HISTORY CONQUEST OF PERU. HISTORY OF THK CONQUEST OF PERU; WITH A PRELIMINARY VIEW OF THE CIVILIZATION OF THE INCAS. By WILLIAM H. PRESCOTT, CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE FRENCH INSTITUTE ; OF THE ROTAL ACADEMY OF HISTORY AT MADRID, ETC. ' Congestae cumulantur opes, orbisque rapinas Accipit." Claudian, In Ruf., lib. i. v. 194. ' So color de religion Van a buscar plata y oro Del encubierto tesoro." LoPB DE Vega, El Nuevo Mundo, Jom. i. NEW AND REVISED EDITION, WITH THE author's LATEST CORRECTIONS AND ADDITIONS. EDITED BY JOHN FOSTER KIRK. IN TWO VOLUMES. — VOL. I. PHILADELPHIA: J. B. LIPPINCOTT & CO. 1883. Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1847, by WILLIAM H. PRESCOTT, In the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the District of Massachusetts. Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1S74, by J. B. LIPPINCOTT & CO., In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1874, by WILLIAM G. PRESCOTT, In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. o^l L/3V7 3/^ PREFACE. The most brilliant passages in the history of Spanish adventure in the New World are undoubtedly afforded by the conquests of Mexico and Peru, — the two states which combined with the largest extent of empire a refined social polity and considerable progress in the arts of civilization. Indeed, so prominently do they stand out on the great canvas of history that the name of the one, notwithstanding the contrast they exhibit in their respective institutions, most naturally suggests that of the other; and when I sent to Spain to collect materials for an account of the Conquest of Mexico I included in my researches those relating to the Conquest of Peru. The larger part of the documents, in both cases, was obtained from the same great repository, — the archives of the Royal Academy of History at Madrid ; a body specially intrusted with the preservation of whatever may serve to illustrate the Spanish colonial annals. The richest portion of its collection is probably that fur- nished by the papers of Munoz. This eminent scholar, the historiographer of the Indies, employed nearly fifty years of his life in amassing materials for a history of Spanish discovery and conquest in America. For this, as he acted under the authority of the government, A* (v) vi PREFACE. every facility was afforded him ; and public offices and private depositories, in all the principal cities of the empire, both at home and throughout the wide extent of its colonial possessions, were freely opened to his inspection. The result was a magnificent collection of manuscripts, many of which he patiently transcribed with his own hand. But he did not live to reap the fruits of his persevering industry. The first volume of his work, relating to the voyages of Columbus, was scarcely finished when he died ; and his manuscripts, at least that portion of them which have reference to Mexico and Peru, were destined to serve the uses of another, an inhabitant of that New World to which they related. Another scholar, to whose literary stores I am largely indebted, is Don Martin Fernandez de Navarrete, late Director of the Royal Academy of History. Through the greater part of his long life he was employed in assembling original documents to illustrate the colonial annals. Many of these have been incorporated in his great work, " Coleccion de los Viages y Descubrimi- entos," which, although far from being completed after the original plan of its author, is of inestimable service to the historian. In following down the track of dis- covery, Navarrete turned aside from the conquests of Mexico and Peru, to exhibit the voyages of his coun- trymen in the Indian seas. His manuscripts relating to the two former countries he courteously allowed to be copied for me. Some of them have since appeared in print, under the auspices of his learned coadjutors, Salvaand Baranda, associated with him in the Academy j but the documents placed in my hands formed a most PREFACE. Vll important contribution to my materials for the present history. The death of this illustrious man, which occurred some time after the present work was begun, has left a void in his country not easy to be filled ; for he was zealously devoted to letters, and few have done more to extend the knowledge of her colonial history. Far from an exclusive solicitude for his own literary pro- jects, he was ever ready to extend his sympathy and assistance to those of others. His reputation as a scholar was enhanced by the higher qualities which he possessed as a man, — by his benevolence, his simplicity of manners, and unsullied moral worth. My own obli- gations to him are large ; for from the publication of my first historical work, down to the last week of his life, I have constantly received proofs from him of his hearty and most efficient interest in the prosecution of my historical labors; and I now the more willingly pay this well-merited tribute to his deserts, that it must be exempt from all suspicion of flattery. In the list of those to whom I have been indebted for materials I must also include the name of M. Ter- naux-Compans, so well known by his faithful and elegant French versions of the Mufioz manuscripts; and that of my friend Don Pascual de Gayangos, who, under the modest dress of translation, has furnished a most acute and learned commentary on Spanish-Arabian history, — securing for himself the foremost rank in that difficult department of letters, which has been illumined by the labors of a Masdeu, a Casiri, and a Conde. To the materials derived from these sources I have added some manuscripts of an important character from V.'ii PREFACE the library of the Escorial. These, which chiefly relate to the ancient institutions of Peru, formed part of the splendid collection of Lord Kingsborough, which has unfortunately shared the lot of most literary collections, and been dispersed, since the death of its noble author. For these I am indebted to that industrious bibliogra- pher Mr. O. Rich, now resident in London. Lastly, I must not omit to mention my obligations, in another way, to my friend Charles Folsom, Esq., the learned librarian of the Boston Athenaeum, whose minute ac- quaintance with the grammatical structure and the true idiom of our English tongue has enabled me to correct many inaccuracies into which I had fallen in the com- position both of this and of my former works. From these different quarters I have accumulated a large amount of manuscripts, of the most various char- acter and from the most authentic sources ; royal grants and ordinances, instructions of the court, letters of the emperor to tlie great colonial officers, municipal records, personal diaries and memoranda, and a mass of private correspondence of the principal actors in this turbulent drama. Perhaps it was the turbulent state of the country which led to a more frequent corre- spondence between the government at home and the colonial officers. But, whatever be the cause, the col- lection of manuscript materials in reference to Peru is fuller and more complete than that which relates to Mexico ; so that there is scarcely a nook or corner so obscure, in the path of the adventurer, that some light has not been thrown on it by the written correspond- ence of the period. The historian has rather had occasion to complain of the embarras des richesses ; for PREFACE. - IX in the multiplicity of contradictory testimony it is not always easy to detect the truth, as the multiplicity of cross-lights is apt to dazzle and bewilder the eye of the spectator. The present History has been conducted on the same general plan with that of the Conquest of Mexico. In an Introductory Book I have endeavored to portray the institutions of the Incas, that the reader may be ac- quainted with the character and condition of that ex- traordinary race before he enters on the story of their subjugation. The remaining books are occupied with the narrative of the Conquest. And here the subject, it must be allowed, notwithstanding the opportunities it presents for the display of character, strange romantic incident, and picturesque scenery, does not afford so obvious advantages to the historian as the Conquest of Mexico. Indeed, few subjects can present a parallel with that, for the purposes either of the historian or the poet. The natural development of the story, there, is precisely what would be prescribed by the severest rules of art. The conquest of the country is the great end always in the view of the reader. From the first landing of the Spaniards on the soil, their subsequent adventures, their battles and negotiations, their ruin- ous retreat, their rally and final siege, all tend to this grand result, till the long series is closed by the down- fall of the capital. In the march of events, all moves steadily forward to this consummation. It is a mag- nificent epic, in which the unity of interest is com- plete. In the " Conquest of Peru," the action, so far as it is founded on the subversion of the Incas, terminates X PREFACE. long before the close of the narrative. The remaining portion is taken up with the fierce feuds of the Con- querors, which would seem, from their very nature, to be incapable of being gathered round a central point of interest. To secure this, we must look beyond the immediate overthrow of the Indian empire. The con- quest of the natives is but the first step, to be followed by the conquest of the Spaniards — the rebel Span- iards — themselves, till the supremacy of the crown is permanently established over the country. It is not till this period that the acquisition of this transatlantic empire can be said to be completed ; and by fixing the eye on this remoter point the successive steps of the narrative will be found leading to one great result, and that unity of interest preserved which is scarcely less essential to historic than dramatic composition. How far this has been effected in the present work must be left to the judgment of the reader. No history of the Conquest of Peru, founded on original documents and aspiring to the credit of a classic composition, like the "Conquest of Mexico" by Solis, has been attempted, so far as I am aware, by the Spaniards. The English possess one of high value, from the pen of Robertson, whose masterly sketch occupies its due space in his great work on America. It has been my object to exhibit this same story in all its romantic details ; not merely to portray the charac- teristic features of the Conquest, but to fill up the out- line with the coloring of life, so as to present a minute and faithful picture of the times. For this purpose, 1 have, in the composition of the work, availed myself freely of my manuscript materials, allowed the actors . PREFACE. xi to speak as much as possible for. themselves, and espe- cially made frequent use of their letters ; for nowhere is the heart more likely to disclose itself than in the freedom of private correspondence. I have made liberal extracts from these authorities in the notes, both to sustain the text, and to put in a printed form those productions of the eminent captains and states- men of the time, which are not very accessible to Spaniards themselves. M. Amedee Pichot, in the Preface to the French translation of the " Conquest of Mexico," infers from the plan of the composition that I must have carefully studied the writings of his countryman M. de Barante. The acute critic does me but justice in supposing me familiar with the principles of that writer's historical theory, so ably developed in the Preface to his " Dues de Bourgogne." And I have had occasion to admire the skilful manner in which he illustrates this theory himself, by constructing out of the rude materials of a distant time a monument of genius that transports us at once into the midst of the Feudal Ages, — and this without the incongruity which usually attaches to a modern-antique. In like manner I have attempted to seize the characteristic expression of a distant age and to exhibit it in the freshness of life. But in an essen- tial particular I have deviated from the plan of the French historian. I have suffered the scaffolding to remain after the building has been completed. In other words, I have shown to the reader the steps of the process by which I have come to my conclusions. Instead of requiring him to take my version of the story on trust, I have endeavored to give him a reason xii PREFACE. for my faith. By copious citations from the original authorities, and by such critical notices of them as would explain to him the influences to which they were subjected, I have endeavored to put him in a position for judging for himself, and thus for revising, and, if need be, reversing, the judgments of the historian. He will, at any rate, by this means, be enabled to estimate the difficulty of arriving at truth amidst the conflict of testimony; and he will learn to place little reliance on those writers who pronounce on the myste- rious past with what Fontenelle calls "a frightful degree of certainty," — a spirit the most opposite to that of the true philosophy of history. Yet it must be admitted that the chronicler who records the events of an earlier age has some obvious advantages in the store of manuscript materials at his command, — the statements of friends, rivals, and ene- mies furnishing a wholesome counterpoise to each other, — and also in the general course of events, as they actually occurred, affording the best commentary on the true motives of the parties. The actor, engaged in the heat of the strife, finds his view bounded by the circle around him, and his vision blinded by the smoke and dust of the conflict ; while the spectator, whose eye ranges over the ground from a more distant and elevated point, though the individual objects may lose somewhat of their vividness, takes in at a glance all the operations of the field. Paradoxical as it may a])pear, truth founded on contemporary testimony would seem, after all, as likely to be attained by the writer of a later day as by contemporaries themselves. Before closing these remarks, I may be permitted to PREFACE. xiii add a few of a personal nature. In several foreign notices of my writings, the author has been said to be blind ; and more than once I have had the credit of having lost my sight in the composition of my first his- tory. When I have met with such erroneous accounts, I liave hastened to correct them. But the present occa- sion affords me the best means of doing so ; and I am the more desirous of this as I fear some of my own remarks, in the Prefaces to my former histories, have led to the mistake. While at the University, I received an injury in one of my eyes, which deprived me of the sight of it. The other, soon after, was attacked by inflanimation so severely that for some time I lost the sight of that also ; and, though it was subsequently restored, the organ was so much disordered as to remain permanently debili- tated, while twice in my life, since, I have been deprived of the use of it for all purposes of reading and writing, for several years together. It was during one of these periods that I received from Madrid the materials for the "History of Ferdinand and Isabella," and in my disabled condition, with my transatlantic treasures lying around me, I was like one pining from hunger in the midst of abundance. In this state, I resolved to make the ear, if possible, do the. work of the eye. I procured the services of a secretary, who read to me the various authorities; and in time I' became so far familiar with the sounds of the different foreign languages (to some of which, indeed, I had been previously accustomed by a residence abroad) that I could comprehend his reading without much difficulty. As the reader pro- ceeded, I dictated copious notes ; and when these had B xiv PREFACE. swelled to a considerable amount they were read to me repeatedly, till I had mastered their contents sufficiently for the purposes of composition. The same notes fur- nished an easy means of reference to sustain the text. Still another difficulty occurred, in the mechanical labor of writing, which I found a severe trial to the eye. This was remedied by means of a writing-case, such as is used by the blind, which enabled me to com- mit -my thoughts to paper without the aid of sight, serving me equally well in the dark as in the light. The characters thus formed made a near approach to hieroglyphics ; but my secretary became expert in the art of deciphering, and a fair copy — with a liberal allbwance for unavoidable blunders — was transcribed for the use of the printer. I have described the pro- cess with more minuteness, as some curiosity has been repeatedly expressed in reference to my modus operandi under my privations, and the knowledge of it may be of some assistance to others in similar circumstances. Though I was encouraged by the sensible progress of my work, it was necessarily slow. But in time the tendency to inflammation diminished, and the strength of the eye was confirmed more and more. It was at length so far restored that I could read for several hours of the day, though my labors in this way necessarily terminated with the daylight. Nor could I ever dis- pense with the services of a secretary, or with the wricing-case ; for, contrary to the usual experience, I have found writing a severer trial to the eye than read- ing, — a remark, however, which does not ai)ply to the reading of manuscript; and to enable myself, therefore, to revise my composition more carefully, I caused a PREFACE. XV copy of the "History of Ferdinand and Isabella" to be printed for my own inspection before it was sent to the press for publication. Such as I have described was the improved state of my health during the prepa- ration of the "Conquest of Mexico;" and, satisfied with being raised so nearly to a level with the rest of my species, I scarcely envied the superior good fortune of those who could prolong their studies into the even- ing and the later hours of the night. But a change has again taken place during the last two years. The sight of my eye has become gradually dimmed, while the sensibility of the nerve has been so far increased that for several weeks of the last year I have not opened a volume, and through the whole time I have not had the use of it, on an average, for more than an hour a day. Nor can I cheer myself with the delusive expectation that, impaired as the organ has become from having been tasked, probably, beyond its strength, it can ever renew its youth, or be of much service to me hereafter in my literary researches. Whether I shall have the heart to enter, as I had pro- posed, on a new and more extensive field of historical labor, with these impediments, I cannot say. Perhaps long habit, and a natural desire to follow up the career which I have so long pursued, may make this, in a manner, necessary, as my past experience has already proved that it is practicable. From this statement — too long, I fear, for his pa- tience — the reader who feels any curiosity about the matter will understand the real extent of my embar- rassments in my historical pursuits. That they have not been very light will be readily admitted, when it xvi PREFACE. is considered that I have had but a limited use of my eye in its best state, and that much of the time I have been debarred from the use of it altogetlier. Yet the difficulties I have had to contend with are very far inferior to those which fall to the lot of a blind man. I know of no historian now alive who can claim the glory of having overcome such obstacles, but the author of "La Conquete de I'Angleterre par les Normands;" who, to use his own touching and beautiful language, "has made himself the friend of darkness," and who, to a profound philosophy that requires no light but that from within, unites a capacity for extensive and various research, that might well demand the severest application of the student. The remarks into which I have been led at such length will, I trust, not be set down by the reader to an unworthy egotism, but to their true source, a desire to correct a misapprehension to which I may have un- intentionally given rise myself, and which has gained me the credit with some — far from grateful to my feelings, since undeserved — of having surmounted the incalculable obstacles which lie in the path of the blind man. Boston, April 2, 1847. GENERAL CONTENTS. BOOK I. INTRODUCTION.— VIEW OF THE CIVILIZATION OF THE INCAS. BOOK II. DISCOVERY OF PERU. BOOK III. CONQUEST OF PERU. BOOK IV. CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. BOOK V. SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. APPENDIX. 2* ( xvii ) CONTENTS OF VOL. I. BOOK I. INTRODUCTION.— VIEW OF THE CIVILIZATION OF THE INCAS. CHAPTER I. PAGB Physical Aspect of the Country.— Sources of Peru- vian Civilization. — Empire of the Incas. — Royal Family.— Nobility 3 Extent of the Peruvian Empire 4 Its Topographical Aspect 5 Unfavorable to Husbandry ....... 6 Natural Impediments overcome 7 Source of Civilization ........ 8 Children of the Sun 9 Other Traditions lo Their Uncertainty ii Conquests of the Incas i6 City of Cuzco 17 Fortress of Cuzco ........ 18 Its remarkable Structure ........19 Queen of the Inca ........ 21 Heir-apparent .....«..•• 22 Order of Chivalry ........ 23 Ceremonies of Admission 24 Inca a Despot 26 His Dress ..........27 Intercourse vv'ith the People ....... 27 Progresses through the Country 28 Royal Palaces 29 (xix) XX CONTENTS. FACB Their gorgeous Decorations 30 Gardens of Yucay 31 All closed at the Inca's Death 33 Obsequies of the Incas ....... 33 Their Bodies preserved ........ 34 Produced at Festivals 35 Inca Nobles 36 Their exclusive Privileges 37 Curacas 38 Inca NobiUty the highest ..,•... 3q CHAPTER 11. Orders of the State. — Provisions for Justice. — Divis- ion OF Lands. — Revenues and Registers.— Great Roads and Posts. — Military Tactics and Policy . 43 Name of Peru 44 Divisions of the Empire 45 Tribunals of Justice 46 Character of the Laws ........ 47 Simple Administration of Justice ..... 48 Threefold Distribution of Lands ...... 50 Division renewed yearly ....... 51 Agrarian Law 52 The Land cultivated by the People 53 Appropriation and Care of the Llamas 54 Woollen Manufactures 55 Labor in Peru v^ .... 56 Registers and Sur\'eys by Government .... 57 Rotation of Labor 58 Magazines of Products and Manufactures .... 59 Taxation borne wholly by the People . . . . .62 No Room for Progress 62 No Pauperism 63 Monuments of Peruvian Industry 64 Great Roads 64 Suspension Bridges 66 Caravansaries, or Tambos 68 System of Posts 69 CONTENTS. XXI PAGB Relays of Couriers 7° Military Policy of the Incas Conquests in the Name of Religion Peruvian Army .... Arms and Armor Military Quarters and Magazines Lenient Policy in War Religion of the Conquered Nations Disposition of the Conquered Territoiy Quichua Language Mitimaes ..... Unity of Purpose in Peruvian Institutions Domestic Quiet their Aim Religious Character of Peruvian Wars Singular Harmony in their Empire 87 72 72 73 74 75 77 78 79 81 82 84 85 86 CHAPTER III. Peruvian Religion. — Deities. — Gorgeous Temples Festivals. — Virgins of the Sun. — Marriage. Religion of the American Races Peruvian Notions of a Future Life Embalming and Burial Idea of God .... Worship of the Sun . Inferior Deities Temple of the Sun at Cuzco Its Richness and Splendor Temples of inferior Deities Utensils and Ornaments of Gold Proofs of ancient Magnificence . High Priest .... Sacerdotal Order Duties of Priests Festival of Raymi Human Sacrifices rare . Sacred Flame .... Religious Ceremony ''ircins of the Sun 91 92 93 95 96 99 100 lOI lOI 103 105 105 106 106 io3 no III xxii CONTENTS. PAGS Convents "3 Brides of the Inca • uS Marriage universal Ii6 Provisions for Marriage II7 CHAPTER IV. Education. — Quipus. — Astronomy. — Agriculture. — Aqueducts. — Guano. — Important Esculents . . 120 Education in Peru 120 Seminaries and Amautas 121 Quipus and Quipucamayus 122 Method of transmitting History 124 Various Symbols of Thought 125 Quipus the poorest 125 Traditional Minstrelsy 127 Quichua Dialect 127 Theatrical Exhibitions 128 Division of Time 129 Regulated by the Equinoxes 130 Little Progress in Astronomy 131 The Inca's Care of Agriculture 133 System of Irrigation 134 Aqueducts 135 Terraces on the Sierra 136 Guano 138 Substitute for the Plough 139 Fairs 140 Variety of Products 141 Indian Com 143 Cuca . . • 143 Potatoes 144 CHAPTER V. Peruvian Sheep.— Great Hunts. — Manufactures. — Me- chanical Skill. — Architecture. — Concluding Re- flections 146 Advantages for Manufactures 147 The Llama J47 CONTENTS. xxiii PAGE Alpacas .....,,,,. 149 Huanacos and Vicunas ........ 149 Great annual Hunts 150 \yooIlen Manufactures ........ 152 Division of Mechanical Labor 153 Extraordinary Dexterity in the Arts 154 No Use of Iron 155 Gold and Silver 156 Architecture a Test of Civilization 157 Peruvian Architecture 158 Houses 160 Their Simplicity of Construction 161 Adaptation to Climate 161 Comparison between the Inca and Aztec Races . . . 163 In Policy and Religion 164 In Science 165 Peruvian and Eastern Empires 167 The Incas perfect Despots ....... 168 Careful of the People 170 No Free Agency in Peru 170 No Idleness or Poverty 171 Influence of Government on Character 174 Life and Works of Sarmiento 177 And of Polo de Ondegardo 181 BOOK II. DISCOVERY OF PERU. CHAPTER I. \ncient and modern science. — art of navigation. — Maritime Discovery. — Spirit of the Spaniards. — Possessions in the New World.— Rumors concern- ing Peru 187 Introductory Remarks ....... 187 Progress in Navigation 191 XxW CONTENTS. PA<» Early Voyages of Discovery 19a Discovery of America 193 Romantic Expectations 194 Nortliern and Southern Adventurers 19S Extent of Discovery 196 Balboa reaches the Pacific 197 Colonial Policy 198 Pedro Arias de Avila 200 Foundation of Panami 201 First Southern Expedition 202 Rumors respecting Peru 203 CHAPTER II. Francisco Pizarro.— His Early History. — First Expe- dition TO THE South. — Distresses of the Voyagers, — Sharp Encounters.— Return to Panama.— Alma- GRo's Expedition 204 Francisco Pizarro's Early Life 205 He goes to Hispaniola 206 Various Adventures 206 He accompanies Pedrarias to Panama 207 Southern Expeditions 208 Almagro and Luque 209 Their Union with Pizarro 210 First Expedition for Discovery 211 Pizarro takes Command of it 213 Enters the River Bini ........ 213 Distresses on Shore 213 Pursues his Voyage along the Coast 214 Heavy Tempests 214 Puts back and lands ........ 214 Great Sufferings of the Spaniards 215 Montenegro sent back for Supplies 217 Indian Village 218 Great Distresses during his Absence 220 He returns with Assistance 220 Uncertainty of the Spaniards 221 I'hey proceed farther South 221 CONTEiVTS. XXV PAGB Traces of Cannibalism ........ 222 Pizarro reconnoitres the Country 223 Fierce Conflict with the N;itivcs 224 Danger of Pizarro 225 He sends back his Vessel ....... 226 Adventures of Alinagro 227 He joins Pizarro 228 Returns to Panamd ........ 229 CHAPTER III. The famous Contract. — Second Expedition. — Ruiz ex- plores THE Coast. — Pizarro's Sufferings in the Forest. — Arrival of new Recruits. — Fresh Dis- coveries AND Disasters. — Pizarro on the Isle of Gallo 230 Almagro coolly received by Pedrarias .... 230 Influence of Fernando de Luque 231 Narrow Views of the Governor 232 His subsequent History 234 Pizarro, Almagro, and Luque 235 Famous Contract for discovering Peru 236 Religious Tone assumed in it 237 Motives of the Conquerors ....... 237 Luque's Share in the Enteiprise ...... 238 Preparations for the Voyage ....... 239 Insufficiency of Supplies ....... 240 Sailing of the Armament 241 Almagro returns to Panamd 241 The Pilot Ruiz e.\plores the Coast 242 Indian Balsas 243 Signs of higher Civilization ....... 244 Returns with Indian Captives ...... 245 Fizarro's Journey into the Interior ...... 245 Frightful Difliculties of the March 246 Altnagro returns with Recruits 2-17 They continue their Voyage ...... 