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 (d i^^^-vti^ ^ ioo^tiu^^!:/^/- 

 
 MANUAL OF LINGUISTICS,
 
 iQ2'^n^^> 
 
 MANUAL OF LINGUISTICS 
 
 A CONCISE ACCOUNT OF GENERAL AND ENGLISH 
 
 PHONOLOGY, WITH SUPPLEMENTARY 
 
 CHAPTERS ON KINDRED TOPICS 
 
 BY 
 
 JOHN CLARK, M.A. 
 
 SECOND CLASSICAL MASTER IN THE HIGH SCHOOL OF DUNDEE 
 
 ' <l>a)f 77 Koi \p6<poi erepov icm/ 
 
 ARISTOTLE. 
 
 New York: G P. PUTNAM'S SONS 
 
 Edinburgh : JAMES THIN 
 
 1893
 
 P5?3 
 C53
 
 CORRIGENDUM. 
 Page Ixvii., line 4. Y ox pithless stem read stemless pith.
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 I HAVE been told and believe that a book written on the 
 lines of the present one is a desideratum. 
 
 Certainly, if a correct knowledge of the whence and the 
 wherefore of words have its uses, no one who wishes or is 
 constrained to be a full man in such things can afford to 
 dispense with a knowledge of the facts that I have here 
 tried to set forth. 
 
 It has been my object to produce a volume that will, 
 with fair completeness, and in moderate compass, present the 
 main results of modern phonology. I have also sought to 
 round it off by the addition of such supplementary matter 
 as may usefully accompany the main theme. 
 
 Phonology is a precise science, as precise as the most 
 fastidious precisian could desire. It is based on truth, it 
 is buttressed by law. If it has its farthing facts, it has also 
 its solid generalisations. In any case, it is indispensable in 
 linguistic research, which, involving as it does a knowledge 
 ' of principle, ought to be appraised above mere dictionary 
 J etymologising. 
 
 sj I trust that this book will be found useful by any one 
 
 s) who wishes to devote some time and attention to the 
 former. 
 
 I have built mainly on Brugmann and Sweet. Mr. May- 
 hew's Old English Phonology and Mr. Wharton's Etyma 
 "jV Latina I have found very helpful. To all Mr. Skeat's books.
 
 vi Preface. 
 
 besides direct help, I owe much in the way of momentum. 
 Many contributions to the American Journal of Philology 
 have given me assistance. I think I have generally 
 acknowledged direct help. At all events I cite my authori- 
 ties. I must not forget to mention how much I have 
 profited by a perusal of Strong's translation of Paul's 
 Principles. From Wheeler's pamphlet on Analogy I have 
 got many hints and illustrations. 
 
 That this book is free from blunders I have not the 
 presumption to hope. There must be in it many traces of 
 etymological Aberglaube. It would be an easy thing to 
 describe it as consisting of bits of etymological caviare 
 indifferently dressed. With regard to the dressing I plead 
 guilty in advance. It might have been in more competent 
 hands. Conaiywr temies grandia. 
 
 As for errors in execution and detail, I have to say that 
 this book covers a wide field, and that one man's judg- 
 ment and one pair of eyes are fallible. 
 
 It will be an advantage to read, or, at all events, to glance 
 at Chapter V., before reading the others. It contains a 
 description of many sound-processes that are assumed in 
 previous chapters. 
 
 Special characters are explained at the proper places. 
 Some of them are necessarily used in advance of their ex- 
 planation. Pages 13, 14, 27, 32, 51, 75, 84, and 93 con- 
 tain allusions to such characters. I mean the Index to 
 supply cross-references that may only be hinted at and not 
 paged. The English words in Chapters VIII. and IX. are 
 separately indexed. 
 
 JOHN CLARK. 
 Dundee, May 1893.
 
 AUTHORITIES. 
 
 Behaghel : Historical Grammar of the German Language. Translated 
 
 by Trechmann. 1891. 
 Bell : Sounds and their Relations. 1S82. 
 
 Bohtlingk : Sanskrit-Worterbuch in kiirzerer Fassung. 1879-1889. 
 Breal and Bailly : Dictionnaire etymologique latin. 1885. 
 Brugmann : Comparative Grammar of the Indo-Germanic Languages. 
 
 Translated by Wright, Conway, and Rouse. 1888-1892. 
 Btilbring : Ablaut in the Modern Dialects of the South of England. 
 
 Translated by Badham. 189 1. 
 Collitz : Die neueste Sprachforschung und die Erklarung des indoger- 
 
 manischen Ablautes. 1886. 
 Conway : Verner's Law in Italy. 1887. 
 
 Cook : The Phonological Investigation of Old English. 1888. 
 Curti : Die Sprachschopfung. Versuch einer Embryologie der mensch- 
 
 lichen Sprache. 1890. 
 Darbishire : Notes on the Spiritus Asper in Greek. 1889. 
 Delbriick : Introduction to the Study of Language. Translated by 
 
 Channing. 1882. 
 Douse : Introduction to the Gothic of Ulfilas. 18S6. 
 Ellis: Early English Pronunciation. 1869-1889. 
 Ettmiiller : Lexicon Anglo-Saxonicum. 185 1. 
 Fennell : Indo-European Vowel-System. 1889. 
 Fick : Vergleichendes Worterbuch der indogermanischen Sprachen. 
 
 1874. 
 
 Grassmann : Ueber die Aspiraten und ihr gleichzeitiges Vorhandensein 
 im An- und Auslaut der Wurzeln ; Ueber das ursprlingliche Vor- 
 handensein von Wurzeln, deren Aniaut und Auslaut eine Aspirate 
 entheilt. Kuhn's Zeitschrift, Vol. XII. 
 
 Henry : Comparative Grammar of Greek and Latin. Translated by 
 Elliott. 1S90. 
 
 Henry : Etude sur I'Analogie en general. 1883. 
 
 King and Cookson : Sounds and Inflections in Greek and Latin. 1888. 
 
 Kluge : Etymologisches Worterbuch der deutschen Sprache. 1889. 
 
 Mayhew : Synopsis of Old English Phonology. 1891. 
 
 Mayhew and Skeat : Dictionary of Middle English. 1888. 
 
 Merlo : Ragione del permanere dell' A e del suo mutarsi in E(0) tin 
 dair eta protoariana. 1S87. 
 
 Muller : Sanskrit Grammar for Beginners. 1870.
 
 viii AtUhorities. 
 
 Murray : New English Dictionary. 
 
 Murray: Dialect of the Southern Counties of Scotland. 1873. 
 
 Oliphant : Old and Middle English. 1891. 
 
 Paul : Principles of Language. Translated by Strong. 1888. 
 
 Paul: Grundriss der germanischen Philologie. 1891. 
 
 Pezzi : La Lingua Greca Antica. 18S8. 
 
 Sayce : Principles of Comparative Philology. 1875. 
 
 Sayce : Introduction to the Science of Language. 1890. 
 
 Schrader : Prehistoric Antiquities of the Aryan Peoples. Translated by 
 
 Jevons. 1890. 
 Schweizer-.Sidler : Grammatik der lateinischen Sprache. 1888. 
 Sievers : Old English Grammar. Translated by Cook. 1887. 
 Skeat : Etymological Dictionary. 1882. 
 Skeat : Moeso-Gothic Glossary. 1868. 
 Skeat : Principles of English Etymology. First and Second Series. 
 
 1887-1891. 
 Strong and Meyer : History of the German Language. 1886. 
 Strong, Logeman, and Wheeler : Introduction to the Study of the 
 
 History of Language. 1891. 
 Sweet : History of English Sounds. 1888. 
 Sweet : History of English Sounds. 1874. 
 Sweet: Handbook of Phonetics. 1877. 
 Sweet : Primer of Phonetics. 1890. 
 Sweet: First Middle English Primer. 1891. 
 Sweet : Second Middle English Primer. 1886. 
 Sweet : New English Grammar. Vol. I. 1892. 
 Taylor : The Alphabet. 1883. 
 Taylor: The Origin of the Aryans. 18S9. 
 VaniJek : Etymologisches Worterbuch. 1877. 
 Verner : Eine Ausnahme der ersten Lautverschiebung. Kuhn's 
 
 Zeitschrift, Vol. XXIII. 
 Weigand : Deutsches Worterbuch. 1881. 
 Wharton : Etyma Latina. 1890. 
 
 Wheeler : Analogy and the Scope of its Application in Language. 1S87, 
 Whitney : Sanskrit Grammar. 1889. 
 Wright : Old Pligh German Primer. 1888. 
 Wright : A Primer of the Gothic Language. 1S92. 
 
 The American Journal of Philology. 
 
 The Classical Review. 
 
 The Academy. 
 
 Indogermanische Forschungen. Edited by Brugmann and Streitberg.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 The Aryans— Their Culture and Original Home. 
 The Origin of Speech. 
 
 The old account of Aryan civilisation. Its assumptions. The data 
 found in language. Caution in drawing inferences. The wave 
 theory of Schmidt. The pedigree theory. Account of the wave 
 theory. Missing links in language. Advantages of the wave 
 theory. Resemblances in language. Defects of the pedigree 
 theory. Uniformity in the parent speech. The vocabulary of the 
 parent speech. Archaism in the Aryan languages. Difficulties in 
 the way of the reconstruction of the original tongue. Aryan 
 civilisation — metals and weapons, agriculture, dwellings, clothing, 
 food and drink, trade. Aryan civilisation — names of kin, ideas 
 about the gods and the hereafter, the mode of computing time. 
 The animals, the birds, and the trees of the primeval epoch. 
 Common words for fish. Common tree names. Common names 
 for water and its manifestations. The original home. The case 
 for Asia. Various locations of the original home. J. Schmidt 
 and an Asiatic site. Schrader's theory of the original home. 
 The seat of European common culture. The seat of Iranian 
 common culture. The scene of the Aryan joint life. Hirt's 
 criticism of Schrader's theory. The Aryans and race-mixture. 
 Physical characteristics of the Aryans. The beginnings of speech. 
 The units of primal speech. Inflections. Roots. The first words. 
 Their character and mode of manufacture. Impressions and 
 names. The real first words. Articulate sounds. Gesture. 
 Speech as a scientific process. .... Pages xv-lxix
 
 X Contents. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 Letters— Their Origin and Order. 
 
 The art of writing and the stages thereof. Picture-writing. Trans- 
 mission of the alphabet. Source of the Phoenician alphabet. De 
 Rouge's account of its origin. Manipulation of the Egyptian 
 alphabet by the Semites. The order of the letters of the alphabet. 
 Different classifications of alphabetic symbols. The secret of the 
 Semitic arrangement. Remarks on the Latin and the Greek 
 alphabets. Sundry notes on alphabetic symbols. . Pages i-il 
 
 CHAPTER IL 
 
 Sound Relations in Indo-European— Vowels and 
 
 Diphthongs. 
 
 The old allotment of vowels and consonants to Indo-European. The 
 original stock of sounds. The Indo-European sound-system. 
 The primitiveness of e and the non-primitiveness of certain a's. 
 The primitiveness of o. Lingual and nasal consonant-vowels. 
 Palatals and velars. Greek transformations of velars. Table to 
 illustrate the representation of velars and palatals. Hard aspirates. 
 Varieties of palatals. The labialisation and the non-labialisation 
 of velars. Some remarks on the Indo-European languages. Table 
 of the sound-correspondences of Indo-European vowels and diph- 
 thongs. Cognates and examples (with explanations and reference 
 to I.E. root) to support the doctrine of the table, and illustrate 
 the theory of sound-correspondence and the facts of sound- 
 change. ........ Pages 12-38 
 
 CHAPTER in. 
 
 Sound Relations in Indo-European — Semivowels, 
 Spirants, Consonant-Vowels, Liquids, Nasals. 
 
 Table of the sound-correspondences of Indo-European semivowels, 
 spirants, consonant-vowels, liquids, nasals. Cognates and ex- 
 amples (with explanations and reference to I.E. root) to support 
 the doctrine of the table, and illustrate the theory of sound-corre- 
 spondence and the facts of sound -change. Formations in which 
 nasal sonants appear. ...... Pages 39-70
 
 Contents. xi 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 Sound Relations in Indo-European— Explosives. 
 
 Table of the sound-correspondences of Indo-European explosives 
 (labials, dentals, palatals, velars). Cognates and examples (with 
 explanations and reference to I.E. root) to support the doctrine of 
 the table, and illustrate the theory of sound-correspondence and 
 the facts of sound-change. Tenues aspiratae. . Pages 71-106 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 Vocalic and Consonantal Affections. Analogy. 
 
 Classification of these affections. Vocalic Affections — Vowel Assimi- 
 lation (Umlaut), Breaking, Influence of w. Palatal Influence, 
 Shortening of Vowels, Lengthening of Vowels, Anaptyxis (Pro- 
 thesis), Epenthesis, Contraction, Aphaeresis, Syncope, Apocope. 
 Consonantal Affections — Assimilation, Dissimilation, Assibilalion, 
 Labialism, Dentalism, Rhotacism, Labdacism, Voicing, Unvoicing, 
 Metathesis, Reduplication, Aspiration, Gemination (Affrication), 
 Epenthesis, Epithesis, De-aspiration, Aphaeresis, Ecthlipsis, Apo- 
 cope. Laws for finals in Teutonic. Analogy and Phonetic Law. 
 Their character and scope. Examples of the working of analogy 
 — Meaning into Form, Form into Meaning, Form into Function, 
 Function into Form Pages 107-135 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 Ablaut and Accent. 
 
 Definition of Ablaut. Ablaut-series. The <?-series, with examples. 
 The two varieties of strong grade. The weak grade. The other 
 series (^-series, rt-series, J-series, rt-series, o-series), with examples. 
 Root or roots. The ablaut proper to certain formations. Illus- 
 trations from Greek. Meagreness of the Latin ablaut. Table of 
 the Teutonic ablaut. The part that ablaut plays in the Teutonic 
 verbal system. Ablaut in Modern English. Remarks on the 
 Modern German ablaut. Ablaut in declension. The Indo- 
 European accent. The true account of Greek accentuation. 
 Various systems of accentuation. Retention of the original accent 
 in Greek. The .iccent in Modern Greek. The law of accentua- 
 tion in Latin. The nature of the Indo-European accent. The 
 nature of the accent in Sanskrit and Greek. Brugmann and Sweet 
 on the Indo-European accent. The origin of the recessive accent
 
 xii Contents. 
 
 in Greek. Noticeable facts in Greek accentuation. The path 
 followed by recession. Wheeler's account of recession. Merlo's 
 theory of the f- and «7- ablaut .... Pages 1 36-161 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Grimm's Law. 
 
 Influence of Grimm's Law on linguistic science. Its significance, 
 limitations, and wording. The primitive state of the undivided 
 peoples. Definition of Grimm's Law. Table of sound-changes 
 in Grimm's Law. Examples. The phonic triangle. Remarks 
 on the aspirates. Scope of the changes recorded in the Law. 
 The changes in themselves. Breath to aspirate. Correct state- 
 ment of sound-change. Aspirate to voice. Voice to breath. The 
 place of euphony as a solvent. Conway's hypothesis about the 
 quality of the original mediae. Brugmann's account of the order 
 of the changes. Sweet's account. Isolated changes. The runes 
 and the first change. Date of the first change. The High German 
 changes. Their date, their cause, their partial character. The 
 formulae required for practical purposes. General conclusions 
 regarding the changes. The changes were unconscious. Erroneous 
 views on Grimm's Law. Grassmann's Law. Verner's Law. The 
 Indo-European accent. Conway's Law. Moulton's Law. Sievers' 
 Law. An alternation of c and g. Paul and Kluge's 
 Law Pages 162-183 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Sound Relations in English— Introduction and 
 Short Vowels. 
 
 The Anglo-Saxon alphabet. Anglo-Saxon dialects. Middle English 
 dialects. Middle English. Varieties in the Anglo-Saxon and 
 Middle English dialects. Influence of Anglo-French on Middle 
 English orthography. Orm's spelling. Final e. Supplementary 
 remarks on the general orthography of Middle and Modern 
 English. Spelling and speaking. Plan of the word-lists. Table 
 of living English sounds. Remarks on the phonetic definitions. 
 Lengthening and shortening in Anglo-Saxon and Middle English. 
 Table of vowel-sounds, with remarks. Table of consonant-sounds, 
 with remarks. Lists of typical examples of vocalic sound-change 
 in the passage from Anglo-Saxon to Modern English, with prefa-
 
 Contents. xiii 
 
 tory abstract of changes and commentary on the examples 
 cited Pages 184-239 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Sound Relations in English— Long Vowels and 
 Consonants. 
 
 Continuation of typical examples. Modern English vowel-sounds with 
 their Anglo-Saxon originals. Vocalic sound-change in words of 
 Anglo-French origin. The Scotch equivalents of Anglo-Saxon 
 vowels. The representation of Anglo-Saxon consonants in Modern 
 English, with description of the sounds and notes on their 
 transition Pages 240-291 
 
 Index Pages 293-318
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 The Aryans — Their Culture and Original Home. 
 The Origin of Speech. 
 
 The idyllic, but certainly also idealised picture of the 
 ancient Aryans is well known. According to this, they 
 were an agricultural people, and lived the life of simple 
 swains. They possessed towns too, and were not ignorant 
 of the rudiments of fortification. Peace had reigned for a 
 long time in their land, not the pax Romana of later times, 
 but the peace that is due to a peace-loving temper and a 
 devotion to rural pursuits. Their family life was happy and 
 sweetly reasonable. At the head of the household were the 
 protector of its weal and the manager of its concerns. 
 The members of the family, the milk-maid daughter and 
 the supporter-brother, had all the virtues that are sisterly 
 and brotherly. A drift towards righteousness was every- 
 where visible, and morality was so elevated as to suggest a 
 serious falling off on the part of descendants. 
 
 The undoubted domestication of a few animals, the 
 presence in the various languages of correlates to 'rrdX/;, 
 pater, mater, duydr^p, /rater, Qi'Mtg, &c., have been made to 
 prove all this, and to answer thzi pater, mater are artificial 
 dressings of the older onomatopoetic lallworter, that d-jydrrjp 
 is more likely to mean ' ^uae /aetat,' or ' r/uae /adet,' than ' the 
 milkmaid,' to insist that transferred meanings of roots are not 
 
 a
 
 xvi Manual of Linguistics. 
 
 to be taken for primitive, nay, that it is not permissible to 
 assume on the part of the primitive people a clear con- 
 sciousness of the relation between root and full-grown word, 
 is to evince want of imagination, and to qualify for the 
 name of devotee of Darwinism and dirt. 
 
 A careful examination of the letter of the data for in- 
 ference given in language will give us other results, not so 
 taking certainly, nor so flattering to the supreme Caucasian 
 mind, but eminently sensible results, results, too, that are 
 not high-and-dry, but corroborated by conclusions drawn 
 from other sciences. 
 
 Some risks have to be guarded against before conclusions 
 can be safely drawn. We must see to it that the word on 
 which we base our argument has a distribution in the 
 languages of the Aryan family sufficiently wide to gain for it 
 the name of primitive, that borrowing has not taken place, 
 that the term applied is not so natural and so plainly sug- 
 gested by some marked quality in the thing named as to 
 arise independently and at different times, we must take 
 care not to read late and developed meanings into primitive 
 words, and, lastly, we must take care not to draw negative 
 conclusions until we have satisfied ourselves that the word 
 has not once existed and been lost. 
 
 It is our inability to fulfil all these conditions that forms 
 one of the chief obstacles in the way of deductions got from 
 a simple analysis of words. To reach the most probable 
 result, assistance has often to be got from many sides, from 
 anthropology, from prehistoric research, from the history of 
 culture. A reconstruction of Aryan culture based, say, on 
 the Indo-European vocabulary in Fick's dictionary, is 
 almost sure to be highly coloured, owing to the fatal facility
 
 Introdiiction. xvi'i 
 
 with which we put our own interpretations on ideas that 
 were then in their rudimentary stages. 
 
 So much of our knowledge of Aryan hfe and culture may 
 be got by inferences from language, that some remarks must 
 be made on that topic. 
 
 To begin with, it will be well to notice a theory with 
 regard to the location of the Aryans in their original quarters 
 that will affect our view of the relations of the languages and 
 peoples to one another, and guide us in drawing inferences 
 from the facts that language supplies. 
 
 In the chapter on Grimm's Law are set down the fol- 
 lowing remarks on the primitive state of the Indo-European 
 peoples : — ' It must not be supposed that the original tribes 
 dwelt as next-door neighbours within circumscribed limits, 
 for they dwelt at long distances, though still in touch with 
 one another. They observed various attitudes towards the 
 sound-norms, had certainly much in common, but were also 
 predisposed to change in different degrees and along 
 different lines. Each family of languages, each system of 
 sounds had its own idiosyncrasies.' 
 
 These statements assume the truth of the wave or 
 tratisitioii theory of Schmidt, approved of by Brugmann, 
 Paul, and Schrader. This theory has supplanted the old or 
 pedigree theory of former writers, according to which there 
 was one homogeneous Ursprache with something approach- 
 ing to a dead level of uniformity, spoken by one people 
 dwelling together in unity of speech-sound and speech- 
 bent, from whom there hived off swarms, which, on geo- 
 graphical disjunction, began to develop differences in 
 language that separated them from the other members of 
 their stock, swarms, however, which still comprised two or
 
 X vi ii Mamial of L mguistics. 
 
 more peoples that for a long period were linguistically 
 one. 
 
 To the pedigree theory belonged peculiarly the hypotheses 
 of Italo- Graeco-Celtic, Graeco- Latin, and Lithu-Slavo- 
 Teutonic periods, characterised by identity of language, 
 including the common possession of differentiations of the 
 primitive homogeneity. 
 
 According to the transition theory, a primitive Indo-Euro- 
 pean homogeneity, in the sense we attach to an original Teu- 
 tonic homogeneity, never existed. Characteristic differences 
 of individual languages existed then in some shape, in fact 
 the primitive peoples were not so packed shoulder to shoulder 
 in their original quarters as to present the conditions for the 
 alleged sameness. Settled as they were at considerable dis- 
 tances from one another, though with facility of intercourse, 
 dialectic differences would be accentuated and evolved in 
 many parts of the territory occupied. These spread, 
 according to the laws that regulate the diffusion of dialec- 
 tic changes and creations, in waves or undulations, as the 
 theory puts it, over the neighbourhood in which the nidus 
 they had made for themselves was located. 
 
 To realise this, let us suppose the sites for the Aryan 
 peoples set down, with some rough semblance of their pre- 
 sent relative positions preserved, in one plan on a minute 
 scale. This will give us some idea of the geographical 
 area on which Teutons, Slavo-Lithuanians, Celts, Italians, 
 Greeks, Indo-Iranians, and Armenians lived together before 
 the dispersion. The spaces between were occupied by 
 transition dialects (' kontinuierliche Vermittelung ') which 
 gradually shaded off into one another and into the main 
 languages that bounded them. These have died out with
 
 Introd^tction. xix 
 
 little or no record, and left the abrupt transitions we now 
 encounter. 
 
 There are many missing links in language which, if re- 
 covered, would infallibly give us more light, and possibly 
 give another complexion to established theories. We have, 
 for instance, no remains of the tongues that were spoken 
 north of Hellas. The Phrygians are said to have come 
 from Thrace, and, if it be true that the Armenian language 
 is descended from Phrygian, we may consider that it con- 
 tains certain of the links between Greek and Slavonic on 
 the one hand, and Greek and Indo-Iranian on the other, 
 that must have abundantly appeared in Thracian and 
 Phrygian. 
 
 Again, when we remember that Armenian contains all 
 the changes of Grimm's Law, we are entitled to suppose 
 that the tract in which its progenitor was spoken was in 
 touch with the Teutonic zone. 
 
 It is also permissible to believe that Albanian, as the 
 representative of old Illyrian, forms a link between Greek 
 and Latin. 
 
 The wave theory satisfactorily solves contradictions that 
 were presented by the pedigree theory. Not all that was 
 advanced by it could be true. If Greek, a European 
 language, offers such strong resemblances to Indo-Iranian as 
 to warrant from the old point of view the assumption of an 
 Indo-Persico-Greek period, we cannot at the same time 
 have our cut-and-dry European period with a common 
 language. 
 
 But the new theory makes it possible for us without con- 
 tradiction to grasp the possibility of Greek having many 
 strong resemblances to Indo-Iranian, and at the same time
 
 XX Mamial of Linguistics. 
 
 manifesting points of connection with Latin, because the 
 truth of the one does not on this theory destroy the condi- 
 tions for the existence of the other. It was common in the 
 pedigree theory on the strength of like phenomena to group 
 several languages together, and postulate a common original 
 language, ignoring all the while points of similarity on this 
 side and on that, which argued a wider connection, and 
 militated against the existence of a joint language. 
 
 There are three classes of resemblances that may obtain 
 between languages, resemblances due to geographical 
 proximity and brought about by natural or political causes, 
 or by the disappearance of some barrier ; resemblances that 
 are part of the original inheritance ; and resemblances 
 that may be called frontier resemblances, due to contact 
 with various neighbours at various points. The first of 
 these may be such as to justify us in assuming a period of 
 common culture for the peoples concerned. A common 
 language in the strict sense is not to be thought of, for all 
 these allied languages were dialects from the beginning. 
 
 One then of the defects of the pedigree theory was its in- 
 ability to furnish a good-going explanation which would be 
 elastic enough to account for facts all round. For instance, 
 Sanskrit has an a where all the European languages, includ- 
 Armenian, have e ; the palatal guttural has been assibilated 
 in Sanskrit and Letto-Slavonic, e.g., Sk. satdm, (cp. L. 
 centum), the bh of the plural case-suffix seen in Gk. -(pi\i, 
 L. bus, has in Teutonic and Letto-Slavonic become m 
 (assuming in to be a manifestation of the bh sufiix), e.g. A.S., 
 dat. and instrum. plu. in -m ; Celtic and Latin are unique 
 in presenting r in the passive ; Latin and Greek have all to 
 themselves feminines in us nnd or.
 
 Introduction. xxi 
 
 The pedigree theory never submitted anything that could 
 satisfactorily explain, at one and the same time, not one, 
 but the whole of these facts. The e of European languages 
 is undoubtedly part of the original inheritance, the Sk. a 
 being of different values, or due to levelling. 
 
 The otlier resemblances come under the head of frontier 
 resemblances. There were zones where such and such in- 
 fluences were at work and prevailed. A careful considera- 
 tion of the theory ought to make all these points clear. 
 
 Another defect of the pedigree theory, and its twin, 
 the original-identical-language theory, was the failure to re- 
 cognise that the almost perfect uniformity in language some 
 of its presentations seem to assume never existed. Keeping 
 in mind Paul's dicfuni that there are as many dialects as in- 
 dividuals, we may say that there were certainly as many 
 dialect-languages as peoples, and that a working uniformity 
 is all that can be postulated of the tongue of peoples who, 
 though originally one, tenanted a wide area, to the number 
 of seven, and these too, the founders of languages that were 
 subsequently quite distinct though cognate. 
 
 The further back, the greater the uniformity, though there 
 was never identity. The habits of ex-nomads who had 
 entered on the pastoral stage are not favourable to the 
 existence of the packing in space that identity in language 
 requires. A common language is a late product, the creation 
 of the newspaper, fashion, and the schoolmaster. 
 
 As to the amount of sameness in the languages before 
 dispersion, that is a matter of inference from observed data. 
 They would all be inflectional in caste, and have in comaion 
 much of the usual inflectional machinery. 
 
 The extent of the common vocabulary may be inferred
 
 xxii Manual of Linguistics. 
 
 from the stock of words which an examination of the 
 common culture yields. In the case of men fighting to a 
 large extent with nature an exuberant vocabulary is not to 
 be thought of. A knowledge of the sound-system is to be 
 gleaned from an examination of the sounds transmitted to 
 us, plus an acquaintance with what is antecedent and sub- 
 sequent in sound development. 
 
 Which is the most archaic of the Aryan languages ? 
 Which has preserved most of the common characteristics of 
 the tongue of the original people ? Well, we have not the 
 data to answer the question, and its importance is not press- 
 ing. To come to a satisfactory decision we should require 
 contemporaneous records of the languages compared. So 
 far as vowels are concerned, Greek has been very conserva- 
 tive. There can be no doubt that Sanskrit in structure is 
 more primitive-looking than the other languages. That it 
 has a monopoly of archaic traits is as undoubtedly false. 
 We may be sure these are pretty evenly distributed. 
 
 Attempts to reconstruct the original tongue from the 
 evidence of language are badly lamed by the facts revealed 
 in the theory we have tried to describe. When a word is 
 missing from a language, no man can with certainty say 
 whether it has disappeared, or whether it ever existed. On 
 the old assumptions, the method was easy, if also rough and 
 ready, for, starting with a common European language, if a 
 word occurred in Sanskrit and in one European language, 
 the others must have lost the heirloom. 
 
 If linguistic evidence alone is to be relied on, the more 
 the languages in which a word occurs, the stronger the prob- 
 ability of its being original. Even then there are such 
 things as accidental coincidences. There may also be coin-
 
 Introduction. xxiii 
 
 cidences that cannot be called accidental, for the very fact 
 that there is such a thing as an Indo-European family 
 of languages implies, as regards constituent peoples, an 
 amount of sameness in mental equipment and tendency 
 that ought to be reflected in the languages. 
 
 After these general remarks, it will be proper to discuss in 
 order the divisions of the heading. 
 
 In the following pages I shall rely chiefly on Schrader. 
 The first of the divisions is the culture of the Aryans. It 
 is necessary to ascertain this with all possible aids, and use 
 all the light so got, to clear up the moot-points of the 
 question. 
 
 It will be convenient in writing on this division to 
 handle matters in the order (i) of material arts and material 
 advances, and (2) of social progress and intellectual con- 
 ceptions. 
 
 In the first sub-division are to be handled facts that have 
 a bearing on metals and weapons, on agriculture, on dwell- 
 ings, on clothing, on food and drink, and on trade. 
 
 In the second is to be estimated the significance of names 
 of kin, of ideas about the gods and the hereafter, and of the 
 mode of computing time. 
 
 In quoting words I shall, as a rule, give the Sanskrit, 
 Classical, and Teutonic equivalents where these exist. In 
 this introduction I shall, when quoting German, usually give 
 the New High German, and not the Old High German 
 equivalent. 
 
 The discovery of metals simply meant salvation to man. 
 With their aid he could face up to nature, and clear away 
 
 b
 
 xxiv Manual of Linguistics, 
 
 the vast and rank growth of forest that fettered his move- 
 ments, with their aid he could assert his superiority, and 
 cope with the numerous and aggressive wild-beasts that 
 made life bitter. 
 
 Being now, in proportion to his skill, better able to 
 minister to his material wants, he would be drawn by the 
 greater leisure at his disposal, and the hope of still further 
 perfecting his tools, to work towards that point in weapon- 
 making, in which increase of shapeliness means increase of 
 utility. To the quest of shapeliness would be added the 
 desire for grace, and to grace the rudiments of the artistic 
 sense. 
 
 When those men who had become workers in metal in a 
 small way, to supply most effectively their needs, heard of 
 the more highly favoured mortals in other parts, to whom 
 nature had gifted store of metals for use or ornament, they 
 made shift to procure these. 
 
 These efforts were the beginning of trading. Metals 
 would be sure to acquire a representative value, and the 
 passage of the standard of value from pecudes into pence 
 gave to trading the facility and expansiveness that its spread 
 required. 
 
 Whatever may have been the metals known to the Ayrans, 
 there is no general terms for metals among them, nor 
 indeed among the separate peoples. The name of the 
 metal first discovered was used as a general term. MsraXXov, 
 inetallum are words of late development, derived, it is said, 
 from a Semitic verb meaning ' to smithy,' an origin due to 
 the fact that the Phoenicians erected smelting-houses beside 
 the mines they dug. 
 
 There are also no terms common to tlie Indo-European
 
 Introduction. xxv 
 
 languages denoting the smith or his craft, not even among 
 the Indo-Iranians, where so much else is common, though 
 such terms do exist in the separate dialects of families, 
 unless some one can conjure something out of Sk. dhnan, 
 Gk. cix'L'jiv, -/.d/jJvo:, L. camlnus, A.S. hiunor (E. hammer). 
 All originally meant stone, and seem (assuming them to be 
 cognates) simply to prove that stone implements were used, 
 not that smithying proper was practised by the original 
 people. 
 
 Nor will a grouping of the facts connected with the 
 smith-lore of the various peoples, plentiful as they are — for 
 smiths and smithying played a large part in the imagina- 
 tions of the northern peoples, now ranked with the divine 
 now with the diabolic — enable us, in default of aid from 
 language, to predicate original primitiveness of the smith or 
 his craft. In spite of analogies between the stories of 
 Hephaestus /cl/z./.o-o^/coi/ and Wieland hinkebein, in spite of 
 the appearance, both in south and north, of giants and 
 dwarfs as workers in metal, in spite of the attribution to 
 these workers in both areas of skill in the musical and the 
 healing arts, one is constrained to deny common inherited 
 elements, and partly owing to the very resemblances to 
 suspect myth-borrowing with local colouring on the part of 
 of the Teutons. 
 
 Of the individual metals, we may at once say that gold 
 was not known to the Aryans in their joint state. One has 
 only got to think on yj\i<sli and auritm to come to some 
 such conclusion. With yj-oslit, Goth. giil\>, A.S. gold used 
 to be connected, but that cannot possibly be, even on the 
 supposition that yj\j6og = yjvTloc. Sonant / is not repre- 
 sented in Greek by f^'o. Beside gi/l]\ however, stands a
 
 xxvi Ma7i2ial of Linguistics. 
 
 Slavonic cognate, ^/^i^o'; has been equated to Sk. hiranyam^ 
 but, apart from other difficulties, there is not agreement in 
 the suffix. 
 
 It is simpler to call yj'^alii a loan word from the Semitic 
 (cp. Hebrew chdruz). We know that the Phoenicians were 
 the first to work the gold mines of Thrace, and that in the 
 gray antiquity of the fifteenth century b.c. So that the 
 use of yj'^ao; in the manufacture of personal and place 
 names, always a mark of age, is sufficiently accounted for.. 
 The Semitic peoples were acquainted with gold, owing ta 
 their many points of contact with Egypt, a land rich in gold 
 from time immemorial. Gold, too, was plentiful in Asia 
 Minor and Arabia. 
 
 It is of course possible that the Greeks had gold before 
 they knew the Phoenicians, and either renamed it, or adopted 
 the foreign term to denote the foreign wrought gold they 
 got from the Phoenicians. This term may afterwards have: 
 been generalised, and have displaced the native term. 
 
 The Latin aiirum is a name probably drawn from the 
 native vocabulary, and applied to gold on its introduction. 
 The word is connected with aurora and uro, and meant to- 
 begin with ' the gleaming thing.' 
 
 By a similar step in nomenclature, the Teutons got guVp 
 from the root ghel {ghol), seen in L. kelvi/s, Gk. yoX^, 
 G. gelb. Here giil\^, to begin with, meant ' the yellow 
 thing.' 
 
 The name aiirum gives us not the slightest hint whence 
 the Italians first got gold. The Teutons perhaps got their 
 first gold from some of the outlying Turko-Tartaric peoples,, 
 who, in their original home near the Altai Mountains, had 
 gold in plenty. The Indo-Iranians, of course, got gold in
 
 Introduction. xxvii 
 
 the sands of their own rivers. The Celtic word for gold 
 comes from Latin, so does the Lithuanian word. 
 
 As far as the substance itself is concerned, it is difficult to 
 believe that the Gauls, who, as Polybius says, had store of 
 gold ornaments when they invaded Italy, had to wait till 
 they came into contact with the Italians before they made 
 its acquaintance. 
 
 In Norse we have beside giill * gold in the mass,' 
 Lelonging to common Teutonic, also eyrir from aiiri/iii, 
 meaning coined gold. 
 
 What, then, are the facts? The Greek word is borrowed 
 from Semitic, the Latin word stands by itself and fathers 
 words in other languages, the Indo-Iranians have a word 
 that is common only to the two peoples, Teut. gHl]> has only 
 a congener in Slavonic — facts all proving that gold was not 
 known till after the dispersion. 
 
 Of silver, as of gold, we are entitled to say that it was 
 not known to the Ayrans in their joint state. The Sanskrit 
 word for silver, rajafdm, in the Rigveda, has only the mean- 
 ing of white, and the Zend word is only met with in the 
 Avesta. 
 
 In the Iranian languages there is no agreement in words 
 for this term, and surely if the metal had had a high 
 antiquity in these languages, there should have been some 
 common agreement, however isolated, in the names. 
 
 At first, on hearing Sk. i-ajaidm, Gk. a(,y\jpo;, L. argen- 
 tum (and an Armenian cognate), one may feel it safe 
 to pronounce for original joint possession, but, inasmuch 
 as the quality that has originated the name is so character- 
 istic of the substance named, we have probably here the
 
 xxviii Manual of L inguistics. 
 
 case of a name that would inevitably be coined by observant 
 name-makers. It was probably from Armenia, a country in 
 historical times rich in silver, that the Indo-Iranians got 
 their knowledge of that metal, and the name its importers 
 mentioned in their hearing would fall pat on their ears, and 
 suggest their own. Any two observers would agree in calling 
 silver the white metal. 
 
 The Greeks, too, probably got their knowledge of silver 
 from Armenia, and the Italians theirs from Greece, or, it 
 may be, from Spain, where the Phoenicians had long 
 wrought silver mines. If from the former, we may suppose 
 the Greek word to have taken on an Italian suffix. 
 
 In Italy, where nature has grudgingly gifted silver, the 
 metal must have been introduced at an early date, for the 
 name is present in more than one dialect. 
 
 The Celtic word for silver is possibly a term manufactured 
 on the analogy of argenfum, out of an adjective meaning 
 white, seen, perhaps, in Argentoratum, the Celtic name of 
 Strassburg. 
 
 The Teutons and the Slavs have a joint term (Goth. 
 silnbr, &c.). It will be remembered that the term for gold 
 was also common to these two peoples. 
 
 Nothing definite is known of the etymology of the word 
 silver. A connection with some adjective denoting white- 
 ness would be the most satisfactory, but Kluge declares the 
 word to be foreign to Indo-Europeans. Tacitus tells us 
 the Germans imported silver, and perhaps, if we knew 
 definitely whence, we might get an explanation of the name. 
 Is it not possible that they got it with the name through the 
 agency of some intervening tribe from the Greek traders 
 on the Black Sea, who of course got it from Armenia ?
 
 Introduction. xxix 
 
 Words for copper, one of the most widely distributed 
 of metals, were quite generally diffused in early times. The 
 Egyptians had their term, the Semites theirs, and the Turko- 
 Tartaric peoples had also coined a name. One naturally 
 expects to find a term appearing in the Indo-European 
 domain that will prove a common knowledge of copper, and 
 such a term is seen in the equation Sk. dyas, L. aes^ Goth. 
 aiz. Some difficulty has been met with in the attempt to 
 make out copper to have been the original meaning in 
 Sanskrit, but in Latin and Teutonic, it is pretty patent that 
 the original meaning was copper. 
 
 If it be right to locate, with Schrader, the original home 
 in the district of the Middle Volga, then the Aryans pro- 
 bably got their knowledge of copper by trading relations 
 with the tribes of the Ural Mountains. 
 
 The content of the term for copper was enlarged. In 
 Latin, as elsewhere, the term for copper was afterwards 
 applied to bronze, and in Teutonic, it came to mean ore in 
 general. In Sanskrit, the term was alienated from its 
 original meaning altogether, and applied to iron, while new 
 terms were got for copper, which have no connexion with 
 other Indo-European words. 
 
 The fact that the metals accommodating themselves to 
 dyas are neuter in Latin, in Sanskrit, and Gothic, supports 
 the belief that copper was the earliest metal known, a belief 
 that is also countenanced by the fact that many names of 
 iron originally meant copper. Perhaps the new metals were 
 described in terms that referred them to the old, plus a 
 characteristic quality. 
 
 Greek is not amongst the languages that furnish an element 
 to the above equation. Probably the term has disappeared,
 
 XXX MaiiiLal of Linguistics. 
 
 a form like ay as, having in Greek, where bothy and s have 
 been lost, small chance of survival. 
 
 This leads us to the Greek word for copper, yj/.y.y.oc, with 
 the meanings of copper and bronze existed from of old in 
 Greek. It is used extensively in nomenclature, exhibiting 
 quite a contrast in this particular to oi^ripoc, but, as far as 
 origin is concerned, stands quite isolated in Indo- 
 European. 
 
 In Latin, a precise term was got for copper in the expres- 
 sions aes cyprium. This plainly means ' ore of Cyprus.' 
 This term in the later cuprum furnished a word for copper 
 all round — to Celtic, which originally had a word of its own, 
 and to Teutonic. 
 
 Of bronze, the names for which have so many points of 
 contact with the names for copper, the Indo-Europeans 
 during their joint life probably knew nothing. 
 
 Wrought iron is a rather perishable substance, and 
 so we are confined to language for information about its 
 presence, early or late, among the metals known to the 
 ancients. 
 
 The Semites have a family name for it, seen in the Hebrew 
 bar{e)zel, a fact that argues an acquaintance made before 
 the dispersion of the families of the stock. The Iranian 
 peoples, too, have a common name. 
 
 In Sanskrit, as was remarked above, iron usurped posses- 
 sion of dyas, the term for copper. 
 
 Nothing definite can be made of the Greek term aldripog. 
 That iron was known from an early date the literature proves. 
 yak-Mc. certainly had a prior existence — witness its use in
 
 Introditction. xxxi 
 
 name-making, and in tlie coinage of a vocabulary of terms 
 in smithery, e.g., yia7.-/.i-oc. established before the making of 
 
 The difficulty we have in tracing aihripoc does not exist in 
 the case of the word for steel, viz., -/a'/.-j-^. We know that 
 the name of this metal came, with the substance, from the 
 Chalybes who lived somewhere near Pontus. 
 
 Latin also has a name for iron all to itself, unless ferrmn 
 can be cognated with the Hebrew bar{e)zel. This' would 
 make for a Punic or Phoenician origin of the term. 
 
 In the details of priestly ritual, bronze is often mentioned, 
 but not iron. From this, it appears that an acquaintance 
 with iron was made at a comparatively late period, and it is 
 just possible that contact with Phoenician traders brought 
 about this acquaintance. At least the iron of Elba ought to 
 have drawn them to that part of Italy. 
 
 The Teutons got their name for iron from the Celts. 
 Caesar in the Gallic War describes a tribe of Gauls as pos- 
 sessors of ironworks. Perhaps the Gauls were taught smelt- 
 ing and smithying by the Romans. Gothic eisarn, placed 
 beside Ir. iarutm and Welsh hniarn, betrays its origin, -am 
 not being a Teutonic suffix, s has dropped from the Celtic 
 forms, which, by the bye, may perhaps be ranked with 
 L. acs, (S:c. 
 
 The Letto-Slavonic word for iron has been equated with 
 
 The variety of different names possessed by members of 
 the Indo-European family makes it clear that iron was not 
 known in the primitive period. At the same time, the pos- 
 session of common terms for iron by related peoples, now 
 living far apart, postulates a high antiquity. Indeed, in
 
 xxxii Mammal of Linguistics. 
 
 some areas, there is evidence that steel must have been 
 manufactured at an early time. 
 
 Lead and tin, unlike most of the other metals alternately 
 assigned and denied to the Indo-European period, have never 
 been adjudged of such antiquity. Of the following appella- 
 tives in familiar languages for the two metals — /xo'>.i;/35oc,. 
 plnnilmni, lead, blei ; -/.asairspog, stanmim, tin, zi'nn — nothing 
 definite is known save of -/.dcrffiTspog. The Phoenicians were 
 the earliest carriers of tin from Cornwall (cf. Cassiter Street 
 in Bodmin) to the Mediterranean. We should then expect 
 the word to be of Semitic origin, and the Assyrian kdsaza- 
 tirra has been thought to be a likely parent. 
 
 Suggestions on the origin of the other words will be found 
 in Schrader. 
 
 The Slavonic terms are obscure. 
 
 The Celtic term for lead, seen in Ir. liiaide, is probably 
 the parent of the Teutonic word. The Celts engaged in 
 mining before the Teutons, and, as we have seen, gifted 
 them the word for iron. They got from L. stannum their 
 word for tin. 
 
 The notion that tin was an older metal than lead has 
 been dispelled by Schliemann. Store of lead was found in 
 the prehistoric towns of the Troad, tin in none. 
 
 Reviewing then the story told by the metals, we must 
 conclude that the Europeans in their joint state knew none 
 of the metals save copper. 
 
 Next, a word or two on weapons. The evidence got from 
 a consideration of the names applied to these, tends but to
 
 Inti'oduction. xxxiii 
 
 strengthen the conclusion just announced. There is no 
 good-going Indo-European equation of wide range for 
 weapons. The Indo-Iranians have some common names 
 for offensive weapons, but not for defensive armour. All 
 round indeed, there is a special lack of connexion in the 
 words for defensive armour. 
 
 Greek names for weapons are usually conspicuously- 
 different from Latin names, exhibiting, however, considerable 
 agreement with Indo-Iranian names. This but increases the 
 evidence already before us for a connexion between Greeks 
 and Indo-Iranians. 
 
 In the names given to arms we find no positive proof 
 that metal was used in their manufacture. From the fact 
 that copper is the only metal that was certainly known to 
 the Indo-Europeans, this is what we should expect. Most 
 names, on being interrogated as to their origin, reveal 
 simple materials. Take for instance in Greek — ^&>u (cp. 
 5pD?), >j^i>.'ff\ ' ash and spear,' ro^ov (cp. faxus ' yew '), xui/=>j 
 ' helmet,' orig. ' dog-skin cap ' ; in La.tm—J)Uiem, the same 
 word as ///?/;;/ ' pestle,' scutum (cp. GyZro^ ' hide '), lorlca 
 (cp. /ora ' leather thongs ') ; in Teutonic— A.S. seax ' short 
 sword' (cp. L. saxujii), A.S. ////^ ' shield,' made of linden 
 wood. 
 
 Some of the equations that may guide us in draw- 
 ing inferences as to primitive weapons are Sk. asis, L. 
 €?isis; L. arais, Goth. arJnvaz7ia 'arrow'; Gk. a^vm, L. 
 ascia, Goth, akivizi, A.S. eax. An analysis of names, and 
 the evidence of prehistoric remains permit us to refer to 
 the joint period the knife-sword, the bow and arrow, the 
 axe, the club, and the spear. Of course the sling belongs 
 to it
 
 xxxi V Afanual of L inguistics. 
 
 Perhaps the commonness of the material used accounts 
 for the sparseness of cognates, and the limited range of the 
 existing ones. The names for the weapons, having an 
 obvious connexion with the material out of which they 
 were made, would give place to new names got from new 
 materials, materials, too, not known to the Aryans. Since 
 one of the first uses of metals would be to provide effective 
 arms, it follows that the equipments of the Aryans must 
 have been of a rudimentary kind — weapons of bone, of 
 horn, or, it may be, of copper, and defensive armour of 
 wood, or of hide. 
 
 With the reservation that copper may have been used in 
 weapon-making, the nomenclature of weapons proves that 
 the Aryans lived in a premetallic age. 
 
 There is no lack of written opinion on the mode of life 
 followed by individual Aryan peoples. Caesar ascribes no- 
 madic habits to the Germans (' neque licet longius anno 
 Temanere uno in loco'), and there is documentary evidence 
 to the effect that the Slavs frequently changed their abodes, 
 while, even to the Greeks, Thucydides imputes in early times 
 nomadic instincts — ri yri dsl rag /isra/3o?.a; ruv o'r/.rjropuv ii^sv. 
 
 If, at the dawn of history, this is the condition of the in- 
 dividual peoples, we are justified, making due allowance 
 for the persistence of traditional habits, and the possible 
 contemporaneous existence of features common to two 
 modes of life, in concluding that the Aryans, when yet in 
 the original home, were strongly infected with nomadic 
 habits. 
 
 Not that the beginnings of agriculture were absent, there 
 is evidence to the contrary, but, if salient characteristics
 
 hitrodiLction. xxxv 
 
 determine definition, nomadic is the term that best ex- 
 presses these. 
 
 Language, too, bears out the inferences to be drawn from 
 recorded opinion and right reasoning. There is not among 
 languages of the Aryan stock the general agreement in 
 agricultural terms that exists in the case of purely cattle- 
 terms, such as cow and sheep. On the other hand, there is 
 strong agreement in the languages of the European mem- 
 bers of the stock. Consequently, language forbids us to 
 attribute agriculture, as an art, to the Aryans in the original 
 home, but warrants us in asserting that the Europeans made 
 common advances in said art. 
 
 Another consideration strengthens the ascription of no- 
 madic habits to the original people. There can be no 
 private property in land among nomadic peoples, and 
 among peoples of historical times we find just what we 
 should expect in legatees of nomadic customs. Among 
 the Germans, Csesar says ' privati ac separati agri nihil est.' 
 This state of things exists to this day in Russia, and can be 
 predicated of several ancient peoples. 
 
 Note, too, that to assume common advances in agri- 
 culture on the part of the Europeans is not to assume a 
 European period characterised by identity of language and 
 manners, nor even to assume an acquaintance with metals. 
 It is perfectly possible to have a contiguity that permits 
 common advances in culture, and strong divergences in 
 language, and it is not at all necessary to make acquaintance 
 with metals the measure of acquaintance with agriculture. 
 Many terms for agricultural implements or portions of them 
 can be traced back to non-metallic materials, t\i,'-., Goth, hoha 
 ' plough ' is equated with Sk. sakha ' branch.' Numerous
 
 XX xvi Manual of L inguistics. 
 
 names prove that wood stiffened, if required, with stone 
 answered every necessary purpose of agriculture. But there 
 is no need to prove that agriculture may flourish with very 
 primitive implements. 
 
 It will be well now to mention some of the resemblances 
 that warrant us in speaking of joint advances in agriculture 
 on the part of Europeans. 
 
 One of the few equations common to the Aryans in this 
 connexion is Sk. ydvas 'barley,' Gk. ^s/a 'spelt,' &c., but 
 we really do not know what is exactly meant by these terms, 
 and very possibly they do not denote a cultivated product. 
 There are one or two more terms arguing common know- 
 ledge on the part of the Aryans. 
 
 Compare this poverty with the wealth of equations to 
 prove European community : — first in general terms — Gk. 
 ay^o'c, L. ager, A.S. acer ; Gk. apow, L. aro, Goth, arjan, E. 
 ear, &:c. ; L. sero, Goth, saian, A.S. satvan, &c. ; L. mold, 
 Goth, vialan, E. 7nea/, &c. ; Gk. up':Tri ' sickle,' L. sarpo 
 ' prune,' &c. ; L. porca ' ridge between two furrows,' A.S. 
 furh, G. fiirche ; Gk. ayj^n ' chaff,' L. acus aceris, Goth. 
 ahana, E. aw?i ; next in products of the soil — L. grdmwi, 
 Goth, kaurn, A.S. cor72, &:c. ; L. hordeum 'barley,' A.S. 
 gerst, G. gerste, perhaps Gk. y.pli^ri (for X'P'^^^) J L. far, A.S. 
 /^ere, &c. ; Gk. XIvcj, L. /I/ium, A.S. /In, &c. ; L. /a/?a, with 
 Slavonic cognate ; Gk. ■/.fo/j.uo]/ ' onion,' A.S. hramse, E. 
 ramsons, &c. ; and Gk. /o.^^xwi' 'poppy,' G. mohii, E. f/iaw- 
 seed. 
 
 In addition to the agreement just exhibited between 
 general terms, and the terms for such products as barley, 
 flax, beans, onions, an agreement has also been established 
 between the various terms for wheat, millet, peas.
 
 Introdtiction. xxxvii 
 
 Such products, then, it would seem, were reared by the 
 European section of the family. 
 
 These resemblances give sufficient ground for the assertion 
 that agricultural terms are common only to the European 
 branch of the Aryan family. 
 
 It should also be said that the Asiatic branch has some 
 -agricultural terms common to its members, but our means 
 of information about these is very limited. After the dis- 
 persion, the European branch was forced by stress of circum- 
 stances to begin agriculture. In their wanderings, accepting 
 Schrader's theory, they had passed out of the steppe country, 
 favourable to nomad life, and got amongst forests that pre- 
 vented them following the former free and easy life, and 
 constrained them to take to tillage. 
 
 It is curious that an examination of Semitic and Egyptian 
 culture, under this head, yields as a result almost the same 
 plants as we have just mentioned. Nothing definite is 
 known about the original habitat of these plants, or the way 
 in which they may have been distributed by trading. 
 
 The nomadic life attributed to the Aryans is also 
 shadowed forth in the correspondence of terms that have 
 to do with waggon-building. 
 
 The European nomad had to make his own camel, the 
 waggon was his ship of the desert. This is a fact that 
 could be got at from written records. ' Vagae domus,' 
 ' domus plaustris impositre ' are expressions that argue a 
 knowledge of this vehicular transit on the part of their 
 framers. 
 
 To return to the correspondences, we have for wheel — Sk. 
 rdthas ' waggon,' L. rota, G. rad, &c., and Sk. cakrds, Gk.
 
 xxxviii Majtual of L inguistics. 
 
 x\j%7.og, A.S. hweol, &c. ; for axle — Sk. dkshas, Gk. a^wc, 
 L. a:c/5, A.S. eax, G. ^^r/^i-^', &c. ; for yoke — Sk. yugdm,. 
 Gk. Z^'jydv, L. jugiim, A.S. ^^^f, &c. 
 
 Nothing but a common use and wont in the art of 
 waggon-building can account for these correspondences. 
 ,The limitations that want of tools and other drawbacks 
 would impose are also borne witness to in the terminology. 
 There are no common terms for spoke and felloe, a fact 
 proving that the wheels were made of one piece. 
 
 Even nomads, although they were not to remain longer 
 than a year in one place, would be led to construct other 
 shelters than their waggons. A life on wheels, in a bare 
 country, during rigorous cold, would sharpen their inven- 
 tiveness. Tacitus tells us that the Teutons had under- 
 ground dwellings, and Xenophon in the Anabasis par- 
 ticularises some of the features of similar zardysioi or/iiai 
 among the Armenians, viz., a vertical descent by ladder 
 for human beings, and a side descent by sloping tunnel for 
 cattle. 
 
 But language gives evidence of other and more ambitious 
 shelters. House-, or at anyrate, hut-building is proved by 
 the following equations: — Sk. darnds, Gk. ()6/j.og, L. domics,. 
 Goth, timrja ' builder,' &c. ; Sk. dvar, Gk. (Ju'/ja L. forts, 
 A.S. dune, &c. 
 
 Note also Gk. orsyoj, L. tectum, Sk. sthag ' cover,' &c. 
 
 It is the materials used in building that prove hut to be 
 the better term. Records and language alike prove these 
 to be other than bricks and lime. To make use of the 
 latter, G. wand ' wall ' is equated with Goth, wandus^ 
 ' twig,' a connexion that at once suggests wickerwork.
 
 hitroduction. xxxlx 
 
 ■hpo(pri^ roof and LVofoc 'rush' suggest the same material. 
 The equating of "rir/jj; (rt. dheii^h ) toji/igd, jignlus 'potter,' 
 at once suggests clay. 
 
 Again, in Teutonic, most terms in stone building are 
 foreign, taken from the Latin, e.g., (I. iiiaucr from mums, 
 ■G. ziegel from iegula, &c. 
 
 We can not only tell the materials, but also guess the shape 
 of the Aryan dwelhng. The round urns in the cemetery of 
 Alba I>onga are known to be representations of the houses 
 of the living; the houses of the Germans figured on the 
 columns of Aurelius are round ; and to regard this as 
 a traditional shape of high antiquity is perhaps not to be 
 unduly rash. 
 
 The Aryan dwelling would seem then to have been 
 a circular structure, made of such materials as wood, clay, 
 and plaited twigs, and perhaps sunk into the earth for 
 protection. A further proof of its rudimentary nature is 
 got from the fact that windows seem to have been a later 
 addition, the words for window not exhibiting correspon- 
 dence. 
 
 Possibly the headmen of the tribe occupied more preten- 
 tious buildings constructed on similar lines. 
 
 To nomads who lived by cattle-rearing the materials for 
 clothing were at hand. Hides would naturally be resorted 
 to. That the Aryans had reached that point in civiliza- 
 tion in which the investiture of the person with a covering 
 has become a detail of living is rendered probable by these 
 cognates, viz., Sk. vas ' clothe,' Gk. eh^D/x/, L. vestio, A.S. 
 weriAn, Goth, ivasjan. 
 
 That the first clothing was hides, language bears evi- 
 
 c
 
 xl Maitual of L ingu i sties. 
 
 dence, e.g., f^<xW'f\ ' a coat of skins ' corresponds to Goth. 
 paida (E. pea jacket) ; (szivri ' dress ' and cxDroj ' skin ' have 
 the same root ; sicupa ' a rough outer garment ' (orig. of 
 pigskin) and oo; are probably connected. 
 
 But the Aryans were more deeply versed in the philosophy 
 of clothes than to mark time at skins. 
 
 There are proofs that they knew how to manipulate their 
 material. The art of making felt seems to have been 
 known to the European section. For this compare Gk. 
 tTT.oc, L. pileus, Crer. filz. 
 
 A general term for plaiting is well distributed, e.g., Sk. 
 prasnas basket, Gk. ■T?ixw, Y,. plecto, G.flcchten, &c. 
 
 There are terms, too, for weaving and spinning, though 
 the terms for the latter have not freed themselves from the 
 meaning of plait. 
 
 For weaving take Sk. 7x1, Gk. b<paivu, A.S. wefan, Q. 
 wcben. Here, too, consider the following correspondences,, 
 establishing the existence of the art, and the position 
 occupied at its practice, furnished by the root sfd ' stand,' 
 viz., Sk. sthdvis weaver, Gk. 'isrog 'loom,' and crr,ij.oj)> 'warp,' 
 L. stamen 'warp,' Goth, stoma 'stuff.' 
 
 For spinning we have Gk. fsw, L. neo, Goth, nethla 
 ' needle,' G. niilien. It seems we cannot compare here any 
 words that argue original sn, such as Goth. s?idrjd 'basket,' 
 for that combination, had it been true for the above, would 
 have survived in Gothic. 
 
 That wool was a material known to the original people is- 
 obvious enough from this equation, viz., Sk. ur/ja, L. /ana, 
 Gk. (lii'/.oi (Fo'/.voc), L. vellus, Goth, ivu/la, Szc. 
 
 It is also veryl^possible that flax was used in these arts. 
 We saw above that a term runs through all Indo-Europeaa
 
 Introduction. xli 
 
 languages, and Homer speaks of the Parcae spinning 
 flax. 
 
 To sum up what can be made out anent the clothing of 
 the Aryans, it seems probable that originally a stretch of 
 flaxen or woollen material was thrown over the left 
 shoulder, as the primitive skin was, that it was then brought 
 round the back and front and fastened to the left shoulder 
 by the fibula, somewhat after the fashion of the Roman 
 toga. 
 
 A tunic — Gk. %'-'-ajv, L. tunica {ctutiica), both from the 
 Semitic — was not originally worn. 
 
 Sewing of some sort (Sk. syu-, Gk. /.aasuu, L. suJ, Goth. 
 st'/ljan, &c.) was practised. 
 
 The Aryans, as was natural in the possessors of flocks and 
 herds, were flesh-eaters, and further, possessed some know- 
 ledge of cookery. A term for raw, red meat runs pretty 
 well through, viz., Sk. kravis ' raw meat,' Gk. ytpicig, A.S. 
 hreaiv ' raw,' (S:c. A knowledge of cookery is argued by 
 Sk. pac ' cook,' Gk. ■rsaau, L. coquo, &c. 
 
 The original meaning of these is simply ' roast.' Not 
 that flesh was always roasted, for doubtless the Aryans, 
 as some still do, often cooked their food by eating it. 
 Wild fruits were also eaten, and of course cereals, when 
 their culture was introduced, formed a staple article of 
 diet. 
 
 Doubtless the Aryans drank milk, although the Sk. duh 
 * milk ' is different from Gk. ajuiXyou, L. viulgeo, &c., and a 
 common term for milk is only to be found among peoples 
 whose territories presumably marched on one another, viz., 
 Greeks and Latins (ya/.a, lac), Teutons and Celts (Goth.
 
 xHi Manual of Linzuistics. 
 
 Vb 
 
 miluks, Ir. meig). One equation, however, argues com- 
 munity under the head milk, viz., Sk. saras ' cream,' Gk. 
 opog ' whey,' L. seriiin ' whey.' 
 
 It would be too much however to argue that the original 
 people could make butter and cheese. These demand pro- 
 cesses that do not seem to suit the habits of nomads or 
 ex-nomads. 
 
 Mead is the intoxicant for which we have an Indo- 
 European equation — Sk. inddhu ' sweetness, honey, mead,' 
 Gk. ijji6m 'wine,' A.S. inedu, G. meth, Szc. 
 
 These names prove that honey must have been an in- 
 gredient, probably, Schrader thinks, procured by trading, for 
 the country to be selected as the most probable home of 
 the Aryans is not wooded, and common terms for bee and 
 wax, together with a definite term for honey, are only 
 European. 
 
 Schrader seems rather to underestimate the importance 
 of the general diffusion of words for mead. His choice of 
 the steppe region for the original home has led him to do 
 this. 
 
 Wine was of course not known to the Aryans. The 
 Teutonic, Slavonic, and Celtic terms are borrowed from 
 vinuni. Viniim and ohoz. are, however, mutually independent 
 formations, probably from the root vi ' to twine,' and date 
 from a time when the Itahans and Greeks lived in the north 
 of the Balkan peninsula. 
 
 It is a curious and suggestive fact that most of the peoples 
 who have sojourned in or near this part of Europe, have 
 similar terms for wine, among the rest the Albanians and 
 the Armenians. Mention has already been made of the 
 tradition that identified the Armenians with the Phrygians,
 
 In troduciion. x 1 i i i 
 
 who are called aTo/xo/ rm Qpaxw. Further, %«'/■■';, a term 
 for unmixed wine, is correlated by Schrader with an inferred 
 Sabine/fl// seen in ager Falernus. 
 
 It is quite probable that the Aryans had made a beginning 
 in trade. Trading is developed bartering, and for this prac- 
 tice the Indo-European vocabulary argues volume and pre- 
 cision enough to entitle it to the name trade, Cer- 
 tain terms, varying, as is natural in terms for bartering, 
 between the meanings of buying and selling, have wide 
 distribution, viz., Sk. vasndm ' price,' Gk. wi/o; ' price,' L. 
 vemim ' sale,' &c. 
 
 There is a common root for measure, viz., Sk. md 
 ' measure,' Gk. /xsr/s&v (fxsdrpov), L. modius ' corn-measure,' 
 Goth, mitan, A.S. inetan. 
 
 If we add to this that standards for measurement are 
 found in the body at rest or in motion, e.g., foot, cubit, 
 pace, &c., we see that all the conditions for trading are 
 present. 
 
 There are considerations which seem to show that this 
 was not always confined to tribal areas, even in the joint 
 period. No doubt strangers were at first looked on as 
 enemies ; the fact that the words for stranger and enemy coin- 
 cide proves this. QiQ>i\i.gasts is cognate with /^^i-//jr, and ^sc- 
 (F)o; {ghseniios, the -i\Fc- is a nominal suffix) has with 
 Brugmann's approval been correlated with these. 
 
 But these words at a very early period took on a softer 
 meaning, and among the Indians, Greeks, and Italians, 
 precepts counselling hospitality are of very old date. The 
 suggestion that this altered attitude towards strangers was 
 brought about by trading relations, that strangers passed
 
 xliv Manual of Linguistics. 
 
 from providers of goods into proteges of the gods, that 
 abstention from hostile acts was in the beginning simply on 
 each side an arrangement for mutual benefit, finds some 
 support in a ceremony of guest-friendship, viz., the exchange 
 of tokens (ffi/x/So/.a, tesserae), a survival of the exchange of 
 wares. 
 
 It would then follow that trade between strangers was 
 older than hospitality, old enough perhaps to be predicated 
 of the Aryans in the joint period. 
 
 Inasmuch as the Aryans were unacquainted with the sea 
 — a common term first occurs among the Europeans, viz., 
 L. mare, Ir. muir, Goth, marei, E. mere — sea-going trade 
 did not exist. 
 
 The series of words — Gk. aXg, L. sal, Goth, salt — originally 
 meant salt, and even if they originally meant sea, we are 
 still in Europe, for Sk. sdras ' lake, pool ' can hardly prove 
 anything about sea. 
 
 The trade that flourished was overland or along the banks 
 of rivers. There is nothing common in the way of nautical 
 terminology to invalidate this, it is only terms for rowing and 
 boat that are common, e.g., Sk. ar'itras ' rudder,' Gk. ipiTixLv 
 ' oar,' L. renins, A.S, ro'Ser, &c., and Sk. ndus, Gk. vaZg, 
 G. iiaue. 
 
 It is assumed that the latter word denoted the hoUowed- 
 out trunk of a tree. But could such trunks be readily got, 
 if the original home is placed with Schrader in the woodless 
 steppe country. 
 
 In the European languages, mast (L. mdtus, A.S. mcBst, 
 rt. mazdos) has a common term, but even in these, there are 
 great differences in the nomenclature of the other parts of a 
 ship.
 
 Introduction. xlv 
 
 A fair idea of the material culture of the Aryans may be 
 got from an examination of the culture disclosed to us in the 
 disinterred lake-dwellings of Switzerland. The facts brought 
 to light in connexion with these seem to prove that the lake- 
 dwellers were just at that stage of culture that one would be 
 led to predicate of the Aryans. 
 
 To complete an account of Indo-European culture it still 
 remains to put down something about social progress and 
 intellectual conceptions. 
 
 Under this head let us note first the names of kin that are 
 common to the Aryans. Their extension, although I do 
 not put down all the languages in which they occur, will, 1 
 daresay, be fairly apparent. They are these -.^father, mother, 
 son, daughter, brother, sister, father's brother, father-in-law, 
 mother-in-law, daughter-in-laiv, husband's brother, hiisba?id's 
 ■brothers' ivives, grandson (^nephezv) (Sk. pilar-, nidtdr, suiius, 
 duhitdr-, bhratar-, svdsdr-, pitrvyas, svdsuras, svasrus, snusha, 
 devdr-, yataras, ndpdt- ; (xk. Tarrip, fj^?]rrip, v'to;, O-jydrrjp, 
 
 fpdTYip, , ■-TUTpMC, i/iup('t;, szvpd, \/'o('i;, darjp, slvarsps;, 
 
 dve-^iog; L. pater, nidter, , ,f rater, soror, patruus, 
 
 socer, socriis, nurus, levir, janitrices, nepos ; A.S. feeder, modor, 
 sunu, dohtor, bro'Sor, siveostor, fiedera ((i. vetter orig. ' uncle '), 
 sweor (G. schwdher), szueger (G. schwieger), snoru (G. schnur), 
 tdcor (O.H.G. zeihhur), , nefa). 
 
 There are double sets of words for father and mother 
 running through the Indo-European languages, the above, 
 and a set of imitative formations, e.g., Goth, atta 'father' 
 {di]^ei ' mother '), cp. Gk. arr-a, L. atta, Sk. attd ' mother,' 
 
 It will be noticed that the Indo-European terms for son 
 and daughter are missing in Latin, and are supplied
 
 xlvi Mamial of Linguistics. 
 
 by films filia, connected either with fello ' suck,' or 0u}.oy 
 ' tribe.' 
 
 In Greek, <ppdr7\p has of course another meaning than 
 brother, and there also the word for sister is distinctive, but 
 the word 'iof-i; ' cousins,' quoted in Hesychius' Lexicon, 
 seems plausibly cognated by Schrader with the other Indo- 
 European terms. He suggests that the word originally 
 meant 'sisters,' then 'sisters' children,' then 'children of 
 brothers and sisters,' comparing the Latin consobr'uu, which 
 originally meant ' a pair of sisters.' 
 
 The word for father's brother, as seen above, is very well 
 distributed, the word for mother's brother is not an Indo- 
 European one. A term for this relative is seen in h.avimculus, 
 A.S. ca;n (cp. Eames, proper name), G. oheiw. Avu?iculus 
 ' little grandfather ' is, I suppose, a hypocoristic term from 
 amis. 
 
 Perhaps it is worth noticing that it is in European that the 
 ve^os-xovi has taken on the meaning of nephew. 
 
 There is no Indo-European term for grandfather or grand- 
 mother. 
 
 It seems well to notice here a fresh proof of the affinity 
 between Teutonic and Slavonic, exhibited by the presence 
 in them of a common term for grandson, seen in G. ejtkel 
 (dimin. oi ahn). There is no Indo-European term for son- 
 in-law. Correspondences however are met with in various 
 languages, e.g., in Teutonic— — A.S. d^2im, G. eidam. 
 
 A glance at the terms for affhies in the above list, proves 
 that it is only the husband's side of the house for which a 
 terminology has been provided. There is not an Indo- 
 European term to denote a relative who has become such 
 in virtue of relationship to a wife. For son-in-law, there is
 
 Introdtiction. xlvii 
 
 no common term to suggest that the wife's parents claimed 
 kindred with their daughter's husband. The wife seems to 
 have merged her individuality and her family in those of 
 her husband. This leads to a conclusion quite opposed to 
 the theory that the woman was the stable factor in calcula- 
 tion about parentage. If circumstances once made relation- 
 ship in the female line the surest way of allocating a place 
 to a child in a clan, language seems to prove that these 
 circumstances either never existed in the case of the Aryans, 
 or had passed away before language was developed enough 
 to record them. Westermarck in a recent work explains 
 primitive life in general on the patriarchal theory. 
 
 The Aryan family, then, was one in which relationship 
 through male connexion was the title to membership. In 
 the Aryan family — can we use the term family if this does 
 not exist — there was paternal supervision and authority. 
 Sonship was a reality, very much the reality that it was in 
 early Roman times. 
 
 It is true also that the common terms for relatives on the 
 wife's side, possessed by certain groups of languages, argues 
 a very early acknowledgment of such relationships. 
 
 Wives were procured, in the very early days of Aryan life, 
 when the various wandering households observed a semi-hostile 
 attitude to each other, by capture. The existence among the 
 Aryans of this generally prevalent practice is also indicated 
 by the absence of terms implying the recognition of affinity 
 on the wife's side. Afterwards when milder manners 
 obtained, purchase was substituted. 
 
 There can be little doubt that the right of the husband — 
 Sk. pdtis, Gk. T0V/5, L. potis ' able,' Goth. {bnc\)fa\s ' bride- 
 groom ' — over his spouse as wife or as widow was that of the
 
 xl vlii Manual of L inguistics. 
 
 owner of a chattel over its disposition. Suttee is an Aryan 
 survival. 
 
 As a political unit family meant an aggregate of several 
 households controlled by a paterfamilias. In the progress 
 to political development, the next complex to family is that 
 of brotherhood. This meant an association of families 
 having a common ancestor, each of which had hived off in 
 succession from an overgrown family, to find virgin pastures 
 and procure more space. The term for this brotherhood in 
 Greek is <pparfiia, in Latin, gens. To this day the bratsvo of 
 Herzegovina supplies an example of what we may suppose 
 the Aryan brotherhood to have been. 
 
 Before the disruption, the constituents of the Aryan race, 
 each a potential nation, may be supposed to have developed 
 tribal organisation and to have possessed tribal solidarity. 
 That they had arrived at such a concept as a name for the 
 united race is unlikely. 
 
 Did the Aryans have a conception of the divine, and if 
 they did, what were their divinities ? To answer correctly 
 the first question, one ought to discriminate carefully terms, 
 the religious import of which is an after growth of separate 
 national life, and terms that may be supposed to have 
 carried down their religious import from primeval times. 
 There are really no words that we can confidently place in 
 the latter class. 
 
 In the primeval period the consciousness of the divine 
 must have been rudimentary, and many roots would after- 
 wards by the workings of anthropomorphism acquire a 
 religious meaning. Of these roots, when the need for a 
 religious vocabulary arose, some areas would use one, others,
 
 Introduction. xlix 
 
 another. 'I'his consideration may account for the dearth of 
 common terms expressing the divine. If, however, the 
 objects that are known to have been subsequently wor- 
 shipped by individual peoples have common names, it is 
 just possible that these latter in the primeval period excited 
 the reverence of the joint people. Such common names there 
 are: — dawn (Sk. iishds, Gk. 'h'Sa (see page 115), L. aurora, 
 A.S. east, Eastre 'spring-goddess ') ; sky (Sk. dydiis, Gk. Zs-jj, 
 L. Jupiter, A.S. T'mi) ; sun (Sk. sftryas, Gk. r,'z'/jog (era 
 Fi'Aioc) (see page 115), L. so/, Goth, sauil) ; thunder (Sk. 
 tanyatus, L. tonitru, A.S. ^tmor, G. donner) ; fire (Sk. agn'is, 
 L. Jg?iis) ; wind (Sk. vatas, Gk. dyiTyjc, L. ventus, A.S. ivind) ; 
 cloud (Sk. fi(f/>/ias, Gk. vs(po:, L. nebula, A.S. nifol, G. 
 nebel). 
 
 That these objects were deified in one quarter or another 
 is matter of common knowledge. 
 
 The only way to arrive at an opinion about Aryan notions 
 of the afterworld is to examine the beliefs of separate peoples 
 and more or less plausibly project them into the primeval 
 period. In this connexion it is important to note that 
 ancestor-worship, an injunction of Indian religion, and a 
 national trait of the Romans, has no existence among the 
 Greeks of the Homeric age. 
 
 The Aryan mode of computing time has to be attended 
 to in an account of Aryan culture. Should we be able to 
 learn the number of seasons in the year of the primeval 
 people, and discover details regarding the characteristics of 
 these seasons, we shall, with the knowledge of climate so 
 got, be much better able to select a suitable spot for the 
 original home.
 
 1 Manual of L inguistics. 
 
 Beginning with terms for seasons, we find that commott 
 names for winter and allied notions are very widely distri- 
 buted, e.g., Sk. hema?itds ' winter,' Jiimds ' cold, winter,' 
 Gk. ^sifj,^, ^/wv, ^if/^aif^a 'goat' ('yearling'), L. hieins, Sc. 
 ginwier (cp. E. weiher, Gk. 'irog, L. vetus). 
 
 There is also a series of allied terms for snow : — Gk. v/f a,. 
 L. nix, A.S. S7tdzv, &c., including a Zend cognate. 
 
 There are three groups of words for the portion of the 
 year that is set over against the wintry portion, viz., Sk. 
 vasanfds, Gk. 'iap, L. ver, &c. ; Zend ydre ' year,' Gk. w^a, 
 Goth. Jer ; Sk. sd//id 'half-year, year,' A.S. siimor, &c. I 
 ought to mention here that there are difficulties in connect- 
 ing 'iap and ver with vasantds (rt. ves, which rather connotes 
 the notion of waning than of growing light (cp. vesper, &c,)),. 
 e.g., Gk. sea ought to become n. The best account of the 
 word I have seen is that given by F. W. Walker in the 
 Classical Revieiv, vol. v., p. lo. He derives both from a 
 root ve 'blow,' making 'iap = FriFafi{ur), and ver=vcver. Of 
 course this disconnects with Sanskrit. 
 
 These terms do not represent divisions of the non-wintry 
 part of the year, but are different names for the same thing. 
 Their meaning fluctuates in different areas, and even in the 
 same area there is evidence of instability. Perhaps sd7nd 
 originally ' half-year ' was a sort of unattached synonym for 
 the non-wintry portion of the year. The vasantds series 
 seems to have properly denoted the commencement of the 
 hot season, for they are not used as names for the whole 
 year like the others. 
 
 To say nothing of the twin powers of the year storied in 
 mythology, there is a dualism present in the nomenclature, 
 e.g., summer and ivinter, vasanlds and hemantds, with similar
 
 Introduction. li 
 
 •suffixes, that impels us to assume an original division into 
 two, and only two parts. 
 
 After progress had been made in the cultivation of 
 cereals, it is likely that some designation would be set apart 
 for harvest-time, and probably a term common to the Euro- 
 pean group arose at this stage, viz., L. annus {as?ios), cp. 
 annona, Goth, asans 'harvest' (E. earn). 
 
 When the peoples had separated and reached other 
 localities, names for different periods of the warm part of 
 the year were coined, and existing terms were attached to 
 definite periods. 
 
 The existence of correlates like Sk. vatsds ' calf, L. vefus 
 ' full of years,' vituhis ' calf (' yearling '), A.S. w€^er ' wether,' 
 seems to prove that the Aryans were able to conceive of the 
 year as a whole. 
 
 There was also a roundabout way of expressing the idea 
 of year by means of an enumeration of its various parts, and 
 in many of the Indo-European languages a fashion grew up 
 of substituting a part for the whole, e.g., winter for year. 
 
 A word for month has wide distribution — Sk. nuis, Gk. 
 /x./)i', L. mcnsis, Goth. mend]>s, &c. 
 
 There was also a word for moon belonging to the series, 
 seen in Goth, mcna, but in many quarters it was replaced 
 by words from fitting roots. 
 
 When the moon had furnished a unit of measurement, 
 observation would teach that some twelve of these units or 
 months elapsed between the first appearance of the cold 
 season and its re-appearance, and so long as there only 
 existed a rough division of the year into a hot season and a 
 cold season, the discrepancy between the lunar year and the 
 natural year would not obtrude itself.
 
 lii Manual of Linguistics. 
 
 A word for night runs right through the Indo-European 
 languages : — Sk. fidktis, Gk. ro^, L. nox, Goth, finhts. 
 
 A comparison of the words for summer and day does not 
 reveal the community that a comparison of the words for 
 winter and night does. 
 
 That the Aryans measured the month by nights, just as 
 they measured the year by lunar months, is evidenced by 
 facts in language and by the reports of observers. Lan- 
 guage proves that winter bulked very largely in the lives of 
 the Aryans, and so must night, winter's ally and exponent. 
 To this day in English we use the terms fortnight and 
 sennight. 
 
 In words for evening differences appear. A term for 
 evening seen in Gk. iS-spa, L. vesper, &c., has some distri- 
 bution. The term seen in A.S. is/en, G. abend is confined 
 to Teutonic and is quite obscure. 
 
 Before presenting any conclusion regarding the original 
 home of the Aryans it will be proper and helpful to devote 
 a page or two to record some of the results that have been 
 arrived at anent the animals, the birds, and the trees of the 
 primeval epoch. 
 
 The animals domesticated by the Aryans were the cow 
 (Sk. gdiis, Gk. /SoGc, L. bos, A.S. cu, &c.), the sheep (Sk. dvis^ 
 Gk. o'lc, L. ovis, A.S. eowii, &:c.), the dog (Sk. svdn-, Gk. 
 %-J'ji\, L. canis, A.S. hund, &c.). A word for goat, seen in 
 Sk. ajds, Gk. a/'f, &c., has a measure of extension. 
 
 There is even a common collective name for cattle (Sk. 
 pdhis, from root pas, ' fasten, tether,' L. pecus, Goth, faihuy 
 G. vieh. 
 
 The pig was probably not domesticated when the peoples
 
 hitrodiiction. liii 
 
 were still united. It must, however, have been known, for 
 there is a common name (Sk. sn-kard-, Cik. uc, L. sus, A.S. 
 su, &c.), Pig-rearing is not mentioned in early Indian 
 literature, and implies a more settled life than can be pre- 
 dicated of the original people. 
 
 The horse, probably in a half-wild state, was known, as is 
 evidenced by the names (Sk. dsvas, Cik. l-T'-roc, L. equus, 
 A.S. eoh, &c.), but presumably was not used as a beast of 
 burden. Words for riding differ in the various languages. 
 From this one feels disposed to conclude that riding on 
 horseback was not an established practice. 
 
 The ass, the mule, and the camel were not known during 
 the joint period. The mule is thought to have been first 
 bred in Pontus, the ass and the camel, certainly domesti- 
 cated at a very early period by the Asiatic branch, came 
 originally from Eastern deserts and steppes. 
 
 The absence of common names for ass and camel does 
 not suggest an Asiatic site for the original home. 
 
 Gk. hoc, and L. asinus are independent borrowings. G. 
 Meyer (Brugmann's ' Indogermanische Forschungen,' vol. i., 
 p. 319) says that the animal and the name were probably 
 got from Asia Minor through Thracian-IUyrian intervention. 
 
 To the same region he traces back niulus {mus/o, lo dimin. 
 suffix), and making capital out of a remark of Anacreon's 
 to the effect that the Mysians first bred mules, dubs 
 the word an appellative (' the Mysian beast') turned proper 
 name. 
 
 Other animals named by the Aryans are these : — wolf 
 (Sk. vrkasj Gk. >.uxoc, L. lupus^ Goth, iimlfs, &c.) ; bear 
 (Sk. rkshas, Gk. apxrog, L. ursus, &c.) ; otter (Sk. udrds, Gk. 
 xihfiog, G. otter, &c.); mouse (Sk. 7niish, Gk. iJ.\J:, L. //lus,
 
 llv Manual of Linguistics. 
 
 A.S. viTis, Szc.) ; hare (Sk. sasds, A.S. /zara, G. Mse, &c.) ; 
 beaver (Sk. babhrus, ' brown,' I., fiber, A.S. ^(fc;/^/-, O. /^//^er) ; 
 polecat (Sk. kaslka, and Lithuanian cognate). 
 
 The jackal belongs to the Asiatics. 
 
 To the Europeans belong the hedgehog (Gk. £%/V6c, A.S. //, 
 G. igel, &c.) ; the lynx (Gk. Xu/^, G. luchs, &c.) ; the weasel 
 (Gk. a/sAo-jpog (aF'ffs/.-), A.S. wes/e, G. wiesel) ; the hart 
 (i. Gk. 'iXafog, with Celtic, Slavonic, Lithuanian, and Ar- 
 menian cognates, and 2. Gk. xspaoc, ' horned,' L. cervus, A.S. 
 heorof, G. hirsch (/ als Ableitung bei Tiernamen im Germ.) 
 Kluge) ; and the boar (L. aper, A.S. eofor, G. eber), &c. 
 
 The words for fox are difficult — a/.wTjjg, said by Meyer 
 to be a loan-word from a dialect of Asia Minor (with an 
 Armenian cognate) ; viilpes, quoted by Wharton as dialectic 
 and belonging to the Ii/pus-rov!. For the Gothic fauho a 
 cognate seems to exist in the Laconian ipr,Za, so that the 
 animal is probably European. 
 
 The tiger, the lion, the elephant, and the ape have not 
 common names and were not known to the united people. 
 It is well, however, to remember that certain animals may 
 not have had names specialised for them, and may have 
 been merged in the general term ' wild beasts.' 
 
 The name for tiger is of Iranian origin ; as to the names 
 for lion, usually considered borrowings from the Greek, it is 
 just possible that they may be to some extent independent 
 formations. At any rate, it is difficult, on the hypothesis of 
 borrowing, to account for the various forms of the name, 
 and the animal was not unknown in Europe, for we read of 
 lions in Thrace. 
 
 In putting down common names for birds, one cannot
 
 Introduction. Iv 
 
 but suspect independent, imitative origin. To this sus- 
 picion are exposed the following : — owl (Sk. lUukas, L. 
 ulula, G. eule) ; cuckoo (Sk. kokilds, Gk. y.&xxu^, L. cucTiluSy 
 &c.) ; hen (Sk. krkavahcs, Gk. aipxo:, &c.) ; jay (Sk. kikidlvis, 
 Gk. x/Wa G. hiiher) ; moorfowl (Sk, tittiris, Gk. Tirpaw, 
 L. tetrao, &c. 
 
 Outside these words of imitative origin there are few 
 common names. Such are quail (Sk. vartakas, Gk. oprv^) ; 
 goose (Sk. ha/'isds, Gk. ;i^»iv, L. {h)dnser, A.S. ^Jj, gandra, G. 
 gans) ; duck (Sk. dtis, Gk. v^ffira, L. ands, A.S., ^«g^, 
 G. ^«/^). 
 
 Schrader also quotes as cognates Sk. syends ' eagle, 
 falcon, hawk,' and Gk. iTtrTvog ' kite.' 
 
 To the European languages belong these : — eagle (Gk. 
 opvig, A.S. earn, Goth, ara, G. aar, &c.) ; crane (Gk. yspavog, L. 
 grus, A.S. era//, &c.) ; wagtail (Gk. xiXXovpog, with Lithuanian 
 cognate) ; throstle (L. turdela^ A.S. ^rostle, G. drossel, <S:c.) ; 
 starling (L. star tins, A.S. steam, G. ^/^r) ; woodpecker (L. 
 /J^«^5, G. specht). If the last names can be brought into line 
 with Sk. pikas ' cuckoo,' they may be added to the group of 
 common names. 
 
 There are one or two European names of obviously 
 imitative origin. These are crow (Gk. xopa^, zopuvrj, L. 
 corviis, comix) ; hoopoe (Gk. sto-4/, L. ipupa) : owl (Gk. /Slice c, 
 L. ^f/^d, but there is an Armenian cognate). 
 
 There were no tame birds in the primeval period. The 
 duck, the hen, and the goose were all wild. 
 
 The only common word relating to fish in Indo-European 
 is the word for eel (Gk. sy/j/.vg, L. anguilla, &c.). Even 
 these are supposed to have been coined by each people 
 separately from the word for snake, seen in L. angitis (A.S. 
 
 d
 
 Ivi Manual of Linguistics. 
 
 yce, G. unke). Now L. unguis and angidlla were popularly 
 connected with each other, but the meaning ' eel ' is constant 
 in 'iyyjKxig. Can this last be connected with Sk. dhis, 
 Gk. s%/g ? 
 
 There are not many tree-names common to the European 
 and Asiatic branches. Such are birch (Sk. bkferjas, L. 
 frdxtnus, A.S. l>eorc, G. birke, &c ) ; willow (Gk. tr'-a, L. 
 v'ltex, A.S. u>I(S/g, G. zveide, &c., with a Zend cognate). 
 
 The names that in various areas denote tree, pine, oak, 
 are these: — Sk. dr/is 'tree,' ddru 'wood,' Gk. Spvg 'oak,' 
 Maced. 8dpuX7.os 'oak,' L. /ar/x {darix) 'larch,' Goth, trtu 
 ' tree, ' G. zirbel 'stone-pine.' The original meaning, Schrader 
 thinks, was tree (see later on). 
 
 There is store of common tree-names in European : — 
 oak, &c. (i. Gk. a/'y/Xw\]> 'species of oak,' alynpog 'poplar/ 
 aiyaviri ' spear,' L. aescidus {aegsculus), A.S. dc, G. eiche, and 
 2. 'L. querciis, A..^.ftirh 'fir,' G. fdhre) ; beech (Gk. (pnyd^ 
 'oak,' "L. fdgiis, A.S. boc, G. buche); pine (i. Gk. tsuxjj, 
 G.fichte {O.'H.G.Jiuhta), &lc., and 2. Gk. 'xirug, \.. ptnusiox 
 p'ltnus (taken along with 'Sk. pfhi-ddms these names have a 
 claim to be common) ) ; sallow (Gk kXizri, L. salix, A.S. 
 ealh, G. sahl{weide), &c. ; hazel (L. cory/iis, A.S. h(Esel, G. 
 hasel, &c.) ; elm (L. iilmus, A.S. elm, &c., perhaps Sk. 
 dranyam ' wood ' (from arnmya-) ) ; alder (L. ainus {alsnus), 
 A.S. air, G. erie, &ic., perhaps Sk. rshfis 'spear'); maple 
 (Gk. aTtaoTog, L. acer, G. ahorn) ; ash (A.S. cesc, G. esche, 
 &c.) 3 aspen (A.S. cesp, G. aspe, &c.) ; yew (A.S. Iw {eotv), 
 G. eibe (O.H.G. Iwa), &c., from this comes Fr. if, through 
 Mid. Lat. ivus). 
 
 The Greek correlate for beech has assumed the meaning
 
 Introduction. Ivii 
 
 *■ oak,' and in Slavonic there is no native term for beech. 
 The Greeks must have passed from a country with beeches 
 to one without. This tree, in fact, does not grow south of 
 a Hne drawn from the Ambracian to the MaHan Gulf The 
 original home of the Slavs was outside of the eastern 
 boundary of the beech-zone, viz., a line drawn from 
 Konigsberg to the Crimea. 
 
 From the limited number of agreements in tree-names 
 one is entitled, according to Schrader, to conclude that the 
 country of the primeval people was not well-wooded (but 
 the pine, the elm and the alder may perhaps be added, cf. 
 tree-names above, and see later on). 
 
 It is possible, however, to push a negative conclusion too 
 far. It may be that the Asiatic branch on leaving an 
 original home that was well-wooded, sojourned for a con- 
 siderable period in a region that was comparatively treeless, 
 and there lost the names they once possessed. On again 
 settling in a forested district the names of the new coinage 
 would not correspond to those that had first issued from 
 the mint of the undivided people. 
 
 Common names for birds are not so numerous as to 
 justify us in asserting woods to have been a prominent 
 feature in the landscape of the original home. 
 
 If a consideration of other facts leads to the assignment 
 of a somewhat bare district as the original home, the paucity 
 of trees argued by the above comparisons will not be with- 
 out corroborative force. 
 
 There are no common names for mountain and valley. 
 
 For water and its manifestations we have Sk. uddn-, Gk. 
 vhup, L. unda, A.S. W(^tcr, Goth, wato, &c.; Sk. plu,pru 
 'float, flow,' GL-rXsw, \.. pluit, A.S. fleotan, Sec. To Euro-
 
 Iviii Manual of Linguistics. 
 
 pean belong L. aqua, Goth, ahwa, A.S. ea {cekzmi), G. 
 aue ' Wasserland.' 
 
 It falls now to utilise all that has been learnt regarding 
 Aryan culture to assist in determining the scene of the joint 
 life. 
 
 This used to be laid in Asia. The primitiveness of 
 Sanskrit, the ancient civilisation and traditional antiqueness 
 of the East, the reputation of Asia as the officina gentium, all 
 tended to the allocation of an Asiatic site as the scene of 
 the joint life. 
 
 Primitiveness of language proves nothing as to primitive 
 home, and the presence of archaic traits in a language 
 manifestly does not prove its speakers autochthonous in the 
 district or zone. These traits, too, must be gleaned from 
 documents of the same date, and must be appraised as 
 well as counted. Civilisation is not so old as life or 
 language, and depends so much on external and fortuitous 
 conditions, that priority in civilisation does not argue a 
 prior occupation of the country that is its scene. 
 
 The possibility of another than an Asiatic scene in due 
 course suggested itself. Latham, arguing plausibly that the 
 whole must originally have been located where the majority 
 of its parts are, maintained the possibility of a European 
 home. Benfey, arguing from the absence of common 
 names of beasts of prey, supported a European site, and 
 located the original home north of the Black Sea, between 
 the Danube and the Caspian. Geiger, to keep to the 
 habitat of the bear, and Cuno, to secure a homogeneous 
 area, put forward Germany as the most probable site. 
 Posche, to account for the blondeness which he assumes to 
 be a distinguishing characteristic of pure and original
 
 Introduction. lix 
 
 Aryans, located the original home in West Russia, in the 
 swampy district of the Pripet, a tributary of the Dnieper, 
 where albinoes are rife. Lindenschmit, partly for common 
 reasons, and partly owing to a disbelief that a race of 
 Asiatic origin would have exhibited the energy and expan- 
 siveness of the Aryans, pronounced against Asia. Penka, 
 building on cranioscopy, has supplemented Posche's 
 description of the pure Aryan, and making him out to be a 
 dolichocephalic blonde, has found his most natural home in 
 Scandinavia, a conclusion supported by the fact that the 
 common culture revealed by an examination of the Indo- 
 European language, is the same, according to Penka, as that 
 revealed by an examination of the prehistoric remains found 
 in Scandinavia. Tomaschek locates the original home 
 somewhere near the Finnic-Ugrian domain ; Taylor, in 
 arguing for an affinity between Finnic and Indo-European, 
 is committed to a site that will explain this ; Pietrement 
 imagined he had made out a case for Siberia. 
 
 Only a year or two ago, J. Schmidt, influenced by traces 
 of a duodecimal mode of reckoning discernible in Indo- 
 European (chiefly seen in Teutonic, compare the breaks in 
 formation after 12, 60, and 120; compare also the use of 
 L. sescenti as a big round number with some sort of finality 
 about it, also the break in the formation of Greek cardinals 
 after 60), deemed it necessary to assume for the original 
 home a site that was in touch with Babylonia, where the 
 numeral system had 60 for a progressive basis. Thus would 
 have been given the first definite proof of an Asiatic home. 
 To begin with, such a mode is not to be detected in Indo- 
 Iranian, and traces of a duodecimal reckoning are so wide- 
 spread (found in China, and in Siberia ; compare also the
 
 Ix Ma nual of L inguistics. 
 
 part played by the number 12 in matters Etruscan), that it 
 seems difficult to localise one centre of diffusion. Besides, 
 a prominence given to the number 12 (what of the 12 moon 
 months, and the 12 added days) might account for excre- 
 scences in the decimal system (60 = 5x12, 120= 10 x 12). 
 See Hirt's article, ' Die Urheimat der Indogermanen,' in 
 Brugmann's Journal, vol. i. page 464. 
 
 Schrader's theory of the original home is plausible, well- 
 reasoned out, and merits attention. It is proposed to give 
 a brief account of it. 
 
 Schrader prefaces his attempt to assign a site for the joint 
 life of the Aryans by a determination of the spot where the 
 Europeans and the Indo-Iranians respectively passed through 
 periods of common culture. The scene of the common 
 European culture he makes out to be the tract of country 
 bounded on the south by the Danube and the Black Sea, 
 on the east by the Dnieper, on the west by the Car- 
 pathians, and on the north by the swamps and dense forests 
 of Volhynia. The scene of Indo-Iranian culture is made 
 out to be that portion of Eastern Iran that comprises the 
 ancient provinces of Sogdiana and Bactriana. 
 
 The first-mentioned site suits the facts that the data for a 
 common European culture supply. The trees for which 
 common names exist in European all grow here. In this 
 area might very well take place that change from a nomadic 
 to an agricultural life that the European common language 
 reflects. The obstructions on the borders would give pause 
 to nomadic habits, the closer packing in space, due to the 
 repression of these habits, would force attempts to add to 
 the spontaneous gifts of the earth, the fertility of the soil 
 would richly reward and increase all such attempts. All
 
 Introductio7t. Ixi 
 
 the animals peculiar to the European fauna are to be found 
 here. Here too the sea, not known in the primitive life, 
 would first be seen, and a term coined. And from this area 
 we can most easily account for the passage of the Europeans 
 into their historical homes. The Slavs and Lithuanians 
 would follow the course of the Dnieper to their home north 
 of the Pripet, outside the zone of the beech ; the Teutons 
 would follow the course of the Dniester to their probable 
 centre of diffusion, the basin of the Vistula and Oder ; the 
 Italians and Celts together would follow the course of the 
 Danube, the former passing into Italy by the Gulf of Venice, 
 the latter going further up the Danube, and thence passing 
 to their original seat, the central basin of the Rhine. 
 
 The choice of Eastern Iran as the scene of the Indo- 
 Iranian period of common culture, has much to recommend 
 it. The region, not without facilities for a nomadic life, 
 would induce and favour a transition to an agricultural life. 
 Here also can be got the gold that was known to the Indo- 
 Iranians. This region, too, is a long way from the sea, 
 quite an indispensable condition for the scene of the joint 
 Indo-Iranian life, inasmuch as the words for sea in Iranian 
 and Sanskrit differ. The similarity that exists between 
 river names in Sanskrit and Iranian is accounted for by the 
 part that rivers play in this district. 
 
 After thus allotting to the Europeans and the Indo- 
 Iranians areas for their respective joint hves, Schrader sets 
 about providing an area that will be suitable for the Aryan 
 joint life before the dispersion. Roughly bisecting the dis- 
 tance between the alleged European and Indo-Iranian areas, 
 he selects for examination the tract of country that lies in the
 
 Ixii Manual of Linguistics. 
 
 basin of the Middle Volga, north of the sandy steppes of 
 the Caspian. Incidentally, he notes that this site will ex- 
 plain many of the points of contact between the Finns and 
 Aryans that language reveals. 
 
 'Pa, too, the Greek name of the Volga, is made to yield 
 evidence that favours this site. It may be supposed that 
 the Finnish name Rawa or Rau, from which the Greeks 
 got their 'Pa ('PaFa), derives from an I.E. sravd, adopted by 
 the Finns, who entered this district after the departure of 
 the Aryans. Rha has also been connected with Zend 
 Ranha, the name of a mythical river, and seeing that 
 Iranian tribes did once dwell in the neighbourhood of the 
 Volga, this etymology is not to be lightly set aside. 
 
 The climate of this area suits the facts that an examina- 
 tion of language disclosed. The winter is long and severe. 
 The hot season follows hard on the cold, and so little grada- 
 tion is manifest in the passage from extreme cold to extreme 
 heat, that there are practically only two seasons in the year. 
 This is just the state of things that the common language 
 reflects. The landscape is comparatively treeless, but on 
 the banks of the rivers are found birches and willows, both 
 primitive trees, as we saw above. The animals that figure 
 in Indo-European equations are found in the steppe, viz., 
 the wolf, the otter, the mouse, the hare and the polecat. 
 The bear is not a native of the steppe. We must therefore 
 suppose that his incursions into the alleged primitive area 
 were frequent enough to procure him a name. The fox is 
 found all over the steppe, though we saw that the name was 
 in extension only European. Perhaps the Asiatic branch 
 lost the name. All the primitive domestic animals are 
 natives of the steppe — the cow, the sheep, the dog, the
 
 Introduction. Ixiii 
 
 goat. The life here is still largely pastoral. Wealth is 
 measured by flocks and herds. The ox is still the beast of 
 burden, and horses are reared in half-wild herds. Of birds, 
 the eagle, the falcon, the owl, the wild duck, the goose, the 
 hen, &c., are found in the steppe. The streams are stocked 
 with fish, so that the lack of a common name relating to 
 fish must be owing to the fact that the primitive people were 
 not educated up to the point of fish-catching. The love of 
 sport in general is of late growth. Salt is plentiful in the 
 steppe, and must have been known. The term must have 
 dropped from the vocabulary of the Asiatic branch. The 
 forms too for salt have features that only primitive words 
 have. The dwellings are underground and altogether seem 
 a reproduction of the Armenian -/.aTaynoi ohjai described 
 by Xenophon. 
 
