341 14 Edw. III. Stat. 1, c. 4 Statute of Engleschrie 33 1362 36 Edw. III. c. 15 Pleading in English 33 1401 2 Hen. IV. c. 15 de comhure,ndo heretico 34, 36, 54, 175 n. 1405-6 7 Hen. IV. c. 17 Statute of Artificers 12 n., 18, 29, 32, 54, 56 1407 9 Hen. IV. c. 1 Confirmation of Charters, etc. 73 1411 13 Hen. IV. c. 1 ,, ,, 73 1421 9 Hen. V. stat. 1, c. 8 Offences b}' scholars of Oxford 73-4 1422 1 Hen. VI. c. 3 Irishmen residing in England 74 n. 1463 3 Edw. IV. c. 5 For regulating apparel 75 1488-9 4 Hen. VII. c. 13 Benefit of clergy 38 1529 21 Hen. VIII. c. 15 Leaseholders 24 1531-2 23 Hen. VIII. c. 1 Benefit of clergy 38 1533-4 25 Hen. VIII. c. 19 Act of Supremacy 174 1535-6 27 Hen. VIII. c. 42, s. 4 First fruits 75 1547 1 Edw. VI. c. 14 Abolition of Chantries 63 1548 2&3Edw.VI.c. l,s . 6 Church Services 80 1554 1 Mary I. sess. iii. c, , 9 Government of Grammar Schools 69 1554-5 1 & 2 Ph. & M. c. 7 Towns Corporate Act 81 1558-9 1 Eliz. c. 1, s. 9 Act of Supremacy 89 n. » 8. 12 81,82,89«.,96?i. >> 1 Eliz. c. 4, s. 13 First Fruits 67, 117 „ 1 Eliz. c. 22 Regulation of Royal Schools 70 „ 1 Eliz. c. 24 The Chantries and Education 70 1562-3 5 Eliz. c. 1, s. 4 Oath of Supremacy 68,89n.,96H. „ 5 Eliz. c. 4 Statute of Apprentices 71, 82 1571 13 Eliz. c. 29 Incorporation of the Universities 82 1581 23 Eliz. c. 1 Attendance at Church 96n.,106, 175 i> s. 5 ,, ,, 94,95 ?!.,183h. 1588-9 31 Eliz. c. 6 Reform of Endowed Schools 84 71., 85 1597-8 39 Eliz. c. 5 Hospitals for the poor 193 )> 6 Charity Commissioners 71, 318 71 1601 43 Eliz. 0. 2, 8. 5 Apprentices 71 62 XX TABLE OF STATUTES CITED. DATE A.D STATUTE 1601 43 Eliz. c. 4 1603-4 1 Jac. I. c. 4 1, s. 5 ,1 8. 8 1605-6 3 Jac. I. c. 4, s. 9 1609-10 7 Jac. I. c. 6, s, 1 1623-4 21 Jac. I. 0. 1 1649 Cromwell (unnumbered Act. February 22) 1, Cromwell, c. 31 „ 0. 45 1650 c. 37 1651 c. 4 1660 12 Car. II. c. 24 j^ c 25 1662 14 Car. II. c. 4 s. 6 ,, s. 19 „ 14 Car. II. c. 12 1665 17 Car. II. c. 2 1672 25 Car. II. c. 2 1688 1 W. & M. c. 18 ^^ c. 26 1695-6 7 & 8 Will. III. c. 21 J J c. 37 1698-9 11 Will. III. c. 15 1708 7 Anne, c. 14 1710 9 Anne, c. 17 1711 10 Anne, c. 6 1713 13 Anne, c. 7 „ c. 13, 8. 4 1718-9 5 Geo. I. c. 4, 8. 1 1739-40 1 13 Geo. II. c. 29, s. 5 1766-7 7 Geo. III. c. 39 1778-9 19 Geo. III. c. 44 1790-1 31 Geo. III. c. 32, 8. 13 ,, s. 14 1801-2 42 Geo. III. c. 46 1802-3 43 Geo. III. c. 54 ,, c. 84 1806 46 Geo. III. 0. 122 TITLE OU SUBJECT Charitj' Commissioners Licensing of Schoolmasters Oath of allegiance Schools for the poor WeKsh Eilucation Act University Endowment Act Colonial Education Act OlHcial use of English Abolition of serfdom University privileges The Act of Uniformity Poor Relief The Five Mile Act Popish recusants Act of Toleration University privileges Greenwich Hospital Endowment of Schools University privileges Parochial Libraries Act Church Building Act Act of Toleration Schoolmasters' Relief Act University privileges Religious worship Foundling Hospital Poor Relief Schoolmasters' Relief Act Roman Catholic Relief Parish apprentices Scottish Parocliial Schools Clergy Residence Act Irish Education PAGE 213 n., 318 71. 106, 175, 179 98 n. 98, 98 71. 68, 89 68, 89 193 101-3, 151 7J., 198 H., 203 71. 87, 103 133 33 33 39 88 71. 106,136,173,175, 176, 189, 197 105 88 193 106 176 176 91 195 176, 190 n. 88 71. 142 71. 156 176 91, 176 92 177 196 196 177 178 92, 178 209-14 124 273 128 TABLE OF STATUTES CITED. XXI DATE A.D. STATUTE 1810 50 Geo. III. c. 33, ss. 1, 2 1816 56 Geo. III. c. 139, s. 7 1817 57 Geo. III. c. 99 1818 58 Geo. III. c. 91 1819 59 Geo. III. c. 81 1824 5 Geo. IV. c. 58 1826-7 7 & 8 Geo. IV. c. 28, s. 6 1829 10 Geo. IV. c. 57 1831 1 & 2 Will. IV. c. 34 1831-2 2 & 3 Will. IV. c. 57 1833 3 & 4 Will. IV. c. 18 3&4Will. IV. c. 103,8.7 1834 4 & 5 Will. IV. e. 84 1835 5 & 6 Will. IV. c. 71 1844 7*8 Vict. c. 101, s. 52 1861 24 & 25 Vict. e. 107 1870 33 & 34 Vict. c. 75 1873 1875 1876 1878 1894 TITLE OR SUBJECT Sites for Irish Schools Apprentices Clergy Residence Act Inquiries into charities Charity Commission Benefit of Clergy Charity Commission Revenue Act Employment of children Revenue Act Charities inquiries Poor-law Act Scottish Parochial Schools Act Elementary Education Act 1871 34 & 35 Vict. c. 26, s. 8 Abolition of Tests 36 & 37 Vict. c. 38 Sc 39 Vict. c. .39 & 40 Vict. c. 41 & 42 Vict, c 48 66 77 79, s. 16 57 & 58 Vict. c. 41 University Tests Judicature Act Elementary Education Act Factories Protection of Children Act PAGE 127 n. 213 n. 273 318 n. 318 H. 318 n. 40 318 n. 318 n. 318 n. 239-40 213 n. 124 318 n. 196 n. 124 160, 164, 227, 231, 236 178 178 72' 72 157 «., 237 213 n. 138 1496 1567 1.581 1587 1592 1593 1609 1633 1640 1646 1662 1693 1696 1707 8 James IV. c. 3 1 James VI. c. 11 14 James VI. c. 1 20 James VI. c. 8 25 James VI. c. 8 26 James VI. c. 14 42 James VI. c. 3 8 Car. I. c. 5 15 Car, I. c. 20 21 Car. I. c. 171 14 Car. II. c. 13 5 W. & M. c. 38 8 W. & M. c. 26 6 Anne, c. 6 II. SCOTLAND. Compulsory Education Act 112 The Church and Education 117, 121 Act of Ratification 117, 121 Benefit of Benefices 117 The Charter of the Church 117, 121 Benefit of Benefices 117 Qualification of Pedagogues 122 Education Rate Act 118 119 Foundation of Schools 120 Act of Uniformity 121 Church control of Schoolmasters 122 Foundation of Schools 121-2 Conformity of Schoolmasters 122 XXll TABLE OF STATUTES CITED. DATE A.D. STATUTE 1537 28 Hen. VIII. c. 15, s. 1570 12 Eliz. c. 1 1649 Cromwell, c. 74 1665 17 & 18 Car. II. c. 6, s. 1695 7 Will. III. 1721 8 Geo. I. c. 12, s. 9 1731 5 Geo. II. c. 4, s. 9 1739 13 Geo. II. c. 8 III. IRELAND. TITLE OR SUBJECT PAGE , 9 Education Act 124, 128 Free Schools Act 125 Trinity College, Dublin 127 n. Act of Uniformity 127 Restraint of Foreign Education 127 n. Endowments for Schoolmasters 127 n. 127 n. Suppression of gaming: Irish 129 «. Education 1757 31 Geo. II. c. 2 Grant for Irish Education 129 n. 1788 28 Geo. III. c. 15 Education Commission Act IV. COLONIAL. 128 («) Connecticut. 1650 2 Car. II. Mr Ludlow's Code 137 1678 30 Car. II. Amended Code 139 1702 2 Anne Education Act 140 (b) Massachusetts. 1692 4 W. & M. Act 11 The support of Schoolmasters 136-7 (c) SeuTH Carolina. 1710 9 Anne Free School Act 141 1712 11 Anne Act for the encouragement of learning 141 1712 ,, Education Act 141-2 (d) jA>t\ICA. 1695 7 W. & M. Free School Act 145 1736 9 Geo. II. V. ISLE OF MAN. 146 1704 3 Anne Compulsory Education Act 156-7 1813 53 Geo. III. Education Act 159 1851 14 & 15 Vict. School Management Act 100 1872 35 & 36 Vict, Elementary Education Act 160 1878 41 & 42 Vict. Compulsory Atten.lance Act 160 1881 44 & 45 Vict. Amending Act 160 1884 47 & 48 Vict. ,, 160 1893 56 & 57 Vict. Consolidating Act 160 1898 61 & 62 Vict. Amending Act 160 1899 62 & 63 Vict. Council of Education Act VL JERSEY. 160 1623 20 Jac. I. Elementary Education Canons 16U-1 1872 35 & 36 Vict. Education decree 164 TABLE OF CASES. CASE AND DATE Attorney General v. Dixie (1825) Attorney General v. Haberdashers' Company (1827) Attorney General v. Jackson (1837) Attorney General v. Mansfield, Earl of (1826-7) Attorney General v. Middleton (1751) Attorney General v. Whiteley (1805) Bales V. Kendall (1670) or Bates's case (1670) Beaulieu, Abbot of, v. Pipard (1344) Belcham v. Barnardiston (1G99) Benskin v. Crispe (1624) Beverley Grammar School case (1304-1312) Bussey's, William de, case (1259) Carlisle's (Bishop of) case (1616) Chedwick v. Hughes (1699) Cory V. Pepper (1679) Cox's case (1700) EEFERENCE PAGE Russell's Reports iti Chancery, vol. 183 III. p. 534, foot-note Russell's Reports in Chancery, vol. 183 III. p. 530 Keen's Reports in Chancery, vo\. ii. 183 p. 541 Russell's Rejiorts in Chancery, vol. 182 II. p. 501 Vesey's Reports (senior), vol. ii. 169 n. p. 330 Vesey's Chancery Reports, vol. xi. 181-2 p. 241 Keble's Reports, vol. i. pp. 538, 544 170 n. Ventris's Reports, vol. i. p. 41 ; 170, 190 Modern Reports, vol. i. p. 3 Registrum Brevium fol. 35 16, 31, 188 Peere Williams's Reports, vol. i. p. 183 n. 32, foot-note Modern Entries, p. 410 170 ;(. Leach's Memorials of Beverley 12-16 Minster, pp. lix-lxv, 42, 48, 58, 102, 114, 169 CJironica Majora. Matthew Paris, 37 h. vol. V. p. 738 Modern Entries, p. 410 170 n. Carthew's Reports, p. 464; Clift's Neiv Book of Entries, p. 579 171, 179 n. Levinz's Reports, vol. ii. p. 222 170 Peere Williams's Reports, vol. i. 171-2, p. 29 175, 189 XXIV TABLE OF CASES. CASE AND DATE Elgin Presbytery v. Elgin Town Council (1861) Gloucester Grammar School case (1410) Hodges V. Hodges (1796) Jones V. Gegg (1741) King (The) v. The Bishop of Lich- field (1734) King (The) v. The Archbishop of York (1795) Matthews v. Burdett (1702) Oldfield V. Raines (1697) Pigg V. Caley (1607) Prior of v. Johannes (1369) Rex V. Douse (1701) Rex V. Hill (1701) Rex V. Vice-Chancellor and Uni- versity of Cambridge (1685) Rex and Patrick v. Queens' Col- lege, Cambridge (1661-4) Rushworth v. Mason (1735) St George's, Hanover Square, Rec- tor and Parishioners of, v. Steuart (1740) Widdrington's (Dr) case (1662) Witbnell v. Gartham (1795) Wood V. Hill (1695) REFERENCE PAGE Court of Session Cases, 2nd ser. 123 vol. xxiii. p. 287 Year Book, 11 Henry IV. case 21, 42,45-6, p. 47 50-59 Peake's Reports of Cases at Nisi 181 Prius, vol. II. p. 79 Modern Reports, vol. vii. p. 374 179-180 Modern Reportx, vol. vii. p. 217 ; 179-180 Strange' s Reports, vol. ii. p. 1023 Term Reports, vol. vi. p. 490 180 Salkeld's Reports, vol. ii. p. 672, 172 n., vol. III. p. 318 175, 179 Carthew's Reports, p. 464 171 Noy's Reports, p. 27 ; 11 Har- 39 grave's State Trials, p. 342 Year Book 42 Edw. IH. p. 25 24 n. Lord Raymond's Reports, vol. i. 172-3 p. 672 Salkeld's Reports, vol. i. p. 294 ; 173-4 Modern Reports, vol. xii. p. 518 11 State Trials, p. 315 89-90 Keble's Rejjorts, vol. i. pp. 289, 173-4 7i. 294, 298, 551, 610, 665, 833 Comyn's Reports, p. 448 179 Strange's Reports, p. 1126 197 Levinz's Reports, vol. i. p. 23 174 n. Espinasse's Reports, vol. i. p. 320 170 n. Comberbach's Reports, p. 324 170 u. TABLE OF ECCLESIASTICAL DOCUMENTS CITED. DATE A.D. 926 960 1138 1179 1200 1215 1311 1362 1408 1653 1557 1559 1567 1569 1576 1576 1580 1581 1585 1588 1599 1603 1603 1605 1623 1636 1665 1672 1678 1695 Canon of King Ethelstan Canon x. of King Edgar „ LI. ,, "* Canon xvii. of Westminster Decrees of Third Council of Lateran, c. xviii Canon viii. of Westminster Decrees of Fourth Council of Lateran Decrees of Council of Vienne Archbishop Islip's Constitutions Archbishop Arundel's Constitutions Articles of Queen Mary I. Cardinal Pole's Articles Articles of Queen Elizabeth Archbishop Parker's Articles of Visitation 8, 36 8 8, 185 11 61 n. 11 61, 175 61 «. 19, 20 33,34,35,73,78 66 66 67, 106 68, 69 69 69 69 94 95 Archbishop Grindall's Articles of Inquiry (lvii.) Archbishop Grindall's Visitation Articles (vii.) Archbishop Grindall's Articles of Inquiry (iv. v.) (VII.) Articles in the Visitation of the Diocese of Chichester (viii.) 97 Archbishop Whitgift's Articles of Visitation in the Diocese of Sarum 97 Archbishop Whitgift's licence to teach 96 Canon lxxvii. of King James I. 97 Canon lxxix. „ ,, 98 Archbishop Bancroft's Visitation Articles (xlvi.) 98 Canons of the Church of Jersey 162-3 Bishop Wren's Orders and Directions 99 Archbishop Sheldon's Orders (iv.) 107 Archbishop Sheldon's Letter 108 Archbishop Sancroft's Directions 108 Archbishop Tenison's Letter 108-9 TABLE OF WOIiKS CITED. It is hoped that the foUowiny list of volumes, which are mentioned in the course of this work, will assist the reader to verify his references. Abingdon Abbey. Accounts of the Obcdentiars. Ed. by \l. E. G. Kirk for the Camden Society. [London] 18!('2. Acts of the Commons of England. 1048-1650. Printed separately by the Printer to the House of Commons. Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland. 1124-1707. 12 vols, in 13. [Edinburgh] 1814-75. 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London, 1793-96. Montaigne, Michel Seigneur de, Les Essais de. Edition uouvelle. a Rouen, 1619. Monumenta Historica Britannica. [London] 1848. Newcourt, Richard. The History of the Diocese of London. 2 vols. London, 1708-10. New Haven. Records of the Colony and Plantation, 1638-65, ed. by T. C. Hoadly. 2 vols. Hartford, 1857-8. Noy, William. Reports and Cases. Second edition. London, 1669. Oxford English Dictionary. Ed. by J. A. H. Murray. Oxford, 1888- [in progress]. Palfrey, J. G. History of New Engla'ud. 3 vols. Boston, 1860-65. Paris, Matthew. Chronica Majora. Ed. by H. R. Luard. 7 vols. London, 1872-83. Parliamentary History of England from the earliest period to the year 1803. 36 vols. London, 1806-20. Parliamentary Papers : — Education of the Lower Orders, Third Report of Select Committee on. 356. 1818. Charities. 32 Reports of Commissioners. 1819-40. With analytical Digest. 2 vols. [London] 1842. Edvication, Report of Select Committee. 572. 1834. 465. 1835. XXX TABLE OF WORKS CITED. Parliamentary Papers (cotttinucd) : — State of Education in England and Wales. 62. 1835. Foundation Schools (Ireland), Report of Select Committee. 701. 1S88. Committee of Council on Education. Report. 3538. 1865. Schools in Scotland. Third Report of Royal Commissioners. 4011. 1868. Historical Manuscripts Commission. Tenth Report. Appendix. Part iv. [C. 4576.] 188.5. Elementary Education Acts. Third Report of the Royal Commission. [C. 5158.] 1887. Pcake, T. Cases determined at Nisi Prius in the Court of King's Bench. Third edition. 2 vols. London, 1820-9. Peere Williams, W. Reports of Cases in the Courts of Chancery and King's Bench. Sixth edition. 3 vols. London, 1826. Phillimore, R. Ecclesiastical Law. Second edition. 2 vols. London, 1895. Puffendorf , S. The law of Nature and Nations, by Basil Kennet. Third edition. London, 1717. Rashdall, H. Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages. 2 vols. Oxford, 1895. Raymond, Robert Lord. Reports of Cases in the Courts of King's Bench and Common Pleas. Fourth edition. 3 vols. London, 1790. Register of the Privy Council of Scotland, 1545-1625. 14 vols. Edin- burgh, 1877-95. Registrum Brevium. Editio quarta. London, 16S7. Rotuli Parlianientorum. 1278-1503. 7 vols. [London, n.d.] Russell, J. Reports of Cases in the High Court of Chancery. 5 vols. London, 1827-30. Sacrosancta Concilia. 17 torn. Lutetiae Parisiorum, 1671-2. Saintsbury, G. E. B. A Short History of English Literature. London, 1898. Salkeld, W. Reports of Cases in tlie Court of King's Bench. 3 vols. London, 1721-4. Scobeil, H. A collection of Acts and Ordinances made in the Parliament begun 3rd Nov. 1640 and since unto 17th Sept. 1656. London, 1658. Selden, John. Table-Talk, 1689, ed. by E. Arber. Birmingham, 1868. Shenstone, W. The Schoolmistress. British Poets, vol. xlvii. London, 1822. Smith, Adam. An Inquiry into the nature and causes of the Wealth of Nations, ed. by J. E. T. Rogers. 2 vols. Oxford, 1869. Smith, Thomas. De Republica Anglorum. Lug. Batavorum, 1630. TABLE OF WORKS CITED. XXXI Somner, W. Dictionarium Saxonico Latino-Anglicum. Oxonii 1659. South Carolina. Laws of the Province, collected by N. Trott. 2 vols. Charles Town, 1736. State Trials. A complete collection from 11 Rich. II. to 16 Geo. III. Fourth edition, by F. Hargrave. 11 vols, in 5. London, 1766-81. State Trials. A complete collection, compiled by T. B. Howell. 34 vols, London, 1816-28. Statutes at Large from Magna Charta to the 49th year of George III. 11 vols. London, 1811-4. Statutes at Large passed in Parliaments in Ireland 1320-1800. 20 vols. DubHn, 1786-[1800]. Statutes of the Realm from Magna Charta to the end of the reign of Queen Anne. 11 vols, in 12. [London] 1810-24. Statutes of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. 1801-68-9. 29 vols. London, 1804-69. Statutes, Public General. Annual volumes. Loudon. Stow, John. The Survey of London. London, 1632. ,, A Survey of the cities of London and Westminster, enlarged by John Strype. 2 vols. London, 1720. Strange, John. Reports of Cases. Third edition, by M. Nolan. 2 vols. London, 1795. Strype, John. Annals of the Reformation. 4 vols. Oxford, 1824. ,, Life and Acts of John Whitgift,D.D. 3vols. Oxford, 1822. Stubbs, C. W. God's Englishmen. London, 1887. „ W. The Constitutional History of England. 3 vols. Oxford, 1874-8. Tanner, Thomas. Notitia Monastica. London, 1744. Term Reports in the Court of King's Bench, by C. Durnford and E. H. East. 8 vols. London, 1817. Tillotson, J. The Works, with Life of the author, by T. Birch. 10 vols. London, 1820. Ventris, Peyton. The Reports of. London, 1726. Vesey, F. , senr. Reports of Cases in the Court of Chancery. Fourth edition. 3 vols. London, 1818-25. Vesey, F., junr. Reports of Cases in the High Court of Chancery. 20 vols. London, 1827-33. Vising, M. T. Etude sur le dialecte Anglo-Normand du xii^ Siecle. Upsala, 1882. Westminster Records. A catalogue, by J. E. Smith. London, 1900. Wheatley, H, B. London Past and Present, ij vols. London, 1891. XXXll TABLE OF WORKS CITED. Worcester Priory, Register of. Ed. by W. H. Hale for the Camden Society. London, 18G5. Wright, T. Vokime of Vocabularies. Liverpool, 1S57. Year Books. 7 vols. Loudon, 1678-9. Vol. II. Le Livre des Assises et pleas del' Corone en temps du Eoy Edward le Tiers Vol. IV. Les Reports dels Cases en ley en le temps lea Hoys Henry le IV. et Henry le V. Yorkshire Chantry Surveys, published by the Surtees Society. 2 vols, Durham, 1894-5. * CORRIGENDA. p. 151, last line of foot-note, for "pp. 25G-7 " read " pp. 2G3-4". p. 178, add to foot-note •' "(The Universities Tests Act, 1871)" and delete the same from foot-note •*. p. 213, second line of foot-note, for " 1819 (59 Geo. III. c. 13, s. 7) " read " 1816 (56 Geo. III. c. 139, s. 7) " ADDENDA. p. 22, add foot-note to end of first paragraph as follows : " Mr W. H. Stevenson appears recently to have identified Jolm Cornwaile as a teacher of grammar at Oxford in connexion with Merton College in 1347. Richard Poncrichc seems to have been a Merton student in 1367, and a contemporary of Wycklif and John de Trevisa." p. 41, add foot-note - at the words "Chancellor of the Church of St Paul's, London," as follows: "This oflieial was styled in old records Magister Srholarnm, and according to Richard Newcourt's Hintory of the Diocese of London (vol. i. p. 108-9), he exercised complete control over Grammar Learning in the entire city of London. The same authority adds weight to the view, expressed infra, p. 46, that the original (Jrammar Schools of London were those of St Paul's, St Mary-le-Bow, and St Martin-le-Grand. It seems probable that there was a Mngister xcholariim in each diocese. See the Register of Wor- cester Priori), p. ex, published by the Camden Society, 1865." p. 164, add to foot-note ■' : "It should be remembered that State support for Education in India can really be traced back to 1716, wlien the Government allowed a Charity School for thirty garrison children to be erected at Fort St George. (See Strype's Stow, Bk. v. p. 51.) " CHAPTER I. EDUCATION AND THE STATE FROM SAXON TIMES TO THE END OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY. 1. There are few subjects more worthy of interest and study than the history of the relationship in . State and England between education and the State, and church and there are few subjects of equal importance that National •' , ^ . ^ , Education. in regard to sources of information are so fruitful in disappointment. To the student of the history of the English Universities and of individual English grammar schools lie open not only the works of distinguished scholars but also stores of uncoUated information which offer many opportunities for original research. The general subject, however, as opposed to particular aspects of it, appears, in the centuries preceding the nineteenth century, peculiarly destitute of detail — so destitute, in fact, that Blackstone dismisses it almost in a phrase, and no early writer has deemed it worthy of research ; yet when we consider the immeasurable importance of education in social organisations and attempt to realise the great part that letters have played in the development of England, it becomes evident that the national records must contain much of importance concerning the progress of edui-ation in each age. It could not be, in such a centralised community as England has been for many centuries, that the only records of the M. 1 2 EDUCATION A NATIONAL NEED. progress of the education of her jieople should be found in local archives and in the private history of her universities and her schools. Among the tive-and-twenty thousand laws that have been placed by the Legislature on the Statute Book, in the innumerable volumes that contain the results of six centuries of national litigation, in the laws of the Church, in the Journals of Parliament, and in the records of Parliamentary debates, tliere must exist much evidence of the attitude of the State as an institution towards education as a necessity of national life. Every parish in the kingdom, it may be broadly said, gives evidence of the attitude towards education of those who were wise in their generation as well as rich, and it is not too much to infer that the collective wisdom and wealth of a State would realise, perhaps as readily as an individual, the needs of a nation. That education is a national need is not less readily state Educa- recoguised by a generation that sees in it only tion before a Spiritual or intellectual want than it is by a Christian Era. ,• ,i , ^ -i generation tliat regards it as a necessary agent for the obtaining of daily bread. Even before the Christian Era the necessity of education in the State was recognised by at least one writer. Diodorus Siculus in his Historical Library^ tells us that Charondas, the Greek statesman, in giving laws to Thuriuni and other southern Italian cities, founded by Athenian emigrants, introduced a provision that all the children of the citizens should receive instruction and that the city should pay the master wages. Diodorus is clearly ^vrong in attributing such a law at Thurium to Charondas, as the city was founded in 443 iJ.c. when Charondas had been long dead. The passage, however, proves that the idea of State education was known a little before the time of our Lord. 1 Book XII. (see the reprint of P. Wesseling's edition 1793-1806, vol. v. p. .S3) : " ivo/j.o0^Tr]isilibiin of Alexander Neckam, who died in 1217, is a school-book or vocabulary in Latin with a gloss in Anglo-Norman with English words occa- sionally occurring. The book deals fully with the details of everyday life. To the mid-thirteenth century may be referred a short vocabulary THE INFLUENCE OF THEODORE AND ADRIAN. O of the Conquest to the middle of the fourteenth century the Anglo-Norman dialect was used as a medium of education in the gi-amraar schools of England. This fact was in accord- ance with the policy of our Norman conquerors and of the Latin ecclesiastics who played so important a part in mould- ing the laws and modifying the territorial and feudal system of the country. Yet the dim beginnings of State intervention in English education are to be found far back in Saxon times. So far away as the dark and restless days of King Alfred the Great we find that that remarkable man had seen that in education lay the chief cure for the ills of his people. Alfred found that the unrest and desolation produced by the incursions of the Danes had destroyed all scholarship in England The island had already lived through and forgotten its first period of learning. Augustine, the first Archbishop of Canterbury, came to England in 596, and seventy-two years later (668) the Archbishop Theodore of Tarsus and the Abbot Adrian brought the means and methods of education. "Through their influence all the larger and better monasteries were converted into schools of learning'." The schools founded of the names of plants, where the explanation of the Latin names are given hoth in Anglo-Norman and English. The decline of the Anglo- Norman dialect seems now to have begun. At the end of the thirteenth century appeared a remarkable little work written by Walter de Bibeles- \/ worth at the request of the Lady Dionysia de Mouchensy of Swanscombe in Kent. The object of the book was to teach French to children of noble birth. It was written in Anglo-Norman with an interlinear gloss in Latin. At this date, therefore, Anglo-Norman had ceased to be a form of native speech. A metrical Latin-English vocabulary may almost certainly be referred to the fourteenth century, while in the fifteenth century we get a nominale and a pictorial Latin-English vocabulary. By that date Anglo- Norman as a tongue was dead. Tiie text of these vocabularies is given in Mayer's Lihrunj of National A)itiijiiities (volume of vocabularies), edited by Thomas Wright, 1857. According to M. J. Vising {Etude sur le dialectc An(]lo-Normand du xii^siecle: Upsala, 1882), neither Anglo- Norman nor any of its sub-dialects ever became a really popular tongue, though a considerable and interesting literature survives. ' Hook's Lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury, vol. i. p. 163. 6 BEDE AND ALCUIN. at Canterbury in connexion witli the monastery of St Peter were particularly notalile. Here Aldliehn and before the Johu of Bevcrley, the instructor of the Vener- ^'^n of j^ijig Bede, were educated. The learning in- troduced by Theodore and Adrian was of no mean order Bede tells us that in 732 there were still living discii)les of those teachers who know the Latin and Greek tongues as well as their native language'. Bede not only taught in the monastery schodl at Jarrow, but wrote also little treatises on the seven liberal arts for use in schools, including a Latin Grammar or glossary. The use of Latin had become, comparatively s))eaking, common. Bede calls it 'the vernacular.' "The ("reed and the Our Father I have myself translated into English for the benefit of those priests who are not familiar with the vernacular'-." For a period England seems to have been the centre of European learning. Alcuin (735-800) could boast of the learned men and the noble libraries of England'. Charle- magne could seek to introduce into his empire the scholarship of England. But this sudden burst of culture died away almost as swiftly as it arose. The sloth of the priesthood, the unrest of the land, the red ruin of the Dane, killed it South to North, and when Alfred came all that was left were some stray vestiges of scholarship in far Northumbria. " There was a time," says Alfred in the introduction to his translation of Gregory's Curf schools for girls. The phrase schoolmistress was in use quite early. In Dan Michel's Ai/rnliite of Iiiinjt, written in tiie Kentish dialect in 1340 a. n., Avarice is referred to as "The maystresse thet lieth zuo greate sc(de thet alle guoth thrin nor to lyerni" (see Dr U. Morris's edition published for the iMirly English Text Society in 180(3 — rejjrinted 18H8— p. H4). I'robably schools for girls were conducted by nuns and were thus under the control of the Churcb. The Statute of Artitlcers (7 Hen. IV. c. 17), 14U(), in set terms affirms the parental right of sending girls to school. THE SIN OF UNLICENSED TEACHING. 13 had become an influence in the land. The information is drawn from Mr A. F. Leach's Memorials of Beverley Minster, published for the Surtees Society in 1898'. The story of these law-suits is not in itself without interest, but the moral is, for the present purpose, the important part. The keen competition between various persons for the right to teach school in Beverley exhibits a healthy state of things in matters of education. It proves that the occupation of a school- master was a remunerative one, and the results of the suits were a striking proof of the supremacy of the Church in educational affairs. It appears that Thomas of Brompton, the Master or Rector of Beverley Grammar School, on the 27th of October, 1304, instituted process against one Robert of Dalton, a Clerk who " unmindful of his salvation " taught school in Beverley "to the prejudice of the liberty of our Church." Robert of Dalton was warned to give up in nine days the w^ork of a schoolmaster under pain of excommunication. He appears to have yielded for the time to the orders of the Chapter and the judgment of the Spiritual Court. So much for the first suit. We may judge by it that to teach school in the Manor of Beverley was not unprofitable. This opinion is confirmed when we find that in January 1305 another Clerk, Stephen of Garton, was similarly proceeded against and received a similar warning for keeping an unlicensed school in Kelk. The next stage in this moving history of the long-suffering Master Thomas of Brompton is a brilliant attempt on the part of another sclioolmaster, Sancton v. '- ^ ' Brompton. or would be schoolmaster, Geoffrey of Sancton, also a Clerk, to use the arm of the law for the purpose of attacking Master Thomas. There is here a most aggravating omission in the Chapter Roll. All it tells us is that Geoffrey of Sancton brought actions relating to the Beverley Grammar Schools against Thomas of Brompton in the Provost's Court 1 See pp. lix.— Ixv. and pp. 42, 48, 58, 102, 114, ICi), 293. 14 ACTION IN THE COURT OF YORK. of York. Whether the action was l)ronght to prevent Thomas interfering with Geoffrey in the exercise of liis profession of schoolmaster or whether it attacked Thomas in his capacity of grammar .school master we cannot tell. But we know from the Roll that the Cliapter of Beverley resented these actions and in March 1305 wrote to the Official of the Provostry of Beverley complaining that that Court had entertained a "personal action touching our school, jurisdiction, and court" and warning the Official to dismiss Thomas of Brompton within six days. The Chapter also wrote to the Provostry of York asking that the case of Sancton v. Brompton should be remitted to the Cha])ter. This was apparently done and we hear no more of the matter till the following December. At that date the remitted action had not yet been heard and it seems probable that the Court of York had been making enquiries, for, by a letter from the Chapter to the Official of the Provostry of York dated December 13th, 1305, a new and almost humorous state of things was disclosed. It appears that Thomas of Brompton had turned the tables on Geoffrey of Sancton by means of a counter action. The Chapter informed tlic Court of York that in consequence of an action against Geoffrey of Sancton by Thomas of Brompton for keeping an unlicensed school in the Manor of Beverley, Geoffrey of Sancton had been suspended and had not been allowed to proceed against Thomas of Brompton in the remitted action, and the Chapter went on to recjuest the Provostry of York to boycott Geoffrey of Sancton in the Consistory and elsewhere and to cause him to be boycotted by others. The result was inevitable. However valuable the right to teach school in Beverley might have been — and it must have been valuable to have drawn forth such thunder from the Chapter — it was impossible for one ]»riest to stand for a long period against a clerical boycott, and so (Jeoffrey yielded and was released from exconnnunication in January 22, 1306. We might have expected that after this Master Thomas EXCOMMUNICATION OF UNLICENSED MASTERS. 15 would have been left to rule his scholars in peace. Not so. In j\larch 1306 Robert of Dalton appears on the scene once more. He had started a school Dfi[°|^^*°" ^" in South Dalton unmindful of his salvation. The Chapter and Master Thomas of Brompton pursued the old offender with triple vigour. In October 1304 he had been given nine days in which to repent and to avoid the thunderbolt of excommunication. He then yielded : he was now given three days in which to abandon his un- licensed school under pain of excommunication. But Robert had before his mind the example of Geoffrey of Sancton and refused to close his school and was therefore in due course excommunicated. Geoffrey had fought the Chapter from March till the end of the succeeding January, liobert did almost as well. It was not until Nov. 8, 1306, that he was absolved for having kept an unlicensed school in South Dalton "to the prejudice of the liberty of St John and of Mr Thomas of Brompton or other Master of our School"; possibly however there was no fight and the excommunication was kept a long time in force as a penalty for a second offence. However, here is an authentic record of the ways of the Church with unlicensed schoolmasters in the beginning of the fourteenth century ; ways with which ]\Ir Lowe's treatment of uncer- tificated masters in the middle of the nineteenth century compares very favourably. It was one of the unconscious inconsistencies of the English clergy to complain of the tyranny that coupled a Government grant with a certificate when for centuries the licence of the Bishop had been a condition precedent to any teaching whatever. One further reference must be made to the Beverley Grammar School. In May 1312 a dispute arose as to the number of free choristers that could be admitted to the school. The Chapter held that all the choristers in the school were to be free, but that boys were not to wear a chorister's habit in choir in such a way as to defraud the 16 CROWN REPUDIATION OF CHURCH CONTROL. master. This case sliows, as Mr Leach points out, that the school was not merely a choristers' school, that it was run lor profit with respect to others than choristers, and that it was not free from ecclesiastical control. This collision, slight as it seems, between the ecde- ^ „. . ^ siastical court and the secular tribunal was a CoUision be- tween Church matter of HO Small importance, for we find a and State. ^^^^^ years later that the Crown, in the person of King Edward III., omphaticall)' repudiated the claim of the Courts Christian to adjudicate upon appointments to grammar school masterships. The following document is of a remarkable character for it appears entirely to ignore the i-laini of the Church to control national education. If read in connexion with the Act of 1406 and the judgments in the Gloucester Grammar School case decided in 1410', it appears to establish the position that the municipal law of England not only allowed all to be taught and any (who w^ere fit) to teach, but also controlled the administration of educational foundations. The document is a prohibition from tlie Crown — namely, an order to the Court Christian to remit a certain class of action, for want of jurisdiction, to the King's Court — and is dated 1343, It runs as follows': — "The King to the Registrar and commissaries of tlie Court of Canterbury greet- ing — whereas the pleas relating to the patronage (collatlo) of grammar .schools in our kingdom of England belong especially to our Crown and dignity and (whereas) the Abbot and Con- vent of Beaulieu {Bello) are bringing before you in the Court Christian, as we have been informed by many, William Pipard, clerk, relative to the ])atronage {cdlldtio) of the grammar schools of Ferendon — we forbid you to entertain that plea in the ecclesiastical court, such pleas belonging especially to us and to no other in this kingdom. Witness the Keeper. p]dward III. in the 17th year of his reign over England and the 4th over France— Faming, Chancellor." ' See p. 51 inj'ra. - Retjistrum Urevhim, fol. 35. See p. 31 infra. JOHN WYCKLIF. 17 6. The advent of John Wycklif {circa 1324—1385) with his complete repudiation of Roman Catholicism J . 1 , . . , . . , The Lollard and ceremonial mysticism was a turning point Movement and in the history of education in England. He ^^ ^'^'^'^ "^ , . ^ Death. himself, for the time, protestantised Oxford and thus affected the tone of the whole country. He created for the first time in English History something of the nature of public opinion on religious matters. He did not die a martyr, and when in 1428 — 44 years after his death — his mortal remains were taken from Lutterworth Church and cast into the river Swift, his opinions had taken root in every parish in England and (though Oxford by the beginning of the fifteenth century was again under the control of Rome) the mischief, if one may use such a term, was done and the nation had determined to think for itself. The followers of Wycklif, scholars themselves and probably many of them, like their leader, secular priests, adopted the policy of the Church \/ and taught the reformed doctrine through the agency of schools new and old. It must be remembered that many Bishops (the licensers of schoolmasters) had refused to con- demn Wycklif as a heretic, and that in the years that passed before the reaction came time enough had elapsed to Lollardiser large numbers of grammar and parochial schools, and to allow of the creation of new schools in various parts of the country'. The imi)ortance of the part played by Lollards' schools must be considered in connexion with other events in the history of education during the fourteenth century. Not until the end of that century did the persecution of the Lollards begin. Throughout the century the State and the Church had done all that could be done in such times for education, and even when the persecution of the Lollards was in progress we find placed upon the Statute Book an enact- 1 Twenty-five grammar schools alone are known to have been founded ^ between 1363 and 1400. The names are given in Mr A. F. Leach's English Schools at the Reformation, p. 323. The list is incomplete (p. 5). 18 THE DIFFUSION OF HIGHER EDUCATION. ment as to education that would have done credit to far more enlightened times'. The value of scholarship throughout the Norman period was fully recognised by the entire community. It was the open door between the classes and the masses, and towards the end of the middle ages, at any rate, " a poor and humble origin was no bar to great preferment Every one admitted even to minor orders must have been able to read and write... ; and the bishop who wittingly ordained an ignorant person was deemed guilty of deadly sin. The great obscurity which hangs over the early history of the univer- sities makes it impossible to guess how large a portion of the clergy had received their education there ; but towards the close of the period the foundation of colleges connected with particular counties and monasteries must have carried some elements of higher education into the remotest districts ; the monastic and other schools placed some modicum of learning within reach of all. The rapid diffusion of Lollard tracts is itself a proof that many men could be found to read them ; in every manor was found someone who could write and keep accounts in Latin ; and it was rather the scarcity and cost of books, than the inability to read, that caused the prevalent ignorance of the later middle ages"." To Dr Stubbs's comment on the education of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries it will be useful to add some ancil- lary facts. I'Vom a priori reasoning one would be tempted to believe that the great plagues that swept the country in the fourteenth century must have greatly affected the general educational problem. No great social factor could remain unaffected by the national cataclysm, for these plagues were no less a thing. The Great Death of 1348-9 a.d. was an event of so appalling a character that it dislocated the entire social mechanism of l-lngland. The priesthood suffered with the people, and the clergy or persons appointed by the 1 The statute of Artificers, 1400 (7 Hen. IV. c. 17). ' Stubbs's Constitutional Uintunj, vol. in. pp. WJ — 371. THE GREAT DEATH AND THE PRIESTHOOD. 19 Church were the dispensers of even the most elementary learning. In the Constitution of Simon Islip, Archbishop of Canterbury, published 1362 a.d. prfe"I'rn°362. there is a complaint that " parish churches -^ and chapels remain unofficiated, destitute of parochial chap- lains " through the covetousness and love of ease of " modern priests." And in another and undated edition of the same constitution we find it stated that "the priests that now are, not considering that they have escaped the danger of the pestilence by divine providence, not for their own merits, but that they might exercise the ministry committed to them... have no regard to the cure of souls. ..so that. ..many churches, prebends, and chapels of our and your diocese, and of the whole province, will be destitute of priests to serve them\" Now whether this abandonment of parishes was due to the covetousness and general debasement of the priesthood, as this extremely outspoken prelate suggests, or whether it was due, as we may well think, to the gi-eat mortality among the parish priests and the terror of the survivors, or to both causes, the fact remains that the grammar schools of England ^ had lost their masters. "The priests that now are" — an ominous phrase suggesting the numbers that " now are not " as the result of the Great Plague — had abandoned their livings. Only those, tied we may conjecture to the spot by bonds of birthplace and home, who were peculiarly devoted to their parishes, remained to undertake the duty of the cure of souls. What may we infer from this neglect ? We may, at least, infer that it was not the foreign priests, Norman or French by birth and instinct, that remained to minister to the flock : if any priest remained it was an English priest speaking the tongue of his people, writing and reading the language of his peojjle, thinking their thoughts and knowing their aspirations. If this inference is true it explains the rapid spread of LoUardy and it explains the subsequent insulation and independent strength of England. But this 1 Johnson's Ltnt-.s and Cdnoiis, vol. ii. pp. 1'21, 4'23-4. •2—2 20 FIRST USE OF ENGLISH IN SCHOOLS. inference from reasonable probabilities is more than an infer- ence; it happens to be also an historical fact. The English tongue as an educational agency was l)orn immediately after the Great Death. 7. A remarkable passage from lligden's Polychronicon The Birth of P^'^ves tliis. Higdcu Writing about 1327 a.d. English Edu- tclls US that the children in the sciiooh were at that date compelled to leave their own tongue and construe their lessons in French ; while Trevisa, Higden's translator and editor, writing in 1385 a.d. tells us that all that was altered after the First Death (1349) and that English was thereafter taught in the schools. Reading the passage in direct connexion with Archbishop Islip's Constitu- tion of 1362 the conclusion becomes irresistible that the Plague cleared the country of French priests and raised up the English tongue as a vehicle for literary expression. The text of the passage from the translation (with in- serted notes) by John de Trevisa of Higden's Polyrknmiom^ runs as follows : " This apayrynge of the burthe of the tunge is bycause of tweie thinges ; oon is for Tr^vf^a^" ^""^ children in scole agenst the usage and manere of alle othere naciouns beeth compelled for to leue hire owne langage, and for to construe hir lessouns and here thynges in Frensche, and so they haueth seth the Normans come first in to Engelond. Also gentil men children beeth i-taught to si)eke Frensche from the tyme that they beeth i-rokked in here cradel, and kunneth speke and playe with a childes broche ; and vplondisshe men wil likne hym self to gentil men, and fondeth with great besynesse for to speke Frensce, for to be i-tolde of. [ Treiiisd. This manere was moche i-used to for tirste deth", and is siththe .^umdel i-chaunged ; for John (Sir Johan) Cornwaile, a maister of grammer, chaunged the lore in gramer scole and construccioun of Frensche in to 1 Vol. n. pp. 1.59— 101— EoUs Series. - Another reading: 'to fore the lirste moreyn.' DISADVANTAGES OF BI-LINGUAL EDUCATION. 21 Englische ; and Richard Peneriche lerned the manere techyage of hym and of othere men of Penerich ; so that now, the yere of oure Lorde, a thovvsand thre hundred and foure score and fyue, and of the secounde Richard after the conquest nyne, in alle the gramere scoles of Engelond, children leueth Frensche and construeth and lerneth an Englische, and haueth therby auauntage in oou side and disauauntage in another side ; here auauntage is, that they lerneth her gramer in lasse tyme than children were i-woued to doo ; disauauntage is that now children of gramer scole conneth na more Frensche than can hir lift heele, and that is harme for hem and they schuUe passe the see and trauaille in straunge landes and in many other places. Also gentil men haueth now moche i-left for to teche here children Frensche]. Hit semeth a greet wonder how Englische (that is the burthe tonge of Englisshe) men and her owne langage and tonge, is so dyuerse of sown in this oon ilond, and the langage of Normandie is comlynge of another londe, and hath oon manere soun among alle men that speketh hit aright in Engelond. [Treuisa. Neuertheles there is as many dyaers manere Frensche in the reem of Fraunce as is dyuers manere Englische in the reem of Engelond.] " The importance of this whole passage, and especially of John de Trevisa's interpolated notes in square brackets, can scarcely be over-rated. It conti'ibutes, both directly and by implication, facts of the highest value to the history of English education during a peculiarly obscure period. First a word must be said as to the men who initiated this move- ment which in reality revolutionised English education; for we must always remember that Anglo-Norman was a hard tongue to kill and lingered in active corrupt use in the Law Courts for centuries after it died as a tongue, and that it still officially exists in conuexion with the legislation of the country. No Act of the Legislature can to-day become law save through the medium of that weird dialect'. However "Sir * See footnote to p. 33 infra. 22 JOHAN CORXWAILE, MASTER OF GRAMMAR. Johan Cornwaile, a maister of grammer, cliaunged tlie lore in gramer scole and fonstrucciouii of Frensche in to Englisclie ; and llicliard renciiclie lerned the nianere techy nge of hym and of othere men of Pencrich." Now no vohime of biography tells us anything of John Cornwaile or of Richard of Pencriche or of the 'other men of Pencrich,' but still one may learn something of them all by a process of reasoning which is rather more than mere conjecture. The phrase ' of hym and of other men of Pencrich ' shows that Cornwaile was a man of Pencrich and that Richard Pencriche was really Richard of Pencriche. Cornwaile by his name was certainly a west- country man, though whether he belonged to the distinguished media3val family of that name cannot be ascertained; he was master of grammar, he was an inhabitant of Pencrich. But where was Pencrich ? It might be the Penkriche in Derby- shire where there was a Church in early times, but it appears sufhciently clear that he was of Pencriz or Penkridge (to use the modern spelling) in Staffordshire, witliin a few miles of the town of Stafford, and that to this county belongs the honour of having given to England the use of her own tongue in her own schools. Of Penkriche in Derbyshire little can be ascertained, but the . Staffordshire Penkridge is of great antiquarian Grammar importance. An ecclesiastical foundation existed there before the Conquest, and the Church be- came collegiate as early, it would seem, as the reign of Henry II. It was certainly collegiate in the 2()th year of King Edward I. (1292). The advowson of the Church and of the manor were granted to the Archbishop of Dublin l)y one Hugh House, and the gift was rontirmed by King John in the 17th year of his reign'. This collegiate church with four chapels must have had, in accordance witii the best autiiorities on the subject of collegiate churches, a considerable school * See Dugdalu's Monusticoii Aiujlicunnm, vol. vi. \\. 1 ICid, Sir \\. Ellis's edition, 1840. CONCLUSIONS FROM THE EVIDENCE OF HIGDEN. 23 attached to it, and we may conjecture that John Cornwaile was ' maister of grammer ' in this school soon after the Plague in 1348-9, that he then introduced there the system of teaching lessons in English, that his plan was adopted by others in the neighbourhood and in particular by llichard of Pencriche, his possible successor in the mastership of the school, and that from this origin the practice spread over England till in 1385 it had become universal. 8. This passage from Higden introduced incidentally in a discussion on the evolution of the English Ian- ^^^ classes guage as a tongue "from its constituents, is as attending has been said important both directly and by implication. It was, according to Higden, the practice for school children from the year 1066 to the year in which he wrote (1327), to construe their lessons and other school work in French. When Higden wrote the English language was the natural tongue of the class that attended grammar schools : in the schools these children were compelled ' to leave their own language.' The class that attended these schools were not the children of gentle blood ; this is shown by the form of words used both by Higden and his commen- tator. Higden tells us that the children in school were com- pelled to use French; "also gentil men children beeth i-taught to speke Frensche from the tyme that they beeth i-rokked in here cradel " ; and Trevisa says " children of gratner scole conneth na more Frensche than can hir lift heele.-.Also gentil men haueth now moche i-left for to teche here children Frensche." This helps us to ascertain the class that attended the grammar schools. It seems impossible to doubt tliat the children of the upper classes were taught by tutors'. If w^e omit all persons of gentle blood, who were left ? The burgage tenants in towns certainly attended the grammar scliool of the borough. These schools in some instances were under ' Walter do Bibelesworth's treatise (see footnote p. 5) is additional evidence of this. 24 TENURES OF LAND. the entire control, as in the case of Bridgnorth Grammar School, of the Corporation and not dependent on the Church. Placing on one side the gentle folk and the burgage tenants in towns, what classes have we to deal with in the manors into whicli England was divided ? In a manor, apart from the gentle folk, we find a large agricultural population divided roughly into a free and an unfree class. These classes had no sharp dividing line. Freemen might become base and the reverse, whilst in the time of Bracton we find the anomaly of a free man holding by a base tenure : we should expect to find on a manor in the thirteenth century unfree men holding by unfree tenure. It is not necessary for the present purpose to separate the free class into freemen holding by military service or its equivalent, or merely as free socage tenants holding by an oath of fealty and the payment of rent attached to the freehold or the doing of non-military services. This was the highest non-gentle class. Next perhaps came husbandr}' leaseholders who held private lands belonging to the lord at the will of the lord. Thirdly we may name free- men holding by indeterminate tenure. Probably by the begin- ning of the tifteentli century the above three classes had equal social standing save that the leaseholder had not an unimpeach- able riglit to his term of years till the reign of Henry VIII.' The next was a curious class. It was a villein or unfree class that, by continuous holding from father to sou of the same land, had obtained a kind of title to the land. These villein- holders were not the ecpials of the freeholders. They were attached to the soil and had to perform certain services, and their title appeared on the court roll of the manor. Their title was shown by a copy of the court roll and by the time of Henry V. they are called copyholders'. 0;i tlie deatli of such a tenant tlie customary heir would petition the court of the > 21 Hen. YIII. c. 1.5. - In the Yciir lUmh of l.^fifl, 42 Ed. III. p. 2.5, a dofonclant held 'por copy de court roll a volunte le Prior.' Cf. Coke on Littleton, 58 a. THREE UNFREE CLASSES. 25 manor in which the freeholders were judges to be admitted to the land on payment of dues. Though the copyholder in time became the equal of the freeholder this was not the case in the fourteenth century, but nevertheless he had reached a position of some importance. At the time of Doomsday there were three unfree classes. The villaui, who were adscripti glehae, that is, immovable from the manor, and were later known as villeins regardant as opposed to the serirl (or personal slaves), who became known as villeins in gross and who were capable of transfer by sale\ The third class in Doomsday were the cotarii, cott^etlne and hordarli, cottage holders with small allotments and bound to render light proedial services. This class had combined with the class of villein regardant by the end of the fourteenth century and constituted the copyholders — an unfree class holding their land at the will of the lord but with an increasing hold over the land. The lowest class of all were the villeins in gross, who owned no land and were practically the personal slaves of the lord, the right to their services being saleable by deed. That was the country population of England at the end of the fourteenth century and it seems clear that the 'children of gTamer scole' were indiscriminately the children of non- gentle freeholders and of copyholders and, in many instances, of the villeins in gross. This fact seems established by the legislation of the beginning of the fifteenth century which affirmed the right of the villein child to go to school. Such legislation would scarcely have thf vrneTn°" °^ been needed to protect the copyholder's child. Mr Leach, dealing with a later date, says": "That occasionally bright boys were snatched up out of the ranks of the real poor and turned into clerics, to become lawyers, civil servants, bishops, is not to be doubted. But it was the middle classes, whether country or town, the younger sons of the nobility or ^ See instance given in Blount's Iaiw Dictionary, tit. 'Neif.' - English Schools at the lieformat'ton, p. 109. v" 26 CLASSES ATTENDING GRAMMAR SCHOOLS. farmers, the lesser landholders, the prosperous tradesmen, who created a demand for education, and furnished the occupants of Grammar Schools." This statement does not appl}^ alto- gether to national education in the fourteenth or the early fifteenth century. It seems doubtful even if in the forty- two towns mentioned in the Poll Tax returns for 1377 the younger sons of the nobility attended school. Trevisa, writing in 1385, appears explicitly to exclude all children of gentle blood from the schools, and his view is confirmed by the Gloucester Grammar School case decided in 1410. In these towns the schools were, there can be little doubt, almost exclusively attended by the children of burgage tenants — the only 'middle class' that existed in the Middle Ages— though it is probable that children of the villein class also attended siibsequently to, and possibly even before, 1406. The term 'the poor' during the period that ends with thf? Wars of the Roses needs definition. There were no j)oor in the sense of a class that had become practically destitute as the result of personal incapacity in the face of open social com- petition. Previous to the changes in the social order that resulted from the extinction of the feudal barony in the Wars of the Roses every man, woman and child had either a lord or a master and the traltic in human lal)our and ability was 'fair' not 'free.' The only exception to this rule existed in the large towns. But the proportion of population contained by those towns to the whole popidation of the country was probably not more than one to sixteen. Previous to 1406 the class that chiefly attended the grammar schools, whether in town or country, were the children of free non- gentle persons, though as early as 1391 the merging of the free and unfree clas.ses had evidently led to the introduction of large numbers of unfree children into the schools. The policy and character of the lord or of the master and of his spiritual advi.sers in a lay fee, and not the fact of poverty, determined the amount of schoolgoing on any great particular SPREAD OF EDUCATION AFTER THE BLACK DEATH. 27 estate. The exodus of foreign priests during the Great Plagues seems to have initiated an educational policy throughout the country, for not only do we find in the last forty years of the fourteenth century that grammar schools were rapidly founded, i but we find that the Legislature is terrified at the multiplica- ' tion of clerks among the unfree classes. 9. The Petition from the Commons of the Realm of England to King Richard II. in 1391 shows ^^^ petition how vastly education had spread biuce the Black against ' free ' Death and the substitution of English for Anglo- Norman in teaching, and with what suspicion the new policy, with its inherent possibilities of Roman interference, was regarded. The petition runs as follows : "39. Item...et auxi de ordeiner et comander, que null Neif ou Vileyn mette ses Enfantz de cy en avant a Escoles pur eux avancer par Clergie, et ce en maintenance et salvation de I'honour de toutz Frankes du Roialme'.' The Commons, in plain English, asked the King, in addition to other things contained in the same petition, to ordain and command that henceforward no neif or villein should send his children to the schools to enable them to alter their social status 'par Clergie.' The ground for the petition was the safety and honour of the freemen of the Realm. The petition was refused in the usual form by which the Crown signifies the Royal Veto. The ' responsio ' to the petition is ' le roi s'avisera.' In other words he nominally reserves the petition for consideration, but in fact rejects it absolutely. Dr Stubbs's passage dealing with the rapid development of education may be here quoted with advantage. " Even the villein might, by learning a crait, set his foot on the ladder of promotion. But the most certain way to rise was furnished by education. Over against the many grievances wliich modern thought has alleged against the unlearned ages which passed before the invention of printing, it ought to be set to » Tiot. Fail. 15 Ric. II. 31), vol. in. p. 294. ^ K-. '■ 28 map's DE iVUGIS curia LIUM. the credit of mediteval society that clerkship was never despised or made unnecessarily difficult of acquisition. The sneer of Walter ^lap, who declared that in his days the villeins were attempting to educate their ignoble and degenerate offspring in the liberal arts pro^^es that even in the twelfth century the way was open', Richard II. rejected the proposition that the villeins should be forbidden to send tlieir children to the schools to 'learn clergie'; and even at a time when the supply of labour ran so low that no man who was not i .,. worth twenty shillings a year in land oi- rent was allowed to apprentice his child to a craft, a full and liberal exception was - IV'^l^'- made in favour of learning; 'every man or woman' — the " u (^r-»^ words occur in the petition and statute of artificers passed in <;. .^^^ ^ >^ ^ It may Vie remarked as a supplement to the sarcasm of that famous medifEval wit Walter Map that the evidence Roes to show that at the very heginning of the twelfth century the consummation that lie depre- cated appeared to be at hand. Mr A. F. Leach (p. Ix. of Tin' Memoriah of Beverletj Minster) shows in connexion with the life of Wm. Ketell, the author of De miraculis i^diicti Joaniiis Jleri-iiacoisis, that 'the grammar schoolmaster was regarded as an ordinary appendage of the Church' as early as the year 1100. When we remember that the monasteries were large employers of slave or villein labour we see, it would seem, suflicient cause for the bitterness of Walter Map. If we adojit the chronology of Mr C. L. Kingsford, who writes the life of Ketell in the Dictioiuiry of National Biagraphij, we must place Mr Leach's inference half a century later and nearer Walter Map's time. Dr Stubbs's reference to the views of Walter Map (1140?— 1208?) is based upon Map's de Nur/is Curialiinn Distinc. i. Cap. x. (Published by the Camden Society in 1850 — vol. l.). This extremely important passage runs as follows: "Servi vero, quos vocamus rusticos, suos iguominiosos et degeneres in artibus eis indebitis enutrire contendunt, non ut exeant a vitiis, sed ut abundant divitiis, ([ui (juanto fkuit jieritiores tanto peruici- ores. Artes eniin gladii sunt jjolentuin, (jui pro niodis iitcntium variantur. Nam in manu benigni principis pacifici sunt, in nianu tyranni mortiferi. ; Redimunt suos a dominis servi, cuj)iditas utriiKpie niilitat et vincit, cum I libertas libertatis addicitur hosti. Quod singularis ille versiticator 1 [Clau(U(i)t ill Etttrop. i. iHl, iHiJ] ait praeclare manifestans, ubi dicit, Asperiua nihil est huinili, cinn surnit in altuni et caetera, et juxta — iiec behui tetrior ulUi, Qudin servi rallies in libera tenja furentis. Vir ille pracdictus banc aiijirobavit. sentcntiolani." hbintical views liave been somewhat current even iu the nineteenth century. NEIF OU VILEYN. 29 1406, — 'of what state or condition that he be, shall be free to set their son or daughter to take learning at any school that pleaseth them within the realm''." The text of this, the first Statute of Education, may fittingly here be given in the original Anglo-Norman: "Purveux toutesfoit} ''j-tJ^-\ ~ 1, I,- r- J 1 4. i The first , ., q chun home ou leme de quele estate ou con- statute of V'r^-^ dicion qil soit, soit faunc de mettre son fitz ou Education, v«^ file dapp'ndre lettereure a (^uelconq, escole q leur plest deinz le Roialme'"." This enactment is immediately followed by a provision as to the necessary value of lands of any person who would make his son or daughter apprentice to any craft within a city or borough. Before passing on to the residue of the scanty material that is available for the history of general education in pre- Reformation times we must glance once again at the form of the petition of 1391. To whom does it refer? It asks that education should be forbidden to the children of 'neif ou vileyn.' The word 'neif is used by Sir William Blackstone in the sense of a female villein. One manuscript of Littleton's Ten- ures, however, uses the word 'neif in the masculine with its feminine 'neife,' though commentators on Littleton of the eighteenth century defined the word 'neif as the feminine of 'villein,' and Blount's Law Dictionary published in 1670 assumes the feminine meaning to be beyond doubts If this meaning can be attached to the word, and the use of the phrase 'home ou feme' in the statute of 1406 is in favour of this meaning, it is probable that the expression ' neif ou vileyn ' would refer to male and female villeins in gross : in other words the Commons petition that all children of slaves should be forbidden education. educ^Jtlon"'' This is the natural meaning of the petition, as by the end of the fourteenth century the villeins regardant had 1 Stubbs's Conntitutional Hintory, vol. iii. p. 607. - 7 Hen. IV. c. 17. ' Cf. Blount's Antinit Tenures of I .ami, p. 113. oO EDUCATION AND SOCIAL ECONOMY. lieconic copj'holders and were not materially lower in the soL-ial scale than their freeholding neighbours, and since there existed specitic manorial customs restricting the education of servile tenants ; moreover a female villein regardant would have been an anomaly. If the word 'neif is masculine, it would seem that the phrase 'neif ou vileyn' was intended to cover the whole unfree class — the 'neif representing the personal slave and the 'vileyn' the land slave. The phrase 'de cy en avant' certainly suggests that the class aimed at had been receiving a measure of education. That education was 'Clergie' — a sufficient education to enable a villein to (qualify for orders and to ol)taiu without taking orders the Benefit of Clergy. Doubtless one inducement to the lower classes to obtain education immediately after the Black Death was the number of vacancies in parishes made by the pestilence, and another was the greater ease with which education could be acquired when English was substituted for French in the grammar schools. On the other hand the ^, . , , Commons at the end of the century, apart National fear , . « , . of the results altogether from the question of education, were ot education. auxious to clicck the further increase in the number of unbeneficed clergy and in the number of those whom the Bishops could claim as subject to ecclesiastical as opposed to common law jurisdiction. The Commons would naturally have felt that the rapid spread of education might have three effects, any one of which threatened the existing social order. The feudal system had been shattered by the centralisation of authority, and the education of the masses meant the dissolution of the existing system of land tenure. That was one consideration. Another consideration was the spread of Lollardy. A movement of such intense spiritual significance ofTered every attraction to the newly educated, and the Legislature must have realized the revolu- tionary possibilities of the first and nobler Reformation. But a third and even greater danger loomed before jealous English CUSTOMS IX RESTRAINT OF EDUCATION, 31 patriots who hated beyond all other things the possibility of foreign intervention in English attairs. The fact that ecclesi- ' astical jurisdiction, and therefore the jurisdiction of Rome, increased with the increase of popular education was a serious matter for the consideration of the patriotic baronage and knightage of England. The fear had been, indeed, felt by the Crown before the coming of the Black Death. In 1344 (17 Edward III.) a Prohibition, signed or issued by Sir Robert Parning, the Chancellor, was addressed to the officials of the See of Canterbury, This document prohibited the reference of any plea as to the presentation of masters to grammar schools to the Courts Christian or to anyone but the King '. The fear of Church control clearly lies behind this prohibition. But there was a yet further reason for the general dread of education. Many manors, it would seem, had customs that restricted the education of servile tenants. Thus we find in the register, dated 1325, of the tenants' rents and services within the manor of Burcester in the county of Oxford a record of such a restriction. White Kennett, with respect to this custom, says: " Ad litemtitram ponere, to put out children to school. Which liberty was denied to some parents who were servile tenants, without consent of the lord. So in the lands at Burcester, which were held in villanage from the prioress of jMerkyate : Qmlibet custumariiis non debet fiUum sumn ad Uteraturam ponere, neqiie filiam suam maritare nine Ucentia et voluntate p7'io)'issae. ...Thin Julian-like prohibition of educating sons to learning, was owing to this reason ; for fear, the son being bred to letters might enter into religion, or sacred orders, and so stop or divert the services which he might ^ otherwise do as heir or successor to his father'-." Another custom of a similar nature is referred to in Blount's Laiv 1 Reglatrum Brcrium, -Ith ed. 1087, folio 35. See p. 16 supra. - Parocliial Aiitiquitii's (UV.}o), vol. i. p. 575, vol. ii. Glossary under the word 'literatura.' There was a similar custom in the manor of Clymesloud in Cornwall. See Blount's AiUient Tenures, p. 108. 32 UNIVERSAL RIGHT TO EDUCATION. Dictionary : " Coronare Filium. To make one's Son a Priest. Anciently Lords of Manors, whose Tenants held by VillenagCy did prohibit them Coronare Filios, lest he should lose a Villain by their entring into Holy Orders. Inq. per If. Nott, tit. Brayl£s\" These customs are a strong additional explana- tion of the petition of 1391. They were not inconsistent with the law of the land or of the Church. By article xvi. of the Articles of Clarendon (1164) it had been provided that "the sons of tenants in villainage, ouglit not to be ordained without consent of the lord on whose lauds they were born'." The various manorial customs merely gave to this law local em- phasis. The Crown swept them all away as Education ^ i •' for bond and Unreasonable and dangerous, and the Act of ^^^' 1406 placed the imiversal right of all, bond or free, to education on a firm and unalterable basis. Whatever might be the opinion of Pope or King, Parliament or feudal lord, men had attained the right to be educated. That fact, at least, was recognised in England five hundred years ago. ' Custom in the manor of Bravles in the county of Warwick in the time of Edward I. See Blount's Antient Tenures, p. 20. 2 Johnson's Laivs and Canons, vol. ii. p. 55. CHAPTER 11. THE COMMON LAW OF EDUCATION. 10. The education of the people was well in hand at the beginning of the fifteenth century, and ^^^ LoUards the longer the question is studied the more and church clearly we see that the development synchron- ises with the break-down' of the Norman monopoly of rights in the fourteenth century. In 1341' the infamous system of the presentment of Englishry, by which the murder of an Englishman was placed on a different legal basis to the murder of a Norman, was abolished. English and Norman were made equal in the eyes of the law. In 1362" pleas were directed to be pleaded in the courts of law in the English tongue, defended, answered, debated and judged in English and enrolled in Latin': while, as we have seen, by 1385 English was universally used in the schools. Meanwhile the education which Parliament feared would increase the priesthood to the detriment of the nation was having far other effects. " The new damnable brand of Lollardy," to use Lord Thomas Arundel's polite phrase in his tenth Constitution of 1408, was making vast strides, and had infected England. So \vide-spread had the Reformation 1 U Edw. III. Stat. 1, c. 4. - 36 Edw. III. c. 15. ' The use of bastard French in lef^al proceedings lingered on till the time of the Commonwealth. By Act 37 of 1650 all Report books and other law books were ordered to be printed in the English tongue, and all writs, pleadings, patents, etc., and the records of all proceedings in all courts were ordered to be in English only. This Act and Act 4 of the following year provided for the translation into English of all law books and official legal documents. See Scobell's Acts of Parliament, 1640- 1656, published 1658. M. 3 34 ACTION OF THE CHURCH AGAINST LOLLARDS. become tliat Parliament intervened fourteen years after the death of Wyeklif. The result tliat Pope Gregory XI. had aimed at in the Reformer's lifetime the Popish Prelates who reconquered heretical Oxford ' after his death achieved. The statute 2 Henry IV. c. 15 (1401) did not give the Lollards a name, but it forbad "divers false and perverse people of a certain new sect... to... in any wise hold or exer- cise schools; and also that none from henceforth in any wise favour such... holding or exercising schools"." This act was violently enforced: and, in 1408, Lord Thomas Arundel, nstitutions Arclibisliop of Canterbury, supplemented the of Archbishop act witli coustitutious of an uncompromising character. The fourth of these constitutions forbade "masters and all who teach boys or others the arts, or grammar, and that instruct men in the first sciences" to teach theology contrary to the determinations of the Church or to expound texts otherwise than of old or to permit scholars or disciples to dispute concerning the Catholic faith or the Sacraments of the Church. The constitutions show that the Lollards had been busy in the Universities and grammar schools, and had supple oaented the arts, grammar and the sciences with a new denominational teaching that was repugnant to the Bishops of England on political, if not always on religious grounds. The fifth constitution is a re- markable production and faithfully reflects the mediiiival policy of Rome : " Because a new path oftener po^cy"^^' ^ misleads men than an old, we will and ordain that no book or treatise composed by .John Wicklif, or by any other in his time, or since, or hereafter ' Not without some cost to learning. By the year 1438 tlie number of students had fallen to under 1000. See Ea.slidaH's Univcrnitirx of Europe in tlir Middle Apex, vol. ii. part ii. p. .'JSO. - It would ajipear clearly from this that Lollard schools were a fact with which the State felt called ujjon to grapple, and that the problem before the State and Church authorities did not merely consist i^ the suppression and disjiersal of conventicles, OFFICIAL EXAMINATION OF BOOKS. 