248 Thickly-settled Country , . 249 Gold and Precious Stones ....... 250 Peru. — Vol. I. — c 2 xvi CONTENTS. rAGB Warlike Aspect of the Natives 251 Deliberations of the Spaniards 252 Dispute between Pizarro and Almagro 253 The latter returns to Panamd 254 Pizarro remains at the Isle of Gallo 255 His Followers discontented 255 Send home a secret Letter 2:^6 CHAPTER IV. Indignation of the Governor. — Stern Resolution of Pizarro. — Prosecution of the Voyage. — Brilliant Aspect of Tu.mbez.— Discoveries along the Coast. — Return to Pa.na.ma. — Piz.arro embai Spain Pizarro ordered to return . He refuses .... His bold Resolution . Tliirteen adhere to him . Pizarro's heroic Constancy . Remove to the Isle of Gorgona Efforts of Luque and Almagro Succors sent to Pizarro . He continues his Voyage . Enters the Gulf of Guayaquil Lands at Tumbez Kind Reception by its Inhabitants Visit of an Inca Noble Adventure pf Molina Pedro dc Candia sent on Shore . Kindly treated by the Natives Reports of the Riches of the Place Joy of the Spaniards Pizarro again steers for the South Tossed about by Tempests Touches at various Points of the Coast Splendid Accounts of the Peruvian Empire Arrives at the Port of Santa Homeward Voyage KS FOR 2SS 2S9 260 260 261 E62 264 26s 266 267 268 269 270 271 272 274 275 275 277 278 278 279 279 281 283 CONTENTS. XXV ii PAGB Lands at Santa Cruz ........ 28a Entertained by an Indian Princess 282 Continues his Voyage to Panamd ..... 284 Joy and Triumpli of his Associates 284 Coldness of the Governor ....... 285 Pizarro goes as Envoy to Spain 287 Notice of Garcilasso de la Vega 288 His Life and Writings 289 Character of his Worlcs 290 BOOK III. CONQUEST OF PERU. CHAPTER I. PiZARRo's Reception at Court. — His Capitulation with THE Crown. — He visrrs his Birthplace. — Returns to the New World. — Difficulties with Almagro. — His Third Expedition. — Rich Indian Booty.— Battles in the Isle of Puna 297 Pizarro in Spain . 297 Gracious Reception at Court 298 Relates his Adventures to the Emperor .... 299 His Capitulation with the Crown 301 Dignities conferred on him 301 Provisions in Behalf of the Natives 304 Grasping Spirit of Pizarro ....... 305 He visits his Birthplace 307 The Pizarro Family . 308 His Brother Hernando 308 Obstacles to the Expedition 310 Sails and crosses to Nombre de Dios . . , . • 311 Almagro greatly discontented ...... 311 CONTEiVTS. A Rupture with Difficult}' prevented Expedition fitted out at PanamA Pizarro's final Voyage to Peru Driven into tlie Bay of St. Matthew Lands his Forces .... Plunders an Indian Village Division of Spoil He marches along the Coast Sufferings and Discontent of the They reach Puerto Viejo Joined by Reinforcements Cross to Isle of Puna . Conspiracy of its Inliabitants They attack the Spanish Camp Arrival of De Soto with Recruits Spaniards PACI 315 315 316 3'7 3'S 319 32c 321 321 322 3^3 324 CHAPTER II. Peru at the Time of the Conquest. — Reign of Huayna Capac. — The Inca Brothers.— Contest for the Em- pire. — Triumph and Cruelties of Atahuallpa . 327 The Inca Huayna Capac ....... 327 His Apprehensions respecting the Wliite Men . . . 529 Prognostics of Trouble in Peru 329 Atahuallpa the Inca's Son 33-2 Shares the Empire with his Brother Huascar . . . 332 Causes of Jealousy between them 335 Commencement of Hostilities . . . . . . 36 Huascar's Forces defeated ....... 337 Ravage of Canaris 337 Atahuallpa marches on Cuzco ...... 338 His Victory at Quipaypan 339 Capture of Huascar ........ 340 .Accounts of Atahuallpa's Cniclties 3.I i Reasons for doubting their Accuracy ..... 342 At.-ihuallpa's Triumph 344 His Want of Foresight . 314 COA7'£X7^S. XXIX CHAPTER III. PAGB The Spaniards land at Tumbez. — Pizarro reconnoi- tres THE Country. — Foundation of San Miguel. — March into the Interior. — Embassy from the Inca. — Adventures on the March. — Reach the Foot of THE Andes 346 Spaniards pass over to Tumbez 346 The Place deserted and dismantled 347 Its Curaca captured 348 Pizarro reconnoitres the Country ..... 350 His conciliating Policy . . . . ... , -351 He founds San Miguel 352 Learns the State of the Kingdom 354 Determines to strike into the Interior .... 355 His probable Intentions ........ 355 Boldness of the Enterprise 356 Marches through the Level Country ..... 357 Hospitality of the Natives 358 Discontent in the Army ........ 359 Pizarro's E.\pedient to quiet it 359 Reception at Zaran . . . . . . , .361 Envoy from the Inca 362 Courteously received by Pizarro 363 His Message to the Inca ....... 364 De Soto's E.\pedition 364 His Accounts of the Indian Empire ..... 365 March towards Caxamalca ....... 367 Contradictory Information ....... 368 Emissary to Atahuallpa ........ 369 Effective Eloquence of Pizarro ...... 371 CHAPTER IV. Severe Passage of the .^ndes. — Embassies from Ata- huallpa. — The Spaniards re.a.ch Caxamalca. — Em- bassy TO the Inca. — Interview with the Inca. — Despondency of the Spaniards 373 March over the Andes ....... 373 C* XXX CONTENTS. PAGH Fearful Passes of the Sierra 374 Toilsome and Dangerous Ascent 374 Mountain Fortresses 375 The Army gain the Summit 376 Indian Embassy • • . . . 377 Lofty Tone of Pizarro . 378 Return of the Spanish Envoy 379 Different Accounts of Atahuallpa 380 Bold Descent of the Cordilleras 380 Beautiful Valley of Caxamalca 3S1 Imposing View of the Peruvian Camp 381 Entrance into Caxamalca 382 Description of the City 383 De Soto sent to Atahuallpa 385 His Interview with the Monarch 388 Haughty Demeanor of the Latter 389 His Reply to Pizarro 389 Soto's Exhibition of Horsemanship 390 Gloomy Forebodings of the Spaniards 391 Courage of Pizarro 392 Daring Plan for seizing the Inca 393 Reasons for its Adoption 394 CHAPTER V. Desperate Plan of Pizarro. — Atahuallpa visits the Spaniards. — Horrible Massacre. — The Inca a Pris- oner. — Conduct of the Conquerors. — Splendid Promises of the Inca.— Death of Huascar . . 397 Disposition of the Spanish Troops 397 Religious Ceremonies . 398 Approach of the Inca 399 Designs not to enter the Town 401 Disappointment of the Spaniards 401 Atahuallpa changes his Purpose 402 Leaves his Warriors behind 402 Enters the great Square 403 Urged to embrace Christianity 405 He rejects it with Disdain 406 CONTENTS. xxxi PACK General Attack of the Spaniards 408 Bloody Massacre of the Peruvians 409 Seizure of Atahuallpa 411 Dispersion of his Army .' . 412 Demeanor of the Captive Monarch 414 His probable Designs ........ 414 Courteously treated by Pizarro 415 Indian Prisoners 418 Rich Spoils of the Inca 419 Magnificent Offer of Atahuallpa 421 Accepted by Pizarro 421 Inca's Mode of Life in Captivity 423 Refuses to embrace Christianity ...... 424 Assassination of his Brother Huascar 425 . CHAPTER VI. GOI.D ARRIVES FOR THE RANSOM. — VISIT TO PACHACAMAC. — Demolition of the Idol.— The Inca's favorite General. — The Inca's Life in Confinement.— En- voys' Conduct in Cuzco. — Arrival of Almagro . 428 Slow Arrival of the Ransom . . . . ^. . 428 Rumors of an Indian Rising 429 Emissaries sent to Cuzco ....... 430 City and Temple of Pachacamac 430 Hernando Pizarro's March thither 431 Great Road of the Inca. 431 Herds of Llamas 433 Rich Cultivation of the Valleys 433 Hernando's Arrival at the City 434 Forcible Entry into the Temple ...... 435 Horror of the Natives 435 Destruction of the Indian Idol 436 Small Amount of Booty ....... 437 ' Hernando marches against Challcuchima .... 438 Persuades him to visit Caxamalca ..... 439 Interview of Atahuallpa with his General .... 440 The Inca's absolute Authority .... 441 His Personal Habits and Appearance 441 xxxn CONTENTS. Return of the Emissaries from Cuzco Magnificent Reports of the City They stripped tlie Gold from the Temples Their Insolence and Rapacity Return with Loads of Treasure . Almagro arrives in Peru .... Brings a large Reinforcement Joins Pizarro's Camp .... Suoerstitious Bodings of Atahuallpa . PACB 442 443 444 444 445 445 445 447 448 CHAPTER VII. Immense Amount of Treasure. — Its Division among THE Troops. — Rumors of a Rising. — Trial of the Inca.— His Execution.— Reflections . . . 450 Division of the Inca's Ransom 450 Hernando takes the Royal Fifth to Spain .... 452 His Jealousy of Almagro 452 Enormous Amount of the Treasure ..... 453 Difficulties in its Distribution 455 Shares of the Pizarros 457 Those of tl\e Soldiers 457 Exclusion of Almagro and his Followers .... 458 Preparations for the March to Cuzco 459 The Inca demands his Liberty 460 Equivocal Conduct of Pizarro 461 The Interpreter Felipillo 462 The Inca charged with exciting Insurrection . . . 463 His Protestations of Innocence • 463 His Apprehensions 464 Fears and Murmurs of the Spaniards 465 They demand the Inca's Death 465 He is brought to Trial 466 Charges against him ....*.... 466 Condemned to be burnt alive 468 Some protest against the Sentence 468 The Inca entirely unmanned 469 His earnest Entreaties for Mercy 470 Led to Execution 471 CONTENTS. Abjures his Religion .... Perishes by the Garrote . His Character and Appearance» . Funeral Obsequies .... Return of De Solo .... His Indignation and Astonishment Reflections on the Inca's Treatment . Responsibility of Pizarro Motives of Personal Pique . Views of Chroniclers respecting the Execution CXXlll PA<.8 472 . 472 473 . 474 475 • 476 477 . 478 48.1 . 481 CHAPTER VIII. nisoRDEKS IN Peru. — March to Cuzxo. — Encounter WITH THE Natives. — Challcuchi.ma burnt. — Ar- rival IN Cuzco. — Description of the City. — Treasure found there 483 Atithority of the Inca in Peru 4S3 Effects of Atahuallpa's Death 4S4 New Inca appointed by Pizarro 485 March to Cuzco ......... 486 Formidable Mountain-Passes ...... 487 Tedious and painful Route ....... 488 Conflict with the Indians 4S9 Pizarro halts at Xauxa 490 De Soto sent forward 490 Furiously assaulted in the Sierra 491 Fierce Battle with the Indians ...... 491 Apprehensions of the Spaniards 492 Arrival of Succors 493 The Peruvians retreat 494 Challcuchima accused of Conspiracy ..... 495 Death of the Inca Toparca 496 Rich Vale of Xaquixaguana ...... 497 Trial and Condemnation of Challcuchima .... 497 Burned alive before the Army ^98 Spaniards arrive at Cuzco 500 Entrance into the Capital , . 501 Its large Population ........ soa xxxiv CONTENTS. PAGE Gorgeous Edifices 503 Its massive Fortress ........ 504 Temple of the Sun 505 Plunder of the Public Buildings 506 Amount of Treasure secured 507 Its Division among the Troops 508 Its Effect upon the Spaniards 509 BOOK FIRST. INTRODUCTION. VIEW OF THE CIVILIZATION OF THE INCAS Peru.— Vol. I. — A CONQUEST OF PERU. BOOK I. INTRODUCTION. VIEW OF THE CIVILIZATION OF THE INCAS. CHAPTER I. PHYSICAL ASPECT OF THE COUNTRY. — SOURCES OF PERU- VIAN CIVILIZATION. — EMPIRE OF THE INCAS. — ROYAL FAMILY. — NOBILITY. Of the numerous nations which occupied the great American continent at the time of its discovery by the Europeans, the two most advanced in power and re- finement were undoubtedly those of Mexico and Peru. But, though resembling one another in extent of civili- zation, they differed widely as to the nature of it; and the philosophical student of his species may feel a natural curiosity to trace the different steps by which these two nations strove to emerge from the state of barbarism and place themselves on a higher point in the scale of humanity. In a former work I have en- deavored to exhibit the institutions and character of the ancient Mexicans, and the story of their conquest by the Spaniards. The present will be devoted to the (3) 4 CIVILIZATION OF THE INC AS. Peruvians ; and, if their history shall be found to pre- sent less strange anomalies and striking contrasts than that of the Aztecs, it may interest us quite as much by the pleasing picture it offers of a well-regulated govern- ment and sober habits of industry under the patriarchal sway of the Incas. The empire of Peru, at the period of the Spanish invasion, stretched along the Pacific from about the second degree north to the thirty-seventh degree of south latitude; a line, also, which describes the western boundaries of the modern republics of Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, and Chili. Its breadth cannot so easily be determined ; for, though bounded everywhere by the great ocean on the west, towards the east it spread out, in many parts, considerably beyond the mountains, to the confines of barbarous states, whose exact position is undetermined, or whose names are effaced from the map of history. It is certain, however, that its breadth was altogether disproportioned to its length.' The topographical aspect of the country is very re- markable. A strip of land, rarely exceeding twenty leagues in width, runs along the coast, and is hemmed in through its whole extent by a colossal range of mountains, which, advancing from the Straits of Magel- « Sarmiento, Relacion, MS., cap. 65.* — Cieza de Leon, Cronica oel Peru (Anvers, 1554), cap. 41. — Garcilasso de la Vega, Commen- taries Reales (Lisboa, 1609), Parte i, lib. i, cap. 8. — .According to the last authority, the empire, in its greatest breadth, did not exxeed jne hundred and twenty leagues. But Garcilasso's geography will not bear criticism. • [In regard to the real authorship of the work erroneously attrib- uted by Prescott to Juan de Sarmiento, see infra, p. 178, note. — ED.] PHYSICAL ASPECT OF THE COUNTRY. S Ian, reaches its highest elevation — indeed, the highest on the American continent — about the seventeenth degree south,* and, after crossing the line, gradually subsides into hills of inconsiderable magnitude, as it enters the Isthmus of Panama. This is the famous Cordillera of the Andes, or "copper mountains,"^ as termed by the natives, though they might with more reason have been called "mountains of gold." Arranged sometimes in a single line, though more frequently in two or three lines running parallel or obliquely to each other, they seem to the voyager on the ocean but one continuous chain ; while the huge volcanoes, which to the inhabitants of the table-land look like solitary and independent masses, appear to him only like so many peaks of the same vast and magnificent range. So immense is the scale on which Nature works in these regions that it is oiily when viewed from a great distance that the spectator can in any degree comprehend the relation of the several ' According to Malte-Brun, it is under the equator that we meet with the loftiest summits of this chain. (Universal Geography, Eng. trans., book 86.) But more recent measurements have shown this to be between fifteen and seventeen degrees south, where the Nevado de Sorata rises to the enormous height of 25,250 feet, and the Illimani to 24,300.* 3 At least, the word anta, which has been thought to furnish tlia etymology of Andes, in the Peruvian tongue, signified " ccpper."f Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte i, lib. 5, cap. 14. * [It is now known that the Andes nowhere attain the ele- itions here mentioned, and the height of Sorata and Illimani, as st;ued by the latest autliorities, is 21,286 and 21,149 f^^t respectively. — Ed.] f [But this etymology has not been generally accepted, and it is in fact highly improbable. The real derivation, as Humboldt remarks, is " lost in the obscurity of the past." — Ed.] I* 6 CIVILIZATION OF THE INC AS. parts to the stupendous whole. Few of the works of Nature, indeed, are calculated to produce impressions of higher sublimity than the aspect of this coast, as it is gradually unfolded to the eye of the mariner sailing on the distant waters of the Pacific ; where mountain is seen to rise above mountain, and Chimborazo, with its glorious canopy of snow, glittering far above the clouds, crowns the whole* as with a celestial diadem.'* The face of the country would appear to be pecu- liarly unfavorable to the purposes both of agriculture and of internal communication. The sandy strip along the coast, where rain rarely falls, is fed only by a few scanty streams, that furnish a remarkable contrast to the vast volumes of water which roll down the eastern sides of the Cordilleras into the Atlantic. The pre- cipitous steeps of the sierra, with its splintered sides of porphyry and granite, and its higher regions wrapped in snows that never melt under the fierce sun of the equator, unless it be from the desolating action of its own volcanic fires, might seem equally unpropitious to the labors of the husbandman. And all communica- tion between the parts of the long-extended territory 4 Humboldt, Vues des Cordill^res et Monumens des Peuples in- digenes de I'Amerique (Paris, 1810), p. 106. — Malte-Rrun, book 88. — The few brief sketches which M. de Humboldt has given of the scenery of the Cordilleras, showing the hand of a great painter, as welLas of a philosopher, make us regret the more that he has not given the results of his observations in this interesting region as mi- nutely as he has done in respect to Mexico. ♦ [Chimborazo (21,420 feet), formerly supposed to be the highest peak of the Andes, is surpassed by several summits in Peru, and by Aconcagua, in Chili (23,200, or, according to Captains Fitzroy and Beechey, 23,910 feet), the highest elevation in South America. — Ed.] PHYSICAL ASPECT OF THE COUNTRY. >j might be thought to be precluded by the savage char- acter of the region, broken up by precipices, furious torrents, and impassable quebradas, — those hideous rents in the mountain-chain, whose depths the eye of the terrified traveller, as he winds along his aerial path- way, vainly endeavors to fathom. ^ Yet the industry, we miglit almost say the genius, of the Indian was suffi- cient to' overcome all these impediments of Nature. By a judicious system of canals and subterraneous aqueducts, the waste places on the coast were refreshed by copious streams, that clothed them in fertility and beauty. Terraces were raised upon the steep sides of the Cordillera; and, as the different elevations had the effect of difference of latitude, they exhibited in regular gradation every variety of vegetable form, from the stimulated growth of the tropics to the temperate pro- ducts of a northern clime; while flocks of llaitias — the Peruvian sheep — wandered with their shepherds over the broad, snow-covered wastes on the crests of the sierra, which rose beyond the limits of cultivation. An industrious population settled along the lofty regions of the plateaus, and towns and hamlets, clustering amidst orchards and wide-spreading gardens, seemed suspended in the air far above the ordinary elevation of the clouds.* Intercourse was maintained between 5 " These crevices are so deep," says M. de Humboldt, with his usual vivacity of illustration, " that if Vesuvius or the Puy de Dome were seated in the bottom of them, they would not rise above the level of the ridges of the neighboring sierra." Vues des Cordill^res, p. 9. * The plains of Quito are at the height of between nine and ten thousand feet above the sea. (See Condamine, Journal d'un Voyage k rfequateur (Paris, 1751), p. 48.) Other valleys or plateaus in this vast group of mountains reach a still higher elevation. 8 CIVILIZATION OF THE INC AS. these numerous settlements by means of the great roads which traversed the mountain-passes and opened an easy communication between the capital and the re- motest extremities of the empire. The source of this civilization is traced to the valley of Cuzco, the central region of Peru, as its name im- plies.' The origin of the Peruvian empire, like the origin of all nations, except the very few which, like our own, have had the good fortune to date from a civilized period and people, is lost in the mists of fable, which, in fact, have settled as darkly round its history as round that of any nation, ancient or modern, in the Old World. According to the tradition most familiar to the European scholar, the time was when the ancient races of the continent were all plunged in deplorable barbarism; when they worshipped nearly every object in nature indiscriminately, made war their pastime, and feasted on the flesh of their slaughtered captives. The Sun, the great luminary and parent of mankind, taking compassion on their degraded condition, sent two of his children, Manco Capac and Mama Oello Huaco, to gather the natives into communities and teach them- the. arts of civilized life. The celestial pair, brother and sister, husband and wife, advanced along the high plains in the neighborhood of Lake Titicaca to about the sixteenth degree south. They bore with them a golden wedge, and were directed to take up their residence on the spot where the sacred emblem should without effort sink into the ground. I'hey proceeded accordingly but a short distance, as 7 "Cuzco, in the language of the Incas," says Garcilasso, "signifies navel." Com. Real., Parte i, lib. i, cap. i8. SOURCES OF PERUVIAN CIVILIZATION. 9 far as the valley of Cuzco, the spot indicated by the performance of the miracle, since there the wedge speedily sank into the earth and disappeared forever. Here the children of the Sun established their resi- dence, and soon entered upon their beneficent mission among the rude inhabitants of the country; Manco Capac teaching the men the arts of agriculture, and Mama Oello® initiating her own sex in the mysteries of weaving and spinning. The simple people lent a willing ear to the messengers of Heaven, and, gathering together in considerable numbers, laid the foundations of the city of Cuzco. The same wise and benevolent maxims which regulated the conduct of the first Incas' descended to their successors, and under their mild sceptre a community gradually extended itself along the broad surface of the table-land, which asserted its 8 Mama, with the Peruvians, signified " mother." (Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte i, lib. 4, cap. i.) The identity of this term with that used by Europeans is a curious coincidence. It is scarcely more so, however, than that of the corresponding word papa, which with the ancient Mexicans denoted a priest of high rank; reminding us of the papa, " pope," of the Italians. With both, the term seems to embrace in its most comprehensive sense the paternal relation, in which it is more familiarly employed by most of the nations of Europe. Nor was the use of it limited to modern times, being applied in the same way both by Greeks and Romans; "IlaTrTra (piXe," says Nausikaa, address- ing her father, in the simple language which the modern versifiers have thought too simple to render literally. 9 /nca signified iiti£^ or /ord. Capa.c meant, ^reaf or power/u/. It was applied to several of the successors of Manco, in the same man- ner as the epithet Yupatiqjii, signifying rich in all virtues, was added to the names of several Incas. (Cieza de Leon, Croiiica, cap. 41. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte i, lib. 2, cap. 17.) The good qualities commemorated by the cognomens of most of the Peruvian princes afford an honorable, though not altogether unsuspicious, tribute to the excellence of their characters. A* TO CIVILIZATION OF THE INC AS. superiority over the surrounding tribes. Such is the ■pleasing picture of the origin of the Peruvian mon- archy, as portrayed by Garcilasso de la Vega, the de- scendant of the Incas, and through him made familiar to the European reader." But this tradition is only one of several current among the Peruvian Indians, and probably not the one most generally received. Another legend speaks of certain white and bearded men, who, advancing from the shores of Lake Titicaca, established an ascendency over the natives and imparted to them the blessings of civilization. It may remind us of the tradition existing among the Aztecs in respect to Quetzalcoatl, the good deity, who with a similar garb and aspect came up the great plateau from the east on a like benevolent mission to the natives. The analogy is the more remarkable as there is no trace of any communication with, or even knowledge of, each other to be found in the two nations." '0 Com. Real., Parte i, lib. i, cap. 9-16. " These several traditions, all of a very puerile character, are to be found in Ondegnrdo, Relacion Segunda, MS., — Sarmiento, Relacion, MS., cap. I, — Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 105, — Conquista i Pobla- cion del Piru, MS., — Declaracion de los Presidente e Oydores de la Audiencia Reale del Peru, MS., — all of them authorities contemporary with the Conquest. The story of the bearded white men finds its place in most of their legends.* * [Such legends will not be considered " puerile," nor will their similarity with those of remote races seem inexplicable, when they are viewed in their true light, as embodying conceptions of nature formed by the human mind in the early stages of its development. Thus considered, " the very myths," as Mr. Tylor remarks, " that were dis- carded as lying fables, prove to be sources of history in ways that their makers and transmitters little dreamed of." The Peruvian traditions SOURCES OF PERUVIAN CIVILIZATION: n The date usually assigned for these extraordinary events was about four hundred years before the coming of the Spaniards, or early in the twelfth century." But, however pleasing to the imagination, and however pop- ular, the legend of Manco Capac, it requires but little reflection to show its improbability, even when divested of supernatural accompaniments. On the shores of Lake Titicaca extensive ruins exist at the present day, which the Peruvians themselves acknowledge to be of older date than the pretended advent of the Incas, and to have furnished them with the models of their archi- tecture.'^ The date of their appearance, indeed, is " Some writers carry back the date five hundred, or even five hun- dred and fifty, years before the Spanish invasion. (Balboa, Histoire du Perou, chap. i.^Velasco, Histoire du Royaume de Quito, torn. i. R, 8i. — Ambo auct. ap. Relations et Memoires originaux pour servir k I'Histoire de la Dscouverte de TAmerique, par Ternaux-Compans (Paris, 1840).) In the Report of the Royal Audience of Peru, the epoch is more modestly fixed at two hundred years before the Con- quest. Dec. de la Aud. Real., MS. '3 " Otras cosas ay mas que dezir deste Tiaguanaco, que passo por no detenerme : concluyedo que yo para mi tengo esta antigualla por la mas antigua de todo el Peru. Y assi se tiene que antes q los Ingas reynassen con muchos tiempos estavan hechos algunos edificios des- tos: porque yo he oydo afirmar a Indios, que los Ingas hizieron los edificios grandes del Cuzco por la forma que vieron tener la muralla o pared que se vee en este pueblo." (Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 105.) See also Garcilasso (Com. Real., Parte i, lib. 3, cap. i), who gives an account of these remains, on the authority of a Spanish seem, in particular, to deserve a closer investigation than they have yet received. Besides the authorities cited by Prescott, the relations of Christoval de Molina and the Indian Salcamayhua, translated by Mr. Markham, are entitled to mention, both for the minuteness and the variations with which they present the leading features of the same oft-repeated nature-myth. — ED.] 12 CIVILIZATION OF THE INC AS. manifestly irreconcilable with their subsequent history. No account assigns to the Inca dynasty more than thirteen princes before the Conquest. But this number is altogether too small to have spread over four hundred years, and would not carry back the foundations of the monarchy, on any probable computation, beyond two centuries and a half, — an antiquity not incredible in itself, and which, it may be remarked, does not precede by more than half a century the alleged foundation of the capital of Mexico. The fiction of Manco Capac and his sister-wife was devised, no doubt, at a later period, to gratify the vanity of the Peruvian monarchs, and to give additional sanction to their authority by deriving it from a celestial origin.