 The manufacture of felt, a primitive industry, is still en- 
 gaged in all over the steppes. 
 
 A good case is thus made out for the site tentatively 
 chosen as the scene of the joint-life. The inductions that 
 an examination of the language caused to be drawn are 
 fairly well borne out by the objective realities of the steppe 
 country of the Middle Volga. 
 
 It seems to me that Hirt (' Die Urheimat der Indoger- 
 manen,' Brugmann's Journal, vol. i., p. 464) has picked some 
 holes in this theory. He gives plausible reasons for adding 
 the pine and the oak to the list of Indo-European tree- 
 names. To the word appearing in Greek as op\Jz (' oak ') he 
 assigns ' pine ' as the original, and ' tree ' as the engrafted 
 meaning, quoting in support Sk. deva-ddrus and pitu-dariis, 
 both denoting species of pines, and rejecting the Greek
 
 Ixiv Manual of L inguistics. 
 
 meaning, as discounted by the shiftiness of that language in 
 the matter of tree-names. 
 
 Another pine row is got from ^\i. pttu-ddrus, Gk. t/V-jj^ 
 L. plnus (from p'lttms or pits7ius). 
 
 For quercus, G. fohre ' fir,' orig. ' oak ' — qit may be orig. 
 p, cp. qifinque and tsu-s — he pushes forward additional 
 cognates, viz., Goth, fairgiuii (* Gebirge,' ursprlinglich 
 ' Eichenwald,' dann ' Wald,' ' Wald-gebirge '), Sk. Fdrjanyas 
 and Lith. Perkunas both thunder-gods, but now known by 
 what was originally a by-name = oak-god. 
 
 If this presentation of cognates is correct, the site chosen 
 for the original home must be one where the four Indo- 
 European trees (the birch, the willow, the pine, and the 
 oak) grow together. Such a condition throws out of count 
 not only Asia, but Schrader's steppe country. The site 
 must be European and wooded, and Hirt pitches on the 
 country on the Baltic just outside the N.E. corner of the 
 beech zone. He chooses a maritime region, believing that 
 the sea was known to the undivided peoples. The Eastern 
 peoples lost the cognate of L. mare, &c. In the words of 
 which vu.\jt is the Greek representative it is more correct to 
 recognise something that was sea-going, besides, mare must 
 be an old soldier, neuter stems in / belonging to an ancient 
 and extinct formation. 
 
 Perhaps agriculture was known to the Aryans, for the 
 absence of common terms in East and West may be due to 
 the loss of a culture-gain on the part of the East, brought 
 about by a wandering over steppe country. 
 
 The site chosen is favourable to bee-life, and has still 
 wolves and bears. 
 
 It is thus also possible to explain the archaic character of
 
 hitj'odiiction. Ixv 
 
 the languages in the neighbourhood, viz., Lithuanian and 
 Slavonic. They have been least subject to dislocation and 
 foreign influence. 
 
 How long the Aryans retained their purity of blood and 
 racial solidarity, what effect race-mixture had in accelerating 
 the disintegration, and in accentuating the differences of the 
 cognate dialects, at what stage in speech-development, and 
 to what extent, foreign factors began to colour the various 
 results are questions that naturally suggest themselves, but 
 do not admit of ready answers. 
 
 It is at any rate true that for differentiation in language 
 and ultimate disseverance a mixture of races is not 
 needed. 
 
 What the Aryans were physically, there are not sufficient 
 data to pronounce. Some call the pure Aryan blonde and 
 dolichocephalic, but the fact remains that very many of the 
 so-called Aryans are dark and brachycephalic. Which of 
 these represent the Aryan, and which the Aryanised races, 
 is not positively certain. There cannot have been developed 
 two distinct types of pure Aryans, for type is very per- 
 manent, and it does not seem permissible to suppose that 
 two racial types, before the appearance of language proper, 
 were thrown together to evolve in social union but racial 
 isolation, the parent speech of the Aryan tribes. 
 
 A page or two on the opinions now generally prevalent 
 regarding the origin of speech will fitly close the intro- 
 duction. 
 
 Speech arose at various points on the earth's surface. It 
 was polyphyletic in origin and not monophyletic. The be-
 
 Ixvi Manual of Linguistics. 
 
 ginnings of speech must have been the same all the world 
 over, Man has the same speech-apparatus, and, at the 
 outset, the same potentialities. The same surroundings, the 
 same time would doubtless convert a Patagonian into a 
 Plato. 
 
 The first speech-sounds were doubtless due to reflex action 
 of the speech-apparatus, responsive as it was to the many 
 impressions from without. These speech-sounds were also 
 of full content, and not at all comparable to the cut-and-dry, 
 labelled sound-groups that we call words. 
 
 Sentence-words were the units of primal speech. The 
 so-called parts of speech were not yet differentiated. Any 
 of them, and, it may be, more than one at a time, was im- 
 manent, proximately or mediately, in any sentence-word. 
 The latter was a sort of phonic nescio quid. 
 
 Usage and reflection isolated sentence-words of similar 
 application. Grouping would supervene, and a slow, a 
 severely slow development would doubtless in the end pro- 
 duce material that could be delineated in grammatical terms. 
 
 Rising thought and a working knowledge of speech-craft 
 must have made plainer the boundaries of these groups, and 
 more sharply marked off" their members from the members 
 of other groups. It may very well have been the generalisa- 
 tion of phonic elements in master-words, phonic elements 
 that may or may not have once represented a full idea, or 
 the adaptation of phonic flourishes existing in what was pre- 
 sumably often a song-speech, that has furnished the 
 material and the scaffolding of subsequent inflectional up- 
 building. 
 
 Roots, as independent, spaced sounds, have been got at 
 by analysis. They existed in the first speech in posse, but
 
 Introduction. Ixvii 
 
 not in esse. Nobody ever talked roots in the usual sense of 
 the word. They are only phonetic types, vocal ideas, 
 sound - pictures without a setting. Nobody ever saw in 
 growth a nutless kernel, or a pithless stem, nobody ever 
 saw a live skeleton. 
 
 The first words to be sure were not abstracts but con- 
 cretes, and were predicated only of the objects, feelings, and 
 phenomena of the daily life. Metaphors were in vogue 
 early enough, abstracts were a late aftermath. No one can 
 accurately describe the character of the Urwortcr without 
 bethinking him of the character of the Urmensch. 
 
 After having defined the first words in terms of [their 
 character, it is expedient to define them in terms of their 
 origin. What is the term that best describes the first words 
 as created things ? Imitative, I think. By this I do not 
 merely mean that cries (the pooh pooh theory), and imita- 
 tions of natural and animal sounds (the bow ivoiv theory) 
 furnished portions of the primitive vocabulary of man, but 
 that this in its entirety consisted of reproductions or re- 
 flexions of the sounds heard by him or made by him, of the 
 vocal murmurs and functional noises that were repeatedly in 
 his ears, 
 
 I do not then think it right to say that there was no 
 necessary connection between impressions and names. The 
 name certainly reflected the impression of the namer. Im- 
 pressions were not always full and square, nor even, such as 
 they were, all caught. This may account for the variations in 
 the names of familiar sounds. 
 
 The creative stage in language has not passed. Paul m 
 his Principles gives crowds of words of imitative origin that 
 have been developed in later German.
 
 Ixvili Manual of Linguistics. 
 
 I do not believe that the real first words were as much 
 as I have just said. Set sounds did not come to order. 
 There must have been many attempts and many failures, 
 and the gamut of stable, intelligible sounds was probably 
 not fatiguing in compass. 
 
 It seems to me that one of the most powerful aids 
 towards the production of articulate sounds must have 
 been got from the vocal accompaniments of joint action, 
 and from the choric recitative of festal gatherings. It was 
 to the cries of men working in fellowship and co-operation 
 (the yo-he-ho theory) that Noire traced the beginnings of all 
 speech. 
 
 In this connection I may mention an able article entitled 
 ' The Festal Origin of Human Speech,' contributed by Mr. 
 J. Donovan to Mind for July 1892, in which, with words of 
 weight, he argues that articulation had its origin in the im- 
 passioned intonations of festal excitement. In the same 
 article, if I understand him rightly, he throws out the 
 suggestion that inflexional machinery may derive its origin 
 and its scope from some sort of suffixal sing-song that 
 attached itself to the chants celebrating diverse actions or 
 scenes. 
 
 Mention should also here be made of the part that gesture 
 played in the development of speech. It aided in making 
 speech articulate and intelligible. Had man not been an 
 erect animal, with free hands, he would never have possessed 
 language proper, nor, for that matter, any means of effective 
 communication. Had he not elected or been constrained 
 to employ his hands fully in other ways, gesture-language 
 might perhaps have sufficed for the wants of the early man. 
 As it is, gesture-language and speech proper went hand in
 
 Introduction. Ixix 
 
 hand, and it was long till the latter could dispense with the 
 former. 
 
 Speech, as speech, cannot be called a scientific process, 
 until set sounds with an established meaning can be pro- 
 duced at will, to be readily apprehended by a second in- 
 dividual. 
 
 The earliest sounds used by man for communication were 
 jjrobably in the main manufactured on the spot for the needs 
 of the moment. 
 
 When man in his communications with man was able to 
 string a number of sentence-words together with a running 
 cord of connection, he may be said to have passed, in- 
 tellectually, the border line, whence, if progress had been 
 arrested, man might have reeled back into the beast. 
 
 I am well aware how slight and fragmentary the above 
 sketch of the origin of speech is. Nevertheless I have 
 deemed it advisable to set down something on this 
 important topic.
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Letters — Their Origin and Order. 
 
 Sounds and not letters are the units of importance in 
 language. 
 
 The time, however, occupied in the invention, develop- 
 ment, and transmission of letters, has been so long, and 
 their history is so bound up with the history of civilisation, 
 that for these reasons alone, leaving out of count their 
 claims as sound-symbols, some little space ought to be set 
 apart to note points of importance and interest connected 
 with their study. 
 
 In this chapter the intention is to say just as much about 
 letters as the heading indicates. 
 
 Before letters, the art of ivritiiig existed. It was picture- 
 writing, by means of what are called hieroglyphs, repre- 
 senting at first honestly, then conventionally, the objects 
 described. All systems of writing have had this natural 
 origin. 
 
 The next stage in the art of writing was the use of the 
 hieroglyph to represent not only the form, but also the name 
 of the object described. The symbol, having gained re- 
 cognition as a sound-carrier, was then used to represent 
 similar-sounding names. 
 
 Next, and naturally, but not soon, it stood for the first 
 syllable of the name ; finally, with a progressive people, it 
 
 A
 
 2 Mamtal of Lmguistics. 
 
 became an alphabetic symbol, standing for the sound of the 
 first letter of the name. 
 
 It is as if we were to make a picture of the beetle represent, 
 first, the animal, then the sound of its name, then the 
 sound of beetle ' hammer,' then the first syllable, and finally, 
 the power of the letter b. 
 
 The systems of picture-writing (omitting notice of savage 
 systems) known to us are (i) the Egyptian, from which our 
 own alphabet has ultimately come ; (2) the Mexican ; (3) the 
 Cuneiform; (4) the Hittite; (5) the Chinese. Alphabetic 
 symbols have been evolved from all, save the two last. 
 From these have been developed syllabaries, the Cypriote 
 and the Japanese. 
 
 We got our alphabet from the Romans, the Romans got 
 theirs from the Greek colonists of Cumae and Neapolis, 
 who came originally from Chalcis in Eubcea. 
 
 In our school histories of Greece we have all read that 
 Cadmus the Phoenician brought letters to Greece. All the 
 classical writers, from Herodotus to Pliny, affirm the 
 Phoenician origin of the Greek alphabet. 
 
 In this case tradition and fact are at one. The Greek 
 alphabet is undoubtedly of Semitic origin. One has only 
 got to compare the names and the numerical values of the 
 letters in the Greek and Hebrew alphabets to become con- 
 vinced of this. If, after inserting the yau, san, and koppa 
 that the blanks in the numerical values of the Greek letters 
 require, we compare as far as tau — the last letter of the 
 primitive number — we shall have visible proof of the strong 
 correspondence. 
 
 All existing alphabets, moreover, come from the Semitic, 
 not only the alphabets of the Semitic area, not only the
 
 Letters — Their Oricriti and Order 
 
 fi 
 
 ■Greek (and Italic) alpliabets, but those of India (probably 
 through the Sabean alphabet of Arabia Felix). 
 
 The next question is — Whence did the Phoenicians get 
 their alphabet ? Did they invent it ? The ancients pretty 
 confidently believed that they got it from Egypt. 
 
 It was the Frenchman De Rouge who first (in 1859) 
 actually proved the Egyptian origin ofletters. Avoiding the 
 mistakes of his predecessors, who, attempting to affiliate the 
 Semitic characters to the Egyptian hieroglyphs, had been 
 baffled by the dissimilarity in form (to say nothing of dis- 
 agreement in names, order, and number) of the letters of 
 the two alphabets, he sought for the prototypes of these 
 Semitic characters in a cursive script that was of suitable 
 date (viz., that of the Semitic occupation of Egypt), and that 
 possessed forms fairly similar to the forms compared. This 
 he found in the Hieratic script of the early empire. 
 
 Selecting from this, as exhibited in the handwriting of 
 the Papyrus Prisse (a MS. brought from Thebes to Paris by 
 M. Prisse d'Avennes), the characters that were alphabeti- 
 cally used, he compared their forms with those of the oldest 
 available Semitic characters (the Moabite stone was not 
 discovered till 1868), viz., those on the sarcophagus of 
 Eshmunazar, King of Sidon. He was able to trace nearly 
 all the Semitic letters to originals among the Hieratic 
 normal symbols. For refractory letters he was also able 
 to give explanations. 
 
 Many of the outstanding differences between the forms of 
 the letters in the two alphabets are due to the material used 
 in writing. The Hieratic letters were written on papyrus 
 with a brush-pen, the Semitic letters were written in stone 
 with an iron pen.
 
 4 Ma mial of L ingii i sties. 
 
 The alphabet, then, such as it was, was borrowed from 
 the Egyptians during the dominion of the Hyksos, or 
 Shepherd Kings, a Semitic stock, about the 19th century 
 B.C. These on their expulsion diffused it over the zone of 
 their influence, but previously and afterwards it was 
 diffused among those with whom they had trading rela- 
 tions by the Phoenician colonists who had settled on the 
 Delta during the Semitic occupation, and had remained 
 after it ceased. 
 
 The Semites, rejecting non - alphabetic elements,, 
 renamed, rearranged, and adapted for phonetic purposes 
 the letters they had borrowed. The letters have often been 
 renamed since. 
 
 The Greeks, after adopting the Semitic alphabet, evolved 
 characters out of the breaths and semj-consonants to ex- 
 press vowels, thus contributing their share towards the 
 perfection of the alphabet. Semitic has no true vowels ; 
 in the primitive Egyptian the vowels were to a large extent 
 inherent in the consonants. 
 
 The force of the above argument seems to destroy al) 
 chance of proving the Semitic alphabet to be of home 
 growth. Besides, alphabets, like civilisations, have not been 
 begun, developed, and perfected by one race, and within one 
 area, at all sorts of odd points on the earth's surface. 
 Transmission is the antecedent probability if the conditions 
 are favourable. 
 
 Attempts have been made to derive the Semitic alphabet 
 from the Assyrian cuneiform, but as yet no plausible case 
 has l)een made out. 
 
 To tell why the letters of our alphabet appear in their
 
 Letters — Their Origin and Order, 
 
 s ' 
 
 present order rather than in another, it will be necessary to 
 refer to the Semitic alphabet. Beyond this it will not be 
 necessary to go, for, as we shall presently see, their present 
 order is of Semitic upgrowth. 
 
 For this purpose, let us look at the letters of the Hebrew 
 alphabet. Transliterated they run as follows : — 'a, />, ^i^, d, //, 
 ■V, z, ch, t,y, k, /, //I, n, s, ^a,p, s, {/, r, s, t. Their names 
 are a/eph, bct/i, gitnel, dalcth, he, van, zayiii, cheth, teth, yod, 
 kaph, lamed, mem, nitii, samekh, ''ayiii, pe, tsade, qoph, 
 resh, s/ii/i, tau. They exceed twenty-one, the third multiple 
 of seven, by one letter. The positions of z, s, and s, are 
 noticeable. They occupy, if k be placed beside (/ (of which 
 letter it was originally a homophone, but became differ- 
 entiated), the seventh, fourteenth, and twenty-first places, 
 sacred places according to Semitic notions. If we now read 
 over the letters, omitting the four sibilants, a certain method 
 in arrangement appears to be present. Neglecting then z, 
 s, s, and s, and also /c and r, variants of q and /, we have 
 four breaths, followed by several letters of one class, viz., 'a 
 by /^, g, d ; //by v, ch, t ; y by /, ;;/, n \ 'a by /, q, t. This 
 seems to afford a clue to the arrangement. Evidently the 
 classification is according to sound, as in the Sanskrit 
 alphabet. 
 
 There are other classifications of alphabetical symbols, 
 viz., according to form, name, or date of introduction. 
 The modes of classification have been called the phono- 
 logical, the morphological, the ideological, and the chrono- 
 logical. The position of the Greek letters of later origin — 
 y, (p, x„-\,(*i — at the end of the alphabet is one of the best 
 e xamples of chronological order. 
 
 We may expect that the facts before us will not all be
 
 Marnial of Linguistics. 
 
 explained by one of these modes. But let us first tabulate 
 what we have ascertained — 
 
 'a 
 
 Brea 
 h 
 
 th s 
 
 y 
 
 a 
 
 in b 
 
 c 
 
 ri 
 
 m 
 
 d 
 
 Lab 
 
 c ^ 
 % P a 1 a 
 
 .5 ch 
 G Den 
 
 i als 
 
 m 
 tals .'2 
 
 tals J 
 
 n 
 
 p 
 
 :-> 
 
 t 
 
 z 
 
 Sibi 
 s 
 
 1 a n t s 
 
 s 
 
 s 
 
 Here we have akph followed by three sonants, he by 
 three continuants, yod by three liquids, and 'ayin by three 
 surds, while to each of these groups there can be conveni- 
 ently attached a sibilant. A cross reading proves too that 
 the consonants after the breaths follow one another in the 
 order of labials, palatals, dentals. 
 
 It may fairly be argued that we have before us the 
 original arrangement of the Semitic alphabet, and that 
 based on phonological principles. If we suppose then that 
 the introduction into the alphabet of the new letters k and 
 ?■ — k beside its original q, by right of descent, and r beside 
 s, by name-association (resh 'head,' beside shin 'teeth)' — 
 spoiled the harmony, and brought about a new arrange- 
 ment in which z, s, and /, were to have the seventh places, 
 we get an order that is almost identical with the received 
 order of the Hebrew letters given above. By name-associa-
 
 Lettei's — Their Origin ajid Order. 7 
 
 tion, k was afterwards placed after j- — kaph 'palm' after yod 
 ' hand ' — and w beside n — mem ' water ' beside nun ' fish.' 
 
 No explanation is given in the authorities of the place of 
 s in the received alphabet. The real meaning of tsade is 
 not known. 
 
 A very few considerations have enabled us to see how 
 the received order of the Semitic letters has been evolved 
 from the primitive phonological order. 
 
 The order of letters in the Greek alphabet, which up to 
 tau, corresponds closely with that of the Semitic, is of 
 course explained by the explanation of the other. The 
 letter tsade, Gk. san sampi, was lost out of the Greek 
 alphabet, but was afterwards reintroduced to denote the 
 numerical value t^oo. The loss is evidenced by the sudden 
 break of identity in the numerical values of the Greek and 
 Semitic letters. Among these, pi and pe both stood for 
 80, while in Semitic, 90 was denoted by tsade, and in 
 Greek by koppa, used only as a numerical sign. The cor- 
 responding letter in Semitic, viz., qoph, stood for 100, a 
 clear proof that a letter had dropped in Greek. 
 
 The English order of letters is explained so far by the 
 explanation of the order in its prototypes, but, adopted as 
 it has been from the Latin alphabet, some details need to 
 be added anent certain special features of the latter. 
 
 It will also be convenient to insert here and there, as 
 the case requires, facts of interest in connexion with the 
 Greek alphabet. 
 
 The Latin alphabet, as has been already said, was got 
 from the Chalcidian colonists of Cumae and Neapolis. 
 These used what is called the Western or Hellenic alpha- 
 bet, and transmitted it to the Italians. The alphabet that
 
 8 Manual of Linguistics. 
 
 ultimately prevailed in Greece during the classical period 
 was called the Eastern or Ionian alphabet. 
 
 Let us then, by way of fully accounting for the English 
 order, notice the differences that exist between the Greek 
 and Latin alphabets. 
 
 In the Latin alphabet, we have c in the third place, and 
 in the seventh g, while zeta has disappeared. Gamma was 
 written as c in the Chalcidian alphabet, and this character, 
 as records prove, had originally the value of a soft mute, 
 but, owing it is said to the influence of Etruscan, which had 
 not soft mutes, got hardened, and thus became synonymous 
 with k (compare Chap. VII. p. 171.) After a while, k, a 
 letter with which certain Latin words continued to be 
 written, dropped out of general use, and c represented the 
 sound of both k and g. Later on a differentiation of c, 
 seen in our capital letter G, stood for the soft sound, and 
 took the place in the alphabet that had been filled by the 
 seventh letter zeta, the sound of which was not needed 
 in Latin. Vau (F, called digamma, from its resemblance 
 to two gammas superimposed) the sixth letter, which in 
 the Eastern type of Greek alphabets had only a numerical 
 value, kept its place in the Western, the parent of the 
 Latin alphabet, but took on it the power oif. Its former 
 power was w. 
 
 The Greek eta and the Latin H have the same position, 
 and the same form, but different values. In the Semitic 
 alphabet, the eighth position was filled by cheth with the 
 sound of ch in Scotch loch, but in the Greek alphabet this 
 sound had been reduced to that of the aspirate, thus taking 
 the place of the fifth letter he, out of which the vowel 
 epsilon had been evolved. At first, the sounds of epsilon
 
 Letters — Their O right and Order. 
 
 and eta were both denoted by £, finally, H, after doing 
 double duty for some time as the representative of both 
 eta and the aspirate, was set apart to denote eta, while out 
 of the first half of a halved // was evolved'^^/the sign of 
 aspiration. From the other half was evolved '. The 
 characters for theta, phi, and chi, were used in Latin only 
 for symbols of numerical value, though in Etruscan they 
 had a position in the alphabet. Theta furnished a symbol 
 for loo, which was afterwards accommodated in form to 
 the initial letter of centum. From a variety of chi was 
 evolved L, the symbol for 50, from phi, a symbol, which 
 was afterwards confused with the first letter of mille. Psi 
 and omega do not occur in the Chalcidian alphabet, from 
 which the Latins got theirs. 
 
 In the Greek alphabet, which originally ended with r, 
 characters were obtained for the representation of <p, ;/, -\j^, w, 
 by differentiating existing symbols. <& was obtained, through 
 intermediate forms, and by differentiation, from the character 
 for theta, not at all an odd proceeding, if we remember how 
 frequently /and th have been interchanged. To represent 
 the sound of theta, by the bye, the Greeks in adopting the 
 sign for the Phoenician teth, made use of a character that 
 stood for a sound quite foreign to their own tongue. A 
 character for chi, originally represented, as was phi, by writ- 
 ing the tenuis and aspirate, was got by differentiation, from 
 K, for psi, by alteration of phi, and for omega, by a modifi- 
 cation of capital omicron. 
 
 It is well to remember that the Greek characters so familiar 
 to us are quite modern minuscule developments of the 
 eleventh century. 
 
 In the Western type of the Greek alphabet, from which
 
 I o Manual of L mginstics. 
 
 the Latin alphabet was derived, the sound called samekh in 
 the Semitic alphabet, which in the Eastern type had, while 
 keeping the original form, developed its sound to x, sided 
 off into two sounds s and .v. The first of these had already 
 representation in the alphabet, and was soon discarded, re- 
 taining only numerical value, the second, was as a new letter 
 transferred to the end of the alphabet. Koppa was retained 
 in Latin, and, with the addition of u represented the velar 
 guttural. 
 
 Out of vau there was developed not only F, but a vocalized 
 F, written K or in Latin \/. F retained the place of the 
 present letter, while V was relegated to the end of the 
 alphabet. 
 
 The sound of V in Latin was w, the dental sound of the 
 English V being probably not present in Latin and Greek. 
 The stopped character of the consonant is, according to 
 Taylor, proved by its name in Latin, viz., vi\ for, had it been 
 a continuous consonant, it would have been called ev, on 
 the analogy of ef, el, em, &c. 
 
 The position of Y after r in the Greek alphabet proves it 
 to have been the first of the additional letters. 
 
 The differentiation and transference of X has been already 
 spoken of. 
 
 The character Y was introduced in Cicero's time to 
 furnish a distinct sign for the Greek upsilon, which had 
 formerly been represented in Latin by V, the equivalent 
 ofoty. 
 
 fZ ,!was reintroduced in the first century b.c. to transliterate 
 Greek words. 
 
 U (orig. the uncial and cursive form) and V (orig. the 
 capital form) were made separate signs about the fifteentli
 
 Letters — Theii'' Oris'in and Oi'der. i i 
 
 "<!> 
 
 century a.d., ]/ (a favourite initially) being chosen to repre- 
 sent the consonantal sound. \l\l (a ligature of two z^'s) ap- 
 peared in the eleventh century. 
 
 In the fifteenth century, / was manipulated by way of 
 ornament at the beginning of a word, and provided with a 
 little addition on the left side. This differentiated form, t/, 
 was set apart to denote the consonantal sound. 
 
 In the same century Z was taken into the English alphabet, 
 to which it hardly belonged, from the French. 
 
 It is decidedly worth inquiring why we say a, b, c, &c., 
 instead of using a reverse, or zig-zag order, and Taylor's 
 account, as just given, seems convincing. 
 
 It is not the business of this chapter to trace the connexion 
 between the various types of letters that have been used to 
 represent sounds, nor is it its business to compare the primal 
 types with the original prototypes. 
 
 Graphic developments within the same hand are usually 
 exaggerations of special features, and used either for pure 
 ornament, as in Black Letter, or utilised for needful dif- 
 ferentiations, as with the left turn of J, really an orna- 
 mental /'. 
 
 The dot on / was originally (the capital has none), in the 
 shape of an acute accent, a diacritic, to help reading in such 
 cases as in, iii ; in, iii ; u, ii, The dot is needlessly retained 
 iny, thus proving the origin, and the date of the origin, of 
 that letter. 
 
 Punctuation is now mainly logical, but at first was perhaps 
 an attempt to mark the sentence-accent.
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Sound Relations in Indo-European — Vowels and 
 
 Diphthongs. 
 
 The number of sounds that used to be allotted to primitive 
 European was strictly limited. Especially was this so in 
 the case of vowels. The scant number of vowels in San- 
 skrit was supposed to reflect correctly the condition of the 
 parent-speech. The primitive vowel system would probably 
 have been put down thus :— Vowels : a, i, n ; Diphthongs : 
 /?/, au ; Semi-vowels : y, v. 
 
 Consonants were proportionately meagre. Under guttural 
 were put down k,g, gh ; under dental, /, d, dh ; under labial, 
 /, b, bh ; under sibilant, s ; under liquid, r, m, ii. Vowels 
 and consonants together gave twenty sounds. 
 
 Now-a-days we have some thirty-nine sounds allotted to 
 primitive Indo-European. It is felt that there is no good 
 reason for denying to the parent speech the richness in 
 sounds that is the property of many later languages. Only 
 the promptings of a false analogy, or the craving for an 
 unnatural unity, could have induced another belief Why 
 should not the parent-speech have had wealth and complex- 
 ity of sounds ? Language even at its first beginnings must 
 have had a fairly large capital of sounds. 
 
 Is it likely that primitive man with his large powers of 
 mimicry, remained, amid the myriad sounds of his surround-
 
 So2tnd Rclatio7is in Indo-Ettropean. 1 3 
 
 ings, so unimpressionable, as the scant stock of sounds 
 summarily assigned to the parent-speech would lead one to 
 suppose, and this too at a time when the 7uiauces of thought 
 and desire, such as these were, must have been expressed 
 to a certain extent by tricks of sound? Would not this 
 vocal range be afterwards reflected in the number and 
 variety of speech-sounds, any later simplification being the 
 result of a long period of wear and tear. 
 
 But there is no need to weigh probabilities. The sounds 
 of the parent-speech can be got at by the dry light of infer- 
 ence. The sound-systems of its various families have simply 
 to be compared and reasoned on. These families are the 
 Iiido-lra?iian, the Armefiian, the Greek, the Albanian, the 
 Italic, tlie Keltic, the Teutonic, and the Letto-Slavic. 
 
 A comparison of the sounds found in these, has led to 
 the assignment of the following sound-system to primitive 
 Indo-European : — 
 
 Vocalic, 
 
 Vowels : a, s, d, i, ??. 
 Diphthongs : di, ii, 6i, du, en, 6u. 
 Indeterminate vowel : s. 
 
 Consonantal. 
 Semivowels : /, ?/. 
 
 Consonant-vowels or Sonants : f, I, m, n. 
 Spirants : J, v, s, z. 
 Liquids : r, I. -. 
 Nasals : ?n, ?i. - 
 Explosives — 
 
 Labials : /, b, ph, bh.
 
 1 4 Mammal of L inguistics. 
 
 Dentals : /, d, t/i, dh. 
 Palatals : k, g, k/i, gh. 
 Velars : k'-f, g^, kM\ ghi'. 
 
 Some deny a place in the list of vowels to / and u, pro- 
 nouncing them transformations of ei and eii, through inter- 
 mediate and of course derivative t, u. 
 
 In addition to the labial and dental nasals mentioned 
 above, there were also velar and palatal varieties. 
 
 There was also a ?/, or modified ii, in the parent-speech. 
 
 On comparing the new list with the old, it will be seen 
 that the former has included e and o in the number of 
 primitive vowels. These used to be considered, under every 
 condition and in all circumstances, European weakenings or 
 colourings of a, and by no means entitled to rank with the 
 sacred triad a, i, ti. The part played by these vowels in 
 Sanskrit vocalism was the cause of this belief, and doubtless 
 the simplicity produced in the Gothic vocalism by the re- 
 placement of e and o with / and a, strengthened this belief. 
 
 All this has been changed. The omnipresent a of San- 
 skrit has been diagnosed to be a late levelUng, and decom- 
 posed into a, (?, 0, Curtius had, it is true, discovered that 
 the European languages in similar circumstances have e^ 
 but not to the same extent o, in common. 
 
 It can be proved that a in many cases is not a primitive 
 vowel. Nothing is more certain than that the second a on 
 rrarpdai (Sk. pitrshii), taken with the p, is a Greek fashion 
 of writing the Sk. ri- vowel. The insertion of an auxiliary 
 vowel to facilitate pronunciation is often urgently required. 
 The combination — consonant-vowel and parasite — was then 
 generalised, and used where a positive phonetic need did 
 not exist.
 
 Sound Relations in Indo-European. 1 5 
 
 In the face of this, it is manifestly absurd to call the 
 ■e and the o of, say bipxoij.ai and dsoopx.a, modifications or 
 splittings of an a, seen in i'dpa-/.ov (Sk. ddrsam), which is in 
 this case merely a ghost-vowel. Just so the a in 'iSaXov (for 
 i&lo)), having only, one might say, an auxiliary existence, 
 cannot be the sound from which has radiated the £ and 
 seen in ^'s'kog and /SoA^. A comparison of nh^ (for rmca) 
 and r&i/og with rar og (for rinog) — the nasal vowel is written 
 a in Greek, as may be proved by putting side by side j^caroV 
 (for iMiTov) and centum — of rs'/^i/w and toi^'^ with sra/jjov (for 
 s7//i/Mjv)^ leads to the same conclusion. More on these 
 syllabic liquids and nasals later on. In these words then, c 
 and o have an independent existence. 
 
 Further, it can be shewn that a, in Sanskrit, often 
 functions as a palatal vowel would do in the circum- 
 stances, and that, in such cases, e appears in Greek, and 
 generally in European. 
 
 Before the a of the reduplicated syllable in Sanskrit 
 gutturals are palatalised, k appearing as c (the palatal, 
 sometimes written c/i), g as/, &c. For example, the perfect 
 of the root /car ' make ' is cakara, and the only possible 
 explanation is, that, while the second a is the ordinary back- 
 vowel, before which the guttural is stable, the first is a front 
 vowel, presumably ^, before which the guttural is palatalised. 
 In support of this, there is the fact that in Greek the vowel 
 of the reduplicated syllable is e. Precisely the same ex- 
 planation holds for the palatal oi ca (Gk. rs, L. que). These 
 are only two of many similar instances. It appears then, 
 that not only is a in European not always primitive, but 
 that, in Sanskrit, it is sometimes demonstrably e, or a% as it 
 is sometimes written. The vowel e must be admitted to
 
 1 6 Manual of L inguistics. 
 
 have as high an antiquity as the vowel a. The primitive- 
 ness of e involves that of e, and the diphthongs ei and eu. 
 
 The proof that establishes the priority of e, also estab- 
 lishes that of 0. They have always, so far as transmitted 
 evidence goes, co-existed in verbal and nominal formations 
 of established position and primary build, both singly, and 
 in combination with semi-vowels and sonants. 
 
 A correct estimate of the following facts ought to estab- 
 lish the priority of o {o, oi, ou). To get these, extract the 
 ablaut-vowels from OipyioiLai dsdopxa, prr/vv[xi tppuya, a/yvuij.i 
 taya, and place beside these the corresponding primitive 
 vowels of Teutonic. Thus : — 
 
 
 Greek. 
 
 
 Teutonic 
 
 I. 
 
 i : 
 
 — 
 
 e : a 
 
 11. 
 
 7] : w 
 
 = 
 
 e : a 
 
 II. 
 
 a : a 
 
 ^ 
 
 a : a 
 
 Teutonic replaces o by a, and w by a. The sound a from 
 both originals afterwards passed into o. 
 
 Assuming that the priority of £ and ri has been proved^ 
 does any one believe that the o and w are other than 
 primitive ? Is it likely that relations so manifestly organic 
 owe their existence to a sentimental setting of the so-called 
 splittings of a ? One had much better be true to the 
 symmetry, and pronounce o and w as original as their 
 correlates t and n- The e and o ablaut has quite as dis- 
 tinctive position as the a and a ablaut. It is plain from^ 
 a comparison of the two tables, that the a : a ablaut is a. 
 thing apart and standing by itself. 
 
 In this connexion it is proper to remark that Armenian^ 
 a language usually classed as Asiatic, has a short e and o^
 
 Sound- Relations in Indo-European. i 7 
 
 but perhaps we ought to class it among the European 
 languages, or call it a link between Asiatic and European. 
 
 There is good reason then for declaring the European 
 vowel-system to be more primitive than the Indian. We 
 may either say that e and o in Sanskrit have been levelled 
 under a — in an open syllable, is in Sanskrit represented 
 by a — or that « is a graphic expedient to denote what had 
 better have been denoted by another sign. In scientific 
 language e, o, a, are sometimes written a^, a-, a^ ; e and o, 
 a'' and a' . (See page 140). 
 
 What is in the new list called the indeterminate vowel, 
 and represented by the current symbol for an obscure 
 vocalic sound, viz., a turned e, appears in Sanskrit as / (as 
 a before /-vowels). In European languages, this vowel was 
 levelled under a. For an example take Sk. pita, Gk. 
 -arrtp, L. pater, Goth, fadar, O.H.G. fater. In Greek, the 
 analogy of strong e- and f-forms sometimes brings about 
 the intrusion of e and instead of the usual a — sr&c 
 (L. sdtiis), doro; (L. ddtiis). 
 
 The next addition to the original list is furnished by the 
 presence of the lingual and nasal consonant-vowels r, /, 
 III, 11. These are also collectively called sonants, or sub- 
 divided into syllabic liquids — r, /, and syllabic nasals — m, 
 n. Their sounds are heard in the English words butter, 
 bottle, buxom, button. The full consonant equivalents of 
 these are heard in butterine, bottler, buxomer, buttoner. 
 
 All the consonant-vowels have not separate characters. 
 Sanskrit represents, with variations, /- and / by the ri- and 
 //-vowels. The nasal vowels in Sanskrit, and both sets of 
 vowels in other languages, are represented by the ordinary 
 
 B
 
 / 
 
 1 8 Manual of L inguistics. 
 
 nasal and lingual consonants, preceded, or, as in Greek, 
 followed by a developed inorganic vowel. Of these sounds 
 there are short and long varieties. For their representation, 
 consult the table of sounds. Examples will be found in 
 the commentary. 
 
 It will be seen that in the present list of primitive sounds 
 the place of the old simple gutturals is taken by two rows 
 of consonants called respectively palatals and velars. The 
 palatals are formed by the action of the tongue against the 
 hard palate, the velars, by its action against the velum palati 
 or soft palate. 
 
 "~ In Latin, Greek, and Celtic, the palatals are written as 
 simple gutturals, but appear in Sanskrit as s (r), j, {jJi) h. 
 s is called the palatal sibilant in Sanskrit grammars, and 
 is set down with the pronunciation s/i. In Brugmann's 
 grammar, the characters used to represent them are I', g, gh 
 (with small arch over guttural), k (Sk. s) has become a 
 sibilated spirant in Sanskrit ; all three {k, g, gh) have become 
 sibilated spirants in Zend, Letto-Slavic, and Armenian. 
 
 The velars appear in Sanskrit (and Zend) as simple 
 gutturals (or palatalised gutturals), without any labial modifi- 
 cation, as also in Armenian and Letto-Slavic ; in Greek, 
 their treatment is twofold, and will be alluded to presently ; 
 in Latin and Teutonic, they often appear with full labial 
 modification — qiiis, Goth. h7vas. 
 
 In Greek, Latin, Teutonic, and Celtic — not necessarily 
 in all three at once — the velars, however, also appear as 
 simple gutturals, and sometimes, as in the question, ' hard 
 palatal or hard velar,' it is only by a comparison with 
 Sanskrit that we can determine to which row of gutturals 
 the sounds under examination belong.
 
 Sound- Relations in Indo-European. 19 
 
 In the foregoing list the velars have been set down as 
 kv,g-', gh'J. Brugmann writes the hard velar as </, and uses 
 a modification of ^ to represent the soft velar. 
 
 In Sanskrit, the velars are palatalised before /, and before 
 a^ corresponding to European e, and represented in writing 
 by c {ch), ;, ( jh) h. These are called palatals in Sanskrit 
 Grammar. The characters /, and {Jh) h, thus represent 
 both palatals and palatalised velars. 
 
 After these remarks on the general representation of 
 palatals and velars, it will be necessary to notice one 
 or two particular transformations to which velars are 
 subject in Greek. 
 
 Before r;-vowels, before lingual and nasal vowels, before 
 liquids and nasals (and before t, t\ i), the velars become — 
 rounding was induced, and lip-stoppage substituted for back- 
 stoppage — respectively by action of the labial element 
 T, 13, (p, e.g , S'To/xa/ (L. sequor), uTrrpov 'water for washing' 
 (Sk. jn'/:fds 'washed off); !3alvc^ (L. vem'o I.E. g'-'mi/); 
 cpowg (Sk. ghndnti ' they strike '). These transformations 
 used to be called labialisms, and explained by the supposed 
 intrusion of a parasitic u. 
 
 Before /, e, the velars become respectively r, 0, (', e.g., '^k 
 •(L. quis); hi7.(puc. 'womb' (Sk. gdrbhas, A.S, cealf 'calf') ; 
 kpiiog (L. formi(s). In rig &c., the velar guttural has been 
 drawn forward by the front vowel to the dental position. 
 Compare the change wrought on the original initial velar 
 guttural k'^' in Sk. cakrds (Gk. x-JxXog (/cFe^cAoc), A.S. hweo- 
 gel, E. wheel, I.E. k'-'ek'-'ro). It must not be supposed 
 however that this Sanskrit palatalisation, and the inter- 
 mediate palatalisation that is to be inferred in the passage 
 of k'-' into r in Greek, were synchronous, for the - only 
 appears in words that have congeners with - (r/; and
 
 20 
 
 Manual of Lingtiistics. 
 
 ■-d-if'og). The labial after-sound must then have been felt, 
 and the attracting force of the succeeding front vowel have 
 been exerted despite the existence of said sound. There 
 must also have been some peculiarity about the pronuncia- 
 tion of these labialised gutturals that rendered them liable to 
 be thus acted upon, for velar k without labial modification 
 remains even when followed by a front vowel. 
 
 The last-named transformations of original velars in Greek 
 used to be called dentalisms, and explained by the intrusion 
 of a parasitic /. 
 
 The subject of palatals and velars is such a hard one, 
 that the subsequent tables will to a certain extent be an- 
 ticipated, and some of the main facts relative to their 
 representation be set down at this point. 
 
 
 I.E. 
 
 Sk. 
 
 Gk. 
 
 L. 
 
 Teut. 
 
 m 
 f— 1 
 
 > 
 
 k 
 
 s(?) 
 
 y. 
 
 C 
 
 h 
 
 g 
 
 J 
 
 7 
 
 g 
 
 k 
 
 gh 
 
 h 
 
 Z 
 
 ll,g 
 
 g 
 
 k^ 
 
 k 
 
 c 
 
 6 
 — li 
 
 OJ 
 
 8 o 
 
 (A 
 
 U 
 
 s 
 
 > 
 
 9 
 
 ft V 
 
 d -^ 
 
 > 
 
 N 1 ^ 1 ^= 
 without labial modification 
 
 qu,c 
 
 TO a 
 
 It labial modification 
 
 hw 
 
 c 
 
 
 •13 
 
 g^ 
 
 g 
 
 > 
 
 gu,g,v 
 
 kw 
 
 
 g 
 
 k ."3 
 
 ghU 
 
 gh 
 
 (jh)h 
 
 gu,v, 
 f,b 
 
 o 
 
 (g)w 
 
 
 g "^
 
 Sound Relations in Indo-European. 2 1 
 
 The hard aspirate velar kh'-', without labial modification, 
 is seen in Sk. sa?iklids 'conch-shell,' Gk. myx/i 'mussel,' 
 L. congius 'quart'; and, with labial modification, in Sk. 
 nak/ids, Gk. oci/f, L. unguis. 
 
 It ought to be stated here, that, in the parent speech, 
 there were perhaps two varieties of palatals — one, the pure 
 palatals, the other, the sibilated variety appearing in Sanskrit, 
 Zend, and Letto-Slavic. 
 
 Sometimes, in words which had a velar in Indo-European, 
 no trace of the labial after-sound is found in any of the 
 labialising languages — Gk. x6ros, L. cutis, A.S. hyd, O.H.G. 
 hut (G. haut). 
 
 In these cognates, however, the absence of the sound 
 in question can be accounted for, since u disappeared before 
 u in these languages. 
 
 With regard to the non-labialisation of certain languages, 
 there are as yet no definite data to decide whether this 
 feature was in them from the beginning, labialisation being 
 a special, self-developed characteristic of the labialising 
 languages, or whether an originally common process became 
 narrowed in its sphere of operation. 
 
 Perhaps the ordinary labialisable velar, and the unlabial- 
 isable velar of Sanskrit, Zend, and Letto-Slavic, may repre- 
 sent two varieties of velars. It is odd that the languages 
 which sibilate the palatals have no labial modification of 
 the velars. Were these sibilating and non-labialising peoples 
 neighbours in the original habitat ? Not that this one agree- 
 ment entitles us to postulate original uniformity in other 
 particulars. It is also to be noted that in the non-labialising 
 languages there is sometimes an interchange between palatal 
 and velar explosives.
 
 22 Mamuil of Linguistics. " 
 
 It falls now to state in tabular form some of the principal 
 correspondences that obtain between the sounds of certain 
 representative Indo-European languages, viz., Sa?iskrit, 
 Greek, Latin, Gothic, A?igio-Saxon, and Old High German. 
 
 The commentary registers certain noticeable representa- 
 tions that are not always noted in the table. For further 
 remarks on Anglo-Saxon vowels, consult Chaps. VI 11. 
 and IX. 
 
 This is perhaps the place for a little historical matter 
 anent these languages. Sanskrit is one of the Aryan 
 languages, the others are Zend and Old Persian. The 
 name is properly applied to the literary language of the 
 learned and priestly class. The vulgar dialect was called 
 Prakrit, and from it have come the present languages of 
 India. Greek is a general name for three dialects, tradition- 
 ally known as Doric, ^^olic, and Io?iic. 
 
 The Teutonic languages were divided into two groups, 
 East Germanic and JVest Germatiic. The members of the 
 iirst are Gothic, and Norse {Swedish, Danish, Nortvegiati, 
 and Icelandic^. Gothic means the language of the Western 
 Goths of the Balkan Peninsula, into whose language Ulfilas 
 translated the Scriptures in the fourth century. The second 
 group is composed oi Anglo-Saxon, Old Frisiati, Old Saxon, 
 Old Dutch, and Old High German. 
 
 Here follows the promised table : —
 
 Sound Rdaiions in Indo-Enropean. 23 
 
 I.E. 
 
 Sk. 
 
 Gk. 
 
 L. 1 
 
 Goth. 
 
 A.S. 
 
 O.H.G. 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 1 
 
 a 
 e 
 
 i 
 u 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 ae 
 ea 
 e, 
 
 a 
 e 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 »? (Ionic) 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 5 
 e 
 
 uo 
 
 e 
 
 a 
 
 e 
 
 e 
 i 
 u 
 
 
 i 
 ai 
 
 e 
 i 
 eo 
 
 e 
 
 i 
 
 e 
 
 a 
 
 n 
 
 e 
 
 ae 
 oe 
 I 
 
 e(ei) 
 
 6(e) 
 i 
 
 a 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 V 
 
 
 
 u 
 e 
 
 i 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 ea 
 e 
 
 a 
 e 
 
 5 
 
 a 
 
 w 
 
 
 tl 
 
 
 
 5 
 e 
 
 uo 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 
 I 
 
 i 
 e 
 
 i 
 
 i 
 e 
 
 i 
 e 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 i 
 
 ei 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 u 
 
 u 
 
 V 
 
 u 
 
 u 
 aii 
 
 u 
 
 y 
 
 
 u 
 
 
 tl 
 
 il 
 
 V 
 
 ft 
 
 ft 
 
 ft 
 
 ft 
 
 ai 
 
 e 
 
 ai 
 
 ae 
 e 
 
 ai 
 
 1 
 
 a 
 se 
 
 eie
 
 2 4 Manual of L inguistics. 
 
 I.E. 
 
 Sk. 
 
 Gk. 
 
 L. 
 
 Goth. 
 
 A.S. 
 
 O.H.G. 
 
 ai 
 
 
 See 
 
 Examp 
 
 les 
 
 
 
 ei 
 
 e 
 
 ei 
 
 ei 
 
 i 
 
 ei 
 
 1 
 
 I 
 
 ei 
 
 
 See 
 
 Examp 
 
 les 
 
 
 
 oi 
 
 e 
 
 01 
 
 oe 
 
 ai 
 
 a 
 
 ei 
 e 
 
 di 
 
 
 See 
 
 Examp 
 
 les 
 
 
 
 au 
 
 6 
 
 (W 
 
 au 
 
 ft 
 
 
 
 au 
 
 ea 
 
 (au)ou 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 au 
 
 au 
 
 av 
 
 au 
 av 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 eu 
 
 
 
 eu 
 
 eu 
 ft 
 
 iu 
 
 eo 
 
 iu 
 eo 
 io 
 
 eu 
 
 
 See 
 
 Examp 
 
 les 
 
 
 
 ou 
 
 
 
 ov 
 
 ft 
 
 
 
 au 
 
 ea 
 
 (au)ou 
 6 
 
 6u 
 
 au 
 
 ou 
 
 av 
 
 

 
 Sotind Relations in Indo-Eziropcan. 2 5 
 
 These Indo-European sound-correspondences will now 
 be illustrated by examples taken from each of the languages 
 in question. The very possibility of a tabular statement 
 implies, and consistency no less than brevity demands, that 
 these illustrations be furnished by cognate words. 
 
 Certain main transformations that the original sounds 
 undergo in the various languages will at this point, as a rule, 
 be simply referred to as illustrations of certain well-defined 
 sound-processes. In another chapter (V.) will follow defini- 
 tions of these processes. It will, however, be well to give 
 under each sound such explanatory matter as cannot well be 
 held over, or can there be most conveniently given. 
 
 a : Sk. djras ' plain,' Gk. ay^ui^ L. agcr, Goth, akrs, A.S. 
 cecer^ O.H.G. acchar (agros). 
 
 Sometimes / appears in Sanskrit, instead of a. Take as 
 an example pitdr- (Gk. ■-arr^f). In this word, the a re- 
 presents the indeterminate vowel, which appears in European 
 as a. 
 
 For the replacement of a in Latin by e, /, and u, take 
 as examples confectus (Jacio), recupero {paro), mde (svOa) ; 
 manciphan and mancupiitm {capio), insilio {salio), adigo 
 {ago), attingo {tango), insulto {salio). These replacements 
 are found in unaccented syllables — e in closed syllables, 
 before ;-, and when final ; / or n {i.e. ii) before labials, before 
 / in open syllables, and before )ig ; u before / followed by 
 another consonant, but not before //. 
 
 In Anglo-Saxon a: for a, as in lecer, is found mostly in 
 closed syllables, or in such as were originally closed, as 
 cecer (Goth, akrs) ; ea is due to breaking — eax (L. axis), or 
 2i!-umlaut — ccarii and cam. For changes wrought on ea by 
 umlaut, see Chap. V. For an example of c, due to /-umlaut.
 
 2 6 Manual of L ingu is tics. 
 
 take ecg ' edge ' (L. acies) ; for o, used interchangeably with 
 a before nasals, take mgnn, finally supplanted by mann. 
 There are two os in Anglo-Saxon — the last mentioned, open 
 o (Goth, a), alternating with a, and a close o, from original «. 
 
 For an example of umlaut-^ in Old High German, repre- 
 senting original a, take elbir ^swan' (L. albus). This um- 
 laut however did not take place, if there intervened a con- 
 sonant preceded by /, r, h — nahtim ' iiodibus.' 
 
 a : Sk. bhrafar-, Gk. !ppu.rr,p, L. frdter, Goth. brb\ar, 
 A.S. bro^or, O.H.G. bruoder. 
 
 In Teutonic (?, was everywhere changed into o, which 
 passed into uo in Old High German, through the inter- 
 mediate stages oa and iia. 
 
 The e that appears in Anglo-Saxon is due to /-umlaut, and 
 may be seen in dat. brewer, or, if an independent word is 
 wanted, in grene ' green ' {growan ' grow '). 
 
 Final o (orig. a) is shortened to a in polysyllabic words — 
 Goth. ]ni/da, O.H.G. diofa (G. deutsch, E. Dutch), A.S. ^eod. 
 Compare O.L. touto (Oscan inedix tuticus 'curator populi'). 
 In Anglo-Saxon, long stems drop the vowel, short stems have 
 u (o). 
 
 e : Sk. dsti, Gk. srrri, L. est, Goth. I'sf, A.S. is, O.H.G. ist. 
 Short e appears in Sanskrit as a. Sometimes / occurs in 
 place of original e — mmdd ' defect' (L. meiida). 
 
 For / in Latin, take as examples (a) in originally un- 
 accented syllables — obsideo {sedeb), agite {ayin) (b) in closed 
 syllables followed by nasals, notwithstanding accent — in, 
 intiis {I'i, hro:), qiimque (-Tjvrs). Perhaps /, to begin with, 
 only appeared in in, when followed by a consonant. Then 
 followed levelling of the ^-form under the /-form. But t7i was 
 usually proclitic and unaccented. Note also dignus {decet).
 
 Soimd Relatio7is in Indo-European. 2 7 
 
 The / in the last word is long, in conformity with a law of 
 the classical period, assigning length to every vowel before 
 f/f, ns, !r,i, g;n. 
 
 Original e also appears in Latin as a — angi/iila ii'yx^'^^i)^ 
 f/iagnus {fisyag), vas (a-(^)£t)>wO;), pated (rsT-cci'vy//./), flagro 
 {(pX'iyu), natjciscor (biyxsTv) ; and as ^/, — u/c'us (vukus, 
 velcus — eXjco;), pluit {'T'ki[F)oj), )iovus (^^(F)oJ), socer (sKvpog), 
 coquo (Tiffffw). 
 
 e remains before r—fero, double consonants — obsessus, 
 and finally — agite (aysn). Note se?i (sl-zie). 
 
 I.E. e was replaced in Teutonic by z (a) before nasals + 
 consonant — A.S. bindan (Gk. ■rsuhpog 'father-in-law') 
 ('connexion'), L. offendimentuni 'chin-cloth' (bhendh-) (b) 
 before a syllable containing /, /, or I — Goth, ist^ A.S. is, 
 O.H.G. ist (Gk. Igt'i) (c) before a syllable containing u 
 ■ — A.S. sibiiu, Goth, sibun, O.H.G. sibu?i (Gk. scrra) (d) in 
 enclitic words — A.S. ic, Goth, ik, O.H.G. ih (Gk. J/ci), and 
 unaccented syllables — Teutonic nominal suffix -iz (Goth. 
 agiza 'fear'), corresponding to Sk. -as, Gk. -sc, L. -es. 
 
 At this point, the replacement of e by / stopped in West 
 Germanic, but Gothic — Gothic and Norse represent the 
 East Germanic branch of Teutonic — replaced every e by /, 
 which before h and r again became e, written ai. 
 
 It is to be added also that, in Anglo-Saxon, original e 
 before simple nasals, became / — A.S. nvnan, O.H.G. 7iemati, 
 Gk. I'f/i.w. This change also took place in words borrowed 
 at an early date from the Latin — A.S. gimm 'gem,' L. 
 gemma, A.S. piun, L. penna. 
 
 A good example of original e running right through is 
 Sk. bhar-, Gk. <pipt», L. fero, Goth, bairan, A.S. beran, 
 O.H.G. beran (bher-).
 
 2 8 Ma mtal of L ingzi is tics. 
 
 Besides original e, sometimes for distinction written 4 
 tliere was anotlier e, the product of umlaut. It is uncertain 
 which of these was close, and which open. Sweet and 
 Sievers give umlaut-t? as an open sound. Wright, in his 
 Old High German Primer, would have it that umlaut-e? 
 had a close sound, like the / producing the umlaut. 
 
 ai in Gothic is due to breaking, eo in Anglo-Saxon is- 
 due to the same cause. For changes wrought on eo by 
 umlaut, see Chap. V. 
 
 e: Sk. dhdnavi 'position,' Gk. (^/^(tco, Qjoih. gade\>s 'deed, 
 position,' A.S. dfed, O.H.G. tdt (dhe(k)-, L. facio has 
 reduced root). 
 
 Sanskrit replaces e by (7. That e did once stand i& 
 proved by the palatalisation it effected on the preceding 
 velar before its disappearance — cp. Sk. -jdni 'wife,' Gk. 
 ywi], Goth, kzvens. 
 
 g occurs in Greek in place of original e — ^e'w ' spin,*" 
 Goth. nc])hi ' needle.' 
 
 e, in Latin, is spelt ae and oe, as praeluiii beside prelum 
 * wine-press,' zxad. foetus beside y?///i. 
 
 Perhaps owing to a following / or /, e is in Latin also 
 represented by J, e.g., delinid and delenio, sub tilts for subtelisy 
 from tela ' web.' 
 
 In Gothic, e was sometimes spelt et (arguing closeness) — 
 kweins beside kwens. Sometimes, before vowels, an ai {ay)' 
 appears for I.E. e — saiaii 'sow' (L. semen), waian (Gk. 
 a.{F)ri,'J'i). 
 
 In Anglo-Saxon ce represents Teut. open e (sometimes 
 for distinctness written id). The Old High German repre- 
 sentation is a, and it is doubtful whether A.S. ie has passed
 
 Soimd Relations in Indo-Eitropean. 29 
 
 through a to its present state, or whether it represents the 
 Teut. long ^-sound. There is another long c-sound, rather 
 rare in its occurrence, close in quality, which is represented 
 in Anglo-Saxon by <?, in Old High German by ea, ia, ie. 
 This, like the first, is represented in Gothic by*?. Brugmann 
 says that this close e can hardly come from I.E. c. For an 
 e.Kample of this sound take Goth, her, A.S. her^ O.H.G. 
 hear, hiar, hier. 
 
 Teut. fe appears in Anglo-Saxon as 0, before nasals — A.S. 
 mona 'moon,' Goth, mena, O.H.G. inano, Gk. 'J^wf^. This 
 change, in Anglo-Saxon, of Teut. ce (West Germanic a), into 
 0, will be a parallel to the change of a into in the two 
 varieties inann and vionn. Perhaps it was on the passage 
 through a to fc alluded to above that the nasalisation took place. 
 
 This 0, the product of nasalisation, was in Anglo-Saxon 
 imilauted to e, as in civen ' woman ' (Teut. cwontz), wen 
 'hope' (Goth. 7vens, O.H.G- wan), he/a 'heel' for hohila 
 <cp. A.S. hoh 'hough'). 
 
 I.E. e also appears in Anglo-Saxon, and in Teutonic 
 generally, as / — A.S. wind, Goth, winds, O.H.G. wifit 
 (L. ventus, Gk. a{f)r[ixi) {ijento-). Sometimes I.E. <? is 
 shortened in Teutonic to e, before liquid and consonant. 
 This, in Anglo-Saxon, is broken to eo, or, with /-umlaut, 
 appears aszV, _y — A.S. heorte, Goth, hairto («i = broken e), 
 O.H.G. herza (Gk. x^p) {herd-). 
 
 o: Sk. ashtaii, Gk. o;«rw, L. octo, Goth, ahtdic, A.S. eahta, 
 O.H.G. ahto. 
 
 Short in Sanskrit appears as a. In open syllables a 
 a.ppears^'ddam (Gk. co'oa). Before a, representing original 
 .^, palatalisation did not take place, as it did before a, repre- 
 senting original e.
 
 2)0 Mamml of L mguistics. 
 
 For example of u occurring in Greek dialectically for 
 take <p'j'Kk<jy (L. folium), rot, (L. nox, Goth. 7iahts), 
 Ij.'jM ' mill ' (L. /;io/a, Goth, ma/an ' grind '). 
 
 In Latin, o appears as 2/, e, i. In unaccented syllables, u 
 is found in place of the older o^fdius {fllios), but the is 
 kept before r = s, and after 71, ij — temporis {tempozis), mortuos, 
 VIVOS (forms in -tis late), u also occurs in accented syllables, 
 especially before nasals — u?icus ' hook ' (Gk. oyzoc), uncia 
 ' ounce ' (Gk. oy/.o: ' bulk '), nml>d ' boss ' (Gk. &/xf «?.&$ 
 ' navel '), unguis ' nail ' (Gk. o'l'i^^). 
 
 e replaces o finally — sequere (Gk. eTE((r)o), ilk, iste i^ollo^ 
 '^esto), and in unaccented closed syllables, or after i—hospes, 
 for Iiostipes {potis), societas {socio-). 
 
 /also represents 0, in unaccented sy\\Qh\e?,—liicd{i}i{s)locd) 
 ' sur-le-champ, auf der Stelle.' 
 
 vo sometimes becomes ve — veiiia (Gk. ovin,iu), vester and 
 voster, verto and vorto. 
 
 Some say that ov may pass into av — cavus (Gr. /co&z 
 'excavations'), avis (cp. Gk. h{F)ioivoi, 'bird'). 
 
 In Teutonic, was replaced by a in all accented syllables, 
 but probably remained extant in unaccented syllables before 
 nasals. 
 
 In Anglo-Saxon, this vicarious a underwent all the changes 
 of real a, viz., the change to a, the breaking to ea, the 
 passage by umlaut to e — hcT^sel (L. corylus), heals (L. 
 collum), mcne ' neck-chain ' (L. vwnile). For t^ in Old 
 High German, the result of umlaut, representing (O.H.G. 
 a), take ncstila ' band ' (L. mdus for nozdus). 
 
 6 : Sk. pdtram ' vessel,' Gk. Tw/^a ' lid,' Goth, fidr 
 'sheath,' X.^.fodor, O.H.G. fuolar 'case' {G. fuller). 
 Sanskrit replaces by a.
 
 Sound Relations in Indo-European. 3 1 
 
 In Latin a cognate is wanting. For original dm. Latin, 
 take as example flos (A.S. blostma). appears sometimes 
 in Latin as Ti—fFir (Gk. fwp), ul)ia (Gk. uXsvyj). 
 
 Both and a were represented in the Teutonic dialects 
 by 0, and underwent the same changes. As example of /- 
 umlaut of original o in Anglo-Saxon, take demaii ' deem ' 
 (A.S. doDi ' doom'). 
 
 For the genesis of uo, as representative of in Old High 
 German, see above under (7. 
 
 final did not pass into uo, but appears in Old High 
 German as k, and in Gothic as a — O.H.G. /n'ru, Goth. 
 />aira (Gk. (pspu). In Anglo-Saxon, the -// was replaced by 
 the optative termination -e. 
 
 i : Sk. vidhdvd, Gk. i{F)idi{f)o;, ' batchelor,' L. vidua, 
 Goth, widuwo, A.S. 7videzve, O.H.G. witiiwa. 
 
 In Latin, e appears for /, before r (s) — sero {*siso) and 
 finally — a^ite (Gk. ai/7/'). / final also drops — ad (Sk. ddhi). 
 
 I.E. i becomes e in Anglo-Saxon and Old High 
 German, before an rt; or 6* of the following syllable, 
 unless conserved by an intermediate / or / — A.S. tiest, 
 O.H.G. nest (L. nidus for nizdos). This was not a very 
 common change, and its wording for Teutonic is not quite 
 certain. Levelling under related z'-forms also interfered 
 with its operation. It occurred most regularly before r and 
 h — A.S. wer ' man ' (E. ivenvolf), O.H.G. wer (Teut. 
 wiraz, wiroz) (G. werwolf), cp. L. vir. 
 
 This e was of course changed to / (and, like original z, 
 broken to e, written a'l, before r and h) in Gothic. 
 
 i : L. suinus, Goth, swein, A.S. szoifi, O.H.G. swJn. 
 
 For Sk. /, take p'ltds ' drunk ' (cp. Gk. ■rTt)/), for Gk. /, 
 takeVs (L. vis).
 
 3 2 Manual of L inguistics. 
 
 u : Sk. yiigdni, Gk. t;oy6v, L. juguni, Goth. /'///', A.S. geoc 
 {jnc), O.H.G. yW/. 
 
 In Gk. oXoXxjI^oj (L. z^/wAz ' screech-owl '), o appears for 
 ■J. V in Greek had once the sound of ii (ov), and this sound 
 was kept for many generations in certain dialects — Bceot. 
 Xiyovpoc = Attic Xiyupcg. 
 
 There is a change (dissimilation) of v to / in Greek 
 before following v — cr/i/yrog for Tuv-jrog (Sk. pimami ' I 
 clean.') 
 
 Before labials and /, u in Latin becomes /, or rather 
 something between / and u (i.e. //) — libet and lubet, lacrima 
 and lacruma. 
 
 After / and r, u in Latin came to be written v — iniluus 
 ' kite ' and m'llvus, silua and silva. It was dropt finally— 
 red- (for redii, cp. iiidii.) 
 
 The aii that appears in Gothic is due to breaking — daur 
 (Gk, &'opa). it was broken to open o before r and //, and this 
 written ait. i- umlaut produces y in Anglo-Saxon — cyssan 
 ' kiss ' (L. gusto). The eo of geoc is due to the influence of 
 the palatal. 
 
 I.E. II appears in Anglo-Saxon and Old High German as 
 o, before a syllable containing a or o, unless conserved by a 
 following nasal -1- consonant, or an intermediate /or / — A.S. 
 oxa, O.H.G. ohso (Sk. itksha). This o was changed to u in 
 Gothic and broken to an (open a) — auhsa. 
 
 West Germanic a usually remains in Anglo-Saxon, but 
 before nasals u is found — geniimen 'took,' O.H.G. ginoman, 
 A.S. guma 'man' (E. (bride)g{f)oom), O.H.G. gomo (G. 
 {brduti)gam), Goth, giima. There are other examples of « 
 in Anglo-Saxon— ///^(9/ (O.H.G. /<7^«/(G. vogel), Goih. fi/gls), 
 rust {O.H.G. rost).
 
 Sound Relations in Indo-Enropeaji. 2)Z 
 
 u: Sk. viusha^ Gk. ,ccl/s, L. viTis, A.S. mus, O.H.G. inns 
 (G. mans). Just as u, at first pronounced u (ov), retained that 
 sound dialectically, so D at first pronounced u (ou) retained 
 that sound dialectically — Boeot. E-J^ou/xof = Attic E'jdu/j,og. 
 
 The ou in clOap (L. /ll)er) is said to be due to a desire to 
 avoid the double aspiration that the regular *vdap would 
 present. 
 
 There is a change (dissimilation) of I; to T in Greek 
 before a following v — iphv ' twig,' cp. (pvu. 
 
 For an example of u in Gothic take fil/s 'rotten', A.S. 
 and O.H.G.//?/, (Gk. tj^w, \.. puteo). 
 
 The y in Anglo-Saxon is caused by /-umlaut — mys 
 ' mice ' (Teut. musiz, viusez). 
 
 ai : Sk. edhas ' fire-wood,' Gk. a7&u ' burn,' L. aedes 
 'hearth,' A.S. «^'pyre,' O.H.G. ei^ 'pyre.' 
 
 a + 2 give in Sanskrit, by ordinary guna, c'. Since e and o 
 are written a, these followed by / will also give e. 
 
 Original ai in Latin was sometimes written e — haedus and 
 Jiedus (Goth, gaits 'goat'), saecidum and seculum. ae was 
 also misspelt oe, as in coehim, poenitet^ coena, moered, &c. 
 
 In originally unaccented syllables ai became / — inquirb 
 {qaaero), parriddiuiii i^parriis ' open ' {parrcre), cp. parra 
 (avis) ' bird of omen,' and caedo). Notice also its repre- 
 sentation by a and e in the following words — aeneus 
 {*aes?ietis (^ies-)), prehendo {prae, hetido). 
 
 ai became a in Anglo-Saxon — the second element, says 
 Sweet, became e and was then absorbed — and this by 
 /-umlaut passed into d — drel ' portion,' belonging to the 
 /-declension, (Goth, ddils O.H.G. teil {G. theil). 
 
 In Old High German ai became i: before r, and finally — 
 
 c
 
 34 Manual of Linguistics. 
 
 mero ' greater ' (Goth, niaizd), we ' woe ' (Goth. 7vdi), else- 
 where ei — sfei'n (Goth, stdifis ' stone '). 
 
 ai : This is called the vrddhi diphthong in Sanskrit, ei 
 and ol have the same representation. 
 
 The diphthong appears as a case-ending of the dat. sing, 
 of a stems — Sk. sn{v)apatyai, nom. sii{z')apatyd ' having a 
 beautiful posterity,' Gk. %w/>a, O.L. Matutd ^ Matutae^ 
 Goth, gibdi ' to a gift.' 
 
 di is said to appear as d in Old High German stdn 
 ' stand.' 
 
 ei : Sk. trdyas i^treks), Gk. rps?;, (*Tps(i)sg), L. ^res 
 {^tre{es), Goth, \reis (*']>ri[{i)z, '^]^reiez), A.S. SrJ, O.H.G. dri^ 
 
 Short d? appearing as a in Sanskrit, ei will have the same 
 representation as ai, i.e., t' — bheddvii 'I cleave' (Goth. 
 beitan ' bite '). This e was resolved into (7y before vowels. 
 
 In Latin ei remains in hei., and on oldest monuments — 
 deicd,feidd, but soon became an open 7 — dicd,fidd. 
 
 It also appears as e — levis ' smooth ' (Gk. Xsl{P')og.), 
 
 Before a vowel it appears as e — ed ' I go ' = ejj (Gk. u,(ji,i). 
 
 * 
 
 ei : For example in Sanskrit, take dis ' thou wast going,'^ 
 impf. stem ei (ei- ' go '). The diphthong was an infrequent 
 one in Indo-European. It is seen in Gk. ^XusTog, Norse 
 fle{i)str ' most' and J^eiri ' more,' I.E. J>/e-is- iox pie-is-. 
 
 Wharton's explanation of pids takes us back to this diph- 
 thong : — plus =plds =pieus from ple-us, pie-jus. 
 
 oi : Sk. te ' they,' Gk. toI, \^.{is)tl, Goth. \di, A.S. 5a, 
 O.H.G. de. 
 
 This diphthong will naturally in Sanskrit have the same, 
 representation as ai, i.e., e.
 
 Sound Relations in Indo- European. 35 
 
 For oe in Latin, take as example — -foedus ' treaty ' (Gk. 
 <T£To/^a), for u (through /?) — u/ms (O.L. oinos), for J — -fidus 
 (Ennius) (or foedus. 
 
 Wharton says that pretonic oi, unless saved by analogy, 
 appears as ae — caecus ' blind ' (Gk. y.oi7.iWo} 'gape about ' 
 Goth. Jidihs 'one-eyed'). 
 
 oi has in Teutonic the same representation as ai, and 
 undergoes the same changes. For fe in Anglo-Saxon, the 
 z'-umlaut of a (orig. oi), take as example clceg ' clay ' 
 (Gk. yXo/a L. gluten), and for ei in Old High German, take 
 meidem 'stallion' (rather M.H.G.) — ('ein schon lange ver- 
 altetes Wort,' says Weigand) (L. muto 'penis'). 
 
 oi : Seen in the instrumental plu. of ^-stems — Sk. dsvais. 
 Gk. /Wo;j = /T'Tcu/c. In Latin, this diphthong occurs in 
 oloes ' illis,' from original -dij. Final -oi^ passed into -0. 
 
 au : Gk. -raD/^oc, X^.paulus paucus, QiO'Ca. fawdi, plu. {*fdus, 
 sing.), A.'&.fea, O.^.G.fdheni, dat. plu. 
 
 a + u give in Sanskrit, by ordinary guna, 0. Since e and o 
 are written a, these followed by u, will also give 3. For 
 example of d, take c^'as ' power ' (L. augeo.) 
 
 In Latin, au in originally unaccented syllables appears as 
 /? — inclUdd (claudo), also as oe or e — oboedio and obedio 
 {audio), au in accented syllables is also spelt u— frustum 
 (Gk. dpu'oM ' break'), and d^pldstrum 2cc\A plaustrum, Clodius 
 and Claudius. 
 
 au in Anglo-Saxon appears as ea, of which the /-umlaut 
 is le, I — hiew'S and hiw^, 3rd sing. pres. ind. of heawan 
 ' hew.' ea is sometimes written in oldest texts (eo, eo, ceo. 
 Of the Anglo-Saxon transformations of this diphthong 
 Sweet gives the following explanation : — " The a of au
 
 3 6 Manual of L inguistics. 
 
 became ce, in accordance with the general tendency of the 
 language, the second element being opened, and finally un- 
 rounded. It is probable that the first element remained 
 ce throughout the Old English period." The first vowel of 
 this diphthong has accordingly the value of long («, viz., long 
 low-front-wide. For the quantity of the first vowel in ea, 
 see below under eu. 
 
 mi in Old High German passed through ao into <?, before 
 d, t, f, s, n, r, /, and h ; before other consonants, and as 
 final, it passed in the ninth century into ou — oiiga ' eye ' 
 (Goth, di/go). 
 
 au : Sk. fidus, Gk. voiZg (orig. vatjg), L. ndvis. 
 
 an is called the vrddhi diphthong in Sanskrit, eu and ou 
 have the same representation. 
 
 dv appears in Latin before a vowel. Before a consonant 
 
 ail is found — gauded {gdvided). 
 
 du appears as au in Gothic — sauil r^O-vA. 'sun' (Gk. ^/X/oc 
 for Gafiktoci^. 115), L. sol, Norse sol fem., and a sometimes 
 quoted A.S. sol. By the bye claudd for clduidd originally 
 had du, cp. cldvis and -/.krifig. 
 
 eu : Gk. yivoixai 'taste,' 1.. gftsio, Goth, kiusan 'choose,' 
 A.S. ccosan, O.H.G. kiusu 'I choose' (G. kiesen). 
 
 There is no short e in Sanskrit. It is represented by a, 
 consequently eu will have the same representation 2s au, i.e., 
 d — bodhdmi ' I perceive,' Gk. 'ni'^^ofj^ai. 
 
 eu appears in Latin only in interjections — lieu, otherwise 
 as u. Note also the representation l (through u) — liber 
 (Gk. sXivhpog). 
 
 e being replaced by / in Gothic, eu will naturally appear as 
 I'u. With regard to A.S. eo (eo and ra, ea) it will be well to 
 quote Sweet : — " That the difference between ea eo, and ea
 
 Sound Relations in Indo-European. ^^y 
 
 CO was one of quantity, is proved beyond doubt by the 
 accents, the metre, and the whole history of the language. 
 It is certain that the stress was not originally on the second 
 element, for an and en were certainly accented du, at. 
 The length must have been either on the first element, or 
 else distributed over both. The former seems most pro- 
 bable. The lengthening probably began by an exaggera- 
 tion of the glide between the two elements." 
 
 In Old High German, eu became eo, later io, when fol- 
 lowed by a syllable containing a or o — biogan ' bend ' (G. 
 biegen), otherwise as iu. 
 
 eu : Sk. dyaus, Gk. Zrjc (orig. T^riijo). 
 
 The two letters forming this diphthong probably did not 
 often occur in the same syllable in the primitive Indo- 
 European language. 
 
 ou : Sk. bubodha ' he has waked,' Goth. bdu\, A.S. bead 
 'bade,'O.H.G. bdt. 
 
 In Sanskrit, there is no short o. o is represented by a, con- 
 sequently ou, like 67/, will have the same representation as 
 au, i.e., 0. ou remains in Greek — crouS^ (pstoud-). Com- 
 pare GiTi'jl'ji (psteud-), and L. studeo (pstud-). Note -/.oi^FYzOj 
 ' I perceive ' (A.S. sccawiari). 
 
 ou got mixed in Latin with eu, but can still be distinguished 
 in Oscan, e.g., castrovs, gen. sing, from stem castru- 'fundus.' 
 
 ou appears in Latin as u—fudit (Goth, gdut 'poured,' 
 A.S. geat) \ lucus (A.S. leak — E. lea), as o — rdb'igo and rubigo 
 (roudh-, cp. rufus ' red '). Both u and o are shortened in 
 cloaca and cludca. 
 
 ou originally pretonic appears as au — auris — ousts (Gk. 
 olg = bZa-ag, Goth, duso, A.S. earc). Note also in un- 
 accented syllable -u- from -ou denuo {de novo).
 
 3 8 Manual of L inguistics. 
 
 In Gothic, as in Teutonic generally, o becoming a, ou 
 appears as dii. It appears in Anglo-Saxon as ea. See above 
 under ea. y is one of the varieties {le, l) of the /-umlaut of 
 ca — hlystan ^listen'' (klou) ; cp. Sk. srii, Gk. tcajw, L. clued 
 (klu) ; Gk. z\i{F)og (kleu). 
 
 For an example of on in Old High German take — 
 scouwoji (G. schaueri) (A.S. sceawiaji, Gk. ■/.oi^F)ioj, 
 (duo)(!-/.6(F)oi 'priest,' L. caved, Sk. kavis 'wise'). 
 
 6u : The two letters forming this diphthong probably did 
 not very often occur in the same syllable in Indo-European. 
 The Sk. ashtdil (I.E. oktdij) shows that the final diphthong 
 in the word was long, cp. L. octdvus (^octdvos). For ex- 
 ample of du in Greek, take /3&Sg (orig. /Sows, Sk. gates).
 
 N 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Sound Rel.\tions in Indo-European — Semivowels, 
 Spir.\nts, Conson.vnt-Vowels, Liquids, Nasals. 
 
 The sound-correspondences to be treated of in this chapter 
 are those that derive from the sounds of the parent speech 
 represented by the symbols /,y, //, v, s, z, r, /, ;;/, n, r, /, m, n .- — 
 
 I.E. Sk. 
 
 Gk. 
 
 L. 1 Goth. 
 
 A.S. 
 
 O.H.G. 
 
 i 1 
 
 ' 
 
 J. i J 
 
 '. g 
 
 ', j 
 
 J y 
 
 1 
 
 f 
 
 J 
 
 j 
 
 '. g 
 
 j 
 
 u jv 
 
 F,' 
 
 V, u 
 
 w 
 
 w 
 
 w 
 
 V 
 
 See unde 
 
 ru 
 
 
 
 
 s s, sh 
 
 ^(J), ', ' 
 
 s, r 
 
 s, z 
 
 s, r 
 
 s, r 
 
 z 
 
 See ex 
 
 amples 
 
 
 
 
 r :,... 
 
 P 
 
 r 
 
 r 
 
 r 
 
 r 
 
 1 !„, 
 
 \ 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 I 
 
 1 
 
 m m 
 
 1 
 
 fJ- 
 
 m m 
 
 m 
 
 m 
 
 n 
 
 n 
 
 V 
 
 n 
 
 " 
 
 n 
 
 n 
 
 r 
 
 ur, ir, r 
 
 ap, pa 
 
 or 
 
 aiir, ru 
 
 ur 
 
 ur 
 
 r 
 
 ur, Ir 
 
 op, pu 
 
 ar, ra 
 
 Tent 
 
 ar 
 
 
 1 
 
 ul, (il), ur 
 
 aX, \a 
 
 ol 
 
 ul 
 
 ul 
 
 ul 
 
 i 
 
 ur, ir 
 
 o\, Xoj 
 
 ar,(al),la 
 
 Teut. 
 
 al 
 
 
 m 
 
 am, a 
 
 av, a 
 
 em 
 
 um 
 
 um 
 
 um 
 
 m 
 
 a 
 
 d 
 
 
 
 
 
 n 
 
 an, a 
 
 av, a 
 
 en 
 
 un 
 
 un 
 
 un 
 
 n 
 
 a 
 
 vd, a, VT] 
 
 an, na 
 
 

 
 40 Mann a I of L ingu istics. 
 
 i : Sk. ynyd/ii, Gk. -J/xs/c, Goth. Jus, A.S. luih, (North, 
 accus.), O.H.G. iiiwih (ace. plu.). 
 
 It is difficult sometimes, owing to the fact that the sounds 
 have run together in most languages, to distinguish mani- 
 festations of the semivowel /, from manifestations of the 
 spirant y, unless Greek aid us, where initially, the latter 
 appears as ^, the former as '. If Greek lack a cognate, 
 then we have to search among available cognates, for sound- 
 relations, that will help to settle the question. For example, 
 a comparison of Sk. yaiiti, 3rd plu., and Wid, 2nd plu. of 
 ei- ' go,' proves that the y is by origin /. The coincident 
 occurrence of / stamps y the semivowel. Again, the ablaut- 
 relation between Sk. trdyas (treies-, strong grade), nom. 
 plu., and trishu (trisu-, weak grade), loc. plu., reveals the 
 semivocalic character of the_y of the first form. 
 
 £ appears initially (example above), between vowels, after 
 consonants, before consonants (when preceded by «-, e-, and 
 <?- vowels), and finally (as second element of diphthongs). 
 Take as examples — Sk. trdyas &c. — see above under ei ; Sk. 
 dydt'is ' sky,' Gk. Zsi; {livo', ^iji^i) ; Sk. veda, Gk. Foi'Bs. Goth. 
 7m2f, A.S. 7e'df, O.H.E. 7e>ei''f, (uoide) ; Sk. te, Hom. toi &cc. 
 — see above under oi. 
 
 ai, ei, oi, ai, ei, 6i, originally pure diphthongs, gradually 
 suffered change, generally in the direction of coalescence. 
 The long varieties shortened the first element when before 
 consonants. 
 
 y in Sanskrit was probably everywhere semivocalic. 
 
 In Greek initial ' was reached through an intermediate 
 voiceless /. Between vowels, / dropped out, unless the pre- 
 vious vowel was ?/ — dsoc {pFu'dg), np^du (rz/xa/w), (piXsoj. 
 ((piXs/co), hriXocu (driXo/cAj), but Lesb. fu/w (bhuio).
 
 Sound Relaiions in Indo-EiLvopean. 4 1 
 
 / following postvocalic s and // i)alatalised them out of 
 existence, and then formed a diphthong with the preceding 
 vowel — roff/o into '.-o/(To = Hom. 7(i7o (Sk. tdsya) ; zir^v from 
 Uh\v^ from ff/jii' (Sk. syam, weak grade — Greek has strong 
 grade from the analogy of forms with strong sV-; L. siem, sics, 
 siet (siem), weak grade like Sanskrit — the 7, proper to the 
 plural optative, ultimately ousted the ic, proper to the 
 singular) ; -/JKafhi into ■AXaiF(Ji, into xXa/w. The ojF of the 
 last word became « in Attic before e-, /-, and a- sounds, 
 giving yCka'm, KXaug, TiXan, -/.Xa/'o/j^sv, &c.; the a then pushed 
 its way into all persons, producing the double forms xXa/w 
 and yJj'M. 
 
 After ;/ and r, a following / disappears, after causing com- 
 pensation in the previous syllable — -/.niiu, Lesb. xrhvui 
 {zTVjm) ; (pkifu, Lesb. <p6sppoi {<p6ipm). Notice also /3a/nw 
 ((Sav/oj), L.vefiid (guni6(-m-) ). 
 
 / following A is assimilated — a/./.&g («?./&$). 
 
 The combination // gives in Greek -r — r-j-roj (-■j-ziu) ; 
 •TTTvu (((y)cT/0), Lith. spidu-ju^ L. spud. 
 
 ki, ghi, kui, ghyj give for result a sort of geminated 
 spirantal sound which medially is sometimes approximately 
 represented by -^r-, sometimes by -ffff-, but initially, always 
 by C-. It used to be said that the / dentalised the guttural 
 into r, and that this letter then assimilated /. rr appears in 
 Boeotian, Thessalian, and Attic, co in the other dialects ; 
 the latter representation is said to be the older. 
 
 Examples are ^ffo'wi' ^'tt-wv (^ri-/.laj'j), compare nxiara, L. secius 
 'otherwise,' perhaps equalling ricsov {i]Km) (the form sequins, 
 said however to lack authority, would seem to point to a velar, 
 sctius = seethes is called a comparative formation (compare 
 diutius), with the c dropped, as Quintius for Qiei/ietius);
 
 42 ManiLal of Lmgiiistics. 
 
 aaaov (angh.-), compare «7/C' '> "^'^o^'-^, ~irra. (peky-), com- 
 pare L. coqiw ; iXaGGMv iXdrrm (Ighu-), compare sXayrjg. 
 
 For this sound occurring initially, take as example Hom. 
 ffsSs = gVffsus (Sk. cyu (chyii) ' move '). 
 
 ghi when initial, results in -/^d — -^dh (ghies-), Sk. /ijds, L. 
 /lerl, Goth, gistra-dagis, A.S. geostra {eo = o-vvaAz-WX. of e). 
 O.H.G. gestaron (G. gestern). 
 
 ti dhi became as ; this after consonants was reduced to 
 <r, and in other surroundings, though cg remained in Homer, 
 simplification also gave the same result ; dialectically, how- 
 ever, the OG appears as 7t — aGGa, arra for r/a (the v-forms 
 are due to the adoption of the ace. tim as a new stem in 
 place of r/-) neuter plu. of t/'j. In the last word, the initial 
 a is due to the frequent conjunction of this form with other 
 plurals in a, from which by wa^ong division it abstracted the 
 a, e.g., OTO/'a/rra was divided h-'u' arra^ compare JXS/toii/Exa 
 (a crasis of Ixslvov svixa), which through raaldivision gave 
 rise to the ghost-word o'vvi-/.a, also Sayce's explanation of 
 ala, as due to a reading of --arpihalyaTav, as 'Trarpida y' 
 aiav. Consult index, under nezt>f and nick7iame, for similar 
 results in English. Resuming examples of ti, dhi, we have 
 Taffa for 'Tsavria ; fiiOGoc, Attic /xsiroj (Sk. mddliyas). 
 
 si also gives gg and rr — /caff^Ja,, -/.arr-jM for y.riTGi\jiM, L. 
 sua for sud.) Goth, siujan, A.S. seowan, O.H.G. siinvan (G. 
 sduk, ' Ort des Schuhmachers ') (Sk. syu-). 
 
 Note the different results in Greek of fx^sGoog, /jlsgo: (suffix 
 -io-), and of 'zdrpiog (suffix -iio-). 
 
 di, gi, guj give as result a sound that is represented by 
 the letter ^ (Lesb. go) — ts^&'c ' on foot,' compare Tsdn 
 'fetter'; d^ofj^ai 'reverence,' compare dyiog (iag-) ; w'^o* 
 ' wash,' compare vI-tttoj with labialised velar (neigy-). 
 
 Note the different results in Greek of p'sZ^M ' work ' (reg.
 
 Sound Relations in Indo-Eztropean. 43 
 
 (>al^oj for FpoLym), Goth, waurkjan, O.H.G. wurchen (G. 
 wirke7t) (urg-), with suffix -id, compare Gk. 'ipyav (eV3w = 
 ijcrgid), A.S. 7viercan (uerg-), and of ihiui (suid-), L. sudor, 
 A.S. swat, O.H.G. S7vei'^ (G. schweiss) (suoid-), with suffix -iid. 
 
 / appears in Latin initially as j—jecur (cp. Gk r^raf) ; 
 after a consonant it preserved consonantal force, only if 
 said consonant had disappeared— ^c^m (Sk. dyaus), did 
 (aghio). If the consonant remained, the / had vocalic force 
 — medius (Sk. >iidd/iyas), veiiio for venio, socius (sokyios), 
 compare seqiwr (seky-). 
 
 Between vowels /drops — aer- (aes, aeris) (Sk. dyas 'iron'), 
 sto {stdw), moneo {monew), audio iaudiio). An / has also 
 dropped in spud (spiu-), sud (Goth, siujati), hen (ghies-). 
 
 Allusion has been made to ai, ei, oi, ai, ei, 6i, under 
 these respective heads. The first element of the long 
 varieties is shortened when a consonant follows. 
 
 In Teutonic, / and J have the same representation. 
 For an example of / appearing medially in Gothic as 7, take 
 midjis (Sk. mddhyas), siujan (Gk. xafTc-Jw ' stitch,' L. sud^vOi-). 
 
 After a short vowel there is a noticeable representation 
 of / in Gothic, viz. -ddj-(Norse -ggj-,-gg-) — iddja ' I went ' 
 (Sk. dydiii), A.S. code {ija + de, pret. suff.) ; twaddje, gen., 
 Norse hveggja, A.S. tivcg{e)a, O.H.G. ztvtijo. In West 
 Germanic, an / was generated, which formed a diphthong 
 with the preceding vowel, or gave 7, if the preceding vowel 
 was /. 
 
 A w occurs in place of an / in Anglo-Saxon and Old High 
 German — A.S. sdwan, O.H.G. sdwan (sdan saha/i), saian (i 
 for/), (Goth, saian, seio) ; A.S. bldzvan, O.H.G. bluojan, 
 bluoivan (Teut. bldijinan — L, flds). It is supposed that 
 after / had in part dropped out before guttural vowels, 7v was
 
 44 ManzLal of Linguistics. 
 
 foisted in as glide. On the establishment of the types, inter- 
 change would ensue, and one or other type be generalised. 
 This is Brugmann's explanation. 
 
 /, for which there was no special sign in the manu- 
 scripts of Anglo-Saxon and Old High German, was repre- 
 sented initially, especially before u, by / — A.S iung {geong), 
 O.H.G. iung. It is not known whether originally i ox J 
 appeared in this word. Medially / is also found, but per- 
 haps stands for ij. 
 
 In A.S. dr ' brass,' O.H.G. er (Goth, aiz, Sk. dyas, L. 
 aes (d,ies-), we have an example of the dropping of /. It is 
 also dropped before /. 
 
 In Anglo-Saxon, palatal ^ is a representative of / — gif 
 'if (Goth, jabai); g is also a representation in the same 
 language — dcgan ' call,' a -ja- verb (/>, umlaut of m) (guou-), 
 Gk. poDj. 
 
 In Old High German, g with sound of English y in yet^ 
 also occurs as representative — ge/ier {Jena-). 
 
 Original / can sometimes be traced by gemination — A.S. 
 syllan 'give,' O.H.G. scllen (Goth, saljan) \ A.S. ecg 
 ' edge ' (L. acics). 
 
 In Anglo-Saxon, the fact of umlaut argues the original 
 presence of / — deman ' deem ' (Goth, domjaii). 
 
 With reference to Gothic siiijau (L. stio, Gk. xawJw), it 
 is conjectured, that in forms, where the / of a formative 
 suffix followed hard on a previous /, the first was lost by dis- 
 similation, even in the Indo-European period, but being 
 preserved in another setting, might reassert itself even in 
 conditions where it had originally gone under. 
 
 / before a consonant, and after long vowels, was dropped 
 in the primitive language — compare Sk. ray as plu., with 
 Sk. ras sing., 1,. 7rs.
 
 Sound Relations in I ndo- Europe an. 45 
 
 j : Sk. Jtigdjii, Gk. Zvyov, L. jugi/in, Goth. Juk, A.S. geoc 
 {iiccia7i 'to yoke'), O.Y{..Q. joh {G.Joch). 
 
 Gk. Z, argues the spirant. The existence of the spirant 
 can best be demonstrated when it occurs initially. It is 
 said, however, that KsTrai may be attached to a root kej-. 
 Gk. Z^jydv, it should be mentioned, had originally for initial 
 sound not J, but di (cp. dialectic form b-oyov), which fell 
 together with J in primitive Greek. 
 
 It might be well to give another example of original/ — 
 Sh. ydsdmi 'bubble,' Gk. ^ew, A.S. gist 'yeast,' O.H.G. 
 jesan ' ferment ' (G. gdrefi) (ies-). 
 
 Another proof of spirantal i or J is worth mentioning: — 
 When y is spirantal in a Sanskrit verb, it still remains in re- 
 duplication, whereas, when the y is semivocalic in origin, a 
 weak-grade form of the verb is found, beginning with /, 
 •e.g., /appears in iydja, perf. oi yaj 'sacrifice' (Gk. a/zoc, 
 clt^oiMai), instead of ya-. This change of y is by Sanskrit 
 grammarians called sainprdsarana (cp. below under u and v). 
 
 In Latin and Teutonic, as in Sanskrit, / and j fell 
 together. 
 
 u : Sk. svdhiras, Gk. invpCi, \j. socer {suecer\ Goth. 
 swdihra, A.S. S7Vcor {sweokor), O.H.G. sweluir (G. schivdher) 
 (su^kuro-). 
 
 v: Sk. vase 'clothe,' i sing. pres. atm., Gk. i'v^j,a/, L. 
 vesiio, Goth, wasjan 'clothe,' A.S. ivcrian 'wear,' O.H.G. 
 wcrian. 
 
 It is usually impossible to tell to which of the two sounds, 
 semivowel or spirant, a sound under consideration has to be 
 referred. If, as in the case of /, u alternates with the vowel 
 u, we may be sure, that in the given case, its origin is semi- 
 vocalic. For example in Sk. cinvdnti (kuinunti), 3 plu.
 
 4^ Manual of L inguistics. 
 
 pres., and Sk. ciiiuthd (kyinut^), 2 plu. pres. (kyei- ' set in 
 rows '), V alternates with u, a fact which argues an original 11. 
 Moreover, and it will be remembered that this also held 
 good in the case of /, if there subsist certain ablaut relations 
 between certain sound-groups, and one of the correlates be 
 of a vocalic nature, we are entitled to infer the presence of 
 the semivowel. For example, A.S. szvefn ' dream' (suepnos, 
 strong grade), L. somnus (suopnos, strong grade), Gk. 
 '■oiTvoc, (supnos, weak grade, Greek has generaHsed the weak 
 grade of certain cases) exhibit a correspondence that, in the 
 circumstances, proves the presence of the semivowel. 
 
 In Sanskrit verbs reduplicating with %)a-, e.g., vrdh 
 ' grow,' pf atm. vavrdhe we pronounce for the spirant ; in 
 those reduplicating with 11-, e.g., vac ' speak,' pf iivdcha we 
 pronounce for the semivowel. Compare what was said 
 above under/. 
 
 Initial -u was lost in Sanskrit before u and u — Sk. {ilvam 
 ' caul ' (L. vtdva) (ulu-) ; Sk. ?irmr, L. /dna (uln-), L. ve//ns 
 (uln-). 
 
 In Greek, I.E. // appeared as F, which was, as a 
 rule, vocalic and not spirantal in character, sometimes also 
 as LI and 13 — ^ol. a'oojg (af wc), Attic r,uig ' dawn ; ' JEo], 
 ^p'/iTup ' orator.' The F remained up to historic times, and 
 first disappeared in Ionic-Attic. The disappearance took 
 place both medially (see below), and initially — 'irog (L. vetus). 
 Sometimes, initially, ;/ is represented by ' — IXxog (L. ulcus 
 {vulcus, vekus))* 
 
 * Mr. Darbishire refers this to a root beginning with s or sti, holding 
 as he does that F regularly became ' in Greek. Certain obstinate rough 
 breathings he refers to original v and not 11, supporting his contention by- 
 facts drawn from Armenian, where, as he seems to make out, the semi- 
 vowel and the spirant are still distinguishable.
 
 Sound Relations in Indo-European. 47 
 
 In Latin also, // drops initially before u followed by a 
 consonant, unless that consonant be / (except /+r) — unda 
 (uond-), (loth, -ivato, A.S. wceter (^0^-) -, also before sonant 
 / and r — lajia (cp. vellus), radix (Goth, waurts) (ufd- and 
 urd-) ) ; but verrcs ' boar,' (ik. a^ff'/ji/ (uers-, urs-). 
 
 For examples in Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin, of ?/ 
 between vowels, take Sk. jlvds, Gk. /3/oj, L. vivus, Goth. 
 kzvius, A.S. cw!C, cwicu {c developed before ti{iv\ E. quick, 
 7vhit{low) (p. 96)), O.H.G. qiiec (G. keck) (guiuos) ; Sk. 
 avis, Gk. o{F)ig, L. ovis, Goth. awe]>i ' flock,' A.S. eowu 
 * ewe,' O.H.G. aid nom. plu. (G. aue 'nur noch mund- 
 artlich ' Weigand), LE. oui- ; Sk. ndva, Gk. fi-vsa [h 
 viFa ' nine in all '), L. nove/n, Goth, uinn, A.S. 
 f^ii^otj, O.H.G. niioi (for fiiiju?i, A.S. g is a glide, LE. 
 n^un) ; Gk. E&c, 0? (ffiFo:) poss. adj., L. sia^s, O.L. soivs 
 (seuos) — cp. /la/s, O.L. fovos, Gk. ri(F)o:, and dcmw for ^^ 
 ;/^e'J : Gk. I, Goth. i"/(/^), E. bti{sk) (sue), L. i-(^ (sue) ; Gk. 
 oJ{F)oi ' alone ' (oiuos, strong grade of demonst., rt. i) — cp. 
 Gk. oivog ' one,' oiv/j ' ace on dice,' L. f///us (oi?ios); Gk. ai[F)uji, 
 L. aevu/ii, Goth, diivs, A.S. (77i:w dat., O.H.G. hva ' long 
 time' (Kluge says that A.S. cav 'law,' O.H.G. cwa 'mar- 
 riage ' G. ehe) are from aequus, but aeqiius {aeviqitos) is 
 perhaps connected with aevum) ; Sk. devds, Gk. 3/bc, L, 
 ^7w^,y {deivos), Norse Z)"r, A.S. Tlw 'god of war' (E. 
 Tuesday), O.H.G. Zio. Note the disappearance of // 
 in Sk. dyaui, Gk. Zr^v, L. diem ( diem, cp. nom. dieus 
 ' sky '). 
 
 After a consonant the following may serve as examples : 
 
 — of tu : Sk. catvdras, Goth, fidwor (Jnvidwdr, for / see 
 
 Chapter IV. p. 104), Gk. Tirrapic, {y.FirFafiz), L. quatuor, A.S. 
 
 feotver, O.H.G. fior {kuekuor- kuekur, the second guttural
 
 48 Manual of L inguistics. 
 
 due to assimilation) (kyetuor-, kuetur-, kuetuor-) ; of du : 
 
 Sk. dvis, Gk. h'lg, L. bis (cp. belluin = duellum) ; L. bonus 
 (duonos), compare Sk duvas ' a mark of respect ' ; of dhu : 
 Sk. urdhvds, Gk. hp&di;, L. ardiius (fdhuds). 
 
 Note L. quartus (kutuftds), Gk. {iT)rpd'K%(a (kutur-). The 
 lost consonant in T^ars^a would, being a velar, have appeared 
 as T, before r. Compare for loss of initial letter, Sk. {k)tur- 
 yas ' fourth.' 
 
 For examples of pu, bhu, take ^'n~toz, for vrtirFioc, (cp. 
 vriTUTioc) ; ■j'TrsptplaXog, for 'o-ipf^FiaXog (p'jw) ; diibius for 
 dubhuiws ; -bo, -bam, for -bhud -bhudm. 
 
 It is not a velar guttural that appears in equus (post- class, 
 form owing to the analogy of equi — class, form ecus or equos), 
 but a palatal guttural followed by ti. The root is I.E. 
 dkiios. The cognates are Sk. dsvas, Gk. iWog 'hxog (?), Goth. 
 aihwa-, A.S. eoh. The ' in J'ttoj represents the that so 
 frequently was prefixed in the sentence-life of the word 
 — cp. Fr. llerre 'ivy' for Vhierre. The / of ;':7to5 (I.E. e) 
 is a stumbling-block. 
 
 su is thus represented — Sk. svddus, Gk. rjUg, L. sudvis, 
 A.S. szvefe, O.H.G. suofi, (suadu-) ; Gk. {F)sl (sueks), L. 
 sex, Goth. saUis, A.S. seox, O.H.G. se/is (seks) ; Sk. svdsar-, 
 L. soror (suesor), Goth, swistar, A.S. siveostor (eo due to 
 ;/!-umlaut), O.H.G. sivester {%\3JSi'sXx-) ; Sk. svid 'sweat,' Gk. 
 Ihog, 'idpug (suid-), L. sudor, A.S. swdt (suoid-). 
 