35 to be composed, be henceforth read in the schools, halls, inns, or other places whatsoever within our province afore- said, and that none be taught according to such (book) unless it have been first examined, and upon examination unani- mously approved liy the University of Oxford or Cambridge, or at least by 12 men chosen by the said universities, or by one of them under the discretion of us, or our successors ; and then afterwards (the book be approved) expressly by us, or our successors, and delivered in the name, and by the authority of the universities, to be copied, and sold to such as desire it; after it has been faithfully collated at a just price, the original thenceforth remaining in some chest of the university for ever. And if anyone shall read book or treatise of this sort in the schools or elsewhere, contrary to the form above written, or shall teach according to it, let him be punished according as the quality of the fact shall require, as a sower of schism, and a fautor of heresy'." This assertion of authority over the intellect of men may with advantage be compared to the Fourth Sermon upon the Plough, by Master Hugh Latimer, which he preached in the Shrouds of Paul's Church in London on the 18th day of January, 1549, beginning "all thynges which are written are written for our erudition and knowledge. All thynges that are written in Goddes Boke, in the Bible Boke, in the Boke of the Holy Scrii)ture are wrytten to be oure doctrine." Latimer evidently forestalled the learned Selden in believing, as Milton puts it, " that all opinions, yea errors, known, read, and collated, are of main service and assistance toward the speedy attainment of what is truest " (Areopag/tica). One can only wonder that Mr John Milton, in his speech for the liberty of unlicensed printing, did not (juote and rend these constitutions of Lord Thomas Arundel. They are, however, of great historical interest. They prove the return of Oxford to the fold : they give us an idea of the method of distribu- ^ Johnson's Laws and Canons, vol. ii, p. 465. 3—2 36 lyndwood's provincialk. tion of copies in pi-£e-})rinting days ; they suggest stores of wonderful manust-ripts hidden away for ever in University or College chests. These constitutions and the Act of 1401 had full effect, and gradually the " new damnable brand," like other torches of learning in other times, was stamped into darkness Pos- sibly the full effect of the reactionary measures on education is summed up in the sjjiritual duties of a schoolmaster as set forth by William Lyndwood in his great work, the Provinciale, which was completed in 1433. The head note to the Title, " De Magistris et Potestate docendi " (Lib. V. Tit. 4), is as follows: "Ludimagistri doceant fidei ( atholicae consona, nee sinant Schohisticos contra eam sentire, aut dis- putando tenere ; nee altiora quam sapere possunt tractare : contrarium autem facientes puniantur." By 1430, in fact, the Church had recovered from the Lollard revolt against her universal authority. 11. The relationship of the State Church to education „ -, , in medi;ieval times cannot be well understood Benent ot _ Clergy, 926- witliout some reference to that interesting and in some respects astounding legal fiction — the doctrine of the Benefit of Clergy. We must return to the beginning of the fifteenth century in this chapter, but for the moment, in order to bring the various sources of information into sequence, it will be useful briefly to deal with this question, which was of peculiar imjiortance during the i)eriod referred to above. From an early date the clergy were in most respects independent of municipal or common law jurisdiction, and were subject to an ecclesiastical law peculiar to themselves. This is not the place in which to follow the growth of a rule of law that had a fiir reaching effect in the history of l^igland, save in so far as it jtlayed a part in the relationship of the State and education. We have seen by the laws of King Ethelstan (926 a.d.) that education was a condition precedent to Holy Orders and PPdVILEGIUM CLERIC ALE. 37 carried with it the clerical privilege and protection, and that the law apparently gave legal sanction to an existing practice. It is true that the Statute of Westminster I. (1275 A.D.) made provision as to the punishment of Clerks — "A Clerk convict of Felony, delivered to the Ordinary, shall not depart without Purgation" — but he gradually obtained complete immunity from the Common Law. For centuries the Clerk was, as was pointed out by Matthew Paris', in Holy Orders, but '• in process of time a much wider and more comprehensive criterion was established : everyone that could read (a mark of great learning in these days of ignorance and her sister superstition) being accounted a clerk or clericus, and allowed the benefit of clerkship, though neither initiated in holy orders, nor trimmed with the clerical tonsure'"." Sir William Blackstone proceeds to point out that when the invention of printing atid other causes had so extended general learning that reading was no longer a proof of clerkship and the Pricilegium Clericale was as open to the layman as to the divine, the distinction between the two became more defined. But in the beginning of the fifteenth century the privi- lege of "Clergie" was in its prime, and the influence wielded by the Church, in her power to withdraw offenders from the secular arm, was vast. Moreover, it was an influence that told in favour of education, for it was to the interest of Rome for every man to obtain that minimum, at least, of letters which would make him resi)onsible to tlie Church for his actions and not to the Crown. Thus we see that, while the Lollards valued edu- desh-e^Tr cation for one thing, the ecclesiastics valued Education, it for another: wliile, on grounds of general l)olicy, the State fostered it as far as possible. Indeed, as V 1 Chrunicu Mcijora, Rolls ed. (1880), vol. v. p. 738. (Case of William de Bu.ssy, under the date 1259.) - Blackstone's Commentaries, Book iv. chap. 28. 38 MODIFICATIONS OF THE DOCTRINE OF BENEFIT OF CLERGY. we shall see directly, the State, speaking through its repre- sentatives on the King's Bench, regarded education both as a spiritual and as a desirable thing. So on all sides at this date education gained ground, receiving with thankfulness its strength from reformers and bishops, judges and kings. In the course of nature, as we have seen in the petition of Parliament to Richard II., there was a .strong conser- vative party that, tenacious t)f privilege and personally conscious of the conquering forces of ignorance, would have been glad to close the doors between class and class and disliked the thought that education could lift an ignoble boor into the seats of the mighty. But the current of the times and the influence of the Church were against the per- sistence of national ignorance, and so rapidly did the current move that we find, by the end of the century, distinct modifications of the doctrine of Benefit of Clergy to meet the necessities of an age in which education had attained a wider scope. By statute 4 & a Hen. VII. c. 13 (1488-9) learning is still favoured with a considerable modification. The learned layman could claim his Benefit of Clergy once : but, in order to prevent a further abu.se of the precious privilege, the unfortunate .scholar was l^randed in the brawn of the left thumb with an "M" for murderer and a "T" for any other felony. In this way the Legislature hoped to disccmrage " divers persons learned " from the " presumptuous boldness" of connnitting crime " ui)un trust of the i)rivilege of the Church." A few years later, by statute 23 Hen. VIII. c. 1 (1531-2), Benefit of Clergy was taken from all persons not in Orders or under the order of sub -deacon, and for the time the peculiar criminal i)rivileges of the learned laity were abolished. Before concluding this note on the history of Benefit of Clergy, we must briefly con.sidor the jHXsition at the Reformation. Education had ceased to be the privilege of a class, had ceased to be the door that gave admittance to that class. EXTENSION OF BENEFIT OF CLERGY TO WOMEN. 39 The spread of education had destroyed the necessity of privi- lege. That was one thing. The other was the extinction — partly through education, partly through plague ^^^ extinc- and war and the failure of tenures — of another tion of slavery class. By Edward VI.'s reign the villein in '" "^ ^" gross was extinct, and there were only a few villeins regardant left — men attached to land that had been ecclesiasticaP. It is true that villeinage was a legal fact as late at least as 1618^ and base tenure was not swept away in so far as it involved personal slavery until the statute 12 Car. II. c. 24, whilst the copyhold tenure remains to this day as a memorial of the days of slavery. With the dawn of the Reformation, however, we learn that the learned free class and the un- learned slave class had vanished together, merged in the great mass of population to which letters conveyed a detioite meaning and tenures conveyed none. The revival of the doctrine of the Benefit of Clergy after the establishment of a reformed Church was a meaningless and to some extent unconscious and ignorant anachronism to which Parliament not only gave its sanction : the Legis- lature actually extended the doctrine to women. Sir William Blackstone sums up the position as it was in „ ,, ,. , ,, ,, ,^ J, Blackstone's 170o as follows : All women, all reers ot summary of Parliament and Peeresses and all male Com- position m 1705. moners who could read were discharged in all Clergyable offences; the males absolutely if Clerks in Holy (Orders; and other Commoners, both male and female upon branding, and peers and peeresses without for the first offence; yet all liable (except peers and peeresses), if the Judge saw occasion to imprisonment not exceeding a year. And those men who could not read if under the degree of peerage were hanged. Afterwards indeed it was considered ^ Sir Thomas Smith's Commonwcnltlt, Book iii. Chap. 10. 2 See the case of Pigg v. Caleij, ropoitel in Noy. p. 27 ; 11 Hargrave's State Trials, p. 3-12. 40 ABOLITION OF THE BENEFIT OF CLERGY. that education and learning were no extenuation of guilt, but quite the reverse, and that if the punishment of death for simple felony was too severe for those who had been liberally instructed, it was a fortiori too severe for the ignorant also. And thereupon, by the same statute 5 Anne, c. 6, it was enacted that the Benefit of Clergy should be granted to all those who were entitled to ask it, without requiring them to read by way of additional merit'." This general extension of tlie Privilegium clericale rendered it valueless as a privilege, since punishment soon fell on privi- leged and unprivileged alike with a rigour which, though not equal, was almost intolerable in both cases. Benelit of Clergy was not, however, abolished until 182G-7, when the statute 7 & 8 Geo. IV. c. 28, s. G, swept away that fictional State protection of learning which had existed for nine cen- turies, and which was almost within one lustrum to be re- placed by active State intervention on behalf of elementary education. Benefit of Clergy undoulttedly gave stalwart help to the cause of education in the Middle Ages, but it as cer- tainly lowered the morale of the Church and added nothing to, if it did not detract anything from, the spiritual signifi- cance of letters in the history of a nation and in the eyes of the world. 12. We now turn back to the end of the fourteenth and beginning of the next century to deal with twee" civil and some of the most interesting i)ortions of the spiritual juris- gparse material at our command. We have diction. •^ . 1 -1 1 1 • 1 1 seen in some detail the extent to which the Legislature and the Church had aided the growth of national education. We have also seen that the spiritual courts — the Courts Christian — had a part to play. The development of that part will be seen later, but it will be convenient to refer here to a record that throws some light upon the strained relaticjns that existed between the temporal and ' Blackstone's Coinvientaries, Book iv. Chap. 2a. PETITION FROM THE CLERGY. 41 spiritual courts on this very question. Later we shall see that tension revived, but it is certainly a matter of great interest to observe its existence in an acute form in the fourteenth century. In the year 1393-4 an extraordinary and rare petition was presented to the Crown'. It was a petition from the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bisho}) Richard" ii.° of London, the Dean of the Free Chapel of St Martin le Grand and the Chancellor of the Church of St Paul's, London, declaring that by the laws spiritual and by immemorial custom the ordinance, the disposition and examination of the masters of certain schools of the faculty of grammar within the City of London and the suburbs of the same belonged to the petitioners. Nevertheless, of late strange, unqualified masters of grammar (said the petition) held general schools in grammar in the said city to the deceit and illusion of the children, and to the great preju- dice of the King's Lieges, and of the jurisdiction of Holy Church. The Petition then went on to inform the King that the masters of the three schools of St Paul's, the Arches, and St Martin's, had pursued their right against these strange masters in the Court Christian : and that, in reply to these proceedings, the strange masters had proceeded against the said three masters in the secular court in order that the said strange masters might hold their general schools without the assent of the Archbisho}), the Bishop, the Dean and the Chancellor aforesaid. The petition therefore prayed the king to grant his grafious letters of the Privy Council directed to the Mayor and Aldermen of the said city, commanding them not to mix themselves up with the matter to „ , 1 Courts the prejudice of the Holy Churrh, so that the christian and matter might be settled in the Court Christian ^^'^" ^^' between the two parties according to law and custom. This petition is of great importance. The reader will 1 3 Hot. Pari. 324. 42 SCHOOLS IN THE CITY OF LONDON. naturally compare the facts contained in it with the dis- pute at Beverley nearly a hundred years earlier. We may assume that, duriug the century, the schoolmaster had been fighting for a position that the Church could not control. We shall see later that the Master of Paul's claimed ex- clusive educational powers in London, and here we see that in at least two suburban, or rather " peculiar," areas the same monopoly was claimed. But these monopolies must have been seriously threatened: nothing else could account for a direct petition to the King in support of the spiritual courts — a petition made in the face of the fact that Richard II. had refused in 1391, in answer to a petition from the Commons, to place any limitation to the right of education. There must have been a severe and interesting tussle before the petition was presented. The appeal by the unlicensed schoolmasters to the secular court was a bold and formidable step, but was, as we shall see shortly, by no means a hopeless method of procedure. Richard II. did not answer the petition, and this must have aided the King's Bench when the same question was raised before it in 1410'. Considering the important per- sonages who promoted the petition, it is surprising that it should have remained unanswered. But it does not seem possible to find any answer or step on the part of the t'rown in the proceedings of the Privy (Council or in the i)ublished records of the City of London. We can only conjecture how the matter ended; the Ciiurch, there can be little doubt, suffered a check, for daring the succeeding half-century "many and divers persons" trespassed in the virgin fields of L(jndon. The obstinacy of the City is accountable enough. We have no reason to suppose that the City secular court regarded the Court Cliristian with any peculiar afiection or respect: and, though doubtless a City court would not ' See pp. 50 — rj6 infra. FITZSTEPHEN'S description of LONDON SCHOOLS. 43 welcome "strangers," that is to say persons who were not Freemen of the City, with any special favour, yet it might also Avell be that a City that was ever liberal in its pro- fessions, and has always been interested in education both in London and out of London, would look with disfavour on the monopoly which was destined to be broken down by the Crown in 1447. 13. This petition of 1393-4 calls attention to the general subject of education in London. Various early q ^ i • •' ... Schools in and interesting documents dealing with this London, circa question are fortunately extant. William Fitz- " ^' Stephen, who died about the year 1190, prefaced his life of Becket with a description of the London of his day'. This "descriptio nohiliUssimae civitatis Londoniae^' contains a sec- tion describing the schools of London. Stow has printed the descriptio with a somewhat free translation". The section concerning the schools is as follows : "In London three famous schooles are kept at three principall Churches, which they retaine by priviledge and ancient dignity. Notwith- standing by favour of some persons, or Teachers, who are knowne and well reputed for their Philosophie; there are other Schooles upon good will and sufferance. Upon the Holydayes, assemblies flocke together about the Church, where the Master hath his abode. There the Schollers dis- pute; some use demonstrations, others topicall and probable arguments: Some practise Enthimems, others are better at perfect Syllogismes : Some for a shew dispute, and for exer- cising themselves, and strive like adversaries : Others for truth, which is the grace of perfection. The dissembling Sophisters turne Verbalists, and are magnified when they overflow in speech ; some also are intrapt with deceitfull ^ "The curious preface, eutitled 'Descriptio nobililissiiuae civitatis Londoniae' is by far tlie most Ki'ftpbic and elaborate account of London during the twelfth century yet remaining." National Dictionary of Biography, tit. William Fitzstephen. ^ Stow's Survey of London, 1G3'2, pp. 703 — 714. 44 THE SCHOLARSHIP OF LONDON BOYS. arguments. Sometime certaine Oratours, with Rhetoricall Orations, speake haudsomly to per.swade, being carefull to observe the precepts of Art, who omit no matter contin- gent. The Boyes of divers Schooles wrangle together in versifying, and canvase the principles of Grammar, as the ~.„^„ ,^^ rules of the Preterperfect and Future Ten.ses. 1 he Grammar ^ School Course, Some after an old custome of prating, use Rimes and Epigrams : these can freely quip their fellowes, suppressing their names with a festinine and railing liberty: these cast out most abusive jests, and with Socraticall witnesses either they give a touch at the vices of Superiours, or fall upon them with a Satyricall bitter- nesse. The hearers prepare for laughter, and make them- selves merry in the meane time'." 1 The best text of tlie Vita Sancti Thomae is that given in the Materials for the Hintonj of Thomas ISecket, edited by the Kev. J. C. Robertson, Rolls Ed. 1877. The text used by Stow varies in some par- ticulars from the Rolls text and omits the historically imijortant word ^plures.' The passage of which Stow's translation has been given is section 9 of the Prologus, and appears ou page 4 of Vol. iii. of the Materials. It runs as follows: " In Londonia tres principales ecclesiae scholas celebres habent de privilegio et antiijua dignitate. Plerunujue tamen favore personali alicujus notorum secundum ))hilosopliiam plures ibi scholae admittuntur. Diebus festis ad ecclesias festivas magistri conventus celebrant. Dispu- tant scholares, quidani demonstrative, dialectice alii; hii rotant enthy- memata, hi perfectis melius utuntur syllogismis. Quidam ad ostenta- tionem exercentur disputatione, quae est inter colluctantes; alii ad verita- tem, ea quae est perfectionis gratia. S(>j)histae siniulatorcs agmine et inundatione verborum beati jiulicanlur ; alii jiaralogizant. Oratores aliqui quandoque orationibus rhetoricis aliquid ilicunt apposite ad per- suadenduin, curantes artis praecepta servare, et ex contingentibus nihil omittere. Pueri diversarum scholaruni versibus inter se conrixantur; aut de principiis artis grammaticae, vel regulis prauteritorum vel supi- norum, contendunt. Sunt alii qui in epigraniniatibus, rhythmis et metris, utuntur vetere ilia triviali dicacitate; liceutia Fescennina socios suppres.sis noniinibus liberius lacerant ; loedorias jaculantur et scom- mata ; salibiis Soci-alicis sociorum, vel forte majorum, vitia tangunt; vel mordacius "deute rodunt Theonino" audacibus dithyrambis. Auditores, ' multum ridere parati Ingeminaut tremulos uaso crispante cachinnos.'" [Persius ui. 8G— 7.] THE THREE CHIEF SCHOOLS IN LONDON. 45 From the point of view of the subjects taught, we shall have occasion to refer once more to this description of English schools at the end of the twelfth century'. It is, however, important in another way. It shows that many other schools besides those three official schools were in existence in London though they only existed by the sufferance of the Church. The three schools, according to Strype's Sfoiv', were the school attached to the Cathedral Church of St Paul, the school belonging to the Monastery of St Peter at Westminster', and the school in connection with the Monastery of St Saviour, Southwark. This is, however, pure, and in two cases wrong, guess-work. Enough, how- ever, is told us by Fitzstephen to show us that the edu- cation of youth was encouraged in London to the very highest point toward the end of his century. , , , ■NT 11' 1 London s Not only were there important grammar schools first Grammar occupied in training boys for the severe scholastic curriculum of the Universities, but education at other centres was encouraged. It is important to compare this fact with the position two centuries later. By 1393 the Church had learnt to regret its liberality. Possibly the fear of Lollardy was the cause The Crown is asked to recognize only three schools — St Paul's, the Arches, and St Martin's. It would seem most probable that these three schools are the schools mentioned by Fitzstephen, for the petitioners claimed a monopoly for them by virtue of an immemorial right of control over schoolmasters vested in them. In the Gloucester Grammar School case, which was decided in 1410, Skrene, the counsel for the plaintiffs, de- clared that " the master of Paul's school claims that there ' The description was written about 1185-7. - Book I. p. 123 (ed. 17'20). * This statement is based on the forged history formerly attributed to Ingulf, Abbot of Croyland, which states that Ingulf, who died in 1109, was educated at Westminster. 46 LONDON SCHOOLS LIMITED TO FIVE. shall be no other master in the City of London competing with them." This statement is at one with the petition of 1393-4, since the school at the Arches was not within the jurisdiction of the City', and St Martin's School was within the liberty of St Martin which was likewise exempt from jurisdiction-. In the same case of 1410 Mr Justice Hanke- ford stated that a monopoly was possible in the case of a school of ancient foundation. It would, therefore, seem almost certain that the schools of St Paul's, the Arches, and St Martin's of the fifteenth century were the great grammar and logic schools of London in the twelfth century. Two further documents must now be (pioted to show how complicated the educational questions in London had become. The first is an Ordinance by King Henry VI. made in 1446, by which he sanctions the action of the Archbishop of Canter- bury and the Bishop of London in limiting the number of grammar schools in London to five The reason given for this step was the undesirable common grammar schools that had been set up by " many and divers persons." In the next year, 1447, this monopoly was indirectly petitioned Hrnry VI *° agaiust by four City rectors : they protested strongly against the restriction of teaching to two or three persons and told the King that where there were a great number of learners and few teachers and all the learners were compelled to go to the same few teachers, the masters wax rich in money and tlie learners poor in knowledge. They therefore asked permission to estal)lish grammar schools in their respective parishes. This request the king granted subject to spiritual consent. We thus see that education in London in the four- teenth and fifteenth centuries was a remunerative business , and one that it was the policy of the Church to monopolize. ' 1 The church of St Mary le Bow was a reculiar belougin« to the Archbishop of Canterbury. Strype's Slow, Book m. p. 24 (ed. 1720). =* Wheatley and Cunningham, I,ondo)i Past and Present, 1891. HENRY IV.'S ORDINANCE, 1446. 47 It is easy in days of general liberalism to criticise such a policy : but it is difficult to suggest an alternative policy that could have been adopted at that date. Assertion of The control of learning seemed essential to church the existence of a national Church, and the control was asserted with unbending determination. The measure of the Church's success is difficult to estimate, but it is noteworthy that the complaint as to the existence of strange masters of grammar in 1393 was repeated in 1446 — a sign that the Church had been unable to completely crush unlicensed schools. On the other hand that much harm had been done to education by the battle is fully shown by the mournful petition of the four rectors in 1447. The first document runs thus :— " Henry by the Grace of God King of England and of France and Lord of Ire- land to our Chancellor of England greeting. For as much as the right Eeverend Father in God the Archbishop of Canterbury and the reverend Father in God the Bishop of London considering the great abusions that have been of long time within our City of London that many and divers persons not sufficiently instruct in Grammar presuming to hold common Grammar Schools in great deceit as well unto their scholars as unto the friends that find them to school have of their great wisdom set and ordained v schools of grammar and no more within our said city. One within the Churchyard of St Paul, another ^^Je';'^'"^"" °^ within the Collegiate Church of St Martin, the third in Bow Church, the fourth in the Church of St Dunstan in the East, the v in our hospital of St Anthony' within our said city, the which they have openly declared sufficient as ^ The school connected with the Hospital of St Anthony was founded in 14-41 as a free grammar school by the appropriation of the Church of St IJenet Fink. See Mr A. F. Leach's Eufilish Schools at the Refonna- tioii, patje 2f). By the reign of Charles H. it had dwindled to ' a poor sort of Parochial Grammar School.' It was destroyed in the Great Fu-e of l()()(') and was not rebuilt. 48 PETITION OF FOUR LONDON RECTORS, 1447. by their letters patent thereupon made it appeareth more at large. We in consideration of the premises have thereunto granted our royal will and assent. Wherefore we will and charge you that here upon ye do make our letters patent under our great seal in due form declaring in the same our said will and assent giving furthermore in commandment by the same our letters unto all our subjects of our said city that they nor none of them trouble nor hinder the masters of the said schools in any wise in this part, but rather help and assist them inasmuch as in them is. Griven under our privy seal at Guildford the third day of May the year of our reign twenty- four." This Ordinance made by King Henry VI. in 1446, which added two new schools to the efficient schools of London, is set out in Excerpta Historica (page 5) published in 1831. The petition of the four rectors paints in very pitiful but possibly exaggerated language the condition of educa- tion in England in the middle of the fifteenth century. It is addressed' to King Henry VI. in the 25th year (1447) of his reign by the rectors of the parishes of AUhallows, St Andrew's, Holborn, St Peter's, Cornhill, and Golchirche. A portion of the petition runs as follows : — "Please it unto the full wyse and discrete Comunes in this present Parliament assemblid to considre, the grete nombre of gramer Scoles, that somtyme were in divers parties of this Realme, beside tho that were in London, and howe fewe ben in thise pearanc'e o^ daycs, aud the grete hurt that is caused of Grammar ^j^jg ^q^ oouly iu the Spirituell partie of the Schools. r,., , r • -1 Chirche, where often tymes it apperith to openly in som persones, with grete shame, but also in the Temporell partie, to whom also it is full expedient to have competent congruite for many cau.ses, as to youre wisedoms apperith. And for asmuche as to the C'itee of London is the commune concours of this lend, wherin is grete multitude 1 5 not. Pari. 137. THE EXTIRPATION OF LOLLARDY. 49 of younge peple, not oonly borne and brought forthe in the same Citee, but also of many other parties of this lond, som for lake of Scole maistres in thier oune Contree, for to be enfourmed of gramer there, and som for the grete almesse of Lordes, Merchauntz and other, the which is in London more plenteuossly doon, than in many other places of this Reaume, to such pouere Creatures as never shuld have be brought to so greet vertu and connyng as thei have, ne hadde hit ben bi the meane of the almes abovesaid; Wherefore it were expedient, that in London were a sufficeant nombre of Scoles, and good enfourmers in gramer, and not for the siuguler availl of ii or III persones, grevoussly to hurte the multitude of yonge peple of all this Lond ; For where there is grete nombre of Lerners, and fewe Techers, and all the Lerners be compelled to goo to the same fewe Techers, and to noon other, the Maisters wexen riche in money, and the Lerners pouere in connyng, as ex- perience openly shewith, aynst all vertue and ordre of well puplik." Hence these four 'poor persons' of London prayed that they in their respective parishes might " ordeyne, create, establish and sette, a person sufficiantly lerned in gramer, to hold and exercise a Scole in the same science of gramer, and it there to teche to all that will lerne," and with powers for themselves and their successors to remove and substitute schoolmasters. The Responsio of the Crown ran as follows :— " The Kyng wille, that it be do as it is desired ; so that it be doone by thadvyse of the Ordinarie, otherelles of the Arche- bisshope of Canterbury for the tyme beyng." This petition proves that there had been a large falling off in the number of schools throughout the country, and the only feasible explanation of this fact seems to be the successful attempt to stamp out LoUardy — an attempt that 'y could only have been successful by means of a crusade against unlicensed schoolmasters and masters of grammar of doubtful orthodoxy and by the closing of schools. The extirpation of LoUardy must have involved a widespread destruction of M. 4 oO THE KINGS BENCH AND EDUCATION. the means of education in England, and the work of those who preferred to see England Catholic to l']ngland educated was completed by the political organisers of the lleformation, who, in their successful and mercenary attack on the strong- holds of lloman Catholicism, destroyed, by one of the strangest ironies of history, many of the remaining strongholds of educa- tion. 14. At the date of the conflict in London between the ^^ ^ secular and the spiritual courts as to the right The Common i i i • i Law right to to teach, the doctrine of the common law on the ^^^'^ ' subject had not yet been authoritatively de- clared. But the declaration was at hand and the conception was certainly in the air. It will be convenient to pass, there- fore, to the case which asserted once and for ever the common law right of all to teach who possessed the capacity. As yet we have not heard the voice of the King's Bench on the question of education nor any of the views of the king's judges. In the fifteenth century we must look for such views in the Year Books. No other nation, probably, possesses so remarkable a record of the personal affairs and daily life of the units of a people as is contained in the English Year Books. These records are a series of oificial annual law reports produced by the prothonotaries or chief scribes of the courts at the expense of the Crown. They Boo^^i3n, mentions fourteen or fifteen such schools, and there were doubtless many more that vanished at the Reformation or earlier. To Mr Leach's list we must apparently add the three London schools of St Paul's, tbe Arches, and St Martin's. lyndwood's assertion of church control. 59 so clearly placed before the common lawyers of England by this remarkable decision that no other case on the subject appears in the Year Books. Doubtless when more material analogous to that relating to Beverley Minster published by Mr A. F. Leach is given to the world we shall find other cases before the ecclesiastical courts. But it would be scarcely necessary to search further in common law reports — even if there were any probability of finding cases— since the principle of the right to teach at common law was finally concluded by the Gloucester Grammar School case. While it is satisfactory to feel that the common law was strong enough in superstitious days to assert the elementary rights of the subjects in so hazardous a matter as educa- tion, yet it would be unhistorical to attribute great practical importance to a fact which has, fortunately or unfortunately, been sufficiently obscure to exclude it, except as a matter of casual and inaccurate reference, from the painful educational controversies of the last half-century. It will be sufficient if we keep the fact in mind during the subsequent development of events ; and it may be remarked now that three centuries were destined to pass away before the case we have just examined was recalled for the purposes of equity by a later generation of judges. Tn those three centuries the Church amid its marvellous vicissitudes never relaxed its hold on the teaching of youth and treated as dead or non-existent the sleeping though living doctrine of the common law. We have seen how thorough were Archbishop Arundel's Consti- tutions of 1408 ; we have seen with what determination he crushed or attempted to crush unlicensed teaching throughout the country ; we have seen how explicit was Lyndwood, writing in the third decade of the 15th century in his remarks on the necessity of Catholicity in schoolmasters. " Contrarium autem facientes puniantur" is an unmistakeable and almost a regal phrase. That is the last expres.sion of the mediaeval mind on the subject of education. Amid the clash of internecine arms 60 SUPPRESSION OF THE ALIEN PRIORIES, 1415. accompanied by the boom of clumsy caDuou and by an under- , rumble of the new and wonderful printing-press The close of . . . the Middle the Middle Ages in England died. They have ^^^' been painted as ignorant, brutal and picturesque. We may have our doubts as to the truth of the picture ; we may well believe that the eighteenth century in the mass was more brutal, more picturesque, and less religious, and we may even believe that it was far more ignorant and far less moral. The ^liddle Ages left to the age of the Reformation educa- tional possibilities that were recklessly stpiandered, though it is only just to the Tudor period to suggest that the clerical movement against the Jjollards and the struggle for educa- tional supremacy had already more than a century before the Reformation struck a heavy blow at general education in England '. ^ It would seem that the final suppression of the alien priories by [/ Henry V. in 1415 {Hot. Pari. vol. iv. p. 22), involved the destruction of a considerable number of schools (see Strype's Stoxc, Bk. i. p. 124). The number of houses suppressed has been variously estimated. Tanner in his Notitid Monasticd (1744) puts the number at !)0, while in an Account of the Alien Prior ies (1786) the total reaches 140. The latter book (vol. I. p. xi*) states that " Henry VI. endowed his foundations at Eton and Cambridge with the lands of the alien ])ri()ries, in pursuance of his father's design to appropriate them all to a noble college at Oxford," and gives a list of the lands conveyed ; but some of the lands were appropriated to private uses. CHAPTER III. EDUCATION AND THE STATE IN THE SIXTEENTH AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES. 15. In the preceding chapter reference was made to a passage in the Monasticon as to the Gloucester Grammar School — the school that gave rise to The de- ^ o struction of the important law case that has been fully Mediaeval dealt with above \ In this passage occurs the for Ed^ucatfon. phrase: "In 1535, this house lay void." The words are pregnant with meaning. Many Houses lay void from that date. Henry VIII. in his haste to root up the tares, destroyed more wheat than he or his children were ever able to sow again. Many educational wheatfields be- came pasture land. The revived grammar schools, noble institutions as they were, could not and did not continue in its entirety that educational system which the Church had fostered with so much success, and to which the fourth Council of Lateran (1215) had given a world-wide significance in the command that there should be a school- master in every cathedral, and that he should be licensed by the Bishop-. 1 See pp. 53 et seq. "^ Decreta, Tit. xi. See Sacrosancta Concilia, vol. xi. col. 164 (Paris ; 1671). See also decrees of the third Council of Lateran, c. 18 (1171) a.d.) loc. cit. vol. X. col. 1518; and of the Council of Vienne (1311 a.d.) — Corpus Juris Canonici : Pars Secunda col. 1179 (Leipsic ; 1881). In some cases municipal corporations ousted the ecclesiastical control. An ^ instance of this may be given. On March 18, 1503, an order was made at the Great Court at Bridgnorth by the 24 burgesses "that there schall 62 HENRY VIII. AND THE UNIVERSITIES. It is not part of the purpose ot" this book to traoe tlie destruction of niediiuval grammar schools at the Reforma- tion, though it is necessary to draw attention to the fact and to emphasise once again in doing so the injustice that tlie efforts of the Middle Ages luive suffered in the matter of education at the hands of the lleformation, and therefore at the hands of the historians. But we must notice in i)assing that it is possibly not just to attribute to Ileury VIII. any wilful hatred of Church-administered education. Those who desire to appreciate all sides of King Henry's attitude to- wards education may be referred to a remarkable passage in "a description of England," written in 1586 by William Harrison and included in Holinshed's Chronicles. Harrison is writing of those who desire to obtain educational endow- ments : " When such a motion was made by some unto king Henrie the eight, he could answer them in this maner; 'Ah, sirha! I perceive the abbeie lands have fleshed you and set your teeth on edge, to aske also those colleges. And whereas we had a regard onelie to pull downe sinne by defacing the monasteries, you have a desire also to over- throw all goodness l)y subversion of colleges. I tell you sirs that I judge no land in England better bestowed than that which is given to our universities, for by their main- tenance our realme shall be well governed when we be dead and rotten. As you love your welftires therefore, follow no more this veine, but content your selves with that you have alreadie, or else seeke honest meanes whereby to increase your livelods, for I love not learning so ill, that I will imi)aire no priste kepe no scole save oonly oon child to lielpo h.yni to sey masse after that a scole mastur corny th to town, but that every child to re- sorte to the coniyn scole in payne of forfetynt,' to the channiber of the towne '20s. of every priste that doth the contrary." This claim of control over education and over the priesthood is rt-markable. It was, moreover, effective, for we find that on July 20, 1029, tlie corporation dismissed the headmaster and usher of the school (Hi.ftorical Manitscripts Comtniimion, lOlh report, app. part iv. pp. 425-0, 428; Mrs A. S. (ireen's Town Life in the Fijtcenlk Century, vol. ii. p. 18). THE CHANTRY COMMISSIONERS. 63 the revenues of anie one house by a penie, whereby it may be upholden.'" We must, however, remember that this was written in the days of Queen Elizabeth, who loved her father's memory, and we mast not forget that the Gloucester Grammar School "lay void in 1535," and that hundreds of other Houses and educational charities ceased to have any significance in the education of the people. Doubtless Edward VI. desired to revive and strengthen the Grammar School system, and the preamble Edward vi to statute 1 Edw. VI. cap. 14 (1547) "An and the Gram- Acte whereby certaine Chauntries, Colleges, Free "^^^ choois. Chapels, and the Possessions of the same, be given to the King's Majesty" — proposed the "alteration, chaunge and amendement of the same and converting to good and godlie uses, as in erecting Grammar Scoles to the education of Youthe in virtewe and godliuesse, the further augmenting of the Universities and better provision for the poore and nedye." But the money derived from the sale of the Chantry lands was applied to far other purposes, and the most that was done was the preservation of occasional schools. The Com- missioners appointed to enter into the Chantry lands were, by section eight of the Act, empowered to assign lands in any place where the dissolved corporation " shoulde or ought to have kepte " a grammar school or a preacher " to remayne and contynue in succession to a Scoole Maister or preacher for ever, for and towarde the kepinge of a Gramer Scoole or preaching." Under this section a considerable number of old schools were continued and constituted the A^ew Grammar Schools. But the greater part of the settled lands were sold, and " educational endowments had to be left for later reigns, and largely to private munificence, the unique opportunity which the dissolution of the chantries presented for advancing the cause of education was practically lost'." 1 The Yorkshire Chantry Sui-veys, vol. i. preface by Mr William Page, p. xvi. Published by the Suitees Society, 1892. 64 THE TUDOR FLOTSAM SCHOOLS. " Edward VI. founded no grammar school in Yorkshire where one had not previously existed, and some of the ednca- tional foundations which are returned upon these certificates [of the Connnissioners] appear to have been dissolved and the endowments confiscated. ...If inquiry be made, it will be found that very few, if any, of the so-called King Edward VI, Grammar Schools had their origin in the reign of that monarch. Up to the time of the Keforniation nearly all education was maintained by the Church, and when the chantries were dissolved, practically the whole of the se- condary education of the country would have been swept away, had not some provision for the instruction of the middle and lower classes been made by continuing, under new ordinances, some of the educational endowments which pious founders had previously provided'." The following i)assage from j\Ir A. F. Leach's English Schools at the Rejormation, 1546-8 (pp. 5 — 6), commodation givBS sonio remarkable information as to the m^ti^rf ^^""^ effect of the lleformation in its political aspect on education in England. " The records ap- pended to this book shew that close on 200 Grammar Schools (and the Schools of Winchester and Eton are included in the term Grammar School) existed in England before the reign of Edward VI. which were, for the most part, abolished or crippled under him. It will appear, however, that these records are defective. They are only the survivors of a much larger host which have been lost in the storms of the past, and drowned in the seas of destruction. They do not give, they could not from their nature give, a complete account of all the Grammar Schools then existing in England. Such an account is probably irrecoverable. The materials for it do not exist. Enough, however, can be gathered from other sources of information to permit the assertion to be confi- dently made that these 200 schools do not represent anything * The Yorkshire Chantry Surveys; preface to Vol. ii. p. xi. THE OLD SCHOOLS AND THE NEW LEARNIN(J. 65 like all the Grammar Schools which existed in, or shortly before, the reign of Edward VI. Three hundred is a moderate estimate of the number in the year 1535, when the floods of the great revolution, which is called the Reformation, were let loose. Most of them were swept away either under Henry or his son ; or, if not swept away, plundered and damaged." Mr Leach (pp. 97 — 103) deals with the numbers attending grammar schools. His conclusions amply confirm the view that there was a period preceding the Reformation when national education was in a far more flourishing state than it was at the opening of the nineteenth century. He provisionally accepts the statement — the "almost incredible statement" — that the population did not increase between the Black Death and the reign of Elizabeth, and compares the schools of 1546 with the population of 1377. "Take, say, 300 Grammar Schools among 2h million people. This gives one for every 8,300 people instead of one for every 23,000, as in 1865." Apart from the great towns, London, York, and Bristol, the 39 towns each with a population of under 10,000 and 26 of which had each a population of under 4000, had, every one, with the possible exception of Dartmouth, its grammar school. In Herefordshire there were 17 grammar schools for a population of 30,000. "Assume even that the popula- tion was not the same, in 1546, but doubled; cut off a fourth of the Schools as really Elementary; yet where should we find a population of 60,000 in 1860, or in 1896 for that matter, with 13 Grammar Schools at its command?" In Essex, again, a population of about 11,000 possessed 16 v^ grammar schools. The opportunities of attending school before the Reformation were therefore great, and Mr Leach - shows that these opportunities were largely taken advantage of, and that sound and learned scholars were produced. Had it not been for the old grammar schools, the new learning could indeed hardly have found a place in England. Education in relation to the State, however, marks the 66 EVIDENCE OF CHURCH CONTROL. limits of this book, and so it is necessary to pass by with regret much of fascination in this period and to deal only with the dry and occasional vestiges of that relationship. 16. The following series of ecclesiastical documents ^u r-u u show with sufficient clearness the hold that The Church and Educa- the Church contiuued to exercise over educa- ^'°"' tion. In the Articles to which there is attached a letter, sent by Queen i\Iary I, in March, 1553, to the Bishop of London, we find the following command : " that they (i.e. the Bishop and his officers) examine all school- masters and teachers of children, and finding them suspect in any ways, to remove them, and place catholic men in their rooms, with a special commandment to instruct their children, so as they may be able to answer the priest at the mass, and so help the priest to mass, as hath been accustomed'." With this we may conveniently read a peti- tion of the Lower House of Convocation to the Bishops in 1554: "16. Item, That an order be taken for the bringing up of yowth in good lernyng and vertue, and that the schole- masters of this realme may be catholick men, and all other to be removed, that are either sacramentaries, or hereticks, or otherwise notable criminous persons'." To these two refer- ences we must add Article 20 of the Articles set forth by Cardinal Pole to be enquired in his ordinary visitation within his diocese of Canterbury in 1557: "whether the common schools be well kept, and that the schoolmasters be diligent in teaching, and be also catholic and men of good and upright judgment, and that they be examined and approved by the ordinary ^" In the century or more that had elapsed since the time of Lyndwood, few ecclesiastical documents have been quoted ; we now see that the policy and masterfulness of the Church had altered no whit, and that the desire of the Church that her flock ' Cardwell's Documentary Annuls. - Cardwell's Synodalia, vol. ii. ^ Cardwell's Documentary Annalx. THE BEGINNING OF RATE-AID. 67 should receive instruction was as strong as ever. Other times and bitter conflicts had not altered the Church's continuous policy. Its strength and its desire were inextricably bound up in the training and education of the children of the country. Shortly after the accession of Queen Elizabeth in 1559, the Queen issued a series of injunctions or articles for the guidance of both clergy and bethan^po^ucy. laity. Article 39 shows us that the subject of national education was in the mind of the Queen. It runs as follows: — "That every schoolmaster and teacher shall teach the Grammar set forth by king Henry VIII. of noble memory, and continued in the time of king Edward VI. and none other\" This direction may well be read in conjunc- tion with an Act passed in the previous year, 1558, " For the Restitution of the First Fruites, and Tenthes...to Thimperiall Crowne of this Realme," of which section 13, containing a special exemption in favour of education, ran as follows: — " Provided also that this Acte or any Thing therin conteyned shall not in anye wise extende to chardge.-.anny Scoole or Scooles or the Possessions or Revenues of them or any of them, with the paiment of any Tenthes or First Fruites"." The Queen, in fact, desired national education to be as little hampered in non-religious directions as possible. More- over, it is necessary to note that at this very time the idea of education at the expense of local authorities begins to bud. In the Overseers' accounts of the City .of Westminster, under the date 15G1, we get the item: "To Bull for teachinge a childe...viii d.," and again in 1586, " Paied to John Creverne als ffoote toards his maintenaunce of his Learninge at the universitie at Oxenford and allowed him by the parishe xvi pence the weeke and paied to him for ii weekes . . . ii .y. viii d." ^ 1 Cardwell's Documentary Annals. - 1 Eliz. c, 4. ^ See Catalogue of Westminster Records, by J. E. Smith, vestry clerk, lyoo, p. 81 aud p. yo". 5—2 C8 FAVOURS SHOWN TO SCHOOLMASTERS. The Courts of Justice also were now, as always, in favour of unfettered education. 'J'he following passage from Strype's Annals of the Church under Queen Elizabetk^, dealing with events in the year laSl, illustrates this fact. "The favour shewn to schoolmasters in these times was remarkable, being commonly freed from taxes and ordinary payments, and had exemptions from personal services; commonly charged upon other subjects... But it seems, in a subsidy given the (jucen about this year, or the next, some that were assessors had cessed all schoolmasters, though it was not done before ; or at least starting a question about it, upon some quarrel against some few of them; and so seeking the damage of all But upon this, the schoolmasters made an humble address to sir Walter Mildmay, chancellor of the exchequer, sir Roger Man- wood, lord chief baron of the court of excheciuer, E,o. Sute, John Clinch and John Sotherton, esqrs, barons of the ex- chequer; beseeching them, for the common benefit of a number of poor men, to favour them in this matter. Where- upon it pleased them to take the cause to protection ; and to construe the statute both as the parliament men did mean it, and as they had still enjoyed it, to the common benefit of their whole company." This is probably the first record of combination among schoolmasters. But in matters of reli- gion the schoolmaster was allowed no license. By statute 5 Elizabeth, c. 1, s. 4 (1562-3), the Oath of Sujjremacy set out in statute 1 Elizabeth, c. 1, was administered to all school- masters and public and private teachers of children. It may be noted here that, by Acts of the next reign'-, all school- masters and ushers were required to take also the oath of allegiance. In loG7 the following important Article was included as No. V^. in Archbishop I'arker's "Articles of Visitation": " Whether your grammar school be wel ordered ? whether the number of the children thereof be furnished ? how many 1 Vol. HI. Part I. pp. 76, 77. ^ 3 Jac. I, c. 4, b. i) ; 7 Jac. I. c. G, s, 1. VISITATION ARTICLES AND EDUCATION. 69 waiiteth? and by whose default? whether they be diligently and godly brought up in the fear of God, and wholesome doc- trine ? whether any of them have been received for money or reward, and b}'^ whom ? whether the statutes, foundations, and other ordinances touching the same grammar school, and schoolmaster, and the scholars thereof, or any other having doing or interest therein, be kept ? by whom it is not observed, or by whose fault ? and the like in al points you shal en({uire and present of your choristers and master." If this Article of Visitation was carried out, the result for education must have been of very great value. But the fact of such an Article being issued is in itself proof that there was in the air an educational policy as thorough in its detail as it was broad in its principle. Church and Crown alike were intent on educating the people. In Article XXII. of Archbishop Parker's "Visitation Articles" of 1,069 we hnd the em^uiry : " Item, Whether youre schoolemasters be of a sincere religion, and be diligent in teaching and bringing up of youth. Whether they teach any other grammar, then such as is appointed by the queene's majestie's injunction annexed to the same, or not." We also find a similar Article (LVII) in the articles to be enquired of within the province of Canterbury in 1576, and also in Article VII. of Archbishop Grindall's "Visitation Articles" of the same year'. Not only were the Crown and the Church anxious on the subject of education, but the Legislature itself, giving voice to the wishes of the ministers of the Crown, took part in the movement. In 1554 an Act was passed^ entitled "an Acte touching Ordinances and Rules in Cathedrall Churches and Scooles." By the third section of this enacfmentJ^ Act it was provided " that the Queues Highnes respecting I , 1 • 1 education. may nave like powre and aucthoritee to make ordeine and establishe Statutes Ordinaunces and Foundations 1 Cardwell's Documentary Annals. - 1 Mariae, st. iii. c. 9. 70 GRAMMAR SCHOOL REFORM ACTS. for the good Order and Gouvernement of suche Gnuner Scooles, as have beeue erected founded or established in any parte of this Realnie by the most uoble Princes Kuv^ Henrye the Eight or Iving Edwarde the syxte, and of tlie Ministers and Scollers of the same Sc-oole, and to alter and transpose suche other Statutes and Ordinaunces ther made heretofore from tyme to tyme as to her Highnes shall seme most convenient," This Act exhibited an intention of a laudable character, and Mary's successor was no whit less anxious for the efficiency of the New Grammar Schools. By an Act of l;')58-9' " wherby the Queues Highness maye make Ordinaunces and Rules in Churches Collegiate Corporacions and Scooles" it was recited that rules and constitutions had not been as yet ordained and established for some of the schools founded by Henry VHI. or Edward VI. or Mary or Cardinal Pole, and the Act therefore gives to Elizabeth the power to make the necessary statutes, ordinances and orders. An Act of the same year^ " to annexe to the C-rowne certayne Religious Howses and Monasteries and to refourme certayne Abuses in Chantreis" reserved, by section 9, from annexation lands or i)roperty limited or appointed by any of the annexed corporations " to any Scole Master or to the finding of any Scole or Scolers to lerning." Moreover, by section 10 of the same Act it was provided that the Act should in no wise extend to any College hostel or hall in, or to any Chantry founded in, either of the Universities, "or to any (Jhantrey founded in any other place for the maynte- naunce of a (xramer Scoole or lerning or where the Chantrye Freest is also ajjpointed to teache children." But the Queen reserved to herself the power to change the names of such Chantries, and all superstition in them, " for the more ad- vancement of vertue trewe religion or lerning as to her Highnes wisdome shalbe thought meete and convenient." The desire of the Legislature to intervene on behalf of 1 1 Eliz. c. 22. '^ 1 Eliz. c. 24. PROTECTION OF ELEMENTARY EDUCATION. 71 national education was further shown by a provision for the protection of elementary education contained in the Statute of Apprentices of 1562-3'. This statute, which was repealed in 1875, consolidated and amended the long line of enact- ments that dealt with (to use modern phraseology) arts and crafts and technical education. The Act dealt partly with the compulsory. service of unmarried women between the ages of twelve and forty years, and of both sexes between the ages of ten and twenty-one years in husbandry, and partly with the apprenticeship of young persons to the various trades, crafts, arts and mysteries of the time, " to be enstructed or tought in any of the Artes Occupacions Craftes or Misteries which they or any of them (the masters) doo use or exer- cise." In section five certain persons are exempted from compulsory service, and among these are "a Gentleman borne" and "a Student or Scoler in any of the Universitees, or in any Scoole." Such legislation, and other legislation that will be subsequently quoted, show that learning was regarded as a national matter in the spacious days of the Queen whose scholarship the learned Ascham held in such respect. It was not the fault of the Elizabethan policy that it had to deal with machinery deliberately wrecked by the predecessors of the great Queen. All that could be done under such circumstances seems to have been done. Not only was a real effort made to reform the ^,. ^ ^ , . . . • 1 1 Elizabethan admmistrative abuses tliat existed throughout Educational the grammar school and University systems, ^^ °'^'"' but special machinery was created to deal with abuses in particular foundations. The Commissioners for Charitable Uses, appointed pursuant to the statutes 39 Elizabeth, cap. 6, and 43 Elizabeth, cap. 4, had power to enquire into any abuses of charitable bequests or donations, and to rectify the same on decree. The Act creating these Commissioners ' 5 Eliz. c. 4. See s. 5; ss. 17 — 20. 72 THE COMMISSIONERS FOR CHARITABLE USES. was only repealed in 1888, and decrees were made as late as the early part of the nineteenth centur}'. Some 33 schools were reformed by the Commissioners, but the effi- ciency of this method of reform was marred by the fact that an appeal lay to the House of Lords by way of the Court of Chancery, and in the lamentable days of the eighteenth century, wheu equity had ceasetl to flow from the conscience of the King, or flowed so slowly that it was transmuted into ineipiity, the efficiency of Elizabeth's ad- mirable creation was hampered by the fear of an appeal. The criminal harm that was done to secondary education I by the Court of Cbancery in the days before the Judicature I Acts of 1873 and 1875 must never be forgotten. In this matter no blame can be alleged against the Tudors. Elizabeth and her ministers did almost all that was possible to be done towards the re-creation of the machinery that her father and her brother's ministers had destr()3^ed. 17. It will be convenient in this place, where naturally the incorporation of the Universities by statute sitTes^ ^"'^^"^ would be mentioned, to make some more general notes on the (question of State interference with university education in England. The two great English universities have for long ages enjoyed a peculiar freedom that seems to have had its origin rather as a matter of prescriptive right than as the result of definite legislation. Such an apparent anomaly was to the medi;eval mind, which certainly never regarded the King as the sole fountain of justice, probably no anomaly at all. There was nothing unnatural in an university which was 'nnperhim in imperio, a veritable republic of letters with its own franchises and municipal laws, in ages when every manor had effective customary laws, when large areas such a.s the Duchy of Cornwall had for many purposes an independent " common law," and when the very fact of learning implied privileges of a remarkable character. The free nature of the Universities THE FREE NATURE OF THE UNIVERSITIES. 73 must, previous to the fifteenth century, have been complete or else such a statute as that which was passed in 1421 would have been needless. It is not indeed till early in the fifteenth century that any parliamentary interference with the Univer- sities can be traced. By a statute of the year 1407' the franchise "now late ^ granted to the Scholars of the University of Oxenford" is exempted from the liberties confirmed by statute in the first year of the new King and this refusal to allow the franchise was specifically confirmed by statute in 1411". In 1408 we find that Lord Thomas Arundel, Archbishop of Canterbury, ordains " that no book or treatise composed i by John Wicklif, or by any other in his time, or since, | or hereafter to be composed, be henceforth read in the schools, halls, inns or other places whatsoever within our province " — a suificient limitation of general reading — " and that none be taught according to such [book] unless it have been first examined, and upon examination unanimously > approved by the Universities of Oxford or Cambridge, or at least by twelve men chosen by the said universities, or by one of them under the direction of us, or our successors ; and then afterwards [the book be approved] expressly by us, or our successors, and delivered in the name, and by the authority of the universities, to be copied, and sold to such as desire it^" This constitution on the one hand was a limitation of the free right to learn and teach in the Universities, and was v/ therefore a limitation on the free development of these centres of learning, but on the other hand it placed enormous powers in the hands of the University authorities — a power, if we may believe the evidence of Erasmus as to the state of learning in the Universities a century later, which was scarcely used for the advancement of learning. In 1421 came legislation that placed some check on the 1 9 Hen. IV. c. 1. -^ 13 Hen. IV. c. 1. ■* Johnson's Laivs and Canons. See p. 35 supra. 74 THE COMMON LAW AND THE UNIVERSITIES. free develo])ineiit of the TJniversities in their republican aspect. The students of Oxford appear to have irritated the Crown authorities by raiding the surrounding country in armed bands, and Parliament ordained that the ('ommon Law of the land should run in the University. The Act' provided that process should be made against clerks and scholars of Oxford who were wrong-doers " till they come to answer, or else be outlawed"; and if the justices "before whom such _.. „ . Outlawry shall be returned " rertitied the Clian- The Univer- •' sities and the cellor of the University of such outlawry, the Common aw. fj;|-j^tute Ordered that he should banish such students from the University. Even in this statute we see a tenderness that would have been shown to no other person or corporation. It was still the Chancellor who had to banish the offender. The law anticipated a refusal on the part of clerks and scholars to ai)i)ear before the Crown courts and desired to meet any possible claim of University jurisdiction-. The subse(|uent history of legislation or Crown interference is (with two notable exceptions) one continuous grant of privi- leges to either or l)oth Universities. It is not proposed here to deal with the course of (^uasi- private legislation by which special privileges and emoluments were bestowed upon the Universities and their halls and colleges. The Act of 1421 had little practical eflfect: for centuries the Universities maintained an exclusiveness that was fostered by the i)oli(y of the Church and by the favours of Parliament, but which existed rather by the inherent nature of the Universities themselves th;in by the gift of either Church or State. Indeed from first to last Oxford and Cambridge seem always to have received i)rivileges as their right and to have regarded State intervention in their affairs as a presumption based ui)on force and not as the rightful act of a sovereign authority. 1 ' f) Hen. V. St. i. c. 8. - In 112'2 the turbulent behaviour of Irish .students at Oxford necessi- tated legislation (1 Hen. VI. c. 3) placing restrictions on tiieir admission to the University. STATE ENCOURAGEMENT OF SCHOLARSHIP, 75 Some instances of special privileges conferred by Parlia- ment may perhaps with some advantage be mentioned here. By a sumptuary Act of 1463' which dealt with the apparel and an-ay of the Commons (as well of men as of women) it is provided, " That the Scholars of the Universities of this Realm, and Scholars of any University out of this Realm, may use and wear such Array as they may use and wear by the Rule of the said Universities, notwithstanding this Ordinance." There is a certain significance even in this slight privilege. An Act of 1535-6' is particularly noteworthy. It recites that the King for the purpose of nourishing the "in- i crease of the Knowledge in the seven liberall sciences and the | thre tonges of laten greeke and hebrewe to be by his people applied and larned " exonerated the Universities and the colleges of Eton and Winchester and "all officers and students and all offices, promotions etc. within them and all manors, lands etc." belonging to them from the payment of first-fruits and tenths. By section four of the Act each University was to maintain a lecturer to be called King Henry VIII. 's lecturer. This Act with its reference to the University curriculum at the beginning of the sixteenth century is a document of interest. 18. Certain scattered references have already been made to the course of instruction in the schools of the country, and the necessary inference from the at^th^un'ivTr- available material on the subject is that prse- sities and Reformation education was far more effective sch^'i^^'^ than has been generally supposed to be the case. It is true that Greek had no place in English education from the middle of the eighth century to the middle of the fifteenth century. During these centuries the fiame of Greek culture was kei)t alive in the capital of the Eastern Empire, but it cast no direct westward light before the year 1400, though some reflection of the ])hiloso})hy of Aristotle and Plato was given to 1 3 Edw. IV. c. 5. - 27 Hen. VHI. c. 42. '/ 76 SCHOLASTICISM AND THE UNIVERSITIES. Western Europe by means of Latin versions'. The exclusion of Greek scholarship did not mean the absence of intellectual training. We have seen that in the throe London sclmols described by William Fitzstephen in 1185-7 the scholars received a severe and thorough training in the scholastic philosophy and in grammar. Boys who publicly canvassed the principles of grannnar and discussed vexed (piestions relating to preterites and supines were receiving something other than an elementary education. Fitzstephen himself had a close accpiaintance with the best Latin authors. Li his life of Becket he quotes fre- quently from Virgil, Horace and Per.sius, and refers us to Cicero, Sallust, Ovid and other classical writers. Nor is this a solitary case. The value of Latin scholarship was necessarily appre- ciated in days when Latin was the vernacular of the learned. We do not know when the meeting of schoolboys on festival days for the discussion of logical and scholastic problems ceased but the necessity for that training nnist have lasted into the sixteenth century, for we find that when Latimer was at Cambridge in 1521 it was still a (question whether the new learning and the direct study of the Bible would drive the schoolmen out of the field. It was in that year that Latimer "forsooke the schoole doctours and such fooleries"." Even as late as the middle of the seventeenth century Selden remarks that "without school divinity a divine knows nothing logically, nor will be able to satisfie a rational man out of the pulpit'." hi fact the logical training of the • Cf. Gibbon, The Decline and Full of the Roman Empire, Chap. lxvi. Manuel Chrysoloras, the Theolot,'ian and Grammarian (1355? — 1415), intro- duced Greek letters to Italy ^^^ Lecturer at the Studium of Florence in 1396. - See Arber's English Re])ri)itx, No. 2, 1808. * Selden (d. 1G54). See his Table Talk, tit. Minister Divine. Thomas Hobbes (1588 — 107'.)), on the otlier hand, sneers at the ' vain pliilosophy ' taught in the Universities and detines it as derivod ' partly from Aiistotle, partly from blindness of understanding.' (Leviathan, I'art iv. "Of the Kingdom of Darkness," c. xi-vi.) His own philosophy, he believed, might be ' )3rotitably taught in the Universities tiie fountains of civil and moral doctrine ' — a belief common to all philosophers of all ages. SCHOLARSHIP IN LONDON SCHOOLS. 