* ecclesiastic, which might compare, for the marvellous, with any of the legends of his order. Other ruins of similar traditional antiquity are noticed by Herrera (Historia general de los Hechos de los Caste- llanos en las Islas y Tierra Finne del Mar Oceano (Madrid, 1730), dec. 6, lib. 6, cap. 9.) McCuUoh, in some sensible reflections on the origin of the Peruvian civilization, adduces, on the authority of Gar- cilasso de la Vega, the famous temple of Pachacamac, not far from Lima, as an example of architecture more ancient than that of the Incas. (Researches, Philosophical and Antiquarian, concerning the Aboriginal History of America (Baltimore, 1829), p. 405.) This, if true, would do much to confirm the views in our te.xt. But McCulloh is led into an error by his blind guide, Rycaut, the translator of Gar- cilasso, for the latter does not speak of the temple as existing before the time of the Incas, but before the time when the country was con- quered by the Incas. Com. Real., Parte i, lib. 6, cap. 30. * [This theory of the origin of the story is scarcely more plausible or philosophical than that of Garcilasso de la Vega, who conjectures that Manco Capac " may have been some Indian of good understand- ing, prudence, and judgment, who appreciated the great simplicity of those nations, and saw the necessity they had for instruction and SOURCES OF PERUVIAN CIVILIZATION. 13 We may reasonably conclude that there existed in the country a race advanced in civilization before the time of the Incas; and, in conformity with nearly every teaching in natural life. He may have invented a fable with sagacity and astuteness, that he might be respected ; saying that he and his wife were children of the Sun, who had come from Heaven, and that their Father had sent them to teach and do good to the people. . . . The belief in the fable of the Ynca's origin would be confirmed by the benefits and privileges he conferred on the Indians, until they at last firmly believed that he was the Child of the Sun, come from Heaven." (Markham's trans., i. 94.) Mr. Markham pronounces "all this sensible enough," and it at least indicates the true spirit, if not the right method, of investigation. But a wider comparison of popular traditions has led to a general rejection, in such cases as the present, of the idea of conscious invention — whether as idle fable or designed imposture — to account for their origin. The only question in regard to such a story is whether it is to be considered as purely mythical or as the mythical adaptation or development of an historical fact. In this instance Dr. Brinton takes the latter view, asserting that Manco Capac was "a real character," " first of the historical Incas," " the Rudolph of Hapsburg of their reigning family," who "flourished about the eleventh century," and to whom " tradition has transferred a portion of the story of Viracocha," the Peruvian deity. (Myths of the New World, 179.) Mr. Tylor, on the other hand, after noticing the legend of the Muyscas, a neighboring people, in which Bochica and Huythaca are evident personifications of the sun and moon, says, " Like to this in meaning, though different in fancy, is the civilization- myth of the Incas. ... In after-ages the Sun and Moon were still represented in rule and religion by the Inca and his sister-wife, con- tinuing the mighty race of Manco Capac and Mama Oello. But the two great ancestors returned when their earthly work was done, to become, what we may see they had never ceased to be, the sun and moon themselves." (Primitive Culture, i. 319.) It would not be in- consistent with a full acceptance of this theory to consider all such myths as veiling the real existence of men of superior endowments, to whom civilization must everywhere have owed its earliest develop- ments ; but to link them with the actual history of these personages would require very different evidence from what exists in the present or any similar case. — Ed.] Peru. — Vol. I. 2 14 CIVILIZATION OF THE INC AS. tradition, we may derive this race from the neighborhood of Lake Titicaca;''* a conclusion strongly confirmed by the imposing architectural remains which still endure, after the lapse of so many years, on its borders. Who this race were, and whence they came, may afford a tempting theme for inquiry to the speculative antiqua- rian. But it is a land of darkness that lies far beyond the domain of history. 's '4 Among other authorities for this tradition, see Sarmiento, Rela- cion, MS., cap. 3, 4, — Herrera, Hist, general, dec. 5, lib. 3, cap. 6, — ■ Conq. i Pob. del Piru, MS., — Zarate, Historia del Descubrimiento y de la Conquista del Peru, lib. i, cap. 10, ap. Barcia, Historiadores primitivos de las Indias occidentales (Madrid, 1749), torn. 3. — In most, not all, of the traditions, Manco Capac is recognized as the name of the founder of the Peruvian monarchy, though his history and character are related with sufficient discrepancy. '5 Mr. Ranking, " Who can deep mysteries unriddle As easily as thread a needle," finds it "highly probable that the first Inca of Peru was a son of the Grand Khan Kublai"! (Historical Researches on the Conquest of Peru, etc., by the Moguls (London, 1827), p. 170.) The coincidences are curious, though we shall hardly jump at the conclusion of the ad- venturous author. Every scholar will agree with Humboldt in the wish that "some learned traveller would visit the borders of the lake of 1 iticaca, the district of Callao, and the high plains of Tiahuanaco, the theatre of the ancient American civilization."' (Vues des Cor- dill^res, p. 199.) And yet the architectural monuments of the abo- rigines, hitherto brought to light, have furnished few materials for a bridge of communication across the dark gulf that still separates the Old World from the New.» ■5 [The regions mentioned by Humboldt were visited in 1847 by a P'rench savant, M. Angrand, who brought away carefully-prep>ared plans of many of the ruins, of which a description is given by Desjar- dins (Le Perou avant la Conquete espagnole), tending to confirm the conclusions drawn from previous sources of information, that a civili- EMPIRE OF THE INC AS. 'S The same mists that hang round the origin of the Incas continue to settle on their subsequent annals ; and so imperfect were the records employed by the Peruvians, and so confused and contradictory their traditions, that the historian finds no firm footing on which to stand till within a century of the Spanish conquest.'* At first, the progress of the Peruvians '* A good deal within a century, to say truth. Garcilasso and Sar- miento, for example, the two ancient authorities in highest repute, have scarcely a point of contact in their accounts of the earlier Peri'- vian princes ; the former representing the sceptre as gliding down in peaceful succession from hand to hand through an unbroken dynasty while the latter garnishes his tale with as many conspiracies, deposi- zation, superior to that of the Incas, had passed away long before the period of the Spanish conquest. A work announced as in the press, by Mr. Hutchinson, formerly English consul in Peru, may be expected to give the fruits of more recent explorations. But it may be safely predicted that no discoveries that may be made will ever establish the fact of a communication at some remote period between the two hemi- spheres. It may be doubted, indeed, whether the whole inquiry, so persistently pursued, has not sprung from an illusion. Had the East- em Continent been discovered by a voyager from the Western, it would perhaps have been assumed that the latter had furnished those swarms which afterwards passed through Asia into Europe, and that here was the original seat of the human family and the spot where culture had first begun to dawn. Mr. James S.Wilson's discovery, on the coast of Ecuador, of articles of pottery and of gold, "in a stratum of mould beneath the sea-level, and covered by several feet of clay," proves, according to Murchison, that " within the human period the lands on the west coast of equatorial America were depressed and submerged; and that after the accumulation of marine clays above the terrestrial relics the whole coast was elevated to its present posi- tion." If, then, the existence not only of the human race, but of human art, in America, antedates the present conformation of the continent, how futile must be every attempt to connect its early history with that of Egypt or of India ! — ED.] l6 CIVILIZATION OF THE INCAS. seems to have been slow, and almost imperceptible. By their wise and temperate policy they gradually won over the neighboring tribes to their dominion, as these latter became more and more convinced of the benefits of a just and well-regulated government. As they grew stronger, they were enabled to rely more directly on force; but, still advancing under cover of the same beneficent pretexts employed by their predecessors, they proclaimed peace and civilization at the point of the sword. The rude nations of the country, without any principle of cohesion among themselves, fell one after another before the victorious arm of the Incas. Yet it was not till the middle of the fifteenth century that the famous Topa Inca Yupanqui, grandfather of the monarch who occupied the throne at the coming of the Spaniards, led his armies across the terrible desert of Atacama, and, penetrating to the southern region of Chili, fixed the permanent boundary of his domin- ions at the river Maule. His son, Huayna Capac, pos- sessed of ambition and military talent fully equal to his father's, marched along the Cordillera towards the north, and, pushing his conquests across the equator, added the powerful kingdom of Quito to the empire of Peru.'' tions, and revolutions as belong to most barbarous and, unhappily, most civilized communities. When to these two are added the various writers, contemporary and of the succeeding age, who have treated of the Peruvian annals, we shall find ourselves in such a conflict of traditions that criticism is lost in conjecture. Yet this uncertainty as to historical events fortunately does not extend to the history of arts and institutions which were in existence on the arrival of the Spaniards. »7 Sarmiento, Relacion, MS., cap. 57, 64. — Conq. i Pob. del Pirn, MS.— Velasco, Hist, de Quito, p. 59.— Dec. de la Aud. Real., MS.— EMPIRE OF THE INCAS. 17 The ancient city of Cuzco, meanwhile, had been gradually advancing in wealth and population, till it had become the worthy metropolis of a great and flour- ishing monarchy. It stood in a beautiful valley on an elevated region of the plateau, which among the Alps would have been buried in eternal snows, but which w ithin the tropics enjoyed a genial and salubrious tem- perature. Towards the north it was defended by a lofty eminence, a spur of the great Cordillera; and* the city was traversed by a river, or rather a small stream, over which bridges of timber, covered with heavy slabs of stone, furnished an easy means of com- munication with the opposite banks. The streets were long and narrow, the houses low, and those of the poorer sort built of clay and reeds. But Cuzco was the royal residence, and was adorned with the ample dwellings of the great nobility ; and the massy frag- ments still incorporated in many of the modern edifices bear testimony to the size and solidity of the ancient.'^ Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte i, lib. 7, cap. 18, 19; lib. 8, cap. 5-8. — The last historian, and, indeed, some others, refer the conquest of Chili to Yupanqui, the father of Topa Inca. The exploits of the two monarchs are so blended together by the different annalists as in a manner to confound their personal identity. '8 Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte i, lib. 7, cap. 8-11. — Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 92. — " El Cuzco tuuo gran manera y calidad, deuio ser fundada por gente de gran ser. Auia grandes calles, saluo q era angostas, y las casas hechas de piedra pura co tan lindas junturas, q illustra el antiguedad del edificio, pues estauan piedras tan grades muy bien assentadas." (Ibid., ubi supra.) Compare with this Mil- ler's account of the city as existing at the present day : " The walls of many of the houses have remained unaltered for centuries. The great size of the stones, the variety of their shapes, and the inimitable 2* l8 CIVILIZATION OF THE INCAS. The health of the city was promoted by spacious openings and squares, in which a numerous population from the capital and the distant country assembled to celebrate the high festivals of their religion. For Cuzco was the "Holy City;"'' and the great temple of the Sun, to which pilgrims resorted from the farthest borders of the empire, was the most magnificent struc- ture in the New World, and unsurpassed, probably, in "the costliness of its decorations by any building in the Old. Towards the north, on the sierra or rugged eminence already noticed, rose a strong fortress, the remains of which at the present day, by their vast size, excite the admiration of the traveller.™ It was defended by a single wall of great thickness, and twelve hundred feet long on the side facing the city, where the precipitous character of the ground was of itself almost sufficient for its defence. On the other quarter, where the approaches were less difficult, it was protected by two other semicircular walls of the same length as the pre- ceding. They were separated a considerable distance from one another and from the fortress; and the inter- workmanship they display, give to the city that interesting air of an- tiquity and romance which fills the mind with pleasing though painful veneration." Memoirs of Gen. Miller in the Sen-ice of the Republic of Peru (London, 1829, 2d ed.), vol. ii. p. 225. »9 " La Imperial Ciudad de Cozco, que la adoravan los Indios, como d Cosa Sagrada." Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte i, lib. 3, cap. 20.- ■ Also Ondegardo, Rel. Seg., MS. =° See, among others, the Memoirs, above cited, of Gen. Miller, which contain a minute and very interesting notice of modem Cuzco. (Vol. ii. p. 223, et seq.) Ulloa, who visited the country in the middle of the last century, is unbounded in his expressions of admiration. Voyage to South America, Eng. trans. (London, 1806), book vii. ch. 12. EMPIRE OF THE INCAS. ^9 veiling ground was raised so that the walls afforded a breastwork for the troops stationed there in times of assault. The fortress consisted of three towers, de- tached from one another. One was appropriated to the Inca, and was garnished with the sumptuous deco- rations befitting a royal residence rather than a military post. The other two were held by the garrison, drawn from the Peruvian nobles, and commanded by an officer of the blood royal ; for the position was of too great importance to be intrusted to inferior hands. The hill was excavated below the towers, and several subter- raneous galleries communicated with the city and the palaces of the Inca." The fortress, the walls, and the galleries were all built of stone, the heavy blocks of which were not laid in regular courses, but so disposed that the small ones might fill up the interstices between the great. They formed a sort of rustic work, being rough-hewn except towards the edges, which were finely wrought ; and, though no cement was used, the several blocks were adjusted with so much exactness and united so closely that it was impossible to introduce even the blade of a knife between them." Many of these stones were of " Betanzos, Suma y Narracion de los Yngas, MS., cap. 12. — Gar- cilasso, Com. Real., Parte I, lib. 7, cap. 27-29. — The demolition of the fortress, begun immediately after the Conquest, provoked the remonstrance of more than one enlightened Spaniard, whose voice, however, was impotent against the spirit of cupidity and violence. See Sarmiento, Relacion, MS., cap. 48. ^ Ibid., ubi supra. — Inscripciones, Medallas, Templos, Edificios, Antigiicdades, y Monumentos del Peru, MS. This manuscript, which formerly belonged to Dr. Robertson, and which is now in the British Museum, is the work of some unknown author, somewhere probably about the time of Charles III.,— a period when, as the sagacious 20 CIVILIZATION OF THE INC AS. vast size; some of them being full thirt}' eight feet long, by eighteen broad, and six feet thick. ^ We are filled with astonishment when we consider that these enormous masses were hewn from their native bed and fashioned into shape by a people ignorant of the use of iron ; that they were brought from quarries, from four to fifteen leagues distant,^'' without the aid of beasts of burden ; were transported across rivers and ravines, raised to their elevated position on the sierra, and finally adjusted there with the nicest accu- racy, without the knowledge of tools and machinery familiar to the European. Twenty thousand men are said to have been employed on this great structure, and fifty years consumed in the building. -s However this may be, we see in it the workings of a despotism which had the lives and fortunes of its vassals at its absolute disposal, and which, however mild in its general char- acter, esteemed these vassals, when employed in its service, as lightly as the brute animals for which they served as a substitute. scholar to whom I am indebted for a copy of it remarks, a spirit of sounder criticism was visible in the Castilian historians. »3 Acosta, Naturall and Morall Historic of the East and West Indies, Eng. trans. (London, 1604), lib. 6, cap. 14. — He measured the stones himself. — See also Garcilasso, Com. Real., loc. cit. ** Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 93. — Ondegardo, Rel. Seg., MS. — Many hundred blocks of granite may still be seen, it is said, in an unfinished state, in a quarry near Cuzco. »s Sarmiento, Relacion, MS., cap. 48. — Ondegardo, Rel. Seg., MS. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte i, lib. 7, cap. 27, 28. — The Spaniards, puzzled by the execution of so great a work with such apparently in- adequate means, referred it all, in their summary way, to the D?vil ; an opinion which Garcilasso seems willing to indorse. The author of the Antig. y Monumentos del Peru, MS., rejects this notion with becoming gravity. KOYAL FAMILY. 21 The fortress of Cuzco was but part of a system of fortifications established throughout their dominions by the Incas. This system formed a prominent feature in their military policy; but before entering on this latter it will be proper to give the reader some view of their civil institutions and scheme of government. The sceptre of the Incas, if we may credit their his- torian, descended in unbroken succession from father to son, through their whole dynasty. Whatever we may think of this, it appears probable that the right of inheritance might be claimed by the eldest son of the Coya, or lawful queen, as she was styled, to distinguish her from the host of concubines who shared the affec- tions of the sovereign."* The queen was further dis- tinguished, at least in later reigns, by the circumstance of being selected from the sisters of the Inca, an arrangement which, however revolting to the ideas of civilized nations, was recommended to the Peruvians by its securing an heir to the crown of the pure heaven-born race, uncontaminated by any mixture of earthly mould. '^^ ** Sarmiento, Relacion, MS., cap. 7. — Garcilasso, Com. FTeal., Parte I, lib. 1, cap. 26. — Acosta speaks of the eldest brother of the Inca as succeeding in preference to the son (lib. 6, cap. 12). He may have confounded the Peruvian with the Aztec usage. The Report of the Royal Audience states that a brother succeeded in default of a son. Dec. de la Aud. Real., MS. ^ " Et soror et conjux." According to Garcilasso, the heir-apparent always married a sister. (Com. Real., Parte i, lib. 4, cap. 9.) Onde- gardo notices this as an innovation at the close of the fifteenth cen- tury. (Relacion Primera, MS.) The historian of the Incas, however, is confirmed in his extraordinary statement by Sarmiento. Relacion. MS., cap. 7.* * ["The sister-marriage of the Incas," remarks Mr. Tylor, "had in their religion at once a meaning and a justification," — as typifying, S2 CIVILIZATION OF THE INCAS. In his early years, the royal offspring was intrusted to the care of the amautas, or "wise men," as the teachers of Peruvian science were called, who instructed him in such elements of knowledge as they possessed, and especially in the cumbrous ceremonial of their religion, in which he was to take a prominent part. Great care was also bestowed on his military education, of the last importance in a state which, with its profes- sions of peace and good will, was ever at war for the acquisition of empire. In this military school he was educated with such of the Inca nobles as were nearly of his own age; for the sacred name of Inca — a fruitful source of obscurity in their annals — was applied indifferently to all who de- scended by the male line from the founder of the mon- archy.** At the age of sixteen the pupils underwent a public examination, previous to their admission to what may be called the order of chivalry. This examination was conducted by some of the oldest and most illus- trious Incas. The candidates were required to show their prowess in the athletic exercises of the warrior; in wrestling and boxing, in running such long courses as fully tried their agility and strength, in severe fasts of several days' duration, and in mimic combats, which, although the weapons were blunted, were always at- tended with wounds, and sometimes with death. During »* Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte i, lib. i, cap. 26. namely, the supposed relation of the sun and moon, like the Egyptian Osiris and Isis. (Primitive Culture, i. 261.) It may, however, indi- cate also different ideas from those of our race in regard to consan- guinity. See Morgan, Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of tho Human Family (Smithsonian Contributions). — Ed.] JiOYAL FAMILY. 23 this trial, which lasted thirty days, the royal neophyte fared no better than his comrades, sleeping on the bare ground, going unshod, and wearing a mean attire, — a mode of life, it was supposed, which might tend to inspire him with more sympathy with the destitute. With all this show of impartiality, however, it will probably be doing no injustice to the judges to suppose that a politic discretion may have somewhat quickened their perceptions of the real merits of the heir-apparent. At the end of the appointed time, the candidates selected as worthy of the honors of their barbaric chivalry were presented to the sovereign, who conde- scended to take a principal part in the ceremony of inauguration. He began with a brief discourse, in which, after congratulating the young aspirants on the proficiency they had shown in martial exercises, he re- minded them of the responsibilities attached to their birth and station, and, addressing them affectionately as "children of the Sun," he exhorted them to imitate their great progenitor in his glorious career of benefi- cence to mankind. The novices then drew near, and, kneeling one by one before the Inca, he pierced their ears with a golden bodkin; and this was suffered to remain there till an opening had been made large enough for the enormous pendants which were peculiar to their order, and which gave them, with the Spaniards, the name of orejones.''^ This ornament was so massy in the »9 From oreja, " ear." — " Los caballeros de la sangre Real tenian orejas horadadas, y de ellas colgando grandes rodetes de plata y oro: llamaronles por esto los orejones los Castellanos la primera vez que los vieron." (Montesinos, Memorias antiguas historiales del Peru, MS., lib. 2, cap. 6.) The ornament, which was in the form of a wheel, did not depend from the ear, but was inserted in the gristle of 24 CIVILIZATION OF THE INC AS. ears of the sovereign that the cartilage was distended by it nearly to the shoulder, producing what seemed a monstrous deformity in the eyes of the Europeans, though, under the magical influence of fashion, it was regarded as a beauty by the natives. When this operation was performed, one of the most venerable of the nobles dressed the feet of the candi- dates in the sandals worn by the order, which may remind us of the ceremony of buckling on the spurs of the Christian knight. They were then allowed to assume the girdle or sash around the loins, correspond • ing with the toga virilis of the Romans, and intimating that they had reached the season of manhood. Their heads were adorned with garlands of flowers, which, by their various colors, were emblematic of the clemency and goodness that should grace the character of every true warrior; and the leaves of an evergreen plant were mingled with the flowers, to show that these virtues should endure without end. 3° The prince's head was further ornamented by a fillet, or tasselled fringe, of a yellow color, made of the fine threads of the vicuna wool, which encircled the forehead as the peculiar in- signia of the heir-apparent. The great body of the Inca nobility next made their appearance, and, begin- ning with those nearest of kin, knelt down before the prince and did him homage as successor to the crown. it, and was as large as an orange. " La hacen tan ancha como una gran rosea de naranja; los Senores i Principales traian aquellas roscas dj ore fino en las orejas." (Conq. i Pob. del Piru, MS.— .-Mso Gar- cilasso. Com. Real., Parte i, cap. 22.) " The larger the hole," says one of the old Conquerors, "the more of a gentleman!" Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. *> Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte i, lib. G, cap. 27. ROYAL FA MIL y. 25 The whole assembly then moved to the great square of the capital, where songs and dances and other public festivities closed the important ceremonial of the The reader will be less surprised by the resemblance which this ceremonial bears to the inauguration of a Christian knight in the feudal ages, if he reflects that a similar analogy may be traced in the institutions of other people more or less civilized, and that it is natural that nations occupied with the one great business of war should mark the period when the preparatory education for it was ended, by similar characteristic ceremonies. Having thus honorably passed through his ordeal, the heir-apparent was deemed worthy to sit in the councils of his father, and was employed in offices of trust at home, or, more usually, sent on distant expe- ditions to practise in the field the lessons which he had hitherto studied only on the mimic theatre of war. His frst campaigns were conducted under the renowned commanders who had grown gray in the service of his father, until, advancing in years and experience, he was placed in command himself, and, like Huayna Capac, the last and most illustrious of his line, carried the banner of the rainbow, the armorial ensign of his house, far over the borders, among the remotest tribes of the plateau. The government of Peru was a despotism, mild in 3« Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte i, lib. 6, cap. 24-28.— According to Fernandez, the candidates wore white shirts, with something like a cross embroidered in front! (Historia del Peru (Sevilla, 1571), Parte 2, lib. 3, cap. 6.) We may fancy ourselves occupied with some chiv- alrous ceremonial of the Middle Ages. Peru. — Vol. I. — B 3 26 CIVILIZATION OF THE INCAS. its character, but in its form a pure and unmitigated despotism. The sovereign was placed at an immeas- urable distance above his subjects. Even the proudest of the Inca nobility, claiming a descent from the same divine original as himself, could not venture into the royal presence, unless barefoot, and bearing a light burden on his shoulders in token of homage.