 Gk. vf , pF, >-F were differently treated, in some dialects 
 becoming w, pp, XX — in others, remaining as f, p, and X, with 
 compensation-lengthening in previous syllable. In Attic 
 the F simply dropped. 
 
 Examples are Lesb. /Ji-va, Ion. youva, Att. yovara (yovFa) ;
 
 So2ind Relations in Indo-European. 49 
 
 Ion. xovprj, Dor. /idjpd, Attic -/.Cpyj (zr/pFd) ; Horn. obXo:, Att. 
 oXoj (^oXFog), Sk. sdrvas, L. sol/i/s. 
 
 Enough has been said about //as second element of diph- 
 thong under au, eu, ou, &c. Before consonants, the first 
 element of au, eu, 6u, was shortened in Greek. These diph- 
 thongs then fell together with the corresponding shorts. 
 
 Intervocalic // drops in Latin before u — the borrowed 
 oleum and ol'iviuii (^i'Kat{f)(iv — the o is du:3 to an assumed 
 connexion with oko), also after // — puer and pover. 
 uu however remains after i—juvo. ij following a short 
 vowel, and followed by / or e, throws off the vowel and be- 
 comes vocalised, aij becoming au, and ou becoming u {ou), or 
 sometimes — auspex for avispex, up'ilio and opllio (for 
 ovipilio), nundinae and nondinae for novendinae. If // fol- 
 lows a long vowel or diphthong, it drops altogether — praeco 
 ' herald ' from prae, voco. 
 
 After a consonant, // in Latin sometimes remains — arvuvi ; 
 sometimes interchanges with b—ferveo and ferbed, helvus, 
 gilvus, and gilbus ; sometimes is vocalised — tenuis (Sk. ianvl 
 ' stretched ') ; after / it is assimilated — sollus (Sk. sdrvas) ; it 
 drops after/" (from d/nj), and in an unaccented syllable after 
 d—fallo (dhul-, Gk. doXipog 'troubled,' Goth, divals 'dull,. 
 A.S. dol, O.H.G. toll (G. toll) (dhuol-) Wharton), dis- 
 ' asunder ' (Goth tzvis (standan) ' to depart from one '). 
 
 Finally it is vocalised after loss of e — seu {slve). 
 
 In Teutonic, ii was still a vowel-consonant. This sound 
 remained in Gothic, but in other dialects progressed towards 
 a spirant. In this family, 2c is very constant, appearing in 
 all positions. In Old High German, it was apt to disappear 
 after consonants other than r, /, s. 
 
 Examples of u in the Teutonic languages have appeared 
 
 D
 
 50 Manual of Linguistics. 
 
 above. It will therefore only be necessary to mention one 
 or two more of particular interest or significance. 
 
 Medially between u and u, u is lost in Goth, juggs {juv- 
 laigas) , A.S. geo/ig and I'ung, O.H.G. j!/fig (L. juvena/s, 
 iuunko). 
 
 Before a consonant in Gothic, as we saw above, w was 
 written it — kwius from kwiu{a)z (L. vlviis — (guiuos). 
 
 Parallel to the representation of -/- by -ddj-, we have u after 
 short vowels represented by -ggw- (Norse -ggv-, -gg-) — triggiva 
 'covenant' (Norse tryggr). In West Germanic a u was 
 generated which formed a diphthong with the preceding 
 vowel, or gave // if the preceding vowel was u — Goth, triggivs 
 ' true,' A.S. trleive {le = co by /-umlaut), O.H.G. triuwi. 
 
 In Teutonic, nu becomes nn, n — Goth, kinniis, A.S. cin{n), 
 O.H.G. chinni (Gk. y\v\jg 'jaw,' L. gemimus 'grinder'); 
 A.S. '^ynne, O.H.G. ^//;//// (Sk. ta7ius, L. tenuis— \mA-). 
 
 In A.S. cuman, -jju- ( = 7£'/=Teut. 7i'e) appears as 71 — 
 cp. O.H.G. koman {queman) (Gk. /Sa/vw, L. venio — gumid). 
 
 From A.S. iiigofi (Goth, niutt, see above), it appears that 
 g sometimes represents orig. w ; and A.S. eoh (L. equus, 
 see above) shews that 21, after becoming final, may be lost. 
 
 iia from tio, is, in A.S. geolo ' yellow,' O.H.G. geh (gen. 
 gehves, G. gel^^), L. /lelvus, gilvi/s (ghweluos) represented by 0. 
 Compare O.H.G. ero ' earth ' (L. arvum). 
 
 s : Sk. svdsa, L. soror (suesor), Goth, swistar, A.S, 
 sweostor, O.H.G. sivester (G. schwester) (suestr-). 
 
 There is no cognate in Greek unless Schrader's sugges- 
 tion anent "lofig be adopted, viz., Ufig^efico^ii 'sisters' 
 children,' orig. ' sisters.' In the Teutonic cognates, a / is 
 developed between s and r (see below).
 
 Sound Relations in Indo-European. 5 i 
 
 s generally remains in Sanskrit, but passes into the cere- 
 bral sibilant sli, when immediately preceded by any vowel 
 save a, or when preceded by k or r, except the j- be final or 
 followed by r — vishdin (uisom, cp. L. virus (uisos) ) ; snusha 
 ' daughter-in-law ' (T.. minis) ; parshnis ' heel,' Ok. rrr'sfva 
 (cp. 'roXig and rrroXic), \,. pcnia 'ham' {pcrnix 'swift'), 
 Goth, fa'irzna (jr, and not z, to have been expected, the 
 accent being on first ?rj\\dh\€),k.'$,.fierse}i,fyrsn {ie,y = umlaut 
 of m the breaking of e\ O.H.G fersana (G. ferse) (persna, 
 -ni). Note also i-^rVz 'six' {\,. sex). 
 
 Before s (palatal sibilant) at the beginning of the next 
 syllable, s becomes s — svdsuras ' father-in-law ' (Gk. sxt;^ &; 
 {^^f^-'^.-) ). 
 
 sk appears as ch {cch) — gdchdmi {gdcchdmi) ' I go ' (Gk. 
 8d(fKu (ISdaK /'('/) ) (gumsko). 
 
 For the general history of the s sounds in the Classical 
 and Teutonic languages, it will be convenient to make the 
 surrounding of the sound the principle of classification. 
 
 Starting from examples with a vocalic neighbourhood, let 
 there then be set down examples of s in the neighbourhood 
 of continuous consonants, followed by examples that exhibit 
 s in the company of stops. 
 
 s before vowels passes into ' in Greek, but remains in Latin 
 and Teutonic — Gk. sro/j,ai, L. sei/uor, Goth. saiJnvan, A.S. 
 scon (for seohan), O.H.G. sehan (seku-) ; G.k. i)/>a^ 'shrew- 
 mouse,' L. sdrex (Fr. souris) ; Gk. jj^a/-, L. scini-, Sk. sd/ni-, 
 A.S. sdf?i- (E. sand-blind). 
 
 Sometimes ' appears, if in the next syllable or the one 
 after, an aspirate, either original or develoj^ed from s, is 
 tnet with — Gk. a/ou ' dry ' from a-lhu, older ab/iu (cp. fut. 
 aZsw), and in other cases — i7pu{ = if>ic>j) 'join,' L. serd. In
 
 5 2 Manual of L ingui sties. 
 
 r,lMi7g (Sk. asnia-), the ' is probably due to the analogy of 
 liij^iTg (Sk. yiish?na-), and ii'zL[i,riV (for l-{c)i'::'oiJ.y\\) takes after 
 
 Between vowels, s disappears in Greek, and generally 
 passes into r in Latin — Gk. yhi(}C, L. generis, (Sk. Ja/iasas- — 
 gen-), cp. Goth, /v////, A.S. cy}i{n) (ji' = umlaut of Teut. u),. 
 O.H.G. ciijini (gn-), and L. nascor (gn-) ; Gk. ^a (Attic 
 ^), Sk. asaiu (esm). L. eram is supposed to represent an un- 
 augmented ^sm. m should have given em in Latin, and the 
 am will be owing to the analogy of the usual imperfect 
 ending -bam. There is no trace of augment in Latin. 
 The general absence of augment is perhaps due to the 
 generalisation of unaugmented types. 
 
 The following are additional examples of intervocalic s — 
 Gk. (p'lfiai (Sk. bhdrase); Gk. >5^£a 'I knew' (Sk. dvedi- 
 sham, 2iOx.); Gk. \-o(o)(jc, 'daughter-in-law,' L. mirus, (Sk. 
 smishd, A.S. snorii, O.H.G. siiora, snura (G. schmir) 
 (snus-) ) ; //.s/^w for ij.ii''Qia = imZ^ooa, cp. L. majora for 
 mdhjosa. 
 
 Sometimes, however, intervocalic j- is found in Greek — 
 Tpdaov ' leek,' L. pornim (pr'som). 
 
 In T^atin too, s is found — susiirrus, a word of imitative 
 origin, asi?iiis, ndsiis, casa, caesarics (for these last see 
 account of Conway's Law, Chap. VIL). 
 
 s in causa catissa, is for ss — caussa ' cutting, legal decision ' 
 comes, according to Conway, from the participle of "^caudo,. 
 which became cFido, on the analogy of incudo. The s '\xv 
 fusiis * spindle ' stands also for ss — -fusus from fudtus, parti- 
 ciple of ficndo. quaeso is for quaes-so (or apply Conway's 
 Law), haiisi for haiis-sl. 
 
 One more example of intervocalic s in Latin is ero, O.L^ 
 eso, subjunctive used as future, cp. Gk. sw w.
 
 Sound Relations in Lido-Etiropcan. 53 
 
 jSIedial s may remain in Teutonic — A.S. 7iasu (cp. L. ndris), 
 or become r (through s), if the vowel immediately preceding 
 ■did not have the principal accent (see account of Verner's 
 Law, Chap. VII.). 
 
 s before / and u has been already treated under / and //. 
 In Minerva from Menesijd (cp. Gk. /xEvgu-' sense, mind') 
 we have s appearing as r before //. 
 
 Something must now be said of s in conjunction with 
 ■continuous consonants. 
 
 sr in Greek becomes pp, which, when initial, was reduced 
 to p — Hom. 'ippa, h- (Sk. dsravat) (sreu-), pori (srou-), p-jctz, 
 (sm-), pof £w (srobh-, cp. L. sorbed (srbh-)). 
 
 In Latin, initial jr became //zr, then//-; medial ^r became 
 br—frigi(S = sr'igos (Gk. pr/o;) ; frdt^a ' strawberries '= .fnTi,'-^ 
 {Gk. /sag pciyo; ' grape ') ; sobrlnus ' cousin ' = suesrlnos 
 * sister's son ' ; cerebrum — ceresrom (keres-), cp. Gk. vApa for 
 -/.apioa. (kres-) ; ffniebris =funesris, cp. funestus, funus fun- 
 eris ; membruiii = memsroui, cp. Goth, w/ws 'flesh'; tene- 
 brae (Sk. tamisrd, O.H.G. demerimga (G. ddinnierung), 
 cp. O.H.G. ditislar, finstar (G. finster.) ). Two stems 
 mixed produced tenebrae, viz., feiiisrd and tem9srd. The 
 former became fciisrd, and its ;/ was introduced into the 
 latter. This is Brugmann's explanation of the ;/ in tenebrae, 
 Kluge says that dissimilation from the following labial b pro- 
 duced n, Wharton suggests a popular connexion with Uned. 
 
 dirud for disrud is formed after dllud. 
 
 In Teutonic, sr initial, or medial (before the date of Ver- 
 ner's Law), became str — Goth, sivistar, &c. ; A.S. stream, 
 O.H.G. stroum (Gk. pwi — (srou-).
 
 5 4 Manual of L ing-ui sties. 
 
 The combination rs has l:)een already referred to under r, 
 
 si in Greek becomes XX, which initially passes into X, 
 and sometimes medially, with compensation — Xj^^w ' cease ' 
 (slegy-), cp. langiteo (slangy ), A.S. siccc and O.H.G. slack 
 (slagu-) ; Gk. yji7.ioi and x/'>^"''i I^esb. yjWioi (Sk. sahdsrd) 
 (gheslo-, ghesliio-). 
 
 In Latin s disappears before / — laui^iieo (see above), 
 prelum ' wine-press ' for preslom, alir for axla (cp. axilla 
 ' armpit,' A.S. caxl ' shoulder,' O.H.G. ahsala (G. achsel) ), 
 veliDii for vcxloin (velio), scdla for scautsld {scando)^ ad'ina 
 for cocsUnd (without compensation in unaccented syllable). 
 
 locus is for sflocus, l/s for ^/Z/^-, //tv^ ' spleen ' for spln'n 
 (Gk. (ttX^v). 
 
 5-/ remains in Teutonic. 
 
 The combination Is has been referred to under /. 
 
 s medial disappears in Greek before ;;/, with compensation 
 — Attic sifj^i, Lesb. wx/ (safii) : ^i//x?j 'leaven' (l^v(f/j.r,), h.j'us 
 'broth,' cp. Sk.j'/ls/zas. Sometimes, however, by form-associa- 
 tion, the s is brought back — thus, sW/ induces scfj^sv for regular 
 s/'asi', and rifj.(plssrai induces ri/jt,ph(rfj.ai beside regular ufzai. 
 
 ciff/Mvog is for ff^arff/xsi/oc (p. 122) (suad-), cp. d'^ddvu (suand-) 
 and riho!J.rii (suad-) ; oaiJ^ri for ohaiMd (cp. hhiMr{). 
 
 6 remains in afj.spdaXsog ' terrible,' A.S. smeortan (E. 
 smart)^ O.H.G. smerzan (G. schmerzen) (smerd-), cp. L.. 
 mordeo (smrd), but drops in iJ^noiaM, after assimilation, cp, 
 (pi'/.(}ijj[j.iihy]g. 
 
 In Latin 5 drops before w* — nilrus, cp. Sk. jr;;// ' smile,' 
 E. sniilc, smirk ; primus {ox prismas ; di moved for dismoved, 
 cdmena for casmc/ia, omittd for opsmittd — the last two without 
 compensation in an unaccented syllable. 
 
 * Conway says that during the period of rhotacism s before nasals and 
 after an accented syllable became r in Latin — carmoi, verna, diuntus.
 
 Sound Relations in Indo-European. 55 
 
 siibtanoi is for sul>tex»ien, semenstris, for sexvibistris. 
 s/n, as appears from cognates given above, remains in 
 Teutonic. It drops however in Goth. i/)i ' am,' Gk. s/'a/ (sa/i/). 
 A.S. eo?n is said to be the result of contamination with beovi. 
 For example of jus take in Greek hn/j^a, Lesb. sKs/i^aa (for 
 ht[/.6a) ; in Latin, sumpsi with intrusive / — unless this is a 
 new formation, for iiis probably became ns ; in Teutonic, 
 Goth. a77is (Sk. di)isas (dmsos) — cp. L. ujuerus (6mesos) and 
 Gk. io,ao5 (dmsos).) 
 
 sn in Greek passes into ^v — s\j\ivr,rog 'well spun ' ( {ts)]iiu). 
 Initially, this was simplified to v — v\){o)Cg (Sk. smishd). 
 
 vv remains in some dialects, but is in others simplified, 
 with compensation — Ion. (panvog, Lesb. (paivvoi (for <pa.fi(swC) ; 
 'Qlivfi for ^wfft?j. Ionic s/Vj^/ ' dress ' exhibits this simplifica- 
 tion and compensation, but e was reintroduced from forms 
 with that letter, viz., itrtJ^va/, &c., and the In'aiti that was got 
 after assimilation of the s became permanent. 
 
 s before n disappears in Latin — iiuriis (Sk. snusha) ; satin 
 for satis?ie ; viden for videsne, with shortening of vowel ; 
 diniunero for dismmiero ; perna ' ham ' (persna, see above) ; 
 annus for asnos (asn-), cp. Goth, asa/is ' harvest ' (ason-). 
 
 /una is {or loi/xiia ; sail ior sex iil, pen na (or pefsnd {pet- 
 ' fly ') ; cernuus, * headlong ' for cersnuos, cp. cerebrum for 
 ceresrom ; abius 'alder' for alsmis, A.S. air, O.H.G. clira 
 and erila (G. erle). 
 
 For sn in Teutonic, take Goth, asneis ' day-labourer,' 
 A.S. ejnc, O.H.G. cjni (Teut. dsniia-, with accent on first 
 syllable — cp. Goth, asans 'harvest'); but forms also occur 
 that must have had the first syllable unaccented, judging 
 from the operation of Verner's Law— O.H.G. am, gen. 
 ami 'harvest' (M.H.G. erne, G. crnte), arnon 'reap,' A.S.
 
 5 6 Mamtal of L ingiiistics. 
 
 earnian ' earn ' (Teut. aznoian). Also, accentless on root, 
 A.S. leornian 'learn,' O.H.G. lirnen, lernen (Teut. liznoian 
 — cp. Goth. lais ' I know,' pret.-pres. with accent on root- 
 syllable); and O.H.G. hirni (G. him), from hirzni hirsfiz 
 (Teut. hirzniid), L. cerebrum, Scotch hams. Compare also, 
 with labial, Goth, hzvairnei ' skull.' 
 
 The combination us, followed by a consonant, has been 
 already noticed under n. 
 
 For an example in Greek of tis, followed by a vowel, take 
 f/AS/va, Lesb. i'Mina (for ifiivaa). 
 
 Triaau 'winnow' is said to be for 7rr/KT/'w, L. pi'fiso (pins- 
 and pis-). 
 
 ns remains in Latin — mensis. ns occurs frequently 
 enough in Teutonic, and often where one would ex- 
 pect nz. 
 
 ss in Greek becomes s — sVfffa/ appears as 'i-ici, even in 
 Homer, cp. h'^arri^oc, for dug + crrivoc. 
 
 ss remains in Latin after short vowels, but is reduced to 
 single s after long vowels — gessJ, gressiis, cassits ' empty ' 
 {cadfiis from cado), but mlsl, haes'i, fusus (see above), ss 
 probably occurred in primitive Teutonic, but afterwards got 
 reduced to s. There are no sure examples. 
 
 Before tenues, s usually remains everywhere. 
 
 For s lost in such a surrounding take as example Gk. 
 %o{p)iu) ' perceive ' ((a)xoi!/w), L. caved, Goth. {us)skaws 
 'prudent,' A.S. scea^vian 'show' (sk9oii-, cp. &uoGy.6[F)og 
 'sacrificing priest'); L. parens * sparing,' cp. Gk. s-raf>v6g, 
 A.S. sj>^r ' sparing' (spar-). 
 
 sabulum ' sand ' is for psahloni (psabh-), cp. -^n^og ' peb- 
 ble' (psabh-). 
 
 In the combination hs, the letters sometimes interchange
 
 Sound Relations iu Indo-Ewopcan. 5 7 
 
 places — L. ascia ' axe,' cp. Gk. a^/f*), Goth, ahvizt, A.S. 
 eax ; L. visciim 'mistletoe,' cp. Gk. /^o'c. 
 
 s in .f?//i'r, &c., is said to be a reduction of ks, cp. B^-j'npde 
 * from above.' 
 
 sk has been transposed in ^/p&;, cp. Lesb. (rx.i(poc. 
 
 stiideo is {ox pstudeo (pstud-), cp. Gk. (Tts-jSw 'hasten' 
 (psteud-) ; sfer/iuo ' sneeze ' is for pstermto (pstern-), cj). Gk. 
 'TTdpvu!J.ai (pstrn-). 
 
 Examples of final s are common everywhere. Final s in 
 Teutonic was subject to the action of Verner's Law. The 
 z which the operation of this law produced, passed into s 
 in Gothic, and shared the lot of the s that had remained 
 tmchanged. But the regular appearance of original final s, 
 as z, when a suffix is attached— yVi'^^/ 'ye who' {jus 'ye'), 
 Jnvazuh ' every ' {hivas ' who ') — would lead one to suppose 
 that before its passage to s, z had generally usurped the 
 place of final s. This opinion is supported by the fact that 
 in the case of an s which had become final at a later date, 
 J remains — wasuh ' and there was ' (7vas ' it was.') 
 
 Final s was in Norse levelled under ;:;, the latter appear- 
 ing as r. 
 
 In West Germanic, final s— which had made encroach- 
 ments on the territory of final s — was dropped, but final s 
 was retained. In Old High German, the z dominated the 
 nominatives plural of a- stems, but in Anglo-Saxon, s re- 
 asserted itself, and was generalised — O.H.G. fnga 'days,' 
 A.S. dcJi^ms. 
 
 When r appears for s — O.H.G. />, er (Goth, is) ; O.H.G. 
 wir (Goth, zveis) ; O.H.G. zar, zi/r, zcr (Goth, ///s-)— this 
 is doubtless due to facts in sentence phonetics. 
 
 In all European languages, the combination of original
 
 5 8 Manual of L ingiiistics. 
 
 media aspirata + s, has the same representation as original 
 tenuis + s. 
 
 z : This sound probably only appeared before mediae 
 and aspirated mediae. Owing to the operation of various 
 changes, this consonant hardly survives in propria persona in 
 the languages under consideration. 
 
 Gk. 6^ivvvn,i ' quench ' is said to represent zgue-, the weak 
 grade of segye-, seen in L. segnis 'slow.' Gk. 'lok 'be' is 
 for izdhi {zdhi), with prothetic vowel, induced by sibilant. 
 'IsQi ' know ' is for iiiddhi (ueid-). 
 
 In Gk. iJ.is&6g, Goth, niizdo 'reward,' A.S. vieord (W.S. 
 incd (E. meed)), O.H.G. jnefa, miefa, miata (G. iniethe 
 ' pay '), the originals were mizdlid-, mizdha-. 
 
 Gk. xiff^og ' hole,' L. custos, Goth, huzd ' hoard,' A.S. 
 hord are to be referred to kiizdh- (keudh- ' hide,' cp. 
 Gk. %i\j&(n, A.S. hydan (with /-umlaut of co)). 
 
 The original of 7fidus was nizdos ; of s'ldo, sizdo ; of mergiis 
 ' gull ' (' diver '), mezguos ; of Idem, izdem ; of hordeum, 
 ghrzdeij)m, cp. A.S. gerst, O.H.G. gersta 'barley' (gherzd-); 
 of nobis, &c., nozbis, with l>h- suffix. 
 
 hasfa (Goth, gazds ' goad,' A.S. gierd {ie = /-umlaut of ea^ 
 the breaking of a) (E. yard), O.H.G. gerta (G. gerte)) is from 
 ghazdha. E. goad (A.S. gad (ghaito-) is cognate with Sk. 
 hi ' drive on,' and Gk. ^a/og ' shepherd's staff.' 
 
 r : Sk. rudhiras (rudhr-) Gk. spvdpog, L. ruder (rudhr-, L, 
 russiis (rudhto-)), Goth. rdii\'>s, A.S. read, O.H.G. rof 
 (roudh-, cp. with same root, L. rufus). 
 
 There were at least two liquids in Indo-European— r and 
 /. Sanskrit does not always corroborate European (or 
 Armenian) in its representation of these sounds, for, while 
 Sk. r usually answers to European r, the latter is sometimes
 
 Sound Relations in I ndo- European. 59 
 
 represented in Sanskrit by /. Sometimes both r and a later 
 / appear. European / is in Sanskrit mostly represented by 
 r, but sometimes by /, or by r, and later by /. The /, 
 however, that represents European /, is a much more 
 frequent sound than the / that corresponds to European r. 
 
 So far as frequent occurrence is concerned, r in Sanskrit 
 wins easily. There is hardly a root containing /, that does 
 not also show r, and it was only in the later periods of the 
 language that / asserted its individuality. 
 
 r had in Sanskrit a cerebral pronunciation. A following 
 dental becomes cerebral, and r itself vanishes — kdtas 'wicker- 
 work' (kyort-), cp. Gk. yApraXXoc, 'basket,' Goth, haurds 
 'door,' A.S. hyrdel 'hurdle' (jj' = /-umlaut), O.H.G. hurt 
 (G. hi'irde) ' wickerwork ' (kurt-), and L. crates (kyft-). 
 
 In Greek, initial p sometimes suffers prothesis — spudfog 
 (L. ruber). 
 
 Occasionally, to satisfy the desire for dissimilation, the 
 one liquid takes the place of the other — ,aop/xo>.urro,«,a/ 
 ' frighten ' and !Mof>iJ.opog 'fear.' 
 
 This process is common in Latin — caerukus and caelum, 
 {exempl)aris and {aequ)alis, peregr'inus and Vulgar Latin 
 pelegrinus (O.F. pelegrin, F. pelerin (E. pilgrim)). 
 
 Notice the following assimilations in Latin — stella for 
 ste7-Ia (L. sterno), paullus iox paurlos (Gk. itaZpoz). 
 
 In the same language, rir'i sometimes result in er — hlbernus 
 {lilbrinus himrinus), cp. Gk. %=//i.£f/vo; ; incertus for iiicritos 
 (cp. Gk. ay.pirog) ; secerfid for secrino (even simple cerfiomih. 
 accented syllable shews the er, got presumably from the 
 cpds.) ; tero {trio, cp. trivi). 
 
 rs appears as rr, and before /, as s, with compensation — 
 porrum (Gk. T^affov— prsom) ; /^r/r iox ferse : far farris
 
 6o Manual of Liitgiii sties. 
 
 (Goth, harizeins ' of barley,' A.S. here — bhars-) ; fdstigiuin, 
 iox farstigiihan (bhrstl-), cp. Sk. hhrsht'is 'point,' A.S. hyrst 
 ' bristle ' (ur into yr, by /-umlaut) (bhrstl-). 
 
 Unoriginal rs remains, and interchanges with ss — dorsum 
 dossum (dorttum, drt-). Compare Dosscnus ' the hunch- 
 back of the Atellan farces ' ; but this word is now said to be 
 of Semitic origin, and to mean ^ bon vivaiit! 
 
 rs remained in Greek, but later became pp—6ap(fsu and 
 dappi'ji, Goth, gadatirsan, A.S. durrufi, O.H.G. tiirran 
 (dhrs-) ; rspcoij^ai ' dry up ' (ters-) ; Sk. tfshydmi ' I thirst ' L. 
 torreo {torsed), Goth, \aurstei, A.S. Sj/n-/ (jv through /-umlaut), 
 O.H.G. durst (trs-). 
 
 rs sometimes becomes rr in Teutonic (see previous sen- 
 tence) — O.H.G. irron (G. irreii), (L. err are for ersare, 
 Goth, airzjan ' mislead '). 
 
 For the r in Teutonic, that through intermediate z came 
 to represent I.E. s, see the Chapter on Grimm's Law. 
 
 Note cancer ( = career, by dissimilation) and Jtupzivcc. 
 
 r disappears before {s)h in cam (caesna) = caersna, cp. sili- 
 cernium ' funeral feast ' {sedeb 4- ) ; after st in praestlgiae (by 
 dissimilation) ' tricks ' {prae, striga ' witch ') ; before sc in 
 posed {por{c)sco), Sk. prchdini ' I ask,' O.H.G. forscon (G. 
 forschefi) (prksk-), cp. L. precor, Goth. fraih?ian, A.^.frignan 
 (prek-), and L. procax (prok-, Gk. ko':Tp6':rog = diO':rpo-A,Foc) ; 
 and before st in tostus iporstus). 
 
 In the A.S. rifelifig ' a sort of shoe or sandal ' (Norse 
 hrif/ifigr, L. crepida ' sandal ' (krep-), Gk. Kpn'^fi ' half- 
 boot ' krep-), we have /ir represented by r. 
 
 Note the disappearance of r in specan (for sprecan) 
 ' speak.' 
 
 In Anglo-5axon, Ir passes into //, sr into ss, in sella 
 ' better ' for se/ra, tccssa ' less ' for h'csra.
 
 Sound Relations in Indo-European. 6 1 
 
 1 : Sk. lih ' lick,' Gk. Xs/p^w, L. ////,i-o, Goth. {/n)laigdfi, 
 A.S. liicia/i {cc = },}, = },n=ghn (with accent following), see 
 Paul & Kluge's Law, Chap. VII.) O.H.G. leccho?i{G. leckm) 
 (ligh-, leigh-, loigh-, lingh). 
 
 In Greek, initial >. sometimes suffers prothesis — iXatppoz 
 'light,' l\a.-/jji 'small,' Sk. laghus, 'light,' A.S. liingre 
 'quickly,' O.H.G. linigar 'quick,' (Inghu- and Inghurd-), 
 cp. L. kvis (leghu-), and Goth, ki/ifs, A.S. leoht {eo, breaking 
 of /, shortened from 7) (Teut. lihta, compens. lengthening, 
 from lenghu). 
 
 Before r and tJ, X in Doric became v — cp. the (phrarog 
 and ?k5ov of Theocritus. 
 
 Xv with preceding short vowel results in aX, with later 
 compensatory lengthening — /Soj?.jra/ (Lesb. /So/.>.=7-a;) = 
 y^iolfMrai (gulno-), oXy.u'Mi = oXi-D/x/. 
 
 In Latin /n becomes by assimilation // — collis =^ cobiis 
 (cp. Gk. %(j\m(ic, (kuolon-) unless it represents leii, when 
 it remains — ulna (Gk. ciXsvjj (ol(e)n-), cp. Godi. aleina 
 (' verschrieben fiir alina ' Kluge). A.S. ejn ' ell ' (E. 
 elbow) {e from a (orig. a) by /-umlaut), O.H.G. elin{a) (G. 
 elk). 
 
 «/ gives same result — homullus for hovwnlos. 
 
 For a like assimilation in Teutonic, compare the Gothic 
 and Anglo-Saxon cognates of collis — Goth, hallus 'rock,' 
 A.S. //m//(cp. A.S. /y// (>■ = /-umlaut of m) (kyoln-). 
 
 In Latin, Is also became // — collum^colsjun (A.S. heals), 
 velle for velse. 
 
 Xg remains in Greek— rs'Xffov ' boundary-furrow ' (Sk. 
 kdrshdini ' I furrow, plough,' (k^els-). 
 
 m : Sk. mddhyas, Gk. /jA{6)gog {-d/il-, see under /), L. 
 mediiis, Goth, midjis, A.S. inidd, O.H.G. mitti (medhios).
 
 62 Manual of Linguistics. 
 
 In the parent speech there were as many nasals as there 
 were classes of explosives — labial, dental, palatal, and velar 
 nasals. 
 
 For these four nasals there were separate characters in 
 Sanskrit, not to mention an extra character for a cerebral 
 nasal. In English the character of a nasal is still determined 
 by its surrounding, although only two characters are made 
 use of. 
 
 Final ;;/ becomes v in Greek (and in Teutonic, conserved 
 when followed by suffix, dropped otherwise) — Gk. t'w, Goth. 
 \ana, A.S. ^gne, O.H.G. de7i (with diff. ablaut) (Sk. tdvi 
 (torn) ); Goth. widfi^Ttwi. uulfan). 
 
 Note also a later change of vi into 71 — O.H.G. dat. plu. 
 iagun (from tagum), A.S. dagnm (later dagon) ; O.H.G. i 
 plu. geban ' we give ' (from gebam, cp. Goth, giham). 
 
 mt is said to have become vr in Hom. yhro ' he grasped/ 
 cp. 'jyyz/zog (Hesych.) 'a grasping.' 
 
 In Latin, m became n before / — coTitrd (cum) ; before d 
 — eimdem {ei/ni), perendie ' day after to-morrow ' (cp. Sk. 
 pdras ' yonder ' : assume a loc. peresnii (Sk. pdrasviiu), 
 whence parem, pareti). Analogy however produced many 
 exceptions — verumtamen and quavidiu after the analogy of 
 veriim and quam. 
 
 This change also takes place in Teutonic — Goth, hund, 
 A.S. hund, O.H.G. hunt (see under w) (kmtdm). 
 
 In Greek, /z./3p, ^a/SX, vhp, after the generation of /3 and 5, 
 the nasal, when initial, drops — /S/^oroc {a[/.(BpoToc) Sk. mdrtas, 
 mrtds (mdrtos and mrt6s, see under r) ; /SXwffxw 'come' 
 {[j,ilj.^'ku%a, g/AoXoi' (ml-) ; bpOTr,ra (probable substitute in 
 certain cases for avhpor^ra). 
 
 In Latin and Greek, mi becomes «/ — venid, {Sahu (gumio). 
 
 In this combination, gemination appears in Teutonic —
 
 Sound Relations in Indo-European. 63 
 
 A.S. frcnimian 'further,' O.H.C. fntiiunian, cp. O.H.C. 
 fnoii 'fit' {Cj. fro/n//i). 
 
 in is lost in iiuncupo {nomeiiciipo), in sesqiii- {scinissi- + -que), 
 in forceps {foriiiiceps, ' quod his, forma, id est caHda, capiun- 
 tur' Festus). 
 
 Plumbum ' lead ' is from viUimbom, cp. Gk. iJ.iXv3bog, 
 
 n : Sk. ndvas, Gk. v'sog, L. 7iovus (n^uos), Sk. ndvyas 
 •Goth. 7iiujis, A.S. ncozve, O.H.G. tiiuwi {Qi. neu) (n^uios). 
 
 In Greek (and Gothic), guttural ?i is written g — '^y'/,<^, 
 •Goth. {ga)aggivjan ' distress greatly' (L. a>!gd). 
 
 V drops before s followed by a consonant without com- 
 pensatory lengthening — xEffr&g 'embroidered' for '/.ivcrog, 
 from xivriuj ^afusanpog for •/^apiFivGnpo;, ' Adr,vaZ^i for 
 ' Adtivava-h, harrorrig {^v;, I.E. deius ' of a house,' rt. detu- 
 ' build '). 
 
 vi final, in Greek, only remains in Cretan and Argive. Else- 
 where the V became sonant, and formed with the preceding 
 short vowel a long nasal vowel. This afterwards lost its 
 ■nasality — Doric rwj, Ionic-Attic 7-o-i; (Cretan and Argive ro%c). 
 
 For i-s followed by a vowel, see under s. 
 
 In final -/ts, and in -/is/-, the ;/ drops in Latin with com- 
 pensatory lengthening — {equ)ds for -ous (Goth. -atis). pihan 
 iox pinslom, ilicd for in{s)locd. 
 
 By the bye, it is said that the combination of long vowel 
 -I- us dropt the nasal in Indo-European. Compare the as 
 and OS of the following two a stems — Sk. dsvds 'mares,' 
 •Goth, gihos 'gifts.' 
 
 In vlcetil for vicent-ni- (uikmt-), n has dropped with com- 
 pensation, in £/V.o(T/ (ueikmti), /// has become s, with o for a^ 
 from the --Mna. of the other numerals.
 
 64 Manual of Linguistics. 
 
 Note census for censtus, and anfractus ' winding ' (Oscan 
 amfr- (L. rtw/;-) and ago). Perhaps the r of amfr- {amfer} 
 is due to the analogy of prepositions in er, Hke inter. 
 
 In Teutonic, ;/ disappears before //, and the preceding 
 vowel is lengthened — Goth. \>dhia, A.S. 'Sohte, O.H.G. 
 ddhta (G. dachte) (O.L. fongere 'know'). 
 
 Combinations with ;/ in Teutonic, as noticed above in the 
 case of In, often result in gemination of the previous con- 
 sonant, e.g., kk = l.'E. kn, gn, ghn (palatals and velars), with 
 accent on following vowel ; //= I.E. ///, dn, dim, with accent 
 on following vowel ;// = I.E. ///, /'//, Idin, with accent on 
 following vowel (see statement of Paul and Kluge's Law 
 in Chapter on Grimm's Law). 
 
 r: Sk. wr/zV ' death,' Gk. iSpoTog 'mortal,' L. mors mortis,. 
 Goth. maur\r, A.S. mor^, O.H.G. mord {G. f?iord) (mrt-). 
 
 Before /, and, with r as intervening glide, before vowels, 
 r is represented in Sanskrit by nr ir, in Greek by up, in 
 Latin by or, and in Teutonic by ur ; before other sounds 
 (explosives, spirants, nasals, ij) and finally, r is represented 
 in Sanskrit by the ri vowel, in Greek by pa ap, in Latin by 
 or, and in Teutonic by rn ur. 
 
 The po of jSpoToc is due to the mixing of a form having 
 -op- (or) with a form having -pa.- (;-). The in A.S. mor"^ 
 and O.H.G. niord^ is caused by what is sometimes called 
 f?-umlaut (see Chap. V.). 
 
 For general examples of r, take Gk. %a/>w for yapij^, 
 O.L. Iiorior {Iwrtor is from ^hortus^xapToc, 'wished for'); 
 Sk. gurus, Gk. ^a.p'jg, Goth, kaurus (gurriis), L. gravis 
 for grovis (gUrou-), cp. avis for ^;m»(Gk. oiuv6g = oFi(»\ng 
 L. autumo {avitumo) ' say,' Gk. ahiJ^ai {iFujij^ai) ' think ' 
 (augural terms) ) ; Sk. siras, Gk. y.dpa for Kapiaa (kres).
 
 Sound Relations in Indo-European. 65 
 
 cp. L. cerebriwi (keres-) ; Sk. hrd, Gk. xa^hia Tipaolri, L. 
 cor cordis (krd-), cp. Goth, hairto, A.S. heorte (^(? = breaking 
 of e), O.H.G. herza (G. hcrz) (kerd-); Gk. ps'^w (reg. pa^w 
 for fpa.ym), Goth, waiirkjan, O.H.G. wurchen (urg-) (see 
 above, under /); Goth, tnidaii 'tread,' cp. A.S. tredan, 
 O.H.G. tretan (G. treten) ; Goth. brd\>rum, dat. plu. of 
 bro\>ar, cp. with Sk. loc. plu. bhratrshu ; L. querciis {querquus 
 quorquus) ' oak,' A.S. fiirh-, O.H.G. forha (the due to 
 following a) (G. fohre) (kurku-) — tree-names are sometimes 
 confused, cp. L. fdgus ' beech ' and Gk. (prjyog ' oak,' L. 
 fraxi}ii(s 'ash ' and A.S. beorce {eo= breaking of e) ' birch' 
 (bhrg-, bherg-) ; Gk. ri^-ap (iekur-), L. Jecnr {-or) (iekur-), 
 Sk. ydkrt (iekurt-). 
 
 Note oudap, like -/i-ap, with suffix r. The Sanskrit cognate 
 is udhar. The suffix here cannot represent an original r. 
 There is some difficulty with the termination of L. uber. The 
 Teutonic cognates are A.S. uder, O.H.G. ntar (G. enter). 
 
 Sometimes or appears as iir in Latin {0 before r + con- 
 sonant fluctuates between o and u) — ursus for orcsos (Sk. 
 rkshas, Gk. apxTOQ (rkthos)). 
 
 zjr appears in Latin initially as ver, vor, and ur (vur) — 
 verro (and vorro) 'sweep' (urs-), cp. Gk. o.'zdFipsi 'it 
 swept away' (uers-); urged urgued for inirgiieo (urgu-), cp. 
 Gk. s{F)ipyu, L. vergo (uergU-). 
 
 nr appears as rii in tnia ' handle ' (tur-), cp. Gk. ropint 
 * ladle ' (tuor-), A.S. "Swiril (tuer-) ' churn-handle.' 
 
 For k^-fr, confer quercus above. 
 
 Initial gi'r appears as gur (gor), in gurges (gurg-), and as 
 vor in voro (gWr-), cp. Gk. (5opd, ^ilSpuaxu, Sk. glrni's 'a 
 swallowing' (g9f-). 
 
 The appearance of ur or ir in Sanskrit, was doubtless 
 
 E
 
 66 Manual of Linguistics. 
 
 conditioned l)y the character of the neighbouring sounds. 
 A labial neighbourhood would favour the appearance 
 of ur. ap appears in Greek before vowels and con- 
 sonants, pa before consonants, while initially, a always pre- 
 ceded p, as in ap/c-og. Form-association sometimes deter- 
 mined the use of ap and pa in Greek, and of ur or m (ur 
 probably original) in Teutonic. 
 
 The u of Teutonic is in Anglo-Saxon and Old High 
 German subject to the usual umlauts — A.S. ford (or for ur, 
 by fl-umlaut), O.H.G. /urf, L. partus (prtu-) ; A.S. cyrnel [yr 
 for ur, by /-umlaut), Goth, kaurn (grno-), L. grdtiiwi (-r-). 
 
 f: Sk. irmds, L. annus, Goth, arms, A.S. ear7n (ea = 
 breaking of a) (fmds). 
 
 Everything is not yet clear about the representation of the 
 long liquid sonants in general. 
 
 Thus much may be said of f — in Sanskrit, it is repre- 
 sented by tr ur ; in Greek, by op pu, and finally, by Mp ; in 
 Latin, by ar and rd ; and in Teutonic, by ar. 
 
 As examples, take Sk. urdhvds 'upright,' Gk. Ip&dg, L. 
 arduus (rdhu6s) ; Sk. stlrjids ' spread,' Gk. dTpurog, L. strdtus. 
 
 In Gk. '\)huip, the 6up is said to be for r. 
 
 Gk. (jp, L. ar were doubtless shortened from up and ar, on 
 some such principle as that which gives us L. ventus from 
 (uent-), see Chapter V., page 112. 
 
 1 : Sk. piprmds ' we fill ' Gk. (iii)r:'i'::Xaii,%v, L. polled 
 (pohied), Goth, fulls, A.S. fyllan (y by /-umlaut), O.H.G. 
 Jullen (G. fiilleii). 
 
 /, compared with r, has in similar circumstances similar 
 representations. In Sanskrit we have id (it), ur, and the ;-/ 
 (//) vowel, in Greek aX and Xa, in Latin ol, in Teutonic ul 
 and lu (ul probably original).
 
 Sound Relations in Indo-Eiiropean. 67 
 
 Take for additional example Sk. //// ' lift,' Gk. raXairok, 
 L. tokro, Goth, \iulan ' thole,' A.S. '6oHan, O.H.G. thulteti 
 (G. dulden) (f/l-), cp. Gk. r&V« (-/-)• 
 
 In Latin, / also appears as iil {o before / + consonant, 
 (except //) passed into u)—titll ; _i;u/a ' throat ' (gyl-, or gl), 
 A.S. ceo/e (^i^ = <?-umlaut of e), O.H.G. c/ie/a (G. /ce/i/e) (glJel-, 
 or gel-); s///cus 'furrow,' A.S. s^/Z/i 'plough' (slkos), Gk. 
 oXxog (solkos). 
 
 ///appears in Greek as a-j, in Latin as /// — G. Xuxog, L. 
 //////j- (dialectic for hiqiius), Sk. vrkas, Goth, lutdfs, A.S. 
 7vulf, O.H.G. 7£'^/7(uikuos), cp. Gk. ax&) 'drag' (uelku-). 
 
 The // of Teutonic is in Anglo-Saxon and Old High 
 -German subject to the usual umlauts — A.S. hott iol for ul 
 by rt-umlaut), O.H.G. /////s, Gk. xtAUg 'branch' (kldd-). 
 
 i: Sk. firud ' wool,' L. lana; Sk. d'lrghds ' long,' Gk. hrjXiyJc, 
 L. largus {lalgus, dalgus, r due to dissimilation) ; Sk. itrmis, 
 •'wave,' A.S. ivielm wylm; Gk. yXufog 'pale,'L.7?<7w/j-. 
 
 In A.S. wielm wylm, the ie and y are /-umlauts of ea, the 
 breaking of original a. The Teut. type is ualmiz. 
 
 From the above examples, it appears that / was repre- 
 sented in Sanskrit by Jr Fir, in Greek by oX 7^01, in Latin by 
 {al) Id, and in Teutonic by al. 
 
 m : Sk. satdtn, G. i'/icirov (for axarov, a = s/>i, cf L. sci/iel 
 (sefu) — cp. UTipoc for smteros {hspog gets its e from the 
 analogy of the oblique cases of sk), L. centum, Goth, hund 
 (see under ;;/), A.S. hund, O.H.G. ////;// (G. kundert, for 
 second portion of this and of E. hundred cp. Goth. ra]yan 
 'count') (LE. (d)kmt6m). 
 
 n : Sk. saj^td, Gk. i'-rd, L. septeni (jn got from the ordi- 
 nal) (LE. septn), Goth, sihun, A.S. seofon {eo due to //-
 
 68 Manila I of Linguistics. 
 
 umlaut), O.H.G. sibun (I.E. sepn), but perhaps in is here 
 the original sound. Brugmann chooses the latter. 
 
 In the parent speech, as in the case of the nasal conson- 
 ants, there were as many nasal sonants as classes of explosives 
 — labial, dental, palatal, and 7'elar. 
 
 In unaccented syllables before /, in syllables with princi- 
 pal accent before consonants, and, with intervening w and 
 n as glides, before vowels, ;;/ ;/ are represented in Sanskrit 
 by am an, in Greek by av, in Latin by em en, and in Teutonic 
 by iim iiu ; before other sounds (explosives, spirants, nasals, 
 liquids), and finally, they are represented in Sanskrit by a, in 
 Greek by a, in Latin by em en, and in Teutonic by nm, un. 
 
 For examples take Sk. ddntas, L. dens, Goth. tun\ms 
 (dnt-), cp. Gk. hhovT-, A.S. to^ (compens. lengthening for loss 
 of o), O.H.G. za?id (G. zahn) (dont-) ; Sk. tanus, Gk. 
 ravvy^cjaaag 'long tongued,' L. tetiuis, A.S. ^yn?te (the _y 
 due to /-umlaut), O.H.G. du n ni (tnnu-) : O.L. Aemt? (later 
 lio7nb (ghona6(n)), Goth, gnma, A.S. gnma {ii for West 
 Germanic o, before nasal), E. (l)ride)g{r)oom, O.H.G. gotria 
 {p = a-wxv\zvi\.) (ghmmo(n)); Gk. (3a/\uj, L. ven/o (gymio), 
 cp. Goth, kwiman, A.S. cutnan (czviman), O.H.G. queman 
 (gUem-) ; Sk. ajil^udrds) ' waterless,' Gk. ai>(udf>oi) (nn-), and 
 Sk. a{pdd-) Gk. a(-rou;) (//-) — Latin and Teutonic have the 
 same form (L. in, Teut. un) for both prefixes. 
 
 Note aosGriTrip 'helper' {ge=/ci'i) {stn-, sok'-'- (cp. L. sequor))^ 
 There is a new explanation of mJlia which discloses stn-^ 
 viz., milia=S!n{h)flia (/ = LE. sonant z), cp. Sk. sahdsram, 
 both = ' one thousand,' whereas ;//>-/« is simply ' thousand ' 
 (Amer. Jour. Phil., vol. xiii. 2, p. 227). 
 
 Just as in the combination d' + nasal, e passed into / ia 
 Latin, so em (m) appears also as im — sim(plex), sin^guU)^
 
 Sound Relations in I ndo- European. 69 
 
 stm(iel), Gk. a(TaH), u^fMa), a(T>.o-jc), Goth. siivis ' some,' 
 A.S. sii/ii, (). H.G. siiiii {s//i-). 
 
 So en (;/), as in l/Ni:;i/a (for di'/^i^ua), Goth, tuggo^ A.S. 
 tufige, O.H.G. zunga (G. zii/ige) (dnghua). // appears as 7 in 
 .Jg'w/V, Sk. ^^^;z/i- (ngunls). 
 
 The developed 11 of the Teutonic representation is subject 
 to the same changes as natural u — A.S. sy?in ' sin' ( v>i for 
 tin, by z'-umlaut), O.H.G. sinita and sundia (sntia), cp. L. 
 sons sontis ' guilty ' (sonti-). 
 
 m : Sk. dgdia, Gk. s^jjts (Dor. ^7) (^ gufnt^). 
 
 n : Sk. dt'is ' a water-fowl,' Gk. i/jjo-ffa ' duck ' (from 
 naria) (nti-) — cp. L. (r;/^?^, A.S. (^//f^ (E. d(rake) ' duck- 
 king '), O.H.G. a/n/f (G. ^^z*^), perhaps from a stem auati-: 
 Sk. yd/ar- 'wife of husband's brother,' h.jam'fnces (inter-), 
 ■cp. Gk. sivdnpic, strong stem ajidter- (Bloomfield). 
 
 The above cognates embody all that is definitely known 
 about the representation of the long sonant nasals, viz. : — In 
 Sanskrit, ;/ and in are represented by (7, in Greek, between 
 consonants, by a, 77 initial being represented by rn- (Dor. 
 va-). In Latin, 77 is represented by nd and an, which 
 correspond to Gk. a and va. 
 
 It will be useful here, to notice some formations in which 
 the nasal sonants appear. A nasal sonant is seen in the per- 
 sonal ending of the 3d plu. pres. — Sk. sdnti, Gk. (Ion.) 'iaai 
 for havTi, Umbrian sent (L. sunt is for sent, the u being due 
 to the analogy of thematic presents like ferunt, agunt), 
 Norse eru 'are,' Prim. Teut. iziin\i (snti) : also in the 3d 
 plu. endings of historic tenses — Gk. i^ihii^av, O.H.G. 
 {iviss)un.
 
 70 Mamial of Linguistics. 
 
 The a (w-) of Uu^a, Szc, represents a nasal sonant. 
 
 In aorists, nasal sonants appear — h/^ubov {yj''0- ' seize/ 
 L. -/ze/!d-, strong grade), sXaxov {Xiyyj ' obtain,' cp. Xi'koyx«'y 
 with strong grade). 
 
 /Sa/i/w (gumio) is an example of a present with nasal 
 sonant. 
 
 Nasal sonants appear in the verbal 7-a-o; ' stretched,' 
 tefitus {-fjt-); in --'i^a-ai {-/.it-), 3d sing. perf. pass. (cp. 
 <p6vog, strong grade) ; in ysya'Mi'j {-71 fn-), ist plu. perf. (cp. 
 yiyova, strong grade) ; in aorist s'-/cra,asi/ {-/jm-) ; in the 3d 
 plu. endings -arai -uto {-nt-) ; in the aorist infinitives ra/xs/i' 
 {-inf?i-), 7.ra'yi7v {-n/i-), daviTv (/j/i), &c. ; and in the participial 
 suffixes Sk. -a/if-, Gk. a<jr-{(dsi^)avT-) (-;//-) ; and Sk. at, L. 
 -e/it- ( {riid)ent-) {-{it-). 
 
 Note Doric 'iricaa, nom. sing. fem. pres. part, {s/jti). 
 
 In Sk. asjfia-, JEoWc aiJ^iJ.^;, Att. '/^/xs/i, (rough breathing 
 due to the influence of i'/xj/j, where it equals / ), Prim. Gk. 
 aciMi-, Goth, inis, we have the representatives of an I.E. 
 type containing a nasal sonant, viz., I.E. nsme-. 
 
 (fpaGi (Pindar) iox(pp>jGi is linguistically more correct than 
 Attic ippicsi {i imported from other cases) ; h'joi^aci is for 
 ovopj/jSi ] {ovo)/xa, {nd)meii, for ;////. 
 
 In the ace. plu. suffix, there was once heard a nasal 
 sonant {-vs) — Sk. {nav)as, Gk. {^^1)0-^, L. {7idv)es. 
 
 In Goth. ace. sing. {fot)u, the -it (Gk.-a, L. -em) is for 7/1. 
 
 In IvisFot. (Goth. 7iiii7t, &c.), a represents ;/ ; 7iove77i has 
 taken after dece/n, septein. Septi77ius, decimus, &c., are for 
 sept77Wios, dek7n77tos. L. -o/isiis, -dsiis seen m for77id7tsus, for- 
 77idsus, is for -ouetisso- (-oimt + to), -unt is the weak form of 
 suffix -uent (Sk. -vant-, Gk. -fiv--).
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Sound Relations in Indo-European — Explosives. 
 
 In this chapter the explosives (labials, dentals, palatals, 
 velars) are treated. The following is a table illustrating 
 their representation in the languages under consideration: — 
 
 I.E. 
 
 Sk. 
 
 Gk. 
 
 L. 
 
 Goth. 
 
 A.S. O.H.G. 
 
 P 
 
 P 
 
 IT 
 
 P 
 
 f 
 b 
 
 f f 
 b b 
 
 b 
 
 b 
 
 /3 
 
 b 
 
 P 
 
 P pf,ff,f 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 bh 
 
 bh 
 
 'P 
 
 f 
 b 
 
 b 
 
 b 
 
 b, p 
 
 t 
 
 t 
 
 T 
 
 t 
 
 th, <1 
 
 ih, d 
 
 cl,t 
 
 d 
 
 d 
 
 5 
 
 d 
 
 t 
 
 t 
 
 z 
 
 dh 
 
 dh 
 
 e 
 
 f 
 b 
 
 d 
 
 d 
 
 t 
 
 k 
 
 s(§) 
 
 K 
 
 c 
 
 h,g 
 
 h,g 
 
 h. g>l^ 
 
 g 
 
 J 
 
 y 
 
 g 
 
 k 
 
 c 
 
 cch, ch, 
 hh, h
 
 72 
 
 Manual of Linguistics. 
 
 I.E. 
 
 Sk. 
 
 Gk. 
 
 gh 
 
 h 
 
 X 
 
 k^ 
 
 k, c 
 
 TT, r, K 
 
 g^ 
 
 g. J 
 
 P,S,y 
 
 gh^ 
 
 gh, h 
 
 <P, 0, X 
 
 Goth. 
 
 qu, c 
 
 gu, V, g 
 
 gu, V, g, 
 f, b,h 
 
 A.S. 
 
 O.H.G. 
 
 g, k (C) 
 
 Teutonic, with developments 
 in O.H.G. as in palatals. 
 
 hw, 
 
 kw 
 
 gw, f, b, 
 
 \g 
 
 (cw), p, k (c) 
 
 w, g 
 
 p : Sk. pdtami ' I fly,' Gk. isro/xai, L. pefo, A.S. /e^er 
 ' feather,' O.B..G. federa (G./eder) (pet-). 
 
 b : L. labium { = kbium), A.S. lippe, O.H.G. kfs (fs ior ps, 
 prim. Germ, lepas — G. lippe is of Niederdeutsch origin, the 
 Oberdeutsch form is lefze) (leb-). The a in L. labium is 
 probably due to association with lajubo. 
 
 bh: Sk. ndbhis (nobh-), Gk. on,(paX6z, L. itmbo umbilicus 
 (ombh-), A.S. nafu 'nave' nafela, O.H.G. naba, nabolo 
 (G. nabe, nabel) (nobh-). 
 
 The labials were stops formed between the lips. In 
 Teutonic, /(orig./) had a labio-dental position. 
 
 b was the least common of the labials in Indo-European. 
 
 In Sanskrit, the labials remain. Aspirate labials lose their 
 aspiration before the initial aspirate of the succeeding 
 syllable. This holds good also for Greek (see Grassman's 
 Law, Chap. VII.). 
 
 For examples of labials in Sanskrit take ndpdt — ' grand- 
 son,' Gk. vi-~ohg ' children ' (d through popular associa- 
 tion with -rro^;:, quasi ' qui pedum usu carent '), aMi-^iog
 
 Sound Relations in Indo-Eztropcan. jt, 
 
 ( = -n-rlog), cp. vSk. naptis 'grand-daughter, niece,' L. 
 neptis, A.S. and O.H.G. nifi, L. jiepds, Goth, nif]yts ' kins- 
 man,' A.S. iie/a * nephew,' O.H.G. nefo (G. fieffe) (nepot-, 
 nepot-, nepti-, nep-) ; sabar- 'nectar,' A.S. sap 'juice,' 
 O.H.G. saf (G. saft) (sab-, but sap- also occurs, as in L. 
 sapid). Wharton brings sapid (pretonic a into e — cp. capio 
 { = cepio) (kuep-), Goth, hafjan 'raise,' A.S. hcbban (/-umlaut 
 oi a (orig. o)), O.H.G. hcffen hcven (Cj. heben) (kUop-)) under 
 Sep-, and compares A.S. sefan ' understand ' (sep-), and Gk. 
 «To? 'juice ' (sop-). 
 
 Resuming examples we have bhumi^ Gk. pJw (Lesb. 
 fu/w), 'L.fui (fuvi) fid (Jud), A.S. buan, O.H.G. buaji (bhu-), 
 cp. A.S. beon (bheu-) ; bndhtids {bhudnas) ' root,' Gk. tu^/z^v 
 {(p-j&'Lriv) ' bottom ' (bhudh-), Gk. ---o'^ha^^ 1^. fundus (bhundh-); 
 
 A.S. botm, O.'R.G. bodam (G. boden){^\x^-); bodhati'' 2:^2^0.%^ 
 Gk. 'xsb&o'x.ai, Goth. {ana)biudan 'command,' A.S. beodan 
 
 {E. bid*- command '), O.H.G. biotan (G. bieten) (bheudh-). 
 bh sometimes appears in Sanskrit as h — grhuami beside 
 
 older grbhnami ' I seize. ' 
 
 In Greek, the labial tenues and mediae remain, the labial 
 
 mediae aspiratae are changed into tenues aspiratae. After 
 
 the historical period the mediae became voiced spirants, and 
 
 the tenues aspiratae, voiceless spirants. 
 
 Examples of the retention of labials in Greek have 
 
 appeared above. 
 
 Note the following transmutations : — (pf^oZdog 'gone away ' 
 
 {p before />'), for ~pouhoc {■~p6, 6d6c) ; 'i(pohog for s~6dog; o,a,aa 
 
 for O'-aa ; ffxojsw (for ff'Trozscjo) (spok-), cp. ffyAcTTO/j^ai, L. specid, 
 
 O.H.G. spehdn (G. spiiheti) (spek-). 
 
 Gk. ;3v and /S/^ become i^v and fj^i-i. — ji^aoiiai ' woo ' from 
 
 */3i'a 'wife' (guna-), cp. Boeot. ^cim 'woman' (gunna-) ;
 
 74 Manual of L i7iguistics. 
 
 afj^vog (for a/Scoj), L. dgnus (ag^nos) ; ffs/xi^&s (for ffifSvog) be- 
 longing to (T=/So//,a/ ' reverence ' (tjegu-) — (rfor cff (from //), see 
 Chap. III., under /; rpl/x/xa (for r/s7/3/xa). 
 
 An aspirate loses its aspiration when the next syllable 
 begins with an aspirate — tu^/ajjv, as above; (366pog (for 
 Todpog, by association with (3a6ug), L. /odw, Goth, ^a^/ ' bed,' 
 A.S. ^^^ (/-umlaut of a (orig. t") ) ; ■irs-Troida (for <ps(poi6a). 
 We meet however with aii,(pi(paKog and aiM(pi-)(sM, perhaps 
 because these were felt to consist of two elements. 
 
 ^Xf/Sw ' press ' is for ^xf(3co, L. j^Igo (bhligu-) ; zu-rrw' 
 ' bend,' L. atl^o, is from (kuubh-). 
 
 Tr appears initially in Greek for t — crroX/g, rrToXi/aog, 
 dialectic for 'rroXig, ToXs/jbog. Note also 'rrrspva (L. perna)^ 
 Tr/ffffw ' winnow ' (L. pinso), implg ' fern ' (Sk. parndm 
 'wing, leaf,' A.'i. /earn), Gk. -TrriXiri ' elm,' (L. ////is: ' linden' 
 (?)). For ■-ritj) (spin-, cp. L. spud), see Chap. III., under /. 
 
 In Latin, / and b usually remain, bk became ph, and 
 through an affricate (i.e. an explosive + related spirant), 
 passed into f. Medially M became b — orbus 'bereft,' 
 Gk. op(pavog, Goth, arbja 'heir' (prop, 'orphan') arbi 'in- 
 heritance,' A.S. yrfe (h) {y or /V = /-umlaut of a) 'inherit- 
 ance,' O.H.G. arbeo and crbo 'heir,' aj'bi and crbi 'in- 
 heritance ' (G. erbe ' heir ' and ' inheritance ') (orbh-) ; ttbi,. 
 Sk. titbhyam. 
 
 Sometimes b appears initially — barba, A.S. beard, O.H.G. 
 bart (G. bart). 
 
 bh also appears initially as h — herba, cp. Gk. pj^/3w ' feed.* 
 
 ab (Gk. aro), ob (Gk. It/), stib (Gk. Oto) originally ended 
 in tenues, retained in aperio and operib, but took over from 
 abduco, &c., the mediae. In such words, the media was 
 not always pronounced as written, e.g., obtineo is written 
 with b, but pronounced as optineo.
 
 Sound Relations in Indo-Ettropean. 75 
 
 Note these : — asporto for apsporto, oste?idd for opstendo, 
 scwinus for sopmis (cp. sopor), oinnis for opnis (cp. ops), 
 damnum for dapnum (cp. ^^/i), scamnum for scabnum 
 (cp. scabellum), Saimmim for Sabnium (cp. SabJni), and 
 «;//;//> for rtr^^ww (abhn-, cp. Ir. abann, E. Avon), cp. also 
 .Sk. dmbhas ' water ' (ambh-). 
 
 Before speaking of the representation of the original 
 explosives in Teutonic, it is necessary to put down some- 
 thing about the Old High German dialects. 
 
 There are the Upper German, consisting of varieties — 
 Alemannic and Bavarian — proper to the highlands of 
 Southern Germany, and the Middle German, consisting 
 of several varieties of Franconian. 
 
 The Middle German dialects are so called because of 
 their position between Upper and Lower German. 
 
 It is sometimes convenient, for the sake of distinctive- 
 ness, to use the term Oberdeutsch instead of Upper German. 
 
 In Teutonic,/ shifted to/ and medially, when the vowel 
 immediately preceding did not have the principal accent, 
 to B (the voiced labial spirant), by what is called Verner's 
 Law (see Chap. VII.). This B was everywhere stopped 
 into b after nasals ; in Gothic, it also became b after r 
 and /, remaining a spirant elsewhere, though this is not 
 brought out by the writing. 
 
 This sound remained a spirant in the other West 
 Germanic dialects, but in High German passed into b, 
 which in Oberdeutsch partially became/. 
 
 / stood in Anglo-Saxon, initially, for the breath, and 
 medially (unless when geminated, or in the groups // fs), 
 for the voiced spirant. 
 
 Original b became / in Teutonic. This sound in High
 
 76 ManiLal of Linguistics. 
 
 German (in Rhenish Franconian only after b and r) passed 
 initially, and after consonants, into the affricate // {ph) ; 
 between vowels it passed into ff (/). Dialectically, // 
 initial, and medial after consonants, hecdiVaQ f {//). 
 
 Original bh in Teutonic became B. In Norse, on the oldest 
 runic monuments, the spirant still appeared. When initial, 
 this sound in Gothic and West Germanic was stopped into b. 
 
 The b, in Oberdeutsch, passed into /. Medially, the 
 voiced spirant from original bh, shared the fate of the voiced 
 spirant, got by Verner's Law from original p. 
 
 For examples of original / into f, take Goth, fraihnan, 
 A.^.freht ' oxdicXe,' frignan ; L. ffecor (prek-) ; Goth, hlifins 
 ' thief (E. ( shop)lifter), Gk. xXsot^s, cp. L. clepere. 
 
 For/ into b through B take A.S. eofor (,?(? = z<;-umlaut ; / 
 to read as B) 'boar' (E. York {Eoforw'ic) = Boat's Town), 
 O.H.G. ebiir (G. eber), L. aper (eprd-) ; Goth. A.S. and 
 O.H.G. sibun (sepm), Sk. saptd, Gk. S'Tt-m, L. septem (septm). 
 
 In Gothic this b (B) owing to local causes (finally or 
 before s) sometimes appears as f—af ' of ' and abu { = af + 
 u (enclit.-interrog. particle)). 
 
 As additional examples of original b, take Goth, hilpan, 
 A.S. helpan, O.H.G. helphan and helfan ; Goth, slepan, A.S. 
 sla-pan, O.H.G. sldfan (sleb-). 
 
 The following are examples of original bh — Goth, beitan, 
 AS. bUa7i, O.H.G. bif^ati (bheid-), cp. L./;/^J(bliid-); Goth. 
 ioka 'letter,' A.S. boc bece (/from o by z-amlaut) 'beech,' 
 O.H.G. buocha (G. buche), Gk. <pnyk ' oak,' L. fdgus, ' beech ' ; 
 A.S. bircebeorce (.?<? = breaking) ' birch,' O.H.G. bircha birihha 
 (G. birke) (bherg-), cp. Sk. bhfirjas, L. fraxinus (Jrdgtinus) 
 (bhfg-) ; Goth. kalbF) 'cow-calf,' A.S. cealf (/ as B, ea = 
 breaking of a (orig. o)), O.H.G. kalba (G. kalb), Sk.
 
 Sound Relations in Indo-Eziropean. 7 7 
 
 gdrbhas ' embryo,' G. hCKcpoz (for iBo7.(p(,:, h borrowed from 
 diX<p-jc), hi}.<p\jg {ahi7.(p(jg = couterltms) (guolbh- and gyelbh-) ; 
 A.S. bah-a (E. baulk), O.H.G. i>a//co (G. Imlkefi) (bholg), Gk. 
 <pd}.ay^ ' bar, line ' (bhlng-). 
 
 Sometimes, from local causes, the h got from original />/i 
 appears in Gothic as f—liufs ' dear,' //ub/s (h) genit, A.S. 
 /eo/{E. lief), O.H.G. Hob (G. lieb) (leubh-), cp. L. libet lubet 
 (lubh). 
 
 B (orig. p) before / becomes in West Germanic bb. This 
 in Oberdeutsch passes into pp — O.H.G. upplg ' ill-natured ' 
 (G. iippig ' luxurious '), cp. Goth, iifjb ' superfluity.' 
 
 This also happens with the 15 that is got from original bh 
 — Goth.5//ya (B) ' relationship,' A.S. sib sibbe genit., O.H.G. 
 sippia sippa, Sk. sabhd- ' assembly.' 
 
 / (orig. b) before / (r, I, and iv), became // in West 
 Germanic — A.S. lippe (L. labium for lebium). 
 
 This // passed into // in High German (not in Rhenish 
 Franconian). 
 
 In the combination sp, original / remains in Teutonic — 
 Goth, speiivan 'vomit,' cp. L. spud ; A.S. wcesp, L. vespa 
 (uosp-). 
 
 For the result of I.E. pn, b/i, and bhn in Teutonic, see 
 Chapter on Grimm's Law. 
 
 t : Sk. lajw/ni, Gk. Ti'ivo, L. tendo (ten-), Goth. uf\aiijan 
 ' stretch out,' A.S. oScnian (e from a (orig. 0) by /-umlaut) 
 (ton-), O.H.G. dunni ' thin ' (tnnii). 
 
 d: Sk. svddus, Gr. r^h'oz, L. sudvis, A.S. sivcte, O.H.G. 
 suofi (G. silss) (suad-), Goth, suts (sud-). 
 
 dh : Sk. Sdhas ' fireplace,' Gk. aU^, L. aedcs orig. 
 'hearth,' A.S. dd 'funeral pile,' dst ' siccatorium ' (E. oast- 
 Jwuse) ' kiln for drying hops,' O.H.G. eit (aidh-).
 
 78 ManiLal of Linguistics. 
 
 The dentals were stops formed by the pressure of the 
 front part of the tongue against the upper teeth. Gk. 6 had 
 an interdental position. 
 
 There is a class of dentals in Sanskrit (/, (/, dJi) called 
 cerebrals, cacuminals, or Unguals, formed by the pressure of 
 the turned-up tip of the retracted tongue against the dome 
 of the palate. In transcribing our dentals, Hindoos use their 
 cerebrals. 
 
 The dentals remain in Sanskrit, subject of course to some 
 ordinary assimilative influences, t, for example, changes 
 into / (lingual /) after ^7^ (lingual sibilant) — as/itdu (Gk. oxtw); 
 d becomes / before j — 7!iaJJ ' dive,' cp. madgus ' water-fowl,' 
 L. inergo (medgu-). 
 
 Before dh, d becomes z and then drops, with lengthening 
 of preceding vowel — (dehi {azdh becoming cdh) ' give,' 2 sing, 
 imperat. (dedzdhl) of ^^- *to give.' 
 
 Naturally then dd/i will give the same result as zd/i. For 
 example of latter combination, take Sk. edM ' be,' cp. Gk. 
 'Jcdi (see Chapter III., under z). 
 
 For ordinary examples of dentals in Sanskrit, take ^a-, 
 Gk. TO, L. {is)tuvi, Goth. ]>a- (as in ]>ata neut. of sa ' this, 
 that, the'), A.S. Oa (as in '^V?/ 'that, the') (to-); part, 
 suffix -7it, seen m bhdrantajii, Gk. fifovra, "L.ferettte?!!, Goth. 
 bairands, A.S. berende, O.H.G. beranti \ sddas, Gk. Ihog, L. 
 seded, Goth. stta7i, A.S. sitian {tt=tj), O.H.G. sizze9i{G.sitzen) 
 (sed-) ; chid ' cut off,' Gk. ff%/^w, L. scindo (skhuid-, skh^ind-) ; 
 h'udhi srutds, Gk. -/Xvdt ■a.7-.-jt6c, L. clued inclutus, A.S. hlud 
 'loud,' O.H.G. hlut (klu-), cp. Sk. srdvas 'sound,' Gk. 
 ■A,'f.i{F)"i, Goth. Jilhima ' hearing,' A.S. /i/eo'Sor, O.H.G. 
 hliuimint 'renown' (kleu-), and A.S. hlystan {y = i-\xvc{\3iVi\. 
 of cd) (klou-) ; Sk. iiiddJiu ' honey,' Gk. /x;()!j, A.S. nieodu
 
 Sotind Relations in Indo-European. 79 
 
 ■•mead' (eo = tc-xwxAzxsX of e), O.H.G. metu meto (G. vieth) 
 (m^dhu). 
 
 In Sanskrit (and Greek) dh becomes d before the initial 
 aspirate of the succeeding syllable — Sk. dadhati ' places ' 
 (dhadhdti), Gk. rii}r,(rt ; di/i 'smear,' 'L. Jingo figfera (dhigh-), 
 Cik. TiTyjjg, Goth, deigafi 'mould' (dheigh-), Gk. roTyj,:, 
 Gk. ^(«^^ 'dough,' A.S. dag, O.H.G. teig (G. teig) (dhoigh-). 
 
 In Greek, / and d remain, dh becomes Q. and ^ 
 later on developed spirancy. 
 
 Examples of / are : — sVoc, Sk. vatsds ' calf,' L. ve^us 
 {vitulus 'calf {ira/.og)), Goth. wi]yr?/s 'lamb' (yearling), 
 A.S. wetSer, O.H.G. zvidar (G. widder) (uet-). 
 
 / medial often becomes s before / unless preceded by s 
 — b'lboiai (but sVr/), (pasig (but also by form-association 
 (pdrig, rrVji-jGing (but also ahin;)). Compare also ffJ {rvvrj), 
 L. tu, cp. Goth. 0/7. 
 
 ri and rti have been alluded to under / and ?/. 
 
 is becomes first ss then s — ■-ossi ■-oel (^-orai) ; tih (i^th) 
 becomes sth — oJaOa (Sk. vetthd). 
 
 TsSpi'Trrrov 'four-horse chariot' = rsTpiT'rov, disTroiva = hsTorna, 
 s'/zoGi (ueikmti, with for a from numerals in --/.ovra), cp. 
 Dor. Fr/-ari. 
 
 As examples of d in Greek, take yjiij.i'(^oj ' neigh,' for 
 XpsfJ^ibicj, L. frendo freino, A.S. grim ' cruel,' gremettan 
 'roar,' O.H.G. ^--r/w, (ghyrem-), Gk. %/^v^o; ' noise,' Goth. 
 gramjaft, A.S. ^rw// (gram) 'fierce,' O.R.G. gram, gramiz- 
 zon (ghurom); Gk. o'og- 'mis-,' Sk. dus, Goth, tuz-, O.H.G. 
 zur- (G. zer-). 
 
 For 5/ and 5// see Chapter III., under / and u. 
 
 pah(^ ' sprinkle ' is for padvioj, cp. apou ' water ' ; /W/ 
 'know' is from uizdhl, Sk. viddhi; bsrlpa 'womb' is for
 
 8o Manual of L inguistics. 
 
 hoTifo. (' regular before -o, even when no consonant has been 
 lost), cp. Sk. uddram, and L. uterus {titero- got from udtero- 
 by influence of an titro- coming from udfro-). 
 
 y\-o7Jjg may be an assimilation for o7.u-/.-jc, L. dulcis { = 
 dluquis). 
 
 For example of d/i in Oreek take •-i),kp()g (for (pivkpog} 
 ' father-in-law,' Sk. hdndhus ' a relation,' L. (of)fendix 
 ' knot,' Goth, bindan, A.S. bindan, O.H.G. bintan (G. binderi) 
 (bhendh-). 
 
 ^ becomes r before the initial aspirate of the succeeding 
 syllable — ■rsvdspog, as above ; rldyi/j^i for dtdri/j.r, Tsd/j.6g 'law,' but 
 also dialectically, by form-association, 6sd;j.rjg ; rs^jjr; for ds^ridi. 
 
 The forms (Jti/jl13u ' tread ' and GrsfM<pu/.ov ' pressed olives '* 
 indicate a root with unstable consonant, now a media, now 
 a media aspirata. 
 
 / and d usually remain in Latin, d/i after becoming a 
 hard aspirate passed through an intermediate affricate into 
 the dental spirant. 
 
 Afterwards this was written / initially, and medially, in 
 certain surroundings, viz., before and after r (not in r]->u, for 
 example — arduus), before /, and after u (u), and perhaps 
 after m. 
 
 / in Latin was a sound of a composite character, with. 
 dental as well as labial leanings. 
 
 Medial /was afterwards stopped into b. 
 
 Medially, in other surroundings, the dental spirant, which 
 had presumably remained, was stopped into d (Oscan/) 
 
 As example of / in Latin, take utcr (for quotcr {?)), Sk. 
 katards, Gk. 'xonpog, Goth. /nva\>ar, A.S. hwce'Ser, O.H.G. 
 Jnvedar (kuotero-). 
 
 Before /, / in Latin appears as k, except initially and
 
 Sound Relations in htdo-EuTOpcan. 8 1 
 
 in the complex si I {{t)hlliis, sflis, also sc/is, {st)locus) — 
 {sae)du7n ' race,' Gk. {av)T'f.oc ' bilge-water,' cp. the relation 
 between L. vet{ii)lus and L.L. veclus (It. vecchid). It may 
 be mentioned that this change of / into k appears in 
 Lithuanian and Modern Greek. 
 
 71ie combination ts appears as ss, which after a long syll- 
 able, and finally, passes into s — concussi ior concutsl, sudsi for 
 sudtsl{-ds-), ferens for ferents. 
 
 it (i^i) appears as j-j- everywhere except before r. 
 
 After a long syllable this passes into s^fessus for feiius, 
 vlcensimus for v'lceniHimus. Later // remains — ceiie for 
 ce{d)ite, attull for adtidl. 
 
 Note the following transformations :^;^^r^J for petco, i.e., 
 pedco {pes pedis), siccus for siicus {siiis), quicquavi for qiiii- 
 qicam, i.e., quidqiiam, topper ' speedily ' for ioiper, i.e., iodper 
 (iodjCp. (is)tud, Sk. Az^neut.). 
 
 ipse is for ispie {ipse =^ is declined with suffix//^), but after- 
 wards took after isie and i//e) ; quartiis is for civarius 
 (kutuf-) cp. Sk. caturihds ' fourth ' ; os ossis is for osi-, but has 
 taken after as assis ; v'lcHni is for vlcenini (uikmt-) ; penna 
 (O.L. pes no) is for petsnd ; scdla is for scansld scantsld 
 {scando) ; fastidiuni is for fastitidium {fastiis ' pride ' and 
 taediuni) \ disco is for diicscd, i.e., didcsco, cp. Gk. hiba(%)(S%(>} ; 
 rhniis for ret/iiiis, Gk. f/^sr/xov. 
 
 d appears as / in Latin, at the beginning and middle of a 
 few words.* Initially, the d is followed by a vowel, medially, 
 it is flanked by vowels. The interchange is intelligible. 
 There is not so much difference between the sounds, d 
 
 * Conway (Brug. Jour. Vol. II., p. 163) makes this out to be a 
 characteristic of the Saljine dialect. Liceitza, the modern name of 
 Horace's Digeniia, has brought do\vu to us the / of the Sabine name. 
 
 F
 
 82 Manual of Lingiiz sties. 
 
 being the point-stop-voice, and / the point-side-voice, i.e., 
 the stoppage which is complete in the case of ^, is dispensed 
 with laterally in the case of /. 
 
 Take as examples — lacrima, older dacruma, Gk. ody.pv, 
 Goth, fagr, A.S. fear (by contr. from tahiir), O.H.G. zahar 
 (G. zdhre) (dakr-) ; levir ' husband's brother ' (the / due to 
 association with vir\ Sk. devdr-, Gk. Sa;;// = daifrip, A.S. 
 /dcor, O.H.G. zeihhur (daiudr- daiur-) ; oleo, cp. odor^ Gk. 
 ohijj'/j; solium 'seat,' cp. sedeo, Gk. 'ihog; solum 'ground,' cp. 
 Gk. fiho: 'way'; mdlus 'mast' for iiiddus, A.S. mcFst (maz- 
 dos) ; calamitas, cp. O.L. cadamiias. 
 
 Words in which ^appears as r — arbiter, arcesso, apor = 
 apud — are dialectic forms. 
 
 For dl and du refer back to / and ?/, Chap. III. 
 
 ddh {d^dh) passes in Latin to st through zdh and sth — 
 custos, cp. Goth, huzd ' treasure ' ; hasta ' spear,' cp. Goth. 
 gazds ' goad.' credo, cp. Sk. srdddhd ' believe ' (kred- ' heart,' 
 dhe- dho- ' put ') has not undergone this process. 
 
 (//results in ss, and after long syllables, in s—Iassus = 
 ladtus, Goth, lasts 'lazy,' A.S. ket 'late,' O.H.G. la'} (G. 
 lass) (lad-), cp. Goth, letan 'let,' A.S. hctan, O.H.G. Idf^an 
 (G. lassen) (led-), and Goth, lailot (pt. sing.) (lod-); spissus = 
 spidtus, Gk. <s~ihrii 'broad' {s.'^idi-) ; frustrd=frudtrd, from 
 fraus (bhroud-, see Chap. III., under ou), A.S. breotan 
 'break' (bhreud-) ; caesius 'light-blue' for cacdiius, A.S. 
 hddor ' clear,' O.H.G. heitar (G. heiter) (kyaidh-). 
 
 Note the following transformations : — sella for sedld, 
 Goth, sitls, A.S. setl (E. settle), O.H.G. sef^al (G. sessel 
 (sed-) ; rdllum for radium from rddo (rd-, cp. rodo (rod-)) ; 
 agger for adger (gero) ; caeme7itum ' hewn-stone ' for 
 caedmeiitum from caedo (kuaidh-), cp. Goth, skdidan ' sepa-
 
 Sottnd Relations in Indo-Eui^opean. 8 3 
 
 rate,' A.S. sc{e)dda/i, O.H.G. sceidan {Vi. sc/ieife/i) (skyaidh-), 
 and Cik. ayjQoi. L. schido (skhuind-, skhyid-) ; rdmentiim 
 ' shavings,' for radincntmn {rddd) ; flaiiicn, {oxflddmen, Goth. 
 bldta?i ' worship ' (bhlad-). 
 
 For example oidh (Prim. Ital. \) as /, take fclare ' suck,' 
 Gk. ^rfK-oz ' female ' (dhel-), cp. Gk. ^r^tsbai 'suck,' Y..femina 
 (dhe-), also Goth, daddjan ' suckle ' (dho-). 
 
 dh appears as b in uber, Sk. udhar-, A.S. uder ' udder,' 
 O.H.G. dfar (G. cutcr\ cp. Gk. dlkj,^ \ Jiibed, shortened from 
 O.L. joubed, for joiidhed {Jus, jotcs + dhQ- 'put'); glaber 
 'smooth,' A.S. gloid (E. glad\ O.H.G. glat 'smooth' (G. 
 glatt) (ghT:Jladli-) ; ruber, Sk. ritdhirds, Gk. "sp-j&pog rudhr-), 
 L. rdfi/s (roudh-) is a dialect word) ; verbtivi for vorbu/ii, 
 Goth. 7vai'ird, A.S. luord, O.H.G. zvort (G. 7vort) (urdh-). 
 
 dk also appears as /' in suffixes — L. bro (Ital./n?), Gk. 
 Opo, e.g., cr'ibruin 'sieve,' A.S. hr'ider hr'idel (Jiridder hriddel) 
 'riddle,' O.H.G. rltara (G. reiier) (kri-), cp. Goth, hrdins 
 'clean,' O.H.G. reini (G. rein) (kroi-) ;— L. bio (Ital. /^), 
 ^Xo, e.g., stabulum. 
 
 As d, dh is found in fidclia 'pot,' Gk. -/t)oc 'jar' 
 (bhidh-) ; in fides ' faith ' (bhidh-), cp. f'ldiis, Gk. cis/^w 
 (bheidh-) ; mfodid, Gk. jBijdpo; (for '^oQpog), Goth, badi, A.S. 
 bed (/-umlaut of a (orig. o)), O.H.G. beti bejti (G. bett) 
 (bhodh-) ; arduus, Sk. urdhvds 'rising,' Gk. hp^og (fdhuos) ; 
 viduus (for viduvus vidovus), Gk. v'^joc {r,fi&iF'ii) 'bachelor,' 
 Sk. vidhdud 'widow,' Goth, widinvd, A.S. wid{it)ive, O.H.(^.. 
 ivituwa (G. zvitiwe) (uidh-, seen also in dlvido, and Gk. ]<sOix,iz 
 (=F/t)^/xor)). 
 
 Notice also Oscan Vena/nun ' hunting ground ' ( veiior 
 however has c). 
 
 Note these : — monstrunt, for mondtruni (mondh), cp.
 
 84 Manual of Linguistics. 
 
 Gk. [lakTv Goth, mundofi 'consider' (mndh-) ; mfensus, for 
 ififetidtiis {-fendo, Gk. hivoj (for ()sw'w) ' strike ') ; jiissl, for 
 jiidhs'i. 
 
 In Teutonic, original / shifted to ]?, and medially, when 
 the vowel immediately preceding did not have the principal 
 accent, to d (the voiced dental spirant), by what is called 
 Verner's Law (see Chap. A^IL). 
 
 This d was everywhere stopped into d after nasals ; in 
 Gothic it also became d after r and /, remaining a spirant 
 elsewhere, though this is not brought out by the writing. 
 
 The West Germanic dialects changed every other d into 
 d ; this ^in Oberdeutsch (also in East Franconian) became t. 
 
 It should be added that ]', with principal accent pre- 
 ceding, became '5 (represented by ///, more rarely by dh) in. 
 High German, which in the Old High German period passed 
 at various dates, beginning c. 750 a.d. in Bavaria, into d. 
 
 In Anglo-Saxon the characters \ and l) were used indif- 
 ferently. 
 
 Original d becomes / in Teutonic. This sound in High 
 German passed everywhere into c, i.e., the afiricate ts, when 
 initial (but not before r), and when post-consonantal (but not 
 after s) ; after vowels it passed into f'f(^) (an i-- sound). 
 
 Original dh in Teutonic becomes d. In Norse, on the 
 oldest runic monuments, the spirant still appeared. 
 
 When initial, this sound, in Gothic and West Germanic^ 
 was stopped into d. 
 
 The d passed into / in Oberdeutsch. 
 
 Medially, the voiced spirant from original dh shared the 
 fate of the voiced spirant got by Verner's Law from 
 original /. 
 
 For examples of original / in Teutonic take Goth,
 
 Sound Relations in Indo-Eiwopean. 85 
 
 wair]>an, A.S. 7i'eor'!Sa?i ((y; = breaking of e), (E. wortJi vb.), 
 O.H.G. tverdan ((1. ivcrdoi), Sk. vdrtatc 'turns itself 
 (uert-), L. verto vorto (uort-) ; O.H.Cl. hadara 'rag ' (G. 
 hader) (kyot-), M.H.G. /m^t'/ (from which French /za///;;//), 
 L. cetito ' patch-work ' (kyent-). 
 
 ts results in ss and s — O.H.G. wissuii ' they knew ' 
 (uitsnt, rt.ueid-) ; Goth, anabusns (for anabutsns) 'com- 
 mand,' Gk. Tuf'jrtla/ (bhudh-), from anabiudan ' bid,' Sk. 
 hodhdmi ' I awake,' Gk. Tgj^o/a.a/, A.S. beodan (E. bid 
 ^ order'), O.H.G. biotan (G. bieteii) (bheudh-). 
 
 Original ft results in {i^/) ss, but not before r, and, after a 
 
 long syllable, in s — O.H.G. gnvis{ss) (G. ge^uiss) 'certain,' 
 
 _giwissd adv., Gk. {r/^tamg ' unknown ' (uitHds, rt.iieid-) ; 
 
 A.S. (I's 'food, carrion,' O.H.G. as (G. aas), L. csiis 'an 
 
 eating' (etsto-, rt. ed- ' eat'). 
 
 Before r, a / might give st (through ]">/) — A.S. fostor 
 'food,' cp. Goth, fodjan 'feed,' A.'S. foda 'food,' O.H.G. 
 fiiotar (G. flitter) (pat-), and Gk. rraT-io/xa/, O.H.G. _/?i/^^;?i''(!! 
 ' food ' (pat-). 
 
 tk gives j"^ — O.H.G. rase (G. rasch, cp. E. r^zy/^) {ratkuaz), 
 said to be from O.H.Ci. r<?^ ' wheel,' L. rota (rot-). 
 
 In jii\>, an / seems to have been generated in High 
 German — O.H.G. kmiift 'a coming' (G. -kunft), Goth. 
 {ga)kwu}i]>s ' assembly.' 
 
 Other examples of the insertion of /in the combination 
 ;«]?, are O.H.Cj. finiinift (G. vernunfi ' reason '), from 
 O.Yi.^. firnenian (G. vernehmen 'apprehend'), and O.H.G. 
 zumft (G. ziDift 'guild,' orig. 'regulation'), from O.H.G. 
 zeman (G. ziemen ' beseem ') — both with suffix // (Goth. \i). 
 
 For mf into ;// in the above, compare md into nd (see 
 Chap. HI., under m).
 
 8 6 MantLal of L ingiiistics. 
 
 A similar insertion of s is met with in the case of the 
 combination n\ — O.H.G. hinst 'art/ cp. Goth. kun\i 
 ' knowledge.' 
 
 Original / also appears in Teutonic as d, when the vowel 
 immediately preceding does not have the principal accent 
 — Q>o\\\.wdds, A.S. wod (E. wood, Sc. wud), cp. A.S. Woden, 
 wd'6 'eloquence/ ivo^bora 'orator/ O.H.G. ^inwt (G. 
 7vuih), L. zkites (uat-) ; A.S. (V?ied (E. d{rake)), O.H.G. 
 aiiud (G. e/iie), antrahho (G. enterich), L. a?ias (anati-), cp. 
 Sk. dtis, Gk. i/Jifrffa ((ro'= t/) (ntl) ; Goth, hardiis ' hard/ A.S. 
 heard (m = breaking of a), O.H.G. hart, cp. with weak- 
 grade vowel, Gk. y.par\j; ; Goih. haidiis ' manner/ A.S. had 
 (E. -hood), O.H.G. heit {G.-heit), Sk. keti'is 'form' (kuoitu-); 
 A.S. sy?ui (_>' = /-umlaut of ?<;), O.H.G. suntea, sunta (G. 
 siinde), Teut. base i-//;//'^ for sundjo (sntia), cp. A.S. so'^ 
 ' true' (sonto-), and L. sotiticus ' genuine.' 
 
 In Gothic, this d (d) appears as \t, finally, and before 5 — 
 taini\s ' tamed,' genit. tainidis (d). 
 
 In West Germanic d^ (d/), orig. //, by gemination resulted 
 in dd, which everywhere in High German shifted to // — 
 (ioth. \ridja (d), A.S. 'Sridda, O.H.G. dritto (G. dritte), 
 cp. Sk. trtfyas, L. tertins. 
 
 t remains when associated with a preceding spirant — 
 Goth, ist, O.H.G. ist, A.S. is {t final in an unstressed word 
 drops), Gk. 'ion, L. est; Goth, hliftus 'thief (E. {shop)Iifter)y 
 Gk. x?.s-Tr>jc ; Goth, ra'ihts 'right,' A.S. reoht (e-^ == breaking 
 of d')j O.H.G. reht{G. recht), Gk. (o)/5gxr&,', L. rectus (rektos). 
 
 Note the passage in a few West Germanic (and Norse) 
 words of initial ]V (orig. //) mio f^K.'^. fleon 'flee,' O.H.G. 
 fliohan (G. fliehen), Goth, \auhan, and compare the change 
 (see above) of Prim. Ital. ^r and \l '\n\.o fr fi (L. br hi).
 
 SozLiid Relations in Indo-Etii'opean. 87 
 
 For examples of original d in Teutonic take Goth. 
 tiuhan ' draw,' A.S. teon {teii{h)on), O.H.G. ziohan (G. Ziehen), 
 L. duco (O.L. dotted = deuco) (deuk-) ; (zOth. ivitaii 'know,' 
 A.S. witan, O.H.G. zviffan (G. wi'ssen), Gk. /6s?/, L. m'dco 
 (uid-), cp. FiToo'j (ueid-), and Sk. veda, Gk. FoToa, Goth. 
 wdi'f, A.S. jm/ (E. 7t>of), O.H.G. wet'f (G. weiss) (uoid-). 
 
 In Old High German, before initial r, t (orig. d) remains 
 — O.H.G. trimva 'fidelity' (G. treice, Fr. freve ' truce ' is 
 borrowed from the German), Goth, triggiva, A.S. treow ; it 
 also remains after s(z) — O.H.G. asf 'branch,' Goth, as^s, 
 Gk. 6^0$, cp. A.S. osf (ozdos) ; A.S. ;//tesf ' mast ' (' fruit of 
 oak,' &c.), O.H.G. mas^ (G. masf) (mazdos). 
 
 Teut. / (orig. d) before / gives by gemination U, which in 
 High German shifts to zz, but remains before r — Goth. 
 /a(/an 'tarry,' /afs 'slothful,' A.S. /effan 'hinder,' O.H.G. 
 lezzati (G. letzen) (lad-), cp. Goth, letan, A.S. h'etan ' let, 
 O.H.G. Idffan (G. Iasse7i) (led-); O.H.G. hlUttar 'clear' 
 (G. lauter), Goth, hlutrs, A.S. hlUtfor, Gk. xXi^w ( = x/,y3/w) 
 ' wash ' (klud-), cp. cloaca {clovdca) ' sewer ' (klou-). 
 
 The combination ddh (d^dJi) gives in Teutonic the result 
 zd — Goth, huzd, &c. (kud^dho-) (see Chapter IH., under z). 
 
 As examples of original dh in Teutonic take Goth. 
 btndan, A.S. bindan, O.H.G. bintan, L. offendix ' knot ' 
 (bhend-) ; Goth, grids, L. gradus (for grediis) (ghyredh-) ; 
 Goth, mizdo, A.S. meord (W.S. mcd, E. meed), O.H.G. 
 vieta (^= contraction of iz) mieta, viiata (G. miethe), Gk. 
 lucdljc, (mizdhd-, mizdha-). 
 
 Sometimes, from local causes, the d got from original 
 dh appears in Gothic as \ — compare rdu\s ' red ' with genit. 
 1-diidis (d) (roudh-). 
 
 d (orig. dh) before / gives by gemination dd, which shifts
 
 8 8 Manual of L ingui sties. 
 
 everywhere in High German to tt — Goth, bidjan ' ask ' (d), 
 A.S. Mddau (E. hid 'pray'), O.H.G. bitten (G. bitten), Gk 
 ■itii&u) (bhidh-, bheidh-). 
 
 For original tn, dn, and d/in in Teutonic, see Chapter on 
 Grimm's Law. 
 
 In all European languages the combination of original 
 media aspirata + / has the same representation as original 
 tenuis + / — (jk. po-irrog, L. absorpsi (srobh-, srbh-) ; A.S. 
 weft (A.S. ivefan 'weave,' O.H.G. iveban (G. iveben)) (uebh-), 
 cp. Gk. upog ' web,' v^pah^ ' weave ' (ubh-). 
 
 k : Sk. vesds ' tent,' Gk. oZxoc, L. vlais (uoik-), Goth. 
 wei/is ' district ' (ueik-). 
 
 g: Sk. Viijas 'quickness' (uog-), Gk. 'oyinz (ug-), L. 
 veged { = voged), Goth, zvakjan ' watch,' A.S. tvcccean {e from 
 a by /-umlaut), O.H.G. wccchen (G. weclcen) (uog-). 
 
 gh : Sk. vah ' carry ' (uegh-), Gk. oyj,; ' chariot ' (uogh-), 
 L. velw, Goth. {ga)wigan 'move,' A.S. wegan, O.H.G. 
 wegan (G. (be)wegeii) (uegh-). 
 
 A reference to the preliminary account given of the 
 palatals (Chap. H.) will show that k, g, and ^Vz are repre- 
 sented in Sanskrit by s, J, and //. 
 
 Take as examples of k, dhnan- ' stone,' Gk. a%(xm 
 'anvil';/// 'adorn,' Gk. --or/JXoc, \^. piduni, ViO\X\. fdihs, 
 A.S. fall 'variegated,' O.H.G. fih (G. fehe 'Siberian 
 squirrel,' 'das Eichhornfell verschiedenfarbig war' Wei- 
 gand) (peik-, poik-). 
 
 A root-ending in a velar gives similar words in Teutonic 
 — Goth. /f/// 'deception,' A.S. /F// 'hostile,' O.H.G. y?/z 
 {Ci.fehde 'feud'), cp. Gk. 'Trixpog ' sharp ' (peiku-, piku-).
 
 Sound Relations in Indo-EiLropean. 89 
 
 kt appears in Sanskrit as slit — as/if a, Gk. oxt-w, L. octo ; 
 <//5y^//j- ' indication,' X.. didio, O.H.G. {in)ziht 'accusation' 
 <G. ztcht), cp. Gk. hu^ig (deik-, dik-). 
 
 kth = ksh — rkshas ' bear,' Gk. af/.ro:, L. ursi/s (rkthos). 
 
 ks appears as /cs/i — ddkshinas 'right, clever' ('south,' 
 cp. Deccan), Gk. (^s^/oc, L. dexter, Goth, taihswa ' the right- 
 hand,' finally as k (but note slidsh, I., sex, Goth, saihs). 
 
 sk = ch {ah) — Sk. prchdmi, L. posed {porcscd, O.H.G. 
 Jorscdn {G. forschen) (prksk6), cp. \^. precor, CjO\.\\. fraihnan 
 ' ask ' (prek-). 
 
 As example of g take jdnas ' people,' Gk. yimz, L. 
 ^enus (gen-), Goth, kuni, A.S. cynn (j' = /-umlaut of//) (gn-). 
 
 ^ is represented by h in ahdiu, Gk. f/w j/wf, L. ^^^(?, 
 Goth. /-^, A.S. ic, O.H.G. //z. 
 
 ^^ and gdh become respectively (/ and dh, while gbh 
 results in dbh. 
 
 For examples oi gh in Sanskrit take /W^/zj' 'arm,' Gk. 'riyroc, 
 (Dor. 'rra^vg, for (payjjc), A.S. <5^/% (^^^) 'arm, bough,' 
 O.H.G. <^?^c^ (bhaghu-). 
 
 ^/z passes to h through y7/, which in certain surroundings 
 remains. This j'h appears asy mjuhdva pf. ' he called to,' 
 rt. Ml, owing to the operation of the law for the dissimilation 
 of aspirates, examples of which in Sanskrit and Greek have 
 already been noted. 
 
 The palatals appear in Greek as ■/., 7, ;/. 7 and y^ later on 
 became spirants. 
 
 Take as example of k, yJXiih 'hear,' A.S. hlfid 'loud,' 
 O.H.G. h/ut (G. laiit), cp. Sk. ir^^A^V ' heard,' Gk. ySk-jrog, 
 Tv. inclutiis (klu) ; Gk. x/.ft/w, L. cUno, cl'itellae ' pack-saddle ' 
 (klei-), cp. L. cllvus { = c/oivi/s) 'slope,' Goth, hldhv
 
 90 Manual of Linguistics. 
 
 ' sepulchral mound,' A.S. hlceiv, O.H.G. leo (kloi-), cp. also 
 Sb. sri 'go to,' Gk. z/./'/xa ' inclination,' A.S. hiinian, O.H.G. 
 hlinen (G. Ieh7ieti) (kli-). 
 
 ku appears in 'Ta; ravro; (tt into -), Sk. {sd)svant- 
 ' complete ' (kunt-) ; ^jot/jo'to; 'priest ' is for ko--po7.Foi {-ku-)r 
 L. proms ' suitor ' (prok-). 
 
 For /TTog, see Chap. III., under //. 
 
 For example of /('/, note -affca/.oc (-z/-) ' peg,' L. paciscor 
 ' agree,' Goth, fagrs ' fit, fair,' A.S. fceger, O.H.G. fagar 
 (pak-), and confer under /. 
 