77 Middle Ages lasted into comparatively modern times. The course of training in London in the twelfth century was therefore clearly continued. Long before Stow's time the logical discussions hadj how- ever, been discontinued : "For," says Stow, writing in 1633', "I my selfe, (in my youth) have yeerely seene, on the Eve of Saint Bartholomew the Apostle, the schollers of divers Grammar-schooles repaire unto the Churchyard of Saint Bartholomew the Priory in Smithfield, where, upon a banke boorded about under a Tree, some one scholar hath stepped up, and there hath apposed and answered, till he were by some better scholler overcome and put downe. And then the overcommer taking the place, did like as the first : and in the end, the best opposers and answerers had rewards, which I observed not: but it made both good schoolemasters, and also good scholars (diligently against such times) to prepare themselves for the obtaining of this Garland." Stow amusingly describes the battles between Anthony's Pigs and the Pigeons of Paul's, which began with grammar and ended with blows from satchells full of books. The gradual decay of St Anthony's Hospital ended these time-honoured conflicts. What was true of London was true in kind, if not in degree, of the better grammar schools throughout England. Higden and Trevisa in the fourteenth century, as we have seen-, give us the idea of something much better than mere elementary education as the aim of the grammar schools of their days. Higden tells us that the children were compelled " to construe hir lessons and here thynges in Frensche," while Trevisa notes that John Cornwaile, a master of grammar, "chaunged tlie lore in gramer scole and construccioun of Frensche in to Englische" and that the children "leueth Frensche and construeth and learneth an Englische." Higden does not tell us what the " lessons and things" were, nor does Trevisa dehne "lore in gramer scole and construccioun." But ^ Stow's Survey of London, p. G4. - See page 20 et seq. 78 PR.E-REFORMATION EDUCATION. we know otherwise that both authors referred to the teaching of Latin grammar, to the ac(iiiisition of general knowledge with respect to daily life on the land and in the house. Grammar ' '' . /.it- i^-i r t • School curri- to the coustruuig of tlio Latui Bible, of Latm *^"'"'^" chronicles, of Latin classical authors, to the teaching of dialectic and rhetoric and the general machinery of thought necessitated by the system of University teaching, to the study of the Bible through the medium of commentaries'. The inclusion of theological questions in the grammar school course proves that theology was no neglected branch of learning. Archbishop Arundel's constitutions of 1408 forbid any book or treatise composed by John Wiclif or by any other in his time to be read in the schools, halls, inns or other places within the province of Canterbury, and in this prohibi- tion is contained marked evidence of the advanced character of the education given in the grammar schools. Not only the great schools but remote and small schools prepared their boys for the Universities, and a falling off in the number of the grammar schools was followed by a corresponding diminution in the numbers at the Universities. This at any rate appears to have been the case in the mid-fifteenth century and must also have followed the Chantry legislation a hundred years later. When we consider the difhculties that accompanied educa- tion before the Reformation the results achieved were remark- able. It is not difficult for a child to-day to learn to write. Before the year 1300 there was no paper, and even later it was difficult to obtain. Handwriting was, moreover, an art. It was no easy thing for a child to learn the involved caligraphy of the twelfth, thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. It was difficult even to learn to read from such manuscripts. Moreover the fact that printing was not yet invented left students dependent on educational hand-books that varied from manuscript to manuscript and deprived the schoolboy ' As to tliese commentaries cf. Leach's English Srhnoln at the Refor- mulion, pp. 103-4, 252. THE FUNCTIONS OF THE GRAMMAR SCHOOL. 79 and the scholar alike of reliable texts of the authors studied. In the face of all these difficulties education gained a strong hold in England. Education was a necessity of everyday life, for without Latin the social machinery of the land would have been clogged. As Dr Stubbs points out, oTLat"in"'''''' "in every manor was found someone who could write and keep accounts in Latin'." Latin "was the language necessary for ecclesiastics — in which their rubrics, canons, liturgies, and the Bible itself was written, and above all, it was that in which the correspondence of the Church all over the world was carried on"." Every person who wished to take orders had to know Latin ; every person who desired to move up in the social scale had to know Latin ; Latin was part of the necessary equipment of any person who desired to fill any official position. One object of the grammar school was, therefore, the teaching of Latin as the language of every- day life among educated men throughout Europe. The second object was preparation for the Universities. It is clear that throughout the Middle Ages such preparation was earned on with a thoroughness worthy even of modern imitation. In the last quarter of the fifteenth century, and even later, the arts and sciences were still represented at both Universities by the Trivium and Quadrivium, the schoolmen still debated ; Greek was unknown, though probably the Latin classics were read more or less widely. By the opening of the sixteenth century Oxford was awakening and Erasmus could mingle with congenial spirits. Cambridge was, however, behind Oxford in the assimilation of the New Learning. Erasmus writes about 1516 from Cambridge, "Ante annos ferme triginta, nihil tradebatur in schola Cantabrigiensi praeter Alexandrum, parva logicalia, ut ^ Constitutional History of England, vol. iii. p. 371. - Schools Commission (Scotland) : Third Report, Burgh and Middle Class Schools, vol. i. p. 3. Cf. Leach, p. 105. 80 THE TRIVIUM AND QUADRIVIUM. vocant, et vetera ilia Aristotelis dictata, Scoticasque quaes- tiones. Progressu temporis accesserunt bonae literae ; accessit matheseos cognitio ; accessit novus, aut certe novatus Aris- toteles : accessit (xraecarum literarum peritia ; accesserunt auctores tain uiulti, (quorum olim ne nomina quidein tene- bantur, nee a summatibus illis Jarchis'." Erasmus appears to have been the tirst teacher of Greek at Cambridge, In his de liatione iStudii he enumerates among the qualihca- tions that should be found in a schoolmaster familiarity in all knowledge to be found in classical and especially Greek authors, and Colet api)roved of this view. It is interesting to add to the evidence of Erasmus the preamble to the Act of 1535. The King expresses himself as anxious to nourish the increase of the knowledge of the Trivium and Quadrivium — Grammar, Dialectic, Rhetoric, and Music, Arithmetic, Geometry, Astronomy, the seven liberal sciences — and " laten, greeke and hebrewe to be by his people applied and lamed." In some forty years the Universities had risen to the meaning of the new learning, and the old grammar schools were supplying apt scholars. Then the man who would have nourished the liberal sciences adopted a policy that eventually deprived the Universities of the best talent in the country. But such a blow was never aimed at the Universities. The obvious economic result had never been calculated. The policy of intentional protection was still at this date, as before and after, pursued. By an Act of 1548'-, passed by a strange irony in the midst of the destruction of the Chantries, it was providetl "that it shalbe laufuU to anye man that understandeth the Greke Latten and Hebrewe tongue, or other straunge tongue, to saye and have the saide prayers heretofore spe- cified of Mattens and Evensonge in Latten or anye suche other tongue, sayinge the same privatlie as they doe under- ' Erasmus by R. B. Drumraond (London: 1873), vol. i. p. 207. 2 2 & 3 Edw. VI. c. 1, s. G. UNIVERSITY PRIVILEGES. 81 stande : And for the further encouraging of learnynge in the tongues in the Universities of Cambridge and Oxforde to use and exercise in their commen and open prayer in their Chapells, beinge noe [Parishes] Churches or other places of prayer, the Mattens Evensonge Letany^ and all other prayers, The holie Comunyon commenlye called the Masse excepted, prescribed in the saide booke prescribed in Greke Latten or Hebrewe ; Anyo thinge in this present Acte to the contrarie notwithstandinge." This provision was specially designed to encourage learning in the Universities and is an important intervention. The following Act of 1555-6' is also of interest, as it emphasises the special privileges that the Universities enjoyed in what may be called their municipal capacity. This Act forbade persons dwelling in the country to sell wares in cities and towns corporate by retail except at fairs, but it specially exempts the Universities from the operation of the Act: "Provided alwaie that this Acte or any thing therin conteined, shall not be prejudiciall or hurtfull to the Lyberties and Privileges of the Universities of Cambridge and Oxforde or either of them : Any thing in this Acte heretofore mentioned to the contrary notwithestanding." An Act of great importance was passed in 1558-9. It was the first Act placed by Elizabeth on the Statute Book, and was entitled "An Acte restoring to the Crowne thauncyent juris- diction over the State Ecclesiasticall and Spirituall, and abolyshing all Forreine Power repugnaunt to the same. " This statute enacted' "that also all and every person and persons taking Orders, and all and every other person and persons whiche shalbe promoted or preferred to any degree of lerning in anye Universitie within this your sities^and"'^^'^ Realme or Dominions, before he shall receive or R°yai take any'suche Orders, or bee preferred to any suche degree of learning, shall make take and receive the said Othe by this Acte set foorthe and declared as ys afore- 1 1 & 2 Phil. & Mar. c. 7. - 1 Eliz. c. 1, s. 12. M. 6 82 INCORPORATION OF THE UNIVERSITIES, 1571. said, before his or their Ordinarie Coraissarie Chancellour or VicechaiinceUoiir or their sufficient Deputies in the said Universitie." The obhgation to take this oath of the su- premac}'^ in matters spiritual and temporal of the Crown was in itself a sufficiently small matter, but its importance lies in the fact that it was the forerunner of official oaths that were destined in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries to lie lightly on the University conscience, while they oppressed as with a burden national education. This Act of 1558-9 was no sign of the withdrawal of royal favour. As we have seen', students or scholars of any of the Universities were exem^jted from the operation of the Statute of Apprentices of 15(5 2-3. Elizabeth, or her Ministers, moreover, by the incorporation of the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge in 1571" gave evidence of the regard felt for these centres of education as part of a national system. The opening to the preamble of the Act of 1571 must be here quoted: "For the greate Love and Favor that the Queenes most excellent Majestie beareth towardes her Highnes Universities of Oxford and Incorporation r^ -i • ■, ^ r ^ r? i of the univer- Cambridge, and for the greate Zeale and Care ^'*'^^" that the Lords and Commons of this present Parliament have for the Mayntenaunce of good and Godly ^y Literature, and the vertuouse Education of Youth within either of the same Universities; and to thentent that the auncient Privileges Liberties and Fraunchises of either of the said Uni- versities [here before] graunted ratified and confirmed by the Queenes Highnes and her most noble Progenitors may be had in greater Estymation and be of greater Force and Strengthe, for the better Increase of Jjarning and the further suppressing of Vice." In this stately preamble occurs for the first time, so far as it seems possible to ascertain the fact, in First use of _ t^ . the word' edu- any wrlttcH or literary record the word 'edu- *^^^'°" cation' in the Taodera meaning of that word. v ' See p. 71 siijmi. - la Eliz. c. 29. SHAKESPEARE AND EDUCATION. 83 "The Mayntenaunce of good and Godly Literature and the vertuouse Education of Youth" is certainly a phrase in which the word 'education' is used in our modern sense, and it is apparently the earliest phrase in which it is so used. The Oxford English Dictionary gives the following passage from Love's Labour's Lost, Act v. Sc. 1, as the earliest instance of the use of the "Vvord 'educate' in the modern sense : "Armado. Do you not educate youth at the charge-house on the top of the mountain?" Steevens in his note on the passage assumes 'charge house' to mean 'the free school,' but the definition given in the Oxford English Dictionary of ' house for the charge of youth ; (boarding) school' is perhaps preferable. The play was not written earlier than 1588 and it may be that is the earliest date at which the word 'educate' was used in its modern sense in English literature ; but, as we have seen, the word 'education' in the same sense was used as early as 1571— at least 17 years earlier than the verb as used by Shakespeare'. The word 'education' according to the Oxford 1 The play gives us a momentary peep into the country parish where Sir Nathaniel was vicar or curate, and Holofernes the schoolmaster. Doubtless the man, with his whole-hearted pedantry and pleasant exhibi- tion of Latin learning, was a vivid caricature of the village schoolmaster of that day, not drawn with the tender and sentimental pen that Oliver Goldsmith used for his schoolmaster, but probably drawn as Shakespeare always drew, close to the life. Moth, the page, tells us that Holofernes ' teaches boys the hornbook ' (Act v. Sc. 1). In Act iv. Sc. 2, Nathaniel, the parish priest, says to Holofernes, " Sir, I praise the Lord for you, and so may my parishioners ; for their sons are well tutored by you, and their daughters profit very greatly under you : you are a good member of the commonwealth." Holofernes replies with full consciousness of his importance: ^'Meherclel if their sons be ingenuous they shall want no instruction; if their daughters be capable, I will put it to them." From this we may infer that most of the boys and girls in the parish were in Master Holofernes' sciiool at 'the charge-house on the top of the hill,' and that the learned scholar did not confine his attention to the horn- book. It is interesting to note that he quotes from Lily's Latin Graiii- mar, which was published in 1527. It would be valuable if one could generalise from Shakespeare's schoolmaster, and infer that the i)arishes without grammar schools had charge-houses for boys and girls under learned care. It must have been at such schools that boj's learnt the Latin accidence to fit them for admission to the gi;anytja,r R.qhools. 6— -2 ' ./ 84 THE CORRUPTION OF FOUNDATIONS. English Dictionary was first used in the year 1616. This is clearly \vron State Triah, vol. xi. cola. 131 5— 1340. * The Parliameittanj Historij of Enijland, vol. iv. (1C60-1C68), cols. 328-9. See also Commonx Jovnials, vol. viii. p. C)'2S. ^ Macaulay's History of England, vol. ii. p. 29G et passim. THE ROMAN CATHOLIC DEFEAT. 91 It was a Pyrrhic victory. All over England money was collected for the ejected fellows, and the decision of the High Commission was treated with con- izing^f Oxford, tempt by the Bishop of Gloucester, who did not hesitate to institute a presentee of the ejected fellows. The attack on the privileges of the Universities, though successful in detail, as a whole failed, and when, on the death of the aged Duke of Ormond in 1688, the Chancellorship of Oxford fell vacant, the University at once elected the new Duke, and the King was unable to force his nominee, the notorious Lord Chancellor Jeffreys, upon the University. The Universities in fact, refusing to recognize defeat, emerged victors from a contest that decided once and am vtcfo^y^^* for all the future of Roman Catholicism in England as a political power. In 1688 Oxford welcomed the insurgents, and in the same year Parliament vested in the two Universities the presentation of benefices vested in papists' ; in 1695 the hero of the glorious Revolution was welcomed by the elder University. The reign of Queen Anne saw a continuation of the policy of granting special privileges and exemptions to ^ .^^ the Universities. In an Act of 1713\ "to pre- in the reign of vent the Growth of Schism and for the further ^""^• Security of the Churches of England and Ireland as by Law established," which forbade any person to keep school or seminary for the instruction of youth before subscribing the Declaration and obtaining a license to teach from the ordinary, \ Section 8 gave special privileges to the Universities. It provided "that this Act or any thing therein contained shall not extend or be construed to extend to any Tutor teaching or instructing Youth in any College or Hall within either of the Universities of that Part of Great Britain called England." Such a provision was fully justified. The loyalty of the 1 1 W. & M. c. 26. " 13 Auue, c. 7. 92 THE UNIVERSITIES AND THE ESTABLISHMENT. Universities to the Establishment could scarcely be doubted after the contest on one hand with Cromwell and on the other hand with James II. A further Act of 1713 is evidence of the entirely Pro- testant character of both Universities. This Act' gave to the Universities power, in cases where they were entitled, to present to certain livings in consequence of the patrons and their presentees being "Popish Recusants convict," to exhibit bills in equity for the purpose of discovering secret trusts made or created by or for such papists or persons profess- ing the "Popish religion." This measure was intended to render it impossible for any Roman Catholic directly or in- directly to present to, or to enjoy the fruits of, any living under the Establishment. The right of the Universities to present in such cases was scrupulously preserved. The intense suspicion with which Roman Catholic intrusion into the Universities was viewed is vividly exemplified by an Act of 1790-, which is the last statutory echo of the contest between James II. and the Universities. The Act provided that " no person professing the Roman Catholic religion ..shall keep a school in either of the Universities of Oxford and Caml)ridge." It is not proposed here to trace further the legislative history of the Universities even in the general terms ado])ted in this section. The frigidity and lifelessness of both Univer- sities in the eighteenth century is a matter of general informa- tion. Adam Smith in his Wealth of Naf/'ons (first published in 177 6) says: "In the University of Oxford, the greater part of the public professors have for these many years given up altogether even the pretence of teaching''"; and Mr J. E. Thorold Rogers, in a footnote to this passage, adds : " The condition of Oxford during the seven years in which Adam ' 13 Anne, c. 13, r. 4. - 31 Geo. III. c. 32, s. 14. * Adam Smith imtl liis editor i)oth ncj^lect the fact that the Mathe- matical Trijios was founded at Camljiid^'c in 1747- 'S and that twelve Cambridge ProfessorshiiJK were founded in the eighteenth century. THE UNIVERSITIES IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 93 Smith resided at Balliol College was lower than at any period of its history. Nominal orthodoxy was secured by the Act of Uniformity, nominal allegiance by the oaths of supremacy, abjuration, and political fidelity to the reigning house. But the University swarmed with protiigates, was a nest of noisy Jacobites, and was at the meanest literary ebb. Its revival hardly commenced till the conclusion of the eighteenth century, when the examinations for degrees became something better than a mere farce. But the public teachers of the University, with some exceptions, received their salaries and neglected their duties up to the reform of 1854. That reform, though far from perfect, stimulated to some extent the aca- demical conscience, and has induced some important changes. But the Universities will never be really national till they cease to be the tools of political and ecclesiastical ascendancy \" This last sentence is scarcely judicial in tone. It was not so much "political and ecclesiastical ascendancy" from which the Universities suffered as the pernicious atmosphere of the eighteenth century, which stifled their independence. It is doubtful if either of them were ripe for legislation of any kind before the beginning of the nineteenth century. In both an internal reconstruction seems to have been in pro- gress, which enabled each to adopt when the time came the changes from without and from within which were requisite before the Universities could take their natural place in an organized system of national education. 20. We must now return to the ecclesiastical documents dealing with education. In 1580 the Privy " , *' Church inter- Council issued a letter to the Archbishop of ference in Canterbury on the subject of those who had fallen off from the Church of England, and ordered that all schoolmasters in public schools or in private houses should be examined touching their religion by the Bishop or his appointees, and if found t'orrupt or unworthy replaced by fit and sound persons. In obedience to this letter the Arch- 1 Wealth of Nations, ed. 1869, vol. ii. p. 346. 94 CONTROL T?V TlfE ELIZABETHAN CHURCH. bishop issued articles of enquiry to each parish, of which the followinfT are here in point : "IV. Item, What schoolmasters are within your parish, and what their names are, that teach publicly or privately within any man's house within your parish, of what state, calling, or condition soever he or they be, in whose house or houses any such schoolmaster or teacher is ? "V. Item, Whether any such schoolmaster, or school- masters, is reported, known or suspected to be backward in the religion now established by the laws of this realm, that are thought any way to be secret hinderers thereof ?" The returns made to the Archl)ishop in these or in the previous articles of Archbishop Parker do not appear to be extant. If they are in existence they would be invaluable material in any detailed history of the conditions and extent of education towards the end of the sixteenth century. The necessity for such returns from the Protestant political point of view suggests a great deal of both public and private tuition and more than suggests an intolerable tyranny. These articles of enquiry were followed in 1581 by a statute which provided'-: — "That yf any person or persons Bodye Pollitike or Corporate, after the Feaste of Pentecost next cominge, shall kepe or mainteyne any Scholemaster, which shall not repayre to Churche as ys aforesaid, or be alowed by the Bisshopp or Ordinarye of the Diocesse where suche Schole- recognition of master shalbe so kept, shall forfaite and lose ofeducati'on'^"' ^°^ everye Moneth so ke))iiig him ten poundes ; provided that no suche Ordinarye or their Ministers shall take any thinge for the said Allowaunce ; and suche Scholemaster or Teacher presuminge to toache contrarie to this Acte, and being thereof lawfullye [convicted] shalbe disabled to be a Teacher of Youth, and shall suifer ym])rison- ment without Baile or Maineprise for one yeare." This Act is of high importance both in its immediate and ultimate consequences. It will be sullicient here to i)oint out, ' CardweH's Documentary Anivilx. ■ 2H I,"^iliz. c. 1, b. 5. REMOVAL OF RECUSANT SCHOOLMASTERS. 95 that it supplanted by implication the common law of the realm, . which, as has been shown, recognised the right of all persons to teach the young. It must not, moreover, be forgotten that this Act was for the most part political and neither it nor the articles of enquiry of 1580 can be laid wholly or indeed pri- marily at the door of the Church. It is somewhat surprising that a State should have adopted such a policy without also having recourse to a system of compulsory State education, more emphatic than that of 1876 and, according to the tra- dition of the time, more easily enforceable, and possessing the then crowning qualification of not only educating the people but also of extinguishing papist schoolmasters. It is a notice- able and remarkable fact that the position of the fifteenth century is now reversed ; the Lollard is expelling the Papist, not the Papist the Lollard. The State, however, did not see its way to adopt a policy of compulsory education. It was considered sufiicient to pursue the irksome and inquisitorial procedure of detecting heresy or so-called heresy among the teachers of youth. In consequence of a letter as to recusants, dated May 28, 1581, from the Privy Council, Archbishop Grindall issued directions of enquiry of which the seventh article ran as ^ follows: — "VII. Item, you shall inquire, whether any school- master of suspected religion, or that is not licenced to teach by the bishop, or ordinary, doth teach in any public or private place within this diocese." Again in Archbishop Whitgift's letter relating to recusants to the Bishop of London, dated December 12, 1583, is enclosed a copy of articles recommended by the Privy Council in which we find advised " First, a general examination to be taken by the bishop in his province, of all the schoolmasters, as well public as private, with order that such as be unsound may be removed, according to the statute in that behalf })rovided'." It will be convenient here to insert the form of licence 1 Cardwell's Documentary Annuls. Sp.e 23 Eliz.. c. 1, s. 5 (p. 94 supra). 96 THE LICENSE TO TEACH. granted by Archbishop Wliitgift for teaching school. It is taken from Str3^pe's Life and Acts of Archbishop Whitgift^ and will illustrate the movement that we are now discussing. "John by divine i)rovidence Archbishop of Canterbury, of „ . , all England Primate and Metroiiolitan ; to all School- /^, . . 1 1 1 11 masters Christian people to whom these presents shall licence. come, seiideth greeting in our Lord God ever- lasting. These are to let you understand, that npon receipt of sufficient testimony of the good life and conversation of William Swetnam, of the parish of St. Margaret Patens in London, fishmonger; and upon further examination of him, being first sworn in due form to the supremacy of the Queen's most excellent Majesty- and subscribing to the Articles agred upon by the Clergy in anno 1562, we have licenced, and by these presents do licence the said William Swetnam, to teacli I and instruct children in the principles of reading, and intro- ) duction into the accidence ; and also to write, and cast accounts, in any parish within the city of London, or our peculiar churches of Canterbury, within the said city. En- joyning him, that every week he do instruct his children and scholars in the Catechism made and set forth by Mr Alexander Newel, now Dean of the cathedral church of St. Paul in London: and that he with his scholars, so many as shall be of the i)arish where he shall teach, do usually and commonly resort and repair, on all sabbaths and festival days to the church of the parish where he shall so teacher and he with his scholars do reverently hear Divine service and sermons, and dutifully and diligently attend thereunto. And also we will, this our licence to endure, during his good behaviour, ^ and our pleasure ; and no otherways. In witness whereof, we have caused this our seal of our office of ])rincipal registry to be put hereunto. Dated this 20th day of July, in the year of our Lord 1599, and of our tran.slation the 16th." • Vol. III. p. 384, and see also vol. i. p. 4G8. '■' In accordance with statutes 1 Eliz. c. 1, and 5 Eliz. c. 1, s. 4. ' In accordance with statute '23 Eliz. c. I. SPIRITUAL SUPREMACY OF THE CROWN. 97 This licence shows little of the tyranny over schoolmasters that was destined to develope in the course of the succeeding century, but it incorporates the legislation that imposed religious conformity upon the teachers of youth. Such conformity Church and Crown alike were determined to secure. By the eighth Article of the Articles in the Visitation in the diocese of Chichester in 1585 we find the enquiry, " Whether doth any in your parish teach children publickly, or in any man's house privately ; is such licenced by the ordinary ; is he known to resorte to publick service, and to be of sound religion; doth he teach the catechism to his schollars, which was set out for that purpose ; and doth he train up his schollars in knowledge of true religion church and now established, and in obedience to the prince religious edu- or no ? " The thirteenth Article in Archbishop cation and Whitgift's Articles of Visitation in the diocese of Sarum in 1588 asked :—" Item, Whether you do know any scholemaster that doth teach within your parish without license of his ordinarie under his seal or no ? ' " Canon Lxxvii. of the year 1604 declared that " No man shall teach either in public school, or private house, but such as shall be allowed by the Bishop of the Diocese, or Ordinary of the place, under his hand and seal, being found meet as well for his learning and dexterity in teaching, as for sober and honest conversation, and also for right understanding of God's true religion ; and also except he shall first subscribe to the first and third Articles afore-mentioned simply and to the two first clauses of the said Article'"." These subscriptions afiirmed the King's supremacy over the Church of England, the true and Apostolic character of that Church, and censured those attempting to impugn the King's spiritual supremacy. This important canon followed the passing of the s tatut e 1 Cardwell's Documentarij Annals. ^ Davis's English Church Canons. 98 WAR TAX ON SCHOOLMASTERS. which provided that no person should keep a school or be a schoolmaster except he were specially licensed by the Arch- bishop, the Bishop or the guardian of the spiritualities of the diocese, or except he were in a public or free grammar school or in a non-recusant's private house. The punishment for the offence was a fine of 40^. a day'. It is clear from the wording of the statute that the grammar schools at this date were absolutely under the control of tlie Church and gave no dilHculty to the Bishops. Canon lxxix. of 1604 ordered the teaching of the longer or shorter Catechism in English or Latin as children were able to bear, and the teaching of Edward VI. 's grammar and of none other". Article 46 of Archbishop Bancroft's Visitation Articles of 1605 enquired, "Item, Doth any take upon him to teach school in your Parish without special license of his ordinary: and whether doth your schoolmaster bring his scholars to the church to hear divine service and sermons ^ ? " In 1621 the King issued a letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of Lincoln in respect to a con- tribution from the clergy, which contained the following some- what remarkable passage : — "And we do further require, that you and the other Bishops do likewise move the same to all the schoolmasters, which have licence to teach within your or ^ The text of the section (1 Jac. I. c. 4, s. 8) is as follows: " No person after the Feast of St Michaell Tharchangell next, shall keepe any Schoole, or be a Schoole Master out of any of the Universities or Colledges of this Eealmc, excepte it be in some publike or free Grammer Sclioole, or in some such Noblemans or Noblewomans or Gentleman or Geutlewonians House as are not Recusants, or where the same Schoole Master shall be speciallie licensed thereunto by the Archbishop Bishop or Guardian of the Spiritualties of that Diocessc, upon paine that aswell the Schoole Master as also the Partie that shall retaine or maintaine any such Schoole Master contrarie to the true intent and meanin^'e of this Acte, shall forfeite each of them for every day so wittinglie offendinge fortie shillings" (see 1 Veutris's Reports, p. 41). Section 5 of the same Act forbad the sending of children bej'ond the seas to papist schools, colleges and seminaries. ^ Sec Davis's EiujUnh Church Canons. * Cardwell's JJocumentary Annals. laud's educational policy. 99 their several diocesses, not doubting of either your care, or their forwardness in this so necessary a service" — to wit the voluntary contributions of the whole clergy — " towards the support of tliis so necessary and justifiable a warlike defence." The result of this appeal from the Defender of the Faith was that the two Prelates recommended that the Bishops should by "all forcible reason" incite licensed schoolmasters "that with all readiness they do contribute unto this noble action '." In 1636 Archbishop Laud reported to the King, from the certificate sent to him by Matthew Wren, Bishop of Norwich, that measures had been taken for bringing that diocese into perfect order, and asking at the same time for instructions respecting scholars acting as schoolmasters in private houses, and on other points of ecclesiastical discipline. In Wren's orders and directions given in the diocese of Norwich we find the provision "that none of what rank soever do keep any chaplains, schoolmasters, ministers or scholars in their houses to read prayers and expound scriptures, or to instruct their family, unless they be thereunto enabled by law'-." This was a sufficiently strong measure, but it was destined to be surpassed after the Restoration. It is noteworthy at this period, when the Church under the direction of the Crown was assuming an inquisitorial attitude towards all instruction, that Parlia- ment had in its mind the reformation of the the education - whole system of national education. The name f ' reformer , . . (1592 — 1671). of John Amos Comenius, the first great conti- nental writer on the theory of education, if we except W^olf- gang Ratke (1571-1635), was not unknown in England. His views were possibly familiar to many thinkers. He was anxious to make learning absolutely universal. He desired that "tous les enfants, riches ou pauvres, et quelle que soit leur naissauce, doivent aller h I't^cole. Tous doivent ^ Ca,rdv,'e\\'& Documeiitary Annals. - Ibid. 7—2 100 COMENIUS AND PESTALOZZI. apprendre tout ; car chaque hoimne est un iiiicrocosme. Non pas que chacuu puisse posseder h fond toutes les sciences, mais tous doivent apprendre t\ observer toutes les choses importantes, h rt^flechir sur leur raison d'etre, sur leurs rapports et leur utilitt' ; car tous sont destines ;\ n'etre pas simples spectateurs, mais aussi aeteurs'." Conieuius advocated class teaching; he echoed Bacon's complaint as to the absence of experimental teaching in science ; he desired an attractive system of education with kindly teachers, spacious class-rooms, and good play-grounds. His ideas were revived by Johann Heinrich Pestalozzi (1746-1827) and many of our modern and best methods can be traced back to the great Bohemian. Comenius recommended four stages of education : first definite home teaching of infants, then primary schools for all children without distinction, thirdly Latin or grammar schools, and lastly the Universities and foreign travel. It was to this original thinker that the English Parlia- ment proposed to submit the scholastic system of England. In 1641 he seems to have been invited by education Parliament to join a Commission intended to Commission, jjg appointed for the reform of the existing system of education. He arrived in England in September, 1641^, only to find that the disturbed condition of the country rendered the appointment of the Commission on education an impossibility. He waited until August, 1642, when he passed on to Sweden, where he was given some opportunity of elaborating his educational system. 21. The Interregnum from the death of Charles I. to the ^^ ^ restoration of Charles II. lu-esents some remark- The Common- i p o • c • i • wealth and able e.xamples of State interierence in education education. yvhich must be mentioned here, though the legislation does not appear, for reasons that have no longer ' See Larousse, Dictionnaire Universelle (1869). 2 See John Jmos Cnweiiius, by S. S. Laurie, pp. 74-5, 170-18G. We may doubt if he was oflicially invited by the English ParHament. EDUCATION IN WALES. 101 any rational weight, among the statutes at large'. By "an Act for the better Propagation and Preaching of the Gospel in Wales^and redress of some grievances. Die veneris, 22 Febru- arii, 1649," which was ordered by the Parliament to be forth- with printed and published^, the first of three notable attempts to evangelise and educate Wales was made. The Act recited that " The Parliament of England taking into their serious consideration the great Duty and Trust that lies on them to use all lawful ways and means for the propagation of the Gospel of Jesus Christ in this Commonwealth, in order there- unto. Do Enact and Ordain, and be it Enacted and Ordained by this present Parliament, and by the Authority thereof, That [here follow 70 names] are hereby constituted and appointed to be Commissioners in [the 12 Welsh counties and Mon- mouthshire]... T\i2it they the said Commissioners or any five or more of them, shall have full power and authority, and are hereby enabled and authorized to receive all articles or Charges which shall be exhibited against any weish Edu Parson, Vicar, Curate, Schoolmaster, or any cation Act, other now having, or that shall have any Eccle- ^ ''^' siastical benefit or promotion within the said counties or any of them, for any Delinquency, Scandal, Malignancy, or non- Residency ; and upon such Articles so exhibited, to grant out Warrants in Writing under the Hands and Seals of the said Commissioners, or any five or more of them, to be directed to the party against whom such Articles shall be exhibited, requiring his appearance before such Commissioners." It is clear that Parliament regarded a schoolmastership as an appointment that ranked with a benefice. The Commissioners 1 It is a matter of considerable inconvenience to students that the legislation from 1640 to 16(50 is excluded from the statutes at large. An authorised version of such statutes might well be published. The official Acta of the Parliaments of' Scotland gives the Commonwealth legislation for Scotland 1648— 1660"(vol. vi. pt. ii.) - London : Printed by Edward Husband and John Field, Printers to the Parliament of England, 1649. 102 THE COMMONWEALTH AND WELSH EDUCATION, were intended to combine in their own persons the powers of ecclesiastical and civil tribunals over schoolmasters. The Act after dealing with these offences proceeds: "And to the end that godly and painful men, of able gifts and knowledge for the Work of the Ministery, and of approved conversation for Piety may be imployed to preach the Gospel in the counties aforesaid (which heretofore abounded in Igno- rance and Prophaneness) And that tit persons of approved Piety and Learning, may have enconragement to employ them- selves in the education of Children in Piety and good litera- ture, Be it Enacted by the Authority af)resaid, That the said Commissioners, or any five or more of them, be and are authorized and enabled to grant Certificates by way of appro- bation to such persons as shall be recommended and approved by \1i(^re follow 25 na7nes], jMinisters of the Gospel, or any five or more of them, for the preaching of the Gospel in the said Counties, as well in setled Congregations and Parochial (Charges, as in an Itmerary course, as the said Commissioners (by the advice of such the said Ministers as shall recommend and approve of the said persons respectively) shall adjudge to be most for the advancement of the Gosjiel, or for the keeping of Schools, and education of Children " Moreover, in order to provide a fitting maintenance for persons recommended and approved, the Commissioners, or any twelve or more of them, were directed to receive and dispose for that purpose of all and singular the rents, issues and profits of all ecclesiastical livuigs within the disposal of Parliament " provided that the yearly maintenance of a Minister do not exceed One hundred pounds, and the yearly maintenance of a School-master exceed not Forty pounds ; " and the Commissioners, or any twelve or more of them, were authorized " to make such yearly allowance to the Wife and Children of such godly Minister after his decease, as to the said Commissioners or any twelve of them shall seem reason- able, for the necessary support and maintenance of the said THE COMMONWEALTH AND NATIONAL EDUCATION. 103 Wife or Children, or any of them ; Provided always, That such allowance so to be made to such Wife and Children, do not exceed the yearly sum of thirty pounds." The Act was merely of a provisional nature and was ordered to be in force for three years from March 25, 1650, and no longer. This remarkable Act of Parliament shows clearly that the question of national education was vividly before the mind of the legislators of the Commonwealth. We can point to at least one secondary school that owes its existence to these Republican Church and School Commissioners for Wales. The Cardigan Free Grammar School was founded and endowed by order of the Commissioners for the Propagation of the Gospel in Wales in 1653. After the Restoration the endowment reverted to its original owners, and the school was subse- quently supported by the corporation of Cardiff aided by a private endowment of the year 1731'. In the same year as the Act for Wales was passed, a law dealing with general education was placed upon the Statute Book. By Chapter 31 of the year 1649 the first-fruits and tenths created by Henry VIII. were vested in trustees upon trust "to pay yearly, all such Salaries, and tenths'''^ Stipends, Allowances and provisions, as have diverted to ,,.., . ,„ ,. education. been limited or appointed tor preaching the Gospel, Preaching Ministers, or Schoolmasters or others in England or Wales, setled or confirmed by Ordinance or Order of Parliament," and then to pay such provisions, settlements, yearly allowances and augmentations as had been made or confirmed by authority derived from Parliament for preaching ministers or schoolmasters for so long as had been or should be ordered by Parliament; such payments, to the extent of £18,000, to be paid out of the King's tithe rent of £20,000, while the residue of the said tithe rent was to be applied to the increase of the maintenance of the masterships of the colleges ^ See Reports of Inquh-ies of Charity Commissioners, vol. sxviii. (1834), p. 593. 104 THE FIRST GRANT FOR EDUCATION. of both Universities \ It was further provided, and the pro- vision occupies a most important position in the history of direct State aid for education as the first instance of a proposed grant for national education from the central Government, that if the first-fruits and tenths raised did not reach the sum of £20,000 then some other part of the yearly Parliamentary reveuue payable into the exchequer should be eiTmen°ar provided to make up the deficiency. This allo- education, catiou to education of the annual sum of ^^^^' £20,000 preceded by 184 years the first grant made by Parliament under the modern educational system. That grant, made in 1833 for the building of schools, also was limited to £20,000 annually. To what extent this Cromwellian legislation affected the history of State aid for education it is difficult Effect of ■',... . ... . , CromweUian to say, Dut it IS almost impossible to resist the legislation. conclusiou that the invention — for it was no less a thing — was the parent of the Connecticut Act of 1650 and inspired the minds of the early legislators of Massachusetts in that scheme of State education which was formulated in 1695 and to which we shall have occasion to refer in the next chapter. It also seems more than probable that the scheme of compulsory Church-conducted education which was adopted in the Isle of Man in the year 1704 owed its birth to the concep- tion of the Republican Parliament. One may compare the Commonwealth legislation not only with national systems of education devised by English communities, for we find also that the French Revolution produced an elaborate and possibly well-conceived scheme. In April, 1792, Condorcet brought before the Convention a remarkable "Rapport et projdt de d^cret." This projet proposed that for every collection of houses with 400 inhabitants there should be "une 6co\e pri- maire." The children were to receive their religious instruc- tion in the churches of their denominations without State aid. ^ See Scobell's Acts of Parliament. FRENCH COMPULSORY EDUCATION. 105 In each district or department " ^coles secondaires " were to be established, with a curriculum comparable with that which obtains in our Higher Grade compulsory elementary schools. There was to be a third education •^ . decree, 1793. and final stage of teaching undertaken by 110 institutes. There were to be also nine University Colleges, and a National Society of Arts and Sciences to superintend the whole system. The proposal came to nothing, but by a decree of June 8, 1793, primary schools were established throughout France. The scheme had a good many points in common with the Massachusetts system, and England apparently owes to Condorcet's idea its present misleading nomenclature. On December 25, 1793, it was decreed that all children from the age of eight should attend school, and the same decree provided the machinery for fining any parent or guardian who failed to send a child under his or her charge to school '. In all these early systems we see foreshadowings of the State system adopted in England in 1870. 22. With the return of the Stuarts and the re-establish- ment of the old order under new safeguards the ^ru ^ r " , The decay of ^ / / development or rather the decadence of national post-Reftjrma- lUy*!^ ''^— education took its appointed course. By the ^^ ^ Act of Uniformity of 1662^ it was provided that "every School master keeping any publique or private Schoole and every person instructing or teaching any Youth in any House or private Family as a Tutor or School master who... shall in- struct or teach any Youth as Tutor or Schoolmaster " should subscribe a declaration that he would conform to the Liturgy as by law established. Section 7 provided that schoolmasters teaching in private houses without license should suffer three months' imprisoinuent for the first offence, and the same term with a fine of five pounds for the second and third offence. 1 Dalloz, Jurisprudence Generale, vol. xxxiv. pt. 11. pp. 1321, 1327, 1328 2 14 Car. II. c. 4, s. 6. 106 THE ACT OF UNIFORMITY. This Act was quite exhaustive in its provision for the spiritual conrbol of schoolmasters. Tlie rapid spread of dissent had frightened the Commons and measures of unequalled stringency were adopted. The Act was passed on May 19, 1662, and was directed to take effect from August 24. The House of Lords vainly endeavoured, with the wisdom that the Upper House has often shown at crucial moments, to introduce more lenient provisions on behalf of schoolmasters. "The power of the ordinary in granting licence to school- masters had been declared in the Injunctions of queen Elizabeth (No. XLiii.) in the canons of 1603, in the statutes 23 Eliz. c. 1. and 1 James I. c. 4 ; but the further power of requiring such schoolmasters to subscribe a declaration of conformity to the liturgy of the church of England, was given for the first time „. „ r in the act of uniformity, 13 and 14 Charles H. The House of rni i p i i Lords and c. 4. The house of lords remonstrated against ucation. ^j^i^ clause, but was overcome by the pertinacity of the commons'." Dr Card well also tells us, in reference to Archbishop Sheldon's letter of 1672 to his suffragans on the increase of sects and the necessity of using the Catechism, that "when the act of uniformity was in progress, in the year 1662, the house of lords, in a conference with the commons, pro- posed that the clause requiring subscription from school- masters should be withdrawn, but were induced to abandon their proposition, on being told of the force of education, and the danger of entru.sting it to the hands of dissenters"." The Act of Uniformity was followed by an Act of 1665 entitled "An Act for restraining Non-Conformists from in- habiting in Corporations^" which forbade Dissenters to teach in any pu];)lic or private school under a penalty of £40. To make the Act effective it was supported by stringent orders from Archbishop Sheldon to the Bi.sliops of his province in ^ Cardwell's Documentarij Annals, vol. ii. p. 32.5 (footnote). - Ibid. vol. II. p. ii'iil (footnote). •' 17 Car. II. c. 2— the 'Five Mile' Act— s. .3. ARCHBISHOP Sheldon's policy. 107 1665. By Order 4 " concerning schoolmasters and instructors of youth," it was commanded "that before the said feast day of our blessed lady St Mary the virgin, they and every of them particularly certify me, how many, and what free schools are within their respective dioceses, and where, and by whom founded, and how endowed, and the names, surnames, and degrees of the schoolmasters and ushers in the said free schools ; and also the names, surnames, and degrees of all other public schoolmasters, and ushers, or instructors, and teachers of youth in reading, writing, grammar, or other literature, and whether they be licensed, and by whom ; as also of all public mistresses of schools and instructors and teachers of young maids or women; and'of all other men and women, that keep scholars in their houses to board or sojourn, and privately teach them or others within their houses ; and whether the said schoolmasters, ushers, schoolmistresses, and instructors, or teachers of youth, publicly or privately, do themselves frequent the public prayers of the church, and cause their scholars to do the same ; and whether they appear well affected to the government of his majesty and the doc- trine and discipline of the church of England'." The thirst of the Archbishop for information was the thirst of the Sahara ; unlimited, unquenchable, unproductive. The order was absolutely exhaustive ; it was drafted with admir- able skill, and, if one may judge by the state of education in England in the succeeding century, it was the crowning effort ^ of a policy that produced a century of educational sleep. The movement had not, however, exhausted itself. On February 27th, 1672, the Attorney-General (Sir Heneage Finch) was desired to prepare a Bill "enjoining all Persons that are in Ecclesiastical Preferment, under a Penalty, to catechise and instruct the Youth, every Sunday in the Afternoon, in the Church Catechism-." In his letter of February 6, 1672, ^ Cardwell's T)ocumentanj Annals. - Commons Journals. 108 DEAN NOWEL's SCHOOL CATECHISM. Archbishop Sheldon enjoins the use of the Catechism "and that (by the most eftectual remedies that may be) such as, without license, either publicly or privately teach school within your lordship's or their [his olhcers] jurisdiction be forthwith proceeded against, according to such rules as are prescribed unto us for their restraint." He adds that the schoolmasters must take the re<[uisite subscri})tion, oaths, and declaration. "The Catechism to which he refers," says Dr Cardwell, " was probably the small Catechism of dean Newel, which was printed originally in 1570, again in 1572, in Greek and Latin in 1573, and so on from time to time in many subsequent impressions, and was used generally in schools, as Strype informs us, (Jown to his own time, the end of the 17th century."" In 1678 Archbishop Sancroft gave directions to his suffra- gans as to the nature of the testimonials required by a person for obtaining the order of deacon or priest, or the employment of a parson, vicar, curate or schoolmaster. In fact by the end of the seventeenth century we find that the office of teacher was as much under the control of the Church as it was at the end of the eleventh century. It is pleasing to conclude a record of political time-serving with the one of the few vestiges of educational reasonableness that the public, as opposed to local and personal, records of a disappointing century appear to possess. In 1695 Archbishop Tenison, in a letter to the Bishops of his province, orders " that you take all possible care that there be Tendon's °^ good schooluiasters in the several public schools educational witliiu your diocesc, not licencing any but such \ as upon examination shall be found of sufficient | ability, and do exhibit very satisfactory testimonials of their 1 Doc II mini tar y Annah, vol. ii. pp. 3.37-8 (footnote). Compare this statement with the direct reference to Dean Nowel's Catechism in the form of licence issued by Archbishop Wliitf^ift in 1')'.)',), and cited above p. 96. THE DECAY OF POST-REFORMATION EDUCATION. 109 temper and good life ; that so in the education of youth, especially such as are designed for holy orders, there may not be an ill foundation laid\" It was, alas! too late. For the third time in the history of England, national education was smitten down. We have seen the failure of the first Saxon system. We have seen how the combined influence of the suppression of Lollardy and free thought on the one hand and the destruction of the Chantry schools on the other undid mediaeval education. We now see how the new education that arose after the Reformation out of the ruins of mediaeval education was itself rendered valueless as a national institution by a policy begun, in spite of herself, by Elizabeth, intensified in the unwise times of the Stuarts before the Restoration, and completed in the timorous and tyrannical days of the restored monarchy. Not even the efforts of good Archbishop Tenison could awaken education, as the State understood education, from sleep. We are not concerned here with the merits or demerits of the ecclesiastical policy of the Tudors and the Stuarts in so far as it concerns the historj^ of England at large, but as regards popular education, a more benighted and heartbreaking policy was never conceived. Education could only be given by those who accepted without reservation the tests and tenets of the Church of England as by law established and who were prepared to suffer any indignity that the Legislature and the Bishops might devise. So purely place-men were the schoolmasters of the realm that they were ordered to contribute "with all readiness" to the war chest of Charles I. and were till a late date subjected to a ceaseless and intolerable inquisition into their beliefs and thoughts at the hands of Bishop and Crown alike. The schoolmaster was forbidden by law to think for himself, and indeed the possibility of thought was extinguished by the method of selection employed. The fear of the universal ^ Cardwell's Documentary Annals. 110 THE SUSPENSION OF EDUCATION. spread of dissent created a dread of free education as plainly at the end of the seventeenth century as was the case in the beginning of the fifteenth century. The possibility of a more excellent way did not occur to the politicians of either period. It did not appear feasible to obtain by liberal treatment the same results as were aimed at by a policy of stern and harsh repression. We may, perhaps, appreciate the motives that lay behind the policy of both Church and State — a policy that was unworthy of a great community and of a noble establish- ment — but it is impossible not to recognise that such a policy could only have one end : a suspension of education until a new method of effort and thought should evolve a new system. It remains for us to see how for the fourth time education was brought to England. CHAPTER IV. THE BEGINNINGS OF STATE EDUCATION IN SCOT- LAND, IRELAND, THE COLONIES, THE ISLE OF MAN AND JERSEY. 23. This book does not profess to deal directly with education in Scotland, but it will be found useful . . , Scotch for comparative purposes to refer m some slight education detail to the efforts made in that kingdom, in ^"'^ ^^^ ^^^*^' Ireland, in the Isles of Man and Jersey, and in the colonies, for the advancement of youth in early times, and at this moment of pause it can be done with advantage. The history of education in Scotland is peculiarly instructive, and in the seventeenth century it has, unfortunately, as it seems, some points in common with the general movement in England. In the general report, dated December 14, 1867, of the Assistant Commissioners appointed to enquire into the Burgh and middle class schools, we find the following passage ' : " Schools for Latin, to which were subsequently added 'Lecture' schools for English, existed in the chief towns of Scotland from a very early period. We have authentic notice of a school in Aberdeen in 1124. The schools of Perth and Stirling were in existence in 1173, and Charters quoted in Chalmers' Caledonia" mention other schools, both in the ^ Third Report of the Scliools Coinmlg^ioii (Scotland), vol. i. pp. 1, 2. 2 Vol. I. p. 7C7, footnote {I). 112 SCOTCH COMPULSORY EDUCATION. twelfth and the subsequent century. It would serve no good purpose to enumerate them all, but we may specify St Andrews, whose school was under the charge of a rector in 1233 ; Aberdeen and Ayr', of which we have notices in 1262 and 1264 ; Montrose, which had the honour of receiving a small endowment from Robert the Bruce in 1329 ; and, speaking generally, it may be said that all the chief towns, and many that have since sunk into obscurity, had schools, such as they were, before the beginning of the sixteenth century. The statute of the Scottish Parliament in the reign of .Tames IV. (1494), which ordains that barons and freeholders who were of substance should put their eldest sons or heirs to the 'schules fra they be six [eight] or nine years of age, and to remain at the Grammar Schools ({uill they be competentlie founded and have pertite Latine,' is conclusive and satisfactory Compulsory proof ou this point". These schools were under Act"T*6°" ^^^^ direction of the Church, and were closely connected with the cathedrals, monasteries, and other religious establishments of the country. Thus, the monks of Dunfermline were directors of the school of Perth ' It may be added that Ayr is mentioned in 1233. - This statute was passed at EdinbuiKh on June 13, 1496. It may be compared with the statute which has been referred to above (p. 7) as attributed on insufficient evidence to King Alfred. The te.\t of tliis earliest compulsory Act is given here, as the reference in the above report may mislead those using the official edition of the Acts. " Apud Edinburgh, xiii die junii, a.d. m,cccc,xcvi. 3. Item It is statute and ordauit throw all the realmc that all barronis and frehaldaris that ar of substance put thair eldest sonis and airs to the scnlis fra thai be aucht or nyne yeiris of age and till remane at the gramer sculis quhill thai be competentlie foundit and hauc pertite latyne. And thereftir to remane thre yers at the sculis of art and Jure sua that thai niaj' haue knawlege and vnderstanding of the lawis. Throw the quhilkis Justice may reigne universalie throw all the realme. Sua that thai that ar schireflds or Jugcis Ordinaris vnder the kingis hienes may haue knawlege to do Justice that the pure pei^iU suld haue na neid to seik our souerane lordis principale auditors for ilk small Iniure. And quhat baroun or frehaldar of substance tliat haldis not his sone at the sculis as said is haifand na lauchfuU essonye hot failyeis heiriu fra knawlege may be gottin tliairof he sail pay to the king the soum of xx li." The Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, vol. ii. i). 238. CHURCH CONTROL OF SCOTCH EDUCATION. 113 and Stirling; Ayr school was connected with the church of St John the Baptist ' ; the monks of Kelso were directors of the schools in the county of Roxburgh. Our first authentic notice of the schools of Dundee is a document in the 'Register of the See of Brechin, in 1434.' In that year, a priest ventured to teach without the authority of the Chancellor; and was in consequence summoned before the Bishop, and after duly acknowledging his offence was deprived of his office. The burgh of Edinburgh provided a school-house, and paid a salary to its teacher, at least as early as 1500; but the High School itself was dependent on the Abbey of Holyrood; and as late as 1562, Lord Robert Stewart, a natural brother of Queen Mary, was recognised by the Town- Council as patron of the High School, in virtue of his office as Commendator of the Abbey. Later still, in 1596, thirty years after the patronage had been handed over to the Town- Council, the rector of the school, who had then held his office for twelve years, thought to secure himself in his position by purchasing 'a gift of the Grammar School' from the Abbot of Holyrood. For this and other offences he was dismissed by the Town-Council. The Glasgow Grammar School, which existed early in the fourteenth ceatury, was dependent on the cathedral church, and the Chancellor of the diocese had the appointment of masters and superintendence of education in the city. An offending priest, in 1494, who had presumed to teach grammar and other branches without due authority from the Chancellor, was summoned before the Bishop, and ordered to desist. In Aberdeen the early usage was as follows : — The Town- Council presented the master to his office, subject to the approval of the Chancellor of the Bishop, who instituted the presentee. We find frequent notices of this from 1418 downwards. The terms of the appointment of Rector in that year are in substance as follows : ' The ' In 1233 the rector of Ayr School was appointed to an oflSce by Pope Gregory IX. 114 THE FREEHOLD OFFICE OF SCHOOLMASTER, Chancellor of the church of Aberdeen to all the faithful — greeting : Inasmuch as the institution to the office of school- master belongs to me as Chancellor, and an honest, prudent and discreet man has been presented to me by the Provost and Council of the burgh, and on examination has been found duly qualified, I have by letter of collation instituted him in the office /'(>/• the whole term of his life.' Incidentally, the last words i^pro toto tempore vitae suae') are important, as showing the tenure of office in those early times in Aberdeen. " It is worthy of notice that the attempts of the Church to possess itself of the exclusive patronage of the schools, as dis- tinct from the superintendence, were occasionally foiled. Thus, in 1485, a dispute arose in Brechin between the Duke of Ross, son of James III. and the Bishop of the diocese. Both claimed the right of presentation to the preceptory of between Maisoudieu, to which was attached the office Church and ^f schoolmaster. The question was decided by the Crown in favour of the Duke of Ross, and in the enactment confirming his right, the king's lieges are warned, 'that none of them take upon hand to make any manner of persecution or following of the said matter at the Court of Rome, since it pertains to lay patronage'." This passage from the report of the Commissioners shows that a development took place in Scotland not dissimilar to that in England. We find the same Church control and the same occasional revolt and the same upholding of the lay position by the Crown. It is important, therefore, to keep the development of education in Scotland in mind in considering the same development in England. The report asserts, not altogether accurately, that the conditions were much the same in both countries. The teachers were ecclesiastics and were paid by altarages and, as late as 1519, the rector of the High School of Edinburgh had to be a priest'. "Latin was the ' As has been pointed out (y. 12 siqyru) a schoolmaster in England was not necessarily a priest ; nor had lie a freehold oHice (p. 56 supra). MEDIiEVAL ELEMENTARY SCHOOLS. 115 only subject included in the term Grammar, and Latin the only language taught in the Grammar schools as such." The Commissioners suggest from the inft"ucdon° analogy of England that the translation of the Latin was into French. " This was the custom in England, as late as the year 1350, when the innovation was first brought in by a schoolmaster, John Cornwall, of making his boys read Latin into English." Hebrew, French, Latin, Greek, even Gaelic might be spoken, but no English was allowed for conversation either before or after the Reformation — it was merely used for purposes of translation. The lecture schools for English were likewise under the jurisdiction of the Church. In the case of Glasgow, "the Chancellor of the diocese in 1494 successfully maintained that no one, without his licence or authorit}'^, should be allowed to teach scholars in grammar, nor children in the elementary branches within the city'." "On the whole," continues the report, "there is no reason to suppose that these lecture schools were numerous, or that any of the Grammar schools were very important or did much more than exist during the century before the Reformation. ...In the most favourable view, and if we substitute 1450, the year of the founding of the first college in St Andrews (the University itself had been founded in 1411) for the year 1400, Hallam's description of education in England may be transferred to Scotland. 'On the whole,' he says, 'we may be inclined to think that in the year 1400, the average instruction of an English gentleman of the first class would comprehend reading and writing, a considerable famili- arity with French, and a slight tincture of Latin, the latter retained or not according to his circumstances and character, as school learning is at present"'." ^ " Nulli liceat scholares in grammatica, aut juvenes in puerilibus per se clam aut palani intra praedictam civitatem instruere et docere." - This passage from Hallam (Introduction to the Literuture of Europe, vol. I. p. 72) must be received with considerable modifications, though he 8—2 v^ 116 VAUS' LATIN GRAMMAR, 1522. The Commissioners seem to have under-estimated the efficiency of the Scottish grammar schools of tlie fifteenth century. They pointed out, however, that Scottish writers at the beginning of the fifteenth century acknowledged that those who were desirous of a liberal education had to seek it abroad and they considered that the Act of Century 1496, wluch referred only to the upper classes, grammar y^^^ ^ ])roof of the State of national ignorance. schools. TP 1 /-t • • • 1 111 It the Commissioners were right these schools were far behind the English grammar schools of the fifteenth century. Such may have been the case, but the rapid development of education in Scotland in the sixteenth century seems inconsistent with a state of national ignorance half a century earlier. From the beginning of the sixteenth century general education rapidly advanced. .Tohn Vans (1490?-1538?) in 1522 pul)lished his ' Rudimenta pnerornm in artem gram- maticalem.' A second edition appeared in 1531, a third in 1533, and a fourth in 156G. 'The work is valuable to the student of early Scots, a great part of the book being in that dialect, though devoted only to Latin grammar'.' In 1561 Knox and the early Reformers added to the First Book of Discipline "certain regulations about schools and himself regards his opinion as possibly rather too favourable. It is cer- tainly doubtful if ' an Euf^'lish gentleman of the first class' in the year 1400 had 'a considerable familiarity with French,' and he certainly possessed a very considerable 'tincture of Latin.' Hallam's views as to the state of learning in England in the Middle Ages certainly understate the facts of the case, though he recognises that a rapid development of national education took place subsequently to lHr)0. Perhaps one of the most interesting signs of this development was the impetus given to book- collecting and library-making by Richard de Bury, Bishop of Durham (1281-134.5), the author of the famous Philobihlon and the founder of the great medifeval library at Durham College, Oxford — a library scattered at the dissolution of the monasteries. ' Dirllojuirii iif SdtioiKil lUtxjruphii, vol. i.viii. p. 188, tit. Vaun. In the same way tlie Anglo-Noruinn-Latin glossaries are valuable to the student of the Anglo-Norman dialects. See footnote, pp. 4, 5 supra. T^E FIRST BOOK OF POLICY. 117 colleges, which if they had been carried into effect would have given us before now an almost perfect system of education \" In 1558 a statute had been passed in England which had exempted schools from the operation of an Act declaring that the annual rents of benefices belonged to the Crown. The Parliament of Scotland in 1587 and in 1593 adopted similar measures, and this seems to have been the first point where the systems of education in the two countries — which to-day are still unassiniilated — came into touch". From the report of the Commissioners which deals with ele- mentary schools in Scotland^ we learn that "the First ^Book of Policy' (1560-1) recommended that there should be a X/" schoolinaster, ' able to read the grammar and the Latin tongue,' in every parish where there was a town of any reputation, and, in the landward parishes, that the reader or minister should take care of the instruction of youth In the year 1567 the Reformed religion was established by law; and by an Act of the same year, c. 11, Parliament conceded to the Church their claim that the 'superintendents or Visitours' y^ should have the cognisance of the teachers of youth. Then came the Act of 1592 — 'the Great Charter of the Church' — re-enacting the statute of 1581, which had ratified the Act of 1567, wherein it is declared that none should be permitted to teach but such as should be tried by the superintendents ^ or visitors of the church. At this time, however, it will be observed that there was no legal obligation to support parish schools." On December 10, 1616, an Act of the Privy Council was 1 Third Report of Schools Conimiasion (Scotland), 1867, p. 5. See also Article 9, presented to tbe Parliament of Scotland, December 15, 1567. John Knox proposed that the entire revenues of the old Church should be devoted to the maintenance of schools, of ministers, and of the infirm poor. 2 1 Eliz. c. 4, s. 13. See also Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, vol. III. p. 433, vol. IV. p. 18. ' Second Report of Schools Commission (Scotland), 1867, pp. xxvi, xxvii. 