^ As the representative of the Sun, he stood at the head of the priesthood, and presided at the most important of the religious festivals. '^ He raised armies, and usually commanded them in person. He imposed taxes, made laws, and provided for their execution by the appoint- ment of judges, whom he removed at pleasure. He was the source from which every thing flowed, — all dignity, all power, all emolument. He was, in short, in the well-known phrase of the European despot, "himself the state. "^^ 3» Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. i, cap. ii. — Sarmiento, Relacion, MS., cap. 7. — " Porque verdaderamente i. lo que yo he averiguado toda la pretension de los Ingas fue una subjeccion en toda la gente, qual yo nunca he oido decir de ninguna otra nacion en tanto grade, que por muy principal que un Senor fuese, dende que entrava cerca del Cuzco en cierta serial que estava puesta en cada camino de quatro que hay, havia dende alii de venir cargado hasta la presencia del Inga, y alii dejava la carga y hacia su obediencia." Ondegardo, Rel Prim., MS. 33 It was only at one of these festivals, and hardly authorizes the sweeping assertion of Carli that the royal and sacerdotal authority were blended together in Peru. We shall see, hereafter, the important an 1 independent position occupied by the high-priest. " Le Sacer- doce et I'Empire etoient divises au Mexique; au lieu qu'ils etoient rdunis au Perou, comme au Tibet et k la Chine, et comme il le fut k Rome, lorsqu' Auguste jetta les fondemens de I'Empire, en y reunis- sant le Sacerdoce ou la dignite de Souverain Pontife." Lettres Amdricaines (Paris, 1788), trad. Fran9., tom. i. let. 7. M " Porque el Inga dava i. entcnder que era hijo del Sol, con este ROYAL FAMILY. 27 The Inca asserted his claims as a superior being by assuming a pomp in his manner of living well calcu- lated to impose on his people. His dress was of the finest wool of the vicuna, richly dyed, and ornamented with a profusion of gold and precious stones. Round his head was wreathed a turban of many-colored folds, called the llaiitu, with a tasselled fringe, like that worn by the prince, but of a scarlet color, while two feathers of a rare and curious bird, called the coraquenque, placed upright in it, were the distinguishing insignia of royalty. The birds from which these feathers were obtained were found in a desert country among the mountains; and it was death to destroy or to take them, as they were reserved for the exclusive purpose of sup- plying the royal head-gear. Every succeeding monarch was provided with a new pair of these plumes, and his credulous subjects fondly believed that only two indi- viduals of the species had ever existed to furnish the simple ornament for the diadem of the Incas.^' Although the Peruvian monarch was raised so far above the highest of his subjects, he condescended to mingle occasionally with them, and took great pains personally to inspect the condition of the humbler classes. He presided at some of the religious celebra- tions, and on these occasions entertained the great nobles at his table, when he complimented them, after titulo se hacia adorar, i governava principalmente en tanto grado que nadie se le atrevia, i su palabra era ley, i nadie osaba ir contra su palabra ni voluntad ; aunque obiese de matar cient mill Indies, no havia ninguno en su Reino que le osase decir que no lo hiciese." Conq. i Pob. del Piru, MS. 35 Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte i, lib. i, cap. 22 ; Ub. 6, cap. 28.— CiezT '*« Leon, Cronica, cap. 114. — Acosta, lib. 6, cap. 12. aS CIVILIZATION OF THE IXCAS. the fashion of more civilized nations, by drinking the health of those whom he most delighted to honor.^* But the most effectual means taken by the Incas for communicating with their people were their progresses through the empire. These were conducted, at inter- vals of several years, with great state and magnificence. The sedan, or litter, in which they travelled, richly em- blazoned with gold and emeralds, was guarded by a numerous escort. The men who bore it on their shoul- ders were provided by two cities, specially appointed for the purpose. It was a post to be coveted by no one, if, as is asserted, a fall was punished with death. ^ They travelled with ease and expedition, halting at the tambos, or inns, erected by government along the route, and occasionally at the royal palaces, which in the great towns afforded ample accommodations to the whole of the monarch's retinue. The noble roads which trav- 36 One would hardly expect to find among the American Indians this social and kindly custom of our Saxon ancestors, — now fallen somewhat out of use, in the capricious innovations of modem fashion. Garcilasso is diffuse in his account of the forms observed at the royal table. (Com. Real., Parte i, lib. 6, cap. 23.) The only hours of eat- ing were at eight or nine in the "morning, and at sunset, which took place at nearly the same time, in all seasons, in the latitude of Cuzco. The historian of the Incas admits that, though temperate in eating, they indulged freely in their cups, frequently prolonging tlieir revelry to a late hour of the night. Ibid., Parte i, lib. 6. cap. i. 37 " In lectica, aureo tabulate constrata, humeris ferebant ; in summa, ea erat observantia, vt vultum ejus intueri maxime incivile putarent, et inter baiulos, quicunque vel leviter pede offenso haesitaret, e vestigio inierficerent." Levinus Apollonius, De Peruvice Regioris Inventione, et Rebus in eadem gestis (Antverpiae, 1567), fol. 37. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. i. cap. 11. — According to this writer, the litter was car- ried by the nobles ; one thousand of whom were specially reserved for the humiliating hcnor. Ubi supra. ROYAL FAMILY. 29 ersed the table-land were lined with people, who swept away the stones and stubble from their surface, strewing them with sweet-scented flowers, and vying with each other in carrying forward the baggage from one village to another. The monarch halted from time to time to listen to the grievances of his subjects, or to settle some points which had been referred to his decision by the regular tribunals. As the princely train wound its way along the mountain-passes, every place was thronged with spectators eager to catch a glimpse of their sove- reign; and when he raised the curtains of his litter and showed himself to their eyes, the air was rent with acclamations as they invoked blessings on his head.^' Tradition long commemorated the spots at which he halted, and the simple people of the country held them in reverence as places consecrated by the presence of an Inca.3' The royal palaces were on a magnificent scale, and, far from being confined to tlie capital or a few principal towns, were scattered over all the provinces of their vast empire.''" The buildings were low, but covered a 38 The acclamations must have been potent indeed, if, as Sarmiento tells us, they sometimes brought the birds down from the sky ! " De esta manera eran tan temidos los Reyes que si salian por el Reyno y permitian alzar algun pano de los que iban en las andas para dejarse ver de sus vasallos, alzaban tan gran alarido que hacian caer las aves de lo alto donde iban volando d ser tomadas d manos." (Relacion, MS., cap. 10.) The same author has given in another place a more credible account of the royal progresses, which the Spanish reader will find extracted in Appendix No. i. 39 Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte i, lib. 3, cap. 14; lib. 6, cap. 3.— Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. i, cap. 11. •40 Velasco has given some account of several of these palaces situ- ated in different places in the kingdom of Quito. Hist, de Quito torn. i. pp. 195-197. 3* so CIVILIZATION OF THE INCAS. wide extent of ground. Some of the apartments were spacious, but they were generally small, and had no communication with one another, except that they opened into a common square or court. The walls were made of blocks of stone of various sizes, like those described in the fortress of Cuzco, rough-hewn, but carefully wrought near the line of junction, which was scarcely visible to the eye. The roofs were of wood or rushes, which have perished under the rude touch of time, that has shown more respect for the walls of the edifices. The whole seems to have been characterized by solidity and strength, rather than by any attempt at architectural elegance."" But whatever want of elegance there may have been in the exterior of the imperial dwellings, it was amply compensated by the interior, in which all the opulence of the Peruvian princes was ostentatiously displayed. The sides of the apartments were thickly studded with gold and silver ornaments. Niches, prepared in the walls, were filled with images of animals and plants curiously wrought of the same costly materials; and even much of the domestic furniture, including the utensils devoted to the most ordinary menial services, displayed the like wanton magnificence ! ♦* With these ♦• Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 44. — Antig. y Monumentos de Peru, MS. — See, among others, the description of the remains still existing of the royal buildings at Callo, about ten leagues south of Quito, by Ulloa, Voyage to South America, book 6, ch. 11, and since, more carefully, by Humboldt, Vues des Cordillferes, p. 197. *» Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte i, lib. 6, cap. i. — " Tanto que todo el servicio de la Casa del Rey asi de cantaras para su vino, como de coziiia, todo era oro y plata, y esto no en un lugar y en una parte lo tenia, sino en muchas." (Sarmiento, Relacion, MS., cap. 11.) See also the flaming accounts of the palaces of Bilcas, to the west of ROYAL FAMILY. 3X gorgeous decorations were mingled richly-colored stuffs of the delicate manufacture of the Peruvian wool, which were of so beautiful a texture that the Spanish sove- reigns, with all the luxuries of Europe and Asia at their command, did not disdain to use them/^ The royal household consisted of a throng of menials, supplied by the neighboring towns and villages, which, as in Mexico, were bound to furnish the monarch with fuel and other necessaries for the consumption of the palace. But the favorite residence of the Incas was at Yucay, about four leagues distant from the capital. In this delicious valley, locked up within the friendly arms of the sierra, which sheltered it from the rude breezes of the east, and refreshed by gushing fountains and streams of running water, they built the most beautiful of their palaces. Here, when wearied with the dust and toil of the city, they loved to retreat, and solace themselves with the society of their favorite concubines, wander- ing amidst groves and airy gardens, that shed around their soft, intoxicating odors and lulled the senses to voluptuous repose. Here, too, they loved to indulge in the luxury of their baths, replenished by streams of crystal water which were conducted through subter- raneous silver channels into basins of gold. The spa- Cuzco, by Cieza de Leon, as reported to him by Spaniards who had seen them in their glory. (Cronica, cap. 89.) The niches are still described by modern travellers as to be found in the walls. (Hum- boldt, Vues des Cordilleres, p. 197.) 43 "La ropa de la cania toda era de mantas, y fre9adas de lana de Vicuna, que es tan fina, y tan regalada, que entre otras cosas precia- das de aquellas Tierras, se las han traido para la cama del Rey Dot Phelipe Segundo." Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte i, lib. 6, cap. i. 32 CIVILIZATION OF THE INC AS. cious gardens were stocked with numerous varieties of plants and flowers that grew without effort in this tem- perate region of the tropics, while parterres of a rriore extraordinary kind were planted by their side, glowing with the various forms of vegetable life skilfully imitated in gold and silver ! Among them the Indian corn, the most beautiful of American grains, is particularly com- memorated, and the curious workmanship is noticed with which the golden ear was half disclosed amidst the broad leaves of silver, and the light tassel of the same material that floated gracefully from its top."^ If this dazzling picture staggers the faith of the reader, he may reflect that the Peruvian mountains teemed with gold ; that the natives understood the art of working the mines, to a considerable extent ; that none of the ore, as we shall see hereafter, was con- verted into coin, and that the whole of it passed into the hands of the sovereign for his own exclusive benefit, whether for purposes of utility or ornament. Certain it is that no fact is better attested by the Conquerors themselves, who had ample means of information, and no motive for misstatement. The Italian poets, in their gorgeous pictures of the gardens of Alcina and Morgana, came nearer the truth than they imagined. Our surprise, however, may reasonably be excited when we consider that the wealth displayed by the Peruvian princes was only that which each had amassed 44 Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte i, lib. 5, cap. 26; lib. 6, cap. 2. — Sumiiento, Relacion, MS., cap. 24. — Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 94, — The last writer speaks of a cement, made in part of liquid gold, as used in the royal buildings of Tambo, a valley not far from Yucay ! (Ubi supra.) We may excuse the Spaniards for demolishing such edifices,---if they ever met with them. JiOYAL FAMILY. 53 individually for himself. He owed nothing to inherit ance from his predecessors. On the decease of an Inca, his palaces were abandoned ; all his treasures, except what were employed in his obsequies, his furniture and apparel, were suffered to remain as he left them, and his mansions, save one, were closed up forever. The new sovereign was to provide himself with every thing new for his royal state. The reason of this was the popular belief that the soul of the departed monarch would return after a time to re-animate his body on earth; and they wished that he should find everything to which he had been used in life prepared for his reception. •*5 When an Inca died, or, to use his own language, "was called home to the mansions of his father, the Sun,"^^ his obsequies were celebrated with great pomp and solemnity. The bowels were taken from the body and deposited in the temple of Tampu, about five leagues from the capital. A quantity of his plate and jewels was buried with them, and a number of his attendants and favorite concubines, amounting some- times, it is said, to a thousand, were immolated on his tomb.*^ Some of them showed the natural repugnance to the sacrifice occasionally manifested by the victims CIVILIZATION OF THE INCAS. The law which required a decision within five days would seem little suited to the complex and embarrass- ing litigation of a modern tribunal. But, in the simple questions submitted to the Peruvian judge, delay would have been useless; and the Spaniards, familiar with the evils growing out of long-protracted suits, where the successful litigant is too often a ruined man, are loud in their encomiums of this swift-handed and eco- nomical justice." The fiscal regulations of the Incas, and the laws re- specting property, are the most remarkable features in the Peruvian polity. The whole territory of the empire was divided into three parts, one for the Sun, another for the Inca, and the last for the people. Which of the three was the largest is doubtful. The proportions dif- fered materially in different provinces. The distribu tion, indeed, was made on the same general principle, as each new conquest was added to the monarchy; but the proportion varied according to the amount of population, and the greater or less amount of land consequently required for the support of the inhabit- ants. '^ »» The Royal Audience of Peru under Philip II. — there cannot be a higher authority — bears emphatic testimony to the cheap and effi- cient administration of justice under the Incas : " De suerte que los vicios eran bien casfigados y la gente estaba bien sujeta y obediente ; y aunque en las dichas penas havia esceso, redundaba en buen go- vienio y policia suya, y mediante ella eran aumentados. . . . Porque los Yndios alababan la govemacion del Ynga, y aun los Espanoles que algo alcanzan de ella, es porque todas las cosas susodichas se de- terminaban sin hacerles costas." Dec. de la Aud. Real., MS. »3 Acosta, lib. 6, cap. 15. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte i, lib. 5, cap. I. — "Si estas partes fuesen iguales, o qual fuese mayor, yo lo he Vocurado averiguar, y en unas es diferente de otras, y finalm" yo DIVISION OF LANDS. 5" The lands assigned to the Sun furnished a revenue to support the temples and maintain the costly cere monial of the Peruvian worship and the multitudinous priesthood. Those reserved for the Inca went to sup- port the royal state, as well as the numerous members of his household and his kindred, and supplied the various exigencies of government. The remainder of the lands was divided, per capita, in equal shares among the people. It was provided by law, as we shall see hereafter, that every Peruvian should marry at a certain age. When this event took place, the community or district in which he lived furnished him with a dwelling, which, as it was constructed of humble materials, was done at little cost. A lot of land was then assigned to him sufficient for his own mainte- nance and that of his wife. An additional portion was granted for every child, the amount allowed for a son being the double of that for a daughter. The division of the soil was renewed every year, and the possessions of the tenant were increased or diminished according to the numbers in his family.'* The same arrangement was observed with reference to the curacas, except only that a domain was assigned to them corresponding with the superior dignity of their stations. '^ tengo entendido que se hacia conforme i. la disposicion de la tierra y d la calidad de los Indies." Ondegardo, Rel. Prim., MS. '4 Ondegardo, Rel. Prim., MS. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte i, lib. 5, cap. 2. — The portion granted to each new-married couple, ac- cording to Garcilasso, was s. fanega and a half of land. A similai quantity was added for each male child that was bom, and half of the quantity for each female. The fanega was as much land as could be planted with a hundred-weight of Indian corn. In the fruitful soil of Peru, this was a liberal allowance for a family. *S Ibid., Parte i, lib. 5, cap. 3. — It is singular that, while so much 5« CIVILIZATION OF THE INC AS. A more thorough and effectual agrarian law than this cannot be imagined. In other countries where such a law has been introduced, its operation, after a time, has given way to the natural order of events, and, under the superior intelligence and thrift of some and the prodigality of others, the usual vicissitudes of for- tune have been allowed to take their course and restore things to their natural inequality. Even the iron law of Lycurgus ceased to operate after a time, and melted away before the spirit of luxury and avarice. The nearest approach to the Peruvian constitution was probably in Judea, where, on the recurrence of the great national jubilee, at the close of every half-cen- tury, estates reverted to their original proprietors. There was this important difference in Peru ; that not only did the lease, if we may so call it, terminate with the year, but during that period the tenant had no power to alienate or to add to his possessions. The end of the brief term found him in precisely the same condition that he was in at the beginning. Such a state of things might be supposed to be fatal to any thing like attachment to the soil, or to that desire of improving it which is natural to the permanent proprie- is said of the Inca sovereign, so little should be said of the Inca nobility, of their estates, or the tenure by which they held them. Their historian tells us that they had the best of the lands, wherever they resided, besides the interest which they had in those of tlie Sin and the Inca, as children of the one and kinsmen of the other. He informs us, also, that they were supplied from the royal table when living at court. (lib. 6, cap. 3.) But this is very loose language. Tlie student of history will learn, on the direshold, that he is not to expect precise, or even very consistent, accounts of the institutions of a bar- barous age and people from contemporary annalists. DIVISION OF LANDS. 5.3 tor, and hardly less so to the holder of a long lease. But the practical operation of the law seems to have been otherwise ; and it is probable that, under the in- fluence of that love of order and aversion to change which marked the Peruvian institutions, each new par- tition of the soil usually confirmed the occupant in his possession, and the tenant for a year was converted into a proprietor for life. The territory was cultivated wholly by the people. The lands belonging to the Sun were first attended to. They next tilled the lands of the old, of the sick, of the widow and the orphan, and of soldiers engaged in actual service ; in short, of all that part of the com- munity who, from bodily infirmity or any other cause, were unable to attend to their own concerns. The people were then allowed to work on their own ground, each man for himself, but with the general obligation to assist his neighbor when any circumstance — the bur- den of a young and numerous family, for example — might demand it.'* Lastly, they cultivated the lands of the Inca. This was done, with great ceremony, by the whole population in a body. At break of day they were summoned together by proclamation from some neighboring tower or eminence, and all the inhabitants of the district, men, women, and children, appeared dressed in their gayest apparel, bedecked with their little store of finery and ornaments, as if for some great jubilee. They went through the labors of the '* Garcilasso relates that an Indian was hanged by Huayna Capac for tilling the ground of a curaca, his near relation, before that of the poor. The gallows was erected on the curaca's own land. Corn. Real., Parte i, lib. 5, cap. 2. 5* 54 CIVILIZATION OF THE INC AS. day with the same joyous spirit, chanting their populai ballads which commemorated the heroic deeds of the Incas, regulating their movements by the measure of the chant, and all mingling in the chorus, of which the word haiUi, or "triumph," was usually the burden. These national airs had something soft and pleasing in their character, that recommended them to the Span- iards ; and many a Peruvian song was set to music by them after the Conquest, and was listened to by the unfortunate natives with melancholy satisfaction, as it called up recollections of the past, when their days glided peacefully away under the sceptre of the Incas.'' A similar arrangement prevailed with respect to the different manufactures as to the agricultural products of the country. The flocks of llamas, or Peruvian sheep, were appropriated exclusively to the Sun and to the Inca.'^ Their number was immense. They were scattered over the different provinces, chiefly in the colder regions of the country, where they were in- trusted to the care of experienced shepherds, who conducted them to different pastures according to the change of season. A large number was every year sent to the capital for the consumption of the court, and for the religious festivals and sacrifices. But these were only the males, as no female was allowed to be »7 Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte i, lib. 5, cap. 1-3. — Ondegardo, Rel. Seg., MS. '8 Ondegardo, Rel. Prim., MS. — Yet sometimes the sovereign would recompense some great chief, or even some one among the people, who had rendered him a service, by the grant of a small number of llamas, — never many. These were not to be disposed of or killed bj their owners, but descended as common property to their heirs. This strange arrangement proved a fruitful source of litigation after the Conquest. Ibid., ubi supra. REVENUES AND REGISTERS. 55 killed. The regulations for the care and breeding of these flocks were prescribed with the greatest minute- ness, and with a sagacity which excited the admiration of the Spaniards, who were familiar with the manage- ment of the great migratory flocks of merinos in their own country.'' At the appointed season they were all sheared, and the wool was deposited in the public magazines. It was then dealt out to each family in such quantities as sufficed for its wants, and was consigned to the female part of the household, who were well instructed in the business of spinning and weaving. When this labor was accomplished, and the family was provided with a coarse but warm covering, suited to the cold climate of the mountains, — for in the lower country cotton, furnished in like manner by the crown, took the place, to a certain extent, of wool, — the people were required to labor for the Inca. The quantity of the cloth needed, as well as the peculiar kind and quality of the fabric, was first determined at Cuzco. The work was then apportioned among the different provinces. Offi- cers appointed for the purpose superintended the dis- tribution of the wool, so that the manufacture of the different articles should be intrusted to the most com- petent hands. ^ They did not leave the matter here, but entered the dwellings, from time to time, and saw '9 See especially the account of the Licentiate Ondegardo, who goes into more detail than any contemporary writer concerning the man- agement of the Peruvian flocks. Rel. Seg., MS. =» Ondegardo, Rel. Prim, et Seg., MSS. — The manufacture of cloths f-JT he Inca included those for the numerous persons of the blood royal, who wore garments of a finer texture than was permitted to any other Peruvian. Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte I, lib. 5, cap. 6 56 CIVILIZATION OF THE INC AS. that the work was faithfully executed. This domestic inquisition was not confined to the labors for the Inca. It included, also, those for the several families; and care was taken that each household should employ the materials furnished for its own use in the manner that was intended, so that no one should be unprovided with necessary apparel." In this domestic labor all the female part of the establishment was expected to join. Occupation was found for all, from the child five years old to the aged matron not too infirm to hold a distaff. No one, at least none but the decrepit and the sick, was allowed to eat the bread of idleness in Peru. Idleness was a crime in the eye of the law, and, as such, severely punished ; while industry was publicly commended and stimulated by rewards.'" The like course was pursued with reference to the other requisitions of the government. All the mines in the kingdom belonged to the Inca. They were wrought exclusively for his benefit, by persons familiar with this service and selected from the districts where the mines were situated. ^^ Every Peruvian of the lower class was « Ondegardo, Rel. Seg., MS. — Acosta, lib. 6, cap. 15. « Ondegardo, Rel. Seg., MS. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte i, lib, 5, cap. II. =3 Garcilasso would have us believe that the Inca was indebted to the curacas for his gold and silver, which were furnished by the great vassals as presents. (Com. Real., Parte i, lib. 5, cap. 7.) This im- probable statement is contradicted by the Report of the Royal Audi- ence, MS., by Sarmiento (Relacion, MS., cap. 15), and by Ondegardo (Rel. Prim., MS.), who all speak of the mines as the property of the government and wrought exclusively for its benefit. From this reser- voir the proceeds were liberally dispensed in the form of presents among the great lords, and still more for the embellishment of the temples. REVENUES AND REGISTERS. 57 a husbandman, and, with the exception of those al- ready specified, was expected to provide for his own support by the cultivation of his land. A small por- tion of the community, however, was instructed in mechanical arts, — some of them of the more elegant kind, subservient to the purposes of luxury and orna- ment. The demand for these was chiefly limited to the sovereign and his court ; but the labor of a larger number of hands was exacted for the execution of the great public works which covered the land. The na- ture and amount of the services required were all de- termined at Cuzco by commissioners well instructed in the resources of the country and in the character of the inhabitants of different provinces.'