 As examples of g, take ///vwffxw, Sk. jiid, L. (j)gndscd 
 (gno-), A.S. cndwan (gne-) (cf. A.S. sdwa7i ' sow ' (se(i)-), Gk. 
 'i7iiJji{(riori!J.i), L. semen), L. /;/<^d'«jr ' huge ' (' uncouth ') Goth. 
 kun\s 'known,' kunnan 'know,' A.S. cTi^ (compens. length.) 
 (E. uncouth, Sc. uncd), ciimian, O.H.G. kund, chimnan (G. 
 kotinen) (gn-), L. {l)gndriis (gn-) ; yrooi ' cause to taste,' Goth, 
 kiusan 'choose,' A.S. ceosan, O.H.G. kiosan (G. kiesen) 
 (geus-), cp. ?>k.jush 'enjoy,' L. gusto ' X^iSie,' A.S. cyssan {y 
 = z-umlaut of ti), 'kiss' (gus-), and Goth, kdusjan 'taste' 
 (gous-); £>7ov, A.S. weorc {eo = hi&'3^V!\g of e), O.H.G. were 
 (G. zverk) (uerg-), cp. Goth, waurkjan, A.S. wyrcean {y = 
 /-umlaut of //), O.H.G. wurchen (G. tvirkett) (urg-). 
 
 For gi, confer under /. 
 
 gh is to be seen in the following -.— yj'^v ' snow' (ghiom-), 
 L. /ti'ems (gMem-), Sk. /linids (ghim-) ; =%w (ff^^f^w), Sk. sa/i 
 ' support,' Goth, sigi's ' victory ' (two roots have been fused 
 in sx^, viz., ueg/i- and seg/i-) ; %a/xa/ ' on the ground,' 
 Goth, giona ' man,' L. /lemd (ghm-), L. humus, homo (ghom-), 
 p/( 11)^1/ (ghom-). 
 
 For ghl, see under L 
 
 £X£;i^£/p/a (iyj^, %£/» ' armistice ' illustrates the law of the 
 dissimilation of aspirates.
 
 Soimd Relations in Indo-EtLropcan. 9 1 
 
 In Latin, the palatals appear as c, g, h and.j,''. 
 
 c was pronounced hard, even before e and /', down to the 
 ]\Iiddle Ages. 
 
 In Umbrian, Ital. k (I.E. k and ku) was assibilated. Com- 
 pare with this the change wrought on Latin c in the Romance 
 languages. 
 
 Take as examples of k in Latin -.—porcus, A.'ii.fearh ' pig ' 
 {Yj. farrotv), 0.\i.i}. farah {G. ferkel dimin. ' sucking pig') ; 
 juvencus ' young,' Sk. Juvasds, Goth. Juggs (for juvungas)^ 
 A.S. geong, O.Yi.(^. jung (iuunk6-). 
 
 hi appears in caiiis, Sk. svd, gen. hhias, Gk. -/.-jcw^ ■/.■j\6c, 
 Goth, hunds, A.S. himd, O.H.G. hunt (G. hund) (kuon-, kun-). 
 
 For Xv see under /'. 
 
 dlgnits is for decnos, cp. dcciis ; g also appears for c, in 
 septinge?iti, nofigenti, &c., cp. ducentl. The g, however, is 
 by some held to be original in these two words. 
 
 pulcher is dialectic for pulcer, polcer, (plku), cp. placed 
 « please ' (ploku) and pldco ' appease (ploku) ; mx7is is for 
 gjficttos (gnigu-) ; texo, Sk. taksh 'fashion,' Gk. t'iv-wi ' car- 
 penter,' O.H.G. dehsen 'shape' are from (tekth-) ; misceo is 
 for micsceo, cp. Gk. fuywiu ; muls'i for iitiiLxl, cp. Sk. mars 
 ' touch ' (melk-) ; pdstum for pasctum, from pasco ; posed for 
 porcscd {pdstitlo =pdscituld) ; sesceni for sexce?itnl. 
 
 As examples of ^s;, take argentuin (fgento-), cp. Gk. apydz 
 'white' (rg-), and Goth. tinaU-his 'unholy,' A.S. eorcan 
 {stdn) (^<? = breaking of e) 'precious stone,' O.H.G. erchan 
 ' right, pure ' (erg-). 
 
 exdmen is for exdgmen {ex, dg?nefi) ; pdlus ' stake ' is for 
 paxlus (cp. paxillus ' peg ') (pag-s-), cp. pa?igd (pang-) and 
 rrrr/v^i-i^i (pag-) ; narrd, ndscor, ndviis, ndscd, &c., have lost ^^. 
 
 gh appears in Latin initially (not before r) and medially
 
 9 - Manual of L ingtiistics. 
 
 (except after and before nasals, and before /) as //. Initial 
 gh before r, or medial gJi followed by /, or with preceding 
 or following nasal, is represented by ,<,^. Dialectically, there 
 is an /^representation. 
 
 For examples of h take these: — hortus 'garden,' Gk. 
 ;;^o>T-og ' fodder, feeding-place ' ; hariolus haru{spex, from 
 specio) ' diviner, inspector of entrails,' Gk. yo^hr] ' gut ' (ghr-), 
 Sk. hira ' gut ' (ghr-) A.S. gearn {ea = breaking of a (orig. o)), 
 O.H.G. garn (G. garji) (ghor-) : ///////, Sk. mdhyam ; veho, 
 Goth. {ga)wigan 'move,' A.S. wegaji (E. weig/i), O.H.G. 
 wegan (G. wegeii) (uegh-). 
 
 Of ^'^ representing ^Vz, the following are examples : — grdmeii 
 'grass,' A.?), growan, gretie (<' by /-umlaut) 'green,' O.H.G. 
 gruoni (G. griln) (ghra-), cp. Goth, gras ' grass,' A.S. gcers 
 (grcBs), O.H.G. gras (ghra-) ; Ihigd ' lick ' (sometimes written 
 lingi/d, owing to a reference to /i?igua), A.S. /iccian {licjan) 
 (li(u)gh-), cp. Gk. X£/;^w (leigh-) ; magnus (for niegnos), Sk. 
 mahdii, Gk. [J^syag, Goth, iniki/s ' much,' A.S. w_;;^^/;///<r^/(the 
 y is due to the analogy of fyte/) (E. much), O.H.G. mi/iil 
 ?;//////// (meg-) ; pinguis {iox pengitis), Gk. Ta;^uc (pnghu-). 
 
 h (orig. gh) disappeared before /, and often when between 
 vowels : — major for mahior {magis has appropriated the g 
 of magnus); djd for ahu) ; Hen, cp. Sk. pUhdn; Inmus for 
 bihinms ; nemo for nehemo ; prendo iox prehendo ; praebed for 
 praehibed ; diribed from dis and habed, &c. 
 
 velum 'covering' is for veslum (cp. vestis = vostis, Goth. 
 wasjan 'clothe,' A.S. werian (^ = /-umlaut of a (orig. d)) 
 (uos-), cp. Gk. En/D/x/ {fi6v~o;h^ (ues-) ) ; velum ' sail,' for 
 vexlum (cp. vexillum), from vehd. 
 
 /, representing orig. gh, appears m. fovea 'pit,' Gk. x-"^ 
 ' hole ' (gheuia), in fariohis for hariolus, and perhaps in
 
 Sotmd Relations in Indo-European. 93 
 
 fiindo (ghund-), (Ik. yjif)'^'-, (ioth. i^iiitaii, A.S. geota7i 
 (E. {i/i)got, O.H.G. gio}an (G. giessen) (gheu(d)-) 
 
 In Teutonic, original k shifted to //, through intermediate 
 voiceless spirant x- Initially, h is simply an aspirate (but 
 not in Gothic before consonants) ; medially, between vowels, 
 this is also the case, but when a consonant follows, or the h is 
 final, the sound is that of the guttural spirant (G. ch). 
 
 Medially, when the vowel immediately preceding did not 
 have tlie principal accent, k shifted to 3 (the voiced guttural 
 spirant), by the operation of what is called Verner's Law. 
 This 3 was everywhere stopped into g after nasals ; in 
 Gothic, it also became ^j,'- after r and /, remaining a spirant 
 elsewhere, though this is not brought out by the writing. 
 In the other West German dialects, this sound remained a 
 spirant, but in High German it passed into g, which in 
 Oberdeutsch partially became k. 
 
 Original g became k in Teutonic. This sound when 
 initial, and when post-consonantal (except afters) passed in 
 the Upper German dialects into ky, (written cch, c/i, Sec), 
 but remained in the Middle German dialects. Between 
 vowels it everywhere became % (written ////, //). 
 
 Original g/i became 3 in Teutonic. When initial, this 
 sound was ultimately stopped into g. In Norse, on the 
 oldest runic monuments, the spirant still appeared ; but in 
 Gothic, as was the case with the labial and dental spirants 
 (orig. />/i and d/i), it was stopped into the full consonant at 
 an early date. In Old Saxon and Anglo-Saxon, 5 remained 
 down to historic times. 
 
 In Oberdeutsch the ^'- (stopped 5) passed into X- (c). 
 Medially, the voice spirant got from original g/i shared
 
 94 Manual of Li7tg2cistics. 
 
 the fate of the voiced spirant got by Verner's Law from 
 original k. 
 
 For examples of k in Teutonic take A.S. hriitg, O.H.G. 
 ring, Gk. 7.pr/.og zip-/.og, L. circles (krikos and krinkds) ; 
 Goth, hlahjan 'laugh,' A.S. Jdiehhan (/V = /-umlaut of ea = 
 palatal umlaut of a before //), O.H.G. hlahhan (G. lachen), 
 TiXuGSo) (z>.wx/w), 'L.glddre (klok-) (?) ; A.S. /rf^ (jF = /-umlaut 
 of n) 'hide,' O.H.G. hut (G. /mut) (kutf-), cp. Gk. y.hza, 
 L. aitis (kut-) ; Goth. {gd)teihan 'announce,' A.S. icon 
 (contd. from fihon) 'censure,' O.H.G. zihan (G. zeilien), 
 Gk. ouzvx^iJA, L. died {0.1.. deico) (deik-) ; A.S. seax 'knife' 
 (orig. made of flint), O.H.G. sahs (G. inesser ' knife ' = 
 O.H.G. ineffiras mef^isahs from O.H.Cx. viaf (A.S. mete), 
 xdi/zj- ' Speiseschwert '), L. saxtim; A.S. feax (x = /is) 'hair' 
 (E. /ax{wax) pax{7vax), {Fair)fax), O.H.G. fahs (pok-), L. 
 pecto, Gk. rr'v/M (pek-). 
 
 For an example of the k that under the operation of 
 Verner's Law became g in Teutonic, instead of //, take 
 GoXh. fagrs 'suitable,' A.'i. fager 'fair,' O.B..G. f agar {G. 
 fegen vb. 'purify' (pak-) ; Goth, tigus (3), A.S. -tig, O.H.G. 
 -zig (dekm, with suffix accented), cp. Goth. taiJmn, A.S. t'len 
 /<? = contraction and ^/-umlaut from teo{Ji)uji, the breaking of 
 te]iuri),O.Yi.G. zeiian (G. zeJin), Sk. ddsa, Gk. hsy.a, L. decern 
 (ddkm, Avith accent on first syllable). 
 
 The 3 got by operation of Verner's Law by gemination 
 became gg before / in West Germanic, which gg became klz 
 in Oberdeutsch — A.S. ccg 'edge' {cg=gg), O.H.G. eiiiza (G. 
 ecli), L. acies (ak-). 
 
 ii remains in the combination sJi — Goth, slieinan ' shine,' 
 A.S. scinan, O.H.G. sc'inan (G. sc/iei/ien) (skei-), cp. with 
 weak root, Gk. ay.id, and Sk. c/idyd ' shadow.'
 
 Sound Relations in Indo-European. 95 
 
 To illustrate the representation of ,^in Teutonic, take Goth. 
 kniu, A.S. cneo, O.H.G. cJuiiu chneo (G. htie) (gneu-), cp. Gk. 
 ynro (gdnu), Sk. jfinit (gonu), L. genu (gnu) ; Goth, kaurn 
 'corn,' A.S. corn, O.H.G. chorii (G. korii) (grno-), cp. L. 
 grdnum (grno-) ; Goth, brikau, A.S. hrecan, O.H.G. brehheti 
 (G. brechen), L. frango ( =frengd) (bhreg-). 
 
 The-^ got from I.E. g, associated with /, gives kk, which 
 appears in Oberdeutsch as k^ (written cch and c/i) — see 
 typical examples of palatals. 
 
 This gemination also takes place in High German before 
 r — acchar, Goth, akrs, Gk. a/po'c, L. ager. 
 
 Original gh is represented in the following : — A.S. gos {p 
 by compens. length, for loss of ;/) O.H.G. gaus, Sk. hansds, 
 \..dnser iox hdnser, Gk. xh^ yjiwi (%a^ff'>?) (ghans-) ; Goth. 
 gaits, A.S. gat, O.H.G. geif (G. geiss), L. haediis (ghafdos) ; 
 Goth, gaggs 'way, street,' A.S. gang, O.H.G. gang, Sk. 
 janghd ' heel-bone ' (ghenghw-, ghonghy-) ; Cloth, maihstiis 
 ' dung,' A.S. meox for meoxti^) (^.9 = breaking of /), O.H.G. 
 mist for mihst (G. mist) (migh-), cp. L. juingo (mingh-), Sk. 
 mihdmi, i sing. pres. ind., L. mcjo for meijid, A.S. mlgan 
 (meigh-), Gk. {h)>jAyj'j) (migh-), Goth, ddigs ' dough,' A.S. 
 ddg, O.H.G. teic (G. teig), Gk. royyuc ' wall ' (dhoigh-), cp. 
 Sk. dehi ' wall,' Gk. Tiryoz, Goth, dcigan ' knead ' (dheigh- 
 ' smear, knead, form ') L. figiira jingo, Goth. {ga)digis 
 ' creature ' (dhigh-) ; A.S. /7( = igcl) ' hedgehog,' O.H.G. igii 
 (G. igel), Gk. sx^voz (egh-). 
 
 Sometimes, from local causes, the 3 got from orig. gh 
 appears in Gothic as %— cp. vigs {yj 'way,' nom., with vigis 
 
 (3), gen. 
 g (orig. gA) before i gives by gemination gg, which in 
 
 Oberdeutsch shifts to kk — Goth, /igan (new formation for
 
 g6 Manual of Linguistics. 
 
 ligjati), A.S. licgan, O.H.Ci. Hkke}i {/ickcn, /iggen) (G. liegefi), 
 Gk. Xix^i (legh-). 
 
 For orig. kn, g/i, and ghn in Teutonic, see Chap. VII. 
 
 k(u) : Sk. crtami ' I tie together,' Gk. xuf^ra'/J.fj; ' basket,' 
 Goth, hai'irds 'door,' A.S. /y^^'^t'/ (j' = /-umlaut of Zit) ' hurdle,' 
 O.H.G. hirt ' plait-work ' (kyrt-), L. cnrfes (kyft-). 
 
 ku : Sk. ca, Gk. t-e, L. (/i/e, Goth. (J^c?//)//, A.S. (iSea)/:, 
 O.H.G. {do)/i (o from o, owing to enclisis) (G. doc/i) (k^e-). 
 
 g(y) : Sk. q/as ' strength,' L. aiigeo, Goth, dukan ' increase,' 
 «?(t/^ 'also,' A.S, eacen 'increased,' eac (E. eke), O.H G. 
 ouhhd?i, ouJi (Ci. aiich) (augU-). 
 
 gu : Sk. j'lvds ' living,' /3/o; (/3 before / is strange, see 
 below), L. vlvits, Goth, ktviiis, A.S. (fze/Zr (E. quick), O.H.G. 
 guec (G. Zrr/C') (second c ' Zusatz vor dem got. w ' Kluge) 
 (guiu-). There is a guttural in vixl (got from related z'/^^(?, 
 see American Journal of Philology, xiii. 2., p. 226), so that 
 perhaps the guttural is original. 
 
 gh(9) : Gk. G-i'iy^o} 'walk,' L. vesfigiiDu (?), Goth, steigan 
 'ascend,' A.S. sfigan, O.H.G. stlgan (G. steigen) (steigh"-). 
 
 The Letto-Slavic cognate does not assibilate, a fact which 
 makes for the velar character of this guttural. 
 
 ghu : Sk.,i,''//(i!r;;/</j- ' warmth,' Gk. t)s/^/y,oc, \_,. forinus, A.S. 
 wearm (m = breaking of a (orig. 0)), O.H.G. warm (Teut. 
 {■jy)iiarmaz) (ghyerm-, ghuorm-). 
 
 The velars appear without any labial modification in 
 Sanskrit, and are represented by the guttural characters k, gy. 
 gh, except before original e- and z'-vowels, where they are 
 represented by the palatals c, j\ and {;h) h. It was after 
 this palatalisation that e and e passed into a and a.
 
 Sound Relations in Inao-European. 97 
 
 What was said about velars at the beginning of Chap. II. 
 need not be repeated here. 
 
 For examples of the guttural representation in Sanskrit 
 take krtlis 'made,' cp. Gk. xpahcjj 'accomplish,' and L. 
 creare (?), ccrus ' creator ' (Festus);,i,'"<7//i', Gk. ,So[/c, L. bos (from 
 Oscan dialect, the regular Latin form would begin with v), 
 A.S. di, O.H.G. chuo (G. kuh) (gwou-) ; dirghds ' long,' Gk. 
 doXi^(k, L. /argus = la/gns, dalgi/s (the r by dissimilation) 
 (dlghuds), cp. Goth, tulgus ' firm ' (dlghyos) ; droghds ' per- 
 fidy,' A.S. dream, O.H.G. iron in, triogan 'deceive' (G. 
 triigen) (dhreughu-, dhroughu-). 
 
 The following are examples of the palatalised velars — 
 vacas gen. 'of a word' (nom. vak, I.E. -es stem), L. vox 
 (uoku), L. voco (uoku-), Gk. sro; (ueku) ; Sk. jatu 'gum' 
 (E. gutta{perchd)), L. bitumen (for b cp. L. bos), A.S. cwidu 
 ' resin,' O.H.G. chiiti, quiti (G. ^/// 'putty') (guetu-) ; jya 
 'bowstring' (g\Jia), cp. Gk. /3/&c 'bow' (guiia) ; hdnti (iox 
 jhanti) (ghuenti ' he strikes '), Gk. kho) (~ divlcj), L. offendo 
 (?), cp. (pw)^ ' murder.' 
 
 The workings of analogy have often given rise to gutturals, 
 instead of palatals, and vice versa. 
 
 The velars without labial modification are represented in 
 Greek by x, 7, y^. Take as examples : — y.a.p'xog ' fruit,' 
 Sk. krpdnas ' sword ' (kyrp-), L. carpd (kufp-), A.S. hcerfest, 
 O.W.Q.herbist{G. herbst) (Teut. har\>) (kuorp-); yM{F)l:, L. 
 cidvis (see under dti), cp. O.H.G. siiofan (G. schliessen, G. 
 schloss, E, slot^ (Teut. sleut-, from sklent-) ; ■/.li-A.n-J^ ' cuckoo,' 
 L. cuddus (kuuku-), cp. Sk. kokas (kUouku-) ; IpriyoiMai 
 'vomit,' L. ructo (xQVLg^-), A.S. roccettan, O.H.G. {itd)rucche7i 
 'vomit again' (rugu-) (Kluge connects with these M.H.G. 
 riiispern (G. rduspcrn * clear the throat '), ' k vor der Ablei- 
 
 G
 
 98 MaiuLal of Linguistics. 
 
 tung sp st ausfiel ') ; 'iy^aoov ' seized ' (;/avoavw has the nasal 
 of the suffix reflected in the root) (ghund-), L. {pre)he7tdo 
 (ghuend-), L. praeda (for praehedd), Goth, -gitan 'get,' 
 O.H.G. {fir)gif'faii (G. {ver)gessen) (ghyed-). 
 
 With labial modification k'-' appears in Greek as t before 
 <?-vowels, before lingual and nasal vowels, before liquids 
 and nasals, and before r, &, g. Before s and / it appears as - 
 
 Examples of - are : — {-oo)a--oc, L. {long)inqui(s ; '/.ii-roj, 
 Goth, leihwan 'lend,' A.S.Awz (contraction for //7zrt«), O.H.G. 
 lihan (G. leihen) (leiku-), L. linquo (linku-) ; 'h-cif vra-oc 
 (a = ii) (iekur-, iekun-), Sk. jjvf/';-/ (iekurt-), 'L.Jecur Jecinoris 
 (iekyr-, iekun-) ; -o'/.o; 'axis' (kuol), cp. Sk. char 'move,' 
 -sXo) ' go ' ("by analogy) (-s/s/'/.o/zii/wv hia-jruv with reduced 
 root), L. co/o ( = qi/elo), inquilinus ' settler ' (k^el-) ; b-pidij.i^v, 
 Sk. krl 'buy'; •ts-t-o'c, Sk. paktds, L. cocties { = quectos) 
 (k^ek"-, peku-) ; ^spu-^ ' water for hands,' Sk. niktds (nigu-)). 
 
 As example of 5-, take rs, as above among typical examples, 
 and Tkiz ' atonement,' Sk. ci ' observe ' (kui-), cp. to/v^j ' fine ' 
 (kuoina). 
 
 kv after or before -j (was the 'o generated by the labial 
 modification?) appears in Greek as ■/. — /.i/xor, Sk. vrkas, 
 L. lupus (dialectic for li/qui/s), Goth, wn/fs, A.S. wulf, 
 O.H.G ivo/f (ulkuos), cp. 'i'/.y.'jj ' draw ' (uelk^-) ; zjxXoj 
 (xF^JcZ-Xoc), Sk. cakrds, A.S. hweogei, /nveol iJ^QxxX. hivegtvld-) 
 (kuekurd-). 
 
 With labial modification, g'-' appears in Greek as /3, before 
 ^-vowels, before lingual and nasal vowels, and before liquids 
 and nasals. Before s it appears as h. 
 
 Examples of /3 are : — ^^a^'O, ' food ' (guf-), /Si'Spuffzu (gUf-), 
 L. vorare (g^or-) ; /3a^ij, Sk. gurus, Goth, kaurus ' heavy ' 
 (guru-), L. gravis {=groz'is) (gurou-) ; adho; (nom. ddyjv)
 
 Sound Relations in hido-Eiiropean. 99 
 
 'gland,' L. ingiien 'groin' (ngU^n-) ; d,avo; ' lamb,' said to 
 be for a/3 1-0 ;, cp. L. di:;/iits. 
 
 lj.\aoiJ.ai derives from ^/Si-a ' wife ' (g^na), cp. Boeotian 
 ^avd ' woman ' (gunna). 
 
 As example of h take Arcad. dspsOpov (also Zipi6pov, so that 
 hi- from g'-' must have been something different from ordin- 
 ary (5s-), Attic jBapadpov ' pit,' cp. ^opa (3il3poJ(ry.'jj. 
 
 g'-f in the neighbourhood of v appears as 7 — yjvri ( = 
 yFivn), Goth, kwino 'woman, wife,' A.S. cwetie, O.H.G. 
 quefia (guena), cp. Sk. -jdni- 'wife' {c{.jd/iis 'wife') Goth. 
 kzvcfis, A.S. aven (E. quee7i, queaii) (Teut. cwoniz, see under 
 e) (gueni-); i7.a-)(yg and k7M(ppog; (i3ou)-/.oXo; and (a/)roAo;. 
 
 Does ■rrpsff!3v: (the /3 due to analogy of --piGiSisroz ; a 
 form -rpiffyv: also occurs) contain the masculine of which 
 yvvrj is the feminine? 
 
 With labial modification, g/f-' appears in Greek as tp, 
 before ti-vowels, before lingual and nasal vowels, and before 
 liquids and nasals. Before s it appears as d. 
 
 Examples of (p are: — (povoc 'murder,' cp. Sk. Mnfi 
 ' strikes,' as above ; vsppo; ' kidney,' Ital. nefrones nebrun- 
 difies, M.E. {kid)neer (A.S. C7vi^ ' womb,' Prov. E. kite) (E. 
 kidney), O.H.G. nioro (G. niere) (neghyr-) ; IXappoc 'light,' 
 A.S. hingre 'quickly,' O.H.G. liingar ' v^xcV {i^. lungern 
 ' long after, idle about ') (Inghyrd-), cp. Sk. laghus, Gk. 
 s7M-xiic, A.S. /iiiigeii ' lung,' O.H.G. Iiiiiga (G. hinge) 
 (InghM-), also Goth, kihfs ' light,' A.S. kohf (J shortened to 
 / before breaking), O.H.G. Ilht (G. leic/if) (Teut. Hhta for 
 lifiyja, lenyja) (lenghu-), perhaps also L. levis (leghy-). 
 
 As example of &, take Siivu ' strike,' cp. zwjz. 
 
 Dialectically 6 sometimes appears as f — yEolic prip = &r)p. 
 
 g/f-' in the neighbourhood of -o appears as ■/, — ^^«%''^?) as
 
 f oo Ma imal of L ingu i sties. 
 
 above ; for khv as % take Iv^t, '''•y^x"^^ Sk. italMs, Goth. 
 {ga)naglja/i 'nail,' A.S. ncTgel, O.H.G. nagal (G. nagel) 
 (nokhu-), L. 2/?igiiis (onkhu-). 
 
 Some new formations, got by analogy, intermix the various 
 representations of the original sounds — /3i/.o; and boXfk 
 after Sd'/Xoi and ho^f-bc. 
 
 The velars without labial modification are represented in 
 Latin by c, g, h and g. 
 
 Take as examples : L. capio, Goth, hafjan ' heave,' A.S. 
 hcbban, O.H.G. heffen (kyap-) (but see Wharton's Etyma 
 Latina, where capio is said to be for cepio (kuep-), and k^op 
 put down as root of Teutonic forms, and Gk. xw-?; ' handle ' 
 instanced as example of another ablaut (kyop-)) ; coxa ' hip,' 
 Sk. kdkshas ' armpit,' O.H.Ci. hahsa (G. hechse, hdchse) 'bend 
 of the knee ' (kuoks-) ; cano, Goth, hana ' cock,' A.S. hgna 
 (JiaJia\ O.H.G. hano (G. hahn) ; urna for iircnd, cp. urceus 
 ( = vi/ra'us) (urku-); L. ^W« (guel-), Goih. kalds, A.S. ceald 
 (m = breaking of a (orig. o)), O.H.G. kalt {gm\-) ; hosfis, 
 Croth. gasts, A.S. giest {ie = /-umlaut of ea, the palatal umlaut 
 of Teut. a), O.H.G. gast (G. gast) (ghuostis) ; L. grains 
 ( =^gredus), Goth, grids (ghyredh-). ' 
 
 The different treatment of ku and k'-' in Greek — 'i-7r--og (?), 
 Sk. dsvas, L. eqiiits (^kuos), and s}j--ov (elikuon) — proves 
 that the velar modification was not a full tt. Compare the 
 Umbrian representation of k'J by /, and of ktj by kv. 
 
 With labial modification, k'-' appears in Latin as qu, before 
 all vowels, save u, where c appears — qnis, Gk. rig, Sk. kirn 
 neut. (with k for c, taking after the masculine kds) (k^i-) cp. 
 kds 'who?' Gk. ■-(Wsfoc, Goth, hwas, A.S. hwd^hzvar {a in 
 stressed monosyllables, final owing to loss of consonant, is 
 lengthened) O.H.Cl. hwaf (G. was) (kuo-).
 
 Sound Relations in Indo-Etwopean. loi 
 
 que before consonants results in co (cp. so for sue — soror = 
 suesor) — coqud = quequd, Gk. tstwi' ' ripe ' (kueku-) ; cold = 
 que id, as above. 
 
 The / in linquis ((ik. s?./T=r), and in sequiso, afterwards 
 sequere (Gk. v-i{(!)o), proves that the change of que into co did 
 not precede the weakening ofd" into /in unaccented syllables. 
 
 quo passes into cii — sequontur into secuntur, quom into 
 cum, equos into ecus ; sequuntur, equus, &c. were later forma- 
 tions, due to the analogy of sequitur, equl, &c. 
 
 Finally, qu becomes c — nee from neque, ac (for ate) from 
 atque. 
 
 Before Prim. L. Ji and consonants kv appears as c — arcu- 
 stem of arcus and arqtdtenens ; insectiones ' narrations ' insexit 
 and inseque (also insece, imperative ' tell,' cp. Gk. hn-irs for 
 heir.i, A.S. secgan (eg for gg, by gemination), from sag/an). In 
 jecur jecinoris, this ^ also occurs (see above), and in oculus, 
 Gk. offffs (ftjc/s), o/A'-^a {},-,iia) (oku-). Before orig. /, r also 
 appears — socius and sequor. 
 
 The enclitic -/^ in nempe, prope, quippe, quispiam, is 
 dialectic for ^/^^. 
 
 With labial modification, g'-' appears in Latin as gu after 
 fi — tcnguo (and nugo), O.H.G. ajuho (G. anke 'butter'); 
 initially, before vowels (except ?/), and medially, between 
 vowels, as v — venio, Gk. /Sa/vw (for ^aiMu) (gum-), Goth. 
 kiviman, A.S. cuman ( = aviman, O.H.G. queman {chweman) 
 (G. kommen, bequevi ' convenient ') (gyem-) ; vivus, as above 
 among typical examples ; vescor ( = voscor), Gk. /SoVxw * feed,' 
 (guosko) ; veto ( = voto) is quoted by Wharton as belonging to 
 a root gyot-, with which stands in ablaut-relation Goth. 
 kwi\an, A.S. ave'^an (guet-) ; nudus ( = no{g)uedos), Goth. 
 nakwcC^s, A.S. nacod, O.H.G. nacchut, nahhut{G. nackt) (the 
 double sound represents O.H.G. transmutation of West Ger-
 
 102 Marmal of L inguistics. 
 
 manic gemmation kk, a result that was produced when k 
 (from orig. g) was followed by / (and r, I, w)) (nogyoto-). 
 bos is a loan-word from an Oscan dialect ; the Latin form 
 would be vos. 
 
 This V drops after u^luo^fliigvo (bhlugU-), but fluvius 
 {vi= zji) ; fruor i^=fruor,frugvor),fruxfrugis, Goth, bruks 
 ' useful,' A.S. brucan (E. brook) ' enjoy,' O.H.G. bruhhan (G. 
 braiicheu) (bbrugu-). 
 
 Before z^ and a consonant, labialisable g'-^ appears as g — 
 gula 'throat' (gull- ?), A.S. ceole (d?(^ = 6>-umlaut of e), O.H.G. 
 chela (G. kehle) (gUel-) ; migro, Gk. a/xs/'/Sw (meigu-) ; glCuis 
 (guj-), cp. (idy.avog (gUl-). 
 
 fibula ' buckle ' =fiivibula, homfivo, form offigo found in 
 Cato (A.S. fi/ele is borrowed) (dhigu-), niior = gnivitor 
 (gnigy) ; runeo is ioxuvimec\ cp. u{£)vidus, Gk. 'oypig (ugu-). 
 
 With labial modification, ghv appears in Latin as gn after 
 71 — anguis 'snake' (nghuf-), A.S. yce (j' = /-umlaut of 
 lengthened ii), O.H.G. unc (G. unke) (nghu-), cp. (?) angicilla 
 ' eel,' and Gk. sy^sXv; (engh^-) ; as v between vowels — 
 iiiveni, ' snow ' (cp. Jiitigidt), Gk. w'^a ace. sing. fem. 
 (sni(n)ghu), Goth, sndhvs, A.S. sndw (snd), O.H.G. snco (G. 
 schnee) (Teut. snaiycva-) (snoighu-) ; brevis ' short ' (mreghy-) 
 sometimes ranked with jBpayJjg, Goth, gamanrgjan ' shorten, 
 A.S. myrge (_y = /-umlaut of li) ' pleasant ' (for induced mean- 
 ing c]). pastime), O.H.G. vmrgfdri 'transitory' (mrghy-) ■ 
 levis, see above. 
 
 Initially, and medially, before r, gh'-' appears as / 
 (medially also as b)—frid 'rub,' Gk. x^'f'Ji ' anoint ' (ghur!-), 
 fremo 'roar,' Gk. yjiiu'Qj} 'neigh,' A.S. griiinit 'fierce,' 
 O.H.G. grimmi (G. grimni) (ghyrem-), i\o\\\.gramjan ' make 
 angry ' (ghyrom-).
 
 Sound Relations in Indo-European. 103 
 
 These only show traces of labialisation in Latin. Perhaps 
 y"is dialectic for ^. 
 
 Wharton under this head quotes flavus (ghuluos), cp. 
 X^-c^pog, with different suffix, and fiilvus (ghyluos), gilviis 
 {gilbus) helvi/s, A.S. geoiu (ghueluos). 
 
 Nehrimdities and nefrojies have been referred to above. 
 
 The velars /C'('-'), ^('-'), ^/?('') without labial modification 
 are represented in Teutonic by h (and g, by operation of 
 Verner's Law), k and g. 
 
 All that has been said under palatals about the represent- 
 ation of gutturals applies to velars. The labial modifica- 
 tion, when active, of course sometimes asserts itself, or, it 
 may be, only colours the result. 
 
 As examples of non-labialisable hard velars take these : — 
 A.S. heaivan 'hew,' O.H.G. hoinvan (G. haiten), L. cFiido) 
 'strike' (kuou-); Goth, weihan 'fight,' A.S. w'lgend 'war- 
 rior' (E. wight 'nimble'), O.H.G. iv'igant (G. weiga?id 
 'warrior') (ueik9-) ; Goth. ?iahfs, A.S. neahi «//z/(/= palatal 
 umlaut oiea, the breaking of m (orig. 0)), O.H.G. naht, Sk. 
 ndktis, Gk. vj^, L. nox (nok^t-). 
 
 k'-\ associated with s^ remains as k : — Goth. {its)-skaws 
 'prudent,' A.S. sceawian 'behold' (E. s/iozv), O.H.G. 
 scouwon (G. schmien), Gk. [&vri)G-/.o(F)rj; 'priest' (sk^ou-), Gk. 
 yji{F)iM ' perceive,' (a)xo-jw, L. caved (k^ou-). 
 
 For gv and gh'-^ without labial modification take Goth. 
 kalds, L. gelu, as above; A.S. gealla 'gall,' O.H.G. galla 
 (G. galle), Gk. yjrf.og (ghuol), L. /'/ (ghyel-) ; Goth, \ragjan 
 'run ' (Norse \rcEll, E. thrall), O.H.G. drigil 'servant,' Gk. 
 ■rf£;)(^w (threghy-, throghu ). 
 
 With labial modification, k'-' appears in Teutonic as hw 
 hC') (^'^d S'^'^' (3")' t)y operation of Verner's Law).
 
 1 04 Manual of L ingu is tics. 
 
 gtv before u lost its labial modification, in other surround- 
 ings it became 21 or 7v. 
 
 Examples are : — A.S. Imwsta ' cough ' {ico\c\\{kink)-}iost\ 
 O.H.G. h{iv)uosto (G. Jmsten), Sk. kasate 'he coughs'; 
 Goth, leihwa?! 'lend,' L. linquo, see above; Goth, saihwan 
 'see,' A.S. seon (^(9 = contraction oi eko), O.H.G. sehan (G. 
 sehen), Gk. Iro'Mai, L. sequor (sek"-); Goth, ahzva ' water,' A.S. 
 ea {cBhwu) (E. i{s)/and), O.H.G. aha (G. aue ' wasserreiches 
 Wiesenland '), L. aqua, (aky-) ; A.S. scegoii {sdwon is a new 
 formation) 'we saw,' i plu. pret. (Teut. sr^{i()u7ni) ; Goth. 
 stuns ' sight ' (Teut. se{'^^)imis) ; Goth, tava ' arrangement ' 
 (Teut. fc{-^iid), A.S. {ge)teo9i (eo^eho) 'arrange,' O.H.G. 
 {gi)zehdn (G. zeche ' share '), Gk. bsT^-rrvov ( = oi--\im) (deku-). 
 
 There is a new affiliation for Goth, saihwan, viz., to a root 
 j^>$^'- 'sehen lassen, zeigen = sagen ' seen in Gk. 'ivn-i 
 (svss'-s), L. I'nseque, inquani {insquain), cp. for meaning dicere 
 and osiTivuvcci (Brug. Jour., vol. i., p. 258). 
 
 The g, got by operation of Verner's Law, became gg 
 before / in West Germanic. This in High German became 
 kk (see example under palatals, and cf. O.H.G. wulpa, 
 quoted a little below). 
 
 hw in Old High German when initial commonly passed 
 into w — O.H.G. hwer, wer ' who ' ; when medial, the w was 
 lost, as in the combinations kw and gw. 
 ■ hzv before / gives ht — A.S. si/if ' sight ' (/= /-umlaut of eo, 
 but compare the M.E. eo into / before front //(/), O.H.G. 
 sihi{G. sicht) (cp. ioxi,fihu ' cattle,' Y.. peats), Goth, sa'ihwan, 
 see above, hw also appears as /—Goth, wulfs, i<zc., Gk. 
 Xvxog (p. 98); A.S. /^^/'ewr(tv = contraction for egw), O.H.G. 
 fior (G. vier) (kyekUr-), by assimilation from kuetur-(-dr-), 
 which gives Gk. r'sTrufsg ( = xFsTFapsg), L. quathwr, Sk. 
 caivaras, Goih. Jidwor ; Goih. finif {{ox Jinhzv, second/due
 
 Sound Relations in l7ido-Enrop€an. 105 
 
 to assimilation). A.S.///" (J by compensatory lengthening), 
 O.Yl.i}. fin/ifiinf) {Cj.fiinf), 'Sk. pdnca, Gk. Tsi-rs, L. gu'itique 
 = quhique {(ju by analogy of quattuor, or by assimilation to 
 following qu, the vowel being lengthened before combination 
 nqii) (pdnkye). 
 
 gw must also have appeared as b (ti) (changed into/ in 
 Old High German)— O.H.G. wulpa 'she-wolf (G. wolfn) 
 (Teut. iiulhf, gen. uulhifis; originally iiul-i,ic{ds) — in Old High 
 German, // before / was simplified into / after / — Sk. vrki 
 (ulkui). 
 
 If (ioth. ail go 'eye,' A.S. cage, O.H.G. ouga (G. auge) are 
 to rank with ociilus (oku ), there must have been contamina- 
 tion between two stems, viz., a},{u) followed by ?/, and a{^ii- 
 not so followed, resulting in the combination aiiiy. 
 
 With labial modification g'i appears in Teutonic as kw — 
 Goth. {asilu)kwairtius ' mill-stone,' A.S. czveorti (E. quern), 
 O.H.G. chwirna, qtiirn (gyern-). /'z<:/ before u loses its labial 
 modification — A.S. cumen 'come' p.p., O.H.G. koman 
 (Teut. k{ti)u}nana-) ; Goth, kaums, Sk. gtirus, Gk. ^aphg 
 (guni-), see above. 
 
 g'-' also appears in Teutonic as / (dissimilation caused by 
 u in preceding or following syllable) — Goth, wairpan 
 ' throw,' A.S. tveorpan (^(? = breaking of f), O.H.G. werfan 
 (G. werfen') (uergU-). 
 
 Kluge says that O.H.G. pfiegan (G. pflcgeii) 'care for' 
 may be connected with iSxIipapov 'eyelid,' jSXs-ru 'see' 
 (guleghu- (?)). 
 
 The k got from I.E. g'-' associated with /, gives result kk, 
 which appears in High German as cc/i and c/i — see typical 
 examples of palatals (see also O.H.G. fiacchut, quoted as 
 cognate under orig. gv in Latin). 
 
 With labial modification gh'-' appears in Teutonic as g
 
 1 06 Manual of L inguistics. 
 
 before 71, elsewhere as w (from 3(//), and (3);^) — A.S. hnigon 
 'we bowed,' O.H.G. nigim (G. neigen) (^q.\x\.. yjiii{u)mi) ; 
 A.S. wearm, see above among typical examples. 
 
 After a nasal, gh'-' is represented by giv — Goth, siggwan 
 ' sing ' (senghu- (?)). 
 
 hw (orig. gh'i) before / gives ht — Goth, kihts ' light,' Gk. 
 sKw/hg, see above. 
 
 Sometimes, from local causes, the 3, got from orig. gh'-' 
 appears in Gothic as ;/ — g^^ggs (%) ' way ' nom., gagg {3) 
 ace, A.S. gang, O.H.G. gang, Sk. jangha 'heel-bone' 
 (ghenghu-) (non labialisable velar). 
 
 g (orig. gh'-i) before /, gives by gemination gg, which in 
 High German shifts to kk — Goth. lagjan ' cause to lie,' A.S. 
 /ecgan (cg=gg), O.H.G. /ecken (G. kgen) (leghu-) (non- 
 labialisable velar). 
 
 The labial after-sound in Teutonic seems to have been a 
 full ?/, since k'-' and k/j have the same representation — Goth. 
 Ieihwa7i 'lend,' L. linqiio (leiky-), and Goth, aihiva- 'horse,' 
 L. equus, Sk. dsvas (ekuo-). 
 
 For orig. k'-'n, g'~'n, and gh'-'n in Teutonic, see Chapter on 
 Grimm's Law. 
 
 There is little doubt that tenues aspiratae existed in the 
 parent-speech. These may be supposed to have survived, 
 where the Asiatic and European languages exhibit evidence 
 in common — the suffix of the 2 sing, perf ind., Sk. vettha, 
 Gk. dls^a (-tha) ; Sk. skhdlaml ' I stumble ' (skhuel-), cp. 
 Gk. ff^a/./.w (ffpZ/cc) ; Gk. syJQoi, L. scindo (skhui(n)d-) ; Sk . 
 sankhds ' shell,' Cik. y.oyxri ' mussel,' L. co?igiiis ' quart ' 
 (konkhu-); Sk. nakhds,Qk. (o)Kjg(nokhy-),L. unguis (onkhv-); 
 Gk. r^-yi^jj 'run,' Goth. ]^ragjan (threghu , throghu-) ; L. 
 habet, Goth. hal>di\>, A.S. hafa^, O.H.G. halvt (khabh-). 
 
 See also on Moulton's Law in Chapter VH.
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 Vocalic and Consonantal Affections. Analogy. 
 
 By way of finishing what has been said on sound-relations 
 in Indo-European, it will be proper to gather together 
 examples, and, where necessary, give definitions of certain 
 sound-processes, many of which have been already exem- 
 plified in the preceding chapters. 
 
 These will be arranged under the heads of vocalic 
 affections and consonantal affections, each set being further 
 considered under the sub-heads of (i) Change (2) Increase 
 (3) Loss, ^'ocalic affections first. 
 
 CHANGE. 
 
 Vowel Assimilation may be regressive or progressive. 
 Convenient examples of the influence of a following vowel 
 on a preceding one are to be seen in the Latin redupli- 
 cated perfects didid, momordl (O.L. viemordT), pupugi (O.L. 
 pepiigi). 
 
 Progressive assimilation is seen in elephdntus ekm'entum, 
 for eliphantus elimentuin. Note also seinel for semul. 
 
 Assimilation between vowels often occurs when / inter- 
 venes. This has been called the ' balancing power of l' 
 Notice Sicilia and Siculus, Procilius and Proculus. 
 
 The assimilative force exerted by consonants on vowels 
 is sufficiently noticed under each vowel in Chapter II.
 
 1 o8 Alanual of L inguistics. 
 
 Vowel Assimilation is quite a prominent feature in 
 Teutonic. 
 
 Umlaut is a variety of regressive assimilation. The 
 change is brought about by the action of the /, u, or «; of a 
 following syllable, on the preceding vowel. The causal 
 vowel has not always survived. 
 
 With regard to the /-umlaut the proximate agent in the 
 change would seem to have been the following fronted 
 consonants. These consonants, which themselves owed 
 their fronting to a following front-vowel, fronted the pre- 
 ceding back-vowels. The fronting of the consonant has 
 not always remained. It however may still be heard in 
 bridge, A.S. brycg. In this word the fronted g — eg is a way 
 of writing gg (from gj), the gemination of g — caused the 
 umlaut. 
 
 There is no umlaut in Gothic. 
 
 {a) /-umlaut is the most original and the most important. 
 It effects the following changes : — 
 
 a (a) e u y 
 
 o '° e,y eoj ^° '^ ('' >') 
 
 o e ea I - /- -\ 
 
 u y eo/ ^^^''y) 
 
 Prior to the appearance of /-umlaut, the short a in Anglo- 
 Saxon had undergone its changes to ce and o. 
 Examples are : — 
 
 (Goth, harjis) here brucan biyc(N(3sing. pres.) 
 
 (Goth, brukji})) 
 hal hiTlan (Goth, hailjan) eald ieldra (comp.) 
 
 dohtor^ to dehter (dat.)l to . „, . 
 
 gold i gj^lden I ^veorpan wierpS(3sing.pres.) 
 
 tlom deman heah hiehra (comp.) 
 
 burg byrig(gen. and dat.) ceosan ciestV (3 sing. pres. ) 
 
 (b) n- and 6»-umlaut effect the following changes : — a, e,
 
 Vocalic and Consonantal Affections. 109 
 
 /, into ea, eo, io. Examples are cearii (poet.), 2i>eorold, siol- 
 fur (doth, silubr). 
 
 This umlaut is common in Norse but somewhat infrequent 
 in West Saxon. 
 
 {c) The change of / to e, and u to o, caused by a follow- 
 ing a or o, is sometimes called a-umlaut. P^xamples are : — 
 A.S. wer, L. vir^ I.E. niros ; A.S. nest, O.H.G. ?icst, L. 
 nidus, I.E. fitzdos; AS.dohtor, O.H.G. tohter, Goth, dauhtar 
 (dhughu); A.S. hard 'treasure,' O.H.G. hort, Goth, huzd^ 
 I.E. kudh-dho-. 
 
 {d) Palatal umlaut is the name given to a change wrought 
 on the eo and io that have sprung from the breaking of e 
 before an originally guttural h + consonant. The eo and io 
 change to ie (/, y). Sometimes ea and ea are in this way 
 converted into e and e before h, x, g, and c. Examples are 
 reo/it and ?'//// (rie/i^), seox and siex (x = /is), eage and ege 
 ' eye,' ceac and ccc ' cheek.' 
 
 In Modern German, the vowels a, 0, u, when subjected 
 to umlaut, appear as ii (e), 0, ii. au appears as du {en). The 
 / that caused the umlaut is seen in the O.H.G. forms. 
 Examples are: — kraft, krdfte (O.H.G. krafti) ; alt, alter 
 (O.H.G. eltir) ; kalb, kdlber (O.H.G. kelbir), the -ir (Gk. -s-) 
 orig. belonging to sing, as well as plu. being utilised as a 
 l)lu. suffix ; niochte, mochte subj. (O.H.G. mohta and mohti) ; 
 fiihr, fiihre subj. {Q.Yi.G. fuor, fiiori) ; trauin, trdumt^ho. 
 dreams' (O.H.G. troumit); haus, hduser (O.H.G. husir). 
 The umlauts of a and au are written e and en when no 
 connection has to be indicated with forms in a and au. 
 
 Riickumlaut, as applied to the alternation of sound in 
 brenfien (O.H.G. brannian), brannte (O.H.G. branta), is a 
 misnomer. The a of the preterite is the original vowel, it 
 is the e that is secondary (umlauted from a).
 
 1 1 o Manual of L mgtt i sties. 
 
 Another alternation of vowels (e and /) seen in German 
 is due to the influence of following vowels. This is called 
 Brechung in the grammars. Take as examples these : — 
 erde, irden (O.H.G. erda, irdhi) ; herde, ki'rfe {O.H.G. herta, 
 hirti). e is original and remained when a followed, but 
 when / followed, it passed to /. 
 
 A similar alternation (ji and o) is seen in these : — wir 
 wiirden, geworde?i (O.H.G. tvurdun, gazvordan) ; fiir, vor 
 {0. Yi.G. furi,fora). u (changed to // in Old High German 
 when followed by /) is original, and remained when / and ii 
 followed, but when a followed, it passed to o. The diph- 
 thong ill also passed to io (now ie) in similar circumstances 
 • — G. ivirfiiegen, M.H.G. fliegen, O.H.G. fliogati, ie has by 
 analogy been driven right through the tense. In earlier 
 German eii appeared in some persons (O.H.G. in). 
 
 Breaking is the name given in Anglo-Saxon to a change 
 wrought on a preceding vowel by r + consonant, / + 
 consonant, h + consonant {x = /is), or h at the end of a 
 syllable. a in these conditions breaks into ea, e into eo io, 
 i into io eo. Probably this parasiting is caused by the 
 difficulty in bridging the vocalic space between consonants 
 in different positions. Examples are : — 
 
 Goth, arms A.S. earm O.H.G. elaho A.S. eolh 
 
 Goth, stairra A.S. steorra Goth. ahtau A.S. eahta 
 
 Goth, fallan A.S. feallan O.H.G. fehtan A.S. feohtan 
 
 The eo io got from broken / always appears umlauted to ie. 
 
 Something like breaking is heard in the American cear 
 for car. 
 
 In Gothic before //, htv, and r, i (representing old e and /) 
 was broken to e (written ai). In the same circumstances u 
 (representing old o and //) was broken to o (written au).
 
 Vocalic and Consonantal Affections. 1 1 1 
 
 This a'l and an are to be distinguished from the real 
 diphthongs di and du. 
 
 The palatal semi-vowel j, and palatal c, j^, and sir, when 
 
 initial, produce a similar result, ja and jVe becoming gea ; 
 
 jo andyV/, geo and gio ; while c, g, and sc, change t^, c<?, e, into 
 
 M, ea, ie. Sievers places these changes under the head of 
 
 palatal influence. 
 
 Influence of w. This is the name given to the Anglo- 
 Saxon change of wio (got from wi by breaking, or due to u- 
 and <?-umlaut) into wu — A.S. wuht {zviht, uht) 'thing,' O.H.G. 
 wiht \ A.S. wudu ' wood ' {iviodu, widic), O.H.d. ivitii ; A.S. 
 sivurd {siveord, weo usually remains), O.H.G. szvert. The 
 influence of w is seen at work in the generation of a u in the 
 combinations aiv, ew, and hv. The resultant ainci, einv, 
 hiw passed regularly into caiv, eow, low (nearly always um- 
 lauted into 'leiv (Jtv). — A.S. feawe ' few,' Goth, faivdi; A.S. 
 cneo 'knee,' gen. cncotves, O.H.G. chneo., gen. chnewes, A.S. 
 n'leive nlwe, (joth. niiijis. 
 
 Palatal Influence. See above under Breaking. 
 
 Influence of nasals. Teutonic a often appears as (open) 
 o in Anglo-Saxon, <7-forms however occurring side by side — 
 A.S. nignn {ina?in), O.H.G. mann. This o is lengthened 
 when n drops — A.S. ^cv ' goose,' O.H.G. ga)is. So J for 
 Teutonic an-)(^ — K.^. fon * catch,' O.H.G. fd/ian, Teut. stem 
 fan-^-. Compare also A.S. o representing Teut. fe, I.E. t", 
 before nasals — A.S. niona ' moon,' Goth, nicna, O.H.G. 
 mono, Gk. iJ^h'^'n. 
 
 Shortening of Long Vowels (not final). In Greek, this 
 takes place before u, /, nasal, liquid + explosive or spirant 
 — ZsL/g, Sk. dydiis ' sky' ; /SoDc, Sk. gdus ; 'h-zoig, Sk. dsvdis ; 
 aivT-, part of a?j/x/, for aFnvT-; 'i'Liyiv, 3 plu. aor. pass., for
 
 1 1 2 Manual of Linguistics. 
 
 i/j,r/yivT ; gropv5>/.i, cp. gTpuvvu/Mi. Long vowels are also 
 shortened before vowels— eswv ' of ships,' for vr,(F)ojv. Com- 
 pare the so-called transference of quantities in iOTiMng for 
 iaryiFong, 'fTT-TTsug and /-X'Tsa for 'i-Tr-rjFog and /r-jjFa. Com- 
 pare also sdjpuv and idyriv for rfopuv and rfdyrtv. 
 
 In Latin this takes place before /, ti, nasal, liquid + 
 explosive or spirant — o/oes ill'is from -oij ; naufragus (Sk. 
 ndi'is) ; claudo from clauido (Gk. yXnif)h ; gaudeo, cp. 
 gdvlsus, Cik. yjj^sw for ydfi&iM) ■ vetitus {ijentos), cp. Gk. 
 asvr- ; <?;-^ arfis (ftl-). Long vowels are also shortened before 
 vowels — tied ' spin ' for ne{l)d ; re'i for re'i. 
 
 In final syllables also (before /, j/i, r, I), long vowels were 
 largely shortened in Latin — aw^/and af?ies, equam, Sk, dsvdm, 
 clamor and ciamoris, animal and atiimdlis. A comparison of 
 Juppiter (voc. used as nom.) and ZsO ■Tars/' (cuppa a.nd ciipa, 
 littera and /J/<?n?) brings out a shortening of quantity in the 
 former. The quantity stolen from the vowel was distributed 
 over the time of the consonant's utterance, as is argued by 
 the gemination. The doubling is not always met with, for, 
 in addition to the persistence of the old form, it is probable 
 that this gemination had not the same pronunciation as a 
 genuine doubled consonant. Compare the different forms 
 of Mod. Germ, mutter and O.H.G. muoter. 
 
 Shortening seems to have taken place in Teutonic before 
 71 4- explosive or spirant — Goth, zvinds, A.S. wind, O.H.G. 
 tvint, Gk. a{F)n!ii, cp. as'vr-, L. veutus. It also occurs in 
 Anglo-Saxon in unstressed syllables — sealfian ' anoint,' Goth. 
 salbon, O.H.G. salbon (but M.H.G. salben) ; in unstressed 
 components of compound words — woroldlic, cp. gellc with 
 accent on second syWahle, frcetezve ' adornment,' tdwe 'equip- 
 ment Goth. t(;7va ' arrangement' ; in words where gemina-
 
 Vocalic and Consonantal Affections. 1 1 3 
 
 tion occurs before r — hluttor ' clear ' = hlFitor, ceddre ' vein ' 
 = (fdre, also in combinations where the vowel had been 
 lengthened by compensation for lost n—fraco'5 ' infamous,' 
 (or /rar/}^, cp. Goth. h/n]^s 'known,' O.H.G. amd. 
 
 Lengthening of Short Vowels. In Greek, compensatory 
 lengthening is frequent enough— x-£/i/w(xt-si'/w) by compens. 
 for xrivvu, (pOs!pu{f>Oif'lcj) by compens. for (pCsppoj, Ion. yoOva 
 (yovFa) ' knees,' by compens. for ylum (Attic yovara, in Attic 
 F was elided without compensatory lengthening), Hom. ouXog 
 from oXFo; (Attic oXog), rove for rovg, sZ/x/ (Is/jbi) by compens. 
 for £/x,a/. The si and the o-j of compensation are not real 
 ■diphthongs. 
 
 In Latin, all vowels are long before the combinations f/s, 
 /ff, gn, gill. Compensatory lengthening also occurs — eqtios 
 for equons, aeiii/s for aesnos, nidus for iiizdos, &c. 
 
 In Teutonic, compensatory lengthening is met with 
 before ?/;^— Goth. ]->dhta 'thought,' A.S. ^ohte, O.H.G. 
 ihdhta, O.L. tonged ' I know.' See above, under Influence of 
 Nasals. Notice also O.H.G. mcia (also mcfit (G. miethe)) 
 'meed' (t' = /, with compensatory lengthening), A.S. med, 
 Goth, inizdo ' pay,' Gk. iJ.i(sD!,i. 
 
 In Anglo-Saxon, monosyllabic words {ac ' but,' ^//' if,' ic 
 ' I,' /v/ ' better,' &c.) ending in a single consonant are some- 
 times lengthened. Vowels are also in this language some- 
 times found long before the combinations of nasal + con- 
 sonant, r 4- consonant, / + consonant. 
 
 GROWTH. 
 
 Anaptyxis. This is a name given to vowel-generation. 
 When initial it is called Prothesis. Examples in Greek are — 
 spudpog, L. ruber; l}.a(pplg, O.H.G. lungar ; Hom. 'i{F)ipar, 
 
 H
 
 1 1 4 Manual of L inguistics. 
 
 'dew' beside ipavi spar}, Sk. varshds 'rain'; Horn. l{f)%iM<sr 
 beside Fuxoci ; oiJjJy^iu, L. mingo. From these examples it 
 will be seen that prothesis occurs in Greek before liquids, 
 F (in Ionic), and nasals. Notice also Ipmij^ai and piio;j,a.i, 
 blMopyvxJiMi and HiopyrjiLi, with and without the prothetic vowel. 
 
 A vowel is generated in Latin before liquids and nasals^ 
 and usually takes its colouring from the vowel of the succeed- 
 ing syllable — poculum from poclum, singulus from semclus, cp, 
 semel, simplex. Loan words exhibit anaptyxis— 7>^2^;«£fi'« 
 (Tsx/T-jjCtfa), mina {i-i-vd), drachuma {ppayjj.ri). 
 
 In Teutonic, Goth. nii'Iuks, A.S. meoloc, O.H.G. miluk 
 (Gk. {a)!ii'ky(ji) (melg-), cp. L. imilgeo (mlg-), seem to exhibit 
 anaptyxis. Other examples (in West Germanic) are A.S. 
 her{i)ge 'to the army,' O.H.G. herige (between r and /), cp. 
 Goth, harjd); O.H.G. zesazver, zesewer 'dexter' (between 
 cons, and if), cp. Goth, taihswa (Gk. hi^iiz, Sk. ddkshiij,a^ 
 'right, south'); O.H.G. wahsamo 'growth' (between cons, 
 and nasal), beside wahsmo, zvahsan (G. wachsen ' grow '), 
 Goth, wahsjan, A.S. weaxan (ueks-), Gk. ai^as/w (uks-). 
 
 Epenthesis. This is an accompaniment of the Palatalisa- 
 tion and the Labialisation of consonants, effects that are 
 produced by a post-consonantal / or u. The palatalisation 
 and labialisation echo back into, and finally become wholly 
 located in, the preceding syllable, converting any vowel 
 other than / or u into an /- or //- diphthong — pa«w for 
 <pavic>} ; s^oci(pvi^g for -cKpi/mc, cp. a^pvM ; dsg-rrona for dsd'rorvm ;, 
 af/jx.ri 'point of a spear' for o.yjhia, {'.r/;), cp. iyx"i'y Horn. 
 To^o (toico) for T(j(Jijj, Sk. tdsya ; ravpo; (rapFo;) ' bull,' beside 
 Gaulish tan'os (KsvTavpog is for Ksvdavpo;, by popular etymo- 
 logy from xsvriu ' goad ' and raupog, = Sk. gandharvds ' demi- 
 gods inhabiting Indra's heaven '(?)).
 
 Vocalic and Conso7iantal Affections. 1 1 5 
 
 LOSS. 
 
 Contraction. In consequence of the disappearance of /, 
 ?/(f"), and s between vowels, contraction is common in Greek. 
 The hiatus resulting from the loss of these letters is often 
 closed by this means — (pofZi contrd. from ipopiu (^(pofi[u), r:a7i 
 from Ta/; (rraFii), ysvoug from yiviog (ysvioog). When the 
 vowels to be contracted are of similar quality, one long 
 vowel serves — iSaaiXTjsg (iSaffiXi^Fs;), which passes into 
 (3affi}.ri:. The contraction of ss and 00 gives for result close 
 e and close 0, written si and ou — rpsTg for rpsisg, Sk. trdyas, 
 Horn. r,(jZg for r,n(Sog, Sk. ushdsas. Darbishire makes rtoZg = 
 riFo{ff)og, with prefix v, as in rjsXiog (rt. FO- ' burn ' as in 
 £i>.?3 * warmth ') for r^Fs/Jog, and separates rt. ves- ' shine ' 
 (Sk. vas, Gk. iojg) from us/i-; connecting the latter, as a 
 weak form, with the aus- that appears in avpiov, Aurora, 
 I^esb. a/jug. 
 
 This £/ and oi> are naturally not real diphthongs, but graphic 
 expedients. If the vowels to be contracted are of different 
 qualities, at times the equality of the first prevails — axuv 
 for aiyi'jiv (dFiy-ooii), ' Arpiiha for 'ATpslddo, Dor. rdv gen. plu. 
 fem. for rtic/jv, cp. Sk. tasdm, L. istaruni ; sXdrrovg for 
 -o{ff)ig, cp. L. inajores (the o coloured the s into 0, and the 
 resultant 00 then passed into ou) : at times the quality of the 
 second — Attic rwv gen. plu. fem., cp. Dor. -rav above. In 
 jiwog for yivsog (ytvsffog), the £ fell to o, under the attraction 
 of the 0, and the resultant 00 passed into ou. If the second 
 of the vowels to be contracted was / or v, various apparent 
 diphthongs resulted — '-aTg (7ra(F)ig), olg ((j(F)ig), si{isi), 
 davXog 'thick' (for dasvXog, cp. daavg 'densus'). 
 
 Elision is a species of contraction. The Attic is the
 
 1 1 6 Manual of L ingttistics. 
 
 dialect that has most persistently weeded out uncontracted 
 forms. 
 
 In Latin the loss of medial / is the most frequent cause 
 of contraction — trcs for treles monete for nione{i)ete, sto from 
 sfd{f)d, stat from std{i)et, ames for amd{i)es (I.E. -wij). 
 Contraction does not take place in Latin with the combina- 
 tions ed ed and ae — moned, monedm, aenus. The loss of h 
 also gives scope for contraction — naiid for nehemd, bhnus 
 for bihimus, praebeb for pj'aehibed. Notice cogd for coago, 
 dego for deagd, promo for proemd. (Wharton derives prdmd 
 cdnid, Szc, from words made up of prepositions and 
 adjectival endings, cp. prdnms ' cellarer.') But cdegl 
 remains uncontracted, as happens when the second vowel 
 is long, and has the principal accent. 
 
 For a common example of contraction in Teutonic, take 
 Goth, fret 'ate up' 3 sing, pret., A.S. frCct, O.H.G. frdf, 
 TQVit.freii, contrd. hom fra-eti, as is seen from Goth. pres. 
 f rattan ' eat up ' {Y.. fret, G. fressen). 
 
 Certain Anglo-Saxon contractions claim notice. The 
 result ea is given by the West Germanic a + 0, u ; d (Teut. 
 ce) + 0, 21. Examples are slean ' slay,' Goth, slahan ; brea 
 ' hxov^^ = bra(iv)u for brdwu, O.H.G. brdwa (G. brane). A 
 following vowel after ea, from any original, is crushed out — 
 frea 'lord' ioxfrau{j)a, Goih. frdi/Ja, O.^.Gj. fro {G. frohii 
 ' herrschaftlich,' now only used as first member of com- 
 pounds). 
 
 The result eo (Jo) is given by West Germanic e + o, o, u ; 
 /, i + o, 0, u ; /, I + a, d. Examples are seon = se/z(w)on, 
 Goth. saUnvan ; tcon 'censure,' O.H.G. zihan, Gk. hzixwiu ; 
 /^.fiy^ ' promise ' for bi{h)dt be{h)dt, O.H.G. biheif; zxid^freo 
 ' free' iox frija, Goth./;'m (ace. sing, m.frijana) Sk. priyds
 
 Vocalic and Consonantal Affections. 1 1 7 
 
 'dear.' A following vowel after any i-o is crushed out — 
 teon 'draw' for teu{h)on, O.H.G. rJohaii (G. ziehen), O.T.. 
 douco. 
 
 A.S. a (Teut. fe) + vowel = d—td 'toe ' = A?/;^, O.H.G. 
 z'eha (G. ;Sf//^), I.E. daiku-. 
 
 A.S. ■¥ a, o, It, e = d=Jidn ' hang,' Goth, and O.H.G. 
 hdhnn, Teut. '/jinxr, I.E. kank"-. 
 
 Aphaeresis, Syncope, and Apocope are names given to 
 different kinds of vowel-loss, according as this manifests 
 itself initially before consonants, medially between con- 
 sonants, and finally after consonants. That vowel-loss 
 which leaves a syllabic something behind it, is called 
 samprasdraiia (the term of the Sanskrit grammars), e.g., Tic 
 is the samprasdraiia form of rt. vac. Vowel-loss existed in 
 the parent speech. 
 
 In Latin take the following examples : — sum {esmi or 
 esm) due to the analogy of siimiis ; ao-er from agrs, saj7i- 
 prasdraiia of agros, agellus for agerliis {agrotos), cette 
 ' give ye ' from ce-dite, valde (cp. valtdus), nuntius for 
 noveniios, auded (cp. avidiis) ; hospes from hostpes {hos- 
 tipes), prJnceps from prlmiceps, Pollux from Poluluces (Gk. 
 rroX-j^suxjjg), nuper for noviper, sinciput {semi-, caput), 
 sesqui- {semissi-, que), sellbra {semi-, libra), sestertius for 
 semistertius, Marpor for Marci puer, prdrsus for provorsus, 
 meopte (cp. utpote), dddrdns {do, by-form of de, and qnadrdns) 
 surgo {sub-, rego), reppull {re-pepidi), die, due, &c., beside 
 older dice, duce, Szc, tot for tote toti (cp. totidem), et (cp. Gk. 
 fV;), exemplar and exempldre, vol up ' agreeably ' and volupe 
 (cp. Gk. Tk^tuI), famiil undi famulus, fieu and neve, ac and 
 atque, quin 'but that' {qui (abl.), ne negative), si?i 'but if 
 {si,- ne pronominal, as is the n of alioquin), siremps and
 
 1 1 8 Manual of L ingiiistics. 
 
 sirempse ' similarly ' (got from the collocation si rem 
 eatnpse — , Wharton says it is a perf. inf. of a surimo ' take 
 up,' so that siremps lex esto quasi means ' let an assumption 
 be law as though — '). 
 
 For these remarks on quln and sin confer Brugmann's 
 Journal, vol. ii., pages 212 and 222. 
 
 In Teutonic, take the following examples — A.S. bisceop, 
 O.H.G. biscof{G. bischof), from Gk. JT/'/rxoToc ; Goth, wulfs 
 (Teut. wulfaz) ; Goth, safj'a ' I set ' (Teut. satiw). 
 
 In West Germanic the following rules hold in regard to 
 syncope : — Short vowels drop out in open syllables {a) after 
 long syllables bearing the chief accent ; {h) after a syllable 
 bearing a secondary accent, following that (long or short) 
 with the chief accent — A.S. hierde (J^ = umlaut of m, Teut. 
 mi), O.H.G. horta 'heard' for horita, cp. Goth, hdusida, 
 O.S. mahtigro from mdhtigiro dat. sing. fem. of mahtig 
 ' mighty.' 
 
 The second head will now be taken up, viz., Consonantal 
 Affections, divided out into various sub-heads. 
 
 CHANGE. 
 
 Assimilation. Examples in Greek are /Vrs, cp. 'i'^/msv ; 
 vu^d' o/.riv (vjy.Ta) ; if ^?;,a/,a2p?;c (i~rd) ' with seven halves'; 
 xp-jiSdriv [xphrrru) ' secretly.' 
 
 In Latin, these will serve •.^peccare=pedcare {pes pedis) ; 
 hoc = hodce', agger {ad, gero) ; ampulla {amporla) 'bottle,' 
 cp. amp/iora ; polliceri {por-, licer'i) ; tollo = tolnd, sollus = 
 solvos, Gk. oS/Xoc, Sk. sdrvas ; omtiis for opnis (cp. opes, or is 
 it ob ? Breal calls omnes a doublet of homines) \ gener 
 {genres gemros, Gk. yaix^poc (?)).
 
 Vocalic and Consonantal Affections. 1 1 9 
 
 In Teutonic, take these : — ( \. oiipfindeji for entfitiden 
 '(O.H.G. intfindan) \ G. Jibiiheere ' raspberry,' for /«W/;^fr^ 
 ■• berry eaten by the hind' (O.H.G. hint-bcri) ', G. wimper 
 'eyelash,' for tvindbraue (O.H.G. wintbrdwa 'die sich win- 
 dende Braue ') ; G. hoffart 'haughtiness,' for hochfahrt 
 {M.H.G. hochvart ' Art vornehm zu leben,' cp. G. wohlfahrf) ; 
 G. imbiss ' snack,' for inbiss {einbeissen). 
 
 Dissimilation. This sometimes involves the loss of a 
 letter or syllable. Examples in Greek are t/vut-Jl; ' wise,' 
 for aurjro:, -^idvf'og 'whispering,' for -^-jdufoc ; r/.s^sipia 
 * armistice,' for lytyiifia ; ridriri for dsdrjSi ; nT^ng for 6u-)(og ; 
 idpkvoc for (papkvoc, E. biird ; ^odpog (or ipodpog ; iZ'-ayXog 
 for s/iTXay/.og ; dp{jpa,-/,Tog for dpu(ppa-A.Tog ; a./j,<popsvg and 
 d,'Mf:ifops-jg, yJvrojp ' goader,' for y.svrrjrup, ddpavvog for 
 &apc()(!uvrjc, }.i---jp'ia. ' intermittent fever,' for X/roTu^/a. 
 
 In Latin, these may serve: — gurgulio 'gullet,' cp. Gk. 
 yapyapim; singiilaris ^ndpiuralis; pidchtm {-tlo-)dindiliecnwi; 
 xancer for career, cp. Gk. %ap%mg ; agrestis for agrestris, cp. 
 silvestris ; crebesco and crebresco ; antestdri for antetestdrl ; 
 truddare for trucicidare ; semestris for sanimestris ; stlpefidium 
 for sttpipendium ; nutrlx for nutritrix ; vituperdre for viti- 
 tuperdre. 
 
 One or two examples for Teutonic may be given — 
 O.H.G. martnul (G. marmel) from L. marmor; O.H.G. 
 iurtiltiiba (G. titrteitaube, E. turtle) from L. turtiir; 
 •Goth; aivistr ' sheep fold,' for awiwistr, A.S. eotvestre, 
 O.H.G. €7vist. 
 
 Assibilation. This is a name given to the conversion of a 
 dental to s. The following examples from Greek will serve : 
 — rrosig (cp. L. poiis) ; hi'TTKaGiog ' double,' cp. di-aXrog, Goth. 
 -/a/]^s, A.S. -/ea/d, O.H.G. -fa/t ; £i(cp. L. td) ; rripuai (Dor.
 
 I20 Mantial of Linguistics. 
 
 --ipvTi) 'last year,' cp. Go\h. fairneis 'old,' A.S./j'r/i, O.H.G. 
 Jir/ii {<^.firn ' vorjahrig '). 
 
 Labialism was the name given to the passage of the velar 
 guttural into 'r., jS, (p. See Chapter IV., under velars. 
 
 Dentalism was the name given to the passage of the velar 
 guttural into r, o, t). See Chapter IV., under velars. 
 
 Rhotacism is a name given to the change of s into r (see 
 Chapter VII., under Verney's Law and Conway's Law) or to 
 the appearance of r for /. 
 
 Labdacism is a name given to the change of r into /. 
 
 Voicing. Examples are L. giiberno borrowed from Gk. 
 xviSipvdoo, Burrus borrowed from Gk. ni;/5/5oc(see Chap. VII., 
 p. 171); L. angulus, cp. anats; L. singiilus {sewklos) ; L. 
 vigintl for v'lcintl, on the analogy of septingenfi, where the g 
 is said to be original (palatal g) \ L. Agrigentum (Gk. 
 'Axpaya:) ; quadra 'square,' for quatra ; L. ab, ob, sub (cp. 
 Gk. d--(j, E-~i, brro). 
 
 Unvoicing. Examples are L. a/uu/ra ' oil-lees,' borrowed, 
 from Gk. d/xopyi^ ; L. sfe/uiica, borrowed from Gk. (TvtjjX-j/^ ; 
 citrus, another form of cednis, borrowed from zsdpo; ; pertica 
 ' pole,' iox pertiga, from perfingo ; aput and haut beside apud 
 and liaud. 
 
 Metathesis. Examples of this common interchange of 
 letters are Gk. ■/.aphid and -/.pablr,, E. zvasp (A.S. tvceps and 
 wasp, L. vespa) ; E. as^ (A.S. dsa'an and dcsian) \ E. bright ^ 
 A.S. beorhi zx\^-breht; O.H.G. effih (G. essig {g^ox ch \\\ 
 unaccented syllable), A.S. eced (for d cp. abbod from ab- 
 hdteni)), ' aus at'ik fiir atcko^ got from L. acctuiii by trans- 
 position.
 
 Vocalic and Consonantal Affections. 121 
 
 GROWTH. 
 
 Reduplication. Examples in Greek are these : — Ordinary 
 reduplicated perfects ; UrnyM {(narayM) ; ippcr/a, {FiFf^uya) ; 
 i'i'lMapTai (^Si(!!x,apTai) ; i'^'j^npi ((fsff/xops) ; huza (FiFoiKa) ; i'lprixa 
 (^FzFiprixa) ; sypriyopa, a,-/.ojy.-fj, avrr/Myji ; 6vhr,/j.i, iffTTj/jji (^aiGrd/M), 
 cp. L. sis/o, 'ir,,'M ((risri/Mi) ; yiy]J0/j.ai, ■ri'-rroj, ■-op^p-jpcj • li-fiv 
 Horn, hf-ov (the theoretical form is sFsF-ov^ with weak root ; 
 has the Homeric form prothetic I (cp. sFuxosi, or (and the 
 £/ persists through the moods) was there before contraction 
 an analogical restoration sFiFi--ov with s from the forms with 
 rt. Fi--). Notice also yapyapidJv ' uvula,' cp. Y.. giirgulio \ 
 miMfpriQtJjv ' wasp,' cp. Sk. haiubharas ' bee ' ; TwMp-^i'Coi 
 'mutter'; (SdpjSaprjg, cp. L. ballnts ; --ai-d'/.'/j 'flour-dust.' 
 
 From Latin take these : — the ordinary perfect of reduplica- 
 tion, e.g., spopotidi for spespondl \ scdl [sezdl, sesdl), steti for 
 stest'i, scidl for sciddJ, tul'i for tetull, repperi for repeperl ;gigno; 
 querqiieriis ' shivering cold,' muriiuir (Gk. ij.opn,6pu}), qiiis- 
 quiliae ' droppings of trees ' (Gk. yjt6-/.-o7.!jATta). 
 
 Aspiration. Take as example these : — dhriv ' to excess,' 
 due to influence of dXig, op-rit, ' sapling,' due to influence 
 of dp'-n-yj ' sickle ' ; Iwsa, due to influence of sj and i-rd ; 
 'i'Mipog from root vl- ' wish ' not ish- (Darbishire, Spiritus 
 Asper) ; humerus, cp. Gk. w//o.-. 
 
 (remination. This is a name given to the doubling of a 
 consonant ; sometimes in certain manifestations the name 
 Affrication is given. Examples are common. Gemination 
 often occurs in West German before / — A.S. hebban (Goth. 
 hafja7i), A.S. lecgan (Goth, lagjan). Many examples have 
 already appeared. 
 
 Epenthesis is the name given to the insertion of a con- 
 sonant. Examples are avhpa, iLiByi'MiSpia {ruLipa), iMifLiSXuyM
 
 1 2 2 Mamial of L higuistics. 
 
 (cp. iimXov), aiMJBfOTOi (cp. L. morior) ; exemplum, templiim, 
 comps'i ; thimder, nightingale, humble (A.S. '^unor, 7iihtegale, 
 L. hiimilis). 
 
 Epithesis is the name given to the addition of a consonant. 
 Examples are lamb, tyrant, lend, midst, thumb, sound (A.S. 
 lam{b), Gk. r^if^anag, A.S. henan, A.S. midde, with gen. suffix 
 and excrescent /, cp. whilst, amongst, A.S. '6Tima, M.E. 
 soun). Note, with suffixed d, G. irgetid^ O.H.G. iergen, to 
 (G. Je) wergin (A.S. hivergen ' anywhere ') {-gin = Goth, -hun, 
 L, -ainque). 
 
 LOSS. 
 
 Deaspiration. Take as examples of the lifting of the 
 aspirate these : — olXoz dialectical, L. sollus ; cidfoo; dissi- 
 milated by 6 ; arsp ' without,' cp. Goth, sundro, A.S. sundor 
 (E. sunder), O.H.G. suntar (G. sondern, besonders), with 
 which some connect olwj, O.H.G. dno (G. ohne); o(pf>a 
 (o-cpi-apa) dissimilated by <p ; Uog by dissimilation ; spa-ii 
 (Sk, varshds) by influence of anaptyctic l{F)ipen ; avuu for 
 arjw (Sk. san 'accomplish') (due to dissimilation effected 
 in the second person sing, of the present where anaai be- 
 came oLMihoLi, or to the influence of the Greek representa- 
 tive (seen in asiJ^ivog for fjieij^zwg) of Sk. van ' desire, obtain ') 
 (Darbishire, Spiritus Asper) ; hoc and hoc, which come 
 from different roots that have got mixed, cp. Sk. sdnas 
 {any as, Gk. hioi), L. se7iex, Goth, sineigs 'old,' E. syne; 
 prhisus for prehensus. 
 
 Aphaeresis. Examples are conwere {cogfilvere) ; sub, super, 
 cp. Gk. s^uTspds ; Idtus for tldtus ; lac (Gk. yaka) ; ndtus 
 (cp. cogndtus); tiosco (cp. ignosco); narro (cp. Igndrus); 
 liquiritia (Gk. yXuxu^^/^a) ; v'lvus (A.S. ^ze^/V) ; w>^/^ (Goth. 
 kwiman) ; Jupiter and Diespiter ; /a««.f and Z>/J//a ; laena
 
 Vocalic and Consonantal Affections. 1 2 3 
 
 from Gk. y^XaTva, by influence of Idna which has lost a v 
 <cp. vel/iis) ; tego (Gk. tfrsyw) ; pFanex {spuma) ; fungus from 
 45^'oyyoc, ; jnordeo (O.H.G. smerzen (G. schmerzen)) ; «/x 
 {(ioth. stidhus); langueo (A.S. ^/^-"if 'slow'). Note also E. 
 .^rt/ clad, raven, lisp, root (A.S. hldf, Chaucer's yclad, A.S. 
 /z/-r/?/"«, A.S. wlisp adj., A.S. wrbtan); iJ.m-j^ for c/i-wi'!;^; r^/cc 
 for (T/x/a. 
 
 Ecthlipsis. Convenient examples of the crushing-out of 
 consonants are furnished by the Anglo-Saxon dropping of 
 d, 5, s, and st before verbal st. See also under Contraction. 
 
 Apocope. Examples are yaka (ydXazrog), eXsyi(T), o'\jru(d), 
 xaXug = KaXud (the g in such words is due to the reten- 
 tion of the g that had been generated from the in certain 
 conditions of the sentence-life of the word), lac {lactis), cor 
 {cordis), OS (ossis), far {f arris), mel {me I lis), praedd{d), 
 e(]ud{d), Dianid), legitd{d). 
 
 Many general examples are scattered up and down in 
 Chaps. II., III., and IV. Many examples of English sound- 
 processes are to be met with in Chaps. VIII. and IX. 
 
 It will be necessary to give a little space to a notice of the 
 laws for finals in Teutonic (Auslautsgesetze). 
 
 Notice the following facts concerning finals in Primitive 
 Teutonic : — 
 
 I, Final w became «. This when protected by a particle 
 remained — Goth. ]iana, but otherwise, as did original ?i, 
 dropped after short vowels — Goth, wulf (a), Gk, 7.6x.ov, L. 
 lupum. 
 
 After long vowels the nasal lost quantity, dropping off 
 afterwards in the individual languages.
 
 1 24 Manual of Linguistics. 
 
 Goth, taihun 'ten,' silnm 'seven' retain their final n 
 owing to the influence of the ordinals taihunda, "^sibunda. 
 
 2. The sounds that were developed out of original t and 
 d dropped off— Goth. Jnva (L. guod), Goth, berun {berun\>). 
 
 3. Original -(?/, on became -ai, -au — Goth, gilmi ' to a gift/ 
 cp. Gk. %&V«for %&^pa/, Goth, a/i^dze 'eight' (oktou), a/isfdi 
 'to a favour' {*ansiei \oc., cp. Gk. --i'/.rii). 
 
 Otherwise the endings in Teutonic were full endings. 
 The following laws about finals hold in Gothic : — 
 
 1. Long vowels that were originally final, or had become 
 final in Primitive Teutonic, were shortened in polysyllabic 
 words— Goth. y//X^^z 'yokes' (Sk. ///^i, 0.1,. jugd), Goth. 
 baira 'I bear' (Gk. ^£>w), Goth, hwamma 'to whom,' cp. 
 hwanwieh ' to every one.' 
 
 Long vowels remained in monsyllables, and in words that 
 originally ended in nasals — Goth. \->d ace. sing, fern., Dor. 
 rdv, Goth, ha'irto nom. sing. ' heart ' {*kertdn). 
 
 2. Short vowels, excepting u, that were originally final, or 
 had become final in Primitive Teutonic, dropped off. This 
 law apphes to the final syllables of polysyllabic words that 
 ended in a single consonant, unless that were consonantal / 
 or u. Examples are Goth, wait ' I know ' and ' he knows ' 
 (Gk. oUa and olh), Goth, a/' from' (Gk. d-o), Goth. bairi]> 
 (Sk. bhdrati), Goth, ividfs (Gk. Xuxoc) ; hvXfilu ' much' (Gk. 
 -roX-J). The law is inoperative in the case of original mono- 
 syllables — Goth, is ' he ' (L. is), Goth. Ima ' what ' (L. {/uod). 
 
 3 Short and original final -ai and -oi became a in poly- 
 syllables — Goth, bdirada ' he is borne ' (Gk. <pipirai), daga 
 ' to a day ' (dhoghuoi loc). 
 
 Of consonants the only primitive final kept in Gothic was 
 s. The only primitive consonant-group that remained finally 
 was ns.
 
 Vocalic and Consonantal Affections. 1 2 5 
 
 Teutonic -TS, -d, -3, -z were unvoiced finally. Final -rz 
 passed to -;■ through -;'/'. 
 
 The following are the laws relating to West Germanic 
 finals : — 
 
 1. Final long vowels coming down from Primitive 
 Teutonic were shortened in West Germanic — O.H.G. biru, 
 A.S. here (in West Saxon the optative termination -e dis- 
 placed -n, note Mercian heoru, North, hero (Gk. f>spM)) ; 
 belonging to the ^-declension A.S. j,^icfii, (O.H.G. geha is 
 the ace. form), cp. Goth. gi7>a (in Gothic orig. -a and -0, 
 when shortened, came to a, and not t(, as in other Teutonic 
 languages) ; O.H.G. n'ri {*rizl) imp. subj. 3 sing, of r'lsan 
 ' fall.' 
 
 2. After this law, there operated the law of syncope 
 referred to above, by which the short vowels of dissyllables, 
 when final, or followed by one consonant, dropped off 
 if the first syllable were long. This dropping off also 
 took place in polysyllables with a secondary accent on the 
 penult. Examples are A.S. wi/If voc, O.H.G. wolf from 
 ^ivulfi *ividfe (Gk. '/Jjy.i) ; A.S. zvie/f nom., O.H.G. wolf, 
 from '''wulfaz (Gk. Xixo;) • O.H.G. irdhi (G. irdeti) (*/r]nnaz), 
 A.S. ^//r^", O.H.G. din'f (*MriAi). Note with short first 
 syllable these: — O.H.G. f/iu (L. pea/), A.S. wi'/n' 'friend,' 
 O.H.G. wi'm (*wtmz). Levelling sometimes furnishes 
 seeming exceptions, e.g., A.S. /^^r ' bear ' imperat., O.H.G. 
 dir (Gk. (pipi). These took after imperatives that dropped 
 the vowel according to rule. 
 
 3. There was a later shortening of long vowels occurring 
 in polysyllabic words that had dropped -n or -z after the 
 long vowel ; in -e and -o from the -ai and -au that were 
 either already final in Primitive Teutonic, or had become
 
 126 Manual of L inguistics. 
 
 so by loss of -s ; and in the -J that came from -iij. Examples 
 are A.S. ha?ia ' cock,' O.H.G. /la^o (Teut. -/anon) ; A.S. 
 menigic (the -u taken over from the <z-declension), O.H.G. 
 managi (Teut. managhi) ; A.S. dcege, O.H.G. tage (^daiai 
 loc. as dat.), cp. Gk. or/M ; A.S. eahta 'eight,' O.H.G. ahuy 
 (oktou) ; O.H.G. wili 'thou wilt' (^iviliz ox\g. optative of 
 a verb in -mi) ; O.H.G. gestinom. plu., from *])astlz *T,astinz,. 
 cp. Goth, gasieis. 
 
 Final -z dropped off in West Germanic, -s remained, but 
 had in many cases been supplanted by -z. See Chap HI., 
 under s. 
 
 When by the action of the laws for finals a nasal or a 
 liquid (preceded by a mute) lost the succeeding vowel, it 
 became vocalic, acquiring syllabic power ; in West Ger- 
 manic a vowel was often generated — Goth, akrs fugls^ 
 A.S. cecer fugol, O.H.G. acchar fogal. In such a position 
 consonantal / or ii became of course vocalic — Goth. hi7i 
 'come here,' old imperat., for Jiirji (2 plu. hirji\ 'come 
 ye here '). 
 
 These remarks, supplementing incidental remarks made 
 in Chaps. H., HI., and IV., must suffice. 
 
 This seems the place to speak of the action of that im- 
 portant agent in sound-change called Analogy. 
 
 In Chaps. II. -IV. have appeared numerous illustrations 
 of the reign of Phonetic Law. 
 
 These two principles are the prime solvents in matters 
 phonological, and account between them for the form of all 
 the native words in a language. 
 
 In dealing with foreign words the effect of their own 
 proper phonetic laws has to be discounted.
 
 Vocalic and Consonantal Affections. 127 
 
 Owing to the intimate inter-relations of Phonetic Law 
 and Analogy, the second remodelling the work of the first, 
 and toning down the diversity produced by its action, a 
 clear conception of the scope and action of the one involves 
 something similar regarding the other. 
 
 Phonetic Law is correctly, if somewhat grandiosely, 
 defined by the now well-known shibboleth ' Phonetic Laws 
 have universal validity ' (Allgemeingiltigkeit). This truth 
 is not empirically demonstrable by proof got from any 
 random examples blindly chosen, but only deductively 
 necessary by consideration of what is causal and initial in 
 sound-processes. Sound-change as a rational process on 
 large lines, and as the organic agent its results show it to 
 be, does not begin with a few words, and get extended to 
 others, but is due to the induced action of the pronouncing 
 organs, which, supplying the accomplishing impetus, will in 
 every word similarly mould the same sound every time it is 
 acted on in the given circumstances. 
 
 It cannot then happen that a sound-change will take 
 place in certain cases, and in certain other similar cases not 
 take place. Die Laiitgesetze wirken blind, init blitider Noth- 
 wendigkeit (Osthoff). Two different results cannot (unless 
 as different stages of development) be referred as descend- 
 ants to one sound-group. 
 
 The possible doppelfortnen must bear the relation of 
 imdterforvien and tochterformen. Schzvesterformen are inad- 
 missible. For instance //-s/^ous and [j^u^Qnoi cannot both be 
 derivatives from a form ,a£/^oi/(rog. /xs/^oli; comes regularly 
 from ij.itZ,oGog (Sk. mdhlyasas), while i^ifQi^ag is an associa- 
 tionsbildung, getting its v from iJ.uQjiv. 
 
 Within a prescribed area (and in the case of individual
 
 128 Manual of L inginstics. 
 
 laws, it may be, a prescribed period), phonetic law is 
 absolute and admits of no exceptions. That area is the 
 one in which the phonetic material to be reasoned on 
 has accumulated. 
 
 Not that here all is explicable. After everything that 
 comes under the head of analogical change has been allowed 
 for, after everything foreign, every dialedniischung has been 
 discounted, even after observation has been confined to the 
 average speech, there remains much that is inexplicable. 
 Part of this inexplicability is due to the fact that before we 
 can discern the action of laws we must know them, and we 
 cannot be said to know all the laws that have wrought on 
 phonetic material. All this has to be admitted, but let not 
 therefore sporadic change (Lautvertretung) be ranked as a 
 solvent. 
 
 As an instrument in practical research, Phonetic Law 
 suggests lines of investigation, supplies tests of truth, and 
 warns us off impossible tracks. 
 
 If one considers the large mass of regular phonetic change, 
 there is nothing for it but to assume the working of regular 
 phonetic law. Its adoption as a working hypothesis has 
 begotten methodic research, has led to scrupulous accuracy, 
 and has stamped out narrow generalisations. Its positive 
 results are many, and of much moment. All through these 
 chapters there appear proofs of this. 
 
 Analogy, as distinguished from Phonetic Law, is a con- 
 structive force. It introduces method ; it fixes bounds ; it 
 sorts the stuff that phonetic law disarranges ; it reduces use- 
 less isolation ; it seeks for harmony ; it forms proportions ; 
 it runs series. Grouping and system argue its presence, 
 ungrouped and straggling forms are likely, when interpreted, 
 to furnish illustrations of the working of phonetic law.
 
 Vocalic and Consonantal Affections, i 29 
 
 Analogy is the psychological factor in language, Phonetic 
 Law is the physiological. The latter is a pioneering force, 
 partly creative, partly destructive, the former, a reserve 
 force, auxiliar and architectonic. 
 
 Analogical action in a particular direction is never neces- 
 sary. Its detection depends on individual skill, and is not 
 a consequence of its a priori presence. 
 
 An analogical formation does not oust the old formation. 
 The two may long co-exist. 
 
 Analogical explanations are to be submitted to subjective 
 tests, any conviction they may carry with them is external, 
 and based on the number of parallel instances. 
 
 Phonetic Law and Analogy complement one another. 
 The more strictly we stand by the one, the more frequently 
 have we to bring in the other. 
 
 Examples of the working of analogy will close this 
 chapter. 
 
 These may conveniently be classified under the heads (i) 
 ^Meaning into Form; (2) Form into Meaning; (3) Form 
 into Function ; (4) Function into Form. 
 
 Likeness in meaning or kind has led to approximation 
 in form ; likeness in form, to misapprehension or misplace- 
 ment of the meaning of the name, or to misapplication of 
 significant elements ; and likeness in function, to transfer- 
 ence of formal and functional elements. 
 
 Head (2) furnishes examples of what is called popular 
 etymology (Volksetymologie). 
 
 MEANING INTO FORM. 
 Some of the most common instances of the workings of
 
 130 Jllan It a/ of L inginstics. 
 
 analogy on these lines are seen in certain results produced 
 by levelling. 
 
 These appear (i) in Nouns and Adjectives, and are 
 caused by the influence of case on case : — Gk. rfi'isi^ 
 ■■iriyisi, TToXisi, <ppsai for the regular (with weak grade) forms 
 ridvsi, --riyjjci, 'ro^.isi (Ionic), (ppaei (a = 7j) (Pindar), by influ- 
 ence of the other cases, cp. also dpvasi for apaet (^a = n), 
 with V from other cases ; L. honor and arbor for horws 
 and arlws, by influence of the r of oblique cases, patres^ 
 &c., with an e got from influence of oves, &c. {oves = 
 oveis = ovejes) ; yelloiv (A.S. geohi), shadoiv (A.S. sceadii), 
 also shade — these words get w from the oblique cases \ 
 G. rauh (M.H.G. ruch rnhes), &c. — in such words the 
 //. of inlaut has generally supplanted the ch of auslaut, 
 but we have still such contrasts as hoch hoher : (2) in 
 Verbs, and are caused by the influence of person on per- 
 son, number on number, and case on case : — Gk. 'xi-it'Kiyjx, 
 (cp. y.iKXofa), due to the s of tXskco, &c.; fooh and drove 
 used as participles ; Fr. vois voyons for vois veons (L. vides 
 vidcinus) \ G. fliege fliegst fliegt for fliege fleugst fleugt ; G. 
 schnitt sdiJiitten for O.H.G. SJieid snitum : (3) in Derivatives, 
 and are caused by the influence of primitives : — leafage for 
 leavage, by influence of leaf; G. antwort (M.H.G. antzviirfe)^. 
 a reformate after wort; Ital. novanta for 7i07ianta, by influence 
 of nove/ii. 
 
 The influence noticed under the last head is some- 
 times reversed : — Lesb. ts'/jc^ts after rri'M'^Tog, patron with 
 sound heard in patronage, instead of the usual name-sound 
 of a, though the normal influence between primitive and 
 derivative is also evidenced by the other pronunciation of 
 patrofiage.
 
 Vocalic mid Consonantal Affections. 
 
 131 
 
 The changes produced by etymologising may be brought 
 under the head of levelling— //;/// (M.E./a^^/t-), by accommo- 
 dation to fat/ere, throne (M.E. tnme), by accommodation to 
 Spovog. 
 
 Related meanings lead to approximation or contamina- 
 tion in form. Examples are Sk. ndpdtam tidptrd (for ndptd), 
 2t.itex pitdrani pitrd, &c. ; Gk. i'lzoat with from the numbers 
 with -xoira ; Gk. rpirarog modelled on harog bsTtarog; Gk. 
 TllMui with aspirate from association with s^o/xa/ as its 
 perfect ; Gk. i/j^olj with i- from the nom. iyij) (cp. Mod. Gk. 
 iau); Fr. tien sien (O.Fr. tuen suen) by analogy of mien 
 (O.Fr. mien). 
 
 For an example of contamination take itineris gen. of 
 iter, due to the mixing of two genitives iteris and ititiis ; 
 O.H.G. In III (G. bin) produced by the mixing of the products 
 of two roots, viz., bheu- and es-, cp. A.S. beam and Goth. 
 iiii. 
 
 Formal characteristics are often due to association in 
 meaning. Thus the Greek nouns of the second declension 
 ending in -og, and meaning 'way,' assume the gender of 
 hUg ; names of towns assume the gender of --oXig ; Latin 
 names of trees take on the gender of arbor ; humus takes 
 on that of terra ; Fr. ete masc. (L. aestatem fem.) goes over 
 to the gender of the other seasons hiver, printemps. 
 
 The relation that subsists between congeneric words often 
 leads to an adaptation of form to form. Examples are Gk. 
 '(jT.ichv with ff from ■-^U&iv ; Gk. iJ.riyJ.Ti with x from ohziri ; 
 Gk. s/j-Toduiv modelled on sz--oouiv ; Gk. '/i/j.sTg (^Flolic oi/zfj,sg) 
 with aspirate from v,'xiTg (Sk. base yushmad) ; L. gravis, 
 which assumed in Vulgar Latin the vowel of /evis, whence 
 Ital. greve ; female {M.Yj. feiiiele, 0.¥x. femeile) by influence
 
 1 3 2 Manual of L inguistics. 
 
 of male ; neither (A.S. naivSer, Prov.E. fiother, E. nor), by 
 association with either (A.S. <?^5^r). 
 
 I may here give one or two examples taken from Bloom- 
 field's most suggestive article * On adaptation of suffixes in 
 congeneric classes of substantives ' in the American Journal 
 of Philolog}-, Vol. XII. I., from which I have borrowed the 
 words 'congeneric' and 'adaptation.' 
 
 In this article he gives good reasons for attributing the 
 form of -cur to the influence of oooir, both denoting parts 
 of the body ; for attributing the //-inflection of Goth, fdtus 
 to the action of handus, which has the //-inflection in 
 Teutonic, though probably this was not the original 
 inflection. The impulse towards the //-inflection was first 
 given by kinnus ' chin, cheek,' an original //-stem (Sk. 
 hdnus 'jaw,' Gk. yivjz 'jaw,' L. geyiuinus ' belonging to the 
 jaw'). There first ensued a rapprochejtieyit between the 
 declensions of *kinus, and of the stem hand-, this being 
 furthered by the presence in the latter of the quasi-//-forms 
 that represented original jn and n, viz., ace. sing. handu{m), 
 dat. plu. handufn{t), ace. plu. handuns. 
 
 These two words, the one originally, the other second- 
 arily, of the //-declension, then influenced the congeneric 
 nouns with which they must have been often paired, handus 
 dominating y?///5, and kinnus, tun\us. 
 
 In the same article he speaks of the / of ( Joth. hu'eit{a)s 
 ' white ' {hieijbs) as perhaps due to the influence of the 
 congeneric swartas {suordos). 
 
 He attributes also the extensive employment of stems in 
 rand n — Gk. Ti-ap r^rrarr.z [ar=jjr), 'L. Jecur Jecinoris ; o\j6ap 
 tZirxrog (^ar=nr)' "L. femur /eminis ; L. accipiter (cp. Gk. 
 oixic, rrrifbt ■ popularly connected with accipio) and penna
 
 Vocalic and Consonantal Affections, i 
 
 o,> 
 
 r aew or 
 
 per- 
 
 
 teO 
 
 5D :- 
 
 ■ . '. : 
 
 :an 
 
 
 ip-itna) : 5cc. — :d the exertion of analogical inflaence bj a 
 few nouns. 
 
 Similarly the appropriaticm of the snffis -z»-, -z-, bj certain 
 Greek class-names (birds, anima1«t^ plants) — y*-'^^ *owl,' 
 jw'saz * crow/ TLkxxrJ^ * cuckoo/ &a : cu^ * goali' a>-«=ri5^ 
 'fox, —^ 'hare,' &c ; &».a| 'reed,' f«| ' grape,* rf^iSx^ 
 ' lettuce ' ; &c. — is due to the inioence of cactain dominant 
 congeDeric nouns. 
 
 FORM INTO MEAXINC-. 
 
 An alteration of : : v. U5u _ — 
 verted meaning read in:; / .. : i . 
 
 Examples are inctnti^ {indnere ' : ? . 
 associated with derivatives kA incenc-y- i 
 cutiet (Fr. wtelette (L. costa^ assodn : e i 
 (qp. E. wanhope, wanton) from adj. wan * emptj 'as - _ i 
 on the disappearance of this wmd with the nour 
 'delusion'; Gk. 'l£f»«B?ja/Mi 'Jerusalem* owing its \-::. 
 association with n^~\ E. hdfij (O.Fr. bewfroi, M.H.G. 
 berivrit ' watch tower ' (cp. G. bergen protect and firkde 
 'peace')) got from a^ociation with belli E. aw/fish (M.E. 
 mffs„ O.Fr. eserevisse, arsFisse) got from accommodation to 
 JisA ; E. causemaj (O.Fr. caude^ KL. caJdata {wia)) by accom- 
 modation to way I K wr^i/erj^-plays), acted by craftsmen 
 (O.Fr. mestier^ L. nuniskriitm), from asociation witb mystery 
 (Gk. /tytfrii^f**) ; G. aland (M.H.G. dlant ' solitary land ') 
 associated with (« * ^g ' and) /and; edit * real ' (M.BLG. c- 
 haft^ i (G. ehe\ 'law') commonly associated with adkten 
 'value,' and written «c*/; G. sundflut 'deluge' (O.H.G. 
 dn-vluot 'great flood,' cp. G. singrun, Goth, sindgs, E. syne) 
 got from association with sunde * sin * ; G. maiuzi ... -/ • -:.^'
 
 134 Manual of L ingitistics. 
 
 (M.H.G. moltwerf ^ xi\ov\6. thrower/ cp. Shakspeare's w^/^- 
 warp, Sc. mowdiewari) a ' volksetymologische Umbildung ' 
 on niaul^ mouth.' 
 