118 THE EDUCATION ACT, 1616. passed in Scotland which required all persons, under specified ,,, J penalties, to use the ordinary means of instruc- JamesVIand ^. - , . ,., , , . , the Scottish tion for their children, to see to their regular schools. attendance on the catechisings and examina- tions of the parish minister, and to present them duly for con- firmation by the Bishop of the diocese'. In this Act is visible the traditional wisdom of that episcopalian King, James VI. This erudite monarch had not, however, confined himself to tills important but oppressive measure. He had almost made State education ridiculous. On June 13 in the same year (1616) he had enforced, or attempted to enforce, in Scotland a provision that was already in force in England and Ireland— a provision that perhaps is as unconsciously humorous as any that is to be found in the history of education. It made imperative the use in Scottish schools and Universities of a book entitled God and the King, and it required the doctrine of the book to be taught by all ministers and schoolmasters, and ordered copies of this preposterous publication to be bought by all families any member of which could read*. This order was enough to quench the torch of education and popularise the blessings of ignorance. Professor Masson, the editor of the Register, describes God and the the^Kilig"'^ A^^■«gr as "a wretched little affair, of no ability whatever." Such was the intellectual and spiri- tual pabulum that the law prescribed for the three Kingdoms in the beginning of the seventeenth century. It was, of course, a political measure, and was, it need hardly be said, as un- successful as it deserved to be. The second Act of 1616 was however important as well as oppressive. By an Act of the Scottish Parliament of 1633*, 1 Register of the Fiivy Council of Scotland, vol. x. p. 672. The Com- missioners, however, state that the imrochial schools existed ami were publicly maintained before 1616. Report, p. xxvii. See M'Crie'a Life of Melville, p. 381. 2 Register of the Privy Council of Scotland, vol. x, p. 534. ■^ Act 5. THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY AND NATIONAL EDUCATION. 119 it was ratified, and the Bishop was empowered with the con- sent of the heritors and most part of the parishioners to enforce a tax or stent for the school on every plough of land. In 1639 we find a petition of the General Assembly for the erection of schools' and in 1640 an Act was passed which made it lawful for presbyteries to appoint stent masters to stent parishioners for the maintenance of schoolmasters ^ In 1641 we read in the Overtours of the General Assembly to the Scottish Parliament the significant sen- Efforts tence : "Everie parish would haue a reider and to provide a schooU wherein childrene ar to be bred in throughout reading wry ting and grundis of religioiin ac- Scotland, cording to the lawdable acts both of kirk and parliament maid befoire And where grammer schooles may be had as in burghes and in other considerable places (among which all presbyteriall seats ar to be reputed) that they may be erected and held hand to." The Overtours then proceeded to point out that the educational measures of Parliament should be entirely carried out by the Church and pro- Presbyterian ceeded, "becaus the means hitherto named or church appointed for schooles of all sortis hath bene both litle and ill payed, Thairfore besyd former appointmentis (the executoun whereof it is humblie desyred and to be peti- tioned for at the handis of his Majesty and the parliament) The assemblie wold farther supplicat the parliament, that they in their wisdome would find out how meanis salbe had for so good ane wse, especiallie the childrene of poore men (being very capable of learning and of good engynes) may be trained wp according as the exigence and necessitie of everie place sail requyre^." Whilst elementary education was thus receiving attention technical education for children was not forgotten. The ^ Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, vol. v. p. 594 a. - Act 20. ' Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, vol. v. p. G40 b. 120 THE PAROCHIAL SCHOOLS ACT, 1646. Scottish Parliamentary proceedings of 16-41' inform us that it was considered desirable that in each shire there should be erected at least one school or house of virtue to which children from each parish should be sent for seven years to learn how to manufacture cloth, weaving and other stuffs. On the other hand the general conception of popular education did not find favour with all classes, for from an entry in the Parliamentary proceedings of October 5, 1641, it is clear that the "Nobility" — whatever that term may mean — were not in favour of schools in every parish. In 1646 an Overtour of the General Assembly asked "That according to the frequentlie reiterat desires of this kirk the act of his majesties first parliament [1633, Act 5] con- cerneing schooles be enlarged and made effectuall for found- ing and mainteining schooles in euerie congregation the want whereof is the maine obstruction of pietie and vertue in this kiugdome"." This recital shows that the condition of general education was not so good in Scotland in the seventeenth century as is often supposed. Indeed one may say in passing that in some degree the effectiveness of general elementary education in Scotland has for all periods been exaggerated by various writers, whilst in England it has been under-estimated. This Overtour was immediately successful. In the same year an Act of Parliament was passed entitled 'Act for founding of Schooles in euerie paroche.' The part of the Act which concerns our present investigation runs as follows : " That there be a School founded and a Scholemaster appointed in euerie paroche (not alreadie provyded) by advyse of the presbitirie And to this purpose that the heritors in euerie Parochial Congregation meet amongst themselfis and pro- schoois Act, vyde a commodious hous for the schole and ' * ■ modifie a stipend to the scliole master Whiche sail not be under Ane hundereth merkis nor above Tua ' Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, p. 657 b. " Ibid. vol. VI. pt. I. p. 552. SCOTTISH ACT OF UNIFORMITY, 1662. 121 hundereth merkis to be payit yeirlie at tuo termes And to this effect that they set doune a stent vpon euerie ones rent of stock and teind in the paroche proportionallie to the worth thereof for mantenance of the schoole and payment of the scholemaster's stipend '." This enactment is followed by provisions for the recovery of the rate, which must not be confounded with a charge in the nature of a tithe — the mis- take made by Lord Robert Montagu in 1867. This invaluable enactment recognised the necessity for local provision of local schools and we must regret that no steps were taken to intro- duce a similar measure into England. The Act, however, w^as never put into operation, and in 1696 it was found necessar}^ to pass a further statute to the same effect as that of 1646. Reference must here be made to an Act of 1662^ which brought education in Scotland into ecclesiastical line with the education given in England. This Act contained the following provision: "it is heirby ordained that none be heirafter per- mitted to preach in Publict or in families within any diocesse, or teach any publict Schooll, or to be Pedagogues to the childrene of persons of qualitie without the licence of the Ordi- nary of the Diocesse." In this we see the definite imposition of episcopal control. It must be remembered, however, that official control of education by the Church was no episcopal invention of the year 1662. As we have seen, Church control was, during the middle ages, in the main undisputed. An Act of 1567^ provided that all schools should be taught by masters tried by the superintendents or visitors of the Kirk. This was ratified in 1581^ and re-enacted in 1592^ In 1604 — two years before the episcopalian invasion — King James, after the Con- ference at Hampton Court, sent Articles to Scotland directing that schoolmasters should be ' sound and upright in religion ' and should hold their office at the pleasure of the Bishops. 1 Act 171. 2 j^ct 13. ^ Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, vol. iii. p. 42. * Ibid. p. 210. ■ 6 Ibid. p. 541. 122 THE PAROCHIAL SCHOOLS ACT, 1696. A statute of 1609' required that pedagogues should have a sufficient testimonial from the Bishop before going out of the Episcopal Kingdom in charge of the children of persons of and Presby- (lualitv. If the coutrol in ei)isco]ial days was terian control i • i i i i i of education. complete it had nevertheless no advantage over the control exercised by the Presbyterian establishment. An Act of 1693- declared all teachers to be liable to the trial, judgment and censure of the Presbyteries of the bounds for their sufficiency, qualifications and deportment ; and the Act of 1707^, which secured the Presbyterian form of Church government, compelled all schoolmasters, however appointed, to subscribe the Confession of Faith, to conform themselves to the Church and to submit themselves to the government thereof before the respective Presbyteries of their bound. The outward form not the inward spirit of the Church was altered. The Episcopacy from 1606 to 1646 and again from 1662 to 1690 had claimed with the aid of a stern law of conformity the control of youth and the Presbyterian Church abated no jot of its predecessor's pretensions. The results of the conflict for control were visible enough. The Act of 1696, which re-enacted the Education Act of 1646, was necessary because intermediate legislation and interference had negatived the force of the earlier Acts. Moreover the effects that were visible in the case of State-imposed primary education were not less noticeable in the case of the secondary system, which, though it derived no financial aid from the State, felt the full blast of the conformity legislation. But Scotland had not to bear all the disadvantages that England and Ireland were to suffer; for after 1689, at any rate, schoolmasters in Scotland were only asked to conform to a creed common to the different political phases of Presbyterianisin. The Established Church maintained its control of education, and, after the secession of 1843, successfully claimed the right to eject members of the Free Church from both parochial and burgh 1 Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland, vol. iv. p. 428. '^ Act 38. ^ Act G. THE ELGIN SCHOOL CASE. 123 schools. Public grammar schools in the burghs came within the scope of the statutes from 1567 to 1707 confirming Church control of education' and therefore legally, though perhaps not historically, the Church had a jurisdiction in the large towns, that was capable of ousting even the jurisdiction of the town counciP. In consequence of the decision in the Elgin School Case, which affirmed that the masters of a public burgh school were subject to the jurisdiction, superintendence and control of the Presbytery, the Burgh and Parochial Schools Act, 1861, was passed and the control of the Church over secondary education was abolished. Cluirch control over primary education was exercised as strictly as in the case of secondary education and perhaps more usefully. The Act of 1696 was made effective by the untiring energy of the Established Church and schools were erected in every parish in the kingdom. These schools were probably not subject to a disadvantage that did considerable harm to secondary education. The parish schools were for a time sufficient and had no fear of competition. The burgh and grammar schools were, comparatively, few in number and existed in dread of opposition from private and unlicensed schools. The Church had the power to crush such schools and did so remorselessly. Not the Church only but also the town councils, the magistrates, nay, even the Privy Council itself^ strove to suppress private Latin schools and with only too great a measure of success. The number of private licences granted were insufficient for the population. In 1724 five ' Third Report of the Schools Commission (Scotland), p. 11. 2 Elgin Presbytenj v. Elyin Town Council (Court of Sessions Cases, 2nd series, vol. xxni. j^p. 287—322). This case was before the Courts for tea years, from 1850 to 1801. It is impossible here to treat of the part played by the town councils in the development of secondary education in Scotland, i'rom early times they paid the salaries of the school- masters. An interesting account of the historical relationship of those councils to education is given in the report referred to in the previous note, p. 13 et seq. ^ Proclamation of 1680, quoted in the same report. \X 124 THE PAROCHIAL SCHOOLS ACTS, 1803, 1861. private teachers were considered sufficient for the city of Edinburgh. This licensing of private teachers lasted well into the nineteenth century. In the case of parochial schools, however, the system was gradually supplemented by voluntary schools. In 1803 it was necessary to pass an Act' regulating the salaries of master in parochial schools and to secure the l)rovision of adequate school-houses. In 1834 the first Govern- ment Grant (£10,000) was made'. The Parochial and Burgh Schools Act, 1861', introduced some needed changes. It gave the heritors power to establish female teachers and it largely modified the provisions of the Act of 1803 by which school- masters were required to sign the Confession of Faith and Formula of the Church of Scotland. The Act substituted for the Confession the form of Declaration con- of Church tained in the twelfth section. The statutory 1^^^°^ '" right of superintendence of schools was not taken from the ministers by this Act, and certain powers of management and superintendence were given by it expressly to the Presbyteries. The denominational question has, however, never really arisen in Scotland, and she can claim the distinction of having given a large proportion of her children, in every parish of the kingdom, for two hundred consecutive years a sound elementary education. 24. When we turn to Ireland we find the same course of development. By a Statute of the Irish Irish educa- t-,t \ p , r -i a -i^ -iii tionandthe rarliament oi 1537 it was provided tliat any ^*^*^" person on admission to anj"^ dignity, benefice, office or promotion spiritual, should take a corporal oath to "endeavour himself to learne, instruct, and teach the English tongue, to all and everie being under his rule, cure order, or governance, and in likewise shall bid the beades in the English tongue, and preach the word of God in English, if he can preach, and also for his own part shall use and exercise ' 43 Geo. in. c. 54. "- i & 5 Will. IV. c. 84. =* 24 & 25 Vict. c. 107. * 28 Hen. VIII. c. 16, s. 9. THE IRISH EDUCATION ACT, 1537. 125 the English order and habite, and also provoke as many as he may to the same, and also shall keepe, or cause to be kept within the place, territorie, or paroch where he shall have pre- eminence, nile, benefice or promotion, a schole for to learne English, if any children of his paroch come to him to learne the same, taking for the keeping of the same schole, such con- venient stipend or salarie, as in the said land is accustomably used to be taken." This Act, which reads as rather confirming a custom than instituting a system of parish schools, was, it would seem, purely political. The Irish monasteries had only been sup- pressed two years, Ireland was violently anti-English, and the first English king of Ireland took this not uneconomic step to anglicise a turbulent and baronial land. The teaching of English and not of letters was the object of the Act, but it nevertheless has an importance in this history of State educa- tion as one of the earliest legislative Acts directing under legal penalties the teaching of youth. The Act provided that if anyone took the oath and failed to observe it, he should be fined for the first offence 6.s. 8d., for the second ofiience he should be fined 20s., and if on a third tionlct, 153" occasion he failed to observe his oath his bene- fice was void. Thus we see that not only in the mid-sixteenth century was education in Ireland entirely in the hands of the ^y^ Church, but also that the State stood behind the Church and enforced national education of a kind through the medium of the Church. Subsequent legislation in no way secularised the educa- tional position, for by "An Act for the Erection of Free Schooles" of 1570', passed by the Irish Parliament, the pre- dominance of the clergy was even more strongly affirmed. This Act, by the terms of its preamble, applied to those "whose ignorance in these so high pointes touching their damnation proceedeth only of lack of good bringing up of the 1 12 Eliz. c. 1. 126 THE IRISH FREE SCHOOLS ACT, 1570. youth of this realm either in publique or private schooles, where tlirough good discipline they might be taught to avoide these lothsome and horrible errours." It enacted by its first section " That there shall be from henceforth a free schoole within every diocesse of this realm of Ireland, and that the schoolemaster shall be an Englishman, or of the English birth of this realm." It is, perhaps, a some- what melancholy reflection that, at tiiis late date, the exigen- cies of the position rendered it necessary for the Irish birth of Ireland to be excluded by an Irish Parliament from the privilege of teaching. This reflection is, however, lost (at least to educationalists), in the thought that the free school ^ , was open to all. The Act further provided that A free school ^ ■* in every Irish the Arclibishops of Armagh and Dublin and the diocese. Bishops of Meath and Kildare, were to appoint the schoolmasters in their dioceses, but that in all others the "lord deputie, or other governour or governours of this realm for the time being " should appoint " from time to time for ever." The Act next directed "the schoolehouse for every diocesse to be builded and erected in the principall shire towne of the diocesse, where schoolehouses be not alreadie builded, at the costes and charges of the whole diocesse, without respect of freedomes, by the devise and oversight of the ordinaries of the diocesse, or of the vicars generall (sede vacante) and the Shirifife of the shire." Finally it enacted that the Lord Deputy with the advice of his council should appoint the schoolmaster's salary, of which one-third was to be found by the Ordinary of the Diocese and two-thirds by the parsons, vicars, prebendaries and other ecclesiastical persons by an equal contribution to be made by the said Ordinary. In the matter of statutory enactments for the provision of schools, we see therefore that Ireland, in theory at any rate, stood on not altogether an inferior basis to Scotland. Indeed the imperative tone of the Legislature is more noticeable in the case of Ireland than that of Scotland, while the education is IRISH ACT OF UNIFORMITY, 1665. 127 placed exclusively in the hands of the Church ; though it must be remarked that the funds for school-building were collected with the aid of a lay official — the sheriffs The Restoration conformity legislation was applied to Ireland equally with England and Scotland, and a reference to such legislation will in point of date bring these comparative notes on the three Kingdoms into line. By an Act of 1665^ it was provided that Deans and other dignitaries, heads and fellows of Colleges or Hospitals etc., "and every parson, vicar, curate, lecturer, and every other person in holy orders, and every schoolmaster keeping any publique or private school, and every person instructing or teaching any youth in any house or private family as a tutor or schoolmaster" should subscribe the proper declaration. Section 6 required school- masters and private tutors to take the oath of allegiance and supremacy which was to be administered by the Ordinary. A penalty was imposed on schoolmasters and others who taught without licence ("for which he shall pay twelve pence onely"), and before subscription and acknowledgment, and before taking the oath of allegiance and supremacy. For the formit first offence against this provision the school- legislation, master was subject to three months' imprison- " ^' ment without bail or mainprise, and for a second or subse- quent oifences a similar term coupled with a fine of £5. We thus see that at this point the history of education in England, Scotland and Ireland respectively touched. Com- plete and irksome control by State and Church over education was exercised in the three Kingdoms, and the result was, as we have seen, a temporary suspension of education. In matters of detail Ireland had the chief cause for complaint. The distinction between Norman and native born, which was 1 See also 7 Will. III. c. 4; 8 Geo. I. c. 12, s. 9 ; 5 Geo. II. c. 4, s. 9, and 50 Geo. III. c. 33, ss. 1, 2. The enclowmeut of Trinity College, Dublin, and the foundation of a Free School were undertaken by the Commonwealth Parliament. See Act 74 of 164i). •' 17 & 18 Chas. II. c. 6, s. 5. 128 IRISH EDUCATIONAL SOCIETIES. abolished in England in the fourteenth century, still existed in Ireland in the seventeenth century, and the charge for a licence to teach, which had been abolished in England in the year 1200 a.d., was still maintained in Ireland at this late date. Uneconomic educational administration in Ireland pro- duced its inevitable result. In the last quarter of the eighteenth century the character and amount of education had fallen so low as to create alarm among both legislators and religious societies. The compulsory legislation had in a great measure failed. In the year 1788 we find that out of 838 benefices only 352 had schools in conformity with the Act of 1537'. But before that date a new movement was in progress. In 1786 the Society of Friends founded a school society in Dublin, and these schools seem to have welcomed children of all denominations. On January 18th, 1787, the Duke of Rutland" in his speech as Lord-Lieutenant to the Irish ^ , Parliament said: "I hope that some liberal Low state of • i c i i • education, and cxteusive plan for the general improve- ^''^' ment of education will be matured for an early execution." On April 18th, 1788, a Bill presented on March 3rd, 1788, to the Irish Parliament received the Royal assent. This Act provided for the appointment of a Commission to consider the state of education in Ireland^ In 1806 a further commission was appointed by an Act of the Imperial Parliament" to enquire into "the general funds and revenues granted for the purposes of education, and into the state and conditions of all schools in Ireland" (July 21st, 1806). The first chairman of this Commission, which pre- sented fourteen Reports between 1806 and 1813, was the sixth Duke of Bedford, Lord -Lieutenant of Ireland 1806-7'. 1 See licport on Foundation Schools (Ireland), 1838, pji. 4-6. 2 Charles Manners (1704-1787), fourth Duke. 3 2H Geo. III. c. ir). •« 4(i Geo. III. c. 122. 5 The father of Lord John Russell. IRISH COMMISSIONERS OF EDUCATION. 129 Voluutary effort was not prepared to wait for the conclu- sions of Royal Commissions. The Kildare Street Society was founded in 1811 and introduced the undenomiuational school system, accompanied by the use of the Bible without comment by the teacher on the text. The schools rapidly increased in iS' number, and the first English Parliamentary grant for Irish /^ education was made to this society in 1816\ It is worthy of note thaFat a date (1833) when no grant had yet been made for English elementary education grants amounting to above i £216,000 had already been made to the Kildare Street Society. The London Hibernian Society — which advocated I the teaching of Protestant principles — was formed in 1816, and by 1825 it possessed 1490 schools and was educating 100,000 children I In 1824 another Commission was appointed that printed nine reports. In 1831 Mr E. G. C S. Stanley ^ Chief Secretary for Ireland, convinced that no private society, deriving part of its income from private sources and only made the channel of legislative grants without being subject to any direct responsibility, could adequately and satisfactorily administer a great national system of education, appointed an independent and responsible Board of seven Commissioners with absolute control over the funds annually voted by Parlia- ment for the support of Irish national education \ The Commissioners were to grant aid towards the erection of schools, to appoint inspectors and an adequate staff, to award gratuities to teachers, to establish a model and training school, and to edit and publish suitable school books. The grants were to depend upon the amount of voluntary funds raised locally. The system came into commis- force in 1832-3. Until 1850 the grants were ^'°""'' '^^^■ 1 The first Irish grant was made in 1757 (31 Geo. II. c. 2) for Charter and other Protestant schools ; but by 13 Geo. II. c. 8 the Protestant School Society had already received State help. - Hansard, Vol. x. 3rd series, col. 854. ' In 1834 he became Lord Stanley and in 1851 the fourteenth Earl of Derby. •» Hansard, Vol. vi. 3rd series, cols. 1250—1261. M. 9 130 EDUCATION IN AMERICA. made by the Imperial Parliament to the Lord-Lieutenant, but were subsequently made direct to the Board of Commis- sioners. In 1845, and again in 1861, Royal Charters were granted to the Commissioners, it being provided that the Board should consist of ten Protestants and ten Catholics. In 1836-7 the number of scholars under the Government system was 166,929, and in 1886-7 it was 1,071,797, despite the fact that during that period the population had fallen from eight to five millions. The vote for Irish education in 1836-7 was £38,500, while in 1886-7 it was £852,000 \ 25. The early history of education in the colonies has an important bearing on the general historj'^ of and th"state education in England, and in the term colonies in New ^Q should iucludc those original colonies which England. i tt • i n ultimately became the United States ot America. It is not proposed here to investigate the founding of the earliest schools in New England^ ; it will be sufficient to refer to the extraordinarily early date at which both the local authority and the English Crown intervened in American education. As early as September 8th, 1G36, the General Court of the settlement voted £400 towards the building of a school or college, and on the death of John Harvard (1607- 1638), who bequeathed an endowment of books and money, the building began, and within a short time the great Univer- sity of the New World was a fact. Among the English State Papers there exists a catalogue of Harvard University graduates from 1642 to 1674. The catalogue mentions 201 graduates, including two from Oxford, four from Cambridge, one from ' Elanentarij Education Commission, 1888. Evidence of Sir Patrick Keen an, Q. 53, 132-9. ^ The assertion made in London in 1623 that the children of the colonists ' were not catechized nor tauj,'lit to read,' was rebutted at the time. But there was no public school at that date. (History of New England, by J. M. Palfrey, vol. ii. pp. -lo — !).) In the New Haven Colony as early as IGll it was ordered by the General Court that a free school should be set up and £20 a year allowed to Mr Ezekiell Cheevers, the schoolmaster. In August, 104-1, tliis was increased to £30 a year. {Records of the Colony and Plantations of New ILuen, vol. i. pp.02, 210.) INCORPORATION OF HARVARD UNIVERSITY. 131 Aberdeen, one from Dublin, and one from Lyons. Among the graduates was an Indian named Caleb Cheesechaumuck. Appended to this interesting document was a copy of Latin verses addressed to the King, the English Universities and the members of Harvard'. The Charter for Harvard College in Cambridge, Middlesex, in New England, for the education of English and Indian youth was granted on May 31, 1650. The Council was to consist of a President, five Fellows and a treasurer. The Charter was endorsed: "No power given in this Charter to confer degrees unless under the name of By laivs^." The Crown to some extent watched over higher education in New England, for we find in the instructions (dated April 23, 1664) to the Crown Commissioners appointed to visit Massachusetts an enquiry as to what had been done to- wards the foundation and maintenance of any college or schools^ Edward Randolph in his answer (October 12, 1676) to several heads of enquiry concerning the state of New England reported that there were three colleges at Cambridge, seven miles from Boston, one of timber covered with shingles of cedar at the charge of Mr Harvard and bearing his name, one a small brick building called the Indian College, where some few Indians did study, but then converted to a printing- house. New College, built at the public charge and covered with tiles, was not quite finished by reason of the late Indian war, but contained 20 chambers for students, two studies in a chamber, a hall for chapel, a con- u^iversky. venient library with books of the Fathers and school divines*, and many English books of Nonconformist writers, especially Mr Baxter and Dr Owen ; there they taught ^ Calendar of State Papers — Colonial Series, America and West Indies (1669-1674), p. 576. - Calendar of State Pa^jers— Colonial (1574-1660), p. 340. * Calendar of State Papers — Colonial Series, America and West Indies (1661-1668), p. 200. ■• Selden's opinion (p. 76 supra) as to the school divinity was held, we thus see, in the first University in the New World. 9—2 132 HARVARD UNIVERSITY IN 1676. Hebrew before they well understood Latin ; there were no formalities or distinctions of habits or other decencies as in England, much less exhibitions and supports for scholars ; they took no degree above Master of Arts ; their Commence- ment was kept yearly on August 2nd in the meeting-house at Cambridge, where the Governor and magistrates were present, attended with throngs of illiterate elders and members who were entertained with English speeches and verses ; most of the students had come from England, and there was at that time no settled President, but Mr Oakes, a rigid Independent, supplied his place ; the President's allowance was £100 a year and a good house ; there were but four fellowships, the two senior were worth £30 per annum, the two junior £15, but no diet allowed, and the holders of them were the tutors. Mr Thomas Graves, an ingenious and worthy i)erson, had been removed from his fellowship by the late President, Dr Hoare, for refusing to renounce the Church of England. The government of the colleges was in the hands of the Governor and magistrates'. This rather acrid account of the early days of Harvard suggests a fairly flourishing community. The presence of Urian Oakes'-, who, though of English birth, was educated in New England, and graduated at Harvard before returning to England, was a guarantee of sound scholarship. The certainty of Government control placed the college in a position of security. The question of education in New England indeed occupied the attention of both the home and the colonial Governments. A remarkable Act, passed by the Commonwealth Parliament ' Calendar of State Papers — Colonial Series, America and West Indies (1675-1G7G), p.'467. ^ Urian Oakes (1631 ?-lG81) was born in England and was Vicar of Titchfield during the Commonwealth. He was ejected in 1662. In 1671 he was chosen minister of Cambridge, Massachusetts, by a deputation sent to England. He liecamc a Governor of Harvard and, in 1675, provisional President. In ](')7i) he acci'iited the full presidency. He was a prose writer of distinction and an elegant Latinist. SCHOOLS FOR COLONIAL ABORIGINES. 133 in 1649', for the purpose of "promoting and propagating the Gospel of Jesus Christ in New-England," dealt with the question of educating the natives. The wealth coio- Act recited that "the Commons of England "i^i Education . Act, 1649. assembled in Parliament " had received certain intelligence that much gooil had been done by "some godly English of this Nation " through the preaching of the Gospel in the Indian language, and that many of the natives taught " their Children what they are instructed in themselves, being careful to place their said Children in godly English Families, and to put them to English Schools." The Act went on to recite that the work could not be prosecuted with expedition and further success unless there were, among other things, " Universities, Schools, and Nurseries of Literature setled for further instructing and civilizing them." The English in New England were, however, too poor to undertake this work, and therefore by this Act the English Parliament founded a Corporation of sixteen persons — a President, a treasurer and fourteen assistants — to be called " The President and Society for propagation of the Gospel in New-England," and with power to hold land in England of the value of £2,000 without license in mortmain. " The Commissioners of the United Colonies of New-England" were given power to receive and dispose of moneys and commodities acquired by the corpora- tion and to dispose of such moneys " in such maner as shall best and principally conduce to the preaching and propagating of the Gospel of Jesus Christ amongst the Natives, and also for maintaining of Schools and Nurseries of Learning, for the better education of the children of the Natives." In order to provide the necessary money Parliament ordered a general collection to be made " in and through all the Counties, Cities, Towns and Parishes of England and Wales." The ministers through- out the country were required to read out the Act to their congregations on the next Lord's Day after receiving it, " and ^ Chapter 45. Scobell's Acts of Parliament. 134 THE PRIVY COUNCIL AND COLONIAL EDUCATION. to exhort the people to a chearful and liberal contribution." The collection was not to be made in cluirch. The minister and churchwardens or overseers of the poor and other well affected persons nominated by the minister were authorised after the reading,' of the Act "to go with all convenient speed from house to house, to every of the Inhabitants of the said Parishes and places respectively, and to take the subscription of every such person in a schedule to be presented by them for that purpose, and accordingly at the same time to collect and gather the same." A duplicate of the schedule with the money was within ten days to be paid into the hands of county treasurers, "persons of (piality resident in each County," and the receipt for such payment was a sufficient discharge to the various collectors. This voluntary rate was actually levied throughout the country, and the money received by the Society was de- voted to the purchase of land in order to secure a permanent income for the carrying on of the work of the Corporation. But the collectors do not appear to have been in all cases reliable, for we find an Order of the Council of State, dated July 17th, 1655, dealing with the (question of moneys collected and not paid over. The President and Society were directed by this Order to take the most effectual means for getting in the sums so collected, and to certify the reason of the delay. The Society was also required to make a return of all the money collected, how it had been disposed of, and how the growing revenues were employed'. From a petition presented to the Crown and read July 2nd, 1602, we learn that the King confirmed the existence of this Society under the name, seem- ingly, of " The Company for Propagation of the Gospel in New England and i)arts adjacent of America." The petition recited that many natives had been converted and that the New Testament and a good part of the Old (" whereof the rest is making ready for the press ") had been printed in ' Calendar of State Papers — Colonial (1574 — 16G0), p. 4'2G. MASSACHUSETTS EDUCATION ACT, 1692. 135 the Indian language. It complains, however, that the pro- duce of their land was withheld by the former owner, and that the former collections were in part withheld, and attri- butes to this a deficit during two years. The income was too small to enable the Society to bring actions for the re- covery of the money detained, to continue the translation and printing of the Bible and the maintenance of the schools for the Indian children. The Society therefore begged the King to grant one general collection throughout England and Wales for the purposes aforesaid, for that the benefit intended by the former collections was not fully attained, there having been divers counties in the Kingdom, and several parishes in the City of London, the education wherein no collections for this work had been of natives, ID02. made. This petition was read on July 2nd, 1662, at Whitehall, and an Order in Council was at once made recommending the petition to the Lord Chancellor, who was directed to give order for a brief for a general collection as asked'. It is not necessary to pursue further the educational work of this Society. Enough has been written to show that the English Parliament was prepared in those early days to make efforts on behalf of education in the colonies, and we shall see that similar efforts were not wanting in other colonies. It is necessary here to refer to the work done by the Colonial Government in New England on behalf of an organized system of education. Immediately after the re-grant of a Charter to the colony of Massachusetts (October 7th, 1691), the "Great Legislation and General Court or Assembly of the Province of in Massachu- the Massachusetts Bay in New-England" passed ^^ ^' ' ^^' ia 1692 "An Act for the Settlement and Support of Ministers and Schoolmasters." This provincial Act was sent to England for ratification, and was confirmed by the Crown on the 22nd ' Calendar of State Papers— Colonial Series, America and West Indies (1061-1668), pp. 95—96. 136 THE MASSACHUSETTS EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM. of August, 1695'. The part of the Act that relates to educa- tion runs as follows: "Be it Ordained and Enacted by the Governor, Council, and Representatives, convened in General Court or Assembly, and by the Authority of the same That every Town within this Province, having the Number of Fifty Housholders, or upwards, shall be constantly provided of a Schoolmaster, to teach Children and Youth to read and write. And where any Town or Towns have the Number of One hundred Families or Housholders, there shall also be a Grammar School set up in every such Town, and some discreet Person, of good Conversation, well instructed in the Tongues, procured to keep such School ; every such Schoolmaster to be suitably encouraged and paid by the Inhabitants. And the Select-men and Inhabitants of such Towns respectively, shall take effectual Care, and make due Provision for the Settle- ment and Maintenance of such Schoolmaster and Masters. And if any Town, (qualified as before expressed, shall neglect the due Observance of this Act, for the Procuring and Settling of any such Schoolmaster, as aforesaid, by the space of One Year, every such defective Town shall incur the Penalty of Ten Pounds for every Conviction of such Neglect, upon Complaint made unto Their Majesties Justices in Quarter- Sessions for the same County in which such defective Town lietli ; which Penalty shall be toward the Support of such School or Schools within the same County, where there may be most Need, at the Discretion of the Justices in Quarter- Sessions; to be levied by Warrant from the said Court of Sessions in Proportion upon the Inhabitants of such defective Town, as other publick Charges, and to l)e paid unto the County Treasurer." This is a truly remarkable document. It is a colonial Act that became law at a period when in ]<]ngland religious dissensions and the Act of Uniformity of 1662 had reduced popular education to almost its h)west level. Yet it is a ' The Act is No. 11 of the year 1C'J2, aud was passed at Boston. THE CONNECTICUT CODE, 1650. 137 statute of the English Crown — it is headed "Anno Regni Quarto Gulielmi & Mariae" — and contains within it a policy not only enlightened for its date, not only undictated by political motives, but one as wise and helpful as that State system of primary and secondary education which education- alists are striving to secure to-day. Yet it is nearly 210 years since the Legislature of New England determined to reproduce the grammar school system of Old England supported by a com- pulsory rate, and to supplement it with a compulsory primary system such as England was not destined to see even in theory until 1876. The adoption of the English county machinery and divisions is in itself remarkable and shows how at that date the possibilities of a rate- supported system of education in England had suggested themselves to Englishmen abroad. But remarkable as w^as this early production of an educa- tional system in Massachusetts Bay an even earlier develop- ment took place in the colony of Connecticut. As early as October 25, 1644, the General Court granted a voluntary rate for the maintenance of poor scholars at Harvard College, and this was confirmed by the Code of Laws estab- _ ,. , ■' , _ Connecticut lished by the General Court in May, 1650. This Education code dealt in a most remarkable manner with *^' ^ ^°' the whole question of education. Under the title " children " it ordered the select men of every town to see that parents by themselves or others taught their children and apprentices to read English perfectly, and to have a knowledge of all offences punishable by death " vppon penalty of twenty shillings for each neglect therein." The children had also "to learne some shorte orthodox Catechisme, without booke," and they were to be brought up to some honest calling if the parents or masters could not or would not "traine them vp in Learning to fitt them for higher imployments " If the parents or masters remained negligent of their duty it was the busine.ss of the select men, with the help of two magistrates, to take the children or apprentices from such parents or masters " and sy 138 THE RELATION OF PARENT AND CHILD. place tliem witli some masters for yeares, boyes till they come to twenty one and girles to eighteene yeares of age compleat, which will more strictly looke vnto, and force them to submitt vnto gouernment, according to the rules of this order, if by faire meanes and former instructions they will not bee drawne vnto it'." The Legislature of this colony fully realised in 1650 a fact that England has only realised since 1894^ and which the executive still regards as negligeable : in 1650 the Legis- lature of Connecticut laid down the rule of law that the rights of a parent to the custody, control, and society of his child ceased absolutely unless the parent was able to show that he was bringing up a child of school age in such a way that he was likely to be useful to the community. In England the sacred rights of a parent have ever been regarded as practically indefeasible. The right of the English parent was more comprehensive than the right of the Roman parent in the early days of the Republic. The Roman father was allowed to kill the body of his child; the English parent could, and practically can, distort the entire moral purpose of his child's existence. The framer^ of the Code realised that the community which makes education compulsory must supply schools, and under the title " schooles " the necessary provision is made. In order to promote the " use of tongues" and " that Learning may not bee buried in the Graue of our Fore- fathers, in Church and Commonwealth, the Lord assisting our indeauors," the Court orders that in every township of ^ The Public RecnrtJs of (he Coloiu/ of Connecticut (1635-1665), pp. 112, 520, 554 and see also pp. 139, 250. 2 Protection of Children Act, 1S'.)4 (57 & 58 Vict. c. 41). 3 linger Ludlow, the first l)ii)uty Governor of tlie Colony of Connec- ticut, was deputed on April Dtli, 1646, to draft the Code which is known either as 'Mr Ludlow's Code,' or as 'The Code of 1650.' He was born in Wiltshire about 15',)0, was educated at Balliol College, Oxford, and sailed for America about 1(;30. After stirring days he returned to England in 1056. THE GROWTH OF EDUCATION IN CONNECTICUT. 139 fifty householders the township shall appoint one within the town "to teach all such children as shall resorte to him, to write and read, whose wages shall bee paid either by the parents or masters of such children, or by the Inhabitants in generall by way of supplye, as the maior parte of those who order the prudentialls of the Towne shall appointe ; provided that those who send theire children bee not oppressed by more than they can haue them taught for in other Townes. And it is further ordered, that where any Towne shall increase to the number of one hundred families or housholders, they shall sett vp a Grammer Schoole, the masters thereof being able to instruct youths so farr as they may bee fitted for the University '. And if any Towne neglect the performance hereof aboue one yeare, then euery such Towne shall pay fine pounds per Annum, to the next such Schoole, till they shall performe this order." This Act is even more explicit than the Act of Massachusetts Bay of 1592, The New England Act, which was possibly founded upon Ludlow's Code, is only more remarkable in the fact that it was an Act of the English Crown. Both these Acts show a deter- mination to establish in the new colonies an effective system of education. Some further brief reference must be made to the edu- cational movement in Connecticut. On May 13, 1678, the General Court amended the title "schooles" in the Code to the effect that when a township numbered thirty, instead of fifty families, it should maintain a schooP. In October, 1684, it was ordered that houses and lands given for the support of any school should be exempt from taxation ^ By an order of January 1686-7 it was provided that certain surplus money in 1 This probably conveyed to Ludlow, an Oxford man, a more definite meaning than it did to the majority of tlie settlers. - The Public Records of the Colony of Connecticut (May, 1678 — June, 1689), p. 9. =» Ibid. p. 158. 140 THE EARLY AMERICAN EDUCATIONAL POLICY. the colonial treas\iry should be applied to the improvement of the grammar schools in each couutj^ town, and in defjinlt of these to other schools'. On October 10, 1690, the General Court ordered the foundation of two free schools, at Hartford and Newdiaven, for the teaching of reading, writing, arith- metic, Latin and Greek'-. In the year 1700 the General Court dealt with the (piestion of schools from the point of view of classification. It ordered that there should be four grammar schools at the four county towns — Hartford, New- haven, New London and Fairfield — that all other towns should with seventy families and upwards have a reading and writing school open all the year ; but that all towns with less than seventy families need only have a school open for one-half the year. A specific rate was levied throughout the colony for the maintenance of all the schools-'. By an Act of j\Iay 14, 1702, the rate when raised was paid over to the " committees for the school " in the larger towns, and the select men in smaller towns, for the purposes of maintenance \ These committees were, it seems, appointed by the General Court. Much might be added on the subject of early State- aided education in these first colonies*, but this wide subject cannot be treated at large in these pages. We have seen with how broad an outlook legislators in those early days treated the whole question of education. They realised the simple and obvious fact that the youth of a nation are the custodians of its destiny, and strove to rear them with a sense of that awful responsibility. How different would all things have been had the advisers of the Crown in England in the seventeenth century 1 The Public Records of the Colony of Connecticut (May, 1078— June, 1C89), pp. 224, 225. - Ihid. August, IG89— May, 170G, p. 31. ^ ////(/. p. ;i31. The rate was forty sbillin}.!s upon every thousand pounds in the respective lists of estates in each town. •« Ihiil. p. :{75. ' In 1057 in the colony of Newhaven schools were ordered to be founded in every plantation. Other instances might be enumerated. ADDISON AND NATIONAL EDUCATION. 141 adopted the suggestion contained in the legishxtiou of the New England states, and introduced a compulsory imminence and universal system. The event was imminent of compulsory •' . education in in 1G50 ; by 1670 its possibility was postponed England in for two centuries. Such a system indeed would ^^^°' have rendered needless those devoted voluntary efforts that created the charity schools of the eighteenth century and laid the foundation of the voluntary system. The historian of altruism would grudge the loss of such a chapter. Joseph Addison regarded these charity schools as the glory of his age\ and no one who has closely traced the history of the voluntary system can withhold deep admiration for the un- wearied efforts of those who made it possible ; but when we remember that in 1870 there were still one million children in England without the elements of knowledge, it is impossible not to regret that the State should, at a date when compulsion was natural and desirable, have left to the individual to perform imperfectly the thing that it itself could have done so well. 26. From New England we turn to the Province of South Carolina. In this colony an Act for founding a state educa- Free School was passed on April 8th, 1710. This tion in south was followed on June 7th, 1712, by "An Act for the Encouragement of Learning." Both these Acts were re- pealed by an Act ratified on December 12th, 1712". The Act recited that " it is necessary that a Free-School be erected for the Instruction of the Youth of this Province in Grammar, and other Arts and Sciences and useful Learning, and also in the Principles of Christian Religion," and recites further that money had been left for this purpose by various persons and then proceeds : "Be it therefore Enacted by the most noble Prince Henry, Duke of Beauford, Palatine, and the rest of the 1 The Guardian, No. 105. Saturday, July 11, 1713. Works, 1811, vol. V. p. 229. 2 Nos. 296, 316 and 330 in Trott's Laws of the Province of South Carolina. 142 THE PALATINATE OF CAROLINA. true and absolute Lords and Proprietors of this Province, by and with the Advice and Consent of the rest of the Members of the General Assembly, now met at Charles-Town for the South- West Part of this Province, and by the Authority of the same" that certain persons be appointed Commissioners for the erecting of a school for the use of the inhabitants of South Carolina. In addition to this central school a general scheme of education was devised, and the residue of the duties upon "Skins and Purrs" was devoted (after payments to the ministers of religion and to the provincial library at Charles- town') to the payment of the salaries of masters in the various schools to be established under sections 21 and 22 of the Act. Section 21 runs as follows: — "And as a further and more general Encouragement for the Instructing of the Youth of this Province in useful and necessary Learning ; Be it Enacted by the Authority aforesaid. That as soon as a School-Master is settled in any other, or all the rest of the Parishes of this Province, and approved by the Vestry of such Parish or Parishes, such School-Master so approved, from Time to Time, shall receive the Sum of J'en Pounds per annum, out of the Publick Treasury, by Quarterly Pa)^ments, and the Publick Receiver is hereby required to pay the same." Section 22 is equally important: "And be it further Enacted, That the Vestry of each Parish in this Province, shall have Power, and they are hereby impowered to appoint a Place where the Pari.sh-School shall be built, and shall draw upon the publick Receiver toward Building the same, the Sum of Twelve Pounds current Money, and the publick Receiver is hereby required to pay the same accordingly." This Act of 1712 is most interesting from many points of view. We get in it a glimpse of an Upper and Lower Chamber and of a Prince Palatine- that are little known to the general 1 Cf. the statute of 1708 (7 Anne, c. 14) founding parochial libraries in Enfjlaud. * The history of the County Palatine of the Province of Carolina EDUCATION IN NEWFOUNDLAND. 143 readers of history, while the Act itself is a piece of enlightened policy that would have done infinite credit to later days. The attempt both in New England and in South Carolina to create a State system of secondary and primary education necessarily takes an important place in the history of colonial education. 27. The recent volumes of special reports issued by the Board of Education on the educational systems colonial of the British Empire contain some important education and details as to the beginning of colonial educa- Newfound- tion. We may draw from these reports some '^"'^' of the interesting information there gathered together. Despite the early discovery of Newfoundland by Cabot in 1497 it was not until the nineteenth century that the English Government chose to recognise it in the light of a colony or settlement. Stern measures were indeed taken to prevent immigration, and as late as 1783 Governor Elliott asked the British Ministry to prohibit the residence of women on the island. As recently as 1811 it was still regarded as merely a fishing-ground, and dwelling-houses could not be erected without a special license. But it is a hard thing to lock out British subjects from any land, and by the beginning of the nineteenth century there was an English-speaking, scattered, coast population of 25,000. The Government had never done anything for these people, who were living under barbarous and degrading conditions ; but, as early as 1726, voluntary effort was at work. In that year the Society for the Propaga- tion of the Gospel in Foreign Parts founded a scliool at Bona Vista. Another was started at St John's in 1744 : a third in be^ns with the Charter of Charles II. granted on March 24:th, 1663. This Charter delimited the province and made certain peers and knights the true and absolute lords of Carolina. By a further Charter of June 30, 1665, the powers of the proprietors and the area of the province were enlarged. Though the province and the inhabitants were subject to the King, the power of the lords was absolute, and included the powers of life and death, the power of creating dignities, and of creating a constitution. It was under a constitution so created that this Act was passed. 144 EDUCATION IN NOVA SCOTIA, IIGG at Harbor Grace, and a fourth in the following year at Sally Cove. Other schools were founded in 1778, 1790, 1798, 1810, 1811. These schools, with their lending libraries and gifts of Bibles and Books of Common Prayer to those who learned to read, had a marvellous effect on the population, and laid the foundation for the work of the Newfoundland School Society which Samuel Codner founded in 1828. The English Government of that date, awakening to the need for pojjular education, aided the Society by grants of land for school purposes, by gifts of money for school buildings, by grants for the salaries of teachers who were taken out to the islands on ships of war. The first school was open for the "poor of all denominations" on September 20th, 1824, and was conducted under the monitorial system. The schools with the aid of the Colonial and Continental Church Society rapidly multiplied. The first grant in aid of education by the local Legislature was made in 1836. In 1842 there were sixty schools with 3500 scholars, and the future of education in Newfoundland was assured. 28. As early as 1749 the Society for the Propagation of -, „ the Gospel in Foreign Parts sent six clergy and Nova Scotia. , ^ ° . six schoolmasters to Nova Scotia. The schools were at first supported by the fees of pupils, but towards the end of the eighteenth century they were aided by small Government grants. The Provincial Legislature established a seminary at Windsor in 1788, and a grammar school at Halifax in 1789. King's College was incorporated in the same year and obtained a grant in 1790. Li 1802 this college received the Royal Charter with an endowment of £1000 a year, but no member of the college was allowed to attend any place of worship where Divine Service was not performed according to the Liturgy of the Church of England. Grammar schools were established with grants by the local Education Act of 1811. In 1805 a movement in favour of undenomina- tional education had been started, but the elVort to found a STATE EDUCATION IN ONTARIO. 145 State-aided undenominational university at Picton failed. In 1814 and 1817 respectively schools on the systems of Lancaster and Bell were started and received Government aid. An attempt to establish free education made in 1825 was un- successful, but the principle of the admission of a certain number of free scholars was adopted in 1841, and general free education was introduced in 1864. Altogether Nova Scotia is an interesting instance of the early introduction of etfective State-aid and of wide-spread interest in educational questions. 29. In the case of Ontario, more detailed information might well have been given in the reports as to Ontario, the early history of education. We are told, however, that four grammar schools were founded in December, 1798, and were endowed by the Government with waste lands; that, from the earliest settlement, schools were established ; and that a University was founded as early as 1827. In 1844 the elementary schools were placed upon a comprehensive basis, and in 1876 they were brought under the control of the Minister of Education. 30. The complaint as to a dearth of early information in the case of Ontario may be made with greater Jamaica, force in the case of Jamaica. The report tells us that there were two or tliree elementary day schools for children of free parents previous to 1820. Information might well have been given as to important earlier efforts promoted by the State. The extremely early date of those efforts make them important and justify some references to them here that are not contained in the report. In 1695, among the Acts of the Assembly passed in the Island of Jamaica, was " An Act for erecting and establishing a Free-school in the Parish of St Andrew " ' on land given by Nicholas Laws of that parish. The Act runs as follows : — " That it shall and may be lawful to make and establish on the said Land a Free-school, for the Abiding, Dwelling, and necessary Use of one or more School- 1 Acts of the Assepiblij, 1681-1737, No, 62. M. 10 14G JAMAICA EDUCATION ACTS, 1695, 1736. masters and Ushers of the Religion of the Church of England, for the instructing (without Charge) of Youth, in Reading, Writing, Latin, Greek, Hebrew, Arithmetick, Merchants- accompts, and the Mathematicks." "Youth" inchided "the Children of the Parish of St Andrew and Kingston, and the Children of all such as shall settle to the Value of Five Pounds per Annum, or pay Fifty Pounds current Money of Jamaica, for the Improvement and Advancement of the said School." The appointment of the school -governors, after a period, was invested in the Governor of the island. It seems probable that this school was both privately endowed and aided by the Government. Whether this is so or not we have here an undeniable example, at a very early date, of State intervention in education, and it must be remembered that this was at a time when general education in England was at a very low level. The Assembly at Jamaica passed a further Act in 1736' for erecting and establishing in Kingston a free school under the will of John Wolmer of Kingston. These instances did not involve any compulsory system, but they show an interest by the State in education in unusually early days. In the beginning of the nineteenth century, however, education had fallen on evil times. As we have seen, elemen- tary education previous to 1820 consisted of two or three day schools for free children. Between 1820 and 1834 there were founded seven Church of England schools for the children of free parents and 40 schools of various denomi- nations for slave children. The slaves were emancipated in 1834, and the British Government, with a compassion that with greater justice miglit have been shown to the un- emancipated children of Manchester and Preston, expended in 183.5-G about £50,000 in the erection of school liouses. At State-aid ^^^^^ '^^^^ about tlic Same sum in all had been for distant expended by the State on elementary educa- tion in England. One of the most remarkable ' Acts of the Assembly, 1681-1737, No. 373. EDUCATION IN BRITISH GUIANA. 147 facts indeed about colonial education is the early aid that was given by a home Government that allowed its own children to grow up under mental, moral and physical conditions too ap- palling for description. Well fostered, the work in Jamaica grew apace. In 1837, 12,580 children were on the books of 183 elementary day schools, with an average attendance of 777 per cent., while there were 139 Sunday-schools with the names of 20,870 scholars on the books, and 95 evening schools with 5304 scholars ; and all these in addition to 124 private schools. From 1837 to 1842 there was a yearly State grant from England of £30,000, and a gradually diminishing grant was made until 1846, whilst a further source of revenue was found in Lady Mico's Trust, which in 1836 was converted by the Court of Chancery from the extinct purpose of redeeming Christian captives in Algeria to the laudable object of educat- ing emancipated negroes in Mauritius, Jamaica, and other West Indian Islands. In spite of continual protection the tropical growth of education in Jamaica withered very rapidly. It was cursed from the first with the monitorial system, and took no deep root. Mr Lowe's method of examination was, however, intro- duced in 1867, and under sound economic conditions educa- tion revived. 31. Some reference must be made to British Guiana. As early as 1808 the London Missionary Society sent a teacher to this remote Colony. In 1824 r- ^"^'^^ '' uuiana. a proposal to establish free schools for boys and girls received some support. In 1830 there was a Government grant for education of £150, and in 1838 the Legislature voted a considerable sum for schools. At an early date the British and Foreign Bible Society established a school at New Amsterdam, while about 1836 six undenomina- tional schools were founded out of Lady Mico's converted Trust. Teaching in the various schools was bad— an inevitable 10—2 148 DUTCH EDUCATION IN CAPE COLONY. concomitant of the monitorial system. Government grants in aid of secondary education began in 18-44, and Queen's College, Georgetown, a Church of England grammar school, was incorporated by ordinance in 1848 and received grants until 1876. 32. We now turn to Cape Colony. It is here, the reports tell us, that we find the earliest trace of any Colonial system of elementary education. It must, however, be pointed out that the Dutch South African schools of the seventeenth century were in no sense comparable with, nor so early in date as, the highly-developed educational systems brought into existence in the New England States in the same century, while we may reasonably doubt if education in the true sense of the word really existed at the Cape before the beginning of the eighteenth century. The rule of the Dutch East India Company at the Cape practically lasted from 1652 to 1806. As early as 1656 a school was established at Cape Town for the instruction of slave children from the West Coast of Africa. The instruction was intended to in- clude reading, writing, the casting of accounts, and religious training. The school lasted only a few weeks, but was revived in 1661. A second school was opened in 1663 with 17 pupils, namely, one Hottentot, four slave children, and twelve Euro- peans. Reading, writing, and arithmetic were taught. Poor children were instructed for "the love of God." The first school at Stellenbosch was opened in 1 683 ; the cost of building was chiefly borne by the Council of Policy. In 1690 an infant school was opened at Cape Town, and in 1700 a school was founded at Drakenstein. These beginnings are hardly comparable with the work carried on at the same date in New England, where, as we have seen, a carefully elaborated scheme of elementary and secondary education had been placed upun the Statute Book as early as 1650, and were, as we shall see, far behind the syhtem of education carried on in the Isle of Man in the beginning of the eighteenth century, DE mist's educational POLICY. 149 The first signs of organised State interference in education at the Cape were seen in 1714, when an Ordinance dealing with the management of the schools became law, and a State High School where Dutch and Latin were taught, was founded in Cape Town. The school was discontinued in 1725. In 1743 two new school centres, known later as Tulbagh and Malmes- bury, were created, but education generally seems to have been in a very backward state. In 1779 a School Com- mission was appointed to investigate a complaint made by the licensed schoolmasters that their pupils were drawn away by unlicensed teachers. It is not without interest to recall the fact that similar complaints were common in England in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. From the report of the Commission it appears that at that date there were eight elementary schools, containing 696 pupils (including slave children), and some private schools of a secondary character. Various attempts to place education on a sound basis were made by the Dutch between 1779 and the final English occupation in 1806, but with little result. It is necessary, however, to refer to the School Ordinance of 1804 issued under the guidance of de Mist, the Commissioner-General sent to South Africa by the Batavian Republic to take over the Colony from England. There can be little doubt that de Mist was one of the soundest educationalists of either the eighteenth y^ g^eat or nineteenth centuries. In 1804 he found it Dutch educa- possible to place upon the Statute Book all those principles regarding the elementary education of the masses which Mr Robert Lowe in 1863 in England after a long and bitter struggle incorporated in his Revised Code. De Mist's Ordinance provided for the foundation of a training school for teachers under competent instructors brought from Holland, and laid down the rule that after an interval of five years no uncertificated master could teach in the schools. His scheme provided for secondary education 150 ENGLISH ADOPTION OF DE MIST'S SCHEME. and for the instruction of girls in "female handiwork and domestic housekeeping." Lower mixed .schools were to be founded all over the Colony and were to be placed under the control of local authorities. The money for education was to be provided by the direct taxation of connnodities, by death duties and a school rate. Moreover, in order to secure the future of education, de Mist introduced the invaluable provi- sion that no person born in the Colony after January the 1st, 1800, could hold a Government post yielding a salary of 300 Cape rix dollars unless he had received his elementary educa- tion at a school with a certificated teacher, nor hold a post with a salary of 1000 Cape rix dollars unless he had also passed creditably through the highest class of a Latin (or secondary) school. No admiration is too great for the genius that at such a date could have conceived such a scheme. The foresight and the absence of that expediency which sacrifices posterity to the supposed interest of a par- ticular class or creed is truly remarkable and stamps de Mist as an educationalist of the first order. It is satisfactory to recall the fact that it was not the English occupation of 1806 that wrecked the scheme. The Dutch Airmers from end to end of the Colony rebelled against this "irreligious" ordin- ance, and it only came into partial operation. In 1807 the English Government put it.self into communica- recognition tion witli de Mist's Couimissioii, and found that ofdeMisfs ^^Q Lj^tijj School, the Girls' Secondary School Scheme. . ' , •' . and eight common schools, with 800 pupils, had been founded. The Connnission agreed that English should be taught in the two secondary schools, and promi.sed to subsidise the English private schools. For a time things went well. Sir John Cradock started a .scheme by which there were to be paid teachers in ten country districts, and these teachers — Church clerks in most places — were tested as to capacity in Cape Town. Half the school fees were given to the teachers and an additional grant was offered to those ENGLISH EDUCATION IN CAPE COLONY. 151 who were able to teach English. In thinly populated districts itinerant schoolmasters were supplied \ The introduction of the monitorial system from England in 1812 met with its usual fatal success, and an attempt in 1813 to carry out de Mist's idea of a normal school naturally fell through. Free " English " schools were introduced in 1822, and in 1827 there were 26 free schools with 1,737 pupils and 20 Church clerk schools with 635 pupils ; but despite the founding of the South African College in 1839, the tendency of the general education was to decrease in value, and we find that under the influence of European Missionary Societies better provision was made for the education of the coloured children than of the white children. In 1838 Sir John Herschell, the astrono- mer, then resident at the Cape, advised certain modifications of the system of education, and in particular HerscheU's recommended the appointment of a responsible educational head who should control and inspect the whole ^y^^^'^- of the educational work. His recommendations were sub- mitted to the home Government and approved, and Mr James Rose-Innes, who had taken an active work in the education of the Colony from 1822, was appointed Superintendent-General of Education. His earnest labours were rapidly crowned with success, and as early as 1844 there were 50 Government and Government-aided schools in active work with 5,592 pupils. Primary and secondary education were both under State control, and the training of teachers formed part of the general system. 33. The admirable report on the history of State education in South Africa contrasts favourably with the meagre details given in the report on ^^ Ceylon. The history of the efforts of the Dutch in South 1 It is interesting to recall the fact that the idea of itinerant school- masters was contained in Ci'oniweU's Act of 1649 for the promotion of education in Wales, and that in 17S0 Griffith Jones started his Welsh circulating schools. See also Appendix iii. pp. 256-7, infra. 