* This information was obtained by an admirable regu- lation, which has scarcely a counterpart in the annals of a semi-civilized people. A register was kept of all the births and deaths throughout the country, and exact returns of the actual population were made to the governrnent every year, by means of the quipus, a curious invention, which will be explained hereafter. ''s At certain intervals, also, a general survey of the coun- try was made, exhibiting a complete view of the char- acter of the soil, its fertility, the nature of its products, =4 Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte i, lib. 5, cap. 13-16. — Ondegardo, Rel. Prim, et Sag., MSS. 25 Montesinos, Mem. antiguas, MS., lib. 2, cap. 6. — Pedro Pizarro, Relacion del Descubrimiento y Conquista de los Reynos del Peru, MS. — " Cada provincia, en fin del ano, mandava aseniar en los quipos, por la cucnta de sus nudos, todos los hombres que habian muerto en ella en aquel ano, y por el consiguiente los que habian nacido, y por principio del ano que entraba, venian con los quipos al Cuzco." Sar- miento, Relacion, MS., cap. 16. C* 58 CIVILIZATION OF THE INCAS. both agricultural and mineral, — in short, of all that constituted the physical resources of the empire."* Furnished with these statistical details, it was easy for the government, after determining the amount of re- quisitions, to distribute the work among the respective provinces best qualified to execute it. The task of apportioning the labor was assigned to the local au- thorities, and great care was taken that it should be done in such a manner that, while the most competent hands were selected, the weight should not fall dis- proportionately on any.*' The different provinces of the country furnished persons peculiarly suited to different employments, which, as we shall see hereafter, usually descended from father to son. Thus, one district supplied those most skilled in working the mines, another the most curious workers in metals or in wood, and so on.''' The artisan was provided by government with the ma- terials ; and no one was required to give more than a stipulated portion of his time to the public service. He was then succeeded by another for the like term; and it should be observed that all who were engaged in the employment of the government — and the remark applies equally to agricultural labor — were maintained, ^ Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte i, lib. 2, cap. 14. 27 Ondegardo, Rel. Prim., MS. — Sarmiento, Rel., MS., cap. 15. — " Presupuesta y entendida la dicha division que el Inga tenia hecha de su gente, y orden que tenia puesta en el govierno de ella, era muy facil haverla en la division y cobranza de los dichos tributes ; porque era claro y cierto lo que d cada uno cabia sin que hubiese desigualdad ni engano." Dec. de la Aud. Real., MS. i* Sarmiento, Relacion, MS., cap. 15, — Ondegardo, Rel. Seg., MS. REVENUES AND REGISTERS. 59 for the time, at the public expense.'' By this constant rotation of labor it was intended that no one should be overburdened, and that each man should have time to provide for the demands of his own household. It was impossible — in the judgment of a high Spanish authority — to improve on the system of distribution, so carefully was it accommodated to the condition and comfort of the artisan. 3° The security of the working- classes seems to have been ever kept in view in the regu- lations of the government; and these were so discreetly arranged that the most wearing and unwholesome la- bors, as those of the mines, occasioned no detriment to the health of the laborer ; a striking contrast to his subsequent condition under the Spanish rule. 3' A part of the agricultural produce and manufactures was transported to Cuzco, to minister to the immediate demands of the Inca and his court. But far the greater part was stored in magazines scattered over the different provinces. These spacious buildings, constructed of stone, were divided between the Sun and the Inca, though the greater share seems to have been appro- priated by the monarch. By a wise regulation, any deficiency in the contributions of the Inca might be *9 Ondegardo, Rel. Prim., MS. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte i, lib. 5, cap. 5. 30 "Y tambien se tenia cuenta que el trabajo que pasavan fuese moderado, y con el menos riesgo que fuese posible. . . . Era tanta la orden que tuvieron estos Indios, que a mi parecer aunque mucho se piense en ello seria dificultoso mejorarla conocida su condicion y cos- tumbres." Ondegardo, Rel. Prim., MS. 3" "The working of the mines," says the President of the Council of the Indies, " was so regulated that no one felt it a hardship, much less was his life shortened by it." 'Sarmiento, Relacion, MS., cap. 15 ) It is a frank admission for a Spaniard. 6o CIVILIZATION OF THE INCAS. supplied from the granaries of the Sun.^* But such a necessity could rarely have happened ; and the provi- dence of the government usually left a large surplus in the royal depositories, which was removed to a third class of magazines, whose design was to supply the people in seasons of scarcity, and, occasionally, to furnish relief to individuals whom sickness or misfor- tune had reduced to poverty ; thus in a manner justify- ing the assertion of a Castilian document, that a large portion of the revenues of the Inca found its way back again, through one channel or another, into the hands of the people. 33 These magazines were found by the Spaniards, on their arrival, stored with all the various products and manufactures of the country, — with maize, coca, quinua, woollen and cotton stuffs of the finest quality, with vases and utensils of gold, silver, and copper, in short, with every article of luxury or use within the compass of Peruvian skill. ^^ The magazines 32 Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte i, lib. 5, cap. 34. — Ondegardo, Rel, Prim., MS. — " E asi esta parte del Inga no hay duda sino que de todas tres era la mayor, y en los depositos se parece bien que yo visite muchos en diferentes partes, e son mayores e mas largos que no los de su religion sin comparasion." Idem, Rel. Seg., MS. 33 "Todos los dichos tributos y servicios que el Inga imponia y Uevaba como dicho es eran con color y para efecto del govierno y pro comun de todos, asi como lo que se ponia en depositos todo se combertia y distribuia entre los mismos naturales." Dec. de la Aud. Real., MS. 34 Acosta, lib. 6, cap. 15. — " No podre decir," says one of the Con- querors, " los depositos. Vide de rropas y de todos generos de rropas y vestidos que en este reino se hacian y vsavan que faltava tiempo para vello y entendimiento para comprender tanta cosa, muchos de- positos de barretas de cobre para las minas y de costales y sogas de vases de palo y platos del ore y plata que aqui se hallo hera cosa despanto." Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. REVENUES AND REGISTERS. 6 1 of grain, in particular, would frequently have sufficed for the consumption of the adjoining district for several years. 35 An inventory of the various products of the country, and the quarters whence they were obtained, was every year taken by the royal officers, and recorded Dy the quipucainayus on their registers, with surprising regularity and precision. These registers were trans- mitted to the capital and submitted to the Inca, who could thus at a glance, as it were, embrace the whole results of the national industry and see how far they corresponded with the requisitions of the government. 3* Such are some of the most remarkable features of the Peruvian institutions relating to property, as delineated by writers who, however contradictory in the details, have a general conformity of outline. These institu- tions are certainly so remarkable that it is hardly credible they should ever have been enforced through- out a great empire and for a long period of years. Yet we have the most unequivocal testimony to the fact from the Spaniards, who landed in Peru in time to witness their operation ; some of whom, men of high judicial station and character, were commissioned by the government to make investigations into the state of the country under its ancient rulers. 35 For ten years, sometimes, if we may credit Ondegardo, who had every means of knowing : " 6 ansi cuando no era menester se estaba en los depositos e habia algunas vezes comida de diez anos. . . . Los cuales todos se hallaron llenos cuando llegaron los Espanoles desto y de todas las cosas necesarias para la vida humana.' Rel. Seg., MS. 36 Ondegardo, Rel. Prim., MS. — "For tanta orden e cuenta que seria dificultoso creerlo ni darlo d entender como ellos lo tienen en su cuenta k. por registros e por menudo lo manifestaron que se pudiera por estenso." Idem, Rel. Seg., MS. Peru. — Vol. I. 6 62 CIVILIZATION OF THE INCAS. The impositions on the Peruvian people seem to have been sufficiently heavy. On them rested the whole burden of maintaining not only their own order, but every other order in the state. The members of the royal house, the great nobles, even the public function- aries, and the numerous body of the priesthood, were all exempt from taxation.^ The whole duty of defray- ing the expenses of the government belonged to the people. Yet this was not materially different from the condition of things formerly existing in most parts of Europe, where the various privileged classes claimed exemption — not always with success, indeed — from bearing part of the public burdens. The great hard- ship in the case of the Peruvian was that he could not better his condition. His labors were for others, rather than for himself. However industrious, he could not add a rood to his own possessions, nor advance himself one hair's breadth in the social scale. The great and universal motive to honest industry, that of bettering one's lot, was lost upon him. The great law of human progress was not for him. As he was born, so he was to die. Even his time he could not properly call his own. Without money, with little property of any kind, he paid his taxes in labor. ^^ No wonder that the government should have dealt with sloth as a crime. It was a crime against the state, and to be wasteful of time was, in a manner, to rob the exchequer. The Peruvian, laboring all his life for others, might be com- pared to the convict in a treadmill, going the same dull 37 Garcilasso. Com. Real., Parte i, lib. 5, cap. 15. 38 " Solo el trabajo de las personas era el tribute que se dava, porquo ellos no poseian otra cosa." Ondegardo, Rel. Prim., MS. REVENUES AND REGISTERS. 63 round of incessant toil, with the consciousness that, however profitable the results to the state, they were nothing to him. But this is the dark side of the picture. If no man could become rich in Peru, no man could become poor. No spendthrift could waste his substance in riotous luxury. No adventurous schemer could impoverish his family by the spirit of speculation. The law was con- stantly directed to enforce a steady industry and a sober management of his affairs. No mendicant was tolerated in Peru. When a man was reduced by poverty or mis- fortune (it could hardly be by fault), the arm of the law was stretched out to minister relief; not the stinted relief of private charity, nor that which is doled out, drop by drop, as it were, from the frozen reservoirs of "the parish," but in generous measure, bringing no humiliation to the object of it, and placing him on a level with the rest of his countrymen. 3' No man could be rich, no man could be poor, in 39 " Era tanta la orden que tenia en todos sus Reinos y provincias, que no consentia haver ningun Indio pobre ni menesteroso, porque havia orden i formas para ello sin que los pueblos reciviesen vexacion ni molestia, porque el Inga lo suplia de sus tributes." (Conq. i Pob. del Piru, MS.) The Licentiate Ondegardo sees only a device of Satan in these provisions of the Peruvian law, by which the old, the infirm, and the poor were rendered, in a manner, independent of their chil- dren and those nearest of kin, on whom they would naturally have leaned for support; no surer way to harden the heart, he considers, than by thus disengaging it from the sympathies of humanity ; and no circumstance has done more, he concludes, to counteract the influence and spread of Christianity among the natives. (Rel. Seg., MS.) The views are ingenious ; but in a country where the people had no prop- erty, as in Peru, there would seem to be no alternative for the super- numeraries but to receive support from government or to starve. 64 CIVILIZATION OF THE INC AS. Peru ; but all might enjoy, and did enjoy, a compe- tence. Ambition, avarice, the love of change, the morbid spirit of discontent, those passions which most agitate the minds of men, found no place in the bosom of the Peruvian. The very condition of his being seemed to be at war with change. He moved on in the same unbroken circle in wliich his fathers had moved before him, and in which his children were to follow. It was the object of the Incas to infuse into their subjects a spirit of passive obedience and tran- quillity, — a perfect acquiescence in the established order of things. In this they fully succeeded. The Spaniards who first visited the country are emphatic in their testimony that no government could have been better suited to the genius of the people, and no people could have appeared more contented with their lot or more devoted to their government. ■»" Those who may distrust the accounts of Peruvian in- dustry will find their doubts removed on a visit to the country. The traveller still meets, especially in the central regions of the table-land, with memorials of the past, remains of temples, palaces, fortresses, terraced mountains, great military roads, aqueducts, and other public works, which, whatever degree of science they may display in their execution, astonish him by their number, the massive character of the materials, and the grandeur of the design. Among them, perhaps the most remarkable are the great roads, the broken remains of which are still in sufficient preservation to attest their former magnificence. There were many of these roads, traversing different parts of the king- f> Acosta, lib. 6, cap. 12, 15. — Sarmiento, Relacion, MS., cap. 10. GREAT ROADS AND POSTS. 65 dom ; but the most considerable were the two which extended from Quito to Cuzco, and, again diverging from the capital, continued in a southerly direction towards Chili. One of these roads passed over the grand plateau, and the other along the lowlands on the borders of the ocean. The former was much the more difficult achievement, from the character of the country. It was conducted over pathless sierras buried in snow; galleries were cut for leagues through the living rock; rivers were crossed by means of bridges that swung suspended in the air; precipices were scaled by stair- ways hewn out of the native bed ; ravines of hideous depth were filled up with solid masonry: in short, all the difficulties that beset a wild and mountainous region, and which might appall the most courageous engineer of modern times, were encountered and suc- cessfully overcome. The length of the road, of which scattered fragments only remain, is variously estimated at from fifteen hundred to two thousand miles; and stone pillars, in the manner of European mile-stones, were erected at stated intervals of somewhat more than a league, all along the route. Its breadth scarcely ex- ceeded twenty feet.*' It was built of heavy flags of 4» Dec. de la Aud. Real., MS. — " Este camino hecho por valles on- dos y por sierras altas, por montes de nieve, por tremedales de agna y por pefia viva y junto d rios furiosos por estas partes y ballano y empedrado por las laderas, bien sacado por las sierras, deshechado, por las peiias socavado, por junto d los Rios sus paredes, entre nieves con escalones y descanso, por todas partes limpio barrido descom- brado, lleno de aposentos, de depositos de tesoros, de Templos del Sol, de Postas que havia en este camino." Sarmiento, Relacion, MS., cap. 60. 6* 66 CIVILIZATION OF THE INCAS. freestone, and, in some parts at least, covered with a bituminous cement, which time has made harder than the stone itself. In some places, where the ravines had been filled up with masonry, the mountain-tor- rents, wearing on it for ages, have gradually eaten a way through the base, and left the superincumbent mass — such is the cohesion of the materials — still span- ning the valley like an arch ! ♦^ Over some of the boldest streams it was necessary to construct suspension-bridges, as they are termed, made of the tough fibres of the maguey, or of the osier of the country, which has an extraordinary degree of tenacity and strength. These osiers were woven into cables of the thickness of a man's body. The huge ropes, then stretched across the water, were conducted through rings or holes cut in immense buttresses of stone raised on the opposite banks of the river and there secured to heavy pieces of timber. Several of these enormous cables, bound together, formed a bridge, which, covered. with planks, well secured and defended by a railing of the same osier materials on the sides, afforded a safe passage for the traveller. The length of this aerial bridge, sometimes exceeding two ^ " On avail comble les vides et les ravins par de grandes masses de ma9onnerie. Les torrents qui descendent des hauteurs apres des pluies abondantes avaient creuse les endroits les moins solides, et s'etaient fraye une voie sous le chemin, le laissant ainsi suspendu en I'air comme un pont fait d'une seule pi^ce." (Velasco, Hist, de Quito, torn. i. p. 206.) This writer speaks from personal observation, having examined and measured different parts of the road, in the latter yart of the last century. The Spanish scholar will find in Appendix No. 2 an animated description of this magnificent work and of the ob- stacles encountered in the execution of it, in a passage borrowed from Sarmiento, who saw it in the days of the Incas. GREAT ROADS AND POSTS. 67 hundred feet, caused it, confined as it was only at the extremities, to dip with an alarming inclination to- wards the centre, while the motion given to it by the passenger occasioned an oscillation still more frightful, as his eye wandered over the dark abyss of waters that foamed and tumbled many a fathom beneath. Yet these light and fragile fabrics were crossed without fear by the Peruvians, and are still retained by the Spaniards over those streams which, from the depth or impetuosity of the current, would seem impracticable for the usual modes of conveyance. The wider and more tranquil waters were crossed on balsas — a kind of raft still much used by the natives — to which sails were attached, furnishing the only instance of this higher kind of navigation among the American In- dians."*^ The other great road of the Incas lay through the level country between the Andes and the ocean. It was constructed in a different manner, as demanded by the nature of the ground, which was for the most part low, and much of it sandy. The causeway was raised on a high embankment of earth, and defended on either side by a parapet or wall of clay; and trees and odoriferous shrubs were planted along the margin, re- galing the sense of the traveller with their perfumes, and refreshing him by their shades, so grateful under the burning sky of the tropics. In the strips of sandy « Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte i, lib. 3, cap. 7. — A particular account of these bridges, as they are still to be seen in different parts of Peru, may be found in Humboldt. (Vues des Cordilleres, p. 230, et seq.) The balsas are described with equal minuteness by Steven- son. Residence in America, vol. ii. p. 222, et seq. 68 CIVILIZATION OF THE INC AS. waste which occasionally intervened, where the light and volatile soil was incapable of sustaining a road, huge piles, many of them to be seen at this day, were driven into the ground to indicate the route to the traveller."' All along these highways, caravansaries, or tatnbos, as they were called, were erected, at the distance of ten or twelve miles from each other, for the accommo- dation, more particularly, of the Inca and his suite and those who journeyed on the public business. There were few other travellers in Peru. Some of these build- ings were on an extensive scale, consisting of a fortress, barracks, and other military works, surrounded by a parapet of stone and covering a large tract of ground. These were evidently destined for the accommodation of the imperial armies when on their march across the country. The care of the great roads was committed to the districts through which they passed, and under the Incas a large number of hands was constantly em- ployed to keep them in repair. This was the more easily done in a country where the mode of travelling was altogether on foot ; though the roads are said to have been so nicely constructed that a carriage might have rolled over them as securely as on any of the great roads of Europe. ■*s Still, in a region where the ele- 44 Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 60. — Relacion del primer Descu- brimiento de la Costa y Mar del Sur, MS. — This anonymous docu- ment of one of the early Conquerors contains a minute and probably trustworthy account of both the high-roads, which the writer saw in their glory, and which he ranks among the greatest wonders of the world. « Relacion del primer Descub., MS. — Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 37. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. i, cap. 11. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte i, lib. 9, cap. 13. GREAT ROADS AND POSTS. 69 ments of fire and water are both actively at work in the business of destruction, they must, without con- stant supervision, have gradually gone to decay. Such has been their fate under the Spanish conquerors, who took no care to enforce the admirable system for their preservation adopted by the Incas. Yet the broken portions that still survive here and there, like the fragments of the great Roman roads scattered over Europe, bear evidence to their primitive grandeur, and have drawn forth the eulogium from a discrimi- nating traveller, usually not too profuse in his pane- gyric, that "the roads of the Incas were among the most useful and stupendous works ever executed by man. 46 The system of communication through their domin- ions was still further improved by the Peruvian sove- reigns by the introduction of posts, in the same manner as was done by the Aztecs. The Peruvian posts, how- ever, established on all the great routes that conducted to the capital, were on a much more extended plan than those in Mexico. All along these routes, small buildings were erected, at the distance of less than five miles asunder/^ in each of which a number of run- 'f' " Cette chauss^e, bordee de grandes pierres de taille, peut etre comparee aux plus belles routes des Remains que j'aie vues en Italic, en France et en Espagne. . . . Le grand chemin de I'lnca, un des ouvrages les plus utiles et en meme temps des plus gigantesques que les hommes aient execute." Humboldt, Vues des Cordill^res, p. 294. *7 The distance between the post-houses is variously stated ; most writers not estimating it at more than three-fourths of a league. I have preferred the authority of Ondegardo, who usually writes with more conscientiousness and knowledge of his ground than most of his contemporaries. 70 CIVILIZATION OF THE IXCAS. ners, or chasquis, as they were called, were stationed to carry forward the despatches of government."* These despatches were either verbal, or conveyed by means of qiiipus, and sometimes accompanied by a thread of the crimson fringe worn round the temples of the Inca, which was regarded with the same implicit deference as the signet-ring of an Oriental despot.*' The chasquis were dressed in a peculiar livery, inti- mating their profession. They were all trained to the employment, and selected for their speed and fidelity. As the distance each courier had to perform was small, and as he had ample time to refresh himself at the sta- tions, they ran over the ground with great swiftness, and messages were carried through the whole extent of the long routes, at the rate of a hundred and fifty miles a day. The office of the chasquis was not limited to carrving despatches. They frequently brought va- rious articles for the use of the court ; and in this way fish from the distant ocean, fruits, game, and different commodities from the hot regions on the coast, were taken to the capital in good condition and served fresh at the royal table. s" It is remarkable that this 48 The term chasqui, according to Montesinos, signifies "one that receives a thing." (Mem. antiguas, MS., cap. 7.) But Garcilasso, a better authority for his own tongue, says it meant " one who makes an exchange." Com. Real., Parte i, hb. 6, cap. 8. *9 " Con vn hilo de esta Borla, entregado i uno de aquellos Oie- jones. govemaban la Tierra, i proveian lo que querian con maior obe- diencia, que en ninguna Provincia del Mundo se ha visto tener d las Provissiones de su Rei." Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. i, cap. 9. so Sarmiento, Relacion, MS., cap. 18. — Dec. de la Aud. Real., MS. — If we may trust Montesinos, the royal table wr.s served with fish, taken a hundred leagues from the capital, in twenty-four hours after GREAT ROADS AND POSTS. 71 important institution should have been known to both the Mexicans and the Peruvians without any corre- spondence with one another, and that it should have been found among two barbarian nations of the New World long before it was introduced among the civil- ized nations of Europe. s' By these wise contrivances of the Incas, the most distant parts of the long-extended empire of Peru were brought into intimate relations with each other. And while the capitals of Christendom, but a few hundred miles apart, remained as far asunder as if seas had rolled between them, the great capitals Cuzco and Quito were placed by the high-roads of the Incas in immediate correspondence. Intelligence from the nu- merous provinces was transmitted on the wings of the wind to the Peruvian metropolis, the great focus to which all the lines of communication converged. Not an insurrectionary movement could occur, not an in- vasion on the remotest frontier, before the tidings were conveyed to the capital and the imperial armies it was drawn from the ocean ! (Mem. antiguas, MS., lib. 2, cap. 7.) This is rather too expeditious for anything but railways. s» The institution of the Peruvian posts seems to have made a great Impression on the minds of the Spaniards who first visited the country; and ample notices of it may be found in Sarmiento, Relacion, MS., cap. 15, — Dec. de la Aud. Real., MS., — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, Parte 2, lib. 3, cap. 5, — Conq. i Pob. del Piru, MS., et auct. plurimis, — The establishment of posts is of old date among the Chinese, and probably still older among the Persians. (See Herodotus, Hist., Urania, sec. 98.) It is singular that an invention designed for the uses of a despotic government should have received its full application only under a free one. For in it we have the germ of that beautiful system of intercommunication which binds all the nations of Christendom together as one vast commonwealth. 