 FORM INTO FUNCTION. 
 
 Certain common endings have been generalised. They 
 have ousted strange endings that bore more or less resem- 
 blance to themselves. For example, pleasure (O.Fr. plaisir) 
 has fallen with measure, nature; tardy (O.Fr. tardif) has 
 taken dSier guilty, weary; surgery (O.Fr. a'rurgie) has accepted 
 the yoke of sorcery, thievery, &c.; sausage (O.Fr. saucisse) has 
 gone over to courage, visage, &:c.; syllable (O.Fr. siilabe) has 
 put on the ending oi parable, constable, &c.; and reprimand 
 (L. {res) repri7ne7idd) has been accommodated to command, 
 demand. 
 
 Just so with prefixes. The aggressive n of the new con- 
 tingent of Latin words has replaced its descendant in inspire 
 and intend, &:c., and threatens to do so in words like 
 enquire. 
 
 Notice too, how in recount, repeal, refine, re- has regained 
 living fulness, and in its re-growth, cramped out of existence 
 the a (L. ad) of the Old French originals raconter, rapeler, 
 raffiner. Advantage (M.E. avauntage, O.Fr. avantage {ab, 
 atite)) bears witness to the assertiveness of ad. So too with 
 the related advance. 
 
 FUNCTION INTO FORM. 
 
 A transference of elements is seen in Swx/jar^ji/ for the 
 regular ^cuxpdrr}, in the imposition of the endings of «/-stems 
 on Xsuv, an ^^-stern (cp. L. leo leonis) ; in the extension of 
 the genitive ending -s, in English and German, beyond its
 
 Vocalic ami Cousonantal Affections. 135 
 
 former sphere — E. ladys maid and lady-day, G. des vaters 
 and M.H.G. des vater, G. liedessch/iicrz, where the s is due 
 to analogy and not to atavism (in Gothic the gen. fem. ex- 
 hibits s); in the encroachments of umlaut, in German, into 
 other than /-stems — G. tochtcr and O.H.G. tohter; in the 
 extension of the long vowel j proper to the subjunctive of 
 thematic verbs to non-thematic verbs — non-thematic /'w//,;!^ 
 (Homeric "i()<j.iv) ; in the assumption of the augment by 
 XP'^^^Xf"'^ noun, '/jv ; in the appearance, in cnvrd-oug a.nd 
 s^d'Tov:, of a, which had apparently acquired a sort of func- 
 tional value from its occurrence in cpds. of Irrd, o='xa, iwia ; 
 in -?iisi for -ist in tobacco7iist, from influence of piatiist, 
 machinist, &c., in the -tisiii of egotism (cp. egoism) ; in the 
 generalisation of the verbal -igen, properly belonging to 
 adjectives in -ig, evidenced by its appearance in reinigeti, 
 huldigen, befriedigett. 
 
 Some of the examples appearing under this and other 
 heads might be given as examples of what is called pro- 
 portional analogy — 'S.uzpdrrig : 2ux.pdTrjv : : toa/Vjjs : '7ro/J-r,v ; 
 7.stav : Xsovra : : ysfuv : yspovra. s/pjjxa (FsF;prr/.a) by its action 
 as a member of proportional groups is said to have 
 caused the manufacture of s/'Xjjf a, and s/X?3%a (siXo^a and 
 -siXsy/j,ai).
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 ABLAUT AND ACCENT. 
 
 Ablaut (vowel-gradation) is the name given to sound- 
 variations in the vocalic elements of cognate words, or word- 
 factors. These variations may occur in suffix as well as 
 stem. Examples from Greek are most instructive, for the 
 vocalism of that language has best preserved its original 
 complexion. To illustrate the definition notice these : — /Jy&v 
 Xoyci' Xsi-oo, Xoi-Tog, 'iXi-rov ; zXs-jffofjuai, liXriXovda, '^Xvdcf^ ;. 
 amdri/xa ' offering,' t)w/x6; ' heap ' ; ^';/;r£, s^o'^ri (s^^ouff/) ;. 
 /ff-o;, 't--s. 
 
 These examples make plain the existence of some sort of 
 methodic vowel-colouring. Before saying anything of the 
 cause or quality of this, it will be well to put down in 
 tabular form a definite portion of the facts that are to be 
 reasoned on. Ablauts are arranged into various series, or 
 reihen, as the Germans call them, according as they exhibit 
 certain alternations of vocalic sound. 
 
 The ablaut-series are six in number, and receive these 
 names : — (i) ^-series, (2) ^'-series, (3) tz-series, (4) ^T-series, 
 (5) rt-series, (6) c-'-series. The d'-series may further be sub- 
 divided into (a) t'-series proper, (l>) ^'/-series, {c) <?//:-series, 
 {d) ^r-series, {e) ^/-series, (/) ^///-series, {£) (?«-series. 
 
 Omitting Sanskrit, which has merged members of the 
 series, and Latin, which is not at all sensitive to variations 
 of the root vowel, the sounds that constitute these series in
 
 Ablaut and Accent. 
 
 ^n 
 
 the languages we have under consideration may be set down 
 as follows : — 
 
 
 
 Str 
 
 ong G 
 
 rrade 
 
 
 Weak Grade 
 
 
 
 I. 
 
 II. 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 III. 
 
 
 
 I. 
 
 2. 
 
 3. 
 
 4. a. 
 
 (no acct.) b. (sec. acct. 
 
 (a) c- series 
 
 I.E. 
 
 e 
 
 O 
 
 e 
 
 
 
 
 
 (e) 
 
 
 Gk. 
 
 e 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 w 
 
 
 e 
 
 
 Teut. 
 
 e, i 
 
 a 
 
 a} 
 
 
 
 
 e 
 
 
 Goth. 
 
 i, ai 
 
 a 
 
 e 
 
 6 
 
 
 i 
 
 
 A.S. 
 
 e, i 
 
 ce 
 
 ie 
 
 
 
 
 e 
 
 
 O.H.G. 
 
 e, i 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 
 e 
 
 (b) cz-series 
 
 I.E. 
 
 ej 
 
 oi 
 
 
 
 
 J 
 
 
 Gk. 
 
 a 
 
 ot 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Teut. 
 
 i 
 
 ai 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Goth. 
 
 ei = i 
 
 ai 
 
 
 
 
 ei=i 
 
 
 A.S. 
 
 i 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 O.H.G. 
 
 I 
 
 ei, e 
 
 
 
 
 
 {/) ^/-series 
 
 I.E. 
 
 e>i 
 
 "W 
 
 
 
 u 
 
 u 
 
 
 Gk. 
 
 ei; 
 
 oil 
 
 
 
 u 
 
 V 
 
 
 Teut. 
 
 eu 
 
 au 
 
 
 
 u 
 
 u 
 
 
 Goth. 
 
 iu 
 
 au 
 
 
 
 u 
 
 u 
 
 
 A.S. 
 
 eo 
 
 ea 
 
 
 
 U, 
 
 u 
 
 
 O.H.G. 
 
 io, iu 
 
 ou, 
 
 
 
 
 u, 
 
 u 
 
 [d) gr-series 
 
 I.E. 
 
 er 
 
 or 
 
 
 
 T 
 
 f 
 
 
 Gk. 
 
 ep 
 
 op 
 
 
 
 ap, pa. 
 
 op, pu 
 
 
 Teut. 
 
 er 
 
 ar 
 
 
 
 ur 
 
 
 
 Goth. 
 
 air 
 
 ar 
 
 
 
 ur 
 
 
 
 A.S. 
 
 er(eor) rer 
 
 
 
 ur, or 
 
 
 
 O.H.G. 
 
 er 
 
 ar 
 
 
 
 ur, or 
 
 
 {/) ^/-series 
 
 
 Repc 
 
 iat the above mutatis nnitandis 
 
 
 (/) ^;«-series I.E. 
 
 em 
 
 om 
 
 
 
 m 
 
 m 
 
 
 Gk. 
 
 e/i 
 
 op. 
 
 
 
 a, ap 
 
 
 
 Teut. 
 
 em 
 
 am 
 
 
 
 um 
 
 
 
 Goth. 
 
 im 
 
 am 
 
 
 
 um 
 
 
 
 A.S. 
 
 im 
 
 am, 
 
 om 
 
 
 um 
 
 
 O.H.G. em, im am um, om 
 
 (§■) t'M-series Repeat the above vnitatis nnitaiidis.
 
 138 Mamial of L ingiustics. 
 
 I. {a) <?-series. 
 
 For example of ablaut I., take '&k. pitdravi, Gk. 'Tiarifa; 
 of ablaut II., Gk. iV'TtaTopa, Goth, ^^^ar (this word, however, 
 only occurs once in Gothic and that in the nom. or voc. 
 sing.) ; ablaut III. a., -tr- (no vowel) in Sk. pitra instr. 
 sing., Gk. rrazpog, Goth. fadrs gen. sing. ; of ablaut III. a., 
 -tr- (lingual vowel) in Sk. pithhu loc. plu., Gk. rra,rpuffi, 
 Goth, /adrum dat. plur. 
 
 This word owing to the presence of r, a letter with 
 vocalic leanings, may have two forms of ablaut III. a., one 
 vowelless, the other exhibiting the usual representations 
 of r. 
 
 Sk. pUci, Gk. rrar'/ip, L. pater (for pater), are examples of 
 outlying e, Gk. s'j-ttutup (cp. L. {da)tor for {da)tor), of out- 
 lying 0. 
 
 Root sed- furnishes some excellent examples — ablaut I. = 
 Gk. idog 'seat,' L. sedeo, sella {sedia), Goth, sttan, A.S. set/.; 
 ablaut II. = Goth, satjan 'set,' A.S. scjten (thesis got by 
 /-umlaut); ablaut 111.^?. = Gk. YQjiiciGha) 'seat,' L, scdi 
 {sezdi, sesdi); ablaut IIL/a = A.S. seten p.p. Outlying long 
 vowels = Goth, setum pvet. plu., A.S. sieto/i, A.S. sot 'soot' 
 ('a settling'). 
 
 {/>) ^/-series. 
 
 For example of ablaut I., take Gk. eJdov ' I saw;' of ablaut 
 IL, Sk. veda ' I know' (perf. used as pres.), Gk. oJda, Goth, 
 wait, A.S. wdt (E. wot (Ch. ivoot)), O.HG. weif (G. weiss) ; 
 of ablaut III. a. Gk. IhiTv, L. videre, Goth, and A.S. witan 
 'know,' O.H.G. wiffaii (G. wissen) ; of ablaut lll.b., L. 
 vlsus ' seen,' Goth, wets 'wise,' A.S., 7tns, O.H.G. wlsi (G. 
 weis). 
 
 (c) eit-senes. 
 
 For example of ablaut I., take Gk. yvju 'I give to taste,'
 
 A bla II t and A ccc nt. 139 
 
 yvjoiMai ' I taste,' Goth, kiusan 'choose,' A.S. ceosan, O.H.G. 
 kiosa)i (G. kiesen); of ablaut II., Goth, kdus pret., A.S. ceas, 
 O.H.G. kos. Ablaut Ill.rt. appears in Goth, kusuns p.p., 
 A.S. gecoren p.p., curon pret. plu., O.H.G. gikoran. 
 
 {d) ^r-series. 
 For example of ablaut I., take Gk. (p'ipu, L. fero, Goth. 
 bairati, A.S. and O.H.G. beran (G. gehdren) ; of ablaut II., 
 Gk. (popdg, Goth, bar pret., A.S. bivr, O.H.G. bar. Ablaut 
 111.(7. appears in \.. fors 'chance,' A.S. gebore?i p.p. 
 
 {e) ^/-series. 
 For example of ablaut I., take Gk. 'iXy.i^ 'I draw' ; of ablaut 
 II., Gk. oXxo; 'rollers, track' ; of ablaut III.(?., Goth, wielfs, 
 A.S. zvulf, O.H.G. 7volf. 
 
 {/) fw-series. 
 For example of ablaut I., take Gk. ^g,o(.&J ' I distribute,' 
 i'cfjbog ' pasture,' L. tieinus ' grove,' Goth, and A.S. ?iimati 
 * take ' (E. nimble), O.H.G. neman (G. nehmeti) ; of ablaut 
 II., A.S. and O.H.G. nam pret. Ablaut III. a. appears in 
 A.S. genumen p.p., O.H.G. gmoman. 
 
 (g) ;/-series. 
 For example of ablaut I., take Gk. rs/vu — rsv/u ' stretch, 
 L. tendo ; of ablaut II., Gk. r'avoc, ' tone,' L. tono'-l thunder,' 
 Goth. {iif)-\anjan 'stretch out,' A.S. ^cnnan {e from a by 
 /-umlaut) ; of ablaut lll.a., Gk. rdaig ' stretching,' A.S. ^unor 
 ^thunder,' O.H.G. donar (G. dotiner). 
 
 Most ablaut-formations in Indo-European belong to one 
 or other of the various sub-divisions of the d?-series. In fact, 
 the dominant position of e and o (or their substitutes) is one 
 of the most outstanding features of ablaut. 
 
 The vowel correspondences hat various settings of e- and
 
 140 Alanual of Linguistics. 
 
 t'-sounds present in Indo-European alternate with each other 
 according to a pre-established law of harmony. The appear- 
 ance of this or that variety seems conditioned by the work- 
 ing of the elements of accentual action, viz., pitch and stress. 
 
 Not that it is permissible to suppose that one original 
 vowel, say t\ took on itself in certain circumstances the 
 nature and semblance of o, for these appearances were felt 
 to be, and were, mutually independent sounds. 
 
 Most likely so much of original individuality as is implied 
 in the nomenclature a^ a" (Chap. II. page 17), is to be 
 assigned to the forms of the ^-series. To say that the 
 sounds appearing in the strong grade of the ^-series have 
 been always different to a degree, and without any rap- 
 proche7jient, and that their existence has been co-eternal^ 
 is perhaps an attempt to solve the dualism by assuming the 
 impossibility of its opposite.* 
 
 Sweet says : "Under the acute accent, a became e, under 
 the circumflex (the syllable following an acute, unless 
 another acute succeed, when the accent is grave), it became 
 o, and under the grave, it was dropped altogether." 
 
 Whatever the real conditions may be for the appearance 
 of one or other member of the strong grade, whether ornot 
 original occurrence under the acute and under the circum- 
 flex accent covers all that is implied in the appearance of 
 <'-forms and t'-forms — and certainly e has naturally a high, o, 
 a low pitch — there is no doubt whatever of the cause that 
 gives now strong grade and now weak grade. 
 
 That cause is the presence or absence of the principal 
 accent. 
 
 In Sanskrit, which has best preserved the Indo-European 
 accentuation, the weak grade vowel, as a rule, occurs in the 
 * See the account of Merlo's theory at the end of this chapter.
 
 AblaiU and Accent. 141 
 
 stem-syllables of words that bear the accent on their in- 
 flexional elements, and even in Greek, where recession has 
 Avrought havoc on the original free accent, there still 
 remains considerable debris to illustrate the conditions that 
 induced the weak grade. Note the grade in the following 
 Greek words that have preserved the original accent (as 
 indeed oxy tones very often have) : — crutrro's, verbal of 
 mbhij^ai, Xi'rrsTv, aor. inf. of Xj/tcu. When recession set in, 
 the vocalic quality of syllables had been fixed, and did 
 not change with the changing accent, e.g., //i£i/, i plu. pres. 
 of sJ/j,! ' go,' must originally have had the oxytone accent, 
 but the change in accentuation did not alter the vowel. 
 
 With these few remarks the tables ought to be self- 
 explanatory. 
 
 There are two distinct forms in the strong grade, and one 
 form in the weak grade, with more than one manifestation. 
 It will be noticed that the ^-series has attached to it out- 
 lying forms with the long vowels e and 0, occurring pre- 
 sumably under the same conditions as e and o. In the 
 same series the weak grade a is vowelless, e.g., 'rrsffOai, aor. 
 inf. of rr'iTOix.ai. 
 
 It is difficult to believe that in forms hke this the loss 
 of vowel can be accounted for by a mere lowering of pitch. 
 It would seem that the transference of the accent involved 
 transference of stress, in fact, that the acute accent was 
 accompanied by a strong stress. 
 
 The developed vowel of weak grade b. (written £, &c.) 
 can hardly have been pronounced like the same vowel in 
 strong grade. The development of the vowel is partly due 
 to the necessity of making the form pronounceable, e.g., 
 ^yxs-rrog, partly due to the analogy of the strong forms.
 
 142 Alanual of L ingidstics. 
 
 Here follow tables of (2) the ^-series, (3) the (7-series, (4) 
 the J-series, (5) the ^-series, (6) the c-series. 
 
 
 
 
 Strong 
 
 Grade 
 
 Weak Grade 
 
 
 
 
 I. 
 
 II. 
 
 III. 
 
 
 
 
 
 1. 
 
 2. a. 
 
 (no acct.) b. 
 
 (sec. acct.) 
 
 2, 
 
 ^-series 
 
 I.E. 
 
 e 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 Gk. 
 
 ■n 
 
 OJ 
 
 
 e (for a> 
 
 
 
 Teut. 
 
 a} 
 
 
 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 Goth. 
 
 e (ai) 
 
 6 
 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 A.S. 
 
 ai 
 
 
 
 
 £e 
 
 
 
 O.H.G. 
 
 a 
 
 uo 
 
 
 a 
 
 3. 
 
 «-series 
 
 I.E. 
 
 a 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 Gk. 
 
 a-(77) 
 
 0) 
 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 Teut. 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 Goth. 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 A.S. 
 
 6 
 
 6 
 
 
 £E 
 
 
 
 O.H.G. 
 
 uo 
 
 uo 
 
 
 a 
 
 4- 
 
 (7-series 
 
 I.E. 
 
 6 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 Gk. 
 
 w 
 
 w 
 
 
 «(o) 
 
 5- 
 
 a-series 
 
 I.E. 
 
 a 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 (a) 
 
 
 
 Gk. 
 
 a 
 
 a{7?) 
 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 Teut. 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 Goth. 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 A.S. 
 
 a 
 
 6 
 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 o.n.G. 
 
 a 
 
 uo 
 
 
 a 
 
 6. 
 
 tf-series 
 
 I.E. 
 
 
 
 
 
 0? 
 
 (0) 
 
 
 
 Gk. 
 
 
 
 u 
 
 
 
 
 There are some who explain the long vowels of the long- 
 series as compressions of diphthongic combinations of e 
 and with the vowel seen in the weak grade (cp. ei, oi, /). 
 But such explanations are very much in the air. 
 
 2. ^-series. 
 For example of ablaut I., take Sk. dddhdmi ' I place,' Gk.
 
 Ablaiit and Accent. 143 
 
 r/t)»j,a/, Goth. gade\s ' deed,' A.S. dfed, O.H.G. tat (G. that) ; 
 of ablaut II., Gk. ^w,aos * heap,' Goth, doms ' judgment,' A.S. 
 ^///, also ^<J ' I do,' O.H.G. tuo;;i, also tiiot ' does' (G. thiin); 
 of ablaut 111.^., Sk. dadhmds, i plu. pres. ; of ablaut \\\.b., 
 Sk. ddhita, 3 sing, aor., Gk. 'ikro, Osrog. 
 
 3. a-series. 
 
 For example of ablaut I., take Sk. dsthdm i sing, aor., 
 Gk. eVrjjv, L. stamen 'warp,' Ablauts I. and II. coincide in 
 Teutonic — Goth. std7na ' basis, substance,' stdls ' stool,' A.S. 
 stdl, O.H.G. stiiol (G. stiihl). For ablaut III.«., take 
 tasthush-, weak stem of part. perf. act. ; for ablaut \\\.b., Sk. 
 sthitds past part., Gk. araTog, (STdsig, L. statid, Goth. sta\>s 
 'shore,' A.S. stcc'^, O.H.G. stado (G. staden). 
 
 4. ^7-series. 
 
 Brugmann gives no Teutonic illustrations of this ablaut. 
 Ablauts I. and II. coincide. For example, take Sk. ddddmi, 
 Gk. o'lhuijA, dwpov, L. doHum. Of ablaut 111.(7., take as 
 examples, L. de-d-l ; of ablaut \\\.b., Sk. ddita (di=d^), 3 
 sing, aor., Gk. Mvog 'gift,' L. dattis. In hor'og^ doTr,p, sdoro, 
 form-association brings in 0. 
 
 5. ^-series. 
 
 For example of ablaut I., take Sk. bhdgas ' distributer ; ' of 
 ablaut II., bhdgas ' share, lot,' Gk. (pny'^i ' oak,' L. fdgus 
 ' beech,' A.S. ^^J^ 'beech,' O.H.G. buohha (G. buche). 
 
 There are some examples of an ^/-series, e.g., ablaut I., 
 Sk. edhas 'firewood,' Gk. al^u 'kindle,' L. aedes 'hearth, 
 house,' A.S. dd 'pyre,' dst 'kiln' (E. oast-house), O.H.G. 
 eit 'pyre'; ablaut lll.a., Sk. idhmds 'firewood,' Gk. 
 Uafog ' serene, pure ' ; of ablaut III.^^., L. Idas {nodes) ' the 
 clear nights,' A.S. Idel 'empty' (E. idle), O.H.G. ital. 
 * pure, clear ' (G. eitel).
 
 1 44 Mamcal of L inguistics. 
 
 6. f-series. 
 Ablaut I. and ablaut III.^^. coincide. For an example of 
 ablaut I. take Gk. o5,a?5, L. odor ; of ablaut II., sOwWj 'sweet- 
 smelling.' Teutonic instances are infrequent. 
 
 According to the tables, each family of words has a triple- 
 barrelled root, and from each of the barrels have been shot 
 those formations that affect the several ablauts. There can 
 then, from a practical point of view, be no question of the 
 root of a word, but only of the root-forms that find exemplars. 
 
 These radical trigemini need not, however, be taken too 
 literally. 
 
 All three forms are not always found, indeed, some weak 
 grades of great antiquity occur, which have no strong forms 
 ranking with them, e.g., &pac-og. The guna theory, that 
 original / and ti^ by the action of a multiplier a, gave pro- 
 ducts ai and au, which in European branched off into ai, ei, 
 oi, and au, en, ou, must with the establishment of the 
 mutual independence of the root-forms be given up. 
 
 The fact that certain formations favour certain ablauts 
 may be illustrated from Greek. Irregularities are due to 
 form-association, or false analogy, as it is called. Late 
 formations may also from the beginning take on them an 
 ablaut different from that proper to original examples of the 
 same formation. The accentuation also is not always what 
 the ablaut postulates. 
 
 In verbal formations, ablaut I. is the ablaut proper to {a) 
 the active singular of non-thematic presents — uij^i (cp. //itv), 
 ^-/],a/ (cp. (pafiiv) (non-thematic = suffixing inflexional ele- 
 ments directly to root or stem, without the intervention of 
 the thematic vowels e and o) — ■/.ifij.ai^ non-thematic middle 
 with strong root, shows irregularity — (/') the active and
 
 A blatit and Accent. 1 45 
 
 middle, singular and plural, of thematic presents that belong 
 to the first or M/7-class of the Sanskrit grammars — 'iyy, 
 dtpu, fiido/xai ' spare,' (psvyc>j (c) the futures, active and 
 middle — T£,a-4/w, xs/Vo/xa/, rzXi-jmixai {d) the first aorists, 
 active and middle — iXs^a, sdiim, ippsuffa (e) the first aorist 
 passive — larpifSriv, h-rs/gdriVj s'TTVi-JaSriv. 
 
 In nominal formations, ablaut I. appears in {a) £s-stems — 
 /3sA05, nTyjc, Zivyog, su/Mivyjc, but /Satloc (also iShdog), rrddog, 
 Spdeog, zparog have conformed to the vowel of I3a6{jg, s'Tradov, 
 6pa(S-jg, y.par-og {/?) nouns in -ag — a's/.ag ' brightness ' (c) 
 nouns in -rup, -Trip, -''»!?, -"^I^ov — ^rivrup, cCkilvrrig 'trainer,' 
 -^i'drng, (pspsrpov ' bier ' (d) nouns in -/xar- and-//.wv — ccrif'/xa, 
 XsT/J!.fia, ysiJaa 'taste,' T=p/j,uv ' boundar}',' mv/Muv 'lung'(^) 
 comparatives and superlatives in -ic>jv, -isrog — -/.ipdicuv, /xByiffrog; 
 Mffffuv and sXdasuv are new formations, on the model of 
 lia-Kpog [MadGujv, made after the nasality of their root-vowel 
 had disappeared (the theoretical forms would have been 
 hyyjMv, iXiyyJojv) {/) words in -avog, -avov, av/], -ovt] — 
 arsyavog 'covered,' Xii-^^avov 'remnant,' spKavrj 'fence,' iSsXov/} 
 ' needle,' but these also appear with ablaut II. — yc(f)a\/og 
 ' melting-pot,' opyavov, opxdvri ' enclosure.' 
 
 In verbal formations, ablaut II. is the ablaut proper to 
 {a) the singular of the perfect active (sometimes the weak 
 ablaut of the plural has asserted itself in the singular) — 
 'X£':rofL(pa, XiXoyya (also i'tXriya,, on the model of siXri<poi), 
 eiXriXovda, but, except in the last example, iu in the perfect 
 has ousted ou, e.g., rsTsvya, 'zi(ps-jya (e) derived verbs in 
 -£(/)cu — (popsu, OToiy^scAj, ' stand in a row.' 
 
 In nominal formations, ablaut II. appears in (a) nouns 
 in -£j$ — yovsvg (povvjg (J?) many stems in and n — doi86g, 
 eroTyo; ' row,' (popog, ffKO'^rj, (SoX^, but spyov and Xivxog have 
 
 K
 
 1 46 ]\Iaiitial of L inguistics. 
 
 ablaut I., and '(^xjy'ov and <p'ojri ablaut III. {c) stems in / — 
 Tpoy^ig ' runner,' Tpo--ig ' keel,' but stems in -/6 take both 
 ablauts I. and II. — eXt/j, Xot/j ' scale ' (d) many nouns in-a3 
 — hopxdg and (poiTug ' one wandering about,' but (pvydg, &c., 
 with ablaut III. (e) nouns and adjectives in -/^og {-i/Mg, 
 -aij.og), and nouns in -i^ri — voriMog ' fate,' 'kaifiog ' plague,' 
 yovitiog ' productive,' TrXox.a/j.og ' curl,' op/j^rj, but dip/juog has 
 conformed to the other members of the group (dspog, &c.), 
 the original ablaut vowel being seen in hatin formus. Some 
 nouns in -//.os take ablaut I., and Ti/ji.ri shows ablaut III, 
 
 In verbal formations, ablaut III. is the ablaut proper to 
 (a) the dual and plural active, and the entire middle, of non- 
 thematic present indicatives, which originally received the 
 accent on the terminations — //xsi' '/rov (cp. sJ/xi), (pa/xiv (parov 
 (cp. f '/jz-t/'), but sff'Msv ign, &c., have conformed, as may be 
 seen from Sk. smcis, L. sunt us, and to the optative and par- 
 ticiple of the same presents — (pairiv, (pdinvog (l)) reduplicated 
 non-thematic presents — Gk. TVi-TXa/jt.si/ (Sk. piprmds) {c) 
 reduplicated thematic presents — yiyvofj.ai (cp. yhog), Ti'TrTu 
 (cp. rriro/xai) (d) presents with inceptive suffix -ffx — Tuff^oj 
 = 'r;/6s-/.cij (cp. -TTsvdog), fdsxM (cp. p?3/^/) (1?) certain verbs 
 of the /(9/cz-class or div-cXo.ss of Sanskrit — jSaXXu = /3//w 
 (cp. iS'sXog), (pahoj = p;//w (cp. '!rs(pnm), but many verbs 
 of this class take ablaut I. — rsivu = rsi'/c>j, ffriXXu = STsXiu, 
 (pdsipu — fdsp/u (/) verbs of the fu-class — /j^iyi^vfii, d'yvvju,/ (cp. 
 sdya), but dsix'^ufj./ and ^i-Jyrj/j.i with ablaut I. ; these verbs 
 correspond to the Sanskrit su- and /a^i- classes, which form in 
 reality one class, {ox sun6mi:su-nD-mi\\tan67ni:t)}-nd-mi (g) 
 nasal formations in av-, with double nasal, and when fol- 
 lowed by / — dij^apTdvcu (cp. vrifj^ipr^g ' unerring '), 'Twddvo/xai 
 (cp.mvaofMai), uvddvu 'please ' (cp. sdda), ipvdam/xai 'become
 
 A blazU and Accent. i^y 
 
 red,' Tirpaivoj 'pierce' (cp. rslpu) [h) the dual and plural 
 indicative active, optative and participles active, and the 
 entire middle of the second aorist of ,a/-verbs (the singular 
 indicative active has strong root, and the strong vowel of 
 the singular has often been driven through the other per- 
 sons) — iSdrriv, g/Saf, /3a/jji' (cp. s/3»3i') ; s'zrdiMTi'j (cp. sVrjji') ; 
 syJjij.rtVj iaai/xTiv (cp. 5%«L)a, sWsua, which are not sigmatic 
 aorists with a dropped, but root-aorists, with an ablaut I. 
 that originally only occurred in the singular (cp. for a 
 similar alternating ablaut the ^ri and 6s of the imperfect of 
 ridniMi) — a : ?] : : *j : £i» — the terminal a is for m) (/) the 
 ordinary second aorist — sV.roi. (cp. stw), 'i7<.Tavov = l%Tno'j 
 (cp. -/.Tshu = HTSvicfj), sXi'Tov (cp. Xs/Vw), sfuyov (cp. (psvyu), 
 'sXa[3ov (cp. X?j'\|/0(aa/), the original accent appearing in in- 
 finitives and participles — -vidsTv, <7ridu)v ; some aorists take irreg- 
 ularly ablaut I. — 'irt/iov, uipeXov (J) the second or strong 
 aorist passive — ifJ,r/'/jv, s^uyriv, edpdai^v (cp. dip-/(.ofiai),srd-/.7iv (cp. 
 rsrjjjca), but S'T/.sxtji', a variant of fc7/.axjjv, has conformed to 
 'jtXstiu, and others to other strongs ; (/c) the dual and plural 
 active, and all the middle of the perfect indicative as also 
 the optative and participles active and middle (the singular 
 active has, as we saw, ablaut II.) — 'fr/.TOv si/cryiv (cp. hr/.a), 
 h-i-nt^/Msv (cp. --S'-roiOa), 'iffrov '/d/jt,sv IBvTa (cp. o?5a), nrXairiv 
 (cp. T£rX7i-/,a), c7vrj}.-jda/Msv (cp. s!X7;}.ovda), .ai/xaroi- /zj/xa/xsv 
 fie/Maoog (cp. /zs/xoi/a), 'iffrarov sffra/j^sv (cp. effr^xa). Confor- 
 mation, however, has as a rule made the strong form prevail 
 throughout the active. Ablaut III. prevails pretty generally 
 in the middle — /zs/x/y/xa/, -/.s^v/jLai, serpa/j,,aai, }.$}Mff/j.ai (cp. 
 XsXrjda). Verbs like }.sycj necessarily insert an s in '/.y/j, of the 
 theoretical ablaut III., e.g., >AXiy/jbai. Ablaut III., in these 
 cases, resembles ablaut I., and has given rise \.o analogical
 
 1 48 Manna/ of L ingtdstics. 
 
 formations, where the correct ablaut might have appeared, 
 e.g., •-i--7.i'y,u.at, which modelhng after 5T>.ax?3i/ might have 
 appeared as 'rrsrryMyiJ.ai. 
 
 In nominal formations, ablaut III. appears in {a) verbal 
 adjectives in -rfj; and -ring — or/Tr&g 'pressed' (cp. ff-iijSoj), 
 pvrog (cp. ps[f')c>j), (parog (cp. (pri'u) ^ Asxrog from /.jyw and 
 'ixrog from 'iy^c/) inserted an s, and on these many analogical 
 formations have been modelled, e.g., cr^i-rijc for erpa-rog • 
 forms dsizTsog, rrvjsroc, &c., also occur ; kHz and 5&roc, &c., 
 assume a vowel which graphically is the same as that of the 
 strong grade forms ; note also ttjxt-oc, with the long vowel 
 oi 'rrj'yv\iij.i: nouns in -roc and rr^ take ablaut II. — -/.oTrog, 
 (Spovry] (/;) abstract nouns in // (-m) which originally had accent 
 on suffix — Tiff-ig, 'rdffig=r;jffig (cp. ^1^^= tswoj), ■/.dp(rig=-/.rgig 
 ' a clipping ' (cp. ziipoj = -/.ipt^ui), (pang (cp. pyi/J^i). In t';ff/r and 
 ocgig, instead of the regular a, s and appear, compare 
 krog and SoTog above ; forms like Xs^/?, &c., develop an =, 
 and have been the starting-point for many similar forma- 
 tions (r) certain adjectives ending in -pog, with accent on 
 suffix — spvdpoc, y/.uy.ipog, /j,a-/.p6g (cp. /M'/jy.Krrog) (d) oxytone 
 adjectives in --jg — !Sad\jg = l5n&vg (cp. ^h&og), y'/.v/.-jg (cp. 
 a/Asyx'/^c 'sour'), but oy/.-jg and '^^ic with strong root. 
 
 Latin, as has been already remarked, is not at all sensi- 
 tive to vowel-variation, and furnishes but a meagre supply 
 of illustrations of ablaut. One or other form has prevailed, 
 and levelling has robbed the vocalism of its variety. 
 
 It is however necessary to give a little more information 
 about the Latin ablaut than that furnished by the stray 
 examples already noted. Perhaps there is no example in 
 Latin of a root with triple forms, unless that is to be found 
 in fido {feido) : foedus {foidiis) : fides : : ts/^w : rrs'xoida :
 
 Ablaut and Accent. 1 49 
 
 moToc,. There is only one objection to be made to this 
 proportion, and that is, that ^^-stems regularly take ablaut 
 I., cp. nr^og, &c., as above.* 
 
 Examples of roots with two forms occur in : — (ablauts 
 I. and II.) secpior (iik^iloli) and socius {h~dm 'attendant'), 
 tego {(sriyu) and foga, nex (vUvi) and noceo ; (ablauts I. and 
 III.) fero (ipspca) and /ors (bhrtf-), dico (deico, diix,rj/M) and 
 d2a's causa 'for form's sake,' df/ro {deuco) and dux ducis; 
 (ablauts II. and III.) inoneo and vicns (Sk. matis, mntf-). 
 
 Verbs like /^^J (ablaut I.) and tcmdeo (ablaut II.) dominate 
 with their ablauts their respective word-groups. 
 
 In verbs like sci/idd,Jiifigd, &c., and their cognates, ablaut 
 III. appears. 
 
 In Gothic, original differences in root-vowels remain 
 fenced off quite absolutely. From verbal forms, and verbal 
 forms alone, we may get in Teutonic illustrations of most of 
 the ablaut-series. The principal parts (inf., pret. sing., pret. 
 plu., p.p.) of the verbs in Gothic, Anglo-Saxon, and Old 
 High German, will thus furnish an excellent mnemonic for 
 ablaut-vowels in their respective languages. 
 
 Ablaut I. appears in the inf., ablaut II. in pret. sing., 
 ablaut in. in pret. plu. (except in gebum, geafon =grefon, 
 gdbun ; berum, bclron, bdrun, where the outlying long vowel 
 of the ^-series appears) and p.p. In the a-series ablaut II. 
 appears in pret. plu. as well as in pret. sing. A reference to 
 the tables will establish the regularity of the vowel repre- 
 sentation. 
 
 * Victor Henry suggests \.\\z.ifoedus may have changed its declension 
 (orig. second) to avoid confusion with the dLd]GC\.\\Q foedus. ¥ot potidus, 
 the other example of an ej--stem with ablaut II., a similar explanation 
 is probable (cp. pondo in Livy, &c.).
 
 I50 
 
 Manual of Linginstics. 
 
 Gothic verbs come first, then Anglo-Saxon, then Old 
 High German, afterwards follow Greek forms with the same 
 ablaut, for comparison. 
 
 I, 
 
 . ^-series giban 
 
 gaf 
 
 gebiim 
 
 gibans 
 
 
 giefan 
 
 geaf 
 
 geafon 
 
 giefen gifen 
 
 
 geban 
 
 gab 
 
 gabun 
 
 gigeban 
 
 
 (N.H.G. ggben 
 
 gab 
 
 gaben 
 
 gegeben) 
 
 
 TT^TO/xat 
 
 ■KOT-q ' fligl 
 
 It' 
 
 i-irr6^r\v 
 
 
 Palatal g before e, se, and ai gives in 
 
 Anglo-Saxon 
 
 gie (gi), gea, gea. 
 
 2. 
 
 ^2-series dreiban 
 
 draib 
 
 dribum 
 
 dribans 
 
 
 drifan 
 
 draf 
 
 drifon 
 
 drifen 
 
 
 triban 
 
 treib 
 
 tribun 
 
 gitriban 
 
 
 (N.H.G. treiben 
 
 trieli 
 
 trieben 
 
 getrieben 
 
 
 XetTTw 
 
 XeXotTra 
 
 eKiTTOv 
 
 3- 
 
 ez/-series kiusan 
 
 kaus 
 
 kusum 
 
 kusans 
 
 
 ceosan 
 
 ceas 
 
 curon 
 
 coren 
 
 
 kiosan 
 
 kos 
 
 kurun 
 
 gikoran 
 
 
 (N.H.G. kiesen 
 
 kor 
 
 koren 
 
 gekoren) 
 
 
 eXei;(TO|Uat 
 
 el\T]Kov6a. 
 
 ^Xi 
 
 'Oov 
 
 
 The io in O. H.G. kiosan is 
 
 due to the foll( 
 
 Dwing a. 
 
 4- 
 
 (?;'-series bairan 
 
 bar 
 
 berum 
 
 baurans 
 
 
 beran 
 
 bul- 
 
 bitron 
 
 boren 
 
 
 beran 
 
 bar 
 
 barun 
 
 giboran 
 
 
 /N.H.G. gebaren(-) 
 ^Luther geberen 
 
 gebar 
 
 gebaren 
 
 geb5ren\ 
 
 
 
 
 
 Mpiii 
 
 oop6, ' hide 
 
 3 
 
 Sapro's or dparos 
 
 5- 
 
 e«-series driggkan 
 
 draggk 
 
 druggkum 
 
 druggkans 
 
 
 drincan 
 
 dranc 
 
 druncon 
 
 druncen 
 
 
 trinkan 
 
 trank 
 
 trunkun 
 
 gitrunkan 
 
 
 (N.H.G. trinken 
 
 trank 
 
 tranken 
 
 getrunken) 
 
 
 Teicco — Ttviu rbvo% 
 
 rera/aat 
 
 — Tern/xai 
 
 6. 
 
 a-series dragan 
 
 drog 
 
 drogum 
 
 dragans 
 
 
 dragan 
 
 dr5g 
 
 drogon 
 
 dragen 
 
 
 tragan 
 
 truog 
 
 Iruogun 
 
 gitragan 
 
 
 (N.H.G. tragen 
 
 trug 
 
 trugen 
 
 getragen) 
 
 
 670 
 
 (JT, 
 
 ari)-^6% 
 
 dyos ' leader.'
 
 AhlmU and Accent. 1 5 1 
 
 There is thus an extensive use of ablaut for form-building 
 and form-differentiation in the Teutonic verbal system. Sweet 
 says that this big manipulation of vowels in verbal formation 
 may be due in some measure to the influence exerted on 
 Teutonic by the Ural-Altaic languages (Finnish, Magyar, 
 Turkish, Mongol, &c.) spoken in close proximity for many 
 centuries, which are dominated by a law of vocalic harmony 
 that, to speak generally, requires that one class of vowels 
 (these are divided into strong, weak, and neutral) should 
 obtain in the various syllables of a word. At any rate the 
 adaptation of vowel-differences to the expression of tense- 
 distinctions, with which, being due to accentual action, 
 these differences had originally nothing to do, owes much 
 to a long striving after symmetry. 
 
 Towards the close of the Middle English period the 
 ablaut of the pret. plu. was accommodated to that of the 
 pret. sing., a state of things which is reflected in Modern 
 English — drink, I drank and 7ve drank, drunk. 
 
 In the southern dialects the vowels of the preterite and 
 participle are identical, the deeper vowel having always 
 prevailed, so that now there are but two ablaut forms in the 
 somewhat insignificant number of verbs that still, with an 
 added weak ending, exhibit vowel change. 
 
 In the New High German forms it will be noticed that 
 the tendency is to assimilate the vowels of the pret. sing, 
 and pret. plu. in quality and in quantity, — N.H.G. gdl> 
 gdben for O.H.G. gab gdbun, &c. 
 
 For O.H.G. J, N.H.G. has the diphthong ^/— N.H.G. 
 treiben for tr'iban. Compare the representation of O.H.G. 
 II by N.H.G. rt/^— N.H.G. haus for O.H.G. has. 
 
 In the pret. sing, of ir'iban, d has been lost, and the
 
 1 5 2 Manual of L inguistics. 
 
 vowel of the plural and the past participle assumed. This 
 has become a long / (written ie) by the law which ordains 
 that a short vowel becomes long in New High German 
 when it occurs in an open syllable, i.e., when followed by 
 one consonant and a vowel. 
 
 For O.H.G. truog, N.H.G. has ifhg. For uo simplified 
 into //, compare the simplification of ie into I (written ie). 
 
 Of the ablaut that once had a definite place in declension 
 there are, save in Sanskrit, scant remains. The condition 
 of things that the Anga, Pada, and Bha bases disclose in 
 Sanskrit declension must have had its analogue elsewhere. 
 Conformation however has effaced the plurality of stems that 
 once figured in declension. One language has generalised 
 one form, another, another, e.g., in the word (ox foot, Greek 
 has generalised the o, Latin the e, and Teut. the 5 — Gk. -Troha 
 (Dor. Twg), but cp. ^rs^a, L. pedem, Goth, fitus, A.S. fot, 
 O.YL.G. fiiof {G, fuss). 
 
 The Indo-European declension is said to have been 
 this : — 
 
 N. pods D. pdai (bdai) 
 
 Ace, podm or podm G. pdos (bdos) 
 
 L. pedi 
 Gk, iTTiSdai ' day after the^ feast ' is usually given as an 
 example of the weakest stem. 
 
 In words like Gk. Xsvzog, gen. "kroxoZ, a curious result has 
 been reached. The strong ablaut of the nominative argues 
 for an original accent on the stem syllable, but the genitive 
 which retain its original accent must have had originally 
 weak ablaut, A sort of phonic contaiimiatio has been the 
 result with the vocalisation of the nominative and the 
 accentuation of the genitive.
 
 Ablaut and Accent. 1 53 
 
 Sundry remarks have several times been made on the 
 influence of accent on ablaut, and in this chapter it will be 
 quite fitting to set forth some facts about accent in Indo- 
 European and the languages that have sprung from it. 
 
 First, then, as regards place, the Indo-European accent — 
 naturally a word-accent, and confined, in the same circum- 
 stances, to the syllable chosen — was free, and could rest on 
 any syllable, whatever the quantity. That this is so, can be 
 proved from the accented Sanskrit of the Vedas, from a 
 proper interpretation of the phenoma of Greek accentuation, 
 and from the effects of accentual action established by 
 Verner's Law. 
 
 The correct historical account of Greek accentuation is 
 not that which assumes recession as a first principle and 
 explains divergences as exceptions, but that larger view 
 which discerns that recession proper is an intrusion upon a 
 state of things in which each syllable was mutually eligible 
 for accentuation. 
 
 Verner's Law (see Chap, on Grimm's Law) revealed in 
 Teutonic the workings of another mode of accentuation than 
 the historical root-accentuation. 
 
 The corroboration that accentual facts in Greek and 
 Teutonic find in Vedic Sanskrit goes to prove the primitive- 
 ness of the free accent in Indo-European. What principle 
 regulated the session of the accent, now on one syllable and 
 now on another in words and word-groups, is not, and can 
 in the nature of things hardly ever be known. 
 
 Among the Indo-European languages Sanskrit as a rule 
 retains the original position of this free accent. Very often, 
 in spite of many divergences, a free accent that obtains in 
 Lithuanian furnishes results that corroborate those furnished
 
 1 5 4 Ma mtal of L ingu is tics. 
 
 by the Sanskrit. Strange to say, Lettish, a language which 
 can be converted into Lithuanian, if certain laws of letter 
 change are carried out, has dropped free accentuation and 
 adopted initial. This but illustrates the truth, of which there 
 are many examples, that accentual systems are most mutable. 
 
 Russian still preserves specimens of the original free 
 accent. Bohemian, like Lettish, accents the first syllable. 
 Polish has generaUsed the penult accent. Cymric (Welsh) 
 has done the same. Keltic (Irish) shows an initial accent. 
 Teutonic has developed a radical, which, except in com- 
 pound verbs is practically an initial accent, due doubtless 
 to the generalisation of those accent-types that already on 
 the old system had the accent on the root. 
 
 It is plain from what has been said, that languages start- 
 ing with a similar accentual system may depart from this, 
 and each, in different areas, and following out its own bent, 
 reach an identical result. 
 
 Greek of course retains many instances of accents in the 
 original position. In fact, resistance to recession is fairly 
 reliable presumptive evidence of primitive accentuation. 
 The position proper to recession may evidently also be that 
 which was occupied by the free accent formerly in vogue. 
 
 Modern Greek has a stress accent on the same syllable on 
 which historic Greek had a pitch {plus stress ?) accent. Stress 
 then has taken the place of pitch (or, to follow Sweet, ' the 
 stress has been kept while the intonation has been set 
 free'). But it would appear that the musical accent may 
 still be heard in some parts of Greece. J. T. Bent in 
 Macmillan's Magazine for August 1883 speaks of a Chian 
 pronunciation of uvdpM'roz, in which musical cadence is 
 present and the quantity of the w preserved.
 
 A blaut and Accent. 1 5 5 
 
 Latin is dominated by a new law of accentuation. Bary- 
 tonesis has prevailed. The law (excepting monosyllables 
 and certain particles) is simply this : — If the penult is long, 
 it carries the accent, if short, the antepenult carries it. 
 Spellings, however, like conficid (through cdnfacio), and cog- 
 nitus (through cdgnoti/s), argue the previous existence of 
 another than the historic mode of accentuation. 
 
 So much for the position of the Indo-European accent — 
 what about its nature ? Was it one of pitch or of stress, 
 was it musical or expiratory ? 
 
 In the Old Italic dialects, in Keltic, in Teutonic, and 
 Lithuanian, we have to deal with expiratory accent ; in 
 Sanskrit and Old Greek, the accent is said to have been 
 musical. 
 
 That the accent in Greek was musical seems to follow 
 from the very names given to the accents, from the fact that 
 in Greek poetry the ictus is independent of the accent, from 
 the fact that, as a rule, the syllables that follow the accent 
 are not subject to weathering, not to mention the com- 
 mitting language made use of by the ancients in discussing 
 accent. 
 
 Brugmann says that Sanskrit and Greek could hardly, if 
 the accent had been expiratory, have kept so well the old 
 inherited condition of the sonants. 
 
 Since, according to the same authority, Sanskrit and 
 Greek, as separate languages, hardly ever require the 
 assumption of expiratory accent to explain phonetic 
 changes, it follows that contrasts like 'TrkroiMai Trssdai, 
 which, as has been said, do seem to require more than 
 a lowering of tone to account for the loss of the vowel must
 
 156 Manual of L ingitistics. 
 
 be referred to the pre-separation period. This postulates 
 for said period the prevalence of expiratory accent. 
 Brugmann comes to the conclusion that the Indo-European 
 accent was at first mainly expiratory, but that towards the 
 close of the joint period it had become mainly musical, a 
 stage which is represented in Sanskrit and Greek. Verner 
 was of opinion that the original accent was musical 
 (chromatisch). 
 
 The following quotation exhibits Sweet's opinion on the 
 matter : — " Intonation is not necessarily associated with 
 stress, but there is a strong natural connection between 
 them, and the history of the Arian (Sweet prefers this to 
 Aryan) languages shows clearly that in them high tone was 
 accompanied with strong stress, for the weakening and 
 dropping of vowels in unemphatic syllables, which is carried 
 to such an extent in parent Arian, cannot be explained as 
 due to mere lowering of tone." 
 
 Some account will now be given of the origin of the 
 recessive accent in Greek, as expounded in Bloomfield's 
 masterly articles in the American Journal of Philology 
 (Vol. IV., p. 21.; Vol. IX., p. I.). 
 
 Recession is seen at its height in the finite verb. It has 
 effected a lodgment there that argues verbal quality and 
 verbal origin. The verb is the nidus for diffusion, and in 
 the verb, recession is the mode in which a fact in sentence- 
 accentuation finds expression. To use Bloomfield's words, 
 ' recession is a substitute for enclisis.' The Indo-European 
 finite verb, in principal clauses, functioned as an enclitic. 
 This is reflected in Sanskrit, where the verb in principal 
 clauses (except when first word of the clause, or in
 
 Abla2it and Accent. 157 
 
 antithetical construction, &c.), is enclitic, and in subordinate 
 clauses, orthotone. 
 
 In Greek, the enclisis must have affected the finite verb 
 as a whole. Its substitute, recession, works under certain 
 restrictions. Only two syllables are left unaccented, and 
 not more than three moras (the mora is the unit of 
 quantity). The word must end in a trochee, before three 
 moras can be left without an accent. In accentuations like 
 xjjcroii, it is the second of the two moras constituting the 
 long vowel that bears the accent. 
 
 The same limitations obtain in ordinary enclisis — 
 av6pu--oi Tig, rraTblg rivsg, Xoyoi Ting. The similarity of the 
 conditions that fetter ordinary enclisis and recession is most 
 significant and suggestive. 
 
 It ought to follow that, in the absence of the aforesaid 
 restrictions, the finite verb in Greek is still enclitic. And 
 this is so. The verbs 11,'j/i and (pr,iM are enclitic, and they 
 are the only verbs that throughout a whole tense present 
 conditions favourable for enclisis. Take £/,a/ {u), hri, 
 effTov, loTov, Bfffjysv, SOTS, iiGi, and <priij/i {'py'ii), ^r,Gi, parov, 
 (parov, (pafMsv, <paTs, ipaffi. In not one form have we to apply 
 the rule. These forms exhibit and prove the original 
 enclisis of the finite verb. 
 
 As to the non-enclitic character of bi" and p/;g, the 
 orthotonesis can be accounted for. u, if it be not considered 
 an Attic late form, and subsequent to the establishment of 
 enclisis, is a reduction of sfft, Sk. dsi (the reduction of the 
 s of the root, and the s of the suffix (cp. s-sff; for scrsffgi) took 
 place in the primitive period), and may be considered to 
 have taken after the numerous circumflexed contractions 
 that were in process of formation during its reduction.
 
 1 5 S ManiLal of L ingii istics. 
 
 <pyii, as is natural with the person addressed in a verb of 
 saying, occurs only in subordinate clauses, or in co-ordinate 
 clauses that are interrogative, or point an antithesis. 
 
 (phii then, escaped the enclisis that beset the other 
 persons of the tense, owing to its natural usage in 
 subordinate or antithetical clauses, where enclisis did not 
 have a footing. 
 
 Enclitic ?(Sri also appears as the non-enclitic 'ian at the 
 beginning of a clause, or when preceded by a word too weak 
 to receive a receding accent. 
 
 Exemption from the enclisis of principal clauses accounts 
 too for the retention of the etymological accent by infinitives 
 and participles, and that even when compounded. 
 
 Some other facts in Greek accentuation that are doubt- 
 less due to the play of sentence-accent may be mentioned 
 here, such as — {a) the appearance of the acute as a grave, 
 when followed by a full word ; if) the accentuation that 
 differentiates interrogatives and indefinites, e.g., rig and 
 rig ; (c) the existence of proclisis, which naturally is lifted in 
 emphatic positions, oh freeing itself at the end of a sentence, 
 &c., w; and it,, when occurring after the conjoined word — 
 as to 6 and h (Sk. so. and so), these were at least helped 
 towards proclisis by a desire to differentiate them from the 
 relatives o and ^', o'l and «/ following their analogy ; {d) the 
 behaviour of dissyllabic prepositions in and out of ana- 
 strophe; of their positions, that in which the so-called 
 anastrophe occurs is the more ancient, and its accent the 
 more original, the oxytone accent of the prepositions in 
 their later position being really a substitute for the proclisis 
 that is seen in monosyllables like J^ (proclisis admits of 
 tonelessness only in monosyllables) : that the paroxytone,
 
 Ablaitt and Accent. 159 
 
 speaking generally, was the original accent of dissyllabic 
 prepositions, is proved by the fact that the Sk. cognates are 
 of this accent — l'~l, •-ipi, >to (Sk. dpi, peri, upa), and by 
 the fact that, when used as adverbs, the prepositions bear 
 the paroxytone accent. 
 
 Recession established in the verb passed to the noun. 
 The procedure was by analogy. Certain nominal types 
 that in volume of sound were numerically and quantitatively 
 the equivalent of the frequent work-a-day verbal types 
 adopted in certain sympathetic conditions their intonation 
 also. 
 
 These fresh creations would reinforce the nominal types 
 that already on the old system had the accentuation that 
 recession would have given. The accentual types thus 
 established among nouns became a force in determining 
 the accent of differently accented nouns that might be 
 associated with them. The types that accorded with the 
 new law were widely generalised. 
 
 Common words would become the nucleus of groups 
 that affected the new, or, it may be, retained the old accen- 
 tuation. 
 
 This is Bloomfield's account of recession. It is pre- 
 ferable to Wheeler's. The latter claims that recession was 
 not verbal in its origin, but due to the action of a phonetic 
 law affecting the whole language, and operating by the 
 development of a secondary accent (afterwards in part the 
 principal accent) that rested on the third mora from the 
 end, or, in polysyllables of trochaic ending, on the fourth 
 mora. 
 
 It ought to be mentioned that Brugmann has adopted 
 Wheeler's theory in his account of Greek accent.
 
 1 60 Manual of L inguistics. 
 
 Before closing this cliapter it may not be out of place to 
 say that quantity has a certain, though not necessary rela- 
 tion to accent, and that the quality of a long syllable is 
 probably not so even nor so pure as that of its correspond- 
 ing short. 
 
 The only systematic attempt known to me to elucidate the relation 
 between the e- and o-grades is that made by the late Pietro Merlo in 
 an essay entitled ' Ragione del permanere dell' A e del suo mutarsi in 
 E{0) sin dair eta protoariana.' In this, M-hile distinctly admitting the 
 existence of e and in the latter portion of the joint period, he inclines 
 to the belief that, in the earlier portion, these vowels were both still 
 latent in an unstable a with no definite point of articulation. 
 
 It was, of course, in full-grown words that the conditions for vowel- 
 play in general were first definitely presented. The original dissyllabic 
 root-forms present in words were afterwards so blended with the suffixes 
 as to look like monosyllabic roots. 
 
 Under the action of the acute accent, helped by the frequent presence 
 of a terminal-/ (cp. Gk. ixi, ai, tl), these unstable as passed in verbal 
 forms to e; on an alteration of the cadence of the accent there followed 
 in a labial neighbourhood a colouring into 0. This labial neighbour- 
 hood must have often been present in nominal forms owing to the fre- 
 quent occurrence in these of an -w, e.g., in the accusative and in neuter 
 nouns. 
 
 Naturally it was in phrases rather than in words that the swing of a 
 nmsical accent helped to introduce vowel-colouring. We may suppose 
 that a word had two lives, its sentence-life, and its individual life. So 
 far as the latter is concerned, we have to remember that accentual 
 change involves vowel-loss rather than vowel-change to the syllable 
 concerned. 
 
 Perhaps the differentiation exhibited in vowel-colouring was par- 
 ticularly used to distinguish verbal from nominal forms. It is a fact 
 that of the two ablauts of the strong grade the e-ablaut is the more 
 common in verbal forms. There are not so many verbal forms with 
 the o-ablaut — oedopKa, Trerro/x^a, &c., and <popiw, &c. (popeu is a
 
 Ablaut and Accent. i6i 
 
 verb formed from a nominal base, and perhaps the perfects may l)e 
 explained from the side of the noun. 
 
 The coincidence of this difilerence in vowel with a difference in func- 
 tion would give to vowel-colouring an established position in word- 
 formation. Afterwards, when the existence of full verbal and nominal 
 systems furnished other characteristics for the two classes, and supplied 
 numerous bonds of attachment between members of the same class, 
 there did not exist the same impulse to utilise vowel-colouring, and 
 verbal formations with the o-, and nominal formations with the e-ablaut 
 became things of common occurrence. 
 
 It is to be supposed, too, that the action of analogy often helped to 
 obliterate functional distinctions. 
 
 Merlo's theory of the origin of e forces him to give some explanation 
 of the rt's that have remained. 
 
 The final / that helped to bring in e was characteristic of active 
 verbs, was a mark of transitiveness. Intransitive verbs were likely to 
 retain the a, unaffected as it was by the attractive force of an i (com- 
 pare the diphthongs -fxcn, -aai, -rai, in the Greek middle). 
 
 Merlo gives a list of words where the a (real a is meant, not the auxi- 
 liary a of Unguals and nasals) has persisted alongside of the e of cognate 
 words. It is necessary to affiliate the former to intransitive verbal 
 forms. It must be confessed, however, that many of the relationships 
 set down are far-fetched and some of them improbable. As specimens 
 of his examples take patc7-e, petere; parens, -pescere {percsere); angor. 
 
 Verbs with the vowel a that are now palpably transitive, such as 
 a7w, may be supposed to have put on transitiveness at a comparatively 
 late date {agere has distinct intransitive uses), or to have had their 
 vowel conserved by the influence of cognate intransitives. 
 
 It is undoubtedly true that the e of the new and vigorous formation 
 would get extended beyond its sphere. It is also true that neuter verbs 
 may in virtue of their meaning pass naturally into transitive verbs.
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 grimm's law. 
 
 It will be well to gather together into one chapter the facts 
 that relate to Grimm's Law, and to add needful explana- 
 tions and comments. It will also be expedient to use in 
 this chapter nomenclature as simple and as accurate as 
 possible. 
 
 The bare facts relating to this Law have already been 
 fully set down in Chap. IV. 
 
 Perhaps the first fact in the domain of law that one 
 hears of in connection with linguistics, is the fact of the 
 existence of Grimm's Law. Many a guess, perhaps 
 crude, perhaps plausible, has been elbowed out of court 
 by its means. Undoubtedly its application and the test 
 of truth it furnished, have contributed most powerfully 
 towards changing what was previously a mere science of 
 guessing into a rational science, not the least part of the 
 reason and precision of which has been got from its 
 pioneer in the pursuit of truth — the science of phonetics, 
 the science that admits of no exceptions to its laws. 
 
 Grimm's Law is one of the weightiest facts in consonantal 
 phonetics. And provided that it is recognised that other laws 
 may traverse the field of its operations ; provided, especially, 
 that it is remembered that the law is an induction based on 
 many facts, but not on all, and that trouble has been taken 
 to learn how that residue of facts has been explained and
 
 Grimms Lata. 163 
 
 grouped ; provided too, that it is not forgotten that the 
 second change was never fully carried out, one must sub- 
 serviently respect this, as all other phonetic laws. 
 
 One must remember that the letters of the formulae do 
 not have the same value in each of the terms of compari- 
 son, that similar changes took place over less areas and 
 with other terms of comparison, and that the scope of the 
 law was extended for the sake of theoretical complete- 
 ness. To take for granted that hard, soft, and aspirate, 
 mean the same in each group, to write as if sounds were 
 on a dead level of sameness in the first group, to speak 
 then of the inevitableness of the interchange of these fixed 
 and unchangeable sounds, to add to this, expressions such 
 as * conscious replacement,' is to give the law a super- 
 imposed, predestined, and pre-ordained character, or, as an 
 alternative, to make the speakers of the languages concerned 
 foresee their own development, and work it out consciously 
 and of set purpose. 
 
 With regard to that primitive state of the Indo-European 
 peoples in which they used the same language, it must not 
 be supposed that the original tribes dwelt as next-door neigh- 
 bours within circumscribed limits, for they were separated 
 by long distances, though still in touch with each other. 
 They observed various attitudes toward the sound-norms, 
 had certainly much in common, but were also predisposed 
 to change in different degrees and along different lines. 
 Each family of languages, each system of sounds, had its 
 ■own idiosyncrasies. 
 
 Perhaps the relation of the sounds of the languages used 
 l)y these tribes to those of an earlier parent-speech, more 
 or less ideal and the result of analysis, may be fitly com-
 
 164 
 
 Manual of Linguistics. 
 
 pared in some points to the relation between dialectic 
 sounds and the sounds of the standard speech, though here 
 the check on change ought to be greater, provided aid is to 
 be got from a rational and consistent representation of the 
 sounds in writing. 
 
 What then is Grimm's Law ? That will better be under- 
 stood at the end of the chapter; meantime, it may be 
 defined, by anticipation, as the expression of relations, 
 neither isolated in their occurrence, nor extraordinary in 
 themselves, that obtain between the consonants of Indo- 
 European, General Teutonic, and High German. These 
 relations are exhibited in the following table : — 
 
 The examples of the law are taken in G.T. from Anglo- 
 Saxon unless when Goth, is prefixed. 
 
 
 I.E. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 G.T. 
 
 
 H.G. 
 
 
 B(reath) 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 A(spirate) 
 
 
 V(oice) 
 
 T 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 th\ 
 
 d T § 
 
 / S 
 
 
 I> 
 
 P 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 F \ 
 
 K / ^ 
 
 F 
 
 
 K 
 
 A(spirate) 
 
 
 
 
 
 H 
 
 V(oice) 
 
 H 
 
 B(reath) 
 
 D» 
 
 e 
 
 
 B, 
 
 F, 
 
 D 
 
 D 
 
 C 
 13! 
 
 
 T 
 
 B' 
 
 ^ 
 
 h4 
 
 F, 
 
 H, 
 
 ,B 
 
 B 
 
 
 B 
 
 P 
 
 G' 
 
 X 
 
 V(oice) 
 
 
 F, 
 
 H. 
 
 G 
 
 G 
 
 B(reath) 
 
 G 
 
 k 
 
 A(spirate) 
 
 D 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 T 
 
 d 
 
 a 
 
 
 TS, S 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 B 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 P 
 
 
 
 
 PF, F 
 
 G 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 K 
 
 
 K 
 
 CH
 
 I.E. 
 
 B(reath) 
 
 Grimins Law. 
 
 Examples. 
 
 G.T. 
 
 A(spirate) 
 
 /ego 
 /ateo 
 
 aitis 
 
 A(spirate) 
 {dlmx- dhijr-) QvpCi fQX\% 
 
 xwdh-) vowel long 
 and short 
 
 rudis 
 
 (bh\x- bheu-) 0uw f\\\ 
 
 {Merb- bhorb-) (pop^r) /^erba 
 {d/ia.t-) /^atuere 
 
 {g^/i^ol- ghvel-) xo^°^ /el 
 (f//azdha) /^asta 
 
 Cf/^eu) 
 
 Xioi 
 
 Sgccan 
 
 //yd 
 
 ^ /aden 
 
 j^ //aut 
 
 V(oice) 
 
 bear^ 
 (Airu 
 
 roa? 
 
 /^eon 
 
 /^eadu 
 ^^"•ealla 
 
 Goth, ^azds 
 
 a 
 
 S 
 
 OJ 
 
 o 
 
 din 
 
 ■65 
 
 H.G. 
 
 V(oice) 
 
 a'ecken 
 
 B(reath) 
 bari' 
 
 O.H.G. 
 
 Airi 
 (thiir) 
 
 O.H.G. ruo/a 
 
 (ruthe) 
 
 ^nitta 
 
 ^alle 
 ^erte 
 iriessen 
 
 V(oice) 
 
 ^ucere 
 Sk. sa(5ar 
 ^enu 
 
 B(reath) 
 ^eohan 
 S£e/ 
 rneo 
 
 
 •^ /C'nie 
 
 A(spirate) 
 
 Ziehen 
 sa/t 
 O.H.G.f//niu 
 
 Not all the changes are recorded here, but the most notice- 
 able for the understanding of the law. I.E. = Indo-Euro- 
 pean, for which Indo-Classical might serve ; G.T. = General 
 Teutonic, a term including H.G. = High German, which
 
 1 66 Manual of L inguistics. 
 
 suffered the first change along with the other languages, 
 sometimes went no further, and sometimes exhibited both 
 the earlier and later changes. In H.G., a capital letter 
 indicates the usual, a small letter, the occasional change. 
 
 Low German is a name sometimes given to languages 
 other than High German. Its appropriateness, when one 
 considers the date of the facts under consideration, is 
 questionable. German writers on Teutonic philology do not 
 include Anglo-Saxon among Low German dialects. 
 
 Voice and breath are used as decidedly more truthful 
 terms than soft and hard, sonant and surd, tenuis and 
 media. Aspirate is used for convenience. A vowel as 
 initial letter gives, by using as contractions the first letter of 
 the above terms, convenient mnemonics B.A.V., A.V.B.,. 
 V.B.A. These may be simply remembered. Thus : — Let 
 
 A 
 
 /\ be an equilateral triangle, and name it in succes- 
 
 bZ ^v 
 
 sion from left to right either B.A.V., A.V.B., or V.B.A. 
 
 But besides being in this way convenient, aspirate is a 
 fit enough label to describe sounds that differ in Indo- 
 European taken by itself, and have a value in General 
 Teutonic different from that which they have in Indo- 
 European. 
 
 It would appear that it is wrong to represent the Sanskrit 
 aspirates by DH, BH, GH. Native Indian scholars ridicule 
 the representation, and Mr. Ellis says that in listening to the 
 pronunciation of two native scholars, he could detect only a 
 glottal buzz after the stop. Exact writers now use D', B', 
 G', for the Sanskrit aspirates. 
 
 The Latin aspirates are continuants. As to the Greek 
 aspirates, the Romans evidently thought them breath stops
 
 G7'imm s Law. 167 
 
 followed by something, for they represented them by ch, 
 th, ph. 
 
 High German TS ( = ^, S = ss) and PF (//, /) are not 
 aspirates at all, but affricates, double sounds opposed to 
 spirants. CH is a continuant. For further facts about 
 High German consult Chap. IV. 
 
 The d, I>, g written within the V in G.T. B.A.V., are 
 produced by the operation of Verner's Law, of which more 
 hereafter. 
 
 It will now, after having briefly stated the law, and tabu- 
 lated the saUent and representative changes, with examples, 
 be proper to speak of some of the changes registered therein. 
 
 To begin with, the changes exemplified are to be seen 
 elsewhere, in other groupings, even within the limits of the 
 Indo-Classical group. In one language — Armenian — all the 
 changes are met with. Proof of a wider extension for the 
 facts recorded in the law must contribute much towards an 
 explanation of these. If certain phenomena have the attri- 
 bute of universality, or even of frequent recurrence, their 
 explanation is within measurable distance, or rather, no 
 special explanation is needed, for mere difference of degree 
 may be easily accounted for. 
 
 The change of breath into aspirate is found in Iranian, 
 where p became / before consonants, in Armenian, where 
 / became /' before vowels and medially, in Umbrian, where 
 primitive Italian pt became //. To be noticed also are recfe 
 and Umbriae re/ife. Utyumi and Sk. sthd, Trdrog and Sk. pa^/i, 
 bv/ioiMui and hiyj^fj^ai^ rf stw and TSTpo(pa, Xi^a and akiifu (see, 
 however, Moulton's Law, further on). 
 
 The change from aspirate to voice is to be met with
 
 1 68 Manual of L inguistics. 
 
 in Armenian, where dh became d, and in Iranian, Keltic, 
 and Balto - Slavonic, where the voiced aspirates became 
 voiced stops. 
 
 As examples of voice into breath, we have in Armenian, 
 the change of d and g into t and k, in the Indo-Classical 
 group, the change of Sk. hh into Gk. <p and Latin/ both 
 breaths. The Latin / afterwards became b in certain 
 surroundings, thus illustrating aspirate (spirant) into voiced 
 stop. We have also to note such alternations as (S%a--i.vrt, 
 O.L. scapres, scabo. Compare also, confining ourselves to 
 initial letters, Italian gastigare and goiifiare with castlgdre 
 and confldre, Spanish gritar and greda with quir'itdre and 
 cretam. 
 
 The changes, then, are not isolated, and many more 
 examples might be given; but, in their case, juxtaposition 
 and consequent assimilation, or some law of euphony, would 
 more manifestly account for the result. It is impossible to 
 explain away these examples by their setting : they are too 
 general to be explained by any local cause. And in this 
 connexion it is well to remember that Grimm's Law in some 
 of its features may register the extended scope of small 
 beginnings, more or less originated by local causes. At 
 anyrate, Brugmann himself begins his explanation of / into 
 f, &c., by assigning a local cause to start with. 
 
 It results, then, from the above remarks, that other group- 
 ings would furnish more or less of the phenomena of 
 Grimm's Law, that, in the Indo-Classical group, and within 
 the area of Armenian alone, we have all the features of 
 the law represented. 
 
 The facts, then, of the change are to be seen elsewhere. 
 It will be well now to consider the nature of the changes.
 
 Grimms Law. 169 
 
 Are they unique in themselves, or is it their spread and the 
 regularity of their occurrence that is most noticeable ? 
 
 The prevalence of the change from breath to aspirate, 
 or breath to spirant, is perhaps a sufficient voucher for its 
 naturalness, but the change in itself is quite comprehensible. 
 Brugmann, in his account of the change of/ and k into 
 spirants, says that, to begin with,/ and k, when beside / and 
 s, changed into spirants, and finally everywhere else. This 
 is to state the doctrine empirically. 
 
 Theoretically, one ought to say that the movements of 
 the organs of speech, called into being by the nerves, to 
 produce the sounds of / and k, owing to the other sounds 
 in their neighbourhood, gradually underwent deflection in 
 the direction of the movement required to produce the 
 spirants. The sensations that accompany these move- 
 ments similarly, underwent change, and also helped to re- 
 produce in a succeeding movement an alteration that had 
 taken place in a preceding. The stability acquired by 
 these sensations, themselves one of the prime agents in 
 producing change, induced in all other cases, with the aid 
 of the sound-picture they had engraven on the memory, the 
 production of said spirants from said breaths, although the 
 juxtaposition that initiated the change did not in these 
 cases exist. 
 
 However doctrinaire this statement may read, it really is 
 necessary in these matters to state precisely what happened, 
 and how it happened. The cause of the change is local, 
 and an inclination to follow established precedent has 
 brought about the rest. The change did not — no change 
 does — take place per saltiim. There were intermediate 
 halts. In this connexion, Mr. Sweet points out, in his
 
 I/O Manual of Linguistics. 
 
 History of English Sounds, that spirancy must have beei> 
 reached through intermediate aspiration, that t must have- 
 become \ through th, otherwise that d would have become i5. 
 
 With regard to the change from aspirate to voice if we 
 take D', B', G', as correct representations of the so-called 
 aspirates, and remember that Mr. Ellis discovered the 
 aspiration to be a mere glottal buzz, what great difficulty 
 does the deaspiration present. Place D', B', G', beside 
 D, B, G, their Teutonic transmutations, and the change 
 does not seem at all difficult, not so difficult, to follow Dr. 
 Murray, as the change into the Greek breath aspirates. The 
 buzz is simply dropped. If the old representation of the 
 aspirates be insisted on, then between aspirate and voiced 
 stop there must have intervened the voiced spirant. And 
 one consideration seems to require the intervention. Would 
 not otherwise the D that had been got from DH (D'), have 
 shared the fate of original D, if aspirate into voice was the 
 second change and prior to voice into breath. 
 
 The last change, that from voice to breath, has sorely 
 puzzled many. It is said that the change is not along the 
 line of ease in articulation, that unvoicing is a change from 
 an easy to a harder sound. The masters in phonetic science 
 seem to find no difficulty here. Sweet says that the change 
 took place through whisper, and was more or less direct. It 
 is well to remember that unvoicing did not here happen for 
 the first time, but that the change that caused the voiced 
 aspirates of Sanskrit to appear as breath aspirates in Greek, 
 and breath spirants in Latin, is a conspicuous example of 
 the same process. 
 
 It is well known, too, how prone Celts and Germans 
 are to unvoice voiced sounds. This suggested to Professor
 
 Grimm s Law. 1 7 1 
 
 March the hypothesis mentioned in his Anglo-Saxon 
 Grammar, viz., that the invading Teutons were gradually 
 influenced by the Celtic pronunciation of their own 
 voiced sounds. 
 
 Assuming that the change is counter to the principle of 
 ease in articulation, though the change — say from d the 
 point-stop-voiced to / the point-stop-voiceless — does not 
 seem a hard one, let us remember (we have it on Paul's 
 authority) that ease in articulation is quite a secondary and 
 subordinate cause of change. Not that we are to dispense 
 with euphony altogether, but let us not forget that euphony 
 often offers an explanation that ignores the fact of the inter- 
 mediate existence of numerous minute deflections. It is 
 not the last link in a chain that enables a junction to be 
 effected between two different points, but the whole series 
 including the last. 
 
 This would seem to be the place to refer to a suggestion 
 thrown out by Mr. Conway in a recent number of the 
 American Journal of Philology. We referred above to Mr. 
 Sweet's statement that voice d became breath / through 
 whisper. Well, certain facts in Italic orthography, such as 
 the representation both of the voice and the breath by C up 
 to the end of the fourth century b.c, the transliteration of 
 ipp-jyig and Uvppog by Burrus and Bruges, the comparison 
 of }i-Ji3spmv and guherndre, have led Mr. Conway to the con- 
 clusion that the mediae and tenues were originally separated 
 not as voice from breath, but as whisper from breath. Of 
 course these medice were afterwards voiced. This leads 
 him to infer that the parent speech mediae were also whis- 
 pered. Whisper is that intermediate state between breath
 
 1 7 2 Manual of L ing ti is tics. 
 
 and voice in which the vocal chords are approximated, but 
 not vibrated. We thus get Mr. Sweet's intermediary to 
 start with. 
 
 A few remarks now on the order of the changes present 
 in Grimm's Law will form a necessary sequel to what has 
 been said above of the character, of the scope, and of the 
 production, of the changes. These will simply be an echo 
 of what Brugmann says in his Grundriss. It is not to be 
 supposed that processes referred to below, suddenly came 
 into operation, for they doubtless were present in some 
 shape and to some degree in the parent speech. 
 
 To begin with, then, the tenues became spirants. The 
 change first took place in the case of/ and k before /and s, 
 and was then extended. Next, or perhaps first, the tenues 
 aspiratje and the mediae aspiratte passed, the first into the 
 breath spirants, the second into the voice spirants. The 
 tenues and the tenues aspiratse thus fell together. This 
 fact enables us to cognate Gothic haban with habeo, refer- 
 ring both to common root khabh-. The voice spirants 
 were afterwards largely stopped into mediae, a process 
 probably assisted by the fact that the voiced spirants after 
 nasals, and r and /, became medice. Under the action of 
 Verner's Law (to be referred to presently), the breath 
 spirants that came from the tenues and the tenues aspirats, 
 in certain surroundings became voiced spirants, afterwards 
 largely medise. So that a media may be traced back to a 
 tenuis, a tenuis aspirata, or a media aspirata. Finally, the 
 medire passed into tenues. Before leaving this change, 
 the following words of Mr. Sweet may fitly be appended : 
 — ' A change such as that of d into / may begin at the end
 
 Grim ms Law. 173 
 
 of a breath-group, and be then extended to the end of 
 words within a breath-group, as in German ; and finally to 
 all the <3^'s in the language, as when every Aryan d became 
 / in Germanic' Let us remember in connection with the 
 above remarks that processes got at by analysis perhaps 
 did not function in actual development in the order given 
 by analysis. 
 
 Sweet's order of change is different from Brugmann's. 
 This is what he says : — 'As regards the order of the 
 changes, it is clear that dJi could not have become d, till 
 Ar. d had become /, and that this latter change could not 
 have taken place till Ar. / itself had been modified — other- 
 wise some two of the three must have run together. The 
 changes must, therefore, have begun with that of / into \ 
 through th, d then taking the place of Ar. /, and, lastly, dh 
 taking that of Ar. d' 
 
 A few facts about isolated changes will complete the 
 account of the first change, st, sp, sk do not suffer change ; 
 zd passed into si — cp. nest and L. iiJdi/s (nizdo-) ; zgh 
 and zdh into zg and zd — cp. A.S. iiiearg and Sk. iiiajjd 
 ' marrow,' Goth, mizdo, A.S. vieord, and Gk. ,'jLi(jddg, Sk. 
 mldhd 'reward'; tt {fth) into ss — cp. A.S. gezviss and Gk. 
 larbi {uitto), sometimes st, by analogical and other influ- 
 ences — cp. A.S. zvdst, Goth, waist, Teut. zvaiss, and Gk. 
 oJffi^a, Sk. vstiha (the t is due to the analogy of Teutonic 
 tiiaht 'thou mightest,' &c.). 
 
 Before passing on to the second change, it is worth our 
 while to consider what testimony the runes may have to 
 offer about the first change. Taylor tells us in his ' Alphabet' 
 that the d rune corresponds to the Gk. t/icfa, the g rune, to 
 the Gk. c/ii, and the k rune, probably to the Thracian
 
 174 Manual of L ingu is tics. 
 
 gamma. This would seem to imply that, at the end of the 
 runic period, the lautverschiebung was en train de se faire. 
 It is now very generally believed that the runes were got 
 directly or indirectly from Greek colonists on the Euxine, 
 but as to the date of adoption differences exist. Taylor 
 speaks of the sixth century B.C., while Sweet says that the 
 most probable date for their adoption is the third century 
 B.C. The first change, according to Sweet, took place some 
 centuries before our era (but surely this requires a remoter 
 date for the adoption of the runes than 300 b.c); the second 
 did not come into operation until at least five centuries 
 after it. 
 
 The first remark to be made in connection with the H.G. 
 changes is that they are comparatively recent. Words 
 borrowed from the Latin, in common possession among 
 the Teutons, suffered the letter-change, such as can?iabis, 
 O.H.G. /zrt//(z/'hemp,' strata, O.H.G. strafa. This proves 
 that the change did not take place till connection with the 
 living Latin of the Roman Empire had been cut off. Dr. 
 Murray refers the second shifting to changes effected on 
 German when adopted by a Slavonic race, Scherer, to 
 Romance influence. But may it not have been a recrud- 
 escence, a partial repetition, very partial, it is true, of the 
 first shifting, due to the phonic activity, possibly, of that 
 section of the Teutons, the sound-development of which 
 had dominated the race. If the changes of the first shifting 
 are natural and omnipresent, why not allow their partial 
 repetition. Voice to breath from I.E. to G.T. resembles 
 voice to breath from G.T. to H.G. In breath to aspirate, 
 it is true, the H.G. aspirate that resulted from G.T. breath 
 is quite different from the G.T. aspirate that resulted from
 
 Grimms Law. 175 
 
 I.E. breath — the H.G. aspirates being surd affricates, or 
 spirants, the G.T. only spirants. 
 
 In aspirate to voice from G.T. to H.G. the change, as 
 u ill be seen by referring to the table, took place only in the 
 case of dentals. The evidence for the law in fact reposes 
 on the behaviour of the dentals. The mnemonic B.A.V. 
 is evidenced only by dentals; A.V.B., best by dentals, 
 occasionally by labials and gutturals ; V.B.A. in the dental, 
 as in the other positions, has only the evidence of spirants 
 or surd affricates. Note, too, in this formula, that ch is 
 archaic, and that there is no quite satisfactory example of 
 the through representation of labials. 
 
 It seems almost needless to embarrass ourselves with a 
 triliteral formula, and for practical purposes it will be 
 enough to imagine an equilateral triangle B(reath) 
 
 A 
 
 A(spirate) V(oice) /\ and to remember that the lines 
 
 of change are from left to right, along BA, AV, and VB, 
 thus including German in Teutonic, noting specially the 
 second shift of the dentals. The very partial character of 
 the H.G. change is thus quite evident, indeed, the changes 
 were only fulfilled with approximate completeness in 
 Alemannic and Bavarian, sporadically elsewhere. The one 
 change common to all the German dialects is that oith into 
 d. Of collocations that resist the second shift we have st, 
 sp, sk. To these add tr, hf, and //. 
 
 It will now be possible to sum up the evidence on 
 Grimm's La\v. We have seen that the changes are not 
 extravagant, that they have some claims to universality, that 
 they did not spring into existence with gourd-iike rapidity,
 
 1 7 6 Ma n ital of L ingu is tics. 
 
 that they had humble beginnings, being probably to some 
 extent the extension of local effects. They existed too in 
 embryo at the date of the parent speech, that is to say, there 
 was not identity of spoken speech then, but those tribes 
 whose languages exhibit the phenomena that Grimm's Law 
 connotes, displayed then in their speech the beginnings of 
 these idiosyncrasies. For does not Paul say 'We must 
 therefore regard, as a rule, the independent languages which 
 have developed out of a common original language as con- 
 tinuations of the dialects of the original language.' 
 
 This statement seems to involve the ideality and 
 artificialness of a homogeneous parent speech, and there 
 are many reasons for doubting the existence of such a 
 parent speech. It is then much more correct to say that 
 there was not homogeneity to begin with, than to say, as 
 some do, that the sounds of a putative parent speech were 
 nondescript in character, and potentially able to become 
 all they ever afterwards became. What sort of reality could 
 such mongrel sounds ever have possessed. 
 
 The changes, too, took place unconsciously. Let us 
 remember that they were only accomplished after consider- 
 able intervals, and by means of numerous intermediaries^ 
 some of these doubtless long-lived. To postulate the series. 
 — sound to be changed, last intermediary, final result — and 
 to assume along with this a clear consciousness of the 
 process, does not seem scientific. To import into Grimm's 
 Law as an explanatory factor a volitional energy that 
 makes for or against change, is to endow individuals with 
 a prophetic consciousness of the phenomena in question, 
 and a determination to bring them to pass. Two quota- 
 tions from Paul will enforce this view. ' There is no such.
 
 Grimms Law. 177 
 
 thing as a conscious effort made to prevent a sound-change.' 
 And ' We must cling to the fundamental maxim that sounds 
 are produced and taken cognisance of without any clear 
 consciousness. This statement contradicts all such ex- 
 planatory theories as presuppose iii the minds of individuals 
 an idea of the sound-system of a language, under which 
 head come several hypotheses as to the German sound- 
 shifting process.' 
 
 In the eleventh volume of Kuhn's Zeitschrift, Lottner 
 tabulated two main classes of exceptions to the first laut- 
 verschiebung. In the first class were set together cognates 
 like Sk. duhitdr- Goth, dauhtar ; Sk. band (Gk. -rnvdipog, 
 L. ojfe7idix), Goth. Inndan ; Sk. bndh (Gk. i'Trudofj.Tiv), Goth. 
 biiidan ' command ' ; L. gradus, Goth, grids ' step/ where 
 the d, b, and g of the Indo-Classical seem to remain in the 
 Germanic. These exceptions were disposed of by Grass- 
 mann in the next volume of the same Zeitschrift, where 
 he demonstrated the fact of the presence in the original 
 language 'das gleichzeitige vorhandensein ' of two as- 
 pirates, one of which has been lost by dissimilation. The 
 roots of the above words should then with proper vowel 
 denotation be written ^dhugh-, ^bhendh-, ^bhudh-, 
 Jghyredh-. The lautverschiebung is then seen to be 
 regular. 
 
 To illustrate the second class of exceptions, place together 
 by super-position the following cognates : — 
 
 m-arrip _ xXvrog _ sxaTOi'_ vavr/imahe (l pi. pf. atm.) 
 Goth, fa^ar A.S. hlu;^ Goth, hund wur^on (pi. pret.) 
 Dentals have been chosen for illustration, but equations 
 with other letters are available. Glancing at the equations, 
 
 M
 
 178 Manual of L inguistics. 
 
 we see at once that we have in Germanic the voice stop d, 
 instead of \. Greek words bearing the original accent 
 have been selected, in order to bring out the facts in as 
 homely a way as possible. It will be noticed that in every 
 case the Greek cognates and the one Sanskrit cognate have 
 the accent following the consonant affected by the laut- 
 verschiebung. It should be noticed also that the conson- 
 ants in question are medial. The syllabification, too, has 
 to be attended to. The / is considered to belong to the 
 preceding syllable — 'alle dem vocale folgenden consonan- 
 ten gehorten der vorhergehenden silbe an.' (Confer what 
 Roby says on syllabification in his ' Latin Grammar,' p. 87, 
 also in Preface to Grammar, p. Ixxxiv.). Contrast now 
 
 with ' '^ 
 
 fa^ar Goth.broj^ar. 
 
 The last two cognates exhibit the usual transmutation. 
 Coincident with this we notice that the accent precedes 
 the t For a similar coincidence contrast 
 
 vavr/imahe • , var/e (i sing. pres. atm.) 
 
 wuris'on weorGe (i sing. pres. ind.) 
 
 Here also the accent in the regular mutation precedes the 
 f. Is the position of the accent coincident or causal? 
 Causal. In each of the Greek cognates of the exceptional 
 Germanic words, the accent follows the f, and in Sanskrit, 
 the terminations of the perfect plural bear the accent. But 
 (ppdrrip has the accent on the first syllable, and in vdrfe, the 
 presence of gwia proclaims the accent. The following 
 statement will embrace the facts just alluded to : — Wher- 
 ever, medially, in Germanic, the principal accent did not 
 immediately precede the breath consonant under change,
 
 Grimms Law. 179 
 
 the final result gives us a voiced stop, /.t'., /, /, k pass into 
 d, b, g. Under the same conditions s passes into r. If the 
 accent immediately preceded, the mutation is regular, i.e., 
 t, p, k pass into ///, f, h. Under the some conditions s 
 remains. For example of b and g take 
 
 and 
 
 Goth, si/mn A.S. swe^-'er. 
 
 This statement is Verner's Law, one of the acutest dis- 
 coveries in linguistics, and most far-reaching in its results, 
 first enunciated by Karl Verner in the twenty-third volum.e 
 of Kuhn's Zeitschrift. 
 
 So much for the facts of the change, and the cause of 
 the change, what about the modus operandi "i Doubtless 
 the /, /, k changed first into the breath spirants th,f, h ; 
 the vocalic surrounding vocalised these into the voiced 
 spirants ; these were afterwards stopped. Just as the law 
 explains rrarrip and fadar, and the Anglo-Saxon grammati- 
 scher tvechsel, seen in the singular wear's and the plural 
 wurdoti, a change due, as we have seen from Sanskrit, to 
 the fact that, in the plural, the accent is on the terminations, 
 
 so it explains the s and r seen in • , the singular and 
 
 curon 
 
 plural preterite of ccosan. The s passed to r through z. 
 There is no grammatischer wechsel in Gothic, no change in 
 verbs of spirant into voiced stop, no s into r. The spirant 
 and the s have been driven right through the verb, though 
 there are traces of the voiced stops. 
 
 For an example of the occurrence of spirant and voiced 
 stop in modem German, take ziehen gezogeii, but sometimes, 
 here, as in Gothic, the spirant is driven through as zeihen 
 geziehen. Let me now give Verner's own words — 'Indo-
 
 1 80 Manual of L inguistics. 
 
 germ, k, t, p gingen erst iiberall in //, th, f iiber ; die 
 so entstandenen tonlosen fricativse, nebst der vom indoger- 
 manischen ererbten tonlosen fricativa s, wurden weiter inlau- 
 tend bei tonender nachbarschaft selbst tonend, erhielten 
 sich aber als tonlose im nachlaute betonter silben.' 
 
 Bugge has tried to extend the law to initial consonants. 
 
 For example, the cognates . lead him to infer that, 
 
 ^;o"amams 
 
 when the accent follows at a distance of not less than two 
 syllables, the law applies. 
 
 It is the fact, then, of the position of the consonant in 
 the accented syllable (to adopt Verner's syllabification) of 
 bro^ar (p^drjjp), that prevents the passage of the th into d, 
 as in the case of rraTYip fadar. What then was the nature 
 of the accent ? Was it one of pitch (?) like the primitive 
 accent, or one of stress also. Verner says of stress also 
 — ' nicht langer rein chromatisch sondern zugleich exspira- 
 torisch.' 
 
 The free accent of the parent speech must, however, 
 have been operative, and have done its work, after the 
 commencement of the first shift, otherwise the Teutonic 
 accent proper, that on the stem-syllable, would have pre- 
 vented the shifting into stops. 
 
 It may be asked here why the Ya^^v^ father and mother 
 have ///. This used to be attributed to Scandinavian in- 
 fluence, or to the analogy oi brother, but Dr. Joseph Wright, 
 in the Academy for March 3rd, 1888, quotes many examples 
 to prove that A.S. d became voiced th through the influence 
 of following r (cp. Chap. IX., under d). 
 
 Before closing this chapter, a reference to some of the 
 applications or extensions of Verner's Law will not be out
 
 Grimins Law. 1 8 1 
 
 of place.* In his book, ' Verner's Law in Italy,' Mr. Conway 
 successfully applies the principle of Verner's Law to explain 
 the absence of rhotacism in certain Latin words. One felt 
 in a vague sort of way that dsinus, caesarics (here the 
 initial accent was kept till the law was dead), vasicm, beside 
 -generis, gereham, Aierelius, presented an unexplained con- 
 tradiction. With Mr. Conway's explanation the seeming 
 contradiction disappears, and law obtains. This explana- 
 tion runs as follows : — Wherever, medially, in Italic, an 
 s between two vowels followed an unaccented syllable, 
 the final result gave z in the non-rhotacising dialects, 
 such as Oscan, and r (through z) in the rhotacising 
 dialects, such as Latin and Umbrian ; if the accent immedi- 
 ately preceded, the s was kept, save in Latin and Faliscan, 
 where the change into r took place even then, if i or « 
 followed the s, and the same vowels, or a long vowel or 
 diphthong, preceded — e.g. fidris. This rule explains every- 
 thing in the words quoted above. There are exceptions to 
 the rule, however, such as cf/ra, following the analogy of 
 curare, dare, that of its compounds, and erajn, which was 
 probably enclitic and without accent. See also page 54. 
 
 * Dr. Fennell (Indo-European Vowel System, a pamphlet well de- 
 serving careful perusal) attributes the result (/ in fadar to the fact that 
 it ends a syllable. It is the initial letter of a syllable (I suppose 
 Bugge is thrown) that shews the regular change, and for the reason 
 that it is initial. Verner would have said that the t of (ppar-qp changes 
 regularly because it is in the accented syllable, Fennell says that it so 
 changes because it begins the next syllable. He lays down the propo- 
 sition that an accented syllable was weighted as lightly as possible 
 with consonants. On this proposition the t of (ppdrijp begins the 
 second, and the ( of Trarrip ends the first syllable of their respective 
 words. In Verner's syllabification both t's ended first syllables, one 
 accented and one not.
 
 1 8 2 Manual of L ingu istics. 
 
 Mr. J. H. Moulton in Vol. VIII. of the American Journal 
 of Philology applied the principle of Verner's Law to explain 
 the presence of a tenuis in Greek, where one would have 
 expected a hard aspirate. In his own words : — ' Original 
 hard aspirates lose their aspiration in Greek except where the 
 accent immediately precedes.' Take for examples oJc^a 
 and Wts (Sk. stha)^ the I.E. superlative suffix -thbs seen in 
 Sk. -thd and -rk ; Sk. mithds and /xsra (A.S. med). It will 
 be seen that where the accent follows, the tenuis appears. 
 Sentence-accent too has contributed examples, i.e., the 
 immediately preceding accent that preserved aspiration 
 might, in the case of initial aspirates not accented on the 
 root, be got from a preceding oxytone. This occurrence 
 might be frequent enough to give rise to doublets — to a c-/^ 
 due to the action of a preceding oxytone in the sentence- 
 life of the word, alongside of the ffx of the rule. In many 
 cases, the aspirated form obtained the wider extension, 
 might even, under the operation of levelling ' ausgleichung,' 
 obliterate all traces of the form with the tenuis. 
 
 Next, we have Siever's Law, to the effect that a g occur- 
 ring before iv in an unaccented syllable disappeared — e.g., 
 A.S. geseiven for gesegwen, Goth, fiiawi ' maid ' for inagwi, 
 Magus however for magivus, because, to quote Mr. Sweet, 
 ' in an early stage of Germanic in which Aryan o was still 
 preserved, as well as Aryan o, u, ii, the iv was dropped 
 before these round vowels, but kept before a, i, e.^ 
 
 There is also an alternation of c and g mentioned in the 
 History of English Sounds, which may possibly be due to 
 nasal action together with a varying accent. Compare 
 sfican, sf/gati, 'suck'; and wicing ' pirate,' ze/J^ 'war' (L. 
 vincere). In this last, the nasal seen in the Latin, would
 
 Grimms Law. 183 
 
 voice the c into g in an unaccented syllable. Note also 
 in this connection menddx and menfir'i. 
 
 Paul and Kluge's Law covers another class of exceptions 
 to Grimm's Law, viz., those in which gg, dd, bb got from 
 I.E. ghn, gh'-'n, d/ui, bhn, or, by Verner's Law, from kn, 
 k'-'n, trj, pn, or from original mediae followed by «, with 
 accent following, become kk, tt, pp. For illustration, trace 
 the process by which A.S. s77iocc has been reached — LE. 
 smuk^nb- into stnuhnd, smugnd (by Verner's Law), smuggd (by 
 assimilation), s/nukkd. It is this last act that exemplifies 
 Paul and Kluge's Law. The o in smocc is due to a-umlaut. 
 If the accent had preceded the I.E. k, the result would of 
 course have been h/i.
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Sound Relations in English — Introduction and 
 Short Vowels. 
 
 The Anglo-Saxon alphabet was got from the British Celts, 
 These of course used the Latin Alphabet, into the writing 
 of which they had introduced certain modifications. Anglo- 
 Saxon text books are now usually printed with modem 
 characters, but any one who cares to gain a knowledge of 
 the look of the old script may get this by looking into, say, 
 Thorpe's edition of Alfred's Orosius. The making of the 
 letters d, f, g, r, s, f, is quite noticeable. The Modern 
 Irish Alphabet of eighteen letters presents, so far as it goes, 
 a very similar appearance. ' .The Anglo-Saxon letters, using 
 the ordinary with two supplementary characters, are : a, ce, 
 e, i\ 0, II, y—b, c, d, 5, /, g, h, /, ;;/, ;?, p, r, s, t, >, iv, x. 
 
 ]? (thorn) is taken from the runic alphabet. 3 is a 
 manipulation of the character for d, to express the sound 
 of f/i in f^en, but the MSS. use this and the previous 
 character to express both sounds of the English f/i, either 
 that in f/ie?i, or that in f/u'p?g. It may be worth while 
 mentioning that in the oldest texts (as now), f/i denoted 
 both sounds. In some books another runic character (wen) 
 is used for the sound expressed by w. The A.S. 5 is some- 
 times retained in preference to g. Sometimes k is written 
 in the MSS. for c, and for the usual r^v {cu), the Latin 
 symbol qu sometimes appears. The letter s is rare in
 
 Sound Relations in Euirlish. 1 8 
 
 .3 
 
 Anglo-Saxon. It sometimes represents the sound of ts^ and 
 in foreign names perhaps had the value of Gk. ^, i.e., dz. 
 ce had the value of a (lovv-front-wide) in the word ??ian 
 (English, not Scotch), y retained the value of Gk. 
 upsilon (high-front-narrow-round). This sound had already 
 (as afterwards took place in English through unrounding) 
 in Old High German been confused with /. c had always 
 the hard sound (two varieties, but not an ^-sound). Umlaut-^ 
 is sometimes written as c. Further remarks on the sounds 
 expressed by these letters will be made later on. See also 
 passim in Chaps. VIII. and IX. 
 
 There are dialects in Anglo-Saxon which often exhibit 
 differences in spelling, differences that have to be noted, 
 because some one of them, rather than its dialectical neigh- 
 bours, may have given rise to the present English form. The 
 chief dialects are the Northumbrian, the Mercian, and the 
 AVest-Saxon. The language-area occupied by these dialects 
 reached from the Forth on the north to the EngHsh Channel 
 on the south, and may be said to have had for dividing- 
 lines the H umber and the Thames. Mercian occupied the 
 district between these two rivers, and marched on the north 
 with Northumbrian and on the south with West-Saxon. 
 Anglian is a common name for Northumbrian and Mercian, 
 
 The Middle English dialects — Northern, Midland, and 
 Southern — corresponded in the main, both dialectically and 
 geographically, to the older dialects. The Southern dialect 
 bears strong traces of Midland influence. In both the 
 Anglo-Saxon and Middle English periods, there existed 
 another sufficiently distinctive variety of the language, to 
 which the name Kentish has been given. 
 
 Middle English may be said to begin with the year 1150,
 
 1 86 Manual of Linguistics. 
 
 and to end with the year 1450. Both before and after this 
 interval, a considerable time — a century before, and half a 
 century after — must be allowed for the transition from 
 Anglo-Saxon to Middle English, and for the transition from 
 Middle English to Modern English. The latter then,, 
 begins with the year 1500. Mr Sweet makes it extend over 
 three stages of development, to the year 1800, from 
 which point he dates the beginning of Living English. 
 