152 EDUCATION IN NEW SOUTH WALES. Africa creates the presumption that the Batavian Republic was not idle with respect to education in the important Colony of Ceylon. The only information, however, vouchsafed on this subject is that on the English occupation of the Island in 1796, a few English and Dutch vernacular schools were taken over by the English Government and £2000 a year was spent on education. No aid was afforded to the numerous missionary schools — a possibly not unwise policy if it averted the general introduction of the monitorial system. In 1S34 a Commission was formed to control the Government schools, and education was placed on a permanent basis. In connexion with the Colonies it only now remains to deal with Australasia. Governor Phillip, who in 1788 was entrusted with the formation of. the first Australian Settle- ment, was instructed by the home Government that 200 acres of land near every township were to be set apart for the maintenance of the schoolmaster. It was a necessary instruc- tion, as many children went out in the " First Fleet,*' but, by some strange miscalculation, no schoolmaster sailed and it was not until four years later that any educational effort was made. 34. The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Australia- Foreign Parts about that time granted £10 New South apiece for four teachers. The work, however, was apparently done by the Chaplain of the Settlement, who taught over 150 children. In 1796 Phillip pointed out to the British Government the necessity of founding a public school, and in March, 1802, he reported that " finer or more neglected children are not to be met with in any part of the world" ; they numbered 1002. He built a school at Hawkesbury at the cost of the Crown, and levied a voluntary rate for the maintenance of the schoolmaster. In 1807 Governor Blyth reported " we are doing all in our power to educate the children, having nearly 400 of them under tuition in different parts of tlie Colony." This meant that 800 to 1000 children were without any public tuition, but EDUCATION IN VICTORIA. 153 Blyth's report was nevertheless a hopeful one. From 1810 the struggle for education was continued manfully and without intermission. The various Churches, belonging for the most part to the Establishment, founded schools by means of State grants derived out of certain custom duties called " Orphan Dues," from the fact that the first charge upon them was for the maintenance and education of orphan children. This State system of education by grants was not however organised, and there was no general plan of teaching until in June, 1844, Mr Robert Lowe, the creator of the famous Revised Code in England nearly twenty years later, carried a resolution in the New South Wales Legislature for the appointment of a Select Committee to enquire into the existing means of education, and to report a method for placing it on a sound basis. The report of 1844 showed a great deficiency of education. There were 25,676 children between the ages of 4 and 14 years, and of these 50 per cent, were without education ; whilst under 8000 children were in State-aided schools and less than 5000 children were in private schools. It was not, however, until 1848 that a national system of education was introduced, and for eighteen years this system worked side by side with the old State-aided denominational system. In 1866 Sir Henry Parke promoted an Act that created a Board of Education, and laid the foundation of the present educational system. 35. The rapidity of the growth of the desire for education in Australia is shown clearly in that part of '' Victoria. New South Wales which became the Colony of Victoria. On May 25th, 1836, the year after the first perma- nent settlement in Port Phillip District (Victoria), the popu- lation consisted of 142 males and 35 females. In 1841 the white population was 11,738. Of these 2,339 were children of school age, and almost one-third of that number were receiving education in the 20 schools of the district. In 1857 there were 36,671 scholars in 675 schools. In 1862 a Board of Education was appointed, and in 1872 education was made 154 EDUCATION IN SOUTH AUSTRALIA AND NEW ZEALAND. free, compulsory, and secular, with the addition of undogmatic Scripture lessons. 36. Tasmania has a little history of its own. In 1804 the British Government removed the settlers on Tasmania. tvt /> n t i Norfolk Island to what was then known as Van Diemen's Land. The Island was under military administration, and it is interesting to note that the first .school was a Sunday- school founded by soldiers. This was followed by the creation of various Church schools. On the recommendation of the Colonial Minister the system of the British and Foreign School Society was adopted in 1838. Subsec^uently, on the advice of Mr W. E. Gladstone, grants dependent on the number of scholars were made to the denominational schools without any general system of local management. This unsatisfactory method was eventually abandoned in favour of fixed payments to teachers. In 1856 there were 70 schools with a school population of 3,717. In 18G8 a Board of Education was created. 37. A more striking instance of a rapidly created State system is seen in the case of South Australia. Aus^trlna. I" l-'^-'^^ it had not a single school. In 1847 education was encouraged by grants to private schools. In 1852 a Board of Education was created. In 1875 education for all children between tlie ages of 7 and 13 years was made compulsory, and in 1891 it was made free. In 1899 there were 677 schools. 38. Very little information is given us in the official re- port as to the beginnings of education in New New Zealand. We are told, however, that as early Zealand. ' ' •' as about 1856 some system of public primary instruction was established in each of the principal provinces. We may suspect that there are earlier signs of State interven- tion. These brief references to the origin of State help to education in the various Colonies, in New England and in EDUCATION AS A BOND OF EMPIRE, 155 South Carolina, leave certain definite impressions on the mind. It is impossible not to note the extraordinary resource and the determination to secure a system of education that is shown in the efforts of almost all the early colonists. These men and women, had they remained at home, would probably have shown their British indifferentism to the need of educa- tion, but, in a new land, the larger air, the more apparent need, and the absence of that atmosphere of learning, which in England is apt to take the place of education itself, seems to have created a determination to reproduce the grammar schools of the old country and to found preparatory schools, such as did not exist in England, for these grammar schools. State control in a new and small community is easier to create than in an old society where the machinery is highly organized and the life artificial. The second impression is the sense of England's debt to her Colonies in the matter of education. They showed her what could be r„,„„:,i ^„a •' Colonial and done with safety in the way of administration imperial 1 1 • 1 c J 1 • education. and compulsion, and even or apparent seculari- sation of schools. They could aff"ord to make an experiment ; England could not ; for a great and complex society cannot easily repair mistakes. The third reflection is a suggestion. The Colonial educational systems are in their origin the children of England. Could not the Mother Universities bind these systems together to form one great bond of Empire ? 89. We have seen that in small communities State control of education is comparatively easy to create. As an instance of this, an island on the British coast may be cited. This chapter would not be complete without some reference were made to the remarkable educational legislation that took place in the Isle of Man before that little kingdom passed out of the overlordship of the Earls of Derby. The date of this legislation is noteworthy. We have seen that in New England, as early as 1650, a statute was passed by which something in the nature of compulsory education became law. Only some 156 MANX COMPULSORY EDUCATION. fifty years later in the Isle of Man an Act was passed even Manxeduca- ™ore emphatic in its character. The fact be- tion and the longs to that interesting period of educational and religious revival, in the reign of Queen Anne, when fifty churches in London were built by Act of Parliament out of the Coal Dues^ when many educational foundations were established and when the birth of the modern system of elementary education took place. This period was a brief moment of reaction when all that was best in the nation became visible, only to fade in England for the time from sight in the darkness of the Georgian era. The text of the first Manx Education Act is as follows" : — " At a Convocation of the Clergy at Bishop's Court, the third of February, 1703: In the Name of our Great Lord and Master, the Lord Jesus Christ, and to the Glory and Increase of his Kingdome amongst Men. We, the Bishop, Archdeacon, Vicars Generall, and Clergy of this Isle, who do subscribe these Articles, that we may not stand charged with the Scandals which wicked Men bring upon Religion while they are admitted to and reputed Members of Christ Church, and that we may by all laudable Means pro- mote the Conversion of Sinners, and oblige Men to submit to the Discipline of the Gospel ; and lastly, that we may provide for the Instruction of the growing Age in Christian Learning and good Manners, we have formed these following Consti- tutions, which we oblige ourselves (by God's Help) to observe, and to endeavour that all others within our severall Cures shall comply with the same : " 9. For the promoting of Religion, Learning, and good Manx Edu- Manners, all Persons shall be obliged to send cation Act, their Children as soon as they are capable of '^*'^' receiving Instruction to some petty School, and 1 9 Anne, c. 17. '^ Mills's Statutes of the Isle of Man, pp. 157, 160. THE MANX CHURCH AND EDUCATION. 157 to continue them there untill the said Children can read English distinctly, unless the Parents give a just Cause to excuse themselves, approved of by the Ordinary in open Court ; and that such Persons who shall neglect sending their Children to be so taught shall (upon a Presentment made thereof by the Minister, Churchwardens, or Chapter Quest) be fined in one Shilling per Quarter to the Use of the School- master, who may refuse to teach those Children who do not come constantly to School (unless for such Causes as shall be approved of by the Minister of the Parish), and their Parents shall be fined as if they did altogether refuse to send them to Schoole. " And for the further Encouragement of the Schoolmasters, they shall respectively receive, over and above the Sallarys already allowed them, Sixpence Quarterly from the Parents of every Child that shall be taught by them to read English, and Ninepence Quarterly from such as shall be taught to write ; which Sums being refused, the Sumner shall be ordered to require punctuall Payment within fourteen Days, and upon Default hereof they are to be committed till they submit to law. "Notwithstanding where the Parents or Relations are poor, and not able to pay as afforesaid, and this be certifyed by the Ministers and Churchwardens of the Parish or the Ordinary, such children are to be taught Gratis. "And whereas some of the poorer Sort may have just Cause, and their Necessitys require it, to keep their Children at Home for severall weeks in the Summer and Harvest ^ such Persons shall not be lyable to the Penaltys afforesaid ; pro- vided they do (and are hereby strictly required to) send such Children during such Absence from Schoole every third Sunday to the Parish Church at least one Hour before Even- ing Service, there to be taught by the Schoolmaster to pre- vent losing their learning ; and if any Schoolmaster shall ;Qeglect his Duty, and Complaint be made and proved, lie 1 Cf. the Elementary Education Act, 1876, s. 9. 158 THE MANX CIVIL POWER AND EDUCATION. shall be discharged, and another placed in his Stead, at the Discretion of the Ordinary : And every Rector, Vicar or Curate, slmll tlie first Week of every Quarter visit the petty Schoole, and take an Account in a Book of the Improvement of every Child, to be produced as often as the Ordinary shall call for it." ^^ At a Tynwald Court kolden at St John's Chappell the 4th day of Fehrimry 1703-4. The before Constitutions being this Day offered by the Lord Bishop and Archdeacon of this Isle unto us the Governor, Officers and 24 Keyes, for our Approbation, and having perused the same, do find them very reasonable, just, and necessary, and do therefore approve of and consent to them as far as concerns the Civil Power." (Signatures.) "I am well pleased with the before Constitutions, and do confirme the same, and require that they be published at the next Tynwald Court in usuall Manner. Derby." '^ At a Tynwald Court holden at St Johns Chappell the Gth day of June Anno Domini 1704. The beforegoing Constitutions were this Day publickly proclaimed upon the Tynwald Hill according to antient Forme and Custome. As witness our Hands the Day and Year above written," (Signatures.) This is the form in which the first Manx Education Act was passed. It was drafted and promoted by the Spiritual Power, was approved by the Civil Power, and was confirmed by the Lord or King of Man. It was an admirable measure, far in advance, as it seems, of the times, and comparable with the New England Act. It is true that it only dealt with elementary education and religious teaching, but eft'ective means were taken to ensure regular attendance and good continuous THE PERMANENCE OF THE MANX SYSTEM. 159 teaching'. The Act appears to confirm a then existing system of parochial schools. The use of the phrase — in reference to the payment of schoolmasters — " over and above the sallarys already allowed them" seems to imply such a system of schools. These schools, however, do not appear to be the creation of law. There does not seem to be any reference to education earlier than the year 1 703 in the Manx statutes, and the schools were, probably, mere voluntary Church schools or even possibly customary parochial schools supported by something in the nature of a voluntary rate. The system introduced or confirmed in 1703 had at least one advantage over the scheme introduced into New England. It was an effective system that remained in being while the New England schemes faded away so utterly that in the middle of the nineteenth century distinguished educational authorities on both sides of the Atlantic disputed whether there had ever existed such an Act as the one passed in 1692 ^ This was not the case in the Isle of Man ; we find that at a Tynwald Court holden at St John's Chapel the 5th day of July, 1813, an Act, which mhux Edu had received the lloyal assent from the Prince cation Act, Regent in Council at Carlton House on June ^ ''^ 14th, 1813, was promulgated and published upon the Tynwald Hill. This Act provided that "the Teachers of the Parochial or Petty Schools shall be allowed to receive, over and above their Salaries, the Sum of two Shillings and Elevenpence a Quarter for each and every Scholar taught to read English, and three Shillings and Sixpence a Quarter for each and every Scholar taught to Read and Write ^" Experience had shown that the allowance of sixpence a quarter for teaching reading, and ninepence for teaching reading and writing given by the Act of 1704 was " altogether inadequate in the present Day." ' It is instructive to compare closely this compulsory system of educa- tion with the system introiluced into England in 1870. - See Hansard, 3rd Series, vol. 194, cols. 1240-1 (1869). => Mills's Statutes of the Isle of Man, p. 414. 160 JERSEY IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY. At an early date the National Society supplemented the Parocliial schools. Nine building grants were made by the English Treasury Board between 1835 and 1840'. The Manx Legislature seconded the efforts of the Imperial Government. By an Act of 1851 it made better provision for schoolmasters and school-management. By the Elementary Education Act, 1872, an Education Board and school committees were formed, and the principles of the English Act of 1870 were adopted. An Act of 1878 made attendance compulsory under the new system. This was supplemented by Acts of 1881 and 1884. The various Acts were consolidated and amended by the Education Act, 1893, which defined Elementary Edu- cation. This Act was amended in 1898, and by an Act of 1899 the present Council of Education assumed control. 40. A brief note must be made with respect to education in the Island of Jersey. The control of education in Jersey'."" ^y the Churcli was as complete in Jersey as in the Isle of Man. Though probably customary parochial schools under the entire control of the clergy existed in Jersey from very early times, it does not seem possible to trace their existence as public schools to a date earlier than the beginning of the seventeenth century. But schools of the grammar school type can be traced farther back. King Henry VII., by letters patent dated November 15th, 1496-, confirmed the establishment and endowment of the free grammar schools of St Magloire (now St Maunelier) in the parish of St Saviour's, and St Anastase in the parish of St Peter's. By this patent the founders were empowered to appoint masters for the teaching of grammar and the other lesser liberal sciences — presumably grammar and the Quadrivium — and to make regulations for the foundations. The future masters were to be appointed by the dean and ' Report of the Committee of Coiuicil on Education 1864-5, pp. 538-9. 2 Falle's Account of Jersey, p. 222 THE UNIVERSITIES OF SAUMUR AND OXFORD. 161 clergy of the Island. As late as the end of the seventeenth century an attempt was made to vest the collation of masters in lay hands, and Charles de Carteret, Seigneur of Trinity, successfully claimed the right before the Court of Jersey. On appeal to the Privy Council this decision was reversed on November 16th, 1693, and the collation was declared to be in the dean and clergy of the Island'. These grammar schools were supplemented by special en- dowments that enabled Jersey scholars to attend the English universities. Such provision did not, however, exist before the beginning of the seventeenth century. In the last years of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, Laurens Baudains endeavoured to found a Jersey college of a university type. The scheme failed ; but in the next reign Baudains, with the help of other persons and with the sanction of letters patent from the Crown, founded ' le don de Laurens Baudains ' — a fund that enabled young Jersey men of ability and small means to go to Oxford or Cambridge. Before the existence of this educational foundation it was the practice for those who desired a university career to go to the University of Saumur where they acquired both good French and Calvinistic theo- logy. It was to this connexion of the Jersey clergy with the University of Saumur that led to the separation of the Church in Jersey from the Established Cburch of England. The Islands were under the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the Bishop of Coutances until the reign of Queen EHzabeth. In 1499 the Islands had been transferred by Pope Alexander VI. to the diocese of Winchester; but this Bull had never been acted upon, and as late as April 15th, 1550, the modified authority of the French Bishop was recognized by the English Crown. We find, however, that before this date the inhabitants of Jersey had conformed to the Reformed Church of Eng- land-, though the Papist element was not destroyed and a ' Lequesue's Conxtitutioiial Histoi-y of Jersey, p. 139. " See Acts of the Privy Council of England (1547-50), p. 412. M. 11 J 162 PAROCHIAL SCHOOLS IN JERSEY, 1623. temporary revival of Roman Catholicism took place in the reign of Queen Mary I. The Reformat;ion in Jersey, owing to the presence of French Keformers' and to the Calvinism introduced by the students from Sauii^ur, followed the Scottish rather than the English precedent. '\^\\e Presby- terian discipline was introduced, and a synod for the Islands was held on June 28th, 1.554. In her answer^ "^a petition. Queen Elizabeth, by a loosely worded Order in Council dated August 7th, 1565, was supposed by the clergy to have acquiesced in the new discipline-; and James I., on August 8th, 1603, confirmed what he believed to luive been the spirit of Elizabeth's Order. The Island was during the next few years in considerable ecclesiastical disorder, and in 1619 it was found desirable to revive the office of Dean of the Island. With the object, moreover, of obtaining a settled system of Church government, the ministers of the Island were re- quested to draft a code of canons and constitutions to be submitted to the Archbishop of Canterb\iry (Abbot), the Bishop of Lincoln (Williams), and the Bishop of Winchester (Andrews). These prelates revised the draft code, and as amended it was accepted by the clergy of the Island, and received the Royal Assent on June 30th, 1623. Canons 40 and 41 were as follow : Des maistres d'escholes. " 40. II y aura un Maistre d'Eschole en chasque Paroisse, chosi par le Ministre, Surveillans, & principaux educational d'icellc, & par aprc% presents au Doyen pour canons, i 23. ggtre autliorizd en cette Charge ; & ne sera loisible h aucun de I'exercer sans y estre ainsy apell^ : & les Ministres auront soin de les visiter, & exhorter h fairs leur Devoir. ' See Lequesne's Coitxtitutioiuil Higtonj of Jersey, pp. H-t — .5.5. - See Fnlle's Account of Jersey, p. 160,. aaid Lequesae'a Constitutioaal History of Jersey, pp. 152, 162. THE LAST LINK WITH FRANCE. 163 " 41. lis useront de toute laborieuse diligence k instruire les Enfans h lire, escrire, prier Dieu, respondre au Catdchisme ; les duiront aux bonnes Mceurs, les conduiront au Presche, & Prieres Publiques, les y faisant comporter comme il appar- tieut'." These parochial schools appear to have existed long before the passing of these canons, which, in effect, merely estab- lished them upon a legal basis. The reunion of the Church in Jersey with the Established Church of England was, in a measure, rendered secure by the fact that the scholars intended for orders in Jersey now went to Oxford or Cambridge, and not to Saumur. The foundation of Laurens Baudains was soon supplemented by the Estab- lished Church itself In 1637 the Archbishop of Canterbury was enabled to endow three fellowships at Oxford for the Islands, and on April 1st of that year we find Sir Philip Carteret, Deputy Governor, and the Jurats recommending a candidate for 'the first fruits of that gift.' This particular appointment is important, because it shows the transition stage in the university education of the youth of Jersey. The recommendation concluded with these significant words : "We beseech your Grace to accept him, as he has left his hopes of preferment in the University of Saumur, in France, where he has proceeded Master of Arts with good appro- bation'." These fellowships were subsequently supplemented by the foundation by George Morley (1597—1684), the Calvinistic Bishop of Winchester, of five scholarships at Pembroke College, Oxford. Thus Oxford took the place of Saumur as the University of Jersey. The educational system of Jersey was not worse than that which obtained in England. Indeed, Falle, the historian of Jersey, could write in the early part of the eighteenth ' Falle's Account uf Jersey, pp. Kit), 214. - Calendar of State Papers. Domestic. Addenda (1G25-49), p. 555. 11—2 KU JERSEY AND STATE EDUCATION. century, " That here, even among the meaner sort of people of either sex, there are few but can read and write, fewer indeed than are commonly seen elsewhere." But he com- plained bitterly of the want of a public library: "reading would give our gentlemen juster notions of things, enlarge their minds, and render them more useAd and serviceable to their country'." The system of Church education remained in force in Jersey until the beginning of the nineteenth century, when the great English school societies extended their operations to this Island. Tlie first Government building grant was made in 1886, when the Gorey National Si-hool received the sum of £100'. From this (hite elementary education in Jersey may be considered to have followed the normal English course of development, annual grants having followed building grants as in England. By a " Reglement" dated August 9th, 1872, and passed as a result of the discontinuance of the anniud grants from the Privy Council, a system of national elementary education analogous to that established in England in 1870 came into operation throughout the Island. These active educational movements in the Isle of Man and in Jersey have been referred to at the end of the present chapter for the purpose of leading up to the series of events which were destined to revive national education in England and which began, with the dimmest of dim beginnings, toward the end of the seventeenth century ^ 1 Falle's Account of Jersey, pp. 177, 178. lu 1736 Philip Falle pre- sented the Island with his collection of books, the beginninj,' of a large public library. -' Report of the Committee of Council on Kduration, 1864-5, p. 538. ^ Reference to the history of education in the Empire of India has been omitted from this chapter, as the gresit movement wliich bepan with the petition of the chaplains at Calcutta for the establishment of schools in 17H8, and wliich secured State support by the Charter Act. 1813, could not be adeciuiitely treated here. A slight but interesting sketch of the subject is given in Mr H. W. Frazer's UritiKli Inilia, pp. 384 — 390. CHAPTER V. EDUCATION IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 41. The investigations that we have pursued have shown that a suspension of national education in the eighteenth century was an almost inevitable of education in result of the political developments of the c^^nfjfy*^^"*^ Reformation. That the education of the people was in a great measure suspended during that century it is impossible to doubt, though it would be ungrateful to forget or overlook the equally undoubted fact that the eighteenth century was, so to speak, the seed-plot of most, if not of all, the great movements and revivals of the nineteenth century, and that to it modern educational systems owe more than is generally acknowledged. A period of sleep is not inconsistent with growth, and it may be that in the history of nations, as in the life of individuals, there are periods of exhaustion, relaxation and low vitality, during which the body politic is resting in unconscious preparation for a new day. The eighteenth century is certainly an instance of a period of low vitality. Every student of English history and English social life is compelled to notice the mean standard of national ideals during the century ending about the year 1790. Religious belief was practically non-existent among a large portion of the population ; the tastes of all classes of society were vitiated and brutal ; social morality was debased ; political corruption was rampant. In such an age it was difficult for 166 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY DAME-SCHOOL. national education to make any lieadway. It is a matter for congratulation that the educational foundations survived the temporary suspension of effective education for the people, and it is a striking fact that it was this very age that exhibited, in the period from 16G0 to 1730, the most remark- able fecundity in the creation of elementary school founda- tions. This matter will be dealt with in the next chapter', but it is referred to here as an illustration of that extra- ordinary quality of the century which enabled it to store up rare benefits for future generations while it was apparently incapable of bettering its own case in any way. Education generally was certainly in a most ineffective condition. This is in a way shown by Shen- Shenstone's , \ i t i /• i • • i 'School- stones (1714-1763) delightful, satirical poem mistress.' < rpj^g Schoolmist^ess^' in which he draws a vivid picture of the manner of village education in his day. This picture, it may be said, has been verified and recognised as a true picture of a large class of elementary education in England as late as the middle of the nineteenth century by school inspectors who are still living. Some extracts from this poem will be of value. " In every village mark'd with little spire, Embower'd in trees, and hardly known to fame, There dwells in lowly shed, and mean attire, A matron old, whom we Schoolmistress name. Who boasts lun-uly brats with birch to tame ; And at the door inprisoning board is seen. Lest weakly wights of smaller size should stray. Eager, perdie, to bask in sunny day ! The noises intermix'd, which thence resound, Do Learning's little tenement betray, 1 See pp. 1H9, 190, and Appendix ii. infra. 2 In this poem the poet celebrated his first teacher, an old dame, by name Sarah Lloyd. THE BENCH OF HEEDLESS BISHOPS. 167 One ancient hen she took delight to feed, The plodding pattern of the busy dame, Which ever and anon, inipell'd by need, Into her school, begirt with chickens, came ; Such favour did her past deportment claim : Lo, now with state she utters her command ! Eftsoons the urchins to their tasks repair, Their books of stature small they take in hand, Which with pellucid horn secured are, To save from finger wet the letters fair." This dame rules her school with the birch of justice : "And through the thatch his cries each falling stroke proclaim." In consequence of such punishment the rest of the school " con their tasks with mickle care Till fear has taught them a performance meet. And to the well-known chest the dame repair, Whence oft with sugar'd cates she doth them greet, And gingerbread y-rare, now certes doubly sweet!" The culprit however with wisdom " shuns to be caressed." The result of the admirable system is shiningly set forth ; " Yet nursed with skill, what dazzling fruits appear ! E'en now sagacious foresight points to show A little bench of heedless bishops here. And there a chancellor in embryo, Or bard sublime " It is almost impossible not to surmise that the " little bench of heedless bishops " were the licensing Bishops of the period, and that the "chancellor in embryo" was a prophetic vision of John Scott who, as Lord Eldon, blocked the progress of education for many years by holding that a grammar school could only teach the classics. Shenstone gives us, moreover, one other touch that cheerfully assures us of something in common between the children of his day and the children 168 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY QlRLs' SCHOOL. brought up under our modern educational system. The scholars of both periods, probably the scholars of all periods, " with jocund leer Salute the stranger passing on his way^" The rod to-day is, however, spared to an extent incon- ceivable in the days of Erasmus, or of Busby, or even of Eldon. If elementary education was in the poorest possible way, the education of girls and, indeed, all secondary education, was in no better case. Shenstone's glimpse of a dame-school in the first quarter of the eighteenth century may be supplemented •'n'mm^/^'^"^ by Miss Austen's description of girls' schools in its last quarter. " Mrs Goddard was the mis- tress of a school — not of a seminary or an establishment, or anything which professed, in long sentences of refined non- sense, to combine liberal acquirements with elegant morality, upon new principles and new systems — and where young ladies for enormous pay might be screwed out of health and V into vanity — but a real honest oldfashioned boarding-school, where a reasonable quantity of accomplishments were sold at a reasonable price, and where girls might be sent to be out of the way, and scramble themselves into a little education, without any danger of coming back prodigies. Mrs Goddard's school was in high repute, and very deservedly ; for Highbury was reckoned a particularly healthy spot : she had an ample house and garden, gave the children plenty of wholesome food, let them run about a great deal in the summer, and in winter dressed their chilblains with her own hands. It was no wonder that a train of twenty young couples now walked after her to church ^" 1 Our most vivid pictures of schoolboys in all af^es are contained in the poets. An interesting luonograpli mit,'ht be written on poets' school- boys, bef,'inninf,' with Chaucer's little scholar of seven years. " Emma, Chap. iii. THE COURT OF CHANCERY AND POPULAR EDUCATION. 169 The endowed foundations throughout the country during the whole period of the eighteenth century and for at least the first half of the nineteenth century yielded little fruit ; and it is doubtful if the Universities themselves were in any sense worthy of their great traditions. Cambridge certainly had become fossilised and lifeless. It is difficult to analyse with justice the causes that led to the suspension of educa- tional activity in England. The exclusive policy of the Church of England, the political unwisdom of the Crown, the inacces- sibility and blindness of the Chancery tribunals \ the reaction of the Restoration, were all causes that hindered education. But there can be no doubt, as has been said, that the chief cause lay in the manners of England in the century between the return of Charles II. and the accession of George III. The great scholarship of a few, the great literary merit of a few, the great saintliness of a few, stand out in strong relief. But neither scholarship, nor literature, nor holiness, when isolated, can touch the hearts of a people. The nation for nearly a century lay to all appearance fallow, with room for the weeds of vice and ignorance to flourish. But nevertheless it is to this very period that we trace the origin of our modern system. It indeed appears true that in every age when society seems at its lowest ebb, and when there are absent from a people lofty ideals and deep faith, there are powers at work, unseen by men, preparing a better day. So it was in the first century of our era, so it was before the Renaissance, so it was in the eighteenth century. 42. It will be convenient here to trace the beginnings of the educational awakening in the attitude of the Law Courts in the eighteenth century and then to pass on to the great ^ Lord Chancellor Hardwicke in the year 1751 exactly stated the educational conception of his ape. "For though," said the great lawyer, " at the reformation greater invitations were made to bring the poor to schools, that is not so proper now, for at present the poor had better be trained up to agriculture" {Atturney -General v. Middleton, Vesey's Reports (Senior), vol. 2, p. 330). li 170 LAY PATRONAGE AND CHURCH CONTROL. slow national movement that culminated in the educational system of to-day. The series of law cases here dealt with are important, as Educational ^^®^ show clearly the position adopted both by Law Cases, Churcli and State towards education, and pre- 1670-1702. gg^^ ^1^^ continuity of idea that inspired the Church in its claim of control over, and the courts in their bias towards freedom of, education. The tirst case was decided in 1670' in the King's Bench. It is WilUam Bates's Case and is reported as follows: "A Prohibition was prayed to the Commissary of the Arch-Deacon of llichmond, to stay a Suit against Bates a Schoolmaster ; who, as it was alledged, taught School without the Bishop's Licence ; and it was 1^0.*^^ ^ ^^^^' granted, because they endeavoured to turn him out ; whereas they could only censure him, he coming in by the Presentation of the Founder." This brief decision is important because it opened the way for freedom from ecclesiastical control. The nominee of a founder, or of a lay patron, could not be ejected by the Bishop. It is possible that this decision in some measure accounts for the vast number of educational endowments that were founded in the last quarter of the seventeenth and the first quarter of the eighteenth century. The next case is Coj-y v. Pepper, decided in the year 1679 before the King's Bench ^ This case decided that the spiritual court could hold plea of a matter prohibited by statute if they proceeded upon the canons and not for the recovery of a statutory penalty. Where there was a suit in the spiritual court for teaching a school without licence in contempt of the ' " Ventris's Reports, vol. i. p. 41 ; Modern Reports, vol. i. p. 3. See the sa!iie case in Keble's Reports, vol. ii. pp. 538, .541, sub nomine Bales v. Kendall. There it was held that where patronaj^e is in feoffees or other patrons and not in the ordinary he cannot eject a schoolmaster. As to such lay patrona^je see H'itlinell i'. Garlliam, Espinasse's Reports, vol. i. p. 320, and The Bishop of Carlisle's ease (IGIG), Modern Entries, vol. 2, p. 410. See also ibid. p. 403. As to licences see Wood v. Hill. Comber- bach's Reports, p. 324. •' Levinz's Reports, vol. ii. p. 222. THE LIMITS OF CHURCH CONTROL. 171 canons it seems to have been held that canons requiring a schoolmaster to be licensed by the Bishop of the diocese to the end that schoolmasters might be fit- to instruct their scholars in the true principles of religion were neither contrary to the laws of the land nor derogatory to the King's prerogative. This decision, if it stood Pep°prr,^i679. alone, would appear to give the Church com- plete licensing power derived from the canons over all school- masters. The case, however, is very shortly reported, the wording of the report is ambiguous, and its value must be estimated in connexion with later and fuller cases on similar points. This case is succeeded by that of Ghedwick v. Hughes, decided in 1699'. In this case a prohibition was prayed to stay a suit in the ecclesiastical court against a schoolmaster for teaching a school without licence pursuant to the statute 1 Jac. I. c. 4, s. 9, " upon a Suggestion, that the said Statute gives a penalty of AQs. per diem against every such School-master, and that by Law nemo puniri debet his pro uno 4 there were about 2000 children at school". By 1715 there were 120 schools, containing 4906 children, in London and Westminster alone. In 1729 there were in all 1,G58 schools, containing 34,000 children ^ Joseph Addison, writing of these schools in 1713, says : ''I have always looked upon the institution of Charity Schools, which of late years has so universally prevailed ' London, Westminster, and the suburbs. 2 Strype's Stow, Bk. v. pp. 43-8. On June Gth, they attended at St Andrew's Chnrch, Holborn, where Dr Richard Willis preached a season- able sermon from the text, Gt'n. xviii. v. 19. 3 See speech of Mr W. P. Wood (afterwards Lord Chancellor and Baron Hatherley) on Education Bill (June 5, 1850), Hansard, vol. cxi. col. 7G6. It would be an interesting investigation to endeavour to ascertain what number of these 1,(558 formed psirt of the '.i05 endowed elementary schools that were founded between 1G()0 and 1730. There must have been a considerable amount of overlapping but the figures point to a movement of ver^' great magnitude — a movement that alone rendered possible tlie extraordinarily rapid educational advance that took place between 1807 and 18H3 wlien Lord Brougham abandoned the idea of compulsorj' rate-aid as no longer necessary. We may note here that the Charity School system was severely attacked by Mandeville in his Fable of the Been. Mr Brougham in his Speecli on the Education of the Poor Bill on June 28, 1820 (Appendix iii. p. 250, infra), said: "In 1714 Mandeville published his 'Fable of the Bees' condemning the charity schools of that day, because he said the children learned nothing there but to lisp 'High Church and Ormond'; and in nine years afterwards the grand jury of the county of Middlesex thought tit to present him as a Jit object for prosecution, and he was iiccordingly prosecutid for endeavouring to prevent the advanccnu-nt of education and religious instruction, for irreligion, for decrying the universities, and for repro- bating the instruction of youth. Tbus, strange as it may seem, an impious man and an atheist at that time was occupying the ground since mistakenly filled (though only for a moment) by the pious and religious, who in our own day, worked upon by the false philosophy and evil con- sequeuces of the Erench revolution, had endeavoured to discourage the progress of knowledge." This passage is somewhat misleading. Tli,' Fable of the liees was originally publisiied in 1703, reiuiblished in 1714, and to the second edition in 1723 was added the essay on Charity and Charity Schools. Mr Brougham apparently forgot the French Education Decree of 1793. THE WELSH PIETY SCHOOLS, 1730 — 1779. 203 throughout the whole Nation, as the glory of the age we live iu\" A later observer, however, dealing with the year 1785 said of these schools that they '"taught poor children next to nothing, and nothing likely to be useful to them^." Now, as we know that the Society had its correspondents in Wales, it seems by no means improbable that Gouge's schools were continued as schools under the auspices of the Society, since the Society certainly had in its mind the necessity of work in Wales ; indeed, so much was said in its first circular. It would be interesting if the connexion referred to between the members of Gouge's Trust in 1675 and the founders of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge could be actually established by documentary evidence, as this would place the origin of a central English educational society earlier than the end of the third quarter of the seventeenth century. In 1730 the work in Wales was once more taken up in earnest. Griffith Jones (1683 — 1761), a clergyman of the Established Church, set before himself the task of dealing with the religious difhculty in the Principality. He found the way blocked by the illiteracy of the people — a proof at any rate that Gouge's schools had not increased— and in 1730 he started his schools, the only available funds being small Church oft'ertories. The work prospered, and schools speedily increased in number. Men of ability only were chosen as schoolmasters, and no de- nominational test was required from them. Kichard Baxter's agreement with Tillotson was possibly of use here. Both day and night schools were started, and adults as well as children were taught to read the Bible in ^. , . rni • Circulating Welsh. The schools are known to history as schools in "circulating schools^," because the teachers stopped in each towu and village for a few months only at ^ See p. 141, siipni. ^ Evidence of Mr Francis Place before the Select Committee on Education of 183r>. 3 Circulating' scliools were certainly in the mind of Parliament when the Act of 1G19 was passed. 204' EDUCATION AND THE COURT OF CHANCERY. a time, and tlien passed on to another centre, " thus making a continuous circuit of the whole Country." The funds for the support of the schools were at first chiefly drawn from England, while the Society for Promoting Christian Know- ledge gave the movement a general support and supplied the schools with 1)0oks. By 1737, 37 schools with 2400 scholars had been opened By 1740 there were more than 100 schools at work. Before Griffith Jones's death over 3000 schools had been opened, and 150,000 scholars had been taught in the day schools alone In the year 17 GO 10,000 children were in these schools. Mrs Bevan, a Welsh lady, was a warm supporter of the undertaking, and on the death of Jones in 1761 the schools were carried on by her. The popularity of the movement and the public desire for education may be gauged by the manner in which additional schools were set up. The minister and parishioners of a parish would petition the manager of the movement for a school, upon which a Welsh master would be appointed and sent to take iip the work. An inspector was subsequently sent to examine the scholars as to their proficiency, and to see that the master attended to his duty. Mrs Bevan died in 1779, and be'iueathed her large property for the carrying on of the work. Her relations disputed the will, and in consequence her estate was thrown into Chancery, and the schools ceased to exist for lack of funds. Here we have another instance where the administration of the law blocked the way of education. It was not until July 9th, 1804, that the will was upheld by the Court of Chancery, after it had been under consideration for a quarter of a century, and a scheme for the administration of the charity was drawn up in July, 1807, in accordance with which schoolmasters were appointed. The scheme of the Court of Chancery came into operation in 1809, and was administered with u.seful re- sults'. This instance shows how i)racti(ally impossible it was ' See vol. xxxii. Part III. of Report uf the Charity Commissioners, 1838. There were 34 schools in 183G. THE SUNDAY SCHOOL SYSTEM, 1780. 205 to endeavour to reform abuses in educational charities. The Court of Chancery suspended indefinitely even such little education as there was to be had as soon as the foundation was before the Court. In the case of the Bevan Trust in- calculable harm was done. In 1779 education was in full swing in Wales ; but when the Bevan schools resumed their work, the people of the Principality had forgotten once more the meaning of popular education, and so we ftnd that in 1820 popular education in Wales was less effective than in any part of England. During the thirty years' suspension of the Welsh Piety Schools, as they were called, four other influences had arisen to develop a national system of elementary education. As these influences are within the immediate knowledge of all persons interested in the general history of education in Eng- land, it will suffice to merely indicate three of them, and refer them to their proper place among the beginnings of a national system The first was the system of Sunday schools, which has played such an important part in the organisation of the education of the masses. As early as 1737, John Wesley, during his sojourn in Savannah, had started Sunday classes, and it is interesting to note that these schools should have had their origin in a period when the movement for the education of the people had, for the first time since the Reformation, attained national proportions. Sunday schools were not, however, started in England until 1763, and it was not until 1 780 that Robert Ptaikes, of Gloucester, consolidated the Sunday school system '. It is perhaps a matter of comment 1 Sunday schools did not reach London for some time after 1780 (see evidence of Mr Francis Place Ijefore the Select Committee on Education of 1835). The Sunday School Society was founded in London in 1785. Mr W. F. Lloyd in his evidence hefore the Select Committee on Edu- cation of 1834 estimated that the total number of Sunday scholars in England and Wales was 1,500,0(10 with 1(;0,(I00 teachers. No payment was made by the parents and the expenses were met by private sub- scriptions or congregational collections (Q. 1311-12). The Sundnij School Teacher's Magazine and Jounial of Education w&s started in 1813. 206 ANDREW BELL AND JOSEPH LANCASTER. for the curious to notice that Sunday schools should have had their origin in a town, the grammar school of which supplied the law ("ise wliich laid down the principles of freedom of teaching in the early fifteenth century. One valuable aspect of the Sunday school must not be forgotten. The secular instruction given in these schools was, especially in the manufacturing districts, of the highest social importance. In Manchester we find, according to evidence given before Par- liament in 1834, that Sunday schools were open for secular instruction for five and a half hours on Sunday and for two , evenings in the week and that the ages of the scholars varied from five to twenty-five years\ The second influence was the movement started by Andrew Bell (1753—1832). Bell, a clergyman of the Established Church, became Superintendent of the Madras Male Orphan Asylum in 1789, and in that school he started what was known as the Madras method of the mutual instruction of Influence of children. On his return to England he intro- Beii and duced his method in 1798 into the Protestant Lancaster. charity school of St Botolph's, Aldgate, and in 1799 into certain industrial schools at Kendal. The Estab- lished Church, disliking the methods of Lancaster, supi)orted Bell, wdio claimed to have introduced a new princijde into education. The Church party formed in 1811 the "National Society for Promoting the Education of the Poor in the Principles of the Established Church throughout England and Wales" — an offshoot, we are told, of the Society for Pro- moting Christian Knowledge ^ This Society was incori)orated by Royal Charter in 1817. Its schools during Bell's lifetime increased in number to about 12,000 ; but a subsequent inspection showed that in every part of England they were 1 See the evidence of Mr Bcnjaniin Braidley before tlie Heleet Com- mittee of 1834 (pp. 174-187). Mr IJraidlej's school had 'J, 700 scliolars who were taught by 120 unsalaried teacliers, all, save two or three, former scholars. ■^ See the Speech of Mr W. P. Wood referred to on p. 202, supra. POLITICS AND EDUCATION. 207 in a deplorable state, with ignorant teachers and with monitors who merely taught by rote. The merit of Bell's system was that it made education of a kind cheap, and created a demand for elementary education throughout the country. It is also claimed as a merit of the method that it led up to the system of pupil teachers. Modern educationalists, however, differ on this point. Bell's claim to be the founder of the modern elementary education system is untenable ; he was preceded by the Chevalier Paulet in Paris in 1790, and by others. Joseph Lancaster (1778 — 1838) has perhaps as much claim to the gratitude of posterity as Andrew Bell, since that gratitude depends on their joint work as the popularisers of a new form of elementary education. In 1801 Lancaster took a room in the Borough Road, and placed above the entrance the legend "All who will may send their children and have them educated freely, and those who do not wish to have education for nothing may pay for it if they please." The want of funds to pay for masters compelled him to employ the elder scholars to teach the younger, and from this almost accident, combined with some knowledge of Bell's method, he evolved his monitorial system, which he described in his pamphlet on Improvements in Education, published in 1803. In 1805 King George III. gave his i)atronage to Lancaster, and expressed the wish "that every poor child in my dominions should be taught to read the Bible." From this beginning an important movement arose, and in 1808 the Royal Lancasterian Institution' was founded, and this induced the Church party to show increased hostility to Lancaster's undenominational methods. He desired all children to have Christian but not denominational teaching, while Bell wished all poor schools to be under the direct control of the Estab- 1 On May '21st, 1814, the executive committee adopted the title " The British and Foreign School Society," but the Society had " existed in one state or another since 1808." See Lord Brougham's evidence before the Select Connnittee on Education of 1884 ; and The Report of the British and Foreign School Society : 1814. 208 PARLIAMKXT AND EDUCATION. lished Church. Brougham and the Whigs, with the aid of the Ed'niburgh Nccieir, supported Laiu-aster, wliile the clergy invoked the help of the Tories and the Q/iarfrr/i/ Review. The dispute between the National Society and the British and Foreign School Society — formerly the Lancasterian Society — awakened general interest among thinking men and women, and created a volume of conflicting popular opinion on the subject of national education. Therein lies probably the real good that Bell and Lancaster did for England, though it is impossible not to regret that they and their societies should have begun that bitter dispute between denominational and undenominational teaching which is still vigorous Their schools were of temporary service to the country; but their disputes, by creating i)opular interest, were of lasting service to the cause ot education. The noise of their (piarrel for a precedence that neither could claim penetrated to the Houses of Parliament, and awakened the Legislature to the necessity of action. The entrance of the ipiestion of elementary education into Parliament is the fourth influence referred to above. Tt will be dealt with in the succeeding chapter. From the date of Mr Whitbread's Parochial School Bill of 1S07 the (piestion has gone steadily forward, and to-day we can look back with gratitude to that long period of slow development which at last brought elementary education before the Legislature. It has been necessary here, in order to understand subsequent history, to draw attention to the obscure causes and events that lie behind modern elementary education in England, and to indicate in outline some of the earlier and less familiar aspects of a national movement that became perhaps the most important product of the nineteenth century. CHAPTER VII. PARLIAMENT AND ELEMENTARY EDUCATION. 50. The intervention of the State on behalf of the edu- cation of children whose parents are capable of maintaining them was, in the first instance ventton 'on^"^ of Parliamentary interference, an intervention behalf of . J . elementary due to special circumstances, and was quite education. - consistent with the general position of State J/'fgo^"^ policy that intervention between parent and child is, under normal circumstances, undesirable. It would not be impossible to maintain that all State intervention in the matter of elementary education during the nineteenth century was due to such special circumstances ; for, assuming that education is a necessity of life, it is clear that the conditions of society among the poorer orders of England prevented, and in many cases still prevent, parents from giving education of an effective character to their children. Compulsory education began with a special class of chil- dren. The sudden increase of population that accompanied the aggregation of individuals in particular districts — a result of the invention of machinery adapted to localised trades and manufactures^ — involved, almost inevitably, the sudden rise of child labour in a sense quite unknown to, and quite unpro- vided for by, the old Statutes of Apprentices. Terrible abuses, terrible moral evils in child life, fearful absence of knowledge M. U 210 THE NEW EDUCATIONAL PROBLEM. of good and evil, arose, and a generation that had no infor- mation on any snbject whatever, save the automatic skill necessary within the narrow limits of daily factory work, sprang up, and became not only a disgrace to their country, not only a generation that had no knowledge of religion or even of elementary morality, but a generation that was a positive danger to existing society and a disruptive force that threatened to hinder all civilised development. In the great manufacturing towns of the north the capacity of a devoted and laborious band of clergy and lay-workers was strained to its uttermost, and could do little to meet the new difficulties of the age. The terrible part of the position was that the very section of society upon which the future of England depended was sapped of all good and all useful qualities. Children under the new economic conditions rapidly became, at best, mere cogs in an elaborate machine, with neither time nor power to realize their lives. At an early date it was felt by the Legislature that the danger with which society was threatened must be met, though little interest w-as evinced generally in the subject while the Napoleonic menace overhung the com'^uisory couutry. As early as 1802 the first Compul- Education gQ^y Educatiou Act was passed, and it became law without creating any public interest or any discussion. Yet the Act was passed, and it is interesting to note that the problem, which was so soon to become vital, had even then presented itself to the minds of thoughtful legislators. The Act itself was a curious compromise between the old Statute of Apprentices and the modern Education Act. The statute' was entitled "An Act for the Preservation of the Health and Morals of Apprentices and others, employed in Cotton and other Mills, and Cotton and other Factories." On April Gth, 1802, motion for leave to introduce the Bill into the House of Commons was made. On this motion 1 42 Uco. III. c. 73. THE FACTORY ACT, 1802. 211 the original title was altered, and the Bill was extended to apprentices " and others," employed in mills and factories "other" than cotton mills and factories. Sir Robert Peel, Viscount Belgrave, and Mr Stanley were ordered to bring in the Bill. On April 13 th it was introduced and read the first time. The next day it was read a second time and com- mitted. Some amendments were made in the Bill, and it was reported on April 15tli. The Report was considered on May 3rd and 4th, and the Bill was re-committed for further amend- ment. On May 18th it was again reported as further amended. On consideration of this Report on May 25th, a clause was added directing the visitors to be appointed under the Act to call in a physician in case of infectious disorder'. The third reading was taken on June 2nd, 1802, when an "in- grossed clause " was added to compel masters to cause an entry to be made of their mills and factories in a book to be kept by the clerk of the peace I Various other amendments, chiefly relating to the religious education of children in Scot- land, were added at this stage. After the third reading, which was carried without a division, it was ordered that " Sir Robert Peek do carry the Bill to the Lords and desire their Concurrence^" On June 12th a message was brought from the Lords, by Mr Leeds and Sir William Weller Pepys, that " the Lords have agreed to the Bill without any amendment." It received the Royal Assent on June 22nd, 1802 \ The Act was directed to come into operation in Great Britain and Ireland on December 2nd, 1802. The debate is not reported in Hansard or in the Annual Registtr. It created some con- siderable amount of discontent in the manufacturing districts, and we may assume from this that at first some real eftbrt was made to enforce the Act. ^ 8. 10. Commons Journal, vol. lvii. p. 503. The progress of the Bill is extracted from this voluiue. - s. 1-4. 3 Ibid. p. 534. 4 iiui, p. 642. U— 2 212 ANTI-EDUCATION PETITIONS IN 1803. On February Uth, 1803, there were presented to the House of Commons petitions from cotton and from miu- woolleu spiuuers of Manchester, Bolton, Stock- owners and j. Qjasgow, and Prestou, reciting that the spinners i > o ' ' o against the rules and regulations contained in the Act were, " in a high degree, prejudicial to the Cotton trade in general, and of such a nature, in many instances, as experience will show to be impracticable," and praying for leave to bring in a repealing or amending Bill'. On Feb- ruary 14th, 1803, petitions from woollen and cotton manu- facturers of Leeds, and of cotton spinners from Keighley, in Yorkshire, and of others, recited that " the principle of the said Act is injurious and oppressive, not only to the cotton, woollen, and flaxen spinners, but to the manufacturers at large," and prayed for leave to bring in a repealing or amend- ing Bill". On February 22nd, 1803, a petition from the cotton spinners of Tutbury, Alrewas, Namptwich, Ashbourn, and Nevvcastle-under-Lyme declared that " the laws before in force effectually protect Apprentices and Servants against every species of abuse or improper treatment of Masters," and prayed for leave to bring in a repealing Bill^ On February 25th, 1803, a petition from proprietors of cotton mills at Holywell, in the county of Flint, stated that " the principle of the said Act is injurious and oppressive, not only to the Cotton, Woollen, and Flaxen Spinners, but to the Manufacturers at large," and prayed for relief'*. The Index to the Commons JournaP states that these various petitions were read again by the House, and referred to a Committee on March 29th, 1803® ; but the Journal for that date does not confirm this statement, which is due to the confusion of these petitions with others, of an allied character, presented about the same time. These petitions were a terrible commentary on the condition 1 Commons Juurnal, vol. lviii. p. 149. 2 Ibid. p. IGO. 3 iiui. p. 191. •» Ibid. p. 206. Ibid. tit. "Cotton." « Ibid. p. 302. THE TRAGEDY OF THE COTTON MILLS. 213 of things in the manufacturing districts. There is a stage in the deterioration of social conditions when the sufferers are past the desire for aid. This stage had been reached. One can only wonder at the rare calibre of a manufacturer who could style as " injurious," " harsh," " oppressive," or " im- practicable" a measure that required, in mills where three or more apprentices were employed, the mill rooms to be ventilated ; that ordered the rooms to be whitewashed twice a year ; that an apprentice should have one suit of clothes a year; that an apprentice should not work more than twelve hours a day exclusive of meal times ; that no work by apprentices should be done between nine at night and six in the morning ; that male and female apprentices should sleep in separate rooms, and that not more than two apprentices should sleep in any case in the same bed ; that the master should call in medical attendance for his resident apprentices in case of infectious disease ; that the mills should be inspected by visitors appointed by the justices ; that the children should be taught the elements of knowledge and the principles of Christianity. Such a measure seems merely to reveal horrors too appalling for description. If such a measure was really injurious, harsh, oppressive, and impracticable in the minds of the manufacturing classes, and if the existing law really satisfied the workmen and workwomen, the lot of the little apprentice between such an upper and nether millstone must have been worse than we can imagine'. ^ The children employed were often of the tenderest years. Until 1819 (59 Geo. III. c. 13, s. 7) pauper children under nine years of age could be compulsorily apprenticed in pursuance of 43 Eliz. c. 2, s. 5. The tragedy of the case is put with unconscious force by an Act of 1833 : "it shall not be lawful for any Person whatsoever to employ in any Factory or Mill as aforesaid, except in Mills for the manufacture of Silk, any Child who shall not have completed his or her Ninth Year of Age" (3 & 4 Will. IV. c. 103, s. 7). This was repealed in 1878 (41 & 42 Vict, c. 16). Till that date children under nine years could be employed in silk mills. Parish apprentices were often sent by contract from London to the Lancashire cotton mills "in carts like so many negro slaves." (Sir Samuel Romilly: Hansard (1807), vol. ix. col. 800.) 214 THE DAWN OF COMPULSORY EDUCATION. Section 6 of the Act of 1802 ran as follows : "Every such Approntioe shall be instructed, in some Part of every working Day, for the first four Years at least of his or her Apprentice- ship in the usual Hours of Work, in Reading, Writing, and Arithmetick, or either of them, according to the Age and Abilities of such Apprentice, by some discreet and proper Person, to be provided and paid by the Master or Mistress of such Apprentice, in some Room or Place in such Mill or Factory to be set apart for that Purpose ; and that the Time hereby directed to be allotted for such Instruction as afore- said, shall be deemed and taken on all Occasions as Part of the respective Periods limited by this Act during which any such Apprentice shall be employed or compelled to work." Section 8 })rovided " That every Apprentice, or (in case the Apprentices shall attend in Classes), every such Class shall, for the Space of one Plour at least every Sunday, be instructed and examined in the Principles of the Christian Religion, by some proper Person to be provided and paid by the Master or Mistress of such Apprentice." It was further provided that in cases where the apprentice's parents were members of the Church of England he was to be taken at least once a year to be examined by the " Rector, Vicar or Curate of the Parish in which such Mill or l^'actory shall be situate." After the age of fourteen years and before the age of eighteen the apprentice was to be prepared for Contirniation and sent to the Bishop to be confirmed " in case any Ccmfirmation shall, during such Period, take Place in or for the said Parish." Further pro- visions followed to meet the case of apprentices in Scotland belonging to the Church established in that country. Pro- vision was also made to ensure the attendance of the ap- prentices at an established church or at a licensed chapel at least once a month, and they were ordered to attend Divine Service, either at a church or in a convenient room in or adjoining the mill or factory every Sunday. The endeavour to reconcile the old and the new in this EDUCATION AND RELIGION IN 1802. 215 remarkable Act is almost pathetic. New wine into old bottles is the only possible analogy. The patriarchal system of apprenticeship, where the apprentice was part of the fam'dia, could by no possibility be adapted to the new conditions of labour. In the old days the apprentice was in a very real sense, as a rule, a part of the family, and was regarded by his master or mistress and their family as a person entitled to enjoy the normal conditions of home life. In a factory such a relationship was practically impossible. A great gulf was fixed between the master and the apprentice. The very number of the apprentices, the mechanical nature of their work, their want of education, their want of those ideas and desires that go to make life decent and comfort- able, necessarily separated them from their Jl^s"""^ masters. The Act failed because it was not deminutio possible for legislators, for the most part quite "he apprentice. unacquainted with the facts of the problem, to recognise the change that had come over the land. To Parliament it was an essential part of an Act dealing with apprentices to introduce clauses safeguarding the religious education of the child. The careful provision for the religious teaching in this Act of 1802 for all denominations is note- worthy, and foreshadowed the long struggle on the religious question that was to follow. The important part played by provisions for the religious instruction in this Act must be particularly noted, since the modern system of State-aided education, of which this was the first legislative recognition, was due in a great measure to religious agencies, and in this matter, if in none other, the old and the new ideas on education were at one and are still at one. 51. Abortive as was this Act of 1802, it was one of many signs that the national conscience was slowly stirring. We have seen how in the eighteenth of Bia^kstone, century the problem of educating the poor had ^^Y^ Smith, 11-1 mi • 1 ^ Bentham. been wrestled with. The theory was m advance 216 BLACKSTONE AND EDUCATION. of the practice. Great juristic thinkers like Sir William Blackstone in the third quarter of the eighteenth century and Jeremy Bentham in the first quarter of the nineteenth century were registering their protest against the social evil that was involved in the ignorance of the masses. Black- stone in 1765 noticed the question in the following words : "As Puffendorf very well observes, it is not easy to imagine or allow, that a parent has conferred any considerable benefit on his child, by bringing him into the world ; if he afterwards entirely neglects his culture and education, and suffers him to grow up like a mere beast, to lead a life useless to others, and shameful to himself. Yet the municipal laws of most countries seem to be defective in this point, by not constrain- ing the parent to bestow a proper education upon his children. Perhaps they thought it punishment enough to leave the parent, who neglects the instruction of his family, to labour under those griefs and inconveniences, which his family, so uninstructed, will be sure to bring upon him"-." It is remark- able that, at this early date, compulsory education should have had the voice of a leader of the most conservative of all professions. Within forty years of this utterance the principle of compulsion had been silently placed upon the Statute Book. Adam Smith, writing before 1776, advocated a system of public instruction ■'. " For a very small exi)ense the public can facilitate, can encourage, and can even impose upon almost the whole body of the people, the necessity of acquiring those most essential parts of education. " The public can facilitate this acquisition by establishing in every parish or district a little school, where children may be taught for a reward so moderate, that even a common labourer 1 See Puffendorf a Law of Nations (Basil Kcnnot's translation, 3rd ed. 1717), Bk. VI. c. 2, § 12 (p. 379). ^ Comiiientarioi, Bk. i. c. 10. 3 Wealth of Nations, Bk. v. c. 1, ed. 1800, vol. ii. p. 308, ADAM SMITH AND EDUCATION. 217 may afford it ; the master being partly, but not wholly paid by the public ; because if he was wholly, or even principally paid by it, he would soon learn to neglect his business. In Scotland the establishment of such parish schools has taught almost the whole common people to read, and a very great proportion of them to write and account. In England the establishment of charity schools has had an effect of the same kind, though not so universally, because the establish- ment is not so universal." In these schools he recommended the use of more instructive books and the substitution of elementary geometry and mechanics for Latin. He certainly over-estimated the value of the charity schools; and his opinion of the adequacy of the Scottish schools was unduly high. The views of Jeremy Bentham are, however, still more remarkable than those of Blacki^tone or Adam Smith. In Chapter xx. of Part iii. of his Principles of Penal Law^ he deals with education «,s one of the indirect means of preventing offences. In this chapter he lays clown, with that dogmatic precision which with prophetic genius he applied to almost every branch of social thought, the principles of State inter- ference in State education. " Education is only government acting by means of the domestic magistrate." The domestic magistrate can exercise a censorship, can exhibit a continual demonstration of power, can bring to bear a system of ade- quate punishment and reward, all of which under normal circumstances would be intolerable in the case of the State. " But in regarding education as an indirect mode of preventing offences, it requires an essential reform. The most neglected class must become the principal object of care. The less parents are able to discharge this duty, the more necessary is it for government to fulfil it. It ought not only to watch 1 Written in 1802. The reference is to The Works of Jeremy Bentham, in the edition of 1843, vol. i. pp. 5G9, 570. (It seems preferable to quote direct from Bentham than from the English re-translation of Dumont's translation into French.) 