72 CIVILIZATION OF THE INCAS. were on their march across the magnificent roads of the country to suppress it. So admirable was the ma- chinery contrived by the American despots for main- taining tranquillity throughout their dominions ! It may remind us of the similar institutions of ancient Rome, when, under the Caesars, she was mistress of half the world. A principal design of the great roads was to serve the purposes of military communication. It formed an important item of their military policy, which is quite as well worth studying as their municipal. Notwithstanding the pacific professions of the Incas, and the pacific tendency, indeed, of their domestic in- stitutions, they were constantly at war. It was by war that their paltry territory had been gradually enlarged to a powerful empire. When this was achieved, the capital, safe in its central position, was no longer shaken by these military movements, and the country enjoyed, in a great degree, the blessings of tranquillity and order. But, however tranquil at heart, there is not a reign upon record in which the nation was not en- gaged in war against the barbarous nations on the fron- tier. Religion furnished a plausible pretext for inces- sant aggression, and disguised the lust of conquest in the Incas, probably, from their own eyes, as well as from those of their subjects. Like the followers of Mahomet, bearing the sword in one hand and the Koran in the other, the Incas of Peru offered no al- ternative but the worship of the Sun or war. It is true, their fanaticism — or their policy — showed itself in a milder form than was found in the descend- ants of the Prophet. Like the great luminary which MILITARY TACTICS AND POLICY. n they adored, they operated by gentleness, more potent than violence. 5=" They sought to soften the hearts of the rude tribes around them, and melt them by acts of condescension and kindness. Far from provoking hos- tilities, they allowed time for the salutary example of tlieir own institutions to work its effect, trusting that their less civilized neighbors would submit to their sceptre, from a conviction of the blessings it would secure to them. When this course failed, they em- ployed other measures, but still of a pacific character, and endeavored by negotiation, by conciliatory treat- ment, and by presents to the leading men, to win them over to their dominion. In short, they practised all the arts familiar to the most subtle politician of a civil- ized land to secure the acquisition of empire. When all these expedients failed, they prepared for war. Their levies were drawn from all the different prov- inces ; though from some, where the character of the people was particularly hardy, more than from others." It seems probable that every Peruvian who had reached a certain age might be called to bear arms. But the rotation of military service, and the regular drills, which took place twice or thrice in a month, of the inhabitants of every village, raised the soldiers gener- ally above the rank of a raw militia. The Peruvian army, at first inconsiderable, came with the increase of population, in the latter days of the empire, to be very large, so that their monarchs could bring into the field, as contemporaries assure us, a force amounting to S* " Mas se hicieron Seiiores al principio por mana, que por fuerza." Ondegardo, Rel. Prim., MS. 53 Idem, Rel. Prim., MS.— Dec. de la Aud. Real., MS. Peru. — Vol. I. — d 7 74 CIVILIZATION OF THE INCAS. two hundred thousand men. They showed the same skill and respect for order in their military organiza- tion as in other things. The troops were divided into bodies corresponding with our battalions and compa- nies, led by officers, that rose, in regular gradation, from the lowest subaltern to the Inca noble who was intrusted with the general command. ^^ Their arms consisted of the usual weapons em- ployed by nations, whether civilized or uncivilized, before the invention of powder, — bows and arrows, lances, darts, a short kind of sword, a battle-axe or partisan, and slings, with which they were very expert. Their spears and arrows were tipped with copper, or, more commonly, with bone, and the weapons of the Inca lords were frequently mounted with gold or silver. Their heads were protected by casques made either of wood or of the skins of wild animals, and sometimes richly decorated with metal and with precious stones, surmounted by the brilliant plumage of the tropical birds. These, of course, were the ornaments only of the higher orders. The great mass of the soldiery were dressed in the peculiar costume of their prov- inces, and their heads were wreathed with a sort of turban or roll of different-colored cloths, that produced a gay and animating effect. Their defensive armor consisted of a shield or buckler, and a close tunic of quilted cotton, in the same manner as with the Mexi- cans. Each company had its particular banner, and tie imperial standard, high above all, displayed the glittering device of the rainbow, — the armorial ensign V> Gomara, Cronica, cap. 195. — Conq. i Pob. del Piru, MS. MILITARY TACTICS AND POLICY. 75 of the Incas, intimating their claims as children of the skies. 55 By means of the thorough system of communication established in the country, a short time sufficed to draw the levies together from the most distant quarters. The army was put under the direction of some experienced chief, of the blood royal, or, more frequently, headed by the Inca in person. The march was rapidly per- formed, and with little fatigue to the soldier j for, all along the great routes, quarters were provided for him, at regular distances, where he could find ample accom- modations. The country is still covered with the re- mains of military works, constructed of porphyry or granite, which tradition assures us were designed to lodge the Inca and his army.^* At regular intervals, also, magazines were estab- lished, filled with grain, weapons, and the different munitions of war, with which the army was supplied on its march. It was the especial care of the govern- ment to see that these magazines, which were furnished from the stores of the Incas, were always well filled. When the Spaniards invaded the country, they sup- 55 Gomara, Cronica, ubi supra. — Sarmiento, Relacion, MS., cap. 20. — Velasco, Hist, de Quito, torn. i. pp. 176-179. — This last writer gives a minute catalogue of the ancient Penivian arms, comprehending nearly every thing familiar to the European soldier, except fire-arms. It was judicious in him to omit these. 56 Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. i, cap. 11. — Sarmiento, Relacion, MS., cap. 60. — Condamine speaks of the great number of these forti- fied places, scattered over the country between Quito and Lima, which he saw in his visit to South America in 1737 ; some of which he has described with great minuteness. Memoire sur quelques anciens Monumens du Perou, du Tems des Incas, ap. Histoire de TAcadeinie Royale des Sciences et de Belles-Lettres (Berlin, 1748), torn. ii. p. 438, 76 CIVILIZATION OF THE INCAS. ported their own armies for a long time on the pro- visions found in them.s? The Peruvian soldier was forbidden to commit any trespass on the property of the inhabitants whose territory lay in the line of march. Any violation of this order was punished with death. s* The soldier was clothed and fed by the industry of the people, and the Incas rightly resolved that he should not repay this by violence. Far from being a tax on the labors of the husbandman, or even a burden on his hospitality, the imperial armies tra- versed the country, from one extremity to the other, with as little inconvenience to the inhabitants as would be created by a procession of peaceful burghers or a muster of holiday soldiers for a review. From the moment war was proclaimed, the Peruvian monarch used all possible expedition in assembling his forces, that he might anticipate the movements of his enemijes and prevent a combination with their allies. It was, however, from the neglect of such a principle of combination that the several nations of the country, who might have prevailed by confederated strength," fell one after another under the imperial yoke. Yet, 57 " E ansi cuando," says Ondegardo, speaking from his own personal knowledge, " el Senor Presidente Gasca passo con la gente de castigo de Gonzalo Pizarro por el valle de Jauja, estuvo alii siete semanas d lo que me acuerdo, se hallaron en deposito maiz de cuatro y de tres y de dos anos mas de 15 3. hanegas junto al camino, e alii comio la gente, y se entendio que si fuera menester muchas mas no faltaran en el valle en aquellos depositos, conforme d la orden antigua, porque i. mi cargo estubo el repartirlas y hacer la cuenta para pagarlas." Rel. Seg.. MS. 5'* Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 44. — Sarmiento, Relacion, MS., cap. 14. MILITARY TACTICS AND POLICY. 77 once in the field, the Inca did not usually show any disposition to push his advantages to the utmost and urge his foe to extremity. In every stage of the war, he was open to propositions for peace ; and, although he sought to reduce his enemies by carrying off their harvests and distressing them by famine, he allowed his troops to commit no unnecessary outrage on person or property. "We must spare our enemies," one of the Peruvian princes is quoted as saying, " or it will be our loss, since they and all that belongs to them must soon be ours."59 jt was a wise maxim, and, like most other wise maxims, founded equally on benevo- lence and prudence. The Incas adopted the policy claimed for the Romans by their countryman, who tells us that they gained more by clemency to the van- quished than by their victories.*" In the same considerate spirit, they were most care- ful to provide for the security and comfort of their own troops ; and when a war was long protracted, or the climate proved unhealthy, they took care to relieve their men by frequent reinforcements, allowing the earlier recruits to return to their homes.*' But while thus economical of life, both in their own followers and in the enemy, they did not shrink from sterner measures when provoked by the ferocious or obstinate S9 " Mandabase que en los mantenimientos y casas de los enemigos se hiciese poco dano, diciendoles el Seiior, presto seran estos nuestrds como los que ya lo son ; como esto tenian conocido, procuraban que la guerra fuese la mas liviana que ser pudiese." Sarmiento, Relaeion, MS., cap. 14. 'o " Plus pene parcendo victis, quJlm vincendo imperium auxisse." Livy, lib. 30, cap. 42. '' Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 6, cap. 18. 7* 7«5 CIVILIZATION OF THE INC AS. character of the resistance ; and the Peruvian annals contain more than one of those sanguinary pages which cannot be pondered at the present day without a shudder. It should be added that the beneficent policy which I have been delineating as characteristic of the Incas did not belong to all, and that there was more than one of the royal line who displayed a full measure of the bold and unscrupulous spirit of the vulgar conqueror. The first step of the government after the reduction of a country was to introduce there the worship of the Sun. Temples were erected, and placed under the care of a numerous priesthood, who expounded to the conquered people the mysteries of their new faith and dazzled them by the display of its rich and stately ceremonial. *=■ Yet the religion of the conquered was not treated with dishonor. The Sun was to be wor- shipped above all ; but the images of their gods were removed to Cuzco and established in one of the tem- ples, to hold their rank among the inferior deities of the Peruvian Pantheon. Here they remained as hostages, in some sort, for the conquered nation, which would be the less inclined to forsake its allegiance when by doing so it must leave its own gods in the hands of its enemies. *3 The Incas provided for the settlement of their new conquests, by ordering a census to be taken of the population and a careful survey to be made of the country, ascertaining its products and the character *= Sarniiei>.to, Relacion, MS., cap. 14. 63 j\costa, lib. 5, cap. 12.— Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte i. lib. 5, cap. 12. MILITARY TACTICS AND POLICY. 79 and capacity of its soil/* A division of the territory was then made on the same principle with that adopted throughout their own kingdom, and their respective portions were assigned to the Sun, the sovereign, and the people. The amount of the last was regulated by the amount of the population, but the share of each individual was uniformly the same. It may seem strange that any people should patiently have acqui- esced in an arrangement which involved such a total surrender of property. But it was a conquered nation that did so, held in awe, on the least suspicion of meditated resistance, by armed garrisons, who were established at various commanding points throughout the country. *5 It is probable, too, that the Incas made no greater changes than was essential to the new arrangement, and that they assigned estates, as far as possible, to their former proprietors. The curacas, in particular, were confirmed in their ancient authority; or, when it was found expedient to depose the existing curaca, his rightful heir was allowed to succeed him.** Every respect was shown to the ancient usages and laws of the land, as far as was compatible with the fundamental institutions of the Incas. It must also be remembered that the conquered tribes were, many of them, too little advanced in civilization to possess that attachment to the soil which belongs to a cultivated nation.*^ But, to whatever it be referred, it seems prob- *4 Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte i, lib. 5, cap. 13, 14. — Sarmiento, Relacion, MS., cap. 15. *5 Sarmiento, Relacion, MS., cap. 19. ** Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, Parte 2, lib. 3, cap. 11. *7 Sarmiento has given a very full and interesting account of the sing\ilE.rly humane policy observed by the Incas in their conquests. 8o CIVILIZATION OF THE INCAS. able that the extraordinary institutions of the Incas were established with little opposition in the conquered territories.*' Yet the Peruvian sovereigns did not trust altogether to this show of obedience in their new vassals ; and, to secure it more effectually, they adopted some expe- dients too remarkable to be passed over in silence. Im- mediately after a recent conquest, the curacas and their families were removed for a time to Cuzco. Here they learned the language of the capital, became familiar with the manners and usages of the court, as well as with the general policy of the government, and expe- rienced such marks of favor from the sovereign as would be most grateful to their feelings and might attach them most warmly to his person. Under the influ- ence of these sentiments, they were again sent to rule over their vassals, but still leaving their eldest sons in the capital, to remain there as a guarantee for forming a striking contrast with the usual course of those scourges of mankind, whom mankind is wise enough to requite %vith higher admi- ration, even, than it bestows on its benefactors. As Sarmiento, who was President of the Royal Council of the Indies, and came into the country soon after the Conquest, is a high authority, and as his work,* lodged in the dark recesses of the Escorial, is almost unknown, I have transferred the whole chapter to Appendix No. 3. 68 According to Velasco, even the powerful state of Quito, suffi- ciently advanced in civilization to have the law of property well recog- nized by its people, admitted the institutions of the Incas "not only without repugnance, but with joy." (Hist, de Quito, tom. ii. p. 183.) But Velasco, a modern authority, believed easily ,^-or reckoned on his readers' doing so. • [Sarmiento never visited America, and, as already mentioned, was not the author of the work here referred to. See infra, p. 178. — Ed.] MILITARY TACTICS AND POLICY. 8i their own fidelity, as well as to grace the court of the Inca.*9 Another expedient was of a bolder and more original character. This was nothing less than to revolutionize the language of the country. South America, like North America, had a great variety of dialects, or rather languages, having little affinity with one an- other. This circumstance occasioned great embarrass- ment to the government in the administration of the different provinces with whose idioms they were un- acquainted. It was determined, therefore, to substitute one universal language, the Quichua, — the language of the court, the capital, and the surrounding country, — the richest and most comprehensive of the South American dialects. Teachers were provided in the towns and villages throughout the land, who were to give instruction to all, even the humblest classes ; and it was intimated at the same time that no one should be raised to any office of dignity or profit who was un- acquainted with this tongue. The curacas and other chiefs who attended at the capital became familiar with this dialect in their intercourse with the court, and, on their return home, set the example of conversing in it among themselves. This example was imitated by their followers, and the Quichua gradually became the language of elegance and fashion, in the same manner as the Norman French was affected by all those who aspired to any consideration in England after the Con- quest. By this means, while each province retained its peculiar tongue, a beautiful medium of communica- tion was introduced, which enabled the inhabitants of *» Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte i, lib. s, cap. la; lib. 7, cap. a. 82 CIVILIZATION OF THE INCAS, one part of the country to hold intercourse with every other, and the Inca and his deputies to communicate with all. This was the state of things on the arrival of the Spaniards. It must be admitted that history furnishes few examples of more absolute authority than such a revolution in the language of an empire at the bidding of a master. 7° Yet little less remarkable was another device of the Incas for securing the loyalty of their subjects. When any portion of the recent conquests showed a pertina- cious spirit of disaffection, it was not uncommon to cause a part of the population, amounting, it might be, to ten thousand inhabitants or more, to remove to a distant quarter of the kingdom, occupied by ancient vassals of undoubted fidelity to the crown. A like number of these last was transplanted to the territory left vacant by the emigrants. By this exchange the population was composed of two distinct races, who regarded each other with an eye of jealousy, that served as an effectual check on any mutinous proceeding. In time, the influence of the well-affected prevailed, sup- ported as they were by royal authority and by the silent working of the national institutions, to which the strange races became gradually accustomed. A spirit 70 Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte i, lib. 6, cap. 35; lib. 7, cap. i, 2. — Ondegardo, Rel. Seg.. MS. — Sarmiento, Relacion, MS., cap. 55. — " Aun la Criatura no hubiese dejado el Pecho de su Madre quando le comenzasen i. mostrar la Lengua que havia de saber; y aunque al principio fue dificultoso, € muchos se pusieron en no querer deprender mas lenguas de las suyas propias, los Reyes pudieron tanto que salie- ron con su intencion y ellos tubieron por bien de cumplirsu mandadoy tan de veras se entendio en ello que en tiempo de pocos anosse savia y usaba una lengua en mas de mil y doscientas leguas." Ibid., cap. ai MILITARY TACTICS AND POLICY. 83 of loyalty sprang up by degrees in their bosoms, and before a generation had passed away the different tribes mingled in harmony together as members of the same community.'' Yet the different races continued to be distinguished by difference of dress ; since, by the law of the land, every citizen was required to wear the costume of his native province.'' Neither could the colonist who had been thus unceremoniously trans planted return to his native district. For, by anothei l.w, it was forbidden to any one to change his resi- dence without license." He was settled for life. The Peruvian government prescribed to every man his local habitation, his sphere of action, nay, the very nature and quality of that action. He ceased to be a free agent ; it might be almost said that it relieved him of personal responsibility. In following out this singular arrangement, the Incas showed as much regard for the comfort and conve- nience of the colonist as was compatible with the exe- cution of their design. They were careful that the mitimaes, as these emigrants were styled, should be removed to climates most congenial with their own. The inhabitants of the cold countries were not trans- planted to the warm, nor the inhabitants of the warm countries to the cold.'* Even their habitual occupa- 7» Ondegardo, Rel. Prim., MS. — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, Parte 2, lib. 3, cap. II. 7» "This regulation," says Father Acosta, " the Incas held to be of great importance to the order and right government of the realm." Lib. 6, cap. 16. 73 Conq. i Pob. del Piru, MS. T> " Trasmutaban de las tales Provincias la cantidad de gente de que de ella parecia convenir que saliese, d los cuales mandaban pasar i poblar otra tierra del temple y manera de donde salian, si fria fria, 84 CIVILIZATION OF THE INC AS. tions were consulted, and the fisherman was settled in the neighborhood of the ocean or the great lakes, while such lands were assigned to the husbandman as were best adapted to the culture with which he was most familiar." And, as migration by many, perhaps by most, would be regarded as a calamity, the govern- ment was careful to show particular marks of favor to the mitimaes, and, by various privileges and immuni- ties, to ameliorate their condition, and thus to reconcile them, if possible, to their lot.'^ The Peruvian institutions, though they may have been modified and matured under successive sovereigns, all bear the stamp of the same original, — were all cast in the same mould. The empire, strengthening and enlarging at every successive epoch of its history, was in its latter days but the development, on a great scale, of what it was in miniature at its commencement, as the infant germ is said to contain within itself all the ramifications of the future monarch of the forest. Each succeeding Inca seemed desirous only to tread in the path and carry out the plans of his predecessor. Great enterprises, commenced under one, were con- tinued by another, and completed by a third. Thus, while all acted on a regular plan, without any of the eccentric or retrograde movements which betray the agency of different individuals, the state seemed to be si caliente caliente, en donde les daban tierras, y campos, y casas, tanto, y mas como dejaron." Sarmiento, Relacion, MS., cap. 19. 75 Ondegardo, Rel. Prim., MS. 7* The descendants of these mitimaes are still to be found in Quito, or were so at the close of the last century, according to Velasco, dis- tinguished by this nam£ from the rest of the population. Hist, de Quito, torn. i. p. 175. MILITARY TACTICS AND POLICY. 85 under the direction of a single hand, and steadily pur- sued, as if through one long reign, its great career of civilization and of conquest. The ultimate aim of its institutions was domestic quiet. But it seemed as if this were to be obtained only by foreign war. Tranquillity in the heart of the monarchy, and war on its borders, was the condition of Peru. By this war it gave occupation to a part of its people, and, by the reduction and civilization of its barbarous neighbors, gave security to all. Every Inca sovereign, however mild and benevolent in his domestic rule, was a warrior, and led his armies in person. Each successive reign extended still wider the boundaries of the empire. Year after year saw the victorious monarch return laden with spoils and followed by a throng of tributary chieftains to his capital. His reception there was a Roman triumph. The whole of its numerous population poured out to welcome him, dressed in the gay and picturesque costumes of the different provinces, with banners waving above their heads, and strewing branches and flowers along the path of the conqueror. The Inca, borne aloft in his golden chair on the shoulders of his nobles, moved in solemn procession, under the triumphal arches that were thrown across the way, to the great temple of the Sun. There, without attendants, — for all but the monarch were excluded from the hallowed precincts, — the victorious prince, stripped of his royal insignia, barefooted, and with all humility, approached the awful shrine and offered up sacrifice and thanksgiving to the glorious Deity who presided over the fortunes of the Incas. This cere- mony concluded, the whole population gave itself up Peru.— Vol. I. 8 86 CIVILIZATION OF THE INCAS. to festivity; music, revelry, and dancing were heard in every quarter of the capital, and illuminations and bonfires commemorated the victorious campaign of the Inca and the accession of a new territory to his empire." In this celebration we see much of the character of a religious festival. Indeed, the character of religion was impressed on all the Peruvian wars. The life of an Inca was one long crusade against the infidel, to spread wide the worship of the Sun, to reclaim the benighted nations from their brutish superstitions and impart to them the blessings of a well-regulated government. This, in the favorite phrase of our day, was the "mis- sion" of the Inca. It was also the mission of the Christian conqueror who invaded the empire of this same Indian potentate. Which of the two executed his mission most faithfully, history must decide. Yet the Peruvian monarchs did not show a childish impatience in the acquisition of empire. They paused after a campaign, and allowed time for the settlement of one conquest before they undertook another, and in this interval occupied themselves with the quiet ad- ministration of their kingdom, and with the long pro- gresses which brought them into nearer intercourse with their people. During this interval, also, their new vassals had begun to accommodate themselves to the strange institutions of their masters. They learned to appreciate the value of a government which raised them above the physical evils of a state of barbarism, secured them protection of person and a full participa- tion in all the privileges enjoyed by their conquerors; 77 Sarmiento, Relacion, MS., cap. 55. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 3, cap. 11, 17; lib. 6, cap. 16. MILITARY TACTICS AND POLICY. 87 and, as they became more familiar with the peculiar institutions of the country, habit, that second nature, attached them the more strongly to these institutions from their very peculiarity. Thus, by degrees, and without violence, arose the great fabric of the Peruvian empire, composed of numerous independent and even hostile tribes, yet, under the influence of a common religion, common language, and common government, knit together as one nation, animated by a spirit of love for its institutions and devoted loyalty to its sov- ereign. What a contrast to the condition of the Aztec monarchy, on the neighboring continent, which, com- posed of the like heterogeneous materials, without any internal principle of cohesion, was only held together by the stern pressure, from without, of physical force ! Why the Peruvian monarchy should have fared no better than its rival in its conflict with European civ« ilization will appear in the following pages. CHAPTER III. PERUVIAN RELIGION. — DEITIES. GORGEOUS TEMPLES. — FESTIVALS. VIRGINS OF THE SUN. MARRIAGE. It is a remarkable fact that many, if not most, of the rude tribes inhabiting the vast American continent, however disfigured their creeds may have been in other respects by a childish superstition, had attained to the sublime conception of one Great Spirit, the Creator of the Universe, who, immaterial in his own nature, was not to be dishonored by an attempt at visible representation, and who, pervading all space, was not to be circumscribed within the walls of a temple.