 Middle English is a slow, self-contained, and natural 
 development out of Anglo-Saxon. It seems, in that case, 
 all the more needful to answer a question that is naturally 
 suggested by the date assigned above to the commence- 
 ment of the language. That question is — what influence 
 had the Norman-French of the victors on the language ? 
 None, we have just said, on its linguistic development. 
 On its vocabulary and orthography, a very great influence 
 indeed. The vocabulary does not exactly concern the 
 subject of this chapter. Suffice it to say that it was not till 
 well on in the thirteenth century that foreign words were 
 introduced in large numbers, the busiest time being the 
 interval between 1250 and 1350. Of the influence exerted 
 on the orthography, more presently. 
 
 A sentence or two to record the main varieties in the 
 Anglo-Saxon dialects. 
 
 In the Anglian dialect, the g that interchanged with a in 
 Anglo-Saxon before nasals is preferred to the a. For West 
 Saxon ce^ e is found in Mercian (and Kentish). There ce 
 means Cc. The ce of West-Saxon that equals Teut. je (Goth. 
 e, O.H.G. a) is represented in Anglian and Kentish by e. 
 For ea before / and a consonant, a (probably long) occurs 
 universally in Anglian. For ea before re and rg, e appears
 
 Sound Rclalio7is in English. 1 8 7 
 
 in Anglian. Northumbrian may have te. ea before //, x, 
 and ht, appears in Anglian as ce. For the W.S. ea that 
 denoted the result brought about by the development of a 
 glide-vowel between the fronts c and g and the following 
 (e, there appears in the non-W.S. dialects the aforesaid cc 
 — S'^^'f (W.S. geaf). Compare the appearance in a similar 
 surrounding of non-W.S. gi^fofi for W.S. geafon. The symbol 
 ea is however found in Mercian as u-{px (9-)mutation of a, 
 and in Northumbrian as 0- (or a-) mutation of e (W.S. eo). 
 In Anglian, ca before r, g, //, is reduced to e. eo before //, 
 re, rg, rh, is reduced to e, eo before c, g, /i, to e. These 
 sounds are often left unmutated. For the W.S. I'e, e appears 
 in Anglian and Kentish, and for le, e. a' the mutation of 
 0, and (i. the mutation of 5, appear in Northumbrian and 
 Kentish, the ce in Mercian as well. These are unrounded 
 in West- Saxon to e and e. 
 
 Of the Middle English dialects, the Midland is the most 
 important, and of its varieties, that variety which is called 
 East Midland. This coloured by the Southern dialect is 
 the source of standard Modern English. 
 
 The differences between the Southern and East Midland 
 varieties of Middle English can be shortly shewn. 
 
 The Southern g before nasals is unrounded in East Mid- 
 land to a. The e, with sound of A.S. ce (1. f. w), under 
 which the A.S. a and ea had in Middle English been 
 levelled, is represented in East Midland by a. The A.S. a 
 which was unrounded to g in Southern is retained un- 
 changed in East Midland. Southern eo and eo are 
 represented in East Midland by the reductions e e, as well 
 as by the digraphs. Both Southern and East Midland 
 represent A.S. ea by e. A.S. y and y are unrounded in
 
 1 8 8 Manual of L ingidstics. 
 
 East Midland to / and l, while in Southern they are 
 represented by u, u. The Kentish of both the Anglo- 
 Saxon and Middle English periods represents _y by L It is 
 to be noted that the same dialect represents A.S. ea eo, 
 short and long, by ya ye. Chaucer uses the letters that 
 have been given above to East Midland, but has the g 
 (rounded a) of Southern. 
 
 To return now to French influence on Middle English 
 orthography. 
 
 After 1400, Anglo-French was dead as a spoken language. 
 Its teaching, had been stopped in schools, as Trevisa tells us, 
 in 1385. 
 
 Some space will be needed to note the great influence 
 exerted by Anglo-French on the orthography of Middle 
 English. 
 
 It is convenient here to notice, in regard to handwriting, 
 that the Anglo-Saxon forms for the d,f,g, r, s, t, of the Celtic 
 Roman alphabet were ousted by the forms of the French 
 hand. Mr Sweet, in writing of the change wrought on 
 English orthography by Norman-French influence, says that 
 it amounted to the introduction of a totally new orthographi- 
 cal basis, shaped and. confined of course by the existing 
 orthography. Certain facts will be adduced to bear this 
 out. Vowels first. 
 
 A.S. cc (A.S. ea was levelled under this letter), under 
 Anglo-French influence, is expressed in the Southern dialect 
 by e. The a; (and (v), that vulgar Latin transmitted to 
 French, had been levelled under e. The Ormulum keeps 
 the symbol ce, but with the value (C. The short ce is in this 
 text written a. 
 
 Under the influence of Anglo-French, in which ie (i*ee)
 
 Sound Relations in English. 189 
 
 had been reduced to (ee), the same symbol ie {ye) came to 
 connote the sound (ee), and is used in late Middle English 
 to represent this sound (close e), not only in French words 
 like meschief, but also in English words, e.g. Chaucer's Hcf 
 (also leef) (A.S. leof). 
 
 i is, later on in Middle English, written as y, a symbol, 
 which in French writing was convertible with /'. The y is 
 very common in the neighbourhood of ?/, ///, ?/, w, and at 
 the beginning and end of words. The possible confusion 
 in form is sometimes avoided in the case of initial / by 
 writing it as a capital. 
 
 In Chaucer J appears for i. 
 
 The writing of the diphthongs ai and ci as ay and ey 
 should also be noticed. 
 
 u, after the French manner, is sometimes written as 0, in 
 the neighbourhood of letters that have a like form, viz., 21 
 (consonantal), //, w, iv. Initially the confusion could be 
 avoided by writing u as v. 
 
 In late Middle English, was also written for 21, when a 
 consonant + vowel followed. 
 
 Latin tc (and — a close sound in Latin) had in French 
 passed into a sound between (u) and (o), which was then 
 written u or (close), though afterwards prevailed. There 
 was also in French an open c, coming from Latin o 
 (and au). 
 
 The long ?^-sound is, owing to the said influence, quite 
 widely written in late Middle English as ou^ a symbol which 
 in French had put off its diphthongic sound, and taken on 
 that of (uu). This sound follows the development that 
 native words in U exhibit — A.S. hus, M.E. hoiis, Mod. E. 
 house (au).
 
 1 90 Manual of L inguistics. 
 
 Anglo-French influence caused A.S. _y j' to be written as 
 u in the Southern dialect, y is sometimes written ui, and 
 later on, uy. 
 
 The Ormulum for A.S. y y has / t. The A.S. y had 
 been pretty generally unrounded, save in the Southern 
 dialect. 
 
 w and 5 (front-open) were used in the Ormulum as diph- 
 thongic signs (after short vowels written ww, 53) to represent 
 the second element of diphthongs. These are afterwards 
 replaced by Latin and French u, i. 
 
 zv however again got vogue as diphthongic element after 
 back vowels (<?, 0, u) — M.E. draiven (A.S. dragan, Ormulum 
 dra'^hetifi (5/2 = back-open)). 
 
 Consonantal orthography suffered greater changes than 
 vocalic. 
 
 The back c of Anglo-Saxon is written k before e and i. 
 The Ormulum has k also before a. c is retained before 
 and ?/, and before consonants, but the Ancren Riwle often 
 has k before and ?/, and before consonants, save w. 
 
 c has, in more modern times, ousted k initially, before 
 / and r. 
 
 The disuse of c is owing to the fact that c before e and i 
 suggested to a French scribe the sound of s. Later on in 
 Middle English, c is used to denote an j-sound. Earlier, it 
 had been used with old Anglo-French value of ts. sc was 
 written as sch. 
 
 The same symbol, however, sometimes had the value sk 
 — sdatmdre^ sklatindre (slander — sd is now disused), and 
 represented that sound, except before e, i, y. 
 
 ss is, both in French and English, written sc, a combina- 
 tion which in Anglo-French had a ss- or s- sound — lescun,
 
 Sound Relations in English. 1 9 1 
 
 blescien. For cw^ gu, a symbol sometimes used in the 
 Anglo-Saxon period, ultimately prevailed. 
 
 Front c was in Middle English ultimately written with the 
 P'rench symbol ch. Its doubling was written cch or chch. 
 
 }>, which had prevailed over the alternating S and ]? of the 
 Anglo-Saxon script, was now by the action of French scribes 
 replaced by th, which, as we saw, was not unknown in the 
 Anglo-Saxon period. 
 
 /, which in the Anglo-Saxon stood for both breath and 
 voice sound, remains in the Ormulum, but the Ancren 
 Riwle, with its strong traces of the influence of the foreign 
 spelling, has consonantal n (?') medially, and sometimes 
 initially. Finally, and before voiced consonants, / is re- 
 tained. Had 11 been written here, it would with the pre- 
 ceding vowel have looked a diphthong. 
 
 Latin v had in French lost its ze^-sound, and taken on the 
 voiced sound oif. In Chaucer, /expresses the 7'-sound only 
 
 The French g now takes the place of the A.S. 5 (a sorely 
 burdened letter), as the symbol of the stop consonant. It 
 also represents French soft g. 
 
 5 (its graphic descendant) is retained to express its own 
 open sounds. 
 
 French soft ^ when initial is usually written 7. 
 
 ge and ggo. represent they- andyy- sounds when final. 
 
 For the front-open g take as example from Ormulum — 
 Ving. 
 
 In the same text, back-open g is written ■^h—foll'-fheun 
 This symbol in the Southern dialect appears as h. 
 
 Some East Midland texts use g rather than 5. 
 
 Later on in Middle English, consonantal v can replace 5. 
 
 The hard g is sometimes represented late in the fifteenth
 
 192 Manual of Lingin sties. 
 
 century, both in French and Enghsh words, by gu, which 
 had lost its after-sound in later Anglo-French. 
 
 h had a back and front variety (initially it had been 
 weakened to a simple breath). For both of these sounds it 
 is retained in Middle English, ch was sometimes used, but 
 owing to confusion with A.F. ch, went out of vogue. Later 
 on, French scribes refusing to endow this symbol, weak in 
 their own tongue, with such power, use other symbols, g 
 is used and also 5. In the Northern dialect, in addition to 
 these, gh came into fashion. This passed to the South and 
 is common in Chaucer. 
 
 Front gh changes into y before a \o\v^—hye (also written 
 
 hie). 
 
 Back gh (usually preceded by ?/, which is sometimes 
 dropped after 0) often falls out before a vow^—ynough, 
 ynowe (plu.). Both the front and back variety may drop, 
 finally, and before /. 
 
 A.F. z is sometimes written for voiced s. The symbol s 
 stood in Anglo-Saxon and Middle English for both breath 
 and voice sound. 
 
 The earlier value of A.F. s, viz., ts, also appears in the 
 combination nz, remaining down to Chaucer, e.g., vestimenz. 
 
 The Anglo-Saxon rune-symbol for w, used in the Ormu- 
 lum and the Ancren Riwle, is replaced by the French symbol 
 7V, the product of two vs with value of u. 
 
 Consonantal y has arisen, says Mr Sweet, from the habit 
 that scribes had in later Anglo-French of writing y initially 
 
 for / (J)- 
 
 Before leaving Middle English orthography, something 
 should be said about Orm's spelling. To denote shortness 
 of the preceding vowel, every consonant that was final, or
 
 Sound Relations in English. 1 93 
 
 followed by another consonant, was doubled. If the con- 
 sonant were followed by a vowel, the doubling did not take 
 place, for then, an air of reality would have been bestowed 
 on the word, and confusion with real words would have 
 ensued. In such words Orm often used marks, the short 
 mark for short vowels, and an accent for long. 
 
 It is a fact that in Modern English a final consonant is 
 long after a stressed short vowel, and short after a stressed 
 long vowel. Englishmen have a difficulty in reproducing 
 the short consonant that follows a stressed short vowel in 
 foreign words. 
 
 Not that Orm's spelling indicated real consonant length, 
 for he uses it in syllables that have no stress. It was a mere 
 device to indicate quantity, possibly suggested by existing 
 facts, though, as we have seen, in Orm's day, a short vowel 
 before a consonant and vowel could retain its shortness. 
 
 The presence of final doubled consonants began to be 
 considered a sign of shortness of vowel, and vice versa, that 
 of single consonants, as a sign of length. 
 
 It should be added that final consonants in Middle 
 English (as in Modern English) were pronounced long 
 after a short vowel, whether written double or not. 
 
 The loss of final e which began in Chaucer's time, and 
 was completely generalised by the middle of the fifteenth 
 century, gave birth to many types of words with short 
 vowels, followed finally by two consonants — lesse into less. 
 
 ]\Ioreover, long vowels were regularly shortened in Middle 
 Enghsh before two consonants (except before certain leng- 
 thening combinations — for which, see below). 
 
 Thus it came to pass that in an accented syllable two 
 consonants came to argue shortness of vowel. 
 
 N
 
 194 Manual of Linguistics. 
 
 Of course in unstressed syllables consonants were 
 shortened both in Anglo-Saxon and Middle English — A.S. 
 \Vesten{n)es, M.E. sunful{l)e. 
 
 Original single consonants were also sometimes doubled 
 between vowels in Middle English — siimine plu. of sum 
 ' some,' wimmmge ' dwelling.' 
 
 It was to be expected that many words with short vowel 
 and single consonant in Middle English would tack on 
 another. This is so — pepper^ penny (M.E. peper, A.S. 
 pipor — M. E. pe7ty, A. S. penig). 
 
 Even in Anglo-Saxon, c, t, p, h, after a short vowel, 
 appeared sometimes doubled before r and / — bitter, aeppel. 
 
 Sometimes the doubled consonant of the pronunciation 
 appeared in writing in the inflexions — God, Goddes 
 (Chaucer). 
 
 Length of vowel was sometimes indicated in Anglo- 
 Saxon by a doubling of vowel (or by accent). This 
 practice gained ground in late Middle English, and is quite 
 common in Chaucer, especially in monosyllables. / and ic 
 are not often doubled. 
 
 In Modern English, final e is a sign of a preceding long 
 vowel. This result has been produced quite fortuitously. 
 The weathering that attacked the Anglo-Saxon unstressed 
 endings often evolved a form containing an original long 
 vowel followed by a consonant and the levelled e?-ending 
 — strike (M.E. striketi, A.S. struan). The name type of 
 words, in which an original short vowel became lengthened 
 in Middle English before a consonant and vowel (see below), 
 presented similar forms. The bone type of words (A.S. hdn 
 — the a was rounded in Middle English to o), in which 
 there was originally no e in the nominative, suffered con-
 
 Sound Relations in English. 195 
 
 tamination in form with the dissyllabic cases (especially the 
 dative), where the long vowel was not written doubled, and 
 took on an e. 
 
 At this time the levelled ^-endings of the unstressed 
 syllables were on the road to mute endings. This progress 
 had already been completed in Northumbrian, and may to 
 a certain extent be regarded as a Gallicism, the French of 
 that day presenting many examples of e's that had become 
 mute. The word-types in which silent final e happened to 
 occur along with a long vowel were generalised, and a 
 function foreign to the e was fatuously fathered on it. 
 
 The use of final e was somewhat wild. It was used after 
 short vowels — hyme ' him.' 
 
 It does not indicate length of vowel after v — live, love. 
 The e in these words is a graphic necessity. When v 
 (consonantal //) w'as written ii, its appearance after a vowel 
 would have led to confusion with diphthongic combinations. 
 
 We have discarded e in many words where it did not 
 indicate length, or was not needed for that purpose — rootne, 
 £heere, shoulde. At the beginning of the Modern Period, 
 final e could also denote length after two consonants — chylde. 
 
 A few supplementary remarks on the general orthography 
 of Middle English and Modern English will now be made. 
 
 Early in the Middle English period hr, hi, h?i passed into r, 
 I, n. The spellings rh, bh, and nh, are also found in early texts. 
 
 h'lV however, retained the order of its letters, but even in 
 the Ormulun, wh occurs, proving that the present English 
 pronunciation of a breath iv, was then in existence. 
 
 In the Northumbrian dialect the h of the hw was indi- 
 vidualised to such an extent that the aspirated labial really 
 became a labialised guttural, expressed by qic quh, which
 
 1 96 Alanual of L inguistics. 
 
 sounds may be seen written in Scotch proper names, and 
 still heard from Scotch lips in certain parts of Scotland. 
 
 The prefix ge- was represented by /-, as early as the 
 tenth century. 
 
 ai and an were often written ay and aw, when followed 
 by a vowel, or at the end of a word. 
 
 w was sometimes written for 11 — hu, hzv, hou (A.S. hu). 
 
 Somewhere in the fifteenth century, j and v, formerly 
 mere graphic varieties of / and u, began to be set apart for 
 the consonantal function of these letters. To begin with, 
 they were used initially. v had already been employed 
 initially in Chaucer. 
 
 The letter 5 passed out of use. Its form had become too 
 like that of z, in fact it is actually written s in old Scotch 
 writing — zeir for year. 
 
 Compare the confusion between ]' and y. In Grafton's 
 Bible of 1 540, these letters are formed exactly alike. 
 
 sch passed into sh. ssh was reduced to the same symbol. 
 Doubled k is expressed by ck. 
 
 In several words gh is used for hard g — ghost, gherkin^ 
 Spenser has ghess {guess), gh expresses hard g in Italian 
 before e and /. 
 
 The M.E. tch {clich) is sometimes written tch, and M.E, 
 gge is written dge — stretch (M.E. strecchen\ hedge (M.E. 
 hegge). Spenser has rttch for rich. 
 
 At the beginning of the Modern Period, y became almost 
 convertible with /. y was preferred finally. Final / also 
 assumed the form ie. Later on, y was expelled from many 
 places. 
 
 In latter-day English, spelling and speaking have become 
 quite divorced, and the estrangement is bound to widen, so 
 long as the spelling is held sacred. We have in fact two-
 
 Sound Relations in English. 
 
 197 
 
 languages, one for the eye, and one for the ear. The 
 symbols of the former are arbitrary, without the advantage 
 of being consistent. Speak as you spell, and spell as you 
 speak, are not exactly counsels of perfection in English. 
 
 There must next be given a list of words to illustrate 
 the passage of A.S. vowel-sounds through Middle English 
 into Modern English. These are of course selected from 
 Mr. Sweet's great work. 
 
 In the first column, the Anglo-Saxon (West Saxon, 
 Anglian) word is given, in the second and third, the Middle 
 English and Modern English equivalents. The sounds are 
 taken in this order of Anglo-Saxon vowels — a (ae, 9, ea), 
 e (eo), i, 0, u, y ; a, se, e, ea, eo, i, 6, u, y. They are then 
 divided out into the living English sounds that derive from 
 them, with subdivisions according to the spelling. 
 
 The following is a table of living English sounds, with the 
 
 symbols to be used in classification. The slight sketch of 
 
 Phonetics inserted further on will explain the terminology 
 
 of the definitions and explanations. 
 
 ei (m. f. w. +h. f. w.) they. 
 ou (m. b. w. r.+ same, rounded) 
 know. 
 
 IB (m. b. n.) CO Die. 
 
 a (in. m. w. ) — do in. 
 
 L(h. f. w.)///. 
 
 e (m. f. w.) men. 
 
 ae (1. f. \v. ) man. 
 
 u (h. b. w. x.)fuU. 
 
 (1. b. w. r.) not. 
 
 93 (1. 111. n.) /;/;-(/. 
 
 ai (m. m. w. +h. f. \v 
 
 aia hire. 
 
 aa (1. m. w.-^m. m. w. r.) hoii 
 
 au9 our. 
 
 oi (ni. b. w. r. -1-h. f. w.) hoil. 
 
 high. 
 
 ii (h. f. w., diphthongic)y6'£?/. 
 
 uu (h. b. w. r. , diphthongic) soon. 
 
 yuu hue. 
 
 ia (h. f. w. +m. 'w.)fcar. 
 
 a9 (1. f. n. -l-m. m. •w.)/are. 
 
 U9 h. b. w. r. +m. m. \v. ) moor. 
 
 yu3 your. 
 
 09 (1. b. n. r. +111. m. ^.)gorc. 
 
 aa (m. b. 'w.)far. 
 
 00 (1. b. n. x.)fa//. 
 
 Doubling means length. The symbol plus the definition 
 ought to make the sound clear. 
 
 The sounds defined are those of living English. The
 
 198 Manual of L inguistics. 
 
 Scotch, Irish, American, and even North English sounds 
 are not always the same. 
 
 au — In Scotch, the first element is the mid-back-narrow. 
 
 ii — In Scotch, Irish, and American English, the vowel is 
 still a long monophthong, and narrow. 
 
 ei — Scotch here has not a diphthong, but the long mid- 
 front-narrow. 
 
 ae — This sound only occurs before r. In Scotch the r 
 is of course trilled, and the vowel is long mid-front-narrow. 
 
 uu — In Scotch, North English, Irish, and American 
 English, the old long monophthongic high-back-narrow- 
 round is kept. Compare the English and Scotch pro- 
 nunciation of two or too. 
 
 ou — Scotch has the old non-diphthongic mid-back-nar- 
 row-round. 
 
 aa — In Scotch, this vowel is generally long mid-back- 
 wide-round. 
 
 -B — The full back vowel is heard in the West of England, 
 and in Scotland. The ordinary English sound is rather 
 fronted. 
 
 e — In Scotch and North English, the e in men is low- 
 front-wide. 
 
 ae — Scotch man has the low-back-wide. 
 
 u — Scotch book has the high-back-narrow-round. 
 
 — In Scotch, this sound is usually represented by the 
 mid-back-wide-round. 
 
 By Scotch is meant the Scotch pronunciation of English. 
 The vernacular word may have quite a different sound, 
 e.g., the vernacular bulk has the mid-front-narrow-round. 
 
 To save reiteration further on it will be well to set down
 
 Soiuid Relations in English. 1 99 
 
 here some of the principles that regulate lengthening and 
 shortening in Anglo-Saxon and Middle English. 
 
 There were in the Anglo-Saxon (chietiy in late West- 
 Saxon and Anglian) certain consonant groups before which 
 vowels were often lengthened. These groups were composed 
 of r, /, in, II, and certain succeeding consonants. 
 
 Short vowels, followed by unstressed syllables, were also 
 sometimes lengthened. This was much more pronounced 
 in Middle English. 
 
 Monosyllables ending in a stressed vowel were regularly 
 lengthened — me, t5/?, S<?, ge, he, se. 
 
 Many monosyllables ending in a single consonant are 
 also found long — of, on, or-, Fin-, Ic, ' I,' ivel, iver, ' man,' 
 bi-clc (from analogy of brcecon). 
 
 On the questioning of shortening before two consonants, 
 as in Middle English (see below), the evidence is uncertain. 
 
 The vowels of the unstressed elements of compounds very 
 often kept quantity, dbin and /w^ always. 
 
 Vowels in final and derivative syllables were often short- 
 ened. 
 
 In IMiddle English, short vowels in accented syllables 
 were lengthened before a consonant followed by a vowel. / 
 and u did not take on length. 
 
 Monosyllables kept their short vowels. These in certain 
 cases were lengthened, owing to the influence of inflectional 
 forms, which, vvith their additional vowel, came under the 
 scope of the above rule. Several nouns, for instance, 
 borrowed a vowel from their oblique cases and got leng- 
 thening, or borrowed, it may be, lengthening and vowel 
 together.) 
 
 Certain preterites of one syllable — yaf, shak, brak, &c., 
 afterwards conformed to the rule {gave, spake, brake), assum-
 
 2 CO Mamial of L inginstics. 
 
 ing the long vowel of the related forms that got lengthened 
 by the operation of said rule. 
 
 The rule is sometimes inoperative, when the single con- 
 sonant is followed by — er, — el, — en, — i7tg, — £ These are 
 called the back-shortening terminations. Shortness for ex- 
 ample is retained in the following vioxd^— fader, sadel, seven, 
 hering, bodi. Perhaps, in certain words, the inflected forms 
 that, owing to syncope of their vowels, did not come under 
 the above rule, influenced the nominatives. Some of these 
 exceptions will occur hereafter. 
 
 The rule obtained, in spite of the usual shortening 
 syllables, in aker, taper, oner, cradel, euen. Compare these 
 as to sound with the previous exceptions. 
 
 It is also to be noticed that the — er, — el, &c., may not 
 only nullify the action of the lengthening rule, but do actually 
 sometimes shorten a preceding long vowel (cp. lather, sorry). 
 
 Before two consonants, vowels are regularly shortened in 
 Middle English. 
 
 Just as in Anglo-Saxon, however, there were certain 
 consonant-combinations that often lengthened the preced- 
 ing vowel. The second consonant had to be a sonant, 
 and not every combination of r, I, m, n and sonant was 
 eff'ective. Examples are, bord 'board,' kdld 'cold,' tdlde 
 ' told,' child, blind, dlinben. 
 
 The terminations that conserved shortness, and interfered 
 with the action of the consonant -t- vowel rule, gave pause 
 also in the consonant-combination rule. 
 
 There were also some pure exceptions — shollde and wollde 
 (from the Ormulum). 
 
 Before ng, which perhaps had suffered simplification of 
 sound, original shortness had been recovered. The spell- 
 ing (for short u), found in yong, tonge, proves this. The
 
 Soiuid Relations in English. 201 
 
 ioTca young has preserved in writing the symbol for long u, 
 viz., ou, or, it may be, borrowed it [xova youth. 
 
 So also the vowel before mb got back shortness as in dumb. 
 
 Just as much phonetics as is necessary for the under- 
 standing of the word-lists will now be given. 
 
 The breath that passes from the lungs into the upper 
 passages may either pass freely and retain its quality, or, by 
 thrumming on the vocal chords that close the glottis, be 
 changed into voice. Vowels have to do with voice, con- 
 sonants with both breath and voice. 
 
 A table of vowel-sounds is first set down. These are 
 produced by the voiced breath that is freely projected into 
 the differently disposed resonance-chamber of the mouth. 
 
 The following are the definitions of the terms used in 
 their description : — (a) high, mid, loiv — these denote the 
 various positions of the articulating tongue ; (b) back, mixed., 
 front — these refer to the part of the tongue that is active in 
 articulation, mixed denoting that the tongue is in its natural 
 level state ; (c) narrow, wide — narrow indicates that the 
 surface of the active part of the tongue is tense, wide that 
 it is in its ordinary flaccid state ; (d) round — this means 
 that the lips are narrowed during the utterance of the sound. 
 
 Occasionally, in this and the following chapter, the action 
 of sound-processes will be described by verbs — rounded, 
 backed, fronted, &c. — the meanings of which repose on the 
 definitions of the above terms. 
 
 Bell's names for the vowels are primary and ivide. His 
 explanation of these terms differs from the foregoing 
 (Sweet's). He states that ivide vowels differ from narrow 
 in that they ' have an additional expansion of the soft 
 palate, enlarging the back cavity of the mouth.'
 
 c/j 
 
 p 
 
 Z 
 
 O 
 I 
 
 o 
 
 > 
 
 •d 
 c 
 
 o -t: 
 
 %^ 
 .5 
 
 .-iac^'d 
 
 £ 
 
 low-front-wide 
 E. man 
 Sc. men 
 
 high- front-wide- 
 round 
 G. schittzen 
 
 mid-front-wide- 
 round 
 Fr. pcux 
 G. Gotter 
 
 1 
 
 rs 
 
 c: o 
 
 -a 
 
 1 
 
 y- ^ 
 
 £ 3. 
 §w" 
 
 mid-mixed-wide 
 E. bett«- 
 
 low-mixed-wide 
 E. how (first ele- 
 ment) 
 Occas. Sc. t'rr, hixd 
 
 high-mixed -wide- 
 round 
 E. \Aitc 
 
 mid-mixed-wide 
 round 
 E. sole (slightly 
 
 diphthongic) 
 Fr. homme 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 _x c 
 
 £ o 
 1 ^ 
 
 6 
 
 high-back-wide 
 
 mid-back-wide 
 E. father 
 Fr. patte 
 G. vrtter 
 
 low-back-wide 
 Sc. fother, man 
 Fr. pdte 
 
 1 
 
 0) 
 
 f wo 
 
 mid-back-wide- 
 round 
 E. so (diphthongic) 
 Sc. road 
 Fr. or 
 G. Sonne 
 
 low-back -wide- 
 round 
 E. not 
 
 high- front-narrow 
 Sc. se/k 
 Fr. f/n/ 
 G. b/ene (long) 
 
 mid-front -narrow 
 Fr. eie 
 G. %ee (long) 
 
 low-front-narrow 
 E. crtre 
 Sc. tell 
 
 high-front-narrow- 
 round 
 Fr. l«ne 
 G. griin (long) 
 
 mid-front-narrow- 
 round 
 Sc. b«/k 
 Fr. pe« 
 G. sch(Vn (long) 
 
 low-front-narrow- 
 round 
 Sw. for 
 
 % 
 
 15 
 
 mid-mixed-narrow 
 G. gabe 
 Fr. que 
 
 2 « 
 \t 
 
 <u - 
 '£ ^ 
 
 ^w 
 
 o 
 
 high-mixed-narrow- 
 round 
 Nor. and Sw. h/cs 
 
 p 
 
 ci 
 
 £ o 
 
 1 
 
 p 
 
 c: 
 
 c 
 1 
 '^ 'd 
 
 ■£ p 
 
 o 
 
 5x: 
 
 p g 
 
 li 
 
 :2W 
 
 low-back-narrow 
 Cockney park 
 Occas. Sc. huX. 
 
 high-back-narrow- 
 round 
 Sc.-E. book 
 Fr. sow 
 G. giA (long) 
 
 mid-back- narrow- 
 round 
 Fr. \^eau 
 G. so/m (long) 
 
 low-back-narrow- 
 round 
 E. \aw
 
 Sound Relations in Enzlish 
 
 Vb ' 
 
 Bell says that the high-mixed-narrow is heard in American 
 sir and her. 
 
 An idea of the high-back-wide may be got by pronounc- 
 ing the II \nfi(//, and at the same time forcing asunder the 
 lips with finger and thumb. Bell says that the unaccented 
 Oii in -tious has this sound. 
 
 Low-front-wide-round — Bell says that this is heard in the 
 Cockney alwi/f. 
 
 Mid-mixed-narrow-round — Heard, says Bell, in Yorkshire 
 cof?ie, and Irish Dublui. 
 
 Low-mixed-narrow-round — In Irish her, sir, stir (Bell). 
 
 Low-mixed-wide-round — Regular sound of Irish short o 
 in not, gone, &c. (Bell). 
 
 Consonant-sounds are produced by the voiced or voice- 
 less breath that is projected upwards, and impeded or 
 stopped at some part of the throat or mouth. The simplest 
 consonant is the throat sound, the aspirate //. 
 
 In uttering consonants, the sound passage may be (i) 
 clear, and the result be ope^i sounds (2) blocked in the 
 centre, and the result be side sounds (3) blocked altogether, 
 and the result be stop sounds (4) blocked altogether, with 
 free nose-passage, and the result be 7iasal sounds. 
 
 The parts of the tongue, &c., active in the articulation of 
 consonants {i.e. in the partial or complete stoppage of 
 sound) are sufficiently indicated by the names at the top of 
 each column. Front means the middle of the tongue ; 
 point, the tip ; and blade, the part behind the point ; blade- 
 point indicates that variety of consonant-sound in which the 
 blade-action is accompanied by a raising of the point of the 
 tongue ; lip-backs have a closer approximation of the lips 
 than tlie /// consonants, accompanied by a heightening of 
 the back of the tongue. 
 
 Here follows a list of consonant-sounds with noticeable 
 examples.
 
 Q 
 
 o 
 
 m 
 H 
 
 o 
 
 iz; 
 o 
 o 
 
 < 
 Pi 
 
 H 
 o. 
 
 n 
 
 Q. 
 
 Q. 
 
 O 
 
 M 
 
 m 
 
 V 
 
 H 
 
 o 
 
 
 c 
 ~ IT ^ O 
 
 w£dd 
 
 c 
 
 I. 
 
 d 
 
 
 W 
 
 
 c 
 
 i 
 
 w£d 
 
 o 
 
 wt:o 
 
 
 WCiO 
 
 W 
 
 t: 
 
 ,0) rt 
 
 Or^ 
 
 
 c^d 
 
 
 c 
 
 s- 
 w£d 
 
 z 
 
 a, 
 O 
 
 D 
 
 O 
 
 ITi 
 
 ^ 
 
 WfoO 
 
 
 Kfe 
 
 O 
 
 + 
 
 §33 
 
 at. 
 
 + 
 
 wtid 
 
 w 
 
 
 c 
 
 D o 
 
 a^o 
 
 
 MfeO 
 
 a ad 
 
 + 
 
 o 2 § 
 a ad 
 
 t>o 
 
 c 
 
 5? 
 
 o 
 
 
 ^■0 
 
 a ad 
 
 -a 
 
 bao 
 
 c 
 
 '•3 
 
 J3 
 
 J2 
 
 > 
 ■a 
 
 
 H 
 
 
 a 
 
 
 0- 
 
 o 

 
 Sotmd Relations in Enoiish. 20 
 
 .3 
 
 Bell's account differs from the above (Sweet's) in analysis 
 and nomenclature. For side and stop he uses divided and 
 shut. He has ivh, sh, s {w, z/i, z), in a row by themselves, 
 with the name mixed. This term describes a narrowing of 
 the sound passage, brought about by a raising of the front 
 part of the tongue, or, in the case of the lip-sounds, by a 
 contraction of the back part of the mouth. He places/ (v) 
 in his divided row, and classes th (d/i) as a member of a 
 mixed-divided row. 
 
 Glides are the parasitic sounds that arise in the passage 
 from one sound-position to another. 
 
 It is now time to give the lists of typical examples of 
 sound-change referred to above. 
 
 a, se, 2, ea : A.S. (i.e. West Saxon) «, representing Teu- 
 tonic a (I.E. (7, 0, and indeterminate vowel p), is not a 
 particularly common sound. It occurs in open syllables 
 that are followed either by the back vowels «, o^ or u, as 
 faran but fcerest, dagum, dat. plu. of dceg, dccges, or by 
 front vowels that have developed out of original back 
 vowels, as hacele ' cloak ' (Goth, hakiils), macian ' make ' 
 (Teutonic stem -oja-). In close syllables it generally gives 
 place to its substitute ce. 
 
 The /-umlaut of rt: is f (m. f w.). 
 
 Before nasals, especially in Anglian dialects, a was 
 rounded into g. Both letters were however written, although 
 later on, the fi-sound seems to have prevailed in West Saxon. 
 o remains in unstressed words like on (cp. of, with o before 
 following lip consonant). 
 
 ce replaces a in close syllables before a group of con- 
 sonants, and before final consonants (save w, ;/, //, w).
 
 2 o6 Manual of L ingu istics. 
 
 There are exceptions such as habban 'have,' assa 'ass,' 
 ac 'but.' Analogy conserves a in the imperatives of 
 certain strong verbs, e.g. far 'go,' sac 'dispute.' 
 
 (B is sometimes written for umlaut e. 
 
 In open syllables cr may occur in syllables that were 
 originally close — a^cer (Goth, acrs); in syllables followed 
 by an e that is original, and not weakened from a, o, or u — 
 dceges, gen. of dceg; or even in syllables followed by an 
 unoriginal e, if that e is (or was) in its turn followed by a 
 syllable containing / — ce'6eling ' noble.' 
 
 (e is also a dialectic variation for the a and ea of other 
 dialects — Mercian dtegas (W.S. dagas), North. cErc (W.S. 
 earc), North, and Mercian gesceh ' saw ' (W.S. geseah). 
 
 ea is the breaking of a. This result is given before final 
 h, and h followed by a consonant {x equalling hs), before r 
 followed by a consonant, and often before / followed by a 
 consonant. In this last case a is common enough in older 
 texts, and occurs in Mercian — Mercian fa Han (W.S. 
 feallari). 
 
 ea sometimes occurs for a in poetry and dialect, when the 
 following syllable contains u (o), e.g. cearu 'care,' geafu, 
 plu. o{ gcBt 'gate.' 
 
 ea is also a dialectic variation for eo. 
 
 In the ea that follows the palatals g, c, sc {geaf, ceaster, 
 sceal) the f is a graphic means of indicating the preceding 
 palatalisation. The vowel is really a. 
 
 A.S. a was the low-back- wide, <z the low-front-wide, g the 
 low-back-wide-round, and ea low-front-wide -f low-back- 
 Avide. 
 
 In Middle English A.S. cf. and ea were levelled under a. 
 This sound was written e [ea), but retained its former value
 
 Sound Relations in Bno/isk. 
 
 207 
 
 (1. f. w.). Later on it was very widely changed into a, but 
 survived in the Kentish dialect. 
 
 o was pretty generally unrounded to a in Middle English, 
 but appears in certain words where the sound had been 
 group-lengthened. Notice also/ww, of, and o/i. 
 
 The a of Middle English, representing A.S. a, ce, ea, an 
 Anglian a that had not undergone breaking, and certain 
 shortenings of A.S. (d {ca, a), passed early in the Modern 
 English period into (se). 
 
 The lengthened a of Middle English gives of course (ei) 
 in Modern English. The passage has been through front- 
 ing, raising, narrowing, and diphthongisation, with divergence 
 of first element. 
 
 The influence of neighbouring sounds, parasitic develop- 
 ment, dialectic survival, the action of analogy, and special 
 modern lengthenings have all contributed to produce various 
 results. These factors of change are seen at work in the 
 following examples : — 
 
 A.S. a (ae, 9, ea). 
 
 B ongemang (q) amang, among among 
 
 mangere (q) -monger monger 
 
 cvvceS cwaS quoth 
 
 8 -weard -ward -ward 
 
 i t£eppet 
 praettig 
 
 tipet, tepet 
 prati, pretie 
 
 tippet 
 pretty 
 
 e gedjeft 
 Sanon 
 
 t6g?edre 
 manig (q) 
 siKgde 
 
 daft, deft deft 
 
 ])anene, Jiannes, thence 
 thennes 
 
 togadere, togedere together 
 
 mani, moni, meni many 
 
 saide, seide said
 
 208 
 
 Manual of Linginstics. 
 
 86 
 
 arwe 
 
 ar(e)\ve 
 
 arrow 
 
 
 arn 
 
 ran 
 
 ran 
 
 
 niann (q) 
 
 man, mon 
 
 man 
 
 
 hlanc (<2) 
 
 lank 
 
 lank 
 
 
 hand (q) 
 
 hand, hoonde 
 
 hand 
 
 
 sang (q) vb. 
 
 sang, song 
 
 sang 
 
 
 m^esse 
 
 masse, messe 
 
 mass 
 
 
 speaiwa 
 
 sparwe 
 
 sparrow 
 
 
 
 healfter 
 
 halter 
 
 halter 
 
 
 walwian 
 
 walwen 
 
 wallow 
 
 
 wandrian 
 
 wandrien 
 
 wander 
 
 
 wses 
 
 was 
 
 was 
 
 
 sang (q) n. 
 
 song, sang 
 
 song 
 
 
 lang (q) 
 
 long, lang 
 
 long 
 
 
 (be)g£et 
 
 (bi)gat 
 
 got 
 
 ee 
 
 fearn 
 
 feme 
 
 fern 
 
 
 {ge)earnian 
 
 ernen 
 
 earn 
 
 ai 
 
 meahte, mrehte 
 
 mahte, mihte 
 
 might 
 
 ei 
 
 ealu 
 
 ale 
 
 ale 
 
 
 drel 
 
 dale 
 
 dale 
 
 
 scalu ' land ' 
 
 skale, schale, scole 
 
 scale 
 
 
 baSian 
 
 ba))en 
 
 bathe 
 
 
 lator 
 
 later 
 
 later 
 
 
 gsef 
 
 5af, gaf 
 
 gave 
 
 
 bced 
 
 bad, bade 
 
 bade 
 
 
 WKStm 
 
 wastme, westm, wast waist 
 
 
 hoegl, hagol 
 
 hail 
 
 hail 
 
 
 slsegen 
 
 slagen, slaine 
 
 slain 
 
 
 slean (sleahan) 
 
 sleen 
 
 slay 
 
 
 mreg 
 
 mai, mei 
 
 may- 
 
 
 eahta 
 
 ahte, eihte 
 
 eight
 
 SoiLiid Relations in English. 
 
 209 
 
 OU cak], aid 
 
 aid, old 
 
 old 
 
 lealde, talde 
 
 talde, tolde 
 
 told 
 
 camh ((2) 
 
 camb, combe, 
 
 coomb comb 
 
 brrec 
 
 brak 
 
 (brake) bn 
 
 UU waml) (0) 
 
 wambe, wonil 
 
 be womb 
 
 i9 gearwe pi. 
 
 gere 
 
 gear 
 
 beard 
 
 berd 
 
 beard 
 
 a9 iiara 
 
 hare 
 
 hare 
 
 biur adj. 
 
 bare 
 
 bare 
 
 sneare 
 
 snare 
 
 snare 
 
 dearr 
 
 dar 
 
 dare 
 
 aa hxrfest 
 
 hervest 
 
 harvest 
 
 mcarc 
 
 merke 
 
 mark 
 
 eariin 
 
 aren, are 
 
 are 
 
 hratTor 
 
 raiVer 
 
 rather 
 
 pix;« 
 
 pa(< 
 
 path 
 
 castel 
 
 cast el 
 
 castle 
 
 grces 
 
 gres, gras 
 
 grass 
 
 healf, half 
 
 half 
 
 half 
 
 Eehiiesse 
 
 almess 
 
 alms 
 
 hleahtor 
 
 lahter 
 
 laughter 
 
 00 wearm 
 
 warm 
 
 warm 
 
 wa'tcr 
 
 water 
 
 water 
 
 eaJI 
 
 all, al 
 
 all 
 
 bser 
 
 bar, hare 
 
 (bare) bore 
 
 bale ' beam ' 
 
 balke 
 
 baulk 
 
 sleahl 
 
 slahter 
 
 slaughter 
 
 awel 
 
 awel 
 
 awl 
 
 (ge)s£eh 
 
 sagh, saugh 
 
 saw 
 
 sagu ' dictum ' 
 
 sawe 
 
 saw 
 
 dragan 
 
 dragen 
 
 draw 
 
 hafoc 
 
 havek, hauk 
 
 hawk 
 
 feaht, fseht 
 
 faht, faiiht 
 
 
 fought
 
 2 1 o Manual of L inguistics. 
 
 among- — The («) of the present language postulates a 
 Middle English //-sound. From this sound it developed 
 through un-rounding and lowering. There is some author- 
 ity for a //-form to among. Compare lung and su?ig n., 
 West Midland forms for lo?ig, song, among, like these, had 
 had its vowel group-lengthened into o. 
 
 Before ng (and ml?) this lengthening was taken off, and 
 the followed the development of M.E. o. This was an 
 open sound ; the A.S. o had been close. 
 
 ^nof/i — The a of c7C'at) was labialised by the 7i' into o. 
 The unemphatic form would end in a sonant i"//. This was 
 naturally stopped into d. quoth is a compromise between 
 quath and quod. There are other two pronunciations of 
 this word, one \\ke froth, the other like both. Of these the 
 latter is stictly analogical. 
 
 -ward — This has weak ending with obscure vowel, ivard 
 n. has sound (oo). 
 
 tippet — The / of the M.E. form is anomalous. M.E. 
 pretie with its shortening termination would resist lengthen- 
 ing and should have given mid-front-wide, a sound which 
 it has in Scotch. 
 
 thefines is due to the analogy of hennes (A.S. heonan). 
 ?namg, by analogy of ^nig, became nu^nig. This, under the 
 action of the back-shortening terminations, gave mani meni 
 in Middle English. The modern many has the spelling of 
 one form and the pronunciation of another, saide from 
 scBgde (late West Saxon sicde) is regular. A.S. itg regularly 
 gave ci, and in the Ancren Riwle the form seide occurs. 
 But as Orm, who usually has a for cs, writes sey^de, the e is 
 probably got from the other forms of sccgan. ai was also 
 a common representation of cvg in certain dialect-areas, and
 
 Soiuid Relations in Bnclis/i. 2 1 1 
 
 *> ' 
 
 saide was the form handed on for development. When the 
 M.E. ai had in the course of its development reached 
 the stage of long mid-front-wide, shortening supervened, 
 whence the modern (e). Many words suffered similar 
 shortenings, as will be seen in due course, e.g., head, bread, 
 threat, &c. 
 
 (se) is the regular development, sang — Nasal preterites 
 in ng usually develop their a-, other words their 0- forms, 
 €.g., song n. 
 
 halter — Early in the modern period a parasitic u was 
 developed before /, and henceforward the an- development 
 was followed. This has resulted in (00), but in certain 
 words shortening and widening took place^ giving as result 
 (0). Compare halt and salt, wallow, wander, ivas. The 
 zv rounded the a into (0). Lengthened a resists any such 
 action of the w, and develops regularly — wave (ei) M.E. 
 waiien. song, long develop under 0. 
 
 got — gat is the regular development. The past parti- 
 ciple geten took o, on the analogy of broken, and this o 
 spread to the preterite. 
 
 fern, earn — The modern (aa), associated with shortness, 
 argues a reduction of the group-lengthening of these 
 forms. 
 
 might — There was also a form ?nihte in late West Saxon. 
 From this form, inight (ai) is a regular development. The 
 h passed into a breath-glide, and was merged into the pre- 
 ceding /, which thus took on length, and followed the 
 development of long /. 
 
 (ei) is the sound into which lengthened a before consonant 
 -j- vowel has ultimately passed, scale — This form may come
 
 2 1 2 Man7ial of Linguistics. 
 
 from Norse skal. Long a was rounded to j,7 in Middle 
 English. later, with (ei), is a fresh creation with the vowel 
 oi late. M.E. later is legitimately represented by latter, for 
 the M.E. form fortified with the back-shortening termina- 
 tion would resist lengthening, gave got its long vowel 
 from the analogy of the long vowel of the preterite plu. 
 geven (M.E. ^awen, levelled under vowel of singular, A.S. 
 g{e)afon), and of the past participle and infinitive, both of 
 which acquired length in Middle English. Compare brake 
 broke, and bare bore. 
 
 bade — The M.E. forms are bad sing., beden plu. Our 
 bade with (se) is regular, with (ei), it is an example of the 
 levelling of the vowel of the singular under the vowel-length of 
 the plural. The M.E. plu. badeii would of itself, quite apart 
 from the original vowel-length, take on the length that a 
 vowel acquired in Middle English when followed by a con- 
 sonant + vowel. M.E. a gives (ei). There is the same 
 alternation in sat, sate. Compare gave, brake, bare. 
 
 wastine ivast like other words with i- followed b)' a con- 
 sonant would acquire the sound of (seae) — see below 
 under (aa) — early in the modern period and should in the 
 natural course of things have been now pronounced with 
 (aa). Compare fast, from A.S. fcest. Perhaps it is per- 
 missible to suppose that, in this word, the (seae) sound was 
 developed at a sufficiently early date to enable it to attach 
 itself to the sese's that come from M.E. a, and end in (ei), 
 e.g., in Jiame. It may be that the analogy of words with long 
 vowel before st has given length. Compare for lengthen- 
 ing of short vowel before st, yeast (see A.S. e). hail, slain, 
 may are regular, ai is a common^representative of A.S. (Bg'va.
 
 SoiLud Relations in EuqUsIi. 2 i ^ 
 
 Middle English, and has through various stages passed in 
 the present language into (ei). M.E. ei at an early date 
 was levelled under ai. sleen should have given a vowel- 
 sound like tliat in deem, but has imported ai and its sound 
 from the participle. 
 
 eif^ht—'WxQ Anglian is cehta, A glide-vowel has been 
 developed before the //. Should have had same sound as 
 fought. 
 
 old, told — The Anglian a was rounded to g in Middle 
 English. This g has now passed into (ou). But spellings 
 such as 07vld, &c., prove that / had here, as usual, developed 
 the parasite Ji. It makes no difference, gu and g ran to- 
 gether in development. 
 
 comb — The ^-form has given development, and seems to 
 have retained its group-lengthened long vowel. 
 
 broke— i:\\z M.E. bmk, brehen (A.S. brcBc, bra:con), \)l. 
 sing, and plu., were the regular forms. In the North, the 
 plural took on the vowel of the singular, while the singular 
 vowel took on the length of the plural vowel, and con- 
 formed to the long vowel of the past participle and infinitive, 
 The infinitive and past participle had acquired lengthening 
 in Middle English by the operation of the principle that 
 lengthens a vowel before a consonant -f vowel. broke 
 got its o from the past participle broken (A.S. brocen). 
 Compare spake (x^.S. sp{r)cec sp{r)(tcon). spoke comes 
 from a spoken, by analogy of broken. The A.S. part, is 
 sprecen. 
 
 womb — The group-lengthened g was labialised by the iv 
 into <? and has followed the development of ^' into (uu). 
 
 gere, berd — Long e before r regularly gives (ie). hare, 
 &c. — Long a before r gives (aa).
 
 2 1 4 Manual of L inguistics. 
 
 dar — The a is due to the analogy of the late M.E. pre- 
 terite bar (see below). 
 
 hervest, jnerke — r changes e into a, a change which had 
 taken place in Middle English. This action of r had a 
 wider scope in Modern English, and was general before final 
 r, and r + cons. The rt's (ae) thus got were subjected to 
 the change that was then overtaking that letter, viz., length- 
 ening to (aese). This has passed to (aa) in the present 
 language. The lengthening just mentioned took place 
 before r, and s followed by consonants, and before th. Note 
 also the lengthening in chaff, shaft, craft (A.S. caf scccft, 
 crceft). Thus is explained the modern pronunciation of 
 harvest, mark, path, castle (and glass). It may be mentioned 
 that harfest is one of the words where ce represents 
 umlaut-^ (r). are presents the conditions for lengthening, 
 and the vulgar pronunciation (aa) is really the regular one. 
 The present pronunciation points to an unstressed are. 
 ra'6er — In this word the back-shortening ending was some- 
 times operative, sometimes not. The first result gives (aa), 
 the second (ei). Compare hiter and latter (see above), half, 
 laughter — A ii (not always written) has been developed 
 before / and guttural h. This parasite was lost and the a 
 went to (aa) through (3e,aese). Previously the / in half 
 had dropped out between its parasite and the succeeding 
 consonant. Eor additional examples take Iialre, calm, 
 abns. 
 
 answer (Wicklitte has aii/iswere) — In this word, after 
 the analogy of Anglo-French, which wrote a lengthened 
 nasal vowel before Ji, with an, a n was developed. This an 
 has passed to (aa), without any intermediary. Of course 
 French words in an take this development, e.g., annt (and
 
 Sound Relations in Ejie/is/i. 2 1 
 
 cb 
 
 after its analogy n/it). It is to be noticed that M.E. 
 lengthened a does not pass to (aa) but to (ei). 
 
 ivarin — ai- after iv was rounded to (00) — compare dwarf 
 (see A.S. e (eo)). water has undergone the same development 
 — compare wallow and was (see A.S. a). The M.E. a, and the 
 combination vowel + back consonant, are not subject to this 
 rounding after w — wax, &c. all, balk — The a + parasitic 
 // follows the development of an. This became a monoph- 
 thong with sound (c), which was broadened later on into 
 (00). ivalk (A.S. wealcafi) has had the same develop- 
 ment. Some of the other words in this list have either an 
 in Middle English, or have developed a parasitic u before 
 guttural //. slaughter — compare with laughter (see above). 
 draw—g passes to w after guttural vowels {a, o, u), cp. bo7V 
 (A.S. l>oga). drag is a Northern doublet, hawk — -The of 
 the A.S. form was levelled under c in Middle English, and 
 intervocalic / (a voiced letter) was written v. The v then 
 passed to w, after that, followed compression, fought — 
 There was a form with au, early in the Modern Period. 
 Compare the spellings nought and naught, and daughter, 
 with on in Middle, and au in Modern English (see A.S. 0). 
 The o in fought doubtless comes from the part, foliten. 
 bore — The M.E. bar, bcren (x'X.S. beer, bitroii), pt. sing, and 
 plu., were levelled to bar{e), bdren in the North. From 
 this came our bare, the short vowel of the preterite sing, 
 being levelled under the long vowel of the preterite plu., 
 the past part., and the infinitive. The of bore has been 
 got from the past part, boren (A.S. boren). Compare broke 
 and brake. 
 
 It would perhaps be well to notice the difference between 
 behave (ei), and have (se) (A.S. habban, be-habban, M.E.
 
 2 1 6 Mmiiial of L inguistics. 
 
 behauen, hauen). behave underwent lengthening, have was 
 unemphatic, and retained short a. 
 
 haven and lathe are said to derive from Norse hgfn and 
 hfS. They are probably new singulars, made for the plural 
 forms that came from the plurals hafiiir and hx^ar. But 
 there is also found an A.S. hcefene. 
 
 e(eo) : There are two e's in Anglo-Saxon, original Teut. 
 e (I.E.^ (/) (Goth. /, a'l (before r and Z^) ), usually said to be 
 close, and umlaut e (r), resulting from /-umlaut of a, o, and 
 o (rounded a before nasals). Examples of both e's have been 
 given in previous chapters. 
 
 e sometimes represents a reduction of the eaihat results 
 from breaking of ea followed by /4-cons. and r-l-cons., or 
 at times, the {e)a that followed the palatals c, g, sc. 
 
 In Anglian, ea before ?r, rg; is smoothed to e. 
 
 In Kentish, e may represent j, the /-umlaut of//. 
 
 In the same dialect and in Mercian, e can take the place 
 of W.S. a-. 
 
 e is also a common levelling for various vowels in 
 unstressed syllables. 
 
 eo is the breaking of e before // + cons, (.v = hs), and final 
 //, before certain /-groups, and before r-fcons. The break- 
 ing of / in similar circumstances is also represented by eo 
 (/.). 
 
 eo (Teut. e and /) has sometimes been got from the 
 influence of the back vowel // in the succeeding syllable — 
 meodu 'mead' (O.H.G. ;w///), seolfor 'silver' (O.H.G. 
 silabar). A succeeding o ox a has in certain words the 
 same effect. In Mercian examples of this are to be met 
 with — beoraji and eotan, W.S. beran and eta>i. 
 
 There is also an eo that is got from Teut. o or n pre-
 
 Sound Relations in English. 
 
 217 
 
 ceded by tlie palatal combination sc — sc{e)op ' poet ' (O.H.G. 
 scoph), sc{e)ort (O.H.G. sciirz). Compare the ea of similar 
 origin from Teut. a. 
 
 Teut. J + o (u) is sometimes expressed by ^i^(e)o — ^!;(e)o<: 
 'yoke' {h. Jitgum). 
 
 In Anglian, eo before re, rg, rh, is smoothed to e. 
 
 A-S. e was the mid-front-narrow, co the same + mid-back- 
 narrow-round, while r was the mid-front-wide. 
 
 In Middle English, A.S. e and r were both levelled under 
 f (m.f.w.) A.S. eo was smoothed into open e. This as a 
 rule remains unchanged, but the influence of the surround- 
 ing sounds, and the operation of certain principles give 
 many results in the present language. Lengthened ^ or ^ 
 before consonant + vowel, or before certain consonant-groups 
 
 gives (ii). 
 
 A.S. e (eo). 
 
 i svveostor (swuster, 
 
 suster, sister 
 
 sister 
 
 swyster) 
 
 
 
 seox (siex, six) 
 
 sixe, sexe 
 
 six 
 
 niengan 
 
 mengen 
 
 mingle 
 
 hredclan 
 
 redden, ridden 
 
 rid 
 
 e ferian 
 
 ferien 
 
 ferry 
 
 welisc (wKlisc) 
 
 walsh 
 
 Welsh 
 
 geolu 
 
 5eolewe, yelwe 
 
 yellow 
 
 . glf, £Elf 
 
 elf 
 
 elf 
 
 le?5er 
 
 lether 
 
 leather 
 
 hgfig 
 
 heuy 
 
 heavy 
 
 ggst, gcest 
 
 gest 
 
 guest 
 
 geostran - daeg 
 
 5erstendai, :isterdai 
 
 yesterday 
 
 (gystra-) 
 
 
 
 86 tergan 
 
 terien, tarien 
 
 tarry 
 
 ■<5erscan 
 
 I'reschen, thresshe 
 
 thresh, thrash 
 
 gemc'cca, gemivcca 
 
 meche, niache 
 
 match 
 
 eom, earn (Anglian) earn, am 
 
 am
 
 2l8 
 
 Manual of Linguistics. 
 
 88 ceorl 
 
 cherl, chorle, churle 
 
 clnirl 
 
 l>eornan 
 
 bernen 
 
 burn 
 
 eorl 
 
 erle 
 
 earl 
 
 eorSe 
 
 erthe 
 
 earth 
 
 leornian 
 
 leinen 
 
 learn 
 
 sweorfan 
 
 svverven 
 
 swerve 
 
 stgrne, styrne 
 
 sturne, stirne, sterna 
 
 stern 
 
 heord 
 
 heerde, herd 
 
 lierd 
 
 weorS 
 
 wurth, worth 
 
 worth 
 
 weorc 
 
 werk, wore 
 
 work 
 
 ai reoht (ie, i) 
 
 riht, ryght 
 
 right 
 
 feohtan 
 
 fihten, fi3te 
 
 fight 
 
 beorht 
 
 briht, bri3t 
 
 bright 
 
 ai8 teorian, tyrian 
 
 tiren 
 
 tire 
 
 ei sweSian 
 
 swathen 
 
 swathe 
 
 weg 
 
 wei, wey 
 
 way 
 
 plegian 
 
 pleien 
 
 play 
 
 lecgan 
 
 leien 
 
 lay 
 
 seg(e)l 
 
 seil 
 
 sail 
 
 regen 
 
 rein 
 
 rain 
 
 bregdan 
 
 breiden 
 
 braid 
 
 'fiegen 
 
 Jiein 
 
 thane 
 
 brecan 
 
 breken 
 
 break 
 
 OTl geolca 
 
 jelke, 3olke 
 
 yolk 
 
 ii stelan 
 
 stelen 
 
 steal 
 
 wgnian 
 
 wenen 
 
 wean 
 
 gest (gist) 
 
 5eest 
 
 yeast 
 
 seolh 
 
 sele 
 
 seal 
 
 reopan (ripan ?) 
 
 repen 
 
 reap 
 
 peosan (io) phi. 
 
 pese, pesen plu. 
 
 pease 
 
 veik (Norse) 
 
 weik, waik 
 
 weak 
 
 sprecan 
 
 speken 
 
 speak 
 
 sceld 
 
 scheeld, sheld 
 
 shield 
 
 (ge) weld an 
 
 welden 
 
 wield 
 
 efen 
 
 euen 
 
 even 
 
 feoh 
 
 fee, fe 
 
 fee
 
 Sound Relations in EnoUsJi. 
 
 2J9 
 
 uu 
 
 stix-wian 
 
 
 strewen, strawcn 
 
 strew, straw 
 
 yuu 
 
 cowu 
 
 
 ewe 
 
 ewe 
 
 
 efete 
 
 
 euete, ewte 
 
 newt 
 
 i9 
 
 spere 
 
 
 spere 
 
 spear 
 
 
 mere 
 
 
 mere 
 
 mere 
 
 aa 
 
 swci'ian 
 
 
 sweren, swerien 
 
 swear 
 
 
 mere 
 
 
 mere, mare 
 
 mare 
 
 
 leger 
 
 
 leir 
 
 lair 
 
 
 tJeira gen. 
 
 (Norse) 
 
 j)eire, thair 
 
 their 
 
 aa 
 
 heorot 
 
 
 hert 
 
 hart 
 
 
 merran 
 
 
 mcrren, marren 
 
 mar 
 
 
 bgrn 
 
 
 berne 
 
 barn 
 
 
 heorff 
 
 
 berth 
 
 hearth 
 
 
 hlehhan 
 
 
 lauhcn 
 
 laugh 
 
 00 
 
 dweorg 
 
 
 dwergh, dwerf 
 
 dwarf 
 
 
 sweord (u 
 
 , o) 
 
 swerd, sword 
 
 sword 
 
 
 geonian, ganian 
 
 5enien, ganien, gonen 
 
 yawn 
 
 suster. — The u was ii, or ii, as a spelling with o shews. 
 sister — This spelling shows the unrounding of A.S. y into 
 /'. sicx, six — These forms are due to palatal umlaut oieo. 
 
 mingle, rid — The raising to / is seen in many words link, 
 Englisli, singe, string, kill (A.S. hience, ejiglisc, sengan, strejig, 
 cwejlaii). 
 
 ferien, &c. — This is the regular change into (e). 
 
 walsh — The a for e is perhaps got from JVeal/i, ' a Welsh- 
 man,' which would give a in Middle English. This word 
 however had long ea when // was dropped in declension 
 before a \owel. ivielisc, where ce. has its occasional function 
 of representing umlaut-^, might so far as the spelling is con- 
 cerned, have given a in Middle English. The proper name 
 Walsh preserves the a. 
 
 yehve — iv occurred in gcolu in the oblique cases before a
 
 2 20 Manual of L iiigidstics. 
 
 vowel, elf — There also occurs a M.E. form alfe. From 
 the long open o, produced by influence of Norse alfr, has 
 been developed oaf (ou). lether has the back-shortening 
 termination which often prevents lengthening before conso- 
 nant -I- vowel, but the ea of leather points to long open e. 
 This would be shortened in modern times as in the case of 
 health, heavy, &c. 
 
 guest —TX^t gti after the French fashion indicated guttural 
 hardness. --^erstendai — The r has backed into the previous 
 syllable, gystra accounts for the / of the other M.E. form. 
 
 tarien — In late Middle English, r had broadened e to a in 
 certain words. The influence of r in Modern English 
 increased. Words with er followed by a vowel, as was the 
 case with the M.E. forms of harry and tarry, were spared, 
 but outside of these, the change was very general, save in 
 her, which, being weak, has passed into (ea), through ('b), 
 and ('B8). 
 
 This broadening often took place before two conso- 
 nants. The a was in this position subject to the lengthen- 
 ing that ultimately gave (aa) (see above under harvest, and 
 below under hart). 
 
 thrash — The change of e into a (ae) is due to the influ- 
 ence of the r. For the metathesis compare /^rj-i: 2Si^ fresh. 
 The r originally preceded e. mache gives match, and is 
 itself got from geniircca, where the a;, though representing 
 umlaut-f, has followed the usual course of te. cam, am — 
 The form com (for //;/, cp. Goth im) is due to the influence 
 of the form corun, where the co is due to //-umlaut, eo, when 
 unemphatic, tended through unrounding of second element 
 to ea. The cam thus got, under the influence of waning 
 stress, shifted its strength to the second. The first element 
 then sloughed off, leaving a.
 
 Sound Relations in LnoHsh. 221 
 
 •<b ' 
 
 Many of tlie words with (se), where the conditions were 
 present (;- or / followed by voiced consonants), suffered 
 group-lengthening in Middle English. The presence of m 
 is a proof of the long open c-sound. These dropped length 
 in the Modern Period, for (sa) is got from short vowels (/>, 
 er, iir). burn — The //r may be got either from the ^//--forms 
 of the Anglo-Saxon, viz., the pret. plu,, or the past participle, 
 or from the labialising influence of /' on co, or, it may be, 
 from late byrnaiu Compare for ur and metathesis, hurst 
 (A.S. bastan, burstoti pret. plu.). Originally r came after/- 
 in this verb. In ivcor'6 and tvcorc the tv would produce a 
 «-sound. 
 
 reoht, feohfan — Palatal umlaut gives the ie i, whence the 
 M.E. forms. The (ai) was got in the usual way. The h 
 was merged into a glide, which, joined with the preceding 
 vowel, gave long /, whence (ai). brihi — Palatal // changed 
 the e of breht into /. Note the metathesis, the converse of 
 what usually takes place. The original position of the r is 
 beside the //. 
 
 th-e — This word would follow the analogy of the many 
 longs in -ire, e.g., hire, &c. Contrast stir (A.S. styrian). 
 
 swathen — The a for c comes from the noun, A.S. szva^u, 
 M.E. swathe 'track.' iveg, &c. — A.S. eg and eg regularly, 
 by vocalisation of g, give ei in Middle English. The spel- 
 lings ci and ai (A.S. ceg) were however confused in late 
 Middle English and Modern English. Hence the ai and 
 ^n' of the modern words. 
 
 lejgan — The r^''-forms of this word would give ei. thane — 
 This spelling occurs in the Alliterative Poems. The a in 
 sivathen before cons, -f- vowel, and M.E. ei, give alike in 
 INIodern English the result (ei). break — The long close e.
 
 2 2 2 Manual of L ingnistics. 
 
 into which lengthened c had passed, was retained by r. A 
 pronunciation with (ii) is on record. Compare great 
 (see A.S. ea). For yolk from g{e)olca, compare yoke from 
 g{e)oc {M.JL. yok{e)), the one due to parasitic on, the other 
 to lengthening of o into long open o before consonant + 
 vowel- Both these effects give (ou). ylkc represents the 
 common smoothing of the eo. 
 
 stelen, &c. — Many of these words acquired their present 
 sound from lengthening, yeast must have got associated 
 with some words that exhibit length before st, e.g. /east, 
 east. Compare beast and feast with an original short e. 
 A short sound for yeast is also on record. seo//i and feoh 
 would in the oblique cases, on the dropping of h before a 
 vowel, have eo. weak — The long open e that came from ei, 
 at the beginning of the Modern Period, seems to have got 
 mixed with the long open e that came from M.E. e, and to 
 have followed its development. Or there may have been a 
 form wiec, a variant of A.S. jfJr ' weak.' cc gives (ii) in 
 Modern English, speak — In late West Saxon there was a 
 form specan. shield, wield — The long vowel is due to group- 
 lengthening, ie was sometimes employed in Middle English 
 to represent the long close e. even — The back-shortening 
 termination was here inoperative. 
 
 strewen, &c. — The e probably became long in Middle Eng- 
 lish (before cons. -f vowel), eii. gave (yuu), through various 
 intermediates, with shifting of stress on to second element, 
 and consonantisation of iirst element. The y was dropped 
 after certain letters r, 1 (not always), t&c. Cockneys and 
 Yankees drop it more widely, e^ute — For vocalisation of/ 
 compare M.E. Imuk (A.S. hafoc). newt — The n is due to 
 combinations with the indefinite article an. Perhaps the
 
 Sound Relations in Ejigiish. 223 
 
 «-sound was repeated initially before the succeeding vowel, 
 securing attachment in certain cases. Compare u uncle, 
 nui:;get With regard to M.E. strawen, it may come from 
 an A.S. variant with iv, for umlaut-<? — cp. match. 
 
 spere, mere — er (vowel lengthened before consonant + 
 vowel) gives (ia) and also (as), mare — The a is got from 
 A.S. Jiieark ' horse.' /air exhibits confusion between ei 
 and ai. fhci'r derives from Norse ]^eira, gen. i)lu. of pers. 
 pron. (but originally demonstrative). The forms of the 
 demonstrative plural, had, owing to confusion between the 
 singular and plural forms of the personal pronoun, begun 
 to come into use. The usage received impetus, and the 
 demonstrative forms colouring, from the Norse. jv, 
 '\>^m, ]>dra were coloured by ]^eir {-r = \Aw. suffix), ]>cim, 
 Ipeira, into ]->tv, ]^e/m, \eire. The standard dialect ad- 
 mitted \ei, but still used the personal forms here, hire, 
 hir, for genitive, and he^n, for dat. and ace. them has 
 the vowel oi hem, and the consonant of the demonstrative. 
 \>d was of course the A.S. plural of the demonstrative 
 (M.E. ]>d). eir {air) gives (aa) in the present language. 
 
 hart — The e of the M.E. form was broadened to a by the 
 r, then suffered the lengthening that a underwent before r 
 followed by a consonant. The sese thus got, has passed 
 regularly to (aa). So with mar and i>arn. barn did not 
 undergo group-lengthening. The spelling of hearth shews 
 that it was subjected to lengthening. This lengthen- 
 ing was reduced or perhaps not constant. Then followed 
 the same changes as in hart. The words that exhibit this 
 reduced group-lengthening before r such as carl, earn, ike, 
 have usually (aa) in the present language. These doubtless 
 kept the lengthening longer. In heart the reason of the ea
 
 2 24 Maintal of Linguistic s^ 
 
 .is not quite obvious. The word does not present the con- 
 ditions for group-lengthening. Sweet says that the ea ' may 
 be a mere orthographic compromise between /^^r/and hart.^ 
 lauhen — The a may have come from an A.S. variant in cs, 
 or may have been imported from the noun hleahtor. The 
 developed // has had no influence on the result. Compare 
 laughter (see A.S. a). 
 
 dwerf — The e was broadened by the r into a, and rounded 
 {after passing to (aa), through lengthened ae) by the iv into 
 (aa). S7verd, sivord. — Both were group-lengthened. Tyndale 
 writes sweard (long open e), a pronunciation, which, per- 
 haps shortened to the sound of herd, and with the r trilled, 
 is not yet gone. In the second form, the group-lengthened 
 (o), that came down from Anglian, should remain close o, 
 and follow its development. And this is so. Long ?/ (the 
 usual development of M.E. o) is given as its pronunciation 
 in the phonetic authorities of the Modern Period. It also 
 suffered shortening, and passed quite regularly to ("b). Long 
 z( before r, carried to its usual development, should have 
 given the sound heard in moor (ue), but seems, as in the 
 case oi Jloor (A.S. flor), to have been broadened to (oo). 
 Compare board. 
 
 yatvn — A.S. gdnian would give o in Middle English. 
 This seems to have been kept and narrowed as in the case 
 of broad (see A.S. a). With regard to the spelling it is to be 
 noticed that a7i' has the phonetic value (od), and that a form 
 with a existed in Middle English. ynieti represents a 
 smoothing of A.S. eo. 
 
 i : A.S. / corresponds to Teut. / (Goth, ai before r and h). 
 This represents I.E. /, and before nasal followed by con- 
 sonant, li'C, I.E. e.
 
 Sound Relations in English. 225 
 
 Teut. i in certain words may represent I.E. e — wind 
 (L. ventus, I.E. iimto-). 
 
 Before nasals, A.S. / may correspond to Teut. e (I.E. e) — 
 nhnan (O.H.G. 7ieman). But these facts have been put 
 down in a previous chapter (page 27). 
 
 There is also an umlaut-/ in Anglo-Saxon. It has various 
 functions, representing (i) j', /-umlaut of ?/, before r, g, h 
 (2) ic, palatal umlaut of eo (breaking of f), before ht — riht 
 {reoht, rieht), or ie, /-umlaut of the eo that may come from 
 original J + u — gingra {giengra), comp. of geong (3) ie, 
 palatal umlaut of ea (breaking of a) before ht — niht {neaht), 
 or ic, /-umlaut of ea (breaking of a) — ildo {Jcjdu, O.H.G. 
 alt'i, elti), or ie, /-umlaut of {e)a (palatal umlaut of a — scieppan 
 (Goth, skapjan), weak vb., from sceapan {{e)a). 
 
 In unstressed syllables / may represent older /. 
 
 A.S. /was the high-front-narrow. 
 
 A.S. /remains in Middle English. M.E. /also represents 
 the unrounded A.S. y. It (like u) is not subject to the 
 lengthening which M.E. vowels take on before cons. + 
 vowel, but it suifers group-lengthening. 
 
 Modern / has become wide. There were two i's at 
 the beginning of the Modern Period, a narrow / and a 
 wide /. 
 
 
 
 A.S. i. 
 
 
 'B micel, mycel 
 
 
 muche, moche 
 
 imich 
 
 rise (rysc) 
 
 
 rusche, rische 
 
 rush 
 
 cwidu 
 
 
 cude 
 
 cud 
 
 i bill ' ensis ' 
 
 
 bil 
 
 bill 
 
 fi'SoIe 
 
 
 fiSele, fidylle 
 
 fiddle 
 
 seol(o)c (silccn 
 
 adj.) 
 
 selke, silke 
 
 silk 
 
 sife 
 
 
 siue 
 
 sieve 
 
 e gise 
 
 
 yis 
 
 P 
 
 yes
 
 226 
 
 Manual of Linguistics. 
 
 89 hire, hyre 
 
 hire, hure, here 
 
 her 
 
 cirice, cyrc 
 
 chirche, churche, 
 cherche 
 
 church 
 
 birce 
 
 birche 
 
 birch 
 
 Srittig 
 
 Jjritty, J)retty, ])erty 
 
 thirty 
 
 bridd 
 
 brid, byrde 
 
 bird 
 
 ai cild 
 
 child 
 
 child 
 
 behindan 
 
 behinde 
 
 behind 
 
 ic 
 
 ic, ich, ih, ig, i, y 
 
 I 
 
 pliht 
 
 pliht 
 
 plight 
 
 nigon 
 
 ni^en, nin 
 
 nine 
 
 stigu 
 
 stie, stye, sti 
 
 sty 
 
 ei {ge)wihte 
 
 wyght, weight 
 
 weight 
 
 ii wifel 
 
 wiuel, weuel 
 
 weevil 
 
 wicu. wucu 
 
 wike, wuke, weke 
 
 week 
 
 
 J>ise, ])ese 
 
 these 
 
 inuche — This form is due to an A.S. niycel, got by the 
 analogy of lytel. The il was made into u by the initial 
 labial. The o of moche denotes the ?<;-sound (see under u) 
 The forms miichel and mochel also occur in Middle English 
 — cp. Scotch muckle. M.E. it has passed to (b) through un- 
 rounding and lowering, rusche comes from a variant rysc. 
 aide — The loi of A.S. cividu would naturally give a ti — cp. 
 the A.S. variants widii and wudu ' wood ' (see under u). quid 
 is the regular development, fiddle—^ is often replaced by 
 d in Modern English, chiefly in the neighbourhood of r and 
 / — cp. murder and rudder (A.S. ?nor^or, ro'Sor). We have 
 the usual doubling of consonants to indicate shortness of 
 vowel. scale {eo, ^-umlaut of /) would give M.E. selke. 
 Development has followed the /-sound. The / in siken is 
 a reproduction of the original vowel by /-umlaut of ea 
 (through ie). sieve — The ie is perhaps due to a wish to 
 avoid the characterless spelling of sine.
 
 Sound Relations in Enolish. 227 
 
 yes — The e is due to a dislike to the conjunction of the 
 -cognate consonantal and vocalic sounds of jv and / in yis, the 
 Middle English and Early Modern form. Compare yet 
 (M.E.j^//, X.'$>. git). 
 
 here — The lowering of / to e is due to lack of stress, er 
 {ir) in the present language gives (ea). hure derives from 
 hyre. churche comes from cyrc. From this comes the 
 modern word, nr also gives (as). cherche is Kentish, a 
 dialect in which e appears for A.S. y. \retty — Some of the 
 related numerals have eo. This would give e. third, 
 thirteen, and thirty have suffered the same transposition — 
 cp. bird, byrde—y was written for / in late Middle English. 
 child., behind get their sound from a group-lengthened /. 
 
 Long / gives (ai). I^c in Anglo-Saxon was often fronted 
 after front vowel. This helped by waning stress would give 
 M.E, ich. Northumbrian in unstressed positions has ///, 
 compare snegdig ' said I.' Consonants were dropped in 
 unaccented monosyllables. Hence the weak i and the 
 modern sound, piiht — h was weakened into a glide which 
 coalesced with z and produced /. A similar explanation holds 
 ior stye diwd fiine. Some authorities give A.Si. st'igii. M.E. 
 nin was inflected when used without a noun, and written 
 nine with plural ending. 
 
 weight — The ci has come from wegaii ' to weigh,' where it 
 was got from vocalisation of g after palatal e. 
 
 wewel — The e is said to be due to the analogy of wefan. 
 7W/^i?—Ettm tiller quotes an A.S. weoce (see A.S. u), which 
 would yield 7i<eke. e can take on the lengthening that is got 
 in the sequence of cons. + vowel. Long e gives (ii) in the 
 present language. ]>ese gives these. It is a weak form of 
 ]->ise. The e is the plural ending. A new plural was formed
 
 2 28 Mmnial of L inguistics. 
 
 by adding e to \is, nom. sing. n. after the old plural \os 
 (A.S. \ds) had gone out of use. 
 
 In speaking above of much it would have been well to 
 have compared such. The A.S. form is swylc {swilc, sweic). 
 M.E. forms are stvik, szvich, szvtich, soche. For the passage 
 between zvi and u compare A.S. cwidu, M.E. cude. The 
 ch of the M.E. forms is noticeable. The c of Anglo-Saxon 
 was possibly fronted before the e of the oblique cases, or 
 the ch may be due to want of stress. At any rate a similar 
 ch appears in certain pronominal words — hwich, ech (A.S. 
 hivilc, felc). The vulgar pronunciation of such still pre- 
 serves the memory of the M.E. forms that had completely 
 unrounded the A.S. y. 
 
 : A.S. o (close) corresponds to Teut. u (o) (O.H.G. o 
 and //, Goth, u, aii (before r and h), I.E. u). 
 
 The prefix represented by Goth, us-, O.H.G. ur-, 
 
 appears in Anglo-Saxon as or orsorg 'careless' (O.H.G. 
 
 ursurgi). 
 
 Dialectically (Northumbrian), after iv, o stands for eo, the 
 breaking of e — wore {weorc), and for eo, the ?/-umlaut of e — 
 worold {tveoruld). 
 
 Final o may represent the u (vocalised iv) of the nomina- 
 tive of ivo- stems — searo (also u) ' armour ' gen. sea?-wes, also 
 another ii (Teut. J), in words like i/do (u) 'age' (I'e/du, O.H.G., 
 a/^I, ejti). The breaking ea in unstressed syllables may be 
 represented by o — hldford {hldf, weard). Long a (Teut. ai) 
 may be similarly represented — eorod ' troop ' {eoh ' horse,' 
 nld ' riding '). 
 
 Teut. -un]) may pass through -/75' into -(?e) (also ti^) — 
 geogti'S 'youth' (O.H.G. jugund). So may Teut. -an\ 
 through -oivS, -JS.
 
 Sound Relations in English. 229 
 
 And may be developed before a final liquid — -fugol 
 * fowl ' (Goth. fi/i,'/s), hlhtor ' pure ' (Goth. hlFttrs). 
 
 The or and ol that represent I.E. rand /have already 
 been alluded to (pages 64 and 66). 
 
 The g (open) from orig. a has been spoken of under a. 
 
 A.S. o was the mid-back-narrow-round. 
 
 The sound was widened in Middle English. It remained 
 for some time in Modern English, but was at length lowered 
 to present sound. It was also changed at a later date into 
 (od) before certain consonants, viz., s, th, in fact, before the 
 same following that lengthened a (page 214). 
 
 Lengthened before a consonant + vowel it gives (ou) — 
 nose (A.S. tiosu), like the long open o {g) that came from 
 A.S. a, e.g., home (A.S. haui). 
 
 The lengthenings of Anglian before certain consonant- 
 groups {rd, Id, &c.) are maintained with restrictions (page 
 200). They are naturally handed down into Middle English 
 with close 0, and keep by it, but at the uur stage (see under 
 o), the sound is broadened into (00). Compare A.'S>.fldr into 
 Jloor (00). Compare also sword (page 224) and word (see next 
 list). Some words, however, like board and hoard (A.S. l>ord 
 and hard), seem, judging from the oa, to have acquired a long 
 open ^-sound. gold came down into Middle English with 
 group-lengthened close 0. This regularly gives long u, a pro- 
 nunciation in vogue last century. A parasitic u added to o 
 accounts for the modern pronunciation. 
 
 For ou from ol see under a. 
 
 
 A.S. 0. 
 
 
 « scofel 
 
 schouel 
 
 shovel 
 
 ofen 
 
 ouen 
 
 often 
 
 floterian 
 
 floteren 
 
 flutter
 
 2.^0 
 
 Alamuil of Linguistics. 
 
 9 copor 
 
 coper 
 
 copper 
 
 Sonne 
 
 )jan, J)en 
 
 than 
 
 e woken 
 
 welkne 
 
 welkin 
 
 Sonne, Scenne 
 
 J)an, ]jen 
 
 then 
 
 U scolde 
 
 scholde, schulde 
 
 should 
 
 wolde 
 
 wolde, wolde 
 
 would 
 
 morgan 
 
 morwen 
 
 morrow 
 
 hole{g)n 
 
 holi 
 
 holly 
 
 docce 
 
 dokke 
 
 dock 
 
 oxa 
 
 oxe 
 
 ox 
 
 god 
 
 god 
 
 god 
 
 bodig 
 
 bodi 
 
 body 
 
 (an), on 
 
 (a), on, 
 
 on 
 
 88 word 
 
 worde 
 
 word 
 
 woruld, weoruld 
 
 world, wereld, wurld 
 
 world 
 
 spora, spura 
 
 spare 
 
 spur 
 
 morSor n. 
 
 morther 
 
 murder 
 
 OU hoi 
 
 hole 
 
 hole 
 
 cnoll 
 
 knol 
 
 knoll 
 
 folc 
 
 folc 
 
 folk 
 
 geoc 
 
 50k, yok 
 
 yoke 
 
 ceocian 
 
 choken, cheken 
 
 choke 
 
 ofer 
 
 ouer 
 
 over 
 
 fola 
 
 fole 
 
 foal 
 
 molde n. 
 
 molde 
 
 mould 
 
 flogen 
 
 flowen 
 
 flown 
 
 bolla 
 
 bolle 
 
 bowl 
 
 08 scorn 
 
 sc(h)ore 
 
 score 
 
 beforan, biforan 
 
 befor, bifore 
 
 before 
 
 00 sworen 
 
 sworen 
 
 sworn 
 
 forS 
 
 forth 
 
 forth 
 
 broS 
 
 broth 
 
 broth 
 
 frost 
 
 frost 
 
 frost
 
 Cioicn. 
 
 a i\eiaiions in L 
 
 '.ngnsn. 
 
 23 
 
 bord 
 
 bord 
 
 board 
 
 
 cohhettan 
 
 coughen 
 
 cough 
 
 
 trog, troll 
 
 trogh, trough 
 
 trough 
 
 
 bohte 
 
 bohte, bouhte 
 
 bought 
 
 
 dohtor 
 
 dohter, doubter 
 
 daughter 
 
 
 shovel, &c. — The sound {'b) argues a previous short Ji. 
 This sound these words may have acquired by association 
 with the o, that was a graphic device for 21 before consonantal 
 21. The verb shove (A.S. scufan with shortening of u in 
 M.E.) has (b), and may have influenced shovel. All these 
 words had back-shortening syllables and resisted lengthening. 
 Compare for the development among. 
 
 copper, tha7i — The vowel of unstrest syllables and unstrest 
 words naturally becomes the obscure (a). 
 
 welkin — Owing to association (^cveo\ sometimes become 
 7vd% cp. zvori/ld, for weoruld) the spellings iveo and wo get 
 mixed. M.E. welkne acquired its e from the smoothing of 
 a form beginning with weo. then derives from the late W.S. 
 '•Scenne. 
 
 scholde, 7volde — These occur with short vowel in the 
 Ormulum, in spite of the group-lengthener Id. Diminished 
 stress will explain this. Afterwards both acquired a ?/-form, 
 scholde from the plural schulen (A.S. scidon), or from the 
 infinitive, and ivolde from the rounding effect of the 7V on 0. 
 This u was lengthened before Id. Lack of stress induced 
 shortening. In weak positions / was dropped, and the /-less 
 forms have prevailed. 
 
 morwen, &c., develop o in the usual way. holi, bodi — The 
 back-shortening terminations prevented lengthening. 
 
 tvord — The (89) argues a shortening of the long u that 
 came from M.E. (from group-lengthened Anglian 0). 
 
 So with world, ur gives (aa) — wereld represents the
 
 232 Manual of L inguistics. 
 
 usual smoothing, vnirder — The 21 comes from the verb 
 myy^ran. 
 
 hole — Lengthened became (ou). So did parasitic ou, as 
 in folk and bowl. A parasitic u was developed between 
 o and /, just as between a and /, and not always written. 
 yoke^ choke. — In geoc and ceocian, the e is used diacritically to 
 indicate palatalisation of the preceding consonant. The 
 developing vowel will then be 0. But we have also on 
 record cheken, got from usual smoothing of the eo. Compare 
 chese, from ceosaii. 
 
 oner — This word underwent lengthening. The back- 
 shortening ending was inoperative, molde was group-leng- 
 thened, but the present sound is due to development of 
 parasitic 11. flogen — og into ou, with usual result. 
 
 score, before, sworen — The was lengthened before cons. 
 -H vowel. Long open o ^-r gives (oa) or (00). forth, frost, 
 broth — These have lengthened into (oo). Contrast post 
 ' stake,' with (ou). It has taken after the Romance post, 
 bord, group-lengthened, with usual change of long open o 
 into (do) before r. See page 229. trog — Open g, when 
 final, was unvoiced in late West-Saxon. The // that was 
 developed before the gh in cough, trough, bought, had no 
 influence on the development. The followed pretty much 
 the usual course to (oo). Compare for neglect of 2c and 
 lengthening — laughter (see page 214). daughter had the 
 same development, but is spelt with an on the model of 
 words like slaughter (see page 215). Compare the two 
 spellings naught and nought. These different spellings of 
 the same word have been utilised, fought also once had 
 a \2x\'xxv\. f aught (see page 215). au and o[u) have the same 
 development before //.
 
 Sound Relations in Engiish. 233 
 
 Another example of o into ('b) is A.S. dol, M.E. dul, 
 Mod. E. dull. Perhaps the influence of Norse did ' con- 
 ceit' may have brought in u. Another example is given 
 by Sweet, viz., tug, from A.S. togiaji. With regard to oven 
 and shovel, is it not possible that the 02i of the spelling would 
 suggest the pronunciation of long tc. This may afterwards 
 have been shortened, before the passage to ('b). In the case 
 of hovel, the pronunciation seems to have fluctuated between 
 (13) and (0). The former is still often heard. 
 
 u : A.S. n corresponds to Teut. ii~sunu (Goth, sunns). 
 
 After 7£', u represents (i) eo, the breaking of e — swurd 
 {sweord) (2) eo {id), the breaking of / — ivuht {iviht) ' thing ' 
 
 (3) eo {io) the u-umXzMi of / — wudu {zviodu, zvidu) 'wood' 
 
 (4) an eo, due to the action of 7v on e — sivustor {sweostor, 
 O.H.G. swester). u also occurs for wu = 7vi (Teut. zve) in 
 cu77ian = cwiman (O.H.G. quenian) — cp. uht for wuht. 
 
 Some of the uses of u in unstressed syllables are worth 
 recording. It may stand for ca—fultuvi ' help ' (fulteam). 
 In Northumbrian u {-w) stands for eo{iv)—ldruw 'teacher' 
 {Idreow — Idr ' learning,' '^Seoiv ' servant '). 
 
 Final u may represent (i) I.E. a (Teut. o, O.H.G. ti) — 
 giefu 'gift' — compare the a of the ^F-declension (2) I.E. in 
 (Teut. urn) — h nitu Vicc. sing, 'nit' (Gk. -/.oviha) (3) I.E. o, 
 in the Mercian pres. tense of verbs — l>eon/ (L. fero), W.S. 
 iere. And // may be developed before a final nasal — 
 md'Sum ' treasure ' (Goth. mdi\ms ' gift '). 
 
 The un and um, ur and ul that represent I.E. ;/, w, r, /, 
 have been spoken of in a previous chapter — genumen 
 {O.Yi.Q. glnomati), wulf {O.Yi.Q,. wolf). 
 
 A.S. u was the high-back-narrow-round. 
 
 In Middle English the A.S. u retained its sound, but in
 
 234 
 
 Manual of Linguistics. 
 
 the Modern Period was unrounded, and then lowered to ('b). 
 In many words where the sound under change was flanked 
 by a lip-consonant and /, a letter with a strong affinity for u^ 
 the z/-sound was brought back, e.g., in full, pull, &c. An 
 initial iv also tended to conserve the z^-sound. In some 
 words the passage to ("b) had been accomplished, and this- 
 sound may still be heard in certain pronunciations of 
 butcher, ivoman, &c. 
 
 In Middle English, ii was often written as o, especially 
 beside consonants with outlines resembling those of ?^, viz.,^ 
 71, m, u (consonantal), and before a cons. + vowel, seeing that 
 this is a position often occupied by Fr. ?/, and suggestive of it. 
 In Middle English, u, like /, was not subject to lengthening 
 before a cons. + vowel, but was liable to group-lengthening. 
 
 
 
 A.S. u. 
 
 
 B 
 
 urnen, pret. par 
 
 t urnen 
 
 run 
 
 
 fiirh 
 
 furgh, forwe 
 
 furrow 
 
 
 t)uih 
 
 purgh, Jmruh, 
 thorou 
 
 thorough 
 
 
 lufu 
 
 lufe, loue 
 
 love 
 
 
 sunu 
 
 sune, sone 
 
 son 
 
 a 
 
 bulluck 
 
 bullok 
 
 bullock 
 
 
 uppan 
 
 uppon, upon 
 
 upon 
 
 u 
 
 wuUe 
 
 wolle 
 
 wool 
 
 
 wudu 
 
 wude, wode 
 
 wood 
 
 
 wulf 
 
 wlf, wolf 
 
 wolf 
 
 
 full 
 
 ful, fol 
 
 full 
 
 ee 
 
 furSor 
 
 furffer 
 
 further 
 
 
 curs 
 
 curs, cors 
 
 curse 
 
 au 
 
 druncnian 
 
 drunknen, drounen 
 
 drown 
 
 
 hund 
 
 hund, hound 
 
 hound 
 
 
 sugu 
 
 suwe 
 
 sow
 
 Sound Relations in English. 
 
 235 
 
 ou 
 
 culter 
 
 culter, coltre 
 
 coulter 
 
 
 gewnnod 
 
 iwuned, iwoned 
 
 wont 
 
 uu 
 
 wund 
 
 wounde 
 
 wound 
 
 
 ■5'urh 
 
 tlirugh 
 
 through 
 
 aa 
 
 furSor 
 
 ferther 
 
 farther 
 
 00 
 
 duru 
 
 dure, dore 
 
 door 
 
 
 murnan 
 
 murnen, mornen, 
 niournen 
 
 mourn 
 
 rmi — The infinitive may get its vowel from the participle 
 urnen. Or the ic may have been got from the late W,S. 
 yrnan through iimen. The regular infinitive would be, and 
 is dialectically, rin (A.S. irnan). For the transposition in 
 the various forms of this verb compare burti (A.S. byrnan, 
 Teut, b rin nan) (see also page 221). ]^///'«/z gives regularly 
 thorough — cp. borough^ A.S. biirh, M.E. bureh. For the 
 ^;-forms see above. 
 
 bullock (second syllable), upon — In unstrest syllables 
 and unstressed words (9) is a natural enough termination 
 for (-b). 
 
 wool, bullock (first syllable), &c. — These are examples of 
 the retention of the //-sound, referred to above. The spell- 
 ing 00 has probably been adopted as more suggestive than 
 the single 0, which is usually associated with the sound of o 
 in god. wlf — w contraction for ivu. 
 
 further — itr gives (aa) — compare below, farther. 
 
 drounen — The long //, evidenced by ou, is due to com- 
 pensation for loss of k, and has followed the development 
 of long u. hound — group-lengthened to u. sugu — After 
 71, g became li) and then coalesced with u, giving u, whence 
 (au). 
 
 coulter — A u has been developed before the /, and the
 
 236 Manual of L ing uistics. 
 
 ^(?^)/-development followed, as in bowl (A.S. bolld). Compare 
 sJwuIder (A..S. sen /dor), wont — The regular pronunciation 
 is (b). The (ou) pronunciation has perhaps come from 
 association with the other wont^ sounded like dont. 
 
 farther— ferther gets its er from M.E, ferre{r), comp. of 
 fer {A.'&. feorr). In Modern English, ^r would become ar, 
 by influence of r. The a in its position before r + cons. 
 gives regularly (aa) through (aeas). 
 
 ivotmd — The M.E. u has been preserved through the 
 conserving influence of w. wound (A.S. wimden) the 
 participle of ?mW has followed the other participles y^/if;?^, 
 bound &c. through — The (uu) sound is that of a weak 
 form. A strong form would have yielded the same sound 
 as rough. 
 
 dure — One would have expected (agr) in the present 
 language, as in the case of M.E. spure (x\.S. spura). dure 
 and spure rhyme together in the Owl and the Nightingale. 
 The Modern English phonetic authorities give long u as 
 the pronunciation of the first vowel of this word. The 
 cause of the lengthening is not clear. Later on (early in 
 the 1 8th century), the nur seems to have been broadened 
 into (oor), by the action of the r. (Zom^2.x& floor (A.S. flor, 
 M.'E.flor) for the broadening of nur into (oor). For this 
 word, the sound in nn)or (A.S. /nor) was to have been ex- 
 pected, door on phonetic authority had early in the iSth 
 century the pronunciation of long close o, as indeed the 
 spelling 00 argues, mournen — The ou is evidence of length 
 in Middle English. The long u (caused by group-lengthen- 
 ing) seems to have been retained in Modern English (as 
 recorded in the phonetic authorities) and broadened later 
 on (early in the i8th century) into (00). mourn is quoted
 
 Soimd Relations in Eiiglish. 
 
 ^2>7 
 
 with long close o in a phonetic authority of the beginning 
 of the 1 8th century. A form with short ii (without group- 
 lengthening — compare turn) seems also to have come up 
 from Middle English, for the pronunciation (12), the common 
 outcome of short u, is also given on authority. 
 
 y : A.S. y is either /-umlaut of u, or stands for one of the 
 zV's, either zV, /-umlaut of ea (breaking of a), or ie, /-umlaut 
 of eo (breaking of c). nyllan, &c., is for ?ie willan, &c. 
 In Kentish y was lowered and unrounded to e. 
 A.S. y was the high-front-narrow-round. 
 In Middle English y is in many quarters unrounded to /, 
 but y still survived in the South and was written u {ii). 
 In Kentish the representation is e. 
 
 The character y was often written for the sound / in late 
 Middle English, especially in the neighbourhood of ;/, m, u, 
 and at the end of words. 
 
 A.S. y will then in Modern English follow the develop- 
 ment of //, /, and e. 
 
 A.S. y. 
 B jirysce ]-rusche thrush 
 
 ciycc crucche crutch 
 
 byndele bundel bundle 
 
 scyttan shutten, shitten, shut 
 
 scht'tten 
 wyrgan (a)\vurien, wirwen, worry 
 
 worowen 
 
 i mylen 
 
 myln, mylle, mulle, 
 
 mill 
 
 myne 
 
 menow 
 
 minnow 
 
 try mm an 
 
 trumen, trimen 
 
 trim 
 
 bysig 
 
 busy, bisi, besi 
 
 busy 
 
 gyit 
 
 gylt, gult, gilt 
 
 guilt 
 
 byldan 
 
 bulden, buildcn, 
 bilden, belden 
 
 build
 
 2 -.8 
 
 Maimal of Linguistics. 
 
 e 
 
 myrg 
 
 myrie, murie, mene 
 
 merry 
 
 
 cnyllan 
 
 cnullen, knellen 
 
 knell 
 
 
 lyft adj. 
 
 lyft, luft, lift, left 
 
 left 
 
 
 hymlic 
 
 humlok, hemlok 
 
 hemlock 
 
 
 byrigan 
 
 burien, birien, berien 
 
 bury 
 
 08 
 
 wyrst 
 
 wurst, worst, werst 
 
 worst 
 
 
 wyrm 
 
 wurm, worm 
 
 worm 
 
 
 cyrnel 
 
 kurnel, kirnel, kernel 
 
 kernel 
 
 
 styrian 
 
 styren, sturen, stiren 
 
 stir 
 
 
 byrSen 
 
 burSene, birthin 
 
 burden 
 
 ai 
 
 fyrhto (ry) 
 
 friht 
 
 fright 
 
 
 {ge)cynde adj. 
 
 kinde 
 
 kind 
 
 
 ryge 
 
 rie 
 
 rye 
 
 au 
 
 dyhtig 
 
 duhti, dohte, douti 
 
 doughty 
 
 ii 
 
 yfel 
 
 yuele, uuele, euele 
 
 evil 
 
 
 wyrd 
 
 wirde, werd, wierde, 
 weird 
 
 weird 
 
 00 
 
 hyrnetu 
 
 
 hornet 
 
 \riishe — M.E. 7i developed in Modern English through 
 unrounding and lowering into (b). schetten is Kentish. 
 worowen — The o shews that the ii = // had, owing to influ- 
 ence of lip-consonant iv, been completely backed to n, for 
 which is a common variant in the neighbourhood of fi, 
 ni, and 2t. busy — The pronunciation of the modern spelling 
 proves that the M.E. u^ii had not become n, but had 
 remained and been unrounded to / later on, unless the 
 present pronunciation has been transmitted from bisi. gicilt 
 — The gu indicates hardness. As for minnow, no M.E. form 
 in /is quoted, merie — The ^-forms have given development. 
 bury has the spelling of one dialect and the pronunciation 
 of another, builden — The ui argues long // in Middle
 
 Sotmd Relations in English. 239 
 
 English. To account for the modern pronunciation (got 
 from later unrounding of ii, or transmitted from form 
 hilden), there must also have been a form with short 
 vowel exceptionally retained before Id. Vox similar reten- 
 tion, compare ^'-//^ (A.S. gyldati). 
 
 ■worst, worm — These M.E. forms shew that the ii had 
 been completely backed to 7i. ur gives (aa) in the present 
 language. So do ir and er. 
 
 friht — The h changed into a glide, which with preceding 
 / gave 7, whence the modern (ai). kinde — The / was group- 
 lengthened to i. For rie compare stie (page 226). 
 
 doughty got long u from effect of parasitic vowel de- 
 veloped before //. The spelling has been influenced by 
 M.E. dowen and doiight (A.S. diigan, dohte). The long u 
 it developed to (au). 
 
 euele — Kentish e, with usual lengthening before cons. + 
 vowel, will give in the present language (ii). iverd group- 
 lengthened gives long e. This close e was sometimes de- 
 noted by ie, which in Anglo-French had been smoothed into 
 e. And ci in some words of French extraction must have 
 had this sound, judging from their development, e.g., deceit, 
 seisofi [sesoun). So that wierd and tveird denote the same 
 sound as 2ve?'d. 
 
 hornet — No M.E. form is quoted. Sweet says the analogy 
 of horn gives hornet.
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Sound Relations in English — Long Vowels and 
 
 Consonants, 
 
 a: A.S. J corresponds toTeut. ai (I.E. al, oi) (Goth, di^ 
 O.H.G. (?/, c). In Anglo-Saxon there was dwarfing of the 
 second element followed by compression. A.S. a also cor- 
 responds to Teut. ce (I.E. c) before iv, or when the next 
 syllable has «, o, u — sdivon ' saw ' (Goth, sehtvmi), sldpait 
 (Goth, slepari). It represents the results of various length- 
 enings. 
 