218 BENTHAM AND EDUCATION. over orphans left in indigence, but also over the ohildrea whose parents no longer deserve the confidence of the law with regard to this important charge — over those who have already committed crimes, or who, destitute of protectors and resources, are given up to all the seduction of misery. These classes, absolutely neglected in most states, become the hot- beds of crime'." Bentham then goes on to point out the advantages of a system where there would be pupil teachers drawn from the classes of the taught — a system suggested to him by the school for 200 poor children founded in Paris by the Chevalier Paulet. Bentham, in his Constitutional Code', laid down various educational proposals of great value. He re-stated in a generalised form de Mist's proposal in Cape Colony in 1804 — to allow no person to become a Government official who had not reached a certain standard in the Government schools. He advocated the adoption of an educational standard as the quaHfication fur the franchise. In his Plan of Parliamentary Reform'^ he proposed to deprive non-readers of the franchise, and in his Radical Reform Bill he denies that the qualitication by reading would involve exclusion : " From two to three months' social pastime, at the hours of repose from work, would give it [the franchise] to all ailults in whose eyes the privilege were worth that price : and he, in whose eyes it were not worth that price, could not, with much justice, complain at the not having it^" Lord Brougham, in his Bill of 1837*, adopted Bentham's proposal of an educational franchise. ' Bentham's bitter satire on the educational work done at Oxford and Cambridge in the oi^hteenth century is perhaps the last word that can be said on the general subject of eighteenth century education in Kngland. See The Book of Fallaciex, Part iv. c. 11, ex. 3; Bentham's Works, vol. II. p. 468. 2 Published in 1827. See Constitutional Code, Bk. ii. c. 9, sec. xvi.; ibid. vol. IX. pp. 271-83. 3 Written in 1809, sec. vii.; ibid. vol. in. p. 464. * Ibid. p. 5G0. ^ Hansard, vol. xxxix. cols. 458, 459. THE POOR LAW REFORM BILL, 1807. 219 52. Mr Whitbread introduced into the House of Commons on February 19th, 1807, a general Poor Law j^^ ^j^.^ Reform Bill which included a scheme for the bread's Bin education of the children of the poor. In his ° ^ °^' speech he proposed a general system of national education by the establishment of parochial schools. The time, he said, was favourable to the establishment of a national system, "because within a few years there has been discovered a plan for the instruction of youth, which is now brought to a state of great perfection ; happily combining rules, by which the object of learning must be infallibly attained with ex- pedition and cheapness, and holding out the fairest prospect of eminent utility to mankind'." Though we may not agree with Mr Whitbread's estimate of the monitorial system, it was of course a tribute to the rapid spread of elementary schools. The Bill, which was presented to the House on February 23rd, 1807, was intitled "A Bill for the promoting and encouragement of industry among the labouring classes of the community, and for the effectual relief and regulation of the criminal and necessitous poor." It was a Bill that offered a series of solutions for the many evils of the age. From Mr Whitbread's speech of February 19th we may note with interest that he rejected an old form of the Doctrine of Three Acres and a Cow^, and also the theory of State Insurance, but advocated the creation of a State Savings Bank for the poor, the building of cottages out of the rates, to meet the acute housing problem that existed in agricultural districts, and the restriction of poor law relief, except with regard to the absolute necessities of life, to the aged, to children, and to the sick. On April 17tli, 1807^ Mr Whitbread announced that he 1 Hansard, vol. vm. col. 884. ^ "The Cow System, whereby a labouring man is enabled eitlier to purchase or acquire a certaiu property in a cow." Loc. cit. col. 887. ^ Ibid. vol. IX. cols. 490-3. 220 THE EDUCATION OF THE POOR BILL, 1807. intended to abandon certain parts of his elaborate Bill and to divide the remaining clauses into four Bills. The first of these related to education ; the second dealt with poor law reform and the buildin^f of cottages for the poor ; the third contained his scheme for a parochial fund of assurance ; while the fourth proposed to regulate and equalise the county rates. All four Bills were reported. The Bill for establishing a Plan for the Education of the Poor was brought forward for recommittal on April 24th, 1807'. It had been previously circulated among the magistrates throughout the kingdom with dispiriting results". " It was not meant," said Mr Whitbread, " to supersede any parish schools for the education of the poor, already established ; it was not meant to increase un- necessarily the charges upon any district, where parish schools were already instituted for the education of the poor, by establishing therein additional schools ; his object was, that in every parish where there was a number of poor who could not afford to pay for the education of their children, there should be a school established for their instruction." He regarded the education of the poor as " the incipient principle and grand foundation " of all benefits to be derived from any future reform of the poor laws. The Bill proposed that the poor children of each parish should be entitled to receive two years' education between the ages of seven and fourteen years. The occupiers of lands and houses in the i)arish were to be rated to provide the education, which was to be superintended by the parson and the parish officers. The Bill empowered' the "magistrates to purcha.se or hire any buildings or lands whereupon to erect buildings for the purpose of schools." The appointment of schoolmasters was also to be made by the magistrates The carrying out of the Act was to be placed in the hands of the magistrates, with power to suspend the law where fiirtlier or new schools were not necessary. 1 Hansard, vol. ix. col. .538. 2 Loc. cit. cols. Td[), 805. ^ Loc. cit. col. 1051*. SAMUEL JOHNSON AND EDUCATION. 221 Mr George Rose^ pointed out that the parents of children would choose the earliest period for sending their children to school, as less likely to inter- t^^^Bm^ °" fere with labour, and so make the Act of less value than was expected. He suggested that a system of maritime schools should be started round the coast capable of educating 80,000 boys at one time, and thus creating an inexhaustible supply of men for the British Navy. The Bill was supported by Henry Erskine, who pointed out the ad- vantages that Scotland had derived from education. He hailed the Bill "as a measure auspicious in the highest degree to the industry, the morality, the happiness, and good order of the people of this country." Mr Bragge Bathurst objected to the Bill "because it would do away [with] Sunday schools, to which no person would subscribe, when the parochial schools should be established." Mr William Windham op- posed the Bill, and quoted the opinion of his friend Dr John- son, that "it was not right to teach reading beyond a certain extent in society ^" Mr Whitbread in reply pressed the position that crime decreases with education: "In West- moreland, the best educated county in England, executions were scarcely known. Search the Newgate calendar. The great majority of those executed in London every year were Irish ; the next in order were English, and the last Scots. ^ Rose (1744-1818) at this time had just become Treasurer of the Navy. See Dictionary of National Biography, tit. "Rose." 2 This was not in accord with Johnson's general views. lu 1780 he said "I would put a child into a library (where no unfit books are), and let him read at his choice. A child should not be discouraged from reading anything that he takes a liking to, from a notion that it is above his reach. If that be the case, the child will soon find it out and desist; if not, he of course gains the instruction; which is so much the more likely to come, from the inclination with which he takes up the study" (Bos- well's Life of Johnxon, edited by J. W. Croker, 1860, p. 661). On the other hand Johnson disliked an education wanting in thoroughness. He charged Scotland with giving a poor universal education. "Their learn- ing is like bread in a besieged town ; everj' man gets a little, but no man gets a good meal" (ibid. p. 452). The charge may have had some truth in it, but it came with poor grace from an English thinker of that date. 222 THE REVIVAL OF MEDIEVAL ECONOMICS. This was iu exact proportion with their respective systems of education aniong the lower orders'." He maintained that the cost of his scheme would not in any case exceed a shilling rate. Mr Whitbread's instance hardly bore out his point, since as a matter of fact Ireland had, in respect to a scheme of education, a much better position than England, and at the very date when Mr Whitbread was speaking great efforts were being made to revive education in Ireland. The Bill went into committee, and the second reading* was moved on July 13th, when Mr Davies Giddy opposed the Bill. He considered that " however specious readi^ng. iu thcory the project might be, of giving Mr Giddy's educatiou to the labouring classes of the poor, views. , , ° . t. . , it would, in effect, be found to be prejudicial to their morals and happiness ; it would teach them to despise their lot in life, instead of making them good servants in agriculture, and other laborious employments to which their rank in society had destined them ; instead of teaching them subordination, it would render them factious and refractory, as was evident in the manufacturing counties^; it would / enable them to read seditious pamphlets, vicious books, and publications against Christianity ; it would render them in- solent to their superiors ; and, in a few years, the result would be, that the legislature would find it necessary to direct the strong arm of power towards them, and to furnish the execu- tive magistrate with much more vigorous laws than were now J Hansard, vol. ix. cols. 539-550. = jn^j cols. 798-806. 3 There is something painful in this callous reference to the manu- facturing counties where the bitter crj* for education was destined to be practically unheard for another half century. Mr Giddy's views were al- most identical with those expressed by Walter Map in the twelfth century (see p. 28, xupra), but while Map had, in consequence of the system of feudal tenures which provided some sort of a subsistence for every man, a fairly good case to ar^^'ue, Mr Giddy's views were founded on ignorance or stupidity. The latter charge can hardly be made against a man who became President of the lloyal Society in 1827. See Dictionary of National Bioijraphy, tit. "Gilbert (formerly Giddy), Davies" (1767-1839). Of. Lord Hardwicke's views in 1751: see p. 169 (footnote), supra. PETITIONS AGAINST THE EDUCATION BILL, 223 in force." This astonishing speech, which apparently dealt with a class of non-human beings, does not appear to have at all ex- cited an indulgent House of Commons, which was on the whole as friendly to the Bill as it was to the assiduous Parliamen- tarian. It was read a second time without a division, and was committed by a vote of 47 to 13. On the same date six London petitions against the Bill were presented, and sub- sequently twelve more London petitions and a petition from Liverpool came before the House' in opposition to the Bill. In committee on July 21st, 1807, Mr Sturges Bourne, objecting to the compulsory character of the educational relief offered, proposed as a sub- j^ committee, stitutional clause "that it shall be lawful for the Churchwardens and Overseers in any Parish, Township or Place, with the consent of the major part of the Parishioners or Inhabitants in Vestry or other parish or public Meeting for that purpose, after one month's Notice assembled, or of so many of them as shall be so assembled, to establish, if they think tit, within their respective Parishes, a School or Schools for the instruction of the Children of the Poor, and to purchase or hire any Buildings, or to purchase any Land for the erection of any Buildings, and to erect any Buildings which may be found requisite for that purpose, and to employ or contract with any person or persons to be approved by the Minister of such Parish, to instruct the Children of the Poor, under such rules and regulations as they may think it expedient to adopt"." The compulsory clause in the Bill was lost by 23 votes to 12^, but an additional clause enabling parish officers to contribute to the expenses of the school was added. The Bill was ordered to be printed as amended, and the consideration in committee was adjourned till August 4th. On that date Mr Sturges Bourne's voluntary clause was adopted, the power of the parish officers to build schools was attacked but upheld, 1 Commons Journal, vol. lxii. pp. 01)9, 701, 720, 731, 744, 745, 753, 790. 2 Loc. cit. p. 817. '•> Hansard, vol. ix. cols. 850-9. 224 THE DEMAND FOR EDUCATION IN ]816. and the preamble of the Bill, which referred to the instruction of youth as leading to the promotion of morality and virtue, and which cited Scotland as an instance of such benefits, was objected to, but retained by 33 to 28 votes'. The Bill was read the third time on Thursday, August 6th ^ and on August 11th Lord Holland moved the second reading in the House of Lords, when Lord Hawkcsbury's motion that the Bill should be read that day three months was adopted without a division. The Bill was opposed by the Lord Chan- cellor (Lord Eldon) and by the Archbishop of Canterbury (Dr Manners Sutton), who, however, declared themselves in favour of improved educational conditions. Lord Stanhope strongly supported the Bill, and attacked the claim of the Establishment to control all education ^ With the failure of this Bill all effort after legislation was abandoned for nine years. 53. The Select Parliamentary Committee to enquire into the Education of the Lower Orders was ap- The . . ... Education pointed in 1816, and issued its first report, ^f"^"^'"^^ dealing with the Metropolis, in the same year. Subsequently the Committee extended their enquiries to the whole Kingdom. In the third report a very different story to that given by Mr Brougham with respect to the condition of the country in 1803^ was told by the Committee as to the educational position in 1816: "There is the most un(piestionable evidence that the anxiety of the poor for education continues not only unabated, but daily increasing ; that it extends to every part of the country, and is to be found equally prevalent in those smaller towns and country districts, where no means of gi-atifying it are provided by the charitable efforts of the richer classes*." This was so despite "the neglect and abuse of Charitable Funds con- » Hansard, vol. ix. col. 1049*-55*. '' Commons Journal, vol. lxii. p. 824. » Hansard, vol. ix. cols. 1174-8. •* See pp. 229, 259, infra, * Third Report from tlie Select Committee on the Education of the Lower Orders (1818), p. 5G. THE LIBERALISM OF THE CHURCH, 1816. 225 nected with education." The condition of education in country districts was, however, very bad. There were few who could help the ignorant, and "the efforts of individuals combined in societies are almost wholly confined to populous places." The Committee pointed out the difficulties that occurred where the only school in the country district was governed by regulations that excluded the Dissenters, but added that "in many schools where the national system is adopted, an increasing degree of liberality prevails, and that the church catechism is only taught, and attendance at the established place of public worship only required, of those whose parents belong to the establishment ; due assurance being obtained that the children of sectaries shall learn the principles and attend the ordinances of religion, according to the doctrines and forms to which their families are attached." This "liberality" must be noticed. The Church had awakened from its eighteenth-century sleep ; it had realised once again the great part that it had to play in national edu- cation, and it had recognised that if the common faith was once more to mould the education of the children of the country the conscientious scruples of Dissenters must be respected. In that fact lies the genesis of the conscience clause of later years. The principle of the clause was indeed suggested by the Select Committee. The Committee advised on the whole educational position that two different plans were desirable, severally adapted to the opposite circumstances of the town and country districts. " Wherever the efforts of individuals can support the requisite number of schools, it would be unnecessary and injurious," said the Committee presided over by Mr Brougham, " to interpose any parliamentary assistance. But Your Committee have clearly ascertained, that in many places private subscriptions could be raised to meet the yearly expenses of a School, while the original cost of the undertaking, occasioned chiefly by the erection and purchase of the school- house, prevents it from being attempted." The Committee M. 15 226 THE SELECT COMMITTEE ON EDUCATION, 1816. recommended that money mij^ht well be employed in this way, but that it must be left to the wisdom mendations of of Parliament to decide whether such ])ublic the Select fuuds should be vested in Commissioners em- Committee. . , , . powered to make proper terms with the private parties desirous of establishing schools, or whether the money should be entrusted for distribution to great institutions in London for promoting education. On the other hand, in districts where no aid from private exertions could be expected and the poor " are manifestly without adeiiuate means of instruction, your Committee are persuaded, that nothing can supply the deficiency but the adoption, under certain material modifications, of the Parish School system, so usefully estab- lished in the Northern part of the Island, ever since the latter part of the seventeenth century." We must note that the Committee, in hesitating to decide whether funds for building should be given to Commissioners or to the great school societies for distribution, had before them the example of Ireland, where Parliamentary funds were distributed by the Kildare Street Society amid considerable dissatisfaction. It is curious that the English Parliament should have adopted in 1833 the method of distribution by school societies at the very date when that method was emphatically abandoned as unsatisfactory in Ireland. The Select Committee thought that where it was necessary to give schoolhouses to a district there should be thrown on the inhabitants of the district the burden of paying the school- master's salary, " which ought certainly not to exceed twenty- four pounds a year. It appears to Your Committee that a suffii-ient supply of schoolmasters may be procured for this sum, allowing them the benefits of taking scholars, who can afford to pay, and permitting them of course to occupy their leisure in other pursuits." With respect to the religious ({uestion, the Committee thought that there ought to be a connexion between the proposed educational system and the PROPOSALS OF THE SELECT COMMITTEE, 1816. 227 Establishment, as in Scotland ; but they felt the difficulty that whereas in Scotland the Dissenters differed from the Established Church on matters political and not on matters of faith, in England the difference was not so much in politics as in faith. The solution of the difficulty offered by the Select Committee was ingenious and interesting " To place the choice of the schoolmaster in the parish vestry, subject to the approbation of the parson, and the visitation of the diocesan ; but to provide that the children of sectarians shall not be compelled to learn any catechism or attend any Church, other than those of their parents, seems to Your Committee the safest path by which the Legislature can hope to obtain the desirable objects of security to the Establishment on the one hand, and justice to the Dissenters on the other'." It will be noticed that this Select Committee had at once realised the nature of the problems that were destined to occupy the attention of Parliament for the greater part of the nineteenth century. It moreover offered the solutions that were eventually accepted by the country. It recommended a conscience clause ; it recommended, for a certain class of districts, schools that were practically rate-supported free parochial schools — the principle which was carried out by legislation beginning in 1870 — and, for other and less helpless districts, grants for building schools — the principle carried out by the grants that Parliament began to make in 1833. The system of control over the rates was to be parochial ; the system of inspection was to be diocesan, but full regard was to be paid to the claims of conscience and to the right of Dissenters to retain their children in dissent. The scheme was sound, able, and well thought out, and we must regret that Parliament was unable to adopt such suggestions'-. 54. The mass of information collected by the Select 1 Third Report of Select Committee on Education of Lower Orders, pp. 5, G. 2 Tbe Committee succeeded in passing an Act in 1818 appointing Commissioners to enquire into educational charities (58 Geo. III. c. 91). 15—2 228 MR brougham's speech of 1820. Committee of 1816 enabled Mr Brougham to bring forward his Education Bill with wide knowledge of the educational ^^ ^^ problem that awaited solution. The high tribute The Edu- *■ ° cation Bill that he paid to " the whole of the clergy of °^ '^*°' the established church " was a well-deserved tribute to the unceasing labours through many centuries of that Church on behalf of education, and it is important as showing how inseparable was the connexion between the Church and education, and how thoroughly the Clergy had awakened to their immense responsibilities. Circulars asking for information of an elaborate character were issued to 11,400 clergymen of parishes, and full answers were received from 11,200, though no statutory duty to furnish the information lay upon these persons. " It was, however," said Mr Brougham, 'quite impossible that any words of his could do justice to the zeal, the honesty and the clergy by the ability with which they had lent their Mr Brougham, ^ssistauce towards the attainment of the great object which had been proposed as the result of the in- quiries'." The speech as reported in Hansard is extremely valuable and interesting. Mr Brougham pointed out that the assertions of Dr Patrick Col(|uhoun' in 1806 — that there were 2,000,000 children in England and Wales, including 50,000 in London, in want of education, and that 1,750,000 persons grew up without any education — were untrue and inconsistent with the facts known as to population. Dr Col- quhoun's further suggestion that the problem could only be met by building in each parish a school capable of holding 800 children was, Mr Brougham showed, absurd, as the average ^ Appendix iii. p. 249, i)ifriritua l, et donques les plaintifies ont claime les Escholes per le collacion le Prior, et sur eel out foundue lour action, que est accessory, et depende sur le title le Prior, que est le princi2)al et chose espiritual, il semble que cest action ne puit estre trie en cest Court. IT Skrene. Si un Market soit levy al nusance de mon Market, j'avera assise d'anusans, et en im commen case si les venants a mon Market soient disturbes ou batus, per que jeo perds mon tolne, j'avera assets bon action de trespas sur mon case, auxy icy. IT /ran/-[cford]. Nient semble, pur ceo que en vostre case vous aves franktenement et enheritance en le Market, mes icy le[s] plantiffes ont nul estate en le Scholemaster- ship, etc. mes pur le temps non ccrtcin, et il sera encounter reason, que un Master serra disturbe a tenir Schole on luy plei.st, sinon que le fuit en case ou un University fuit corporate, et Escholes foundus sur auncient temps, et en case d'un molyn (come jeo disoy avant) si mon vicine levy un molyn, auters que soloient moxilder a mon molyn, alent a I'auter molyn, peront mon tolne est amenus, pur eel cause jeo n'avera my action : Mes si un moliner diisturbe I'ewe de courger a mon molyn, ou face tiel manor de nusance, j'avera action, sicome le ley doiine. Et I'opinion del Court fuit, que le briefe ne gi.st my : Per que fuit agarde, (jue ils ne pristeront riens, etc. : ein.s, etc." APPENDIX II. THE ENDOWMENT OF SCHOOLS BETWEEN 1660 AND 1730 (with statistical tables). The figures in the Table of Schools given below are calculated from the undigested Digest of Schools and Charities for Education as reported on by the Commissioners of Inquiry into Charities presented to Parliament in 1842. Table I. here constructed shows the total number of endowed grammar schools and "Schools not Classical" in England and Wales. The totals for each county are given. The total number of grammar schools for the whole country accord- / ing to this report is 701, while the total number of "Schools not ^ Classical" is 2194, making a final total of 2895 endowed schools in England and Wales. The period 1660 — 1730 is next analy.sed. During that period 172 grammar schools were founded, and 51 |/ grammar schools previously foimded received additional endow- ments. Thus a number approaching one-third of the grammar schools that existed in 1842 were either founded or additionally endowed in the period 1660 — 1730. A much larger proportion of the existing endowed elementary schools owe their existence to the same period. During that period 905 endowed unclassical schools were founded, and 72 endowed unclassical schools previously founded received additional endowments. Thus a number approaching one- half of the elementary endowed schools of England and Wales (the decimal, to be more exact, is •445...) were either founded or additionally endowed in the period 1660—1730, while "412 of all the endowed elementary schools were actually founded in the jieriod. These figures are not complete. Some of the 168 elementary schools with " unknown " foundations and of the schools that have their origin in undated wills or deeds may be referred to this period, and the same may be said with respect to undated additional endow- 16—2 244 CHARITY SCHOOLS AND ENDOWED SCHOOLS. ments. On the other hand while the number of schools founded or additionally endowed in the i)eriod 1660 — 1730 exceeds the numbers given, the proportions to the total number of foundations are smaller than is indicated above, as the information contained in the 1842 Digest is very incomplete and misleading with respect to foundations of the sixteenth and earlier centuries. It is therefore impossible at present to make an absolute estimate of the proportion of the endowed schools of England founded before 1842 that were founded between 1660 and 1730. The vigour of the educational movement in England in these seventy years is further exhibited in the remarkable number of charities for education not attached to endowed schools that were foimded in this period. Table II. given below is a Digest of these unattached charities as they appear in the undigested Digest of Schools and Charities of 1842 from which Table I. is compiled. The total number of these charities in England and Wales in 1842 was 2170, and of these no less than 655 were founded between 1660 and 1730. This fact is evidence that the educational movement was vigorous along lines that were quite independent of the charity school move- ment. The rapid creation of charity schools was in itself significant ; and as a movement it nuist be regarded as in a great measure independent of the extraordinarily rapid foundation of elementary endowed schools. Doubtless the movements overlapped, but as the foundation of charity schools (apart from Gouge's schools) did not begin before 1699 it is clear that all the elementary endowed found- ations before that date belong to an independent source, and probably no very large proportion of the 1658 charity schools that had sprung into existence by the year 1739 (see pp. 201, 202 supra) belonged to the 905 elementary entlowed schools (see pp. 189, 190 supra) founded between 1660 and 1730. Allowing a considerable mai-gin for overlapping we arrive finally at the result that in the period between 1660 and 1730 above 2,500 schools of all classes were founded in England and Wales, that over 100 schools received supplementary endowments, and that 650 unattached educational charities were created. It would not be possible to give a reason- ably adequate explanation for such a movement without a lengthy analysis of the economic and social conditions of England that would be out of place here. Buckle's f/istor>/ of Civilization in England, vol. I. pp. 348 — 396, supplies valuable material for such an analysis. DIGEST OF THE REPORT OF 1842. 245 TABLE OF ENDOWED SCHOOLS BY COUNTIES. UBAM.MAR Schools Endowed Non-Classical Schools Counties Total number Founded between 1660 & 1730 Founded be- fore 1660 and re-endowed between 1660 & 1730 Total number Founded between 1660 & 1730 Founded be- fore 1660 and re-endowed between 1660 & 1730 Bedfordshire 2 17 9 _ Berkshire 4 1 — 41 14 4 Buckingham 5 1 — 22 13 — Cambridgeshire 3 1 2 46 19 2 Clieshire 22 5 3 67 17 7 Cornwall 6 1 — 18 6 — Cumberland •27 7 1 41 11 1 Derbyshire Devonshire 17 17 . 4 6 1 76 51 32 21 1 2 Dorsetshire 9 2 — 28 10 2 Durham 10 1 — 43 13 — Essex 16 2 1 52 20 — Gloucestershire 15 2 1 51 27 — Herefordshire 10 1 — 46 11 — Hertfordshire 11) 1 — 26 11 2 Huntingdonshire ... Kent 4 18 2 1 17 67 13 29 3 Lancashire 79 21 9 143 41 4 Leicestershire 15 6 — 39 12 2 Lincolnshire 26 7 1 102 58 4 City of London ... 6 2 1 35 32 — City of Westminster 2 1 1 14 10 1 Middlesex 9 3 60 29 4 Monmouth 4 12 4 — Norfolk 16 — 37 17 — Northamptonshire Northumberland . . . 16 9 5 3 2 65 29 30 14 1 1 Nottinghamshire ... Oxfordshire lU 10 5 1 1 40 41 18 17 2 Rutland 1 — — 5 3 — Shropshire 13 1 2 51 18 4 Bristol, City of ... 2 1 — 13 7 1 246 DIGEST OF THE REPORT OF 1842. TABLE I. continued. Grammar Schooia Endowed Non-Classical Schools CoUNTIKi Founded be- Founded be- Total Founded fore 1660 and Total number Founded fore 1(560 and between re-endowed between re-endowed number ItJOO & 1730 between 1660 & 1730 between 1660 & 1730 1660 & 1730 Somerset 15 6 2 39 16 2 Southamptonshire 9 4 2 37 13 — Isle of Wi<,'ht 2 — 7 2 Staffordshire 22 2 — 70 26 — Suffolk 18 4 2 34 13 2 Surrey 8 1 1 33 19 1 Southwark, Boro' of 2 — 3 3 — Sussex 8 3 — 29 11 2 Warwickshire 13 1 2 09 32 2 Westmoreland 40 15 1 21 8 Wiltshire 7 4 49 22 2 Worcestershire 14 3 58 28 3 City of York 2 — — 2 1 — Yorkshire East Bidiug 10 3 1 36 8 North Riding ... 27 8 — 43 10 1 West Riding ... 63 17 5 161 61 4 N. Wales Anf^lesey 1 — — 5 3 — Carnarvon 3 — — 8 4 — Denbif^hshire 5 1 1 21 9 2 Flintshire 4 1 — 10 6 1 Merionethshire ... 3 2 1 7 2 — Montgomeryshire 2 1 — 14 7 — S. Wales Brecon 1 — 8 4 — Cardiganshire ... 2 — — 4 — — Caermarthenshire 1 — — 11 3 2 Glamorganshire 2 2 — 5 4 — Pembrokeshire ... 2 1 8 2 Radnor 2 701 1 172 — 7 2 — Totals ... 51 2194 905 72 DIGEST OF THE REPORT OF 1842. 247 II. TABLE OF EDUCATIONAL CHARITIES (NOT ATTACHED TO ENDOWED SCHOOLS) BY COUNTIES. Total Number Total Number C'OONTIES number of founded CODNTIES number of founded Charities between 16e0&1730 Charities between 1M0&1730 Bedfordshire 28 13 Southamptonshire 51 17 Berkshire 57 16 Isle of Wight . . . 5 5 Buckinghamshire 39 11 (General Charity) 1 1 Cambridgeshire 26 7 Staffordshire 54 21 Cheshire 2i 7 Suffolk 82 30 Cornwall 28 6 Surrey 41 16 Cumberland 29 3 Southwark 3 1 Derbyshire 38 15 Sussex 48 14 Devonshire 147 58 Warwickshire ... 51 10 Dorsetshire 22 3 Westmoreland ... 13 2 Durham 19 7 Wiltshire 51 16 Essex 71 13 Worcestershire ... 28 8 Gloucestershire 94 34 City of York 12 7 Herefordshire ... 26 9 Yorkshire Hertfordshire . . . 34 6 East Riding ... 55 22 Huntingdonshire 16 5 North Riding . . . 70 16 Kent 86 23 West Riding ... 121 23 Lancashire 60 17 North Wales Leicestershire . . . 78 22 Anglesey 8 3 Lincolnshire 52 13 Carnarvon 9 4 City of London ... 12 6 Denbighshire ... 10 4 Middlesex 38 12 Flintshire 4 Monmouth 5 3 Merionethshire 5 1 Norfolk 03 19 Montgomerysh. 11 3 Northamptonshire 65 16 South Wales Northumberland 14 4 Brecon 6 3 Nottinghamshire 50 12 Cardiganshire 3 — Oxfordshire 48 23 Caermarthensh. 8 3 Rutland 7 — Glamorganshire 10 5 Shropshire 44 16 Pembrokeshire 6 1 Bristol 1 1 Radnor 6 1 Somerset 77 18 Totals ... 2170 655 APPENDIX III. TEXT OF LORD BROUGHAM's SPEECHES OF 1820 (HANSARD, VOL. IL COLS. 49-89) AND 1835 (HANSARD, VOL. XXVII. COLS. 1293-1333). The Speech of Mr Henri/ Brougham, in the House of Commons, on Wednesday, June 28, 1820, on the Education of the Poor. He said, he returned hi.s best thanks for the candour and the kindness of both the hon. gentlemen, in allowing him the pre- cedence ; and now, without any further preface, he would at once enter upon the subject he wished to bring before the House. After a very long period of time employed upon its consideration, he had at length determined to bring forward a motion, which in his estimation, was second to none in its magnitude or its importance. Pai-liament had been for some time, indeed, occupied upon what might be vulgarly considered a topic of more imi)ortance, a question to which the most intense attention of the nation had been directed ; but by the production of the plan which he was about to submit to parliament, he trusted, that he should put it in the i)ower of the House to do a benefit to mankind whicli would exist and be widely felt, long after that question should have been determined, and long after the differences which existed between the individuals (illustrious as they were) who were more immediately connected with it, should have been forgotten. He well knew that this was a very unfortunate moment for bringing forward a question proceeding ujion such abstract principles as the present one ; and he could only hope that THE SELECT COMMITTEE ON EDUCATION, 1816. 249 the House would assist him, by its candour and attention, in Usten- ing with as Uttle interruption as possible to the developenient and elucidation of those principles, which became, for that very reason the more indispensable. Without meaning for one moment, or in the slightest degree, to convey any thing like a sneer or a sarcasm, he would beg leave to say, that if any hon. gentleman should feel that the subject before the House was one which possessed not sufficient interest to command his attention, it would be better that he should remove to scenes more capable of exciting that interest within him. It was now more than two years since those pro- ceedings, the result of which it was now his duty to bring before them were commenced. They had been sinca.pursued with various success, but with equal industry, perseverance, and zeal upon the pai-t of the gentlemen who were engaged in them. Their inquiries and exertions had produced a mass of statistical information, which, for its importance and its kind, was equally unprecedented; for, instead of possessing the dry, abstract, and uninteresting character of statistics (and they who were versed in that science would know that such, generally speaking, was their nature), instead of mere numerical details and elaborate calculations, those inquiries had produced a vast body of moral information, which, the more it w^as studied and examined, would be found to be the more important and valuable. Before he proceeded further, he felt it his duty to return his most cordial thanks to those reverend gentlemen, without whose assistance they could not have advanced a single step towai'ds that point of their labours at which thej' had arrived — he meant the whole of the clergy of the established church. It was, however, quite impossible that any words of his could do justice to the zeal, the honesty, and the ability with which they had lent their assist- ance towards the attainment of the great object which had been proposed as the result of the inquiries. Those reverend ^jersons had been actuated by no angry feeling, and had manifested no degree of impatience, when, from the circumstances of the nature of the information which was required, and the length at which it was to be detailed, their readiness to undertake what they might have considered a work of unnecessary labour was a thing hardly in reason to be expected from them. Ho candidly confessed that he felt it incumbent upon him to enter a little more into the statement 250 RETURNS FROM EI.EVKN THOUSAND CLERGYMEN. which lie thought it necessary to make upon this part of the subject, in justice to the important services of the reverend individuals in question. This was a measiu'c the great burilen of which nnist of course be thrown upon the ministers of the estal>lishcd church. It might he proper, therefore, rather to show, first of all, what were the claims of those clergymen to the confidence which this bill reposed in them ; and that he could not do in any way so well as in stating merely what it was which they had done. The first work of the counnittee had been to address a circular to the whole of the clergy of England and Wales; the object of wliich was to call their attention to a variety of matters connected with the present subject. The clergy set about returning answers to these circulars; and as a proof with what alacrity they had exerted themselves in obedience to the wishes of the House, as signified through the committee, he need only mention, that, a day or two after, he had received no less than 6(»0 I'eturns, all in one day ; and, two days after that, as many as 2, GOO; and that within one week, about one-third of the whole clergy had obeyed the wishes of the House, — that was, all tho.se who were suthciently near the capital to make their returns in such a si)ace of time. After a little while the committee received nearly all the remainder ; but, in a correspondence maintained with so large a number of persons as 11,400, there were, as might be expected, some defaulters ; .and they amounted to 600. To these another circular was addressed ; whereupon, as universally happened in such ca.ses, their number was soon greatly reduced ; and about 200 ministers only were still defaulters. He had next to mention a circumstance, of which he would only say bcfoi'chand, that there was ncj blame to be attributed to the clerks at the post ofiice, nor to any of those channels of transmission whose extraordinary fidelity, accuracy, and despatch, he most willingly acknowledged ; nor to any party more immediately engaged in conducting or aiding in the inquiries ; nor indeed to himself. By some accident, however, there were 3G0 returns that were mislaid after the dissolution of par- liament; they were put into a box, for the purpose of being taken care of, and could not afterwards be f'oiuid, as he should have occasion subsequently to explain. Another circular was in con.sequence addressed to the clergymen who hud furnislied tliese returns. Now, it did .so happen, that these 3G0 returns had been picked out of the whole 11,400, as being the most elaborate, and the most ample of THE GOOD-WILL OP THE ESTABLISHED CLERGY. 251 them all. They had been so selected, as pattern cards, if he might use the term, of the rest. Owing to the misconception occasioned by this unfortunate accident, however, a letter was sent to those gentlemen, couched in terms which pretty smartly imputed to them neglect and delay. Those very returns were a second time called for from reverend gentlemen who were thus chid, owing to a mistake arising out of an accident, (for which, he repeated, he was not aware that any one was to blame) ; which accident, again, arose out of the very fact of their superior industry, skill, and attention, as testified in the returns. Any one might have supposed that, after this, those ministers would have felt themselves hurt and aggrieved ; and he should not have been surprised, for one, if they had answered publicly, and said, that it was really too hard that they should be again called upon to make out returns which they had before sent up, after infinite pains and some labour ; for many of them extended to the length of ten pages and upwards. But would the House believe — and he protested that it did appear to him a most unex- ampled and incomparable instance of a very honourable and meritorious feeling — that so great and so zealous was their good- will to a most important national object, and such the truly Christian meekness and benevolence, which they evinced, that out of those 360 clergymen no more than two murmured at the fresh trouble that was imposed upon them ; and even those two transmitted the required returns, together with their remonstrances ? Some of those gentlemen had fortunately kept copies of the statements which they originally sent to the committee ; but others had not done so, and were under the necessity of making out fresh returns. He knew that, in making this allusion to the accident out of which the renewed applications in question originated, he ran the risk of incur- ring some blame ; but he was content rather that blame should be imputed to him, than that he should fail to do justice to a body of men who had so handsomely and so liberally exerted themselves to remedy the loss of their own labours. The same reverend gentle- men had since answered even private letters connected with this subject, and letters written under no pai'liamentary authority what- ever. He had himself sent private letters again and again to them, always, of course, making his most humble apologies for the trespass committed on their leisure. Another proof of the good-will to the cause which he was embarked in was this — that if any one would look 252 THE EDUCATIONAL EFFORTS OF THE CLERGY. through the digest, he would find that in many cases a foundation was supi)orted entirely by the cliarity and exertions of the incumbent himself. When he said this, he spoke of the working parish priests, of those meritorious individuals who, to their great honour, devoted to this laudable purpose a portion of their money and their time. He did not speak of the more dignified prelate, who could not of course be exi)ected to reside ujxju the one particular spot ; nor of the liluralist, who could not, if he would, reside there ; but he meant the working jjarish minister — the true and effective labourer in the vineyard. In making this remark, he meant no compliment to those reverend gentlemen. It was merely an act of justice towards them. He had said thus much in order to make out his case for intrust- ing the clergymen of the establishment with the execution of the proposed plan rather than any other body of men in the kingdom. The result of the labours of the committee was, that a Digest was prepared and ready to be put into the hands of members, which would exhibit the clearest and most prompt information on every part of the subject, and the state of education in every quarter of the country ; and there still remained for completion a separate volume containing supplementary statements, to which tables were l)repared to be added to render the whole as complete as possible to show the state of education, exhibiting in one view, or rather in various points of view, the state of education in every county, ])arisli, village, .and even small hamlet, showing not only the actual state of education, but the defects which existed in each. It would therefore require but a few words to exjjlain to those gentlemen the nature of his motion, particularly its extension in a separate form to England and Wales. — There were also two keys printed; one was to the numerical tables of the Digest, and the other referred more par- ticularly to the subject. The Digest itself consisted of an abstract of the informations obtained, and in some parts recapitulated the very words of tho.se information.s. His late lamented and lion, friend, the member for Bedford, in 1806, propo.sed a plan upon a similar subject, but of a very different nature ; Mr Perceval objected to it, not with refei'ence to its princii)le, but because he thought previous inquiry necessary : he said, "Have a commission first, and then see whether, from the information to be derived under it, a new and better plan may not be the result." What Mr Perceval recommended had now been done. The commission DR PATRICK COLQUHOUN's STATISTICS. 253 had made the necessary inquiries. The result showed the errors which had hitherto existed. He held in his hand a calculation clearly proving how wide of the mark writers upon these subjects had been in former years, and how very ignorant they were of statistics. It was extracted from a book written in 1806, by Dr Colquhoun — a man who had been always considered, both here and on the continent, of great authority upon matters connected with political economy. For himself, he would own that he had always been doubtful of the infallibility of such sweeping calculations as the doctor was accustomed to indulge in, nor could he ever reconcile to himself the absolute truth of a numerical calculation which went to ascertain, even to the fraction of a single woman of the town, how many were the females in London living by prostitution. Dr Colquhoun was certainly a very lively writer, and in some respects entitled to credit, but he was never more wide of the mark than when in an evil hour he undertook to calculate the number of children in the country whose parents were unable to provide education for them. His first statement was — that there were two millions of poor children in England and Wales, who were in want of education, and 50,000 in London alone. Now it did so happen that there were not two millions of poor children at any one time in existence in England and Wales, because the number of children of an age capable of education was reckoned at one-ninth part of the whole population of a country at one time. He (Mr Brougham) estimated them at one-tenth, although he knew that his opinion was contrary to that of almost every foreign writer on these subjects. At this rate, however, the poor population of England and Wales ought to be 20 millions, and if the children of the rich were added in an equal proportion (and he should be sorry if every other man were a pauper), the whole population should be 40 millions. The next position of this author was, that there were 1,750,000 individuals in Great Britain and L-eland who grew up without education ; and it was a position of which he would say, without troubling the House further on the subject, that it was equally absurd with the other. Here they had one calculation which omitted the children of the rich altogether, and another which made the number of poor children gi'eater in amount than the total number of children in the country. The doctor went on, however, to hazard another calculation, which was 254 THE MODERN OBJECTION TO NATIONAL EDUCATION. yet more untenable ; it w;vs rather a proposition indeed ; for he said, " let there be built a school in each parish, capable of containing 800 poor children." Now he (Mr Brougham) had looked into this matter, and he found that there were only 50 parishes in the kingdom which did contain 800 such children ; and that 700 parishes only contained even so many as 400 children. What was yet more was, that the average amount taken upon all the ]mrishes of England and Wales was only 85 and not 800 children. 8o that, in fact, if Dr Oolquhoun had been talking about the empire of China, he could not have arrived at conclusions nuich more erroneous. It only served to show how surely and how fatally false deductions were derived from false premises. There was one difficulty which had formerly stood in the way of such a plan as that he had now to submit, which no longer existed : it was one which had not in fact been often attempted to be urged against the progress of knowledge, even in a time of general ignor- ance — he meant the objection that education would prove a detriment to the poor. He purposely avoided using the term "lower orders," not from any deference to those who had so strenuously objected to it, and whose counsels and evil courses if they had been followed, would have made them low indeed. He knew not what rational objection there could be to the appellation. Sure he was, that the forefathers of those lower orders never found fault with it. That House (the House of t'ommonsj was called the lower House of Parliament, but that term did not imply any degradation to the Commons ; it was used as a tei'm of distinction between that and the other House. So it was when the lower orders were mentioned ; the term was used to distinguish them from those who were above them in the scale of society. God forbid that he should say any thing against the poorer classes of society, for what would the rich be without the poor? Where would the pyramid be without its base ? To return to the question. It api)eared that since the peace of Amiens, and in consequence of what had taken place at the French revolution, the education of the pf)orer classes was objected to by some persons in this country, on the ground that it would make a man a worse subject. This was, however, a modern idea. He could show, from historical authorities, that the education of the poor was by no means a novel object ; but had been held in early ages, and by the wisest governments the best security ft)r the^ EARLY SCOTTISH AND FRENCH EDUCATION. 255 morals, the subordination, and the peace of countries. In France, in the year 1582, under the reign of Henry 3rd, the states-general met, and the noblesse of the day presented a petition to the sovereign, praying that pains and penalties might be imposed upon those who would not send their children to school ; and nearly at the same time the Scotch parliament (perhaps the most aristocratical body then in existence) passed a law that every gentleman should send at least his eldest son to school, in order to learn grammar. In the 16th century, an order was made that all children should attend school, and that alms and charities should be refused to those persons whose children did not so attend. He had also seen a charter of king David 1st, dated in 1241, in which mention was made of various public schools in Roxburgh, now a small village. Another charter dated 1163, spoke of the schools of Stirling. Another in 1244, noticed the number of schools at Ayr; and a fourth, dated in 1 256, made honourable mention of the praiseworthy manner in which the schools of other districts were conducted. Shortly before the revocation of the edict of Nantes, in 1680, the most intolerant period of French history, was founded the first society in the world, and, for a long time, the only one, for the advancement of education : its founder was the celebrated Phre de la Salle, and the order was denominated " Les Frferes des Ignorants," and their vow was the foundation of schools i. That society had established lumierous schools for the education of the poor. In 1724, which was also a most intolerant period, pope Benedict issued his celebrated bull, authorizing and encouraging the extensive establishment of places of education for the poor. In that bull the pope mentioned the example of the Fbre de la Salle, and expressed himself in the following words : — " Ex ignorantia omnium origine malorum, prassertim in illis qui egestate ojipressi sunt, et qui elementa Christiana} religionis perssepe ignorant." A more accurate, a more scientific descrijition of ignorance was never given, even by Voltaire, than that in this instance promulgated by the enemy of that great philosopher — by Benedict. He now turned to a different autliority. From that of Pt>re de la Salle and his Ignorantium brotherhood, from the advice of the pope, to whose bull he had alluded, he came to the evidence, in 1738, of the lieutenant of police at Paris; a man who was, perhaps, much more conversant than ' See p. 201, footnote, supra. _ •256 POPE PIUS VII. ON IRISH EDUCATION. either with the effects of ignorance. That gentleman stated, that from the period of the establishment of the ignorantium schools in Paris, the expense of the police in the Fauxbourg St Antoine was reduced 30,000 francs annually. This was the evidence, be it remembered, not of a theoretical, but of a practical man. About the same time a remarkable circumstance happened in this country. In 1714', Mandeville published his "Fable of the Bees," condemning the charity schools of that day, because he said the children learned nothing there but to lisp " High Church and Ormond "; and in nine years afterwards the grand jury of the county of I\Iiddlesex thought fit to present him as a fit object for prosecution, and he was accord- ingly prosecuted for endeavouring to prevent the advancement of education and religious instruction, for irreligion, for decrying the universities, and for reprobating the instruction of youth. Thus, strange as it might seem, an impious man and an atheist at that time was occupying the ground since mistakenly filled (though only for a moment) by the pious and religious, who in our own day, worked upon by the false philosophy and evil consequences of the French revolution, had endeavoured to discourage the progress of knowledge. Mandeville charged the educators of his time with instilling principles of disloyalty, and an antagonist of Mandeville's, in a letter to lord Carteret, replied " I defy you to prove this ; but, enter into any of the schools, and if you at any time find disloyalty inculcated, let the schools be pulled down." Now this was precisely his argument. He had heard that schools had been established in Lancashire and Cheshire, inculcating imconstitutional doctrines, radical doctrines ; why then his advice was, if there were such schools, let them be shut up. He next came to the letter or circidar of the pope, through the cardinal Foutana, to the Irish prelates, in 1819. In that letter was pointed out the poison, which was incul- cated into the minds of the people from allowing them to read unauthorized ^•ersions of the holy scripture. The right reverend father said, with true philosophy, "it is not enough to prevent such works ; in order to prevent your flock from being badly educated, you must yourself educate them well." This was undoubtedly the language which, as a pious man, and as head of the cliurch to which he belonged, he ought to use. The pope went on to say, " in order to avoid the snares of the tempter" (and no man seemed to have ' See note to p. 202, Hupni. THE POOR AND HIGHER EDUCATION. 257 a better knowledge of the use of schools ; no man saw more fully the necessity of instructing the ignorant), " I beseech the holy brother- hood, through the bowels of Christ, to work day and night in the establishment of Catholic schools, in order to prevent the dissemi- nation of improper docti'ines." Now this was exactly his argument. Let them, in order to prevent bad impressions, inculcate those which were sound, and this was only to be done by education. He was happy to have such high authority with him on this point. The whole of this branch of his argument might be summed up in the memorable words of the great lord Bacon — " Lucis enim naturam puram," &c. — that the light of knowledge was in itself pure and bright, however it might be perverted and polluted by wickedness or imperfect instruction ; and that the channels by which it poured in upon the human species ought to be ever kept open and undefiled. He now came to a new topic. It had been objected that he (Mr Brougham) wished the poorer classes to be taught Greek and Latin and fluxions, and other knowledge which would draw them from the cultivation of the soil, and their various humble occupations. He really had no such wild project in his contemplation. He agreed with one of the wisest men that had ever lived, that to one of the rank to which he alluded, a knowledge of all the languages of the globe could not, in point of utility, be put in com})etition with an acquaint- ance with a single mechanical art. Milton, the most learned man of a learned age, endowed with many rare accomplishments of genius and of acquisition, in his small " Tractate of Education," had ex- pressed himself in the following forcible and beautiful language : — " And though a linguist should pride himself to have all the tongues that Babel cleft the world into, yet if he had not studied the solid things in them, as well as the words and lexicons, he were nothing so much to be esteemed a learned man, as any yeoman or tradesman competently wise in his mother-dialect only." — Still however, he was persuaded that if a poor man had a little more education, it would be no bar to his industrious occupations. Without dwelling upon theoretical opinions, he would quote a practical authority of a remarkable nature, in a letter from Mr Gilbert Burns, bi-other to the immortal poet of that name, who though a self-taught man, would pass down to posterity with the name of his country ; a man who had by his songs rendered that country dearer to its natives, as must have been felt by all those belonging to that country, who had M. 17 i 258 THE NUMBERS AT UNENDOWED SCHOOLS. ever visited foreign countries. He would read an extract of a letter from the brother of that man to Dr Carrie, and it was the more worthy of attention as the hand that wrote it had, half an hour before, been probably engaged in directing the plough. Mr Gilbert Burns in his letter, said, "I can say, from my own experience, that there is no sort of farm-labour inconsistent with the most refined and pleasurable state of the mind that I am aciiuainted with arising from a liberal education, thrashing alone excepted." He would here beg leave to observe, that the writer did not clothe his ideas in perhaps as fine or as roundabout a dress as would be used by some other gentlemen ; he stated what arose in his mind clearly, but simply. He had, perhaps, been threshing shortly before, and had therefore felt the irksomeness of the employment. He went on to state, " That, indeed, I always considered an insupportable drudgery, and I think the ingenious mechanic who invented the thrashing machine ought to have a statue among the benefactors of his country in a corresponding niche with the first introducer and cultivator of potatoes. I maintain, moreover, that as the sort of dim religious awe is wearing off" which used hitherto to guard the morals of the people in this part of the world, from a great variety of causes, men will go suddenly into an opposite extreme, if they be not so educated as to enable them to see the separation between the essence of true religion and the gross systems so often confounded with it." So much for his peasant. He came at once to the point ; and he (Mr Brougham) wished that many other persons whom he knew would do the same. He would now call the attention of the House to the result of the inquiries that had been made upon this subject. It appeared from those returns that there were now educated at unendowed schools 490,000 children, and to these were to be added about 11,000 for 150 parishes from which no returns had yet been made. In the endowed schools 165,432 children were educated; making a total (exclusive of the 11,000) of 655,432. In England it appeared that on the average l-14th or l-15th of the whole population was placed in the way of receiving education. The Breslaw tables, on which the calculations were maile in France, included children between the ages of 7 and 13 years, and represented one-ninth as the proportion of the population which required education. He had gone through the laborious task of checking those tables by the digests now before the House, which digests were THE STATE OF EDUCATION IN ENGLAND. 259 made up from the actual statements of clergymen, from the personal knowledge of their own parishes ; and the result was, that instead of one-ninth being the ratio of children requiring education, as com- pared with the whole mass of the population, he found that it was nearer one-tenth. Now in England the proportion of those actually receiving education was only one-fourteenth or one- fifteenth, so that there appeared to be a considerable deficiency. Another deduction ought also to be made for the dame-schools, where 53,000 were educated, or rather not educated, for it amounted to no education at all, since the children were generally sent too young, and taken away just when they wei'e competent to learn. He admitted, not- withstanding, that these dame-schools were most useful, on account of the regularity and discipline they inculcated. The average means of mere education, therefore, was only in fact one-sixteenth in England ; yet even this scanty means had only existed since the year 1803, when what were called the new schools, or those upon the systems of Dr Bell, and Mr Lancaster, were established. Those schools were in number 1,520, and they received about 200,000 children. Before 18(t3, then only the twenty-first part of the popu- lation was placed in tTie way of education, and at that date England might be justly looked on as the worst-educated country of Europe. What a difl'erent picture was afforded by Scotland I the education there was in the proportion of l-9th or between l-9th and 1-lOth. Wales was even in a worse state than England : at the present day the proportion was l-20th, and before 1803, it was l-26th. It might be useTuPthat he should state the condition in this respect of three foreign countries, France, Switzerland, and Holland ; and he was happy to l^e able to do so, not from books, but from the assistance and information which had been generously afforded him by distinguished foreigners; among them he might mention the baron de Stael, the duke de Broglie, M. Cuvier (who had supplied the information regarding Holland), and the chevalier Laborde, at the head of the department particularly connected with this subject in Paris. The proportion in France at this day was oue-twenty- eighth, but even this had only been produced by very recent im- provements. In 1819, only 1,070,000 children of the population received education, but tliat number was greater by 200,000 than in 1817. In 1817 only oue-thirty-fifth part of the population of France received education. In truth France was at that period in almost 17—2 260 EDUCATION IN FRANCE, SWITZERLAND AND HOLLAND. fis bad a state in that respect as ^liddlcsex, which, though the great metropolitan country [sic] of England, was, beyond all dispute, the worst-educated part of Christendom. No sooner had the defect been discovered in France, than the inhabitants set about to reform it, and, from the zeal with which the subject was undertaken, no less thaTi 7,120 new schools had been opened, and an addition of 204,000, or the children of two millions of the whole population, had since 1817 received education — an example well worthy of admiration and of imitation. If they went on in the same way for ten years, there would not be an uneducated child in France. Regarding the state of Switzerland he had received much valuable intelligence from his well-known friend, Mr Dumont, in a letter written in a most beautiful hand, by his servant, who was from the Pays-de-Vaud, and had never received a single lesson but in one of the parish- schools. From this and other .sources he found that in Switzerland there was twelve times as much education as in England, the pro- portion was about one in eight, and there was not above one person in sixty who could not read and write. In 1812, in Holland, according to M. Cuvier, there were 4,451 schools, educating 190,000 children, or one-tenth of the population. Such were the general averages by which he thought it tit to preface his plan ; and he would now take another, and not an un- interesting, view of the subject. He would .state, in the first place, what was the amount of population in England wholly destitute of the means of education. He would take (500,000, as before as the number educated in endowed and luiendowed schools, deducting the imniber placed in dame schools. To the.se he would add 50,000 for the children educated at home by private tuition ; also 100,000 for such as were educated at Sunday schools. The latter received, indeed, in this way, a very small modicum of edui-ation ; and, above all, they obtained none of the useful habits inculcated by the discipline of schools under the eye of a ma.ster, which was more beneficial to the child than that of a parent. The total therefore of the ciiildren receiving education was 750,000; according to which calculation no less than 2,000,000 of the population of England was left in this respect unprovided for ; in other words, every fifth person was with- out the means of education ; so that the condition of Switzerland was twelve times better than our own. The last view he should take of this subject was founded upon a comparison of the number THE REIGN OF IGNORANCE IN LONDON. 261 of parishes and ecclesiastical districts which had, and had not schools. There were about 12,000 ecclesiastical district parishes, or chapelries, in England ; of these 3,500 had not the vestige of a school, endowed, unendowed, or dame ; they had no more means of education than were to be found in the country of the Hottentots. Of the remainder, 3,000 had endowed schools, and the rest relied entirely on unendowed schools — of course fleeting and casual. In Scotland it was known that every parish, great or small, had one or more schools; some of them endowed, upon which were formed the bulk of those where the majority of the poinilation was educated. Were he not afraid of fatiguing the House, he could show, as in a map, how education was spread over the country. The average of the whole of England being one-fifteenth, in Middlesex, it was only one- twenty-fourth, and if the dame schools were deducted, it would be only one-forty-sixth ; and excluding this county from the calculation would lower the average of England to an eighteenth. Thus it was evident that Middlesex was three times worse educated than all the rest of England. Lancashire was next in the scale, where it was one-twenty-fourth, or very nearly half as bad again as the rest of England. In the four northern counties taken together, the average was one-tenth of the population ; but in Westmoreland singly, he was happy to say, that it amoimted to one-seventh. It was far from his wish to state any thing disrespectful of other counties, but it was his duty on this occasion to observe, that the proportion was extremely different in many districts. In the six midland counties, Buckinghamshire, Bedfordshire, Cambridgeshire, Northamptonshire, Hertfordshire, and Huntingdonshire, where lace-making was the ordinary occupation, and the great enemy both to education and morals, the average was one-twenty-fourth. A great deduction from the dame schools was to be made as respected the.se counties, in consequence of that occupation. In the eastern counties, Essex, Norfolk, and Suft'olk, the proportion was one in twenty-one, and in Somerset and Wilts one in twenty -four. He had no desire to build any argument upon the connexion between education and the amount of poverty and criminality, without reference to all the circumstances and disturbing forces which formed such an essential ingredient in a calculation. Amongst these must be reckoned a vicinity to sea-port towns, the comparative density of population, and manufacturing habits. Making allowance for the.se obstructions, 262 EDUCATION IN THE BORDER COUNTIES. the result would still answer as a practical exemplification of his theory. The average of the poor of all p]ngland was one-twelfth, exclusively of the northern counties, where the average was about ' one-fifteenth. In Westmoreland and Cumberland, the counties in which the poi)ulation was twice as well educated as in any other part of the coimtry, the proportion of poor was but one half of what it was elsewhere. He held in his hand a table of the number of commitments, with reference to the population of each county, for the last ten years. That number, estimated for all England, was in the proportion of one in 1,400, but in the northern counties was one in 4,200, and in the midland counties one in 2,100. In Westmore- land the numbers committed for crimes varied but little for the last twenty years, and this was a matter of little surjjrise ; tiiey were not to expect miracles from education — education enlightened the people — it did not immediately remove them from crime. — They must mix with their fellows — they must wait for the gradual im- provement which time bi'ought about but if, notwithstanding the disturbances of late years, if the number of committals did not increase, he thought he might rely on the fact as affording a proof of the salutary and permanent eftects of education. It was sur- prising to find how the proportion of those who received education without paying for it varied in dift'erent districts. In the four northern counties the number of children educated free were 16,30(>; those who paid were 37,000. In Westmoreland, out of 2,700, only 48 were educated free. In the six midland counties 18,000 paid, 20,000 were free. In Wilts and Somerset 11,000 paid, 16,000 were free. In the three eastern counties 24,000 paid, 30,000 were free. Now in Scotland, which was again pre-eminent in this instance, although all the children were educated, there was scarcely one whose parent or friend did not pay something for it. In Scotland there was hardly such a thing as gratuitous education. If in drawing up the returns for that part of the king's dominions, the paper of two columns had been sent under the heads of " Paid" and "Unpaid Schools," the return to the " paid " would be nil. — Even the peasants took care to provide means for this purpose ; and we in this part of the empire might well envy Scotland the possession of such a peasantry. We might also be assured that there was no way of getting rid of the poor-laws, and of their incrciising evil, except by a restoration of those wholesome and independent feelings which THE SCOTTISH TRAVELLING SCHOOLMASTER. 