* Yet ® [This statement represents what is still, probably, the common belief — based on the representations of the early missionaries and of many subsequent explorers — in regard to the religious ideas of the aboriginal races. The subject has, however, undergone of late a more critical investigation, in connection with the general inquiry as to the development of religious conceptions, and of monotheism, considered either as an original intuition or as the latest outcome of more primi- tive beliefs. Dr. Brinton, who considers that the intuition of an un- seen power — "the sum of those intelligent activities which the indi- vidual, reasoning from the analogy of his own actions, imagines to be behind and to bring about natural phenomena" — is common to the species, traces this conception in the American mythologies, especially those in which the air, the breath of life, appears as the symbol of an animating or creative Spirit. Yet he adds, " Let none of these ex- pressions, however, be construed to prove the distinct recognition of One Supreme Being. Of monotheism, either as displayed in the one personal definite God of the Semitic races, or in the dim pantheistic (88) PERUVIAN RELIGION. 89 these elevated ideas, so far beyond the ordinary range of the untutored intellect, do not seem to have led to the practical consequences that might have been ex- pected ; and {t\i of the American nations have shown much solicitude for the maintenance of a religious worship, or found in their faith a powerful spring of action. But with progress in civilization ideas more akin to those of civilized communities were gradually unfolded; a liberal provision was made, and a separate order in stituted, for the services of religion, which were con- ducted with a minute and magnificent ceremonial, that challenged comparison, in some respects, with that of the most polished nations of Christendom. Tliis was the case with the nations inhabiting the table-land of North America, and with the natives of Bogota, Quito, Peru, and the other elevated regions on the great Southern continent. It was, above all, the case with the Peruvians, who claimed a divine original for the founders of their empire, whose laws all rested on a sense of the Brahmins, there was not a single instance on the Ameri- can continent. . . . The phrases Good Spirit, Great Spirit, and simi- lar ones, have occasioned endless discrepancies in the minds of travel- lers. In most instances they are entirely of modern origin, coined at the suggestion of missionaries, applied to the white man's God." (Myths of the New World, p. 52.) Mr. Tylor finds among various races of North and South America, of Africa and of Polynesia, the "acknowledgment of a Supreme Creator," yet always in connection with a system of polytheism, of which this belief is the culmination. (Primitive Culture, 2d ed., vol. ii. p. 332.) It may be doubted, how- ever, whether it is possible to arrive at any certainty in regard to con- ceptions so vague in themselves and so liable to be moulded into defi- nite shapes by the mediums through which they are communicated. — Ed.] 8* 90 CIVILIZATION OF THE INCAS. divine sanction, and whose domestic institutions and foreign wars were alike directed to preserve and propa- gate their faith. Religion was the basis of their polity, the very condition, as it were, of their social existence. The government of the Incas, in its essential principles, was a theocracy. Yet, though religion entered so largely into the fabric and conduct of the political institutions of the people, their mythology, that is, the traditionary legends by which they affected to unfold the mysteries of the uni- verse, was exceedingly mean and puerile. Scarce one of their traditions — except the beautiful one respecting the founders of their royal dynasty — is worthy of note, or throws much light on their own antiquities or the primitive history of man. Among the traditions of importance is one of the deluge, which they held in common with so many of the nations in all parts of the globe, and which they related with some particulars that bear resemblance to a Mexican legend.' ' They related that, after the deluge, seven persons issued from a cave where they had saved themselves, and by them the earth was repeopled. One of the traditions of the Mexicans deduced their de- scent, and that of the kindred tribes, in like manner, from seven per- sons who came from as many caves in Aztlan.* (Conf. Acosta, lib. 6, cap. 19; lib. 7, cap. 2. — Ondegardo, Rel. Prim., MS.) The story of the deluge is told by different writers with many variations, in some of which it is not difficult to detect the plastic hand of the Christian convert. * [A similar tradition is found in some Sanscrit legends. "This coincidence," remarks Dr. Brinton, " arises from the mystic powers attached to the number seven, derived from its frequent occurrence in astrology." (Myths of the New World, p. 203.) Yet the evidence he adduces will hardly apply to the American myths. — Ed.] PERUVIAN RELIGION. 9I Their ideas in respect to a future state of being de- serve more attention. They admitted the existence of the soul hereafter, and connected with this a belief in the resurrection of the body. Tliey assigned two dis- tinct places for the residence of the good and of the wicked, the latter of which they fixed in the centre of the earth. The good, they supposed, were to pass a luxurious life of tranquillity and ease, which compre- hended their highest notions of happiness. The wicked were to expiate their crimes by ages of weari- some labor. They associated with these ideas a belief in an evil principle or spirit, bearing the name of ^upay, whom they did not attempt to propitiate by sacrifices, and who seems to have been only a shadowy personification of sin,* that exercised little influence over their conduct.' 3 Ondegardo, Rel. Seg., MS. — Gomara, Hist, de las Ind., cap. 123. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte i, lib. 2, cap. 2, 7. — One might sup- pose that the educated Peruvians — if I may so speak — imagined the common people had no souls, so little is said of their opinions as to the condition of these latter in a future life, while they are diffuse on the prospects of the higher orders, which they fondly believed were to keep pace with their condition here. * [Dr. Brinton, citing with approval the remark of Jacob Grimm, that " the idea of the Devil is foreign to all primitive religions," denies that such a conception had any existence in the American mythologies, and contends that " the (^upay of the Peruvians never was, as Prescott would have us believe, the shadowy embodiment of evil, but simply and solely their god of the dead, the Pluto of their pantheon, corre- sponding to the iVIictla of the Mexicans." It is certain that many myths of the American Indians, in which a good and an evil power are opposed to each other, owed this idea to the later introduction of the Christian notions of Satan, or to the misconception of narrators 92 CIVILIZATION OF THE INC AS. It was this belief in the resurrection of the body which led them to preserve the body with so much solicitude, — by a simple process, however, that, unlike the elaborate embalming of the Egyptians, consisted in exposing it to the action of the cold, exceedingly dry, and highly rarefied atmosphere of the mountains. ^ As they believed that the occupations in the future world would have great resemblance to those of the present, they buried with the deceased noble some of his apparel, his utensils, and, frequently, his treasures, and completed the gloomy ceremony by sacrificing his wives and favorite domestics, to bear him company and do him service in the happy regions beyond the clouds.'* Vast mounds of an irregular or, more fre- 3 Such, indeed, seems to be the opinion of Garcilasso, though some writers speak of resinous and other applications for embalming the body. The appearance of the royal mummies found at Cuzco, as reported both by Ondegardo and Garcilasso, makes it probable that no foreign substance was employed for their preservation. * Ondegardo, Rel. Sag., MS. — The Licentiate says that this usage influenced by the same belief. Yet Mr. Tylor, while admitting the skill with which many of these legends have been analyzed by Dr. Brinton, and the general force of his criticism, maintains that "rudi- mentary forms of Dualism, the antagonism of a Good and Evil Deity, are well known among the lower races of mankind," and, after review- ing the evidences of this conception in various stages of development, makes the pregnant remark that " the conception of the hght-god as the good deity, in contrast to a rival god of evil, is one plainly sug- gested by nature." (Primitive Culture, i. 287-297.) It is therefore among the sun-worshippers that we might especially expect to find the instinctive conception of a power of darkness, as the representative not merely of death but of the evil principle. This dualism is, accord- ingly, the distinguishing feature of the Zoroastrian religion, and its existence in that of Peru cannot well be questioned on the sole ground of inherent improbability. — Ed.] DEITIES. 93 quently, oblong shape, penetrated by galleries running at right angles to each other, were raised over the dead, whose dried bodies or mummies have been found in considerable numxbers, sometimes erect, but more often in the sitting posture common to the Indian tribes of both continents. Treasures of great value have also been (Kcasionally drawn from these monu- mental deposits, and have stimulated speculators to repeated excavations with the hope of similar good fortune. It was a lottery like that of searching after mines, but where the chances have proved still more against the adventurers. ^ The Peruvians, like so many other of the Indian races, acknowledged a Supreme Being, the Creator and Ruler of the Universe, whom they adored under the different names of Pachacamac and Viracocha.* continued even after the Conquest, and that he had saved the life of more than one favorite domestic, who had fled to him for protection, as they were about to be sacrificed to the Manes of their deceased lords. Ibid., ubi supra. 5 Yet these sepulchral mines have sometimes proved worth the dig- ging. Sarmiento speaks of gold to the value of 100,000 castellanos as occasionally buried with the Indian lords (Relacion, MS., cap. 57); and Las Casas — not the best authority in numerical estimates — says that treasures worth more than half a million of ducats had been found within twenty years after the Conquest, in the tombs near Truxillo. (CEuvres, ed. Llorente (Paris, 1822), torn. ii. p. 192.) Baron Hum- boldt visited the sepulchre of a Peruvian prince, in the same quarter of the country, whence a Spaniard in 1376 drew forth a mass of gold worth a million of dollars ! Vues des Cordilleras, p. 29. * Pachacamac signifies " He who sustains or gives life to the uni- verse." The name of the great deity is sometimes expressed by both Pachacamac and Viracocha combined. (See Balboa, Hist, du Perou, chap. 6. — Acosta, lib. 6, cap. 21.) An old Spaniard finds in the popular meaning of Viracocha, " foam of the sea," an argument for deriving 94 CIVTLTZATION OF THE INCAS. No. temple was raised to this invisible Being, save one only in the valley which took its name from the deity himself, not far from the Spanish city of Lima. Even this temple had existed there before the country came under the sway of the Incas, and was the great resort of Indian pilgrims from remote parts of the land, — a circumstance which suggests the idea that the worship of this Great Spirit, though countenanced, perhaps, by their accommodating policy, did not originate with the Peruvian princes.^* the Peruvian civilization from some voyager from the Old World. Conq. i Pob. del Piru, MS. 7 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — Sarmiento, Relacion, MS., cap. 27. — Ulloa notices the extensive ruins of brick, which mark the probable site of the temple of Pachacamac, attesting by their present appearance its ancient magnificence and strength. Memoires philoso- phiques, historiques, physiques (Paris, 1787), trad. Fr., p. 78. * [Not only this inference, but the facts on which it rests, are strenu- ously disputed by Mr. Markham, on the ground that Pachacamac "is an Ynca word, and is wholly foreign to, and unconnected with, the coast language." It was the name, he says, given by the Incas to the coast-city, when they conquered it, " for some reason that has not been preser\'ed, possibly on account of its size and importance." " The natives worshipped a fish-god there under a name now lost, which became famous as an oracle and attracted pilgrims ; and when the Yncas conquered the place they raised a temple to the Sun on the summit of the hill commanding the city." " But they never built any temple to Pachacamac, and there never was one to that deity, except at Cuzco." (Reports of the Discovery of Peru. Introduction, xiv- XX.) There seems to be here much more of assertion than of argu- ment or proof The statement that there was a temple to Pachacamac .It Cuzco is a novel one, for which no authority is adduced, and it is in direct contradiction to the reiterated assertions of Garcilasso, that the Peruvians worshipped Pachacamac only " inwardly, as an unknown God," to whom they built no temples and offered no sacrifices. For the statement that the Incas " erected a temple of the Sun" at Pachaca- DEITIES. 95 The deity whose worship they especially inculcated, and which they never failed to e^itablish wherever their banners were known to penetrate, was the Sun. It was he who, in a particular manner, presided over the des- tinies of man ; gave light and warmth to the nations, and life to the vegetable world; whom they reverenced as the father of their royal dynasty, the founder of their empire ; and whose temples rose in every city and almost every village throughout the land, while his altars smoked with burnt-offerings, — a form of sacrifice peculiar to the Peruvians among the semi- civilized nations of the New World.* 8 At least, so says Dr. McCulloh ; and no better authority can be required on American antiquities. (Researches, p. 392.) Might he not have added barbarous nations, also ? mac (p. xix), we are referred to Cieza de Leon, who says that "they agreed with the native chiefs and with the ministers of this god or devil, that the temple of Pachacamac should continue with the authority and reverence it formerly possessed, and that the loftiest part should be set aside as a temple of the Sun." That the temple had existed long prior to the conquest of the place by the Incas is asserted by all authorities and attested by the great antiquity of its remains. Garci- lasso asserts that its builders had borrowed the conception of Pachaca* mac from the Incas, — a less probable supposition than that of Prescott, and equally rejected by Mr. Markham, though the statement of the same author that "the Yuncas placed their idols in this temple, which were figures of fishes," seems to be the chief foundation for his own account of the worship practised by the people of the coast, respecting which he admits that little is known. What is known of it with any certainty comes to us from Garcilasso de la Vega and Cieza de Leon ; and both these authorities represent the temple and worship of Pacha- camac as having existed in the valley of that name previous to the conquest, or rather peaceful subjugation, of the province by the Incas, and their sanction of this religion, in conjunction with that of the Sun, as the result of a compromise. — Ed.] 96 CIVILIZATION OF THE INCAS. Besides the Sun, the Incas acknowledged various objects of worship in some way or other connected with this princiijal deity. Such was the Moon, his sister-wife ; the Stars, revered as part of her heavenly train, — though the fairest of them, Venus, known to the Peruvians by the name of Chasca, or the "youth with the long and curling locks," was adored as the piige of the Sun, whom he attends so closely in his rising and in his setting. They dedicated temples also to the Thunder and Lightning,' in whom they recog- nized the Sun's dread ministers, and to the Rainbow, whom they worshipped as a beautiful emanation of their glorious deity.'" 9 Thunder, Lightning, and Thunderbolt could be all expressed by the Peruvians in one word, Illapa. Hence some Spaniards have inferred a knowledge of the Trinity in the natives! "The Devil stole all he could," exclaims Herrera, with righteous indignation. (Hist- general, dec. 5, lib. 4, cap. 5.) These, and even rasher conclusions (see Acosta, lib. 5, cap. 28), are scouted by Garcilasso, sis inventions of Indian converts, willing to please the imaginations of their Chris- tian teachers. (Com. Real., Parte i, lib. 2, cap. 5, 6; lib. 3, cap. 21.) Imposture on the one hand, and credulity on the other, have furnished a plentiful har\-est of absurdities, which has been diligently gathered in by the pious antiquary of a later generation. '° Garcilasso's assertion that these heavenly bodies were objects of reverence as holy things, but not of worship (Com. Real., Parte i, lib. 2, cap. I, 23), is contradicted by Ondegardo, Rel. Seg., MS., — Dec. de la Aud. Real., MS., — Herrera, Hist, general, dec. 5, lib. 4, cap. 4, — Gomara, Hist, de las Ind., cap. 121, — and, I might add, by almost ever}' writer of authority whom I have consulted.* It is con- * [" Mr. Prescott gives his high authority in support of the Spanish historians Ondegardo, Herrera, and Gomara, and against Garcilasso de la Vega, in this matter [the worship of lightning and thunder as deities]. Yet surely, in a question relating to the religion of his an- cestors, the testimony of the Ynca ... is worth more than that of all DEITIES. 97 In addition to these, the subjects of the Incas en- rolled among their inferior deities many objects in nature, as the elements, the winds, the earth, the air, great mountains and rivers, which impressed them with ideas of sublimity and power, or were supposed in some way or other to exercise a mysterious influence over the destinies of man." They adopted also a no- tion, not unlike that professed by some of the schools of ancient philosophy, that every thing on earth had its archetype or idea, its mother, as they emphatically styled it, which they held sacred, as, in some sort, its tradicted, in a manner, by the admission of Garcilasso himself, that these several objects were all personified by the Indians as living beings, and had temples dedicated to them as such, with their effigies delineated in the same manner as was that of the Sun in his dwelling. Indeed, the effort of the historian to reduce the worship of the Incas to that of the Sun alone is not very reconcilable with what he else- where says of the homage paid to Pachacamac, above all, and to Rimac, the great oracle of the common people. The Peruvian my- thology was, probably, not unlike that of Hindostan, where, under two, or at most three, principal deities, were assembled a host of infe- rior ones, to whom the nation paid religious homage, as personifica- tions of the different objects in nature. " Ondegardo, Rel. Seg., MS. — These consecrated objects were termed huacas, — a word of most prolific import ; since it signified a temple, a tomb, any natural object remarkable for its size or shape, in short, a cloud of meanings, which by their contradictory sense have thrown incalculable confusion over the writings of historians and travellers. the Spanish historians put together, Cieza de Leon alone excepted." (Markham, translation of Garcilasso (1869), vol. i. p. 103, note.) ''The sun, moon, and thunder appear to have been the deities next in ■mportance to Pachayachachic; sacrifices were made to them at all the periodical festivities, and several of the prayers given by Molina are addressed to them." Markham, Rites and Laws of the Yncas (1873), Introduction, p. xi. — Eu.] Peru. — Vol. I. — E 9 9 8 CIVILIZATION OF THE INC AS. spiritual essence." But their system, far from being limited even to these multiplied objects of devotion, embraced within its ample folds the numerous deities of the conquered nations, whose images were trans- ported to the capital, where the burdensome charges of their worship were defrayed by their respective provinces. It was a rare stroke of policy in the Incas, who could thus accommodate their religion to their interests.'^ But the worship of the Sun constituted the peculiar care of the Incas, and was the object of their lavish expenditure. The most ancient of the many temples dedicated to this divinity was in the island of Titicaca, whence the royal founders of the Peruvian line were said to have proceeded. From this circumstance, this sanctuary was held in peculiar veneration. Every thing which belonged to it, even the broad fields of " " La orden por donde fundavan sus huacas que ellos Uamavan d las Idolatrias hera porque decian que todas criava el sol i que les dava madre por niadre que mostravan d la tierra, porque decian que tenia madre, i tenian le echo su vulto i sus adoratorios, i al fuego decian que tambien tenia madre i al mais i d las otras sementeras i d lai ovejas iganado decian que tenian madre, i d la chocha ques el brevajo que ellos usan decian que el vinagre della hera la madre i lo reveren ciavan i llamavan mama agua madre del vinagre, i a cada cosa adora van destas de su manera." Conq. i Pob. del Piru, MS. '3 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — So it seems to have been regarded by the Licentiate Ondegardo : " E los Idolos estaban en aq' galpon grande de la casa del Sol, y cada Idolo destos tenia su servicio y gastos y mugeres, y en la casa del Sol le iban d hacer reverercia los que venian de su provincial para lo qual e sacrificios que se iiacian proveian de su misma tierra ordinaria e muy abundantemente por la misma orden que lo Iwcian quando estaba en la misma provincia, que daba gran autoridad d mi parecer e aun fuerza d estos Ingas que cierto me caus6 gran admiracion." Rel. Seg., MS. GORGEOUS TEMPLES. 99 maize which surrounded the temple and formed part of its domain, imbibed a portion of its sanctity. The yearly produce was distributed among the different public magazines, in small quantities to each, as some- thing that would sanctify the remainder of the store. Happy was the man who could secure even an ear of the blessed harvest for his own granary ! "• But the most renowned of the Peruvian temples, the pride of the capital, and the wonder of the empire, was at Cuzco, where, under the munificence of suc- cessive sovereigns, it had become so enriched that it received the name of Coricaticha, or "the Place of Gold." It consisted of- a principal building and several chapels and inferior edifices, covering a large extent of ground in the heart of the city, and com- pletely encompassed by a wall, which, with the edifices, was all constructed of stone. The work was of the kind already described in the other public buildings of the country, and was so finely executed that a Span- iard who saw it in its glory assures us he could call to mind only two edifices in Spain which, for their work- manship, were at all to be compared with it.'^ Yet "4 Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte i, lib. 3, cap. 25. '5 "Tenia este Templo en circuito mas de quatro cientos pasos, todo oercado de una muralla fuerte, labrado todo el edificio de cantera muy excelente de fina piedra, muy bien puesta y asentada, y algunas piedras eran muy grandes y soberbias, no tenian mezcla de tierra ni cal, sino con el betun que ellos suelen hacer sus edificios, y estan tan bien labra- das estas piedras que no se les parece mezcla ni juntura ninguna. En toda Espaiia no he visto cosa que pueda compafar a estas paredes y postura de piedra, sino a la torre que llaman la Calahorra que e:,td junto con la puente de Cordoba, y a una obra que vi en Toledo, cuando fui i. presentar la primera parte de mi Cronica al Principe Dn Felipe." Sarmiento, Relacion, MS., cap. 24. 100 CIVILIZATION OF THE INC AS. this substantial and, in some respects, magnificent structure was thatched with straw ! The interior of the temple was the most worthy of admiration. It was literally a mine of gold. On the western wall was emblazoned a representation of the deity, consisting of a human countenance looking forth from amidst innumerable rays of light, which emanated from it in every direction, in the same manner as the sun is often personified with us. The figure was en- graved on a massive plate of gold of enormous dimen- sions, thickly powdered with emeralds and precious stones.'* It was so situated in front of the great east- ern portal that the rays of the morning sun fell directly upon it at its rising, lighting up the whole apartment with an effulgence that seemed more than natural, and which was reflected back from the golden ornaments with which the walls and ceiling were everywhere in- crusted. Gold, in the figurative language of the people, was " the tears wept by the sun," '' and every part of the interior of the temple glowed with burnished plates and studs of the precious metal. The cornices which surrounded the walls of the sanctuary were of the same costly material ; and a broad belt or frieze of gold, let into the stcflie-work, encompassed the whole exterior of the edifice.'' >* Conq. i Pob. del Piru, MS. — Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 44, 52. — " La figura de! Sol, muy grande, hecha de oro obrada muy prima- mente engastonada en muchas piedras ricas." Sarmiento, Relacion, MS., cap. 24. '7 " 1 al oro asimismo decian que era lagrimas que el Sol llorava." Conq. i Pob. del Piru, MS. »8 Sarmiento, Relacion, MS., cap. 24. — .^ntig. y ^fonumentos del Peru, MS. — " Cercada junto d la techumbre de una plancha de oro de GORGEOUS TEMPLES. loi Adjoining the principal structure were several chapels of smaller dimensions. One of them was consecrated to the Moon, the deity held next in reverence, as the mother of the Incas. Her effigy was delineated in the same manner as that of the Sun, on a vast plate that nearly covered one side of the apartment. But this plate, as well as all the decorations of the building, was of silver, as suited to the pale, silvery light of the beautiful planet. There were three other chapels, one of which was dedicated to the host of Stars, who formed the bright court of the Sister of the Sun ; an- other was consecrated to his dread ministers of ven- geance, the Thunder and the Lightning; and a third, to the Rainbow, whose many-colored arch spanned the walls of the edifice with hues almost as radiant as its own. There were, besides, several other buildings, or insulated apartments, for the accommodation of the numerous priests who officiated in the services of the temple.'' All the plate, the ornaments, the utensils of every description, appropriated to the uses of religion, were of gold or silver. Twelve immense vases of the latter metal stood on the floor of the great saloon, filled with grain of the Indian corn ; ^° the censers for the per- palmo i medio de ancho i lo mismo tenian por de dentro en cada bo- hio 6 casa i aposento." (Conq. i Pob. del Piru, MS.) "Tenia una cinta de planchas de oro de anchor de mas de un palmo enlazadar en las piedras." Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. »s Sarmiento, Relacion, MS., cap. 24. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte I, lib. 3, cap. 21. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. =° " El bulto del Sol tenian mui grande de oro, i todo el scrvicio desta casa era de plata i oro, i tenian doze horones de plata blanca que dos hombres no abrazarian cada uno quadrados, i eran mas altos 9* I02 CIVILIZATION OF THE INCAS. fumeS; the ewers which held the water for sacrifice, the pipes which conducted it through subterraneous chan- nels into the buildings, the reservoirs that received it, even -the agricultural implements used in the gardens of the temple, were all of the same rich materials. The gardens, like those described belonging to the royal palaces, sparkled with flowers of gold and silver, and various imitations of the vegetable kingdom. Animals, also, were to be found there, — among which the llama, with its golden fleece, was most conspicu- ous, — executed in the same style, and with a degree of skill which, in this instance, probably, did not sur- pass the excellence of the material." If the ■ reader sees in this fairy picture only the romantic coloring of some fabulous El Dorado, he que una buena pica donde hechavan el maiz que havian de dar al Sol, segun ellos decian que comiese." Conq. i Pob. del Piru, MS. — The original, as the Spanish reader perceives, says each of these silver vases or bins was as high as a good lance, and so large that two men with outspread arms could barely encompass them ! As this might perhaps embarrass even the most accommodating faith, I have pre- ferred not to become responsible for any particular dimensions. «i Levinus Apollonius, fol. 38. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte i, lib. 3, cap. 24. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — " Tenian un Jar- din que los Terrenes eran pedazos de oro fino y estaban aitificiosa- mente sembrado de maizales los quales eran oro asi las Caiias de ello como las ojas y mazorcas, y estaban tan bien plantados que aunque hiciesen recios bientos no se arrancaban. Sin todo esto tenian hechas mas dft veinte obejas de oro con sus Corderos y los Pastores con sus ondas y cayados que las guardaban hecho de este metal ; havia niurha cantidad de Tinajas de oro y de Plata y esmeraldas, vasos. ollas y todo genero de vasijas todo de oro fino ; por otras Paredes tenian esci'.li)idas y pintadas otras mayores cosas, en fin era uno de los ricos Ter.iplos que hubo en el mundo." Sarmiento, Relacion, MS., cap. E4. GORGEOUS TEMPLES. 103 must r:call what has been said before in reference to the palaces of the Incas, and consider that these "Houses of the Sun," as they were styled, were the common reservoir into which flowed all the streams of public and private benefaction throughout the empire. Some of the statements, through credulity, and others, in the desire of exciting admiration, may be greatly exaggerated ; but in the coincidence of contemporary testimony it is not easy to determine the exact line which should mark the measure of our skepticism. Certain it is that the glowing picture I have given is warranted by those who saw these buildings in their pride, or shortly after they had been despoiled by the cupidity of their countrymen. Many of the costly articles were buried by the natives, or thrown into the waters of the rivers and the lakes ; but enough remained to attest the unprecedented opulence of these religious establishments. Such things as were in their nature portable were speedily removed, to gratify the craving of the Conquerors, who even tore away the solid cor- nices and frieze of gold from the great temple, filling the vacant places with the cheaper, but — since it affords no temptation to avarice — more durable, material of plaster. Yet even thus shorn of their splendor the ven- erable edifices still presented an attraction to the spoiler, who found in their dilapidated walls an inexhaustible quarry for the erection of other buildings. On the very ground once crowned by the gorgeous Coricancha rose the stately church of St. Dominic, one of the most magnificent structures of the New World. Fields of maize and lucerne now bloom on the spot which glowed with the golden gardens of the temple ; and the friar 104 CIVILIZATION OF THE INCAS. chants his orisons within the consecrated precincts once occupied by the Children of the Sun.*" Besides the great temple of the Sun, there was a large number of inferior temples and religious houses in the Peruvian capital and its environs, amounting, as is stated, to three or four hundred.'^ For Cuzco was a sanctified spot, venerated not only as the abode of the Incas, but of all those deities who presided over the motley nations of the empire. It was the city be- loved of the Sun ; where his worship was maintained in its splendor; "where every fountain, pathway, and wall," says an ancient chronicler, "was regarded as a holy mystery."^ And unfortunate was the Indian noble who, at some period or other of his life, had not made his pilgrimage to the Peruvian Mecca. Other temples and religious dwellings were scattered over the provinces, and some of them constructed on a scale of magnificence that almost rivalled that of the metropolis. The attendants on these composed an army of themselves. The whole number of function- aries, including those of the sacerdotal order, who officiated at the Coricancha alone, was no less than four thousand. '5 » Miller's Memoirs, vol. ii. pp. 223, 224. =3 Herrera, Hist, general, dec. 5, lib. 4, cap. 8. — " Havia en aquella ciudad y legua \ media de la redonda quatrocientos y tantos lugares, donde se hacian sacrificios, y se gastava mucha suma de hacienda en ellos." Ondegardo, Rel. Prim., MS. ^ " Que aquella ciudad del Cuzco era casa y morada de Dioses, 6 ansi no habia en toda ella fuente ni paso ni pared que no dixesen que tenia misterio." Ondegardo, Rel. Seg., MS. »s Conq. i Pob. del Pirn, MS. — An army, indeed, if, as Cieza de Leon states, the number of priests and menials employed in the famous temple of Bilcas, on the route to Chili, amounted to 40,000 ! (Cronica, SACERDOTAL ORDER. 105 At the liead of all, both here and throughout the land, stood the great High-Priest, or Villac Vmu, as he was called. He was second only to the Inca in dignity, and was usually chosen from his brothers or nearest kindred. He was appointed by the monarch, and held his office for life; and he, in turn, appointed to all the subordinate stations of his own order. This order was very numerous. Those members of it who officiated in the House of the Sun, in Cuzco, were taken exclusively from the sacred race of the Incas. The ministers in the provincial temples were drawn from the families of the curacas; but the office of high-priest in each district was reserved for one of the blood royal. It was designed by this regulation to preserve the faith in its purity, and to guard against any departure from the stately ceremonial which it punctiliously prescribed.'^ The sacerdotal order, though numerous, was not dis- tinguished by any peculiar badge or costume from the rest of the nation. Neither was it the sole depository of the scanty science of the country, nor was it charged with the business of instruction, nor with those paro- chial duties, if they may so be called, which bring the cap. 89.) Every thing relating to these Houses of the Sun appears to have been on a grand scale. But we may easily believe this a clerical error for 4000. «6 Sarmiento, Relacion, MS., cap. 27. — Conq. i Pob. del Piru, MS, — It was only while the priests were engaged in the service of the tem- ples that they were maintained, according to Garcilasso, from the estates of the Sun. At other times they were to get their support from their own lands, which, if he is correct, were assigned to them in the same manner as to the other orders of the nation. Com. Real., Parte i, lib. 5, cap. 8. E* Io6 CnriLIZATION OF THE IXC AS. priest in contact with the great body of the people,— as was the case in Mexico. The canse of this peca- liarity may probably be traced to the existence of a superior order, like that of the Inca nobles, whose sanctity of - - - - - ended all human appoint- ments tha: eT> grossed whatever th^e wasofreli- people. They were, in fact, the -Iv «.:ci: ; ... :,:..:c. Doubtless, any of them might, as very many of them did, take on them- selves the sacerdotal fimctions ; and their own insignia and peculiar privileges were too well onderstood to require any fiir: r: .:!re to separate them from the people. The du::v; ;: : e ;^^::esi were confined to ministra- tion in the temple. Even here his attendance w3b not constant, as he was relieved after a stated interval by other brethren of his order, who sacceeded one anotho' in regular rotation. His science was limited to an acquaintance with the fasts and festivals of his leligim, and the appropriate ceremonies which distinguished them. This, however frivolous might be its character^ was no easv '^ -•• - - — - -" - --^ --"-I of the Incas in- volved a r: "lex and elalxv- ate as ever disdnguisiie : - .i::3n, whether pagan or Christian. E. :- .tn^vropriate festival, or rather festi-. ; : .; m1 had reference : - r great periods of i equi- noxes. Perhaps the: _ eat of all the national solem: -j.y~i, held at the period of the . :he Sun, having touched the souther. - --.:y of his course, retraced his rith^ FESTIVALS. 107 as if to gladden the hearts of his chosen people by his presence. On this occasion the Indian nobles from the different quarters of the country thronged to the capital to take part in the great relie;ious cele- bration. For three days previous, there was a general fast, and no fire was allowed to be lighted in the dwellings. When the appointed day arrived, the Inca and his court, followed by the whole population of the city, assembled at early dawn in the great square to greet the rising of the Sun. They were dressed in their gayest apparel, and the Indian lords vied with each other in the display of costly ornaments and jewels on their persons, while canopies of gaudy feather-work and richly-tmted stuffs, borne by the attendants over their heads, gave to the great square, and the streets that emptied into it, the appearance of being spread over with one vast and magnificent awning. Eagerly they watched the coming of their deity, and no sooner did his first yellow rays strike the turrets and loftiest buildings of the capital than a shout of gratulation broke forth from the assembled multitude, accompanied by songs of triumph and the wild melody of barbaric instruments, that swelled louder and louder as his bright orb, rising above the mountain-range towards the east, shone in full splendor on his votaries. After the usual ceremonies of adoration, a libation was offered to the great deity by the Inca, from a huge golden vase, filled with the fermented liquor of maize or of maguey, which, after the monarch had tasted it himself, he dispensed among his royal kindred. These cere- monies completed, the vast assembly was arranged Io8 CIVILIZATION OF THE INCAS. in order of procession and took its way towards the Coricancha.'^ As they entered the street of the sacred edifice, all divested themselves of their sandals, except the Inca and his family, who did the same on passing through the portals of the temple, where none but these august personages were admitted. ^^ After a decent time spent in devotion, the sovereign, attended by his courtly train, again appeared, and preparations were made to commence the sacrifice. This, with the Peruvians, consisted of animals, grain, flowers, and sweet-scented gums, — sometimes of human beings, on which occa- sions a child or beautiful maiden was usually selected as the victim. But such sacrifices were rare, being reserved to celebrate some great public event, as a coronation, the birth of a royal heir, or a great vic- tory. They were never followed by those cannibal repasts familiar to the Mexicans and to many of the fierce tribes conquered by the Incas. Indeed, the con- quests of these princes might well be deemed a blessing to the Indian nations, if it were only from their sup- pression of cannibalism, and the diminution, under their rule, of human sacrifices.^ «7 Dec. de la Aud. Real., MS. — Sarmiento, Relacion, MS., cap. 27. — The rSader will find a brilliant, and not very extravagant, account of the Peruvian festivals in Marmontel's romance of Les Incas. The French author saw in their gorgeous ceremonial a fitting introduction to his own literary pageant. Tom. i. chap. 1-4. *8 " N'ingun Indio comun osaba pasar por la calle del Sol calzado; ni ninguno, aunque fuese mui grand Senor, entrava en !as casas del Sol con zapatos." Conq. i Pob. del Piru, MS. "9 Garcilasso de la Vega flatly denies that the Incis were guilty of human sacrifices, and maintains, on the other hand, that they uni« FESTIVALS. 109 At the feast of Raymi, the sacrifice usually offered was that of the llama ; and the priest, after opening formly abolished them in every country they subdued, where they had previously existed. (Com. Real., Parte i, lib. 2, cap. 9, et alibi.) But in this material fact he is unequivocally contradicted by Sarmiento, Relacion, MS., cap. 22, — Dec. de la Aud. Real., MS., — Montesinos, Mem. antiguas, MS., lib. 2, cap. 8, — Balboa, Hist, du Perou, chap. S, 8, — Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 72, — Ondegardo, Rel. Seg., MS., — Acosta, lib. 5, cap. 19, — and I might add, I suspect, were I to pur- sue the inquiry, by nearly every ancient writer of authority ; some of whom, having come into the country soon after the Conquest, while its primitive institutions were in vigor, are entitled to more deference in a matter of this kind than Garcilasso himself. It was natural that the descendant of the Incas should desire to relieve his race from so odious an imputation ; and we must have charity for him if he does show himself on some occasions, where the honor of his country is at stake, " high gravel blind." It should be added, injustice to the Pe- ruvian government, that the best authorities concur in the admission that the sacrifices were few, both in number and in magnitude, being reserved for such extraordinary occasions as those mentioned in the text.* * [In a long note on the passage in Garcilasso relating to the sub- ject, Mr. Markham asserts that " the Yncas did not offer up human sacrifices," and, complaining that "Mr. Prescott allows himself to accept Spanish testimony in preference to that of the Ynca" Garci- lasso, examines the evidence adduced, and rejects it as proceeding from credulity, prejudice, and ignorance. Several of the objections he alleges would require detailed consideration if the question had not since been definitively settled by his own publication, in an English translation, of an important and trustworthy account, by Christoval de Molina, of the rites practised by the Incas. From this it appears that, while the ordinary sacrifices consisted of the " sheep" and " lambs" of the country, the great festival called Ccapacocha or Cacha- huaca was celebrated with human sacrifices, both at Cuzco and at the chief town of each province. The victims consisted of children, male and female, aged about ten years, one or two being selected from each lineage or tribe. Some were strangled; " from others they took out the hearts while yet alive, and offered them to the huacas while Peru.— Vol. I. 10 I TO CIVILIZATION OF THE IN CAS. the body of his victim, sought in the appearances which it exhibited to read the lesson of the mysterious future. If the auguries were unpropitious, a second victim was slaughtered, in the hope of receiving some more comfortable assurance. The Peruvian augur might have learned a good lesson of the Roman, — to consider every omen as favorable which served the interests of his country. 3° A fire was then kindled by means of a concave mirror of polished metal, which, collecting the rays of the sun into a focus upon a quantity of dried cotton, speedily set it on fire. It was the expedient used on the like occasions in ancient Rome, at least under the reign of the pious Xuma. When the sky was overcast, and the face of the good deity was hidden from his worship- pers, which was esteemed a bad omen, fire was obtained by means of friction. The sacred flame was intrusted to the care of the Virgins of the Sun ; and if, by any 3° " Augurque cum esset, dicere ausus est, optimis aiispiciis ea geri, quae pro reipublicae salute gererentur." (Cicero, De Senectute.) — This inspection of the entrails of animals for the purposes of di\ina- tion is worthy of note, as a most rare, if not a solitary, instance of the kind among the nations of the New World, though so familiar in the ceremonial of sacrifice among the pagan nations of the Old. yet palpitating." The bodies were interred with the other sacrifices. "They also had a custom, when they conquered and subjugated any nations, of selecting some of the handsomest of the conquered people and sending them to Cuzco, where they were sacrificed to the Sun, who as they said, had given them the \ictory." (Fables and Rites of the Yncas, pp. 54-59.) Mr. Markham describes the narrative of Molina as supplying " more than one incidental corroboration of the correctness of Garcilasso's statements," but omits to notice its inci- dental contradiction of them on this verj' important point. — Ed.] • FESTIVALS. 1 1 1 neglect, it was suffered to go out in the course of the year, the event was regarded as a calamity that boded some strange disaster to the monarchy. 3' A burnt-offer- ing of the victims was then made on the altars of the deity. This sacrifice was but the prelude to the slaugh- ter of a great number of llamas, part of the flocks of the Sun, which furnished a banquet not only for the Inca and his court, but for the people, who made amends at these festivals for the frugal fare to which they were usually condemned. A fine bread or cake, kneaded of maize flour by the fair hands of the Virgins of the Sun, was also placed on the royal board, where the Inca, presiding over the feast, pledged his great nobles in generous goblets of the fermented liquor of the country, and the long revelry of the day was closed at night by music and dancing. Dancing and drinking were the favorite pastimes of the Peruvians. These amusements continued for several days, though the sacrifices terminated on the first. Such was the great festival of Raymi; and the recurrence of this and similar festivities gave relief to the monotonous routine of toil prescribed to the lower orders of the com- munity. ^^ In the distribution of bread and wine at this high festival, the orthodox Spaniards who first came into the country saw a striking resemblance to the Chris- 31 " Vigilemque sacraverat ignem, Excubias divum a;ternas." Plutarch, in his life of Numa, describes the reflectors used by the Romans for kindling the sacred fire, as concave instruments of brass, though not spherical like the Peruvian, but of a triangular form. 3* Acosta, lib. 5, cap. 28, 29. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte i, lib, 6, cap. 23. 112 CIVILIZATION OF THE INC AS. tian communion; 33 as in the practice of confession and penance, which, in a most irregular form indeed, seems to have been used by the Peruvians, they dis- cerned a coincidence with another of the sacraments of the Church. 3* The good fathers were fond of tracing such coincidences, which they considered as the con- trivance of Satan, who thus endeavored to delude his victims by counterfeiting the blessed rites of Chris- tianity.3s Others, in a different vein, imagined that they saw in such analogies the evidence that some of the primitive teachers of the gospel, perhaps an apostle himself, had paid a visit to these distant regions and scattered over them the seeds of religious truth. 3* But 33 " That which is most admirable in the hatred and presumption of Sathan is, that he not onely counterfeited in idolatry and sacrifices, but also in certain ceremonies, our sacraments, which Jesus Christ our Lord instituted, and the holy Church uses, having especially pretended to imitate, in some sort, the sacrament of the communion, which is the most high and divine of all others." Acosta, lib. 5, cap. 23. 34 Herrera, Hist, general, dec. 5, lib. 4, cap. 4. — Ondegardo, Rel. Prim., MS. — " The father of lies would likewise counterfeit the sacra- ment of Confession, and in his idolatries sought to be honored with ceremonies very like to the manner of Christians." Acosta, lib. 5, cap. 25. 35 Cieza de Leon, not content with many marvellous accounts of the influence and real apparition of Satan in the Indian ceremonies, has garnished his volume with numerous wood-cuts representing the Prince of Evil in bodily presence, with the usual accompanime:its of tail, claws, etc., as if to re-enforce the homilies in his text ! The Peru- vian saw in his idol a god. His Christian conqueror saw in it the Devil. One may be puzzled to decide which of the two might lay claim to the grossest superstition. 36 Piedrahita, the historian of the Muyscas, is satisfied that this apostle must have been St. Bartholomew, whose travels were known to have been extensive. (Conq. de Granada, Parte i, lib. i, cap. 3.) The Mexican antiquaries consider St. Thomas as having had charge VIRGINS OF THE SUN. "3 it seems hardly necessary to invoke the Prince of Dark- ness, or the intervention of the blessed saints, to ac- count for coincidences which have existed in countries far removed from the light of Christianity, and in ages, indeed, when its light had not yet risen on the world. It is much more reasonable to refer such casual points of resemblance to the general constitu- tion of man and the necessities of his moral nature. ^^ Another singular analogy with Roman Catholic in- stitutions is presented by the Virgins of the Sun, the "elect," as they were called, ^^ to whom I have already had occasion to refer. These were young maidens, dedicated to the service of the deity, who, at a tender age, were taken from their homes and introduced into convents, where they were placed under the care of certain elderly matrons, mamaconas, who had grown gray within their walls. 3' Under these venerable guides the holy virgins were instructed in tlie nature of their of the mission to the people of Anahnac. These two apostles, then, would seem to liave divided the New World, at least the civilized por- tions of it, between them. How they came, whether by Behring's Straits, or directly across the Atlantic, we are not informed. Velasco — a writer of the eighteenth century ! — has little doubt that they did really come. Hist, de Quito, torn. i. pp. 89, 90. 37 The subject is illustrated by some examples in the " History of the Conquest of Mexico," vol. iii.. Appendix No. I ; since the same usages in that country led to precisely the same rash conclusions among the Conquerors. 38 " Llamavase Casa de Escogidas ; porque las escogian, 6 por Linage, 6 por Hermosura." Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte i, lib. 4, cap. I. 39 Ondegardo, Rel. Prim., MS. — The word matnacotia signified " matron;" mama, the first half of this compound word, as already noticed, meaning "mother." See Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte i, \ib. 4, cap. I. 10* 114 CIVILIZATION OF THE INC AS. religious du(.ies. They were employed in spinning and embroidery, and, with the fine hair of the vicuna, wove the hangings for the temples, and the apparel for the Inca and his household/" It was their duty, above all, to watch over the sacred fire obtained at the festival of Raynii. From the moment they entered the establish- ment, they were cut off from all connection with the world, even with their own family and friends. No one but the Inca, and the Coya or queen, might enter the consecrated precincts. The greatest attention was paid to their morals, and visitors were sent every year to inspect the institutions and to report on the state of their discipline.*' Woe to the unhappy maiden who was detected in an intrigue ! By the stern law of the Incas, she was to be buried alive, her lover was to be strangled, and the town or village to which he be- longed was to be razed to the ground, and "sowed with stones," as if to efface every memorial of his ex- istence.*^ One is astonished to find so close a resem- *P Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. ♦' Dec. de la Aud. Real., MS. 4= Balboa, Hist, du Perou, chap. 9. — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, Parte 2, lib. 3, cap. 11. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte i, lib. 4, cap. 3. — According to the historian of the Incas, the terrible penalty was never incurred by a single lapse on the part of the fair sisterhood; though, if it had been, the sovereign, he assures us, would have " ex- acted it to the letter, with as little compunction as he would have drowned a puppy." (Com. Real., Parte i, lib. 4, cap. 3.) Other wr'ters contend, on the contrary, that these Virgins had very little claim to the reputation of Vestals. (See Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — Gomara, Hist, de las Ind., cap. 121.) Such impjtations are common enough on the inhabitants of religious houses, whether pagan or Christian. They are contradicted in the present instance by the concurrent testimony of most of those who had the best oppor- VIRGINS OF THE SUN. II5 blance between the institutions of the American Indian, the ancient Roman, and the modern Catholic! Chas- tity and purity of life are virtues in woman that would seem to be of equal estimation with the barbarian and with the civilized. — Yet the ultimate destination of the inmates of these religious houses was materially different. The great establishment at Cuzco consisted wholly of maidens of the royal blood, who amounted, it is said, to no less than fifteen hundred. The provincial convents were supplied from the daughters of the Ca- racas and inferior nobles, and occasionally, where a girl was recommended by great personal attractions, from the lower classes of the people. '•^ The " Houses of the Virgins of the Sun" consisted of low ranges of stone buildings, covering a large extent of ground, surrounded by high walls, which excluded those within entirely from observation. They were provided with every accommodation for the fair inmates, and were embellished in the same sumptuous and costly manner as the palaces of the Incas, and the temples ; for they received the particular care of the government, as an important part of the religious establishment.'''' Yet the career of all the inhabitants of these cloisters was not confined within their narrow walls. Though Virgins of the Sun, they were brides of the Inca, and at a marriageable age the most beautiful among them tunity of arriving at truth, and are made particularly improbable by the superstitious reverence entertained for the Incas. •♦3 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — Garcilasso, Com. Real.. Parte i, lib. 4, cap. I. ♦♦ Ibid., Parte i, lib. 4, cap. 5. — Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 44. Ii6 CIVILIZATION OF THE INCAS. were selected for the honors of his bed and transferred to the royal seraglio. The full complement of this amounted in time not only to hundreds, but thousands, who all found accommodations in his different palaces throughout the country. When the monarch was dis- posed to lessen the number of his establishment, the concubine with whose society he was willing to dis- pense returned, not to her former monastic residence, but to her own home \ where, however humble might be her original condition, she was maintained in great state, and, far from being dishonored by the situation she had filled, was held in universal reverence as the Inca's bride. •'5 The great nobles of Peru were allowed, like their sovereign, a plurality of wives. The people, generally, whether by law, or by necessity stronger than law, were more happily limited to one. Marriage was conducted in a manner that gave it quite as original a character as belonged to the other institutions of the country. On an appointed day of the year, all those of a mar- riageable age — which, having reference to their ability to take charge of a family, in the males was fixed at not less than twenty-four years, and in the women at eighteen or twenty — were called together in the great squares of their respective towns and villages, through- out the empire. The Inca presided in person over the assembly of his own kindred, and, taking the hands of the different couples who were to be united, he placed them within each other, declaring the parties man and wife. The same was done by the curacas towards all