 A.S. a was the long of ^7. 
 
 In Middle English A.S. a was rounded to g (long open 
 c>). It remained in the Northern dialects. French d was- 
 imported after the rounding was over, and remained. A new 
 a, was got in Middle English from the lengthening oia before 
 a consonant + vowel. This has passed to (ei). Northern d 
 and French d have the same development. 
 
 M.E. £? was first narrowed in Modern EngHsh. It then 
 passed to the diphthong (ou), which has the first element open. 
 The surroundings of the sound have however contributed to 
 various results, as will be seen from the following table. 
 
 For oa, see under 6. A.S. dtv becomes gu in Middle 
 English. This has the same development in the present 
 language, viz., (ou), as an du coming from A.S. ow. Parasitic 
 ou {u before /) has a similar development. The result (ou) 
 is thus got from g, gu, ou, and ou.
 
 Sound Relations in Em^Hsh. 
 
 241 
 
 
 
 
 A.S. a. 
 
 
 -B 
 
 an 
 
 
 an, oon 
 
 one 
 
 
 nan 
 
 
 nan, noon, non 
 
 none 
 
 e 
 
 scadan, 
 
 sceadan 
 
 scheden, shseden, 
 sheden 
 
 shed 
 
 86 
 
 halgian 
 
 
 halisen, halewen, 
 halwen 
 
 hallow 
 
 
 
 onan 
 
 
 onan, a nan, anoon 
 
 anon 
 
 
 scan 
 
 
 schon, shoon 
 
 shone 
 
 
 sarig 
 
 
 sari5, sari, sori 
 
 sorry 
 
 
 halig dreg 
 
 halidai, holidai 
 
 hohday 
 
 
 hat 
 
 
 hat, hoot 
 
 hot 
 
 
 cnawan 
 
 
 knouleche 
 
 knowledge 
 
 au 
 
 mase 
 
 
 mose 
 
 (tit)mouse 
 
 ei 
 
 hal 
 
 
 hail, heil 
 
 hale 
 
 
 rad 
 
 
 rade 
 
 raid 
 
 
 rses (ras 
 
 Norse) 
 
 rees, rase 
 
 race 
 
 ou 
 
 swa 
 
 
 sa, so 
 
 so 
 
 
 mal ' macula ' 
 
 mole 
 
 mole 
 
 
 draf 
 
 
 draf, drof, droof 
 
 drove 
 
 
 rad 
 
 
 rad, rod, rood 
 
 rode 
 
 
 rad 
 
 
 rode, roode 
 
 road 
 
 
 aS 
 
 
 oth, ooth 
 
 oath 
 
 
 ac 
 
 
 ak, ok, ook 
 
 oak 
 
 
 hlaf 
 
 
 lof, loof 
 
 loaf 
 
 
 sawan 
 
 
 sawe, sowen 
 
 sow 
 
 
 snaw 
 
 
 snaw, snou 
 
 snow 
 
 
 agen 
 
 
 05en, owen 
 
 own 
 
 
 dag 
 
 
 dah, do5, dogh, dow 
 
 dougli 
 
 ii 
 
 swapan 
 
 
 swopen, swepen 
 
 sweep 
 
 uu 
 
 hwa 
 
 
 hwa, hwo 
 
 who 
 
 
 twa 
 
 
 twa, two 
 
 two
 
 242 Manual of L inguistics. 
 
 aa ascian 
 
 asken, axen, eschen 
 
 ask 
 
 gar-leac 
 
 garleek, garleke 
 
 garlic 
 
 lawerc 
 
 lauerok, larke 
 
 lark 
 
 00 ahwffiSer 
 
 auSer, ouSer, o5er, or 
 
 or 
 
 nahwreSer 
 
 nawSer, nouSer, noSer, nor 
 
 nor 
 
 hlaford 
 
 lauerd, louerd, lord 
 
 lord 
 
 lar 
 
 lare, lore 
 
 lore 
 
 har 
 
 hor, hoor 
 
 hoar 
 
 brad 
 
 brade, bred, brood 
 
 broad 
 
 awiht 
 
 aht, oht, aught, ought 
 
 aught 
 
 nawiht 
 
 naht, noht, naught, nought 
 
 naught 
 
 ahte 
 
 ahte, auhte, ouhte 
 
 ought 
 
 Sawan 
 
 thowen, thawen ^ 
 
 thaw 
 
 one — The pronunciation with long open was extant early 
 in the Modern Period. Previously, in some parts, the extra 
 effort required for initial vowel, seems to have developed the 
 labial element into w. Then ensued labialisation of vowel 
 and common passage to ('b). An initial development of 
 a palatal element into y may be seen in the Scotch ane and 
 yen. The ee'-pronunciation of one was common in the 
 Western dialects. Compare also wold for old and ivoats for 
 oats, pronunciations heard in Dorsetshire, notie — analogy 
 of one. 
 
 shed — The short vowel of the M.E. schedde pret, a new 
 formation, was extended to the present. This extension of 
 vowel {lette, new formation, and spredde) will also explain 
 the shortness in let (page 246), and in spread (A.S. spntdan). 
 
 hallozv — The vowel was shortened in Middle English in 
 the form where / was followed by iv. 
 
 ano7i — Here we see shortening and lowering, shojie has also 
 (ou). sorry — The M.E. form with a was short. The long 
 vowel had probably been shortened by the action of the
 
 Sound Relations in English. 243 
 
 back-shortening termination. Chaucer, however, has a form 
 with long o, viz., soory. Perhaps the present o and its 
 pronunciation have been got from influence of M.E. sonve 
 ' sorrow ' (A.S. sor^;). holiday — For shortness compare holly- 
 hock. kno%vledge — Many pronounce with (ou). hot — For 
 shortening of ^compare shortening of rin head. 
 
 {tit)7noiise shews influence of the other mouse (A.S. mus). 
 
 heil shews influence of Norse heill. The regular develop- 
 ment of A.S. hal gives whole, rade — This is Northumbrian 
 form with long a, whence (ei). road is the lineal descendant 
 of A.S. rdd. race, from Northumbrian rase, with long a. 
 
 (ou) direct result of A.S. (7. sow — A.S. d%v gives on in 
 Middle English, which passes to (ou) in Modern English. 
 own shews ordinary change of g to w after guttural vowel. 
 dough, a parasitic ic makes no difference ; g{u)h and guh give 
 the same result. Compare lozv (Norse lag), M.E. lah, louh, 
 {bi)loogh. 
 
 sweep — The vowel is from M.E. pret. swep (A.S. sweop). 
 There was also a M.E. swep{i)en (A.S. sweopian). szvdpan 
 gave stvgpen in Middle English. 
 
 who, hvo — The £? from a was in Middle English made into 
 by the iv, and followed the development of that sound. 
 
 ask, &c. — The a was shortened before two consonants. 
 It (ae) was then lengthened before .r + cons., and r + cons., 
 and passed to (aa). 
 
 or, nor — The weak forms passed through du'?>-, g<S, g, to 0. 
 ^r gives (oo). broad — The M.E. ^ (low-back-wide-round) was 
 preserved in this word by the influence of r. It is now nar- 
 rowed to (00). Something similar happened in the case of 
 ^roat (A.S. grot), with lengthened in Middle English. Com- 
 pare break (page 221) and great (page 255). aught ?iaught —
 
 2 44 Manual of L inguistics. 
 
 ■ 
 
 The a is regularly represented by the o of oht and tioht. 
 aht and naht represent shortened a before two consonants. 
 a with parasitic u before h gives au, which has passed to 
 (oo), first becoming a monophthong (the long low-back- 
 wide-round). A ?^-less pronunciation of o{ii)h would give 
 pretty much the same result — cp. sought i^^-^gt 268). aught is 
 the spelling now preferred for the sake of distinction from 
 ought. ought, same explanation. The o may come as 
 before from a form that was subsequently shortened, or 
 from the infinitive given (A.S. dgan). thaw should have 
 been thow (heard in North Cumberland), like soiv, but has 
 developed like short aiv. 
 
 »: A.S. cf corresponds to Teut. fe (I.E. f) (Goth, e, 
 O.H.G. a). In Kentish and Anglian this is written e. 
 There is also an d' which represents the /-umlaut of a 
 (Teut. ai) in all the dialects, ce is also its own (Teut. &) 
 umlaut. This in dialects other than West Saxon is, like 
 its original, written c. In Anglo-Saxon a. also represents a 
 lengthening of i7{a). Dialectically, it represents ea (Teut. 
 aii) before r, g, h, and the /-umlaut of Teut. a before 
 /-fcons. (W.S. e). 
 
 A.S. c? was the long of (7 (low-front-wide). 
 
 M.E. c is the regular representative of A.S. ce. It has 
 now passed to (ii). At an early date narrowing supervened.- 
 See under ea. For ea, see under e. 
 
 A.S. X. 
 i gestClig sely, seely silly 
 
 rSdels redels riddle 
 
 e iSssa lasse, lesse less 
 
 wrsestan wresten wrest
 
 Sound Relations in English. 
 
 245 
 
 ilrende 
 
 er(e)nde, erand 
 
 errand 
 
 iefre 
 
 afre, efre, euere 
 
 ever 
 
 hrivcan 
 
 
 
 retch 
 
 littan 
 
 leten 
 
 let 
 
 wat 
 
 wet, weet 
 
 wet 
 
 swittan 
 
 sweten 
 
 sweat 
 
 braP3 
 
 breth, breeth 
 
 breath 
 
 nuTd (madwa, plu. )medwe 
 
 meadow 
 
 (Qn)dr5:dan 
 
 dreden 
 
 dread 
 
 nvdde 
 
 reed 
 
 read 
 
 ret 
 
 et, eet 
 
 ate 
 
 •se fa-tt 
 
 fat, fet 
 
 fat 
 
 hliSder 
 
 laddre, leddre 
 
 ladder 
 
 niedre 
 
 naddre, neddre 
 
 adder 
 
 blredre 
 
 bladdre, bledder 
 
 bladder 
 
 98 waron 
 
 weren, were 
 
 were 
 
 ai a-ghwSSer 
 
 ai])ir, eiSer, ethir 
 
 either 
 
 *nzeghw£e3er 
 
 ney|)er, nethir 
 
 neither 
 
 ei hlafdige 
 
 laefdi, lefdi, lauedi, ladi 
 
 lady 
 
 wag 
 
 wawe 
 
 wave 
 
 clag 
 
 clei 
 
 clay 
 
 hnagan 
 
 ne5en 
 
 neigh 
 
 grieg 
 
 giai, grey 
 
 grey, gray 
 
 gre (gea) 
 
 sea, 5a, 56 
 
 yea 
 
 ■OU mast 
 
 mast, nioste, mooste 
 
 most 
 
 stawS 
 
 sleuj)e, slouthe 
 
 sloth 
 
 lan(lan) 
 
 lone 
 
 loan 
 
 manan 
 
 menen 
 
 moan 
 
 ii afen 
 
 efen, euen 
 
 even 
 
 rad 
 
 rede, reed 
 
 rede 
 
 see 
 
 sae, see, se 
 
 sea 
 
 ale 
 
 elche, eche 
 
 each 
 
 tasan 
 
 taisen, tosen, toosen 
 
 tease 
 
 manan 
 
 menen 
 
 mean
 
 246 
 
 Manual of Linguistics. 
 
 ii 
 
 mrel ' momentum ' 
 
 mel, meel 
 
 meal 
 
 
 *br£eSan 
 
 bre&'en 
 
 breathe 
 
 
 rSdan 
 
 reden, raden 
 
 read 
 
 
 spral'C 
 
 spache, speche 
 
 speech 
 
 
 £51 
 
 el 
 
 eel 
 
 
 C^g 
 
 kay, keye 
 
 key 
 
 uu 
 
 iSvved 
 
 lewed, lewde 
 
 lewd 
 
 yuu 
 
 mE^w 
 
 mawe, meaw 
 
 (sea)mew 
 
 ia 
 
 ra-ran 
 
 reren 
 
 rear 
 
 
 far 
 
 fere, feer 
 
 fear 
 
 
 skarr (Norse) 
 
 skere, schere 
 
 sheer 
 
 
 bar 
 
 beere 
 
 bier 
 
 ae 
 
 ar 
 
 er 
 
 ere 
 
 
 Sar 
 
 J)ere 
 
 there 
 
 
 stager 
 
 steir 
 
 stair 
 
 
 har 
 
 here, heer 
 
 hair 
 
 aa 
 
 lastan 
 
 lasten, lesten 
 
 last 
 
 
 blast 
 
 blast 
 
 blast 
 
 
 amette 
 
 amete, amte, emete 
 
 ant 
 
 
 gastlic 
 
 gastli 
 
 ghastly 
 
 00 
 
 wraSSo 
 
 wra])j3e 
 
 wrath 
 
 
 tahte 
 
 tahte, tagte, taucht 
 
 taught 
 
 silly, riddle have been shortened from long /. Compare 
 sick (page 258) redels — For loss of ^ in the modern word, 
 compare burial (A.S. byrgels). 
 
 less — ^ when shortened before two conss. (page 200) was 
 in Middle EngHsh written e and a. Midland and Northern 
 texts affect e. errand was shortened from a M.E. form in 
 which ;- was followed in pronunciation by /?. ever was short- 
 ened later on in Middle English before two consonants, let, 
 \vef, &c., were shortened early in Modern Period (cp. shed). 
 The shortening in breath is comparatively recent, meadow
 
 Sound Relations in English. 247 
 
 — The IV is got from the obUque cases, mead has de- 
 veloped regularly (ii). dread and read suffered shortening 
 in Modern Period, read {\)XQ.\.., A.S. rd'dde) seems to have 
 kept length in Middle English in spite of the two conson- 
 ants. The present read (A.S. rc'edati) has kept on to (ii). ate 
 has two pronunciations (ei) and (e). The first pronunciation 
 is that which a short M.E. at would acquire when levelled 
 under the quantity of the plural. And a short preterite singu- 
 lar was developed in Middle English (or in Anglo-Saxon), 
 after the analogy of other verbs with short singular and long 
 plural. The long vowel in A.S. cct is exceptional, but 
 Teutonic. The pronunciation with (e) is a shortening from 
 early Modern English of the then form of our regularly 
 developed preterite eat (ii). The pronunciation with (e) 
 attached itself to the spelling ate. Compare the pronuncia- 
 tion of preterite beat as bet. 
 
 fat, &c. — The rt-forms have given development. M.E. 
 a regularly becomes (ae). ladder, &c. — The two consonants 
 were developed at a late period in Anglo-Saxon. After 
 long vowels, / and d were then sometimes doubled. For 
 loss of n in adder compare auger (A.S. nafogdr). 
 
 were — It is a weak form with short e that has given the 
 present (aa). The M.E. lorm had e. 
 
 either, neither — The vulgar pronunciation with (ei) is 
 regular. The (ii) pronunciation is explicable. The long 
 close e into which M.E. ei had developed may have gone 
 over to the long close ^'s that came from M.E. e. Compare 
 key in this list. The (ai) pronunciation is irregular. A.S. 
 ceghzvc'e'^er is from a (E. aye), umlauted into c'c by the / of 
 the orig. gi that followed, ge- (ordinary prefix), and hwie^er 
 (E. whether.)
 
 248 Mamtal of L inguistics. 
 
 lefdi is the Northern form of shortened a. lauedi and ladi 
 are Southern forms. The a was lengthened before cons. + 
 vowel, clay — M.E. ei (A.S. ag) is generally represented in 
 Modern English by the spellings ei, ey. M.E. ci, A.S. eg, 
 &g (Anglian eg) has the same representation. These two 
 M.E. diphthongs suffered shortening and followed the 
 course of ei. Both short ^'s were open in Middle 
 English. M.E. ci {ai passed to long open e through 
 (Bi) assimilated both elements to a long open e, and, after 
 narrowing, passed to the diphthong (ei), which has now the 
 first element open. There was a mixing of the spellings ai 
 and ('/. neigh — A.S. eg has usually become (ai) — cp. tie, 
 dye (page 252). wave — M.E. 7vawe is due to influence of 
 wawen (A.S. wagian ' move ') ; wave has been influenced 
 by the verb zaave (A.S. wafian). yea — The long close e 
 that was regularly got from M.E. ^was retained as in break 
 and great (page 255). It has now become (ei) like the long 
 close ^'s that derived from M.E. d. 
 
 most — The long is due to the a of the comparative 
 {indra ma). A.S. a was rounded to g in Middle English. 
 M.E. g gives (ou). sloth — This form and pronunciation is 
 due to the influence of sldiv ' slow.' loa7i — Idn and not hen 
 is responsible for this form, moan — due to influence of the 
 noun mo7ie, moon ( ?) (AS. man ' wickedness.') 
 
 (ii) is the regular development, each — For loss of e com- 
 pare tvhieh and such. The / is retained in the North, e.g., 
 Lowland Scotch ilh, which must not be confounded with an- 
 other ilh meaning ' same ' (A.S. ylea). tease — The form loose 
 must be due to some form with A.S. a. There is also a 
 compound lo-tasen ' to pull to pieces.' taisen — Perhaps the 
 / is a parasite developed before a front consonant as in M.E.
 
 Soimd Relations in English. 249 
 
 aische ' ashes ' (A.S. asce). The plant has M.E. ^ese/, tasel. 
 speech — The r dropped at a very early date, key — cp. 
 either (see above). 
 
 lewd — eu {a/) passed to ((y)uu). mew — There are forms 
 quoted with ca and tc. In the North the word is pro- 
 nounced (au). A M.E. 7nowe occurs. 
 
 rear — er has become (ia) or still broader (aa). bier — for ie, 
 cp. page 188. er^— There are also M.E. forms ar, or, the 
 first representing a shortened unstressed ce, the other shew- 
 ing influence of Norse dr. hair — The ai is got from the 
 analogy of many words ending in ;-. 
 
 last, &c. — the a shortened before two consonants. It 
 (ae) was then lengthened before j- + consonant and passed to 
 (aa). ant by the analogy of ainit developed a u and with 
 this passed to (aa) (page 214). 
 
 wrath — a was shortened in Middle English, and by ivr 
 rounded in Modern to (00), see page 215. taught — a was 
 shortened before two consonants in Middle English and u 
 developed, an passed to (oo). Compare /avj,'-///. 
 
 e : A.S. e corresponds to Teut. e (O.H.G. ea, ia, ie). It 
 also represents the /-umlaut of o (and lengthened 0). It is 
 the result of certain contractions. In dialect it stands for 
 ie, the /-umlaut of ea and co. It also in dialect answers to 
 the ea that followed palatals, and is the smoothing of the ea 
 and the eo that preceded c, g, h. It may also represent 
 W.S. ie — r/^ advice, W.S. nvd. 
 
 A.S. e was the long of e. 
 
 M.E. <? represents not merely A.S. H co, but also Anglian 
 £ (W.S. ce and te{y)). In Modern English, after i had 
 become diphthongised, e was raised into its place and made
 
 250 
 
 Alanual of Linguistics. 
 
 its passage into the modern diphthongic (ii). e ultimately 
 reached the same goal. Words that derive from long close 
 e have ee in modern spelling, words that derive from long 
 open e have €a{e). There was confusion in spelling at an 
 earlier date. Compare the use of oo and oa. 
 
 Many of the forms in the A.S. column are Anglian. 
 
 A.S. e. 
 
 -B 
 
 heng 
 
 heng, hing, 
 
 hong 
 
 hung 
 
 i 
 
 brec 
 
 breech, plu. 
 
 
 breeches 
 
 
 scirgerefa 
 
 schirreve, scherreue 
 
 sheriff 
 
 
 *strepan 
 
 strepen, streepe 
 
 strip 
 
 e 
 
 Cefa 
 
 thefte 
 
 
 theft 
 
 
 becnan 
 
 beknen 
 
 
 beckon 
 
 
 bledsian 
 
 blessen 
 
 
 bless 
 
 
 (ge)mette 
 
 mette 
 
 
 met 
 
 98 
 
 bremel 
 
 brembil 
 
 
 bramble 
 
 99 
 
 herde 
 
 herde 
 
 
 heard 
 
 ai 
 
 hehSu 
 
 heighte, highte 
 
 height 
 
 ai 
 
 tegan 
 
 tei5en, ti5i 
 tyen 
 
 en, teyen, 
 
 tie 
 
 
 degan 
 
 de5en, di3e 
 
 , deie 
 
 dye 
 
 ai9 
 
 brer 
 
 brere 
 
 
 briar 
 
 ei 
 
 heg 
 
 hei, hai 
 
 
 hay 
 
 
 twegen 
 
 tweien 
 
 
 twain 
 
 
 egaS 
 
 eit 
 
 
 eyot 
 
 
 weste 
 
 weste 
 
 
 waste 
 
 ii 
 
 me 
 
 me 
 
 
 me 
 
 
 we 
 
 we 
 
 
 we 
 
 
 ge 
 
 3e 
 
 
 ye 
 
 
 he 
 
 he 
 
 
 he 
 
 
 6e 
 
 le 
 
 
 thee 
 
 
 ecan 
 
 eken 
 
 
 eke 
 
 
 hela 
 
 heele 
 
 
 heel
 
 Sotind Relations in English. 
 
 2SI 
 
 ii felan 
 
 felen 
 
 
 feel 
 
 teS 
 
 teS, teetli 
 
 
 teeth 
 
 ges 
 
 gees 
 
 
 geese 
 
 fet 
 
 fet 
 
 
 feet 
 
 -tene 
 
 -tene 
 
 
 -teen 
 
 (ge)Iefan 
 
 beleve 
 
 
 believe 
 
 UU bresan 
 
 brese, hruscn, 
 
 broo 
 
 - 
 
 
 sen, brissen 
 
 
 bruise 
 
 ie her 
 
 her, beer 
 
 
 here 
 
 steran 
 
 steren 
 
 
 steer 
 
 heran 
 
 heren 
 
 
 hear 
 
 werig 
 
 weri 
 
 
 weary 
 
 aa hcrcnian 
 
 herknen 
 
 
 hearken 
 hark 
 
 hung — The M.E. 
 
 heiig was shortened. 
 
 For the i 
 
 close e thus obtained / was substituted. The king thus got 
 was, on the analogy of sing sang, made into a present with a 
 preterite /ia//g. The analogy was extended by the creation 
 of a participle /iifng, the vowel of which was assumed by the 
 preterite. The modern infinitive /lang was got in the Middle 
 English period from A.S. hangian, 
 
 breeches, (!v:c.— shortened from long /. Short / is a wide 
 sound in the present language. 
 
 theft, &c. — The vowel was shortened before two conson- 
 ants. Short close e was opened in Middle English. It has 
 remained. 
 
 bramble — In the New English Dictionary mention is made 
 of breinbil brcembel, shortenings of bremel briemel before the 
 two consonants (w-f euphonic /'). b?renibil would give 
 bramble. 
 
 heard — To account for the once prevalent (and still exist- 
 ing) pronunciation {hard) we must assume shortening before
 
 252 Manual of L inginstics. 
 
 the two consonants. The short e thus got would be 
 changed to a before r in Modern English. But the spelling 
 ea shows that short herdc must have been group-lengthened 
 to herde. The length would enable it to escape the passage 
 into a that r marked out for a preceding short e. Later on 
 the e was shortened, as in many words (page 255). ^r gives 
 
 (88). 
 
 height — M.E. eiht usually gives (ei). Compare eight. 
 This word has taken after its adjective high, tie, dye — The 
 Anglian e was assimilated to the glide / that was developed 
 between it and g. From i comes (ai). briar, hard to ex- 
 plain. Compare the change of M.E./z-tv-i? \r\to friar. In 
 the sixteenth century brier was in vogue. For the spellings 
 brier briar, cp. Her liar, brere occurs in Shelley's Adonais — 
 ' And build their mossy homes in field a?id brere.^ hay — ei 
 is a more frequent representative of M.E. ei {ei). eit — 
 Sweet says through eg^, e/iS. M.E. ^/ (<// passed into long 
 open e through cei) assimilated both elements into a long 
 open e, and, after narrowing, passed to the diphthong (ei), 
 which has now the first element open. The spellings ai and 
 ei were confused, waste — The French word displaced our 
 own. These French spellings in ast pass to (ei), compare 
 paste, taste. 
 
 me^->e are monosyllabic lengthenings in Anglo-Saxon 
 (page 199). This list exhibits regular development, believe 
 — ie represents close e (page 188). 
 
 ^^,/^-^_The late W.S. form was brysan. The modern 
 word is an instance of the preservation of the spelling ii 
 (with the French character 2d (page 190) ). Compare the 
 course of rude into (uu). brese may come from Anglian 
 brcsan, or be a Kentish form with e for A.S. y. broosen is
 
 Sound Relations in EuQ-lisli. 
 
 253 
 
 supposed to derive in some way or other from O.F. hruisier 
 l>risier, which was merged into hrysan. The form brissen 
 with short vowel is anomalous. 
 
 here, &c. — er gives (ia). hark — The vowel shortened 
 before two consonants was changed into a before ;- and 
 developed through (ae, aese ) into (aa). The spelling 
 hearken indicates a lengthening (long open e) before /--com- 
 bination. Of this there is a shortened pronunciation 
 recorded, cp. heard (see above). 
 
 ea : A.S. ea corresponds to Teut. an (I.E. aii, oii) (O.H.G. 
 on, (before dentals) ). It is the result of various contrac- 
 tions. There is also an ea = {e)d got (ist) from a sequence of 
 the palatals g, c, sc, and Teut. c? — g{e)afon (O.H.G. ga/mn), 
 (2nd) from a sequence of the palatal g (Teut. 7) and Teut. ce 
 — g(e)ar (O.H.G. jar), (3d) from a sequence of the palatal 
 se + d (Teut. ai) — sc{e)dda?i (Goth, skdidan). 
 
 A.S. ea was the long of ea (low-front-wide 4- low-back- 
 wide). M.E. f regularly represents A.S. ea. It has com- 
 monly given (ii^ in the present language. The e in Modern 
 English w'as first narrowed, then raised to long /. 
 
 
 
 A.S. ea. 
 
 
 i 
 
 foran-heafod 
 
 foiheued, forheed 
 
 forehead 
 
 
 -leas 
 
 -lees 
 
 -less 
 
 
 hreac 
 
 rek, reek 
 
 rick 
 
 e 
 
 deaS 
 
 deS, dee]) 
 
 death 
 
 
 heafod 
 
 heued, heed 
 
 head 
 
 
 ])reatian 
 
 Jjreten 
 
 threaten 
 
 
 heahfore 
 
 heifre, haifre 
 
 heifer 
 
 ae 
 
 leaSor 
 
 
 lather 
 
 
 ceapmann 
 
 chepmon, chapman 
 
 chapman
 
 254 
 
 Manual of Linguistics. 
 
 ai 
 
 heah 
 
 heh, heih, heigh, hi 
 
 high 
 
 
 cage 
 
 ese, ei5e, eie, eye, ye 
 
 eye 
 
 
 leag 
 
 leie, lie 
 
 lye 
 
 ei 
 
 great 
 
 gret, greet 
 
 great 
 
 ou 
 
 ceas 
 
 ches, chees, chos 
 
 chose 
 
 
 sceawian 
 
 schawen, schewen 
 
 show, shew 
 
 
 Seah 
 
 thoh, thogh, thou;, 
 thof 
 
 though 
 
 ii 
 
 fleah 
 
 fle, flee 
 
 flea 
 
 
 east 
 
 eest 
 
 east 
 
 
 beacen 
 
 bekene 
 
 beacon 
 
 
 beatan 
 
 beten, beeten 
 
 heat 
 
 
 eac 
 
 ec, eek 
 
 eke 
 
 
 leac 
 
 leek 
 
 leek 
 
 
 steap 
 
 stepe 
 
 steep 
 
 
 (ge)leafa 
 
 leue, leeue 
 
 belief 
 
 uu 
 
 screawa 
 
 shrewe, schrewe 
 
 shrew 
 
 
 fleag 
 
 fleigh fley; flowen, 
 vluwen 
 
 flew 
 
 yuu 
 
 heawan 
 
 hewen 
 
 hew 
 
 
 deaw 
 
 den, dew 
 
 dew 
 
 i8 
 
 near 
 
 nere, neer 
 
 near 
 
 
 tear 
 
 tere, teer 
 
 tear 
 
 00 
 
 geard 
 
 5are, yoore 
 
 yore 
 
 
 hreaw 
 
 raw 
 
 raw 
 
 
 streaw 
 
 stree, straw 
 
 straw 
 
 forehead,-less — Shortening of long t in unstressed syllable 
 (Tives short / (wide). A pronunciation with short e is 
 common in both words. In the former, this will represent 
 the short vowel in head, in the latter, perhaps the influence 
 of the other less. 
 
 rick — For shortness compare breeches (page 251).
 
 So7tnd Relations in English. 255 
 
 death, &c., ordinary shortening of M.E. e as in breathy 
 heavy (pages 220 and 246). 
 
 heifre — The ei corresponds to the ei of heih (see be- 
 low). In that word the i is a glide-vowel developed before 
 the ]i which afterwards raised the c to its position. In 
 heifre the ei seems to have followed the development of 
 M.E. ei, and when the long open e stage was reached to 
 have been shortened as in heavy, death, head. The ai 
 of haifre will then be another spelling of ei (page 252), 
 compare neighbour, (M.E. tieihebier, A.S. neah-gebur). ei is 
 always written before gh. 
 
 lather — Suppose a M.E. le'^er. This might be shortened 
 by the action of the back-shortening termination er. Back 
 shortenings occasionally produce as well as conserve short- 
 ness, chapman — There must in Middle English have been a 
 shortening into ea, which would give c, whence a (page 206). 
 
 high, eye — The Anglian hch and ege became in Middle 
 English hih and ~ie by the action of the glide-vowel on the 
 preceding e. The open g disappeared in le. Our present 
 spelling retains all the letters (e-.^e, eye) that once were 
 pronounced. The long l thus got in these words gives 
 
 <ai). 
 
 sreat — The r retained the long close e into which M.E. 
 e had developed in the Modern Period. Long close e has 
 now become (ei), of which the first element is open. Com- 
 pare breaii (page 221). 
 
 chees — This is regular from ceas. chose is either the 
 descendant of A.S. c{(:)(^s (A.S. a gives M.E g, whence 
 our (ou)), or the vowel has been got from the M.E. participle 
 chosen. The A.S. participle was coren, but in Middle 
 English it acquired ch and s from the other forms of the
 
 256 Man 2Lal of L inguistics. 
 
 verb, shoiv — A.S. sc(e)dwian would give schoivien in Middle 
 English. From this has come shoiv. schhvien would be 
 the regular M.E. development of A.S. sceaivian. From 
 this we have the spelling sheiv, but the pronunciation is 
 that of shotv. \cah is a hard word and seems to 
 have developed its vowel like (e')^7, as in the previous 
 words. The result of this before h should have been 
 (thoof), cp. North, thof. For o{Tii)h in Middle English 
 giving (oo) in Modern English, compare ought (M.E. 
 g{u)htc, A.S. ilhfe). The (ou)-sound of modern though 
 indicates a weak form with loss of gJi, cp. dough 
 (A.S. dah) (page 243). Short ea m sleaht ax\d feaht {slaugh- 
 ter, fought) has also given this sound (00). 
 
 flea — (ii) is the usual goal of ea in Modern English. 
 belief- — For the ie, see page 188. 
 
 sh?'ew, hew, dew — For M.E. eu, see page 222. 
 
 fletv — The analogy of the knoiv kftew and grow grew class 
 has produced this. From the M.E. forms there are theor- 
 etically three sound-forms deducible (ai), (ou), (au). 
 
 near — er gives (is). 
 
 yore comes from g{e)ara. A.S. a becomes g in Middle 
 English, or gives (00). raiv has developed as if from 
 short eau'. Compare t/unv. So with straw, but the stree of 
 Middle English points to long c. With stree compare 
 the Scotch word. 
 
 eo : A.S. CO corresponds to Teut. eu (I.E. eu) (Goth, m, 
 O.H.G. ht, eo, io, id). It is the result of various contrac- 
 tions and lengthenings. It appears after Teut. j and palatal 
 sc with value {e)o — gcoiudr 'sadness' (O.H.G. Jamar), 
 sceoh ' shoe.'
 
 Sound Relations in English. 
 
 257 
 
 A.S. eo was the long of co (mid-front-narrow + mid-back- 
 narrow-round). 
 
 M.E. <? represents A.S. co. See under e. 
 
 A.S. eo. 
 i seoc sek, seek sick 
 
 hcopc ' rosae silves- 
 
 
 tris bacca ' 
 
 hepe, heepe 
 
 hip, hep 
 
 e 
 
 breost 
 
 brest 
 
 breast 
 
 
 feoll 
 
 fel 
 
 fell 
 
 
 heold 
 
 heeld 
 
 held 
 
 
 freond 
 
 frend 
 
 friend 
 
 ee 
 
 stjorn (Norse) 
 
 Sterne 
 
 stern 
 
 
 5reotene 
 
 threttene, thritteind 
 
 thirteen 
 
 ai 
 
 leoht ' levis ' 
 
 liht, li3t, licht 
 
 light 
 
 
 Seoh 
 
 ))eh, pei3, Jiili, }>i 
 
 thigh 
 
 
 teo(go)Sian 
 
 tethen, tithen 
 
 tithe 
 
 
 leogan ' mentiri ' 
 
 lihen, li5en 
 
 lie 
 
 
 fleogan ' volare ' 
 
 flegen, fleie, vli 
 
 fly 
 
 
 fleoge 'musca' 
 
 fle5e, fleie, flie 
 
 fly 
 
 au 
 
 treowian 
 
 tru, trow 
 
 trow 
 
 ou 
 
 seowan 
 
 sewen, sowen 
 
 sew (sow) 
 
 
 treowS 
 
 trouthe 
 
 troth 
 
 ii 
 
 seo 
 
 sche, shee 
 
 she 
 
 
 beo (i sing.) 
 
 be(n) 
 
 be 
 
 
 seo (i sing.) 
 
 se, see 
 
 see 
 
 
 treo 
 
 tre, trecn plu. 
 
 tree 
 
 
 hweol 
 
 whele 
 
 wheel 
 
 
 seotJan 
 
 sethen 
 
 seethe 
 
 • 
 
 fneosan 
 
 fnesen 
 
 sneeze 
 
 
 (ge)beon 
 
 iben, been, 
 
 been 
 
 
 deofan 
 
 eleven 
 
 cleave 
 
 
 beot 
 
 bet, beet 
 
 beat 
 
 
 preost 
 
 prest, preeste 
 
 priest 
 
 
 leof 
 
 lef, leef 
 R 
 
 lief
 
 258 
 
 Manual of Linguistics. 
 
 UU flreow 
 
 Jireu, l)rewe 
 
 threw 
 
 cleowe 
 
 clewe 
 
 clew 
 
 hreowan 
 
 rewen 
 
 rue 
 
 treowe 
 
 trewe, tru 
 
 true 
 
 tieow(5i 
 
 treuthe, truthes pi. 
 
 truth 
 
 (for)leosan 
 
 lesen 
 
 lose 
 
 ceosan 
 
 chesen, chusen 
 
 choose 
 
 sceotan 
 
 scheten, schuten 
 
 shoot 
 
 yuu eow 
 
 ew 
 
 yew 
 
 neowe 
 
 newe 
 
 new 
 
 cneow 
 
 kneu5 ; knewen 
 
 knew 
 
 geola 
 
 5ole 
 
 yule 
 
 heow 
 
 hew 
 
 hue 
 
 eow 
 
 ;ou, ou, jew, eu 
 
 you 
 
 geoguS 
 
 5U3eS, 5UweSe, youthe 
 
 youth 
 
 i9 deore 
 
 dere 
 
 dear 
 
 deor 
 
 der, deer 
 
 deer 
 
 hleor 
 
 lere 
 
 leer 
 
 jru© eower 
 
 ower, 3ure, youre 
 
 your 
 
 aa deorling 
 
 derling 
 
 darling 
 
 feorSling 
 
 ferthing 
 
 farthing 
 
 00 feower 
 
 fower, foure 
 
 four 
 
 feowertig 
 
 fourti 
 
 forty 
 
 sick, shortened from long /-sound. Compare breeches, 
 hip., similar shortening. hep (e) probably represents a 
 shortening transmitted from that stage in the Modern 
 Period when M.E. e (and f) was shortened. 
 
 breast, long in Middle English. The ea shows that the 
 word had long open ^-sound in Modern period. Compare 
 heard, which was shortened and lengthened again in Middle 
 Enghsh (page 252). Compare the course oi breast with that 
 oi priest, held had long close e in Middle English. There
 
 Sound Relations in English. 259 
 
 is also a spelling with ie. The shortening would take place 
 early in the Modern Period, or a short form may have come 
 down from Middle English. fnt'?id — The ie.'is one way of 
 representing long close c (page 188). Very much the same 
 may be said of this word as of held, breast and friend are 
 often to be heard with the (ii) of the regular development. 
 
 stern — er and ir give (99). thirteen^ transposition of 
 letters as in third. The A.S. word has many forms, such as 
 -eot{t)-, -It-, -itt-. 
 
 light — In le{o)ht, the e was changed to / before palatal //. 
 The vowel in this word before breaking was i. It was 
 shortened before ht (cp. sohte, page 268). In Modern English 
 the h of iiht passed into a breath-glide which, merged in the 
 foregoing vowel, gave long /, whence the (ai). ]>eh — The e 
 was raised to l by the parasitic glide that was developed 
 before the h. The stages were — cih, lih, ih. 
 
 trow — This could come from M.E. /?, which gives (au) in 
 the present language. The h seems to have been due to 
 influence of Norse triia ' trow.' The A.S. original is also 
 sometimes written trTnvian. 
 
 sew {soiv obs.) The spelling derives from ME. sewen, the 
 pronunciation, from soiven. The analogy of sheiv show may 
 have had something to do with the development of similar 
 forms in this verb. M.E. scnven might have been got from 
 the influence of an A.S. participle sowen, which we may sup- 
 pose to have existed. The verb had a mixture of strong and 
 weak forms in Anglo-Saxon. The pronunciation proper to 
 the spelling sew may be heard any day in Scotch, troth — 
 .truth is the regular development. A pronunciation trdzv'6 
 in Middle English would account for troth. It has also the 
 pronunciation of broth. Compare four, where the e was
 
 2 6o Mamial of L inguistics. 
 
 rounded out of existence by the neighbouring Up-letters. 
 The r has of course shaped the ow into (oo). 
 
 (ii) is the regular development. For the sh in she see 
 (page 290). sneeze {neeze obs), due to refashioning of the difift- 
 cult initial sound oi f neeze. gebeon is theoretical. No par- 
 ticiple appears in Anglo-Saxon, cleave — There was a weak 
 A.S. verb cleofiau ' adhere ' which gave in Middle English 
 clevien. From this cleave ' split ' got the long open ea (page 
 250). beat — The ea got from the present (M.E. bejen, A.S. 
 beatan), or shortened from a M.E. weak beted, priest, lief— 
 For ie, see page 1 88. 
 
 M.E. cu is written ew in some words and sometimes 2ie, 
 II. It developed to (yuu) through various intermediates, 
 with shifting of stress on to second element and consonant- 
 isation of first element. The y was dropped after certain 
 letters — r, I (not always), <S:c. Compare what is said on eu, 
 page 222, u (in French words) final as well as medial 
 was levelled under en. 
 
 choose is a phonetic spelling of earlier chiise. This was 
 the descendant of M.E. chnsen. The ii is a dialectic de- 
 velopment of A.S. CO, and has had the development oi eu. 
 The M.E. cliesen (regular from ceosati) was also represented 
 by chese early in the Modern Period, shoot — The same 
 explanation accounts for this word, lose — at first loose, then 
 lose, to differentiate it from loose adj. The /or of forlesen 
 was dropped owing to influence of losi'en (A.S. losian, usually 
 neut.). Sweet does not explain the vowel-sound of /(^j'^ as 
 he explains those of choose and shoot, but avers that lese (of 
 early Modern Period) borrowed the vowel (uu) of the 
 adjective loose (M.E. Ids, of Norse origin). 
 
 yule — A.S. gie)dla would give yde in Middle English.
 
 Sound Relations in Ens'lish. 
 
 261 
 
 Long close was passed to (uu) in the present language. 
 The influence of Norse jol would also tend to give this 
 result, gcogii^ — The .i,"" passed to zv and then dropped. 
 youth has exceptionally retained its long u, cp. uncouth. 
 
 dere — <?>- gives (ia). 
 
 darling, farthing — There was shortening in Middle 
 English. Then ensued in Modern Period change o{ e Xo a 
 by action of r. The a (ae) was lengthened before r + cons, 
 (page 214) and passed through long ?e to (aa). four — See 
 above under troth. 
 
 i : A.S. I answers to Teut. i (Goth, ei I.E. i). The sound 
 is very constant. A.S. l may also answer to I.E. q — \rl 
 (Gk. T^e/j). It stands also for a compensatory lengthening 
 of Teut. /. Sometimes an original c finds representation 
 in Anglo-Saxon under 7. The ie\ that are the /-umlauts 
 of ea and Ho are also thus represented. A.S. l was the 
 long of /. 
 
 In Middle English t remained. In Modern English it 
 
 passed by divergence of first element into a diphthong, and 
 
 through lowering, retraction, and widening, reached the 
 
 sound (ai). 
 
 A.S. i. 
 
 i cristendom cristendom Christendom 
 
 grist grist grist 
 
 {on)grIslic grislich, grisli gri^b' 
 
 stig-rap stirop stirrup 
 
 die dich ditch 
 
 set-wltan atwiten twit 
 
 linen linen linen 
 
 wif-menn wimmen, wummen women 
 
 e scir-gerefa schirreue, scherreue sheriff'
 
 262 
 
 Manual of Linguistics. 
 
 U wif-niann 
 
 wimman, wummon, 
 womman 
 
 woman 
 
 ai hwll 
 
 hwile, while 
 
 while 
 
 fif 
 
 fife, uiue 
 
 five 
 
 hiwa 
 
 hine, hyne 
 
 hind 
 
 5riv\a 
 
 Jjrijes, ])ries 
 
 thrice 
 
 bl 
 
 bi, by 
 
 by 
 
 siSe 
 
 sithe, sy3e 
 
 scythe 
 
 higian 
 
 hifen, hyen 
 
 hie 
 
 ai8 lien 
 
 iren, yren 
 
 iron 
 
 scir 
 
 schire, shire 
 
 shire 
 
 ii snlcan 
 
 sniken 
 
 sneak 
 
 7UU splwan 
 
 spewen, spue 
 
 spew, s 
 
 tiwes-daeg 
 
 tisdei, tewesday 
 
 tuesday 
 
 yu8 stlg-weard 
 
 stiward, steward, stuward 
 
 steward 
 
 spue 
 
 cristendom — The vowel is shortened before two con- 
 sonants (page 200). Length however often remains before 
 st, e.g., priest, least (page 258). The quality of the / is altered 
 in the shortening. Short / is wide, stirrup, shortened from 
 steerup. didi — The c was softened after the front vowel, 
 supported by the t- of the inflectional forms (page 278). In 
 dike the vowel is regular and there is no Southern softening. 
 twit must once have had long /. Spenser rhymes it with 
 light and plight, and writes it by false analogy twight. 
 linen — The vowel is long in line. Perhaps the back- 
 shortening termination helped on shortness, ivimnien — 
 The ni))i due to assimilation of/ to ;//. The long /is still 
 heard. The form with u is due to the analogy of the 
 singular, where the labialisation was not merely graphic 
 but gave development. The // was written o between the w 
 and m.
 
 Sotmd Relations in English. 2 6 
 
 t 
 
 sheriff- — The /was shortened before two consonants. For 
 lowering to e compare {shep)herd (A.S. salp-hirde). The e 
 of -herd is of course now sunk under obscure vowel (a). A 
 similar lowering, due to lack of stress, is seen in M.E. here 
 ' her ' (A.S. hire). 
 
 womati — -See ivomen above. The short u of this word 
 also had a development into (b). This sound is still to be 
 heard. 
 
 (ai) is the regular development, hind — The d is ex- 
 crescent (cp. thumb, soimd). The n in the M.E. form is a 
 difficulty. It is supposed to come from the gen. plu. 
 hi{we)?ia, in such a combination as h'i{tve)na man ' a man 
 of the domestics.' A new plural creation with n in 
 nominative might arise out of this combination. A singular 
 form in n would then naturally appear, \ries — The ending 
 is due to analogy, compare aties ' once.' 
 
 hi-i^en — After the palatal vowel /, the g becomes /, and is 
 merged in the long vowel. 
 
 iron — z?-=(ai8). The unaccented vowel is sometimes 
 written — cp. weapon, beacon (A.S. wcepen, beacen). 
 
 s?ieak — Some dialectic form may be the parent of this 
 sound. Compare reopan (Mercian, W.S. rlpan) into reap, 
 spetv — M.E. eu corresponds to A.S. hv, co7v (W.S. nv). 
 It is written ew and ue. Final French u was written eiv and 
 the two spellings u{e) and e^v thus got mixed. M.E. m 
 corresponds to A.S. aw, eaw. It is always written ew. 
 steward — long iir=(yvLQ). 
 
 6 : A.S. <' corresponds to Teut. (O.H.G. no, ua, I.E. a, 0). 
 It also stands for several compensatory lengthenings of Teut. 
 0. In some words it answers to Teut. cc (Goth, c, O.H.G. ci, 
 I.E. e) — mona ' moon,' Gk. /JLyjvri. A.S. was the long of o.
 
 264 
 
 Manual of Linguistics. 
 
 remained in ^Middle English, but passed in the 
 Modern Period to long ii, which is now diphthongised to 
 (uu). This sound was shortened in certain words, especi- 
 ally before th and d, and has now passed to ('b). Later on, 
 another shortening took place, very generally before stop- 
 consonants. This shortening, occurring after the passage 
 of ti to (b), has remained. 
 
 Words that derive from long close have 00 in modern 
 spelling, words that derive from long open J have oa (p). 
 There was confusion in spelling at an earlier date. Com- 
 pare the use of ee and ea. For ou see under a. 
 
 A.S. 6. 
 
 B 
 
 moste 
 
 moste, muste 
 
 must 
 
 
 roSor 
 
 rothyr, rodyr 
 
 rudder 
 
 
 do5 
 
 doS, dooth 
 
 doth 
 
 
 offer 
 
 oother 
 
 other 
 
 
 broSor 
 
 brother 
 
 brother 
 
 
 modor 
 
 moder, mooder 
 
 mother 
 
 
 monaS 
 
 moneth, mooneth 
 
 month 
 
 
 monan-daeg 
 
 moneday, munendai 
 
 monday 
 
 
 flod 
 
 flood 
 
 flood 
 
 
 genog 
 
 inouh, enogh, inough enough 
 
 
 toh 
 
 tough 
 
 tough 
 
 e 
 
 -dom 
 
 -dam, -dom, -doom 
 
 -dom 
 
 e 
 
 wodnes-dceg 
 
 wodnes-dei, wednes- 
 dai 
 
 ■ Wednesday 
 
 u 
 
 bosm 
 
 bosum 
 
 bosom 
 
 
 hoc 
 
 hoc, hok 
 
 hook 
 
 
 scoc 
 
 schook, shook 
 
 shook 
 
 
 fot 
 
 fot, foot 
 
 foot 
 
 
 to 
 
 to 
 
 to
 
 Sound Relations m Enirlish. 
 
 265 
 
 
 
 blostma 
 
 blostme, blosme, 
 bloosmes pi. 
 
 jjlossom 
 
 
 gos-hafoc 
 
 gos-hauk, goshawke 
 
 : goshawk 
 
 
 f6d(d)or 
 
 fod{d)er 
 
 fodder 
 
 
 gescod 
 
 ischood, schod 
 
 shod 
 
 
 hOh 
 
 h'jU3 
 
 hough 
 
 au 
 
 sklg 
 
 slouh, slough 
 
 slough 
 
 
 pi oh 
 
 plouh, plou5 
 
 plough 
 
 
 bog 
 
 bogh, bouz ; l^oowes bough 
 
 
 
 plu. 
 
 
 ei 
 
 com 
 
 coom, cam 
 
 came 
 
 ou 
 
 hof 
 
 haf, hone 
 
 hove 
 
 
 behofian 
 
 behoue 
 
 behove 
 
 
 rSwan 
 
 rowen 
 
 row 
 
 
 blowan 
 
 blowen 
 
 blow 
 
 
 woe 
 
 wok 
 
 woke 
 
 uu 
 
 do (i sing, pres.) 
 
 do 
 
 do 
 
 
 to 
 
 to 
 
 too 
 
 
 stol 
 
 stole, stool 
 
 stool 
 
 
 smoSe adv. 
 
 smethe, smoothe 
 
 smooth 
 
 
 toS 
 
 toth, tooth 
 
 tooth 
 
 
 gos 
 
 gos, goos 
 
 goose 
 
 
 wos 
 
 wose, woose 
 
 ooze 
 
 
 owef 
 
 oof 
 
 woof 
 
 
 wogian 
 
 wofcn, wowen 
 
 woo 
 
 
 loma 
 
 lome 
 
 loom 
 
 
 rod 
 
 rede, roode 
 
 rood 
 
 
 SCO 
 
 scho, schoo 
 
 shoe 
 
 
 slog 
 
 slouh, slou5, slou 
 
 slew 
 
 
 drog 
 
 drouh, drou:, drou 
 
 drew 
 
 a8 
 
 swor 
 
 sware 
 
 sware 
 
 U8 
 
 mor 
 
 more 
 
 moor 
 
 09 
 
 ura 
 
 or 
 
 ore
 
 266 Manual of L inguistics. 
 
 00 
 
 softe adv. 
 
 softe 
 
 soft 
 
 
 swor 
 
 swor, swoor, 
 
 swore 
 
 
 flSr 
 
 flor 
 
 floor 
 
 
 sohte 
 
 sohte, so5te 
 
 sought 
 
 moste has passed to ('b) through shortened long ii. A 
 form with u occurs in Middle English. Perhaps it was due to 
 labialisation, on the part of the m, exerted on an o shortened 
 before two consonants, doth — In Middle English, the o of 
 the tf-forms prevailed over and expelled the d?-form handed 
 down from A.S. ^t'5. Then followed the usual course of the 
 long o'% that went to (^). The shortening took place first in 
 the unemphatic position, enough^ tough — In late Middle 
 English OH in ouh (parasitic u before guttural h) had the 
 pronunciation that was usually associated with the spelling 
 ou, viz., long u. This was shortened in Modern English and 
 went to ("b). 
 
 -dom — The shortened vowel in the unstressed syllable has 
 naturally passed to the obscure vowel (a). 
 
 zvednesday — o has been shortened with usual confusion 
 between wo and tveo, cp. ivelkiu. 
 
 bosom — In these words occurs the later shortening of u, 
 which remained, to when unemphatic may be reduced 
 to (8). 
 
 blossom, fodder— ^\i& o was shortened in Middle English 
 before two consonants. Short o was opened in Middle 
 English. It was lowered in Modern English to its present 
 sound (o). ^//r;d!'— Compare for similar shortening rod the 
 doublet of rood (see below), hough —One would have ex- 
 pected hoh to have followed the course of toh. Finally it 
 has a ^-sound. Formerly the final sound was that of tough, 
 slough, &c. — The long z^-sound that these words, in com-
 
 So2tnd Relations in English. 267 
 
 mon with enough, &c. (see above), had in Middle English, 
 passed right on to the usual goal of long ti, viz., (au). 
 Compare the pronunciation of enoiv. 
 
 cavie — M.E. cooin coovien is evidence that the A.S. vowel 
 had been preserved. But on the analogy of nam^ pret. of 
 niman, cam was substituted for coom. A form cainen would 
 have its a lengthened (page 207). The preterite would then 
 be levelled under the vowel of the singular and the vowel- 
 length of the plural. 
 
 hove — The regular M.E. form must have been hof (with 
 close 0). This would now have given (uu). The analogy 
 of weave (A.S. ivefan) introduced haf as a preterite and 
 hgven as a participle. From the long open of the last our 
 hove has got the vowel it has developed regularly. The 
 A.S. participle is hafen which could only have given (ei). 
 
 behove ought to have and often does have the pronuncia- 
 tion of move, but the comparative infrequency of the word 
 in ordinary speech has permitted the spelling to force the 
 pronunciation, behoof {h..^. behof) is regular. 
 
 rozv — M.E. OH A.S. ow (and M.E. gu, A.S. (uv) regularly 
 give (ou). 7vokc should have been (uu) but has followed 
 the analogy of the (ou) preterites. 
 
 (uu) is the regular development of 0. smethe — This will 
 come from the adjective smethe (/-umlaut of 0). ooze — The 
 zfhas been dropped owing to a dislike to the sequence of 
 the two cognate sounds, compare the provincial pronuncia- 
 tion of woman, and the different remedy adopted under 
 similar circumstances in the case of yes, yet (page 227). 
 woof- — The w is due to the influence of weave. A.S. invefx^ 
 said to be for on-zvef ' that which is laid on the warp.' rood has 
 also a variant rod, see shod in this list, s/eiv, drew -The
 
 268 Mamtal of L inguistics. 
 
 M.E. droiv, sloiv (long u) yielded to the influence of verbs of 
 the knoiv knezv, grow grew class. 
 
 sware shews the analogy of bare (page 2 1 5). ar gives (aa). 
 Compare swore below, moor — or gives (ua). ore — Com- 
 pare y?!?*?^ below. 
 
 floor — The same result as moor has, might have been got, 
 but in some words the uu was broadened to (oo). swore — 
 The long close o of the preterite gave place to the long 
 open o of the participle swgreft. soft — The long o was 
 shortened in Middle English before the two consonants. 
 o was opened in Middle English. In the Modern Period 
 lowering took place. The (0) thus got was in many words 
 (page 232) lengthened and narrowed to (00). sohfe {brohte, 
 ]>dhte) was shortened in Anglo-Saxon. The short thus got 
 would have very much the same development as in soft, for 
 the ti was not pronounced in early Modern. Compare 
 bought (page 232). 
 
 u : A.S. u represents Teut. u (I.E. u). Sometimes it is a 
 compensatory lengthening of Teut. u. 
 
 A.S. u was the long of u. 
 
 In Middle English, u remained. It might represent not 
 only an original A.S. u but also the group-lengthened ti 
 that came down from Anglian. Both were often written ou. 
 
 u in Modern English has had its first element diverged, 
 unrounded, and widened in the direction of the initial 
 sound of the present diphthong (au). 
 
 The second element was widened and has taken more or 
 less after the first element, retaining rounding. In some 
 words the ?7-sound has been retained, in others retained but 
 shortened. When the shortening took place sufficiently 
 early the result has been (-b) (page 264).
 
 Sound Relations in English. 
 
 269 
 
 
 
 A.S. u. 
 
 
 ■B 
 
 dusl 
 
 dust 
 
 dust 
 
 
 J;uma 
 
 thoumbe, thoumbe 
 
 thuml) 
 
 
 plume 
 
 ploume 
 
 plum 
 
 
 us 
 
 ous, us 
 
 us 
 
 
 butan 
 
 buten, l)ute, 
 
 but 
 
 
 scufan 
 
 scliouve 
 
 shove 
 
 
 ruh 
 
 ruh, rugh, row, rough 
 
 rough 
 
 U 
 
 rum 
 
 roum 
 
 room 
 
 
 brucan 
 
 bruken, brouken 
 
 brook 
 
 
 cuSe 
 
 couthe, coude 
 
 could 
 
 
 
 grufa (Norse) 
 
 grouelynge 
 
 grovel 
 
 89 
 
 J)iires-dDeg (Norse) 
 
 jjursdai, ])ursdei 
 
 thursday 
 
 
 furlgng 
 
 furlong, fourlonge 
 
 furlong 
 
 au 
 
 ]>u 
 
 ])U, |)0U 
 
 thou 
 
 
 muS 
 
 muS, mouth 
 
 mouth 
 
 
 mus 
 
 mus, mous 
 
 mouse 
 
 
 punian 
 
 pounen 
 
 pound 
 
 
 drugoCe 
 
 drugte, drouhl^e, 
 droughte 
 
 drought 
 
 
 bugan 
 
 buwen, bowen 
 
 bow 
 
 
 hu 
 
 hu, hou 
 
 how 
 
 
 bru 
 
 brovve 
 
 brow 
 
 
 ule 
 
 oule 
 
 owl 
 
 aue 
 
 ure 
 
 ure, cure 
 
 our 
 
 
 sur 
 
 sur, sour 
 
 sour 
 
 
 bur 
 
 bour 
 
 bower 
 
 uu 
 
 uncuS 
 
 unkouth 
 
 uncouth 
 
 
 Stupian 
 
 stoupen 
 
 stoop 
 
 dust — u was shortened before two consonants (page 200). 
 The usual development of short ti followed, thombe — The 
 spelling with t" is a proof of short u. ous — The emphatic 
 form with long u has been displaced by the short unem-
 
 270 Mamial of Linguistics. 
 
 phatic form, hiten, hute — This is the weak form, the con- 
 junction; the adverb and preposition were strong, and had 
 forms with ou. Certain of the /7's doubtless got shortened 
 at the time when the /?s that came from M.E. o were being 
 shortened. 
 
 room, &c. — The sound is retained but shortened, coude 
 — The form with voiced consonant is weak and prevailed 
 over the strong form with breath consonant. An / was 
 introduced from should and %vould. Lack of stress led to 
 shortening, and / dropped out of the weak form as in the 
 other verbs. The weak form holds the field. 
 
 groiielynge — Here we have shortening, with for 21. This 
 o has followed the (^-development. There was also a form 
 with u which passed regularly to ("b) a pronunciation that 
 still survives. 
 
 \ursdai — Shortening before two consonants appears here. 
 /,rr gives (aa). furlong — There is also a M.E. form with 
 arguing shortness. 
 
 (au) is the regular development. \u is A.S. lengthening 
 of Teut. u. buwen — g has become w after u, cp. draw. 
 
 our — Tir gives (aua). 
 
 uncouth — Long ic is here retained, c\^. youth (page 261). In 
 stoop the following labial has helped to keep the quality of 
 the vowel. 
 
 y : A.S. y is the /-umlaut of Teut. /?, or of a compensatory 
 lengthened Teut. u. It may also represent the 'le's, that are 
 the /-umlauts of ea and eo (Teut. au and eu). In Kentish, 
 y became e, through lowering and unrounding. Hence j' is 
 sometimes written for e (VV.S. fe.) 
 
 In A.S. y was the long of j.
 
 So2md Relations in English. 271 
 
 y was unrounded in Middle English into i and written /. 
 It is also represented by u (U), and sometimes, according to 
 French habits, by ui. 
 
 In Modern English y follows mainly the development 
 of/. 
 
 A.S. y. 
 
 B })rysta (Norse) Jjrusten, thristen ihrust 
 
 1 fyl?f fulSe, filthe filth 
 
 hydde hidde, y-hid hid 
 
 lytel Intel, litel little 
 
 ai lys lis, lys lice 
 
 cy pi. kie, kye, kyn kine 
 
 hwy hwi, whi why 
 
 dryge druiCjdriqe, drie, dri dry 
 
 bycgan buggen, biggen, bie, Iniy 
 
 by 
 
 aie hyran huren, huyre, hyre hire 
 
 fyr fur, fuir, fir fire 
 
 Oi byle byle, buile, bile boil n. 
 
 thrust — n shortened before st, with usual development of 
 short u into ('b). 
 
 filth, &c. — shortening with usual course of short i. little 
 — The A.S. word lost an e in inflection. This gave two 
 consonants after the y. The plural, &c., thus acquired a 
 short vowel which has prevailed throughout. The long 
 vowel seems to have remained and developed regularly in 
 the proper name Lyte (ai). The pronunciation leetle is per- 
 haps due to lowering and an ^'-development— cp. evil, A.S. 
 yfel (page 239). 
 
 Orm writes the singular I'ltell, the plural little. Compare 
 hallow (page 242).
 
 272 Maimal of L inguistics. 
 
 lice — The words in this hst have followed the develop- 
 ment of long /, which has been diphthongised to (ai). kine 
 is a double plural got by the addition of -ett, the levelled 
 form of the A.S. plu. suffix -aji. The simple plural is seen 
 in the Scotch kye, with similar diphthongal development. 
 dri-}ye — After palatal vowels {c, i) g becomes / and is merged 
 after /. Of course the zhere is already long, hycgan (2 pers. 
 sing, bygest), thej"^-forms have given development, with the 
 same course as in the previous word. 
 
 hire, &c. — Ir gives (aie). 
 
 boil — M.E. Inle on its road to (ai) had reached the stage 
 (ai). The ^ here is the obscure vowel, mid-mixed-narrovv. 
 The verb boil had reached the same sound, for oi had passed 
 through (ui) and ("Bi) to (ai). The two words (as sound- 
 groups) were mixed. The spelling with (?/ was established, 
 and by and by drove the pronunciation into a reproduction 
 of the spelling, in fact, restored the original sound. The 
 sound is now (oi), and the verb and noun have the same 
 sound in educated speech, though in the vulgar dialect, boil, 
 the noun, has its own historical pronunciation. The word 
 bile 'secretion of the liver' (Fr. bile) of course developed 
 regularly into (ai). Compare with boil vb. and boil n. 
 (M.E. bile) the words toil and tile which once had the same 
 pronunciation. But toil though its pronunciation was 
 normalised did not as a sound-group carry with it tile, which 
 went on to (ai). 
 
 For a lengthy number of pages the various developments 
 of A.S. originals have been considered. It will now be 
 requisite to put down the vice versa and trace back each 
 modern development to its principal A.S. originals. This
 
 Sound Relations in English. 273 
 
 ■must be done briefly. Actual words illustrating the changes 
 referred to below will be found under the A.S. letters. 
 
 ■B has been got from A.S. u, u, y, 6. 
 
 i has been got from A.S. i, y, i, y. 
 
 e has been got from A.S. e, co, ee, ae, ea. 
 
 ae has been got from A.S. a (se, ea), a. 
 
 a has been got from A.S. 0, 6. 
 
 89 has been got from A.S. eor, er, yr, ir, ur. 
 
 ai has been got from A.S. i, y, i, ih, yh, eg, eog, eoh, eah, 
 «ag. 
 
 au has been got from A.S. u, u. 
 
 ei has been got from A.S. seg, ecg, eg, a (ae ea). 
 
 ou has been got from A.S. a, ow, ol. 
 
 ii has been got from A.S. e, eo, e, ea, se. 
 
 yuu has been got from A.S. eow, eaw, iw. 
 
 uu has been got from A.S. eow, eaw, 6. 
 
 aa has been got from A.S. e, eo, followed by r + cons., 
 and a (ae, ea) followed by r + cons., s + cons., and by th. 
 
 00 has been got from A.S. or, al (ael, eal), ag, war 
 (wear), {-\-f, s, ///), oht, iht (seht), aw. 
 
 Some remarks were made on these modern developments 
 on pages 197 and 198. 
 
 A passing reference to words of Anglo-French origin 
 must suffice. The sounds in these words shared the fate 
 of the similar sounds that existed in the developed Anglo- 
 J-iaxon of their date. I say developed because certain 
 Anglo-Saxon sounds had undergone changes. (~c and ea 
 had given e (long open e) ; a had given [> (long open o) ; 
 short e and had become open sounds ; and .i,"" had been 
 
 s
 
 2 74 
 
 Mamial of Lingjiisiics. 
 
 vocalised to / and ;/. Long French u was levelled under 
 the eu that had been got from A.S. eaw, &c. 
 
 The following three lines will go to illustrate the similarity 
 in development alluded to above. Line i denotes the 
 sounds of the developed Anglo-Saxon ; line 2 contains 
 words of native origin that have developed these sounds ;. 
 litie 3 contains words of Anglo-French origin that have 
 developed the same sounds. The words of native origin 
 are taken from the vowel lists where they may be found 
 with the help of the index. 
 
 aag f e 110 9 
 
 man scale ferry east geese bill by on oak 
 
 (weapon) 
 
 ban bale peril beast degree bill cry honour cloak 
 
 (measure) 
 
 o u u ai ei au eu 
 
 stool run mouse day way draw dew 
 
 full (Ch. vvey) 
 
 fool plunge spouse delay veil cause beauty 
 bull 
 
 (edict) 
 
 beast 2indfool\\?i6. originally short vowels in Anglo-French, 
 No comparison of the ^/-sound can be given. It does not 
 occur in words of native origin. For boil see page 270, 
 And the OH-so\xx\d had lost its diphthongic character in 
 Anglo-French, and had become a symbol for the long 
 i-z-sound, being used as such in Middle English. 
 
 It is worth while noticing how the Anglo - Saxoi> 
 originals of these sounds have fared in Scotch. Modern 
 Scotch (not Scotch-English) is really latter-day Northum- 
 brian. It has had a distinct development of its own in
 
 So7Uid Relations in English. 275 
 
 which sounds have changed pretty uniformly, subject to 
 comparatively little deflection produced by their surround- 
 ings, save that caused by a following g or h. r is always 
 the point-trill and has had nothing like the influence it has 
 had in English. The alterations it effects are chiefly 
 quantitative, not so often qualitative. It ought to be added 
 that Scotch is more retentive of vowel quality than English. 
 For example, the shortened / in sick is wide in English, but 
 narrow, like its original long in Scotch. Indeed, the long 
 /-sound is now wide in English. Here follow, with Murray's 
 spellings, Scotch examples of the Anglo-Saxon originals. 
 
 A.S. 
 
 Scotch. 
 
 
 a 
 
 man (1. b. w.) 
 
 
 a and % 
 
 • steane and neame (h. f. w. 4- m. 
 
 , f. w.) 
 
 f 
 
 man (1. f. w.) 
 
 
 ea 
 
 eist (h. f. n.) 
 
 
 e 
 
 feit (h. f. n.) 
 
 
 i and y 
 
 blynd and hyll (m. f. w.) 
 
 
 1 
 
 weyfe (m. f. w. -i- h. f n.) 
 
 
 
 
 on (m. b. w. r.) 
 
 
 
 
 stuil (m. f. n. r.) 
 
 
 u 
 
 grund (m. b. n.) 
 
 
 u 
 
 mooss (h. b. n. r.) 
 
 
 seg 
 
 day (m. f. n.) 
 
 
 eg 
 
 waiy (m. f. n. -l-h. f n.), or as in 
 
 day 
 
 ag 
 
 draa (1. b. w., long) 
 
 
 eaw eow 
 
 deuw and bleuw (m. f. n. r-t-h. 
 before a cons., as in stuil). 
 
 b. n. r., 
 
 ow 
 
 growe (m. b. w. r. -|-h. b. n. r.) 
 
 
 aw 
 
 blaa (1. b. w., long) 

 
 276 Manual of Linguistics. 
 
 Note that blind and ground have not been group- 
 lengthened in Scotch. 
 
 A.S. a was not rounded in Scotch but along with 
 lengthened a (before consonant + vowel) passed to present 
 sound. A.S. d-cv levelled under ow in English has had the 
 same result as ag in Scotch — cp. draa and b/aa (A.S. 
 dragan and bldwan). oi in Scotch has two values. Thus 
 boyl in the South has the sound of mid-back-wide-round 
 followed by high-front-narrow ; beyle in the centre and north 
 has the sound of mid-front-wide and high- front-narrow. 
 
 A few examples of noticeable Southern Scotch develop- 
 ments of A.S. sounds before gutturals will not be out of 
 place. In this dialect the guttural after back vowels is 
 labialised (cp. G. auch), after front vowels it is palatalised. 
 In the other dialects occurs the ordinary guttural with 
 occasionally a different vowel-sound. After a high-front- 
 narrow and a high-back-narrow-round a simple guttural also 
 occurred in Southern Scotch. 
 
 From ah — auivcht (1. b. w. -F h. b. n. r., A.S. dhte), ah 
 — leawch ' low ' (m. f. n., long) and hvnvch ; from eoh — 
 fcBycht (1. f w.), eah — cpycht ; from ih — ncycht (m. f. w.) ; 
 from oh — dowchter (m. b. w.), oh — soivcht \ from oh also 
 leuwch 'laughed' (m. f. n. r., A.S. hloh) ; from uh — riavch 
 ' rough ' (m. b. n.). 
 
 eag — Scotch ey ' eye ' has in south the value mid-front- 
 wide -H high-front-narrow, in other dialects it is written ee, 
 and has the value high-front-narrow (long). 
 
 ug — buw ' bend' with value mid-back-narrow -f- high-back- 
 narrow-round in south, elsewhere it has the value high-back- 
 narrow-round. 
 
 yg — drye with value lovv-back-wide -I- high-front-narrow.
 
 Round Relations in English. 277 
 
 The sound heard here is the nearest Scotch equivalent to 
 EngHsh long /. 
 
 Anglo-Saxon consonants, their passage to, and repre- 
 sentation in, Modern English, will now be the subject of 
 some remarks. 
 
 b : A.S. b occurs initially. Medially and finally it appears 
 geminated, or in the group mb. 
 
 In the present language A.S. b appears as b — bind, dumb, 
 web {bindan, dumb, ivcbb (Teut. bj)) ; as p —gossip {god- 
 sibb). p occurs in unkempt for unkembed (cemban ' to 
 comb,' umlaut from camb (Gk. yofj^po; ' bolt ') ). b has 
 disappeared in oakum (acumba ' tow '). Though written it 
 is not now pronounced in the group mb. 
 
 Our b, like the Anglo-Saxon letter, is the lip-stop-voice. 
 
 For developed b see under m. 
 
 c : A.S. c had two values, back-stop and front-stop. It 
 remained back before back vowels and umlauted vowels 
 (and before consonants) — «(^;), 0, u, a (Teut. a/), 0, ?7, & 
 (umlaut of « = Teut. ai) ; e,y, a' (umlaut ofo), y, tr (e), but was 
 fronted before all vowels that were front before mutation 
 began. This is apparent from the Modern English words 
 that derive from A.S. initial c. From bac'k c — care, come, 
 coal, cool, coiv, key, kiss, keen, clean {caru, cicman, col, col, 
 cu, ccrge, cyssan, ceneix), cl^ne). This c was in Middle 
 English sometimes written c, sometimes k (page 190). From 
 fr07it c — chin, churl, cheek {ci?in, ceorl, ceoce). In Anglo- 
 Saxon, front c was represented by c, but at the Norman Con- 
 quest, it was, according to French (Central French) fashion 
 represented by ch, with pretty much the sound of ch in child. 
 In French, this sound developed into the ^/^-sound of 
 Modern French.
 
 278 Manual of L mguistics. 
 
 Final c is represented by k — ark {earc). Final cc (some- 
 times c) is represented by ck — cock {cocc). cw was displaced 
 by French qu — queen (ctveti). 
 
 When c followed front vowels, ch was often developed 
 through influence of inflectional front-vowel e — ivhich, such, 
 pitch (Jiwilc, sivylc, pic). The spelling of the last word leads 
 one to notice that tch (M.E. cch, chch) is the regular repre- 
 sentative of doubled c^flitch {fiicce). 
 
 This sound is regularly written ch after long vowels — 
 coach, teach {tctc{e)an). After a short vowel tch often occurs 
 —pitch, ditch (die), but sometimes ch — rich, much, &c. After 
 a consonant, ch is written — quench {cwencan), which, such. 
 In these two last the consonant / is now lost. 
 
 ch is sometimes voiced into ay-sound — knowledge (M.E. 
 knoivleche), {Gree7i)ivich. It is written j in ajar (M.E. on 
 char, A.S. on, cerr). 
 
 ch has disappeared in /, every, barley, lent, made, droivn 
 {ic, cefre, cflc, luerlic, lencten, macode). 
 
 A.S. sc is usually sh (M.E. sch) in the present language 
 ■ — -shake {sc(e)acan), fresh {fersc), but occasionally sk (by- 
 form in ks, x) — ask (prov. ax). Note also mussel (A.S. 
 fnuscle). 
 
 It should be noticed that Northern forms exhibit k for 
 Southern ch. Compare kirk and church, seek and beseech. 
 
 The k in kn is now no longer sounded. 
 
 Tht frofited k that is heard in provincial English (and in 
 American) in words like cart is an effect that was produced 
 by the previous stage of (aa) viz., the front (seae) (p. 21^). 
 Compare under g. 
 
 The present hard c is the back-stop-breath. 
 
 The word ache might have been noticed above. There
 
 Sound Relations in English. I'jO) 
 
 was an A.S. verb acan which gave in Middle English aken, 
 and an A.S. noun cce which gave in Middle English eche. 
 The modern word is a blending of the vowel of the verb 
 and (as far as form goes) the ch of the noun. The noun ache 
 once had the ^/z-sound. 
 
 d : In Anglo-Saxon and Middle English instances occur of 
 the loss of sonancy that is seen in our dwelt for divelled. 
 
 Of course A.S. d appears now as d. It also appears as 
 / — reft, ivont, leant, tilt ' canvas covering ' {rcafode, gewunod, 
 hhende, teld) ; and as tlz (voiced), when preceded by a vowel 
 and followed by r — -father, mother, gather, weather, hither 
 {feeder, Dwdor, gcedrian, weder, hider). 
 
 Assimilation occurs in winnoiv, gossip {jvindivian, godsibU), 
 .^has disappeared in tine ' tooth of a harrow,' lime, woodbine^ 
 wanion, answer, gospel {tind, Hud, tvuduhind, formerly 
 waniand {tvane, part, taken for noun), ondsivaru, godspell). 
 upholsterer was once upholdster. Notice iro?i mould, once 
 yron-mole (A.S. mdl ' spot '), and newfatigled, once neivefan- 
 gel (A.S. fon (fangan ' to catch ') ). 
 
 In words like verdure, the ^+j-sound has with some 
 speakers passed into a </+ voiced j-//-sound. Compare she 
 and sure (page 290). See also under /. A ^-sound is 
 ■disappearing in words like singe. 
 
 Our d, like the Anglo-Saxon letter, is the point-stop- 
 voice. 
 
 S : A.S. 5 between vowels or vocalic sounds was voiced. 
 Initially, there was probably a voiced as well as a voiceless 
 variety. Finally, it was, in West-Saxon, probably voiced. 
 ,In the combinations t"^, d^, s<5, the *^ passes to /. d is as-
 
 2 8o Manual of L inguistics. 
 
 similated. The results are // and st. \s usually passes to- 
 ss. The Gothic ]> was voiceless in all positions. 
 
 In the Southern dialect of Middle English this letter was 
 voiced. In the Midland and Northern dialects there was 
 an initial and final breath sound possibly inherited fron> 
 the Anglian. 
 
 As to the orthography, \ gradually ousted 5, being itself 
 replaced, in .French fashion, by ///. 
 
 To the voiced sounds in the present weak the, that, they^ 
 then, there, though, and with, there were opposed in Middle 
 English the breath sounds of strong forms. 
 
 In Scotch the th of though and ivith is a breath sound. 
 
 In the present language th when initial except in the 
 above words is a breath sound. Finall)', it is also breathed 
 (except in ivith, and the vbs., viouth, bequeath, smooth) — loath, ._ 
 breath, bath. To these are opposed the voiced sounds ia 
 loathe, breathe, bathe. The voiced sound is due to the fact 
 that these words were intervocaUc in Middle English. In 
 certain plurals in ths the tli is said to be voiced (not in 
 Scotch) — baths, cloths, mouths, truths, oaths, paths, laths., 
 wreaths. The /// of some words, owing to a weathering of 
 terminations, is now final, with consequent change from 
 voice th to breath th — earth, beneath. 
 
 A.S. S is of course represented by th in Modern English. 
 It is also represented by / — stalwart, lest, sight, eyot, nostril, 
 husting{s) {stcelwier^e, ^y lies ^e, gesihtS, ega^, nos^ryl, hus- 
 hing) ; and by d^cou{l)d (c/i^e) (see A.S. u). It is after r, 
 and before r and /, that d usually appears — burden, murder, 
 afford, spider (M.E. spither), rudder, swaddle, fiddle {byr'SeUy 
 myr'^ra7i, {ge)for'5ian, spifSre, rot5or, swe^el, fiSele). For ex- 
 amples of assimilation take lissom (lithesome), Surrey,
 
 Sound Relations in English. 281 
 
 Sussex, Suffolk (Ti^e, Su'^rige, Su^-Seaxan, Su'S-folc). "S has 
 also dropped — wrist, worship, Nonvich, sin{ce), or {wrist 
 for 7cirii5st, from 7vrl^au), weoriSscipe, Nor'^ivic, si'^^an, 
 dhwce'Ser). Note wrath and moth (wne^^o, niOiSiSe). The 
 //^-sound has, as in Anglo-Saxon, two values, the point-teeth- 
 open-breath and the point-teeth-open-voice. 
 
 f : A.S. / represents Teut. / and z: It was voiced 
 between vowels, and after r or / followed by a vowel. 
 Probably it was also voiced finally, and perhaps initially, 
 except in the Northern dialect. This seems to be Sweet's 
 conclusion. Sievers speaks of initial surdness. /in Gothic 
 was a breathed letter. It was i> there that medially after 
 vowels had the sound of v. / was and would remain 
 breathed in combinations \[ke/s,/t, ff. 
 
 In the Southern dialect of Middle English /was voiced. 
 It was written v initially, and medially, but not finally, 
 because confusion with vocalic u would have ensued. To 
 avoid confusion / is also written before voiced letters. 
 French words, however, being introduced later, kept their 
 breathed/ 
 
 In the Midland and Northern dialects there was an initial 
 and final breath/ possibly inherited from the Anglian. 
 
 The present voicing and breathing in weak ^and strong 
 off (both A.S. 0/) would naturally exist in Middle English. 
 
 / is now pronounced everywhere when written, even 
 between vowels, as in wi/e and /i/e. 0/a.nd its compounds, 
 whcre-of, &c., are exceptions. Certain words that had v in 
 Middle English we now write with/ — belief, sheriff. 
 
 A.S. /appears in Modern English ^% f— father, deaf, wolf, 
 fifty, chafer {feeder, deaf ivulf fiftig, ceafor; as ff- — staff 
 {stcef) ; as v (between vowels very common) — cove, raven y
 
 282 Manual of L ingidstics. 
 
 harvest, wolves {cofa, hrcefn, hcerfest, wuifas). In Northern 
 Scotch the /-sound is to be heard in certain intervocalic 
 plurals — wyffis. 
 
 Only a few words appear in English with Southern initial 
 V — va?ie, vat, vixen, vinewed * mouldy ' {/ana, fcst, fyxen, 
 fynegod, p. p. oifynegian ' to become mouldy '). 
 
 For examples of vocalisation take hawk, ?iezvt (page 222), 
 auger {hafoc, cfete, nafogdr). f has been assimilated in 
 lamnias {hldfiiuvsse). It has been dropt in lord, lady, 
 head, anent, anthem, stem {hldford, hhefdige, heafod, on efen, 
 antefn, stefn {stemn) ). 
 
 Our /is, as was the A.S. voiceless/ the lip-teeth-open- 
 breath. 
 
 g : As in the case of c, A.S. g was kept a back consonant 
 before back and umlaut vowels (and before consonants), 
 but fronted before vowels that were front before umlaut 
 operated. This is proved by the spelling of the following 
 modern words deriving from A.S. initial g. From back g — 
 gold, goat, gild, geese, glad {gold, gat, gyldan, ges (a-), 
 glcEd). From front g^yield, yarn, yellotv {geldan, gearn, 
 geolu). Many modern words have g where y was to be 
 expected. This is due to the fact that they are Norse 
 words — girth ; or Northern forms — give (Ch. yiven), get ; or 
 to the fact that the back g of other forms has ousted the front 
 g — begin (with g from begatm). Different vowels in cognate 
 forms may also yield different results — gate from A.S. plu. 
 gatu, yate (Northern) from A.S. sing, gcj^t. 
 
 Note also the representation of hard g by gu and gh, as 
 in guest and ghost. 
 
 The back stop occurred finally in ng. This is borne out 
 by modern words — sing, long (A.S. singan, lang (o)). Also
 
 Sound Relations in English. 283 
 
 in 0:1; after unmutated vowelsy>'r;ri,7? * frog,' doc^a ' dog.' But 
 when 71}:; or q:; (doubled ^^'•=Teut. ,5,7) was preceded by an 
 umlaut vowel the ^;^ was front-stop, as in A.S. scngan, brycg. 
 The nc; and eg have here developed into the sounds heard 
 in modern singe and bridge. 
 
 According to Sweet A.S. g represented four sounds, two 
 stop and two open, with a back and front variety in each. 
 Sievers holds that A.S. g was an open rather than a stop 
 sonant. Teut./ was levelled under open g. 
 
 Initially, in Anglo-Saxon, g was either the open or stop 
 variety. Uninitial g was an open consonant either front or 
 back ; front-open before Teut. /, j^folgian, and when an 
 open g after a front vowel was final or followed by a front 
 vowel — dccg, dceges ; back-open when preceded by a back 
 vowel {r or / may come between) either finally or medially 
 — trog^ genog, burg. This g was later on unvoiced to h. 
 It was also back-open though preceded by a front vowel, if 
 a back vowel followed. Front-open and back-open ^i,"- were 
 often assimilated by succeeding breaths and written h. 
 They are dropped after front vowels when followed by the 
 voice letters c>, ;/, d — sccde for scegde. Front g is dropped 
 in "4'' — sthvard for stigtveard. 
 
 In Middle English, front g became everywhere 5 — we 
 now write y — except in ng and eg preceded by umlaut 
 vowel, e.g., M.E. sengen, brigge (A.S. saiga n, bryeg). The 
 symbol g was used to denote the sound heard in these words. 
 
 g of course represented the stop g. French soft ^^ was 
 also written g, but when initial usually/. In the Ormulum, 
 back-open g was written 5/;. 
 
 Initial 5 (Teut./ ) has dropped off (sometimes in Middle 
 English) — {ie)ie/e, if, iteh (A.S. {Js)giec/, gif, giee{e)an).
 
 284 Mamtal of Linguistics. 
 
 Initial 5 (Teut. g) has sometimes had the same fate— 
 enough (M.E. inoh, A.S. genoh), yclept {geckopod). Compare 
 handkvork ijiatidgeweorc). 
 
 Examples of the vocalisation of g after vowels have 
 occured in the vowel lists. By way of recapitulation one 
 example will now be given of each occurrence. 
 
 Examples, 
 saw (sagu) 
 
 slain, rain, may (sla;gen, regen, mjeg) 
 
 nine, many, honey (nigon, manig, hunig) 
 
 rye, tie (ryge, tyge) 
 
 bow (boga) 
 
 sow (sugu) 
 
 own (agen) 
 
 clay, grey, neigh (clivg, grteg, hnKgan) 
 
 eye, lye (cage, leag) 
 
 lie, fly (leogan, fleogan) 
 
 hie, friday (higian, frige-daeg) 
 
 woo (wogian) 
 
 bow (bfigan) 
 
 dry (dryge) 
 
 Note also the vocalisation of g after r — morrow (A.S. 
 morgen). 
 
 Note also the transformation of ^t,^ in these — henchman 
 (A.S. hengest-inann ' horseman '), orchard (A.S. ort-geard). 
 
 g before // is not now sounded. 
 
 The fronted g that is heard in provincial English (and in 
 American) in words like garden is an effect that was pro- 
 duced by the previous stage of (aa), viz., the front (aeae) 
 (p. 214). Compare under c. The present hard g is the 
 back-stop-voice. 
 
 h : A.S. 1i had three values — throat-open, back-open, front- 
 
 A.S. 
 
 Mod. E. 
 
 ag 
 
 aw 
 
 seg eg 
 
 ai, ay 
 
 ig 
 
 i. y> ey 
 
 yg 
 
 ye, ie 
 
 og 
 
 ow 
 
 ug 
 
 ow 
 
 ag 
 
 ow 
 
 aeg 
 
 ay, ey, ei 
 
 eag 
 
 ye 
 
 eog 
 
 ie, y 
 
 ig 
 
 ie, i 
 
 6g 
 
 00 
 
 ug 
 
 ow 
 
 yg 
 
 y
 
 Sotind Relations in English. 285 
 
 open. Initially and medially before a vowel it was a mere 
 Ijreath. JNIedially and finally it was the back-open or front- 
 open according as a guttural or palatal vowel preceded. 
 Before / in /// it was the front-open (see Chap. VIII., under i). 
 
 In Middle P^nglish, it dropped from weak {]i)it in the Mid- 
 land and Northern dialects. It was also dropped in initial 
 /;/-, ///, hn. hw was kept and sometimes written wh (lip- 
 back-open). In the North it became the rounded back- 
 open, a sort of labialised guttural. This was written qiih 
 {qu). 
 
 Medially and finally, it was in Middle English either the 
 rounded back-open, or the front-open, according to the 
 character of the preceding vowel. In writing it was ex- 
 pressed by h, 3, and finally by gh (page 192). On the 
 addition of an e, h became 7v. 
 
 In the Modern Period, initial h was dropped very gener- 
 ally in speech, but its retention in writing, and the influence 
 of Scotch and Irish speakers of English have led to its 
 resuscitation in speech. It is even now sounded in many 
 French words where it was originally mute. Medially and 
 finally, it has now either the sound of^^ or is mute. 
 
 A.S. h appears in Modern English as // — ///// (A.S. hyH), 
 &c.; as 7vh (when follows) — ivho/e (A.S. /idl). Medially 
 and finally, it appears as gh — night, brought, taught, tough, 
 laughter, dzvarf {tiiht, brohte, tcehte, toh, hleahtor, dtveorh). 
 Most of these have been mentioned in the vowel-lists, and 
 may be found from the index. 
 
 A.S. hr, hi, hn appear as r, I, n, in their modern descen- 
 dants — rime, lord, tiit {Jirim, hi a ford, h?iitu). A.S. hzu ap- 
 pears as 7vh — who (hzvd). Initial 7t>h is not always to be 
 carried back to hzc. For example zchit and zvhelk are to be
 
 286 Ma nual of L ingu is tics. 
 
 referred to A.S. tviht and iviloc. Notice the disappearance 
 of h in fee, lea, not {nought), wassail {feoh, leak, Jidht, was 
 heel). 
 
 Our h is the throat-open-breath. 
 
 1 : A.S. / disappears in many words — much, such, each, 
 tvhich, 7veiich, bad, England, spot {/nycel, stvylc, ielc, hwilc, 
 ivencel, bceddel sb. ' effeminatus,' Etigle-lmd, sploti). An 
 intrusive d appears between / and r in alder {air). I is_now 
 dropped in the pronunciation of many words — half, calf 
 walk, folk, yolk, should, would, &c. 
 
 Our / is, like the Anglo-Saxon letter, the point-side-voice. 
 
 XD.'. A b (now silent) attaches itself to this letter- — thutnb, 
 crumb, numb, limb {puma, cruma, ge?tufnen, lini). Between 
 in and /, m and r, d^ b \?> commonly developed — thimble, 
 shamble{s), slumber {pymel, scamol ' stool,' slumerian). A p- 
 also sometimes appears between m and / — empty {cemtig). 
 Compare glimpse (M.E. glimsen). 
 
 Notice ant from amte (A.S. ^mete), and compare account 
 from accompte. Emmet also occurs. 
 
 Our m is, like the A.S. m, the lip-nasal-voice. 
 
 n : A.S. ;/ has disappeared in these — game, holly, penny ^ 
 mistletoe, eleven {gamen, hole{g)n, paii?ig, mistel-tdn, end- 
 Info?/). Compare auger and adder which have both lost 
 initial n {nceddre, nafogdr). A d sometimes attaches itself 
 to this letter — lend, pound, round ' whisper,' bound ' ready 
 to go,' horehound {hoarhound) {Idnan, puniaji, runian, 
 Norse buin, hdrehune). This sound is developed between 
 71 and r, n and / — thunder, kindred, spindle, divindle {^unor, 
 cynrceden, spinel, dw'man). 
 
 For examples of assimilation take dross, ell {drosn, eln). 
 n is intrusive in nightingale (A.S. nihte gen., gale 'singer').
 
 Sound Relations in Enclish. 287 
 
 «!> 
 
 Compare messenger, passenger, bitterti had no // in Middle 
 English (l)itoiir). It is French in origin. The 71 in 7iewf 
 (A.S. efete) and nickna7ne (an eke7iame) has got attached in 
 the sentence life of the words, and comes from the article 
 a7i. Compare 7i07ice where the 71 comes from the dative of 
 definite article (A.S. 5<7w, (5J«)). Chaucer has for the 
 no72es. 
 
 Note wi7tiple (A.S. ivinpel), he/np (A.S. h(C7iep). Peri- 
 winkle ' winkle ' is from A.S. pinewi7icla. 
 
 Our 71 is, like the A.S. n, the point-nasal-voice. 
 
 p : Besides appearing as /, A.S. / appears as b — lobster, 
 pebble, cob{T.veb) {loppestre, papol, dttor-coppe (]\I.E. attercop 
 * spider'). The last word is to be heard in Scotch as netter- 
 cap, with inorganic n, as in netvt. 
 
 For example of assimilation take chaffer, a verb formed 
 from a substantive (M.E. chaffare, A.S. ceap 'purchase, 
 faru ' journey '). 
 
 Our/, like the Anglo-Saxon letter, is the lip-stop-breath. 
 
 For developed p see under /;/. 
 
 r : A.S. r was a full point-open-voice as in Scotch. In 
 the commentary on the vowel lists the effect of r on preced- 
 ing vowels has often been alluded to. It has been seen 
 that even in Middle English it broadened vowels into a. 
 It is a sound that has always favoured the generation of 
 vowel sounds before it. Compare the Anglo-Saxon breaking 
 before r -)- consonant. Later on, in the Modern Period, e, i, 
 71 followed by r were levelled by its influence under obscure 
 vowel 3. Long vowels, too, suffered broadening. 
 
 In the present Standard language, r, except before a vowel,
 
 288 Manual of L ingtL is tics. 
 
 is a mere voice-glide. As such it is heard finally, and 
 before a consonant. Even this is sometimes merged in the 
 preceding vowel. 
 
 A.S. r often suffers metathesis. Many instances have 
 appeared in the vowel-lists. Additional examples are — 
 grass, cress, fresh, ivright, third {gcers, cerse, fersc, wyrhta, 
 "Sridda). 
 
 It has disappeared in speak speech (i\.S. sprecan, sprclc 
 later specan, spar). 
 
 r is inserted in bridegroom (A.S. bryd-guma). 
 
 paddock is from A.S. pearroc ' park,' bass (the fish) from 
 A.S. beers. 
 
 s : A.S. .f between vowels or vocalic sounds was voiced. 
 Initially, there was probably fluctation. Finally, it was pro- 
 bably voiced in West-Saxon. Naturally it was and would 
 remain a breath-sound in combinations like st, ss, &c. The 
 Gothic s was voiceless. 
 
 In Middle Enghsh, s was voiced in all positions in the 
 Southern dialect. When initial, and before a vowel, it was 
 written z in certain texts. Sometimes, medially and finally, 
 z was written, but generally s represented the voiced as well 
 as the voiceless letter. The s of French words was not 
 voiced. The voicing was over. These would reinforce the 
 
 hissed s. 
 
 ss was sometimes, owing to French influence, written sc. 
 And later on in Middle English, ce was, after French habits, 
 used to denote a final hissed s. In the Modern Period sc 
 in some words replaced s initially — in sce^/f, scite, scititatio7i 
 and in the native scythe. It has remained in the first and 
 last words.
 
 Sound Relations in English. 289 
 
 In Middle English there would exist strong hissed forms 
 of is, his, was, has, along with the then developing and now 
 prevalent weak buzzed forms. 
 
 In the Midland and Northern dialects there was an initial 
 and final breath s, possibly inherited from the Anglian. 
 
 In Modern English initial s has always the hissed sound. 
 Plural s, and the s in weak syllables generally (unless follow- 
 ing surd letters) have buzzed sounds. Emphatic mono- 
 syllables like geese have a hissed s. Compare the hiss heard 
 in the substantives house mouse, with the buzz heard in the 
 verbs house and mouse. When house is made into plural 
 houses the first s becomes buzzed. Not so in Scotch. 
 There the plural has its first s a hiss, as in the singular. The 
 second s is of course a buzz. 
 
 The buzzed sound of medial and final s is not always in- 
 dicated by the spelling. This is done in tvheeze, freeze, 
 hazel, &c. Compare the alternation of buzz and hiss in 
 graze and grass, brazen and brass, glaze and glass, glazier 
 has had its buzz fronted to voiced sh. rise and choose have 
 a buzzed s. 
 
 The s here was intervocalic, rose and chose have also the 
 buzzed letter. The s here was final in Middle English. 
 The infinitives helped them to the buzz. The s in wise 
 (A.S. wts^ is buzzed. The s would be intervocalic in the in- 
 flectional forms. In Scotch, wise has a hissed s. 
 
 Notice the buzz and hiss in words like exert and exercise. 
 In the first the s comes between an unaccented and an ac- 
 cented vowel, in the second between an accented and un- 
 accented. 
 
 A.S. 5- appears in Modern English as s — sun, thirst, kiss 
 {suniie, ^yrst, cyssan) ; as ce — ice, mince, mice (Is, minsian, mys) ; 
 
 T
 
 290 Mamtal of L ingti is tics. 
 
 as z — adze, hazel, dizzy {adese, hcBsel, dysig) ; as c/i- — linch- 
 (pin) {fynes 'axle-tree'); as sh — she (seo). A.S. seo in its 
 weak form shifted stress to second element. The s with the 
 indistinct first element of the diphthong passed to sj and 
 then to i-/z-sound. She takes its present shape and sound 
 from a blending of the initial consonant of the weak form 
 with the vowel of the strong. Compare the modern change 
 of s in suf'e into i'//-sound. 
 
 jr^' has become s in a/ms (A.S. (s/messe). alms is a singu- 
 lar like eaves (x\.S. efes). Contrast bodice which really is a 
 plural, equalling bodies, st has given ss in blossom (A.S. 
 blostm). s has sometimes changed places with the preced- 
 ing consonant — ivasp, hasp (A.S. waps, hapse). s drops in 
 some words — burial, riddle, paddle (A.S. byrgels, rcvdels, 
 spadii). Pea is a manufactured singular from M.E. pese 
 i^dX^x pease) {A.'$). pisa, V,. pisujti). x has been foisted into 
 island (M.E. Hand, A.S. iglatid) from the analogy of the 
 French isle. Notice {be)hest and hoarse (A.S. h^s, has). 
 
 Our hissed s is, Hke the A.S. hissed 5-, the blade-open- 
 breath. 
 
 t: A.S. /, besides appearing as f, sometimes shews voic- 
 ing — proud, pride {prut, pryte). It also appears as th — 
 swarth{y), anthem {sweart, atitefn). lath is from A.S. 
 Icett. 
 
 bless (A.S. bletsian, umlaut from blod) is an example of 
 assimilation. 
 
 / has disappeared in these — anvil, gorse, best, last, Essex, 
 Sussex {anfilte, gorst, bejst, latost, East-Seaxan, West- 
 Seaxan). Compare ado for at-do. 
 
 t is often attached to words in s, perhaps owing to the in-
 
 Sound Relations in English. 291 
 
 fluence of the termination st — against, amongst, 7vhUst, 
 {whiles), behest, earnest sb. (M.E. ernes'). Tlie s in against, 
 &c., is an adverbial suffix representing an original genitive 
 case. / is also attached in anent (A.S. anejn). 
 
 In words like nature, the Z+j^-sound has with some 
 speakers passed to / + i-//-sound. See under d. 
 
 t when preceded by s and f, and followed by /, n, ni, is 
 dropped in pronunciation (not always in Scotch) — castle, 
 fasten, christmas. In words like milch and bench, the /-sound 
 is being dropt. 
 
 Our / is, like the A.S. /, the point-stop-breath. 
 
 w : A.S. w, when final, is after consonants often vocalised 
 to 71(0) — geolu. It is vocalised and forms a diphthong with 
 the preceding originally short vowel — treo cnco. The w is here 
 often added, taken as it is from the oblique cases, ive and 
 zva after / and r appear in Modern English as ow — swallotv, 
 yellozv, arrow, sparrow {swealwe, geolwe plu., ar(e)zve, 
 speanva). soul, four ^xo. from A.S. saivol, feower. 
 
 w has disappeared in ooze, root vb., lisp, lark, thong, fret, 
 so {wos, wrotan {wrdt ' snout '), wlisp adj., Idiverce, ^zvong, 
 frcetwan, stvd). The w in answer, sword, though written, is 
 not pronounced. In ansiver, the w is in the unaccented 
 syllable, iv in the combination ivr is now silent. The 
 combination ivh has in Southern English the same sound 
 as w. 
 
 In Modern English, as in Anglo-Saxon, w is the lip-back- 
 open-voice. 
 
 X : A.S. X remains — axe {cex).
 
 INDEX. 
 
 (The numbers refer to pages. Only the Greek, Latin, Anglo-Saxon, 
 linglish, and German words have been indexed. The English words 
 occurring in Chapters VIII. and IX. have a separate index.) 
 
 -a, 70 
 
 dyere, 26, 27 
 
 a7tos, 42, 45 
 
 ayvv/xi, 16 
 
 dypds, 25, 95 
 
 dyx^, 42 
 
 a7xw, 63 
 
 ddeXcpos, 77 
 
 dd^vos, 98 
 
 ddTjf, 98 
 
 ddriv, 121 
 
 dedXos, 27 
 
 d^Kw;', 1 14 
 
 d^vT-, III, 112 
 
 di-0/j.ai, 42, 45 
 
 (XTj^t, 28, 29, III, 112 
 
 'Adrjua^e, 63 
 
 dOpoos, 122 
 
 ala, 42 
 
 a{^w, 33, 77, 143 
 aiVoXos, 99 
 dicTTOs, 85 
 
 aiTLOS, 79 
 
 at'xM^, 114 
 aitij', 47 
 aKfjuov, 22 
 
 (XK'OyW, 56, 103 
 
 'AKpdyas, I20 
 aKpiTos, 59 
 
 d/CWK')?, 121 
 
 aKdiv, 114 
 d\el(poj, 167 
 dXts, 121 
 dXXos, 41 
 
 Greek. 
 