263 England once had, which Scotland still had, but which she would not long continue to have, if the poor-laws were extended to that country. He might here point the attention of the House to a digest of the reports of the Scotch clergy on this subject, as one of the most admirable and afifecting documents which had ever been submitted to their consideration. In that might be taken a correct view of the character of the people ; in that might be found manifested, in a thousand ways, the zeal and earnestness of parents in procuring instruction for their children. The children of the poorer classes worked half their time, and their earnings constituted a fund, not, as in other places that should be nameless, where the sweat of their brow was imposed to support the dissipation, or gratify the impure desires of their parents ; not to be wasted in drunkenness and debauchery ; but to be carefully reserved as the means of obtaining education. Scotland was not a land where many visionaries or speculators were to be found. Metaphysically as some of its in- habitants were inclined, they had an utter contempt for every thing that did not promote their own real and substantial advantage. It was for this he praised them. His praise of the Scotch was, that they knew and followed what was their real advantage, and that they did not see the advantages of vice and ignorance. Their youth were not brought up in vice or idleness, but in persevering and industrious habits. The clergymen said, that the poor people who could not afford to keep their children all the year at school, kept them at work for the summer, and with the amount of their wages, which seldom amounted to more than 20 shillings, they sent them to school in the winter, at that invaluable period of life when mind, as the Roman poet said, " might be fashioned like wet clay." In Scotland there were parishes fifteen miles in length, and six in breadth. It was easier for an adult to go to church than for a child to go to school in such cases. But what was the expedient sug- gested by their zeal and ingenuity ? The schoolmaster was taken into houses successively, and was boarded in remuneration for his trouble in teaching the children. Scotland was not remarkable for abundance of animal food, but the parents gave him some kind of subsistence, probably better suited to their means than to his appetite. There was a curious similarity in this respect between that part of the kingdom and the south of France. It was observed, in a report of the French commissioners, that " happy was the 264 THE PYRENNEAN TRAVELLING SCHOOLMASTER. schoolmaster who lived in the rugged districts of the Pyrenees; there he was at least sure of not dying of hunger, for the people having no money, boarded him by rotation." Such was exactly the state in the Highlands, in what he would call the Pyreneean parts of Scotland. He would join these poor people in preferring the humble and pious prayer of their clergy for the love of God to grant them more widely the means of education ; for the love of that religion which their Divine Master said was preached for the rich as well as the poor, he implored parliament not to be stingy on this branch alone of their internal administration, and not to limit to an annuity of \0l. the stipend of the teacher who was to assist in this good work. — It was probable that if they did, some persons would be found to contrast their ill-starred economy on this point with their profusion upon other projects. The money which had been thrown away on the Caledonian canal would have educated half of England, and the whole of Scotland. He had now no further statements to offer to the House, and would thci'efore proceed to lay before them, as shortly as he could, the principal heads of that plan which he felt himself justified in recommending. If this plan had been struck out in a heat, if it was the offspring of mere theory, a creation of fancy, or the adaptation of a. system established elsewhere to the state of this country, as, mutatis mutandis, an act of William had endeavoured to extend the parochial system of England to Scotland, criticism and opposition might well be expected. But he entreated every honourable member to believe, when any objection presented itself to his mind, that it had previously occuiTed to the committee, had been well weighed and fully considered, both by himself and the hon. members whose assistance he had enjoyed. Had it been otherwise, indeed, the plan could neither be rational, practicable, nor feasible. He was sure that the length of time which had been employed in the considera- tions and inquiries of the committee evinced their sen.se of the importance and difficulty of the task which they had undertaken. There was no part of tlie plan that was not warranted by the in- formation which had been laid before the committee. Queries had been propounded upon every leading branch of the inquiry — wit- nes.ses had been examined on every material point, and the benefits of their imited wisdom and experience brought in aid of the deliberations of the committee. The plan in question was divided MR brougham's plan FOR PLANTING SCHOOLS. 265 into four branches, and referred in the first place, as might be sup- posed, to the foundation of schools. In the second place, it related to the appointment and removal of masters ; in the third, to the admission of scholars, and their mode of tuition ; and in the fourth, to the improvement of old education endowments. The first thing naturally to be considered was, how to plant the school ; the second, how to procure a proper schoolmaster ; the third, what he was to teach when procured ; and the fourth, how to relieve the country of part of the expenses necessarily attendant upon the plan, by making the old endowments in some measure available. He proposed to rest the authority of initiating proceedings in four di fFerent classes of persons, and that the tribunal for determining and adjudicating on the subject should be the quarter-sessions. The ecclesiastical division of districts was that which he had adopted, and the first class of persons to whom he had alluded was the grand jury at the Easter sessions, to proceed either by finding a bill of indictment, or presentment of their own. Upon this, he submitted, that the case ought to be triable in the following sessions. The matter of com- plaint should be either that there was no school within the district, or none in the adjoining districts sufficiently near to be available to the inhabitants of that district, or that there was only one school where two were necessary, or three, in the case of very extensive or populous districts. Beyond this he did not go ; it was right some limit should be set, and when there were three schools in a ijarish a ^reat deal would have been done. Evidence might then be heard, and the question determined at a special or school sessions ; no certiorari or writ of error being allowed. The second class of persons entitled to apply was, the rector, vicar, perpetual curate, or actual incumbent of each paiiish, with a power of uniting two parishes or chapelries together, and making the application jointly. In the third place, his plan would enable any two justices acting for a division in an ecclesiastical district to prefer similar complaints ; and, in the fourth and last instance, would confer a like discretion on any five resident householders. Notice was to be given and affixed to the church-door in such cases, for the period of a month before the first day of quarter-sessions ; two chapelries or parishes might join in the application, four householders of each parish or chapelry concurring ; the p;irish officers were obliged to defend, at the request of five householders; an estimate of the expense of the 266 THE REMUNERATION OF SCHOOLMASTERS. school-house and garden was to be furnished ; the education digest and j)oiiulation abstract were to be given in evidence, but liable to be rebutted ; costs of the application were to be allowed ; no appeal or certiorari was to be allowed ; the salary of the schfiolmaster should not be less than 20 or more than 30^. — This hxst point he was aware might stagger some persons, and he begged them to believe that he had not fixed so low a sum without mature con- sideration. It might be objected, that this was a great deal too little ; but he did not wish for sinecurists, or to take from them the desire of obtaining day scholars. He deemed it important that they should find their own interests immediately concerned in this par- ticular. It was in fiict important, and it was his great object, that whilst measures were adopted for bringing education home to the doors of all, that jill should still pay a little for it. He was desirous of seeing the instructor live by his art, and obtain some remuneration for his pains, and the advantages which he communicated, from each of his pupils. He, however, allowed a power of increasing the salary with the concurrence of two-thirds of the householders paying school-rate ; the absent propi-ietors voting by agents. He covild anticii)ate that there might be cases in large parishes, such as those of Liverpool or Manchester, where it might be an object of great public importance to secure a schoolmaster of superior talents at a higher salary than 20 or 30^. — such men as Joseph Lancaster, had he continued industrious in his vocation; and in mentioning him, although he lamented his errors, he could not but express his sense of the great service which he had rendered to society. With this view he proposed, in the first instance, that the order of sessions for the master's salary should be a warrant to the parish-officers to levy it half-yearly ; and 2ndly, that the inhabi- tant householders might, at a meeting with one month's notice, and consent of the resident parson, increase the salary when the office was vacant, provided that two-thirds of such inhabitants concurred. He now came to the delicate question of how the expense was to be defrayed ; and he was quite sure that no country gentleman would complain of the small additional burthen of a few shillings, or even of a pound a-year, which would be imposed uiwn him as his quota for the maintenance of a schoolmaster ; for in a very few years he or his son would experience a diminution of the [jarish rates THE EXPENSE OF BUILDING SCHOOLS. 267 brought about by these very means. The expense of building the school, however, ought not, in his opinion, to fall upon the country gentlemen, but upon that part of the community — those engaged in manufactures — who, whilst they increased the objects of the poor- rates, contributed but little towai'ds them. He should propose then — but here he almost trembled whilst he spoke, for he saw the right hen. the chancellor of the exchequer, was becoming uneasy — the lion of the Treasury was roused— but he should propose that the money be advanced, in the first place by the treasurer of the county, provided that it did not in any case exceed 200^. This sum might, however, be deemed too large or too small for the purpose, and he was perfectly ready to acquiesce iu some other estimate. This sum, whatever it was, he proposed should he replaced out of the con- solidated fund in the hands of the receiver-general of the land-tax, and that the commissioners of the treasury should direct it to be paid on seeing the order of sessions. The digest was, indeed, filled with complaints of the evils that arose from having schools in very large houses, by which the original object was destroyed. He was for making them nothing but school-houses, in the strictest sense of the word — buildings, where the master and his wife, with a guardian to assist him, might reside, but in which no boarders should be admitted. He looked upon the schoolmaster to be employed iu an honourable and useful capacity — so honourable, that none was more highly to be esteemed, if the individual were faithful iu the discharge of his duty — so useful, that no man, he believed, effected more good in his generation than a good parish schoolmaster. That class would not, however, be offended when he observed, that they moved in an inferior station of life — and, their circumstances being con- tracted, to eke them out they were glad to practise a little land- surveying, or a little conveyancing. The more conveyancing they undertook, the better it was for the profession to which he belonged; for their labours in that line generally brought plenty of grist to the mill in Westminster-hall. Sometimes they only occupied themselves in copying conveyances, which was a more harmless pursuit, and they were generally assisted by their pupils in that innocent amuse- ment. In aiding in the correspondence of the fair, there was often employment for the epistolary taste of the village schoolmaster. Every man who read the Digest, must see the necessity of watching, with the greatest vigilance, the mode in which the building of these 268 THE DIVISION OF EDUCATIONAL EXPENSES. schools was contracted for, and carried on. With this view, it was intended that no parish officer should be employed in building a school ; and where land for the purpt)se was pnrcliased from pei*sons in that situation, that the county siu'veyor should be called in to inspect it, and to report on its \alue. The public should be answerable for the sum expended in building the school, but the salary of the schoolmaster was to be defrayed by the county. The outtit was placed to the public account, and the salary was made a local matter for the best possible reasons. In the first place, individuals possessing local information could best decide on the amount of salary that should be given ; secondly, rendering the payment a local charge was useful, inasmuch as it established a certain degree of control over the schoolmaster's conduct : and thirdly, that the charge ought to fall only on those parishes or districts that had not already voluntarily provided the means of education. If, for instance, it should happen, that a parish was without any school (as that in which he resided in the country actually was, though it also happened that in that parish there were no children, at least none who were not educated at home), if the present inhabitants paid no master, and their ancestors had not had the grace to found one, it would be hard that the inhabitants of the next parish, who had a school, should be obliged to pay to make up for their neighbours' neglect. But the building might reasonably be paid out of the general fund, as well for the reasons which he had before stated, as because it might form an imiiedimcnt to the establishment of the schools, because the householders, to whom the power was left of making an application for a new school, might be deterred from doing .so by the apprehension of l)eing called on at once for a considerable sum. It would be found that all the four classes of persons alluded to in the digest were landholdei-s ; and though they would not be willing to pay the 30^. or 40/. towards the outfit, they would have no objection to lay down the 205. or 30«. for salary. He stated these points, as drawn from the digest, to show that they were all facts deduced from experience, and not depending on theory. Parish-officers, it would be provided, might summon a jury to a.sse.ss the value of any land or house that might be taken, whose verdict should be final. It was intentled that the warrant for levying the masters salary .should be i.ssued half-yearly. Another provision was, that the inhabitant householders might, at a meeting THE QUALIFICATION OF SCHOOLMASTERS. 269 regularly convened, after one month's notice, and the consent of the resident clergyman, increase the salary of schoolmasters, when the office became vacant, by a sum not exceeding 201., provided that not less than two-thirds of such meeting concurred. Proprietors of above 100^. a-year might vote by their agents at such meeting, being duly authorized in writing. They had now the school planted and endowed, and the next step was to put in the schoolmaster, which was one of the most important parts of the whole system. The appointment and the removal of the master were distinctly provided for ; and tho.se pro- visions he would state to the House, rather than send gentlemen to examine- a bill, which was very rarely read by those who were directed to it. In the first place, the master's qualification must appear from the certificate of the clergyman, and of three house- holders of the parish in which he had resided for twelve months ; or from the clergymen and two householders of two parishes. He should not be less than 24 years of age, nor more than 40. The youth of some masters and the advanced age of others, had occasioned great evils. He believed that boys of 15 and men of 70 had knocked up more schools than any other cause whatever. He must be a member of the established church, and have taken the sacrament, in testimony of that fact, one month previous to the election. It was provided that parish clerks should be eligible to the office. Without that specific statement they would have been eligible; but it was thought right to mention parish clerks particularly, as it would be a hint that that body were the best calculated to fill the office of school urns ters. That ancient but now degraded body, the parish clerks, in the older and better times of the church, were viewed in the light of minor spiritual assistants. Even now, in Catholic countries, they were so considered. They were one of the five minor orders of the Catholic church, amongst whom were the ostuarii, the bell-ringers, &c. Our parish-clerk, however, filled a more respectable situation ; but the office of late years had fallen so much into decay, that some of those who were appointed to it pursued the very lowest occupations. He recollected one of that fraternity, who, to procure a livelihood, went about singing, or rather disturbing the slumbers of the neighbourhood, if not de- pressing the spirits of those who did not sleep. In truth, he could not say that his voice was remarkable for its sweetness, or the 270 THE ELECTION OF SCHOOLMASTERS. ditties which he poured forth remurkfible for their elegance. Having refreshed the parishioners in this manner, the worthy man regularly proceeded to refresh himself — and, for the most part, it was necessary to carry him home. These were his nightly amusements — his occu- pation during the day was mole-catching. On Sunday he appeared in church, reading— not indeed with a distinct voice, but as audibly as he could, and as fast as his abilities enabled him to read — that part of the divine service which was allotted to him. He (Mr Brougham) was not very squeamish about these things; but he thought when he witnessed this exhibition (and it was a long time ago), that it was a very undignihed mode of performing a religious service. He thought it would be a great advantage, if, by the proposed alteration, a better class of men were placed in the situation of parish clerk, which must be the case if they hoped to combine with that duty the duty of parish schoolmaster. In Scot- land, the sessions-clerk, who was connected with the church, was very frequently the schoolmaster. He now came to the mode by which the schoolmaster was to be elected. 1st, a meeting was to be called, by notice, posted on the church-door a month before the election of inhabitant housekeepers, rated to the school rate. They were to assemble in the church between 12 and 3 o'clock. 2nd, Proprietors of above 100^. a year might vote by their agents, authorized in writing for that purpose. 3rd, The senior parish -officer to preside, and have a casting vote, in case of equal numbers. And here he requested the House to observe how he had united and knitted the .system with the Protestant establishment. The senior parish officer was to read the certificates, and to declare by letter, to the resident parson, on whom the choice of the meeting had fallen. He, doubtless, would here have the church with him, but he feared that the sectaries would be against him. It did, however, appciir to him, that the system of public education should be closely connected with the church of England, as established by law. He stated thi.s, after the most mature consideration ; and he was anxious to make the state- ment, because on a former occasion he did not go quite so far as he now did. He had then abstained from going so far, because he dreaded the opposition of the sectaries. Their argument was, "You are making this a new system of tithe. You are placing a second parson in each parish, whom we must pay, though we cannot \ THE OPPOSITION OF DISSENT. 271 conscientiously attend to his instruction." He had bowed to this position ; because there was certainly some justice in it ; but, when he came to compare it with the inestimable advantages of a system that would secure the services of such a body of men as the established clergy — when he looked to the infinite benefit that would arise from having the constant, the daily superintendence of such a character as a well-educated and pious English churchman- when he became sensible, as he soon did, how much the durability of the system would be increased by giving it that solidity, that deep root, that wide basis which no new system could possess or acquire without being grafted on an old stock, so as to infase through the feeble and fickle graft all the strength that was imbibed, and only could be imbibed, through a long course of ages, in which that stock had flourished — he felt the full force of the argument, as opposed to that advanced by the sectaries ; and if no other argument could have been adduced, that which he had stated was sufficient for him. But there were two other satisfactory reasons which he would state to the House, for connecting the system intimately with the church establishment. In the first place, a religious education was most essential to the welfare of every individual. To the rich it was all but every thing — to the poor, it might be said, without a figure, to be every thing. It was to them that the Christian religion was especially preached — it was their special patrimony ; and if the legislature did not secure for them a religious education, they did not, in his opinion, half execute their duty to their fellow- creatures. What would give them the chance that this system of education would be a religious one, was placing it under the control of those who taught the doctrines of the church. Another consideration was, that the church had a dii'ect interest in promoting a religious education. The clergy were the teachers of the poor — not only teachers of religion, but, in the eye of the law, they were teachers generally. It was true they could not be compelled to teach, but they did teach as far as their means allowed them. Their labours in the other parts of the vineyard wore, however, too extensive to admit of their cultivating this portion of it to any considerable degree ; and therefore it was necessary that they should have assistants to act under them. What then could be more natm-al than that they should have a control over those who were selected to assist them ? He might almost say, that a parson was a clerical 272 THE CAPACITY OF THE ESTABLISHED CLERGY. schoolnuister, and a schoolmaster was a lav-parson. This was his view of the subject, and the plan he now detailed to the House was founded on that view. There was one other consideration which induced him to adopt the principle he had stated. Let the House look to the alacrity, the zeal, the warm-heartedness, which the established clergy manifested for the education of the poor. They did not wait till these numerous statements, tilling 2 large volumes, were placed in a more palatable and more digestible shape before the House ; but they at once declared their anxiety for the dissemination of education amongst the poor. The names of those individuals were contained iu the Digest, certainly against their will ; for some of them had not scrupled to blame the conduct of their neighbours. But they over- came any reluctance they might have felt on that head, anxious only for the better education of the poor ; and their letters on the subject were now before parliament. In those letters they declared that blessings would be poured down on parliament if they carried into eflect a religious system of education, which they expressly declared to be the most effectual barrier against the prevailing vices of the time. These were the persons whom Providence had ap- pointed to assist in this great work of educating the poor. Should they then, to overcome the scruples of a few individuals (he said a few, for many of the Dissenters, he was hapi)y to say, supported the opinions of those who api)roved of the system) — should they, on account of the scruples of a few, do away all chance of success in this great undertaking, and forego the Vienetits of this excellent measure, by rejecting such assistance — by turning their backs on the clergy of England, whom Providence had raised up to give strength and stability to the plan ? He would say, No. And he had not the least doubt when the Dissenters themselves understood the nature of the measure, that their repugnance to it would be removed. But to proceed with the point respecting the election of the schoolmaster. The 4tli provision under this head was, that the parson might, upon the examination of the successful candidate, reject him, and direct the parish oflicers to issue notices for a new election. The parson had here a veto — not a nominal, but a real and effectual veto. This would in a great measure prevent any improper person from offering himself at the period of the election. VISITATION OF SCHOOLS BY THE BISHOP. 273 If such a power did not exist, the apijointment might become a mere matter of canvas, and persons not suited to the situation might have a majority. As, in ordination for the church, the bishop had a right to report a candidate for orders minus efficientis literaturce ; so, in this case, he would allow the parson to pronounce on the qualifications of the candidate for the situation of master. The next head was that of visitation. The first regulation was, that the bishop of the diocese from time to time, as he might think fit, might visit the school by himself; secondly, by the archdeacon; thirdly, by the dean, within the limits of the deanery ; and, fourthly, by the chancellor. The visitor might, in the fifth place, remove the master, who might appeal from the subordinate visitor to the ordinary, and from the ordinary to the metropolitan ; all of whom were to act not as courts, but to decide privately on the appeal. This latter regulation might be objected to. He had at first enter- tained doubts of its propriety, but, by the ancient law, the visitor was privileged to decide privately; and he felt that it would be extremely dangerous to introduce an innovation, without absolute necessity. He had therefore adhered, in this regulation, to the spirit of the ancient law. 6thly, The visitor (subject to the appeal before mentioned) might direct the master to be superannuated, with a pension not exceeding two-thirds of his salary, after a service of 15 years' continuance. As no individual would be eligible to the situation after the age of 40, it was evident by this regulation that he need not remain in the situation after he had become too old to perform its duties. 7thly, The diocesan to make yearly returns of the names of masters, the number of children under their care, their salaries and average emoluments, with any remarks that might occur to him ; power being granted to him to apply to the parsons for such information as they might possass. This i3ro- vision was similar to that contained in the Clergy Eesidence acts (43 Geo. 3rd, cap. 84 and 57 Geo. 3rd, cap. 99). The diocesan, under these acts, returned annually the number of non-resident clergy, and the object he (Mr Brougham) had in view would be obtained by the introduction of an additional column to the return, in which might be inserted the state of the schools, &c. in the diocese, 8thly, The parson to be allowed at all times to enter the school and to examine the children. The Dissenter might say, that he would l)e obliged to support this establishment, though he never M. 18 274 SCHOOL FEES. could be prevailed on to send his child there. He, however, as the House would presently see, had taken care, in the formation of this measure, that none but very squeamish Dissenters indeed would refuse to send their children to these schools. The school was now planted, endowed, and the master appointed ; and they consequently came to the admission of the children. The first regulation, on this point, was, that the parson, with the parish- officers, as as.ses.sors, were, on the appointment of each new master, to fix the rate of quarter-pence — which was to be not less than 2d. nor more than 4d. per week. 2ndly, This rate to be, in all cases, 2s. per quarter, or 2d. per week, for the children of persons receiving parish relief. If their parents could pay this small sum, so much the better. If they could not, he was sure the parish-officers would defray the expense ; since he believed most of them felt that education was the surest means to check the growth of pauperism. Between those who were thus paid for, and those whose parents defrayed the charge, he would allow no distinction to be drawn. If there were a line chalked across the schoolroom, indicating that on one side of it there were gentlemen who paid, and, on the other, paupers who did not pay, it would be attended with the worst moral effects. He never would suffer the spirits of poor children to be beat down and broken by such a di.stinction. He would always, on the contrary, store their minds, as much as possible, with the seeds of independence. 3rdly, The parson, with the parish -officers, as assessors, might direct the master to admit certain children gratis ; but no other distinction whatever to be observed respecting such children, or pauper children. 4thly, Parents to be allowed to agree with the master for extra hours, or extra tuition, as they might think proper. The next head, under this brancli of the subject, was the mode of education to be adopted. With reference to this part of the plan, it would be proposed, 1st, That the parson, at each new appoint- ment of ma.ster, should fix the course of teaching according to the state of the parish. He should also notify the times of vacation, not exceeding twice a year, either a fortnight at each period, or a month at once. The regulation on this point to be fixed in some con.spicuous part of the school-room. 2iidly, The Scriptures alone to be tauglit, tlie parson fixing, if he pleaseil, the passages to be rehearsed from time to time. 3rdly, No other religious bpok to be UNDENOMINATIONAL TEACHING, 275 taught, nor any book, without the consent of the parson — nor any form of worship to be allowed in the school, except the Lord's Prayer and other passages from the Scriptures. With respect to this provision, he hoped he should not have the church against him here, as he had the Dissenters against him on other points. But he conceived the church had no right to complain when the Lord's Prayer and the Ten Commandments, which were so intimately connected with the Christian religion generally, and which contained doctrines that were not the subject of dispute, were to be repeated in the school. It was not necessary that the schoolmaster should teach any particular religion. It would be much better to leave the children to their Bil)le alone. It was, in many parts, a much better school-book than any other. Now, so long as nothing but the Bible was taught, it appeared to him that no sectary could refuse to send his children to one of these schools. He did not wish to exclude them — he would much rather invite their attendance. 4thly, The children to attend church once every Sunday, either with their parents or with the master. Dissenters to take their children to their own churches or chapels. To take the children to church once in the day he conceived to be sufficient. When they became adults, they might go twice on Sunday,-— the oftener the better ; but when children spent four hours at church, they naturally became tired of it. In his opinion, it was not a good plan to keep children more than an hour and a half at religious worship, on the day set apart for it. It was not the proper way to make them love and respect it. Let them go to church in the morning, and let their evening be devoted to that innocent play which was most congenial to their age. With respect to the children of Dissenters going to their own chiu'ches or chapels, it was nothing more than was just and ))roper. Of course, no conscientious Dissenter would allow his child to go to a Protestant church, any more than a Protestant would suft'er his children to attend the service of the church of Rome. He had heard it said " Compel all children. Dissenters and others, to go to church," and those who gave this advice founded their opinion on a passage in the report of a committee, before which the rev. Mr Johnson was ex- amined. That eminent man, who came from that part of the country which was proverbially well educated, was diffusing in this country the benefits which, at home, he saw derived from the extension of knowledge. His school, in Baldwiu's-gardens, the central metro- 18—2 276 THE SUBJECTS OF INSTRUCTION. politan school, was the finest perhaps in the world. Mr Johnson stated, that many Dissenters sent their children to his school. But what was this but to say that they were not Dissenters ? They were what was termed " Anythingarians," or " Nothingarians," — individuals who had no over-ruling predilection for any particular creed ; and consequently wholly different irum real Dissenters. He would not call on individuals of this latter class to send their children to church. He would not gain converts to the church by duress He would as little attempt to starve an individual into a churchman by want of mental, as he would by want of bodily food. 5thly, That there should be a school-meeting every Sunday evening, for teaching the church catechism, and other portions of the Liturgy, such as the parson might think fit to direct, and all children to attend except those of such Dissenters as might object. Such a meeting as this would be attended by many children of that species of Dissenters whom Mr Johnson had described as allowing their children to attend his school at Baldwin's-gardens. 6thly, Reading, writing and arithmetic to be taught in all the schools, and to all the children of fit age. He had now gone through the three In-anches of the subject — planting and endowing the school, electing, superintending, and removing the master, and admitting and teaching the children. Those three heads exhausted this part of the subject. He now came to that which was an appendix to the bill, but was of the utmost importance — namely, to make the existing endowments more avail- able to the purposes of educating the poor than they actually were. He hoped that nothing contained in this part of the bill would be prejudicial to it, and that the House would not reject the measure till they saw something better. All that he had laid down in the 4th branch, it was true, was confined to schools ; but there was not one i)oint of it that was not applicable to every charity whatsoever. And if the suggestions here contained were extended to charities generally, he should have redeemed the pledge he had given to the House three years ago, when lie stated that he would devi.se a plan to remedy the errors in the existing .system. The subject of what he had termed the appendix to the bill consisted of several branches : — Lst. Sui)plying defects in trusts. 2nd. Enabling tru.stees to improve the administration of the fluids. Urd. Enabling trustees to improve the disposal and application of funds. 4th. Proceeding for cases THE APPLICATION OF SCHOOL ENDOWMENTS. 277 of failure, total or partial, in the object of the charity. And 5th, the necessary checks to operate on the whole of the four preceding branches. What he was about to state was founded on the Education Digest, and the report of the connnissioners on charitable founda- tions; and here he took the opportunity of amply acknowledging the beneficial labours of those who had collected such materials. He thought it right to state this, because he did not augur so well of them when they commenced their functions. He perhaps was not wrong in exercising a fair jealousy on that occasion, since it seemed to be beneficial to have the eyes of a vigilant public narrowly directed to watch their proceeding.?, not with respect to their integrity, but their activity. He would not use the word " retractation," which according to the hon. member for Galway no gentleman could use, but he made this concession, which was all an honourable man could be called on to make. With respect to the latter branches of the bill, for supplying the defects of trusts, it was proposed, first, that where the number of trustees was reduced below the quorum, the remainder should be allowed to fill up the vacancy. The second provision for supplying defects in trusts was, that, where all the trustees were gone, the founder's heir at law should name trustees. The third was that where no heir at law was to be found the visitor should name trustees. The fourth, where there was neither visitor nor heir at law, that the legal estate, if above bl. a year, should be vested in the clerk of the peace, to administer it under the order of the quarter sessions. And the last provision under this head was, that where there were no trustees, heir at law% or visitor, and the estate was below 5^. a year, it should be vested in any three of the charity commissioners. The next general head was the mode of enabling trustees to improve the administration of their funds. This was proposed to be done — 1st, by giving them powers to sell, borrow, or exchange, or by borrowing for the purjaoses of repairing, or improving their revenue by new investments, of paying their debts, &c. ; — 2nd, by making all papers for conveyances or receipts free from stamps; and here again his bill came into contact with the right hon. the chancellor of the exchequer's province ; — 3rd, by enabling the receiver of the county to hold the money arising from sales, &c., until invested ; and, 4th, by a declaratory clause, that no trustee should be a party beneficially interested in the purchases, sales, exchanges 278 THE PKRVERSION OF FOUNDATIONS. or loans alrei^i'ents. Hospitals for children wore but nurseries for population, and contributed more than any other means to derange the regular course of population, and to counteract the principles of the soundest political science, especially in the encouragement which they aftbrded for improvident or careless marriages. He wished to promote instruction by every possible means, but by no means to countenance such injurious establishments. The next provision in this department was for enabling trustees to treat with the ministers and parish-officers, or two justices of the peace, for having the children permanently taught in the pai'ish school, where the founder had designed that they should be taught in other schools, but that design had been frustrated by the inadequacy of the funds. Another part of this provision was, that where no endowed school was found, the funds should be applied in aid of the parish school. In both these cases, the founder's name was to be i)laced consi)icuously on the outside and on the inside of the school -house. If all parties agreed that an endowment-school should be put on the same footing with the parish-school, no objection could be made to that arrange- ment ; and the master might be rejected in such a case who was not approved by the parson. The last liead of all was that where there was a failure of the objects of the trust. This failure was in many cases total ; in others it was partial. There were now 4,500/. a year belonging to the Tunbridge school, and a decree had been made to that effect, but 500/. a year was twice as much as was wanted for that school. The superfluous 4,000/. in this case, would, according to his plan, be sufficient to provide for the support of 200 schools, which would be quite enough to educate the poor children of the whole county of Kent. In order to remedy all such failures of the objects, he proposed to give power to trustees to ajjpeal tt) the com- missioners of charitable abuses. He had now gone through the plan he propo.sed, and had, he feared, fatigued the attention of the House. Its merits must rest on itself. But it was necessary for him to speak at some length in order to explain his views, and he lioped the House would think that he had redeemed the pledge wliicli he had given two years ago. THE EDUCATION OF INFANTS. 283 Before he concluded, he was anxious to do justice to those meritorious individuals who had assisted him in this task. He had never known individuals who had been so diligent in a labour new to them, and therefore the more difficult, and so skilful as they had proved them- selves. If this inquiry should be extended to Ireland, if statistical researches were generally pursued, — a pursuit so honouraVjle and so useful, so honourable as a matter of science, so calculated to dis- tinguish us among the nations of Europe, and so useful in promoting our morality and security ; if other statistical inquiries should be iiLstituted, those who had assisted him on this occasion would be better qualified for it than any others, and than they as well as he had been for this inquiry. He had been able to apply only the summer and part of his vacation to the task; they had applied the whole year. He was precluded from mentioning their names, but he should not have done justice if he had not mentioned their merits. The mere progress of education was not all he expected as the result, if this plan were cautiously and steadily acted upon. He anticipated that dame-schools would get into better hands, and be better conducted. One school of that most interesting class was but a short walk from the spot on which he then stood ; and he had already called the attention of the House to it. If a child was neg- lected till six years of age, no subsequent education could recover it. If to that age it was brought up in dissipation and ignorance — in all the baseness of brutal habits, and in that vacancy of mind which such habits created — it was in vain to attempt to reclaim it by teaching it reading and writing. They might teach what they chose afterwards ; but if they had not prevented the formation of bad habits, they taught in vain. But if dame-schools were better regu- lated, and adapted to the example of the school in Westminster, and the examples of Fellenberg and Lanark, he would not say that there would not be a pauper or a criminal in England, but he could say that Scotland or Switzerland would not have fewer than England, even in seaport-towns. An infant was in a state of perpetual enjoyment from the intensity of curiosity. There was no one thing which it did not learn sooner and better than at any other period of life, and without any bui'den to itself or the teacher. But learning was not all, nor the principal consideration — moral habits were acquired in these schools ; and by tlieir means children were kept out of nurseries of obscenity, vulgarity, vice, and blasphemy. In 284 THE VALUE OF INFANT-SCHOOLS. the estecause I fear lest soine of your Lordships may think more of the advocate than of the question, — more of his politics, than of its merits. I know there are those who will not listen so readily to the claims of any subject, as they will consider the character and the habits — I mean the political character and habits — of him who introduces it. I know that there be those who are rather moved by the wrongs, (if I may speak the language of my profession,) the wrongs of persons, than by the rights of things ; and imless j'our Lordships shall be convinced that this subject of Popular Education is, in itself, worthy your serious attention — unless I can make you fully aware of all its details, so as to conciliate your favour towards the things required for its full establishment, — I may be doing mischief to that cause, the progress of which it has been the great object of my life to advance. Yet assuredly the situation in which I here stand, is nothing less than novel to me. I have never stood, at any period of my public life, either in this or the other House of Parliament, otherwi.sc than as the member of a minority, generally a minority inconsiderable in numerical force. I have always had a preponderating, often an overpowering majority of my fellow- members opposed to me in either House, even while a Minister of the Crown ; nor was it until I had left the Commons, that my Col- leagues knew what it was to sway the voices of that Assembly, while I only exchanged an adverse majority of Connnoners for a hostile majority of Peers. Yet it has been my good fortune to succeed in obtaining the a.ssent of both Houses to many measures of paramount importance, at first propouiideurpose in view ; and when I express my meaning to your Lordships, the proposition will probably be welcomed with the same degree of respect which my calculations received in 1828 from the inexperienced persons whom I have already described. I and my coadjutors may again be described as visionaries, speculatists, enthusiasts, to sum up all in one worst of words — theorists. We walked, but walked onward, among clouds of such phrases, thickly buzzing about from every corner ; a little noisy, less troublesome, but oft'ering no kind of resistance to our progress. If my opponents smiled at me, I smiled at them, so that quarrel we had none ; and at length they who laughed, were first silenced, then convinced, and are now active coadjutors. And now I am again exposing myself to a repetition of the ridicule, when I state that I con- sider that the establishment of Infant Schools in large towns, where crime is rife, where the people are closely crowded and ignorant, and vicious as well as ignorant — that planting those schools in such haunts of men as London, Westminster, Soutliwark, Manchester, Birmingham, and Sheffield, would be the most simple and most efficacious preventive of crimes. It is usual to regard punishment as the nieans of deterring men from committing offences. I know 302 THE NON-REMEDIAL CRIMINAL LAW. that there are some who put tlieir trust in tlic gallows for extirpating vice; that those who recoil from the idea of execution, fall hack upon transportation ; that those for whom the transport-sliip has no charms, yet affect the Penitentiary ; that those who dislike the unwholesomcness of the Penitentiary, yet cling to the treadmill, believing in the virtues of solitary confinement for two weeks, or confinement not solitary for the residue of six or twelve months. I know that various persons patronise these different punishments, that each has his reason for pressing his particular fancy, and that all flatter themselves their own favourite nostrmii will be found the specific for our diseased moral condition. I'ut this I also know, that no one ever stops to examine in what way jjunishment deters from crime, or asks himself if it really operates in that way at all ; resting satisfied with the old received popular opinion — learned by heart and repeated by rote, without the least regard to its meaning, far less to the reasons it may rest upon — that " the example of the punishment deters from the commission of the crime," — and so no remedy beyond punishment is ever thought of as worthy of a mo- ment's consideration. Far, indeed, is it from my intention to say, " Abolish the criminal judges, do away with the gallows, the convict- ship, the treadmill, and repeal your Criminal Code;" for 1 full well know that while the present system continues you must have all the apparatus of penal legislation. I am not, certainly, one of those who believe in the kind of adage I have mentioned — the jingle about exami>le and deterring; but although little good arises, according to my opinion, from the infliction of punishments, yet a great deal of harm would be done by their repeal, and, therefore, 1 do not say, "Dispense with such inflictions;" but I do really and sincerely declare, from the result of my 2>ractical experience, and on all the principles which I have ever called to aid me in the inquiry, that the present system of punishment fails so entirely in accomplishing its object, that nothing can be less consolatory to the feelings of him who has to administer criminal justice, or him who presides over the councils required to execute it. It is almost incredible to those who have not well examined the subject, how little good can be ascriVjed to punishments in tlie way of preventing crimes. Hardened criminals may be got rid of by one inflictioii, banished by another, removed from society by a third ; l)ut the example of their suffering, were it far more known than it is, produces very little effect. CRIME THE OFF-SPRING OF UNREASON. 303 Having thus guarded myself from the imputation which I might have drawn upon myself, of wishing you to alter any part of the Criminal Code upon these grounds, I may proceed to state my reasons for holding the opinion which 1 have stated as being mine. It appears to me evident that all who have discussed this question of crime and punishment, have proceeded upon an erroneous sup- position. They have all assumed that a person making up his mind about committing an oft'ence against the law is a reasoning, provident, calculating being. They have all argued on the supposition, that a man committing a robbery on the highway, speculates, at the moment of planning his expedition, upon the chance of being hanged for it; or that a man projecting a forgery, is well aware of the punishment which awaits him, and feels a conviction that he shall suffer it. All reasoners on this subject have gone upon the assumption, that the individuals who commit crimes, calculate beforehand the consequences of their conduct, as the merchant, in his counting-house, reckons on the chances of profit and loss in his speculations ; or the farmer — (if, indeed, farmers ever calculate) — on the crops, the markets, and the seasons. That is the first mistake ; but there is another not less detrimental to the argument. It is equally assumed, that the individual is, at the time of making the supposed calculation, unbiassed and free in his mind — that he con- siders the subject with calmness and deliberation — in short, that he is altogether in the same frame of mind in which we are ourselves, when devising the punishment for his offences ; whereas, he is almost invariably under the influence of strong excitement. He has lost money at the gaming-table, and is ruined if he cannot paj' it or replace it — he ought to have calculated before he went there, and he might then have reasoned ; but that is not the moment to which the penal denunciations are addressed — he thinks not at all till he feels the consequences of his imprudence, and has debts to pay after his losses — has a family and a station to supj^ort in spite of them ; and then comes the question, what shall he do — and then he is supposed to count the risk of detection, conviction, and punishment, if he plunges into a course which will relieve him from his pressing embarrassments. In circumstances like these, I very much doubt his calculating at all, for what fills his whole mind is his ruined condition ; he feels much ; he fears much ; and he is disordered in his understanding, by the vehement desire to escape froni the 304 THE CONTROL OF PASSION BY EDUCATION. endless difficulties into which his rash imprudence has luirried him. In such a frame of s^jirit, he is little likely to pause and con- sider. But suppose him to calculate — his reckoning will not be so much of the amount of danger to be encountered by the criminal act, as of the utter ruin and disgrace in store for him if he be a dcfsiultcr. The truth is, that men rush on the commission of the greatest crimes, under the dominion of passions which lay their reason prostrate. The greatest of all enormities are almost in- variably committed imder the influence of mighty excitemi'ut. It is the madness of lust, and a rape is perpetrated — or the fury of revenge, and murder is done — or hatred wrought up to frenzy, and houses are burnt or demolished ; the stings of conscience being felt after the oftence, and in the calm that succeeds the tempest of passion. Even oft'ences of a more sordid kind, those against property, and which are more connected with speculation, are planned with such a desire of obtaining the things sought after, to supply some necessity, or gratify some propensity, that in estimating the risk of detection and pimishment, hardly a thought is bestowed on those dangers ; so that altogether very little reliance can be placed on the deterring influence of punishments, whether seen or only heard of. But if punishment is inefficient, I am sure that jirevention is effectual. The schools which have already been established for children at the ages of seven, eight, nine, and ten, exhibit results consolatory as far as they go ; but these are very ineffectual in- struments of improvement comi)arod with those which I wish to see established, where the child, at the earliest age, may be taken imder the fostering care of the instructor, — where the acquisition of vicious habits may be effectually prevented, and the princijiles of virtue may thus early be instilled into the mind,— where the foundation may be laid for intellectual as well as moral culture, — and where, above all, the habits of prudence, industry, and self-control, may be taught at a season when lasting habits are easily acquired. If, at a very early age, a system of instruction is pursued by which a certain degree of independent feeling is created in the child's mind, while all nuitinous and perverse disposition is avoided, —if this system be followed up by a constant instruction in the principles of virtue, and a cor- responding advancement in intellectual pursuits, — if, during the most critical years of his life, his undcrstjinding and his feelings are accustomed only to sound principles and pure and innocent im- THE FORESTALLING OF CRIME BY EDUCATION. 305 pressions, — it will become almost impossible that he should after- wards take to vicious courses, because those will be utterly alieu to the whole nature of his being. It will be as difficult for him to become criminal, because as foreign from his whole habits, as it would be for one of your Lordships to go out and rob on the high- way. Thus, to commence the Education of youth at the tender age on which I have laid so much stress, will, I feel confident, be the sure means of guarding society against crimes. I trust every thing to habit — habit, upon which, in all ages, the lawgiver, as well as the schoolmaster, has mainly placed his reliance — habit, which makes every thing easy, and casts all difficulties upon the deviation from the wonted course. Make sobriety a habit, and intemperance will be hateful and hard, — make prudence a habit, and reckless profligacy will be as contrary to the nature of the child grown an adult, as the most atrocious crimes are to any of your Lordships. Give a child the habit of saci'edly regarding truth — of carefully respecting the property of others — of scrupulously abstaining from all acts of im- providence which can involve him in distress — and he will just as little think of lying, or cheating, or stealing, or running in debt, as of rushing into an element in which he cannot breathe. Now, the problem we would resolve, is to find the means of preventing that class from coming into existence amongst whom the criminals that infest society are created and fostered; and to solve this problem, we must first examine of what persons that class is composed. I consider that they come almost entirely from among the poorer orders of the people, and chiefly in the large towns. My calculation, into the data of which I will not now stop to enter, is, that the persons among whom crime is generated form about one- fifth of the population in the large towns, about one-sixth in those of the middle size, and about one-seventh in the smaller towns. The class to which I refer is not among the higher ranks of society, not certainly among the middle class, nor yet among those immediately below the middle classes — I mean that most respectable body of the working classes who are at once skilful, industrious, and respectable ; but the persons from the body of whom criminals are produced, are a certain proportion of the mere common day-labourers, who almost, of necessity, sufter severe and constant difficulty in obtaining the means of subsistence in the present state of society, and for whose conduct every possible allowance ought in justice to be made. The M. 20 306 THE PROBLEM OF PREVENTION. question, then, is reduced to this — How shall we so deal with this body of the people as to prevent them from growing up with vicious or with improvident habits, which are the parents of vicious ones, and turn them to habits of an opposite description — such habits as will make profligacy, and improvidence, and crimes, foreign to their nature ? Then, 1 say, that i)lanting a sufficient number of Infant Schools for training and instructing all the children of those classes of the peojtle, will at once solve the problem of prevention. Of this I cannot doubt, unless I disbelieve the evidence of my own senses in England and France, and deny all that I know from the testimony of others regarding such seminaries. In any community crimes would be reduced to an inconsiderable quantity, if Infant Schools could be established, sufficient for the children of all those classes of the community to which I have alluded. The real difficulty is, indeed, inconsiderable — it only relates to providing the schools ; for all those persons who have themselves been thrown into evil com- munication by the want of knowledge, and by early bad habits, have invariably, to their praise be it spoken, looked favourably upon infant tuition. I have had an opportunity, myself, of observing that portion of the community ; and I am ha^jpy in being able to say that I never saw any one of them, however exceptionable might have been their own conduct, or however deficient they were in Education themselves, that did not express an anxious desire to place their children where they could be better brought up than at home, and made better than them.sel\es. Here, then, is a powerful lever to be moved by us, whenever we shall interfere in this great department of public policy. With such an object in view, and with such facilities as this good disposition in the poor aftbrds, I cannot conceive that there will be any material difficulty in obtaining the means of planting Infant Schools, in sufficient num- bers, to train the projjortion of the peo})le which I have already mentioned. The cost I know, from an accidental circumstance, to be moderate. A legacy estimated at 7,000/. or 8,000/. was some years ago left to me, on the supposition that I held certain opinions which I really did not entertain. I, of course, felt that I had no right to take it, given, as it was, under an entire mi.sapprehension, and I destined the money to the purpose of establishing Infant Schools, — sufficient to train any of the great parishes of this metropolis, — which all the inquiries and calculations made, proved THE INFANT SCHOOLS OF CRIME. 307 that the fund would easily do. However, the opinion of Mr Hart being taken, and finding that I must undergo a Chancery-suit before the money could be obtained, I abandoned it altogether, by re- nouncing. But, in consequence of the project I had conceived, inquiries were set on foot, by which it was made manifest that for 7,000^. we could establish schools which would train that portion of a population of 130,000, which I suppose to furnish the criminals. If the schools were established by the Government they would probably cost a little more, because Government never can work so cheap as individuals; but I am quite satisfied, that if the wisdom of Parliament gave but the inconsiderable sum of 30,000/. for two years, (inconsiderable compared with the millions so easily and so lavishly voted for wars and other evil purposes), we should be able to provide for the training of the whole of London, on both sides of the river, and that the effects of it, on our criminal judicatiu'e, would very soon become apparent, as well as on our parish expenditure. We should witness the improvement of the morals of the com- munity, in the diminution of crimes — the improvement of its cir- cumstances in the diminished improvidence and poverty of the people. This measure would be remedial, and preventive, and healing in a degree far surpassing all that has hitherto been at- tempted by the unwieldy arm of criminal jurisprudence. I well know the consequences of the present system of punish- ment, and, in truth, nothing can be worse. There are in London thousands of juvenile offenders, as they are termed, and not in- correctly, for they are eight, nine, ten, and eleven years of age, and they have offended, but they are as yet beginners in villany ; they are not adult criminals ; they are not inured and hardened in vice ; they have accidentally, occasionally as it were, violated the law : — but enclosed for a week or two in Newgate, or some other school of crimes, some receptticle for accomplished villains, the immature rogues perform their noviciate among the most finished adepts in the art, and return thoroughbred, irreclaimable profligates to that society which they had left raw and tender delinquents. If there were Infant Schools instead of Newgate schools, for reoei\ing the children of the needy, a very different fate would attend those un- happy youths. Vice would be then prevented — nipped in the bud, instead of being fostered and trained up to maturity, — iind more would be done to eradicate crimes, than the gallows, the convict- 20—2 308 THE UNIVERSITIES OF VILLANY. ship, the Poiiitenti.iry, the treadmill, can accomplish, even if the prison tiisci])line wore so amended, as no longer to l>o tlie nursery of vice. That the number of Infant Schools is at present lamentably inadequate to produce any thing like such good consequences as these, needs hardly be shewn. In the thirty-three counties for which we have the Returns, there are only 2,200 such schools, with 65,000 scholars, so that instead of there being Infant Schools for about the mean proportion of one-sixtieth part of the population, there are schools for not much more than 160th part, not much above a third of the demand : and this average is very unequally distributed ; for in all the most populous and manufacturing districts it is lower, Middlesex only excepted : thus in Lancashire the proportion is l-212th, and in Cheshire, l-223d. In the four northern counties there are hardly any Infant Schools at all, but the other schools are much more numerous than elsewhere. I cannot quit the subject of the connexion between ignorance and crimes, without taking notice of an objection which has been raised to my argument. It is said, " Education is increasing, but oft'ences are multiplying still faster than schools," and so men cry out, "You do no good with all your teaching." Upon this I must first observe that the increase of crime is not evidenced by the increase of prosecutions, as circumstances have operated to bring before the public of late years many violations of the law which were formerly committed, and not visited with prosecution. Those juvenile oftenders are now in vast numbers prosecuted for felonies, who used before to be whipped by their parents or masters, after being taken before a magistrate. It is deemed expedient, in the great desire of criminal justice, to lun-ry the chiUhen off to gaol, there to be instructed in all the arts of consunnnate villany. Nor has any thing tended more to multiply such prosecutions than the recent alteration in the law, giving costs to the prosecutor out of the county rates. But if I am asked for proof that the connexion be- tween vice and ignorance is intimate and apparent, I can prove it, should any one deem a proof necessary of a proposition so self- evident, by documents which leave no douV)t whatever on the subject. One or two examples may suffice : 700 persons were put on their trials, in the winters of 1830 and 1831, charged with rioting and arson, and of those 700 (not all of the lowest rank of life, nor, as might be expected, of the worst offenders) how many could write THE CONNEXION BETWEEN IGNORANCE AND CRIME. 309 and read ? Only 150; all the rest were marksmen. Of the number of boys committed to Newgate, during three years, two thirds could neither read nor write. At the Kefuge for the Destitute it is still worse; for from an examination there made, it appears that the number of children received, who can read with tolerable facility, is in the proportion of only one in every thirty or thirty-five. A respectable magistrate of the county of Essex, a Member of the other House of Parliament, has given evidence before a Committee of that House, and he states that nine times out of ten the persons who come before him are unable to write, and that he is obliged to take their marks instead of their signatures. With such glaring facts before us, I suppose I may be allowed to assert, that it is not mere speculation to connect ignorance with crimes. The experience of other countries runs parallel with our own upon this important matter ; and it is j^rincipally from a conviction of the truth which I have been propounding, that so general a dis- position ).)revails among the rulers even of arbitrary governments, to promote i)ublic nistruction. Indeed, the greatest exertions have been made for this purpose in those states, which have not, as yet, a free constitution. France, I am sorry to say, admirable as her present etibrts are, must be reckoned among the lowest in point of actual amount of instruction, excepting, of course, Russia, and Turkey, the former of which is hardly within the pale of European society — the latter, certainly without it. As late as 1817, the pro- portion all over the French territory was one in thirty-five*, while with us it was one in fifteen of the population. But this disgraceful state of things roused the noble spirit of that generous people; — philanthropic societies were every where formed — the Government lent its aid in founding schools, and in the space of only two years, the proportion was reduced to one in twenty-eight ; so that schools must in those two years have been planted for no less than 215,000 children. Since that time, and under the present constitutional government especially, the progress has been rapid, and parochial instruction is now a branch of the law of the land. In Holland, it appears from the report of the celebrated Cuvier, that as early as ' That is, as btfore explained, there were schools not for one-ninth of the people, or for all cliildreii between .seven and twelve; but only for one-thirty-fifth, or for cue-fourth part of the children that require schooling. [Lord Brotif/ham's Note] 310 CONTINENTAL STATE EDUCATION. 1812 there were schools sufficient for the education of 190,000 cliildren, and tliat the i)ro[)()rtion was one in ton, Iwing equal to Scotland nearly. In Wurteniberg schools are required by law to be supported in every parish out of the church funds. In Denmark, Bavaria, and Saxony, they are supported by a ])arish-rate ; and even in Russia, which I said was almost out of the European pale, so sensible is the autocratic government that it is necessary to educate the people, at least in towns, that the public funds maintain schools in all the town parishes. Sweden is, perha})s, the best educated country in the world, for it is there difficult to find one i)erson in a thousand who cannot read and write. The accounts from those countries shew that the progress of Education, but especially of Infant tuition, has been attended with marked improvement in morals; and it is well-known that in Spain, the worst educated country in Western Europe, tenfold more crimes are committed of a violent description, than in Germany, England, and France. The opinions of the jurists and statistical writers in Prussia are strongly pronounced upon this subject ; and I need not dwell upon what all your Lordships know, the regular .system of even compulsory Edu- cation which prevails both there and in some i)arts of Switzerland. But the third proposition which I undertook to demonstrate, relates to the kind of Education given at our present schools. Not only are those establishments too few in number, — not only do the}* receive children at too advanced ages, — the instruction which they bestow hardly deserves the name. You can scarcely say more in its jiraise, than that it is better than nothing, and that the youth are far better so employed than idling away their time in the streets. They learn reading, some writing, and a very little arithmetic — less it is nearly imi)ossible to learn. I speak of the ordinary day-schools generally ; and I affirm that to hear such places called seminaries of Education, is an abuse of terms which tries one's patience. Learning of that scanty kind is only another name for ignorance ; nor is it jxissible that it should be better; for the schoolmasters are luieducated themselves ; they know little of what they ought to teach ; less still of the art of teaching, wiiich every person who is only a little less ignorant than the children themselves, thinks he is quite capal)lc of exercising. It is strange to observe how far we arc behind other countries in this most essential particular — the quality of our Education. It THE FIRST NORMAL SCHOOL, 1810. 311 should seem as if our insular jirejudices had spell-bound us, as it were, by a word, nnd made us believe that a school means useful instruction; and that when we had covered the land with such buildings, whatever was done within them, or left undone, we had finished the work of instructing the people. I had lately an oppor- tunity of observing what is now doing in almost every part of France, for the truly paramount object of making Education good as well as general. Normal Schools, as they are called, — places of instruction for teachers,— are every where establishing by the Government. This happy idea originated with my old and vene- rated friend, Emanuel Fellenberg, — a name not more known than honoured, nor more honoured than his vii'tuous and enlightened efforts in the cause of Education, and for the happiness of mankind, deserve. Five-and-twenty years ago he opened a school for the in- struction of all the teachers in the Canton of Bern, of which he is a patrician. He received them, for the vacation months, under his hospitable roof, and gave them access to the lessons of the numerous learned and scientific professors who adorn his noble establishment at Hotfwyl. I blush for the infirmities, the imbecility of the order he and I belong to, when I add, that the jealousy of the Bernese Aristocracy jjrevented him from continuing this course of pure, patriotic, and wise exertion. But the fruits of his experiment, eminently successful as it proved, have not been lost. In other parts of the continent. Normal Schools have been established ; they form part of the Prussian system ; they have been established in other parts of Germany ; and I have seen and examined them in all the provinces of France which I visited last winter. I have seen twenty in one, thirty or forty in another, and as many as a hundred- and-twenty in a third Normal School, — all teachers of youth by profession, and all learning their invaluable and difficult art. In fact, the improvement of the quality of Education has every where, except in England, gone hand-in-hand with the exertions made for spreading it and augmenting its amount, and has never been over- looked, as often as any Government has wished to discharge one of its most important and imperative duties, — that of instructing the people. It has never, save in our own country, been deemed wise to deal out a niggard dole of mental sustenance hj teaching mere reading and writing, wliich is what we call Education, and we hardly ever look beyond it. Our neighbours, whom we habitually look 312 THE TEACHING OF CIVIL HISTORY AHROAD. dowu upon, provide a system of learning far better deserving the name. In addition to writing, reading, and aritlnnetio, — geography, natural history, i)ractical geometry, are taught, together with linear drawing, one of the most improving and useful exercises for the humbler classes — giving them not merely means of harndess re- creation, but valuable habits of observation, and a capacity of acquiring precise ideas of external objects, whether of nature or of art, and proving actually gainful in almost every occupation, if any question of mere profit and loss is to be mentioned by the side of such considerations. This accomplishment is iniivcrsally found not only most attractive to the working-classes, but most useful for the improvement which it gives them in their several occupations. I have inquired of well-informed foreigners — not, certainly, in France — if, in addition to a little natural history and mineralogy, the children were not allowed to learn civil history also ? The answer was, No ; that is forbidden ; and in certain countries, seats of legitimacy, it may not, without risk, be taught. So that the pupils learn the history of a stone, of a moss, of a rush, of a weed ; but the history of their own country, the deeds of their forefathers, the annals of neighl)ovuMng nations, they may not read. They are not to gain the knowledge most valuable to the members of a rational and civilized community. History — the school of princes — must present closed doors to their subjects ; the great book of civil wisdom must to them be sealed. For why ? There are some of its chapters, and near the latter end of the volume, which it is con- venient they should not peruse. Civil history, indeed !— the History of Rulers ! Why that woidd tell of rights usurped, — of privileges out- raged, — of faith plighted and broken, — of promises made imder the pressure of foreign invasion, and for gaining the people's aid to drive back the invading usurper and tyrant, but made to be broken when, by the arm of that deluded people, that conqueror had been repelled, the old dynasty restored, and its members oidy remembered the invader and the tyrant to change places with him, and far out-do his worst deeds of oppressing their subjects and phmdering their neighbours! History, indeed I That would tell of .scenes enacted at their own dotjrs — an ancient, independent, inoffensive people, overcome, pillaged, massacred, and enslaved, by the conspiracv of those governments, which are now teaching their .subjects the history of the grasses, and the mosses, and the weeds ; —tell them that the THE DEMAND FOR STATE NORMAL SCHOOLS. 313 Bible and the Liturgy were profaned which they are now commanded to read, and the christian temples where they are weekly led to worship, were desecrated V)y blaspheniovis thanksgivings for the success of massacre and pillage ! It would tell them of monarchs who live but to tyrannize at home and usurp abroad — who hold themselves unsafe as long as a free man is suffered to exist — who count the years of their reign by just rights outraged, and solemn pledges forfeited — monarchs who, if ever by strange accident, the sun goes not down upon their wrath, exclaim that they have lost a day — monarchs who wear the human form, and think nothing inhuman alien to their nature ! No wonder, indeed, that Civil History is forbidden in the schools of those countries 1 The tyrant cannot tear from the book the l)age that records his own ci'imes and the world's sufferings, and he seals it up from the people I But let us be thankful that despotism is, for the wisest pur^joses, made as capricious as it is hateful, and that those scourges of the earth who dare not have their deeds told, yet teach men the knowledge which must, in the end, extirpate their own hateful race. Those seminaries for training masters are an invaluable gift to mankind, and lead to the indefinite im^jrovement of Education. It is this which, above every thing, we ought to labour to introduce into our system ; for as there are not more than two now established by the exertions of individual benevolence, and as, from the nature of the institution, it is not adapted to be propagated by such efforts, no possible harm can result from the interposition of the Legislature in this department. That there are already provided, and in the neighbourhood of this House, the means of improving our elementary Education, and of training good teachers, I have the satisfaction of knowing. In the Borough Road School of the British and Foreign Society, any of your Lordships may, at any time, see a seminary of great excellency. I have lately visited it in company with some of your Lordship.s, and certainly a more extraordinary spectacle of the progress of instruction among children I never beheld, or, indeed, heard of in any country at any time. It is really astonishing how the human faculties could, at so early an age, — indeed at any age, — be cultivated to such a degree. A dozen or two of the children were asked such questions as these : — "What is the interest of fjBo/. 7s. 4c?. for fifteen seconds?" "Ht)W many men will stand, allowing two feet and a-half to a man, on three-quarters of an acre ? " Scarcely 314 TEACHING THE ART OV TEACHING. a minute was given for the answers, and they were as correct as they were instantaneous. The ])upils wore never puzzled in any case of calculation but one, and that must have been from some misunderstanding, for it was really the only question which I could have answeretl v/ithout pen and ink. But this marvellous display was not coutined to arithmetic : among other things I saw a boy take a slate, without having any copy, and solely from memory trace upon it the outline of Palestine and Syria, marking all the variations of the coast, the bays, harbours, and creeks, inserting the towns and rivers, and adding their ancient as well as tlieir modern names. Now all this is real, substantial, useful knowledge, fitted alike to exercise and to unfold the faculties of the mind, and to lay up a store of learning at once the .solace of the vacant moments, and the helpmate of the working hours in after years. 1 feel ipiite certain that when those children leave the school they will be governed by such worthy principles, and stimulated by such generous appetites, as will make their pursuits honest and their recreations rational, and effectually guard them from the [jcrils of improvidence, dis- sipation, and vice. Here, then, is the path plain l)cforc us — for there is not a single school in which the children might not be thus trained and accom- plished. Place Normal Seminaries — seminaries for training teachers — in a few such places as London, York, Liverpool, Durham, and Exeter — so that the west, south, north -ea.st, and north-west of the island shall have the means of obtaining good masters, and you will yearly qualify 5(10 persons fitted for diffusing a perfect system of instruction all over the country. These Training Seminaries would not only teach the masters the branches of leai'iiiiig and .science they are now deficient in, but would teach them what they know far less — the didactic art — the mode of imparting the knowledge which they have, or may acquire — the best method of training and dealing with children, in all that regards both temper, capacity, and habits, and the means of stirring them to exertion, and controlling their aberrations. The whole operation woidd occasion a v(!ry trifling expense to the State: I think 20,000/., for five or six years would, with the individual efibrts that must lie called forth, suftice for reforming effectually the wliole Kducation of the countr}'. I now come to another branch of the subject, which will bring me to the conclusion of my task, ami release your Lordships for the THE WASTE IN EDUCATIONAL ENDOWMENTS. 315 present : it is suggested by the consideration of expense to which I have just been adverting. There are ah-eady, we are often told, — and justly told, — great funds in the country devoted to the purjxxses of Education, and nevertheless, it is said, we would draw upon the public purse for more. No man is more ready than I am to admit the ample amount of those funds, and I will add that they are so applied as to produce a most inadequate accomplishment of the purposes to which they were destined by the donors. In many cases those funds are rendered absolutely useless by being withheld from the purposes for which they were designed ; but in others they are almost equally useless from an opposite cause — from there being a too strict adherence to the letter of the Gift or Foundation, which the altered circumstances of society have rendered wholly inapplic- able to any good purpose at the present day. If the Grantor or Founder has not given to the trustees a sufficient discretionary power over the property, they are unable to administer it to any advantage without the aid of a Private Act of Parliament. If they have no discretion in its application, they cannot provide for a partial or total failure of objects without the expense and anxiety of an application to the Court of Chancery, and even then the remedy is very incomplete. But the chief evil arises from Gifts to Edu- cation purposes, which are no longer of use in diffusing the requisite knowledge ; and large funds, indeed, are thus rendered next to useless. Many a man thought, however, two or three centuries ago, that he was conferring a great benefit on his neighbourhood by establishing a Grammar-school, and endowing it with an estate, then worth two or three hundred pounds a-year, at present worth as many thousands. Now, the Coiu-t of Chancery holds that a Gram- mar-school is one exclusively devoted to teaching (ireek, Latin, or Hebrew ; and that to bestow the funds otherwise is a misapplication. I know of a foundation of this kind, in a large manufacturing town, with an incoine of some thou.sands a-year, and which offers to the numerous uneducated people a kind of instruction altogether use- less ; while writing, geography, ciphering, book-keeping, mechanics, chemistry, drawing, would be invaluable acquisitions to the whole community. I could name other schools of the same kind, with nearly as good an income, and which support well-endowed nia.stcrs to teach two or three boys, because they are Grammar-schools. The true remedy here is to extend the powers of the trustees by law. 316 FRENCH FOUNDLING HOSPITALS. The imperfections of old foundation.s may well be illustrated by another example. Pious persons, in former times, thought that they dill a good work when they established Foundling Hospitals. They imagined that such institutions would prevent child-nnu'der and exposvu'e of infants, and diminish the other evils arising from the illicit commerce of the sexes. As late as the last century this was the prevailing notion among tolerably sensil)le, and certainly, moral and religious people ; and if their means had been connnensurate with their wishes, we should have had a Foundling Hosi)ital in every town in the kingdom. That delusion has, however, long ceased to prevail. All men are now agreed that such establishments are not charities, but nuisances of an enormous nature, having the direct eftect of encouraging immorality and increasing inf;inticide ; and the funds destined to support these hosi)itals have been other- wise applied, the name alone being retained. Machiavel says — that in political affairs you shouM beware lest in changing the name you alter the thing without intending it; but he also says, that it is .sometimes good, when you woidd change the thing, to keep the name. This maxim has been fully acted upon in the case of the London Foundling Hospital, and 1 have seen the bad con.sequences of following the Machiavellian rule. When lately in France I made war upon Foundling Hospitals, and 1 found a formidable host of prejudices embodied in their defence ; a host the more dangerous, that they had been enlisted in the service by the purest feelings of benevolence. I visited establishments of this description in every part of the south of France. While examining one, I was amused with the self-complacency of my conductors, whose countenances mantled in smiles, while they exhibited for my admiration what were considered the peculiar merits of their institution, especially its revolving box, with the bell, and the comfortable cradle, open at all hours of the night, and nurses ready to attend the sunnuons, and charge themselves with the frviit of guilty passion, or improvident wedlock. Through this wicket, 1 was told that half the children in the house were taken in — their parents, of course, wholly vuiknown ; while the remainder, (and here was the other boast of the ho.s{)ital,) were received after the most careful examination of the father and mother. My opinion was expected, and, doubtless, a favourable one. I was compelled to admit, that I considered the arrangement, more especially the mechanism oi the tour or turning cradle, to be quite THE EVILS OF FOUNDLING HOSPITALS. 317 perfect — to be adapted with singular skill to its object ; and I added, that if all the fiends below had met in council to contrive means of propagating immorality, certainly they could have invented nothing to surpass this. But when the rigorous system of examination was relied upon, and when I asked, "If they were quite sure no improper person, among the parents of the hundred children thus received, were suffered to participate in the advantages secured to deserted children ?" the answer was — " None such could succeed in their- application, because all were submitted to the most careful scrutiny as to their lives and circumstances." " I dare to say not," said I ; "and further, that no persons ever present themselves who cannot stand the tests applied ; for why should they, when they have only to go under cloud of night, and leave their infants in the cradle, ring the bell that calls the nurse, and walk quietly away ? '' It is needless to add, that no answer was made to this, because none could be given. At Bourdeaux, too, there is an institution of the same kind, where above 2000 foundlings are maintained ; and these, as is quite sure to happen, have very much increased, being now one-third more numerous than they were five years ago ; and I found that the bulk of the cases which came before the police, were of young men and boys who had been bred in the Foundling. Many of my excellent and enlightened friends in France held the same opinions with me upon these subjects ; but the majority, and especially of charitably-disposed persons, overbore us with their numbers, and l)y their amiable and meritorious, but inconsiderate and unreasoning, feelings of false benevolence. Those persons I always found citing against me the supposed fact, that we have in this metropolis a Foundling Hospital ; indeed, a street deriving its name from thence, and a quarter of the town its property. My simple answer was, that the name alone had been for half a century known among us, the thing itself having long since been put down with consent of Parliament. In Dublin, too, the Foundling, one of the most dreadful abuses ever known in any civilized country, has, though much more recently, been abolished. In neither of these houses can a single foundling now be received. The parents are strictly examined before any child is admitted; and yet all the estates, and all the other funds, were expressly given for the single purpose of supporting foundlings ! Who complains of Parliament for having wholly diverted those gifts from the only use to which 318 THE RIGHT TO VARY CHARITABLE TRUSTS. the pious benevolence of former ages consecrated theui ? Is not the answer sufficient to satisfy all men, that the benevolence l>eing mis- taken, and the purpose mischievous, though well meant, another use must be made of the property, and the bounty of the donors turned into a channel the donors never liad ilreamt of? So Lt>rd C. J. Elleuborougli publicly said, that if the Sniall-Pox Hospital was found hm-tful it must comedown, whatever good intention we might ascribe to its benevolent founders. If, then, Parliament could inter- pose in such instances, I say it has the self-same right to interpose its authority where there is a pernicious application of the funds given to other charitable purposes ; and the locking-up an ample revenue from public use, because tliere are no children who require tuition in the learned langviages, is a pernicious application of funds. From the Statute of Elizabeth^ downwards, charitable funds have been subject to public control, and dealt with as public property ; and the Acts of Geo. III. and IV., as well as of his present Majesty^, have all recognized the right — the duty — the expediency^ — of such interference, without in the least disregarding the rights of pro- l)erty, or the power of the trustees, or others connected with the different trusts. But the remedies given by the law are still very imperfect, and of a kind not at all adapted to some of the most prevalent evils. Beside such defects in the endowments as I have mentioned, there are few Education charities wliere an improvident ai)plication of the funds is not directed. Thus most of them are given not merely for the wholesome, and useful, and little expensive purpose of instruction, but also for feeding, and lodging, and clothing the children. Now, unless in certain comparatively rare cases, ivs that of orphans, a jjermanent fund of this sort is open to exactly the .same objections which have weighed most with the Legislature in reforming the poor-laws — it is a fund for giving pay without work, and for promoting im[)rovident marriages. That it is also a most wa.steful application of money, there can be no doubt. I can illustrate this from the state of the London charities. Of thirty-six Education endowments in Middlesex, in the year 1819, the revenue was 31,000^. a-year, of which 22,000^. arose from permanent funds. ' 89 Eliz. c. 6 ; 43 Eliz. c. 4. ■ 58 Geo. III. c. 91 ; 59 Geo. III. c. «1 ; 5 Geo. IV. c. 58; 10 Geo. IV. c. 57; 1 «fe 2 Will. IV. c. 34; 2 Will. IV. c. 57; 5 & 6 Will. IV. c. 71. CHARITY COMMISSIONERS FOR LONDON. 319 In these schools the number trained and educated by the foundation was only 2260, at a cost of nearly 10/. (the sum being 9/. 10s.) for each child. In four great London foundations the revenue, at the same period, amounted to 84.000/. a-year, and the number of children educated was 1620, being an average of 52/. a-year for each child, but of these numbers some were only day-scholars, as in the case of St Paul's school, which is limited to 153 boys in number; and as the expense of these was, of course, not so great (yet still, I think, from 20/. to 30/. a-year, which is inexplicably high), the average charge of the others is within a trifle of 54/. a-year. The average for Education in the Foundling Hosijital was the enormous sum of 45/. a-year for each of the 195 children in-doors, while for 180 children in the country, the average was 11/. 5s. Now, if a respectable Board were formed, it could do much for Education and for economy, without any rude or harsh interference. A Board composed of persons who are not retail tradesmen, and interested in jobbing with the funds, but men who derive authority from their station in society, and from their known disinterestedness in the discharge of a merely public duty, would be able, calmly and deliberately, to discuss the matter with the trustees, even of charities wholly supported by subscription. This we did, to a certain extent, in the Education Committee, and with marked success, though the interests of the tradesmen thwarted us at every turn, — those same tradesmen who rejected, at one institution, the proposition of Mr Justice Bayley, to prevent the house being furnished by articles from the shops of the committee of management, and thus made that most learned, most honest, and most humane Judge, withdraw in disgust from a charity which he found systematically perverted to purposes of the most sordid avarice. A Board possessed of due weight, and discreetly performing its duty, could, I doubt not, in a twelvemonth's time, convert the thirty-six endowments I first mentioned, into the means of giving the best possible Education to 30,000 children, instead of taking less than a twelfth part of the number off the hands of their parents, and maintaining them, with a very indifferent kind of tuition, at an enormous expense, to the great profit of the retail-trade trustee. The spirit of conciliation, mutual respect, and good-will, between the managers or trustees and this body, would, I confidently expect, frustrate these sinister views. The bulk of the subscribers, and of the trustees where there is 320 ABUSES IN TRUST ADMINISTRATION. a fouiul.ition, are always persons who act ii[)fin i>riiicii)lcs of benevo- leiKo, and have no sinister views to serve; but, from indolence and inexperience in business, they get into the hands of the interested individuals I have described, and these succeed in diverting the stream of beneficence into their own impure channels, sometimes openly, sometimes covertly by means of the thin cloak cast over their jobbing, of changing the connnittee yearly, and allowing no one while upon it to supply the articles required, but each one playing into the hands of his predecessor, who is also to be his successor, and receive the reciprocation of favour. To terminate these abuses, and also to put the whole of the institutions upon a sounder and more useful footing, it only requires a full and kindly conference between the Board and the ilisinterested portion of the patrons in each charity ; for these e adopted rising from infant schools to the all comprehensive university. But in the present state of the public mind, this is more than I dare contemplate. However imperfect the scheme — however reluctant I may be, I must force myself, at present, only to consider the im- mediate education of the mass of the i)eople. I cannot, however, avoid making one remark on this topic. No education of the mass TECHNICAL EDUCATION FOR GIRLS AND BOYS. 343 will be anything a^jproximating to perfection, while that of the I higher classes of scholars is impex'fect. The infant school will never ^ f be properly conducted while the University"is^ imperfect. Reading j will never be properly taught while philosophers are wandering in ignorance. Every portion of the whole great scheme of education is \ intimately bound together — and all are necessarily associated with the every day business of life. The patient thinking of the solitary ' student, neglected though he be, his name unknown, his influence \ \ around him being nought, will often win its way into the world, and ' ' certainly, though silently, change the destinies of mighty nations. It is he who fashions the thoughts and feelings of the multitude, though they know him not. How little consonant then is it with ordinary prudence in the Legislature of a civilized people to neglect the institutions by which these guiding minds are fashioned and directed ! But, Sir, I quit this subject with reluctance certainly ; but under the painful conviction that any attempt of mine would be useless regarding it. I shall confine myself to the consideration of the instruction of the mass of the pojjulation — namely, the poor, and the formation of their teachers. The first distinction that sug- gests itself, is that of sex. Men and women have very different offices to perform in life, and therefore require very different sorts of knowledge. As a striking proof of the necessity of instruction on the part of the women of the poorer classes, I will refer to the evidence of one, who, from personal experience, thoroughly under- stands the subject on which he is speaking — I mean Mr Rowland Detrosier. In perfect agreement with these remarks, has been the conduct, I hear, of that noble Lady, the Grand Duchess of Saxe Weimar : — " Mad. la Grande Duchesse, vient d'etablir k Weimar une ^cole speciale pour les filles pauvres, oil on leur apprend k devenir des bonnes menagferes." As respects the boys, they should be taught their various trades ; and from experiments made in America, we see that their labour might contiibute materially to their own main- tenance, and the furtherance of their own education. These schools of industry might be made a blessing to the nation at large. There is one portion of instruction to which I feel compelled to advert, although by so doing I fear I may incur displeasure. I hold indis- pensable, both as regards the well-being of the State, and of the individual himself, that every man should receive a good political education. Let me explain what I mean by political education. He 344 THE NEED FOR POLITICAL EDUCATION. should be made acquainted with the circumstances on which his happiness as a member of society is necessiirily dependent; and also he should know the general principles of the Government under which he lives. For example, for the well-being of the mass of labourers it is essential that etich .should know what circiunstances govern the rate of wages. If this had been understood, does any one believe that we should have had " Combination Laws " on the one hand, or combinations on the other ? Can any one believe that an enraged, because badly-paid population, would then have burned ricks, in order to raise wages ? Or that we should see unhappy, and futile attempts at .strikes? Knowing on what the rate of wages really depended, the enlightened labourer would have pursued the only mode by which that rate can be increased. He would have done it peaceably, but certainly. Neither will I attempt to disguise from this House my ojjinion that good government can only be obtained by instructing the people ; as I have already asserted, any one who will look before him must see the growing political import- ance of the mass of the population. They will have power. In a very short time they will be paramount. I wish them to be enlightened, in order that they may use that power well which they will inevitably obtain. I now pass to the second portion of the plan, which I have called the machinery by which the instruction is to be imparted. This machinery is of threefold nature : 1st, schools ; 2nd, masters ; 3rd, money, whether acquired by taxes or otherwise. The schools which I contemplate (since, as I have already observed, my plan is confined to the education of the poor) are of three separate classes: — 1st, Infant Schools; 2nd, Schools of Indu.stry; and 3rd, Normal Schools, or schools for the instruction of masters ; .separately for boys and girls. As the purpose is to educate everybody, there ought to be in every parish in the kingdom at least one infant school, and one .school of industry, and this without any exception. As the law would be imperative in demanding the presence of the children, justice would demand that the schools should be placed within their reach. In all cases where the size of the parish demanded a greater number of .schools, more than one would be erected. Many ex- pedients I have heard mentioned, by which the richer cla-sses might be brought into intimate and affectionate union with the poorer. In every part of England, London, i)erhaps, only excepted, this might effectually be done by sending the children of both classes to the INFANT SCHOOLS AND SCHOOLS OF INDUSTRY. 345 same school ; for example, to an infant school. By my supposition this school would be regulated according to the highest state of knowledge now existing respecting the rearing and education of infants ; and if the children of the tradesman and gentleman were sent (not by compulsion, but voluntarily) to the school at which the poor cotter's child was taught, much real benefit would be conferred on the last, and no slight good reaped by the former. The more educated mothers would anxiously watch after their own offspring, and thus, in reality, preside over the well-being of the others. A more forcible, and yet gentle bond of sympathy could hardly be imagined than the one here supposed. It may be thought that I am trusting too much to my imagination, and conjuring up a picture which no reality can sanction. Happy am I to be able to say, that experience really bears out what I say. In Massachusetts the national schools are so admirably conducted, that the children of all classes receive their instruction from them ; and I really can see no reason why ours should not be equally efficient. I must observe, that if our infant schools were not so conducted, as regards cleanliness, the manner and matter of instruction, as to be fitted for the richest amongst us, then they would not have reached that point at which I aim. If they did, I am inclined to think, that if we were a reasonable people, they would soon supersede all others. The schools of industry woidd have two objects in view — first, the imparting of what may be termed scholarship; and, secondly^ the knowledge of some trade. I would have these two objects con- nected, because thereby time might be saved, and much knowledge , gained with pleasure instead of pain. When speaking of what I have termed scholarship, I would by no means have it supposed that I would confine it to mere reading, writing, and the elements of numbers. Most deeply do I feel the importance of imparting to every human being the inexhaustible fund of enjoyment derived from intellectual pleasures. Ask a man who has once learned to derive pleasure from these i)ure sources, what power he prizes above ; all others, that which he would sell for no price, the deprivation of which would render life a blank, and existence a burthen, and he would unhesitatingly answer, the means of mental enjoyments. I speak not in the language of boasting, or of exaggerating rhetoric, when I declare, that from the perennial fountain, the poor man may draw a draught that will cheer him over the rugged path of his life ; / 346 THE ELEMENTS OF CULTURE. tliat possessed of this, he will envy no man his possessions ; though poor, he will not feel his want of riches ; it will arm him against sorrow, and teach him to hear up against affliction. To rob human life of woe is impossible, but that which most eftectually soothes the wounds and stings which hard fortune iuHicts, which will multiply, and enhance the pleasures which cro.ss us in our path through life, is assuredly the godlike attribute of deriving pleasure from in- tellectual sources. This being my opinion, and I speak from the teaching of experience, I would not curtail the instruction which should be imparted to the i)()or man. There is one limit which his lot affixes. It is his fate that he labours for the means of his actual being. But I would intreat the legislator, who has to fix what this should he, to stretch to the utmost boundary which prudence will permit. Besides mere scholarshi]), I would give such knowledge as would create a taste for art, and above all, as a cheap means of recreation, one which every poor man can attain, and also, as a powerful means of softening and exalting the character, music and singing should he made, as in Germany, an invariable portion of instruction. Added to this, such portions of natural history, and of the nature of our own physical .system, as would enable the people generally to understand the ordinary phenomena of nature, and to preserve their health. This, with the careful watching of their moral character, and the communicating a general knowledge of our Government and other institutions, with such portions of political economy as regarded their condition, would be the object of the schools whole country should then be divided into school districts, in e;ich of / which there should at least be one school. In the government of the j school or schools of each school district, the people having the })rivi- I lege of voting, should elect every year five persons who would be ' calleil, say the School Committee; and it should be their business to select and dismi.ss the master; to supervise the school, and, in V' the last resort, to determine on the in.struction that should be then ' afforded. Being fairly chosen by the people, it may justly be sup- posed, that they would represent their opinions ; and l)eing selected from a large number of persons, they would, probably, indeed cer- tainly, be among the most instructed persons of the connnunity. Without this, or some other mode were adopted, of making the people the guardians of their children's instruction, there would }>c, and justly too, eternal di.scontcnt tiu-oughout the community. Any f attempt to tlirow the power into the hands of the Magistracy, would utterly ruin any scheme that could be devised. Besides these com- A MINISTER OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION. 349 mittees in every school district, I would have one other officer, and , he should be among the highest in the State, indeed, a ruetuber of the Cabinet ; and whatever might be his name, he, in fact, would have to fulfil the functions of the minister of public instruction. The business of his office would be a general supervision of all the national schools in the kingdom. He would have to determine, on the application of the school committees, what extra schools should be built. He would apportion the sum of money to be given to each ^ district, for masters, for books, and repairs, and a hundred other things. Besides this, the Normal schools would be wholly under his control, and he would have to select for himself, and on his own responsibility, the masters and governors of each. In addition to these duties (and it will be understood that I am only giving a rough sketch of what those duties would be), in his character of general supervisor of schools, it would be his duty to make suggestions as to s/ v/ improved modes of teaching, and as to subjects that might be taught. Suggestions coming from a Minister of his high station would always have great weight, so that, by care and industry, he might materially and constantly improve the whole system of education. In further- ance of the same end, also, it would be a very important part of his/ duty to watch over the composition of books of instruction. Thef vital importance and great difficulty of this task can only be duly • appreciated by those who have paid great and minute attention to 1 1 the subject of education. The composition of books for the education of mere children is one of the most difficult portions of art. On this point M. Cousin well remarks, when touching on this matter : — " Je ne reprocherais M. le Ministrc, de ne pas appeler quelques instans de votre attention sur les livres qui sont employes dans les ecoles populaires, de diverse importance en Saxe Weimar. Rien n^est plus difficile h, bien faire que de pareils livres, et le defaut d'ouvrages convenables en ce genre est une des grands plaies de I'instruction populaire en France." It may be said to be so of all instruction whatever in England ; and no Minister could perform a greater service for his countrj'men than by providing for tlie composition of works adequate to the business of instruction. Further into the details of my plan I need not now enter. All these matters must necessarily be made the subject of very close and careful inquiry, over which, it is to be hoped, wisdom will preside, unswayed by passion, prejudice, or partial interests. I have now, Sir, gone through 350 EDUCATION AND THE FUTURE OF ENGLAND. the whole of this very dry and unamusing detail, and have performed, to the best of my ability, the onerous task 1 had jiroposed to myself. The subject itself is not attractive; and it has, I fear, lieen rendered still less so in consequence of the inadequate ability of him who has brought it before you. I cannot, however, quit this subject, and leave it in the hands of the House to be deiilt with accordiiig to their judgments, without appealing to them with the most unfeigned and deep anxiety, to weigh well, and without the bias of any party feeling, the great question which is now before them. They are not now to determine upon any minute portion of the general welfare, but upon the whole of the multitudinous interests of this n)ighty empire. They are called upon, in their high character of legislators, to determine on the future destinies of many millions yet unborn ; and to say whether their happiness shall be left to the caprices of chance, or be fostered, guarded, and directed, by the paternal care of a wise and benevolent Government. You have this day to declare whether the Legislature of England is imbued with the spirit — whether it possesses the character and feeling — which should dis- tinguish the rulers of an enlightened and generous people ; whether we are anxious for the welfare of all, however lowly, and solicitous to provide for the well-being of the most helpless classes amongst us. Perhaps, I may be permitted to observe (and I do so without any intention of manifesting disrespect for this House) that we have not, perhaps, a body of legislators who coidd have satisfied the ex- pectations that are formed respecting us. There is but too generally received an opinion, that we are not solicitous concerning the well- being of the mass of the po[)ulation — of tffe poorer classes — but that all our acts and determinations result from personal, or certainly from partial, considerations. The most effectual answer that we could give to such statements, the most powerful means we could employ to regain our place in the affections of the people, would be to prove to them, by passing the Resolutions which I shall im- mediately read, that we are alive to their dearest interests, and that we have determined industriously to forward them by the most effectual mode which our judgment can devise. If we do this, we may be regardless of all hasty and partial declarations concerning our motives and our conduct. A patient and thoughtful people, such as the peoj)le of this country, will truly appreciate the benefit conferred on them by this beneficent determination, and bestow on THE NATIONAL EDUCATION OF THE WHOLE PEOPLE. 851 us a reward that the proudest would gladly receive — a grateful nation's heartfelt and affectionate approbation. — The hon. Gentle- man concluded, by reading the following Resolution : — " That this House, deeply impressed with the necessity of providing for a due education of the people at large ; and believing, that to this end the aid and care of the State are absolutely needed, will, early during the next Session of Parliament, proceed to devise a means for the universal and national education of the whole people." INDEX, (See (iLso Table uf Contents, Table of Statutes cited. Table of Cases cited, and Table of Ecclesiastical Docurnents cited.) Abbas Rievallensis, 7 A. B.C. Schools, 185, 186 Aberdeen School. Ill, 112, 113-4 Aborigines, Schools for Colonial, 133, 147 Addison, Joseph, in praise of charity schools, 141, 202 Adrian, Abbot, 5, (5 iElfric the fjraniniarian, 4d. Alberic, Bishop of Ostia, 11 Alcuin, ti, (} Aldhelm, B Alfred, King, the Great, 5, 6, 112 n. his educational policy, 7 his State school, 7 Alien priories, suppression of the, 60 n. Althorp, Lord, and education, 237, 239 Anglo-Norman dialect, 5, 10, 21, 33 n., 116 n. school-books, 4 n., 116 n. Anglo-Saxon language and educa- tion, 4 Anglo-Snxon-Latin vocabulary, 4u. Anne, Queen, smiles on education for the poor, l'J3-4 lihilantluopic outburst in the reign of, 156, 190 Universities in the time of, 91 'Anthony's Pigs,' 77 Apprentices, brutalising of young, 213 M. Apprentices, disgraceful condition of, at the opening of the nine- teenth century, 209-15 ignorance of, 215 tender age of parish, 213 Archbishops of Canterbury, the educational policy of : — Abbot, 162 iElfrie, 9 Arundel, Lord Thomas, 33-5, 54, 59, 73, 78 Bancroft, 98 Grindall, 69, 95 Islip, 19, 20 Laud, 99 Parker, 68-9, 93-4 Pole, 66, 70 Bancroft, 108 Sheldon, 106-7, 108 Sutton, Manners, 224 Tenison, 108, 109 Theodoie of Tarsus, 5-6 Tillotson. 197, 198, 203 Whitgift, 95-7, 108 n. Archbisliop of York, Maikham, policy of, 180 Arches (St Mary le Bow), the school of the, xxxii, 41, 45, 46, 58 n. Arcopaijitica, 35 Aristotle and Plato, the philosophy of, 75 Ascham, the learned, 71 Austen, Jane, and eighteenth cen- tury girls" schools, 168 23 354 INDEX. Ayr School, 11-2, 113, -2.35 Bacon, Francis, and education, 85, 86, 100, '257 Bartholomew's Dav, 100'2, 132 n., 197 Bathurst, Mr BrAggc aiul eilucation, 221 Baudaius, Laurens, Jersey educa- tionalist, Kil, 1(J3 Baxter, Kichard, 131, 197, 198 his 'Heaiiiig Act," 197, 203 Bayley, John, Justice, 319 Beauford, Duke of, I'riuce Palatine of South Carolina, 141-2 Beaulieu, Abbot and Convent of, 16 Bede, the Venerable, 6 his school treatises, 6 Bedford, Duke of, and Irish educa- tion iu 1806, 128 Bell, Andrew, 145, 206-8, 229, 259, 284 Bell and Lancaster, their untenable claims, 207-8 Benefit of clergy, 3, 8, 30, 36-40 Bentham, Jeremy, his educational franchise, 218 satire on Universities, 218 n. views on education, 216, 217-18, 234 Bevan educational trust, 204-5 Beverley, John of, (J Beverley (iraramar School, 4n., 42, 55 law-suits in connection with, 12-16 Bibelesworth, ^Yalter de, 4 n., 23 n. Black Death, the effect of the, 4, 27, 30, 31 Blackstone, Sir William, 1, 29, 37, 39, 216, 217, '234 Blyth, Governor, and Australian education, 152-3 Board of Education Colonial Re- poi"ts, 143-54 Bodleian Library, 87 n. Bona Vista, Newfoundland, school at, in 1726, 143 Books, scarcity and cost of, 18 Bourne's, Sturges, amendment to the Bill of 1807, 223 Bractdu on Tenures, 24 Braidley, Mr Benjamin, and Man- chester Sunday Schools, 20G, 289 n. Bray's, Dr, educational wurk, 201 Brayles, Manor of, educational custom in, 32 Bridgnorth Grammar School, 24, 61 n. British Guiana, education in, 147-8 Bromjiton, Thomas of, 13-15 Brougham, Lord: abandons compulsory education, 236 advocates educational franchise, 218 Obserratioiis uii tlw education of the people, 233-4 his committee of islG, 189-90, 224-5 scheme of 1820, 231-2, 264-82 scheme of 1835, 285-324 Burcester, Manor of, educational custom in, 31 Burgage tenants in towns, educa- tion of, 23, 26 Burns, Gilbert, and education, 257-8 Bury, llichard de, Bishop of Dur- ham, 115 n. Busby, Dr, 191-2 Cabot, discoverer of Newfoundland, 143 Cambridge University, conflict of, witli James IL, 89-90 curriculum in Middle Ages, 79- 80 in the si^venteenth century, 88 in the eighteenth century, 92, 169 Professorshi])S, 92 n. Canons of 1603 and tlie laity, 179, 183 n. Cape Colony, Dutch education in, 148-51 school Comniissionersof 1779,149 school ordinances of, 1714 and 1804, 149 INDEX. 355 Cape Colony, South African College founded in, 151 Cape Town Infant School in 1690, 148 Cardigan Free Grammar School, 103, 197 n. Catechism Bill of 1072, compulsory teaching of, 107 Dean Nowel's, 96, 108 use of, in Connecticut, 137 in New England (1623), 130 n. Cathedral, a schoolmaster in every, 61, 175 Ceylon, education in, 151-2 Chantries, destruction of, 63-4, 78, 80, 84 n., 187 Charitable trusts, the right to vary, 318 Charitable uses. Commissioners for, 71-2 Charity Commissioners for London proposed, 319 Charity schools, 197 n., 200, 202-3, 217, 244, 281-2 Mandeville's attack on, 202 n., 256 Charles I., King, and Oxford Uni- versity, 90 Charlemagne and English learning, 6 Charondas, the Greek statesman, 2 Chaucer's school-boys, 168 n., 185-6 Cheesechauuiuck, Caleb, Indian graduate of Harvard, 131 Cheevers, Ezekiell, American school- master, 130 n. Choristers' school, 16 Chrysoloras, Manuel, theologian and grammarian, 76 n. Church, educational policy of the, in the eighteenth century, 169 exclusiveuess of the, 3 fear of, control of education, 31 State, and, in Scotland, 114 State recognition of control of education by, 94 the, and education, 3, 12, 47 Church-clerks in Cape Colony, 150 Circulating schools, 102, 203, 263-4 Clinch, John, Baion of the Ex- chequer, 68 Clymeslond, Manor of, educational custom in the, 31 n. Cobbett, William, and State edu- cation, 239-40 Codner, Samuel, and Newfoundland schools, 144 Colonial education and the Privy Council, 134 Colquhoun, Dr Patrick, 228, 253-4 Comenius, educational methods of, 99-100 Common law right to teach, 50, 57, 172, 175 to education, 32 Common Master of the Town, the, 54 Commonwealth, the, and education, 100-4 Colonial Education Act, 1649, 133 Irish education and tbe, 127 n. Welsh education and the, 102 Universities, the, and the, 87 Condorcet's French education scheme, 104-5 Connecticut Education Act, 1650, 104, 137-9 growth of State education in, 139, 140 Conscience clause, the, 3, 227, 231, 340 Cornwaile, Sir Johan, xxxii, 20, 22, 23, 77, 115 Cornwall, Duchy of, 31 n., 72 Coronare filium, 32 Cotton Mills, the tragedy of the, 213 Court of Chancery and education, 72, 147, 169, 182, 205, 278 Court Christian and the Secular Courts, 16, 31, 41, 50, 173-4 Court-pleading to be in English, 33 Courts of Justice and education in the day of Queen Elizabeth, 68 Cow system, the, 219 Three Acres and a, 219 Cowper's argument in Matthews v. Burdett, 175 23—2 35(3 INDEX. Ciadock, Sir Ji)hn, and education in Cape Colony, 150 Croniwtll and the Universities, 87, 92 Crown prohibition as to (irannnar Scliool appointments, KJ, 31, 188 Dalton, Robert of, 13, 15 Dame schools, 106, 25V), 283 Danes, the, and education, G De Mist's educational policy in Cape Colony, 14!)-50, 218 scheme, English adoption of, 150 Derby, the Earl of, 51, 57 n., 12'J, 211 Diodorus Siculus and education, 2 Dissenters, 109-10, 176, 197-8 affected by Mr Brougham's Bill of 1820, 232, 271 educational work in London of, 230 n. meliieval, 57 n. Dissenting schoolmasters, 177-8 Donatus, grammar of, 4 n. Dundee, schools at, 113 Dunfermline, Monks of, and edu- cation, 112 Dupanloup, Bishop of Orleans, 9 u. Eastern Empire, Greek learning in the, 75 Edgar. King, 8, 185 Edinburgl) High School, 113 K(ltnbui(ili licricw and Joseph Lancaster, 208 Education, abuse of endowments for, 320-2 Act 18')2, 210 apjirentices and, 209-215 benefit of clergy and, 39 Bill of 1820, 230-3 bond and free, for, 32 cliarities for, table of, 247-8 Church and, in the eighteenth century, 110, l(J5-(), 171-6, 180-1, 183, 189 circular of 1H28, 2!"0 of clergy, 10 Education (coiitiiiiud) commission 1()41, proposed, 100 connnittee of 1816, 224-5, 249 common law, of, 50, 57, 172, 175 Commonwealth grant for, 104 competition in, in the fifteenth century, 55 compulsory, 210, 235-6, 236-7 Continental State, 310-2, 333 continuity of English, 187 corruption of foundations for, 84 Courts, and the, in the eighteenth century, 109 crime and, 221-2, 303-9 decay of post-Keformation, 105- 109, 110 deficiency of, in great towns, in 1835, 296 detiiiition of, 327 demand for, in 1816, 224 early State, 2 Elizabeth, Queen, and, 67-8, 70-1 feudal system and, 30 first use of the word, 83 of free and unfi'ee children, 24, 26 French, 9, 104-5, 201, 202 n. grading of, the, 281 Hallam's opinion of English mediaeval, 115-6 House of Lords, the, and, 100, 1S9, 224 infants, of, 283, 297-302 Irish, Act, 1537. 124 Irish, and the State, 125 Laissez-faire nnd, 331 Lancaster and Bell, and, 206-8 law cases relating to, 170-183 manoriiil customs in restraint of, 31. 32 Manx Church, the, and, 157 mass priests and, 9 nu'diieval technical, 8 Middle Ages, the, and, 59-60 Milton and, 257 Minister of, 237, 349 national bajjpiness and, 328 nationalizing of, 3 national need, a, 2 national responsibility and, 140 INDEX. 357 Education (continued) part}' politics and, 286 payment for, 9, 10, 11 petitions of 1803 against, 212 petitions against, in 1807, 223 petitions for a national system of. in 18H3, 234-5 political, 344 political economy and, 329 of the Poor Act lUil, 196 of the Poor Bill 1807, 220 position of, in 1820, 230, 259 prai- Reformation, 78 problem of the nineteenth cen- tury, 210 religion and, in 1802, 215 religious, and the apprentices, 215 scheme of 1816, 225-7 Scotch, and the Act of Uniform- ity, 121 Scotch Compulsory Act 1496, 112 Scotch, and the denominational question, 122, 124 Scotch, and the General Assembly, 119, 120 Scotch secondary, 123 Scotch, and the State, 111, 255 Scotch technical, 120 Societies in Ireland, 128, 129 social economy and, 30 social reform and, 337 spiritual thing, a, 3, 51, 52, 57 State-controlled, 287, 293, 294 suspension of, in the eighteenth century, 165, 169 technical", 8, 233-4, 343 University, the Commonwealth and, 103, 104 University, cost of, 85 n. universal right to, 32 of villeins, 25, 26, 27 waste of endowments for, 320-2 Welsh, 101-3, 198 Welsh, Act 1619, 101 Edward III., King, and Crown patronage of schools, 16, 31, 188 Edward YL, King, and the grammar schools, 63-4, 187 Eighteenth century, Dame schools, in the, 166-7 girls' schools, in the, 168 ideals of the, 165 and modern movements, 165 Eldon,Lord, John Scott, 167, 182-3, 188, 224, 278 Elgin, the, school case, 123 Elizabeth, Queen, and education, 67-8, 70-2, 81-2, 86, 106, 161 Elizabethan Church, educational control by, 94 Elliot, Governor of Newfoundland, 143 Endowed elementary schools, 188, 190, 243-7, 279, 292 English priests in the fourteenth century, 19 'English' schools, 185 English, teaching of, in Ireland, 125 Englishry, pi-esentment of, 33 Erasmus and University learning, 73, 79, 80 Erskine, Henry, on Bill of 1807, 221 Established Clmrch, the, and edu- cation in 1820, 228, 249-252 Ethelred of Rievaulx, 7 Ethelstan, King, 8, 36 Eton and the suppression of the Alien Priories in 1415, 60 n. European education societies, 200, 201 n. Evangelistic revival, 3 Ewart, Mr, and Universitv grants, 238-9 Factory Act, the, of 1802, 210-215 Fairfield Grammar School, 140 Falle, Philip, 163-4 Fellenberg's, Emanuel, normal school, 311 views as to monitorial schools, 284 Ferendon grammar schools, 16 Finch, Sir Heneage, 107 Finchale, Priory of, 84 n. 'First Fleet,' the, to Australia, 152 Fitzstephen, William, scholarship of, 76 358 INDEX. Five Mile Act of Ifitio, 106 Florence, Stmliuin of, 7() n. Foundling Hospital scliool, 195-6 Hospitals, evils of, H16-7 Frencli State education, lOi-5 Friends, Society of, and Irish edu- cation, I'i'^ Garton, Stephen of, 18 Georfje III., King, and education, 207 George IV., King, and national edu- cation, 233 Giddy, Davies, 222-3, 254 Girls' schools, early, 12 n. Glasgow Grammar School, 113, 115, 18-1 Gloucester Grammar School case, 10, 26, 42, 45, 50-59, 61, 63, 175, 241-2 Gloeestrius, Haymo, 53 God and the King, 118 Goldsmith, Oliver, 83 n. Gouge, Thomas, 197-200, 203, 244 Griimmar Schools, Connecticut, 140 curriculum used in mediasval, 77 dialect used in, 5 disappearance of, in the fifteenth century, 148-9 eighteenth century, 11, 180 function of mediaeval, 79, 84 n., 186 King Edward VI.'s, 64, 187 London, 77 Scottish, in the fifteenth century, 116, 184 teaching of theology in, 78 Reform Act, Tudor, 70 total number of, 243-6 Grammars of Priscian and Donatus, 4n. Grammar, Lily's, 83 n. Graves, Thomas, of Harvard, 132 Great Death, the, 18-19, 20, 23, 30, 31, 65 Greek learning, 75-6, 80, 81, 88, 279 teaching of, in Connecticut in 1690, 140 teaching of, in Jamaica in 1«)95, 146 Greenwich Hospital School, 194-5 Gregory XL, Pope, and the Lollards, 34 Gregory the Great, Pope, and the Ciira PtiKtonilis, 6 Grote, Mr, and a national system of education, 237 Guardians for poor parish children, 196 n. Hackne}' Vestry School, 192 Halifax, Nova Scotia, school at, 144 Hallani's opinion of medieval edu- catit)n in England, 115 Hampton Court Conference, 1604, 121 Hankeford, William, Justice of the Common Pleas, 46, 51, 52, 53, 58, 241-2 Harbor Grace, Newfoundland, school at, in 1766, 144 Hardwicke, Lord, and education, 169 n., 178-9 Harrison, William, on University life in the sixteenth century, 84-5 Hartford Grammar School, 140 Harvard, John, 130, 131 Harvard University, 130, 131, 132, 137 Hatherley, Lord Chancellor, and education, 202 n. Hebrew, teaching of, in England, 75, 80, 279 at Harvard, 131-2 in Scotland, 115 in Jamaica, 146 prayers in, 80-1 Henry VI., King, petition to, 46, 48 Ordinance of, 47-48 Henry VIII., King, and University lectures, 75 and secondary education, 61-2, 70 Hersciiell, Sir Jolin, and education in Cape Colony, 151 Higden, 20, 23, 54, 77 Hill, Mr Justice, 52. 56, 58 Hoare,Dr,Presidentof Harvard, 132 Hobbes, Thomas, and school di- vinity, 76 n. INDEX. 359 Holt, Sir John, Chief Justice, 173-4 Horn, Andrew, 53 Horton, Rot,'er, counsel, 51, 52, 211 Howson, John, Bishop of Durham, 85 n. Hume, Mr Joseph, 235, 238, 210 India, education in the Empire of, xxxii, 161 n. Infants, education of, 283, 297-302 Infant schools, 281-302, 311, 315 Ingulf, Abbot of Croyland, 15 Irish Act of Uniformity 1665, 127 Board of Education Commis- sioners 1833, 121)-130 Charter schools, 129 Commissioners of Education 1788, 1806, 128 education and the Common- wealth Parliament, 127 n. education and the Church, 125 education and the Society of Friends, 128 education compared with Scotch, 126-7 Educational Societies, 128, 129- 226 Education Act 1537, 125 Free Schools Act 1570, 125-6 Parliamentary grant for educa- tion in 1739, 129 n. licences to teach, 127 Isle of Man, education in, 101, 111, 148. 155-160 Jamaica, education in, 145-7 Jamaican Education Acts (1695, 1736), 116 James I., Kinj:, and Scotch educa- tion, 115, 118, 121 and University life, 86 n. James II., King, and the Universi- ties, 89-92 Jarrow, monastery school at, (J Jeffreys, Lord Chancellor, and Cambrilge University, 89, 90, 91 Jersey, Church control of education in, 160 Jersey (continued) education Canons. 162-3 education and Parliamentary grants, 164 education in, 160-4 grammar schools, 160 under Queen Elizabeth and King James I., 161-2 Johnson, Dr, views on education, 221 Jones, Griffith, schools, 151 n., 203-4 Keenan, Sir Patrick, and Irish education, 130 Kelk, unlicensed school in, 13 Kelso, monks of, 113 Kelyng, Mr Justice, 173 u. Kenyon, Lord, and eighteenth cen- tury grammar schools, 180, 278 and the parental duty to educate children, 181 Kerry's, Lord, education Return, 236 n., 291 Ketell, William, and mediseval grammar schools. 28 n. Kingston, Jamaica, school at, 146 Knox, John, and Scotch education, 116, 117 n. First Book of Policy, 116 La Congregation de la Doctrine Chretienne, 201 n. Lake's, Dr, argument in Matthetcs V. Bttrdett, 175 Lancashire elementary schools, 11 Lancaster, Joseph, 115, 206, 207-8, 229. 259. 266, 284 and Bell, 208 and the Edinburgh Review, 208 Lancasterian Institution, Royal, 207 Lanthony, the Prior of, 51, 53, 55, 56, 211 Lateran, the Fourth Council of, 61, 175 the Third Council of, 61 n. Latimer, Hugh, at Cambridge, 76 his Fourth Sermon on the Plough, 35 Latin-Anglo-Saxon Grannnar. 4 n. 360 INDEX. Latiu-English dialogue Grammar, 4 n. Englisli elementary Grammar, ■It n. vocabulary, 4 n. Latin, Graniinar, Lily's, 83 n. Grammar, Vaus", 116 median-al use of, 78-9, IJ 5, 279-80 pleading in, S8 n. school. Cape Town, 150 teaching of, in Connecticut in 1690, 140 "teaching of, in Jamaica in lOUo, 146 tongue, Church services in, 80, 81 vernacular, the, of the learned, 6, 76, 279 versions of Greek works, 76 Laud's educational policy, 99 Laws of the Church, 2, and see Table of Ecclesiastical Docu- ments, XXV Leaseholders, husbandry, education of, 24 'Lecture' schools. 111, 184, 188 Lee, Mr Justice, 179 Libraries, parochial, in England, 142 n. Library, Bodleian, 87 n. Library in South Carolina, 142 media'val, at Durham College, Oxford, Utj n. Jersey. 164 Licence to teach, 11, 12, 98, 107, 108 n., 171, 179 form of the, 96 Irish, 127 Lily's Latin Grammar, 83 Littleton's Tenure/!, 29 Liverpool and national e lucation, 22a, 235 Lloyd, Sarah, Shenstone's School- mistress, 16(5 n. Lollard movement, 12 schools, xxxii, 3, 17, 34 n. Lollards, education and tlic, xxxii, 37. 175 diffusion of tructts by, 18 grannnar scliools and the, 34 persecution of the, 17,54,56,60,89 Lollardy, extirpation of, 36, 49, 109 fear of, 45 spread of, 17, 19, 30, 33, 95 Universities, the, and, 34, 89 London, absence of education in, in 1H20, 229-30, 261 bovs, scliohirshi]) of, in the Middle Ages, 44, 76, 77 educational lilierality of, 43 grammar schools, first, of, xxxii, 41, 45 petition of four rectors of, 48 schools. Fitzstephen's description of, 43 schools in, 41, 42, 43, 46, 55, 77 voluntary schools, early, and, 200 Welsh educational mission, and, 200 Lords, House of, and the Act of Uniformity, 106, 189 Love's Labour's Lost, Act v. So. 1, 83 Lowe, Mr Robert, 8, 15, 147, 149, 153 Ludlow, Roger, deputy -governor of Connecticut, 138 n., 139 education code of 1650 di'afted by, 138 n., 139 Lyndhurst, Lord, and grammar school curriculum, 183 Lyndwood, William, 3(1, 59, (')6, 175 Ijyons University and Harvard, 131 Macaulay, Lord, on University loyalty, 87 Macaulay, Mr T. B., and the first Parliamentary grant for ele- mentary education, 239 Magdalen College, Oxford, and King .lames II.. 90-1 Maistresd'Kschnles in Jersey, 162-3 Maltby, John, schoolmaster at Al)ingdon Abbey in 1440, 55 n. Mandeville and charity schools, 202 n., 256 Manor, classes on h. 24 education on a, 26 Manwood, Sir Roger, Baron of the Exchecjuer, 68 Manx, education, 104, 155-60 INDEX. 361 Manx, Compulsory Education Act 1703, 156-8 Education Act 1813, 159 Education Statutes 1851-1899, 160 education and English Parlia- mentary grants, 160 Map, Walter, 28, 222 n. Marinus, Pope, 7 Massachusetts, Crown enquiry as to education in, 131 Education Act 1692, 135-7, 139 education in, 101, 105, 135-7, 345 Mary I., Queen, and education, 66, 70 and Jersey, 162 Mary II., Queen, and education, 177, 293 Mathematical Tripos founded at Cambridge in 17-17-8, 92 n. Mauritius, education in, 147 Mede, Joseph, and Cambridge, 86 n. Melbourne, Lord, and Lord Kerry's Education Keturn, 236 n. Merkyate, Prioress of, 31 Mico's Trust, Lady, 147 Middle Classes, education of, 25 Midwives, claim of the Church to license, 172 n. Mildmay, Sir Walter, Chancellor of tbe Exchequer (1581), 68 Milton, John, 35, 233, 257 Moises, Hugh, Lord Eldou's school- master, 182 n. Monchensy, Lady Dionysia de, 4 n. Montagu, Loid Kobert, and Scotch education in 1867, 121 Montrose School, 112 Morley, George, Bishop of Win- chester, 163 Neckam, Alexander, de Utot.'iilibus, 4n. Neif ou iuli'!/ii, 27, 29 New Amsterdam, school at, 147 New England, early education in, 130, 131, 132-41, 154-5, 159 Newcastle Free Grammar Scliool and Lord Eldon, 182-3 Newfoundland, education in, 143-4 New Haven Colony, education in, 130, 140 n. New Haven Grammar School, 140 New learning, the, and medieval schools, 65 New South Wales, education in, 152-3 New Zealand, education in, 154 Normal schools. State, 237, 238, 313-4, 344, 347 Norman Coiiqi;est, 10 Norman-Irish, the, 127 monopoly of rights, 33 priests, 19 scholarship, 18 Nova Scotia, education in, 144-5 Nowel, Dean, catechism of, 96, 108 Oakes, Mr, President of Harvard, 1676, 132 O'Connell, Mr, and State educa- tion, 238 Offa, King, and ' St Peter's Penny,' 10 Ontario, education in, 145 Order of Les Freres des Ignorant^, 201, 255 Owen,Dr,Nonconformistdi vine, 131 Oxford, Protestant, 17, 34, 90-1 and Harvard, 130 and Rome, 89 Oxford Uuiversitv, and Adam Smith, 92 Chancellorship of, in 1688, 91 in the eighteenth century, 92-3 Irish students at, 74 and King Charles I., 90 and King James II., 89-90 marauding students of, 74 numbers at, in 14H8, 34 and Mr Thorold Rogers, 92-3 Palatinate of Carolina, 142-3 Papist, schoolmasters, 95, 176-7 schools beyond the seas, 98 n. Parent and child in Connecticut, 138 and child in England, 138 and child in Rcnne, 138 Paris, Matthew, 37 Parliament and elementary educa- tion, 208-4U S6-2 INDEX. Parliiimentary grant, the first for elementarj' education, 238-40 Parliament, the Connnonwealth, and national education, 100-4 Parke, Sir Henry and Australian education, 153 Parninp, Sir Robert, chancellor, l(i, HI Patronage of grammar schools, 16, 31, 114, 170, 188, 190 Paulet, Chevalier, and education, 207, 218 Peel, Sir Robert, 211, 238 Pembroke College, Oxford, the Jersey College, 163 Pencriche, Richard, xxxii, 21-23 Penkriche in Derbyshire, 22 Penkridge in Staffordshire, 22 Pensions for widows of the clergy, 102-3 Perth school. 111, 112 Pestalozzi, Johann Hcinrich, 100 Phillip, Governor of the first Aus- tralian Settlement, 152 Picton (Xova Scotia), proposed Uni- versity at, 144-5 'Pigeons of I'aul's,' 77 Pipard, William, action against, 16 Place, Mr Francis, on eighteenth centurv elementary education, 203, 205 n. I'lato and Aristotle, philosophy of, 75-C) Plymouth, Orphans' Aid Hospital 1617, 193 n. Poll Tax, returns for 1377, 26 PolyrJiroiiicon, the, 20-1 Poor, the, in mediaeval times, 23-6, 27-30 Popes and English education, Alexander VI. (1494), 161 Benedict XHI. (1724), 201 n., 255 Gregory I., (5 Gregory IX. (1233), 113 n. (Gregory XI. (1370), 34 Innocent II. (1138), 11 Marinus (H84), 7 Pius VII. (1819), 25G Powell, Vavasor, 198 n. Priesthood, the, and the Black Deatli, 19, 27, 30 Primer, mediieval, 185 Prioresxi's Tale, the, 185 Priscian, granmiar of, 4 n. Privil('()iuni Clericile, 8 Puffendorf and education, 216 Quadrivium in Jersey, 160 and Triviuni, 79, 80 Quarterly Review and Andrew Bell, 208 Queens' College, Cambridge, 173 n. Queen's College, Georgetown, 148 Raikes, Robert, of Gloucester, 205 Randolph, Edward, and early American education, 131 Rate aid for education, beginning of, 67, 191-2 aid for education in Connecticut in 170(t, 140 in aid of Harvard University in 1644, 137 Rates and education in seventeenth century, 191-2 Ratke, Wolfgang, 99 Reading and writing schools, me- diieval, 185 Recusant schoolmasters, 95 Reformation, the, in Jersey, 161-2 education at the, 39, 169 n. school accommodation at the, 64 schools at the, 187 the, and benefit of Clergy, 38-9 Religious compromise of 1820, 231-2 Renaissance, social, in England in 1833, 330 Richard II., King, petitions to, 27-8, 38, 41-42, 54, 56, 187 Robert, the, Bruce, endowment by, 112 Roebuck's, Mr, education proposals, 236 7, 338-51 Roman Catholics and English edu- cation, 56, 94-5, 106, 176-7, 233 Roman Catholic Fellows of Mag- dalen, 90-1 Rome, jurisdiction of, 31 INDEX. 363 Rome and mediaeval education. 30-1 policy of, in education, 34, .S9-'J1 Eose, Mr George, and national maritime schools, 2'2l Roselunes, James, 151 Ross, Duke of, and school patron- age in 1485, 114 Roxburgh schools, 113, 255 Russell, Lord John, 51, 57 n., 290 and the first parliamentary grant for elementary education, 239 Rutland, Duke of, and Irish educa- tion in 1787, 128 St Andrews school, 112, 115 St Andrews, Jamaica, school at, 145, 146 St Andrews University, 115 St Anthony, school attached to the Hospital of, 47, 77 St Dunstan's in the East, school attached to, 47 St John's, Newfoundland, school at, in 1744, 143 St Martin's le Grand, Dean of the Free Chapel of, 41 St Martin's, the school of, xxxii, 41, 45-47, 58 n. St Mary-le-Bow, school of the Arches at, xxxii, 41, 46, 47, 58 n. St Paul's, Cathedral Church School of, xxxii, 41, 45, 47, 58 n. St Paul's, Chancellor of the Church of xxxii, 41 St Peter, Jersey, school at, 160 St Peter's Penny, 10 St Saviour, Jersey, school at, 160 Salle, Pere de la,' 201, 255 Sally Cove, Newfoundland, school at, in 1767, 144 Sancton, Geoffrey of, 13-15 Saumur, University of, 161 Saxon, Latin vocabulary, 4 n. State intervention in education, 5 Scholars, compulsory attendance of, at church, 98, 183 Scholasticism, 3 after the Reformation, 76, 131 n. School accommodation at the Re- formation, 64-5 School, divinity, 76, 131 elementarv, endowment move- ment (1660-1730), 166, 189 numbers in 1835, 295 survivals from the Middle Ages, 64 Schoolmasters, favour shown to, in the sixteenth century, 68 Schoolmasterships in Scotland, free- hold, 114 n. itinerant, 151, 203, 263-4 licensing of Scottish, 114, 124 qualification of, 269 Roman Catholic and Dissenting, 177 salaries of, in the Middle Ages, 55 n. statutory relief for, 176-8 under the Commonwealth, 101 war tax on, 98-9, 109 Schoolmastership, ecclesiastical nature of, under the Common- wealth, 101, 103 Schoolmistress, The, Shenstone's, 166 Schools Act of 1648, Scottish Parochial, 120, 217 Act of 1696, Scottish Parochial, 122, 293 Act, the Scottish Parochial, 1803, 124 Schools, classes attending medias- val, 23 elementary, and the Church in the eighteenth centurj', 172 for Colonial aborigines, 1649, 133, 135 lay patronage of, and Church "control, 16, 31, 170, 188, 190 mediiBval elementary, 187-8 mediiBval higher elementary, 187 non-classical, of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, 187, 188, 243-7 of Industry, Mr Roebuck's pro- posed, 345 papist, 176 Scots dialect, 116 Scottish lecture. 111, 184, 188 864 INDEX. Schools, Scottish, and Cliurch con- trol, 112, 114, 17'2, 1S4 Scottish Latin, 111 Scottish Latin, private suppres- sion of, 123 survivals from the Middle Ages, 64 the anti-iiniforniity, 18i) unendowed, number of, in 1820, 258 visitation of, by the Bishop proposed by Mr Brouj^ham, 273 the wrongful teaching of, a tem- poral and not spiritual offence, 179 Sciences, the Seven Liberal, 75, 80 Scotch education, 111-124, 184-5 Dr Johnson on, 221 n. Scottish parochial schools, 118-0 Selden and Scliool Divinity, 7(), 181 n. Senlac, battle of, 10 Shakespeare and education, 83 Shenstone and eighteenth century schools, 166-8 Skrene, William, serjeant-at-law, 52, 54, 55. 58, 241, 242 Slaves and education, 7, 29 Smith, Adam, and education, 92-3, 21C)-7, 234 Society, British and Foreign Bible, 147 British and Foreign School, 154, 207-8, 313 Christian Instruction, 230 n. Colonial and Continental Church, 144 Diffusion of Useful Knowledge, for the, 234 Kildare Street, 129 London Hibernian, 129 London Missionary, 147 National. 160, 206! 208, 233 Newfoundland School, 144 Promoting Christian Knowledge, for, 199, 201-3 Propagation of the Gospel, in New England, for the, 1 33, 134-5 Proiiagation of the (iospel in Foreign Parts, for the, 143, 144, 152 Society, Protestant School, 129 n. Quaker School, 12H Sunday-School, 205 n. 'Song schools,' 185 Sotherton, John, Baron of the Exchequer, 68 South Australia, education in, 154 South Carolina, education in, 141-3, 155 Southwark, the monastery school of St Saviour, 45 State control of education, the principle of. 326, 334 the scoj)e of, according to Lord Brougham, 323-4 Statutes at large, period 1640-60 excluded from, 101 n. Stellenhosch, school at, in 1683, 148 Stewart, Lord Robert, and the Edinburgh High School, 113 Stirling school, HI, 113, 255 Stuarts, return of, 105 Sunday Scho.ds, 289 brought to London, 205 n. secular learning in, 206 system of the, 205 weekday evening classes of, 206 Sute, Roger, Baron of the Ex- chequer, 68 Swetnam, William, schoolmaster, 96 Tasmania, education in, 154 Technical education. Lord Broug- ham's views as to, 233-4 modiieval, 8 Mr Roebuck's views as to, 343 Scotch, 119-120 Tenure, free and unfree, 24 Theodulf, Bishop of Orleans, 9, 10 Theology taught in mediteval grammar schools, 78 Thirning, William, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas in 1410, 51-2, 53, 56-57, 241-2 Thurium, compulsory education in, 2 Tickill, Thomas, Attorney-General in 1410, 51, 211 Tillotson, Dean, and P>axter, 197, 198, 203 INDEX. 365 Toleration, Acts of, 17C Trevisa, John de, and mediseval education, 20, 21, 23, 26, 54, 77, 186 Trinity College, Dublin, endowment of, by Cromwell, 127 n. Trivium and Quadrivium, 79, 80, 160 Tudor Church, educational control by, 66-71 Tutors, mediffival, 4 n., 23 Undenominational teaching in schools in 1820, proposed by Lord Brougham, 275 Trust for education in Wales in 1674, 198 Uniformity, Act of, 105-6, 136, 173, 175, 176, 189, 190, 197 Scottish Act of, 121 Universities, 72-93, 178 abuses in, in time of Queen Elizabeth, 85 apparel in, 75 Bentham and the, in the eight- eenth century, 218 n. common law, and the, 74 Commonwealth and the, 87 corrupt condition of the, in the sixteenth century, 84 Cromwell's grant to the, 87 curriculum in (1536), 75, 80 decadence of scholarship in, 88 Henry VIII., King, and the, 62 imperial education and the, 155 inct)rporatiun of the, 82 James II., King, and the, 89-92 lovaltv of the, to the Established Church, 92 media3val grammar schools and the, 79, 84 n. Oxford and Saumur, 161-3 parliamentary grant to the, 87, 238-9 parliamentaiy interference with the, 173 prescriptive freedom of the, 72 privileges of the, 74-5, 88 llojal Supremacy and the, 81 scholasticism and the, 76 Universities, the eighteenth cen- tury and the, 92-3, 169, 218 n. the Establishment and the, 93 Vans', John, Latin grammar (1522), 116 Vestries, seventeenth century, and education, 84 n., 192, 194 n. Victoria, education in, 153-4 Vienne, the Council of, and educa- tion, 61 n. Villain adscripti (jlebae, 25 Villeins in gross, 25, 29, 39 regardant, 29, 39 Visitation Articles, Archbishop Parker's, 69 Archbishop Grindall's, 69 Archbishop Whitgift's, 97 Visitois to educational foundations, the Crown and, 174 n. Voluntary aid and State aid, rela- tionship between, 335 schools, the earliest, 197-8 Wales, circulating schools in, 203 evangelisation of, 197-8 the Commonwealth and Welsh education, 101 W^ars of the Roses, 26 Welsh, Piety Schools, 151 n., 203-4 schoolmasters, provision for, under the Commonwealth, 102 undenominational educational trust, 198 voluntary schools and the Society for Promoting Christian Know- ledge, 201-2 ' Weslev, John, and Sunday classes, 205 W^estminster, Canons of, 11 rate aid and education in the city of, 67, 191 the monastic school of St Peter at, 45 \Vhately, Archbishop of Dublin, and education, 329 Whitbread's, Mr, solutions of social evils, 219 Parochial Schools Bill of 1807, 208, 219-224, 231 •366 INDEX. William III., Kiiip, and education, Workhouses, origin of, 193 n. lOo Wren, Matthew, Bishop of Norwich, and Oxford, 91 99 Windham, Mr William, and educa- Wright, Lord Keeper, and the tion, 221 ecclesiastical control of educa- Windsor, Nova Scotia, school at, tion, 171-2 144 Writ de excommunicato capiendo, Wolmer's school in Kingston, 173 Jamaica, 146 Woolwich, workhouse school at, 194 Workhouse, education in, in tlie seventeenth century, 193 Wycklif, John, xxxii, 17, 31, 73, 78, 175 followers of, xxxii, 17 Year Books, 50, 59 CAMBKIDOE : PRINTED BY J. AND C. F. CLAY, AT THE UNIVEIlfllTY PRESS. « v< ReturnMsmateriaUoJl^l^^ FEB 2 2008. ' ^ 3 1158 00620 4480 UC SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY AA 001 302 071 4 LC93 G7D3 M