 Ujua, 68 
 
 dn^poTOi, 62, 122 
 dfJ-ei^o}, 102 
 dyttA7w, 114 
 d/i/xes, 70, 131 
 
 dMi;6s, 74, 99 
 dfiopyij, 120 
 dfJ.<pi(pa\os, 74 
 dficpLcpopevs, 119 
 
 QM^'X^'J', 74 
 dfKpopevs, 119 
 di'Sdcw, 54 
 dfdpa, 122 
 dveaai, 122 
 dl'611, 122 
 d!'ei,t'£6j, 72 
 d^'O/cwx?;, 121 
 -avT-, 70 
 
 ai'T', 31 
 dcrXos, 81 
 dvvopos, 68 
 dci/w, 122 
 a^ii"7, 57 
 
 dO(T(T7}T7]p, 68 
 
 dira^, 68 
 aTrXoOs, 68 
 dTTo, 74, 120, 124 
 dTToepcre, 65 
 
 aTTOUS, 68 
 
 dpYo's, 91 
 dp5w, 79 
 dpKTos, 65, 66 
 dpvaai, 130 
 
 dpTTT), 121 
 
 a/'o-'?*', 47 
 dcp-evos, 54> J 22 
 dcaa, 42 
 daffov, 42 
 -arai, 70 
 drep, 122 
 drepos, 67 
 -axo, 70 
 'ArpetSa, 1 14 
 'ArpfiSao, II 4 
 OTTO., 42 
 au^di'w, 114 
 aiipiov, 115 
 ai/crw, 67 
 ai'w, 51 
 aucos, 46, 115 
 d<pvia, 1 14 
 
 /3a(^i''S, 74 
 
 ^aivw, 19, 41, 50, 62, 68, 
 
 70, lOI 
 ^dXauos, 102 
 /SdXXw, 100 
 /Sacd, 74, 99 
 ^dpadpov, 99 
 jidp^apos, 121 
 /3api''S, 64, 98, 105 
 (iaaCKries, II 5 
 /iacrtXTjs, I15 
 jidcTKix), 51 
 /3Aoj, 15, 100, 
 ^i^pdiaKw, 65, 98, 99 
 /Jios, 47, 96 
 /3t6s, 97
 
 294 
 
 Index. 
 
 pXevw, 105 
 ^\e(papov, 105 
 /3Xw(r/iw, 62 
 pbOpos, 74, 83, 119 
 §o\-n, 15 
 ^opa, 65, 98, 99 
 
 §6(TKU, 10 1 
 
 ^ovKoKos, 99 
 ^ovXerai, 6 1 
 ^oDs, 38, 44, 97, III 
 
 ^paxi'S, 102 
 ^pVTwp, 46 
 
 PpOTOi, 62, 64 
 
 7dXa, 122, 123 
 yafjL^pos, iiS 
 yapyaped)!', 121 
 yeyafxev, 70 
 yiyova, 70 
 761-605, 52, 115 
 7e'i'os, 89 
 7eVoi;s, 1 1 5 
 yevTo, 62 
 7eVi:s, 50, 132 
 76^^;/, 135 
 yipovTo., 135 
 7et''0/tat, 36, 139 
 7ei;w, 90, 139 
 y-qdew, 112 
 •yiyi'o/.i.ai, 121 
 7i7^ai(TK'u;, 90 
 7Xoia, 35 
 y\vKvppL('a, 122 
 7\i;k(^s, 80 
 yovara, 49, 113 
 701'^, 49, 113 
 76i;i', 95 
 7owa, 49, 113 
 7^^, 28, 99 
 
 Sa-qp, 82 
 5dAfpi', 82 
 Sdvos, 143 
 Oaavs, 115 
 6ai/X6s, 1 15 
 deoopKa, 15, 16 
 OeiKw/Mi, 94, 104 
 Sel^ts, 89 
 beLTTVov, 104 
 Of'^«, 94. 135 
 
 B^Karos, 131 
 SeKOfiaL, 167 
 5e\<pvs, 19, 77, 100 
 5e|£os, 89, 114 
 oeos, 40 
 Mpedpov, 99 
 bixop-oLL, 167 
 depKO/jLai, 15, 16 
 didtroLva, 79, 114 
 SecTrdrT^s, 63 
 BrfKbw, 40 
 5t5d(7/cw, 81 
 didufXL, 143 
 SiduffL, 79 
 Sios, 47 
 5t7raXros, II9 
 5t7rXd(7£os, 119 
 SoXtxds, 67, 07 
 5oX^6?, 77, 100 
 SoTT?/), 143 
 5ot6s, 17, 143 
 
 8paxff-V, 114 
 dpOTrJTa, 62 
 dpiKpaKTos, 119 
 5[/cr-, 79 
 8vaTT]vos, 56 
 
 edyrfv, 112 
 eacrt, 69 
 eacraa, 70 
 e^aXof, 15 
 ejSTjre, 69 
 eyp-qyopa,, 121 
 e7XeXi;s, 27, 102 
 
 67X05, 114 
 6701, 27, 89, 131 
 eywv, 89 
 edei^a, 69 
 eSet^at-, 69 
 eSpaKov, 15 
 eSos, 78, 82, 138 
 edoTO, 143 
 ieiKOcn, 1 14, 121 
 e^p7a;, 65 
 6^/5(777, 113, 122 
 efo/ifli, 131 
 c^6T0, 143 
 e^os, 122 
 
 e?, 115 
 
 6150;', 87, 138 
 
 ei'?;!/, 41 
 
 ei'/foo-t, 63, 79, 131 
 eiXey/xai, 135 
 6l'X77, 115 
 
 et^T^xa, 135 
 
 ei'Xoxa, 135 
 
 elfiai, 54 
 
 e'lfiaprai, 121 
 
 ei'/xeV, 54 
 
 e(>t, 54, 113 
 
 eljxL, 34 
 
 eivdrepes, 69 
 
 eiV(>,ut, 55 
 
 €'nr6/j.r]v, 52 
 
 eXwov, 121 
 
 etpT/zca, 121, 135 
 
 el'pw, 52 
 
 els, 67 
 
 eKarov, 15, 67, 176 
 
 eKexeipla, 90, II9 
 
 ^(C')ra7Xos, 119 
 
 eKTTodiov, 131 
 
 iKTafxev, 70 
 
 eKvpd, 179 
 
 6Ki'pds, 27, 45, 51 
 
 eXaiov, 49 
 
 iXdcrcrcov, 42 
 
 iXdrrovs, II5 
 
 eXdTTojv, 42 
 
 iXacppos, 61, 99, 113 
 
 eXaxof, 70 
 
 eXaxi'?, 42, 61, 99, ICO, 
 
 106 
 eX67e, 123 
 iXevdepos, 36 
 eXLTres, lOI 
 eXLirov, TOO 
 eXuos, 27, 47 
 eX/vW, 67, 98, 139 
 eXTTO}, 117 
 ep-eiva, 56 
 efievva, 56 
 eixiyev, ill 
 
 W', 54. "3 
 e/Jifj.ope, 121 
 efioXov, 62. 122 
 6>oO, 131 
 e/jLTTifnrXa/j.ei', 66 
 epLTTodwi', 131 
 V, 26
 
 Index. 
 
 295 
 
 e faros, 131 
 
 tveyKeiv, 27 
 
 eVei/xa, 55 
 
 ^vefj./j.a, 55 
 
 evda, 25 
 
 ewot, 122 
 
 ivvia, 47, 70, 121 
 
 eVveTre, lOl, 1 04 
 
 'ivvvni, 45, 55, 92 
 
 evos, 122 
 
 ?)/oy, 122 
 
 e't, 48, 121 
 
 (^ai^vrjs, II4 
 
 e^(X7roi)S, 135 
 
 i^v-rrepde, 57, 122 
 
 -eiT-, 70 
 
 ?VT0S, 74 
 
 fope?, 50 
 
 eds, 47 
 
 eoiKa, 121 
 
 eTreo, 30, 10 1 
 
 eTreai, 56 
 
 eTreercri, 56 
 
 eVi, 74, 120 
 
 eTTijSSdi, 152 
 
 eviaKOTros, I18 
 
 eVoMaf, 19, 51, 52 
 
 eVos, 97 
 
 eTrpL6.fj.-qv, 98 
 
 firrdf'zj, 67, 76, 118, 
 
 eirvdofxrjv, 177 
 
 eP7<"', 43. 90 
 <p5w, 43 
 e per/MOV, 81 
 ipevyofxai, 97 
 fPPee, 53 
 eppuya, 1 6, 121 
 
 f'P'^';, 113. 122 
 epcTT?, 113 
 ipvdp6s, 58, 59, 83 
 epvofxai, 114 
 -es, 27, 109 
 etr^^z'at, 55 
 eo-Me;/, 54 
 eaaeve, 42 
 eVr^, 182 
 fcrretDTes, 112 
 eo-Ti, 26, 27, 54, 79, 
 ecrrriKa, 121 
 eo-TT]!', 143 
 
 179 
 
 86 
 
 etriJ, 131 
 erafiov, 15 
 erepos, 67 
 ert, 117 
 erds, 102 
 eVos, 47, 79 
 EvOvfios, 33 
 
 ivVVTJTOS, 55 
 
 evwdropa, 1 38 
 einraTwp, 138 
 e!)a;5^s, 1 44 
 e(p67]p.ip.ipr)'i, 118 
 e(/>o5o5, 73 
 exO'Sou, 69, 98 
 e'xri'OJ, 95 
 e'xw, 90 
 ew, 52 
 ewpuv, 112 
 ews, 115 
 
 ^ipedpov, 99 
 ZeO Trarep, 112 
 Zeus, 37, 40, III 
 f^w, 45 
 Z^<', 47 
 ^vyov, 32, 4S 
 
 fi'M^. 54 
 fwv??, 55 
 
 ^«, 52 
 77660, 52 
 Tjdecn, 130 
 ij5op.aL, 54 
 ^St'^s, 48, 77 
 ^Atos, 36, 115 
 •^t6leos, 31, 83 
 7jKL(rTa, 41 
 ^^at, 131 
 •^/Ae??, 52, 70, 131 
 TJuepa, 122 
 
 TJ^'-. 51 
 rjfj.(pUcrixaL, 54 
 
 riP-cplearai, 54 
 
 ^^ 135 
 
 Tfvdov, 61 
 
 •)70Lis, 115 
 
 ^Trap, 43, 65. 98, 132 
 
 Tjaaojv, 41 
 
 iflTTWV, 41 
 
 7;cis, 46 
 
 Oavetv, 70 
 dapp^w, 60 
 dapcreu}, 60 
 ^apcrcyoj, 119 
 Bedfws, 80 
 ^e(;'w, 83, 97,99 
 OeoTTpowos, 60, 90 
 0ep/j.6s, 19, 96 
 ^erds, 143 
 d-qaw, 28 
 ^^\us, 83 
 e57p, 99 
 dijadai, 83 
 dXilSu, 74 
 -6IX0-, 83 
 OoXepos, 49 
 epaiiw, 35 
 -V-> 83 
 
 dvOCTKOOS, 38, 56, 103 
 
 eupa, 32, 165 
 ^iz/ids, 143 
 
 iSet;', 87, 138 
 iSto), 43 
 idfiev, 118 
 Z5os, 48 
 idpws, 48 
 ifp6s, 133 
 'Iepo(r6Xi'/xa, 133 
 i'fw, 138 
 
 ifT7;Cit, 90, 121 
 
 idapds, 143 
 'i/xepos, 121 
 '^os, 57 
 
 foME^ 135 
 iTTTrea, 1 12 
 Itttt^ws, 112 
 
 'tTTTTOtS, 35, III 
 
 I'ttttos, 48, 90, 100 
 i's, 31 
 
 rcT^t, 58, 78, 79 
 
 iadfios, 83 
 
 ?(TTE, 118 
 
 'i(TTr]fJ.i, 121, 167 
 
 icTTOS, 173 
 
 tVaXrfs, 79 
 tw/^ei', 135 
 
 KttXcDs, 123 
 /cdpa, 53, 64
 
 296 
 
 Index. 
 
 Kap8la, 65, 120 
 KapKivos, 60 
 Kapwos, 97 
 KapraWo^, 59, 96 
 KCKTcrvoj, 42, 43, 44 
 KaTTiju, 42 
 K^dpos, 120 
 Keirai, 45 
 K^K\o<pa, 130 
 KeVrafpos, 114 
 Kevrio}, 63, 114 
 KivTwp, 119 
 /cecrrds, 63 
 Kevdw, 58 
 K^p, 29 
 
 KipKOS, 94 
 
 /cXaSds, 67 
 
 K\aiu, 41 
 
 \'Xdw, 41 
 
 ^-^^os, 38, 78 
 
 K\eTrT7]s, 76, 86 
 
 /c\77is, 36, 97, 112 
 
 K\ifia, 90 
 
 KXivcJ, 89 
 
 /cXi/fw, 87 
 
 /cXC^t, 25 
 
 kXvtos, 78, 89, 177 
 
 /vXiyw, 38 
 
 /cXcicrcw, 94 
 
 foe'w, 37> 38, 56, 103 
 
 Ko'7X'7, 21, 106 
 
 KOlKlWo}, 35 
 KOKKV^, 97 
 
 /coXwvds, 61 
 
 KOOt, 30 
 
 Kopi?, 49 
 
 /cocr/cuX/xdrta, 121 
 Koipi), 49 
 Kpadi-T], 65, 120 
 Kpalvw, 97 
 Kparvs, 86 
 Kp-qwls, 60 
 
 KpiKOS, 94 
 
 KpvpSrjv, 118 
 
 KpVTTTU}, 118 
 
 KTavelv, 70 
 KTeLvu}, 41, 113 
 Krivvui, 113 
 KV^epvav, 120, 171 
 /cu/cXos, 19, 98 
 
 KVITTU), 74 
 
 Kvados, 58 
 
 ATUTOS, 21, 94 
 KVWV, 91 
 
 Kunnj, 100 
 KiJjpa, 49 
 
 Xaos, 34 
 XetTTW, 98 
 Xe^X'^) 61, 92 
 \eXoyxa, "JO 
 XiovTa, 135 
 Xe'xos, 96 
 Xewi/, 134, 135 
 
 XW^^., 54 
 
 Xi-yupos, 32 
 
 X^Tra, 167 
 
 XiTTvpla, 119 
 
 Xd/ce, 125 
 
 Xi^/cov, 123 
 
 XiJkos, 67, 98, 124, 125 
 
 fxadelv, 83 
 peVs, 27, 92 
 p.6^1/, 78 
 p.€i5idoij, 54 
 fiel^'ovos, 127 
 p.ei^ovs, 127 
 ^eifw, 52 
 fiel^ojv, 127 
 /xe/x/3XwKa, 62, 122 
 
 Mffo"-. 53 
 
 fxecrrjfMJBpta, 122 
 
 p.eaos, 42, 61 
 
 p.ecFcro's, 42 
 
 ixerd, 182 
 
 fX7]Kiri, 131 
 
 M^»"7, 29, III 
 
 ^(tt, 123 
 
 fjiiyviifiL, 91 
 
 Mtff^ds, 58, 87, 113, 173 
 
 p,^'a, 114 
 
 MJ^do^ai, 73, 99 
 
 yudXi/3os, 63 
 
 p.dXii/35os, 63 
 
 fiopyvvfjii, 114 
 
 fiop/jLoXi'iTTo/xai, 59 
 
 p.6pp.opos, 59 
 
 pLOp/J.Vp(j}, 121 
 
 MI'Xt?, 30 
 
 MI'S, 33 
 
 fivarripiov, 1 33 
 fiQvv^, 123 
 
 ^^aDs, 36 
 v^Kvs, 149 
 "^Atos, 139 
 I'eM'^, 27, 139 
 j/eos, 27, 63 
 v^TToBes, 72 
 vifppos, 99 
 J/eo;, 28, 55 
 j'ecD;', 112 
 y^ay, 70 
 vrjTrios, 48 
 ;'777r(;rios, 48 
 j'Tjcrcra, 69, 86 
 j'/fw, 42 
 vlirrpov, 19 
 vLtttuj, 42 
 vt'^a, 102 
 vvKTa, 118 
 
 j-i^t, 30> 103 
 vuds, 52, 55 
 ydx^' 6X??j', 1 18 
 
 ^t0oy, 57 
 
 67/cos, 30 
 
 o5/i4 54, 82, 1 14 
 
 65ofT-, 68 
 
 656?, 82, 131 
 
 d5o(;s, 132 
 
 5fo9, 87 
 
 oI5a, 87, 124, 138 
 
 olSe, 40, 124 
 
 oi'/cot, 126 
 
 oTkos, 88 
 
 oti/^, 47 
 
 orj/os, 47 
 
 o'iofiai, 64 
 
 otos, 47 
 
 6'ts, 47, 115 
 
 oZo-^a, 79, 106, 173, 182 
 
 o^w^'ds, 30, 64 
 
 OKTlb, 29, 78 
 
 SXk'os, 67, 139 
 oWvfju, 61 
 dXoXi'fw, 32 
 6X0S, 49, 113
 
 Index. 
 
 297 
 
 bfiix^w, 95, 114 
 o>Mci, 73. lOl 
 Ofj.bp'/vvfjiL, 114 
 6fi<f)a\6s, 30, 72 
 ovivrj/xi, 30, 121 
 ovofxa, 70 
 ovofiaai, 70 
 OKiif, 21, 30, 100 
 OTrdo;*', 149 
 oinadev, 131 
 dirds, 73 
 opeKTOs, 86 
 o/)^6s, 48, 66, 83 
 
 OpITT]^, 121 
 
 6p<pavbs, J^. 
 8s, 47 
 
 oo"/^-^, 54 
 
 oVcre, lOI 
 
 oCflap, 33, 65, 83, 132 
 
 ovKeri, 131 
 
 o&Xos, 49, 113, 118, 122 
 
 oweA'a, 42 
 
 oSs, 39 
 
 ourw, 123 
 
 6<ppa, 1 22 
 
 o'xos, 88 
 
 iratTrdXT;, 121 
 
 irais, 1 1 5 
 
 irapdevos, II9 
 
 TTttS, 90 
 
 irdcra, 42 
 
 TrdcrcraXos, 90 
 
 irariofMai, 85 
 
 Trar^pa, 1 38 
 
 7raT7?p, 17, 25, 138, 177, 
 
 178, 179, 180 
 Trdros, 167 
 Trarpdai, 15, I38 
 irdrpLOS, 42 
 irarpos, 138 
 vavpos, 35, 59 
 Traxi^s, 92 
 tt^Stj, 42 
 
 '^^i'a. 152 
 Trends, 42 
 7re^6iw, 83, 88 
 
 TT^KW, 94 
 
 ttAw, 98 
 Trifxire, 1 30 
 
 TT^/ZTTTOJ, 130 
 
 TrefxcPprjbdjv, 121 
 ireudepds, 27, 80, 177 
 irivre, 26, 104 
 
 iriTrXex^-i 1 30 
 niwoLda, 35, 74 
 TreTTTOs, 98 
 iriirwv, lOI 
 TrepLir\op.^vuiv, 98 
 iripvcTi, 119 
 Treffau, 27, 42 
 Trero/Mai, 72 
 neTTW, 42 
 TTfcparai, 24 
 ■jrevdo/xai, 36, 73, 85 
 Trriyvvfii, 91 
 TT^Xfo-'j 130 
 TT^Xi'S. S9 
 
 TTf^t, 31 
 TTl^OS, 83 
 TTlKpOS, 88 
 
 Trt^/HToj, 32, 119 
 
 TriwTCi}, 121 
 
 Tr\e?aros, 34 
 TrXe/cw, 130 
 trXew, 27 
 ttAoi/ctios, 79 
 TTo'Sa, 29, 152 
 
 TToSaTTOS, 98 
 
 TToSes, 72 
 
 TTOlKlXoS, 88 
 
 iroivrj, 98 
 TToXe^tos, 74 
 TToXecrt, 130 
 TroK-qL, 124 
 TToXts, 51, 74, 131 
 ttoXItt]!', 135 
 7ro\lTT]s, 135 
 
 TTOXO?, 98 
 TToXu, 124 
 
 IIoXi'Sei'KTjs, 1 17 
 Trop<pvpM, 121 
 TTocri, 79 
 
 TTOO-iS, 119 
 
 TToaai, 79 
 
 7roVe/30S, 20, 80, 100 
 
 TTOUS, 133 
 
 ■n-pdaov, 52, 59 
 ■n-pffffivs, 99 
 7rpe(T7i;s, 99 
 
 irpoadev, 131 
 Trrdpuvfxai, 57 
 WT€\(T], 74 
 VTfpis, 74 
 TTTepov, 132 
 ■KTepva, 51, 74 
 
 TTTlCTCrUJ, 56, 74 
 TTToXf/JiOS, 74 
 TTToAtS, 51, 74 
 TTTUOJ, 41, 74 
 
 TTvOeadai, 85 
 ■Kvep.r}v, 73, 74 
 
 TTlJ^W, 33 
 
 TTwoa^, 73 
 Hi'ppos, 120, 171 
 irQ/xa, 30 
 
 TTtDs, 152 
 
 paivci}, 79 
 pat^ S3 
 
 P". 33 
 p^fw, 43, 65 
 priyvvfjiL, 16 
 P'7os, 53 
 po'^. S3 
 
 pOWTOS, 88 
 
 /30(/>^aj, 53 
 pvop.a.1, 1 14 
 /Diio-ts, 53 
 
 a^€vvvp.i, 58 
 a-^jSofiai, 74 
 ff€p.v6s, 74 
 creOe, 42 
 (TKairdvy], 1 68 
 cKiiTTOixai, 73 
 crKid, 94 
 aKirpos, 57 
 aKoirebi, 73 
 ap,€pSa\eos, 54 
 cnrapvbs, 56 
 o-TTft'Sw, 37, 57 
 (T7r^Xii7^, 120 
 (TttiSt^s, 82 
 aTr\-qv, 54 
 
 (TTTOl/OTJ, 37 
 
 crrdirts, 143 
 o-raris, 143 
 crT^7w, 123, 149 
 o-Tei'xw, 96
 
 298 
 
 Index. 
 
 aTif/.jiu. 80 
 arifKpvXov, 80 
 aropw/xi, 112 
 
 ffTpibvVVfXl, 112 
 
 arpwrbs, 66 
 (TV, 79, 119 
 (T(pdXK(j}, 106 
 a(p6yyos, 123 
 trXTjcrw, 90 
 trX'fw, 78, 82, 106 
 "ZiaKpaTrj. 134 
 ^^w'v'pa.TTj;', 134, 135 
 ZwKpdTr]S, 135 
 
 TciXayTOJ', 67 
 rafxelv, 70 
 rar/,^ 1 1 5, 1 24 
 Ta!'!y7Xu;(T(roj, 68 
 Tdo-is, 139 
 Tarbs, 15, 70 
 ravpos, 114 
 rduip, 115 
 re, 15, 96 
 redyjTi, 80, 1 19 
 Tedfjios, 80 
 TedpLTTirov, 79 
 TfiVw, 15, 77, 139 
 Terxoj, 79, 119 
 TeK/xijacTa, 1 14 
 reKTwv, 91 
 reXcrot', 61 
 re/uvw, 15 
 reds, 47 
 T€pcro/xai, 60 
 T€Tpo<pa, 167 
 rerrapes, 48, 1 04 
 TidTjfxi, 80, 143 
 Tldrfffi, 79 
 ri/u.du}, 40 
 
 TtS, 19, 100 
 TiS, 42 
 
 Tt'tris, 98 
 
 TO, 78 
 TOt, 34, 40 
 
 Toro, 41, 1 14 
 
 Torxos, 79, 95 
 r6\fj.a, 67 
 TOM'^, 15 
 
 TcJj', 62 
 TOvdopi'i'W, I 2 I 
 
 TOWS, 15, 139 
 
 Toys, 63, 113 
 TOpVVTJ, 65 
 -TOS, 182 
 TOUS, 63, 113 
 
 TpaTrej'a, 48 
 rpeh, 34, 115 
 Tpewo}, 167 
 rpexw, 103, 106 
 Tplp-fxa, 74 
 
 TpLTdTOS, 131 
 
 tu^t;, 79 
 
 TUTTTO!, 41 
 
 rvpavvos, 122 
 Tuit', 115 
 
 TU!S, 63 
 
 {'77ejUos, 62 
 
 iryiTjs, 88 
 
 i'7pds, 102 
 
 vdwp, 66 
 
 u/iets, 40, 52, 70, 131 
 
 iiwepcpiaXos, 48 
 
 Pttcos, 46 
 
 I'TTO, 74, 120 
 
 varepa, 79 
 iKpaivio, 88 
 v(pos, 88 
 
 (^aeivo's, 55 
 
 (paivvbs, 55 
 
 (paivuj, 114 
 
 0dXa7^, 77 
 
 (pdais, 79 
 
 0dTis, 79 
 
 0e>/3w, 74 
 
 </)epe, 125 
 
 Repeal, 52 
 
 (piperai, 124 
 
 (pepovTa, 78 
 
 ^6^^,27,31,124,125.139 
 
 ^7?70's, 65, 76, 143 
 
 0^7/5. 99 
 
 ^^ei'pw, 41, 113 
 (peippui, 113 
 (piXew, 40 
 (piXofifieidrj?, 54 
 (plvraTos, 6 1 
 0'Tiy, 33 
 (pXeyu, 27 
 <;iXt/3w, 74 
 
 ^wos, 19, 70, 97, 99 
 0op^?), 165 
 0opew, 115 
 0op6s, 139 
 (popuj, 115 
 9ipao-i, 70, 130 
 (ppdrrjp, 26, 178, 180 
 ^^peo-', 70, 130 
 <ppov5os, 73 
 $pi;76s, 171 
 (pvXXov, 30 
 ^iw, 33, 40, 73, 165 
 <pj}p, 31 
 
 Xatos, 58 
 Xti'PW, 64 
 Xa-fJ-ai, 90 
 Xo-vddvu}, 98 
 XO.pieaTfpo's, 63 
 XapTos, 04 
 Xetd, 92 
 XetXtoi, 54 
 Xeip, 90^ 
 Xeip-epivoi, 59 
 Xe^^'Oi, 54 
 XepJ't'/', 98 
 Xf'w, 93, 165 
 X^". 95 
 xOes, 42 
 X^'^v, 90 
 X'Xia, 68 
 XiXiot, 54 
 Xtw!', 90 
 XXaii'a, 122 
 xXwpos, 67, 103 
 XdXos, 103, 165 
 Xop5^, 92 
 
 XOpTOi, 92 
 
 XPeM'fw, 79, 103 
 Xpi'w, 102 
 
 xpi 135 
 xpv", 135 
 
 XpoMOs, 79 
 X'^pa, 34. 124 
 
 ^TJ<pOS, 56 
 
 ^idvpos, 119 
 w, 52 
 
 WKVS, 132 
 
 ciXecT/, 31, 61 
 
 W;UOS, 55, 121
 
 Index. 
 
 299 
 
 ab, 74, 120, 134 
 abbatem, 120 
 abduco, 74 
 absorpsi, 88 
 
 ac, loi, 117 
 acetiuii, 120 
 accipio, 132 
 accipiter, 132 
 acies, 26, 44, 94 
 
 ad, 31 
 adigo, 25 
 
 aedes, 11, 77, 143 
 aeneus, 33, 113, 116 
 aequalis, 59 
 aequus, 47 
 aes, 43, 44 
 aestatc-m, 131 
 aevum, 47 
 agellus, 117 
 ager, 25, 117 
 agger, 82, 118 
 agite, 26, 27 
 agmen, 91 
 agnus, 74, 98 
 ago, 25, 64 
 agrestis, 119 
 Agrigentum, 120 
 agunt, 69 
 aio, 43, 92 
 ala, 54 
 albus, 26 
 alioquin, 1 17 
 alnus, 55 
 amb-, 64 
 ames, 112, 116 
 amet, 112 
 amnis, 75 
 amphora, llS 
 ampulla, 118 
 amurca, 120 
 anas, 69, 86 
 ancus, 120 
 anfractus, 63 
 ango, 63 
 anguilla, 27, 102 
 anguis, 102 
 anguUis, 120 
 animal, 112 
 
 Latin. 
 
 animalis, 112 
 
 annus, 55 
 
 anser, 95 
 
 ante, 31, 134 
 
 antestari, 119 
 
 aper, 76 
 
 aperio, 74 
 
 apud, 82, 120 
 
 aput, 120 
 
 aqua, 104 
 
 arbiter, 82 
 
 arbor, 130, 1 31 
 
 arbos, 130 
 
 arcesso, 82 
 
 arcus, loi 
 
 arduus, 48, 66, 80, 83 
 
 argentum, 91 
 
 armus, 66 
 
 arquitenens, 101 
 
 ars, 112 
 
 arvum, 49 
 
 as, 81 
 
 ascia, 57 
 
 asinus, 52, 1 81 
 
 asporto, 75 
 
 atque, loi, 117 
 
 attingo, 25 
 
 attub, 81 
 
 audeo, 1 17 
 
 audio, 43 
 
 augeo, 35, 96 
 
 autumo, 64 
 
 Aurelius, 181 
 
 auris, 37 
 
 auspex, 49 
 
 avidus, 1 17 
 
 avis, 30, 64 
 
 axilla, 54 
 
 axis, 25 
 
 balbus, 120 
 -bam, 48, 52 
 barba, 74, 165 
 batuere, 165 
 bellum, 48 
 bimus. 92, 116 
 bis, 48 
 bitumen, 97 
 
 -bio-, 83 
 •bo, 48 
 bonus, 48 
 bos, 97, 102 
 brevis, 102 
 -bro-, 83 
 burrus, 120 
 
 cado, 56 
 
 caecus, 35 
 
 caedo, 33, 82 
 
 caelum, 35, 59 
 
 caementum, 82 
 
 caeruleus, 59 
 
 caesaries, 52, 181 
 
 caesius, 82 
 
 calamitas, 82 
 
 calciata, 133 
 
 camena, 54 
 
 cancer, 60, 119 
 
 canis, 91 
 
 cannabis, 174 
 
 cano, 100 
 
 casa, 52 
 
 cassus, 56 
 
 castigare, 168 
 
 causa, 52 
 
 caussa, 52 
 
 caveo, 38, 56, 103 
 
 cavus, 30 
 
 cedrus, 120 
 
 cena, 33, 60 
 
 census, 63 
 
 cento, 85 
 
 centum, 67 
 
 cerebrum, 53, 55, 56, 65 
 
 cerno, 59 
 
 cernuus, 55 
 
 cerus, 97 
 
 cette, 81, 117 
 
 circus, 94 
 
 citrus, 120 
 
 clamor, 112 
 
 clamoris, 112 
 
 Claudius, 35 
 
 claudo, 35, 36, 112 
 
 clavis, 36, 97 
 
 clepere, 76
 
 ;oo 
 
 Index. 
 
 clino, 89 
 clitellae, 89 
 clivus, 90 
 cloaca, 37, 87 
 Clodius, 35 
 cluaca, 37 
 clueo, 38, 78 
 coctus, 98 
 coegi, 116 
 cognatus, 122 
 cogo, 116 
 collis, 61 
 collum, 30, 61 
 colo, 98, lOI 
 communis, I So 
 como, 116 
 compsi, 122 
 concussi, 81 
 confectus, 25 
 conflaie, 168 
 congius, 21, 106 
 conivere, 122 
 contra, 62 
 coquo, 27, 42, lOl 
 cor, 65, 123 
 corylus, 30 
 costa, 133 
 coxa, 100 
 crates, 59, 96 
 creare, 97 
 crebesco, 119 
 crebresco, 119 
 credo, 82 
 crepida, 60 
 cretam, 168 
 cribrum, 83 
 cubo, 74 
 cuculus, 97 
 cudo, 103 
 culina, 54 
 cum, 62, loi 
 -cunque, 122 
 cupa, 112 
 cuppa, 112 
 cura, 181 
 curare, 181 
 custos, 58 
 cutis, 21, 94, 165 
 
 damnum, 75 
 
 daps, 75 
 dare, 181 
 dator, 138 
 datus, 17, 143 
 decern, 70, 94 
 decet, 26 
 decimus, 70 
 decus, 91 
 dedi, 143 
 dego, ir6 
 delenio, 28 
 delinio, 28 
 dens, 68 
 densus, 115 
 denuo, 37, 47 
 dexter, 89 
 Diana, 122 
 die, 117 
 dice re, 104 
 dicis, 149 
 dico, 34, 94 
 dictio, 89 
 didici, 107 
 diem, 47 
 Diespiter, 122 
 dignus, 26, 91 
 diluo, 53 
 dimoveo, 54 
 dinumero, 55 
 diribeo, 92 
 diruo, 53 
 dis-, 92 
 disco, 81 
 diutius, 41 
 divide, 83 
 divus, 47 
 dodrans, 117 
 donum, 143 
 dorsum, 60 
 Dossenus, 60 
 dossum, 60 
 douco, 117 
 ducere, 165 
 
 ecus, loi 
 ego, 89 
 
 elementum, 107 
 elephantus, 107 
 -em, 70 
 •ent, 70 
 
 eo, 34 
 
 equam, 112 
 
 equi, 101 
 
 equo(d), 123 
 
 equos, 63, loi, 1 13 
 
 equus, 48, 50, 100, 10 1, 
 
 106 
 eram, 52, 181 
 ero, 52 
 errare, 60 
 eso, 52 
 est, 26 
 esus, 85 
 et, 117 
 eum, 62 
 eundem, 62 
 ex, 91 
 examen, 91 
 exemplar, 117 
 exemplare, 117 
 exemplaris, 59 
 exemplum, 122 
 
 facio, 25, 28 
 fagus, 65, 76, 143 
 fallere, 131 
 fallo, 49 
 famul, 117 
 famulus, 117 
 far, 59, 123 
 fariolus, 92 
 fastidium, 81 
 fastigium, 60 
 fastus, 81 
 fel, 103, 165 
 felare, 83 
 femina, 83 
 femur, 132 
 fendo, 83 
 ferlseo, 49 
 ferens, 81 
 ferentem, 78 
 fero, 27, 139 
 ferre, 59 
 ferunt, 69 
 ferveo, 49 
 fessus, 81 
 fetus, 28 
 fibula, 102 
 fidelia, 83
 
 Index. 
 
 ;oi 
 
 fides, 83 
 fido, 34 
 fidus, 35, Z-:, 
 figo, 102 
 
 figura, 79, 95 
 findo, 76 
 
 fi'igo, 79. 95 
 filius, 30 
 fio, 73 
 fivo, 102 
 flagro, 27 
 flamen, 82 
 flavus, 67, 103 
 fligo, 74 
 flos, 31 
 fluo, 102 
 fluvius, 102 
 fodio, 74, S3 
 foedus, 35 
 foetus, 28 
 folium, 30 
 forceps, 63 
 foris, 165 
 formonsus, 70 
 formosus, 70 
 formus, 19, 96 
 fors, 139 
 fovea, 92 
 
 fi'-iga, 53 
 frango, 95 
 frater, 26 
 fraus, 82 
 fraxinus, 65, 76 
 fremo, 79, 103 
 frendo, 79 
 frigus, 53 
 frio, 102 
 fruor, 102 
 frustra, 82 
 frustum, 35 
 frux, 102 
 fudit, 37 
 fiii, 73> 165 
 fulvus, 103 
 fundo, 52, 93 
 fundus, 73 
 funebris, 53 
 funestus, 53 
 fungus, 123 
 funus, 53 
 
 fur, 31 
 fusus, 52, 56 
 
 gaudeo, 36, 112 
 gavisus, 112 
 gelu, 103 
 gemma, 27 
 gener, 118 
 generis, 52, 1 81 
 genu, 95, 165 
 genu in us, 50, 132 
 genus, 89 
 gerebam, iSl 
 gero, 82 
 gessi, 56 
 gigno, 121 
 gilbus, 49 
 gilvus, 49, 50, 103 
 glaber, 83 
 glans, 102 
 glocire, 94 
 gluten, 35 
 
 gradus, 87, lOO, 177 
 granien, 92 
 granum, 66, 95 
 gravis, 64, 98, 131 
 gressus, 56 
 gubernare, 17 1 
 giiberno, 120 
 gula, 67. 102 
 gurges, 65 
 gurgulio, 119, 121 
 gusto 32, 36, 90 
 gutta, 165 
 
 habeo, 92, 172 
 habet, 106 
 haedus, 33, 95 
 haesi, 56 
 hariolus, 92 
 haruspex, 92 
 hasta, 58, 82, 165 
 baud, 120 
 hausi, 52 
 haut, 120 
 hedus, 33 
 hei, 34 
 
 helvus, 49, 50, 103 
 hemo, 68, 90 
 -hend-, 70 
 
 hcrba, 74, 165 
 heri, 42, 43 
 hcu, 36 
 hibernus, 59 
 bienis, 90 
 hoc, llS 
 homines, 118 
 homo, 68, 90 
 homuUus, 61 
 honor, 130 
 honos, 130 
 hordeum, 58 
 horior, 64 
 hortor, 64 
 hortus, 92 
 hospes, 30, 117 
 humerus, 121 
 humilis, 122 
 humus, 90, 131 
 
 idem, 58 
 idus, 143 
 ignarus, 90, 122 
 ignis, 69 
 ignosco, 90, 122 
 ilico, 30, 63 
 ille, 81 
 illis, 112 
 in, 26, 68 
 incendere, 133 
 incertus, 59 
 incinere, 133 
 includo, 35 
 inclytus, 78, 89 
 inde, 25 
 indu, 32 
 infensus, 83 
 ingens, 90 
 inguen, 99 
 inquam, 104 
 inquilinus, 98 
 inquiro, 33 
 insece, loi 
 insectiones, 10 1 
 insequc, lOl, 104 
 insexit, loi 
 insilio, 25 
 insulto, 25 
 inter, 64 
 intus, 26
 
 302 
 
 Index. 
 
 ipse, 8i 
 is, 8i, 124 
 istarum, 115 
 iste, 81 
 isti, 34 
 istiul, 81 
 istum, 78 
 iter, 131 
 itineris, 131 
 
 janitrices, 69 
 
 Janus, 122 
 
 jecur, 43, 65, 98, loi, 132 
 
 Jovis, 43 
 
 jubeo, 83 
 
 juga, 124 
 
 jugum, 32, 45 
 
 Jupiter, 122 
 
 Juppiter, 112 
 
 jus, 54, 83 
 
 jussi, S3 
 
 juvencus, 50, 91 
 
 juvo, 49 
 
 labium, 72, 77 
 
 lac, 122, 123 
 
 lacrima, 32, 82 
 
 lacruma, 32 
 
 laena, 122 
 
 lambo, 72 
 
 lana, 46, 47, 67, 122 
 
 langueo, 54, 123 
 
 largus, 67, 97 
 
 lassus, 82 
 
 latus. Si, 122 
 
 legito(d), 123 
 
 leo, 134 
 
 levir, 82 
 
 levis, 34, 61, 99, 102, 
 
 liber, 36 
 libet, 32, 77 
 liceri, 118 
 Ijen, 54, 92 
 lingo, 61, 92 
 lingua, 68, 92 
 linguo, 92 
 linquis, lOI 
 linquo, 98, 104, 106 
 liquiritia, 122 
 
 lis, 54, 81 
 litera, 112 
 littera, 112 
 locus, 54, 81 
 longinquus, 98 
 lubet, 32, 77 
 lucrum, 119 
 lucus, 37 
 luna, 55 
 lupum, 123 
 lupus, 67, 98 
 
 maereo, 33 
 magis, 92 
 magnus, 27, 92 
 major, 92 
 majora, 52 
 majores, 115 
 malus, 82 
 mancipium, 25 
 mancupium, 25 
 mari(d), 123 
 marmor, 119 
 Marpor, 117 
 Matuta, 34 
 medius, 43, 61 
 medix tuticus, 26 
 meio, 95 
 mel, 123 
 membrum, 53 
 mendax, 182 
 mens, 149 
 mensis, 56 
 mentiri, 182 
 meopte, 117 
 mergo, 78 
 mergus, 58 
 migro, 102 
 mihi, 92 
 milia, 68 
 miluus, 32 
 milvus, 31 
 mina, 114 
 Minerva, 53 
 mingo, 95, 114 
 ministerium, 133 
 mirus, 54 
 misceo, 91 
 misi, 56 
 mola, 30 
 
 momordi, 107 
 moneam, 1 1 6 
 moneo, 43, 116, 149 
 monete, 116 
 monile, 30 
 monstrum, 2>T) 
 mordeo, 54, 123 
 morior, 122 
 mors, 64 
 mortuus, 30 
 mulgeo, 1 14 
 mulsi, 91 
 murmur, 121 
 mus, 2,1, 
 muto, 35 
 
 nanciscor, 27 
 
 naris, 53, 181 
 
 narro, 91, 122 
 
 nascor, 52, 91 
 
 nasus, 52 
 
 natus, 122 
 
 naufragus, 112 
 
 naves, 70 
 
 navis, 36 
 
 navus, 91 
 
 nebrundines, 99, 103 
 
 nee, loi 
 
 nefrones, 99, 103 
 
 nemo, 92, 116 
 
 nempe, loi 
 
 nemus, 139 
 
 neo, 112 
 
 nepos, 73 
 
 neptis, 73 
 
 neque, loi 
 
 neu, 117 
 
 neve, 117 
 
 nex, 149 
 
 nidus, 31, 58, 109, 113, 
 
 173 
 
 ninguit, I02 
 
 niter, 102 
 
 nivem, 102 
 
 nix, 123 
 
 nixus, 91 
 
 nobis, 58 
 
 noceo, 149 
 I noctibus, 26 
 ' nodus, 30
 
 Index. 
 
 303 
 
 nomen, 70 
 nongenti, 91 
 nosco, 91, 122 
 novem, 47, 70 
 novis, 27, 63 
 nox, 30, 103 
 nudus, 102 
 nuncupo, 63 
 nundinae, 49 
 nuntius, 117 
 nuper, 117 
 nurus, 51, 52, 55 
 nutrix, 119 
 
 ob, 74, 118, 120 
 obedio, 35 
 obsessus, 27 
 obsideo, 26 
 obtineo, 74 
 octavus, 38 
 octo, 29, 89 
 oculus, loi, 105 
 odor, 82, 144 
 offendimentum, 27 
 offendix, 80, 87, 177 
 offendo, 97 
 oleo, 82 
 oleum, 49 
 oloes, 35 
 olivum, 49 
 omnes, 118 
 omnis, 75, I18 
 omitto, 54 
 -onsus, 70 
 operio, 74 
 opes, 118 
 opilio, 74 
 
 ops, 75 
 orbus, 74 
 OS, 81, 123 
 ostendo, 75 
 -osus, 70 
 oves, 130 
 ovis, 47 
 
 paciscor, 90 
 paenitet, 33 
 palus, 91 
 pango, 91 
 parcus, 56 
 
 paro, 25 
 
 parra, 33 
 
 parreie, 33 
 
 parricidiuni, 33 
 
 pasco, 91 
 
 pastum, 91 
 
 pateo, 27, 165 
 
 pater, 17, 138 
 
 patres, 130 
 
 paucus, 35 
 
 paulus, 35, 59 
 
 paxillus, 91 
 
 peccare, 118 
 
 pecco, 81 
 
 pecto, 94 
 
 pecu, 125 
 
 pecus, 104 
 
 pedem, 152 
 
 pelegrinus, 59 
 
 penna, 27, 55, 81, 132 
 
 peregrinus, 59 
 
 perendie, 62 
 
 perna, 51, 55, 74 
 
 pernix, 51 
 
 pertica, 1 20 
 
 pertingo, 120 
 
 pes, 81, 118 
 
 peto, 72 
 
 piaclum, 119 
 
 pictura, 88 
 
 pilum, 63 
 
 pinguis, 92 
 
 pinso, 56, 74 
 
 placeo, 91 
 
 placo, 91 
 
 plaustrum, 35 
 
 plostrum, 35 
 
 pluit, 27 
 
 plumbum, 63 
 
 pluralis, 1 19 
 
 plus, 34 
 
 poculum, 1 14 
 
 polleo, 66 
 
 polliceri, 118 
 
 Pollux, 117 
 
 por, 118 
 
 porous, 91 
 
 porrum, 52, 59 
 
 portus, 66 
 
 posco, 60, 89, 91 
 
 postulo, 91 
 potis, 30, 119 
 prae, 33, 49, 60 
 praebeo, 92, 116 
 praeco, 49 
 praeda, 98, 123 
 praelum, 28 
 praestigiae, 60 
 precor, 60, 76, 89 
 prehendo, 33, 98 
 prchcnsus, 122 
 prelum, 28, 54 
 prendo, 92 
 prensus, 122 
 primus, 54 
 princeps, II7 
 Procilius. 107 
 procax, 60 
 Proculus, 107 
 procus, 90 
 promo, 116 
 promus, 116 
 prope, loi 
 prorsus, 117 
 -pte, 81 
 puer, 49 
 pulcer, 91 
 pulcher, 91 
 pumex, 123 
 pupugi, 107 
 puleo, 33 
 
 quadra, 120 
 (juadrans, 117 
 quaere, 33 
 quaeso, 52 
 quam, 62 
 quamdiu, 62 
 quartus, 48, 81 
 quattuor, 104, 105 
 (|uatuor, 48 
 ((ue, 15, 96 
 ([ucrcus, 65 
 f|uerquerus, 121 
 c|uicquam, 81 
 quldquam, 81 
 quin, 117 
 Quinctius, 41 
 quinque, 26, 104 
 (^uintius, 41
 
 304 
 
 Index. 
 
 quippe, loi 
 quiritare, i68 
 quis, 1 8, 19, 100 
 quispiam, loi 
 quisquiliae, 12 1 
 quod, 124 
 quom, loi 
 
 radix, 47 
 
 rado, 82 
 
 rallum, 82 
 
 ramentum, 82 
 
 recte, 167 
 
 recupero, 25 
 
 rectus, 86 
 
 red-, 32 
 
 rego, 117 
 
 rei, 112 
 
 remus, 81 
 
 repperi, 121 
 
 reppuli, 117 
 
 res, 45 
 
 (res) reprimenda, 134 
 
 robigo, 37 
 
 rota, 85 
 
 ruber, 58, 59, 83 
 
 rubigo, 37 
 
 ructo, 97 
 
 rudis, 165 
 
 rufus, 37, 58, 83 
 
 russus, 58 
 
 Sabini, 75 
 sabulum, 56 
 saeclum, 81 
 saeculum, 33 
 salio, 25 
 Samninm, 75 
 sapio, 73 
 satin, 55 
 satus, 17 
 saxum, 94 
 scabellum, 75 
 scabo, 168 
 scala, 54, 81 
 scamnum, 75 
 scando, 54, 81 
 scapres, 168 
 scidi, 121 
 scindo, 78, 82, 106 
 
 se, 47 
 secerno, 59 
 secius, 41 
 sectius, 41 
 seculum, 33 
 secuntur, loi 
 sedeo, 26, 60, 78, 82, 
 sedi, 121, 138 
 segnis, 58 
 selibra, 1 17 
 sella, 82, 138 
 semel, 67, 107, 114 
 semen, 28, 90 
 senienstris, 54 
 semestris, 119 
 semi-, 51 
 senex, 122 
 seni, 55 
 
 septem, 67, 70, 76 
 Septimus, 70 
 septingenti, 91, 120 
 sequere, 30, loi 
 sequitur, loi 
 sequius, 41 
 sequontur, loi 
 sequor, 19, 43, 51, 
 
 loi, 104 
 sequuntur, loi 
 sero, 31, 52 
 sesceni, 91 
 sesqui-, 63, 1 17 
 sestertius, 117 
 setius, 41 
 seu, 27, 49 
 sex, 48, 51, 89 
 siccus, 81 
 Sicilia, 107 
 Siculus, 107 
 sido, 58 
 siem, 41 
 sies, 41 
 
 silicernium, 60 
 silva, 32 
 silvestris, 119 
 simplex, 68, 1 14 
 simul, 68 
 sin, 117 
 sinciput, 117 
 singularis, 1:9 
 singuli, 68 
 
 singulus, 114 
 
 sirenips, 117 
 
 sirempse, 118 
 
 sisto, 121 
 
 sitis, 81 
 
 sobrinus, 53 
 I'^S socer, 27, 45 
 
 societas, 30 
 
 socius, 43, loi 
 
 sol, 36 
 
 solium, 82 
 
 sollus, 49, iiS, 122 
 
 solum, 82 
 
 somnus, 46, 75 
 sons, 69 
 sonticus, 86 
 sopor, 75 
 sorbeo, 53 
 sorex, 51 
 
 soror, 48, 50, lOi 
 specio, 73, 92 
 spelunca, 120 
 spissus, 82 
 spopondi, 121 
 spuma, 123 
 68. spuo, 41, 74, 77 
 stamen, 143 
 Stat, 116 
 statio, 143 
 Stella, 59 
 sterno, 59 
 sternuo, 57 
 steti, 121 
 stipendium, 119 
 sto, 43, 116 
 strata, 174 
 stratus, 66 
 striga, 60 
 studeo, 37, 57 
 suasi, Si 
 suavis, 48, 77 
 sub, 74, 120, 122 
 subtemen, 54 
 subtilis, 28 
 sudor, 43, 48 
 suinus, 31 
 sulcus, 67 
 sum, 117 
 sumpsi, 55 
 sumus, 117
 
 Index. 
 
 305 
 
 sunt, 69 
 suo, 42, 43, 44 
 super, 57, 122 
 surgo, 117 
 surimo, 1 18 
 susurrus, 52 
 suus, 47 
 
 taediinn, 81 
 tango, 25 
 Tecumessa, 114 
 tego, 123, 149, 165 
 tela, 28 
 templum, 122 
 temporis, 30 
 tendo, 77, 139 
 tenebrae, 53 
 teneo, 53 
 tentus, 70 
 tenuis, 49, 50, 68 
 tero, 59 
 terra, 131 
 tertius, 86 
 texQ, 91 
 tibi, 74 
 tilia, 74 
 logo, 149 
 tolero, 67 
 tollo, 118 
 tongeo, 113 
 tongere, 64 
 tone, 139 
 topper, 81 
 torreo, 60 
 tostus, 60 
 tot, 117 
 totidem, 117 
 touto, 26 
 tres, 34, 116 
 trivi, 59 
 trua, 65 
 trucidare, 119 
 tu, 79, 119 
 tuli, 67, 121 
 turtur, 119 
 tuus, 47 
 
 liber, 33, 65, 83 
 
 u(g)vidus, 102 
 
 ulcus, 27, 47 
 
 ulna, 31, 6 1 
 
 ulula, 32 
 
 umbilicus, 72 
 
 umbo, 30, 72 
 
 umeo, 102 
 
 umerus, 55 
 
 uncia, 30 
 
 uncus, 30 
 
 unda, 47 
 
 ungo, loi 
 
 unguis, 21, 30, 100, 
 
 106 
 unguo, loi 
 unus, y^, 47 
 upilio, 49 
 urceus, 100 
 urgeo, 65 
 urna, 100 
 ursus, 65, 89 
 uter, 80 
 uterus, 80 
 utpote, 117 
 
 valde, 117 
 
 validus, 117 
 
 vas, 27 
 
 vasuni, 181 
 
 vates, 86 
 
 vegeo, 88 
 
 veho, 54, 88, 92 
 
 velle, 61 
 
 vellus, 46, 47, 123 
 
 velum, 54, 92 
 
 Venafrum, 83 
 
 venia, 30 
 
 venio, 19, 41, 43, 50, 62, 
 
 68, loi, 122 
 venor, 83 
 
 ventus, 29, 66, 112 
 verbum, S3 
 vergo, 65 
 verres, 47 
 
 verro, 65 
 verto, 30, 85 
 verum, 62 
 verumtamcn, 62 
 vescor, loi 
 vespa, 77, 120 
 vester, 30 
 vestigium, 96 
 vestio, 46 
 vestis, 92 
 veto, loi 
 vetulus, 81 
 vetus, 47, 79 
 vexillum, 92 
 viceni, 63, 81 
 vicensimus, 81 
 vicus, 88 
 videmus, 130 
 viden, 55 
 video, 87 
 videre, 138 
 vides, 130 
 vidua, 31 
 viduus, 83 
 vigeo, 96 
 viginti, 120 
 vincere, 182 
 vir, 31, 82, 109 
 virus, 51 
 vis, 31 
 viscum, 57 
 visus, 138 
 vitulus, 79 
 vituperare, 119 
 vivos, 30, 47, 50, 96 
 vivus, loi, 122 
 vixi, 96 
 voco, 49, 97 
 volup, 117 
 volupe, 117 
 vorare, 98 
 voro, 65 
 vorto, 30, 85 
 voster, 30 
 vulva, 46 
 
 U
 
 3o6 
 
 Index. 
 
 abbod, I 20 
 
 ac, 113 
 acsian, 120 
 
 ad, 33, 77, 143 
 affenian, 77 
 
 alr"^ 55 
 ar, 44 
 ascian, 120 
 ast, 77 
 awa, 47 
 rened, 69, 86 
 recer, 25, 126 
 SgSer, 132 
 ajw, 47 
 
 balca, 77 
 ban-, 1 39 
 bead, 37 
 beadu, 165 
 beard, 74, 165 
 bece, 76 
 bed, 74, 83 
 beodan, 73 
 beom, 55, 131 
 beon, 73, 165 
 beorce, 65, 76 
 beorht, 120 
 beot, 116 
 ber, 125 
 beran, 27, 1 38 
 bere, 60, 125 
 berende, 78 
 bet, 113 
 biddan, 88 
 bindan, 27, 80, 87 
 birce, 76 
 bire5', 125 
 bisceop, 118 
 bitan, 76 
 blostma, 31 
 blovvan, 44 
 boc, 76, 143 
 bog, 89 
 boh, 89 
 botm, 73 
 brea, 116 
 brecan, 95 
 breht, 120 
 
 Anglo-Saxon. 
 
 breotan, 82 
 breSer, 26 
 br55or, 26 
 briican, lOO, 108 
 brycg, 108 
 brycS, 108 
 buan, 73 
 burg, 108 
 byrig, 108 
 byrst, 60 
 
 caru, 25 
 
 ceac, 109 
 
 ceald, 100 
 
 cealf, 19, 77 
 
 cearu, 25, 109 
 
 ceas, 139, 179 
 
 cec, 109 
 
 ceole, 67, 102 
 
 ceosan, 36, 90, 1 08, 139, 
 
 179 
 clegan, 44 
 ciesS, 108 
 cinn, 50 
 clwg, 35 
 cnawan, 90 
 cneo, 95, III, 165 
 corn, 95 
 cii, 97 
 
 cuman, 50, 68, loi 
 cumen, 105 
 cunnan, 90 
 curon, 139, 179 
 cu6, 90 
 cwen, 29 
 cwene, 99 
 cweorn, 105 
 cwedan, 102 
 cwic, 47, 96, 122 
 cwicu, 47 
 cwidu, 97 
 cwitJ, 99 
 cynn, 52, 89 
 cyrnel, 66 
 cyssan, 32, 90 
 
 dag, 79, 95 
 dagas, 57 
 
 dagon, 62 
 dagum, 62 
 dad, 28, 143 
 dage, 126 
 diC'l, 33 
 dghter, 108 
 deman, 31, 44, 108 
 dis-, 49 
 do, 143 
 
 dohtor, 108, 109 
 dol, 49 
 
 dom, 31, 108, 143 
 dream, 97 
 durran, 60 
 duru, 165 
 
 Sa, 78 
 Sa, 34 
 Sat, 78 
 (5eah, 96 
 Seccan, 165 
 0gnnan, 139 
 Seed, 26 
 Sohte, 64, 113 
 
 Sri, 34 
 Sridda, 86 
 Sgne, 62 
 Solian, 67 
 Suma, 122 
 tSunor, 122, 139 
 Swiril, 65 
 Synne, 50, 68 
 Syrst, 60 
 
 eac, 96 
 
 eacen, 96 
 
 cage, 105, 109 
 
 eahta, 29, no, 126 
 
 eald, 108 
 
 eare, 37 
 
 earm, 66, no 
 
 earnian, 56 
 
 eax, 25, 57 
 
 eaxl, 54 
 
 eced, 120 
 
 |cg, 26, 44, 94 
 
 age, 109 
 
 ehi, 61
 
 
 Index. 
 
 
 307 
 
 code, 43 
 
 gat, 95 
 
 hela, 29 
 
 
 eofor, 76 
 
 gealla, 103, 164 
 
 helpan, 76 
 
 
 Eoforwic, 76 
 
 gearn, 92 
 
 heorte, 29, 65 
 
 
 eoh, 48, 50 
 
 geat, 37 
 
 her, 29 
 
 
 eolh, no 
 
 geboren, 139 
 
 h^re, 108 
 
 
 com, 55 
 
 gecoren, 139 
 
 hgrige, 114 
 
 
 eorcan{stan), 91 
 
 gellc, 112 
 
 hichra, 108 
 
 
 eowestrc, 119 
 
 genumen, 32, 139 
 
 hierde, 118 
 
 
 eovvu, 47 
 
 geoc, 32, 45 
 
 hiewS, 35 
 
 
 esne, 55 
 
 geolo, 50 
 
 hlaw, 90 
 
 
 
 geolu, 130 
 
 hlaf, 123 
 
 
 fah (hostile), 88 
 
 geong, 44, 50, 91 
 
 hIeoA'or, 78 
 
 
 fah (variegated), 88 
 
 geostra, 42 
 
 hliehhan, 94 
 
 
 fa-Cm, 165 
 
 geotan, 93, 164 
 
 hlinian, 90 
 
 
 fa^ger, 90, 94 
 
 gerst, 58 
 
 hlud, 78, 89, 177 
 
 
 fea, 35 
 
 gesewen, 181 
 
 hluttor, 87, 113 
 
 
 feaid, 119 
 
 (ge)teon, 104 
 
 hlystan, 38, 78 
 
 
 feallan, ixo 
 
 gcwiss, 173 
 
 hnigon, 105 
 
 
 fearh, 91 
 
 gicfu, 125 
 
 hob, 29 
 
 
 fearn, 74 
 
 gierd, 58 
 
 holt, 67 
 
 
 feawe, in 
 
 giest, 100 
 
 hon, 117 
 
 
 feax, 94 
 
 gif. 44, "3 
 
 hc^na, 100 
 
 
 feohtan, no 
 
 gimm, 27 
 
 hord, 58, 109 
 
 
 feower, 48,140 
 
 gist, 45 
 
 hrafn, 123 
 
 
 fefier, 72 
 
 glad, 83 
 
 hiidel, 83 
 
 
 flersen, 51 
 
 gold, 108 
 
 hrider, 83 
 
 
 fif, 51 
 
 gos, 95, III 
 
 bring, 94 
 
 
 fifele, 102 
 
 gras, 92 
 
 hiind (dog), 67 
 
 
 fleon, 86 
 
 grem^ttan, 79 
 
 bund (hundred), 91 
 
 
 fodor, 30 
 
 grene, 26, 92 
 
 hwa, 100 
 
 
 fon. III 
 
 grinim, 79, 103 
 
 bvvaSer, 80 
 
 
 ford, 66 
 
 grom, 79 
 
 bwcrgen, 122 
 
 
 fdt, 152 
 
 growan, 26, 92 
 
 hweogel, 19, 98 
 
 
 fraco5, 1 1 3 
 
 guma, 32, 68 
 
 bweol, 98 
 
 
 fiat, 116 
 
 g>-Iden, 108 
 
 bwosta, 104 
 
 
 fratewe, 112 
 
 
 hyd, 21, 94, 165 
 
 
 frea, 116 
 
 had, 86 
 
 bydan, 58 
 
 
 freht, 76 
 
 hador, 82 
 
 byll, 61 
 
 
 fremmian, 62 
 
 halan, 108 
 
 hyrdel, 59, 96 
 
 
 freo, 116 
 
 harfest, 97 
 
 
 
 frignan, 60, 76 
 
 hasel, 30 
 
 ic, 27, 89, 113 
 
 
 fugol, 32, 126 
 
 hafaff, 106 
 
 Tdel, 143 
 
 
 f"', 33 
 
 hal, 108 
 
 ieldra, 108 
 
 
 furh, 65 
 
 hana, loo, 126 
 
 •1,95 
 
 
 fyllan, 66 
 
 heah, 108 
 
 is, 26, 27, 86 
 
 
 fyrn, 120 
 
 heall, 61 
 
 iucian, 45 
 
 
 
 heals, 30, 61 
 
 iuib, 40 
 
 
 gad, 58 
 
 hearcl, 86 
 
 iung, 44. 50 
 
 
 gars, 92 
 
 heawan, 35, 103 
 
 
 
 gang, 95, 106 
 
 hgbban, 73, 100, 121 
 
 lanan, 122 

 
 ;o8 
 
 Index. 
 
 Icessa, 60 
 
 neaht, 103 
 
 siex, 109 
 
 
 Iset, 82 
 
 nefa, 73 
 
 siht, 104 
 
 
 IStan, 82 
 
 neowe, 63 
 
 siolfur, 109 
 
 
 lam(b), 122 
 
 nest, 31, 109, 173 
 
 sittan, 78 
 
 
 leah, 37 
 
 niewe, 1 1 1 
 
 sIkc, 54, 123 
 
 
 lecgan, 106, 121 
 
 nift, 73 
 
 skvpan, 76 
 
 
 llof, 77 
 
 nigon, 47, 50 
 
 slean, 116 
 
 
 leoht, 61, 99 
 
 niht, 103 
 
 smeortan, 54 
 
 
 leon, 98 
 
 nihtegale, 122 
 
 smocc, 183 
 
 
 leornian, 56 
 
 niman, 27, 139 
 
 snaw, 102 
 
 
 lettan, 87 
 
 niwe, 1 1 1 
 
 snoru, 52 
 
 
 liccian, 61, 92 
 
 
 s65, 86 
 
 
 licgan, 96 
 
 ost, 87 
 
 sol, 36 
 
 
 lippe, 72, 77 
 
 oxa, 32 
 
 sot, 138 
 
 
 lungen, 99 
 
 
 spser, 56 
 
 
 lungie, 61, 99 
 
 pinn, 27 
 
 specan, 60 
 
 
 lytel, 92 
 
 
 st£e-5, 143 
 
 
 
 read, 58 
 
 steorra, IIO 
 
 
 masst (mast of ship), 82 
 
 reoht, 86, 109 
 
 stigan, 96 
 
 
 msest (fruit), 87 
 
 rifeling, 60 
 
 stol, 143 
 
 
 magus, 182 
 
 riht, 109 
 
 stream, 53 
 
 
 mann, 26, 29, iii 
 
 roccettan, 97 
 
 sucan, 182 
 
 
 mearg, 173 
 
 rod, 165 
 
 siigan, 182 
 
 
 med, 58, 87, 113, iSi 
 
 ruber, 113 
 
 sulh, 67 
 
 
 mene, 30 
 
 rust, 32 
 
 sundor, 122 
 
 
 menigu, 126 
 
 
 sum, 68 
 
 
 meodu, 78 
 
 scegon, 104 
 
 swat, 43, 48 
 
 
 meoloc, 1 14 
 
 seep, 73, 165 
 
 swefn, 46 
 
 
 meord, 58, 87, 173 
 
 saston, 138 
 
 sweger, 179 
 
 
 meox, 95 
 
 sam-, 51 
 
 sweor, 45 
 
 
 mete, 94 
 
 sawan, 43, 90 
 
 sweord, iii 
 
 
 micel, 92 
 
 sawon, 104 
 
 sweostor, 48, 50 
 
 
 midd, 61 
 
 sc(e)adan, 82 
 
 swete, 48, 77 
 
 
 midde, 122 
 
 sceadu, 130 
 
 swin, 31 
 
 
 migan, 95 
 
 sceawian, 37, 38, 56, 103 
 
 swurd. III 
 
 
 mona, 29, 1 1 1 
 
 sclnan, 94 
 
 syllan, 44 
 
 
 mQnn, 26, 29, iii 
 
 sealfian, 112 
 
 synn, 69, 86 
 
 
 morS, 64 
 
 seax, 94 
 
 
 
 mus, 33 
 
 slogan, 1 01 
 
 ta, 117 
 
 
 mycel, 92 
 
 sefan, 73 
 
 tacor, 82 
 
 
 myrge, 102 
 
 sella, 60 
 
 tawe, 112 
 
 
 mys, 33 
 
 seofon, 68 
 
 tear, 82 
 
 
 
 seon, 51, 104, 116 
 
 teohan, 165 
 
 
 nacod, 100 
 
 seowan, 42 
 
 teen (censure), 94, 1 1 
 
 6 
 
 nagel, 100 
 
 seox, 48, 109 
 
 teon (draw), 87, 117 
 
 
 nafela, 72 
 
 seten, 138 
 
 tien, 94 
 
 
 nafu, 72 
 
 setl, 82, 138 
 
 -tig, 94 
 
 
 nam, 139 
 
 setten, 138 
 
 Tiw, 47 
 
 
 nasu, 53 
 
 sib, 77 
 
 toS, 68 
 
 
 nauSer, 132 
 
 sihun, 27, 76 
 
 tredan, 65 

 
 Index. 
 
 309 
 
 treow, 87 
 
 wegan, 88, 92 
 
 wini, 125 
 
 triewe, 50 
 
 wen, 29 
 
 wiodu. III 
 
 triggwa, 50 
 
 weorc, 90 
 
 wis, 138 
 
 tunge, 69 
 
 weorSan, 85 
 
 witan, 87, 138 
 
 twggea, 43 
 
 weoriJe, 17S 
 
 wlisp, 123 
 
 
 weorold, 108 
 
 wod, 86 
 
 uder, 65, 83 
 
 weorpan, 105, 108 1 
 
 w5den, 86 
 
 uht, III 
 
 wer, 31, 109 1 
 
 woS, 86 
 
 
 werian, 46, 92 
 
 woSbora, 86 
 
 wast, 173 
 
 wicing, 1S2 
 
 word, 83 
 
 wat, 40, 87, 138 
 
 widewe, 31 
 
 woroldlic, 112 
 
 weeps, 120 
 
 widu, 1 1 1 
 
 wrotan, 123 
 
 wassp, 77, 120 
 
 wid(u)we, 83 
 
 wudu, II I 
 
 waeter, 47 
 
 wielm, 67 
 
 wuht, 1 1 1 
 
 wearm, 96, 106 
 
 wiercan, 43 
 
 wulf, 67, 98, 125, 139 
 
 wearcS, 179 
 
 wierp?>, 108 
 
 wurdon, 177, 178 
 
 weaxan, 114 
 
 wig, 182 
 
 wylm, 67 
 
 w^cccan, 88 
 
 wigant, 103 
 
 wyrcean, 90 
 
 weSer, 79 
 
 wigend, 103 
 
 
 wefan, 88 
 
 wiht, 1 1 1 
 
 yce, 102 
 
 weft, 88 
 
 wind, 29, 112 
 
 English. 
 
 yrfe, 74 
 
 advance, 134 
 
 causeway, 133 
 
 female, 131 
 
 advantage, 134 
 
 clad, 123 
 
 fish, 133 
 
 amongst, 122 
 
 command, 134 
 
 fret, 116 
 
 ask, 120 
 
 constable, 134 
 
 
 
 courage, 134 
 
 glad, 83 
 
 baulk, 77 
 
 crayfish, 133 
 
 goad, 58 
 
 belfry, 133 
 
 cut, 133 
 
 guilty, 134 
 
 ^^^11, 133 
 
 cutlet, 133 
 
 gutta percha, 97 
 
 bid (command), 73, 85 
 
 
 
 bid (pray), 88 
 
 demand, 134 
 
 harns, 56 
 -hood, 86 
 
 bottle, 17 
 
 drake, 69 
 
 bottler, 17 
 
 drove, 130 
 
 humble, 122 
 
 bridegroom, 68 
 
 
 hundred, 67 
 
 bridge, 108 
 
 egoism, 135 
 
 bright, 120 
 
 egotism, 135 
 
 idle, 143 
 
 brook, I02 
 
 either, 132 
 eke, 96 
 
 brother, 180 
 
 incentive, 133 
 
 burd, 119 
 
 elbow, 61 
 
 ir>got> 93 
 
 busk, 47 
 butter, 17 
 
 enquire, 134 
 
 inspire, 134 
 intend, 134 
 
 butterine, 17 
 
 Fairfax, 94 
 
 
 button, 17 
 
 farrow, 91 
 
 kidneer, 99 
 
 buttoner, 17 
 
 father, 180 
 
 kidney, 99 
 
 buxom, 17 
 
 1 fault, 131 
 
 kinkhost, 104 
 
 buxomer, 17 
 
 1 faxwax, 94 
 
 1 kite, 99
 
 lO 
 
 Index. 
 
 lady-day, 135 
 lady's maid, 135 
 lamb, 122 
 lea, 37 
 leaf, 130 
 leafage, 130 
 lend, 122 
 lisp, 123 
 loaf, 123 
 
 machinist, 135 
 male, 132 
 measure, 134 
 meed, 58, 87 
 midst, 122 
 moHwarp, 131 
 much, 92 
 mother, 180 
 mowdiewart, 134 
 mystery, 133 
 
 nature, 134 
 neither, 132 
 newt, 42 
 nickname, 42 
 nightingale, 122 
 nimble, 1 39 
 nor, 132 
 
 oasthouse, 77, 143 
 
 parable, 134 
 pastime, 102 
 patron, 130 
 patronage, 1 30 
 paxwax, 94 
 
 pianist, 135 
 pilgrim, 59 
 pleasure, 134 
 
 quean, 99 
 queen, 99 
 quern, 105 
 quick, 47, 96 
 
 rash, 85 
 raven, 123 
 
 re-, 134 
 recount, 134 
 refine, 134 
 repeal, 134 
 reprimand, 134 
 root, vb , 123 
 
 sand-ljlind, 51 
 sausage, 134 
 settle, 82 
 shade, 130 
 shadow, 130 
 shew, 103 
 shoplifter, 76, 86 
 slot, 97 
 smart, 54 
 sm.ile, 54 
 smirk, 54 
 sorcery, 124 
 soun, 122 
 sound, 122 
 sunder, 122 
 surgery > 134 
 syllable, 134, 
 syne, 122, 133 
 
 tardy, 134 
 thievery, 134 
 thumb, 122 
 thunder, 122 
 thrall, 103 
 throne, 131 
 tobacconist, 135 
 took, 130 
 Tuesday, 47 
 turtle, 119 
 tyrant, 122 
 
 unco', 90 
 uncouth, 90 
 
 visage, 134 
 
 wanhope, 133 
 wanton, 133 
 wasp, 120 
 way, 133 
 weary, 134 
 weigh, 92 
 werwolf, 31 
 whilst, 122 
 whitlow, 47 
 wight (nimble), 103 
 wood, 86 
 woot, 138 
 worth, vb., 85 
 wot, 87, 138 
 wud, 86 
 
 yard, 58 
 yclad, 123 
 yellow, 130 
 York, 76 
 
 aas, 85 
 achsel, 54 
 acht, 133 
 achten, 133 
 alt, 109 
 alter, 109 
 anke, lOl 
 antwort, 130 
 auch, 96 
 
 German. 
 
 aue, 47, 104 
 auge, 105 
 
 balken, 77 
 bart, 74, 165 
 befriedigen, 135 
 bequem, 10 1 
 bergen, 133 
 besonders, 122 
 
 bett, 83 
 bewegen, 88 
 biegen, 37 
 bieten, 73, 85 
 bin, 131, 165 
 binden, 80 
 birke, 76 
 bischof, 118 
 bitten, 88
 
 Index. 
 
 311 
 
 boden, 73 
 brannte, 109 
 brauchen, 102 
 braue, 116 
 briiutigam, 32 
 biechen, 95 
 brennen, 109 
 buche, 76, 143 
 
 (lachte, 64 
 <l;immerun<;, 53 
 (lecken, 165 
 des vaters, 135 
 doch, 96 
 donncr, 139 
 dritte, 86 
 dulden, 67 
 
 eber, 76 
 echt, 133 
 eck, 94 
 ehe, 47, 133 
 
 ei, 133 
 eiland, 133 
 einbeissen, 119 
 eitel, 143 
 elle, 61 
 
 cmpfinden, 1 19 
 ente, 69, 86 
 erbe, 74 
 erde, no 
 erle, 55 
 ernte, 55 
 essig, 120 
 euter, 65, 83 
 
 faden, 165 
 feder, 72 
 fegen, 94 
 fehde, 88 
 fehe, 88 
 ferkel, 91 
 ferse, 51 
 finster, 53 
 firn, 120 
 fliegc, 130 
 tliegen, no 
 fliegst, 130 
 fliegt, 130 
 fliehen, 86 
 
 (bhrc, 65 
 forschcn, 60, 89 
 fresscn, 1 16 
 friede, 133 
 frohn, 116 
 fromm, 62 
 fuhr, 109 
 fiihrc, 109 
 fiillen, 66 
 fiinf, 104 
 fiir, 120 
 fuss, 152 
 flitter (case), 30 
 flitter (food), 85 
 
 galle, 103, 165 
 garen, 45 
 garn, 92 
 gast, 100 
 gebiiren, 139 
 geiss, 95 
 gelb, 50 
 gerte, 58, 165 
 gewiss, 85 
 geziehen, 179 
 gezogen, 179 
 giessen, 93, 165 
 glatt, 83 
 grimm, 103 
 griin, 92 
 
 hachse, 100 
 hader, 85 
 hahn, 100 
 hauen, 103 
 haus, 109 
 hauser, 109 
 haut, 21, 94, 165 
 heben, 73 
 heclise, 100 
 -heit, 86 
 heiter, 82 
 herbst, 97 
 herde, no 
 lierz, 65 
 himbeere, 119 
 him, 56 
 hirtc, no 
 hoch, 130 
 hoffart, 119 
 
 hiJher, 130 
 huldigen, 135 
 hund, 91 
 hundert, 67 
 hiirde, 59 
 husten, 104 
 
 jgel. 95 
 imbiss, n9 
 irden, no, 125 
 irgend, 122 
 irren, 60 
 
 je, 122 
 
 joch, 45 
 
 kalb, 77, 109 
 kiillier, 109 
 keck, 47, 96 
 kehle, 67, 102 
 kiesen, 36, 90, 139 
 kitt, 97 
 knie, 95, 165 
 kommen, loi 
 konnen, 90 
 korn, 95 
 kraft, 109 
 krafte, 109 
 kuh, 97 
 -kunft, 85 
 kunst, 86 
 
 lachen, 94 
 land, 133 
 lass, 82 
 lassen, 82, 87 
 laut, 89 
 laiiter, 87 
 legen, 106 
 lehnen, 90 
 leicht, 99 
 leihen, 98 
 lelzen, 87 
 lieb, 77 
 
 liebosschmerz, 135 
 licgen, 96 
 lippe, 72 
 lunge, 99 
 lungern, 99
 
 12 
 
 Index. 
 
 marmel, 119 
 mast, 87 
 maul, 134 
 maulwurf, 133 
 maus, 33 
 messer, 94 
 meth, 79 
 
 miethe, 58, 87, 113 
 mist, 95 
 mochte, 109 
 mochte, 109 
 mord, 64 
 mutter, 112 
 
 nabe, 72 
 nabel, 72 
 nagel, 100 
 neffe, 73 
 nehmen, 139 
 neigen, 106 
 neu, 63 
 niere, 99 
 
 ohne, 122 
 
 pflegen, 105 
 
 rasch, 85 
 rauh, 130 
 rauspern, 97 
 recht, 86 
 rein, 83 
 reinigen, 135 
 reiter, 83 
 ruthe, 165 
 
 saft, 73, 165 
 saule, 42 
 schauen, 38, 103 
 scheinen, 94 
 scheiten, 82 
 schliessen, 97 
 
 schloss, 97 
 schmerzen, 54, 123 
 schnee, 102 
 schnitt, 130 
 schnitten, 130 
 schnur, 52 
 schwiiher, 45 
 schweiss, 43 
 schwester, 50 
 sehen, 104 
 sessel, 82 
 sicht, 104 
 singriin, 133 
 sitzen, 78 
 sondern, 122 
 spahen, 73 
 staden, 143 
 steigen, 96 
 stuhl, 143 
 sunde, 86, 133 
 sundflut, 133 
 siiss, 77 
 
 tfig, 79. 95 
 thai, 33 
 that, 143 
 thun, 143 
 thtir, 165 
 tochter, 135 
 toll, 49 
 traum, 109 
 triiumt, 109 
 treten, 65 
 triigen, 97 
 turteltaube, 119 
 
 unke, 102 
 "Ppig, 77 
 
 vergessen, 98 
 vernehmen, 85 
 vernunft, 85 
 
 vier, 104 
 vogel, 32 
 vor, no 
 
 wachsen, 114 
 wahn, 133 
 wahnsinn, 133 
 wan, 133 
 was, loi 
 weben, 88 
 wecken, 88 
 wegen, 92 
 weigand, 103 
 weis, 138 
 weiss, 87, 138 
 werden, 85 
 werfen, 105 
 werk, 90 
 werwolf, 31 
 widder, 79 
 wimper, 119 
 wirken, 43, 90 
 wissen, 87, 138 
 wittwe, 83 
 wolfin, 105 
 (ge)worden, no 
 wort, 83, 130 
 wurden, no 
 wuth, 86 
 
 zahn, 68 
 
 zahre, 82 
 
 zeche, 104 
 
 zehe, 117 
 
 zehn, 94 
 
 zeihen, 94 
 
 zer-, 79 
 
 zicht, 89 
 
 Ziehen, 87, n7 165, 179 
 
 ziemen, 85 
 
 zunft, 85 
 
 zunge, 09 
 
 The English Words in Chapters VIII. and IX. 
 
 ache, 278, 279 
 adder, 245, 286 
 ado, 290 
 adze, 290 
 
 afford, 280 
 against, 291 
 ajar, 278 
 alder, 286 
 
 ale, 208 
 all, 209 
 alms, 209, 290 
 am, 217
 
 Index. 
 
 o'o 
 
 among, 207 
 amongst, 291 
 anent, 282, 291 
 anon, 241 
 answer, 279, 291 
 ant, 246, 2S6 
 anthem, 2S2, 290 
 anvil, 290 
 are, 209 
 ark, 278 
 arrow, 208, 291 
 ask, 241, 27S 
 ate, 245 
 auger, 282, 286 
 aught, 241 
 awl, 209 
 axe, 291 
 
 bad, 2 86 
 bade, 208 
 bale, 274 
 ban, 274 
 bare, 209 
 barley, 278 
 barn, 219 
 bass, 288 
 bath, 280 
 bathe, 20S, 280 
 baths, 280 
 baulk, 209 
 be, 257 
 beacon, 254 
 beard, 209 
 beast, 274 
 beat, 257 
 beauty, 274 
 beckon, 250 
 been, 257 
 before, 230 
 begin, 282 
 behest, 290, 291 
 behind, 226 
 behove, 265 
 belief, 254, 281 
 believe, 251 
 beneath, 280 
 bench, 291 
 bequeath, 280 
 beseech, 278 
 best, 290 
 
 bier, 246 
 
 bill, 225, 274 
 bind, 277 
 birch, 226 
 bird, 226 
 bittern, 287 
 bladder, 245 
 blast, 246 
 bless, 250, 290 
 blind, 276 
 blossom, 265, 290 
 blow, 265 
 board, 230 
 bodice, 290 
 body, 230 
 boil (noun), 271 
 boil (verb), 272, 274 
 bore, 209 
 bosom, 264 
 bough, 265 
 bought, 230 
 bound, 286 
 bow, 269. 2S4 
 bower, 269 
 bowl, 230 
 braid, 218 
 brake, 209 
 bramble, 250 
 brass, 289 
 brazen, 289 
 break, 218 
 breast, 257 
 breath, 245, 280 
 breathe, 246, 280 
 breeches, 250 
 briar, 250 
 bridegroom, 288 
 bridge, 283 
 bright, 218 
 broad, 241 
 broke, 209 
 brook, 269 
 broth, 230 
 brother, 264 
 brought, 285 
 brow, 269 
 bruise, 251 
 build, 237 
 bull, 274 
 liuUock, 234 
 
 bundle, 237 
 burden, 238, 280 
 burial, 290 
 burn, 218 
 bury, 238 
 busy, 237 
 but, 269 
 buy, 271 
 by, 262, 274 
 
 calf, 286 
 
 came, 265 
 
 care, 277 
 
 castle, 209, 291 
 
 cause, 274 
 
 chafer, 281 
 
 chaffer, 287 
 
 chapman, 253 
 
 cheek, 277 
 
 child, 226, 277 
 
 chin, 277 
 
 choke, 230 
 
 choose, 254, 258, 289 
 
 chose, 289 
 
 Christendom, 261 
 
 Christmas, 291 
 
 church, 226, 278 
 
 churl, 218, 277 
 
 clay, 245, 284 
 
 clean, 277 
 
 cleave, 257 
 
 clew, 258 
 
 cloak, 274 
 
 cloths, 280 
 
 coach, 278 
 
 coal, 277 
 
 cobweb, 287 
 
 cock, 278 
 
 comb, 209 
 
 come, 277 
 
 cool, 277 
 
 copper, 230 
 
 cough, 230 
 
 could, 269, 280 
 
 coulter, 235 
 
 cove, 281 
 
 cow, 277 
 
 cress, 288 
 
 crumb, 286 
 
 crutch, 237
 
 314 
 
 Index. 
 
 cry, 274 
 cud, 225 
 curse, 234 
 
 dale, 208 
 dare, 209 
 darling, 258 
 daughter, 231 
 day, 274 
 deaf, 281 
 dear, 258 
 death, 253 
 deer, 258 
 deft, 207 
 degree, 274 
 delay, 274 
 dew, 254, 274 
 ditch, 261, 277 
 dizzy, 290 
 do, 265 
 dock, 230 
 -dom, 264 
 door, 235 
 doth, 264 
 dough, 241 
 doughty, 238 
 draw, 209, 274 
 dread, 245 
 drew, 265 
 dross, 286 
 drought, 269 
 drove, 241 
 drown, 234. 278 
 dry, 271, 2S4 
 dumb, 277 
 dust, 269 
 dwarf, 219, 285 
 dwelled, 279 
 dwelt, 279 
 dwindle, 2S6 
 dye, 250 
 
 each, 245, 2S6 
 earl, 218 
 earn, 208 
 earnest, 291 
 earth, 218, 2S0 
 east, 254, 274 
 eaves, 290 
 eel, 246 
 
 eight, 208 
 either, 245 
 eke, 250, 254 
 eleven, 286 
 elf, 217 
 ell, 286 
 emmet, 286 
 empty, 286 
 England, 2S6 
 enough, 264, 284 
 ere, 246 
 errand, 245 
 Essex, 290 
 even, 218, 245 
 ever, 245 
 every, 278 
 evil, 238 
 ewe, 219 
 exercise, 289 
 exert, 289 
 eye, 254, 284 
 eyot, 250, 280 
 
 farther, 235 
 
 farthing, 258 
 
 fasten, 291 
 
 fat, 245 
 
 father, 279, 281 
 
 fear, 246 
 
 fee, 218, 286 
 
 feel, 251 
 
 feet, 251 
 
 fell, 257 
 
 fern, 208 
 
 fen-y, 217, 274 
 
 fiddle, 225, 280 
 
 fifty, 281 
 
 fight, 218 
 
 filth, 271 
 
 fire, 271 
 
 five, 262 
 
 flea, 254 
 
 flew, 254 
 
 flitch, 278 
 
 flood, 264 
 
 floor, 266 
 
 flown, 230 
 
 flutter, 229 
 
 fly (noun), 257 
 
 fly (verb), 257, 284 
 
 foal, 230 
 fodder, 265 
 folk, 230, 286 
 foot, 264 
 forehead, 253 
 forth, 230 
 forty, 258 
 fought, 209 
 four, 258 
 freeze, 289 
 fresh, 278, 288 
 fret, 291 
 friday, 284 
 friend, 257 
 fright, 238 
 frost, 230 
 full, 234, 274 
 furlong, 269 
 furrow, 234 
 further, 38 
 
 game, 286 
 garden, 284 
 garlic, 241 
 gate, 282 
 gather, 279 
 gave, 208 
 gear, 209 
 
 geese, 251, 274,282, 289 
 get, 282 
 ghastly, 246 
 ghost, 282 
 gild, 282 
 girth, 282 
 give, 282 
 glad, 282 
 glass, 289 
 glaze, 289 
 glazier, 2S9 
 glimpse, 286 
 goat, 282 
 god, 230 
 gold, 282 
 goose, 265 
 gorse, 290 
 goshawk, 265 
 gospel, 279 
 gossip, 277, 279 
 got, 208 
 1 grass, 209, 288, 289
 
 Index. 
 
 3'o 
 
 gray, 245 
 graze, 2S9 
 great, 254 
 Greenwich, 278 
 grey, 245, 284 
 grisly, 261 
 grist, 261 
 ground, 276 
 grovel, 269 
 guest, 217, 282 
 guilt, 237 
 
 hail, 208 
 hair, 246 
 hale, 241 
 half, 209, 2S6 
 hallow, 241 
 halter, 208 
 hand, 208 
 handiwork, 284 
 hare, 209 
 hark, 251 
 hart, 219 
 harvest, 209, 282 
 has, 289 
 hasp, 290 
 hawk, 209, 282 
 hay, 250 
 hazel, 289, 290 
 he, 250 
 
 head, 253, 2b'2 
 hear, 251 
 heard, 250 
 hearken, 251 
 hearth, 219 
 heat, 254 
 heavy, 217 
 heel, 250 
 heifer, 253 
 height, 250 
 held, 237 
 hemlock, 23S 
 hemp, 287 
 henchman, 284 
 hep, 257 
 her, 226 
 herd, 218 
 here, 251 
 hew, 254 
 hid, 271 
 
 hie, 262, 284 
 high, 254 
 hill, 285 
 hind, 262 
 hip, 257 
 hire, 271 
 his, 289 
 hither, 279 
 hoar, 241 
 hoarse, 290 
 hole, 230 
 holiday, 241 
 holly, 230, 2S6 
 honey, 284 
 honour, 274 
 hook, 264 
 horehound. 286 
 hornet, 238 
 hot, 241 
 hough, 265 
 hound, 234 
 house, 289 
 houses, 289 
 hove, 265 
 how, 269 
 hue, 258 
 hung, 250 
 hustings, 280 
 
 I, 226, 278 
 ice, 289 
 icicle, 283 
 if, 283 
 iron, 262 
 iron-mould, 279 
 is, 289 
 island, 290 
 itch, 283 
 
 keen, 277 
 kernel, 238 
 key, 246, 277 
 kind, 238 
 kindred, 2S6 
 kirk, 278 
 kiss, 277, 289 
 knell, 238 
 knew, 258 
 knoll, 230 
 knowledge, 241, 27S 
 
 ladder, 245 
 
 lady, 245, 2S2 
 
 lair, 219 
 
 lanimas, 282 
 
 lank, 208 
 
 lark, 241, 291 
 
 last, 246, 290 
 
 lath, 290 
 
 laths, 280 
 
 later, 208 
 
 lather, 253 
 
 laugh, 219 
 
 laughter, 285 
 
 lay, 209, 218 
 
 lea, 286 
 
 leant, 279 
 
 learn, 218 
 
 leather, 217 
 
 leek, 254 
 
 leer, 258 
 
 left, 238 
 
 lend, 286 
 
 lent, 278 
 
 less, 244, 253 
 
 lest, 280 
 
 let, 245 
 
 lewd, 246 
 
 lice, 271 
 
 lie, 257, 284 
 
 lief, 257 
 
 life, 281 
 
 light, 257 
 
 limb, 286 
 
 lime, 279 
 
 linch-pin, 290 
 
 linen, 261 
 
 lisp, 291 
 
 lissom, 282 
 
 little, 271 
 
 loaf, 241 
 
 loan, 245 
 
 loath, 280 
 
 loathe, 280 
 
 lobster, 287 
 
 long, 208, 282 
 
 loom, 265 
 
 lord, 241, 282, 2S5 
 
 lore, 241 
 
 lose, 258 
 
 love, 234
 
 i6 
 
 Index. 
 
 lye, 254, 284 
 
 made, 278 
 man, 208, 274 
 many, 207, 284 
 mar, 219 
 mare, 219 
 mark, 209 
 mass, 208 
 match, 217 
 may, 208, 284 
 me, 250 
 meadow, 245 
 meal, 246 
 mean, 245 
 mere, 219 
 merry, 238 
 messenger, 2S7 
 met, 250 
 mice, 289 
 might, 208 
 milch, 291 
 mill, 237 
 mince, 289 
 mingle, 217 
 minnow, 237 
 mistletoe, 286 
 moan, 245 
 mole, 241 
 monday, 264 
 -monger, 207 
 month, 264 
 moor, 265 
 morrow, 230, 284 
 most, 245 
 moth, 281 
 mother, 264, 279 
 mould, 230 
 mourn, 235 
 mouse, 269, 274, 289 
 mouth, 269, 280 
 mouths, 280 
 much, 225, 278, 286 
 murder, 230, 280 
 mussel, 278 
 must, 264 
 
 nature, 291 
 naught, 241 
 near, 254 
 
 neigh, 245, 284 
 neither, 245 
 nettercap, 287 
 new, 258 
 newfangled, 279 
 newt, 219, 2S2, 287 
 nickname, 287 
 night, 285 
 nightingale, 286 
 nine, 226, 284 
 nit, 285 
 nonce, 287 
 none, 241 
 nor, 241 
 Norwich, 281 
 nostril, 280 
 not, 286 
 numb, 286 
 
 oak, 241, 274 
 oakum, 277 
 oath, 241 
 oaths, 280 
 of, 281 
 often, 229 
 old, 209 
 on, 230, 274 
 one, 241 
 ooze, 265, 291 
 or, 241, 281 
 orchard, 284 
 ore, 265 
 other, 264 
 ought, 241 
 our, 269 
 over, 230 
 owl, 269 
 own, 241, 284 
 ox, 230 
 
 paddle, 290 
 paddock, 288 
 passenger, 287 
 path, 209 
 paths, 280 
 pea, 290 
 pease, 218, 290 
 pebble, 287 
 penny, 286 
 peril, 274 
 
 periwinkle, 287 
 pitch, 278 
 play, 218 
 plight, 226 
 plough, 265 
 plum, 269 
 plunge, 274 
 pound, 269, 286 
 pretty, 207 
 pride, 290 
 priest, 257 
 proud, 290 
 
 queen, 278 
 quench, 278 
 quoth, 207 
 
 race, 241 
 raid, 241 
 rain, 218, 284 
 ran, 208 
 rather, 209 
 raven, 281 
 raw, 254 
 read (past), 245 
 read (infin. ), 246 
 reap, 218 
 rear, 246 
 rede, 245 
 reft, 279 
 retch, 245 
 rich, 278 
 rick, 253 
 rid, 217 
 
 riddle, 244, 290 
 right, 218 
 rime, 285 
 rise, 289 
 road, 241 
 rode, 241 
 rood, 265 
 room, 269 
 root (verb), 291 
 rose, 2S9 
 rough, 269 
 round, 286 
 row, 265 
 rudder, 264, 280 
 rue (verb), 258 
 run, 234, 274
 
 Index. 
 
 Z^l 
 
 rush, 225 
 rye, 238, 284 
 
 said, 207 
 
 sail, 218 
 
 sang, 208 
 
 saw, 209, 284 
 
 scale, 208, 274 
 
 scent, 288 
 
 score, 230 
 
 scythe, 262, 288 
 
 sea, 245 
 
 seal, 218 
 
 sea-mew, 246 
 
 see, 257 
 
 seek, 278 
 
 seethe, 257 
 
 sew, 257 
 
 shake, 278 
 
 shambles, 286 
 
 she, 257, 279, 290 
 
 shed, 241 
 
 sheer, 246 
 
 sheriff, 250, 261, 28 1 
 
 shew, 254 
 
 shield, 218 
 
 shire, 262 
 
 shod, 265 
 
 shoe, 265 
 
 shone, 241 
 
 shook, 264 
 
 shoot, 258 
 
 should, 230, 286 
 
 shove, 269 
 
 shovel, 229 
 
 show, 254 
 
 shrew, 254 
 
 shut, 237 
 
 sick, 257, 275 
 
 sieve, 225 
 
 sight, 280 
 
 silk, 225 
 
 silly, 244 
 
 since, 281 
 
 sing, 282 
 
 singe, 279, 283 
 
 sister, 217 
 
 six, 217 
 
 slain, 208, 284 
 
 slaughter, 209 
 
 slay, 20S 
 
 slew, 265 
 
 sloth, 245 
 
 slough, 265 
 
 slumber, 286 
 
 smooth, 265, 2S0 
 
 snare, 209 
 
 sneak, 262 
 
 sneeze, 257 
 
 snow, 241 
 
 so, 241, 291 
 
 soft, 266 
 
 son, 234 
 
 song, 20S 
 
 sorry, 241 
 
 sought, 266 
 
 sour, 269 
 
 sow, 234, 241, 257, 284 
 
 sparrow, 208, 291 
 
 speak, 218, 28S 
 
 spear, 219 
 
 speech, 246, 288 
 
 spew, 262 
 
 spider, 280 
 
 spindle, 286 
 
 spot, 286 
 
 spouse, 274 
 
 spue, 262 
 
 spur, 230 
 
 staff, 281 
 
 stair, 246 
 
 stalwart, 280 
 
 steal, 218 
 
 steep, 254 
 
 steer, 251 
 
 stem, 282 
 
 stern, 218, 257 
 
 steward, 262 
 
 stir, 238 
 
 stirrup, 261 
 
 stool, 265, 274 
 
 stoop, 269 
 
 straw, 219, 254 
 
 strew, 219 
 
 strip, 250 
 
 sty, 226 
 
 such, 278, 286 
 
 Suffolk, 281 
 
 sun, 289 
 
 sure, 279 
 
 Surrey, 280 
 Sussex, 281, 290 
 swaddle, 280 
 swallow, 291 
 sware, 265 
 swarthy, 290 
 swathe, 21S 
 swear, 219 
 sweat, 245 
 sweep, 241 
 swerve, 218 
 sword, 219, 291 
 swore, 266 
 sworn, 230 
 
 tarry, 217 
 taught, 246, 285 
 teach, 278 
 tear, 254 
 tease, 245 
 -teen, 251 
 teeth, 251 
 than, 230 
 thane, 218 
 that, 280 
 thaw, 241 
 the, 280 
 thee, 250 
 theft, 250 
 their, 219 
 then, 230, 2S0 
 thence, 207 
 there, 246, 280 
 these, 226 
 they, 280 
 thigh, 257 
 thimble, 286 
 third, 2S8 
 thirst, 289 
 thirteen, 254 
 thirty, 226 
 thong, 291 
 thorough, 234 
 thou, 269 
 though, 254, 2S0 
 thrash, 217 
 threaten, 253 
 thresh, 217 
 threw, 25S 
 thrice, 262
 
 3i8 
 
 Index. 
 
 through, 235 
 thrush, 237 
 thrust, 271 
 thumb, 269, 2S6 
 thunder, 286 
 thursday, 269 
 tie, 250, 284 
 tilt, 219 
 tine, 279 
 tippet, 207 
 tire, 21S 
 tithe, 257 
 titmouse, 241 
 to, 264 
 together, 207 
 told, 209 
 too, 265 
 tooth, 265 
 tough, 264, 2S5 
 tree, 257 
 trim, 237 
 troth, 257 
 trough, 230 
 trow, 257 
 true, 258 
 truth, 258 
 truths, 2S0 
 tuesday, 262 
 twain, 250 
 twit, 261 
 two, 241 
 
 uncouth, 269 
 unkempt, 277 
 upholsterer, 279 
 upon, 234 
 us, 269 
 
 vane, 282 
 vat, 282 
 veil, 274 
 verdure, 279 
 vinewed. 2S2 
 vixen, 282 
 
 waist, 208 
 walk, 286 
 
 wallow, 208 
 wander, 208 
 wanion, 279 
 ward, 207 
 warm, 209 
 was, 208, 289 
 wasp, 290 
 wassail, 286 
 waste, 250 
 water, 209 
 wave, 245 
 way, 218, 274 
 we, 250 
 weak, 218 
 wean, 218 
 weary, 251 
 weather, 279 
 web, 277 
 Wednesday, 264 
 week, 226 
 weevil, 226 
 weight, 226 
 weird, 238 
 welkin, 230 
 Welsh, 217 
 wench, 286 
 were, 245 
 wet, 245 
 wheel, 257 
 wheeze, 289 
 whelk, 285 
 whereof, 281 
 which, 278, 286 
 while, 262 
 whiles, 291 
 whilst, 291 
 whit, 285 
 who, 241, 285 
 whole, 285 
 why, 271 
 wield, 21S 
 wife, 281 
 wimple, 287 
 winnow, 279 
 wise, 289 
 with, 280 
 woke, 265 
 
 wolf, 234, 281 
 wolves, 282 
 woman, 262 
 womb, 209 
 women, 261 
 wont, 235, 279 
 woo, 265, 284 
 wood, 234 
 woodbine, 279 
 woof, 265 
 wool, 234 
 word, 230 
 work, 218 
 world, 230 
 worm, 238 
 worship, 281 
 worst, 238 
 worth, 218 
 worry, 237 
 would, 230, 286 
 wound, 235 
 wrath, 246, 281 
 wreaths, 280 
 wrest, 244 
 Wright, 288 
 wrist, 281 
 
 yarn, 282 
 
 yate, 282 
 
 yawn, 219 
 
 yclept, 284 
 
 ye, 250 
 
 yea, 245 
 
 yeast, 218 
 
 yellow, 217, 2S2, 291 
 
 yes, 225 
 
 yesterday, 217 
 
 yew, 258 
 
 yield, 282 
 
 yoke, 230 
 
 yolk, 218, 286 
 
 yore, 254 
 
 you, 258 
 
 your, 258 
 
 youth, 258 
 
 yule, 258 
 
 TLRNBULL AND SPEARS, PRINTERS, EDINBURGH.
 
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